Drained Field Agriculture in Central and South America 9780860542414, 9781407334097

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Copyright
Frontispiece
Table of Contents
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Preface
Prólogo
Chapter 1. DRAINED FIELDS IN THE AMERICAS: AN INTRODUCTION
Chapter 2. CONSTRUCTIONAL INPUTS FOR MAJOR AGROSYSTEMS OF THE ANCIENT MAYA
Chapter 3. MODELLING PRE-HISPANIC HYDROAGRICULTURE ON LEVEE BACKSLOPES IN NORTHERN VERACRUZ, MEXICO
Chapter 4. SO GREEN AND LIKE A GARDEN: INTENSIVE AGRICULTURE IN ANCIENT VERACRUZ
Chapter 5. ANCIENT RAISED FIELD AGRICULTURE IN THE MAYA LOWLANDS OF SOUTHEASTERN MEXICO
Chapter 6. ANCIENT MAYA LAND USE AND POTENTIAL AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY AT LAMANAI, BELIZE
Chapter 7. RAISED FIELD DETECTIONS AT CERROS, NORTHERN BELIZE
Chapter 8. EVOLUCION HISTORICA DEL REPERTORIO DE PLANTAS CULTIVADAS EN LAS CHINAMPAS DE LA CUENCA DE MEXICO
Chapter 9. PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF THE SAMBORONDON RAISED FIELD PROJECT, GUAYAS BASIN, ECUADOR
Chapter 10. PATTERN ANALYSIS OF PRE-HISPANIC RAISED FIELDS OF LAKE TITICACA, PERU
Chapter 11. ASPECTS OF THE ORIGIN, MORPHOLOGY AND FUNCTION OF RIDGED FIELDS IN THE QUITO ALTIPLANO, ECUADOR
Chapter 12. PREHISTORIC INTENSIVE AGRICULTURE: PRELIMINARY NOTES ON RIVER CANALIZATION IN THE SACRED VALLEY OF THE INCAS
Chapter 13. RAISED FIELD COMPLEXES AND ASSOCIATED SETTLEMENTS IN THE COASTAL PLAIN OF WESTERN SURINAME
Chapter 14. DRAINED FIELD AGRICULTURE AND SOIL FERTILITY

Citation preview

44

Proceedings International Congress of Americanists Congreso Internacional de Americanistas Manchester 1982

General Editor: Norman Hamn1ond

Drained Field Agriculture in Central and South America edited by

J. P. Darch

BAR International Series 189 1983

B.A.R.

122 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7BP, England

GENERAL EDITORS A .R. Hands, B.Sc., M.A., D .Phil. D .R. Walker, M.A.

B.A.R.S189,198J :'Drained Field Agriculture in Central and South America'

©

The Individual Authors,1983

The authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860542414 paperback ISBN 9781407334097 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860542414 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

Frontispiece:

Location South

of

drained

f ields

in

Central

America

S ca le 1 :45m 0

1 600m is

0

2400k ms

Gu lf Coast-Northern Veracruz

Cerros P u l ltrouser Swamp L amana l

Ch ina mpas Ba jo Morocoy

Qu ito

L

C oasta l S ur iname

A l t ip lano

Guayas Bas in

l Sacred Va ley . . ., o f t he I ncas \ \.

L ake T it icaca

I II

and

CONTENTS Page Frontispiece:

Location of drained f ields and South America

in

No.

Central ii i

List

of

Contents

I V

List

of

Figures

VI

List

of

Tables

IX

List

of

Contributors

X I

Preface Chapter

X III 1

Drained

Fiel ds

in

the

Americas:

An

Introduction

1 J . P. Darch

Chapter

Chapter

2

3

Constructional Inputs for Major Agrosystems of the A ncient Maya B .L. Turner I I Model ling Prehispanic Hydroagricul ture on Le vee Backsl opes in Northe rn Veracruz,

Chapter

4

5

2 7

Mexico Alfred

Chapter

H .

Siemens

So Green and Like a Garden: Intensive Agriculture in Ancient Veracruz S . Jeffrey K . Wilkerson

9 1 Stephen B . L.

6

Turner

Chapter

7

8

I, I

R .

Gliessman,

F .J. Rosado May and M . F. Amador

Ancient Maya Land-Use Agricultural Belize

Chapter

5 5

Ancient Raised Field Agricul ture in the Maya Lowlands of Southeastern Mexico

Chapter

1 1

and

Potential

Productivity at Lamanai, 11 1 J . D.H.

Lambert

and J . T.

Arnason

Raised Field Detection at Cerros, Northern Belize Vernon S carborough

123

Evolucion Historica del Repertorio de Plantas Cultivadas en l as Chinampas de

la

Cuenca

de

Mexico Teresa R ojas

I V

1 37 Rabiela

Chapter

9

Pre l i mi n a r y

Re s u l t s

of

Samporondon Raised Fiel d Guavas Basin, Ecuador

th e

Project, 1 67

William M . Denevan and Kent Mathewson Chapter

Chapter

10

1 1

Pattern Anal ysis of Pre hispa nic Raised Fields of Lake Titicaca, Peru Thomas J . Lennon Aspects of the Origin, Morphology and Function of Ridge d Fie l ds in the Quito Altiplano, Ecuador Gregory Knapp and

1 83

201

Roy Ryder Chapter

12

Prehi storic Intensi ve Agriculture: Pr e l i mi n a r y No t e s on Ri v e r Canalization in the Sacred Valley of the

21 2

Incas Ian

Chapter

13

S .

Farrington

RaisedField Complexes and Associated Settl ements in the Coastal Plain of Western

2 37

Suriname A . H.

Chapter

14

Drained

Field

Agriculture

Versteeg and

Soil

Fertility

2 51 Richard

V

T . S mith

LIST OF

FIGURES P age

Frontispiece:

3 :1

3 :2

3 :3

3 :4

Location of Drained Fields Central and South America

Complexes of canals and planting f ound in Northern Veracruz

in I II

platforms 29

The Santa Elena s ite and remains of wetland agriculture north of the Estero d e Tres Bocas

36

Detail of remains of canals and planting platforms north of the S anta Elena s ite

3 7

Surroundings of the Estero de Tres Bocas several kilometres downstream from S anta Elena

39

3 :5

Environs

3 :6

Detail out of the f loodplain of the Estero, as marked on Figure 3 :5

3 :7

3 :8

4 :1

4 :2

4 :3

No.

of

the Estero Tancochin

Patterning i n l a Llave

the

f loodplain

Schematic d iagram of pattern hypothesised i n Northern Veracruz Pre-Columbian areas Gulf Coast of Mexico

of

4 1

the

43

Estero 4 4

the hydroagricultural f or l evee backslopes 46 and

sites

along

the 57

Low altitude infrared v iew of System B ( foreground) and System A ( right centre) a t Santa Luisa Aerial view f rom 6 ,600 f eet altitude of Lower Tecolutla drainage

the

A portion

4 :5

The Santa Elena system on the Estero Tres Bocas j ust north of the Nautla R iver

63

Water fl ow system

pattern

65

Water f l ow s ystem

pattern

4 :7

4 :8

A portion

Santa Luisa

61

4 :4

4 :6

of System C at

60

in

in

the

the

Santa

Santa

6 2

Luisa

El ena 6 6

of System A at Santa Luisa

V I

6 7

4 :9

4 :10

4 :11

4 :12

4 :13

4 :14

4 :15

4 :16

4 :17

5 :1

A car ved panel from the Templ e of the Niches at El Tajin depicting a r itual around a c acao t ree

70

Field systems i n the Tecolutla Nautla ( Zone 2 ) drainages

72

( Zone

1 )

and

Lea ves and fruit pod of Enlall age ma latifolio f rom System C at S anta Luisa, Veracruz

73

Fruit pods of Engallaaema latifolio System C a t Santa Luisa, Veracruz

73

f rom

R econstruction of a portion of a downstream section of the systems at Santa Luisa The " local Tuxpan

map",

one

of

the

Lienzos

7 5

de 80

Possible f ield systems located i n the North Gulf culture area

f rom the air 82

Canal directions and groupings along a 1 020 metre t ransect of System C at Santa Luisa The ruins of Zempoala in 1 891 with the remanents of one of the i rrigation systems in the foreground. M ap from Paso y Troucaso.

8 4

85

Map of the area of study, Bajo Morocoy, near Nicolas Bravo, Quintana Roo, M exico

9 3

Diagrammatic representation of the raised fields in the Baja of Morocoy

1 03

Vegetation map outlining major communities and their percent cover at Lamanai, Belize

1 14

7 :1

Map of Northern

1 25

7 :2

Map of Cerros

7 :3

Map

5 :2

6 :1

7 :4

of Cerros

Contour of

map of

Belize

1 27 environs the west

Lowry 's

1 28 central

7 :5

Map

7 :6

Ma p of Lo wry' s Bi ght archaeological s ites

9 :1

The Guayas

9 :2

Raised

f ield

core

area

Bight

1 31 and

adj ace nt 1 32

Basin complexes

1 29

1 69 of V II

the Guayas

Basin

1 70

9 :3

9 :4

10:1

1:1 1

Sketches sh owi ng e xa mpl es of the morphological variety o f raised fiel d complexes

1 74

Air photograph showing raised f iel d patterns in the Samborondon complex a long the Rio Tinto

1 75

Location of general study area: JullacaPaucarcolla m ain r aised f ield concentration

1 85

Location

2 03

of

the

South Quito Altiplano

1:2a Air photograph 1 Santa Rita 1:2b Air photograh 1 Santa Rita 1:2c 1

1:4 1

flats

Rita

east

of

flats

north

f ields

Water balances at the Quito 1 975-1976 and 1 978-1979

in Barrio

Ditch cross f ield s ite

section

at

Observatory, 2 09

Santa

Rita

r idged 2 13

Sacre d Val ley of the I ncas canalization schemes

1 3:2

Barrio

2 06

1 2:1

1 3:1

of

flats

The

1 2:3

Barrio

2 05

1:5 1

1 2:2

of

2 04

Air photograph of ridged Santa

1:3 1

of

f illing process

Canalization o f Piaq

at

the

Santa

R ita

2 14

showing

the 23 2

Vilcanota

River

at 27 2

Canalization of the Vilcanota River between Pachar and 011ontaytambo

2 30

Partly after raised f ields

2 39

Boomert,

1976,

complex

Stratigraphical units 1 -4 distinguished Buckleberg-1 x 14 C s amples

of

at 243

1 3:3

Decorated pottery

f ound

at

Buckleberg-1

2 44

1 3:4

Decorated pottery

f ound

at

Buckleberg-1

2 45

1 3:5

Pol l en mound

1 4:1

1 4:2

diagram

Idealised change

H3

from

the

Hertenrits 2 48

model

of

seasonal

water

level 2 55

Hypothetical relationship between different widths of f ield and the watertable V III

2 56

LIST OF

TABLES Page

2 :1

2 :2

2 :3

3 :1

4 :1

4 :2

5 :1

5 :2

5 :3

5 :4

5 :5

6 :1

No.

Labour for construction of May a wetland f iel ds at P ul ltrouser Swamp , Northern Belize ( 2nd a pproximation)

1 6

Labour for Maya terrace c onstruction, Rio Bec Re gi on, Yuc ata n P e ni ns u l a ( 2 nd approxmation)

1 7

Comparison of constructional rates of Maya agrosystems Water levels at Martinez R io Nautla Dating of f ield and North Central Veracruz

de

inputs

and 20

la Torre on the 32

terrace

systems

in 64

Provisional classification o f s ystems i n Veracruz

intensive 7 7

Height of platforms as compared to adjacent canals along two transects at two s ites i n the Bajo of Morocoy, near Nicolas Bravo

96

Average depth of soil horizons in cahals and platforms at two sites in the Bajo of Morocoy , near Nicolas Bravo, Quintana too, Mexico

98

Soil analysis of s amples f romp latforms and canals at the Bajo of Morocoy

9 9

Gravimetric moisture determinations in soils collected during both the wet and d ry season at the Bajo of Morocoy

1 00

Rice growth and development on platforms and canals i n the Bajo of Morocoy

1 02

Summary of soil chemical and physical analyses of the A h orizon in forest and flood plain soils, I ndian Church ,

Belize

15 1

Crop yields from milpa and drained f ield systems, Indian Church, Belize

19 1

8 :1

Plantas

1 60

8 :2

Lista

1 0:1

Comparison of hydraulic pattern characteristics

6 :2

de

Mencionadas

en

l as

Fuentes

especies

1 63

I X

regi me:

fiel d 1 96

1 1:1

1 2:1

1 2:2

Median length of growing p eriod, Observatory, 1 937-1966

Quito 2 10

Agro-ecological zones of the C entral A ndes and s ub-zones of Cusichaca River c analization Valley of

of

the S acred 26 2 241

C datings

1 3:1

List

1 4:1

Maj o r co n t r o l s distribution

1 4

schemes

24 2

on

dr a i n e d

f iel d 2 54

X

LIST

M . P.

Amador,

Colegio

Arnason,

CONTRIBUTORS

Superior

Cardenas, J .T.

OF

de

Tabasco,

Agricultura T ropical,

Mexico .

Department of Biology , University o f Ottawa, Canada, K1N 6N5.

J . P.

Darch,

W . M.

Denevan,

I .S.

Farrington,

S . R.

Gliessman,

Ottawa,

School of Environmental Sciences, University of East Anglia, Norwich, N R4 7TJ, England . Depart ment of Geography, Uni versity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 5 3705, U .S.A . De p a r t m e n t of Pr e h i s t o r y an d Ant hr o p o l og y, Aus t r al ian Nati ona l Uni versity, Canberra, A .C.1., Australia , 2600. Environmental Sciences, Uni versity of California, Santa Cruz, California, 95064, U .S. A.

G .

Knapp,

J . D. H.

T .J.

K .

Lambert,

Lennon,

Rosado

Rojas

De p a r t me n t of Bi o l og y, Ca r l et o n University , Ottawa, Canada, K1S 5 B6.

Depart ment of History and Ge ography, Virginia Commonwealth University , Richmond, Virginia 2 3284, U .S.A .

May ,

Colegio Superior de Agricultura T ropical, Cardenas, Tabasco, Mexico.

Rabiela,

Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superi ores en Antropol ogia Soci al, Hidadgo y Matamores, Tlalpan, Mexico.

R .

Un i v e rs i t y o f U .S.A .

Western Cultural Management Inc., P .O. B ox 2326, Boulder, Colorado, 80306, U .S.A .

Mathewson,

F .J.

T .

De part me n t of Ge o gr a p h y, Minnesota, Minneapolis, 5 5455,

Ry de r,

Apdo

Postal

2 2-048,

Ce n t r o Pa n a me ri c a n o de Es t u di os e I nvestigaciones Ge o g r a f i c a s, Qu i t o, Ecuador.

V .

Scarborough,

A .H.

Siemens,

Department

of

Anthropology ,

-E l

El

Paso,

Paso,

Smith,

University 79963,

of T exas

U .S. A .

Depart ment of Ge ography, Uni v ersity of Britis h Col u mbia, Vancou ve r, British Columbia,

R .T.

Texas ,

School of Leeds, LS2

Canada,

V6T

1W5.

Geography, Uni versity o f 9JR, England. X I

Leeds,

B . L.

Turner

A. H.

Versteeg,

S .

Jeffrey

I I,

K .

Graduate School of Ge ography, Cl ark Uni versity, Worcester, Massachusetts, 016 10, U .S. A. In s t i t u u t Vo o r Pr e h i s t o r i e de r Rij ksuni versiteit te Leiden, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Wilkerson,

The In s ti tut e for Cu l tur a l Ecol og y of the Tropi cs, Inc., P . O. Box 3324, Tampa, Fl orida, 33601, U .S. A .

X II

Preface The origins of this volume were in the Drained Fields of the Americas Symposium held at the 44th International Congress of Americanists in Manchester, England, in September 1982. The half day symposium included the papers by Versteeg , Smith , Siemens, Darch , Knapp and Ryder and Lambert and A rna son while the re mainder of the c ollection were i nvited contributions f or the book . The f ourteen papers are not a comprehensive survey of all the known d rained f ield s ystems i n Central and South America, r ather, they are reports and assessments of a s election of ongoing and recent research projects. Therefore the volume has a certain bias towards the Central American countries of Belize and southern Mexico where vast areas of lowland drained f ields have recently been reported. The South American f ield systems discussed are detailed studies of both highland and lowland fields that have previously been discovered, although the extent of the s ystems i s often greater than was originally documented . Controversy surrounds the naming and definition of Pre-Hispanic intensive agricultural systems. For this book the term " drained f ield" has been favoured because t he name does not imply a particular f ield form , a s raised f ield or ridged f ield does. It should be recognised though that some types of f ields discussed i n this volume are not drained per se, for instance, they may have been constructed primarily k or climatic manipulation. However, " drained f ields" describes a majority of the f ields d iscussed , but i ndividual authors have been given l icence t o define their own terms i f they so wished . The production of the book woul d not ha ve been possible without the help of many people. I would like to t hank all of the contributors f or their co-operation and r eadiness to deal with my editorial comments even f rom f ar flung parts of the world. I am also indebted to the B .A.R. Series editor of the 44th I .C.A. volumes and to B .A .R . for their advice and help in the preparation of the manuscripts. Barbara Slade courageously undertook the t yping and Lucila Recart Haynes the Spanish translations , to both I am very grateful. Final ly I would like to express my gratitude to Richard Smith for his support in organising the symposium and encouragement in the production of the book .

Norwich

1 983

J .P. X III

Darch

Prölogo

E ste

t omo s e originö

e n e l S imposio

Americas que s e efectu6 e n e l n istas

e n M anchester,

i ncluyö

l os

4 4Q

e n s eptiembre d e

t rabajos d e V ersteeg,

R yder , y Lambert y Arnason, ron c ontribuciones

s abre C ampos D renados d e l as

C ongreso

I nternacional

1 982.

Smith,

D arch,

e specialmente para e l

c iön a ctuales y r ecientes. medida hacia l os palses

d e Knapp y

l ibro. l os

pos d renados que s e c onocen e n C entro y S ud America. s abre una

t anto e l

de i nvestiga-

t omo s e i nclina

t ratan a qui

s istemas d e campos

s on e studios d etallados d e c ampos

t anto d e t ierras

t a

c ierta c ontroversia

s istemas agricolas

preferido

e l

t ermino

f orma e special

a lomado.

s abre e l n ombramiento y definiciön d e

i ntensivos prehispänicos.

de c ampo,

t al

c oma l o hacen c ampo

Pero debe r econocerse que a lgunos

l a mayoria d e l os

c ampos

l e ha permitido d efinir s us pröpios La producciön d el muchas personas.

S in embargo, s i

Quisiera a gradecerle a t odos

agradecida a l redactor d e Reports)

d e l os

Americanists)

t omos del

y a B . A. R.

l os manuscritos.

r emotos de l a

l a s erie B. A. R. 4 4Q

I .C.A.

par s us

a si

l o prefiere. s in l a a yuda d e

l os c ontribuyentes p ar

t ierra.

a gradezco

c omentarios

Tambiän l e e stoy

( British Archaeological

( International C ongress of

c onsejos y a yuda e n l a preparaciön de

Barbara S lade s e c omprometiö heroicamente a e jecutar

l a d actilografla y Lucila Recant Haynes a t raducir a l l es

" campos d re-

t ratados pero a c ada autor s e

t ärminos

l ibro n o habria s ido posible

aun desde l ugares

t ratados en

pueden haberse c onstru-

s u c ooperaciön y su buena d isposiciön para a tender a m is editoriales

implica c ier-

e levado o c ampo

t ipos d e c ampos

par e jemplo,

i do originalmente para e l manejo c limätico. describe

En e ste l ibro s e h a

" campo d renado" porque e l n ombre n o

e ste t omo n o s on drenados per s e, n ados"

a ltas

a unque la extensiön d el

a menudo mayor d e l o que s e i ndicö originalmente.

Existe l os

de c ampos d re-

s udamericanos que s e

c oma bajas que han s ido e studiados previamente, s istema e s

e n c ierta

sun de M exico

donde r ecientemente s e ha i nformado s abre a reas e xtensas Los

c atorce

Mäs b ien s on i n-

c entroamericanos d e B elice y e l

n ados de t ierras bajas.

Los

s istemas d e c am -

s elecciön d e proyectos

P ar l o

America-

r esto d e l a c olecciön f ue-

t rabajos n o c onstituyen un e studio g lobal d e t odos f ormes y c ontribuciones

de

s imposio de medio d ia

S iemens,

m ientras que e l

i nvitadas

E l

e spahol;

a a mbas

F inalmente quisiera a gradecerle a R ichard Smith p ar s u

apoyo e n organizar e l

s imposio y s u a liento e n l a producciön de e ste

l ibro.

X IV

Chapter DRAINED

F IELDS I N

THE

I

AMERICAS

J . P.

: AN

INTRODUCTION

Darch

Abstract Drained f ields are defined a s a f orm of intensive w etland agriculture on artificially constructed platforms l ocated in areas of permanent or s easonal i nundation. P re-Hispanic drained f ields built by the Maya, Inca, Guaya a nd Aztecs among others are d iscussed. The construction of c ontemporary drained f ields to increase the f ood resources of present-day v illage communities are also c ited. The N ew World drained f ields temporally s pan s everal hundred y ears, the earliest possibly d ating f rom c a. 2000 B .C., while s ome highland Mexican f ields in u se at the Conquest a re still cultivated today. Spatially the distribution a nd area of d rained f ields i s not f ully documented and over the past d ecade or so extensive areas of f ields have b een located and added to the total area mapped. It s eems t hat drained f ields were an important f orm of New World a griculture that could yield enough f ood for the high population densities estimated f or s uch areas as the Maya L owlands. Any d oubts that the drained f ields are in f act n atural soil features has now been d iscounted. R esumen Los

c ampos drenados s e definen c omo una

c ultura de t ierras h ümedas mente ubicadas

f orma i ntensiva de a gri-

s obre p lataformas c onstrufdas

en a reas d e i nundaciön permanente 0 e stacional.

c omentan l os campos d renados prehispänicos c onstruidos por l os

i ncas , los

g uayas

y 10 S

a ztecas

e ntre otros,

Se

l os mayas,

y s e c itan e jemplos d e

l a c onstrucciön c ontemporänea d e c ampos d renados para aumentar l os r ec ursos

a limenticios de l as

c omunidades a ldeanas a ctuales.

d renados del Nuevo Mundo abarcan varios c ientos d e a f ios, t iguos

remontändose hasta a lrededor de 2 000 A .C.,

c ampos mexicanos d e t ierras

La d istribuciön e spacial

y e l area

campos d renados n o e sta p lenamente d ocumentada y durante l a

ü ltima d6cada e xtensas a reas d e c ampos a l a rea

t otal

y eron una p roducir

c artografiada.

f orma

s e h an l ocalizado y a gregado

A l parecer l os campos

d renados c onstitu-

i mportante d e l a agricultura d el Nuevo Mundo,

c apaz d e

suficiente a limento para l as a ltas densidades d e poblaciön

c alculadas para a reas c hado cualquier r asgos

an-

m ientras q ue a lgunos

a ltas que e staban e n u so durante l a C on-

q uista aun s e cultivan hoy d ia. d e l os

L os campos l os mäs

t ales

c omo

l as

t ierras bajas maya.

duda s obre s i l os campos drenados

n aturales d el s uelo.

1

s on,

S e ha desee n e fecto,

Introduction Prehispanic or contemporary f orms of intensive wetland agriculture in vol ving the creation of cul ti vation platforms s urrounded by water on a permanent or s easonal basis, are collectively called drained fields. The features are also known as raised or ridged f ields, channelized fields, tablones, camellones or chinampas, when the names denote or describe particular forms of drained f ield. Often the construction of the f iel ds involved elevating parts of the s urface of floodplains, swamps, lake margins or shallow lakes above water l evel. This entailed carting and t ipping vast quantities of f ill material to act as ballast. The f ill often had to be transported some distance to the s ite, thus involving considerable physical effort. It can therefore be deduced from the structural remnants of drained fields that the labour invol ved in building them was immense ( Turner Chapter 2 ) and that the organisation of the labour and the attention given to details of the associated hydrological regimes demanded highly s killed and s ophisticated c entral pl anning. Stemming from these deductions and from contemporary attempts to build drained f ields ( Gomez-Pompa 1982) it is logical to assume that the initial effort of construction warranted i ntensive, year-round cultivation of high-yielding crops. Among the crops which have been suggested as suitable for drained f ield cultivation are maize, beans, squash, cacao and cotton ( Rojas Chapter 8 ). Pollen and macrofossil r emains of some cf these crops have been f ound , for i nstance in the Pulltrouser Swamp f ields ( Turner and Harrison 1981). On the various contemporary drained f ields that have been built i n Mexico such c r - 7s as manioc, cabbage, squash, rice, corn, water-melon, alfalfa, chile, carrots, turnip and s alad vegetables have been s uccessfully grown ( Gomez-Pompa 1 982). Pisciculture has flourished in the canals of the new Nacaj uca f ield system near Villahermosa, Mexico, too, and it is l ikel y that the ancient canals of Prehispanic drained f ields were used in much the same way , thus adding a source of protein to s upplement the crops grown on the f ields. Over the past decade or so, much data has been added to our knowledge of drained f ield agriculture in the New World. Since the f irst reports of drained fields i n the Llanos de Mojas in north eastern Bolivia in the early 19 00' s ( No rde ns ki ol d 191 3; 191 6) and the lat e r documentation by Plafker ( 1963) and Denevan ( 1963; 1 966) many more r eports of drained f ields have been made. Over the past two decades extensive areas of drained f iel ds have been identified -a ssociated with the Maya and A ztecs i n Central America, and the Incas and the Guayas i n South America. Other f ields have been f ound in the Central Orinoco Llanos, Venezuela, coastal Suriname, the San Jorge region of northern Col ombia, the C a 1 ima Val ley of Colombia, Argentina and Brazil ( Denevan 1 970; 1 982). Some of t hese f ield systems are discussed i n this volume where the aim has been to draw together recent parallel research on

drained

f ield

agriculture

from 2

various

parts

of the

c ontinent. D istribution of Drained Fields Until comparatively recently drained f ield systems were thought to occur mainly i n savanna grassland r egions s uch a s t hose r eported f rom Beni State, Bolivia ( Denevan 1 960), but most reports of relic fields originally came f rom s uch areas b ecause s potting f ield outlines by g round o r aerial survey i s easier in grassland than in f orested areas. However, predictions that drained f ields also occurred under forest were made for some areas, in particular the Maya lowlands of Central America ( Turner 1 974; Harrison 1 975). In many places, particularly i n the d ensely f orested, i nternally-drained alkaches or bajos of the Maya area, grid-like patterns in the vegetation, suggestive of drained f ields masked by forest, coul d be seen from the air when sun angles were low ( Turner and Harrison 1 978). Rectangular f orested s tructures were also noted ringing bajos such as Pulltrouser Swamp, Belize ( Siemens 1 977). However, until 1 979 none of the f orested drained fields surrounding swamps had been excavated, although f loodplain drained f ields had been confirmed on the Rio Candelaria, Campeche, Mexico, by Siemens and Puleston ( 1972) and at Albion Island on the Rio Hondo, Belize ( Siemens 1977). The Pulltrouser Swamp project, d irected by Turner and Harrison ( Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1 983), confirmed that the patterns seen from the air around this bajo were indeed Maya drained fields and not n atural soil patterning caused by gilgai formation in clay soils prone to extremes of shrinking and swel ling. The f ields contained confirmative evidence in the form of Maya ceramics, lithic tools, c rop pollen and macrofossils and Subsequently, ground datea bl e wood and charcoal. observations and excavation of vegetation patterns at the Bajo Morocoy , at Nicolas Bravo, Quintana Roo, Mexico, also r evealed a drained f ield s ystem ( Gliessman et al. Chapter 5 ) which Turner had predicted ( Turner 1 974). Concomitant with this confirmatory archaeological and ecological evidence of drained field systems around f orested swamps, new remote sensing techniques using various f orms of radar imagery began to reveal many more new s ites of drained f ields in lowland Guatemala, Belize and Mexico ( Adams et al. 1981). Some initial data came f rom the processing o f—g easat imagery but more convincing r esults at a scale of 1 :250 , 000 resulted f rom SLAR ( sidelooking airborne radar) imagery flown over the area. Scarborough ( Chapter 7 ) reports the location of canals a t the northern Belize s ite of Cerros f rom the s ame imagery . Other parts of the New World where extensi ve areas of drained f ields have recently been located are the Guayas Basin of Ecuador coastal plain of

( Denevan and Mathewson Chapter 9 ), the western Suriname ( Versteeg Chapter 1 3),

the Quito Altiplano ( Knapp and Ryder Chapter 1 1), Lake Titicaca, Peru ( Lennon Chapter 10) and coastal Veracruz, Mexico ( Wilkerson Chapter 4 ). Therefore the drained f ield systems

recently

reported

are

3

from

both

lowland

and

highland r egions, coastal and inland s ites, and river and lacustrine locations, thus suggesting that this agricul tural form coul d be adapted for use in many different environmental s ituations. The temporal distribution of drained f ields is more difficult to assess than their spatial distribution because the archaeologist has to depend on dateable remains found in or associated with the field system to rank them . Intensively used drained fields tend not to contain large amounts of ceramic debris and that which exists has often been strat igraph ica 1 1y mixed by cultivation. Dateable organic material i s often rare too because constant cultivation and f luctuating soil water levels have introduced air into the soils and hence promoted the oxidisation of organic d ebris ( Smith Chapter 1 4). However, some field systems have been dated. It seems that the earliest f ields so f ar r ecorded are i n the Guayas Basin of Ecuador, where soils associated with drained fiel ds date from ca. 2000 B .C. ( Dene van and Mathewson Chapter 9 ). Maya fields are later. Turner ( Chapter 2 ) suggests that some of the Maya f ields at Pulltrouser may be as early as 1000 B .C. but most date from A . D. 300-1000, as do those at La manai, Belize, discussed by Lambert and Arnason ( Chapter 6 ). The f ields on the coast of Veracruz, Mexico, investigated by Wilkerson ( Chapter 4 ), may date between A .D. 1 and 600, while those of the Quito Altiplano, studied by Knapp and Ryder ( Chapter 1 1), are probably associated with the Chillogallo settlement which was occupied between A . D. 1 250-1525. Likewise, the f ields in coastal Suriname have only been dated by association with nearby habitation mounds, which indicates that they were probabl y in use bet wee n ca. A . D. 15 0-7 00 (Ve rstee g Cha pter 13). Therefore, since the early 1970's it has emerged that drained f ield agriculture i n the New World tropics was an areall y extensive and important agricultural technique temporally s paced over s everal hundred years, and m ay be originating in the Guayas Basin of Ecuador . Natural

Features

versus Drained Fields

It s eems that the recent excavations of the vegetation patterns at both Pulltrouser Swamp and Bajo Morocoy i n the Maya Lowlands have laid to rest, in this area at least, the view that the ground patterns are natural features. Two possible natural origins of the grid-like patterns in the vegetation were posited. The f irst, gilgai, has already been mentioned, the notion being proposed by Puleston ( 1978) among others. The s econd , that of j oints in the l imestone bedrock influencing vegetation stature by causing d ifferential s oil moisture availability was also discussed ( Siemens 1978; Scarborough Chapter 7 ). The gilgai debate arose because rectangular drained f ields, surrounded by ditches, look remarkably like tank-shaped gilgai a s described f rom Australia by Prescott ( 1931) and Hallsworth et al. ( 1955). Also, the seasonall y wet and dry climatic conditions characteristic of many drained 4

f iel d sites are ideal for gilgai formation. However, detailed soil i nvestigations at Pulltrouser Swamp, Belize, in 1979, showed that although the soil possesses some of the properties that could ( high montmorillonite clay

contribute to gilgai formation content, high sodium levels and

slightl y alkaline pH values) the present dry season was insufficientl y intense to produce gil gai ( Darch 1979; 1983). Bouyoucos Bl ocks instal led in the soils of the drained f ields during the 1 979 dry s eason i ndicated that the clays remained in an expanded state throughout the dry season at depths greater than 10 cm . Extrapolating these resul ts south and west of Pul ltrouser ground patterns also occur, as at Tikal,

into areas where Guatemala, ( Olson

1969) we f ind that in these areas the mean annual rainfall is higher than at Pul ltrouser and the dry season is less intense and shorter. Combined , these f actors dismiss the likelihood of the patterns being gilgai. Less work has been done to in vestigate the influence of bedrock geol og y on vegetati on patterni ng. Such patterning could produce a regular grid pattern which might influence soil drainage and vegetation growth and hence be detected by aerial observations, including the imaging radar recently flown over the Maya Lowlands. To date, there exists insufficient evidence to prove disprove the role of bedrock geol ogy . Confirmation

or or

denial of drained fields at the sites located by the radar imagery wil l have to await the resul ts of the f iel d checking programme. Drained

Field Classification

In this volume the term drained field is used to embrace a range of intensive agricultural systems adapted to a variety of aquatic environments. However, it is probably wise to view drained f ields as representing the aquatic end of a spectrum of intensi ve agricultural tec hni ques which extend from the sunken fie l ds and canalized rivers in areas of low moisture availability, as on the Peru vian coast, ( Parsons and Psuty 1975; Smith 1979; Farrington Chapter 1 2), to chinampas buil t in shallow lakes as in the Valley of Mexico ( Armillas 1971). In terms of drained fields per se it is suggested that the f orms span channelized f ields, where drainage ditches were excavated into swamps and possibly fl oodplain margins, through raised elevated above built

in

produce ferti l e

fiel ds where culti vation platforms were s easonal i nundation levels, to chinampas

shall ow

lakes.

In

each

case

the

aim

was

to

a wel l drained, aerated, wel l structured and soil capable of producing high crop yields over

long time periods given good management techniques. The various types of drained fiel d are thus adaptations to a variety arid

to

of

hydrological

permanentl y

regimes

inundated .

5

ranging

f rom

s easonally

Shape

and

The can

Pattern

of

Drained

organisation

re veal

a great

of

Fields

individual

deal

about

drained

the

f ield

hydrol ogical

systems regime

within which each set of f ields was built to f unction. Of particular interest is recent work by Lennon ( 1982; Chapter 10) on the Peru vian drained fields surrounding Lake Titicaca. Here a statistically proven relationship has been distance

found between field size characteristics and to either the associated lake or ri ver system;

ri verine fields are larger than particular, distance to hydraulic

lacustrine fields. In regime was s een to exert

an influence on f ield patterns. In addition, the lake and ri verine fiel d patterns were distinct from each other. The data s uggests that patterning indicates

for an

both lake and riverine f ields, understanding of a range of

natural hazards, notabl y fl ooding and dr ou ght. In addition, Siemens ( 1983; Chapter 3 ) notes preferred orientations of the long axis of drained f ields in Central America, orientations which appear to relate to ceremonial centres as distinct from agricultural s ite considerations. Drai ned fiel d shapes and sizes vary enor mousl y ( Denevan 1970; 1982) according to local conditions. Coupled with this, each f ield must f unction as a separate hydrological entity to some extent, each f ield developing a water tabl e level in accordance with its particul ar di mensions and soil texture ( S mith Chapter 14). It th e r e f or e se e ms inc r e as i n g l y cl e a r th a t th e characteristics of indi vidual drained fiel d systems indicate an element of adaptation to and

soil

moisture

The

Role

of Drained

local hydrol ogical

regimes. Fields

in Agriculture

It can be hypothesised with some confidence that drained f ield construction reflected the need to intensify agricultural production probably in the face of population pressure when other land use strategies were no longer capable of sustaining a rising population ( Turner 1978; Chapter 2 ). The apparent success of drai ned fiel d agriculture

in

Prehispanic

times

has

encouraged

research

into the construction and devel opment of contemporary drained f ields, particularly in Mexico ( Gomez-Pompa 1978; Gomez-Pompa et al. 1 982; Gliessman 1 979; Gliessman et al. 1981. the

Experimentation

agricultural ly

Chinampas From this

were built experiment

agriculture built on Nacaj ula highl and benefits

spread.

for

in

the

state

of

Tabasco

Balacan-Tenosique

In

Mexico

alone

f urther

f ields

sites at El Espino, de Manche, Tabasco,

and

gardened

by

local

consu mpti on

agricu l ture; this contrasts improvement schemes where large 6

in

vil lagers areas

were

Cardenas, and at a

site, Tecocomu 1co , in Hi dal go State. of chinampa cul ti vati on are that they local

in

area.

on an experi mental basis in 1976. the idea of contemporary chinampa

lowland swampy and El Morrode

constructed food

began

devastated

The are

to produce

margi nal

for

with many agricultural landowners are brought in

to mechanically cultivate commercial crops for export. Culti vation i s intense so enough food can be grown to sustain the local population and because canal muck is used as manure the expense of f ertilizers i s spared. An understanding of soil processes in relation to drained field agriculture is of considerable importance not only in explaining why these systems r emained viable for substantial periods in the past but also as a basis for redevel oping the m in the present century under appropriate economic circumstances. It seems that the builders of the f ield systems investigated were well grounded in hydrological manipulation ( Lennon Chapter 10) and al s o in soi l che mistr y ( S mi t h Chapter 14). Nevertheless, there are likely to have been large areas inconducive to such developments, where attempts to de velop drained fields would have met with failure. Alternate forms of agriculture may have been practiced in such areas, possibly including slope terracing and slash and burn ( see Turner Chapter 2 ). Conclusion Drained f ields in the New World are proving to be f ar more extensive than they were once thought to be. In the l ight of new exploration techniques the status of drained fiel d agriculture must be regarded as an areal ly extensive, sophisticated form of adaptation by high population pressures to complex hydrological conditions. Drained fields are clear evidence of the control of wet season inundation and dry season droughts which when combined with a ctivities of good management have produced a very lucrative f orm of agriculture, certainly an answer to the f ood requirements of large populations. Although studies of drained f ield distribution and ground plan tell us much about the water regime and the implied s uccess of the systems, no approach so far has explained why other areas of s imilar terrain show an absence of f ields. Bibliography ADAMS, R .E. W ., W .E. BROWN, Jr. and T . PATRICK CULBERT 1981, Radar mapping , archaeology and ancient Maya land use, Science 2 13, 1 457-1463. ARMILLAS, 661.

P .

1 971,

Gardens

on

swamps,

Science

1 74,

653-

DARCH, J .P. 1979, Soils and Geomorphological Studies in Northern Bel ize, Central America, M . A. thesis, University of Oklahoma, 1 82pp . DARCH , J .P. 1983, The soil, In , Pulltrouser Swamp: Ancient Maya Habitats, Agriculture and Settlement in Northern Belize, edited by B .L. Turner I I and P .D. Harrison, University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas.

7

DENE V AN,

W . M.

1963,

of Mojos in 28, 540-545.

Additional

northeastern

comments

Bolivia,

on

the

earthworks

American

Antiquity

DENEVAN, W .M. 1 966, The aboriginal cultural geography of the Llanos de Mojos of Boli via, Ibero Americana 48, University of California, Berkeley . DENEVAN,

DENEVAN,

W .M. 1970, Aboriginal drained-field cultivation in the Americas, Science 1 69, 6 47-654 . W .M.

1982,

Hydraulic

agriculture

tropics: forms, measures, Ma ya Substance: Studies Puleston, edited by Kent V . London, 181-203.

in

the

American

and recent research, In, in Me mor y of Dennis E . Flannery, Academic Press,

GLIESS MAN, S . R. 1979, Some ecol ogical ielationships of traditional agroecosystems in the lowland humid tropics of Southern Mexico, paper presented at XLIII International Canada.

Congress

Americanists,

Vancouver,

B .C.

GLIESS MAN, S . R., R . ESPINOSA, E . and M . AMADOR, A . 1981, The ecol ogica l basis for the appl i cati on of traditional technology in the management of tropical agroPcosystems, Agro-ecosystems 7 , 171-185. GO M EZ-P O MPA, A . 197 8, An ol d ans wer Mazingira 5 , Pergamon Press, Oxford. GOMEZ-POmPA , A" H .C. MORALES, 19 82, Ex pe ri e n c es in

to

the

E .J. AVILL /A and J .J. AVILLA tr a di ti o n a l hy d r au l ic

agriculture, In, Maya Subsistence: Studies of Dennis E . Pul eston, edited by Kent. V . Academic Press, London, 3 27-342. HALLSWORTH, Studies gilgai

future,

in Memory Flannery,

E .G., G .K. ROBERTSON and F .R . GIBBONS 1965, in pedogenesis in New South Wales, VII: The

soils,

Journal

Soil

Science

6 ,

1-31.

HARRISON, P .D. 1975, Intensi ve agriculture in Southern Quintana Roo, Mexico: some new lines of evidence and implications for Maya prehistory , paper the XL Annual Meeting of the Society Archaeolo9y,

Dallas,

presented at of American

Texas.

LENNON, T .J. 1982, Raised Fields of Lake Titicaca, Peru: A Pr ehi s Ea ni c Wa t e r Ma na ge me nt Sys t e m, Ph. D. dissertation, Uni versity of Col orado, 3 -40pp . NORDENS KI OLD, E . 1913, Urnengraber und mounds im bolivianischen Flacklande, Baessl er-Archi v, Band 3 , 205-255, Liepzig . NORDENSKIOLD,

E .

1916,

Die Anpassung der

Indianer

an die

verhaltnisse in den Uberschi ve mmungsge bi eten Sudamerika, Ymer 36, Haft 2 , 1 38-155, Stockhol m .

8

in

OLSON, G .W . 1969, Description and data on soils of Tikal, El Peten, Guatemala, Central America, Mimeo 69-2, Dept . of Agronomy , Cornell University . PARSONS, J . R. and N .P. PSUTY 1975, Sunken fields hispanic s ubsistence on the Peruvian coast , Antiquity 40, 2 59-282.

and PreAmerican

PLAFKER , G . 1 963, Observations on archaeological r emains in northeastern Bolivia, American Antiquity 28, 3 72378. PRESCOTT , J .A . 1 931, The Soils of Australia in Relation to Vegetation and Climate, Council of Scientific and Industrial Research in Australia; Bulletin, 52, Canberra. PULESTON, D .E. 1978, Terracing, raised f ields and tree cropping in the Maya Lowlands: a new perspecti ve on the geography of power, In, Prehis Eanic Maya Agriculture, edited by Pete-i • D . Harrison and B .L. Tu rne r II, Uni versity of Ne w Mexi c o Pres s, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 2 25-245. SIEMENS, A .H . 1 977, Some patterns seen f rom the air, Journal Belizean Affairs 5 , Special Issue: The Rio Hondo Project , 5 -21. SIEMENS, A .H. 1978, Karst and the Prehispanic Maya in the southern lowlands, In , Prehispanic Maya Agriculture, edited by Peter D . Harrison and B . L. Turner II, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New 1 Mexico, 17-143. SIEMENS, A .H. and D .E. PULESTON 1972, Ridged fields and associated features in Southern Campeche: new perspectives on the lowland Maya, American Antiquity 2 37, 28-239. SMITH, R .T . 1979, agriculture Journal 145, TURNER , the

The development and role of s unken f ield on the Peruvian coast, Geographical 3 87-400 .

B .L . I I 1 974, Prehistoric intensive agriculture Maya lowlands , Science 185, 1 18-124 .

in

TURNER , B .L . I I 1 978, Ancient agricultural land use in the Central Maya Lowl ands, In, Prehis Eanic Maya Agriculture, edited by Peter D . Harrison and B .L. Tu rne r II, Uni ve rsi ty of Ne w Mexi c o Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 1 63-183. TURNER, B .L. II and P .D. HARRISON 1978, Implications agriculture f or Maya Prehistory , In Prehispanic

from Maya

Agricul ture, edited by Peter D . Harrison and B .L. Tu r ne r II, Uni v ers it y of Ne w Mexi c o Pr es s, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 3 37-373.

9

TU RNE R,

B . L.

II

and

P . D.

HARRI SON

raised- fiel d agricu l ture Science 2 13, 3 99-405.

in

1981,

the

Pr e his panic

Maya

lowl ands,

TU RNE R, B . L. II and P . D. HARRI SON ( editors) ( 1 983), Pulltrouser Swamp: Ancient Maya Habitat, Agriculture and Settlement in Northern Belize, University of Texas Press,

Austin,

Texas.

1 0

Chapter CONSTRUCTIONAL I NPUTS

2

FOR MAJOR AGROSYSTEMS MAYA B .L .

Turner

OF THE

ANCIENT

I I

Abstract The problems of e stimating crop y ields f rom abandoned aboriginal agrosystems are discussed . Interpretation of those systems can be based on constructional inputs. Constructional i nputs of drained f ields are compared with hi l l terracing and dry-l and fal lowing in the Maya Lowlands. Drained fields are the most costly endeavour and they must have been a ssociated with a high d emand f or production and a land intensive economy. Construction data f or drained f ields are taken f rom Pulltrouser Swamp , Belize, where it is estimated that construction took between 8 33 and 3 116 work d ays per hectare . Terracing was another Classic Period agrotechnolcgy in the Maya area. Terrace construction can be calculated in t erms of linear metres or cubic metres, but a major f actor i n controlling building r ates i s t he d istance building s tones have to be hauled. Cubic metre rates of 1 .4m 3 /work day or 267 work days/ha and linear metre rates of 1 05 to 8 48 work days/ha are estimated f or constructing broad base terraces in the Rio Bec area of southern Quintana Roo, Mexico. Dry-land fal low , although probably very important as a Maya agro syste m, lea ves no archaeol ogical re mains, so constructional inputs are based on land clearance time, esti mated to r ange from 19 to 25 work days/ha. As the Maya moved from s imple to sophisticated agrosystems, i .e . from dry-land fallow to terracing and raised fields, exponential increases in constructional costs were incurred. It is probabl e that the Maya therefore progressed from low cost to high cost systems as demand for production increased. Major population growth occurred in the Classic, A .D. 500 to 900-1000, and it is precisely during this t ime of high production demand that the largest number of terrace and drained f ield systems appear to have b een operative. R esumen S e t ratan l os p roblemas d el c älculo d e r endimientos d e c ultivos ap artir d e s istemas a gricolas a borigenes a bandonados. L a i nterpret aciön d e e sos s istemas p uede b asarse s obre i nversiones e structurales. S e c omparan i nversiones e structurales d e c ampos d renados c on e l a ter razamiento d e l aderas y l a b arbechera d e t ierras s ecas e n l as t ier ras b ajas m aya . L os c ampos d renados c onstituyen e l e sfuerzo ms c ostoso y t ienen q ue h aber e stado a sociados c on u na a lta d emanda p ara l a p roducciön y u na e conomfa d e u so d e l a t ierra i ntensivo. D atos d e e structuras p ara c ampos d renados s e t oman d el P antano P ulltrouser, B elice, d onde s e e stima q ue l a c onstrucciön d emon : 5 e ntre 8 33 y 3 116

1 1

d ias d e

t rabajo por hectärea.

E l

a terrazamiento c onstituye otra a gro-

t ecnologia d el perlodo c läsico e n e l a rea maya.

La c onstruccidn d e

t errazas puede c alcularse e n t ärminos d e metros

l ineales o de metros

cübicos,

pero un f actor i mportante e n e l c ontrol d e l a velocidad d e

c onstrucciön e s c onstrucciön.

l a d istancia que d eben a rrastrarse l as piedr 9 para l a Se e stiman v elocidades d e metro cübico d e

1 ,4m

por d ia

de t rabajo o de 2 67 d ias d e t rabajo/hectärea y velocidades d e metro l in eal

d e

1 05 a 4 81

d ias d e t rabajo/hectärea p ara l a c onstrucciön d e

t errazas

d e base a ncha e n e l area d el R io B ec d el

M exico.

E l barbecho d e t ierras

s ecas,

gran importancia c omo un agrosistema maya, c as,

d e

t al manera que l as

i nversiones

t iempo de d esmonte d e t erreno que bajo/hectärea.

s ur d e Quintana R oo,

a pesar d e t ener probablemente n o d eja huellas

e structurales

s e e stima e ntre

1 9 y 2 5 d ias d e t ra-

A medida que l os mayasavanzaron d esde a grosistemas

s encillos hasta a quällos m s

s ofisticados,

e s d ecir d esde barbecho d e

t ierra s eca hasta e l aterrazamiento y c ampos e levados, aumentos l o

e xponenciales en l os gastos

t anto que

a rquelo6gi-

s e basan s abre e l

e structurales.

s e c ontrajeron

E s probable p or

l os mayashayan progresado d esde s istemas d e bajo c osta a

s istemas d e a lto c osta a medida que aumentaba l a d emanda para l a p roducciön. C läsico,

Un importante c recimiento e n l a poblaciön o curriö e n e l 5 00 a 9 00-1000 D .C.,

y f ue precisamente durante e sta ä poca d e

a lta d emanda d e producciön que parecen haber f uncionado

e l mayor nüme-

ro de s istemas d e aterrazamiento y d e c ampos d renados.

The maturation of the study of ancient aboriginal agriculture in the New Worl d has extended to an explanatöry phase ( e .g . Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1 979; Turner and Harrison 1978; Turner 1983). To place the various agrosystems into descripti ve sequences of development and into explanatory constructs of those sequences requires fine-tuned information on such variables as the morphology and constructional costs of the system , the f requency of cropping, and so f orth. Unfortunately, much of this information for ancient, abandoned s ystems of agriculture will r emain speculative . For example, it is doubtful that direct evidence of cropping f requencies or y ields a ssociated with abandoned agrosystems will be f ound. In some c ases, comparisons c an be made with extant systems, particularl y if the comparisons i nvolve the s ame environmental conditons a nd cultivation practices. For instance, maize ( Zea mays) cultivation on chinampas ( raised/drained f ield rin the Valley of Mexico may be a good analogy f or r elic s ystems of chinampas found in other central Mexican locales. However, many abandoned agrosystems i n the New World , s uch as the raised or drained f ield systems found throughout the wetlands of South America and the Maya lowlands of Central America ( e.g. Denevan 1970; 1981; Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1983), do not have modern counterparts i n similar environments. Interpretations of these systems must be based on a mix of comparative information a nd theory. One such attempt invol ves the use of constructional inputs a s a means of comparing agrosystems i n general a nd of a ssessing the s ystems i n t erms of t heories of landscape modification or land-use change ( e.g. Boserup 1965; Brookfield

1 972;

Turner

et

al.

1 978). 1 2

For

e xample,

i t h as

been argued that the ancient Maya utilized a sequence of agrotechnologies through t ime and that these technologies a s i ndicators of a grosystems were r elated t o e conomic and environmental conditions ( Sanders 1 973; Turner 1 974; 1 983; Turner and Harrison 1 978; 1 981; 1 983). I nitial practices e mphasized f allow systems on dry lands and orchard-gardens ( Netting 1974; Harrison and Turner 1 978; Flannery 1 981; Turner and Miksicek n .d.) because of the low levels of demand placed on agriculture and the efficiency of f allow s ystems i n dry l and environments. However, a s l evels of demand increased and dry land became scarce, the Maya ultimately shifted to i ntensive systems, s uch a s terracing on dry lands and f ield r aising on wetlands. The r esulting agrosystem allowed demand to be met but a t a high cost of labour . Unfortunately , this i nterpretation ( and others) has assumed that the input-output characteristics of s ystems probably conformed to t hose i mplied i n t he theory . This paper evaluates the " data" on inputs for the three major agrotechnologies. Raised or drained f ields are compared to terracing and dry-land fallowing. The r esults i ndicate that f ield raising in wetlands was a much more costly endeavour than were the other two and that an a gricultural emphasis on the u se of both raised f ields i n wetlands and terraces on dry lands was associated with times of high demand for production and a land intensive e conomy. MAYA AGROSYSTEMS Raised-Field

Systems.

The central Maya lowlands possess a variety of s easonal and permanent wetlands ( Siemens 1 978; 1 981; 1 983; Turner 1 978), locally referred to as swamps, bajos, a lkaches, and s avannas. The Prehispanic Maya manipulated m any of these wetlands f or a s ubtle but sophisticated f orm o f hydraulic, r aised-field cultivation, e specially i n the low-lying sections of the region ( Siemens and Puleston 1 972; Turner 1978; Harrison 1977; 1978; Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1 983), but also perhaps in the central Peten as well ( Adams, Culbert and Brown 1981). These f eatures were u sed i n conjunction with c anals f or drainage a nd to regulate water level r elationships to f ields , not unlike the chinampa system of the Basin of Mexico ( e.g. Armillas 1 971; Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1 979). It is important to recognize that many, if not most, wetland f ields i n the Maya area were raised - t he s urface of the f ield was elevated relative to the natural or original surface. Moreover, water was not drained away f rom the f ield zone but was maintained in the adjacent canals. In this regard, the Maya f ields conform to s imilar systems in the Old World ( Denevan and Turner 1 974). These studies indicate that past and current f ields of this kind usually invol ve some raising -- t he mere digging of canals or channels produces earth that must be put somewhere. Moreover, this raising provides 1 3

multiple f unctions ( Denevan and Turner 1974). In s ome cases water i s, i ndeed, drained f rom t he " rooting zone" of the fiel d, but in numerous systems, such as those indicated, water i s not drained from the field/canal complex. For these reasons, Denevan and Turner ( 1974) chose the use of a " non-functional" generic term, raised f ields. I n a s much a s the wetland f eatures d iscussed h ere are raised and did not i nvolve drainage of water f rom t he f ield z one, t he raised-field d esignation i s r etained . I t should be noted that these features are part of that complex agrotechnology referred to as drained f ields in this book . Maya raised-field agriculture i s the subject of a considerable and increasing literature and will not be discussed i n d etail here ( Turner 1 974; in press; Harrison 1977; Puleston 1977a; Belise et al. 1977; Turner and Harrison 1 978; 1 981; 1 983; Kirke 1 980; Antoine, Skarie and Bloom 1 981; Friedel and Scarborough 1 981). The dating of Maya f ields i s s omewhat controversial. I ncipient wetland field systems may have been used as early as about 1 ,000 B .C., but large-scale systems in balos and swamps apparently are a Classic period phenomenon ( A .D. 3001 , 000). I ntensive excavations of and interdisciplinary work on relic fields at Pulltrouser Swamp, northern Belize, has identified at least three constructional f orms ( Turner and Harrison 1981; 1983). The most simplistic type i s the channelized f ield . This t ype was a pparently constructed by cutting canals from the wetland proper into the adjacent swamp margin. The amount of raising of the intervening f ield i s thought to be minimal. As s uggested by S iemens ( 1981), the channelized f ield may r epresent t he oldest or prototype of the true raised f ield. The l atter were constructed within the wetlands and , a t Pulltrouser, were apparently built in at least two ways. The first way ( raised-field type A ) i nvolved the r emoval of most , i f not all of the swamp top-soil, the excavation of about one metre deep canals into the underlying unconsolidated l imestone, the creation of about one metre high platforms between the canals, and the placement of top soil on the platform . The platform itself was made of excavated c anal material with other, perhaps t ransported f ill, materials added ( Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1 983). Raised f ield type A tends to be located adjacent to the dryland-wetland border. The s econd constructional f orm ( raised-field t ype B ) invol ved digging about one metre deep canals through the surface muck of the swamp into clay sediments. This material was used with that f rom the adjacent dryland to create one metre high platforms among the canals. Type B is found in the deeper or interior swamp s egments and apparently did not invol ve the removal of the swamp top soil before creating the platform . Indeed, this soil remains buried

under

the

f ields.

Work-rate estimates for raised-field construction, particularly with traditional tools , are variable. This 1 4

f act i s not s urprising given that detailed observations or e xperimentations on construction rates are f ew . Moreover, as demonstrated by the large amount of excavation data col lected by the United Nations ( 1961), work rates vary considerably d epending on the s ubstance of excavation, the contractional arrangement of the workers, and the tools u sed . These observations have been confirmed i n various studies. Wilken ( 1979; , personal cowmunication) has f ound a work rate of 0 .83 m'/hour ( 5.0 m'/day) for one worker constructing a channelized/drained f ield in a peaty substance in Tlaxcela, Mexico. The same workman 's rate dropped to 0 .40 m'/ hour ( 2.4 m'/day) when earth was encountered . Generally , the denser, wetter, or s tickier the material, the slower the work rate. Experiments on simplistic raised-field construction i n clays i n Veracruz, Mexico, produq d an apparent work rate of only 0 .18 m'/hour ( 1.1 m '/day) ( Gomez-Pompa et al. 1 981). This calculation i s s omewhat questionable because the volume of construction i s n ot clear . Experiments at Albion I sland, Belize, produced variable rates depending on a contract by the hour or by the area to be completed ( Puleston 1 978; 1977b); the largest figure was 0 .54 m'/hour ( 3.2 m3 /day) for excavating a nd hauling a dry , unconsolidated , gypsum rich limestone ( see Denevan 1981: Table 2 :1). Erasmus ( 1965) demonstrated that a rate of 0 .52 m'/hour ( 3.1 m3 /day) can be a chieved with d igging s ticks i n l imestone materials in the Maya area. In contrast, experiments in excavating chalk ( limestone) in Englend with non-metal tools produced a rate of only 0 . 14 m'/hour ( 0.8 m3 /day) ( Ashbee and Cornwall 1 961: 1 331). Table Here, work r at' s r anging f rom 0 .40-0 .83 m3 /hour ( 2 :2) have been usec t in order to err on the conservative side. The wet, cl ay-rich materials excavated at Pulltrouser Swamp probably could not have been excavated at rates higher than this range; indeed our observations s uggest a rate more i n line with the r esults f rom England and Veracruz, about 0 .20 m ' /day. Utilizing the f ield dimensions and morphologies at Pulltrouser Swamp and " conservative" work rates, the range in work days per hectare i s calculated at 833 to 3 ,166. If a lower work rate i s u sed, f ollowing Gomez-Pompa and colleagues ( 1981) and Ashbee and Cornwall ( 1961), construction per hectare could be as high as 3 , 833 days. At Pulltrouser Swamp , approximatel y 10 percent of the fields are of the channelized variety and 90 percent are e ither r aised f ield types A or B . Taking the lowest ( 833 and 958 workdays/ha) a nd highest ( 1,666 a nd 3 ,166 work-days/ha) values for the two categori es and adj usti ng for their distribution, construction for all types of f ields at Pulltrouser ranges f rom 945-3,016 work days per hectare. Terrace

Systems

The Prehispanic Maya constructed a variety of t errace types across large tracts of the interior ridgelands of the Yucatan peninsula, particularly i n s outhern Quintana Roo ( where some exist in proximity to raised f ields) and 1 5

T able 2 :1 L abour f or C onstruction o f M aya W etland F ields a t P ulltrouser S wamp, N orthern B elize ( 2nd A pproximation)

F ield T ype

F eature

C hannelized

C anals

A rea/ha' ( m2 )

V olume/ha l ( m 3)

W ork R ate 2 ( m 3/ day/worker)

4 000

4 000

F ield R aised F ield

'B ased

8 33

8 33-1666

2 .4 3

1 666

4 000

4 .8 2 .4

8 33 1 666

F ield a . R emoval o f t op s oil

6 000

3 000 4

4 .8 2 .4

6 25 1 250

b .

6 000

4 .8 2 .4

1 25 2 50

4 .8 2 .4

8 33 1 666

4 .8 2 .4

1 25 2 50

P latform

6 00 5

C anals

4 000

F ield

6 000

C anals

4 000

F ield

6 000

4 000

6 00 5

4 000

1 .2 6

6 00 5

1 .2

1 583-3166

9 58-1916

3 333 5 00

3 833

o n m apping o f P ulltrouser s ystem a nd o n r ecording t hat c anals a verage o ne m eter i n d epth a nd

f ields, 2A ssumes

o ne m eter i n h eight. 6 h our w ork d ays.

m ay b e m ore a ppropriate. 3R ates

4 .8 3

4 000

c onstruction

T ype B

R ange o f W ork D ays/ha

C anals

T ype A

T ype B

W o r/ kha D a ys

t aken f rom W ilken

W ilken

( 1979)

a nd D enevan

( 1981)

a gree t hat a 5 h our e ffective w ork d ay

U se o f t hat f igure w ould i ncrease e stimates i n t his ( 1979).

A lso s ee D enevan

4T he

o riginal s wamp

5T he

p latform t ook s ome l abour t o s hape, but t his

t able.

( 1981).

t op s oil i s e stimated t o h ave b een 5 0 c m i n d epth.

f igure i s n ot k nown.

O ur e vidence s uggests

t hat

s ome n on-swamp m aterial was u sed i n c onstruction. A llowing f or t he e xpansion o f t he e xcavated c anal m aterial ( clays), i t i s a ssumed t hat 1 0 p er c ent a dditional m aterials w ere u sed.

6W ork

r ate c onsistent w ith t he e vidence

f rom G omez-Pompa e t a l.

1 6

( 1981)

a nd A shbee

a nd C ornwall

( 1961).

) G . ) r h 4

C O

r -

r-

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t . o

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▪

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1 05.5-848.0

( 2nd A pproximation)

0

a s

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43

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Campeche, Mexico, and in the Vaca Pl ateau of Belize. Others have been reported f rom central Peten, Guatemala, ( Blom 1946; Turner 1 974; Don Rice, personal communication) and in the savanna of southern Peten ( Rice and Rice 1979). These

f eatures

occur

on

all

types

of

slopes

dominated

by

limestone soils and commonly are associated with boundary walls, windbreaks, and other f eatures. Maya terracing has been discussed in detail elsewhere ( Turner 1974; 1978; 1980; 1983; in press; Turner and Harrison 1978; 1979; Healy , van Waarden and Anderson 1980; Rice and Rice 1979; also see Puleston 1978; Sanders 1979). true terracing was a Classic period agrotechnology in the Maya area.

and

It appears that (A . D. 300-1, 000)

At least two types of terraces, channel bottom weirs linear sl oping, dry field terraces were used. Most

types were apparentl y constructed with stone walls of rather intricate design ( Turner 1 979; Healy , van Waarden and Anderson 1980). Large, broadbased walls of similar design to stone terraces elsewhere in Mesoamerica ( e.g. Johnson n .d.; Wil ley et al. 1965: 575) are found in the Ri o Bec area of southeastern Campeche and southern Quintana Roo, Mexico. Walls are normally composed of two parts, a dry-laid f ront wall and a rubble buffer or f ill of smal l "uniformly-sized" stones to the rear and under the f ront wall. A typical intact broadbase wall i s about one metre high and one metre in width, incl uding the rubble fil l. The average linear metres of terraces per hectare from a sample of 6 mapped sites in the Rio Bec zone is 424 ( Tabl e 2 :2). Based on the di mensions gi ven, the volume i s 671.88 cubic metres per hectare. Two means are available f or estimating constructional inputs, use of linear metres ( Lm) or cubic metres ( m'). Wilken ( 1979) estimates that the linear metre construction rates of stone terraces range from 4 .0 Lm to 0 .5 Lm/day. The range res ul ts fro m the type and qual it y of construction and, more importantl y, the distance of transporting the stone. Indeed, other works on excavation and

hauling

hauling

can

earth be

also

a major

indicate

labour

that

cost,

the

distance

invol ving

of

diminishing

returns to labour as distance increases ( United Nations 1961). The linear metre approach suggests that Rio Bec terrace construction ranged from about 105 to 848 days/ha, depending figure, days/ha volume

on

4auling

distance

( Table

2 :2).

The

vol ume

1 .4 m'/day, produces a labour estimate of for the broadbase terrace zone in question. f igure

includes

no

rock

267 The

hauling.

The cubic metre rate may be the most applicable of the work rates (but conser vati ve) for the Rio Bec broadbase terraces

for

several

reasons.

First,

construction

these walls required more than piling stones. of the fronting wal ls and, especial ly, the indicates

care

li mes t o n e

in

us e d.

the

selection

Se c on d,

or

mu c h

Examination rubble fill

modification of

the

construction may ha ve been available on the quarried cl ose to the construction sites, 1 8

of

of

st o n e

the for

sl opes or requiring

m inimal hauling labour . Finally the volume construction rate is taken f rom trenches built with walls similar in desi gn to those descri bed here ( Wil ken, personal communication). I t i s s uggested that the broadbase terraces of the Rio Bec zone demonstrate an i nitial constructional input of at least 2 50 worker days per hectare ( Table 2 :2). This estimate does not include the other stone works found on the sl opes and does not consider quarry or hauling activities. Dry-land Fallow It is recognized that the ancient Maya utilized vari ous "fal l ow" practices that ranged in cropping f requencies f rom f orest and bush rotations with slash-andburn procedures to short and annual rotations, probably predicated on weeding , t illing , crop mixing, mulching and so forth ( Turner 1979; 1983). Unfortunately for the student of prehistory, these systems can be pursued without i mplementing permanent landscape modifications, s uch that direct information about the system may never be r ecovered. For t hese reasons, direct evidence of dry-land f allow cultivation previous to ethnographic accounts i s d ifficult to e stablish. Any possible indicator, such a s pol len remains, can be interpreted in a number of ways ( Turner 1983). Nonetheless, because of our general understanding of slash-and-burn and other t ypes of f allow culti vation in the lowlands of Central America ( e.g. Carter 1969; Nations and Nigh 1 980; Wilk n .d.), these forms of agriculture are conceded to have a considerable history throughout the Maya area, particularly in those t imes and at those locales where land pressures were low . Land clearance i s t he dry-land f allow c ounterpart to constructional inputs for terrace and raised- fiel d s ystems. And , d epending on vegetation, t his i nput ranges from about 1 13 to 1 51 work hours ( or 18.8 to 2 5.1 work days) per hectare ( Carter 1969; 49; Wilk n .d.) throughout the Maya area. Since short-fallow culti vation, if practiced in the area, is not wel l documented, estimates of annual land clearance inputs are not known. Other i nputs, s uch a s t illage and weeding, are common to each of the three agrosystems in question and are best considered a s procedural, n ot constructional i nputs. In principle, the ancient Maya could have pursued dryland fallow agriculture throughout large segments of virtually every region of the Maya l owlands. Evidence of burning and f orest destruction during early Formative or Preclassic times ( ca. 2 , 000 B .C.) is suggesti ve that this agros yste m was used during the initial stages of culti vation in the region ( Hammond and Miksicek 1981), although other a grosystems, s uch a s orchard-gardens, may also be as early . More importantly constructional costs were l imited to land clearance, and were low , particularly if land were culti vated several years in a row so that 1 9

System

Constructional I nputs' ( work/days/ha.)

Dry-land fallow cultivation

1 9

Terrace cultivation

105.5

8 33

Raised-field 2 ( wetland) cultivation

1 2

One

adult,

male

2 :3

Use

-2 5

2 , 000 B . C. ( or earlier) to present

-8 48

A . D.

-3,166

About 1 , 000 B .C. -A.D. 1 , 000

l abourer working

Incipient stages of the system large-scal e use may be from certainly f rom A .D . 500 .

Table

Chronology of

6 hours

per

-1, 000

day

may be earlier; about 300 B .C.

Comparison of Constructional of Maya Agrosystems

2 0

300

Inputs

and

its and

D ates

r epeated

c learance

could

be

minimized.

I nterpretations However crude, t hese data and e stimates i ndicate that e xponential increases i n constructinal costs were i ncurred by the Maya a s they moved f rom dry-land f allow to terraces and raised-field cultivation. Assuming that each " field" of cultivation was completely constructed before i ts u se, t hen the constructional costs per hectare were about 1 92 5, 105-482, and 833-3,166 days of labour, respectively ( Table 2 :3). This information and the direct dating of the syste ms su pport the broade r as pects of the agricultural growth model proposed at the outset of this essay. Hol ding constant environmental and other inter vening variables, the ancient Maya progressed from low cost to high cost agriculture, based on initial construction inputs, as demands f or production increased. The Maya were cultivating maize before 2 , 000 B .C. Since no agrotechnologies have been dated to this early time, it is presumed that dry-land fallow and orchard garden systems were the dominant forms of production. During the following 2 , 000-2,500 years, these systems proliferated across the Maya realm as settlements grew in numbers and s ize ( Ashmore 1 981). Moreover, i t i s presumed that the intensity of production was increased when and where needed . I n some areas, particularly where wetlands constituted a majority of a " land unit", i ncreasing demand may have triggered experimentation with channelized f ields as early as 1 , 000 B .C. ( Siemens 1981). However, entry i nto major f ield r aising i n wetlands was probably a late Preclassic ( 300 B .C .-0) or later phenomenon, a s indicated at Pul ltrouser Swamp and Baj o Morocoy. The late Precl assic was a time of maj or population growth throughout much of the Maya area. From the late Preclassic period onward, the Maya probably experimented with a number of agrosystems and intensified dry-land pr odu c ti on ( S anders 1973). Maj or popu l ati on growth/numbers were obtained from about A .D. 500 to 9001 , 000, the Classic period. It is precisely during this t ime of high production demands and growing land s carcity that the largest number of terrace and raised f ield s ystems appear to have been operative ( Turner 1 974; 1 983; Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1 983; Healy et al. 1 980). After A . D. 900-1, 000 the Maya went through a societal transformation and a major reduction in population t hroughout much of their r ealm ( Ashmore 1 981). As d emands f or agricultural production decreased, high cost s ystems were abandoned and dry land fallow systems returned to dominance. The obvious exception to this s cenario i s the apparent contradiction of the construction costs of terraces and raised f ields and their incipient u se ( Table 2 :3). If r aised f ields are s o much more costly than terracing, then why would they appear earlier than terracing? It must be remembered that the large-scale of raised fields may be 2 1

contemporaneous with terrace u se. Raised f ields dated to 1 , 000 B .C . are l imited to Albion Island, Belize, and s ome questions r emain about this i nformation ( Turner in press). More s ignificantly , however, relaxation of environmental and popul ation uniformity assumptions explains the possible u se of wetlands before dry-land terracing. The evidence for Preclassic f ield raising is related to northern Belize, a region i n which wetlands may equal dry lands in areal magnitude. It is also a region that was apparently occupied early in Maya history ( Ashmore 1 981; Hammond and Miksicek 1981). The result of these factors may have led to land pressures at times earlier than elsewhere in the Maya area, and hence, a need to move into costl y raised-fiel d agricul ture. In contrast, the terraced a reas of the Rio Bec region are dominated by d ry lands and did not incur similar levels of population pressure a s d id northern Belize until the Classic period . Regardless of these issues, field raising in northern Belize d id not take place previous to or coevally with the development of dry-land fallow systems. The dry lands surrounding Pulltrouser Swamp show a long occupational history and were apparently deforested before f iel d building i n the swamp ( Turner and Harrison 1 983). Bibliography ADAMS, R .E.W., W .E. BROWN, and T .P. CULBERT 1981, Radar mapping, archaeology, and ancient Maya land use, Science 2 13, ( 4515), 1 457-1463. ANTOINE, P .P., R .L. SKARIE, and P .R . BLOOM 1981, The origin cf raised fields near San Antonio, Belize: an al ternati ve hypothesis, In, Maxa Subsistence: Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Puleston, edited by K .V. Flannery , Academic Press, New York 2 27-236. ARMILLAS, P . 6 53-661.

1971,

Gardens

on

swamps, Science

ASHBEE, P . and I .W . CORNWALL 1 961, An experiment archaeology , Antiquity 35, 1 29-134 . ASHMORE, W . Patterns,

in

174,

f ield

1981 ( editor), Lowland Maya Settlement University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

BELISLE, J ., M . SAI D, and S . ASS AD, 1977 ( editors), Journal of Belizean Affairs 5 , Special Issue: The Rio Hondo Project and investigations of the Maya of Northern Belize, Belize City , St. Johns College. BLOM, F . 1946, I rrigacion en

Apuntes sobre los Mexico 2 7, 5 -16.

BOSERUP, E . 1965, Conditions of Aldine Press, Chicago, 1 24pp .

2 2

i ngenieros

Agricultural

Mayas,

Growth,

BROOKFIELD, H .C. 1962, Local study and comparative method: an example from Central New Guinea, Annals Association of American Geographers 5 2, 2 42-254 . BR O O K FI E L D, H. C. 19 7 2, In t e ns i fi c a ti o n an d disintensification in Pacific agricul ture: A theoretical approach , Pacific Viewpoint 13, 30-84. CARTER , W .E . 1 969, New Lands and Old Traditions: Kekchi Cul ti vators in the Guatemal an Lowl ands, Latin American Monographs No. 6 , University of Flordia Press, Gainesville, 1 53pp . DENEVAN, W .M. 1 970, in the Americas,

Aboriginal drained-field Science 196, 647-654.

cultivation

DENEVAN, W . M. 1 981, Hydraulic agriculture i n the American tropics: forms, measures and recent research , In , Maya Subsistence, Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Puleston, edited by K .V. Flannery, Academic Press, New York, 181-203. DENEVAN, W . M. and B .L. TURNER I I 1974, Forms, fucntions and associations of raised fields in the Old World tropics, Journal Tropical Geography 3 9, 2 4-33. ERAS MUS, C .J. 1965, Monu ment buil ding: some fiel d experiments, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 2 1, 277-301. FRIEDEL, D .A . and V . SCARBOROUGH 1 981, Subsistence, trade and de vel opment of the coastal Maya, In, Maza Subsistence: Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Puleston , edited by K .V. Flannery, Academic Press, New York, 1 31-155. FLANNERY , K .V. 1 981 ( editor), Studies in Memory E . Puleston, Academic Press, New York, 3 68.

of

Dennis

GOMEZ-POMPA, A ., H . L. MORALES, E . JI MENEZ and J . JI MENEZ 1981, Experi e nces in tra diti ona l hydrau l ic agriculture, In , Maya Subsistence: Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Pul eston, edited by K . V. Fl annery, Academic Press, New York , 3 27-342. HAMMOND, N . and C . MIKSICEK 1 981, Ecological formati ve Maya site at Cuello, Belize, Field Archaeology 8 , 260-269.

economy of a Journal of

HARRISON, P .D. 1977, The rise of the Bajos and the fall of the Maya, In, Social Process in Maya Prehistory, edited by N . Hammond , Academic Press, London, 469-508 . HARRISON, P .D . 1 978, Bajos revisited: visual evidence f or one system of agriculture, In, Pre -Hispanic Maya Agricul ture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B .L. Turner University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 247-253. 2 3

HEALY, P .F., C . van WAARDEN and T .J. ANDERSON 1980, Nueva evidencia de antiquas terrazas Mayas en Belize, 7 America Indigena 40, 73-796. JOHNSON, K . 1977, " Do as the Land Bids", A Study of Otimi Resource-Use on the Eve of Irrigation, Ph.D. dissertation, Clark University , 5 33pp . KIRKE, C . M. ST.G. 1980, Belize River Valley ,

Prehistoric agriculture in the World Archaeology 2 , 281-287.

NATI ONS, J . D. and R .B. NIGH 1980, The evol utionary potential of Lacadon Maya sustained-yield tropical forest agricul ture, Journal of Anthropological Research 36, 1-29. NETTING, R . Mc. 1974, Maya subsistence: mythologies, analogies, possibilities, In, The Origins of Maya Ci vilizations, edited by R .E .W . Adams, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 299-333. PULESTON, D .E. 1977 a, The art and archaeol ogy of hydraulic agriculture in the Maya Lowlands , In , Social Process in Maya Prehistory, edited by N . Hammond, Academic Press, London, 449-475. PULESTON, D .E. 1977b, Experiments in prehistoric raised f ield agriculture: learning f rom the past , Journal of Belizean Affairs 5 , 3 6-43. PULESTON, D .E. 1978, Terracing, raised fields, and tree cropping in the Maya Lowlands: a new perspective in the geography of power, In, Pre-Hispanic Maya Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B . L. Turner I I, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 2 25246. RICE, P . M. and D .S. RICE 1979, Home on the range aboriginal Maya settlement in the Central Peten Savannas, Archaeology 3 2, 1 6-25. SANDERS, W .T. 1973, The cultural ecology of the Lowland Maya: a r e-evaluation, In , The Classic Maya Collapse , edited by T .P. Culbert, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 3 25-365. SANDERS, W .T. 1979, The jolly green giant in tenth century Yucatan, or fact and fancy in Classic Maya agriculture, Reviews in Anthropology 6 , 493-506. SANDERS, W .T., J .R. PARSONS and R .S. SANTLEY 1979, The Basin of Mexico : Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization, Academic Press, New York , 5 61pp .

2 4

S IEMENS, A .H . 1 978, Karst and the Prehispanic Maya in the Southern Lowlands, In , Pre-Hispsanic Maya Agriculture, edi te d by P . D. Ha rris on and B . L. Tu rner II, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1 17-143. S IEMENS, A .H . 1 981, Prehispanic agricultural u se of the wetlands of Northern Belize, In, Maya Subsistence. Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Pu reston, edited by K . V. Flannery , Academic Press, New York , 205-225. S IEMENS, A .H. 1 983, Oriented r aised f ields Veracruz, American Antiquity 48, 8 5-102.

in

Central

S IEMENS, A .H. and D .E. PULESTON 1972, Ridged f ields and associated features in Southern Campeche: new perspectives on the Lowland Maya, American Antiquity 37, 2 28-229. TURNER, B .L. II 1 974, Prehistoric intensive agriculture in the Mayan Lowlands, Science 185, 18-24. 1 TURNER, B .L. II 1978, Ancient agricultural land use in the Central Maya Lowlands, In, Pre -Hispanic Maya Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B .L. Turner I, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1 63I 182. TURNE R, B . L. II 1979, Prehispanic terracing in the Central Maya Lowlands: problems of agricultural intensification, In, Maya Archaeology and Ethnology, edited by N . Hammond and G .R . Willey, Uni versity of Texas Press, Austin, 1 01-115. TURNER , B .L . I I 1 980, La agricultura intensive en las Tierras Mayas, American Indigena 40,

de trabajo 6 53-670 .

TURNE R, B . L. II 1983, Once Beneath the Forest: Prehistoric Terracing in the Rio Bec Region of the Ma ya Lowl ands, De 1 1p lain Series in Geography, Westview Press, Boulder, 209pp . TURNER , B .L . I I ( in press), Comparative analysis between agro-systems i n the Basin of Mexico and Central Maya Lowlands: f ormative to the Classic Maya collapse, In , Interdisci plinary A22.roaches to the Studz of Mesoamerican Hi lhl and-Lowl and -- InteraC TIC7 n, conference at Dumbarton Oaks , Washington, D .C. October 1 8-19, 1 980, edited by Arthur Miller, Washington D .C ., Dumbarton Oaks Research, Library and Col lection, Trustees to Harvard University ( publication i n 1 985). TURNER , B .L . I and P .D . HARRISON 1 978, Implications f rom I agriculture for Maya prehistory, In, Pre-Hispanic Maya Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B .L. Turner II, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 37-373. 3

2 5

TURNER, B .L. I I and P .D. HARRISON 1979, Comment on W .T. Sander's review of Pre-Hispanic Maya Agriculture, Reviews in Anthropology 6 , 5 44-55. TURNER, B .L. I I and P .D. HARRISON 1981, Prehistoric raised- fiel d agricul ture in the Maya Lowlands, Science 2 13, 3 99-405. TURNE R, B . L. II and P . D. HARRISON, (editors) 1983, Pulltrouser Swamp: Ancient Maya Habitat , Agriculture and Settlement in Northern Belize, University of Texas Press, Austin . TURNER, B .L. II and W .C. JOHNSON 1979, A Maya dam in the Copan Valley, Honduras, American Antiquity 44, 299305. TURNER, B .L. I and C . MIKSICEK n .d. Economic species I associated with prehistoric agriculture in the Maya Lowlands, Paper presented at the Symposium on History and Ecology of Crops and Cropping Systems in the Americas, 13th International Botanical Congress, Sydney , 1 981. UNITED NATIONS 1 961, Earth Moving by Manual Labour Machines, Bangkok , Economic Commission f or Asia the Far East , 1 14pp .

and and

WILK, R .R . 1981, Agriculture, Ecology and Domestic Or lanization Amon the Kekchi Maxa, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Arizona . WILKEN, G .C. 1979, Traditional slope management: an analytical approach , In , Hill Lands: Proceedings of an International Sxm2os ium, edited by J . Luchok, University Books, Morgantown, West Virginia, 4 16-422. WILLEY, G . R., W . R. BULLARD, Jr., J .B. GLASS and J .C. GIFFORD 1965, Prehistoric Maya settlement in the Belize Valley, Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology 54, 1 -589.

2 6

Chapter MODELLING

3

PRE-HISPANIC HYDROAGRICULTURE ON BACKSLOPES IN NORTHERN VERACRUZ, MEXICO Alfred H .

LEVEE

Siemens

Abstract Parallel evidence f rom Pre-Hispanic and present l and u se practices in the r iVerine wetlands of northern Veracruz i ndicates a tradition of agricultural adaptations t o the annual water l evel f luctuations of the f loodplain e nvironments. Both past and present c ropping s chemes are s trongly determined by the amplitude of the annual water l evel and both Pre-Hispanic settlement remains and contemporary s ettlements are f ound in these positions. P ermanent agriculture i s possible here. The areas of the f loodplain subject to s easonal inundation are presently occupied by pastures which f rom the air show vestiges of ancient canals and planting platforms. Based on both c ontemporary and Pre-Hispanic evidence a hydroagricultural s ystem for the region i s proposed which divides the wetland environment into f our s egments: l evee top, upper and middle backslope, l ower backslope and backswamps. The c anals on the backslope are s een as a iding the rapid d rainage of water at the end of the wet s eason which a llows an earlier beginning to cultivation than would o therwise be possible. It i s also l ikely that the canals were u sed to impound water and prolong dry s eason c ropping. The annual cropping cycle may therefore be seen as beginning on the l evee tops and ending on the l owest f ields in the backswamp. This type of agricultural s ystem, still practiced in northern Veracruz and other a reas, i s a move towards agricultural intensification and r isk reduction. Resumen

Existe e videncia paralela d e präcticas d el u so d e l a t ierra p reh ispänico y a ctual e n l as

t ierras hümedas

f luviales d el n orte d e V era-

c ruz que i ndica u na t radiciön d e a daptaciones a gricolas a l as

f luctua-

c iones a nuales d el n ivel d el agua d entro d el m edio a mbiente d e l a l lan ura d e i nundaciön.

T anto l os proyectos d e c ultivos e n e l pasado c omo

a ctualmente e stan e n g ran m edida d eterminados p or l a a mplitud d e l a v ar iaciön a nual d el n ivel d el a qua -l a parte s uperior d e l os t erraplen es s e e ncuentra n ormalmente s abre e l n ivel a lto a nual y t anto l os r estos d e l os a sentamientos p rehisp5nicos c omo l os a sentamientos a ctuales

s e e ncuentran e n e stas posiciones.

l a agricultura a t ravds d e t odo e l a ha.

Aqui e s p osible p racticar

L as a reas d el l lano d e i nun-

d aciön que e stan s ujetas a i nundaciones e stacionales s e e ncuentran a ctualmente o cupadas p or pastizales q ue d esde e l g ios d e a ntiguos

a ire p resentan v esti-

c anales y p lataformas d e p lantacidn.

Basado s abre

e videncia t anto c ontemporänea c omo p rehispänica s e p ropane u n s istema h idroagricola para l a r egiön q ue d ivide e l m edia a mbiente d el s uelo

2 7

hümedo e n c uatro partes: d e l adera,

cumbre d e t errapl & a,

l adera i nferior y pantanos,

L os

c ontribuyen a u n r äpido drenaje d e agua a l l o c ual permite c omenzar c on l as d e otra manera.

c anales e n l as f in d e

s iembras a ntes d e

l aderas

l a e staciön l luviosa, l o que s erla p osible

Tambi6n e s probable que l os c anales

para embalsar e l agua y a si prolongar l os c a.

parte s uperior y m edia

s e hayan u sado

c ultivos d e l a e staciön s e-

D e t al manera que e l c iclo anual d e s iembras puede verse c omo c o-

menzando e n l as

c umbres d e l os

mäs bajos d el pantano.

t erraplenes y t erminando

E ste t ipo de s istema a gricola,

e n e l n orte d e V eracruz y otras a reas,

e n l os c ampos a un practicado

s ignifica un paso hacia l a i n-

t ensificaciön agricola y l a r educciön d el r iesgo.

In air s urveys over Northern Veracruz and related vertical a ir photo analysis f rom 1 977 t o 1 982 the r emains of over two dozen substantial complexes of canals and planting platforms have been detected in the r i verine wetlands of the region ( Figure 3 :1; Siemens 1 982). A characteristic a ssemblage of f eatures r ecurs , a s well a s certain environmental relationships and a microaltitudinal zonation. From all of this one may deduce an agricultural strategy, a way of utilising the soil and water resources of terrain s ubject to s easonal inundation, which comes down, in large part, to the probl em of reducing risk. This strategy seems similar to that represented by past and present agriculture on a terra f irma/wetland boundary zone recently examined i n Central Veracruz and instances of the dry season cultivation of levee backslopes reported from numerous locations in Mesoamerica ( Siemens 1 983c). I t i s closely r elated t o the Prehispanic agricultural u se of wetlands already described in general terms in other contexts ( e.g. Siemens 1 983 b) which may be said to resemble the chinampas of Central Mexico but must not be e quated with t hem. Modelling the assemblage on the basis of available data, i .e. the results of a visual analysis of wetland landscapes a s well a s a l imited ground r econnaissance and ethnographic enquiry, should be useful in a number of respects. It should enhance sensiti vity to microenvironmental variations, a s n ecessary i n t he d iscussion of agriculture around and within wetlands a s i n any o ther context. It helps the observer to link agricultural activities micro-altitudinally , which the f armers of t he lowlands have always been constrained to do themselves. Furthermore, it accommodates what is known or may reasonably b e imputed about the construction of the c anals and planting platforms. Basically , i t may help i n making sense of morphological variations, which constitute the most accessible evidence on the nature of the system , and improve the generalisation that can be made about a phenomenon that occurs i n various environmental, cultural and chronological contexts. At the very least i t can s erve a s a f oil f or f urther discussion . Detailed f urther investigation is planned, incl uding archaeological excavations and sedimentological sampling, as well as topographic mapping and air reconnaissance at various t imes of the year. 2 8

T am iahua

Above c a . 1 50 metres

TUXPAN

e c

TAMP ICO

•

C omp lex o f c ana ls

•

C omp lex r epo r ted b y S chm idt , 1 977

I D

C omp lex s hown o n l a rge s ca le map

0

T e rraces o n ' i s land ' o f T e rra f i rma

o lu t l a

S urvey a rea

VERACRUZ

F igure

3 :1

Complexes of canals and planting platforms f ound i n Northern Veracruz

2 9

It is necessary to clarify several semantic points before proceeding. Some of the terms commonly used in t he discussion of this sort of agricul ture ha ve become inaccurate, in particul ar the modifiers raised and drained , a ttached to the vaguer and s till u seful f ields. Both exca vations and buil d-up are in vol ved in the cons tructi on of the features tha t pattern man y Mesoamerican wetlands. In some s ituations, particularly on the upper edges of the very gentle s aucer-like basin of each wetland, the facilitation of the drainage function s eems to have been pre-eminent . However, s ome build-up , if onl y from the spoils of canal excavation, will have been i nvol ved as well. Nearer the centre of the wetland , build-up would seem to have been more important, perhaps necessitating transport of material from terra f irma. Moreover, the same web of canals may be envisioned to have served both to conduct water away f rom the wetland f ields, especially during the later s tages of the wet season and the beginning of the dry season, as wel l as to store it as a source f or irrigation later in the dry season . Neither drained nor raised i s thus entirely s atisfactory . One or the other may be needed occasionally as a code word representing the whole phenomenon, in which case one could argue about as well as for the one as the other. In orde r, there for e, not to prej udge ques ti ons of construction and function, the fairly neutral terms, canals and Elantina Elatforms wil l be used here repeatedly. Environmental Factors Facilitating Agricultural Intensification in Northern Veracruz The f ield systems are found on Quaternary alluvium laid down between hill land and the sea. The hills are underlain mostly by horizontally bedded Tertiary marine s ediments ( Carta Geologica de Mexico 1 977). Viewed f rom the a ir they often show a s tepped s urface, which at f irst s ight s uggests vestigial terraces. At s everal roadcuts i t was possible to verify that they were merely the s urface expression of resistant strata. The boundary between hill land and recent alluvium is an extremely crenelated affair. The alluvium itself presents the usual floodplain sequence: levee, gentle backslope and backswamp . Where streams meander extensi vely these features are often occluded , creating shallow basins. The average annual precipitation in the coastal lowlands of Northern Veracruz i s 1 500-2000 mm around Nautla, 1 200-1500 mm around Tuxpan and Tamiahua ( Garcia 1970). Less than 5 percent of the total normal ly falls during the dry season, i .e. between November and April. This is a principal reason why dry season agriculture, often called tonalmil, on hill land i s quite tenuous; i t usually y ields a good d eal less than the wet s eason c rop on the same land. Nevertheless, it is widel y practised and indeed increasing in frequency ( Camou 1981). Under such circumstances, currently as in the distant past, nearby wetlands represent an increasingly attractive 3 0

r esource. Regarding natural plant cover, Coastal Northern Veracruz i s represented a s generally able to s ustain high tropical rain f orest ( Rzedowski 1 978). Very little of t his remains; s uch s econdary f orest growth a s i s s till to be found is rapidly being cleared as well. The most obtrusive aspect of the current vegetation, especially in t he wetlands, i s t he predominance of r ecently i ntroduced grasses. As it happens, these allow the vestiges of ancient land use to show through much better t han the n atural plant cover. For c lues to the behaviour of the intermittent s treams that drain the wetlands and the nature of flooding, the key aspects of the natural environment in this d iscussion, one is dependent mainly on direct observation and on i nformation f rom local i nhabitants. It i s apparent that water r ises and f alls i n the backswamps on the f loodplain of Northern Veracruz to s imilar l evels a s i t does i n the relevant main stream channels. Moreover, there are indications that the present fluctuation i s not too different from what it was during the operation of the ancient f ield s ystems , whenever that may turn out to have b een. On many levees the downslope l imits of the r emains of Prehispanic settlements coincide roughly with the limits of the zone occupied by modern farmsteads, roads and villges. This cultural strand-line, in turn, often coincides with both the upper limits of the vestiges of canalization and current flooding. This strand-line is also at approximately the level of high water in the s tream bed . Nevertheless, this i s s ubject to f ine tuning once the s tratigraphy of the canals and planting platforms can be examined. On the vertical air photo coverage of some of the wetlands earlier, more constricted, topographically c onformal boundaries a re apparent. This i s a hint that water levels have risen and that the wetlands have expanded slightly in the not too distant past. Measurements a re available f rom s everal hydrometric s tations on the larger through-flowing s treams s uch a s the Nautla, along which s everal f ield investigations have been undertaken ( Table 3 :1). It is evident that the yearly f luctuation i n water l evel i n the main s tream and hence i n t he f loodplain of the Nautla i s limited on the average to something over two metres, which is slightly higher but stil l quite similar to the type of regime found to have been manageable for Prehispanic wetland agriculture elsewhere in the Mesoamerican tropical lowlands, in particular along the karstic r ivers on the two f lanks of t he Yucatan Peninsula ( Siemens 1 978). Along

the

Estero Tancochin,

a region

j ust

to

t he

north

of Tamiahua, where a f ield i nvestigation was undertaken as well, the annual f luctuation i n the backswamps i s r eported by local informants to be from three to f ive metres. This i s

appreciably

higher

than

the 3 1

measured

mean

f luctuation

Year

Max.

Level/metres

Min.

l evel/metres

D ifference

1 952

2 .14

1 .54

0 .6

1 953

4 .53

1 .46

3 . 07

1 954

5 .10

1 .41

3 .69

1 955

6 .46

1 .40

5 . 06

1 956

3 .25

1 .55

1 .70

1 957

3 .26

1 .45

1 .81

1 958

3 .80

1 .40

2 .40

1 959

3 .18

1 .34

1 .84

1 960

2 .56

1 .27

1 .29

1 961

3 .32

1 .41

1 .91

1 962

3 .23

1 .30

1 .02

1 963

3 .16

1 .28

1 .88

1 964

2 .84

1 .30

1 .54

1 965

3 .00

1 .36

1 .64

1 966

4 .80

1 .36

3 .44

1 967

5 .70

1 .29

4 .41

1 968

2 .56

1 .21

1 .35

1 969

5 .37

1 .33

4 .04

Arithmetic mean of annual

d ifference:

2 .37

Extreme

f or period:

5 .00 metres

annual

d ifference

metres

( SRH

Table 3 :1

Water

levels at Martinez de R io Nautla

3 2

1 970)

la Torre on the

along the Nautla, and e xtensively patterned .

yet

here

too

the

floodplain

i s

The short run of data available f or the Nautla also shows several maxima considerably above the mean and at least one quite extraordinary fluctuation ( 1955 - 5.06 metres above minimum level of that year). In a 1 5-year period the Candelaria also fluctuated twice to several t imes its mean ( Siemens 1 978). A major f lood i s r eported f or 1 955 along the Tecolutla, the river to the north of the Nautla, along which numerous complexes of ancient f ields were also f ound . Archaeological evidence i ndicates that such extraordinary floods have occurred along the T ecolutla s ince Middle Formative t imes ( Wilkerson 1 980). A good deal remains to be done generally on flooding v is-a-vis the s ystem of c anals a nd planting platforms i n t he wetland i n the lowlands. The yearly use of the water level, even though it might go near the tops of the platforms may well have been beneficent, depositing new s ediments, killing pests and weeds, a cting i n effect l ike a short fallow. A flood of s everal metres above the normal, however might be expected to have currents and thus would seriously erode earthworks; it would also damage homes and gardens on the levee top and disturb c ropping s equences generally throughout the wetland. I n general, t he r iverine wetlands of the lowlands have been attractive to farmers whenever they needed to go beyond what they could produce in wet season milpa on terra firma and to cattlemen from the beginning of the c olonial period onwards. The s oils a re e asily worked and potentially f ertile. Water levels fluctuate, but such s easonal flooding as occurs can be taken in stride. The s tored water i s a valuable resource during the s ubstantial dry seasons that recur throughout the region. The wetlands are also u sually i n close proximity to hill land s uitable f or wet s eason c ultivation . They a re, therefore, f ar from the empty, useless areas they have often been described to be, but rather may be seen as f avoured locations and key segments of a population's sustaining a rea. A number of Mesoamerican lowland regions with large expanses of wetland were gi ven the aura of abundance by t he chroniclers of contact . The Maya province of Acalan, a round the floodplain of the Candelaria River i n what i s now the state of Campeche, i s a notable example ( Figure 3 :1). The f irst Spanish e xpedition i nto that r egion f ound the provisions it desperatel y needed and later encomenderos obtained from it a wide range of food products as tribute ( Scholes and Roys 1968). The exploitation of riverine wetlands may have been part of the reason for that productivity, but there is no direct reference to it. The region was virtually depopulated after Conquest and not reoccupied to any great extent until the middle of the twentieth century . Nevertheless, the f loodplains of the Candelaria and i ts t ributaries are 3 3

webbed in many places with the vestiges of canals. Some of them will have served mainly transportational purposes; others encl osed planting platforms. They see m to have been in use as earl y as the Maya Late Formati ve or Earl y Classic, i .e. 300 B .C. to A . D. 300 ( Siemens and Puleston 1972). Si milar remains with intimations of congruous or even earlier dates were subsequently found in other lowland Maya locations, especial l y northern Belize and southern Quintana Roo ( Turner 1 974; Siemens 1 977; Puleston 1977; Turner and Harrison 1983). In 1 977 the author 's investigation of the Prehispanic use of wetlands was taken out of the Maya area into Central Veracruz. The coastal lowlands of this part of the state, wedged between the dunes and the onset of the hilly topography that rises gradually to the escarpment of the Sierra Madre Oriental, are pockmarked with nu merous wetlands. Al most every one of these has been found to be scored by the remains of canals and planting pl atforms. The cluster of wetlands that take up much of the San Juan Ri ver basin, which is drained northward into the Antigua Ri ver, is now under intensi ve investigation. It is already apparent that most of the ancient f ield complexes of this basin, and indeed, the other wetlands of Central Veracruz as well, are oriented direction of Teotihuacan - 1 5 °

roughl y 25' east

in of

the sacred N ( Siemens

1983a). This upland centre dominated much of Central Mexico during the f irst seven centuries after Christ and seems to have contributed a landscape-ordering principle to the coastal lowlands of Central Veracruz as well. The Cortes expedition f ound the wetlands just what is now the port of Veracruz producti ve and

behind indeed

refreshing - a place of abundant food and rich greenery ( Diaz, 1976; Wilkerson Chapter 4 ). Whether or not the planting platforms were in use at the time is not clear, but there i s evidence f or i rrigation in the surroundings of

Zempoala

( Palerm

1953).

The population of this region was also severel y reduced after Conquest; the wetlands reverted to forested wilderness and remained so throughout the colonial period and the nineteenth century. Ranchers drove their herds into the wetlands during the dry s eason ( Sartorius 1 961); the numerous half-wild cattle will have sought them out on their own. Travellers saw very little agriculture of any kind bet ween Veracruz and Jal a pa Al exander von Hu mbol dt ( 1 811) was

( T hom spon impresse d

1846). by the

potential of the region - and its disuse. In the second hal f of the twentieth century the wetl ands of Central Veracruz ha ve once

again become

abundant with

crops

and

pastures.

was

In 1 981 the search for remnants of wetland agriculture extended into Northern Veracruz. This investigation

is still in its preliminary stages; the methods applied to date include repeated small plane reconnaissance, vertical air

photo

anal ysis

and

ground 3 4

transecting.

They

ha ve .

yielded evidence of extensive r ectilinear patterning in the floodplains of the Nautla and Tecolutla Rivers as well as al ong a series of lesser streams to the south and north of Tamiahua ( Figure 3 :1). Early post-Conquest ethnohistory offers some evocative imagery regarding abundance in Northern Veracruz. The Aztecs,

it

seems,

believed

their

place

of

origin

lay

somewhere near the coast of Northern Veracruz ( Duran 1964). They applied to these warm, moist lowlands, inc l u ding the territory of the Huastecas and the Totonacas, the name Tonacatlal pan, the " land of food" ( Straesser-Pean 1968). There had been plenty of water, t he environment had offered f ood resources and, most importantl y, the ancestors had

of many kinds developed an

excel lent cropping s ystem . substantiates this picture

The evidence f rom the wetlands more and more.

Several

Planting Platform Complexes

Specific

Canal

and

The most striking remains in Northern Veracruz are those to be found al ong the Estero de Tres Bocas, which joins the Nautla Ri ver near its mouth ( Figures 3 :1, 3 :2 and 3 :3). This complex i s similar in a number of respects to others located al ong the same stream, as wel l as the Nautla and Tecolutla Rivers. It was reported by Schmidt in 1977, together with many useful obser vations on the re l ati ons hi p of the compl ex to research on ancient subsistence sytems in the Mesoamerican tropical lowlands ( Schmidt 1 977). Canals have also been reported from along the

Tecolutla

( Wilkerson

1979,

1980,

Chapter

The Estero may be seen in the lower Figure 3 :2. The levee top , normally above water

level,

region. known as

offers

the

pri me

4 ).

left corner of the yearly high

settl ement

sites

of

the

The imposing mounds pertain to the ruin complex Santa Elena. The headquarters of the ranch that

encl oses it are just off the photograph to the left. Most of the natural forest cover of the levee tops is gone. The gr oups of pal ms in the pasture echo long hu man occupance and use ( Rzedowski 1978). Plantations of bananas and citrus fruits appear in the foreground. Machinery is in the fiel d in the lower right corner, preparing for or actual l y seeding a wet season crop of maize. The patterns left by machines are apparent in the bottom third of Figure 3 :3 as well, where they represent a mature or already harvested dry season crop of maize. This is a mechanised traditional ly known in

for m of the dry seas on the region as tonal mi l.

crop Both

instances symbolise the effects of a policy of food production increase adopted at federal and state levels during the last years of the Lopez Portillo Presidency and known as the Sistema Alimentario Mexicano Veracruz i t often meant the expansion of crop

( SAM). land at

In the

expense of pasture, as il lustrated. Such expansion was f ound to be expensive and questionable on other grounds; the policy has s ince lapsed .

3 5

N •

e n a ) g i t n i — 4

3 6

Figure

3 :3

Detail of remains of canals and planting platforms north of the Santa Elena s ite

3 7

A boundary zone, a kind of cultural and hydrological s trand-line, divides the r easonably s ecure levee tops f rom the lower land s ubject to s easonal i nundation . It m ay be detected diagonall y through the top right of Figure 3 :2 and also through the top right of Figure 3 :3 ( the same four pal m trees that appear in the top left corner of Figure 3 :2 are indicated by an arrow in the top r ight corner of Figure 3 :3). A similar zonation can be seen on the fl oodpl ains of many of the streams of Northern Veracruz. Those parts of the floodplain behind the ruins of Santa Elena that are subject to seasonal inundation are occupied by pastures, except for the lowest portions, which may be occupied by hydrophytes or open water all year. Fences and the bold tonal differences induced by variations in pasture use dominate most floodplain landscapes of t he r egion when s een f rom the a ir. Equally striking vestiges of canals and planting platforms show through the pastures i n many places, a s i n Figures 3 :2 and 3 :3. The differences in tones reflects differences in vegetation . They are particularly noticeable towards the end of the wet season, when the contrast between the moisture in the former canal s and pl atfor ms i s the greatest. The pattern i s roughly rectilinear; many of the rectangles on the upper margins of the zone of inundation are open towards the top of the levee. The topographic variation between the bottom of the c anal vestiges a nd the tops of the adjacent fields is a matter of approximately 30 centimetres. From local informants it was apparent that the yearly fluctuation of the water level, i .e. the distance between tho f lood level in the wet s eason a nd the groundwater level in the dry s eason, was f rom two to three metres, which i s s imilar to that measured along the Nautla Ri ver ( Tabl e 3 :1). It is the amplitude of this fluctuation that is of particular interest here r ather than water levels vis-a-vis the eroded and filled in r emains per s e . On vertical a ir photographs covering the northern s ide of the f loodplain of the Estero ( CMA 1 968) i t i s possible to distinguish the direction of drainage down the levee slope from the Santa Elena ruin complex, as well as low topographic passes through which the floodwaters r ecede i nto the lowest parts of the backswamp and eventually into the main s tream . A control of drainage by means of s imple barrage dams in the passes is entirely plausible. Some detailed topographic mapping and archaeological testing i s planned in aid of this hypothesis, as well as other aspects of the model proposed i n this paper. A s imilar ecology of settlement and agriculture may be seen with a key addition several kilometres downstream f rom Santa Elena ( Figure 3 :4). The r uins of a Prehispanic centre and the houses of the present i nhabitants are again arrayed al ong the top of the le vee, together with extensi ve househol d gardens, ranch facilities and plantations of banana and coconut. The raked pattern of 3 8

3 9

ancient c analisation i s apparent on the backslopes, with the intervening f ields open on their upslope ends. A recent anal ogue is also apparent in the immediate foreground of the photograph. The backs lope there is streaked with the remains of canals that probabl y pertained to a plantation antedating the mechanised tonalmil. Schmidt presents an illustration of this s ort of canalisation i n a banana plantation he visited in this same region ( 1977, p .56). The patterns noticeable on the floodplains of the lower Nautla basin may be seen in numerous other locations to the north. Along the Tecolutla River, a complex is apparent just to the north of the town of Gutierrez Zamora, several more to the north and south of the river downstream from the town. The latter although not as striking visually as those along the Estero de Tres Bocas, illustrate a s imilar f ield pattern, l ocation along a l evee backslope and drainage by means of a main, canalised collector into the ri ver at a point downstream from the complex ( CMA , 1 954, 1 :35, 000, f .1130, numbers 8 2-185). The canals and f ields s ited along s treams to the north and south of Tamiahua are r epresented by the s egments out of the floodplain of the Estero de Tancochin shown in Figures 3 :5 and 3 :6. The canal networks around Tamiahua are not easily mapped in their entirety, nor are those near Santa Elena, f or that matter, even though they a ppear strikingly clear at f irst sight. Discontinuities and ambiguous s tretches are numerous. The vertical a ir photo coverage available for the surroundings of the Estero ( Detenal 1 976) allows the recognition of the main drainage channels out of the field complexes but only smal l portions of the narrower canals that define the f iel d systems. The oblique air photographs taken during this investigation ( e.g. Figure 3 :5) show vastly more detail because they are larger in scale and benefit fro m widespread recent clearing and the pl anting of ne w pastures. However, the oblique view s everely distorts all patterns. Consequently , canal networks have been m apped here in generalised terms. The f loodplain within the bends of the Estero i s often occluded, i .e. it does not show the full levee backslope into a backswamp , but instead f orms a shallow saucer-like depression patterned from side to side. The levee-top shown in the top right corner of Figure 3 :4 is quite narrow; that on the other side ( Figure 3 :5) is wider and surmounted by a group of mounds. They are not as spectacular as s ituated . Among

those of Santa Elena, but similarl y them are the headquarters of a ranch , as

well. The canal vestiges ( 5-6m wide) define long narrow planting platforms ( ca. 25 m wide); many of the platforms near the boundary of the le vee top and the zone of seasonal inundation are open up-slope.

4 0

F igure E nc los ing c ana l ized t er ra in ( cur rent ly p a s ture o r mach ine -c u lt iva ted c orn ) E nc los ing mound c o mp lex , c urrent r anch b u i ld ings D irec t ion o f d ra inage l V i lages Roads . 1 4 1— )

Figure

3 :5

Fence a nd f ores t r e m mant f or r e ference o n p hotog raphs

Environs

of

the

Estero

4 1

Tancochin

Ground investigations i ndicated that in October 1 980 the floodplain had been inundated up to the margin of settl ement on the levee tops. In late January 1981, the time at which the photograph ( Figure 3 :5) was taken, there was stil l water in the vestiges of the canals, which are only 10 to 20 centimetres deep . Maize had been seeded i n machine-prepared soil on s egments of the floodplain . By May of the sa me year the gr ound water le vel was approximately 2 to 3 metres below the s urface. The maize was tall now , its ears nearing maturity . It was apparent that there had been a total f luctuation in the water level over the last twel ve- month period of 3 to 4 metres. In some years high-water comes several metres higher and floods the streets of the community of Saladero, which i s laid out al ong the top of a levee. It is not difficult to locate the main drainage channels out of the f ield complexes, as was indicated . I t is clear that they were straightened for considerable stretches and one can easily locate topographic passes i n this region as well, where the recession of flood waters could have been retarded by damming. The overall form of many fiel d complexes in the fl oodplains of Northern Veracruz

is

roughl y

obl ong

and

paral lel

stream, connected to it by a drainage some distance downstream .

to

channel

the at

main

a point

A s imilar vegetational succession has taken place here as around Santa Elena. The tropical forest has been al most entirel y cl eared, to be replaced by grasses and mechanised tonalmil. The northernmost instance of floodplain patterning found to date in Northern Veracruz may be seen al ong the Estero la Llave, ca. 30 kms south of Tampico ( Figure 3 :7). The levee i s low on the left bank and a secure zone along the top is hardl y apparent. The raked pattern of canals down the backsl ope is the most obtrusi ve feature. One would have little difficulty naming the intervening spaces drained f ields. An Hydroagricultural

System

The preceding instances and others that might be descri bed al l ow us to deduce a common pattern and hy po t hes i s e an in t e ns i fi c a ti on str a t e g y in the construction and management of such a system . The pattern is su mmarised in Figure 3 : 8. The typical slope from the top of the segements.

levee to the backswamp The first ( a) is the

is di vided into four portion that is not

flooded except in the sessional year where highwater i s several metres above the mean, s uch as that indicated f or the Nautla River i n 1955 ( Table 3 :1). It varies which is probabl y proportional to its height. turn, would be a function of also the way water moves out extraordinary

fl ood.

readil y

an

over

the flood-level maxima, but of the main stream during an

The water woul d

outside

in width , This, i n

bank 4 2

on

a

tend

to

meander

move and

more hence

H

4 3 the Estero,

Figure

3 :7

f loodplain

4 1 0

4 4 the Estero

deposit more s ediment there, leaving most years the levee top can provide

a higher levee. In fairly secure sites

for buil dings and excel lent land for subsistence crops, gardens and plantations of perennials. The backslopes

of many

levees

in Northern

Veracruz

are

typically streaked with the remains of downslope-oriented canal s and intervening fiel ds, open on the upper end ( b in Figure 3 :8). This is similar to the raked wetland/terra fir ma margi n seen frequentl y around compl exes of Prehispanic canals and planting platforms in Central Veracruz. Some distance downslope the pattern i s usually transected, forming the roughl y rectilinear fiel ds most oFten associated with ancient wetl and agriculture ( c in Figure 3 :8). There is a considerable regularity in the orientation of the canals near the Santa Elena ruins on the Nautla River. Most are laid out in two perpendicular directions, which diverge from our cardinal directions between 10 ° and antic l ockwis e ( Sch midt, 1977, p .52). Such a 20 ° regul arity is rare elsewhere in Northern Veracruz; an accordance between orientations of separate compl exes, i .e. the imprint of a landscape organising principle, as was found in the wetl ands of Central Veracruz ( Siemens 1983a), i s not yet apparent. Col lector drains, often straighter than one woul d expect fro m a natural water course, may lead into backswamps that were left unmodified ( d in Figure 3 : 8). These in turn are drained by intermittent water courses that ofte n run paral l el to tho mai n strea m for considerable distances before they f ind openings through the levees. On the fl oodplains of meandering streams elements b . and c . may be occluded, extending right across the lowes t recti linear

porti on of canals has

the fl oodpl ai n. One usuall y been enlarged

of the into a

collector. A network of canals such as those once used in many of the wetlands of coastal Veracruz would achie ve rapid, sensi ti ve resul ts by rudi mentary means. In a U .S. Depart ment of Agriculture manual on drainage, which may perhaps be taken as representati ve of recent practical wisdom in this respect consi dered prefera bl e

( U.S.D.A 1973), open drains to underground ducts for

are the

drainage of large flat areas with gentle gradients. configurations recommended are simil ar to those of

The the

vestigial networks in northern Veracruz: a general parallelism in the channels, a herring-bone pattern across convex slopes, such as in an occluded fl oodplain, and dendritic

hook-ups

to

level in an adjacent each of the canal s

main

col lectors.

With

a fal ling

main stream late in a wet season, in such a net work defl ects the

groundwater around it downward and efficiently conducts it downs lope. It is thus brought down faster than it woul d des ce nd wi thout cana l isati on, al l o wing an ear lier beginning

in

culti vation on the intervening 4 5

fiel ds than

Sche f latic

LU

4 6

woul d otherwise be feasible exercise, in modern as in ancient An

additional

hydrological

the main times.

f unction

is

point

of

the

likely

for

the

ancient system . The drainage f unction could be impeded at an advantageous topographic location and at a t ime during the dry season when the water level had fal len to a critical

low

point,

col l ector drain. thus be retarded

by

si mpl e

da ms

across

the

mai n

The descent of the water table could and kept within range of the roots of

growing crops. Canoes coul d continue to circulate and farmers could practise scoop irrigation and f ertilisation, which are common expedients chinampa agriculture.

in

sur vi ving

Mesoamerican

An annual f loodplain dry s eason cropping cycle might therefore be thought of as beginning on the levee tops and ending on the lowest f ields in the backswamp . There i s as yet no direct evidence regarding the actual crops invol ved in the wetl and agricul ture of Northern Veracruz; investigations in other wetlands of the Mesoamerican Lowlands have confirmed maize and cotton ( Puleston 1 977), but beyond that there are only incl uding root and tree crops would be accessible throughout expected to yiel d wel l in the

a series of possibilities, ( Wiseman 1983). The levee a normal year and could be wet season as wel l as the

dry. It might be devoted to perennials as it often is now. With the end of the wet season agriculture woul d begin a migration downsl ope. Canalisation would speed access and transpl antation woul d minimise the time an indi vidual crop woul d need to be in the field. As the dry season progressed and the water level dropped f urther the lowest sections of the system would become accessible, the areas closely cross hatched by rectilinear remains. It i s here that impedance of the main col lector drains would have its greatest effect. By the time the crops were ready to be harvested the next wet season underway again and the water level rising .

might

wel l

be

Such a system may be seen as an enhancement of the high-risk dry season agriculture without canalisation evident on floodplains in various lowland Mesoamerican locations. Coe and Diehl, for instance, have described in some detail the dry season agriculture that occurs in the floodplains of the Coatzacoalcos River ( 1980, pp .69, 1 47). The le vee backslopes are planted between November and February with a crop known in the region as tapachol; har vest planted crop

comes in May or June. even later, in March,

known

as

chamil.

In

Some low-l ying areas are with a particularl y risky

the

Coatzacoalcos

floodplain

there is a great deal of land suitable for dry season croppi ng of this sort - wi thout canal isation. The en vir ons supported , di d

of the fa mous San Lorenz o si te coul d ha v e the authors maintain, many more people than it

duri ng

Ol mec

ti mes,

agriculture,

" the most

civilisation 1980, p .43).

at It

in

important

fact clue

they to

the

see

in

this

rise

of Olmec

San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan ." ( Coe and Diehl i s small wonder then that air surveys and 4 7

vertical air photo analyses have so f ar revealed f ew s igns of patterning in the fl oodplain of the Coatzacoalcos or similarly endowed floodplains along the other large r ivers flowing into the southern portion of the Gul f of Mexico. The intensification represented by the construction and maintenance of a system was not necessary .

of

canals

and

planting

platforms

An instance of dry s eason agriculture on the margin of wetland against terra f irma has recently been i nvestigated by this author near the vil lage of El Pal mar in Central Veracruz ( Siemens 1983c). This activity i s complementary , al mos t inci denta l to wet season agricul ture on neighbouring terra f irma, the food-producing mainstay of the community. It is subject to the vagaries of the region's hydrological regime and numerous other risks more in al l, it seems, than wet season agricul ture. Yet given sufficient incentive the risks could be reduced by canalisation and even more by the construction of a complex of planting platforms. The remains of just such a complex

are

clearly

visible

in the middle

of

the wetland .

So me interes ti n g obs e r v a ti ons on dr y se as on agriculture have been made among the Kekchi Maya in Belize by Wilk ( 1981). It is known as the hunger-kil l er and i s carried out on those portions of levee slopes judged neither too wet nor too dry. This is a gamble: a short dry season will mean the crop s its f looded out in a f ield too far downslope, a long dry season will mean desiccation in a field too far in the other direction. The best strategy seems to be to spread the planting as much as possible along the slope in order to ensure at least some yield. Planting begins some time in November, before the rains are over, and continues in stages until the rains ap pe a r to be di mi ni s hi ng. The har v e s t i n g is commensuratel y staggered. The yiel ds per hectare are usually lower and more variable than those of wet season agriculture -a r eflection of the high r isks -b ut their timing is advantageous. They may constitute a critical supplement to the yields of a meagre previous wet s eason crop or at least al low the househol d to lea ve stored reserves untouched. In any case, there is little to occupy the farmer during the dry season. Here again, gi ven a sufficient impetus canalisation and subsequent measures could be undertaken to secure this agriculture. Considering these analogues helps one to envisage the preconditions for a move into wetland. They point towards the intensification process that has been hypothesised and underline its critical role. By means of i t the need f or elaborate "hedging of bets" coul d be reduced; more food could

be

produced

more

predictably.

As already i ndicated, the f unction of a r isk-reducing system of canals and fiel ds on a levee backs lope may be designated as both drainage and irrigation, but onl y in special and

senses.

anything

like

It

does

not

seem

a permanent

to

have

lowering 4 8

of

invol ved the

water

dyking table

s uch a s i n l and r eclamation c arried out i n North Central Europe or Britain f rom medieval t imes t o the present. The pumping t echnology was lacking . I t may become apparent on f urther i nvestigation that where wetlands are located not f ar from hill land, spring water or surface run-off was channelled into the backswamps to keep their water levels up , somewhat l ike what has b een done t raditionally along the southern perimeter of the chinampas on former Lakes Xochimilco and Chal co. It woul d seem more likel y, however, that s uch water would be e xploited i n the hills by means of c ross-channel t erracing and i rrigation of the kind Wilkerson has described west of Santa Luisa ( Wilkerson 1 979) or conducted to the lower s lopes of terra f irma, a s may be i nferred f rom the evidence f or i rrigation in lowland Central Veracruz cited by Sanders ( Sanders 1953). The vestigial canal networks discussed here are perhaps best thought of as representing not so much an obliteration of the swamp or what has been commonly termed l and reclamation, a s a manipulation and an enchancement of the swamp r egimen i tself . One may envisage considerable s hort-term r esilience i n such a system . By varying the time of closure of the collector drain during the dry season the cultivators could ameliorate the effect of yearly variations in precipitation within the catchment area. The normal annual flooding need not damage the system extensi vely . Even the effects of an extraordinary flood would be outweighed to a considerable extent by the benefits of d eposition . With s uch natural r enewal and additional muck sc ooped out of the canal s, fal l o wi ng wou l d be unnecesssary . It would be necessary, however, to expend considerable labour every year to clean and repair canals a s well a s to keep the planting s urface at d esired levels. Longer-term variations could also be adjusted to: by gradual deepening of the canals one might counteract a d ecrease i n average precipitation or a drop i n s ea level; by gradual building up of the surfaces of the fields the opposite could be achieved . The height of f ield surface build-up that may be imputed to the f ield remains visible f rom the air, in Northern Veracruz as elsewhere in the lowlands, i s a critical question . I t makes a good deal of d ifference to t he length of t ime the f ields may be a ssumed to have been a ccessible each year, how one thinks of the way they were managed and what overall s ignificance they can be given within ancient s ubsistence s ystems. Excavations will need to be carried out, of course, but f rom the considerable water level f luctuations i ndicated, the gentle topographic slopes apparent f rom many levee-tops to their adjacent backswamps, the absence of evidence for the dyking that would be necessary under the circumstances to control water levels f ully all year round, as well as the sheer mass of material that would have to be moved to build up the surface of the large fiel ds encountered any appreciable amount, all this leads one to postulate a s easonal u se, annual f looding and drying out. 4 9

k comparison with the context of the f ield complexes in the Maya region comes to mind at this point. Water level fluctuations in the karstic f loodplains on t he western and eastern flanks of the Yucatan Peninsula a re somewhat less than those reported for the Northern Veracruz floodplains examined on the ground, yet a s imilar set of f actors as outlined above have for some time l ed this author t o entertain the probability of t he s easonal use of at least some of the Maya wetland f ields ( Siemens 1 982). Some r ecent excavations i n Northern Belize point in that direction ( Lambert and Arnason 1 979; Chapter 6 ; Bloom et al. 1 983). Seasonal use i s c ertainly plausible for at least the margins of the fiel d complexes investigated i n Central Veracruz ( Siemens 1 983c). Some o f these complexes are under i ntensive s tudy n ow and s hould yield new evidence i n this r espect. A comparison with t he closely controlled and certainly built up chinampas of Central Mexico must be added. The water level fl uctuations in the Maya area as in Veracruz are considerably higher than the chinamperos would f eel happy wi th. They cu l ti vate thei r fiel ds yea r round; fluctuations are kept well below a metre. Fl e xi bi l i t y se e ms to be th e ke y to the conceptualisation of the possibilities i n this regard a s in so many other aspects of the interpretation of t he evidence out of the wetlands. Seasonal use could mean various lengths of time for different segments of t he wetland . With transplantation, use of the r ight strains and careful timing and location a succession of staple crops could be produced during one dry s eason i n any g iven wetland . Moreover, with a progressive build-up the yearly period of access to any part or the whole of a wetland coul d be increased - u nder certain topographic and hydrological c ircumstances i t could be extended the y ear round. Conversel y, social stress, a decrease in requirements or other factors could lead to neglect, gradual erosion of the surfaces of the f ield, and a progressively shorter period of access t o the s ystem . The cultivators could withdraw entirely f rom the c analised a nd built-up portions of the wetlands, a s actually happened , obviously and restricted themsel ves to such use of t he unsecured margins a s was necessary . The untended canals and platforms would soon degrade to an extent where reactivation would be very laborious. The evidence f or wetland agriculture in coastal Northern Veracruz need not suggest anything like Wittfogel's hydraulic agriculture, but, r ather, s omething akin to his hydroagriculture, i .e . local f acilities, built by f amilies or g roups of n eighbours, l inked perhaps i nto contiguous networks, certainly i ncreasing the f ood s upply but not d ependent on elaborate s ocial c ontrol ( Wittfogel 1957). Nevertheless, the complexes do vary in their configuration . That north of Santa Elena i s more s trictly rectilinear and consistently oriented than others i n Northern Veracruz. Some differences in central influences, some variations in organising principles or a t 5 0

l east

s ome

d ifferences

i n

c hronology are

s uggested.

The morphology of Northern Veracruz raised f ield compl exes also suggest an intriguing trans-lowland relationship . The many complexes on the floodplains of the karstic rivers that emerge on the two s ides of the Yucatan Peninsula are also mostly without very much rectilinear regularity or consistent orientation. One exception, across the Candelaria River f rom the remains of the capital of Acalan, I tzamkanac, i s aligned to cardinal directions some 8° anticlockwise of our own ( Siemens and P uleston 1 972). There i s nothing l ike the consistency i n orientation of f ield vestiges ( ca. 1 5 ° clockwise) within and between the wetlands of Central Veracruz ( Siemens 1983a). In general terms, the f ields in the floodplains of the Maya Lowlands and those of Northern Veracruz, certainly those around Tamiahua, have a rudimentary appearance as f ar as engineering is concerned. These s imilarities correspond to links between the Mayas and the Huastecas postulated some t ime ago by Ekholm on the basis of ceramics pertaining to Mamom and Chicanel phases ( Ekhol m 1 944), i .e. between 1 000 B .C. and A .D. 400, which i s also known as the Formative Period in Mesoamerican chronology ( Sanders and Price 1 968). It may well be, therefore, that the eventual archaeological i nvestigations of raised f ield stratigraphy in Northern Veracruz will come on Formative dates as similar investigations have done in several locations within the Maya Lowlands ( Siemens and Puleston 1972; Puleston 1977; Turner and Harrison 1 983). The emphasis throughout this discussion has been s trictly on the agricultural f eatures and practises of the wetlands. The f ull range of subsistence activities of which they were a part have been elaborated in another context ( Siemens 1 983b). Wet season cropping on hill lands, together with its own tonal mil, would be going on alongside the c ultivation of the wetland . I rrigation and terracing would probably have served to intensify such cultivation i n various locations . Around t he households, whether located on terra f irma or on levees, small plots must have been in cultivation. In addition, the f ish trapped in the canals with the recession of floodwaters could be harvested , water f owl could be hunted and other easil y imaginable ancillary activities undertaken. It would seem that enhancement of the variety and f it of s ubsistence activities, a s much a s the i ncrease of total output would be t he objective of i ntensification . The early colonial chroniclers heard their Aztec informants describe the r ich agricultural capacity of their coastal homeland in terms of well-orchestrated cropping ( Duran 1964). Legend or otherwise, the description sharpens the appreciation of the actual evidence f or s uch a ctivity . Northern Veracruz had been a region of abundance. There had been plenty of water; the environment had offered f ood resources of many kinds. Most

importantly , at

any

given 5 1

time

there had

been

some

maize ripe and ready to pick, some with new ears, some just growing up and some newly sprouted. In such a place there could never be f amine. Acknowledgements The research on which this paper is based was supported by the Social Sciences Research Council of Canada and the Instituto Nacional de I nvestigaciones sobre Recursos Bioticos in Jalapa ( INIREB), Veracruz. The author is now engaged in a cooperative investigation of the prehistoric use of wetlands in Veracruz with colleagues at INIREB . Bibliography BLOOM, P .R ., M .POHL, C . BUTTLEMAN, F . WISEMAN, A . COVICH, C . MIKSICEK, J . BALL and J . STEIN 1983, Prehistoric Maya wetland agriculture and the alluvial soils near San Antonio, Rio Hondo, Belize, Nature 301, 5899, 417-419. CAMOU, H .E. 1981, el Norte de Mexico, 4 7pp .

Los Sistemas de Produccion de Maiz en Veracruz, Centro de Ecodesarrol lo,

CARTA GEOLOGICA de

MEXICO,

COE,

1977.

M .D. and R .A. DIEHL, 1980, Peoples of the University of Texas Press, A ustin , -J 7 =j37

CO MPANI A MEXICANA ( 1:35, 000)

de

CO MPANI A MEXICANA ( 1:10, 000).

de

AEEROFOTO,

1954,

Flight

1130

AEROFOTO,

1968,

Fl ight

1815

DETENAL, 1 976, Vertical a ir photos, line 5 , 1 :90, 000 ( Feb. 1 4).

Zone

D IAZ, B . 1 976, The Conquest of New Spain, Harmondsworth , 107-108. DURÄN, F .D. 1964, 1 37-138.

The

Ri vers,

Aztecs,

Orion

ZAR 351,

Flight

Penguin Books,

Press,

New

York,

EKHOLM, G .F. 1944, Excavations at Tampico and Panuco in the Huasteca , Mexico, The American Museum of Natural History , Anthropological P apers, XXXVIII, 8 7-88 . GARCIA, E . 1970, Los climas del Anales del Instituto Biologico , Autonoma , von

41,

Seria

Botanica,

estado de Veracruz, Universidad National

3-42.

HUMBOLDT , A . 1 811, Political Essay New Spain, J . Black ( translator), 2 50-254.

5 2

on the Kingdom of Longman, London,

LAMBERT, J .D.H. and J .T. ARNASON 1979, Drained f ields in the New River floodplain and their agricultural potential -p ast and presnt, Ms . on f ile, Department of Biology , Carelton University , Ontario . PALERM, A . Oriente

1953, Etnografia antigua de Mexico, In, Huastecas,

totonaca en el Totonacos x sus

V eci nos , edited by I . Bernal and E . D . Hurtado, Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropologicos XIII, 1631 73. PULESTON, D .E. 1 977, The art and archaeology of hydraulic agriculture in the Maya Lowlands, In , Social Process in Maya Prehistory: Studies in Memory of Sir Eric Thompson, edited by N .Hammond, Academic Press, New 449-467. York , RZEDOWSKI, 1 54pp.

J .

1 978,

Veetacion de

Mexico ,

Limusa,

Mexico,

SANDERS, W .T. 1953, The Anthropogeography of Central Veracruz, In, Huastecas, Totonacas x sus Vecinos; Revista Mexicaa de Estudios Antropologicos X III, 2 72 8. SANDERS, W .T. and B . PRI CE 1968, Messoamerica: The Ev: luation of a Civilisation, Random House, New York , p .15. SARTORIUS, C . Stuttgart,

1961, p .8.

Mexico

about

1850,

Brockhaus,

SCHMIDT, P .J . 1 977, Unsistema de culturo intensivo en la cuenca del Rio Nautla, Veracruz, Boletin de INAH 20, 50-60. SCHOLES, F .C. and R . L. ROYS 1968, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acal an-Tixchel, Uni versity of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1 23pp . SECRETARIA de R ECURSOS H IDRAULICOS, 1 Hidrologico 42, 1690 .2.18.

MEXICO

1 970,

Boletin

SIEMENS, A .H. ( editor) 1 977, The Rio Hondo Project: An i nvestigation of the Maya of Northern Belize, Journal of Belizian Affairs 5 . SIEMENS, A .H. 1978, Karst and the pre-Hispanic Maya in the Southern Lowl ands, In, Pre-Hispanic Maxa Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B .L. Turner I I, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 4 14pp. S IEMENS,

A .H .

1 982,

Pre-Hispanic

agricultural

u se

of

the

wetlands of Northern Belize, In, Maya Subsistence: Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Pu ieston, edited by K .V . Flannery , Academic Press, New York , 205-225.

5 3

S IEMENS, A .H . 1982, Aprovechamiento de tierras inundables en el Biotica 3 , 3 43-357. SIEMENS, A .H. Veracruz,

agricola precolombino norte de Veracruz,

1983a, Oriented raised f ields in Central American Antiquity 48 ( 1), 85-102.

S IEMENS, A .H . 1 983b , Wetland agriculture in the lowlands of pre-Hispanic Mezoamerica, Geographical Review 7 3 ( 2), 166-181. SIE MENS, A .H. 1983 c, Reducing the risk: seasonal cul ti vation of wetland margins, submitted for forthcoming volume edited by S . Gliessman . SIEMENS, A .H. and D .E. PULESTON 1972, Ridged fields and associated features in Southern Campeche: new perspectives on the lowland Maya, American Antiquity 2 3 7, 28-239. STRAESSER-PEAN, G . 1 968, Ancient sources on the Huasteca, Handbook of Middle American Indians, Vol. I I, Part 2 , University of Texas Press, Austin, 5 88pp . THOMPSON, W . 1946, Recollections of Mexico, Putnam , New York, 1 2pp .

Wiley and

TURNER I I B .L . - 1 974, Prehistoric i ntensive agriculture the Mayan lowlands, Science 185, 1 18-124 .

in

TURNER I I B .L . and P .D. HARRISON 1983, Maya Raised-Field Agriculture and Settlement at Pu7 1 1trouser Swamp, Northern Belize, University of Texas Press, Austin ( in press) : UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT of AGRICULTURE 1 973, Drainage of Agricultural Land, Water Information Center, Port Washington, New York , 7 5-79 . WILK, R .R. 1981, Agricul ture, Ecol ogy and Domestic Or ganis ati on Amon g the Kek chi Ma ya, Ph. D. 2 1 36: dissertation, University of Arizona, 203WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1979, Huastec presence and cultural chronology in North Central Veracruz, Mexico, Actes du XLII Congres Internacional des Americanistes 38, 3 1-47. WI LKERSON, S .J. K. 1980, Man' s Veracruz, National Geographic

eighty centuries 1 58, 2 , 203-231.

in

WISEMAN, F .M. 1 983, In, Maya Raised-Field Agriculture and Settlement at Pulltrouser Swamp , Northern Belize, edi te d by B .L . Turne r II and P . D. Harris on, University of Texas Press , Austin ( in press).

5 4

Chapter SO

GREEN

AND

LIKE

S .

4

A GARDEN: INTENSI VE ANCIENT VERACRUZ Jeffrey

K .

AGRICULTURE

IN

Wilkerson

Abstract The coast of the state of Veracruz, Mexico, i s divided into four zones; the North Gul f Area, the North Central Gulf Area, the South Central Area and the South Gulf Area. In vestigations as to why at the time of Contact Cortes and others

reported

lush

green

country

whereas

vegetation is dry and burned in the dry season,

today

the

are made.

Evidence s uggests that the Totonac capital, Zempoala, i n t he North Central Gulf Area, with an estimated population of between 80, 000 and 120, 000 was green because it was based on year round intensive drained f ield agriculture. E xploration of drained f ield systems on the Tecolutla and Nautla

Ri vers,

close

to

Zempoala,

begin

in

1968

and

drained f ields around Santa Luisa were documented in 1 974 . These fiel ds are on the narrow al lu vial plains of the lower Tecolutla River . Other f ields were f ound at Santa Elena and in the Nautla drainage basin. They date between 600-1100 A . D. The fields and canals have the double f unction of providing wai : _er for dry season agriculture and r emoving excess water during the wet season . All of these f iel ds are located on terraces near the mouths or on estuaries of tidal ri vers. Hil l terraces to the west of the f ields were probably cultivated s imultaneousl y . Both Santa Luisa and Santa Elena are within the sphere of infl uence of the

large site of El Tajin and

it

is

likel y

that food and tribute crops grown on these fiel ds and t erraces supported the urban population. Cotton and cacao are The

thought to have been important non-subsistence Santa Luisa drained field system i s the largest

crops. and i t

ma y date to the Tecol utl a (ca. 1-3 00 A . D.) or the Cacahuatel Phase ( ca. 300-600 A . D.). Lacustrine fiel ds ha ve also been found near the site of Las Higeras in the s ame zone. More fields occur in marshes near the mouth of the Rio Tuxpan. In the North Gulf Area additional fiel d and terrace systems have been obser ved from the air. Fu rther sou th, in the South Gu l f Area, on the R_ o Coa tz acoa l c os and Ri o Tonal a, no fie l ds ha ve been docu mente d which suggests that here there were no sufficientl y large and centralised social units in exis tence

at

the

ti me

draine d

fiel d

technol og y

was

c urrent. R esumen

n as:

L a c osta d el e stado d e V eracruz, M exico, s e d ivide e n c uatro z oe l A rea d el N orte d el G olfo, e l A rea N orte C entral d el G olfo, e l

A rea S ur C entral d el G olfo y e l A rea S ur d el G olfo.

5 5

S e i nvestiga p ar

qu6 en e l momento d el C ontacto Cort6s y l os d emäs i nformaron s obre un campo exhuberante y verde c uando hoy d fa l a v egetacidn e stä s eca y quemada e n l a e staciön s eca. t onaca,Zempoala,

La evidencia s ugiere que l a capital To-

e n e l Area Norte Central d el G olfo c on una poblacidn

e stimada d e entre 8 0.000 y 1 20.000 f ue verde d ebido a q ue e staba b asada s obre una a gricultura i ntensiva d e aho.

c ampo d renado durante

La exploraciön d e s istemas de campos drenados

l utla y Nautla,

c erca d e Z empoala,

c omenzö e n

pos

e stan s obre l as l lanuras a luviales d el

1 974.

E stos cam -

r io T ecolutla inferior.

s e e ncontraron e n S anta E lena y e n l a c uenca d el N autla.

E stan f echados ble

t odo e l r ios T eco-

1 968 y l os campos d rena-

d os a lrededor d e S anta Luisa f ueron documentados e n Otros c ampos

e n l os

entre 6 00-1100 D .C.

Los c ampos y c anales t ienen l a do-

f unciön de abastecer agua para l a agricultura d e e staciön s eca y

drenar e l

e xceso de agua durante l a e staciön hümeda.

pos s e ubican s obre t errazas,

T odos

e stos c am -

c erca d e l as d esembocaduras o s obre l os

e stuarios d e l os r ios d e marea.

Las

t errazas d e l adera a l oeste d e

campos probablemente s e c ultivaron s imultäneamente.

l os

Tanto Santa L uisa

como Santa E lena e stan dentro del

c irculo d e i nfluencia d el gran s itio

de E l Tajin y e s probable que l os

a limentos y l os

cultivados na.

S e piensa que e l a lgodön

de n o-subsistencia. mäs

E l

y e l cacao

f ueron c ultivos

o a l a F ase Cacahuatel

han e ncontrado c ampos misma z ona.

( alrededor de

l acustres

Existen m s

dura del r io Tuxpan.

importantes

s istema de c ampo drenado d e S anta Luisa e s e l

g rande y puede r emontarse hasta e l Tecolutla

D .C.)

c ultivos de o frenda

e n e stos c ampos y t errazas mantuvieran a l a poblaciön u rba-

campos

c erca d el

( alrededor de

3 00-600 D .C.).

1 300

Tambidn s e

s itio de l as H igueras e n la

e n l os pantanos c erca d e l a desemboca-

En e l Area Norte d el

G olfo s e han observado d es-

de e l a ir2 m s s istemas d e c ampos y d e t errazas.

s ur,

e n e l

e n e l

documentado c ampos,

l o que s ugiere que en e ste l ugar n o e xistieron uni-

dades s ociales

r io C oatzacoalcos y e l

M äs a l

Area Sur d el G olfo,

r io Tonalä no s e han

s uficientemente g randes y c entralizadas e n l a

m isma

6poca de l a t ecnologia d e c ampo drenado.

In the dry spring of 1 519 Hernan Cortgs landed on the coast of Veracruz, not far from today's port of the same name. His f irst march inland through the brown bush of the dry season brought him to the Totonac capital of Zempoala. Surprise at i ts s ize, and greeness was g eneral i n t he Spanish army. The astonished soldier Bernal Diaz ( 1963:107) s tated: —.as we came among the houses we saw how large a town, larger than any we had yet seen, and we were full of admiration. It was so green with vegetation that i t looked like a g arden; and i ts streets were so full of men and women who had come out to see us that we gave thanks to God for the d iscovery of s uch a country . Since colonial t imes i t has been customary to d ivide the coast of Veracruz into two regions: Barl ovento (wind ward) and Soto vento ( leeward). Initially a reflection of the concerns of sailing masters, it also denotes geographic di visions of the coast ( Figure 4 :1). The dividing point, j ust north of Zempoala, i s the abrupt Sierra

de

Chiconquiaco . 5 6

LA G U NA

DE

TA MIA HUA

. • ••

North Gu lf A rea

• %, TAB UC O EL

TAJIN

LA

North-Centra l Gu lf A rea

CON CHITA SA NTA

LUISA

SA NTA

ELE NA

APA RICI O COL1PA LA S

H IGE RA S

-----

South-Centra l Gu lf A rea

X IC OC HI MAL C O TEPETLA N ATE X CA

South Gu lf A rea

ZE MP OAL A SAN

LA G UNA

JU A N

DE

MA N DIN G A 400

100

km SA N

Figure

4 :1

Pre-Columbian Coast

areas

of Mexico

5 7

and

LO RE NZ O

s ites

along

the

Gulf

m

Thousand foot peaks of this eastern terminus of Mexico 's transverse volcanic chain literally abut the Gulf at Quiahuitzlan, near where Corte-s landed. The Sierra i s an effective barrier to the predominantly northerly winds which dominate fro m Se pte mber to February. Annual precipitation reaches 45 00 mm on the northern flanks of the mountains while portions of the rain shadow area to the south register precipitation as low as 500 mm . Zempoala i s s ituated on the coastal s ide of the r ain shadow area and to encounter the original inhospitable thorn f orests one only has to walk f rom the ancient city 's centre to the margin of the modern irrigated sugar-cane f ields, or a f ew paces back f rom the nearby Actopan River. At the time of Cortes' arri val, in the dry season, the natural vegetation would have been burnt brown rather than green or garden-like. How then did this " delightful paradise" wit h ye r- round abundance, descri bed by Torquemada

( 1620:1:396),

come

to

be

here?

Modest populations subsisted on extensive riverine resources near Zempoala from at least Earl y Formative times ( Garcia Payön 1966; Wilkerson 1981). But, however old its roots, a city whose popul ation is estimated at between 80, 000 and 120, 000 in size must have had a large and productive subsistence base. Zempoala most certainly had a system of intensi ve agriculture as wel l as the political clout to c lraw on a broad supporting region f or tribute goods. In turn it paid tribute to the Aztec s tate from the time of its conquest by Moctezu ma I in the midf ifteenth century ( Kelly and Palerm 1 952:269-272). Evi dence

suggests

that

Zempoal a

was

based

on

intensive agriculture in a region of low rainfall. This was made possible, as it i s today , by diverting water onto the alluvial soils of the area. Success at this endeavour would ha ve led to the increased size and political importance of Postcl assic Zempoal a. Although there are references to a water distribution system in the houses of the elite ( Cortes 1979:2; Torquemada 1629:1:396), and expl oration as far back as the end of the last century ( see Strebel 1884; Galindo 1912), there has not been a major study of Zempoala 's irrigation system(s), but Garcia Payön found ancient canal s which were used until government sponsored rede vel opment occurred ( personal communication

1 965).

Beneath

the

sugar-cane

f ields,

t he

modern canals, and the twentieth century town lie the remains of what may have been the most important intensive agricultural system on the Veracruz coast when Europeans arrived. The origins of such elaborate, and labour intensive technology are much older than the Postclassic Period ( ca. A . D.

900-1520)

coastal

plains

Cl assic Period occurrences

in

the

ecol ogical l y

of Veracruz. ( ca. A . D.

Let

300-900)

elsewhere.

5 8

us

di verse examine

and

fertile

some

antecedents and

of

the

look at

Field Systems

on

the Tecolutla and Nautla Rivers

Beginning in 1968, explorations on the lower Rio Tecolutla ( Wilkerson 1 972) have y ielded i nformation on a series of important sites and intensive agricultural practices of the Classic Period. A series of f ield systems c entred around Santa Luisa ( Figure 4 :1) were f irst encountered in 1 974. The setting of Santa Luisa i s typical of t he e nvironment where one would e xpect to f ind large f ield systems. Located a few kilometres f rom the Gulf coast, on the narrow alluvial plains of the lower Tecolutla River, the s ite stretches along and away from the ri ver 's course. Although today the north bank i s a gently s loping t errace ending i n a brackish marsh , i t was once a series of del taic islands near the present coastline through which the river flowed to a sheltered aggrading embayment. A number of these i slands were inhabited f rom the mid-Archaic Period ( Wilkerson 1 973, 1 975). Sometime between the Early Formative and the Late Formative the r iver swung eastward towards its present course and this, combined with a rising sea level and a lack of currents in the embayment, caused it to silt in, expanding the dry areas north of the s ite. During the Classic ( ca. A .D. 300-900) and the local Epi-Classic ( ca. A .D. 900-1100) systems of canals and fields we -: e prepared on this newly created northern terrace of the ri ver. Smal l er, but nonetheless s ignificant s ystems were also developed on the s outh s ide of the ri ver and on the narrower fl oodplains of t ributaries of t he Tecolutla . Additionally t erraces were constructed in the sandstone hills west of the site. It was a time of considerable planning, construction, and population i ncrease. Analysis of the major f ield systems at Santa Luisa (Wi lkerson 1975-79), included studies of infrared photography ( Figure 4 :2). The results i ndicated some t i lportant f eatures which may contrast with known l owland systems i n the Maya r egion . Unlike many of these e xamples irrigated f ield systems of the Isla A & B phases ( A .D. 600-1100) a t Santa Luisa and Santa Elena ( Schmidt 1 977) i n the Nautla drainage basin f ifty kilometres to the south ( Figures 4 :3, 4 :4 and 4 :5 and Table 4 :1) are: 1 ) located on terraces near the mouths and on estuaries of tidal r ivers, 2 ) receive their f reshwater supply from streams entering the deltaic area ( Figures 4 :6 and 4 :7), and 3 ) may f orm a portion of a large s ubsistence-tributary s ystem associated with a state society ( El Tajin). These two Veracruz systems appear to have the double f unction of providing the n ecessary water f or d ry s eason agriculture ( tonamil) and r emoving s ome e xcessive water, f rom a round the raised cultivation planting ( temporal).

surfaces

5 9

during

the

wet

season

Figure

4 :3

Aerial view from 6 , 600 feet Lower Tecolutla drainage.

altitude of the 1 ) Santa Luisa

System A ; 2 ) Santa Luisa System B ; 3 ) Santa Luisa System C ; 4 ) Cacahuatal satellite site and sytem; 5 ) Santa Rosa satel lite site and system; 6 ) El Mirador satel lite site and system; 7 ) the architectural focus of Santa Luisa, li ving area stretches south beneath Gutierrez Zamora, northeast to the limit of hills, and eastward along the north margin of the Rio Tecolutla at least as far as 9 ); 10) the satellite site of La Isla; 1 1) modern town of Gutierrez Za mora; 12) area of excavated catchment terraces; and 1 3) swamp and f ormer embayment

6 1

Figure 4 :4

A portion of System C at Santa Luisa. canal patterns

Note

F igure

4 :5

The

Santa

Bocas

just

El ena north

syste m of

6 3

the

on

the

Nautla

Estero

River

Tres

Type

Period

Phase

A

Postclassic

A-1

Proto-Classic Early and Late Classic Late Classic Late Classic Late Classic Late Postclassic

Table

4 :1

Dating

of

range

Date

El Cristo-Cabezas Tecolutla Cacahuatal-Isla A and B Isla A & B I sla A & B Isla A & B Cabezas

f ield and terrace Central Veracruz

A . D. A . D. A . D.

1 100-1520 1-300 t o 100 1

A . D. A . D. A . D. A . D.

600-1100 600-1100 600-1100 1 300-1520

systems

in

North-

Unlike some irrigation systems elsewhere, there a re onl y a few discernible trunk canals or large-scal e symmetrical alignments. Rather, there are rectangular bl ocks of canals frequentl y set at right angl es to one another. Blocks near the freshwater source in the Santa Luisa system have an internal checkerboard alignment ( System A) while those downsl ope ( Systems B & C ) are subdivided into parallel arrangements ( Figure 4 :8). One of the downslope blocks encompasses 3 .9 hectares ( Figure 4 : 4). Water movement through the shal l ow canals, even al lowing for the water level one metr e lower in the Classic Period, as suggested by initial excavation i n the system , would have been slow and s iltation would have b een a potential problem . Major fl oods, on approximately a fifteen year cycle ( 5 to 27 year parameters), also must ha ve created the nee d for maintena nce, labour and centralized direction. Occasional house mounds within the systems may represent caretaker locations for permanent canal maintenance. Although

the

data

are

very preliminary

it

is possible

to tentati vel / test some models of food production and popul ation. The Santa Luisa fiel d system, north of the Rio Tecolutla, encompasses approximately 6 .75 square kilometres. The settlement associated with the canals i s approxi matel y 5 .45 square kil ometres, excluding the smaller satellite s ite of La Isla ( approximately one square on the

kilometre in size) which borders the irrigated a rea north . For purposes of this d iscussion the smaller

settlements river

are

nature

is

a s imilar The

and

not

canal

included

incomplete. ratio region

of

systems as

on

the

information

south on

Preliminary data,

occupied

of hil l

area

to

terraces

side

their

of

the

extent

and

however,

s uggests

f ields.

to

the west

was

in

use

simultaneously with the irrigation system . The extent of these terraces is still unknown but some estimate of t heir proba bl e area woul d ha ve to enter int o any f ina l calculation of total food production potential. Certainl y this the

potential irrigation

woul d

be

system.

less

per

Gi ven

the

6 4

unit

area

poorer

than

quality

that of of the

0 e0

• •

4Z

a .

system

•

•

Luisa

0 •

. a ) • . . c a

the

) ,

•

. , . c o .

0 , ) , c o /

1

in

1 > & -._ &, ) 1/

•

• • )4 ': • •

_. . _ 7

• •

•

• •

•

. . , ,

6 5

;4 . • e 0o

e g y, •, . e 0

, ' . --' --

f low pattern

I

Santa

1

6 6

Figure

4 :7

Figure

4 :8

A portion

of

System

A at

Santa

Luisa

thin soils on the sandstone hills corn production i s likely to have been between one and one-and-a-half metric tonnes per hectare per year. Yield data are based on en rown grano or shelled corn of the local scriolla s variety g in the municipalities of Papantla, Guti6 'rrez Zamora and Tecolutla by Totonacs in the years 1969-1975. The more f ertile alluvial t errace s oils of t he i rrigation s ystem could produce about three tons per hectare per year. This would be based on a two ton yield f or the spring dry season and a one ton yield for the summer wet season. Using these tentative f igures the potential annual harvest of the irrigated area, assuming that corn was planted in the total area i n both s easons, i s 2 025 metric tonnes . It was proposed ( Wilkerson 1975) that the canal blocks pertain to kin units, quite probably to extended families of patrilineages. Due to the deteriorated condition of the system and limited exploration time it has not been possible to confirm the uniformity of the blocks. However, initial field reconnaissance suggests that at Santa Luisa they are all of s imilar d imensions to the one which measured 3 .9 hectares ( at Santa Elena each unit may be nearer 3 .2 hectares). Using Palerm 's study ( 1955) of a highland system at Tecomatepec in the Valley of Mexico, where each famil y was allowed 0 .86 hectares 4 .54 f amilies per block could be accommodated. Using s f igures the indigenous f amily in early 20th century cer -u the region averages 5 .9 members. Application of this nu mber produced 27 indi viduals per bl ock. This is consistent with lowland ethnographic evidence for extended fami lies and implies a total popul ation of 4 ,632 individuals for the n abitation areas ( Santa Luisa, La I sla, and hills) around the system . The total harvest of 2025 tons of corn would, for purposes of this preliminary model, be equal to 437.2 kg per person per year. The daily intake would be 1 .2 kg per person. This is at least four times the average amount consumed today in the region. Even allowing a thirty percent loss to rodents while in s torage, a normal loss in North-Central Veracruz, the remainder i s still about t hree times greater than current consumption. While these calculations assume total corn production, they do not include the yield potential of the large terraced area, the s outh bank s ystem , the implications of i ntercropping, or swidden yields on the poorer soils behind the r iver terraces. Although these preliminary f igures may change with additional information from field exploration, or the application of d ifferent i nterpretive models, i t a ppears likely that the potential food production exceeded the needs of the local population. This i s exactly the s ituation one would expect i f these s ystems were designed to produce s urpluses or t rade/tribute produce for a l arger social unit. The centralized nature of regional social organization in the Late Classic Period may account for this

phenomenon . 6 8

Data fro m archaeol ogical reconnaissance and exca vations indicate a high popul ation density and very probably a state social organization centred at the large site of El Tajfn ( Wilkerson 1976; n .d.). Both Santa Luisa and Santa Elena are clearly within the El Tajin sphere of influence and domination and may ha ve provided part of thei r production as tri bute or for exchange. This possi bi lity requi res careful scrutiny and must be ultimately tested against more comprehensive f ield data. Additional infrared and black and white photography i s required of the relic systems in contrasting seasons of the year. Further ground testing and pol len anal ysis should also be undertaken . The type of non-subsistence crops grown needs to be examined. At the end of the Postclassic cotton was the major tribute item paid by the province of Tuxpan to the Aztecs. Howe ver, it was paid in finished blankets and garments. How far back in time this custom stretched is not known. At present evidence for the Classic Period i s minimal although abundant clay spindle whorls suggest that it was a common commodity . Cacao was another important crop . Intensi ve cacao production is often associated with i rrigation and during the Postcl assic and Earl y Colonial Periods it was most closel y Pacific

connected with coast ( Gibson

nature le d de vel opment

the province of S r )conusco and the 1964:348). However, its coveted

to wi des prea d attempts elsewhere, often despite

at pl antati on less than ideal

cli matic conditions. Cacao is a tribute and trade item par excellence that \ A 31 11 d enhance the economic power of any province. Its successful propagation in the El Tajin region would soon have led to extension of the cultivation area. But what evidence is there for cacao at El Tajin and

Santa At

Luisa?

El

Tajin,

the metropolitan

centre of the region,

there is direct evidence in the form of a car ved panel depicting a ritual about a cacao tree ( Figure 4 :9). Original ly from the Temple of the Niches, the major temple in the older portion of the city, i s located today in the Museo de Antropologia in Jalapa. There is no doubt that the tree is cacao and not a maguey as suggested by Kamper ( 1972) because the f ruit i s ellipticoid and occurs all over the branches and on the trunk. Maguey holds flowering stalks upwards in horizontal projections at near

the

top

of

the

stem only .

The ceremony on the perhaps a feline or dog, ( 2)

beneath

i ts and

the hand

of

carving portrays an ani mal ( 1), crouching on a stepped platform a person

( 3)

with

a death

figure

held to his head-dress by a tumpline ( 4). The platform i s in front of a mature cacao tree ( 5) with abundant fruit protruding from the limbs and trunk. A person ( 6) ascends the steps hol ding a torch-like object in his hands. The accoutrements are a fan and staff, symbols frequentl y associated with

merchants

and 6 9

the

gods

of

commerce.

An

Figure 4 :9

A carved panel from the Temple of the Niches at El Tajin depicting a ritual around a cacao tree

7 0

earth monster ( 7) resides under the platform . One of the two personages represented may be the Tajin equivalent of the Maya God M , also known as " the black god of cacao". The tumpline is one of his symbols ( Thompson 1960:76). The object hel d by the ascending figure may be the same form of torch as shown in the hands of God M in the Madrid Codex ( see Thomspon 1 960; Figures 4 :13-4:22). The scene is re .markabl y like a Mayan ritual, a fixed f east, known to t ake place in Muan, the f ifteenth month of the year. The ceremony was held directl y in the cacao plantations to envoke the intercession of the rain god and the god of commerce and included the sacrifice of a dog ( Pa yon 1936: 15-1 6). The propitiati on of the gods associated with the cacao crop was an important event in the lowlands. TLe two s ignificant points of the sculpture f or this study are that the scene depicts a f ruiting cacao tree and a ritual which, in other lowland areas, is known to take place in the plantation. But what evidence i s available from the f ield systems themsel ves? Opposite Gutierrez Zamora, on the south bank of the Rio Tecolutla, there are the vestiges of an unmapped f ield system ( Figure 4 :10). Today much of this area belongs to the small congregaciön of Cacahuatal. The Nahuatl term for cacao

is

cacahuatl.

Cacahuatl

can be

translated

as

the

"pl anting of cacao" or "place of cacao" and although the name cannot be traced in documentation further back than the nineteenth century , local oral history ascribes it to antiqui .ty. Apart f rom the possibility of an enduring place name there is far more dramatic evidence from System C on the north bank ( see Figure 4 :3). Here in the process of a botanical in ventory of the Santa Luisa site an unusual speci men which proved to be Engal lagema latifolia, or "wil d cacao" was encountered. It is a rare tree in coastal swamps. A cl ose examination of the 3 hectare forest produced a count of more than one hundred "wild cacao" trees in different stages of growth. This unusual l y large c sI r Icentration may represent a residual popul ation

descendent

Columbian plantings. Tuxpan, Tecol utla,

from

earlier

large-scale

Pre-

Over one hundred informants f rom the and Nautla catchments were shown a

large sample of leaf cuttings and f ruit ( Figures 4 :11 and 4 :12) and onl y two, from different areas, coul d identify the speci mens; example of the "Wild different

both stating they had tree before.

cacao" species

is

not

which

cacao was

but

onl y

rather

sometimes

pl a n t a ti o ns. The Na hu a t l quauhcapatlachtli. This fruit ,

on

the

vestiges

of

na me for of s imilar

the 7 1

Santa

an

seen

one

entirel y

planted

val ue, woul d be prepared in the same way mixed with real cacao ( Payön 1936:12). appearance

ever

the form

in

cacao

tr e e is but less

and sometimes Its surprise

Luisa

i rrigation

0 0

0

c? ,

co

I

I l

' 1 11 . 11 1 01To 11 ,* 01: 1 11 1 1 :11

1

a ) I

L 7 . 1

• 0

c d 4 ».

( 1 3 CO

7 : 3

c d o

c O

• * 0 * *

( ) 01

< < c o

0 c u f a

a )a ) a ) a ) a ) 4 0 E a a a a a -o «1

C a

C

L 7 . 1

7 2

••

Pigure

4 :11

Leaves and f ruit pod of Engallagema latifolio f rom System C at Santa Luisa, Veracruz

O r ,

F igure

4 :12

Fruit pods System C at

T

of Engallagema latifolio Santa Luisa, Veracruz

from

system suggests the possibility that a portion of the system may ha ve been originall y planted with both wild cacao and cacao. Al most any cacao woul d have had a high commercial value and would certainl y have been controlled by the Tajin s tate. Again, all these large-scale systems must be considered within the greater social context which controlled the distribution of the products derived f rom such technologies. The reality of the utilization of the systems at Santa Luisa must lie in the cultivation of various types of crops ( Figure 4 :13). Nevertheless, sufficient maize to support the large population of Santa Luisa could probably be grown on roughl y a third of the area covered by the north bank systems at the site. Most of the other two thirds were free to produce appropriate tribute or trade crops. beyond

This ratio may increase even more if we mo ve this site, al beit the most important in the lower

Tecolutla drainage system, to consider the immediate surrounding area. Here too we find large fiel d systems, but in most cases associated with much smaller sites than Santa Luisa. Aerial observations have indicated numerous other irrigated areas on an axis stretching northward from Santa Elena past Santa Luisa to the minor drainage systems known as Boca de Lima ( Figure 4 :10). zone 2 is geol ogical ly si mil ar

The area designated as to that cal led zone 1 in

that it represents a silted and enclosed embayment of essentially the same date. It i s larger, however, and had a greater total area under culti vation when the systems were in dse. As discussed, both Santa Luisa and Santa El ena ha ve block-like units of canals, averaging 3 .2-3.9 hectares in size, forming a checkerboard pattern about maj or feeder canals. The Santa Luisa system and quite probably its counterpart at Sant a El ena av oi d the probl em of fluctuating salt and brackish water by actual l y moving water from one or more fresh water sources through long canals descending gentl y across fertile ri ver and/or estuary banks. The fres h water sources no w ha ve negligible flows due to deforestation, silting, and increased evaporation. canal maintenance, are

Small house mounds, probably found among the blocks.

for

These two major systems certainly grew in a series of steps. The largest, Santa Luisa, appears to ha ve had at least three periods of growth. The first di verted f resh water tri butaries of the Ri o Tecol utl a to form a rectilinear criss-cross pattern of canals; these average, smaller than later additions. The area approximately

0 .6

square

kilometres

of

land.

that a former channel of the ri ver became fol l owing the Arroya Grande phase (ca. ( Lente n it

may

1975).

be

Cacahuatal

as

The

earl y

Phases

date as

( ca.

of

the A .D .

this

system

Tecolutla 300-600). 7 4

is

( ca. The

were, on occupied

Cores

show

si lted here 300-1 B . C.) uncertain

A . D. later

1-300)

but or

additions

F igure

4 :13

Reconstruction of a portion of a downstream section of the systems at Santa Luisa. Caretaker 's house i s shown on left and one of the main f eeder canals on r ight. The centre foreground has corn f ields i n various s tages of growth with interspersed beans, chiles and squash . Cotton i s i n the d istance as are the cacao groves. Paintings by Henry Sorenson under the direction of the author

fol low the standard pattern and, based on preliminary ceramic and geologic evidence, date to the Isla A ( ca. A . D. 600-900) and Is l a B (ca. A . D. 900-11 00) phases. These later sections occupy ca. 2 .5 and ca. 2 .65 square ki l ometres res pecti vel y. Both sho w consi derabl e organization and engineering skills a s the total natural elevation difference of the system is unlikel y to have exceeded 1 .5 metres from source to the outflow in the north and eas t. They may ev en ha ve requi red the construction of a dam across the major stream flowing i nto the swamp which formed in the sil ting embayment. A dam has been observed but not expl ored archaeological ly; it would have raised the water le vel by up to two metres in the may

northwest of the be a kil ometre

system . The same area also has what long earth causeway connecting the

northern portion of Santa satellite s ite of La Isla.

Luisa

with

its

Epi-Classic

The Santa Luisa system must be considered in the context of the other intensi ve agricu l tural areas surrounding it. These incl ude the system of catchment terraces

found

among

the

sharp

sandstone

hil ls

to

the

west ( Wil kerson 1973, 1974). Here f iel d fertility was increased by intercepting humus run-off behind catchmentlike stone dams placed astride the small valleys between hil ls. There is some indirect evidence of deliberate deforestation to increase topsoil accumulation . The total extent of this potentially up to

at

terrace area is unknown f ifteen square kilometres.

but

In the study area type A-1 ( see Table 4 :2) Santa Luisa i n the oldest of three identified

it

is

i c found segments.

Chinampas are found at two locations near Boca de Lima and se veral near San Rafael. Raised fiel ds are visible in several locations on the lee side of the present coastline adjoining a freshwater swamp in zone 2 ( Figure 4 :10). Irrigated fields are found at Santa Luisa in the two larger and more recent sections and at Santa Elena. Catchment terraces are presentl y onl y known in the area west

of

lower

in

Santa

Luisa

reaches

of

but

were

several

The technology the Santa Luisa

probably

nearby

quite

common

i n

t he

rivers.

of the intensive agricultural systems area appears to be a combination of

lowland and high-land approaches. The chinampas ( A and A1 on Table 4 :2), irrigated f ields, catchment terraces, and hil l-terraces, maybe of highland origin although a wide variety of

systems

are known

to exist

in

the

Maya

lowlands

( Harrison and Turner 1 978). Raised f ields are certainly a lowland de vel opment. Adaptation of the highland forms, however, use of

does

not

fertile

imply

deltaic

exact

duplication.

The

river allu vium while

ingenious

avoiding

s alt

and brackish water in irrigated fiel ds is a good exampl e of technological adaptation to a new environment. The Tajln El

implications

state are many.

Tajin

was

more

for Ia

the

nature of

fact,

centralized

it and

7 6

is

the

not

highly

centralized El

improbable

that

s tructured

than

Type

Designation

A

Chinampa

A-1

Table

Definition Intensi ve cu l ti vation in raised artifical earth blocks in a lake, lagoon, or watercourse A modified watercourse such as a ri ver or stream expanded through numerous, basically parallel canals, to utilize al l u via l terrac e soi l s; cultivated areas frequently form small rectangular blocks

Raised Field

Prepared, raised earth embankments in parallel patterns with low points between for water collection and run-off , usuall y without major feeder and distributary canals

I rrigated Field

Grid-arranged f ields, often raise d an d irri gate d by di verte d watercourses in f eeder and distributary canals that carry , or potentially can carry, water throughout the year

Catchment Terrace

A stone fronted terrace in small valleys to catch and hold seasonal and induced soil run-off

Check

A dam placed across hillside ravines to prevent soil runoff

Dam

Weir

Dam

A dam placed across drainage channels to catch run-off

Hill

Terrace

A terrace perpendicular to the slope of a hil l or mountain to catch run-off and provide a l evel area for cultivation

Irrigated Terrace

A hil l terrace with a ditch or canal providing water to the cultivated area

4 :2

Provisional Cl assification of Intensi ve Agricultural Systems in Veracruz

7 7

its Mayan contemporaries. For the moment, it should be indicated that the extent and complexity of the sytems in the two study zones suggest a highly organized control institution. The nearly contiguous nature of the systems and thei r conte mporaniety impl y the pres ence of specialists or engineers who designed the systems around the economic r equirements and hydrological limitations of each zone. The general impression i s t hat the systems may have been pl anned and executed as macro-units. Site distribution about and within the systems also suggests special administrative points and the use of major canals for canoe transport. Other

systems

in

the North-Central

Gulf Area

There are several unmapped systems along the southern margin of the Rio Nautl a. Further south is the site of Las Higeras on the Rio de Colipa, not far from Vega de Alatore. Just to the north-west of the site are Laguna Chica and Grande. Vestiges of f ield s ystems are visible along the southern side of these lagoons. A careful study of this drainage system might show a similar rel ationship between Las Higeras and the nearby major site, Aparicio, as between Santa Luisa and El Tajin . Aparicio appears to be a major Late Classic and EpiClassic site within the greater Tajin culture sphere. I t may have been the capital of a major province paying tribute to El Tajin or, possibly unit sharing Tajin culture.

have

been

an

independent

Westward in the same drainage s ystem as Las Higeras, on the edge of the Sierra de Chicoquiaco, is Colipa. Sixteenth century docu mentation ( Paso y Troncoso 1 905, V :115) s uggests some form the Postclassic Period . North

of

the

Rio

of

i rrigation here

Tecolutla

there

at

are

the

end

of

additional

systems. Ponciano Ortiz ( personal communication 1977) encountered canals of an undefined configuration in the marshlands east of Postclassic Tabuco , near the mouth of the Rio Tuxpan . Air reconnaissance along the coast in the 1 970 's also suggested the presence of two systems near the mouth of the Cazones Ri ver, one near the souther n extremity of the marsh by the Tuxpan River, just south of Tamiahua and one immediatel y to the north of the same town. I J r Ic loubtedl y there are many more locations to be encountered, particularly along f resh water creeks on the fringes

of

marshland .

The nature of these northern systems are likely to be similar to those of the Tecolutla and Nautla, although at first

glance

most

appear

to

be

smaller

in

extent.

The

maj ority, on the basis of the most preliminary aerial examination, correspond to raised f ield configurations of the

type

B variety ,

and

a

f ew

to

7 8

chinampas

( type

A-1).

The systems near Tamiahua border the upper limits of the North-Central Veracruz sub-culture area ( Wilkerson 1973). Al though it is possible that their dates are s imilar to those in the centre of the area the likelihood, given the nature of a south to north movement of cultural florescence and social centralization at the end of the Classic and during the Postclassic, i s that they will be la t e r (s e e Wi l k e rs on, n . d.; 19 81). On l y fi e l d re c o n n ais s a nc e an d ex c a v a ti o n ca n con fi r m thi s s upposition. Ceramics, architecture, and art during the Classic Period reflect the considerable influence of El Tajin on this region . It i s possible that at some point, probably during the Epi-Classic ( ca. A . D. 900-11 00), that it was broug ht under the di rect control of this dyna mic metropolitan centre. In fact, the important conquest celebrated by the ruler 13 Rabbit, and depicted on a carved column at El Tajin, may represent the subjugation of neighbouring in press).

portions

Regardless of

the

of

the

Huasteca

rol e of El

( Wilkerson

1 980,

Tajin in the northward

spread of intensive agricultural systems the Postclassic Period saw the rise of a series of militaristic kingdoms in the same region. Their success and relati vel y high population density s uggest ample f ood availability that goes beyond simple swidden agriculture. There is a hint of this in the major survi ving Pre-Col umbian source for the region, the Lienzos de Tuxpan. These maps, published by Mel garejo Vi vanco ( 197 0), date to both the period just before the Conquest and to the nineteenth century when two were copied by a local Italian artist. One of the earliest maps depicts the f ifteenth century conquest by Tuxpan of the region between the Tuxpan ( or Pantepec) and Tecolutla Rivers ( Wilkerson 1980: 203). Near certain pl ace gl yphs ( Figure 4 :14) are the standardized depicti ons of a pl a nt/ tree with a bulbular

root

or

base.

Exactl y what is portrayed is uncl ear but the bul b base and bifurcated stalk-top is highl y reminiscent of freshwater reeds or the aquatic " Lirio" . Both grow , even clog, slow-moving fresh water bodies today . Irrespective of the precise botanical identification, the locations suggest a rebus symbol or ideogram for some form of intensive agricultural system . Shown on the glyph are: 1 ) the marsh east of Tabuco, perhaps Tumilco; 2 ) the southern fringe of the marsh just landward of the coast; 3 ) a site near the island centre of Isla Faral l ön on the Cazones Ri ver not far from the ri ver's mouth; 4 ) Santa Luisa, on the and

north margin of the Tecolutla Ri ver; 5 ) Ocel otepec; 6 ) Tlal tizapan. The first four areas have known or

probable f ield systems while Ocelotepec and Tlaltizapan have never been s urveyed . The presence of these s ystems and

their

desirability

produce of

wou l d

conquering

certainl y

the 7 9

region,

and

increase explain

the their

Lienz os

r t J

t n 1 4

8 0

i nclusion Systems

in

on

the

map .

the North Gulf Area

Shown in Figure 4 :15 f iel d or terrace systems extre mes of the Laguna de

are some possible s ites for in the northern and western Tamiahua and the Rio Panuco.

These sites have been observed from the air but they have not been ground checked; in many cases they occur i n areas of modern disturbance. Future f ield work will be required to confirm or eliminate the possible systems indicated. Al l the locations, howe ver, are consistent with the hydraulic conditions appropriate for raised f ields. In terms of total distribution it is envisaged that the systems may not extend much further north than the region around the town of San Diego near the limits of the S ierra Otontepec. The North Gulf area apparently d id not have highly centralized social units until relatively late in Pre-Colu mbian times and large scal e systems may not ha ve been built. Again future research will have to address this problem , but hydraulic agriculture can never be adequatel y understood without taking into account social centralization and the cultural parameters of an area. Systems

in

the

South-Central

Area

A very elaborate set of hil l terraces are found on the south s ide of the mountain fortress of Quiahuitztlan ( Wil kerson 1979) while others may occur at Plan de las Hayas, Cerro de la Morena and Xiochimalco. Simil ar terraces may also exist along the now barren canyon of the Antigua River upstream of Ocolapan not f ar f rom Rinconada. This area was once known as Izcal pan and was one of the very few sites in Veracruz clai med directl y by Cortes. This selection, plus the fact it may have been utilized for sugar cane planting ( Cortes 1 528:396), suggests it must have

looked

very

Zempoal a, as irrigated fields.

f ertile

at

the

t ime

of

the

Conquest.

noted earlier, al most certainl y had Other towns, Tepetlan and Atexca, in

the Sierra west and north of Zempoala, may also have had irrigation systems ( Kel l y and Palerm 1952: 99; Paso y Troncoso 1 905 V :117,120). Still other possibilities are suggested in the same general region by gl yphs and corn pl ants depicted in the earl y col onial Codex Misantl a. Ixhucan, high in the Sierra Madre Oriental, is another strong

possibility

for

a Postclassic

system .

Cl ose examination of the northern portion of SouthCentral Veracruz and the Sierra de Chicoconquiaco is likel y to result in the location of additional systems, particularl y varieties that were designed to transport water onto terraces and natural levees. However the rain shadow area of t he coastal plain and many of the valleys of the sierra are in a drier zone and are not likel y to ha ve

raised

fields

or

systems 8 1

to

remove

excess

run-off.

A

possible

s yste ms

i n

t he

North

Gulf

A rea

Naranjos

30

km

R io

TuxPan

L I undeter mined syste ms i n t he North- Central Gulf A rea

Figure 4 :15

Possible field systems located from the air i n the North Gulf culture area 8 2

Further south and nearer the coast however, in the San Juan drainage system, Alfred Siemens is investigating fields of this nature ( see Chapter 3 ). From the air the western and southern margins of the Laguna de Mandinga shows features consistent with a raised f ield system . Undoubtedl y other examples wil l be encountered, particularly along the margins of the Bay of Al varado and the Papaloapan River with its major coastal tributaries the San Juan and Tesechoacan . Systems

in

the South Gulf Area

In spite of the fact that this area has many of the natural features appropriate for systems such as raised f ields, none have ever been noted. Many of the fertile terrace soils, such as the seasonally flooded margins of t he Coatzacoalcos or Tonala Rivers, could certainly have been utilized intensively. The lack of any intensi ve agricul tural sche mes suggests that there were not sufficientl y large and centralized social units in existence at the time the technology was current. In other words, the presence of readily exploitable natural conditions, in the absence of wel l integrated social communities to command the necessary labour for construction and maintenance, would limit the s cope of any hydraulic endeavours. This is an intriguing possibility for a region well within the core area of Mesoamerica. Unlike the North Gulf area, a labile f rontier t hroughout i ts Mesoamerican history (Wil kerson 1981; n .d.), this area must be influenced by other f actors. During the Formative Periods the area f ormed a major portion of the Ol mec "heartland" ( Coe 1965); the dynamic centre of Mesoamerican culture at the time. By the Classic Period the focus of events, at least as E ar as the lowlands are concerned, had moved northward into the South-Central area and east , towards the Peten . The only exca vated site in the area with a long chronology , San Lorenzo ( Coe 1969, 1980), suggests abandonment at this time. In contrast Cerro de Las Mesas, to the north, and Palenque and Comalcalco to the east, reached their apogees at precisely this t ime . The area i s not devoid of Classic Period occupation, it appears, on the basis of very limited information, to have many s cattered small s ites on the r idges beyond the flood plains. As a corridor for migration and conquest, as wel l as a buffer between the more dynamic lowland centres to the north and west, the stability of social units in the area must have been precarious at best. Large-scale intensive agricultural systems would have been difficult to plan, execute, and then maintain in such a chaotic milieu . The

Postclassic

throughout much of

may ,

i n

spite

t he Mesoamerican 8 3

of widespread lowlands,

migration

have brought

C C I

0

« WM

• •,

• .,

u

8 4

8 5

Figure

4 :17

a slightly greater stability to certain portions of the area. Coe ( 1980) recorded the greatest acti vity since the Formati ve at San Lorenzo between A . D. 900 and 1100 Later the region became a province of the Aztec tribute state. Very soon after the Conquest, Cortgs, considering the region to be important economicall y, sent Gonzal o Sandoval to found the Villa de Espiritu Santo .

known

While we should bear in mind that the absence of f ield systems and terraces in the area must in part

be an artefact of limited investigation, social factors of the Classic Period suggest large-scale systems were not common. Postclassic systems might be more abundant but are unlikel y to be as numerous as those known for the areas to the north . Conclusions From this survey of evidence of i ntensive agriculture in ancient Veracruz we can draw some conclusions and hypotheses to be tested by f uture investigations: 1 .

Intensi ve agricultural systems ha ve existed on alluvial terraces in Veracruz s ince the Early Classic Period and perhaps f rom the Proto-Classic as shown by preliminary evidence at the s ite of Santa Luisa;

2 .

A number of irrigated f ield systems made use of f resh water tributaries, diverting them onto the terraces of tidal r ivers;

3 .

The systems in the North-Central Gulf area appear to have been extended rapidl y during the Late Classic and Epi-Classic Periods, gi ving the appearance of wel lplanned regional

4 .

large-scale units fitting plan and engineering style;

into

an

overal l

Initial examination of production potential s uggests that the systems associated with the Tecol utla and Nautla rivers could produce more food and f ibre than the estimated needs of the archaeologically verifiable population. It is hypothesized that excess produce grown in up to two thirds of the agricultural area, were used for the tribute or taxation due to the major metropolitan

centre,

El

Tajin,

i n

the

middle

reaches

of the Tecolutla; 5 .

While portions of these systems were devoted to corn, beans, squash, and chi l e producti on for local consumption t he " tribute" portions may have consisted of crops such as cotton and cacao. Direct evidence for

cacao

comes

from El

Tajfn

and

Santa

large concentrations of "wil d cacao" uncleared portions of ancient f ields; 6 .

Luisa where grow

on

the

Classic Period raised f ield systems are common along the North-Central Gul f coast as far north as the southern margins

of

the

Laguna 8 6

de Tamiahua.

Chinampas

are also frequent, and with the exception of one subtype, may be typical of the Postclassic Period culture. Some, in f act, may be documented i n contact period accounts Catchment terraces 7 .

In the North locations for

such as are also

the Lienzos de Tux pan. to be found in this area;

Gul f area a systems occur

nu mber of possi bl e near the Laguna de

Ta miahua and the Rio Panuco. Howe ver, it is hypothesized that direct examination may only verify a few because less centralized social organization characterised the area i n until Postclassic times;

t he

f rontier-like

Huasteca

B .

The South-Central Gulf area has numerous Postclassic irrigated and terrace forms mostly of Postclassic date. A few Classic Period raised fiel ds have been identified and many more are likely to be encountered once s urvey programmes in the area increase;

9 .

No systems have yet been found in the South Gulf area. It is hypothesized that the insecure social environment of the Isthmus as a major migration route, and as a buffer between dynamic but differing lowland groups, pre vented the rise in the Classic and Earl y Postcl assic periods of sufficiently powerful social units to implement large systems until near tue time of European Contact;

10. •

The intensi ve agricu l tura l syste ms in ancient Veracruz show di versity and complexity which both paral lel and surpass the reported systems fnr the Cl assic Maya region. The large-scale irrigaced and raised fiel d foreshadow the

syste ms in contributary

the regi on of El Taji n context of i ntensive low-

land agriculture in the Postcl assic that would hel p sustain the Aztec tribute state. Bernal Diaz's amazed observation vegetation", whose

was correct, Veracruz was " green with but the question must al ways be asked —

garden was

i t?

Acknowledgements Th e res ea rc h col laboration with,

in Ve r ac r u z was unde rt ak e n in and under the supervision of the

Instituto Nacional de Antropol ogia e Historia which is thanked for the corresponding permits. The splendid assistance and encouragement of the late Arq . Jose Garcia Payön of INAH i s gratefully acknowledged. Since 1 973 the investigation has been undertaken with the aid of grants from the National Geographic Society whose generous support

i s

greatly

appreciated .

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edicion

de

Editorial 8 7

Cosmos,

Mexico .

COE,

M . D. 1965, The Ol mec styl e and its distribution, In, Handbook of Middle American Indians, vol.3, edited by R . Wauchope, 775.

COE,

Press,

Austin,

739-

M. D. 1969, The archae ol ogi ca l sequence at Lorenzo, Veracruz, Mexico, presentation, Society American

COE,

Uni versity of Texas

Arcaheology ,

San for

Mil waukee.

M . D. and R . A. DIEHL 1980, In the Land of the Ol mecs, 2 Volumes, University of Texas Press, Austin, Volume 1 , 416pp , Volume 2 , 198pp .

CORTES, H . 1528, Memorial de servicios y conquistas hecho para el emperador a solicitud de este, In, Cartas y Documentos, CORT S, H . Mexico DIAZ

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de

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Paso

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la Nueva Espana, GALI NDO

Porrua,

Amaxocoatl o Libro del

de

Artes,

Toluca,

Mexico,

Chocolate, 122pp.

GARCI A PAYÖ N, J . 1966, Prehist oria de Mez oa meri ca, Exca vaciones en Trapiche y Chalahuite, VerAr 2ruz, Mexico, 1942, 1951, y 1959, Guadernos de la Facul tad de

Filosofia,

Letras

y

Ciencias,

Num.31,

Xalapa,

204pp. GIBSON,

C .

1964,

University

The Aztecs

Press,

Under Spanish

Stanford,

Rule,

Stanford

657pp .

HARRISON, P . D. and B . L. TURNER II, ( editors) ( 1 978), Pre hispanic Maya Agricul ture, Uni versity of New Mexico Press,

Albuquerque,

4 14pp .

KELLY, I . and A . PALERM 1952, The Tajin Totonac, History , subsistence, shelter and technology .

Institute Institution, LENTE LL,

R . L.

Tecolutla Florida, MELGAREJO

1975, De Eosi ti onal Estuary,

Mexico,

Gainesville,

VI VENCO,

Editorial MOLINA,

of Socia l Anthr opol og y, Washington, 369pp .

J . L.

Ph.D .

ALONSO

DE

1 977,

Editorial

of

the

Ri o

University

of

44pp 197 0,

Los

la Estampa Mexicana,

y Mexicana,

Smi ths oni an

Histor y thesis,

Part I , Pub.13,

Vocabulario Porrua,

8 8

Lienzos

de

Tuxpan,

Mexico City . en

Lengua

Mexico,

Castellana

163pp.

PALE R M, A . 1955, ci vilization Ci vilization, Uni on

Social

The agricul tural bases of urban in Mesoamerica, In, Irri gation edited by J .H. Steward, Pan American

Science Monographs

1 ,

Washington,

D .C.,

28-42. PASO Y TRONCOSO 1905-06, Papeles de Nueva Espana, seguna sene, geografia y estadistica, Mexico, 7 volumes, 1 913pp. SCHMIDT, P .J . 1 977, Un s istema de Cultivo I ntensivo en la Cuenca del Rio Nautla, Boletin del Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Epoca I II, Mexico City, 20, 50-60. STREBEL, H . 1884, Die Ruinen von Cempoallan in Staate Veracruz und Mitteilungen uber die Totonaken der Jetstzert, In, Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiele der Naturwissenchaften, VIII, Hamburg . THOMPSON, J .S. 1 960 , Maya Hieroglyphic Writing , of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 500pp .

University

TORQUE MADA , F .J. DE 1943, Monarguia Indiana, tomo 1 , Editorial Salvador Chavez Hayhoe, edicion f acsimile, Mexico, 885pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1972, Ethnogensis of the Huastecs and Totonacs; Early cultures of North-Central Veracruz at Santa Luisa, Mexico, Ph. D. dissertation, Tul ane University , 1004pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1973, Report on the 1973 season of the F lorida State Museum-Nationa 1 Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project, Gainesville, 1 4pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1974, Cultural subareas of Eastern Mesoamerica, Primera Mesa Redonda de Palenque, Robert Louis Stevenson School, Pebble Beach , California, 89102. WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1974, Report on the 1 974 season of the Florida State Museum-Nationa 1 Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project , Gainesville, 2 2pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1975, Report on the 1975 season of the Fl orida State Museum-National Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project, Gainesville, 2 5pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1976, Haustec presence and cultural chronology in North-Central Veracruz, Actes du XLII Congres International des Americanistes, I B-B, Paris, 30-47. WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1976, Report on the 1 976 season of the Fl orida State Museum-National Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project, Gainesville, 9 2pp .

8 9

WILKERSON , S .J .K . 1 978, Report on the 1 972-1978 s easons of the Florida State Museum-National Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project , Gainesville, 7 1pp . WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1979, Mesoa inerican influences on Northern Gulf Coast, Lecture, Tulane University , Orleans, December..

the New

WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1979, The 1 979 season of the Florida State Museum-National Geographic Society Cultural Ecology Project, Gainesville. WI LKERSON, S .J.K. 1980, Man's eighty centuries in Veracruz, National Geographic Magazine, 1 58, ( 2), 2022 31. WILKERSON, S .J.K. 1981, The Northern Ol mec and Pre-Ol mec frontier on the Gulf Coast, In, The Ol mec and Their Neighbours, edited by M .D . Coe and D . G rove , Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, 1 81-194. WILKERSON, S .J.K . 1 983, I n s earch of the mountain of f oam : human sacrifice in Eastern Mesoamerica, In, Human Sacrifice in Pre-Columbian America, edited by J . Soustel le, Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University , Washington, D .C, 43-73.

9 0

Chapter *ANCIENT

5

RAISED F IELD AGRICULTURE

IN THE

MAYA LOWLANDS

OF

SOUTHEASTERN MEXICO Stephen

R .

Gliessman,

B . L.

Turner

I I,

F .J.

Rosado May

and

Amador Abstract The lowland f loodplains of tropical southeastern Mexico have posed a great obstacle to agricultural development in r ecent times. Studies of Pre-Hispanic l and use of s uch areas can provide invaluable information concerning potential design and management of agriculture for the f uture. One particular system s tudied in detail i s r eported here. In southern Quintana Roo, Mexico, a depression ( bajo) of s everal thousand hectares has recently been c leared f or commercial r ice production, revealing an intricate network of canals and raised platforms. Soil description and analysis, a s well as topographic surveys, indicate past human intervention. Past management possibilities, present-day traditional u se of such wetlands and f uture applications will be discussed. Resumen Los

l lanos d e i nundaciön d el

s ureste

t ropical d e M exico han pre-

s entado un g ran obstäculo a l d esarrollo agricola e n t iempos r ecientes. Estudios

d el uso d e l a t ierra pre-hispänico d e

t ales a reas pueden pro-

porcionar valiosa i nformaciön s obre e l d iseho y manejo p otencial de l a agricultura e n e l que

s e

e studiö

de varios m iles

f uturo.

Aqui

e n d etalle. d e h ectäreas

ducciön c omercial d e a rroz, plataformas e levadas.

Tanto

s e i nforma s obre un s istema particular

En e l

s ur d e Quintana R oo,

u n bajo

r evelando u na r ed d etallada d e c anales y l a d escripciön y a nälisis d e l os

como l os

l evantamientos

t opogräficos

pasado.

S e d iscutirän posibilidades

t radicional a ctual d e e stas

Mexico,

s e ha d espejado r ecientemente para l a pros uelos

i ndican i ntervenciön humana e n e l d e manejo e n e l pasado,

e l u so

t ierras hümedas y s us a plicaciones

f uturas.

Introduction Recent studies have demonstrated that the prehistoric Maya of the Yucatan peninsula developed s everal types of technol ogies that enabled them to cultivate wetlands ( Puleston 1977; Turner and Harrison 1981; Siemens 1982). Initial observations were made along water courses ( Sie mens and Puleston 1972), but were subsequentl y extended to other low-lying terrain throughout southern Quintana Roo and northern Belize ( Turner 1974; Harrison 1977; 1978; Siemens 1978; n .d.; Turner and Harrison 1981; 1983), and perhaps t o Peten, Guatemala, ( Adams 1 980; Adams

* Paper presented at Conference, " Prehistoric I ntensive Agriculture in the Tropics", organized by the Australian National

University,

Canberra, 9 1

Australia,

August

1 981.

et al. 1981) ( Figure 5 :1). Observations of ground patterns s uggested that large areas of wetlands had been devoted to some kind of cultivation, presumably input and output intensive agriculture, that relied on systems of canals/drains, raised platforms or other structures that permitted water manipulation . D espite the number of observations of ground patterns thought to be relics of wetland agricultural systems, ground studies have been limited to small networks of fields along the Rio Candelaria, Campeche ( Siemens and Puleston 1 972), and in northern Belize at Lamanai ( Lambert and Arnason Chapter 6 ), Cerros ( Scarborough 1 980), Albion I sland ( Puleston 1 977; Siemens 1 982) and Pulltrouser Swamp ( Turner and Harrison 1 981; 1983). Most of the evidence of f ield-canal morphology , associated cultivars, dates, and so f orth come f rom the latter two studies on systems that include not much more than 300 ha of wetlands. Indeed, Siemens ( 1982) estimates that northern Belize contains about 3 ,200 ha of fields, although remote sensing work s uggests that wetland manipulation may have encompassed a larger area ( Adams et al. 1 981). In contrast to northern Belize, southern Quintana Roo contains a vast network of depressions (bajos), many of which have ground pattern 4i ndicative of f ields and canals ( Turner 1 974; Harrison 1 977; 1978; Siemens 1978; 1982; Turner and Harrison 1981). Indeed, a conser vati ve esti m ate of the area of bajos with ground patterns in Quintana Roo is 40, 000 ha ( Turner and Harrison 1983). Such large zones of potential wetland f ields are critical to interpretations of Maya prehistory and has sparked controversy ( Puleston 1978; Sanders 1979; Turner and Harrison 1 979). This report presents the result of ground surveys and analysis of one projected wetland system in a large bajo complex of southern Quintana Roo . The

Study Area

This study was carried out in the Bajo Morocoy, situated immediately northeast of the town of Nicolas Bravo in the southeastern part of the state of Quintana Roo, Mexico. The region is part of the flat, karstic, low-lying coastal margin of the limestone shel f forming the Yucatan Peninsula ( Figure 5 :1). Annual rainfall, registered at Nicolas Bravo ( 11 year r ecord), i s 1 ,323 mm , with 7 6 percent occurring between May and October, during the wet season ( Lopez et al. 1977). Cyclones may occur between August and October and these occasionall y cause serious flooding, as can rare storms f rom the north ( fortes) during November and December. The driest month . The is April. The mean annual temperature i s 25.7 ° C natural vegetation of the depressions i s semi-deciduous to deciduous f orest, 4-8 metres tall, with dominant species such as Haematoxyl um campechianum, Metopium brownei, Cameraria latifolia, Plumeria rubra f . acutifolia, and .P. Cowan, Achras zapotg— (F;nnington and Sarukhan 1969; C personal communication). The particular depression 9 2

Figure

5 : I

Map of the area of study, Nicolas

Bravo,

Quintana

Bajo Morocoy,

Roo,

Mexico

\xYUCATAN

CA MPECHE L . B o color

I r • N •• C • 1 10 ) 0 N

GU A T E M AL A SCALE 1:3500 000 I S

70

GUL L F 0F M EXICO

9 3

near

studied i s at an elevation of forming in total an area of hectares. There i s very l ittle topographic studies done by the y Recursos Hidraulicos ( SARH) percent gradient.

80-85m above sea level, approximately 15-20, 000 slope in the depression, Secretaria de Agricultura showing less than a 0 .3

The depression ( or bajo) has slow interior drainage, resulting in various degrees of seasonal inundation. The intermittent Rio Ucum arcs around the bajo, al though the effect of that water course in the baio i s uncertain. Soils in the bajos tend to be Mollisols ( Lopez et al. 1 977; Turner 1978), mostly of the haplaquoll variety , that are c haracterised by high levels of montmorillonite clay and surface conditions which are sticky and impermeable i n the wet s eason . The soils are r elatively d eep ( 1-2m ) and light to dark grey in colour. They are formed from the i n situ weathering of the calcareous bedrock and the deposition of colluvium f rom s lopes s urrounding the bajos. Because of the periodic flooding, the agricultural col onisation pl an for the southeast of Mexico, administered by the Secretaria de Reforma Agraria ( SRA), proposed that such bajos be used primarily for growing rice. An area of 2 , 400 ha was mechanically cleared in earl y 1979 in Bajo Morocoy and planted with the aid of SARH. Field preparation was with tractors, and all seeding, fertilizing and spraying was done aerially . Harvesting was done with combines. The intensity of rainfall during the f irst planting s eason ( 1979) was much greater than normal ( exceeding 2 , 000 mm) with a peak occurring at the time the rice was ready to harvest ( November-December). A large portion of the crop was lost, and less than half of the initial investment was recovered ( SARH , 1 980). The Co 1egi o Superi or de Ag ric u tura Tropical ( Cardenas, Tabasco) approached the planning agencies concerning the study of present bajo conditions and culti vation systems, and SARH invited us to conduct studies at Bajo Morocoy . This bajo is part of a complex stretching from Nicolas Bravo to Ucum which i s reported to contain approximately 34,600 ha of relic fields and canals. Indeed, such systems were photographed or observed on government aerial photographs of the bajo by Turner ( 1974), Harrison ( 1977) and Siemens ( 1978) before it was cleared E or the present agricultural scheme. Aerial photographs of the cleared bajo taken by SARH showed the s ame place and pattern originally photographed by Turner ( Figures 17.1 and 17.2 in Turner and Harrison 1978). We were able, then, to pinpoint on the ground the location approximately 33.6 km north of the EscarcegaChetumal highway , a location i n which SARH had excavated s everal trenches across a complex of f ield-like platforms and c anal-like depressions. We were f ortunate to arrive in time to examine the exposed material during the dry season of May 1 980.

9 4

Methods In order to describe the differences observed in the microrelief of the bajo, 100m long transects were s urveyed with a theodolite, with e levations t aken every 5m a long a total of 40 lines. Half of the transects were done across what appeared to be a major c anal with r aised s urfaces on both sides, and the other half in an area of raised surfaces and a complex lattice-work of interconnected smaller canals. After determining elevation d ifferences, the average horizontal and vertical d imensions of the platforms and c anals were c alculated . SARH's excavations, using a backhoe, had opened trenches with dimensions of lm wide, 1 .5 m deep and approximately 50m long. In both, the trenches passed through at least two platforms and one canal. One extended across a major canal and the other through an area of smaller canals. We described the soil profiles and collected s oil s amples at 4m i ntervals. Soil chemical analysis using standard methodologies employed by the e cology a nd s oils laboratories a t the Colegio Superior d e Agricultura Tropical were undertaken. Samples were also taken f rom each soil horizon and placed in tares f or gravimetric determinations of percent soil moisture after drying for 24 hours at 105 ° C . For all samples, equal amounts of soil were collected at the top , middle and bottom of each horizon, well mixed, and t i n duplicate s amples taken f or analysis. Total sample weights i n the f ield exceeded 200g . An additional visit was made to the s ite in Early September 1980 to make observations of s,i1 moisture conditions and crop response f or the s econd s eason's pl anting of rice at the peak of the wet season. Measurements were made on r ice plants growing in the canals and on the platforms with the idea of using the plants themsel ves as indicators of soil conditions. At ten randoml y chosen locations ( on both canals and platforms), 50 x 50 cm plots of rice were cut to ground l evel. The total n umber of s tems, average height ( cm) per plant, and biomass per plot ( dry weight after 4 8 hours at 7 0° C ) were determined . Results The differ i enoes i n microrelief indicate a f airly r egular pattern of elevated surfaces and interconnected depressions between them . The average height of the platforms i s 3 5-45 cm higher than the depressions f or the site across a large canal ( site 1 ), with the same difference occasionally found in the areas of small canals, but usually the difference is not as great ( site 2 ). The depth of the large canals i s 25-30 cm lower at i ts lowest point t han the a rea of smaller i nterconnected canals. The slope sur veyed in the large canal is approxi matel y 0 .3 percent, indicating the relati ve f latness

of

the

bajo . 9 5

a t t wo s ites

C i ) c r i

C I ) • H

z j-

4 )

. 1 )co c r i

• e u • " g 0 C I ) 4 ) e l )

C . )

• H o c t /

i r

c o r z 4 c i ] o • c

c . )

c e 0 C n

0 . )

C . )— I o • C 1 " 0 • H Z O

0

4

C . )

• c o › ,

8 O 0 •0 c o

c a

4 1 • o 0 4 1 C 1 3 1 1

0 0

4 1 0

1 4

4 J

C o

Table 5 : 1H eight

z t-

9 6

Two representati ve transects Horizontal dimensions of

5 :1.

variable. from

10

The platforms are to

25m

wide.

The

are presented in Table the system are quite

square area

to

of

r ectangular

the

raised

ranging

surfaces

varies from 400 to 600 square metres. The several large canals which stretch across the cleared part of the baj o are up to 20m wide, whereas the interconnected secondary canals vary f rom 8-12 m wide. All of the secondary canals connect with the principal canals. Considerable soil platforms and canals

differences were f ound between the ( Table 5 :2). Covering the entire

surface of the baj o to a depth of 25.0 cm is a dark brown crumbly clay layer. Below this i s another 1 5-20 cm layer, speckled grey-brown in colour, much more compacted than the upper layer. It is interesting that this layer extends 15 cm deeper in the large canal at Site 1 . The third horizon occurs only on the platforms, being a very dark grey clay 20-25 cm thick , that is very distinct from the two layers above as wel l as the 40-50 cm thick very light grey clay that fol lows. missing from the canals. The

The dark grey horizon is unconsolidated limestone

( l ocal l y cal led sascab) underl ying the entire area is l ight grey to white in colour, and contains considerable carbonate and gypsum . Rock i s generally lacking f rom the upper horizons. The total depth of the soil layer is greater on the platforms than in the canals, especiall y in the area of the s econdary canals ( over 30 cm difference). These soils correspond to a hu mic gley category of the mollisol

order

( Jenny

1 980).

Laboratory anal ysis of the soils points out some interesting contrasts ( Table 5 :3). As woul d be expected for this soil type, pH rises with depth, although the soil on the platforms i s more acidic, especially the dark grey layer. Organic matter declines considerably with depth, but less rapidl y on the platform, where the dark layer stil l retains more than 2 .5 percent organic matter. Exchangeable phosphate i s l ow i n all horizons, but there is a twofol d difference between the platforms and the canals. Total nitrogen is highest at the surface and drops off rapidly with increasing depth. The second, speckled horizon on the platform shows lower total nitrogen than the cana l soi l for the same horiz on. Nitrate is high onl y near the surface, being greatest in the second horizon of the canals. Potassium shows the same

trend

as

other hand, at bedrock,

nitrate.

Calciu m

and

magnesium,

on

the

increase with depth, r eaching highest levels and show similar trends in both the canals and

platforms. Except others

f or

were

( Table 5 : 4). s econd ( 25-45 season soil taken

to

are to

the

surface

very moist,

the

horizon

both

in

in

the

the

dry

wet

and

It is onl y for the f irst cm) horizons that differences next.

quite

high,

indicate

Bel ow 45 70

cm,

percent

saturation .

The 9 7

( 0-25 occur

moisture or

more

low

s eason, dry

cm) and f rom one

le vels

moisture

moisture

all

seasons

in the being

level

of

o f M orocoy,

00 e 01

+ 1

m l C l )

+ 1

+ 1

‘ s )

1 -

• a )

L I) C r )

C r )

CV

I ll

0

CV

. C ) CV

CV CV

+ 1

+1

+ 1

+ 1

CV .

C V

L n

r n

% . 0 s e

C V . 4

C O C V 4 1

P latform

C . )

t . r ) C \I

.

+ 1 0 u l

E

( : ) .

C 0 r l

0

0 . 0 0

r -4

C

0 r 1

4 4

•r i

4 4

4 . )

P latform

0 C f )

+ 1

✓)

C U • r l

• H c o

C V

O N

0 C . ) g l • H O z

•

CO CN r I

, 1 .

t i ) 0

CI

C . I fl

V .)

, . 1 0

N.

C V 4 4

0

+ 1

+ 1

+ 1

+ 1

0 . i f ) ( N

0

0 • 0 r ' s

› ‘

; . 4

.

0 . s 1 . "

I

H $ 1 0

d escription

0

g

( 1 )

o re $ . 4 e l 0 , r ) c L )

• c r 1 ie A

e g )C , i U

› ,

-c i

t o

u

o

" 2

( 2 4, 1 : 1

e

a ) r i -

r i p

0 0 r1

r I

> , a ) , 1

a J

C V

0 • 0 4 4 r 1

5

w $ 4 b i l )

n

9 8

4 . ) >a , , C ) b 0 , 1 • , 4 t 2 T I › , 4 ) C I ) >

t e

-a 0 )

a ) c r ) 0 0 4 1 t a t t i ,

0 E . c ) • , 1 c l ) ‘ 1 A

v z ) 0

•

( 4

c r ) CO

c e ) •

0

CO

c v

r-)

c o

c o

r

i n

c v

N.

C N 1

i n

c ) • c o

4. / 1 o

c v •

a

in

•

i n

c v •

c s %

• c o

c r )

r I

N

1i

ri

C N 1

0 N

C D Q

\ SD in

c v

0

CO

CO

\ C )

c o

c o

c o

in

i n

4 -

L f

0

0 i n . 0

1 1

r I

0

0

i n cv .

N.

r1

C N /

0

r 0 ,

t . .

) c f.

0

f P 4

0

N.

.

.t .

in

0

*4

0

0

CA N. •

00

N. r -4 • C N 1

CO 0

\ C ) ON • 0

c o

i n

0

r I

cn

r 1

0

N

0

. i n

in 0

CO N• 0

•

CO

3.

i n

r 1

i n

i n .

N.

\0

N.

N.

P latform 7 5-100

CO

N.

P latform 4 5-75

.

in

P latform 2 5-45

00

E

. 1-

r c v

•

0

\0

0

0

3 1 0

.

r

•

N •H

N

i n

0

C I .

P4

cl. . )

i n

4 r •-•

in

E

c r )

d in

VD

0 0

S urface 0 -25

f rom p latforms a nd c anals

t he B ajo o f M orocoy

Q )

.

9 9

i n

in

0 , i -

i n c v

i n

r 4

• t • 4

c o a c o ( . . )

in

A

c o a c o 0

. 1 : ) C ' d

c . . ) c n c o c

Table

5 :4

Gravimetric moisture determinations in soils collected during both the wet and dry seasons at the Bajo of Morocoy

Horizon ( cm)

1 5 May 1 980 % moisture

6 Sept. 1980 % moisture

0-25

2 5.0

4" 4.2

5 2.4

4 -

Platform

2 5-45

4 7.3

+ 2 .8

6 4.1

+ 5 .4

Platform

4 5-75

6 2.5

+ 5 .9

6 5.7

+ 2 .8

Platform

7 5-110

6 7.1

+ 5 .2

Canal

2 5-45

6.4 6

+ 6 .9

6 4.8

+ 3 .2

Canal

4 5-100

7 0.8

+ 2 .6

6. 0 6

+ 1 .8

Sascab

> 100

4 1.7

+ 3 .1

Surface

1 00

5 .3

n. 0

n .d

the sascab material is due to the high rock content in the sample. Interestingly, despite reports of a deep water table ( Lopez et al. 1 977), water was encountered at a depth of 1 .5m i n t he trench opened across the large canal at the end of the dry season. Bel ow 45 cm no soil differences were found between the platforms or the canals, r egardless of the s eason . When t he s tudy area was r evisited again i n the wet s eason, the d evelopment of the 1980 rice crop cl osel y reflected the topographic differences between the f ields and the canals. Best growth ( to the point of f lowering) i s s een i n all a spects measured f or the plants growing i n the canals ( Table 5 :5). The plants on t he r aised s urface were d ry and s tunted, and probably would never f lower. For t he e ntire crop , harvest was to begin one and a half months after the data were collected. D iscussion The topographic patterning in the Bajo Morocoy, as shown by ground survey and soil analysis, supports the belieE t hat s uch d epressions were u sed by t he ancient Maya for intensi ve ag ri c u l t u r a l pr odu c ti on. The i nterpretations of our observations a re d iagrammatically presented in Figure 5 :2. Apparently t he dark grey soil l ayer ( layer 3 ) f ound only on t he platforms i s the r emnant of the ancient planting bed that was excavated from the lower canals/ditches and mounded up to form a planting s urface which would be available f or cropping even at the peak of the wet s eason. This soil layer probably formed the original s urface of the bajo, which was excavated d own to the parent material a nd mounded t i n , c reating platforms t hat once s tood 6 0-70 cm high during the t ime of use. The peneLration of the " sascab" zone may have been a r esult of an attempt to obtain a s u itable height between t he top of the f ield and the maximal water level in the canal. The s urface areas of the platforms, 400-600 m2 , i s consistent with the s ize of the f ields found at Pulltrouser Swamp ( Turner and Harrison 1 981). The l arge canals appear to occupy l ess than 1 0 percent of the area de voted to the canal network, and the platforms occupy about 60 percent of the bajo surface ( Gliessman, unpublished data). This f igure i s higher than De ne v a n' s ( 1 979) cal cul ati ons based on photo i nterpretation, but within the r ange f ound f or other Maya f ields ( Turner and Harrison 1 981). The irregularity of platform and canal sizes are also consistent with other Maya systems. The flatness of the bajo floor al most precludes drainage per se as the purpose of the system. in d e e d, SARH's attempts to dig drainage canals to f acilitate harvesting have met with l ittle s uccess. The striking s imilarities between the results of analysis of the s urface layers and the dark grey layer on the platforms l ends more credibility to our a rgument that the original bajo s urface was u sed f or mound construction . Acidic pH,

considerable residual 1 01

organic matter,

higher

Table

5 :5

Rice growth and development on platforms and canals in the Bajo of Morocoy . Planted 20 May 1 980, measured 6 September 1 980.

Stems/m 2

Site 1 Platform Canal S ite 2 Platform Canal

* P lants

Ave. f it.

Plant ( cm)

Biomass/m 2 gms. dry wt

3 46.7

1 24.1

2 1.4

4 .7

1 03.5

2 7.0

2457.3

201.4

68.1

1 8.6

8 66.1

1 50.5

8 29.3

478.7

2 3.4

4 .6

1 22.5

6 1.6

1 466.7

2 64.0

5 3.5

1 4.8

6 76.0

61.4

f lowering

i n

t he

canal

1 02

at

Site

1

✓ c •1I -r c , w wn _ , _ . . ,c Q., ` ' ) C d . u ) 5 w . ,o . 1r e

4 0 W 0 4

4 ) 4 . 4

4 0

r d

W

e E 0r e , 1

t -- (D

c y " )

r:

7 5

O)

a , 1 a , ( r ) w 4 4 wI (1 -H 1

•

>4

O

0

a i • i 0

4

I

( 1 3 ( N 2

rC I r 4

•

0

9 1

O

er d ▪

0

f • >1 ( I ) , . 4

.' tr 4

, -

› .1"1

( 1 )

1 03

r d , _ 4

0 520 ,o , .

o

c i )

,4 1 1 )

ra

0

r r

L n

r ' 1

,M

r d

U •• U )

-> 1 r d ru

r d

u )

levels of phosphate, and lower l evels of calcium a re all differences that could have been e stablished by mounding dp the original topsoil, and then maintained by a r r Imbination of periodic canal clearing and agricultural • i ces which allowed f or constant organic matter inputs. Higher total n itrogen and n itrates i n the c anals may be more a r esponse to f ertilizers applied to the contemporary r ice crop which has washed out into the depressions, rather than any r eflection of past u se. Periodic excavation of the canals and consequent contact with the calcium rich limestone below could account for the higher levels of that element there, similarly for magnesium . Constant high humidity below the s urface l ayer would have aided greatly in maintaining higher organic matter levels, as well as associated acidity. Further analysis of certain pedological f eatures of the s oil, e specially clay m ineral analysis a nd s oil t exture, m ight provide f urther verification t hat the f ields were u sed i n the past. The high moisture l evels i n the s oil, even i n the d ry season, leads us to believe that the soils of the ba'os probabl y never dry out to any significant degree, especially when still covered by f orest. This would have greatly l imited agricultural u se of s uch wetlands without constructing r aised f ields. Encountering water at 1 .5m i n one of our excavations helps e xplain how this moisture i s maintai ned. Only the upper 4 5 cm, directly afrected by high s olar r adiation, s howed appreciable dryness, and t his would be greatl y reduced with the continual vegetative cover. The argument t hat a t ype of " gilgain activity might have been responsible for the formation of the platforms ( Pu 1eston 1 978) would not seem plausible with moisture levels as high as we observed. The response of the r ice crop aided us in more clearly outlining the topographic d iversity which undoubtedly would have b een much clearer if the area had not been altered so greatly by heavy machinery during the two years previous to our study . Careful clearing of adjacent sections of the f orested bajo could provide i nformation on this point . We have onl y li mited evidence on the types of cultivation practices associated with these relic bajo systems. Evidence f rom Pulltrouser Swamp and Albion I sland i n Belize i ndicates that maize and cotton may have been component crop species ( e.g. Turner and Harrison 1981). Otherwise, by studying present day local use of wetlands i n s outheastern Mexico ( Gliessman 1 979; West et al. 1 969), perhaps derived in part from practices u sed Wiring Maya t imes, c ertain i mplications c an be made a s to some of the past u ses. A system for planting wetlands as the floodwaters recede in March ( called the Marceno) has been described for Tabasco ( 0 roz co-S egovia and Gliessman 1979), alternating with the planting of adjacent higher land a t wetter times of the year. The fact that terminology for the varieties and activities has Maya roots has i mportant 1 04

implications. Maize and beans form the basis for this cropping system, just as they may have in the past. Such practices a re well s uited to periodically f looded lands and can allow f or continual crop production throughout the year . I nitial planting of t he raised platforms probably took place at the outset of the rains in early June when conditions in the canals would have become too wet for planting. Harvest would have taken place in late September, with moisture l evels i n n ormal y ears beginning to f all i n October. Planting of the depressions then would have been possible in late November for harvest during the early dry s eason . If the s eason turned out to be very wet, a s econd crop could have been planted on the platforms i nstead , being ready to harvest i n late January or e arly February . Following the two wet s eason c rops, a dry season planting could also be made in the canals as late as March by u sing s hort cycle varieties of cultivars still used today i n much of r ural s outhern Mexico ( OrozcoSegovia and Gliessman 1 979). It i s unknown with which frequency the canals may have been cleaned f or mounding up of the platforms, something of course which would have altered this cycle. The probability of two crops and the possibility of three crops can be postulated. This intensity of output coul d have been maintained ecologically by frequent " mucking" of the platforms, applying s oil f rom the canals, or through a d iversity of cropping practices s till observable i n Mexico based on a combination of such concepts as multiple cropping, high organic matter i nputs, and b iological control ( Gliessman 1979; 1981; Gliessman and Amador 1980; Gliessman et al 1 981). Field tests are currently undArway in Tabasco t o attempt to reconstruct and manage such an agroecosystem ( Amador et al. 1980). The fiel d to canal syste m pcstulated — he7e differs from that postulated for the f ields at Pulltrouser Swamp where surface water is much d eeper and s ustained throughout the year. The frequency of cul tivation on the fiel ds is u rcertain, although it is assumed to be high, given the l zbour costs ( Turner and Harrison 1 981; Turner Chapter 2 ) o f construction and the ecological contexts that are s uitable f or continuous-type cropping. The area i s reported to contain a high density of structures, s uggesting a once l arge populace which would have placed high demands on production systems ( Harrison 1981). We can only speculate as to production for trade and other f actors, but s uggest that s ettlement s tudies will i ndicate a large populace was present in the area during, at least, t be l ate Classic Period ( e.g . Harrison 1 981). The e astern a nd s outhern u plands s urrounding t he l arge bajo complex show high densities of structures al most everywhere the land is cleared and, of course, Nicolas Bravo and Tzibanche are ancient sites located just west and north of the bajo, respectively . In addition, we observed a large n umber of structures on a natural i sland near the s outhern e dge of the bajo . And , s urprisingly , we series of small

stone-rubble structures 1 05

( house-

sites?) s ituated on r aised-field-like platforms about 1 .0 km north of our study area, cl oser to the interior of the ajo. To our knowledge, these are the first structures b, reported in a baj o per se ( as opposed to the edge or on na t u r a l is l a n ds) in th e Ma y a are a. We ha d no archaeol ogical

permit

and

so

were

limited

to

surface

observations. The structures had been l evelled by tractor and chains, but prepared stone, ceramics and l ithics were clearly visible on the surface, a ssociated with elevated pl atforms. Sampl e cera mics were photographed and t entatively identified by Robert Fry a s most probably Late Classic (A . D. 600-850) in origin, but possibl y some Late Precl assic ( 800 B .C. - A. D. 15 0) specimens were present. These dates coincide with those found at Pul l trouser Swamp . The use of the platform-situated structures i s not k riown, bit it should be recognised that Bajo Morocoy i s large,

much

larger

than

any

other

raised- fiel d

or

channelised- field zone yet studied, and that the fields found there are situated at al most 9 km round trip distance to the nearest wetland margin. It may be that other large bajo complexes in Quintana Roo wil l contain some structures as well because of the distances to other land invol ved . Conclusions The study of the Bajo Morocoy l ear Nicolas Bravo has provided the necessary ground survey evidence that the - 0 c ul ti vate low-l ying ancient Maya used raised fiel ds 4 wetlands ( baj os). This agroecosystem technol ogy was water f rom the system , apparently not so much to elimina 4 but rather more a means of ensuring the presence of suitable planting surfaces, on one hand during the peak of

the wet season ( the tops of the platforms), and perhaps by taking advantage of water retained i n the system during the dry season ( the depressions). These procedures could have allowed for cultivation throughout the year. The few larger

canals

probabl y

could

ha ve

ser ved

to

eliminate

water from the baj o during the infrequent hurricanes someti mes occurring in the region, or acted as canoe routes to the production zone. The secondary canals appear to be more a remnant of the pl atform buil ding processes, and only incidentally served for water control. The canals may never have contained water throughout t he year ', unless the environment was much different in the past or the Maya regulated water loss during the dry season. Regardless, the circumstance s eems to differ f rom the year-round canal water postulated for Pul l trouser Swamp. This

study

correlates

remote-sensing work

wel l

demonstrating

with

aerial

a very

surveys

widespread

and

use

of

wetl and culti vation in prehistoric times ( Scarborough Chapter 7 ). Our reassess ent OF the agricultural basis of the

Maya civilization continues,

especially in relation to

sociopolitical structure, population densities, cropping systems and social organisation, and the environmental consequences

of

such

intensi ve

land

use

in

association

with the collapse of the Classic Maya civilization . Acknowle eements The a uthors are deeply indebted to the following staff members of the SARH, without whose assistance this study would not have been possible: Ing. Mario E . Villanueva M ., Ing. Juan de Jesus Abarca P ., Ing. Eduardo Franco V ., Ing. Manuel Encalada F ., Ing. Carlos Cervera S ., and Ing. Mercadeo. We are most grateful to Jose W . Chan Puc for al l of the aid, both direct and indirect, that he provided. Invaluable help was provided in the field by Silas Romero B ., Arturo and Fernando Aguilar, and the students in the spring 1980 graduate Agroecology course ( CSAT). Financial assistance f rom CS T i s acknowledged . Bibliography ADAMS,

R .E. W. 1980, ancient Maya

Swamps, cities,

canals and the location of Antiquity 54, 206-214 .

ADAMS, R .E.W ., W .E. BROWN, Jr. and T .P. Radar mapping , archaeology and ancient Science 2 13, 1 457-1463.

CULBERT 1981, Maya land use,

AMADOR , M .F ., S .R . GLIESSMAN, R . CORONADO,y .F . MIRAFUENTES 1982, El uso de bancales : omo alternativa en los suelos mal drenados, Agricultura Tro2ical ( CSATMexico), ( in press). D ENEVAN , W .M. 1 979, Raised f ield measurement comparisons, Summary of paper presente. 1 at XLIII Congress of Americanists, August, 1 979, Vancouver, B .C ., Canada. GLIESS MAN, S .R. 1979, Some ecological relationships of traditional agroecosystems in the lowland humid tropics of Southern Mexico, Presented at the XLIII Congress of Americanists, Vancouver, B .C., Canada. Memoirs i n preparation. GLIESSMAN, S .R . 1 981, Aspects of nitrogen distribution i n several traditional agroecosystems in the hu mid tropical lowlands of southeastern Mexico, Ecological Bulletins ( Sweden), ( in press). GLIESSMAN, S .R . and M .F . AMADOR 1 980, Ecological a spects of production in traditonal agroecosystems in the humid lowland tropics of Mexico, In , Tropical Ecology and De vel ooment, edited by J .I. Furtado, Kuala Lumpur, 601-608. GLIESSMAN, S . R., R . ESPINOSA E . and M . AMADOR A . 1981, The ecol ogical basis for the application of traditional agricultural technology i n the management of tropical agroecosytems, Agro-ecosystems 7 , 173185.

1 07

HARRISON, P .D. 1977, The rise of the bajos and the fall of the Maya, In, Social process in Maya Prehistory: . Studies in Memory. of Sir Eric Thom son, edited by N Hammond, Academla Press, London . HARRISON, P .D . 1978, Bajos revisited: visual evidence f or one system of agriculture, In, Prehis2anic Maya Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B . L. Turner I, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 2 47I 2 54. HARRISON, P . D. 1981, Some aspects of preconquest settlement in Southern Quintana Roo, Mexico, In, Lowl and Maya Settl ement Patterns, edited by W . Ashmore, University of New Mexico Press. HARRISON, P . D. and B . L. TURNE R ( edi tors) 1978, II Prehispanic Maya Agricul ture, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 4 14pp . JENNY , H . 1980, The Soil Resource: Origin and Behaviour, Ecological Studies 3 7, Springer -Verlag, New York, 1 51 7. LAMBERT, J .D.H. 1979, Raised field agriculture adjacent to the New Ri ver Lagoon, Lamanai, Belize: Paper presented at the XLIII International Congress of Americanists, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. LOPEZ, J .H., J . LANDEROS G ., F . LOPEZ M ., J .H. PECH L ., F . GALICI A S . and I . RENTERI A A . 1977, Estudio agrologico semidetallado de la Cuenca del Arroyo U cum , Quintana Roo, Serie Estudios, Publ. 1 1, ( Servicio d e Agricultura y Recursos Hidraulicos), Mexico, 81pp . OROZCO-SEGOVI A, D . and S .R. GLIESSMAN 1979, The Marceno i n f lood-prone r egions of Tabasco, Mexico, Presented at the XLIII Congress of Americanists, Vancouver, B .C ., Canada, Memoirs in preparation . PENNINGTON, T .D . de Mexico,

and J . SARUKHAN 1968, I .N.I.F., FAO, Mexico.

Arboles

Tropicales

PULESTON, D .E. 1977, Experiments in prehistoric raised f ield agriculture: learning from the past, Journal Belizean Affairs 5 , 3 6-43. PULESTON, D .E. 1978, Terracing, raised fields and tree cropping in the Maya lowlands: a new perspecti ve in the geography of power, In Prehis 2anic Maya Agriculture, edited by P .D. Harrison and B .L. Turner I, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 2 25I 246. SANDERS, W .T. 1979, The jolly green giant in tenth century Yucatan, or fact and fancy in Classic Maya agriculture, Reviews in Anthropology 6 , 493-506 . 1 08

SCARBOROUGH, V .L . 1980, The Settlement System in a Late 7 3r1 1 -C ein B elize , Preclassic Maya Commi rrty : Cerros, N i i Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Anthropol ogy, Southern Methodist University , Texas, 472pp . SECRETARIA DE AGRICULTURE Y RECURSOS HIDRAULICOS ( SARH) 1977, Mosaic ( ) de la Zona de Ucum, Quintana Roo, Fecha de vuelo Marzo 1977, Direccion de Estudios Especificos, SARH, Mexico, D .F . SECRETARIA DE AGRICULTURE Y RECURSOS HIDRAULICOS ( SARH) 1 980, Diario de avances del cultivo de arroz, Laguna Om, Unpublished r ecords, Chetumal, Quintana . Roo, Mexico. S IEMENS, A .H . 1 978, Karst and the prehispanic Maya in the southern lowlands, In , Prehispanic Maya , Agriculture, edited by P .D . Harrison and B .L . Turner I I, University oE New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1 17-144. S IEMENS, A .H. 1982, Prehispanic agricultural use of wetlands of Northern Belize, In, Maya Subsistence: Studies in Memory of Dennis E . Puleston, edited by Kent V . Flannery , Academic Press, London, 205-225. S IEMENS, A .H. and D .E. PULESTON 1972, Ridged fields and ass ociated features in southern Campeche: new perspectives on the lowland Maya, American Antiquity 2 37, 28-239. TURNER, B .L. II 1974, P J . ahistoric intensive agriculture in the Mayan l owlands , Science 185, 1 18-124 . TURNER, B .L. I I 1978, Ancient agricultural land use in the central Maya lowlands, In, Prehis2anic Maya son - qna -B-. T .. Turner . Agriculture, edited by P .D. Har-rr I, University of N w 191,e5 I Ci t : 20 Press, Albuquerque, 1 631 84. T URNER , B .L . I I 1 979, Prehispanic terracing in the Central Ma y a Lo wl a n ds: Pr o b l e ms of ag r i c u l t u r a l intensitification, In, Maya kariculture and Ethnohistory , edited by N . Tr am3nd and G .R . University of Texas Press, Austin, 103-115. TURNER, B .L. II and P .D. HARRISON 1979, Comment on W .T. Sanders Review of Prehispanic Miya Agric _ ii 1ture, i Review i n Anthropology 6 , 5 44-555. TURNER, B .L. I and P .D. HARRISON 1981, Prehistoric I raised- field agricul ture in the Maya lowl ands, Science 2 13, 3 99-405. TURNER , B .L . I I and P .D . HARRISON 1 983, Maya Raised-Field A2riculture and Settlement at Pull trouser Swamp, Northern Belize , University of Texas Press, Austin .

3 no

WEST, R .C., N .P. PSUTY and B .G. THOM 1 969, The Tabascan Lowl ands of Southeastern Mexico, Louisiana State t i r iTve r-i 3iy -i 5r e i-s 7 -1-a t a rTf eöuge , 193pp.

1 10

Chapter ANCIENT

6

MAYA LAND USE AND POTENTIAL PRODUCTIVITY AT LAMANAI, BELIZE J . D.H.

Lambert

and J . T.

AGRICULTURAL

Arnason

Abstract The r ecent a rchaeological l iterature on Pre-Hispanic Maya agriculture indulges in much unfounded speculation on c rop yields and the relative merits of intensive ( sedentary) versus extensive ( shifting) agriculture. In t his paper a drained f ield complex on the New River near L amanai, Belize, with evidence of Preclassic and Classic occupation was i dentified. Modern milpa agriculture was s tudied on 30, 000 acres of forest to the west of Lamanai where evidence of ancient house mounds i s abundant. The s oil quality of the milpa and drained f ield s ites and t heir crop yields were compared. It i s proposed that d rained f ield agriculture provided the major crops during t he dry s eason and milpas during the wet season. It i s a lso suggested that the Maya were probably well aware of t he optimal l and use methods f or agriculture and would have used whatever method(s) were bast s uited to the topography and drainage conditions. R esumen La l iteratura a rqueolögica r eciente s obre l a a gricultura m aya l l ujo d e h acer c on -; ^t uras p re-hispänica s e permi i-e e

s in b ase a cerca

d e r endimientos d e c ultivos y l os mdritos r elativos d e l a a gricultura i ntensiva

( sedentaria )

c ontra l a a gricultura e xtensiva

( de t raslado).

S e i dentificö un c omplejo d e c ampo d renado e n e l R io N uevo c erca d e L amanai,

B elice,

c on e videncia d e o cupaciön P re-Cläsica y C läsica.

S e

e studiö l a a gricultura m ilpa m oderna e n 3 0.000 a cres d e s elva a l o este d e L amanai d onde e xiste a bundante e videncia d e a ntiguas l omas d e c as as.

S e c ompararon l a c alidad d el

s uelo d e l a m ilpa y d e l os s itios

d e c ampos d renados y s us r endimientos d e c ultivos.

S e propone q ue l a

a gricultura d e c ampos d renados proporcionaba l os c ultivos principales d urante l a e staciön s eca y l as m ilpas d urante l a e staciön l luviosa. T ambidn s e s ugiere q ue l os mayasprobablemente e staban muy c onscientes d e l os mdtodos ö ptimos d el u so d e l a t ierra para l a a gricultura y hab rian u sado e l mdtodo q ue f uera mäs a propiado a l as c ondiciones t opog räficas y d e d renaje.

I ntroduction Hypotheses as to the types of agricultural systems practiced in Prehispanic Mesoamerica have ranged from extensi ve or milpa agriculture as the major form of subsistence in drier upl and sites ( M orley 1946) to i ntensive, upland terrace and raised f ield agriculture in wetland sites ( Harrison and Turner 1 978). Today wherever forest or bush are removed evidence of p ast occupancy and/or agricultural activity are invariably 11 1

found. New methods of air survey, such as Synthetic Aperture Radar ( SAR) have identified large areas in the forested lowlands of Mexico, Guatemala and Belize that a re covered with terraces and raised f ields a number of cases, areas, s uch as bajos,

( Adams, 1982). In which would today

be classified as of low producti vity, were turned by the Maya into producti ve ' agricultural land. Such evidence might be used to suggest that the Maya were aware of the producti vity of different landforms so that they could have utilized both extensive and intensive agricultural practices. It has been suggested that raised field agriculture would be more efficient than slash and burn in that it avoided the inherent inefficiencies of the fal l ow cycle ( Puleston 1977). However, burning and f allow have obvious benefits. They aid organic matter and nutrient returns to the soi l s, and control weeds and vari ous pathogen populations. Extensive agriculture as defined by Harrison ( 1978), invol ving a milpa system in which intercropping and multicropping were practiced would, we s uggest permit increased species di versity, hel p control weeds and probably allow for longer use without necessarily reducing the fal low period. Besides, the fall ow period in such cropping systems coul d have been practiced as a crop disease protection agronomic purposes ( 1978).

tactic, rather as suggested by

than for Gl ass and

strictly Thurston

Evidence is presented here for Prehispanic seasonal use of the New Ri ver floodplain near the Maya site of Lamanai in Belize. We also present data on modern day extensive ( milpa) agriculture at Indian Church ( Lamanai) to support our theory that in specific areas the Maya coul d ha ve used both intensi ve and extensi ve systems to suppl y their basic nutritional requirements. To have developed as successful a culture as appears evident t he Maya probably made optimal use of all available and prevailing environmental conditions.

landforms

Study Area The northern part of Belize is physiographically a part of the Yucatan Peninsula and is a heavil y karsted limestone plateau of Cretaceous age. Lamanai or Indian Church i s located in the north east s ector of this plateau on the west shore of the New Ri ver Lagoon at its entry into the Ne w Ri ver. Both the ri ver and la goon are control led at this point by a smal l fault scarp with La manai situated on the dip sl ope. The lagoon is maintained largel y by groundwater fl ow relatively high sediment and mineral load. li mes tone deposition. Lamanai

scarp

is

years or more ., -4 . mat e d

considered

(ca.

at

resul ts

600 B .C.

ov e r

in

to

have

- A .D.

10, 0 0 0

high

rates

been

1675)

and it has a Erosion of t he

in

wi th

of

use

CaCO

for

3

2 200

a population

( P e nde r g as t

pe rs ona l

c ommunication). I n f act, the area was used continually by Maya f armers up until 1 925 when an epidemic decimated the village of Indian Church . In the past decade f armers have a gain moved back i nto the region . Immediately to the west of the New River Lagoon are 6 0,000 hectares of rolling l and dominated by cohune palm and high bush forest, marsh forest ( bajo) and herbaceous marsh and swamp ( Figure 6 :1). The region i s underlain by a creamy pink, moderately hard, amorphous limestone. Soils in the area are those of the Yaxa group ( Wright et al. 1959) being grey-brown cl ays. Yaxa shows the C f e-v e lopment of, a normal soil type on nearly level topography ( high bush), a shallow gravelly soil on undulating land ( high bush), a deep melanized soil under cohune palm f orest and a mottled clay i n areas of impeded d rainage ( bajo and swamps). The vegetation is classified according to Wright et a l. ( 1959) as, broadleaf deciduous forest and i s included in the lowland, dry tropical zone. Five major forest associations have been identified and their species c omposition and s oil characteristics documented ( Lambert and Arnason 1978). Soils Data f or the chemical and physical characteristics of the most suitable sites for agriculture ( Wright et al. 1 959; Lambert and Arnason 1 979) are presented in Table 6 :1. The cohune and high bush forest soils reflect s imilar characteristics. The only major t ifferences occur in exchangeable calcium and sodium and cation exchange capacity ( CEC). The three values are indicative of the l imestone bedrock that underlies the region. The physical characteristics of the soil have a major effec t on the degree of le ac hi ng and nutri ent availability . The high clay and organic matter content of t he soil guarantees an abundance of clay-humus micelles, i .e. sites of ion exchange. This situation plus the base rich condition indicates a fertil e soil of good agricultural potential. Additional nutrients available for short term agricultural acti vity are stored in the cohune and high bush forests in the standing biomass. Such reserves are released on burning and a certain percent i s made available f or crop production . A slash and burn/milpa type of agriculture, from our s tudies over a f our year period , does not appear to r educe s oil f ertility . Reductions in crop yields are primarily r elated to increased weed growth, which is in itself an indicator

of

sufficient

nutrients

( Lambert

and

Arnason

1 980). An initial drop in exchangeable cation l evels occurs at the s tart of the rainy season, in May, and indicates the initiation of plant growth as well as a short period o f

leaching .

The high montmorillonite clay content of

the

0 / 0

MARSH COHUNE H IGH

•

1•

I

FOREST ( BAJO )

3 5

FOREST

BUSH

2 0

FOREST

3 5

F LOODPLA IN

( MARSH AND

SWAMP)

P INE

R IDGE

FOREST

3

NE W

R IVER

LAGOON

1

A dapted f r om 0

1 0 km

6

W r ight e t a t 1 959

C • / 2• H C l ) r 1 C O PL .

0 0 0 0 V ) • • • • • C • I0 r ) r * s e % . 0

c r • 0

0 u p • • • 0 0

o Q N - Lr N • • • • • C V C T ) (2 ) r 1

V D • •

c \ I I -%J D c N i C r ) • • • • • -O r -0 0 r / 4 1 . 0 C N

. 2 .2 , . 4 L i ' ) N . C ) • • • • 0 0 0

U

0 1 4

y

v p

( . : N Lt ' )

•• r I

C NC

0 1

L r )

s a )

" C • P I

u ) a ) W • C 0 e ° 4 4

0

N 0 0 0 0 C r ) • . • • • 40 c / • J c y N L n 1

0

t r ) • 0

•

r 1

r 1

r z 4

•

0 • 0

r 0 0 r 1

_ r 1 C N

0

.s : ) s e. . 0

C r ) -

N Cr )

• J D

C N

0

0 CN

r " * .

r

( : ) . \

L . r ) r i

r 1 •• L f l r 4

Q t 1 -

L/ 1

T H •• C 1 r 1

C O C ) CV N Cr ) . l .-

•• 0

re)

r i

c v

0 )

0

1 . 2 1 a )

c . ) W

C I O

e

r d

t o c o

G ) C d 1 1 •

c d

1 15

‚ -4 • < Z

% O rganic M atter

Q E

C ation E xchange

0 4 1 c e

M icronutrients

C ohune P alm

•H

CN

r e ) 0 • • 0 0

B„ . e .

c d . a .

f loodplain s oils,

Ii •H

T able 6 :1 S ummary o f

• . 1 0

s oil however, would inhibit prolonged swelling properties when wet.

l eaching

due

to i ts

Percent moisture increases sharply at the advent of the r ainy s eason. However, maximum l evels are not r eached until July . The start of the dry s eason in January results in a s teady decline i n soil moisture. Soil pH values ( averaged f or t he t welve month period) i ndicate the soil i s neutral. With the s tart of the r ainy season bases are removed by leaching giving rise t o a slightly acid condition which i n turn i s responsible f or the availability of micronutrients ( Fe , Al, Z n, Mn, e tc .). During the dry s eason the soil pH i s slightly alkaline a nd micronutrients are unavailable. In a recent paper ( Lambert et al. 1983) we have d iscussed the agricultural potentialTo7 - the drained f ield soils which r epresents a very d ifferent s ituation f rom t he cohune and high bush forests. The annual deposition of nutrient r ich s ediments, f ollowed by a d ry s eason during which mineralization occurs rapidly, guarantees an abundance of nutri ents every year. The hig h montmorillonite clay fraction would pick up available nutrients and in its swollen state r educe leaching and maintain a high soil moisture content during the dry season . Carbonates would be l eached t hrough the prGTile and accumulated i n the gypsum layer. The annual f looding of the drained f ields and deposition of sediments would inhibit or at least drastically reduce the ability of weeds to e stablish and s urvive. Underlying the drained f ields i s a layer thick) dominated by gypsum with some c alcite.

( at

least 2m

Discussion In areas of impeded drainage ( bajo and swamp) west of the New River Lagoon we have found no evidence, to date, of raised or channelized f ields that would indicate wetland culti vation by the ancient Maya as described by Turner and Harrison ( 1981) at Pulltrouser Swamp 50 km to the north. The only evidence we have of possible wetland cultivation i s based on the presence of canals on the e ast shore of the New River Lagoon and i n t he New River f loodplain . The general undulating character of t he topography west of the Lagoon and the dominance of high bush and cohune f orest with potentially s uitable soil and our observation of numerous ancient house mounds leads u s t o suggest that the Maya at Lamanai could have supported themselves by a combination of both s lash and burn/milpa and drained f ield agriculture. In contrast, several recent papers ( Harrison and Turner 1978; Deevey et al. 1979) support the suggestion that milpa agriculture while adequate i n the 1 7th century would be inadequate for growing populations. Very low , r-op yields are cited. Perhaps the reason some present 7 1 _5

day mil peros obtain low yiel ds is because the land they cultivate i s of poor or marginal quality . If yields are low it is probabl y due to the fact that the best land is used for export crops ( coffee, sugar cane, hemp , bananas, etc.); pasture for large herds of cattl e or, the producti ve members of the vil l age are empl oyed in sugar c ane farming, lumbering or trucking . Much of the published data ( Cowgill 1961; Urrutia 1 967; Dickson 1 980) on crop yields gives no cultivar type and seems to imply that only one crop/milpa/year is or was planted and harvested . Early Spanish documents describing life in the Alta Verapez region of the Peten identify house

gardens,

large

milpas

( comaracas)

and

( corn and beans) with two plantings per Hill 1980) as we have observed in Belize.

intercräpping

year

( Renia

and

Sanders ( 1973) reported that current corn production in the Peten was about 800 kg/ha, a yield we consider very poor and indicati ve of over used land ( Arnason et al. 1 982). In addition the above yield was f urther reduced to 528 kg/ ha because, we quote " . - o f the more primiti ve varieties of maize being used in the Pre-Cl assic", which we f ind to be unfounded and patronizing. Willey and Smith ( 1973) suggest there is no evidence the Maya practiced pl ant selection disease. We f ind

to improve yields or resistance these assumptions to be unacceptable.

to

Every mi l pero we ha ve talked to concerning farming techniques and seed types instincti vel y recognised the re l ati onshi p bet ween seeds and their adaptati on to specific environmental conditions. For example, local corn

varieties

are

preferred

to

the

introduced

hybrids

because they are less susceptable to weevil attack while in storage. An anal ysis of local varieties and introduced hybrid corn shows that antifeedant phenolics present in the local seed have been bred out of the hybrids ( Fortier et al. 1 983). The success of local varieties i s based on the abilities of milperos to select for and preserve the genetic heritage of the crops. The fact that over 100 species of plant were being culti vated at the time of European conquest attests to the success of Prehispanic culture in plant ( t)n i estication and breeding ( Brown and Finsterbusch, 1 982). Flannery ( 1968) more r ealistically depicted the earl y Mesoamerican peoples as a "practiced and ingeneous team of lay botanists and not a ragged and scruffy

band

A factor agriculture

of

nomads".

sel dom considered in any discussion of Maya is that a mil pero keeps two mil pas under

cultivation all the time. Each dry s eason he cuts, burns and pl ants a new mil pa, while at the same time planting in the reburned milpa he cut the year before. In this way he reduces his work load by half . While the milperos task i s not easy it is not necessarily as difficult as the Frairs reported

( Renia

and

Hill

1980).

1 17

While we s uggest t hat the Maya must have continued t he practice of slash and burn/milpa agriculture during the Classic period we s ee obvious advantages i n e xploiting t he river floodplains as well. Besides corn and beans that could be grown i n a bottomland environment there are o ther potentially u seful crops that would have received s pecial attention from early residents. There are several s uch plants in the Maya Lowlands that thrive under seasonal flooding ( National Academy of Sciences, 1 975). They include: cocoyam ( Xanthosoma sagittifolium), cassava ( Manihot esculenta), canna ( Canna edul T s T and cacao C iheobroma cacao :07To increase soil fertility the Maya coul d have periodically cleaned out the canals thereby adding organic and mineral material to the s urface of t he drained f ields. Another approach the Maya could have taken, at least on the floodplain, was the application of pure gypsum . A thin layer spread on the s urface moving slowly through t he top soil would improve soil permeability and deposit additional quartz and montmori 1 1 on ite clay thereby increasing c ation r etention . Gypsum i s often applied to land with beneficial effects to crops in North America. The result is an increase in pH, and the availability of P , Mo, Ca and Mg and in the percent base saturation. We can speculate on the integration of milpa and drained f ield agriculture on the basis of soil conditions on the floodplain and in our milpa research. If we assume that the most productive period of use of a milpa was t wo years and that the drained fiel ds coul d be used continually because of the c i nual nutrient deposition then, based on present day yields of local crops we can determine the amount of land ( milpa and drained f ield) necessary to f eed the e stimated population at Lamanai a nd the surrounding i nhabitants ( Table 6 :2). I n the I ndian Church and San Jose Succotz ( Arnason et al. 1982) regions of Belize all milperos plant at least two corn crops ( Cosecha and Yaxking) a nd one b ean c rop per year. The average yields i n the Indian Church area based on our own milpa studies ( Lambert and Arnason 1 980) and data collected from twenty-one local milperos for two crops per year, is ca. 3 100 kg/ha. Such yields are attained u sing local varieties of white, yellow and black corn and yields higher than 4000 kg/ha are common. The yield is one and a half times that when hybrid corn i s grown L Bean yields f rom our milpa s tudies r ange f rom 3 54 kg/ha for Pinto beans, to 5 20 kg/ha for Red Kidney beans and to 7 20 kg/ha for Black-eyed beans. All three bean species are planted i n November and harvested i n February . Most milperos u sually plant s quash and/or melon with t heir corn

and beans

to

i nhibit

weed

growth .

The lower yields i n the milpa f or the Yaxking planting are readily explained . While s eed g ermination and s talk elongation are not inhibited during the initial growth period , grain growth and maturation a re restricted due to 1 18

Yield

M ilpa Corn

Cosecha

Yaxking

May-September

December-April

( grain)

B eans

in kg/ha

1 600

( grain)

1000

500 2 100

Land

1000

cultivated 400 ha

840, 000 kg

400, 000 kg

January-April

Drained Field

1 400

Corn Beans

Land

and

root

1000

crops

cultivated

2 400

200 ha

Total

480, 00 kg

yield

f rom 600 ha

e stimated yields

Table

6 :2

based on

-1, 720, 000 kg/yr

vegetative

growth.

Crop yields from milpa and drained systems, Indian Church , Belize

1 19

field

a l imiting water

s upply during

the

d ry

s eason.

The period of maximum productivity for the drained f ields would be f rom January to May when water levels a re receding. While soil moisture l evels i n milpa land drops below 30% during the dry season, this i s not the case in the drained f ields. B ecause of the water-retaining ability of the gypsum , the high nutrient content of t he r nontmorillonite subsurface layer and the loose friable s tructure of the organic s urface horizon, c rops would n ot e xperience drought-like conditions. Preliminary data on corn production suggests that we could expect excellent growth in the dry season. Specialised perennial crops such as cacao and cocyam could act a s shade trees to vegetable crops planted as water levels dropped. To ensure maximum crop yields the Maya would have had to breed f or shorter life cycle crops, probably of three months duration . Today local c ampasinos i n Tabasco u se a local three month corn on their chinampas ( Gliessman personal communication) as do some milperos at Indian Church on the Yaxa soils. Of the approximately 4 12 km 2 o r 4 1200 ha i dentified as available for agriculture only 4000 ha would be on the floodplain a nd could have b een u sed c ontinuously without any f allow . The remaining 3 72 km 2 or 3 7200 ha would have been available f or milpa/extensive agriculture with plots being used f or two years f ollowed by a f allow period. If only 400 ha of the available cohune and high bush forest were needed each year for crops large areas of forest would probably never have been cleared for agriculture. We would s uggest that a resident population of 14,000 inhabitants, assuming average annual consumption of 2 40 kg/yr ( Offner 1 980; Dickson 1 980), would have required no more than 6 km 2 or 600 ha per year to supply their basic nutritional needs. This amount of land would be less t han 1 .5% of the total available . With s uch extensive f orest on good soil the local residents would have had no need to modify the swamplands a s was the case i n other r egions . By understanding the soil/ water/ plant growth r elationships of the d ifferent landforms of the region t he local Prehispanic inhabitants would have guaranteed themsel ves a steady food supply. Milpas could have produced abundant crops during the rainy season and the drained f ields during the dry season. The selection of local crop varieties for different seasons and environmental conditions woul d have gi ven rise to considerable genetic diversity. The results would have been d t l east partial r esistance or t olerance to pest a nd environmental s tress. Bibliogra2hy ADAMS, R .E.W . 1982, Ancient Maya canals: grids and lattices i n the Maya j ungle, Archaeology 3 5, 2 8-35.

1 20

ARNASON, J .T., J . D.H. LAMBERT, J . GALE, and H . VERNON 1 9 8 2, De c l i n e of soi l fe r t i l i t y du e to in t e n s i f i c a t i o n of la n d us e by sh i f t i n g agriculturalists 27-37.

in

BROWN, L .R. and G . W. Environment: Food, COWGILL,

U .M.

1 961,

Belize,

C .A ,

Agro-ecosystems

_ FINSTERBUSCH 1972, Man and His Harper and Row , New York, 25 1787p .

Soil

f ertility

and

the

ancient

Connetticut Academx Arts and Sciences, 42, 1-56. DEE VE Y,

E . S.,

D .S.

8 ,

RI CE,

P . M.

RI CE,

Maya,

Transactions

H . H.

VAUGHAN,

M .

BRENNER and M .S. FLANNERY 1979, Mayan urbanism: impact on a tropical karst environment, Science 206, 298-306. D ICKSON, D .B. 1980 , Ancient agriculture and population at Tikal, Guatemala: an application of linear programming to the simul ation of an archaeol ogical American Antiquity 45, 697-712. FLANNERY,

K . V.

1968,

Archaeol ogical

early Mesoamerica, the Americas, D .C., 67-87.

In ,

edited

systems

Anthroplogical by

B .J.

problem ,

theory

in

Archaeology

of

Meggars,

Washington,

FORTIER, G ., J .T. ARNASON, J .D.H. LAMBERT, J . McNEILL, C . NOZZOLILLO and B .J. R. PHILOGENE 1983, Local and improved corn cultivars in small f arm agriculture in Be l ize, C . A.: their taxonomy, resistance to Sitophilus zeamais, press.

producti vity and Phytoprotection, in

GLASS, B .H. and H . D. THURSTON 1978, Traditional and modern crop protection in perspective, Bioscience 28, 109-115. HARRI SON,

P . D.

1978,

So

seeds

sha l l

grow:

some

introductory co mments, In, Pre-His nanic Ma x :a Agriculture, edited by P . D. Harrison r ind B . L. Turner I I, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Al buquerque, 11 1. HARI ZISON,

P . D.

Hispanic Press,

LAMBERT,

and

Maya

B . L.

Albuquerque,

J . D. H.

TURNER

Agriculture,

and

J . T.

II,

( editors)

University

of

1978, New

PreMexico

4 14pp .

ARNASON

1978,

Distribution

of

vegetation on Maya ruins and its relationship to dncient land-use at Lamanai, Belize, Turrial ba 28, 3 341.

1 21

LAMBERT, J .D .H . and J .T . ARNASON 1 979, I ndian Church Milpa Project, Belize: report on fiel d studies and laboratory analyses, Report to Canadian International Development Agency , Ottawa. LAMBERT, J .D .H . and J .T . ARNASON 1 980 , Nutrient levels in corn and competing * weed species in a f irst year milpa, Indian Church, Belize, C .A, Plant and Soil 55, 4 154 27. LAMBERT, J . D.H., A . H. SIE MENS and J .T. ARNASON 1983, Ancient Maya drained f ield agriculture: its possible application today in the New River floodplain, Belize, C .A , Submitted to Agro-ecosystems. MORLEY, S . G. University

1946, Press,

The 507pp .

Ancient

Maya,

NATI ONAL ACADE M Y OF SCIENCES 1975, TroEical Pl ants With Promising Washington, D .C., 188pp .

Standford

UnderexEl oited Economic Val ue,

OFFNER, J .A . 1980, Archival reports of poor crop yields in the early post conquest Texcocan heartland and their implications for studies of Aztec period populations, American Antiquity 45, 848-856. PULESTON, D .E. 1977, Experiments in Pre-Historic raised f ield agriculture: learning from the past, Journal Belizean Affairs 5 , 3 6-43. REINA , R .E . and R .M. H ILL 1 980 , Lowland Maya subsistence: notes from ethnohistory and ethnography, American Antiquity 45, 74-79. SA WERS, W .T. 1973, The cultural ecology of the Maya lowlands: a re-evaluation, In, The Classic Maya Col lapse, edited by T .P. Cul bert, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 3 25-365. I TURNER, B .L. I and P .D. HARRISON 1 981, Prehistoric raised- fiel d agricul ture in the Maya lowlands, Science 2 13, 3 99-405 . URRUTIA , R .V.M. 1 967, Corn production and soil f ertility changes under shifting cul ti vation in Uaxactun, Guat emala, Unpublished M .Sc. Thesis, Department of Agriculture, University of Florida, Gainesville, 1 58pp. WILLEY, G .R. and D .B. SHI MKIN 1973, The Maya col lapse: a s ummary view , In , The Classic Maya Collapse, edited by T .P. Cul bert, Uni versity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 457-545 WRIGHT, A .C.S., D .H. ROMNEY, R .H. ARBUCKLE and 1959, Land Use in British Honduras, Research Pub, 24 H . M.S.O . London. 1 22

V .E. VIAL Col onial

Chapter RAISED

FIELD DETECTIONS AT Vernon

7 CERROS,

NORTHERN

BELIZE

Scarborough

Abstract Late Preclassic raised f ields have been mapped and e xcavated at Cerros, a Maya s ite on the northern Belizean c oast at Lowry's Bight. Raised f ields appear to have been d esigned either to: ( 1) control or manipulate f lowing water through these agricultural plots or ( 2) to drain and r ender cultivatable internally drained depressions or b ajos. At Cerros a 6m wide canal encloses raised f ields i n what appears to be a man-made catchment. These and other raised fields at the s ite have been s tudied on radar i magery. Overlays of the mapped r aised f ields and canals were compared with a s ide-looking airborne radar overlay of the s ite to s ee if i t was possible to accurately l ocate and map raised f ields using radar imagery. It i s c oncluded that some of the l arger c anals are visible on t he imagery. The possibility that the l ineaments i nterpreted as canals and f ields were in f act natural g ilgai or structural l ineaments i s refuted because of the c lose relationship between the r adar overlays and the site maps. R esumen Se han ubicado y e xcavado campos e levados d e f ines d el period° p recläsico

e n Cerros,

L owry's B light.

un s itio maya e n l a c osta f orte d e B elice e n

A l parecer,

l os

c ampos

s e d iseharon ya s ea para c on-

t rolar o manejar c orrientes d e agua a para d renar y permitir e l c ult ivo de bajos c ho

drenados

i nternamente.

encierra campos e levados

f icial. d iado c ampos

E stos

campos e levados y otros m s e n e l

en imägenes d e r adar. e levados y c anales

S obreimposiciones

t razados

s obreimposiciön de r adar desde r a ver

s i

En Cerros u n c anal d e 6m d e an-

e n l o que parece s er u na c aptaciön a rtis e h an e stu-

e l a ire d e v ista l ateral d el

e levados mediante i mägenes d e r adar. g randes

s on v isibles

a lineamientos

s itio pac ampos

Se c oncluye que a lgunos d e l os

e n l as

s ibilidad que

l os

f ueran gilgai

n aturales o a lineamientos

e strecha relaciön e ntre l as

d e l os

e n e l mapa s e c ompararon c on una

e ra posible ubicar y t razar e n f orma precisa l os

c anales mäs

d el

s itio

( overlays)

imägenes.

S e descartö l a po-

i nterpretados c omo c anales y c ampos e structurales,

d ebido a l a

s obreimposiciones d e r adar y l os mapas

s itio.

I ntroduction Recent investigations in the Maya Lowlands ' , lave r evealed the presence of raised f ield agriculture. Aerial photography has documented r idged f ields in the Candelaria Basin of southern Campeche ( Siemens and Puleston 1 972) and raised f iel ds in Quintana Roo, Mexico ( Harrison 1977; Turner and Harrison 1978). Additional remote sensing work has

identified raised fields along the Hondo and the New 1 23

Rivers of northern Belize ( Siemens 1 978, 1 982), along t he Belize River of central Belize ( Kirke 1 980), and i n parts of t he Peten, Guatemala ( Adams 1 980). Ground s urveys have confirmed the extensi veness of raised f ield agriculture throughout northern Belize ( Turner and Harrison 1 981; Siemens 1982) and in the Peten, Guatemala ( Adams et al. 1981). Field excavations have also been carried out at Albion Island on the Hondo River in northern Belize ( Puleston 1 977), a t Pulltrouser Swamp , n ear the New R iver ( Turner and Harrison 1981), and at Cerros, near the mouth of the New Ri ver (Freide 1 and Scarborough 1982; Scarborough i n press), s ee Figure 7 :1. These excavations provide demonstrabl e evidence of the methods of construction and function of the f ields as well as the dates of their appearance i n the Maya Lowlands. Types of Raised Fields

in the Maya Lowlands

The raised f ields at Cerros date to the Maya Late Preclassic period and excavations at Albion Island and Pulltrouser Swamp suggest comparable initiation dates, though Classic period utilization was intensi ve. The sizes of the plots range f rom 10 x 10m to 40 x 40m, although they are not necessarily square. Each is constructed f rom e arth and f ill material brought i n f rom varying distances. The f ields e xcavated so f a ' 7 appear to have had one of two f unctions ( Freidel n .d .). The f irst was to control or manipulate flowing drainage water on r i ver flood plains and lagoonal margins such as at Al bion Island or Pulltrouser Swamp . This t ype, although labour intensive, did not r equire a great deal of landscape modification a s drainage was external and the system was naturally f lushed by the river. The second type of raised field occurs in internally d rained bajos in enclosed basins or surrounding lakes where drainage of planting surfaces is the main function. Much of the present aerial photographic coverage of Quintana Roo and northeastern Peten reveals f ields i n these s ettings. Al though examples of ri verine fiel ds have been excavated i n northern Belize and elsewhere, few examples of stil l water fiel ds and canalization have been excavated. The Cerros f ields may be the exception. They are s ituated n ear the New River, but t hey d iffer f rom the Pulltrouser f ields to the south . The Cerros f ields a re in a man-made catchment s imilar to a natural, internally drained bajo. This type of drainage system i s entirely rain-fed, the rain water being channelled into a basin f lanked by canals at the f ield loci. Although the extensive bajo zones throughout the lowlands may have been r eclaimed f or agricultural purposes without a great deal of effort, the Cerros sche me represents a deliberate and costly modification of a formerly elevated and well drained setting. Quarry operations necessary for the construction of the 1 24

Pul l /rouse Swamp

Figure

7 :1

Map of Northern

Belize

1 25

monumental architecture at Cerros are i n part responsible for the man- made water catchment system ( Scarborough in press). Cerros Cerros, a Late Preclassic s ite i s located on the coast at Lowry's Bight, northern Belize ( Figure 7 :1). The near absence of later construction at the site makes the community particulary significant for addressing the socioeconomic transition from Formati ve to Classic periods. Only a slight Classic and Postclassic occupation i s i n evidence at Cerros. Systematic mapping and excavation of the s ite r evealed a compact ci vic/residential core surrounded by a r esidential periphery ( Figure 7 :2). A major c anal c ircles the core zone and encloses 95 mornded features within a 3 7 hectare area. Forty-one mounds have been excavated oK horizontally exp sed in the s ettlement zone. Over 1 .5 km` of the 9 .5 km Bight have been sur veyed with a theodolite. Five microenvironments have been defined on Lowry 's Bight using soil s, drainage data and vegetation associations as the main mappi ng criteria. The zones defined are: ( 1) monte al to and huamil, or forest, ( 2) hulub bajo, ( 3) zacatal or grassland savanna, ( 4) thorn scrub savanna, and ( 5) a mangrove shoreline association. The monte alto and huamil grows 3n archaeological remains characterised by elevated, well drained soi ls which occur on or near azas and mounds. Bcth hulub b and zacatal settings r cjlect the most low-lying , Foorl drained soils at the site. At the margins of the zacatal the better drained soils associated with the thorn scrub savanna c )ccur. Most of the identified raised fields appear in this zone. The mangrove association grows at the ri ver mouth

( Figure 7 :3 ).

Raised Fields

at Cerros

The mai n concentration of raised f ields rest in the south cent ral portion of the core zone ( Figure 7 :4). These f ields are L ow rectangular platforms , heavily eroded and much reduced from their original height. Each platform is circled by a narrow shallow channel. These canals widen and deepen to form periodic canal basins. The f ield plots are orientated to the c ardinal directions and range in size from 14 x 28m to 2 2 x 40m. Although only f ive f ields have been clearly defined in the area, another f our may be present, but they are badly eroded . The f iE ld plots and minor canals drain into the main canal at Cerros. The dimensions of the main canal are approximately 2m in depth, 6m in width and 1 200m in length. Five trenches were dug across the main canal perpendicul ar to its long axis, and except for the southernmost trenches, the exca vations were widel y 1 26

0 .

9

1,

a l e

U

0

1 27

1 28

o n c < W 0 d i r r 4 E q p d N — l g W r 4 i 4 E ) H i 1 4 0 4 c u i . t 0 1 9 4 r r a ) H » . r W 0 2 1 . U ) 04 • ▪ w 1Z 0 l a < 0 O , 1 g Z d H I ) r . C ) N a 4 • •

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CUSICHACA

INCA

GADE

PUNA

Native wild grass ( pasture) and cultivated potatoes 4310-3910m

( 1975)

Wheat, barley, broad beans, potatoes. Also native tubers, legumes, pseudocereals 3 910-3300m

SUNI

QUECHUA

Subtropical 2400-1500m

YUNGA

Cocoa and coffee 1 500-1000m

Table

RUPA

1 2:1

Manioc and 1 000-750m

Punas and pastures 4000m +

2 .

Main crop potatoes 4000-3700m

3 .

Maway 3 700-3200m

4 .

Seed/root transition zone ca. 3 100m

5 . Hatun, Tarpuy, maize 3000-2800m

Maize 3 300-2400m

CHAUPIYUNGA

RUPA

1 .

6 .

unakimayo 2800-2700m

7 .

Lower Valley 2600-2400m

starches

cacao

Agro-ecological zones of the Central s ub-zones of Cusichaca

2 24

Andes

and

Pachar-011antaytambo, Tanccac-Sillque. There are traces of a se venth at Yucay, where meandering has been considerably reduced to reclaim the floodplains of Antapacha and Huachac. Also there are s everal s hort , 1 00200m lengths of straight and walled river bank. Some evidence s uggests that the r iver a round 011antaytambo was intended to be completely canalized but the evidence on t he Hacienda Cachicata i s equivocal ( Table 1 2:2 ). Each of these schemes is associated with the canalization of the lower reaches of tributary streams. For example, a t Pisaq the Chongo and Pinchimayoc are both canalized f or a t l east 600m a s they cross t he f lood plain to join the main river ( Figure 1 2:2). At Coya there has been much r eorganization of the lower Quebrada Huaynapata i n recent t imes and evidence f or i ts canalization between the town and the river no longer exists. Above the town the stream was s traightened f or a s hort distance. Each of the main quebradas in the Yucay area was also canalized. This strengthens the case for the control of the main river here too. In contrast the Rio Phiri which enters the Tanccac-Sillque scheme on the northern bank was not c analized , nor was the Qba. Cachicata. In addition s everal tributary streams have also been canalized at higher al titudes. For example, the Patacancha above 011antaytambo was straightened for a distance of 2 .325 kms at ca. 3 300m and i s associated with a small group of flood plain terraces. The upper reaches of the two main tributaries of the Cusichaca river, the Pampacahuana and the Quesca, are also canalized at Hatunpampa and Chchurupampa r espectively a t altitudes over 3 600m. Each of th e systems have small, ca. 0 .8m wide, tributary drains flowing into them . Thus it can be seen t hat canalization occurs at various altitudes within both the main maize and potato growing regions. The d istribution of canalized r ivers i s not r estricted to the Sacred Valley and its tributaries. Other schemes have been recorded at Santutis on the Huatanay to the east of Cusco, a nd in the Limatambo and Paucartambo valleys. There are two basic types of construction used i n the r etaining walls of a c analized r iver. The f irst i nvolves the building of a 2-8m wide embankment on both banks of t he proposed r iver course. This i s u sually made of large boulders, river cobbles and gravel with a s teeply battered or vertical f itted stone facing wall on both sides. The f acing s tones r ange f rom as l ittle a s 0 .5m to over 1 0m i n d iameter . The embankment may be t erraced to g ive g reater strength to a high structure, such as at Pisaq, or it may be a s imple double wall about 2m i n width , s uch a s i n the t ributaries flowing i nto the Vilcanota at Pisaq and i n the Cusichaca e xamples ( Figure 1 2:2). The height of t he wall appears to have been sufficient to prevent f looding during an average s ummer . However the c ross s ections through the northern bank of the Vilcanota at Pisaq indicate that occasional overbank f looding d id occur . Alongside each of t he tributary s chemes a paved path was also built a s part 25 2

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2 27

of , the overall plan . The second type is found where the ri ver is incised. Its banks are faced with a well-fitted stone wall t o a height of 3-4m and on top of this there may be a further 2 -4m wide r etaining wall, such as near Pachar. A variaton of t his type occurs when the r etaining wall i s merely t he lowest of a flight of narrow terraces, such as near P isonayniyoc in the Pachar-011antaytambo s cheme. In s ome places one bank may be of the first type with a high embankment whilst the other may be of the s econd. Major construction work must have taken place during the winter months when the r iver was a t i ts lowest and in places was even fordable. At this t ime it would have been easy to redirect f low or channel it into a narrower c ourse in the middle of the proposed man-made canal. It i s not known which of these two possibilities was practised . An obvious straightness,

feature of canalization schemes is their al though in some sche mes curves were

deliberately constructed. The location of curves was e ither dictated by the geography of the valley , such a s in the Patacancha, or where the maximum discharge was so large ' that a very long straight would have been almost i mpossible to maintain . Between Pachar and 011antaytambo curves were deliberately built with very sharp angles . On the outside of these partial weirs were built to disrupt the normal flow pattern and thus reduce scouring of the outer bank which in this length were the lower walls of a flight of terraces. Gentle curves were built into many systems, such as the long Tanccac-Sillque canalization, but t hese must be r egarded as hydraulically s traight . It i s i nteresting to note that this scheme which carries the largest discharge does not have any evidence of bank erosion. The confinement of a river with a discharge as large as the Vilcajnota ( a verage summer discharge at Pisaq is about 100 le sec -i ) into a straight or hydraulical ly s traight channel i s a major engineering achievement , but i t i s not without i ts problems . Meandering i s the n ormal s tate f or any water channel and a r iver will al ways adopt a corkscrew-like flow even in a straight channel. This places great strain on the banks and calls for very s trong walls or embankments to avoid erosion and bank collapse. The constructors of these schemes in the Sacred Vall ey appear to have been well aware of this problem because most of their schemes have survived intact. Howe ver breakdowns can be noted . For example, near 011antaytambo the canalization clearl y represents two phases of construction and meandering was responsible f or this d isruption of the original channel. The reconstruction of the s cheme also occurred during prehistory and the s cheme now has opposing banks on different alignments with a sharp angle in the northern one to return it to the original course. On the southern bank the original wall survives but a large sand bar has been created a s the 2 28

ri ver pushed northwards in its meandering ( Figure 12:3). Most meanders appear to be of more recent date and are probably the result of a lack of maintenance. The Yucay scheme has been al most completel y destroyed, and at Hatunpampa marshy ground has been r ecreated downstream of a prominent meander . Erosion has also destroyed the original f unnel-shaped entrances to most of the schemes. At Pisaq and at Santutis one of the entrance walls survive. Landslides are a perennial hazard in the Andes and one scheme at Chchurupampa in the upper reaches of the Cusichaca has been pushed out of its channel by an enormous landslide. Sedimentation has occurred in schemes, such as at Pisaq , where the river gradient i s gentle and the velocity not great enough to prevent or to cause scour in the channel in the winter months. There the r iver flows in a slightly narrower channel than that planned. This may ha ve been deli berate policy to al l ow the ri ver to e stablish i ts own s table channel within the confines of a man-made course. This practice is well known in other parts of the world and was used by British engineers in the nineteenth century to canalize the d istributaries of the Indus ( Blench 1 957). In this way the river could be allowed to create its own channel and yet still perform i ts planned f unctions very efficiently . There are a number of physical and cultural reasons f or the canalization of the Vilcanota and i ts t ributaries. The main physical one is for drainage, although flood control is also important if f ields are to be protected f rom crop loss by inundation and f rom s alinization . Flood control was effected by embankments. Canalization also prevented the spread of water disgorging f rom a mountain stream and flooding and scouring its alluvial fan. Meander control is a corollary of drainage. It was particul arly important in narrow reaches of the val ley where there was a lack of reasonably s ized areas of bottom land. The straightening of the river had the effect of reclaiming relati vely large fields and protecting them from further erosion. The best example of this can be found in the lower Cusichaca at Tunas moc co where canalization has enabled a very r egular t errace s ystem to be laid out. Part of this has now been destroyed as the r iver has begun to meander again . The principle of constructing a straight or relatively straight channel to replace one which was meandering across a fairly gentle slope is readily understood. It will move water quicker through the s ystem and drain off excess moisture f rom surrounding f ields. The canalization of tributaries and the construction of drains into the main channel f acilitates this process and s erves to reduce soil moisture to tolerable levels f or plant growth. It i s interesting to note that in the Sacred Valley many of the canalization s chemes are given over to the production of miska

or

early

maize.

This

crop 2 29

i s

planted

at

the

height

0

C r )

S AND B AR

C ANALIZED W ALL

4

IS ONAYN IY OC

1

2 30

C HAULLARAQAY

. 1

. 4

•

. •

• ••• I

. 11 1• 1 1 1

of the dry s eason and i n most locations u sually r equires much i rrigation . I n the reclaimed f lood plain soils the water t able s till r emains r elatively high at this t ime of the year and thus miska planted in these areas requires less irrigation. This crop is harvested before the maximum of the summer floods which in some places still renders these soils unproducti ve. In the puna the canalization of the upper arms of the Cusichaca has enabled two f ormer lake beds to be drained and thus provide rich soils for potato production, although for other r easons one of these s chemes no longer f unctions. Physical reasons cannot be considered for all the cadalization schemes. For example at 011antaytambo between the bridge and the railway station the river passes between a steep mountainside on its southern bank and the terraced alluvial fan of the Qba. Patacancha to the north and yet its course is walled with good quality s tonework. t eurther downstream in the Cusichaca and Machu Picchu areas the river is also canalized whilst flowing steeply through gorges. The only suggestion that can be offered is that these were buil t for aesthetic or religious reasons. It i s of interest to note that there i s a carved rock or huaca within 50m of the start of the Tanccac-Sillque scheme. This argument is enhanced when the importance of water in Inca religion and ritual i s taken i nto account ( Carrion Cachot 1 955; Z uidema 1 978). Drainage and its associated consequences were therefore important considerations to the Prehispanic peoples who built these schemes, but the question to be asked is why build them in the first place. Traditional agriculture i n the S ierra takes place i n sloping f ields on both mountain s ides and alluvial f ans where available soil moisture is satisfactory for crop growth throughout the season and where the soils are relativel y easily worked and yield reasonable harvests. Wet areas are generally avoided unless there is the possibility of producing an earl y crop, such as mawax or mi sk a, or there is a restriction of the amount of land available within a community. The Vilcanota f lood plain between canalization s chemes is characterised by poorly drained and saline soils as well as extensive areas of gravel. I t s upports r elatively little agriculture today and probably even less in Prehispanic times. Therefore there must have been a land shortage in order to stimulate the development of such land recl amation schemes. The nature of this land shortage has to be viewed not only in demographic terms but also in political and e conomic ones. I would s uggest that the construction of such projects was not beyond the capabilities of a community or group of communities. However, the small area r eclaimed and as a consequence the small harvest y ield probably would not have warranted such an investment from a community. Therefore the schemes must have been c onstructed to s atisfy r equirements beyond the

needs

of

such

a group

and 2 31

these

must

be

viewed

in

terms of a socio-political periods i n prehistory .

reconstruction

of

' certain

In the literature, river canalization is al ways referred to as a product of the Inca state ( Regal 1970; Gasparini and Margolies 1980). Indeed the Spanish chronicler Betanzos, writing in 1551 ( 1980), attributed the canalization of the r ivers through the I nca capital of Cusco to Pachacuti, the ninth Inca king. The major s chemes at P isaq and 011antaytambo, a s well a s Yucay , have stonework which is general ly regarded as Inca in construction. Furthermore each of these areas has many Inca s ites. There i s also f urther chronicle evidence f rom Sarmiento ( 1943) which r elates the a ctivities of c ertain Incas to the development of these areas. Rostworowski ( 1962) has published one specific document which refers to r iver canalization by the Incas. This i s a land claim by Martin d e Meneses which was lodged before the Cabildo of Cusco in 1 555. It was for a piece of land called Pomebamba, over 50 f anegadas ( ca. 1 20 ha) i n extent, which lay vacant alongside the Vilcanota r iver . The document i ncludes t he t estimony of the f our c aciques of th nearby communities of Quilloay, Macay, Oma and Paulu 4 . Their statements are basically the same. Don D iego, the cacique of Quilloay s tated that Pomebamba was previously a gravelly area which no one wanted to farm , but under orders from the Inca, Topa Cusi Guallpa J , the r iver was d iverted and land r eclaimed . This was planted with maize by mitimaes groups brought from the four provinces of the Empire and the harvest was shipped directly to Cusco. Furthermore it was stated that after the Spanish Conquest this land was abandoned and the mitimaes workers returned to their homelands. The significance of this document is manifol d. Firstly , this s cheme can be i dentified a s that of Coya f or three of the f our communities: Quillhuay , Macay and Paulu , are found today on either side of i t. The Coya scheme must have been more extensive than that which can be r ecognised i n the f ield today . I t probably included one cur ve and extended downstream of Hacienda Macay. Secondl y, the docu ment indicates that the local communities played no part in the construction or operation of the canalization. After the Conquest they d isplayed no i nterest i n maintaining those lands and were probably only consulted in the land claim because they were adjacent. Thirdly, the scheme appears to have been farmed by mitimaes labour brought from elsewhere in the empire. Generally these groups were given land for themselves and obliged to f arm s tate lands. The only way the s tate could obtain land was e ither by e xpropriation by reclamation. It s eems therefore that the latter option was adopted in this instance and thus prevented much hostility from the surrounding communities. It is interesting to note that elsewhere in the Sacred Valley agricultural terracing i s merely an addition on the flanks of

already

f armed

alluvial

t erraces . 2 32

It

i s

only

i n

areas

such as Yucay and 011antaytambo, that extensive lands were expropriated and presumably part of their population removed to make way f or state f ields, private e states and mitimaes and yana groups to work them . It i s suggested therefore that it was the state's need for new lands to s upport i tself beyond t hat gained f rom t ribute which was the stimulus f or land -reclamation and hence canalization. This would give the Inca access to productive valley bottom lands in which miska maize, a crop important to I nca r itual, c ould be grown easily . It would be easy to suggest on the strength of this evidence that all schemes were built during the Inca period. However near 011antaytambo i t i s clear that the original canalization was destroyed and rebuilt on a slightly different alignment during prehistory ( Figure 1 2:3). This could have been during the Inca period but MacDonald has i ndicated that there are a t least two clear phases both in the construction and alignment of agricultural terracing and in the architecture in the vicinity of this reconstruction. What this means is not fully understood but it i s certain that we are dealing with a period much longer than t he generally a ccepted 9 0 years of Imperial Inca domination of the valley . There are two possible answers: that the Inca period must be lengthened or that an earlier state built the first canalized r ivers i n this part of t he valley . The river canalizations of the Sacred Valley of the I ncas were c ertainly magnificent e ngineering achievements. That they survive i s testimony to the skills of the prehistoric engineers. Their principle purpose appears to have been to r eclaim oy drainage new lands f or the s tate, mainly f or t he production of maize . Each major s cheme i s a ssociated with canalized tributaries to f urther protect the newly gained lands. There are two r elatively s tandard types of bank construction, which also assist in meander control and flood control. It is proposed that for certain schemes aesthetics and ritual must have been important reasons for their construction. They are generally believed to have been built during the Inca period and there is much evidence to support this, although there i s the possibility of earlier construction . This paper has presented s ome data and i nterpretations of the river canalization schemes in the Vilcanota valley. The d istribution of s uch t hroughout t he C entral Andes i s unknown and

i nvites

f urther

s tudy .

Footnotes 1 .

The 1 982 Mision Arqueologica Australiana to Peru i s investigating agricultural terracing and canalization in the Sacred Valley.

2 .

Extract

from

the testimony of Don D iego, Cacique of Quillhuay, Archi vo Historico Nacional de Lima, Judicial Civil -L egaje Num .2 1 955 ( Rostworowski 1962:48). 2 33

' l as cual es dichas tierras ahora se lla ma n pomebamba y que en tiempos pasados no sabe como se solia llamar y s abe que por dicho pedazo de t ierra erial solia jr el rio que agora va por mas abajo y que tode el lo era un cascajal y cosa perdida que nadie se aprovechaba de ello Ynga senor de -esta tierra llamaba Topa Cusi Guallpa se hecho por donde ahora va y

y que por mandate del que el dicho Ynga se quito el rio de elli y hicieron muchas y ndios

de las cuatro provincias los cuales dichos yndios de las dichas provincias por mandato del dicho ynga despues de haber hechado el rio de al li hicieron chacra y de alli adelante se sembraba maiz para Ynga y lo que se cogia se lle vaba al Cuzco manera

que

sembro vista

entonces

y rrompio

que

los

el

yndios

fue

la

dicho que

primera

pedazo

tiene

de

dicho

vez

que

tierra de

las

no

el de se ha

d ichas

provincias que lo sembraron para el dicho Ynga en esta t ierra/venido los espanoles a ella se f ueron los dichos yndios de las dichas provincias a sus tierras 3 .

y

Rostorowski Huayna Capac

quedaron

vacas

( 1962: 134) or Huascar.

las

notes

dichas

that

tierras

this

was

either

Acknowledgements This r esearch was supported by an Australian Research Grant and was sanctioned by the Nacional de Culti va, Ministerio

de

Educacion,

Lima.

Bibliography BETANZOS, J . 1880, Suma Narracion de los Incas Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina, vol.5, Madrid. BLENCH,

T .

1957,

Butterworth, BRUSH,

S .B .

Ecology

Regime Behaviour of Canals and Ri vers, London.

1 976, 4 ,

( 1551),

Man 's

use

of

an

Andean

ecosystem ,

Human

147-166.

CARRI ON CACHOT, R . 1955, El culto al agua en el antiguo Peru, Revista del Museo Nacional ( Lima), 1 1, 5 0-140. COOK, 0 . F. 191 6, Staircas e farms of the National Geographic Magazine 29, 474-534.

Ancients,

DONKI N, R . A. 1979, Agri cu l tural Terraci ng in the Aboriginal New Worl d, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology Number 5 6, University of Arizona Press, Tucson. FARRI NGTON,

I .S.

1978,

Contemporary

Agriculture and

the

Vertical Economy, Land Use and Irrigation Research Report: 2 , Cusichaca Project, pri vatel y published, Canberra,

6 5pp .

2 34

GADE,

D . W.

1975,

Vilcanota 240pp.

Plants,

Vall 2x

of

Man

Peru,

and

Dr.

W .

the

Land

Junk,

in

The

the

Hague,

GASPARINI, G . and L . MARGOLIES 1980, Inca Architecture, Indiana Uni versity Press, Bloomington and London, 3 50pp. GONZALEZ,

T .A .

and

J .M.

FRANCO

INOJOSA

1 937,

Los

arqueolögicos en el Departamento de Cuzco , Museo Nacional ( Lima), 6 , 6 7-80 .

t rabajos

Revista del

LENNON, T . 1 982, Raised f ields of Lake Titicaca, Peru: A Pre-hi s 2ani c water ma na le me nt sxs te m, Ph. D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 3 40pp . MATOS, M .R. 1978, The cultural and ecological context of the Mantaro Valley during the Formative Period, In, Advances i n Andean Archaeology , edited by D . Browman, Mouton Publishers, The Hague, 307-325. MURRA, J . V. 1972, El control vertical de un maximo de pisos ecologicos en la economia de las sociedades andenas, In , Vista de la Provincia de Leon de Huanuco en 1 562, Inigo Ortiz de Zuniga , Visitador 2 , 4 29-476, Huanuco, Universidad Hermillio Valdizan . PARSONS, J . R. 1981, Late Prehispanic agricultural intensification in the Unin Puna, Peru, Abstract presented at the conference on Prehistoric Intensive Agriculture in the Tropics, Canberra. REGAL, A . 1970, Los trabajos hidräulicos del Inca en el antigue Peru, Graf Industrial, Lima, 1 43pp. ROSTWOROWSKI DE D IEZ CANSECO, M . 1 962, Nuevos datos sobre tenencia de t ierras reales en el Incario, Revista del Museo Nacional ( Lima), 31, 1 30-159. SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, P . 1943, Historia General Llamada Indica ( 1572), Biblioteca Emece, Buenos Aires, 302pp . SQUIE R, E . G. 1878, Peru. Incidents of Travel Exploration in the Land of the Incas, New York. SMITH,

C .T.,

W .M.

DENEVAN

and

P .

HAMILTON

ridged fiel ds in the region of Geographical Journal 1 34, 3 53-367. ZUIDEMA , R .T. 1 978. Lieux sacfes et historique, mythes et rituels 1037-1056.

2 35

1968,

Lake

and

Ancient

Titicaca,

irrigation: tradition au Cuzco, Annales ESC

Chapter RAISED

F IELD

COMPLEXES

COASTAL

AND

1 3

ASSOCIATED

PLAIN OF

WESTERN

SETTLEMENTS

IN

THE

SURINAME

A .H. Versteeg Abstract Two types of settlements are associated with raised fie l ds in the coastal pl ain of western Suri na me: settl ements on the sandy chenier ridges and, in the western part of the region, artificial clay mounds.

where

ridges

are

scarce,

on

Recent investigations of the mounds have proved that ceramic styles are represented: one mound yielded

two

pottery B .P.

of

the

onwards,

pottery of from c .1200 raised

Mabaruma while

the B .P.

f ields

style

two

and

C datings

14

westerly-situated

f rom

mounds

c .1850

yielded

Earl y/Late Hertenrits style and datings onwards. Size and form of the associated

also

show

differences.

Resumen Dos vados l as

t ipos de c olonizaciön s e lanura c ostera del l

oeste de Surinam:

lomeras

chenier arenosas y ,

en

donde

e scasean

Investigaciones t encia de dos

l as

l omeras,

r ecientes

e stilos

s obre

s obre

n lan

mientras que dos

cerämica del a partir de

c ampos

e levados

t erraplenes

a partir de a lrededor de t erraplenes ubicados

a sociados

del

a rtificiales.

han r evelado

l a

e xis-

un t errapldn c ontenia c erämica del

e stilo de Comienzos/Fines

1 .300 Antes

de l a regidn

t erraplenes arcillosos

l os

e le-

c olonizacidn s obre

l a parte occidental

de c erämica:

e stilo Mabaruma y f echas de C14 del Presente, c 14

encuentran a sociados c on c ampos

en l a

Presente.

del El

1 .850 Antes

a l oeste c onte-

Hertenrits y f echas

t amaf io y l a

de

f orma de l os

tambidn indican d iferencias.

Introduction archaeol Iogical n Surina me

results

have

- t he middl e part of the Guianas investigations ha ve been scarce and the not al ways drawn the attention they deserve.

For instance, recent investigations of the archives of the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden, The Netherlands, re vealed that as earl y as 1887 a prehistoric habitation mound was discovered in the coastal wetlands of Suriname, in the Coronie District near Burnside. Although the f ind was reported at the time the existence of habitation mounds in Suriname remained unresearched until the 1 950 's ( Versteeg

1 983).

In the 1950's the discovery of several mounds was made in conjunction with the expansion of rice cultivation in the west of the country. Before this agricul tural e xpansion with

cropping

ri vers

and

was

creeks.

restricted The

recent

to

the

land

sediments

of

associated the

Young

Coastal Pl ain of western Suriname offer a good soil agriculture and research revealed that these wetlands been used extensi vel y

for agricultural purposes 927

for had

in pre-

Columbian

t imes.

Several habitation mounds close to complexes of raised f ields have been discovered since 1955. These studies relied heavily on air photographs as a data source. The chenier-associated raised f ields have been found predominantly in the eastern part of the chenier plain, and, additionally, in eastern Suriname but also near Peruvia in western Suriname, c . f. Figure 1 3:1 ( Boomert 1976). Remarkably, raised f ields have not been found in the central part of the coastal pl ain of Suriname. It has been argued that patterns of agriculture in colonial times have probably destroyed them ( Boomert 1 976) but i t may be that none ever existed . Raised f ield patterns a re s till r evealed by the d ifferential growth of the r ice crops i n the empoldered areas of the r ice f ields of western Suriname, despite levelling of the land with modern heavy equipment - t his indicates that these patterns a re n ot r eadily d estroyed . Archaeological

Investigations

Archaeological f ieldwork i n 1 957, 1 962 and 1 970 was concentrated on the largest and highest mound, the Hertenrits, and associated raised f ields; additional excavations were undertaken at two other habitation mounds situated near the Hertenrits and at Peruvia and Prins Bernhard Polder ( Figure 1 3:1). While much data have been collected f rom the mounds and chenier sites near raised fields, investigations of the r aised f ields themselves have not been very rewarding up until now , partly because of the s carcity of artefacts and datable material i n the f ields a nd partly because of the difficulties of investigating the fields under the prevailing f ield conditions. The r aised f ields in western Suriname are covered by recent sediments and they are partly submerged, even during the dry season. Borings indicate that the soil used f or constructing the f ields i s very s imilar to the s ubsoil, which makes i t d ifficult to distinguish between the natural and the artificial units. In some f ields however, a thin layer of darker coloured humic or peaty material marks the contact between the units. As complexes of r aised f ields have been f ound c lose to all the mounds, the raised f ields are ascribed to the inhabitants of the mounds. The chenier s ite, Peruvia, situated in the east of western Suriname, yield pottery with s everal characteristics of t he Hertenrits style, l ike that found in the Hertenrits and Wageningen-1 mounds. A related style, called Barbakoeba, has been found at similar chenier sites in eastern Suriname, again in association with raised f ields. However, besides s ome similarity between the Hertenrits and the Barbakoeba s tyle, many d ifferences are also apparent but these have not been i nvestigated yet.

2 38

ATLANT IC OCEAN

F igure

1 3:1

3 0km

Partly after Poo r nert, 1 976, complex of r aised fields. 1 r iertenrits mound; 2 Wageningen-1 mound; 3 Buck leburg-1 mound; 4 Burnside ir moi i(1: 5 Prins Bernhard Pol der site; 6 Peruvia s ite

2 39

The

Wageningen-1 The

and Hertenrits

Wageningen-1

and

Mounds

Hertenrits

mounds

are

situated

at a distance of ca. 4 km from each other on the borders of the same creek system. The 1977/78 investigations at Wageningen-1 and those at Hertenrits, carried out in 1 957, 1962 and 1970, indicate that habitation and buil d-up at both

sites

started

around

1300

B .P.

and

that

both

s ites

were inhabited by the makers of Hertenrits style pottery ( Geijskes n .d.; Laeyendecker-Roosenburg 1966; Van Der Heide 1973; Boomert 1978; Versteeg 1980). Both mounds yield pottery of the Early Hertenrits style, characterised by a li mited scal e of vessel forms and decorati on patterns. The upper levels of the Hertenrits mound howe ver, yiel ded pottery of the Late Hertenrits style characterised by more vessel forms and more elaborate and more varied decoration patterns than the Wageningen-1 mound cera mics. The Arauguinoid component as The mounds

stratigraphy

consists

of

of

the

pottery showed an recognised by Boomert the

same

Wageningen-1

three

units

as

important ( 1977).

and the

Hertenrits Buckleburg-

1 mound to be discussed later ( Figure 1 3:2). It consisted of a marine unit representing the Moleson member, a f resh water unit and the artificial unit. These observations from the sections are confirmed by pollen diagram H s ' f rom the Hertenrits mound ( Laeyendecker-Roosenburg this diagram ( Figure 1 3:5) the top of the marine

1966). In blue clay

is recorded at a depth of 3 10 cm. The freshwater unit is seen between a depth of ca. 310 and 220 cm. From ca 2 20/210 cm and higher; the artificial unit of the mound is indicated by the results of C14

increase of pollen of Avicennia spp . The dating show a striking conformity between

the Wageningen-1

and Hertenrits mounds;

the

or unit 2 , of both mounds are dated ca. depths of 225-3 00 cm below the surface.

lowest

levels,

1300-125 0 B .P. at Le vels at 60-75

cm yiel d dates ca. 1 150 B .P. Regrettabl y no dates have been obtained for the highest le vels of the Hertenrits mound, f rom which the pottery of the Late Hertenrits s tyle was

recovered

( Table 1 3:1 ).

A non- mound site situated to the wes t of the Hertenrits, at Prins Berhnard Polder, was excavated too, and this 9pl y contained ceramics of the Late Hertenrits datings of a archaeologically sterile peat sytle. C1 layer under the site gave a terminus post quem for the s ite of ca. 9 50 B .P. In addition, a wooden artefact dated at ca. 800 B .P. consi dered to habitation

at

came from this site. These datings are be indicati ve of the last phase of

the

Hertenrits

Wageningen-1 Hertenrits style. the

commencement

mounds.

did not yiel d any pottery of the Late This s ite was probably abandoned before

of

manufacture

of

Late

Hertenrits

style

ceramics. Onl y ha bitati on

a

littl e at

the

evi dence Hertenrits 2 40

indicates mound.

the No

end

of

artefacts

, $ ) .

. + 1

+ 1

+ 1

c d

c d

r d

0 00 01

0 c0 C IN t I

0 c0 al 1 1

OD a l a ) 1 . 1 C n 4 1 a ) >

CO l c a ) 4 ) C / 3 4 a ) >

t i t ) a ) c u 4 • 4 C l ) 4 1 a ) >

CC a ) a ) 4 J C i ) 4 a ) >

CO c u a ) . 1 . 4 C A 4 a ) >

r . 1 • C ) 0 cr I Z 4 0

0 \ s0 0 a-, I Z 4 0

c :N ul 0 c r % I Z 4 0

0 v0 cn ch

4 0

IA c-s i

IA cv

L . r ) c -s i

Ln c N )

0 cn

0 c e )

U npublished

U npublished

r e 0 co C 71

G rN -10301

L I1 L (-,

c d 0 00 CN

G rN -9801

in cn

G rN - 1898

G rN 9803

co

G rN-10304

R eferences

c d

V ogel & W aterbolk,

V ogel & Waterbolk,

r I

zI

H 4 — )

•

c o

O

4 1 • 1 • F-

, • , o • c . ) p . , . . . , . P c ' CO


c harcoal

( . ) . . .T , . 4

r 1

r I • •

>

c harcoal

c o -H • C D 4 . ) c o •

. , . 1 C ö u

c o

4 •H 0 e E , , ( 1 ) . c d 1 0 . > , c . ) 4 . ) 4 ) 4 ( 1 c d r e 1 a ) _a , a . C ) a . . .

10

O o 3

r 4 c d 0 . c ) 4 c o C )

4 ) c o c u a l,

: 7 : 1 0 0 3

E C . )

•r 4 4 1

I

. 1 . ) 1 ..1 •H r • • • g r a . , " I

ri

E

c. )

. 1 ) •H in c n , IA

CI

e

C . )

4 -, 0 •r I in a , c -1

t - I 4 ) •H P .

r1

e

C . )

4 iLn •H N g i 4

c d •H

c u

2 41

in . 0 1 0 .0 ,

P rins B ernhard

B uckleburg-1

4 1 0 •H c :h 1 24 . 1

CO N• 11 rI

H ertenrits

e

c . )

I

c . )

) 1 I C.

o o 3

c d

s• i 1 / u )

e

c , )

e

. r-i c ) 4 . ) in •H N f a , N

Wageningen-I

E

, -( 0

c harcoal

•H

e

e

C . )

11 C. )

. 4 ) 0 • 1 1 0 g , cv

. 4 . ) •H N f a , , i

1 1

L r )

UN 11 4 •H g

ec, c. . ,CI c . ) u 1 01

1 r )

N.

1 1 0 •H 01 f a , N

E

4 ) L r l •H in f a , 1

belonging to the colonial period have been found at the Hertenrits, nor at Prins Bernhard Polder . Calibration of the date of the wooden artefact f rom P rins Bernhard Polder suggests a presence of Late Hertenrits people in the coastal plain of western Suriname i n t he 1 3th century A .D . The possibility cannot be excluded t hat habitation of the s ites a ssociated with t his pottery s tyle lasted until t he contact period; in that case probably the disturbance associated with these events caused the abandonment of these coastal s ites. The

Buckleburg-1

Mound

Buckleburg-1 is situated ca. 10 km east of the Hertenrits mound ( Figure 1 3:1). Its stratigraphy proved to consist of three main units which are illustrated in f igure 1 3:2. The deepest unit consists of blue/grey clay deposited under marine conditions ( Brinkman and Pons 1 968; Roe 1eve ld and Van Loon 1979) as indicated by high percentages of Avicennia s pp . and Rhizophora spp . pollen . The upper limits of this unit have a humic character and it is s ituated about 2 00 cm under the present surface of the mound. On top of this unit several layers of clay deposited under predominantly f reshwater c onditons occur . This has been designated unit 2 . Its f reshwater origin i s indicated by the low percentages of Avicennia spp. and Rhizophora spp. and high percentages of Cyperaceae and Typha spp . pollen. This layer i s approximately 2 5 cm thick ( Figure 1 3:2). No artefacts were f ound below i t and the very r egular c ontacts and t he s tructure of the layers indicate that they both consist of naturally deposited clay. Unit 3 , occurring at 1 75/180 cm below the present surface of the mound, consists of grey clay layers with concentrations of artefacts, often c haracterised by darker coloured clay . These darker coloured areas may have been s ettlement s ites during the building of the mound . Higher percentages of Avicennia spp . pollen are r ecorded i n unit 3 , indicating that the clay used for constructing the mound was taken predominantly f rom an environment r ich i n Avicennia pollen . The c eramics f ound i n the B uckleburg-1 mound proved to be of a different style than pottery from the Hertenrits and Wageningen-1 mounds. Vessel forms and decoration patterns are comparable t o the Mabaruma style, earlier found more to the west in north-west Guyana by Evans and Meggers ( 1960). The Buckleburg pottery ( Figures 1 3:3 and 1 3:4) i s very similar to the " Mabaruma incised" type ascribed to the earliest phase of Mabaruma found in Guyana by Evans and Meggers ( 1960). Lathrap ( 1964; 1 966) doubted the i nitial dating of A .D . 500, proposed by Evans and Meggers, suggesting a much earlier dating f or this style. The present study yields direct evidence for initial dating of Mabaruma ceramics in the Guyanas.

the Two

c14 1735

and are

dates from unit 2 yielded dates of 1835 B .P. B .P. ( GrN-9804 and GrN-10304). The samples 2 42

C \ I

XG rN-9 803

H

1 0—

2 43

-

P i2ure

1 3:3

Decorated 1 -) tter :y

2 44

F ound

at

3 1 Icklebur0 -

1

7

Figure

1 3:4

Decorated pottery

2 45

f ound

at

Buckleburg-1

-%

s tratigraphically and spatially r elated ( Table 1 3:1) and in view of this these dates are being taken as representati ve of the first habitation phase at Buckleburg-1. The pottery found at Buckleburg-1 is similar to pottery f ound at s everal Mabaruma s ites i n Guyana. In the opinion of Evans and Meggers ( 1960) and Lathrap ( 1966) the latter represent the earliest phase of Mabaruma i n Guyana, so it is likely that the Buckleburg dates are similar to the Mabaru ma sites in Guyana. Using the recent calibration list of Klein et al. ( 1982) with a confidence limit of 95% the first occupation of the mounds occurred between A .D. 1 5-20 and A .D. 250-255. In addition a C 14 date obtained from a sample from unit 3 taken from just beneath the contact with unit 4 produced a date of ca. 1 300 B .P. ( GrN-9803). Although vessel f orm and decoration patterns indicate a strong relationship between the pottery found at Buckleburg-1 and that at the Guyana s ites, d ifferences in the temper of the pottery are evident. A majority of the Buckleburg pottery has been tempered with c rushed pottery while such a temper is not found in the Guyana pottery . Evans and Meggers ( 1960) have found Mabaruma pottery at sites on hil ls and ri ver banks in Guyana, while Buckleburg-1 i s a mound with associated raised f ields in a coastal location. Although mounds ( and probably also raised f ields) are known to exist i n Guyana ( Poonai 1 962; Goodland 1 964; Boomert 1 978; Versteeg 1980) particularly between the Canje and Corantijn Rivers, e xcavations have not been carried out there yet, so i t i s not known whether they contain Mabaruma ceramics too . Conclusions

on

the Mounds

While pre vious studies of Suriname' s wetl ands concentrated on the Hertenrits mounds, rec e nt investigations have yielded new data on two other mounds. At Buckleburg-1 the existence of a mound associated with a different ceramic styl e and yiel ding significantly different dates to the Hertenrits has been documented. An Amerindian community who made Mabaruma style c eramics is dated to have existed between ca. 1850 B .P. and 1300 B .P. Amerindians who produced pottery of the Earl y Hertenrits style settl ed at the Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits s ites f rom 1 300 B .P . A c ausal r elationship may exist between the end of habitation at Buckleburg and the arrival of new settlers at Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits. The currently available data, however, do not exclude the possibility The strong bei ng

of

a coexistence.

stratigraphy

of

the

three

s imilarities with three co mmon to eac h of

s tratigraphical

unit occurs

in 2 46

mounds

main the the

i nvestigated

show

stratigraphical units si tes. A fourt h

swamps

and on

the

ramps

of the mounds. The matrix of the fourth unit consists of relatively recently deposited sediments of the marine Comowine member . In view of the parity in the stratigraphy of the mounds, the differences in their datings are striking. All three mounds yielded evidence of a f reshwater phase of sedimentation following the end of deposition of the marine Moleson member . At Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits no i ndications of a long dry period are s een . The oldest a rtefacts at B uckleburg-1 have been f ound in the freshwater dominated unit. Stratigraphy and f ind patterns indicate that relatively soon after the area became freshwater-dominated, around about 1800 B .P., man arrived and settled somewhere near the location of Buckleburg-1. The same pattern of events occurred at Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits i n c a. 1 300 B .P. These events s uggest that possibly an accretion of the coast in a north-westerly direction occurred between 1 800 and 1 300 B .P., between the Buckleburg-1 a nd Wageningen-1 s ites. The Raised Fields The r aised f ields of t he Suriname c oastal plain were studied by Boomert ( 1976). Most of the data were derived from air photographs. Laeyendecker-Roosenburg ( 1966) discussed a pollen d iagram f rom the raised f ields near the Hertenrits. Eight clusters of r aised f ields have been discovered i n the coastal plain of western Suriname. Six clusters are associated with mounds, while two are s ituated near the Peruvia chenier s ite ( Figure 1 3:1). Boomert ( 1976) distinguishes two types of raised fields in Suriname: ( i) square to rectangular plots in geometric patterns with d imensions of t he s quare plots of ca. 4m x 4m, while the rectangular ones are 4m wide and tens of metres long. These f ields are constructed in regular patterns. This type has been f ound near the mound Buckleburg-1 a nd to the e ast of the s ite: ( ii) r ectangular plots ranging in length from 8 to 1 40m and in width from 3 to 6 .5m are clustered i nto i rregularly a rranged g roups. A smal l and a large cluster of this second type has been found near the Hertenrits and Wageningen-1 mounds. The fields are arbitrarily dispersed or are situated close together i n i rregular g roups of two t o t en plots ( Boomert 1976). One cluster is situated on a low chenier between the Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits mounds. On the basis of their geographical position the arbitrarily dispersed fiel ds are associated with the mounds that yiel d Hertenrits style pottery . The regularly arranged f ields are situated near the ol der mound Buckleburg-1, which yields Mabaruma style pottery . All

of the raised f ields

of Suriname

all

belong

to the 2 47

in the cluster in the east f irst group .

I n

f act

all

of

0

0

‘; , x4 , . 5 1

i r .z

; z

o

a ew led 4 0 5 0 6 0 0

e o 9 0 1

i p

e ! i au a) !Ay a e l i so dwo)

a eeu lu ae . 19

r t idAi 2 00

i l oilli

e ta

iaad t a inu06/ 10d

1

9

e i o t idoz m

9 1 1

I r .

1 11 1 0 19 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 011 1

a do ll e aauluruaal iv

a ea )e t i lue iewv

ame t i lue iewv

. 1 ,T i l e -

-r -

, .

a -

. . . . . : . . . . . . . .

.

. .

.. .

.

3 70 3 80 3 90 4 . 00

9 , — R—

o

r 1 4

—

2 48

the raised f ields associated with s ettlements on dhenier r idges belong to this regularly arranged 9roup . Pottery . date from the of Hertenrits style has been found. A Clq Peru via site indicates that the earliest habitation coincides with the initial phase of settlement at the Wageningen-1 and Hertenrits mounds. Bibliography BOOMERT, A . 1 976, Pre-Columbian r aised f ields i n coastal Surinam, Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress f or the Study of the Pre-Columbian Cultures of the Lesser Antilles, Guadeloupe, 1975, 13 4-145, Gainesville. BOOMERT, A . 1977, Prehistorie, In, Encyclopedie Suriname, edited by C .F .A . Bruining, J . Voorhoeve Gordijn, Amsterdam/Brussel, 506-515.

van . g- W

BOOMERT, A . 1978, Prehistoric habitation mounds in the Canje Ri ver area, Journal of Archaeologx and Anthropology 1 , ( 1), 44-52. BRINKMAN, R . & L .J. PONS, 1968, A Geo-Pedomorphological 22 of the Holocene Sediments in Cl assification and M the Coastal Plain of the Three Guianas, Soil Survey Papers 4 , Wageningen . EV ANS, C . & B . J. MEGGE RS 196 0, Archae ol ogi ca l In vesti gations in British Guiana, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology , Bulletin 177, Washington D .C . GEIJSKES, D .C. n .d., Vcorlopig vers12g van de opgravin9 Hertenrits, Rapport Surinaams Museum , Paramaribo . GOODLAND, E . A. 1964, The Mound, Journal Guiana Museum and Zoo 39, 9-18. KLEIN, J ., J .C. LERMAN, P .E. Calibration of Radiocarbon 103-150.

DAMON Dates ,

of

the

British

& E .K. RALPH 1982, Radiocarbon 24, ( 2),

LAEYENDECKER-ROOSENBURG, D .M. 1966, A palynological investigation of some archaeologically interesting sections in northwestern Surinam , Leidse Geologische Mededelingen 38, 31-36. LATHRAP, D .W. 1964, An alternative seriation of the Mabaruma Phase, Northwestern British Guiana, American Antiquity 2 9, 3 53-359. LATHRAP, more

D .W . 1966, The Mabaruma probable interpretation,

558-566.

2 49

Phase: a return to American Antiquity

the 31,

POONAI, N .O. 1962, Archaeol ogical sites on the Corentyne coast, Journal of the British Guiana Museum and Zoo 33, 52-53. ROELE VELD,

W .

7

A . J.

VAN

LOON,

197 9,

de velopment of the Young Coastal Geologie & Mijnbouw 48, 2 15-224. VAN

DER

HEI DE,

J .,

Bodemkartering,

1973,

De

The

Plain

Hertenrits,

of

Hol ocene Surinam,

Rapport

Dienst

Paramaribo.

VERSTEEG, A .H. 1980, Prehistoric Cultural Ecol ogy of the Coastal Plain of Western Suriname, Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress for the Study of the Pre-Columbian Cultures of the Lesser Anti lles, Kitts, 1979, Anthropological Research Papers, 22, 98,

St. 89-

Tempe.

VERSTEEG,

A .H.

sites in 38-56.

1980a,

Suriname,

C-14

datings

Mededelingen

from

archaeol ogical

Surinaamse

Musea

32,

VERSTEEG, A .H . 1983, Recent archaeological investigations in Suriname, Suralco Magazine 15, ( 1), 1-9. VOGEL,

J .C.

Dates

V ,

& H .T.

WATERBOLK,

Radiocarbon

6 ,

1964,

Groningen Radiocarbon

349-369.

2 50

Chapter

1 4

DRAINED F IELD AGRICULTURE AND SOIL R ichard T .

F ERTILITY

Smith

Abstract Although much of the present global r eserve of arable land is in the tropics some of it was used for intensive agriculture in the past. In particular, large tracts of wet highland and lowland areas i n the New World have been used for drained f ield agriculture. At f irst s ight the swa mps and fl oodpl ai ns use d are suggesti ve of problematical environments where agriculture would be limited by alternating conditions of inundation and drought which t ogether i nduce many pedological problems . Among the soil l imitations of s uch e nvironments are rates and mechanisms of organic matter d ecomposition, toxicity and nutrient availability , the n itrogen economy , and soil salinity. These factors are d iscussed and it i s shown that in a well managed drained f ield system they can be overcome or ameliorated . I t i s s uggested that the r eason that drained f ields have not been found in apparently suitable wetlands is that indigenous peoples could not, for some reason, overcome the soil problems. If archaeologists c onsidered the pedological environments of wetlands the s earch f or drained f ields would b e aided . R esumen Aunque g ran p arte d e l a r eserva g lobal a ctual d e s uelos c ultivab les s e e ncuentra e n l os

t röpicos,

i ntensivamente e n o tra d poca.

parte d e e llos

E specificamente,

a reas d e t ierras a ltas y d e t ierras b ajas para l a a gricultura d e c ampo d renado.

f ueron t rabajados

g randes

t rechos d e

e n e l Nuevo M undo s e u saron

A primera v ista l os p antanos y

l os l lanos d e i nundaciön s ugieren l a e xistencia d e medios a mbientes p roblemäticos

e n que l a a gricultura s e e ncontraria l imitada por c on-

d iciones a lternantes d e i nundacidn y d e s equia,

l as c uales

n an para i nducir g ran nümero de p roblemas d e s uelos. t aciones d e l os s uelos d e t ales media 3ambientes

f iguran l as

m ecanismos d e d escomposiciön d e materia o rgänica, p onibilidad d e n utrientes, l os

s uelos.

s e c ombil as l imit asas y

l a t oxicidad y d is-

l a e conomfa d e n itrögeno,

S e d iscuten e stos

Entre

y l a s alinidad d e

f actores y s e d emuestra q ue d entro d e

u n s istema d e c ampo d renado b ien manejado e s p osible s uperarlos o mej orarlos.

S e s ugiere q ue l a e xplicaciön d e l a a usencia d e c ampos d re-

n ados e n s uelos hümedos que s on a parentemente a propiados e s que l os i ndigenas n o pudieron, l os s uelos. q ueölogos

p or a lgün m otivo,

s olucionar l os problemas d e

L a b üsqueda d e c ampos d renados s e f acilitaria s i l os a r-

t omaran e n c uenta l as c aracteristicas d e l os s uelos d e l as

t ierras hümedas.

2 51

Introduction Most of the unused global potential to increase yields and extend arable land is in tropical Africa and South America ( Foth 1 982) and yet many tropical regions may once have been extremely productive judging f rom the remains of long-abandoned intensi ve agricultural systems such as drained fiel ds and terrace systems docu mented in recent years. These remains also have strong implications for the technical capabilities and organisation of indigenous cultures whose knowledge of hydrological engineering was vast ( Park 1983; Farrington Chapter 1 2). In the context of drai ne d fiel d agricu l ture the prese nt known distributions of particular palaeoagricultural forms reflects our incomplete knowledge, arising f rom the l imits of existing sur veys and the ine vitable obliteration of micro-landforms in the course of time . On the other hand, although an approxi mate time scale has been s uggested for the Prehispanic use of drained fiel ds we must try to distinguish between a perennial or s easonal agricultural role and demonstrate f rom a knowledge of soil science that such fiel ds would ha ve been able to sustain production over many years at a stretch or even indefinitely . Drained f ields are evidence of attempts to control a range of soil moisture conditions associated with wetlands that

are

inundated

for

varying

periods

of

the

year

and

possi bl y desiccated for some t i me too. In essence, they represent attempts to extend the period of the year when crops cou l d be grown in a comparati vel y ferti l e en viron ment ( S ie mens Chapter 3 ) compared with the surrounding terra f irme. The vast manual efforts invol ved in their construction, operation and management also suggests that the wetl ands were consi dere d ferti l e agricultural environments. Nutrients and f resh sediments are deposited each year by floodwater or groundwater r ich in nutrients and this adds to the soil ferti lity. Intensi ve culti vation and fl ooding also controls weed growth and the build-up of soil-d wel ling pathogens. Therefore, distinct

the

periodical ly-waterlogged

advantages

agriculture, erosion. In

over

terrace

and

environment has mil pa

forms

of

prone as the latter i s to soil exhaustion and lowland environments the function of drained

fie l ds was proba bl y dominated by intensi fying cr op production and water control whereas in upland settings the fie l ds were, in additi on, probabl y used for ameliorating soil microclimate ( Knapp and Ryder Chapter 11). Experiments by Knapp and Ryder have shown that slight temperature differences brought about by raising the soi l surface may ha ve contri buted towards the extension of growing periods or the maintenance of night temperatures above certain thresholds, notabl y that of frost. Even are

still

areas

of

wetlands,

though being the

new

discoveries

reported,

New

Worl d

seemingl y

there

of

tropics

amenable 2 52

drained

are, to

i t

and the

i s

f ield

s ystems

conceded,

subtropics

vast where

construction

of

drained f ields, have not apparently b een e xploited , nor, so far, are under consideration as possible sites for contemporary development. This could have been due to the lack of sufficient population pressure to warrant their development or to i nappropriate environmental conditions. Table 1 4:1 summarises the considerations appropriate to the prediction and i nterpretation of drained f ields, the primary criterion, of course, being a local population s ize s ufficiently high to j ustify the work r equired and a disciplined social order for its maintenance and extension over a period of time. Beyond this, one has to consider i n more detail aspects of the water regime of an area and the potential of its soils. The remainder of this paper looks at the nature of these agricultural environments f rom the s tandpoint of s oil chemistry and agronomy though a number of the statements to be made are necessarily derived from contemporary drained-field localiti es. Water

Regime

situations

outside

actual

and Soil Texture

A primary consideration in a drained f ield system is the duration and mode of waterlogging. When aerobic conditions are replaced by anaerobic, i .e. when airf illed porosity i s eliminated, all of the dissolved oxygen i s consumed, certain transformations occur within 48 hours, while further changes will take place gradually over a period of weeks. For this reason the length of ti me which soils or soil horizons are subject to waterl ogging is important and the f irst f ew days after planting are inevitably the most crucial. Waterlogging l may be imposed on a l otherwise dry soil by floodi. ig and puddling as i n s ome r ice paddies, in which case anaerobic conditions slowly migrate downwards f rom the s urface, the water having originally been f ully oxidised . On the other hand, i n topographically low areas there will t end to be a per manent zone of saturation above which seasonal fluctuations occur as a result of a general rise of groundwater levels and direct rainfall and i nfiltration ( Figure 1 4:1). However, i n t he paddies t he s urface water must remain oxidised at all t imes or the r ice d ies. While runoff would be d irected towards d rainage l ines or canals there would nevertheless be some tendency for each f ield to develop i ts own watertable . This would be dependent on two main f actors, soil texture and f ield width or more s pecifically the edge-to-area r atio ( Figure 1 4:2). Narrow r idged f ields are therefore likely to have higher water tables than square or irregular shaped f ields. It could be argued, therefore, that longer, narrower f iel ds would also be more likely to meet the requirement of possibly being i nvolved.

efficient easier to

subsoil drainage construct if any

as well as ridging was

An optimum f ield width to suit the hydrological conditions of each locality could have been achieved by cutting more and more

canals

until 2 53

the

desired water

l evel

Table

1 4:1

2 .

ON

DRAINED

FIELD

DISTRIBUTION

Specific

Constraints

Human history

Location

in

and

coeval settlement Subsequent destruction

General

1 .

MAJOR CONTROLS

Considerations

prehistory

Water

relation

Mode and duration waterlogging

regime

to

of

Amplitude of seasonal change in water l evels Water

3 .

quality

Soil texture and soil morphology Content of organic matter, salts and iron Environmental pH and Eh

Physical and chemical nature of substrate

2 54

D

Per manent ly s aturated

Wet s eason c ana l water

Seasona l s aturat ion

D ry o r b r ief ly s aturated

0 I

B

c o 0 . 0 c . k ; D ry s eason water l eve l

Wet s eason water l eve l

seasona I

W1

A . I n p lan

D ra ined f ie ld

D ra inage l ine

f

50m

50 m

50 m

1OM

-

B .In s ect ion

Edge t o a rea r at ios 200/2500 o r 0 .08

Fi Qure

1 4:2

1 20/500 o r 0 .24

Hypothetical r elationships b etw en w idths of f ield and t he watertable

2 56

d iffer t ent

was reached, the intensity of drainage may also have depended on how long a period i n the year particular areas were required t o r emain productive. Experience w ith particular s oils a nd s imple d rainage lines appears to ha ve been paralleled by increasing expertise in the operation of canal systems with dams or sluice gates to allow more sophisticated forms of water control. The two canals linking the New River to Pulltrouser Swamp, in Belize, illustrate such a system ( Turner and Harrison 1 981). Such water control demands some central organisation of the farmers and suggests a powerful governing body , i n c ontrast t o which , practices such as maintaining a cambered or convex f ield crosssection ( Wilken 1 969) to f acilitate runoff, could be achie ved on an indi vidual f ield basis. It i s also possible that with control of canal networks many areas might have been effectively i rrigated i n the dry s eason by impounding water i n c anals. Related to this l atter point, the clays in many tropical l owland areas, e specially those of the Maya a rea, a re of the s hrinking-swelling variety . Once these soils dry they become markedly s tructured and very hard and this leads to difficulties in producing a good tilth ( Debano 1969). Therefore, one further reason why wetlands were c hosen f or arable f arming may have been that the clays could be kept permanently moist, fully expanded , and , t herefore, more e asily workable. Decomposition,

Toxicity and Nutrient Availability

A soil's capacity to support plant growth and to promote biological processes depends very largcly on i ts chemistry and i ts water r elationships t hroughout the year . Chemistry i s very i mportant. A neutral pH i s optimum f or biological a ctivity . I n base-rich environments s upplies of available soil o xygen will, therefore, tend to be used up quickly depending on the rate of diffusion f rom the s urface. Demand f or soil oxygen i s ultimately dependent on the quantity of organic matter undergoing decay, including crop r esidues, together with the vigour of root de vel opment associated with the present crops or vegetation and s oil temperature, which to a large extent controls the rate of decomposition. If all dissol ved oxy ge n is used up on account of waterl oggi ng, decomposition i s slowed rather than prevented ( Bryant 1971). In such a case aerobic respiration gives way to anaerobic respiration, to which conditions, specific groups of bacteria are adapted. Obligate anaerobes utilise e ither c ombined oxygen or other oxidising a gents ( electron acceptors) for metabolising org a nic matter. They utilise n itrate ( NO 3 - ) , m yganese IV ( Md 1" ) , i ron I II ( F e 3+ ) and sul phate ( SO 4 ). One of the fi rst consequences of a naerobic r espiration i s t hus a d epletion of soil n itrogen which i s lost i n gaseous f orm . If waterlogging i s maintained , the other electron donors will be progressi vely consumed and the redox potential will be lowered to the point at which sulphate i s reduced to sulphide

( Armstrong

1982;

Rowell 2 57

1981).

In

a

swamp

environment this will yield toxic hydrogen sul phide. While most soil nitrogen deri ves ultimately from the atmosphere via organic matter, s ulphur originates f rom t he breakdown of proteins and f rom the weathering of sulphide minerals. Along coasts and e stuaries i t i s also derived f rom the ingress of sea water or f rom s eepages f rom f ormer marine d eposits. These considerations present a gloomy image for the environments characterised by most drained f ields yet i t i s t he very proximity to nutrient r ich s aturated s ubsoil which confers chemical f ertility on drained f ield soils. It will also determine the potentiality for dry season cropping associated with the topographically low areas. In the first pl ace, accel erated weathering of the saturated zone associated with its lack of oxygen and hence low Eh ( Brinkman 1 970) and enhanced mobilisation of a number of nutrient ions, including phosphorns, leads to conditions of greater nutrient availability i n the soil as a whole. In particular, any roots which are able to f ollow a f alling water table would especially benefit f rom the latter process for they would be able to obtain iron and phosphate which, as the soil dries out, become much less accessible to uptake. Furthermore, in aerobic respiration there i s no general drift of pH . In the c ase of anaerobic respiration the pH will rise as Eh f alls. This may not actually be noticeable i n soils of higher pH and the tendency in the case of alkaline soils may even be the reverse owing to a larger production of CO, ( Rowel l , though minor, can be sufficient to 1 981). This pH effect r ender more available c ertain n utrient i ons which b ecome f ixed at higher pH . However, flooding tends Lo lower high soil pH values and raise low pH values to about pH 6 , a f avourable environment for most crops. Again, i t is certainl y true that the ingress of nutrient-rich fl ood water would, by diffusion, even if not direct sedimentation, replenish mineral nutrients consumed by crops as is the case in many rice-growing environments. I t might also be argued that this would be more effective the smaller or narrower the f ields. Although c ropping t akes place principally i n a erobic surface soil it will be appreciated that i t i s impossible to d ivorce this s urface environment f rom t he one beneath and to each s ide of i t when attempting to e xplain why the drained f ield s ystem could be viable f or long periods . It must also be stressed that a f all in groundwater levels in the dry season is crucial for pre vention of soi l toxicities in the same way that periodic drying is e ssential f or the somewhat analogous r ice paddy soil ( De Datta 1981; Patrick and Mahapatra 1968). This periodic oxidation militates against, although i t may not totally s top , the production of hydrogen sulphide and hydrocarbon gases, especial ly inhibitory to root devel opment. In addition it prevents iron and manganese reaching excess levels and becoming toxic f or plant growth ( Ayotade 1 977; Ponnamperuma 1972). The drying of soils also assists in the

f ormation

of

s tructural

peds which, 2 58

in a soil

profile

whose origin may be largely good a eration a nd drainage.

artificial,

i s

i mportant

f or

The wetland environment might be c onsidered a s b eing problematical but i n reality , i n a well-maintained drained f ield system , the sea sonal rhythm of wetting and drying can be s een t o provide a credible chemical and ecological basis f or agriculture. The Nitrogen Economy Aside f rom the more obvious roles of networks of canals and ditches for drainage, irrigation and transportation it is very likel y that these were a principle source of soil n itrogen . It i s l ikely that this arose through t he clearance and d redging of c anals and the application of this highly nitrogenous organic material to the surfaces of drained f ield plots. The main source of the nitrogen was probably algal slime but other organic debris, subject to its s tate of decomposition and the timing of its application to f ield surfaces, would have had a beneficial effect ( Wilken 1 981). ' Blue-greens' or Cyanophytes , are autotrophic organisms which not only f ix carbon but utilise atmospheric nitrogen, including that d issolved i n water . An algal a ssociate of the water f ern ( Anabaena a zolla) can thus f ix up to 2 .5 kg N/ha/day under optimal conditions ( Vasey 1981). Blue green algae grow most vigorously when t he pH i s above n eutrality , between 7 .5-9.0. Coastal areas and the lowland karst bajos of Yucatan and elsewhere are likely to have provided a suitably alkaline environment even though in a surface e nvironment the pH of an aquatic s ystem would not normally exceed 7 .5. One of the agrono mi c consequences of hea vy applications of nitrogenous fertiliser, especial ly ammonium nitrate, is that the nitrification process g enerates hydrogen ions which make the s urface soil acidic after a time. However, in areas which were naturally calcareous, or at least buffered to some extent against becoming too acidic, there would be no immediate or long t erm problem a ssociated with the above practice. Indeed some reduction in alkalinity of certain soils, e .g. vertisols would have been beneficial, f or, while having a n egligible effect on soil s tructure a ny f all i n s urface pH would have aided the availability of many nutrient elements, a s with periodic anaerobism . It i s also likely that leguminous crops grown in rotation, between rows of other crops, or as ' indigenous mixtures ' with corn ( Gliessman 1979) provided a further s ource of n itrogen . But the important r ealisation here i s t hat the apparent d isadvantages of the s emi-swamp locality for nitrogen balance appear to be more than offset by f reely available n itrogen sources.

2 59

Salinity The

Considerations content

of

salts

which

fl ood water, particularly locally be of significance a capillary

f ringe

to

occur

in

groundwater

or

chlorides and sulphates, may and in view of the proximity of

cultivation

surfaces,

conditions

of

high salinity could conceivably be encountered in drained fiel d areas during the dry season. In areas subject to coastal salt influence, f luctuating water tables can l ead to the most extreme changes in soil conditions. When waterlogged, the pH of estuarine muds i s around neutrality and if this substrate dries or i s drained, various saline zones may be produced due to capil larity which depend on the solubility products of the Ch l ori des wi l l oft e n re ac h

respecti ve ion th e sur fa c e

pairs. as an

effl orescence; sulphates, carbonates and iron salts are generally precipitated within soil horizons, each of these salts

moving

High

to

salt

a lesser

degree

concentration

( Duchaufour

wil l

1982).

increase

potential of the soil and induce wilting of the plant to take up water. Sulphides mud are oxidised rapidly to sulphates and

the

osmotic

through failure in the original in the presence

of lime, gypsum crystals wil l form . Without calciu m carbonate, sul phuric acid wil l be formed and the pH may f all below 3 . These processes can occur very rapidly , as illustrated by some attempts to reclaim areas of mangrove swamp ( Bl oomfield and Coulter 1973). It is therefore possible that attempts to build cultivation platforms near tropical coasts woul d have met with serious problems, ranging from those at salinity to extreme acidity which i s equally i nimical to plant growth. Ne vertheless, raised fiel d complexes near the coast are reported. At Cerros on the mouth of the New Ri ver in Belize, an advanced raised f ield system occurs with l ined canals ( Scarborough 1981). Together with this syste m macroscopic plant remains and pollen occur, which may suggest that saline incursions were overcome and crop gro wth was success ful, at least for a time. It is possible that the canal linings helped in some way to keep sal ty water away from the fields. In coastal Suriname, Versteeg ( Chapter 13) f ields and settlements in certain successful

also reports a complex of raised dating from 1 800 BP. The fact that

coastal areas these systems appear to have been may depend on the shortness of the dry s eason,

in which the effects of soil ripening and capil larity would be minimised. Alternatively a higher lime content than in other tropical areas or the use of lined canals with high

embankments

may

have

circumvented

the

problem .

Conclusions This paper experience of relati vel y

has f ocused on Mesoamerica. With previous forest clearance and farming in areas of

higher

elevation,

expl oitation

of

lowl and

fores ts and swamps by the Maya mi ght ha ve appeared reasonably straightforward once forest areas were cleared . 2 60

But,

the

removal

of

trees

leads

to

a marked

rise

of

water

tabl es so that initial attempts at settlement and the extension of agriculture to areas which we now associate with the Maya lowlands, may well have been checked until methods were available to effectively control inundation. An important over-riding factor woul d undoubtedl y have been the Classic Maya ascendancy , representing a maximum degree of integration not onl y of communications but of drainage As

systems

already

as

well.

discussed,

certain

factors

are

to

be

identified either indi vidually or in combination as favouring or discouraging drained fiel d agriculture. Antagonistic influences might locally include prolonged high ground water levels or marine influence. On the other hand,

areas with extremes

seasons might make for hydraulic structures.

of water

le vels between

difficult planning of appropriate High clay content, high salinity

and low iron contents are likel y to present problems. Particularly f avourable influences on the other hand would be provided by sedi ment deposition fol lowing fl ooding, adequate iron and low salinity. The presence of solid rock or aggregate, especial ly limestone, woul d provide ba l l ast and therefore aid in fie l d bui l ding and preparation; abundant organic matter applications to the fiel d surfaces, woul d general ly be a beneficial fertilizer provided drainage is maintained. The main issue is, howe ver, considered to be the maintenance of a suitable

soil

aeration

state.

Archaeol ogists are familiar with the problem of different kinds of biological or artcfactual remains being prese r ved or destroyed depending on preser vati on conditions. better able fi e l ds be

Similarly, the fiel d archaeologist may be to answer such questions as ' should drained fou nd in thi s area ?' if the soi l an d

hydrol ogical conditions of wetl ands are understood. Conventional air photography and other forms of remote sensing have recentl y led to the discovery of many complexes of drained f ields which have remained hidden for centuries. These data are allowing the update dis tri buti on maps of drai ned fie l ds, yet incomplete records of need to be applied not

of relict they are

the past. Scientific principles only to enlarge our understanding

of how former agricultural systems functioned but to determine ecological factors which would have limited their

true

geographical

range.

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