Exile And Nation-State Formation In Argentina And Chile, 1810–1862 3030278638, 9783030278632, 9783030278649

Table of contents :
Epigraph......Page 6
Acknowledgements......Page 7
Contents......Page 8
Abbreviations......Page 10
List of Figures......Page 11
1 Introduction: The Floating Province of Exile......Page 12
Political Exile in the Nineteenth-Century Chile and the Río de La Plata......Page 18
Exile in Global and Transnational History......Page 25
Emigration, Proscription, Banishment: The Vocabulary of Exile......Page 35
Chapter Outline......Page 40
2 Political Displacement and Independence: Commerce, Indigenous Peoples and Exile (1810–1839)......Page 45
Colonial Migration Patterns and Banishment......Page 47
Exile and Independence: Politics from Abroad (1810–1817)......Page 54
Revolution as a Refugee Creating Process......Page 58
Exile, Revolution and Territorial Reconfiguration......Page 66
Exile and Border Formation in the Independence Period......Page 74
Conservative Stability as Exile Producing Politics (1830s)......Page 80
War with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation (1836–1839): International and Civil Wars......Page 85
Exile and Revolution......Page 92
3 Epistolary Exchange and the Exile Experience: Transnational Networks Before the Nation......Page 95
Correspondence: Distance, Hopes, Reception......Page 98
Presence in Absence......Page 105
Public and Private Letters......Page 111
Circulation of Texts and Formation of the Public Sphere......Page 117
Facundo and the Development of a Transnational Public Sphere......Page 124
Exile Journalism Networks and the Transnational Public Sphere......Page 128
Transnational Networks Before the Nation......Page 134
4 Political Exile, Labor Markets and Institution-Building......Page 137
Newspaper Writing, Survival and Émigré Integration......Page 140
Émigré Networks and Employment in Journalism......Page 147
Émigrés at the Origins of National Education......Page 151
Education as Employment......Page 155
Academic Prestige and Émigré Careers......Page 160
Émigrés and Legal Codification......Page 163
Émigrés and the Professionalization of Legal Practice......Page 167
Exile and Public Administration......Page 175
Exile and Institution-Building......Page 178
5 The Practice and Politics of Exile: Nation-State Formation from Abroad......Page 180
Sites and Waves of Exile......Page 181
State Practices of Exile......Page 188
Family Histories of Exile......Page 194
Romantic Representations of Exile......Page 197
Representations of Rosas......Page 203
Exile Politics: Associations and Sociability......Page 208
Transnational Politics and International Relations......Page 213
Émigré Soldiers and Civil Wars......Page 220
Exile Political Culture and International Relations......Page 225
6 Exile Representations of Chilean Exceptionalism......Page 227
Émigrés and Public Opinion in Exile......Page 228
Cultural Polemics and the Construction of the Foreigner......Page 234
Chilean Sociability and Argentine Romantics......Page 241
Émigré Political Participation and Nationality......Page 246
Émigré Romantic Views of Chilean Exceptionalism......Page 255
Legal Order in Chile and Argentina......Page 261
Exile and Connected Revolutions......Page 267
The Limits of Exceptionalism and Integration......Page 274
7 Narratives of Exile, Narratives of Nationhood......Page 276
Émigré Integration in Peru and the Río de la Plata......Page 277
Chilean Émigrés and the Peruvian Revolution of 1854......Page 282
Argentine Entanglements......Page 285
Federalism and Exile in the Río de la Plata......Page 294
The Specter of Exile and Memories of Chile......Page 299
Exile at the Origins of National Historiography......Page 310
Conclusions......Page 322
8 Floating Provinces: Exile and the Formation of Independent Republics......Page 324
Return from the Floating Provinces of Exile......Page 325
Transnational Networks Before the Nation......Page 330
Political Culture and Romantic Representations of Exile......Page 334
Bibliography......Page 340
Author Index......Page 364
Subject Index......Page 369

Citation preview

PALGRAVE MACMILLAN TRANSNATIONAL HISTORY SERIES

Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862 Edward Blumenthal

Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series Series Editors Akira Iriye Harvard University Cambridge, USA Rana Mitter Department of History University of Oxford Oxford, UK

This distinguished series seeks to develop scholarship on the transnational connections of societies and peoples in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; provide a forum in which work on transnational history from different periods, subjects, and regions of the world can be brought together in fruitful connection; and explore the theoretical and methodological links between transnational and other related approaches such as comparative history and world history. Editorial Board Thomas Bender, University Professor of the Humanities, Professor of History, and Director of the International Center for Advanced Studies, New York University Jane Carruthers, Professor of History, University of South Africa Mariano Plotkin, Professor, Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero, Buenos Aires, and member of the National Council of Scientific and Technological Research, Argentina Pierre-Yves Saunier, Researcher at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France Ian Tyrrell, Professor of History, University of New South Wales More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14675

Edward Blumenthal

Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862

Edward Blumenthal Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 Paris, France

Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series ISBN 978-3-030-27863-2 ISBN 978-3-030-27864-9  (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Epigraph

Errantes y proscritos andamos como la prole de Israel en busca de la tierra prometida Esteban Echeverría, Dogma Socialista, 1837

v

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank some of the many people who made this book possible. Much of the research for this book had its origins in my doctoral project, which would not have been possible without the help and advice of Pilar González Bernaldo, Jeremy Adelman, Luis Roniger, Françoise Martinez and Annick Lempérière. Their encouragement, advice and patience made this a substantially better project, though all mistakes are of course my own. Conversations with many historians over the years also made significant contributions, including Gabriel Entín, Nancy Green, Noemí Goldman, Véronique Hébrard, Mario Etchechury, Jorge Myers, Julio Pinto, Rafael Sagredo, Romy Sánchez, Natalia Sobrevilla Perea, Ana María Stuven, Geneviève Verdo, Fabio Wasserman, Eduardo Zimmermann and Ignacio Zubizarreta. The comments and suggestions of the anonymous reviewer were also invaluable. Many people helped in reading and rereading different versions of this text including Dan Blumenthal, Marjorie Spears, Margaret Phillips, Nicole de Paleville and Anne-Marie Tobelem. And of course, none of it would have been possible without the support of my family: Flora Tobelem, Lia and Zelie Blumenthal-Tobelem.

vii

Contents

1 Introduction: The Floating Province of Exile 1 2 Political Displacement and Independence: Commerce, Indigenous Peoples and Exile (1810–1839) 35 3 Epistolary Exchange and the Exile Experience: Transnational Networks Before the Nation 85 4 Political Exile, Labor Markets and Institution-Building 127 5 The Practice and Politics of Exile: Nation-State Formation from Abroad 171 6 Exile Representations of Chilean Exceptionalism 219 7 Narratives of Exile, Narratives of Nationhood 269 8 Floating Provinces: Exile and the Formation of Independent Republics 317

ix

x 

CONTENTS

Bibliography 333 Author Index 357 Subject Index 363

Abbreviations

AGN-AL  Archivo General de la Nación Argentina, Archivo López AGN-CBN  Archivo General de la Nación Argentina, Colección Biblioteca Nacional AGN-CG  Archivo General de la Nación Argentina, Catálogo General AGN-CMHN  Archivo General de la Nación Argentina, Colección Museo Histórico Nacional AJMG  Archivo del Doctor Juan María Gutiérrez Epistolario ANCh-FL  Archivo Nacional de Chile, Archivo Fernández Larraín ANCh-SM  Archivo Nacional de Chile, Archivo Santa María BNCh-AD  Biblioteca Nacional de Chile, Archivos Documentales CHD  Contribución histórica y documental RBN  Revista Biblioteca Nacional (Buenos Aires)

xi

List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Nineteen-century trade routes 39 Fig. 2.2 The southern indigenous frontier 62 Fig. 3.1 Circulation of rioplatense Émigré Correspondence (Source Author’s data base. N = 300. Created using http://rawgraphs.io/) 112 Fig. 3.2 Circulation of Chilean Émigré Correspondence (Source Author’s data base. N = 76. Created using http://rawgraphs.io/) 113 Fig. 5.1 Rioplatense sites of exile (Source Author’s data base. No. of émigres, N = 709) 175 Fig. 5.2 Chilean sites of exile (Source Author’s data base. No. of émigres, N = 120) 176

xiii

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: The Floating Province of Exile

I have lived my whole life in this floating province of the Argentine Republic, that has been called its political emigration, and that has been composed of the Argentinians that left the soil of their tyrannized country, to study and serve the cause of liberty abroad. Almost all of our liberal literature has been produced in the moving but fertile soil of this nomadic province. El Peregrino, El Facundo, El Angel Caido, El Avellaneda, los Himnos de Mayo, la América Poética, the historical newspapers, memorable of that bygone era, and even the fundamental laws that govern the Argentine Republic today, have been produced in the migrating and nomadic province of the Argentinian people, that has been called its liberal emigration.1 (Belgium, 1873)

When Juan Bautista Alberdi wrote these words, he had been living abroad for thirty-five years and was looking back at a life of politics dedicated to a country he had left as a young man in 1839. Before leaving Buenos Aires, Alberdi and various other young educated men connected with the University of Buenos Aires had started a literary salon where they discussed and published their ideas for the future of the Argentine Confederation, a future in which they saw themselves as the inevitable leaders. Argentina was not yet a republic with a constitution but a loose confederation of provinces, under the domination of the authoritarian Governor of Buenos 1 “Mi vida privada que se pasa toda en la República Argentina”. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Imprenta europea, 307.

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_1

1

2

E. BLUMENTHAL

Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas. Rosas saw them as a threat and not as potential allies; they were potential competitors to his own power, and their Romantic ideals and francophilia were threatening. The Young Generation, as they styled themselves after Giuseppe Mazzini’s Young Italy, found itself increasingly obliged to follow the dictates of the authorities and Alberdi, like many others, decided to flee across the river to Montevideo, Uruguay, where he could express his ideas more freely. Others settled in Bolivia, Chile and Brazil. After Rosas’ fall in 1852, and the unification of the republic a decade later, they would become the central political and cultural figures that shaped the republican institutions that emerged in the second half of the century. In Chile too, a generation that came of age in the relative political opening in the 1840s, fed on the Romantic, Utopian socialist ideals of José Victorino Lastarria’s 1842 Literary society and radicalized by the political conflicts toward the end of the decade, faced a decade of exile after 1851. The authoritarian government of President Manuel Montt (1851–1861), though it institutionalized repression with a lower degree of violence than across the Andes, led many young Chilean opposition members into exile in Peru and the Argentine Confederation. Figures such as Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna would play a central role in political and intellectual life upon reincorporation into public life after the election of a moderate, consensual president in 1861. Starting from the outbreak of the independence wars, and continuing though the first 50 years after independence, civil strife led to large waves of exile, both popular and elite, that shaped subsequent politics for generations. This book traces the impact of exile on the formation of independent republics in Argentina and Chile from the first autonomist movements in 1810 until roughly 1862, when former émigré Bartolomé Mitré was elected to the presidency of a unified Argentine Republic and a law of amnesty was passed in Chile, which allowed for safe return from exile. It argues that exile is an essential part of the foundation of political order in South America and played a major role in shaping political thought in the nineteenth century.2 In an era of porous and ill-defined borders and weak public authorities—when state, nation and border cannot be taken for granted—exile was key in the formation of republican institutions, international borders and the emergence of Romantic nationalities. Border crossing, especially 2 This builds on arguments made in Sznajder, Mario and Luis Roniger. 2009. The Politics of Exile in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

3

when political, played an important role in the process of state formation and the imagination of cultural nations in a Romantic mold. In this sense, political displacement was not just a form of absence from the political field but also an expression of loyalty and political participation that connected the émigré to his or her homeland. The Alberdi passage captures an essential truth about South American exile in the nineteenth century beyond the immediate ideological and political context that led to emigration. The central, founding texts of Chile and Argentina, including fiction, poetry, historical narratives as well as legal and political writing (including the origins of the 1853 Argentine constitution), were written in a context of exile and nation-building from abroad. Generations of political leaders, including two presidents each in Argentina and in Chile,3 as well as prominent writers and intellectuals, spent formative years in exile, where they acquired knowledge and experience that would play an important role in their subsequent careers. Indeed, Alberdi referred to himself as “el ausente” (the absent one) and never permanently returned to the country he had done so much to help create. Surprisingly, this fact has escaped systematic attention from historians, although it is commonplace enough to note this formative aspect of exile in individual biographies. Though the narrative focuses primarily on the social and cultural history of a few dozen of these intellectuals from Chile, Argentina and to a lesser extent Uruguay, it is important to understand them as part of broader waves of exile. The intellectuals who lived in exile were typically white, male members of the political and cultural elites, even if they did not necessarily enjoy any particular wealth or influence.4 A few prominent women émigré writers have been studied in other contexts, notably Manuela Gorriti and Mariquita Sánchez de Thompson.5 Yet many other women emigrated, leaving little archival trace. The view of the nineteenth-century exile as an elite, masculine experience is, in part, the result of the constraints imposed

3 Bartolomé Mitre (1862–1868) and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1868–1874) from Argentina; Federico Errázuriz (1871–1876) and Domingo Santa María (1881–1886) from Chile. 4 The émigrés analyzed in this study include only 15 women from the Río de la Plata and 3 from Chile. 5 Batticuore, Graciela. 2011. Mariquita Sánchez: bajo el signo de la revolución. Biografías argentinas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Fleming, Leonor “Introduction”. In Gorriti, Juana Manuela. 2010. El pozo de Yocci y otros relatos. Madrid: Cátedra.

4

E. BLUMENTHAL

by the sources, but this study tries to bring out as wide a view as possible of the exile communities in order to provide context to their formation. A contemporary observer put the number of Chilean émigrés in the Argentine Confederation at around 2000.6 The émigré merchant Gregorio Beéche, the Argentine Confederation’s consul in Valparaiso after Rosas’ fall, undertook the collection of “statistical data on Argentinians” in the Pacific, though he apparently never completed the work.7 He nonetheless estimated the number of Argentinians in Chile in 1854 at 10,500, more than any other nationality, drawing the number from the 1854 Chilean census.8 These references are necessarily vague, yet they give an idea of the size of the waves of exile. The numbers actually studied here, drawn primarily from the rolls of exile associations—thus implying a certain degree of functional literacy—were much smaller, around 120 Chileans and 709 émigrés from the Río de la Plata. The discrepancy between these numbers is not only a reflection of a lack of sources, it also hints at larger context of popular exile, comprised of peons, militia members and their families who fled across borders after defeat on the battlefield. This popular exile is also problematic because it is not clear to what extent they identified with the Chilean or Argentine national projects promoted by exile leaders.9 The geographic reach of this study is also variable, the scale shifting between a comparison of Chilean and Argentine exiles, global phenomenon relating to exile such as the revolutions of 1848 and the circulation of Romantic Socialism as well as a specifically South American scale of the formation of sites of exile. The use of Argentina is in this sense anachronistic and should be understood in terms of a yet unfulfilled political project, given that the Argentine Republic was only formally constituted with the incorporation of Buenos Aires to the Confederation between 1859 and 1861. Furthermore, many of the “Argentine” émigrés studied here were actually born in what would become the independent republics of Bolivia

6 Lara, Ramón. 1860. El gobierno de Montt y sus ajentes. Mendoza: s.n, 14. 7 Gregorio Be´eche to Manuel Sol´a, Valparaiso, September 14, 1855. In Solá, Miguel. 1926.

Organización nacional; cartas de la emigración. Buenos Aires: Porter, 88–89. Solá was an exiled merchant residing in Cobija, Bolivia. 8 The census listed 19,669 foreigners in Chile. 1858. Censo Jeneral de la República de Chile levantado en abril de 1854. Santiago de Chile. 9 Blumenthal, Edward. 2015. “Milicias y ciudadanía de residencia: la revolución chilena de 1851 en perspectiva transnacional”. Illes i Imperis 0 (17): 91–112.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

5

and Uruguay.10 These territories were part of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, under Buenos Aires’ jurisdiction during the colonial period, and they continued to play a role in the civil wars of the 1820s and 1830s. Though it was legally a recognized sovereign, independent republic after 1828, Uruguay represents a case in point, because it was in many ways subsumed in the dynamics of the Argentine civil wars, including exile.11 This is a reflection of both the uncertain territorial configuration of the Argentine Confederation and territorial dynamics that went beyond the uncertain national borders. Furthermore, while the émigrés themselves are mostly limited to Chile, Argentina and to a lesser extent Uruguay, the sites of exile also include Peru, Bolivia and Brazil as well as—to a much lesser extent—Paraguay, Ecuador, the United States and European counties such as Spain, France, England and the Italian states. Thus, an important objective is to understand the impact of exile by studying émigrés from Chile and Argentina as case studies to explore the broader impact of political displacement across South America. The need to examine the founding generations of South American politics and letters in light not only of exile, but also mobility more generally, has recently received more attention. Various authors have argued that exile also contributed to constructing collective imageries, as émigrés reflect upon the reasons for their exile, comparing their host country with their country of origin. Rafael Rojas has insisted upon the role of exile in the translation of ideas—both in the literal and metaphorical sense of adapting them to local circumstances—between host and expelling countries in the context of Spanish American independence.12 Cuban exile in the United

10 Around 5% of those associated with Argentine exile politics were born outside of the provinces of the Confederation, mostly in what would become Bolivia and Uruguay. 11 Various presidents of the Estado Oriental del Uruguay, including Manuel Oribe, Fructuoso Rivera and Venancio Flores, spent time in exile in Brazil—in particular, Rio Grande do Sul—the Argentine provinces or both. As a site of exile, an 1843 census of Montevideo listed 2533 “Argentinians” in the city. Lamas, Andrés. “Padron de Montevideo, levantado en Octubre de 1843”. Cited in Etchechury, Mario. 2018. “‘Defensores de la humanidad y la civilización’. Las legiones extranjeras de Montevideo, entre el mito cosmopolita y la eclosión de las ‘nacionalidades’ (1838–1851)”. Revista Historia 0 (50–II): 491–524. 12 Rojas, Rafael. 2009. Las repúblicas de aire: Utopía y desencanto en la revolución de Hispanoamérica. Mexico: Taurus. Though not primarily focused on exile, also see Chambers, Sarah C. 2015. Families in War and Peace: Chile from Colony to Nation. Duke University Press.

6

E. BLUMENTHAL

States has also been the occasion to reflect upon the ways that the imagination of a Cuban identity in the nineteenth century was a product of exile writers, in particular, in New York and New Orleans,13 though a recent contribution argues that Cuban exile inspired opposition movements in Mexico and across the Gulf world.14 Nevertheless, for the nineteenth century there is no comprehensive study of exile, either at a national or regional level. Travel narratives are also prominent, and elite exile often resembled a bourgeois educational voyage to Europe, where a university education or simply participation in cultural life gave the traveler a cultural patina that could be used as intellectual legitimation upon return.15 While these studies center on tropes of the nineteenth-century national Latin America literature, journalism and historical writings in the context of exile and cultural encounters abroad, they lack a historical analysis of the context and consequences of exile. The only study that systematically looks at exile, though it does not focus on the nineteenth century, is the recent book by Sznajder and Roniger, which shows the importance of these roots in understanding current exile, while also developing a theoretical framework for understanding exile in Latin America. They present exile as central to political practice, with a direct impact on state formation in the interaction between three actors: the expelling country, the receiving country and the émigrés themselves. Countries accepted defeated political factions, and might even aid them or encourage their plans to return, in order to maintain influence in neighboring countries. Émigrés, themselves, play a significant role in this framework, collaborating with host-country governments and fighting against the expelling country in the hope of returning to power.16

13 Lazo, Rodrigo. 2005. Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 14 Muller, Dalia Antonia. 2017. Cuban Émigrés and Independence in the NineteenthCentury Gulf World. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 15 These are recurring themes in the literature on exile and travel narratives more broadly, as can be seen in two recent collections. Fey, Ingrid E. and Karen Racine. 2000. Strange Pilgrimages: Exile, Travel, and National Identity in Latin America, 1800s–1990s. Wilmington, DE: SR Books. McEvoy Carreras, Carmen and Ana María Stuven. 2007. La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. 16 For the twentieth century, they add a fourth actor to their model, transnational civil society (NGOs, human rights organizations). Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile. Also

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

7

Chile and Argentina are particularly notable because of the ways these exile waves crossed and mutually influenced each other. The interactions in Chile in the 1840s between émigrés from the Confederation and the soon to be exiled opposition indelibly marked both countries. A major goal of this book is to re-situate the classic texts written from this period in this context of exile, a context that did not escape notice from the actors themselves, as Alberdi noted. Conceptualization of republican projects in Argentina and Chile was often carried out abroad and deeply connected to politics in neighboring countries.

Political Exile in the Nineteenth-Century Chile and the Río de La Plata Though displacement from one administrative locality to another had a certain history in the Spanish Empire, it was during the independence struggles and civil wars that followed, for the 1810s to the 1830s, that exile rapidly became part of the political culture, independent of ideology or faction. Patriots and loyalists, republicans and monarchists, federalists and unitarians all practiced forms of exile, whether semi-voluntary (flight) or expulsion by political authorities. The interconnected nature of the independence struggles, which began with municipal revolutions and were waged on a continental and not a national basis, made political displacement both common and significant. From 1810, certain practices of exile emerged that would continue for much of the century. While seeking the roots of the practice of exile in the independence struggles, this book concentrates on the 1829–1862 period. 1829 and 1830 marked the victory in military conflicts on both sides of the Andes of conservative republican regimes that put in place a certain order after the independence period wars and would shape the following decades. Various waves of exile and repression followed. In the Argentine Confederation, Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas consolidated control over the province of Buenos Aires at the head of the Federalist forces after 1829 and extended his power through the Confederation by establishing alliances with other Federalist governors following the defeat of the centralist Unitarians between 1829 and 1831. The defeat of the Unitarian faction, which

see Roniger, Luis, James Naylor Green, and Pablo Yankelevich. 2012. Exile and the Politics of Exclusion in the Americas. Sussex Academic Press.

8

E. BLUMENTHAL

had been opposed to the Federalists over questions of constitutional organization and the place of Buenos Aires within the former Río de la Plata, was followed by a wave of repression and exile of the Unitarians. Governor from 1829 to 1832 and again from 1835 to 1852, Rosas’ second period in office was marked by increasing repression and brutality. He faced opposition from liberal Federalists opposed to granting him extraconstitutional powers, as well as provincial governors opposed to the de facto concentration of power in Buenos Aires. Though Rosas did not abolish republican institutions in the province or universal masculine suffrage— and the legislature regularly confirmed his dictatorial powers through a unanimous vote—he refused to sanction a constitution that would create an Argentine Republic. Instead, the Confederation was governed under the 1831 Federal pact, which delegated control of foreign relations, and the income from the Buenos Aires customs office, to the governor of the province. The repression unleashed to consolidate his hold on power during his second period in office, when the suma del poder (dictatorial powers) were voted to him, led to a second wave of exile to neighboring countries in the mid-1830s. Analysis of the Rosas regime has underscored the importance of a classical republican language of virtue, hierarchy and fear of aristocratic plotting, that led to the suppression of the public sphere and all expressions of dissent, while opinion was controlled through voting regime of unanimity, in which opposition was often physically eliminated.17 At the same time, Federalist sentiment was strong in Buenos Aires, and the popular support enjoyed by Federalists, in particular in the 1820s and 1830s, was real though not entirely synonymous with the Rosas regime itself.18 Yet the violence of the

17 González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation

argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. Myers, Jorge. 1995. Orden y virtud. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Ternavasio, M. 1999. “Hacia un régimen de unanimidad. Política y elecciones en Buenos Aires, 1828–1850”. In Ciudadanía política y formación de las naciones. Perspectivas históricas de América Latina, Hilda Sabato (ed.), 119–41. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. 18 Di Meglio, Gabriel. 2012. ¡Mueran los salvajes unitarios!: La mazorca y la política en

tiempos de Rosas. Penguin. Fradkin, Raúl. 2012. ¡Fusilaron a Dorrego! Buenos Aires: Penguin. Goldman, Noemí and Ricardo Donato Salvatore. 2005. Caudillismos rioplatenses: nuevas miradas a un viejo problema. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Salvatore, Ricardo Donato. 2003. Wandering Paysanos: State Order and Subaltern Experience in Buenos Aires During the Rosas Era. Duke University Press.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

9

civil wars, and the repression under Rosas—particularly during the crucial 1838–1842 period—should not be underestimated. The obligation to wear a red ribbon (the color of federalism) and repeat the incantation “Death to Unitarians” was required to show one was a loyal Federalist. The Sociedad popular restauradora, and its para-police wing known popularly as the Mazorca, was responsible for a wave of terror in urban Buenos Aires that struck elite sectors particularly hard.19 This led to a third wave of exile, that of the young Romantics who would go on to lead the country after 1852.20 After the suppression of their literary salon, exile became attractive as a way of recovering their lost freedom of expression, and a road to power as the leaders of a future Argentine Republic—or so they hoped. In exile, they joined the forces supporting Juan Lavalle, a Unitarian general in Montevideo since 1829, who would lead a failed campaign against Rosas and his allies between 1839 and 1841. This was a critical moment for the regime, and the period of most intense repression, when Rosas had to confront war with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation (1837), the French blockade of Buenos Aires (1838–1840) and the invasion of the province by the combined exile and Uruguay army, allied with the French.21 This period also marks what Jorge Myers has called the revolutionary period of the young Romantic generation, characterized by their support for armed overthrow of Rosas and their attachment to and utopian socialist ideals Romantic ideas of nationality. History and national narratives held an important place in this Romanticism, whereas politically they were shaped by pre-1848 utopian socialism, expressed through an emphasis on interpreting society, an insistence on equality—mostly in the form of equality before the law, though sometimes also as social equality—and a belief in

19 Di Meglio, Gabriel. 2009. “La Mazorca y el orden rosista”. Prohistoria 12: 69–90. 20 Katra, William H. 1996. The Argentine Generation of 1837: Echeverría, Alberdi,

Sarmiento, Mitre. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. Myers, Jorge. 1998. “La Revolución en las ideas: La generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas”. In Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo 3, Revolución, República, Confederación (1806–52), Noemí Goldman (ed.), 3:381–445. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Wasserman, Fabio. 1997. “La Generación de 1837 y el proceso de construcción de la identidad nacional argentina”. Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio Ravignani”, 3a, no. 15: 7–34. Weinberg, Félix. 1958. El Salón literario. Buenos Aires: Hachette. 21 Gelman, Jorge. 2009. Rosas bajo fuego: Los franceses, Lavalle y la rebelión de los estancieros. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana.

10

E. BLUMENTHAL

revolution.22 Exile played a role in the circulation of these ideas, as several historians have suggested.23 The press and associative practices played a central role in this generation, in terms of both their political experience and thought. As Esteban Echeverría put it, the “Young Argentina association represent(ed) in its provisional organization the future of the Argentine nation.”24 Indeed, they took this idea of the nation conceived through associate practice into exile, where they would found “Argentine” clubs in the absence of an Argentine nation.25 While the military campaigns to unseat Rosas were ultimately unsuccessful, the support they received from sites of exile in neighboring countries nurtured a generation of politicians and intellectuals who mobilized public opinion (and military force) abroad against Rosas. Exile, the European revolutions of 1848 and the Chilean revolution of 1851, would all contribute to moderating these beliefs that from the beginning were marked by a strain of doctrinaire sovereignty of reason. The young generation saw themselves as incarnating national sovereignty, given the people’s irrational tendency to follow Rosas.26 The experience of

22 Batticuore, Graciela. 2005. La mujer romántica. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Berlin, Isaiah. 2001. The Roots of Romanticism. Princeton University Press. Myers, J. 2005. “Los universos culturales del romanticismo. Reflexiones en torno a un objeto oscuro”. In Resonancias románticas. Ensayos sobre historia de la cultura argentina (1820–1890), Graciela Batticuore, Klaus Gallo, and Jorge Myers (eds.), 15–46. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA. Palti, Elías. 2009. El momento romántico. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA. Tarcus, Horacio. 2016. El socialismo romántico en el Río de la Plata (1837 –1852). Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Wasserman, Fabio. 2008. Entre Clio y la Polis: Conocimiento historico y representaciones del pasado en el Río de La Plata (1830–1860). Buenos Aires: Teseo. 23 Myers, “La revolución en las ideas”. Stuven, Ana María. 2008. “El exilio de la intelec-

tualidad argentina: polémica y construcción de la esfera pública chilena (1840–1850)”. In Historia de los intelectuales en América Latina, Jorge Myers (ed.), 1:412–40. Buenos Aires: Katz. 24 Echeverría, Esteban. 1846. Dogma socialista de la Asociación Mayo, precedido de una ojeada retrospectiva sobre el movimiento intelectual en el Plata desde el año 37. Montevideo: Imprenta del Nacional, 20. 25 Blumenthal, Edward. 2019. “Los clubes constitucionales argentinos: Exilio y retorno en ´ del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio la ‘provincia flotante’”, Boletin Ravignani”, 3a, 51: 17–55. González, Civilité et politique, 157. 26 Gallo, Klaus. 2008. “Esteban Echeverria’s Critique of Universal Suffrage: The Traumatic Development of Democracy in Argentina, 1821–52”. In Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism 1830–1920, Christopher Alan Bayly and Eugenio F. Biagini (eds.), 299–310. Oxford University Press. For the French doctrinaires, see Rosanvallon, Pierre. 1985. Le moment Guizot. Paris: Gallimard.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

11

exile would be key to their approaches to the consolidation of republican rule in the future Argentine Republic. Rosas was finally overthrown in 1852 by an international military coalition led by the Governor of the Argentine province of Entre Ríos, Justo José de Urquiza that included Brazil, Uruguay and several other Argentine provinces. This allowed the return of many of the émigrés over the course of the 1850s. While the fall of Buenos Aires Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1852 signaled the formal end of the condition of exile and opened up the possibility of return, it also signaled a renewal of conflict between Buenos Aires and the provinces. Buenos Aires seceded from the Confederation in conflict over federalism and control of customs revenue, opening up a decade of conflict that would end in 1862 with the election of the first President of the unified Argentine Republic, Bartolomé Mitre, a former émigré.27 In Chile, a civil war in 1829–1830 was won by a conservative coalition unhappy with the reforms of the 1820s which included abolition of the tobacco monopoly, experiments with federalism and attacks on the church and entailed estates. The new regime was symbolized by the power behind the throne, Minister Diego Portales, and the 1833 constitution that enshrined limited suffrage, centralized administration and a powerful president with wide powers to govern through a state of exception. Portales’ effective political role was chronologically limited, however, and his symbolic role therefore somewhat misleading. He was, in many ways, a dictator in the classical republican sense, from whom notions such as political virtue were key, whose assassination gave way to the political opening of the 1840s.28 The repression of this decade culminated in the war with the PeruBolivian Confederation (1836–1839) and the assassination of Portales in 1837. Many fled or were banished to Peru during the 1830s, although an amnesty and political opening following the end of the war and the election

27 Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 196–202. Scobie, James R. 1964. La lucha por la consolidación de la nacionalidad argentina, 1852–1862. Buenos Aires: Librería Hachette. González, Civilité, 310–22. 28 Bravo Lira, Bernardino. 1994. El absolutismo ilustrado en Hispanoamérica: Chile (1760–1860) de Carlos III a Portales y Montt. Editorial Universitaria. Jocelyn-Holt Letelier, Alfredo. 1998. El peso de la noche: Nuestra frágil fortaleza histórica. Santiago: Planeta/Ariel, 93–96, 132–38. However, he also ambiguously mentions Portales’ “liberal-republican” view of the world, 114–15.

12

E. BLUMENTHAL

of its hero, Manuel Bulnes, to the presidency (1841–1851) allowed for an expansion of the freedom of the press and the return of many émigrés. The exact nature of the regime put into place by the 1833 constitution is a subject of long debate, given the alternation between periods of relative political opening, such as in the 1840s, with periods of repression.29 Some historians have emphasized the republican nature of the regime, founded upon a constitution recognizing individual rights and the division of powers, as well as the importance of institution-building, particularly in education. Montt plays an important role here, first as a government minister in the 1840s—his first appointment was by Portales in 1837—and as president (1851–1861), where he actively supported public education and entered in conflict with the Catholic church. This was the basis of a certain republican consensus among Chilean elites of the period, that some would even call liberal.30 Nevertheless, the importance of ultramontane catholics in public debate, a regular recourse to states of emergency and suspension of basic rights in order to govern and a strong emphasis on authority, hierarchy and order in political language, indicate that certain strains of conservative thinking were an important part of the regime.31 This was certainly the view of the opposition, many of whom referred to Portales and the 1833 constitution as a “colonial reaction,” to use the phrase coined by Lastarria.32 This suggests that while republicanism certainly played a consensual role, and political debate cannot easily be divided between “liberals” and “conservatives”—as the dueling liberal and conservative historiographies of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were wont to do—conservative thought held an important place among Chilean elites. These debates have

29 For a recent contribution, see Pinto Vallejos, Julio and Verónica Valdivia O. 2009. ¿Chilenos Todos? Santiago: LOM Ediciones. 30 Jakši´c, Ivan. 2001. Andrés Bello: la pasión por el orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Jocelyn-Holt Letelier, Alfredo. 1986. “La idea de nación en el pensamiento liberal chileno del siglo XIX”. Opciones, no. 9. Stuven, Ana María. 2000. La seducción de un orden: las elites y la construcción de Chile en las polémicas culturales y políticas del siglo XIX. Chile: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile. 31 For the use of authoritarian measures, see Loveman, Brian, and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas del olvido: vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones. 32 Lastarria, José Victorino. 1861. Don Diego Portales: juicio histórico … Santiago: Imprenta del Correo, 60–66.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

13

their roots in those that occurred in the 1840s and 1850s in a context of exile and return. The Chilean Generation of 1842, so named because of a literary salon founded by José Victorino Lastarria, is important to understanding cultural expressions of the nation and mid-century political conflicts. Much like their counterparts from the other side of the Andes, they sought to complete the political revolutions of independence with broader-based social change, while creating a national literature and history. Their canon was also French, and their Romanticism as political as it was literary, focusing on expressions of nationality and the cultural “regeneration of the people.” Many authors have underscored the importance of the cultural contacts with émigrés from the Argentine Confederation to understanding these debates.33 The decade ended with electoral conflict and popular mobilization by young Chileans—such as Santiago Arcos and Francisco Bilbao who had witnessed the revolution and repression in Paris in 1848—who organized Santiago’s artisans in the Society of Equality. This organization, which sought to educate the city’s artisan population in its political rights, was quickly subsumed into the opposition to the official candidate in the 1851 elections, Manuel Montt, and was then outlawed, leading to armed uprisings around the country. After their defeat by government forces, many were imprisoned or banished from the country.34 Though an 1857 amnesty allowed many Chileans to return, offering a brief political opening, a new movement seeking constitutional reform emerged, backed by many returned émigrés. This Asamblea Constituyente (Constituent Assembly), as the movement was known, organized a series of public meetings to call for reform of the 1833 constitution and greater democratic freedoms. Its suppression led again to armed uprising and a new wave of exile between 1858 and 1862. President Manuel Montt (1851–1861) used banishment, embargoes of property and imprisonment 33 Stuven, “El exilio de la intelectualidad argentina”. Subercaseaux, Bernardo. 1981. Cultura y sociedad liberal en el siglo XIX: Lastarria, ideología y literatura. Colección Bello. Santiago: Aconcagua. 34 Gazmuri Riveros, Cristián. 1999. El “48” chileno: igualitarios, reformistas radicales,

masones y bomberos. 2a. ed. Santiago: Universitaria. Grez Toso, Sergio. 1998. De la “regeneración del pueblo” a la huelga general: génesis y evolución histórica del movimiento popular en Chile (1810–1890). Santiago: Dibam. Wood, James A. 2011. The Society of Equality: Popular Republicanism and Democracy in Santiago de Chile, 1818–1851. University of New Mexico Press.

14

E. BLUMENTHAL

in the Straits of Magellan, known by the opposition as “Montt’s Siberia,” to maintain power. Exiles included future presidents such as Federico Errázuriz (1871–1876) and Domingo Santa María (1881–1886), as well as political, intellectual and literary figures such as José Victorino Lastarria, the historians Diego Barros Arana and Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna as well as the poets Eusebio Lillo, Guillermo Matta and Guillermo Blest Gana. Montt’s authoritarian rule ended with the election of a compromise candidate and an 1862 amnesty allowed the return of the political émigrés. In exile, Chilean intellectuals traveled widely, observing and often participating in the politics of neighboring countries while reflecting on the situation in Chile. Politics from abroad was a formative experience for the émigrés that formed an important component of the political elites that came to power after their return from exile and consolidated the republican institutions of the latter half of the century. The experience of exile is fundamental to understanding these leaders, as well as the historiography and literature that developed in the 1850s and 1860s. 1862 thus marked the return and arrival to power of a generation of Chileans and Argentinians after years in exile. The political and cultural figures that came of age during this period hold an important place in Chilean historiography, though exile has often been treated as a period of absence or an interruption between time spent in opposition and incorporation into the political class in the 1860s, or a matter of individual biographical context. This is even true of those studies that place particular emphasis on the repressive practices of the Chilean government. Not only have these founding generations of republican political and intellectual life not been analyzed in terms of exile, but the cross-border connections between both sides of the Andes are often overlooked or seem in national terms.35 Yet, as a result of exile, they lived for years in the same cities and forged relationships that lasted for the rest of their public careers.

35 For a classic example, see Rojas, Ricardo. 1948. Historia de la literatura argentina: ensayo filosófico sobre la evolución de la cultura en el Plata. Tercera parte, Los Proscriptos. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada. Though quite comprehensive, it tends to treat “Argentine” exile in prematurely national terms and host societies as mere context.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

15

Exile in Global and Transnational History This book engages a growing body of work in the field of global and transnational history.36 This underscores the importance of going beyond a methodological nationalism which tends to miss phenomena that carry over international borders.37 This challenge to methodological nationalism is all the more important when the object in question relates to the process of nation-building itself, pointing to the historicity and contingency of the nineteenth-century conceptions of the nation. Indeed, one central theme of this book is the way in which transnational political displacement shaped the political projects at the origins of the nation-state. The global context appears most clearly in recent work on exile in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world, in particular around the 1848 European revolutions. This is a flourishing subfield that has yet to break beyond the European context, as the emphasis on 1848 hints, but shares a similar intellectual context of republicanism, liberalism, Romanticism and early socialism. Recent studies have shown that France was both a receiving and expelling country, and highlighted the importance of analyzing exile in terms of a social history, noting the importance of family histories of exile, while explicitly invoking migratory history as a method for studying exile. Émigrés have served as intermediaries in the circulation of ideas and also played a role in the creation of imagined communities in exile.38 Similarly, Maurizio Isabella has referred to a “liberal international” of exiles after the Restoration in Europe, while also arguing that exile is a national tradition in Italy, in the context of a larger framework of nationbuilding in the nineteenth-century Europe. He presents the Risorgimento 36 For a helpful primer from the perspective of international history, see Iriye, Akira. 2013. Global and Transnational History: The Past, Present, and Future. Palgrave Macmillan. Saunier, Pierre-Yves. 2013. Transnational History. Macmillan International Higher Education. Though these terms are often used interchangeably, I use global history here to refer to phenomena on a planetary scale and transnational to those that cross international borders. 37 Wimmer, Andreas and Nina Glick Schiller. 2003. “Methodological Nationalism, the Social Sciences, and the Study of Migration: An Essay in Historical Epistemology”. International Migration Review 37 (3): 576–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003. tb00151.x. 38 Aprile, Sylvie. 2010. Le siècle des exilés: Bannis et proscrits de 1789 à la Commune. Paris: CNRS. Diaz, Delphine. 2014. Un asile pour tous les peuples?: Exilés et réfugiés étrangers dans la France du premier XIXe siècle. Paris: Armand Colin. An interesting interpretation of 1848 revolutions that puts Latin America at its center can be found in Sanders, J. E. 2011. “The Vanguard of the Atlantic World”. Latin American Research Review 46 (2): 104–27.

16

E. BLUMENTHAL

as a dialogue with external cultures and political frameworks and underscores the role of political displacement in the circulation of ideas with other cultural contexts, arguing for the existence a “revolutionary civil society” on an Atlantic scale, where political events were relayed in newspapers and public debates in a “European and even transatlantic public sphere” where notions of liberalism and republicanism were debated.39 Indeed, Giuseppe Garibaldi’s leadership of the Italian Legion in Montevideo in these years underscores these connections with broader, global patterns of exile and republicanism. This circulation of people and ideas took place in a context marked by the European revolutions of 1848, in which European (and American) émigrés saw themselves as part of a larger movement of nation-state formation shaped by republicanism, liberalism and early socialism.40 While these works might give the impression that exile was always the provenance of “progressive” republican political movements, this was not always the case. Many defeated and sometimes also conservative groups, such as defeated loyalists or Confederates in the United States, also suffered political dislocation, suggesting that it was a political practice not associated with any particular ideology.41 While the United States, England, France, Spain and the Italian states were all common destinations of exile voyages for elite Latin Americans— and played a role in the “1848” connections between Europe and the Americas—this book focuses on South American sites of exile for two reasons. First of all, numerically they were much more important and often involved longer stays. European exile was generally reserved to the most

39 Isabella, Maurizio. 2009. Risorgimento in Exile: Italian Émigrés and the Liberal International in the Post-Napoleonic Era. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Isabella dedicates a chapter to Italian émigrés in Mexico to show a dialogue on the concept of federalism, as well as a shared admiration for strong military leaders. Also see Gabaccia, Donna. 2000. “Class, Exile, and Nationalism at Home and Abroad: The Italian Risorgimento”. In Italian Workers of the World: Labor Migration and the Formation of Multiethnic States, Donna R. Gabaccia and Fraser M. Ottanelli (eds.), 21–40. Taylor & Francis Group. 40 Freitag, Sabine, 2003. Exiles from Europeans Revolutions: Refugees in Mid-Victorian England. London: Berghahn Books. Thomson, Guy. 2002. The European Revolutions of 1848 and the Americas. London: Institute of Latin American Studies. 41 Dawsey, Cyrus B. and James M. Dawsey. 1995. The Confederados: Old South Immigrants in Brazil. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles. Strom, Sharon Hartman and Frederick Stirton Weaver. 2011. Confederates in the Tropics: Charles Swett’s Travelogue. University Press of Mississippi.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

17

well off, who could afford living in Europe. Secondly, an important argument is that there are specifically South American dynamics of exile at work, given the close cultural and linguistic connections and the ease with which émigrés could find jobs and participate in politics. In this sense, this book is more of a transnational history on a South American regional scale.42 Transnational approaches have their origins in migration studies beginning in the 1990s.43 Since then, strong, sustained links between migrants and their countries of origin have called into question the opposition between assimilation and a sense of attachment to the country of origin, showing that migrants are often attached to more than one society and culture.44 The concept has spread to other fields such as history, as scholars questioned the novelty of the concept, pointing out historical examples dating to the Gilded-Age wave of globalization,45 and highlighting the ambiguity of the term, which often covers diverse cross-border phenomena.46 Others have noted that the term reflects technological determinism and a lack of historicity, ignoring the ways by which earlier technologies—such has the telegraph or even letter writing, as we will see in Chapter 2—wove dense connections between distant countries. They have also highlighted how the degree of nationalization of society in the country of origin could 42 Preuss, Ori. 2016. Transnational South America: Experiences, Ideas, and Identities, 1860s –1900s. New York: Routledge. 43 Portes, Alejandro and Josh DeWind. 2007. Rethinking Migration: New Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Portes defines “transnational activities” as “those initiated and sustained by noncorporate actors, be they organized groups or networks of individuals across national borders. Many of these activities take place outside the pale of state regulation and control”. Portes, Alejandro. 2010. Economic Sociology: A Systematic Inquiry. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 44 Levitt, Peggy, Josh DeWind, y Steven Vertovec. 2003. “International Perspectives on Transnational Migration: An Introduction”. International Migration Review 37 (3): 565–575. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003.tb00150.x. 45 Foner, N. 1997. “What’s New About Transnationalism? New York Immigrants Today and at the Turn of the Century”. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6 (3): 355–75. Waldinger, Roger D. 2008. “Immigrant ‘Transnationalism’ and the Presence of the Past”. In From Arrival to Incorporation: Migrants to the U.S. in a Global Era, 267–85. http://works. bepress.com/roger_waldinger/26. 46 David Fitzgerald, for example, uses the term “cross-border nationalism” to refer to

nationalist identification despite the distance, and “dual nationalism” to refer to identifying with two different nations, while reserving transnationalism to refer to anti-nationalist phenomenon that cross-borders. Fitzgerald, David. 2004. “Beyond ‘Transnationalism’: Mexican Hometown Politics at an American Labour Union”. Ethnic and Racial Studies 27 (2): 228–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/0141987042000177315.

18

E. BLUMENTHAL

affect migrant identity in the host country.47 This book seeks to apply this transnational historical approach to the origins of the modern nation-state in South America. In common with other studies of exile, cited above, that show the difficulty of distinguishing between economic and political migration, this book seeks to place political displacement in a wider migratory context. Political exile followed the same migratory routes taken by merchants, peons and indigenous groups, while giving them a new political context. Though international borders were quite new, these migratory routes were not. In this sense, this study seeks to question the historicity of transnationalism, in an era when the nation-state—particularly when understood in its Romantic, cultural sense—was more of a project than a concrete reality in South America. Just as societies were slowly nationalized in the nineteenth century, the migratory patterns in which exile was situated were became transnational, with the progressive consolidation of international borders. Indeed, a central argument of this book is that exile played an important role in this process.48 Nation-states during this period were fragile and still under construction. In the case of Argentina, a unified national republic did not even exist until the ratification of the 1853 constitution and even then was divided between the Confederation and the independent state of Buenos Aires, both of which claimed the mantle of the Argentine nation. Even in Chile, often held out as an exemplary example of precocious state-building in the region, borders were porous and poorly defined, and state authority limited. Republican institutions were still being formed and their authority consolidated, and the Romantic conception of the nation as a cultural entity was just beginning to take hold. Importantly, émigrés participated in the construction of these institutions and notions in host countries. This interconnected nature of South American politics also means that comparative case studies are essential. One option would be to study the differences between two different exile experiences, i.e., the Chilean and the Argentinian, the different patterns their networks took, the professions 47 Waldinger, “Immigrant ‘Transnationalism’”. 48 Zolberg, Aristide R. 1983. “The Formation of New States as a Refugee-Generating

Process”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 467 (mayo): 24–38. While his thesis is suggestive, going back to early-modern Europe, Zolberg used a rigid distinction between economic and political migrants as well as a somewhat anachronistic approach to nationality.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

19

exercised abroad, their different ways of doing politics and integrating into host societies. This allows for testing the central hypothesis concerning exile and the formation of nation-states using two different case studies. It also implies a certain amount of comparisons between countries, not only between the expelling countries, but also among the different sites of exile. From a methodological perspective, this study adopts the methodologies of comparative as well as cross-national or connected history, as exile played a role in the circulation of ideas, in particular of Romantic and utopian socialist ideas concerning nation-building and political participation.49 It is important to pay attention to flows between countries, at the heart of political exile. This is not just the unidirectional spread of ideas, since they were adapted, remodeled and reexported, often in later waves of political displacement. Exile connected these burgeoning national societies and provided opportunities for the actors themselves to engage in comparisons between host and expelling country. These comparisons were subsequently influential in their formulations of political projects, which would be reexported on return, or in subsequent waves of exile. The cross-national history contained in this book is, in this sense, in part an artifact of the research process. Chilean and Argentine exile is not the only possible frame of reference for analyzing the role of political dislocation in the formation of South American republics, as exile was common across the continent. The main sites of exile for émigrés from the Argentine Confederation were in Chile as well as Bolivia, Uruguay and Brazil. Important sites of exile for Chileans also included the region around Lima, Peru as well as California in the United States. Other countries could have been chosen for comparative purposes as well. For example, Bolivian and Peruvian exile was common in Chile during this same period, while Lima was also an important site of exile for émigrés from New Grenada, as Colombia was then known.50 A central argument here is that exile played a key role in the formation of republican nation-states in South America. The study of the nation 49 Cohen, Deborah and Maura O’Connor. 2004. Comparison and History: Europe in Cross National Perspective. New York: Routledge. Werner, Michael and Bénédicte Zimmermann. 2006. “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity”. History and Theory 45 (1): 30–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2006.00347.x. 50 Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2007. “Apertura y Diversidad: emigrados políticos latinoamericanos en la Lima de mediados del siglo diecinueve”. In La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras and Ana María Stuven (eds.). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos/Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos.

20

E. BLUMENTHAL

is a classic theme of Latin American historiography, but it is still rare to find comparisons of two or more countries or that focus on processes that connect different countries.51 An exception are recent biographies that examine figures whose lives transected the new South American borders.52 The choice of Argentina and Chile was not arbitrary though, but rather the result of an empirical observation—also noted by Alberdi—that the classic texts of Argentina’s “national organization” were written in exile in Chile in a specific historical context of exile. These texts include an influential view of Chile as an exceptional model of precocious institutional stability for Argentina and Latin America, a view that can still be found today. This study therefore alternates between transnational history on a primary regional scale (South America) while also engaging in cross-national analysis of the intellectual back-and-forth between Chile and the Río de la Plata. Chilean and rioplatense exiles were not isolated cases and they crossed each other in both time and space. Émigrés from the Argentine Confederation were not passive observers of the events in Chile in the 1840s that led to a civil war and the exile of hundreds (if not thousands) of Chileans. The political and cultural debates of the 1840s, often seen as a key moment in the elaboration of Chilean nation-building projects, highlight the importance of transnational connections in nation-state formation in Latin America. Émigrés from the Río de la Plata were key to these debates, which played an important role in the subsequent political evolution. When civil war broke out, they were forced to choose sides, as well as reflect upon their own relationship to a Chile that had welcomed them and an Argentine Republic that had yet to come into existence. The wave of exile from Chile in 1851 and 1852 took place just as the Rosas regime crumbled and Argentine émigrés had to decide whether to leave Chile and return home. Argentine émigrés brought back experiences

51 Most often they are edited volumes, such as Alonso, Paula. 2004. Construcciones impresas: panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, 1820–1920. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Annino, Antonio and FrançoisXavier Guerra. 2003. Inventando la nación: Iberoamérica siglo XIX. México: Fondo de Cultura Economica. Guerra, François-Xavier, Mónica Quijada. 1994. Imaginar la Nación. Münster: Lit Verlag. Also see Vallejos, Julio Pinto, Daniel Palma Alvarado, Karen Donoso Fritz, and Roberto Pizarro Larrea. 2015. El orden y el bajo pueblo: los regímenes de Portales y Rosas frente al mundo popular, 1829–1852. Santiago: LOM Ediciones. 52 Bragoni, Beatriz. 2012. José Miguel Carrera: un revolucionario chileno en el Río de la Plata. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2011. The Caudillo of the Andes: Andrés de Santa Cruz. New York: Cambridge University Press.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

21

and ideas from Chile that would be key to subsequent nation-state formation, while for Chilean émigrés—in the Argentine Confederation, Peru and elsewhere—the struggle against Rosas and the 1840s debates remained central to their own evolving politics. This interaction between Argentine and Chilean exiles had a profound impact on the thinking of two generations of exiled intellectuals, and interpretations of the 1830s, 1840s and 1850s—Rosas and Montt—remained a key part of debates. An important focus of analysis in this book is the exile correspondence network, taken up in detail in Chapter 2, but referred to throughout the book. The study of how exile obliged opposition forces to increase their reliance on correspondence to engage in politics shows the deep historicity of networks in a previous era of technological innovation that connected the globe. In this case, correspondence played a central role in defining the network. Intensive epistolary networks brought together by steamship provided the technological infrastructure over which communications traveled. It was also deeply connected to the development of newspapers, linking private and public spheres.53 Technology shaped the network, but so did the formation of nationstates, as networks became transnational. These networks transected new national borders and were shaped by the emergence of the press in new national societies. The study of exile shows how these transnational correspondence networks were an important part not only of the circulation of ideas, but also the development of national public spheres and institutions of state and civil society. By mid-century, newspapers were being conceived in increasingly national terms, but were connected by exile epistolary networks. Romanticism and the imagination of cultural nations happened in part through the integration of these networks with national societies, not only through the spread of Romantic ideas about nationalities, but also through author and reader comparisons of host country and country of origin. Another important tool for understanding exile comes from Albert Hirschman’s trilogy of “exit, voice and loyalty,” which can be used to 53 For epistolary and print technology in the nineteenth-century United States, see Decker, William Merrill. 1998. Epistolary Practices: Letter Writing in America Before Telecommunications. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Henkin, David M. 2006. The Postal Age: The Emergence of Modern Communications in Nineteenth-Century America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. The classically influential, albeit problematic, treatment of print culture is Anderson, Benedict R. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.

22

E. BLUMENTHAL

describe the incentives at work when an émigré chooses between undesirable options. In its original form exit was conceived of as a lack of loyalty, in a formulation that parallels a common conception of exile as absence from the political field or “voting with one’s feet.” While discussing the mid-twentieth-century Latin American exiles, Hirschman noted the long tradition of exile and remarked that what he called the “exit costs” were— and are—quite low in Latin America. Across the border, political opponents would discover a similar culture and find new jobs relatively easily.54 Nevertheless, Hirschman later used the concept to describe the defection of East German exiles as an exercise in voice against the Communist government.55 Similarly, others have used the trilogy to explain exile from the People’s Republic of China or even to explain the politics of remittances in transnational migration.56 In the case of exile, this study shows that exit is not merely absence from the political field, but rather voice expressed across borders, just as migrants continue to exercise ties to their country of origin. The idea of exit as an expansion of the political sphere is reflective of how émigrés continued to participate from abroad in politics in their country of origin. Indeed, rather than a case of “voting with one’s feet” as it is often portrayed, exile can be an attempt to increase freedom, albeit under violent constraints. Voice complicates the notion of exile as a rupture with, and alienation from, home and a rooted existence. Exile, as this book argues, is not just absence, but can also be an expression of loyalty and political participation that connects the émigré to his or her homeland. As many studies of exile and migration

54 Hirschman, Albert O. 1970. Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. He called exile “a conspiracy in restraint of voice”, given the way leaders encouraged “voluntary exile” in order to remove critics (60–61), thus ignoring the ways that exile was also a political practice employed by opposition forces working under often violent constraints. 55 Hirschman, Albert O. 1993. “Exit, Voice, and the Fate of the German Democratic Republic: An Essay in Conceptual History”. World Politics 45 (02): 173–202. https://doi. org/10.2307/2950657. 56 Hoffmann, Bert. 2010. “Bringing Hirschman Back In: ‘Exit’, ‘Voice’, and ‘Loyalty’ in the Politics of Transnational Migration”. The Latin Americanist 54 (2): 57–73. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1557-203X.2010.01067.x. Ma, Shu-Yun. 1993. “The Exit, Voice, and Struggle to Return of Chinese Political Exiles”. Pacific Affairs 66 (3): 368–85. It has also been used to understand Alberdi’s exile. Adelman, Jeremy. 2007. “Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism”. Latin American Research Review 42 (2): 86–110. https://doi.org/10.1353/lar.2007.0015.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

23

have shown, it is a mistake to assume that migrants cut off ties to their place of origin after emigrating. The political ties of exile’s voice are a part of that, and in this sense do reflect the “essential association” with nationalism, suggested by Edward Said. Nationalism can be used to compensate for the losses caused by exile by affirming a community of language, culture or customs, which highlights the creative tensions associated with loss.57 They are also an expression of what we might call cosmopolitanism, whether in Sarmiento’s claim that “ideas do not have a fatherland” (Chapter 6) or Francisco Bilbao’s conception of himself as the “universal exile” (Chapter 7) fighting for democratic federalism and against imperialism across America and in Europe. Exile projects explicitly sought to create exclusive nationalisms and this tension is part of the fruitful side of exile, in contrast to the violence at its origins. This study suggests a tension, between a certain transnational cosmopolitanism and the formation of national cultures present in the midnineteenth-century democratic nationalism. In Europe and the Americas, exile was a common experience that created solidarities and provided experiences that were crucial to subsequent political developments. Political displacement was part of a reflexive process in which these elites imagined the nation from abroad while gaining experience building the same state and civil society institutions they considered integral to their political projects. In this sense, it shows the porous boundaries between a certain cosmopolitan attitude in which the exile struggle was seen as part of a global process of nation-state formation and democratic liberties, and the construction of national particularisms and exclusive identities.58 All too often, the concept of cosmopolitanism is reduced—by both proponents and detractors—to an opposition between nationalism and patriotism and

57 Said, Edward W. 2000. “Reflections on Exile”. In Reflections on Exile and Other Essays, 173–86. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 176. 58 Appiah, Anthony. 2007. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. W. W. Norton & Company. Appiah, Kwame Anthony, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Marion Young, and Nancy Fraser. 2007. Justice, Governance, Cosmopolitanism, and the Politics of Difference: Reconfigurations in a Transnational World; Distinguished W. E. B. Du Bois Lectures 2004/2005. HumboldtUniversity Nussbaum, Martha. 2010. For Love of Country? A New Democracy Forum on the Limits of Patriotism. Beacon Press. For cosmopolitanism in a late nineteenth-century Argentine context, though it shares this problematic dichotomy, see Bertoni, Lilia Ana. 2001. Patriotas, cosmopolitas y nacionalistas: la construcción de la nacionalidad argentina a fines del siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: Fondo de cultura económica.

24

E. BLUMENTHAL

cosmopolitan rootlessness.59 Although many conceptions of cosmopolitanism focus on its undermining or surpassing of the nation-state—much as in the debates on transnationalism—this book argues that cosmopolitan attitudes forged in a migratory context played a role in the development of national cultures and the construction of state sovereignties in South America.

Emigration, Proscription, Banishment: The Vocabulary of Exile Defining who is an exile is not as easy as it might appear. In many studies, a fairly wide definition has been used, in order to incorporate the greatest number of individuals. Yossi Shain defines the exile as a “political activist,” an émigré who engages in a political struggle against the government of his or her country of origin.60 This presents the advantage of incorporating a wide variety of migrants into the definition, ranging from those deeply involved in politics to occasional sympathizers, while also taking into account economic migrants who become politicized abroad. It nonetheless assumes a level of politicization that is not always present. Sznajder and Roniger focus on exile as a mechanism of institutional exclusion, whether imposed by authorities, based on a decision made by the migrants themselves in a situation of persecution or oppression or simply as a result of not being able to return home for political reasons, regardless of their level of politicization abroad or their reason for leaving. This definition—which harks back to Hannah Arendt, who regarded displacement as being marked by the loss of fundamental rights—contrasts with a more metaphoric description of the “exilic condition,” marked by rootlessness and estrangement, found in literary studies. Similarly, Sznajder and Roniger note a gradation of political participation in exile between those highly

59 An exception is Appiah, who argues in his essay on W. E. B. Du Bois that cosmopolitanism is rooted in specific national, cultural contexts, as well as having universal moral implications. As he shows, Du Bois’ idea of “race” was based on a Herderian notion of the Volk that Du Bois adapted to argue for “Black Folk’s” place among the nations of the world. As part of a process of dialogue between cultures, Du Bois’ nationalism was cosmopolitan. It is fitting that Appiah extensively quotes Mazzini as a “cosmopolitan nationalist”, given Mazzini’s importance to nineteenth-century Latin American exiles. 60 Shain, Yossi. 2005. The Frontier of Loyalty: Political Exiles in the Age of the Nation-State. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

25

mobilized, those that occasionally participate and those who merely sympathize because of shared cultural or political solidarity. This underscores the limits of a definition based on political participation, in particular in a situation of mass displacement where political exclusion from the nation touches those who may have never participated, and never will participate, in politics.61 A similarly broad definition allows for the incorporation of a wide variety of actors. For example, merchants from the Río de la Plata residing in Valparaíso in the 1840s, who identified with the political projects of wellknown émigrés such as Alberdi or Sarmiento, are therefore considered political exiles, regardless of their participation in politics or their initial reason for departure. This is, in part, because it is often difficult to determine the precise reasons, whether economic or political or a mix thereof, for departure.62 Similarly, it is almost impossible to determine if a miner from the Argentine province of La Rioja, working in the Chilean city of Copiapó, or a Chilean peon in Mendoza, left for political reasons or was just seeking work. In this book, “exile” is used as an analytical concept for referring to political displacement whereas “émigré” is generally used to refer to people, following the vocabulary of the era. The word exile (exilio) was not used by the actors themselves and was not common in Spanish at that time. They mostly referred to themselves as emigrados (émigrés), proscritos (from the verb proscribir, proscribe) or desterrados (from the verb desterrar, banish) and occasionally even as refugees. Exile is nonetheless the most appropriate contemporary word to describe the phenomenon because it reflects the political nature of constrained mobility. I also use the word émigré, both because it is a cognate with the Spanish emigrado and because it often retains a political connotation in English.63 Though the metaphoric interpretations of exile are important in understanding the impact of political emigration on political thought, the focus here is on actual political exile, i.e., constrained political displacement across borders. 61 Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 11–20, 143. 62 Devoto, Fernando and Pilar González Bernaldo. 2001. Émigration politique: une per-

spective comparative: italiens et espagnols en Argentine et en France (XIXe-XXe siècles). Paris: l’Harmattan. 63 Interestingly, émigré does not necessarily have a particular political connotation in the original French, simply being the noun form of the verb emigrate. Desterrado and proscrito are more difficult to translate from Spanish and are often rendered simply as exile.

26

E. BLUMENTHAL

Exile, understood as a broad analytical term to refer to constrained political emigration as a political practice, could take different forms. A particularly important one was banishment (destierro or proscripción), when the state actively expels citizens or residents or forces them to leave under penalty of law. This distinction between banishment and flight was made by the actors themselves, who sometimes opposed banishment to emigration. For example, Sarmiento at one point insisted that he was not a “political refugee” because he and his companions had left the Argentine Confederation “as travelers,” with valid exit passports issued by the governor of his native province of San Juan.64 This harkens back to natural law distinctions between exile, untainted by “infamy”—originally a disgrace from the court—and banishment, which implied a criminal conviction in a court of law.65 Similarly, Alberdi at one point insisted he was not a “proscripto” because he left “on his own volition,” comparing himself to French and English residents of Valparaíso.66 Banishment is a form of exile, but not all exiles were banished, and the term exile covers a range of different practices analyzed in this book. Internal exile—or relegation, as it was called—is slightly different, closer to prison, when authorities sent those to be punished to a faraway place that was still under their authority. Although historically related and touched upon in my analysis, exile as I use it implies crossing a border. Jassanof’s study of English loyalists forced to leave the newly independent United States, a situation that also applied to peninsular Spanish after independence, is more complicated because they remained under the authority of the same power and retained their political rights, though they were forced to flee to do so.67 A major problem for defining exile is that the legal categories were not clearly determined in the nineteenth century. Exile, as well as emigration and immigration more broadly, was understood in terms of the framework of ius gentium (the law of nations), a precursor to international law, 64 This, in the context of an extradition bid by the government of Buenos Aires, was an attempt to show that he was not facing criminal charges in the Confederation. “Antecedentes de un reclamo de extradicion”, ´ Sud Am´erica, March 24, 1851, Obras, Vol. 6, 282, 375. 65 Vattel, Emer de. 1758. Le droit des gens, ou Principes de la loi naturelle, appliqués à la conduite & aux affaires des nations & des souverains. Vol. 1. Londres: s.n, 353. 66 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1847. La República Arjentina, treinta y siete años después de la su Revolución de Mayo. Valparaíso: Imprenta del Mercurio, 5. 67 Jasanoff, Liberty’s Exiles.

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

27

and more generally in terms of natural law (derecho natural y de gentes ). Andrés Bello, an important diplomatic actor of the independence era, and a Caracas-born émigré who settled down to live in Chile in 1829, was perhaps the jurist most responsible for the dissemination of concepts of the law of nations in South America. His treatise on the subject, which circled widely, was based on the eighteenth-century European natural law scholars, such as Emer de Vattel, and affirmed a natural right of “expatriation” and “asylum” and, furthermore, that the state was not obliged to extradite an “individual refugee” residing on its territory. Though this right to asylum was not absolute, according to Bello, a state had to have a compelling reason for expelling the émigré.68 A codified definition of asylum and émigré rights only appeared toward the end of the nineteenth century, with the international conferences that sought to regulate inter-American affairs.69 This effort to create a legal framework to regulate exile and asylum was no doubt a reaction to the problems generated by the fact that opposition forces tended to regroup on the other side of the border and were often quite effective at opposing the expelling countries’ policies. Parallel to the negotiation of treaties, nationality law began to be codified. The treatises on international law that appeared during this period, while citing both these international conferences and national legislation, also drew on the notions of the law of nations disseminated by Bello.70 Exile was thus implicitly recognized as a right and quickly became part of the political culture in South America. The nineteenth-century exile was also a product of large-scale mobility and lightly controlled borders, though governments sought to improve 68 Bello, Andrés. 1844. Principios de derecho de gentes. Lima: Librería de la señora Viuda de Calleja é Hijos, 82–83. The first edition (1832. Santiago: Imprenta de La Opinión) was reprinted in Caracas (1837), Bogotá (1839) and Madrid (1843), as well as the quoted Lima edition. The second edition was retitled Principios de derecho internacional (1844. Valpara´iso: Imprenta del Mercurio) and reprinted in Caracas (1847). There is also a third edition printed in Paris (1864). Chiaramonte, José Carlos. 2004. Nación y estado en Iberoamérica: el lenguaje político en tiempos de las independencias. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 126. 69 Notably the First South American Conference on International Private Law (Montevideo, 1889) included provisions codifying asylum law—as well as extradition and expulsion—anticipating European codification of asylum in the twentieth century. Blumenthal, Edward. 2018. “Les mots de l’exil. Dans le droit international du XIXe siècle, entre Amérique Latine et Europe”. Hommes & migrations, no. 1321: 43–51. This dossier includes key articles on the vocabulary of exile. 70 For example, see Vera, Robustiano. 1902. Principios elementales de derecho internacional privado. Santiago: Impr. del Centro editorial la Prensa.

28

E. BLUMENTHAL

their ability to control them. The passport was a travel document, issued by the authorities of the territory in question, not necessarily on the basis of nationality, and therefore not used for controlling identity or nationality. They were, however, often necessary for entering or leaving a city or country.71 It is perhaps not surprising that Sarmiento wrote urging the abolition of passports, though he saw them as a method of preventing exit, not entry.72 Foreigners were supposed to register with local authorities and pay a fee, though José Victorino Lastarria—a Chilean émigré living in Peru—noted that the Peruvian customs official in the port city of Callao was indulgent because he was a political émigré.73 The closest thing to identity papers—though not attesting to nationality—was the papeleta de conchavo, a document certifying gainful employment that peons were required to carry as part of vagrancy laws, without which they could be imprisoned and forced to do public works.74 This question of nationality and citizenship is important for understanding the émigrés’ rapid participation in public and political life in South American host countries. Émigrés could often integrate in public life at the local level as vecinos, an older Hispanic legal category that refers to a type of residential citizenship, based on residence and property holding at the local level.75 This has been used to explain the participation of immigrants in the political life of Buenos Aires in the nineteenth century, in the framework of a local citizenship divorced from nationality.76 Even when émigrés cannot be classified as vecinos, a clear line between foreigner and citizens was not 71 Torpey, John. 2000. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 72 Sarmiento, “Supresión del pasaporte—¡Abajo el pase!”, El Nacional, July 3 and 7, 1857, “Abolición total del pasaporte”, September 7, 1857. In Obras, Vol. 24, 282–89. 73 “Carta sobre Lima”. In Lastarria, José Victorino. 1855. Miscelanea literaria. Valparaíso: Imprenta y Libreria del Mercurio, 198–199. Similar passport anecdotes can be found in European travel literature on Buenos Aires. Szuchman, Mark D. 1988. Order, Family, and Community in Buenos Aires 1810–1860. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 21–23. 74 Salvatore, Wandering Paysanos, 97. This was a subject of contention with regard to peons originating from the Argentine Confederation who were working in the northern Chilean mining region around the city of Copiapó, Blumenthal, “Milicias”. 75 Herzog, Tamar. 2003. Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 76 González Bernaldo, Pilar. 2008. “Etrangers à la nation, citoyens dans la cité: l’expérience politique des étrangers dans la ville de Buenos Aires pendant la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle”. In Étrangers et Sociétés. Représentations, coexistences, interactions dans la longue durée,

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

29

always apparent in the nineteenth century. Immigrants, legally considered foreigners, could be assimilated to the category of nationals for cultural or socioeconomic reasons, in particular if they were well educated or culturally prestigious, and nationality was not necessarily considered exclusive.77 One of the goals of this book is to show how exile, and the encounter between nationals and foreigners, was part of the construction of these mental borders between South American republics, even as local citizenship practices allowed for political integration into host societies.

Chapter Outline The first half of this book (Chapters 1–3) is dedicated to exploring the social history of exile, that is the context and patterns of political dislocation in Chile and the Río de la Plata, and specifically to the formation of sites of exile across South America. Particular attention is paid to how émigrés participated in public debates and republican institution-building in host countries. This presents the context for the second half of the book (Chapters 4–6), which examines the intellectual impact of exile on the mid-century political and cultural elites in Chile and the Argentine Confederation, and how émigrés consciously interpreted the exile experience in politics, cultural life and institution-building when thinking about transforming their home countries. This focuses on the connections between exile politics and exile participation in local host-country politics. Political displacement during the independence period (1810–1830) is taken up in Chapter 2, which places exile firmly in the context of colonial patterns of mobility, as well as Spanish penal practices. Exile networks rapidly formed as a consequence of the wars of independence and the civil wars that followed, following the trade routes shaped by merchants, migrants and indigenous peoples. From displacement across administrative jurisdictions banishment turned into to what it recognizably is today, a tool for removing individuals perceived as dangerous from a state-controlled territory. Identification with more than one country was also common, due to the shared experiences of Spanish Empire and independence. In this early Pilar González Bernaldo, Manuela Martini, and Marie-Louise Pelus-Kaplan (eds.), 115–27. Paris: Presses universitaires de Rennes. 77 Devoto, Fernando F., “Immigrants, Exilés, Réfugiés, étrangers: Mots et Notions Pour

Le Cas Argentin (1854–1940)”. In Émigration Politique, 77–99. Sobrevilla, The Caudillo of the Andes.

30

E. BLUMENTHAL

exile period, borders and political identities were uncertain, and political displacement—and the repression of exile activities—played a key role in their emergence. Chapter 3 reconstructs the correspondence networks, ranging over seven countries, that were used by exiles from Chile and the Río de la Plate to engage in political struggle, find work, sell books and circulate news and newspapers, in the 1830–1860 period, when republican regimes were beginning to achieve a certain degree of stability. Following commercial routes across South America, these networks facilitated the construction of a transnational public sphere which allowed exiles to project their national projects back to the land they left behind while integrating into host societies. This transnational public sphere is key to understanding the writing and diffusion of the classic nineteenth-century works of literature, history and politics of Argentina and Chile. This chapter also develops arguments concerning the historicity of networks and transnationalism in an era when the nation-state was more project than concrete social reality. These transnational networks preceded and played a key role in forming the nation-state in South America, by linking labor markets and facilitating political and cultural exchanges. Exile gave an increasingly republican and national feel to these networks while the new borders made preexisting networks transnational. Taking exile labor markets as a category of analysis, Chapter 4 examines how émigrés survived in exile, often in a context of relative poverty. They were often able to find work fairly easily, particularly in journalism, although this varied by country and decade, which shows how the transnational public sphere was anchored in the concrete reality of local labor markets, at the heart of the social context of exile. In the case of émigrés from the Río de la Plata, they formed labor niches in professions associated with nascent republican institution building and the development of “national” cultural life, in particular in Chile and Bolivia, forming a transnational class of nation-builders across several South American countries. The dynamics of inclusion/exclusion of émigrés in local labor markets underscore the tensions between survival and integration in the exile experience, while also showing the importance of path dependency in explaining differences between émigrés from different countries. The practice and politics of exile are the subject of Chapter 5, analyzed through the experiences of émigrés from Chile and the Río de la Plata. From sites of exile across South America, émigrés elaborated the republican political projects that would be put in place in the second half of the

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

31

century. Starting with an overview of the mid-century sites and waves of exile, this chapter argues that political displacement was a practice used by states to regulate political opposition, as well as a strategy used by the émigrés themselves. Exile was common across generations, creating family histories and Romantic representations of exile as a republican political practice. There were, however, key differences between Chilean and rioplatense exile. The former was characterized by a greater institutionalization of banishment and cycles of exile and return, whereas the latter was more heavily militarized. In exile, émigrés created associations that were incubators of nationality and facilitated the organization of transnational opposition. At the same time, exile created engagements in local politics and the participation of Argentine associations and militias in the revolutions and conflicts of Chile, Bolivia and Peru show how exile connected local conflicts and played a mediating role in international relations. Exile was intimately connected to the mid-nineteenth century liberal nationalism and the formation of republics. Chapters 6 and 7 examine how self-perceptions of the exile experience shaped political thinking, producing lasting representations of exile. Émigrés from the Argentine Confederation living in Chile, through their participation in republican institution-building and political debates, imagined Chile as a model of order that could be adapted to their home country after 1852 and the fall of Rosas. The foundational texts of Argentine nationality, such as Sarmiento’s Facundo: Civilización y barbarie and Alberdi’s Bases which formed the basis of the 1853 Argentine constitution, imagined Argentina in a comparative perspective. These texts were formative in the spread of an idea of Chilean exceptionalism in South America, which holds that Chile enjoyed uniquely stable institutions, particularly when contrasted with the anarchy of the Argentine civil wars. At the same time, the Chilean context is key to understanding the evolution of Argentine political thought, as the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation presented themselves as “Argentinians and Romantics,” diametrically opposed to Chilean conservatism. Chilean political, historiographical and literary writing of the 1850s and 1860s, the subject of Chapter 7, was also shaped by exile. In exile in the 1850s in Peru and the Argentine Confederation, as well as England, France and Spain, Chilean émigrés understood their own experience in light of a global republican struggle, shaped by Europe’s 1848 revolutions and their neighbors’ combat against Rosas. Romantic notions of utopian socialist exile mixed with discourses of tyranny to produce a shared cosmopolitan

32

E. BLUMENTHAL

narrative of exile, solidarity and possible return, while simultaneously reinforcing narratives of cultural difference between nationalities. The exile experience was also the occasion to reconsider narratives of Chile’s place in the world that had developed in the previous decade in interaction with émigrés from the Río de la Plata. This is the context for the birth of both Chilean and Argentinian historiography, as historians such as Diego Barros Arana and Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna shared source material acquired in exile. The conclusion outlines some of the trajectories of return and suggests how exile shaped the politics of Latin America into the later part of the nineteenth century. While some émigrés settled into life in the host country, never to return even while often maintaining political ties to the country of origin, others returned at different moments and for different reasons. A third group never settled in at all, whether in the host country or returning to their country of origin. These different trajectories, though typical of migratory experiences, underscore the non-exclusive nature of nationality in the early republican period, while also showing how exile played a role in the development of Romantic ideas of exclusive cultural nationality. Exile provided a transnational link between the different processes of republican nation-state formation in South America. Exile is key to understanding nation-state formation and political, cultural and intellectual history more broadly in South America. Studying exile as transnational migration shows how constrained political migration was part of larger population flows that dated back to the colonial period. Transnational networks both had an evolving history and were rooted in local communities that shape the migratory experience. At the same time, these trans-border flows had a major impact on the creation of nation-states and the borders that migrants were crossing. Historical patterns of integration, as well as shared Americanist republican sentiments, allowed for easy integration of political exiles into host countries. Yet this close political and intellectual proximity, in a context of the circulation of Romantic notions of nationalities, heightened the sense of cultural difference between nationalities in South America. Reinterpreting the classic texts of nation-state formation in light of this context places exile firmly at the foundation of political order in the nineteenth century. Alberdi’s floating province, mentioned at the beginning of this introduction, is a metaphor for transnational political participation, albeit a problematic one. It elides the participation of exiles in local host-country politics

1

INTRODUCTION: THE FLOATING PROVINCE OF EXILE

33

and culture, and their essential rootedness, even as it underscores the mobility at the heart of their political practices. Alberdi, like Said’s quintessential exile, thought of himself as “the absent one” and never settled down in exile, moving from Montevideo to Chile and on to Paris and Europe. After almost 40 years abroad, he returned to Buenos Aires in 1878 but, unable to find a place of his own, went back to France in 1880, where he died four years later. Nevertheless, this focus on absence was not simply the melancholy of exile, and his life remained deeply connected to Argentina and the creation of the Argentine Republic. It gave him the essential distance necessary to imagine the Argentine nation.

CHAPTER 2

Political Displacement and Independence: Commerce, Indigenous Peoples and Exile (1810–1839)

This chapter presents the broad outlines of political migration during the independence period, placing it firmly in the context of colonial patterns of mobility, as well as Spanish penal practices. Banishment and exile were a consistent feature of the revolutions of independence and the civil wars that followed. As a result, existing economic and migratory circuits became politicized, and exile networks formed in their wake, as well as sites of exile that would last for decades. Certain practices of exile, examined in more detail throughout this book, emerged with revolution and even preceded the formal constitution of independent nations. This was not as simple as banishment or just escaping from persecution, however. Exit was not simply “voting with your feet,” but rather a way of continuing to participate in politics from abroad, consolidating loyalty through the expression of voice abroad. It was a political strategy that entailed crossing the new international borders that formed with independence. Political instability and civil war made for insecure authorities trying to establish their power. Banishment was an easy and convenient way of dealing with the opposition without resorting to execution, which could lead to an escalation of tensions and a rise of violence.1 At the same time, flight toward safety was a way of shoring up support, surviving to 1 Sznajder, Mario and Luis Roniger. 2009. The Politics of Exile in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press.

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_2

35

36

E. BLUMENTHAL

fight another day and finding spaces of freedom, in extreme cases involving thousands of families. In this early exile period, borders were uncertain, and exile—and the repression thereof—played a key role in the transition from jurisdiction to territorial boundaries.2 The borders being crossed were not those of the consolidated nation-state of the twentieth century, or even of the second half of the nineteenth. For example, during the colonial period, the borders between administrative jurisdictions in Chile and the Río de la Plata often overlapped and did not always correspond to judicial jurisdictions. Furthermore, the continual publication of often contradictory royal decrees (cédulas reales ) in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries resulted in a situation in which the theoretical jurisdictions of Santiago and Buenos Aires overlapped and contradicted each other. Cities that were politically subordinate to Santiago, such as Copiapó or La Serena in the north of Chile were within the theoretical jurisdiction of Buenos Aires according to certain sixteenth-century cédulas. It was the effective occupation on the ground that interested the crown in the context of Spanish colonization, rather than bestowing powers upon one of the two cities. The eighteenth-century imperial reforms contributed to this situation by focusing on regional economic development and solving imperial problems; they did not seek to encourage competition between jurisdictions. For example, the last General Capital (governor) of Chile, Ambrosio O’Higgins, built a route from Osorno, in Chile, to Carmen de Patagones, south of Buenos Aires, in order to shore up regional political and economic connections.3 An important effect of independence was to turn what had previously been administrative boundaries into international borders, following the doctrine of uti possideti. This had the effect of separating regions that had

2 On the gradual shift from jurisdictional to modern territorial borders, see Sahlins, Peter.

1991. Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees. Berkeley: University of California Press. 3 Lacoste, Pablo. 2003. La imagen del otro en las relaciones de la Argentina y Chile: (1534–2000). Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica de Argentina. Furthermore, Lacoste distinguishes between these legal borders and the “imaginary” ones used in the period, which did not always match. On the importance of jurisdictional disputes and sovereignties during the independence period, see Adelman, Jeremy. 2006. Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Frega, Ana. 2007. Pueblos y soberanía en la revolución artiguista: la región de santo domingo soriano desde fines de la colonia a la ocupación portuguesa. Ediciones de la Banda Oriental. Verdo, Geneviève. 2006. L’indépendance argentine entre cités et nation (1808–1821). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

37

previously been connected by dense commercial and family ties, whether between Chile and Cuyo, southern Peru and northern Bolivia, or southern Bolivia and the Río de la Plata. This was nevertheless a gradual process, and the new international borders did not stop the flow of people, goods and ideas across these borders. What would become international borders after independence were originally just administrative boundaries, and their internal incoherences a matter of jurisdictional competition. The important political borders were those separating the Rio de la Plata from the Portuguese Empire in Brazil, and the frontier zone separating “Indians and Christians,” such as lands to the south of Buenos Aires and Chile. It was only after a long process of state-building, in which exile played a key role, that these administrative borders effectively became international territorial boundaries.

Colonial Migration Patterns and Banishment In order to understand political migration in the nineteenth century, it is first necessary to understand the ways that commerce wove together different parts of the Spanish Empire. Migration patterns were closely linked to trade routes, and exiles would take these same routes to escape from danger and open up new political possibilities for themselves. During the colonial period, these circuits linked the Río de la Plata, Chile, Peru and Upper Peru (now Bolivia) in flows of people, goods and ideas that would persist long after the establishment of international borders in South America. This historical and geographic context shaped patterns of political exile during the national period. These economic circuits were shaped by the imperial reforms and economic exchanges of the late eighteenth century, that sought to foment economic exchange and growth. The Bourbon reforms had removed Upper Peru from Lima’s jurisdiction and attached it to Buenos Aires’ when it created the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776. This was done to facilitate the export of silver from the mines of Potosí directly toward to the Atlantic economy and avoid the longer route through Lima, on to Panama, before being sent to Spain. This circuit of exchange, which involved exporting precious metals in exchange for manufactured goods and slaves arriving in Buenos Aires, generated explosive growth in the viceroyal capital and stimulated the markets for local products (such as mules, cattle and yerba

38

E. BLUMENTHAL

mate) to supply the commercial routes from the highlands. This exchange of local products created the necessary conditions for wider Atlantic trade.4 This Atlantic exchange also penetrated Chile, which was linked to the wider world by two principal routes. The first, via the Pacific, tightly linked Santiago, Chile’s capital, to Lima, the former viceroyal capital to which Chile was subordinate during the colonial period. Cattle-derived products, such as tallow and jerky, were already being shipped to Peru in the seventeenth century, and wheat was added in the eighteenth. Toward the end of the colonial period, mining of gold, silver and copper was added to the list. In return, Peru sent tropical products, such as sugar, as well as slaves (Fig. 2.1). 5 From Santiago, a second route went east through the Andes, linking Chile to Cuyo and from there to the trade routes that connected Buenos Aires and Upper Peru. The border region of Cuyo was in fact administratively subordinate to Santiago until the Bourbon reforms separated it, attaching it to the newly formed Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, with its capital in Buenos Aires. Because of these historical ties, Chile and Cuyo remained particularly close during the last decades of the colonial period until the construction of the railroad linked the city of Mendoza to Buenos Aires at the end of the nineteenth century.6 These contacts remained strong because of an economic context that linked Chile to Atlantic markets, particularly after the opening of the port of Buenos Aires to colonial commerce in 1778. Spanish goods flowed toward the Pacific through Buenos Aires, as did regional products from the Río

4 Adelman, Sovereignty, 13–55. Chiaramonte, José Carlos. 2003. “Modificaciones del pacto imperial”. En Inventando la nación: Iberoamérica siglo XIX, 85–116. Zaragoza: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 1985. Reforma y disolución de los imperios ibéricos: 1750–1850. Madrid: Alianza, 17–74. 5 Collier, Simon and William F. Sater. 1996. A History of Chile, 1808–1994. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 9–17. Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2011. The Caudillo of the Andes: Andrés de Santa Cruz. New York: Cambridge University Press, 197. Villalobos Rivera, Sergio. 1965. Comercio y contrabando en el Río de la Plata y Chile, 1700–1811. Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria, 17, 99–113. 6 Bechis, Martha A., Susana Bandieri, and Eduardo Cavieres F. 2001. Cruzando la

cordillera…: la frontera argentino-chilena como espacio social. Neuquén: CEHIR. Paredes, Alejandro. 1997. “Migración Limítrofe en Argentina y Chile (1869–1980)”. In ArgentinaChile y sus vecinos, 1810–2000, 566. For an example of a merchant family that illustrates these close ties, see Bragoni, Beatriz. 1999. Los hijos de la revolución: familia, negocios y poder en Mendoza en el siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: Taurus.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

39

Fig. 2.1 Nineteen-century trade routes

de la Plata. In the eighteenth century, imperial reforms and the “atlantization” of the Chilean economy intensified the commercial networks that had already linked Buenos Aires, Chile and Upper Peru. The Pacific markets

40

E. BLUMENTHAL

became more and more important for goods passing through the Río de la Plata, and products from Chile (including leather, copper and other metals) traveled along the route that linked Santiago to Buenos Aires through Mendoza, and from the mining center of Copiapó in the north of Chile toward San Juan and the interior provinces of the Río de la Plata. In exchange, cattle bought in the Río de la Plata were fattened during the winter in Cuyo before being driven to Chile for sale.7 In addition to commerce, Chile and the Río de la Plata were also linked by student and labor migration. Many students traveled to Chile to study at the University of San Felipe, coming from Cuyo but also as far away as Buenos Aires, Tucumán and Paraguay. Chilean students also studied at the University of Córdoba in the Río de la Plata.8 Waves of labor migration were also common in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, notably toward the mining centers of northern Chile, and from Chile toward eastern Patagonia, in particular after this area was conquered and incorporated into Argentina at the end of the century.9 As we will see in this and subsequent chapters, many of the exiles own experiences can be understood in the context of these flows. When taking into account these commercial routes as part of the context of political mobility, it is important to keep in mind that business networks revolved around personal and family connections. Relations based on honor and reputation were central to ensuring trust among business partners in the absence of a legal framework for limited liability companies and limited means of resolving disputes. Marriage was a key way of consolidating 7 Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 2005. Revolución y guerra: formación de una elite dirigente en la Argentina criolla. Historia y cultura. Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores Argentina, 17–52. Milletich, Vilma. 1998. “El Río de la Plata en la economía colonial”. In Nueva Historia Argentina, Enrique Tandeter and Juan Suriano (eds.), 2:241–84. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Moutoukias, Zacarías. 1988. Contrabando y control colonial en el siglo XVII: Buenos Aires, el Atlántico y el espacio peruano. Buenos Aires: Centro editor de América Latina. Socolow, Susan Migden. 1978. The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778–1810: Family and Commerce. London: Cambridge University Press. 8 Lira Montt, Luis. 1975. “Estudiantes chilenos en la Real Universidad de Córdoba del Tucumán, 1670–1815”. Revista de la Junta de Estudios Históricos de Mendoza 2 (8): 687. Lira Montt, Luis. 1979. “Estudiantes cuyanos, tucumanos, rioplatenses y paraguayos en la Real Universidad de San Felipe y colegios de Santiago de Chile: 1612–1817”. Historia, no. 14: 207–74. 9 Garavaglia, Juan Carlos and José Luis Moreno. 1993. Población, sociedad, familia y migraciones en el espacio rioplatense: siglos XVIII y XIX. Buenos Aires: BPR Publishers. Paredes, “Migracion ´ lim´itrofe”, 24.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

41

commercial ties between families. In the context of war and revolution following independence, the state could not offer the guarantees of modern public law and merchants continued to fall back on these tried and true forms of organizing businesses that were characteristic of the ancien régime. Commercial voyages and epistolary relations with merchants in other cities in the commercial circuit were important for maintaining these contacts.10 These personal relationships were the basis for the vast movements of people (merchants, muleteers, peddlers, students and slaves) that moved along the routes outlined above, linking population centers of the Spanish Empire. With independence, they also became the routes taken by armies and exiles. Creoles were not the only ones to cross the Andean region. Different indigenous groups also had economic and political relations that connected both sides of the mountains and that maintained their importance until their lands finally came under Chilean and Argentine control in the 1870s. In the independence period, the situation of widespread warfare disrupted relations that had been relatively stable and pacific for decades and gave a new military impetus to the economic and social ties that crossed the Andes. Research over the past twenty years has given us a new understanding of indigenous societies and shown that it is impossible to understand relations between creoles on one side of the border or the other without taking into account the common context of relations between indigenous groups in the southernmost part of the continent, on both sides of the Andes. At the same time, this literature stresses the importance of contacts between indigenous and creole societies in Chile and the Río de la Plata. This story, difficult as it is to contain within national narratives of indigenous societies (“Chilean” Mapuches and “Argentine Pampa Indians”), also provides context for political migration between Chile and the Río de la Plata during the independence period.11 10 Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 159–63. Gelman, Jorge Daniel. 1987. “El gran comerciante y el sentido de la circulación monetaria en el Río de la Plata colonial tardío”. Revista de Historia Económica (Second Series) 5 (3): 485–507. Moutoukias, Contrabando. Socolow, Merchants. 11 Bechis, Bandieri, and Cavieres, Cruzando la cordillera. Bechis, Martha A. 2006. “Fuerzas indígenas en la política criolla del siglo XIX”. En Caudillismos rioplatenses: nuevas miradas a un viejo problema, 293–317. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Bechis, Martha A. 1998. “La etnia mapuche en el siglo XIX, su ideologización en las pampas y sus intentos nacionistas”. Revista de estudios Trasandinos, no. 3: 139–58. Manara, Carla G. 2005. “La frontera surandina:

42

E. BLUMENTHAL

The diverse indigenous societies living in the south of Chile during the colonial period were known to the Spanish as the Araucans. They were made famous by the celebrated renaissance poem by Alonso de Ercilla, La Araucana (1574), that celebrated Mapuche bravery in resisting the Spanish advance. Indeed, the Spanish never conquered the territory beyond the Bío-Bío River in the south of Chile, and by 1641 a treaty fixed the river as a border, in exchange for a formal recognition of the king’s sovereignty. This border remained fairly stable, and economic contacts between creoles and indigenous peoples developed, marked by a series of “parliaments” where the different loncos (chiefs) would periodically reiterate their recognition of royal authority, the status of vassals and military allies, in exchange for gifts. These political and economic exchanges were formalized by written treaty, and integrated indigenous peoples into a stable relationship, albeit punctuated by periodic outbreaks of war. It is in this context that the indigenous peoples such as the Mapuche emerged, groups that characterize the region to this day.12 The stability of this system, despite periodic outbreaks of war—notably the indigenous uprisings of 1655, 1723 and 1766—and the expansion of economic exchange furthered the consolidation of the Mapuches in southern Chile, and their economic, cultural and linguistic expansion across the Andes into the Pampa region of what is now Argentina. The word “Mapuche” itself appears toward the end of the eighteenth century and marks a newly unified cultural and economic space that spanned the southern Andes, that included more permanent political structures (such as hereditary cacicazgos, chieftainships) and a more homogenous economic and

centro de la confrontación política a principios del siglo XIX”. Mundo Agrario 5 (10). Manara, Carla G. y Gladys Varela. 1998. “Montoneros Fronterizos: Pehuenches, Españoles y Chilenos (1820–1832)”. Revista de Historia, no. 7: 181–201. Ratto, Silvia. 1996. “Conflictos y armonías en la frontera bonaerense, 1834–1840”. Entrepasados 11: 21–34. Villar, Daniel, Juan Francisco Jiménez, y Silvia Ratto. 1998. Relaciones inter-étnicas en el sur bonaerense, 1810–1830. Bahía Blanca: Departamento de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional del Sur. 12 For the parliaments, see Boccara, Guillaume. 2002. “Colonización, resistencia y etnogénesis en las fronteras”. En Colonización, resistencia y mestizaje en las Américas: (siglos XVI –XX), editado por Guillaume Boccara, 47–82. Quito: Editorial Abya Yala. Lázaro, Carlos. 2002. “El parlamentarismo fronterizo en la Araucanía y las Pampas”. En ibid., 201–36.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

43

cultural space.13 The economy centered on selling to Chilean creoles, cattle that were raised or captured in the Pampas, or stolen from the Spanish living in the frontier region to the south of Buenos Aires. Periodic raids (known as malones or malocas ) to steal cattle, but also women and children, were part of these economic relations. By the eighteenth century, systemic political, economic and matrimonial ties linked Mapuches on both sides of the Andes with indigenous groups deep in the Pampas and the north of Patagonia. This led to political recognition by the Spanish authorities in the Río de la Plata, and in 1790, a treaty was signed by the Viceroy of Buenos Aires and the cacique Calpisquí, similar to those signed in Chile, recognizing Calpisqui’s authority of all the Pampas.14 While colonial patterns of mobility, in particular commercial networks, provide context for the flows of political migrants, the colonial social practice of banishment sheds light on the origins of exile as a form of punishment in the Spanish-speaking world. It was not invented by the new republican authorities of Spanish America, but rather had its roots in colonial practices of relocating or expelling unwanted populations, or those perceived as dangerous, starting at least with the expulsion of the Jews and Muslims from the Iberian Peninsula in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The expulsion of the Jesuits when their order was dissolved by the Spanish monarchy in the eighteenth century is another classic example. They played a role in imagining a certain Spanish American identity from abroad and defended the continent from critics who attacked American inferiority.15 Banishment (destierro) was also used in the case of rebellions, but often reserved for elites to save them from execution. The punishment was also used as a strategy of social control, appearing as a punishment in Spanish legislation (Ordenanzas de la Casa de Contratación) for crimes and misdemeanors. Although it does not appear to have been systematically applied, in the early colonial period it was used to punish vagabonds, allowing local authorities to expel those who committed an offense and were no longer considered part of the community. Soldiers and members of the clergy 13 Boccara, Guillaume. 1999. “Etnogénesis Mapuche: Resistencia y Restructuración Entre

Los Indígenas del Centro-Sur de Chile (Siglos XVI–XVIII)”. The Hispanic American Historical Review 79 (3): 425–61. Bechis dates this emergence to the nineteenth century. “La etnia mapuche en el siglo XIX”, 139. 14 Bechis, “La etnia mapuche”. Villalobos Rivera, Sergio. 1992. La vida fronteriza en Chile. Madrid: Mapfre, 117–54. 15 Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 46–49.

44

E. BLUMENTHAL

could also be banished if they were accused of abandoning their positions, after a whipping or sometimes after in the galleys. It was also the punishment reserved for commerce in indigenous villages without the proper license. For nobles who had broken the law, the punishment could be up to ten years banishment, and the confiscation of half of their estate. Permanent expulsion from America was also a punishment for treason to the king (as was slavery or even execution).16 With the strengthening of Spanish control in the seventeenth century, banishment was used more and more against threats to the social order. The southern frontier region of Chile, a war zone against the Araucanian indigenous groups, was one common destination for those from Peru or the Audience of Quito, in particular for those accused of violent offenses or theft committed by indigenous people or slaves. In the Andes in the seventeenth century, Indians condemned for unorthodox religious practices were sent to work in convents or in the cities. In Mexico, the punishment was more common for young people, Indians and mestizos. Those condemned were sent to the Philippines, Puerto Rico or Havana. In frontier zones such as Chile or Buenos Aires, banishment was an important source of soldier recruitment, and a punishment of six years of service was typical.17 The practice of sending peons to frontier military bodies as a form of relegation continued well into the nineteenth century in Chile and the Río de la Plata. Banishment was an effective means of imposing social control for a colonial administration that was spread thin on the ground. In small communities where executions were rare and reserved for the most serious crimes, it was both fast and cost-effective. Expelling those regarded as dangerous to the social order to areas where they would no longer be integrated into the social fabric allowed punishment to be meted out without pity in order to preserve stability at the local level. Although these practices are not exile in the classic sense, they can be understood as a form of “internal exile” related to imprisonment, because they involve banishment to a remote region within the empire. Spanish authorities continued to use them up to the independence period.

16 Ibid., 41–45. The colonial practice of banishment is not well understood. The following paragraphs are based on Sznajder and Roniger. 17 For the Chilean indigenous frontier as a destination also see Villalobos Rivera, La vida fronteriza en Chile, 74–76.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

45

Exile and Independence: Politics from Abroad (1810–1817) These practices were firmly established at independence. Banishment and exile played a role in the independence movements from the first autonomist juntas that were formed in Buenos Aires and Santiago in 1810, following Napoleon’s invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in 1807. These juntas used banishment as a key tool to assert their control. In Buenos Aires, the junta banished the Viceroy and the judges of the Audiencia Real (the highest court) to the Canary Islands, along with prominent peninsular Spaniards opposed to the revolution.18 It also used the practice to impose its authority on the interior provinces, for example banishing three patrician patriots from the city of Mendoza the same year. These patriots, though partisans of the junta, were reticent toward the efforts of the viceroyal capital to exert its control over the province.19 Other, milder, forms of banishment were also used. Mariano Moreno, an important figure in the radical faction of the junta, was sent on a diplomatic mission to Great Britain after his faction was defeated in internal struggles in 1810, though he died at sea.20 The junta’s enemies were also adept at the practice; the loyalist governor of the interior province of Cordoba decreed the internal relegation of the partisans of the patriot faction.21 The use of banishment by the colonial authorities was a key factor in the establishment of an autonomist junta in Santiago de Chile. The Colonial Governor Francisco García Carrasco banished three men suspected of fomenting plots against the government to Peru in May of 1810, and though he was deposed by the Chileans in July, a more hard-line governor was nominated in his stead by the royal authorities in Lima. This succession of events, leading to further plots, has been invoked by historians as a main local factor in the formation of a patriotic junta on September 18, 1810.22

18 Rodríguez O., Jaime E. 2005. La independencia de la América española. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 229–30. 19 Verdo. L’indépendance argentine, 126–27. 20 Goldman, Noemí. 2016. Mariano Moreno: de reformista a insurgente. Biografías argenti-

nas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. 21 Verdo, L’ind´ependance argentine, 144. 22 Jocelyn-Holt Letelier, Alfredo. 1992. La independencia de Chile: tradición, modern-

ización y mito. Madrid: Mapfre, 140–46. Rodr´iguez, La independencia, 245. Villalobos Rivera,

46

E. BLUMENTHAL

The new patriot authorities also used banishment to secure their control. At least one peninsular loyalist was banished to Peru in 1811 after his death sentence for treason was commuted.23 After coming to power in an 1811 coup in Chile, José Miguel Carrera rapidly consolidated his own dictatorial powers while at the same time promoting liberal reforms such as encouraging the press, public education and promulgating a constitution (written in part by the US representative Joel Poinsett). He banished several rivals to neighboring Mendoza, in the Río de la Plata, in particular partisans of his rival Bernardo O’Higgins, such as Juan Mackenna, Antonio José de Irisarri and Juan Martínez de Rosas, as well as the representatives sent by the junta of Buenos Aires.24 This anticipated the larger flows that accompanied the loyalist takeover in 1814 and established a pattern where the city of Mendoza would become a refuge for the Chilean political opposition over the following decades, among them Mackenna’s grandson Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna. The use of banishment to control the opposition provoked resistance that would sharpen political tensions, as the run-up to the declaration of the autonomous junta in Santiago shows. Carrera’s actions seemed to have a similar effect, polarizing the partisans of both Carrera and O’Higgins and dividing the patriot forces when the Viceroy of Peru was planning a military expedition to take back Chile.25 But it also shows how political exile could politically connect neighboring polities, as exiles mobilized from abroad to favor political action at home. The Chileans banished to Mendoza would play a quasi-diplomatic role in the Río de la Plata, key to securing support for O’Higgins that would prove crucial after the loyalist takeover in 1814 that sent thousands of Chileans fleeing across the mountains. Exit proved be important to political dissidents in affirming voice. This Peruvian expedition that led to the royalist takeover in Chile in 1814 was part of a wider process, on both sides of the Atlantic, of liberal and Republican setbacks and royalist victories. The victory of the anti-Napoleonic forces in Europe that led to the Congress of Vienna in Sergio. 1961. Tradición y reforma en 1810. Santiago: Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile, 195–206. 23 Ossa Santa Cruz, Juan Luis. 2014. Armies, Politics and Revolution: Chile, 1808–1826. Liverpool University Press, 26. 24 Jocelyn-Holt, Independencia, 153–57. Ossa, Armies, 30. Rodr´iguez, La independencia, 244–57. Vicu˜ na Mackenna, El ostracismo de los Carreras, 21. 25 Jocelyn-Holt, Independencia, 163–64.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

47

1814–1815 also led to an absolutist restoration in Spain. Ferdinand VII returned to the throne, abolished the 1812 constitution and pushed for military expeditions to America. In Chile, the new reestablished loyalist authorities banished around one hundred patriots to Juan Fernández island, while others were relegated to their rural properties.26 The island— also known as Robinson Crusoe for its role in inspiring the novel of the same name—was used as a site of relegation starting in 1750 and continued to be so during the republican era. In the Río de la Plata, the end of the Napoleonic wars and the absolutist restoration meant the possibility of a renewed loyalist push from Montevideo. This led to the creation of the position of Supreme Director of the United Provinces to lead the fight against the Spanish both on this front and against the Spanish forces in Upper Peru. It also meant the arrival of soldiers, both European and American, from the European wars in search of employment and fortune. Two of these—Carlos María de Alvear and José de San Martín, who like Carrera returned to America in 1812—would play an important role in the fate of exiles on both sides of the Andes. The former was named head of the siege forces around loyalist Montevideo, while the latter, after a brief stint on the northern front with loyalist Upper Peru (Bolivia), was named Governor of Cuyo. The formation of the United Provinces and the struggle with Federalists for domination of the revolution during war with the loyalists in Upper Peru, as well as in Montevideo, provide the political context for understanding Chilean exile after the Royalist takeover in 1814. The patriots were more and more divided, primarily between centralists and federalists. Banishment continued to be used by the new patriot authorities against dissenters, primarily federalists and their allies. But banishment increasingly meant crossing a political (as opposed to administrative) boundary and took on a new political meaning. Exile also became a means of regrouping from a safe distance, as dissidents sought to use exit to bring pressure to bear on their home polity from abroad. 26 Romo Sánchez, Manuel. 2004. Prisión de los patriotas chilenos en Juan Fernández (1814–1817). Santiago: Apostrophes. For a list of the most well known, see “Relación de los individuos que se hallan depositados en la isla Juan Fernández y otros parajes de este reino, como igualmente de los que se han fugado; a todos los que se les ha señalado juez para la formación de sus respectivas causas”. 1900. En Colección de historiadores i de documentos relativos a la independencia de Chile, Vol. 35, 141–43. Santiago: Impr. Cervantes. Ossa points out that they were mainly civilians, as the important military figures had fled to Mendoza. Armies, 61.

48

E. BLUMENTHAL

The patriot army under the command of Alvear drove the Spanish from Montevideo at the end of 1814, and he was named Supreme Director at the beginning of 1815. The defeat of the royalists in Montevideo, reinforced the divisions in the patriot forces, between federalists and centralists, which were escalating toward civil war. These tensions led his own soldiers to depose him, because of both their reticence toward Buenos Aires centralism and their reluctance to fight against federalist provinces. San Martín’s refusal to intervene from Cuyo to support the central authority sealed Alvear’s fall from the Directory, and the beginning of factional rivalry between the two men. Alvear was banished from Buenos Aires, and he fled to Rio de Janeiro before moving to Montevideo in 1818.27 This city, subsequently occupied by Portugal in 1817, was rapidly turning into an important site of exile for opponents to the authorities in power in Buenos Aires, a position it would maintain for much of the century. Internal relegation was also used, and Alvear’s opponents were imprisoned or sent to isolated villages in the countryside.28 After Alvear’s fall, a new Congress met in Tucuman starting in 1816. It declared formal independence from Spain and elected Juan Martín de Pueyrredón Supreme Director (1816–1819), but this did nothing to heal the divisions.29 The independence leader José Gervasio Artigas, from the Banda Oriental (Uruguay) organized a Federal League of the littoral provinces against both the Spanish and Buenos Aires. The United Provinces, reduced to Buenos Aires, Tucumán and Cuyo (the last under the control of San Martín), acquiesced in the Luso-Brazilian occupation of Uruguay (1817–1825), which eliminated the Artigas threat and annexed the territory to the Portuguese Empire as the Cisplatine Province. The remaining litoral provinces resisted the pincher forces of Buenos Aires and Brazil and rejected the centralist constitution of 1819.

27 Halper´in Donghi, Revoluci´on y guerra, 232–34. Verdo, L’indépendance argentine,

181–200. 28 López, Vicente Fidel. 1994. Evocaciones históricas. Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Cultura de la Nación, 19–20. López’s father, Vicente López y Planes, was imprisoned in 1814 and others relegated to the countryside. 29 Halper´in Donghi, Revoluci´on y guerra, 279–315. Verdo, L’indépendance argentine, 247–318.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

49

Revolution as a Refugee Creating Process30 In this fragile context—war with the loyalists, divisions between patriots— another major factor was mass population displacement. For Artigas and his irregular montoneras (guerrilla forces), flight, both civilian and military, into neighboring provinces was part of his strategy of irregular warfare. This was not banishment, but rather a form of exile comprised of involuntary flight, seeking refuge from the fighting, fleeing persecution (or the threat thereof) or seeking the opportunity to influence politics from abroad. The artigista uprising against the entrenched Loyalists in Montevideo and their Portuguese backers in Brazil began with the support of patriot Buenos Aires in 1811. Facing a scorched earth policy practiced by the Loyalists that included forced displacement of the rural population of the Banda Oriental toward Montevideo, as well as a Portuguese invasion, Buenos Aires reached an armistice at the end of the year.31 Artigas’ troops withdrew to what would become the province of Corrientes, on the West Bank of the Uruguay River, thereby creating a military front that would become the border between the Banda oriental —the future republic of Uruguay after 1828—and the Argentine provinces. The river had not previously been even an administrative border within the Spanish Empire and the intendencia of Buenos Aires included much of the East Bank. The retreat was accompanied by a large refugee flow of patriot families, whose exact numbers are unclear. Artigas’ carried out a census (padrón) of the exiled families that reached 4476 individuals, though the number excludes many including those enrolled in Artigas’ forces. Though classic estimates range between 50 and 80% of the rural population, more recent ones extrapolated from local data put it around 30 or 40%. This “exodus” later became a cornerstone of Uruguayan memory of the independence struggle, though it is important to remember that it did not imply a break with Buenos Aires.32 It was not the only exodus, as “European Spaniards” also fled their properties confiscated and distributed to Artigas’ followers, many of them poor peasants.33 30 The title is loosely taken from Zolberg, Aristide R. 1983. “The Formation of New States as a Refugee-Generating Process”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 467 (mayo): 24–38. 31 Frega, Pueblos y soberanía, 131–33. 32 Ibid., 143–47. 33 Ibid., 289–93.

50

E. BLUMENTHAL

In 1812, Artigas’ troops retook much of the Banda Oriental and reimposed a siege of Montevideo with Buenos Aires’ backing. This allowed the exiled population to trickle back to their homes, though many continued following Artigas’ troops. The 1811 armistice had already provoked fissures between Buenos Aires and Artigas, the latter skeptical and facing the brunt of the military effort and refugee displacement. The surrender of Montevideo in 1814 put the entirety of the “province” formally under one authority, though it also led to conflict between porteños and orientales. With the victory of the latter in 1815, Artigas’ “System of Free Peoples” extended west of the Uruguay rivers to the provinces of Corrientes, Entre Ríos and Santa Fe.34 Buenos Aires thus turned a blind eye to a second Portuguese invasion stating in 1816, and the Banda Oriental was “pacified” over the following years before being incorporated into the Portuguese Empire as the Cisplatine Province in 1821.35 Artigas was finally defeated by the Portuguese in 1820, and he sought refuge in the littoral province of Entre Ríos under the protection of Governor Francisco Ramírez, his former subordinate in the Federal League. Conflicts, however, between the two led Artigas to seek refuge once more in Paraguay, and an end to his political prominence.36 Only when he fled to Paraguay with his last remaining followers did exile mean withdrawal from politics. In the Chilean borderlands, flight from persecution was also an important factor in the civil wars. Thousands of Chileans streamed across the Andes to Cuyo in 1814 after the defeat of the patriot forces by the expeditionary army sent by the Viceroy in Lima. These were not just defeated soldiers, but also civilian political figures and their families and sympathizers.37 Barros Arana noted that in the passage across the Andes “people

34 Ibid., 228–31, 264–67. 35 Ibid., 234–36. Also see, Sznajder and Roniger, Exile, 84–86. 36 Halperín Donghi, Revolución y guerra, 279–318, 345–47. Hammerly Dupuy, Daniel.

1951. “Rasgos biográficos de Artigas en el Paraguay”. In Artigas: estudios publicados en “El País”, como homenaje al jefe de los Orientales en el centenario de su muerte, 1850–1950, Edmundo M. Narancio (ed.). Montevideo: Colombino. 37 Carrera alone fled with around 700 officers and men, a figure that does not include civilians. Ossa, “The Army of the Andes”, 33. Pinto, ¿Chilenos todos? 94. A report sent to Buenos Aires mentioned 2000 armed men. Bragoni, Beatriz. 2012. José Miguel Carrera: un revolucionario chileno en el Río de la Plata. Biografías argentinas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 116.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

51

of all conditions, ages and sexes, that in the middle of a painful confusion, sought, as though moved by one common impulse, the means to avoid the persecutions of the victors, who were supposed to be excited by an implacable thirst for vengeance.” He underscored that several “highranking” emigres, such as Carrera and O’Higgins, arrived accompanied by their families. Following military practices of the time, in which women followed the campaigns, participating in an auxiliary role, and sometimes even fighting, many women accompanied the soldiers to Mendoza too. Indeed, Javiera Carrera, José Miguel’s sister, turned her house into a meeting place for Chileans in Buenos Aires in the following years.38 Each commander retained control of his own troops during the passage through the mountains. In exile in Cuyo, their conflicts continued and were complicated by relations with San Martín, and the authorities in Buenos Aires. While O’Higgins and his soldiers were incorporated into the Army of the Andes, Carrera thought that as head of state of Chile, he outranked San Martin and should deal directly with his equivalent in Buenos Aires, the Supreme Director.39 By suppressing a Chilean military power that thought itself sovereign, even in Mendoza, San Martin and O’Higgins were accepting that Buenos Aires, and not Santiago, had the authority to determine who held power in Cuyo. In this way, they reaffirmed the Andes as a border between the two polities and avoided the formation of an independent power in Cuyo that would have undermined their own authority. Ironically, the collapse of power in Buenos Aires a few years later would lead to just this situation. In Mendoza, San Martin took different measures to control the émigrés, in particular Carrera and his partisans, trying to isolate them from the other Chileans. He defined those that had crossed the Andes in 1814 as émigrés (emigrados ), which had a double meaning. It both recognized the political motives of their exile, while also distinguishing them from the Chilean vecinos already established in the region. The effect was to render them as “foreign” in a region where Chileans had easily integrated 38 Barros Arana, Diego. 1884. Historia jeneral de Chile, por Diego Barros Arana. Vol. 9. Santiago: Jover, 603, 615. For the role of female auxiliaries in the armies of the period, see Rabinovich, La société guerière, 61–69. 39 Barros Arana, Diego. 1857. Historia jeneral de la independencia de Chile. Vol. 3. Santiago de Chile: Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 119–22. Ossa Santa Cruz, Juan Luis. 2014. “The Army of the Andes: Chilean and Rioplatense Politics in an Age of Military Organisation, 1814–1817”. Journal of Latin American Studies 46 (1): 29–58. Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 58.

52

E. BLUMENTHAL

into local society, and therefore marking them as potentially dangerous, largely because of their possible loyalty to the deposed Chilean head of state, Carrera. In order to calculate the number of exiles, San Martin ordered a census (padrón) of the émigrés and used this information to incorporate them into his army, while excluding the most dangerous Carrera loyalists. Carrera’s officers were confined and replaced with O’Higgins loyalists or officers from the Río de la Plata. The goals of these measures were to isolate the Carrera loyalists and control the émigrés considered most dangerous, while mobilizing those seen as supportive of San Martin’s political project for an expedition to Chile.40 The legal status of the émigrés in the United Provinces was not at all clear at this moment. Counting and establishing administrative categories that separated natives and émigrés, based on a political identification, was also a step toward the constitution of a legal category of asylum, still based on the law of nations. San Martin, who had been named governor of the newly independent province of Cuyo in 1814, would follow a strategy of attacking the royalists through Chile and not Upper Peru. He started building the Army of the Andes in 1816, using the Chileans to augment the patriot armies, and crossed the Andes in 1817.41 Starting in 1815, there was a general movement of Chileans from Cuyo toward the littoral provinces to satisfy the military needs of Buenos Aires, whether in Upper Peru or against the Federal League.42 This included Carrera and his brothers, sent to Buenos Aires by San Martín, which had the unintended consequence of giving them the opportunity to participate in politics in Buenos Aires. This was in a context of the formation of a larger émigré community. In Buenos Aires, Jose Miguel Carrera met Carlos María Alvear, commander of the forces besieging the Spanish at Montevideo and who would be elected Director of the United Provinces in 1815. Carrera built relations with Alvear and others in Buenos Aires politics that would compete with the San Martín/O’Higgins project. Carrera and Alvear shared a mutual hatred for San Martín, which allowed him to improve his position. But Alvear’s fall the same year led Carrera to depart for the United States while

40 Bragoni, Carrera, 118–26. 41 Halper´in Donghi, Revoluci´on y guerra, 235–47. Verdo, L’ind´ependance argentine,

181–200. 42 Bragoni, Carrera. Ossa, “The Army of the Andes”.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

53

his brothers were imprisoned, before crossing the river to Montevideo.43 They do not appear to have been banished, but instead chose exit due to their loss of voice in local politics. Both O’Higgins in Mendoza and Carrera came to depend on political friends in power to advance their agendas. In Buenos Aires, the Carrera brothers were also able to find support in a larger Chilean community shaped by the 1814 exile. Their roots in the commercial ties between the Atlantic and the Pacific played an important role in supporting the efforts to retake Chile. One group coalesced around Diego Barros, a Chilean merchant whose success was due to his ties with Buenos Aires. According to his son, the historian Diego Barros Arana, Barros used his commercial relations to promote the cause of independence and to support the Chilean exiles. Barros made his first commercial voyage to Buenos Aires in 1812. This was not, however, his first business trip; he had previously traveled to Peru as Gandarillas’ agent, but after 1810 with ties to Lima broken, these routes had closed. He stayed in Buenos Aires for six months, working not only for Gandarillas, but also purchasing arms for the Santiago junta.44 With revolution, he embraced politics. Barros returned to Buenos Aires in 1814, where he had “extensive relations” and was close to the independence leadership, according to his son. These ties were helpful to his business, but also allowed him to be elected councilman (regidor) of the city of Buenos Aires. In 1816, he was a member of the junta suprema elected after the fall of Alvear. He lived in the house of a local merchant family, the Aranas, and married Martina Arana.45 Barros was, in this sense, a typical merchant of the ancien régime, whose property was based on contingent relations with power and family ties. He had strong relations with independence leaders on both sides of the Andes and used these ties and his marriage to consolidate his business through lucrative public contracts. His election to two positions of public office shows his integration into political life in Buenos Aires as a vecino, a sort of local citizenship based on

43 Ibid. 44 “Apuntes biográficos”. In Barros Arana, Diego. 1908. Obras completas de Diego Barros Arana. Vol. 12. Santiago de Chile: Impr. Cervantes, 233–48. 45 Ibid., 234–37. Her brother, Felipe Arana, would later be minister of foreign relations under Rosas.

54

E. BLUMENTHAL

residency common to the Hispanic world,46 though this was not in conflict with the strong ties he enjoyed with the authorities in Chile before 1814. After 1814, Barros was San Martin’s agent in Buenos Aires, supplying him with arms, munitions and uniforms for use in the Army of the Andes, as well as supporting him politically in Buenos Aires.47 The defeat of the Chilean patriotic forces at Rancagua had modified the commercial networks that connected Chile and the Atlantic. Barros could not return to Santiago or do business in Lima and instead hosted three of his brothers who had fled from Chile (two others were in prison and his father was banished to Juan Fernández). Yet his son also claimed that Barros had contacts with Carrera’s followers, playing a role in freeing Carrera’s brothers (Juan José and Luis) who had been imprisoned in Buenos Aires in the wake of Alvear’s fall in 1815 and trying to reconcile Chilean exile factions. While no doubt a partial and hagiographic account, it is a fascinating portrait of the politicization of colonial commercial networks that stemmed from independence, as well as reflecting a memory of exile that persisted into the 1850s when it was written. Furthermore, this portrait of his father sheds light on the larger Chilean community, describing his father’s attempts to lessen the difficulties of exile. Barros and his brother-in-law Felipe Arana bought a printing shop, administered by Manuel José Gandarrillas. Arana and Rafael Bilbao, another Chilean merchant cut off from Chile due to the fall of the autonomist regime, lent him money to run the press and playing card factory, which gave work to several Carrera partisans such as Camilo Henríquez and Diego Jose Benavente. The press was not just a source of employment, but also a political tool. Barros received the official printing business of the authorities including El Censor, the official newspaper edited by several Chileans including Henríquez in 1817 and 1818.48 Henríquez was editor of the paper when the Army of the Andes crossed the mountains to expel the Spanish from Chile, which explains the importance given to news from Chile arriving during the months of February and March 1817. In what was apparently his last issue, Henríquez argued 46 Herzog, Tamar. 2003. Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America. New Haven: Yale University Press. 47 Barros Arana, “Apuntes biográficos”. 48 Barros Arana, Historia de la independencia, Vol. 3, 134–36. Gandarrillas and Henríquez

had already worked together on the Aurora newspaper in Santiago de Chile, Silva Castro, Prensa y periodismo, 12.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

55

that while Chile or Peru might seem too far away to be a menace to the freedom of Buenos Aires, America must be made “a homogenous body of liberty” capable of solidarity. “Buenos Ayres (sic) conquered Chile for the good of independence, and the same will come to pass with Peru, and in this one can see the effect of a system, destined to extend to the whole of America until Spanish domination concludes.”49 This defense of San Martin’s independence project could not mask the divisions in the heart of the exile community, of which Henríquez himself was victim. Like many associated with Carrera, he was not able to return to Chile after the fall of the loyalists in 1817, and only returned in 1821. Others were not able to return until O’Higgins’ fall from power in 1823, such as Manuel José Gandarrillas, the journalist Diego Jose Benavente and his brother Jose María Benavente, who fought under Carrera until the latter’s death in 1821, when he fled to Brazil. The Carrera exile cycle ended, but many more were to follow. The growth of the Chilean emigre community in the Río de la Plata between 1814 and 1817 highlights several patterns common to early republican exile in America and that we will encounter repeatedly over the course of this book. Émigrés functioned like a migratory community, helping each other find employment and integrate into local life. Despite certain efforts to regulate exiles as émigrés (emigrados ), Chileans integrated quite easily into local life in Mendoza or Buenos Aires, and even held political office. “Foreignness,” in this sense, did not automatically exclude them and mark them as “other”. On the other hand, this integration was often contingent on political relations. 1814 émigrés in Mendoza were marked as emigrados to distinguish them from Chilean vecinos whose reasons for migrating were not political, and to permit the effective exclusion of Carrera partisans who were seen as dangerous. In this sense, it was politics, not national origin, that marked them for exclusion. At the same time, both their integration and the political contingency of exile had much to do with the blurred lines between political exile and economic migration. The role of Chilean merchants such as Barros or Bilbao illustrates how personal relations, based on honor and reputation that were the coin of ancien regime merchants, gave commercial networks a political

49 El Censor, July 25, 1818, no. 149. In Biblioteca de mayo, colección de obras y documentos para la historia argentina. 1960. Vol. 8. Undefined. Buenos Aires: Senado de la Nación, 7444.

56

E. BLUMENTHAL

and republican turn in the wake of the independence struggles. In fleeing along preexisting commercial routes, that had already been politicized, the former colonial communication pathways became more politicized and obtained a new republican meaning (not yet national). Exile (exit) extended the voice option from abroad.

Exile, Revolution and Territorial Reconfiguration In the context of the wars of independence, and the decomposition of the United Provinces after 1819, different territorial configurations became possible with Cuyo and Mendoza entering Chile’s orbit and the littoral provinces escaping from Buenos Aires’. Political exile played a central role in this process, with émigrés crossing borders—provincial, national, as well as that separating “Indians and Christians”—using strategic withdrawal to attempt to gain power. This had the effect of strengthening the emerging territorial sovereignties, whether provincial or “national.” The patriot victory in Chile in 1817, a stable government under the control of Pueyrredón (1816–1819) and Carrera in exile in the United States, might have seemed to augur well for the United Provinces. However, the central authority in Buenos Aires was still facing the dual threat of the Federal League of the littoral provinces under the direction of Artigas, and the Luso-Brazilian invasion of Uruguay in 1816, that became occupation in 1817. By 1820, Artigas had been defeated by the Portuguese Empire in Uruguay, but his Federalist allies—Francisco Ramírez in the province of Entre Ríos and Estanislao López in Santa Fe—continued to fight against Buenos Aires. With the slow breakdown of central authority in Buenos Aires under the federalist threat, the San Martin axis (Lima/Santiago/Mendoza) became more important, albeit in alliance with the former viceroyal capital. Constrained political mobility highlights the variable geography of these new formations and the connections between them. Chile under O’Higgins was closely connected to San Martín and his allies in the United Provinces and became the staging ground for the expedition to Peru in 1820. O’Higgins imposed an authoritarian regime that used banishment and repression to control an opposition that remained loyal to Carrera. Manuel Rodríguez, Carrera’s former secretary who fought a guerrilla struggle against the Spanish after 1814, was assassinated by an

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

57

army officer after being captured by O’Higgins forces in 1818. According to one Carrera sympathizer, O’Higgins banished more than 40 officers to New Granada (Colombia), where Bolivar freed them and incorporated them into his army.50 This repression was coordinated with the authorities in Mendoza and Peru. With the weakening and collapse of the United Provinces, this Mendoza/Santiago/Lima axis became increasingly autonomous. During the height of the United Provinces, Pueyrredón also used banishment as a strategy to control the opposition, reestablish order and put an end to what he saw as “anarchy” and “hell.” He sought, in his own words, the “destruction” or the “expulsion” of the “enemies of order” and the “rebels” (facciosos ). Federalist critiques of his inaction following the Luso-Brazilian invasion of Uruguay in 1816 (and his refusal to support Artigas) led to the banishment of Manuel Dorrego “forever,” without trial, despite the complaints of the Congress of Tucumán. The legal foundation for this act was a decree from the 1816 Congress that authorized capital punishment or banishment. A few months later, the Director jailed seven opposition figures on a boat for a month, before banishing them to the United States in 1817.51 In the context of congressional debates over the transfer of the Congress from Tucumán to Buenos Aires, the Deputy from the province of Salta, José Moldes, was expelled from the Congress and banished to Chile in 1816, where he was imprisoned by San Martín.52 In the United States, Dorrego and the seven others joined a community of Spanish Americans active in Philadelphia and Baltimore including José Miguel Carrera as well as the Mexican Friar Servando Teresa de Mier, the

50 Loveman, Brian and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas del olvido: vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones, 61–66. Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 55–58. Yates, William. 1824. “A Brief Relation of Facts and Circumstances”. In Journal of a Residence in Chile, During the Year 1822, Lady Maria Callcott, Judas Tadeo de Reyes, and William Yates, 401. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. 51 Correspondence between Pueyrredon ´ and San Mart´in, cited in Entín, Gabriel. 2015. “Los desterrados de la república. Revolucinarios del Río de la Plata en los Estados Unidos (1816–1817)”. In Exils entre les deux mondes: migrations et espaces politiques atlantiques au XIXe siècle, Delphine Diaz, Jeanne Moisand, Romy Sanchez, and Juan Luis Simal (eds.), 61–88. Paris: Les Perséides. 52 Verdo, L’ind´ependance, 295–97. Moldes had already been banished by the first Supreme Director, Posadas, in 1814. He later escaped and returned to Buenos Aires in 1819 where he backed Dorrego.

58

E. BLUMENTHAL

Colombian Vicente Rocafuerte and others who supported the independence cause. This milieu was active in promoting independence through Spanish-language press activities as well as organizing pirate expeditions against the Spanish. Rafael Rojas has suggested that it was in the United States that the republican ideal took root in these émigrés, allowing a “translation” of republican ideas to a Spanish American context. Carrera spent 1816 in the United States, where he reestablished ties with Joel Poinsett (US consul in Chile and the Río de la Plata from 1810 to 1814) and met with President James Madison to promote the independence cause.53 Exile was, in this context, a central part of rethinking the rupture with Spain and the future of the American patria. Carrera managed to arm a squadron to liberate Chile by sea, but upon arrival in Buenos Aires at the beginning of 1817 he was imprisoned by Pueyrredón. He was also able to recruit European officers, veterans of the Napoleonic wars, who were eager for employment and adventure. Several of them, including the Irish officer William Yates, would stay until Carrera’ execution.54 San Martín and O’Higgins had already begun their campaign to cross the Andes, and the Director, fearing Carrera’s intentions, had his ships seized. Upon release, he immediately joined his brothers in Montevideo which, under Portuguese occupation, was welcoming the Directory’s enemies to destabilize independent Buenos Aires. These enemies included the Chilean Carrera faction, the Alvear faction from Buenos Aires as well as Federalists. Under the protection of the Portuguese governor, Baron Lecor, Montevideo became an important site of exile for carrerinos, alveristas and Federalists, a status it would keep for decades to come. From Montevideo, Carrera promoted revolution in Santiago and Buenos Aires, mainly through an active propaganda campaign. His proclamations and pamphlets were printed on the press of the Imprenta Federal, as were federalist newspapers such as El Hurón, and the Gaceta de un pueblo del Rio de la Plata, underscoring his rapprochement with the Federalist forces in the Río de la Plata.55 These texts were then smuggled into the United Provinces. Tomás Iriarte, an Alvear ally and fellow exile in Montevideo during this period, 53 Rojas, Rafael. 2009. Las repúblicas de aire: Utopía y desencanto en la revolución de Hispanoamérica. Mexico: Taurus. 54 Yates, “A Brief Relation”. 55 Iriarte, Tomás de. 1863. Biografía del brigadier general d. José Miguel Carrera, dos veces

primer magistrado de la república de Chile. Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Mayo, 40.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

59

explained this “clandestine” work, as well as the methods used to trick the customs officials and police officers in Buenos Aires to smuggle the texts into the United Provinces.56 The importance of Chileans in Montevideo’s Federalists circles stands out. Accordingly, Carrera’s own proclamations began to take on a Federalist coloring.57 In these texts, Carrera attacked the “despotism,” the arbitrary powers and the extra-constitutional powers (facultades extraordinarias ) exercised by the authorities of Buenos Aires and Santiago. Linking his own fight against San Martin and O’Higgins with that of the Federal League in the Río de la Plata, Carrera presented himself as an exiled opponent of Buenos Aires’ centralism. “Chile will be a colony of Buenos Ayres (sic) just as it was previously a colony of Spain.” Carrera stressed O’Higgins’ nomination by the Directory and blamed Buenos Aires for usurping Chile’s resources to carry the war on to Peru, positioning himself against San Martín and O’Higgins’ project of continental struggle against the Spanish.58 Though he styled himself as more independent and authentically Chilean than O’Higgins, it would be more accurate to note the factional alliances between Chile and the Río de la Plata that were reinforced in Montevidean exile. Against the San Martín/O’Higgins axis, Carrera increasingly allied himself with Federalists and other opponents of the Directory. More than a colony of Buenos Aires, the conflict underscores how thoroughly connected Chilean politics were with those on the other side of the Andes. The triple exile of Carrera and his Chilean allies—from Chile, Buenos Aires then finally Montevideo—and the execution of his brothers in Mendoza in 1818 after a failed attempt to invade Chile pushed the Chilean émigrés to develop common cause with the other exiled enemies of the Directory.59 This exile alliance would play an important role in the fall of the Directory to Federalist forces. Ceding to the pressures of Buenos Aires, the

56 Iriarte, Biografia, 40. Iriarte, Tomás de. 1944. Memorias: La independencia y la anarquía. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Argentinas, 170–71. 57 In exile, artiguistas also approached exiled royalists, in a common opposition to Buenos

Aires. Frega. 2009. “Alianzas y proyectos independentistas en los inicios del ‘Estado Cisplatino’”. In Historia regional e independencia del Uruguay: proceso histórico y revisión crítica de sus relatos. Ediciones de la Banda Oriental, 19–45. 58 Carrera, José Miguel. 1818. Un aviso a los pueblos de Chile. Montevideo: Impr. Federal, 1–2. Bragoni, José Miguel Carrera, 225. 59 For the Carrera brothers’ execution, see Bragoni, José Miguel Carrera.

60

E. BLUMENTHAL

Portuguese Governor of Uruguay expelled Carrera in 1820, and he joined Entre Ríos Governor Ramírez in the field. This also coincided with the banishment of eminent Federalist families (including Javiera Carrera) from Buenos Aires and repression aimed at the interception of correspondence between Montevideo, Santiago and the littoral provinces. Nevertheless, even during the federalist military campaigns of 1819 and 1820, the press continued to operate, and Carrera’s networks circulated the texts.60 In these campaigns, Carrera’s strategy was based on uniting under his command all the Chilean soldiers still in the Río de la Plata despite the defeat of the Spanish armies and the return of many of them in 1817. According to Vicuña Mackenna, there were 2000 Chileans enlisted in the armed forces in the Río de la Plata in 1820, including 900 in the Army of Upper Peru, though many were also in the Buenos Aires provincial militia. Among them were Royalist former prisoners from the Battle of Maipú (a decisive battle in the liberation of Chile) who had been brought from Chile to the Río de la Plata in 1817.61 Whether Loyalist or Patriot, the large Chilean presence highlights the importance of banishment and relegation in population control during the period. The Directory finally fell in 1820 by the combined forces of the Federalist governors and Carrera’s Chileans. The collapse occurred shortly after an uprising of the Army of Upper Peru at Arequito that refused to intervene in the war against the Federalists. They saw their mission as defending the Río de la Plata from the loyalist forces of Upper Peru. The treaty of Pilar, signed shortly thereafter, rejected the Unitarian constitution of 1819, and set up a loose confederal arrangement between the provinces, while the standing army was dissolved.62 Though the alliance with Federalist governors was sufficient to bring down the United Provinces, it did not allow Carrera to invade Chile. The

60 Yates, “A Brief Relation”, 384–85. Bragoni’s analysis of San Martín’s correspondence with the Directory and the provincial authorities shows that the circulation of these texts was of paramount concern. José Miguel Carrera, 217–23. 61 Vicuña Mackenna, El ostracismo de los Carreras, 248. According to Barros Arana, Carrera himself had brought loyalist prisoners with him from Chile in 1814. Historia jeneral, Vol. 9, 604. 62 Herrero, Fabián. 1999. “Indicios y estrategias: Lucha por el poder en Buenos Aires durante el critico año de 1820”. Prohistoria 3: 111–32.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

61

San Martín axis still controlled Lima, Santiago and the provincial government of Cuyo, impeding access to the border passes.63 Furthermore, federalist littoral governors were not that interested in helping Carrera invade Chile. In November 1820, López signed an agreement with Buenos Aires in which he agreed to break his alliance with Carrera and turn him over to the province. Boxed in on all sides, he went south to the frontier region and sought the support of indigenous groups. He was not the only caudillo to seek out an alliance with indigenous peoples, but he was one of the first.64 The alliance with the Mapuche should also be understood in terms of the relations along the creole/indigenous frontier that were upended by independence. The stable relations that had characterized the eighteenth century had been disrupted by the independence wars. Loyalists on both sides of the Andes had fled to Indian territory after the first juntas formed in 1810, reminding the Mapuche of their obligations to the king of Spain, and encouraging them to raid the frontier villages along the frontier that stretched from Buenos Aires, through Córdoba and Mendoza, to southern Chile. After the defeat of the loyalist authorities in Chile in 1817, they continued to lead raids against patriot creoles through the 1820s, under the leadership of Chilean loyalist Vicente Benavides who was supported by Peru and Spain until 1824. At their height in 1820, Benavides controlled the southern Chilean city of Concepción. Conflict in southern Chile also intensified Mapuche migration to the Pampas, in a process that continued throughout the first half of the century. This is seen in complaints from allied indigenous peoples in the Río de la Plata that “Chilean Indians” were carrying out raids in 1816, but also in Yates’s comments on migration to support the Pichi Rey (Little King).65 Indeed, hostile Indians were increasingly identified as “foreign” and “Chilean,” as opposed to the supposedly less menacing ones in the Buenos Aires frontier (Fig. 2.2).66 Carrera was captured and executed in Mendoza in 1821, unable to mount an invasion of Chile, yet his defeat was a pyrrhic victory for O’Higgins and his allies in Perú and Cuyo. Even before his execution, a revolution in San Juan, allied to Carrera, declared provincial autonomy

63 For the consequences in the Cuyo region, see Verdo, L’indépendance, 373–98. 64 Bechis, “Fuerzas Indígenas”. 65 Bechis, “La etnia mapuche”, “Fuerzas indigenas”. Manara, “La frontera surandina”. Manara and Varela, “Montoneros fronterizos”. Ratto, “Conflictos y armonias”. 66 Bechis, “Fuerzas Indígenas”, 310–11.

62

E. BLUMENTHAL

Fig. 2.2 The southern indigenous frontier

in 1820, signaling the breakup of Cuyo into three distinct provinces: Mendoza, San Juan and San Luis. After Carrera’s defeat in 1821, the leaders of this revolution, Francisco Aldao and Mariano Mendizábal were sent to Chile, and from there on to Peru, to be judged by San Martin, though

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

63

the new provincial arrangement was retained.67 During the apex of the San Martin axis connecting Lima, Santiago and Mendoza, the distinction between banishment and prisoner transfer was minor. Carrera’s last campaign highlights both the absence of an effective border in a space dominated by San Martín’s allies, and the way in which crossborder campaigns and the fight against indigenous autonomy increasingly fixed borders in the region. While Chilean caciques and their followers crossed the Andes in one direction to join his attacks against Buenos Aires, Carrera’s followers in Chile were pleading with him to cross in the other direction in mid-1821. However, the winter climate and the demands of his allies made it impossible. The O’Higgins government was sending money to the governors of the new provinces of Mendoza, San Luis and San Juan, as well as Córdoba further afield, to raise forces to eliminate the Carrera threat. The O’Higgins government also sent Chilean troops to the region, though according to Yates they were called back because of doubts of their loyalty.68 The Chilean government was forced to attempt to secure its border, despite its deep ties to the provincial governments on the other side of the Andes. Indeed, these efforts were based on mobilizing its allies in the larger San Martín project, which included Cuyo, but not Buenos Aires after 1820. This continental project did not survive. After San Martín’s famous “interview with Bolivar” in Guayaquil, in 1822 he handed power in Peru over the patriot armies to his rival from the north. San Martin retired altogether from political life, allowing Bolivar to finish the expulsion of the royalist armies from the Andes. He retreated first to his property in Mendoza, where the provincial government, now under Federalist control, viewed his prestige and influence as a potential threat to their power, while the Unitarian opposition viewed him as the only figure able to unify the provinces. He was constantly watched by the authorities, while the opposition pressured him to enter politics. In 1823, unable to resist the conflicting pressures, he left for Europe, where he became a symbol of independence as well as

67 Aldao, brother of the more famous Fray (Friar) José Félix Aldao, was pardoned thanks to his brother’s intervention. He would fight at Ayacucho, the royalist last stand in Peru, and was killed in another borderlands conflict (see below). For the provincial breakup, see Verdo, L’indépendance. 68 Yates, “A Brief Relation”, 401, 438, 471. For the communication between Santiago and Mendoza, see Bragoni, 273–74. After Carrera’s defeat and execution, the governor of Mendoza, Tomás Godoy Cruz, received the “Legion of Merit” honor from Chile.

64

E. BLUMENTHAL

the “absent leader” and the nobility of voluntary patriotic exile, all for the good of the country to avoid civil war.69 This is an ambiguous example of exile as retreat from politics that meant the abdication of voice, but not of loyalty, and again served as a mechanism for defusing tension and avoiding violence.

Exile and Border Formation in the Independence Period In Chile, Carrera’s execution meant the disappearance of the threat of invasion, factors that contributed to the fall of O’Higgins. The latter had attempted to consolidate his hold on power through the promulgation of the Chilean constitution of 1822 and an amnesty, which allowed émigrés to request a passport to return to Chile. With Carrera’s death, however, the threat of invasion from the Río de la Plata evaporated, and O’Higgins’ authoritarian measures became more difficult to justify. Ramón Freire, the general in charge of the army at Concepción that was battling Benavides and the remaining loyalists, issued a pronouncement against the new constitution. O’Higgins resigned in 1823 to avoid civil war, and like San Martín became a heroic figure because of his patriotic sacrifice. During his six months in jail in Valparaiso awaiting trial, he solicited a passport to Lima, and he was allowed to leave the same year, never to return. He died in Lima in 1842.70 After O’Higgins’ overthrow, the new authorities also used banishment underscoring that not all the victims of exile were liberals. Freire, now Supreme Director, banished the royalist bishop Rodríguez Zorrilla in 1824 under his anticlerical policy that sought to confiscate church properties. In 1825, Freire banished several O’Higgins partisans to Lima.71 In the decades that followed the implosion of the United Provinces in 1820, the provinces recovered many attributes of their sovereignty and acted as semi-independent provinces, essentially, city-states with their hinterlands. Buenos Aires, the best studied of them, undertook the construction of republican institutions at the provincial level—i.e., a provincial

69 Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 59–62. 70 Jocelyn-Holt, Independencia, 231. Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 108. 71 Collier, A History of Chile, 46–48. Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 104–14. Pinto

and Valdivia, ¿Chilenos todos? 194. The O’Higgins partisans included Zenteno, Zañartu, Rodríguez Aldea and Fontecilla.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

65

assembly and the separation of powers, though unlike other provinces not a constitution—as well as a series of liberal reforms modernizing political institutions, promoting education and free trade, such as the founding of the University of Buenos Aires, abolishing religious orders and tithing and lowering tariffs. A free press and associations expanded quickly. These reforms, known as the “happy experience” under the aegis of the Minister Bernardino Rivadavia, were successful in founding institutions that would be important in political life over the succeeding decades, and bringing about several years of order and prosperity after the conflicts of the 1810s, but were ultimately unable to create a framework for organizing a united republic.72 A new Congress convened in December of 1824 to write a constitution and elected Rivadavia president of a newly constituted United Provinces in 1826. Though Rivadavia was responsible for an amnesty in 1821 that allowed exiled figures such as Dorrego and Alvear to return to the city, he was not against using banishment as a tool to control the opposition. For example, he banished Francisco de Paula Castañeda, a priest opposed to the ecclesiastical reforms.73 Other cases were more ambiguous, following the San Martín/O’Higgins model, such as that of Gregorio de las Heras. After serving in San Martin’s expedition to Peru, he returned to Buenos Aires where he was elected governor in 1824, but the 1826 Constitution and Rivadavia’s election as president put an end to provincial autonomy, robbing him of a job. Las Heras left for Chile, not to escape political persecution but apparently because he could not find a place in the political system. He did not opt out of politics altogether, however, because he was a regular feature of Argentine politics in Chile until at least 1861. The United Provinces again collapsed under the weight of conflicts between Buenos Aires and the provinces as well as a renewed war with Brazil over the Congress’s declaration that Uruguay was part of the United Provinces and support for an exile invasion of the province. Civil war broke 72 Gallo, Klaus. 2006. The Struggle for an Enlightened Republic: Buenos Aires And Rivadavia. Institute for the Study of the Americas. Ternavasio, Marcela. 2004. “Construir poder y dividir poderes. Buenos Aires durante la ‘feliz experiencia’ rivadaviana”. Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana Dr. Emilio Ravignani 26: 7–45. 73 Gallo, The Struggle for an Enlightened Republic, 65. Myers, Jorge. 2003. “Las paradojas de la opinión. El discurso político rivadaviano y sus dos polos: el ‘gobierno de las Luces’ y ‘la opinión pública, reina del mundo’”. In La vida política en la Argentina del siglo XIX. Armas, votos y voces, Hilda Sabato and Alberto Lettieri (eds.), 86–90. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica.

66

E. BLUMENTHAL

out in 1826, as Federalists rejected the new centralist constitution and Rivadavia resigned the following year. The provinces splintered once again, and Dorrego, recently returned from the war, became Governor of Buenos Aires (1827). He negotiated an end to the war with Brazil in 1828, formalizing Uruguayan independence through British mediation. It is perhaps when exile was not used that its importance is fully revealed. Exile, or the failure to make judicious use of it, could have quite dramatic effects. Juan Lavalle, an independence-era officer with Unitarian leanings, recently returned from war with Brazil, overthrew Governor Dorrego in 1828. Rather than banish him, Lavalle had him executed, provoking a Federalist rebellion and a new cycle of bloodshed and civil war that would lead to Juan Manuel de Rosas’ election as governor of the province in 1829.74 It did not stop there. The contrast with the banishment of Dorrego to the United States 12 years previously is instructive, as a factor in the unleashing of violence and increasing of political passions. It highlights how exile (banishment), served as a means of avoiding inter-notability elite violence, acting as a pressure valve, by allowing dissidents a face- (and life-) saving exit—as well as a chance to continue exercising voice. The civil wars set off by Dorrego’s assassination caused a new wave of bloodshed and new waves of exile. With Rosas in power in 1829, a new wave of exiles left Buenos Aires, mostly to Montevideo as in the case of Lavalle. Rivadavia fled to France in 1829. Although he tried to return in 1834, Rosas warned him to stay in Montevideo, where he remained for a time before departing once more to Europe. This was the first of many waves of exile under Rosas, which would be longer-lasting and marked by flight in the face of extreme violence rather than banishment.75 The civil wars were also interlocking conflicts within the provinces, and Rosas’ actions in Buenos Aires were mirrored by conflicts within the interior provinces, essentially a conflict between Facundo Quiroga, the legendary caudillo and Rosas ally from La Rioja, and José María Paz, an independenceera officer and Unitarian, based in his native Córdoba and at the head

74 Fradkin, Raúl. 2012. ¡Fusilaron a Dorrego! Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Fradkin makes clear the inter-notable nature of the conflict, and the way that the execution disrupted the social ties between Unitarians and Federalists. Indeed, one of Lavalle’s ministers proposed to banish Dorrego, which the US minister had offered to facilitate. 75 In 1811 Rivadavia had been banished to the village of Salto following the arrival of Moreno’s enemies to power in the junta. Gallo, The Struggle for an Enlightened Republic, 7, 86–87.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

67

of the Unitarian League of interior provinces. Quiroga’s victories pushed the Unitarian opposition from Cuyo toward exile in Chile and from the northern provinces toward Bolivia, whose independence, declared in 1825, was unrecognized by Buenos Aires, again highlighting the persistence of regional cross-border ties. Unitarian accounts of the conflict in Cuyo between 1829 and 1831 underscore this interlocking mechanism of violence and exile. Political emigration was common at the time, and according to a witness, when the Unitarian faction seized power in Mendoza in 1830 “a considerable part of the principal inhabitants already lived as émigrés in Chile,” after fleeing Aldao’s repression during a revolution the previous year. This was not banishment, nor was it necessarily fleeing from imminent death, though the threat of violence was never far from the surface; many had received passports from the Federalist authorities in Mendoza and were therefore allowed to leave. Calle numbered them at more than one hundred “of the most respectable people in the province.”76 Contemporary Unitarian writings centered on this violence, in which the Unitarian execution of Francisco Aldao led his brother to unleash a brutal wave of reprisals, while Federalists highlighted the perfidy of Francisco Aldao’s execution while he was negotiating a truce with the Unitarian forces.77 Chile and Bolivia were not the only options for refuge. The provincial nature of the conflict also meant that exile was often a matter of crossing provincial borders. The 1829 negotiations between Federalists and Unitarians in the province, whose failure led to the Aldao takeover and subsequent violence, included provisions for the return of individuals banished (desterrados ) “for political reasons” and “a general guarantee for all individuals who, victims of internal conflicts, found refuge in neighboring territories.” This is a clear example of the possibility of finding refuge in neighboring provinces, such as Paz’s Córdoba in the case of Unitarians, or the back and forth of both factions between San Juan and Mendoza.78

76 Calle, José Luis. 1830. Memoria sobre los acontecimientos mas notables en la provincia de Mendoza en 1829 y 1830. Mendoza: Imprenta Lancasteriana, 164, citation: 151. The conflict was a complicated series of revolutions and counterrevolutions by the different factions, backed externally by Quiroga and Paz from their provincial bases in La Rioja and Córdoba, respectively. 77 “Regime of Terror”. In Calle, Memoria, 102–6. A classic example is Sarmiento’s Vida de Aldao (1845). 78 “Convenio preliminar”. In Calle, Memoria, 178. Also see 118–19, 141.

68

E. BLUMENTHAL

The Mapuche frontier was also a site of exile in for both Unitarians and Federalists who sought refuge with the Pincheira brothers. The Pincheira carried out the fight against republican forces from what is now the Argentine Province Neuquén, after Vicente Benavides’ capture and execution in Chile in 1822. At their height, they carried out raids across the frontier from Mendoza to Buenos Aires, and Chilean families migrated to live in the mountain villages under their control.79 By 1829 however, Pincheira’s attacks, which at one point had stretched across the Pampas touching the frontier provinces from Buenos Aires to Mendoza, had been limited to Mendoza. Rosas, able negotiator with the Mapuche, successfully peeled off many of Pincheira’s indigenous allies, leaving them increasingly isolated to the south of Mendoza.80 The Pincheira brothers were themselves exiles in the broadest sense of the word. They fled to the frontier zone in southern Chile after the loyalist defeat to O’Higgins in 1818. The Pincheiras were not, however, crossing recognized boundaries, either political or administrative. The lands to the south of the Bío-Bío were considered in Santiago as coming under Chilean jurisdiction, even though they did not have effective control over the territory. In the case of Neuquen, the claims of Buenos Aires and Santiago were overlapping and unclear. Neuquen was already at the heart of the Mapuche economic and migratory circuits discussed previously. Conflict in southern Chile intensified Mapuche migration to the Pampas and the theft of cattle to be sold in Chile. Loyalist property holders in southern Chile profited from this commerce, while they received protection from the Pincheira. The Pincheira, forced to flee Chile, politicized these frontier economic circuits, giving them a royalist orientation, at the same time as they brought them under their control. Like Carrera several years before, after finding refuge in indigenous territory, they unified different indigenous groups around their authority, on both sides of the Andes. The Pincheira

79 Manara, “La frontera surandina”. Manara, Carla G. 2010. “Movilización en las fronteras. Pincheira y el último intento de reconquista hispánica en el sur (1818–1832)”. Sociedades de paisajes áridos y semiáridos 2 (2): 39–60. Manara and Varela, “Montoneros fronterizos”, Bechis, Interethnic Relations, 403–4. 80 Bechis, “Fuerzas indígenas”, 302. González Bernaldo, Pilar. 1987. “El levantamiento de 1829: el imaginario social y sus implicaciones políticas en un conflicto rural”. Anuario IEHS 2: 137–76.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

69

were much more successful, however, in inserting themselves into Mapuche commercial circuits.81 The Unitarian Joaquín Godoy, who fled from Aldao in 1829, found refuge under the protection of José Antonio Pincheira, from where he observed the civil war in his native province.82 That same year, the Federalist governor named Pincheira as commander of the southern frontier, in charge of keeping the peace to the south of Mendoza. This was a position that was intended to ensure that Pincheira and his indigenous allies would not raid Mendoza. But according to Unitarian observers, it also strengthened the provincial defenses against a potential Unitarian invasion from Córdoba. With the victories of Paz at Tablada (June 1829) and Oncativo (February 1830), Unitarian forces gained the upper hand once more. In April 1830, Paz’s allies José Videla Castillo and Tomás Godoy Cruz took control of Mendoza, the former as governor and commanding officer and the latter as civilian acting governor, as the Federalist governor retreated toward the frontier with a small group of officers and men, with the hopes of mobilizing Pincheira in his support.83 Instead of forming an alliance, the party was massacred by indigenous forces allied with Pincheira. When the Federalists returned to power in 1831, after Quiroga defeated Videla Castillo, many Mendoza Unitarians fled to Chile including former acting Governor Godoy Cruz and Joaquín Godoy, who had previously found refuge with the Pincheira. Former Governor Videla Castillo fled to Córdoba, where he was incorporated into Paz’s forces, though the capture of the latter later that year meant exile in Bolivia for Videla and many other Unitarians. The three were subsequently accused of having incited the massacre and tried in absentia.84 This was only possible because the Chilean authorities, in cooperation with the Rosas regime in Buenos Aires, were able to eliminate the Pincheira threat in the early 1830s. Chilean

81 Bechis, “Etnia mapuche”. 82 Godoy, Joaquín. 1834. Exposición, defensa y acusación sobre los acontecimientos del Chacay.

Valparaíso: Imprenta del Mercurio. 83 Francisco Aldao had previously fought under Carrera before being banished to Chile and then Peru. Godoy Cruz, governor between 1820 and 1822, was responsible for Carrera’s execution. 84 Godoy Cruz, Tomás. 1833. Breve extracto del proceso seguido en la provincia de Mendoza contra los autores, promotores y complices de la catastrofe causada por los salvajes el año 30 en el Chacay, en la parte que en dicho proceso se quiere complicar a Don Tomás Godoy Cruz vecino de dicha provincia. Santiago: Imprenta de la Independencia.

70

E. BLUMENTHAL

military campaigns in the south, led by future President General Francisco Bulnes, ended with the surrender of José Antonio Pincheira in 1832, after his forces suffered a devastating defeat the same year. From Buenos Aires and Mendoza, Rosas and Quiroga parallel campaigns cut the Pincheira off from their allies in the Río de la Plata.85 The elimination of the Pincheira threat and its relation to exile shed light on the consolidation of new republican powers on both sides of the Andes during this period. The new authorities that were searching for stability were forced to react to the threat posed by transborder caudillos. Elimination of the Pincheira/indigenous threat and the expulsion of internal opposition were key to the consolidation in power of Rosas, as well as the new regime in Chile. Borders nonetheless remained fuzzy. In 1835, Calle wrote a letter to Portales suggesting that Chile annexe Mendoza and San Juan. The anti-Rosas colonel Lorenzo Barcala, executed that same year in Mendoza, made a similar claim during his interrogation and named Domingo de Oro as the head of the conspiracy, though it is not clear how much credence should be given to the confession.86 Indeed, it was only in the 1840s that Buenos Aires achieved control over Mendoza’s foreign policy with Chile.87

Conservative Stability as Exile Producing Politics (1830s) Despite their many differences, the political regimes that came into place in the 1830s are often considered as conservative ones, because of the importance of restoring lost authority and hierarchy, as well as basic political stability, that had been challenged by liberal reforms and popular political

85 González, “El levantamiento”. Marana, “Movilización”. 86 “Las gestiones de los antirrosistas mendocinos y sanjuaninos ante el gobierno chileno”. In

Cisneros, Andrés y Carlos Escudé. 2000. “Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas”. Accessed June 6, 2013. http://www.argentina-rree.com/historia_indice00.htm. Lacoste, Pablo. 2006. “Viticultura y política internacional: el intento de reincorporar a Mendoza y San Juan a Chile (1820–1835)”. Historia (Santiago) 39 (1): 155–76. 87 Bransboin, Hernán David. 2012. “Mendoza Confederal El ejercicio de la soberanía mendocina en torno a la Confederación Argentina 1831–1852”. PhD, Universidad de Buenos Aires, 287–88.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

71

mobilization during the independence period.88 Political exile and banishment were central to this. Although historians have long considered the Rosas regime as the antithesis of nation-building, recent scholarship has highlighted the classical republican traditions at work. Rosas inherited the institutions created by Rivadavia, but refused to draft a constitution, preferring a loose confederation of provinces that he could dominate. Despite violent repression (including the disappearance of a free press, assassination, exile, imprisonment and confiscation of property), republican institutions such as the House of Representatives continued functioning and regular plebiscites unanimously confirmed Rosas’ power. The 1831 Federal pact, which gradually incorporated the dissenting provinces in the first half of the decade, assigned foreign relations to the Governor of Buenos Aires, while formally preserving the former’s autonomy.89 As Rosas consolidated his hold on power and eliminated his rivals, repression and civil war created new waves of exile: After the Unitarians (1829–1831), “doctrinaire” Federalists opposed to Rosas’ extraordinary powers (1835) and Young Romantics (1839–1841). Political emigration from the Argentine Confederation had a marked regional quality, as those defeated in battle often chose the nearest border. Those from Cuyo fled to Chile, from the northern provinces to Bolivia and from Buenos Aires to Montevideo. The Unitarian exiles in Chile (such as Calle, Godoy and Godoy Cruz) are a clear example of this emigration. Another is that of future President Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who was from the Cuyo province of San Juan. Sarmiento’s exile in Chile highlights the way that exile routes were superimposed on colonial commercial routes and networks. Although best known for his role in the Romantic generation of exiles that found refuge in Chile in the 1840s, he already had deep knowledge of the country, thanks to his family’s commercial activities and previous exile experience. His first trip to Santiago was in 1827 as a representative of his aunt’s store in San Juan, and his father was a muleteer who 88 Pinto Vallejos, Julio, Daniel Palma Alvarado, Karen Donoso Fritz, and Roberto Pizarro Larrea. 2015. El orden y el bajo pueblo: los regímenes de Portales y Rosas frente al mundo popular, 1829-1852. Santiago: LOM Ediciones. 89 González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation

argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. Myers, Jorge. 1995. Orden y virtud. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Ternavasio, M. 1999. “Hacia un régimen de unanimidad. Política y elecciones en Buenos Aires, 1828–1850”. In Ciudadanía política y formación de las naciones. Perspectivas históricas de América Latina, Hilda Sabato (ed.), 119–41. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica.

72

E. BLUMENTHAL

traveled the route from Chile to Buenos Aires. In 1831, after having participated in the campaigns against the Federalists, Sarmiento and his father fled to Chile when Quiroga’s troops invaded the province. In Chile, they first found refuge with a family member, also named Domingo Sarmiento, who was Governor of the Chilean town of Putaendo, and hoped to find work thanks to his father’s contacts.90 These colonial, commercial networks were rapidly being transformed into political, republican networks. This can be seen in Sarmiento’s work experience in the Chilean town of Copiapó, where émigrés from the Confederation held an important part in the local economy, as mine owners, merchants and civil servants, as well as making up an important part of the peon workforce. Copiapó was experiencing an important expansion as a mining center after the discovery of silver at Chañarcillo in 1832. Sarmiento found work in a mine belonging to his former military commander, Nicolas de la Vega, showing that personal political loyalties did not stop at the border.91 This new type of political-military network was also present in the exile experience of General Gregory Aráoz de La Madrid. He fled to Bolivia after his defeat to Quiroga in 1831, along with Rudecindo Alvarado, Videla Castillo and many others. In his migrations in exile between Bolivia, Peru, Chile and Uruguay, survival was not easy. He was accompanied by his family and a changing retinue of officers, constantly seeking a source of revenue to survive, and perhaps mount a new incursion into the Argentine provinces. Revenue could come from a “subscription” launched among the local Argentine community—essentially contributions—or a pension from the host regime, ostensibly for services rendered during the wars of independence. This brought with it its own difficulties, however, as can be seen in the relations between La Madrid and Andrés de Santa Cruz, President of Bolivia, in the early 1830s. La Madrid’s requests for money led to pressure from Santa Cruz to join his army and rumors that he was going to be given a Bolivian commission at the rank of general, causing La Madrid to flee, first to Peru, then to Montevideo.92

90 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1850. Recuerdos de Provincia. Julio Belin y Cia, 107–10. Sarmiento’s accounts tend to place him at the center of all the action: assistant to R Alvarado in Mendoza in 1829. His participation in the campaign against Quiroga in some form is nonetheless widely accepted. 91 Sarmiento, D. F. 1884. “Instrucción militar”. In Obras, Vol. 49, 91. 92 La Madrid, Memorias, 561–62, 579.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

73

Émigrés from the northern provinces, such as La Madrid, tended to end up in Bolivia. Cross-border ties had been important since the days of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, in which Upper Peru’s silver was channeled along trade routes that went through the border region toward Buenos Aires. The economies of much of what is today southern Peru, northern Bolivia and northern Argentina revolved around the Potosí mines. Under Santa Cruz, political ties were important, and the Bolivian president supported the (Unitarian) Interior League of provinces against the (Federalist) Littoral League in 1830 and 1831. When defeat became probable, the northern provinces of Salta and Jujuy entered into negotiations to join Bolivia, just as Tarija had in 1826; La Madrid and Alvarado were part of these discussions.93 When defeat became total, they emigrated. Though political exit from the Argentine Confederation, through secession, was contemplated, physical exit, through exile, was more practical and did not imply a break with the organization of a future “Argentine” nation. In this same period, Chile was going through a similar process of consolidation, repression and exile, although with significant differences that would mark subsequent events. O’Higgins’ fall in 1823 inaugurated a period of political flux, and the 1820s were marked by constitutional experimentation (1822, 1823, 1826, 1828) and federalism, including provincial assemblies the end of the tobacco monopoly (estanque) and the abolition of entailed estates (mayorazgos ). An uprising in 1829 in reaction to these reforms led to a civil war that ended with the victory of the pelucones (big wigs), often regarded as a conservative coalition, in 1830. This coalition was made up of partisans of O’Higgins, conservative pelucones and the former tobacco monopolists (estanqueros ).94 The new government founded a lasting political order, often referred to as the Portalian regime, because of the outsized influence of the Interior Minister—and former tobacco monopolist—Diego Portales. This regime was symbolized by the Constitution of 1833 with its restrictions on popular suffrage and expanded executive powers, in particular when the president declared a state of siege. Following the pelucón victory in 1833, Portales purged dissident officers from the army—including Buenos Airesborn general Las Heras—as well as members of the political classes he held responsible for the instability of the 1820s. The repression continued

93 “La vinculación entre Bolivia y las provincias del noroeste argentino”. In Cisneros and Escudé, “Historia de las RREE”. 94 Collier, A History of Chile, 48–50. Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 119–25.

74

E. BLUMENTHAL

against oppos‘ition figures accused of participating in military conspiracies until Portales’ assassination in 1837. Many of these were banished to Peru, the most prominent being the former Supreme Director Freire, but also including Rafael Bilbao and Pedro Félix Vicuña.95 The repression organized by Portales in the early 1830s was institutionalized to a much greater extent than before, or in the Argentine Confederation at any time. In the words of one analyst, the repression was “constitutionalized,” through court-martials leading to imprisonment or formal banishment, while previously “services to the fatherland (patria)”— military service against the Spanish—were commonly invoked to pardon or reduce sentences. Though the repressive methods, including proscription, were not new, they were now applied with the force of law, and the formal legality of court-martials began to be favored over decrees of banishment for those accused of plotting against the authorities.96 Although this cannot be considered the rule of law, given the nature of the repression and Portales’ own comments about republican legality, historians have often seen his “impersonal” rule as a step toward an institutionalization of power that distinguished Chile from its neighbors.97 Indeed, the mid-nineteenth century was a period of institution-building in Chile. Even later liberal historians, victims of exile under Portales’ successors, saw him as having founded many of Chile’s republican institutions, such as those in the Constitution of 1833, and as being an “impersonal” dictator.98 Although the existence of an important Chilean exile community in Lima, that mixed with Chilean merchants already established in the city, is fairly known, it has not been the object of much study. The most detailed

95 Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 128–35. Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1863. Introduccion a la Historia de los diez años de la administracion Montt: D. Diego Portales (Con mas de 500 documentos ineditos). Impr. y libreria del Mercurio de S. Tornero, Chapters V and VI. 96 Loveman and Lira, 128–35. 97 For Portales’ scorn of due process and republican legality, see his famous letter to Antonio

Garfias. Portales, Diego. 1954. Ideas y confesiones de Portales: Antología. Editorial del Pacífico, 57–58. 98 This tradition has continued until the present, as can be seen in Collier, Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence. For an alternative view, see Jocelyn-Holt, El peso de la noche. More than the rule of law, for Jocelyn-Holt, Portales’ ideas leaned toward a vision of a classical republic founded on notions of republican virtue. He was a “radical sceptic of the state” as a power independent from traditional elites, who tried to maintain power in the hands of these elites. For the historiography of the “Portalian” order, see Pinto and Valdivia, ¿Chilenos todos? 162, 262–63.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

75

observations come from those historians and public figures who would themselves be victims of exile in the 1850s. In Lima, many émigrés sought to convince O’Higgins, in exile since his fall in 1823, to join their cause. However, he showed no interest in doing so because he admired the new government and hoped to receive permission to return. His contacts with the other émigrés incited the suspicion of the Chilean government, and he was never allowed to return to Chile.99 One of the more interesting figures from the Chilean community in Lima was Rafael Bilbao, after having been present in Buenos Aires during the May 25 revolution of 1810. Because of his ties to Carrera, he did not return to Chile until 1822, where he participated in the events that led to O’Higgins’ fall the following year. His children Manuel and Francisco were born in Chile during this period, in which Bilbao participated in Chilean liberal and federalist projects. He fled to Lima in 1830 but returned to Chile only to be formally banished in 1834 after being implicated in an anti-government plot.100 What is fascinating in Bilbao’s story are these multiple exiles and displacements, that coincided with his commercial activities in Buenos Aires and Lima. Exile was a family tradition in the Bilbao household, as we will see in Chapter 5. Amnesty and return after the war with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation led to political opening during the 1840s, an opening that coincided with the integration of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, but did not mean the end of exile. It continued during the following decades with figures such as Francisco Bilbao, exiled to France in 1844 at the age of 21, or Pedro Vicuña banished to Lima in 1845 as part of electoral politics. 1851 marked a turn to returned authoritarian rule and new waves of exile.

War with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation (1836–1839): International and Civil Wars The tacit and/or explicit involvement of exiles in hostilities was a major factor in the run-up to war of Chile and the Argentine Confederation with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, run by the Protector (from 1836 to 1839), 99 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral, Vol. 16, 222–25. Loveman et Lira, Las suaves cenizas,

136. 100 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Introduccion, 161–62. There are no good studies of Rafael Bilbao, but a basic biography can be found in Figueroa, Pedro Pablo. 1897. Diccionario biografico de Chile. Vol. 1. Santiago: Barcelona, 210.

76

E. BLUMENTHAL

and President of Bolivia (from 1829 to 1839), Andrés de Santa Cruz. The Confederation was divided into three separate republics—northern and southern Peru, and Bolivia—each with their own president. It reflected the uncertainties of borders and national allegiances in the early independence period, symbolized by Santa Cruz himself. As his biographer argues, though born in what was to become Bolivia, Santa Cruz also saw himself as Peruvian because of his family and political ties in Peru. These ties include his role in the broader South American wars of independence, in which he was briefly President of Peru in 1826 and 1827, as well as his marriage to a cousin from Cuzco. He maintained close family and social ties to the former Inca capital, and as President of Bolivia after 1829, he purchased army uniforms from the artisans of the city. His enemies in Peru, however, depicted him as a foreigner from Bolivia, limiting his role in Peruvian politics.101 Santa Cruz’s cross-border ties reflected a broader social context shared by elites and Aimara-speaking indigenous peoples, including the strong economic, social and family ties connecting southern Peru and northern Bolivia. Aimara was spoken on both sides of the border and was common even in elite families such as Santa Cruz’, and many in the region felt a pull in both directions. The Andean zone had been separated since 1776 by the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and the transfer of Upper Peru (Bolivia) to Buenos Aires’ jurisdiction. After the Buenos Aires revolution of 1810, troops from southern Peru that had suppressed a similar revolt in Chacras in 1809 intervened to prevent Buenos Aires from controlling the zone. This led to 15 more years of political unification, under Spanish loyalist rule, until Bolivia declared its independence in 1825 under Colombian generals Sucre and Bolívar.102 Support for unification under the Confederation and Santa Cruz was not universal. Though adopted more or less enthusiastically by the southern cities of Cuzco and Arequipa, it was seen less favorably by elites in Lima and the northern coastal zone of Peru, who were more closely linked to the Pacific commerce and Chile. This effect to create a larger political entity that permitted the reconciliation of these ties, while politically reconnecting the Andean highlands, was perceived as a threat by the Prieto government in Chile. Eager to preserve Valparaiso’s ascendancy as an important Pacific port, the Chilean government was hostile to the Confederation and claimed an independence-era 101 Sobrevilla Perea, The Caudillo of the Andes, 114–18. In this section, I rely heavily on Sobrevilla’s keen analysis. 102 Ibid., 147–62.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

77

debt. Santa Cruz’s trade policy, which was based on most-favored-nation status with the United Kingdom and the United States—and imposing a tariff on imported European goods coming through Valparaíso—put Chile’s commercial dominance at risk. This plus the emergence of a powerful state to the north led Portales to conclude that Chile’s independence was at risk. Already under President Agustín Gamarra (1829–1833), the Chileans were unhappy with the tariffs put on Chilean flour exports and had in turn cut their sugar imports from their northern neighbor. His successor, Luis José Orbegoso, signed a treaty lowering tariffs and permitting the flow of sugar and flour between the two countries in 1834. His refusal to honor it after Peru’s incorporation into the Confederation (Orbegoso became President of northern Peru) played a role in the tension.103 Portales’ own commercial ties to Lima, in the Pacific tobacco trade with Lima which was threatened by the rise of the Confederation, no doubt played a role here. More importantly, they are an example of the economic and political connections between coastal Peru and Chile. The Lima commercial interests that supported Chile against the Confederation were opposed to those who sought closer integration with Santa Cruz’s Bolivia, and much of this opposition went into exile in Chile and other sites on the Pacific coast. Chilean protection allowed the émigrés ample space in the Chilean press, even as the Chilean opposition papers were closed. The faction grouped around Felipe Pardo y Aliaga, Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco y Andrés Martínez aggressively argued for military intervention against Santa Cruz in the press, echoing the republican language of the official press, and reached an agreement with Portales according to which Chile would support the émigrés against Santa Cruz and the new government would accede to Chile’s demands concerning commercial policies and the payment of independence-era debt owed to Chile.104 Other Peruvian émigrés included future President Ramón Castilla, while a rival émigré faction supported Agustín Gamarra, in exile in Guayaquil. Similar exile mobilization in Ecuador sought unsuccessfully to bring this country into military conflict with the Confederation. Gamarra, who was from Cuzco, was not against the unification of Upper and Lower Peru, but he sought Bolivia’s annexation to Peru under Lima’s domination, whereas 103 For the commercial issues, see Collier and Sater, A History of Chile, 64–65. Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 162–64. 104 Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 171–72. Villanueva Chávez, Elena. 1963. “La lucha por el poder entre los emigrados peruanos (1836–1839)”. Boletin IRA, no. 6: 7–89.

78

E. BLUMENTHAL

the Confederation’s organization allowed the republics of southern Peru and Bolivia ample autonomy.105 The Chilean government’s portrayal of its opposition to Santa Cruz as one that opposed republican virtue and tyranny, and the war as a second war of independence, was key in uniting the Chilean government and the Lima opposition in exile.106 Racial also antipathy played a role. Pardo openly referred to Santa Cruz as “el cholo”—roughly meaning Indian— and reportedly Portales and the Bolivian consul Casimiro Olañeta used it in conversation.107 The alliances of Peruvian factions, Orbegoso with Bolivian President Santa Cruz and the opposition in exile with Chile underscore how the war was in many ways a Peruvian civil war with outside intervention.108 In Lima, the Chilean émigrés’ political activities played a central role in the march to war, culminating in 1836 with a plot to invade the island of Chiloé, in the south of Chile. In Lima, Bilbao and other exiles organized the expedition, and convinced Freire to lead it. Freire’s expedition had at least the tacit support of the authorities in Lima and the port city of Callao. Although it failed—Freire’s crew mutinied and handed him over to the Chilean government that relegated him to the Juan Fernández prison island—it sent Chile into war mode. The Chilean government reacted by seizing most of Peru’s small navy in August 1836, but British mediation allowed a deal to be reached in which Chile would keep the ships until a more permanent end of the conflict, and Santa Cruz would monitor the doings of Chilean exiles.109 They also began preparing for war, sending an armed squadron with the diplomat Mariano Egaña authorized to declare war if Chile’s demands, including Bolivia’s independence, were not met. He declared war in November 1836 before returning to Chile. In a famous

105 Peralta Ruíz, Víctor and Marta Irurozqui. 2000. Por la concordia, la fusión y el unitarismo: Estado y caudillismo en Bolivia, 1825–1880. Madrid: CSIC, 109–138. Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 131–34. 106 Stuven, Ana María. 2007. “La palabra en armas: patria y nación en la prensa de la guerra entre Chile y la Confederación Perú-Boliviana, 1835–1839”. In La república peregrina: hombre de armas y letras en América del Sur, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras y Ana María Stuven (eds.), 407–41. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. 107 Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 169–70. 108 Arellano, Juan Carlos. 2011. “Los republicanos en armas: los proscritos, el gobierno y

la opinión pública ante la Confederación Perú-Boliviana”. Universum (Talca) 26 (2): 49–66. 109 Burr, 38–40, cf. Burr, nota 23.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

79

letter where he outlined Chile’s motivations for war, Portales noted that though Santa Cruz could not conquer Chile, he could support opposition “intrigues,” notably through the exile community in Lima.110 Santa Cruz, however, discounted exile politics—and the Chilean expedition—claiming the worst the Chileans could do was “plant our coasts with the writings of Pardo,” while also minimizing his role in the Freire expedition.111 The war was highly unpopular in Chile. A Chilean military uprising opposed to the expedition (June 1837) was put down, though Portales was assassinated, by a force under the command of Buenos Aires-born Manuel Blanco Encalada. Peruvian émigré Ramón Castilla commanded 150 Peruvian cavalrymen as part of this force.112 A first expedition to Peru was nevertheless launched in September 1837, led by Blanco Encalada, which similarly included a 400-strong Peruvian exile force. The expedition was not much of a success. Coming ashore near Arequipa—a stronghold of support for Santa Cruz—they did not find a wellspring of discontent as predicted by the exiles. On the march from the desert coast inland toward Arequipa, they became cut off from their supplies.113 This led to negotiations and the withdrawal of the Chilean forces. Nationality—as in the Romantic sense of a cultural nation with more or less exclusive loyalties—was clearly not an issue in this war. As Sobrevilla notes, at the negotiating table after the first Chilean expedition of 1837 the only Chilean-born officer was Ramón Herrera, the President of southern Peru. The Chilean negotiator, and head of the expedition, was Admiral Blanco Encalada who, though born in Buenos Aires, saw himself as Chilean. All of them had been allies in the wars of independence, and there were British officers, who viewed themselves as friends and colleagues, on both

110 Portales to M. Blanco Encalada, Santiago, September 10, 1836. In Epistolario de don Diego Portales: 1821–1837, Vol. 3, 454. Santiago: Dirección General de Prisiones, 1938. 111 Santa Cruz to Casimiro Olañeta, Lima, November 11, 1836. Sotomayor Valdés, Ramón.

1896. Campaña del ejército chileno contra la Confederacion Perú-Boliviana en 1837: Memoria presentada a la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 232–33. 112 Serrano, Gonzalo. 2011. “Emigrados peruanos en Valparaíso durante la guerra de Chile contra la Confederación Perú-Boliviana (1836–1839)”. Revista Histórica XLV (diciembre): 141–62. 113 Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 171–75.

80

E. BLUMENTHAL

sides of the table.114 Republican, political loyalties, rather than national or ethnic ones, were at stake here.115 The Chilean government, seeing the Confederation as an existential threat, rejected the agreement negotiated by Blanco Encalada, who was court-marshaled, though acquitted. In his defense, argued by his brother Ventura, he presented his military service in the Wars of independence as citizenship bonafides, referring to himself as Chilean and Argentina in the third person, though one might detect a certain defensiveness.116 Both brothers held positions in public administration as well as elected office in Chile in the following years. Another example of these independenceera political loyalties being put to the test was Antonio José de Irisarri, a Guatemalan-born diplomat in Chile’s service, who defected to Santa Cruz, no doubt fearing a similar reception if he went back to Chile. In exile, he took up the pen against Chile, criticizing its rejection of a treaty that preserved peace between the two neighbors.117 Exile politics was also a major factor in drawing the Argentine Confederation into the war against the Peru-Bolivian Confederation in 1837. As noted in the previous section, Unitarians had found refuge with Santa Cruz in Bolivia since 1830, and Santa Cruz at least tacitly supported their efforts to invade the northern provinces of the Argentine Confederation. Although Santiago and Buenos Aires were not able to reach a formal alliance, Rosas entered the war against Bolivia, as the Governor of Buenos Aires’ prerogatives under the 1831 Federal Pact included foreign relations. The declaration of war centered on Unitarian asylum in Bolivia and Santa Cruz’s military support of expeditions against the Argentine Confederation.118

114 Ibid., 176–77. 115 Serrano, “Emigrados”. 116 Blanco Encalada, Manuel. 1837. El General Blanco a sus compatriotas: manifiesto. S.l: s.n. Blanco Encalada, Ventura. 1838. Defensa del General Blanco: dictamen fiscal y sentencia de la Corte Marcial, que confirma la absolución pronunciada por el Consejo de Guerra de oficiales generales por su conducta en la campaña del Perú. la Opinión. 117 Irisarri, Antonio José de. 1838. Defensa de los tratados de paz de Paucarpata. Lima: Reimpresa por E. Aranda. He defends Blanco’s conduct and takes responsibility for the treaty, cf. p. 3. Perú agreed to control exile activities (19–20) and not prosecute Peruvians in the Chilean army (23). 118 Rosas, Juan Manuel de. 1837. Manifiesto de las razones que legitiman la declaración de guerra contra el gobierno del General D. Andres Santa Cruz, titulado presidente de la Confederación Perú-Boliviana. Imprenta del Estado.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

81

In an open municipal meeting in Jujuy, residents declared their intention of joining Bolivia, and several border towns were annexed after fighting broke out.119 Buenos Aires declared war in February 1837, though in the Argentine Confederation, the military effort fell primarily on the Governor of Tucuman—and “Protector” of the provinces of Salta, Jujuy and Catamarca—Alejandro Heredia, who suffered the brunt of the exile incursions. Rosas feared Bolivian annexation of Salta and Jujuy, while Santa Cruz feared Buenos Aires wanted to recover the province of Tarija, lost to Bolivia some years before. Unitarian exiles fed these fears, which were not unreasonable given the shifting alliances and uncertain borders.120 The border skirmishes were inconclusive and the official border stayed much as it was, with Tarija on the Bolivian side and Jujuy on the other, while conflict with the French in 1838 over Montevideo led Rosas to turn his attention south. This again highlights the role of exile in border formation in borderlands where political loyalties were more important than national ones. A second Chilean expedition, under the command of General Manuel Bulnes left in July 1838, and northern Peru seceded from the Confederation shortly thereafter, though President Orbegoso announced his opposition to the Chilean invasion. Gamarra had moved from to Santiago de Chile from his Guayaquil exile in 1837 to participate in the second expedition and gain Chilean support for his return to the presidency. According to European observers, the Chilean authorities, unable to recruit enough soldiers, had to resort to the draft, even binding recruits together on the ships heading to Peru, though Bulnes claimed his soldiers were fully equipped, trained and highly motivated.121 This time, the Chileans followed San Martín’s 1819–1820 strategy, disembarking on the central coastal plains, and heading directly for the capital. With émigré backing, Bulnes briefly occupied Lima, where Gamarra was proclaimed provisional president. After his defeat at the Battle of Yungay, in January 1839, Santa Cruz was forced to retreat to Bolivia with greatly reduced forces. Facing internal opposition and discontent over the war, he decided to flee to Ecuador, and the Confederation was dissolved, while

119 Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 180–81. 120 “La guerra e inmediata posguerra vistas desde la Confederación Argentina”. In Cisneros

and Escudé, “Historia de las RREE”. 121 Sobrevilla, Caudillo, 191–92.

82

E. BLUMENTHAL

Gamarra returned to Lima and the presidency, a position he would hold until 1841. Many historians have argued that the 1837–1839 war played a key role in the consolidation of the Chilean state.122 It also illustrates the effect of what Sznajder and Roniger call the “three-tiered structure of exile,” made up of states in conflict and third-party exiles. In a situation of uncertain, porous borders, exiles found refuge in rival states abroad and sought military support, and the host country used them against the expelling country, leading to rising tensions between countries.123 It is difficult to consider these conflicts as purely international, given the uncertain nature of borders and the way internal conflicts overlapped and crisscrossed. Nevertheless, this state of affairs led the nascent authorities to use measures up to and including war, to prevent this sort of cross-border political action. War was in part a means of consolidating these borders and controlling the effects of political dislocation. Indeed, after 1841 and Gamarra’s last, failed invasion of Bolivia, Bolivian and Peruvian armies would no longer cross the Desaguadero River that flows into Lake Titicaca and marks the border, though they would continue sheltering and sponsoring exile military forces for decades. Gamarra died in this attempt to dominate the neighboring republic, after being defeated by José Ballivián who had previously found refuge in Gamarra’s Peru.124

Exile and Revolution This outline of the role of exile during the independence period highlights several of the themes of this book. Early republican exile inserted itself into commercial and migratory circuits that existed since colonial times. Sznajder and Roniger refer to these as “Transregional political dynamics.” Exile was conceived as “tactical escape” rather than as asylum, but as republican authorities consolidated their control over territory, exile took on the form of “banishment from state boundaries” rather than translocation from one administrative region to another under a common authority.125 It also

122 Góngora, Mario. 1981. Ensayo histórico sobre la noción de Estado en Chile en los siglos XIX y XX. Santiago: Ediciones La Ciudad. Collier, A History of Chile. 123 Sznajder et Roniger, Politics of Exile, 69–72, 99–100. Shain, The Frontiers of Loyalty. 124 Peralta Ruíz and Irurozqui, Concordia, 121–25. 125 Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 67–72.

2

POLITICAL DISPLACEMENT AND INDEPENDENCE …

83

played a key role in border formation, as republican authorities sought to control borders separating regions with deep connections in order to control their territory and combat exiled transborder caudillos. In a context of territorial breakdown and the affirmation of municipal sovereignties, banishment had the effect of reinforcing the territorial nature of the boundaries between incipient provinces and countries. The political connections between these regions, maintained in part because of exile flows, made it possible to imagine alternative territorial configurations, such as the annexation of Cuyo to Chile or of the northern provinces of the Confederation to Bolivia. Exile was an important part of the way political conflict between provinces and factions was regulated. It gave a way out for both victor and vanquished, allowing defeated elites the opportunity to live and fight another day, with the implicit promise that they would do the same in victory. While it was not always afforded to common fighters, and in a chaotic context of revolution and counterrevolution did not always work, it provided some informal baseline rules in an unstable time. The colonial-era practice of banishment intensified and became more widespread with the wars of independence as a tool to avoid or minimize inter-elite conflict. The executions of the Carrera brothers, Francisco Aldao and Dorrego, highlight how the failure to exile could ignite passions that were difficult to contain. Exile was also exit to further voice and regrouping to continue efforts at regime change. Certain patterns of exile emerged during this period. Émigrés formed sites of exile, such as Uruguay or Chile, in neighboring countries where they could integrate into local society while continuing to participate in politics. Differences also emerged: While Chile banished its opponents, exile in the Río de la Plata tended to consist of flight in the face of violence, though sometimes they were able to obtain passports from provincial authorities. Although no Chilean president was forced into exile between the 1820s and the 1891s (when, after losing a civil war, Balmaceda found refuge in the Argentine embassy where he killed himself), the periodic banishment of elite opposition figures was a regular occurrence and included two future presidents and one notable presidential candidate. Likewise, a whole generation of Chilean politicians, intellectuals and public figures faced exile during these decades. Property embargoes were common on both sides, though in Chile it was more legalistic. War was central to this process, whether against neighboring states, such as the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, or against Loyalist fighters and their

84

E. BLUMENTHAL

indigenous allies to the south. The tacit cooperation between Santiago and Buenos Aires to eliminate cross-border caudillos such as the Carrera or the Pincheira foreshadowed the military pincher movement that would put an end to indigenous autonomy and tradition of asylum and consolidate the border between Chile and Argentina to the south half a century later.126 It was also key to the defeat of Santa Cruz, which mitigated the threat of Peru and Bolivia as exile sanctuaries for Chile and the Argentine Confederation, respectively. The pervasiveness of exile indicates that these wars were not purely international. Invading armies often included units made up of exiles originating from the enemy country, effectively internationalizing civil wars through exile. Yet these conflicts also tended to nationalize exile and politicize migratory flows. Previously, existing migratory and commercial routes were politicized through revolution and exile, while émigrés were increasingly seen as foreigners. While at the beginning of the period the important borders were those separating empires, or “Indians and Christians,” by the 1830s provincial and national borders had a much greater salience. Borders were becoming more territorialized, though in the Río de la Plata crossing provincial or international borders (with Uruguay or Chile, for example) was still much the same. The consolidation of more stable, albeit conservative, regimes in this decade was part of this process.

126 Vezub, Julio. 2009. Valentín Saygüeque y la “gobernación indígena de las Manzanas”: poder y etnicidad en la Patagonia septentrional (1860–1881). Buenos Aires: Prometeo Libros. For examples of indigenous asylum see the classic Mansilla, Lucio Victorio. 1870. Una excursión a los indios ranqueles. Buenos Aires: Impr. litografía y fundición de tipos.

CHAPTER 3

Epistolary Exchange and the Exile Experience: Transnational Networks Before the Nation

Until the last decades of the century, epistolary relations were the best way for people separated by distance to stay in contact. Railroads and the telegraph were not yet common in South America and steamships were just beginning to reduce travel time between cities. Correspondence played an essential role in political mobility, making it an ideal source for studying a phenomenon intimately related to distance. In exile, émigrés were faced with the problem of staying in contact with their family and friends remaining in their country of origin and with fellow émigrés in other cities. The exchange of letters created bonds that were important for survival but also for advancing the exiles’ political agenda. Epistolary exchange is not just a source for studying exile in the nineteenth century; it is itself an actor in emigration that materializes exile circulation. It affirms the presence of the migrant despite physical absence, seeking to surmount the obstacles of distance and precarious communications.1

1 Decker, William Merrill. 1998. Epistolary Practices: Letter Writing in America Before Telecommunications. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 71. Tocqueville highlighted the role of the post office in the circulation of newspapers on the US frontier. Tocqueville, Alexis de. 1848. De la démocratie en Amérique. Vol. 2. Paris: Pagnerre, 227. David M. Henkin has shown how the postoffice facilitated migration from East to West in the United States. Henkin, David M. 2006. The Postal Age: The Emergence of Modern Communications in Nineteenth-Century America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_3

85

86

E. BLUMENTHAL

Political dislocation gives correspondence an even greater significance, because of the necessity of carrying out politics from a distance, when return is a least temporarily if not permanently impossible. Distance is not just physical, but also political, with an underlying threat of violence due to the exile condition. At the same time, exile does not just represent a rupture with the politics of the country of origin, but rather the permanence of connections with the country of origin. This political aspect ties letter writing intimately to other forms of writings, such as books, pamphlets and newspapers. A recurring subject of correspondence was the circulation of the printed word, political as well as literary, scientific or educational texts. This sometimes had a commercial goal but was more commonly a form of self-promotion. Letter writing was also linked to journalism, since the exchange of information was essential to this profession. Whether sending whole newspapers, clippings, draft articles or just relating the news, these exchanges informed other sites of exile of current events as well as providing articles to be (re)published in another market, to further political or career goals. Letters traveled over the commercial routes examined in the previous chapter, carried by merchants and diplomats and linked different sites of exile. This circulation of information has been called an “information order” that played a role in the transition from empire to nation-state and the development of public opinion.2 The beginnings of the consolidation of international borders shaped this order, “transnationalizing” it, because the new borders—porous though they were—intersected the flows without interrupting them. In an era of state formation, these were not yet fully constituted national societies that would only emerge in the last third of the nineteenth century. These dense networks had deep effects on the emerging public spheres in the host countries. The notion of public sphere, starting with Habermas, has been criticized and debated for being Eurocentric and elitist—in particular in its insistence on a strict separation between private and public spheres—as well as ignoring the particularities of Latin American societies 2 Bayly has showed how it united the Indian subcontinent and anticipated Indian public opinion. Bayly, Christopher Alan. 1996. Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870. New York: Cambridge University Press. For merchant networks in the nineteenth century, see Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Bragoni, Beatriz. 1999. Los hijos de la revolución: familia, negocios y poder en Mendoza en el siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: Taurus.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

87

and popular actors.3 The literature has also taken for granted that we are dealing with fully constituted, hermetic national societies, relatively closed to the outside. This is not the case for Latin America in the first half of the nineteenth century and might even be questioned in other areas. This chapter shows that exile connected incipient public spheres across Spanish America. In different sites of exile, émigrés—as well as literate members of host societies—were often reading the same texts and engaging in similar debates.4 This created a shared experience of reading and debate that could be called a transnational public sphere.5 Furthermore, the emergence of a transnational public sphere occurred in a period when nations were more of a project than a concrete social reality, implying an under-appreciated historicity to transnational networks. This chapter argues that transnational migration was constitutive and central to the formation of state and nation in Chile and the Río de la Plata, and perhaps 3 Habermas, Jürgen. 1991. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: MIT Press. Fernández Sebastián, Javier y Joëlle Chassin. 2004. L’avènement de l’opinion publique: Europe et Amérique, XVIIIe–XIXe siècles. Paris: l’Harmattan. Forment, Carlos A. 2003. Democracy in Latin America, 1760–1900: Volume 1, Civic Selfhood and Public Life in Mexico and Peru. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Guerra, François-Xavier and Annick Lempérière. 1998. Los espacios públicos en Iberoamérica: ambigüedades y problemas: siglos XVIII –XIX. México: Centro francés de estudios mexicanos y centroamericanos. 4 For a classic view of how print capitalism allowed subjects to imagine themselves of citizens of a common and homogenous nation, see Anderson, Benedict R. O’G. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Though Anderson’s theory used Spanish America as one of its main examples, it has been criticized as an anachronism given the weakness of print before independence. Though this situation had clearly evolved by mid-century, it is unclear what impact this circulation had on émigré soldiers, peasants and miners. Myers, Jorge. 2004. “Identidades porteñas. El discurso ilustrado en torno a la nación y el rol de la prensa: El Argos de Buenos Aires, 1821–1825”. In Construcciones impresas, panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, Paula Alonso (ed.), 39–63. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. 5 Appadurai uses the idea of a “diasporized public sphere” to theorize much the same, borrowing from Anderson while substituting digital technologies for the printing press, in a context of late twentieth-century globalization. Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Dufoix borrows the concept of “transnations” or “trans-state nations” from Appadurai to refer to the same phenomena, while rightly criticizing the idea that they are somehow new or in fundamental contradiction with the emergence of nation states. Dufoix, Stéphane. 2010. “Un pont par-dessus la porte. Extraterritorialisation et transétatisation des identifications nationales”. En Loin des yeux, près du cœur. Les États et leurs expatriés, Paris, Les Presses Sciences Po, Stéphane Dufoix, Carine Guerassimoff-Pina, and Anne de Tinguy (eds.), 15–57. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po.

88

E. BLUMENTHAL

the rest of South America. Rather than undermining the nation-state, these transnational actors were actively and consciously working toward its construction. The emergence of this transnational public sphere is essential to understanding the development of the national political projects mobilized by émigrés, analyzed in subsequent chapters.

Correspondence: Distance, Hopes, Reception For the young generation that left Buenos Aires in 1839, letter writing was already important before emigration. Juan Bautista Alberdi, writing in La Moda, argued that epistolary exchange (along with face-to-face sociability) played a major role in “civilization” and in “civilizing” nations like Argentina. “A letter can be called a visit made to an absent person, Gioja says. So a letter is as easy as a visit where visits are easy, such as in England, (which is) a positive people, substantial, little ceremonial.” This contrasted, in Alberdi’s view, with countries like Spain, laborious and formal, whose very existence as a nationality was uncertain. The absence of letter writing was for him a mark of the absence of civilization and associative practices.6 With exile, the sociability so valued by the young Romantic generation became difficult. While some stayed in Buenos Aires, others migrated across the river to Montevideo, to Bolivia, Chile or further. The same was true for Chileans in the 1850s, dispersed between Lima, Mendoza, Buenos Aires and Europe. To stay in contact with family and friends, at home or in exile, correspondence became crucial. This was the case of Mariquita Sánchez, whose decision to migrate to Montevideo was also the passage from the sociability of the salon or tertulia to one where the social bond was created through writing. In part because of her relative poverty in exile, making the maintenance of a salon more difficult, but more fundamentally because of the distance, Sánchez turned to correspondence.7 In this situation, correspondence marked the rhythm of exile. Waiting for a letter with news from a friend or family, hurrying to finish a letter

6 La Moda (Buenos Aires), 7, January 3, 1838. Cited in Batticuore, Graciela. 2005. La mujer romántica. Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 207. Also see Amante, Adriana. 2010. Poéticas y políticas del destierro argentinos en Brasil en la época de Rosas. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 79–96. For practices of sociability, see González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Publications de la Sorbonne. 7 Amante, Destierro, 97–103. Batticuore, La mujer romántica, 206.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

89

before the departure of the steamboat or a friend who could carry the letter, were all common references that would become existential worries in the context of exile. Expressions of impatience to receive letters were frequent and often associated with the desire for news from friends or family, or of the political situation. “With longing I wait for your letter. Tell me of your situation, if you are doing well, if you desire to go elsewhere, and your hopes under the protection of our general.”8 Fear of losing contact and falling into total social isolation is another common theme, illustrating the detrimental effects of exile, as were solicitations to send more news. “I beg you with all my soul that you do not fail to write me, from whatever distance, whenever you are able. You are the only friend I have and that I hope to conserve in my life; do not forget me; that would be very painful.”9 The absence of a reply could also provoke deception: “I do not know why you are complaining about me; I have written on the steamboats, and in all of them I have sent you El Progreso; Goodbye, my dear Félix, I wish you much happiness and I am always your excellent and invariable friend.”10 Letters describing the vicissitudes of exile were typically accompanied by pressing demands for news.11 Studies of correspondence in the nineteenth century remind us of the relative precariousness of communication during this period, which was also the case in South America. The problem of distance and the time that elapsed between sending and receiving as well as the possibility of loss, interception or misunderstanding, generated delays in responding and loss of contact.12 Regular postal service had existed in the Spanish Empire since at least the second half of the eighteenth century, linking the viceroyal capital of Buenos Aires to Potosí, Lima and Santiago. The principal motivation was, of course, to facilitate imperial communications with the metropole. 8 Benjamín Villafa˜ ne (Bolivia) to Félix Frías (Guaricana), July 17, 1843, Revista Biblioteca Nacional (hereafter RBN), XXV (59), 84. “My dear friend, I would like you to write my soon, to write something more encouraging than what I can comunícate to you. We are sad as to the point of death”. D. F. Sarmiento to Manuel Jos´e Quiroga Rosas, San Juan, June 30, 1840, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1988. La correspondencia de Sarmiento: Años 1838–1854. Vol. 1. Córdoba: Poder Ejecutivo de la Provincia de Córdoba, 9. 9 Villafa˜ ne to Frías, La Paz, September 12, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 109–10. 10 V. F. Lopez, ´ Santiago to F. Frías, Chuquisaca, April 1, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 51–52. 11 Miguel Pi˜ nero to F´elix Frías, Valparaíso, April 6, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 78–79. 12 Decker, Epistolary Practices. Favret, Mary A. 1993. Romantic Correspondence: Women, Politics and the Fiction of Letters. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Henkin, The Postal Age.

90

E. BLUMENTHAL

From Buenos Aires, mail circulated along the commercial routes. Interior cities (e.g., Córdoba, Santiago del Estero, Tucumán, Mendoza, Salta, Jujuy and Asunción) had post offices, and roadhouses were held by wellknown local figures who were paid to maintain horses and postillions. Refuges (casuchas ) were also created in the Andes to aid communication with Chile. By the end of the eighteenth century, mail circulated once a month between cities such as Buenos Aires, Santiago de Chile, Asunción, Potosí and Lima.13 The wars of independence considerably weakened these ties. Though the steamship began to improve communications between ports in the 1830s and 1840s, communication over land remained slow and unreliable. Correspondence sent by land was slow in the best of circumstances, especially in the interior of the Río de la Plata. Even between Santiago de Chile and Valparaiso, it could take several weeks.14 It was only in the second half of the century that new postal treaties began to formalize postal service in an international context.15 Exile correspondence shows that they used this “official” post office mostly for communication within cities. Many letters indicate that communications between different countries often passed through the hands

13 For the establishment of the post in the Río de la Plata, see Cárcano, Ramón José. 1893. Historia de los medios de comunicación y transporte en la República Argentina. Buenos Aires, F. Lajouane. Castro Esteves, Ramón de. 1952. Historia de correos y telégrafos de la República argentina. Buenos Aires: Talleres gráficos de correos y telécomunicaciones. They are in large part based on the classic narrative of Calixto Bustamante Carlos (better known as Concolorcorvo), the indigenous secretary of the administrator of the Royal Post, Alonso Carrio´ de la Vandera. Together, they visited the postal routes in South America and compiled data on its administration. Concolorcorvo. 1775. El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes. Lima: En la Imprenta de la Rovada. 14 “I only received yesterday your appreciated from the 16th of the past month; but it is not so strange that I received it so late because I was out between the 15th and the 31st.” Juan Godoy to Juan María Guti´errez, June 5, 1846, Gutiérrez, Juan María. 1979. Archivo del Doctor Juan María Gutíerrez (hereafter AJMG). Vol. 2. Buenos Aires: Biblioteca del Congreso de la Nación, 61. 15 In 1852, after Rosas’ fall, D. F. Sarmiento encouraged the negotiation of a postal treaty that would guarantee service between Buenos Aires and the interior cities with Valparaiso and the Pacific. Sarmiento a José Posse, Santiago, September 1, 1852, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino y José Posse. 1946. Epistolario entre Sarmiento y Posse, 1845–1888. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Museo Histórico Sarmiento, 11. The 1855 treaty with the Argentine Confederation included a postal clause. For a description of the roadhouses around this time, see Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1856. Pájinas de mi diario durante tres años de viaje: 1853–1854–1855. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 413.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

91

of merchants or friends, bypassing the post office. Once in the destination city, the letter could be deposited at the post office for delivery. Examples come from Buenos Aires, Río de Janeiro and Lima. For example, Vicente López systematically noted the provenance on the envelope of every letter from his son, Vicente Fidel, noting that one had been received from “an official from the post office who had received it from an Englishman, Bench.”16 A correspondent of J. M. Gutiérrez complained of the loss by the Rio Post Office of a letter transmitted by V. F. López.17 Mail service was precarious in the best of cases, and war logically made it more so. A stamp bearing the amount to be paid on reception was supposed to be affixed to each letter, but before 1860 it is rare to find envelopes with stamps in the archives. Despite these difficulties, mail continued to circulate even during time of war as suggested by Sarmiento’s narrative of the assassination of the legendary caudillo Facundo Quiroga where the postillions were also murdered. According to Sarmiento, Quiroga was traveling by carriage (galera) from roadhouse to roadhouse when he found himself at Barranca-Yaco in Córdoba. The day of the assassination, the carriage was accompanied by two mail deliveries. The whole caravan died in the attack, and Sarmiento does not say what happened to the mail.18 The mentions of postillions and the mail hint that his readers might find the account believable, even if this type of violence surely had an impact on delivery. Informal means of delivery were common. Unitarian General Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid gives us another example of delivery in times of war. In his memoirs, he mentions sending messages to other generals or provincial governors through a peon or a soldier.19 More prosaically, one could take advantage of an acquaintance’s departure to transmit letters. “In this moment I have just coincidentally run across a lad from Mendoza in the plaza of Santiago who is departing in a half hour. Remembering

16 V. F. López to V. López, Santiago, November 10, 1845, Archivo General de la Nación, Archivo López (hereafter AGN-AL), Leg 2364, no 3966. 17 Teodoro Miguel Vilardebó to J. M. Gutiérrez, Río de Janeiro, February 26, 1846, AJMG, Vol. 2, 46. For Lima, see Domingo de Oro to DF Sarmiento, July 7, 1845, Sarmiento, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 80. 18 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1845. Civilizacion i barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga i aspecto físico, costumbres i habitos de la Republica Arjentina. 1a ed. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso, 253. 19 La Madrid, Gregorio Aráoz de. 2007. Memorias del general Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid. Buenos Aires: El Elefante Blanco, 750.

92

E. BLUMENTHAL

the promise I made you (…) (I am writing) hastily this letter on a shop counter.”20 Left unsaid is how the letter would make it to Buenos Aires. This type of introduction was nonetheless common, mentioning the haste with which one wrote to take advantage of the fortuitous encounter. The steamship’s schedule was at the heart of letter writing, showing how Pacific coastal cities, such as Guayaquil, Lima, Cobija, Copiapó and Valparaiso, were better linked to each other and the Atlantic than they were to interior cities. The steamship’s arrival meant letters and news. “It has been a month since I received news of our Patria, but on the 7th of the upcoming month a steamship should arrive from Chile and I think then we will have word since the Aguila, announced so long ago, will have arrived.”21 This letter also illustrates the routes news traveled by, from Buenos Aires to Montevideo and Valparaiso, before heading north to Bolivia and Peru. The message from V. F. López to Frías, who was living in inland Bolivia, is more explicit. “We are waiting for a warship bringing correspondence from Montevideo; the ship that arrived has nothing for me so I have nothing to say to you.”22 For news to arrive from Montevideo to Chuquisaca (Sucre), it was necessary to go around Cape Horn and through Chile. Such a wait could also cause disappointment. The correspondence between a young V. F. López, exiled in Chile, and his father, living in Buenos Aires, are particularly eloquent as to these difficulties. Simply establishing contact upon V. F. López’s arrival was not easy, and his father was obliged to write to a local contact, the Canon Navarro, who then left copies of letters from López’s father in all the Chilean cities where he might be likely to turn up. When López and his companions arrived in Copiapó from La Rioja in 1841, Wenceslao Paunero—a Uruguyuan-born officer—was already waiting to help him adjust to life in Chile, highlighting the importance of military and republican networks in epistolary reuniting father and son.23 Communication difficulties persisted after their reencounter, as V. F. López’s opening commentaries indicate: “I perfectly ignore the route by which this letter will reach you.” His father carefully noted the date and 20 B. Vicu˜ na Mackenna to B. Mitre, Santiago, November 7, 1856, Mitre, Bartolomé. 1912. Correspondencia literaria, historica y política del general Bartolomé Mitre. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Coni hermanos, 73. 21 Billinghurst to Frías, Cobija, October 24, 1842, RBN, XXV (59), 11. 22 López to Frías, Santiago, February 9, 1843, ibid., 35. 23 López to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 493.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

93

the means by which the letter had traveled, and though most traveled by steamship and not by land, the forms of reception (“received by a boy on horseback seven months after sending”) testify to the reigning instability. Their correspondence was quite regular though, with letters arriving several months after sending, often several at once, indicating a certain density to their exchanges.24 V. F. López complained that despite the regular steamships traveling between Chile and the Río de la Plata, many ship captains refused to accept letters, fearing disloyal competition on the part of the correspondents who might transmit information concerning prices and markets, and would lift anchor precipitously, at night, to avoid unwanted requests. Their attitude highlights the role of merchants in correspondence networks, and the importance of informal means of sending that bypassed the post office.25 For these reasons, V. F. López stated that he preferred using diplomatic networks, when available, in particular the French with whom he enjoyed good relations.26 Though he does not mention it, this mode of transport would run less of a risk of interception by Buenos Aires authorities. The life of the émigré coincided with arrivals and departures of the steamship.27 A ship’s departure was the moment to write, often quite precipitously. “They just sent word that a ship is leaving tomorrow to your city, so I am taking advantage of the situation to write you though I have had unfinished correspondence with you for several months now.” 28 The arrival of a ship could lead to situations of being overwhelmed by the volume of letters. “I cannot write to you now, my dear friend, except to acknowledge receipt of your last two letters that have taken some time for me to read, because I am completely overwhelmed with correspondence from the steamship, it is now 12 at night after having worked all day in the damned Mercurio.”29 24 V. F. López to V. López, Santiago, June 16, 1841, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3945; 20 July 1841, Leg 2364, no 3947. 25 V. F. López to V. López, Santiago, January 7, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3967. 26 V. F. López to V. López, Santiago, December 6, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3972. 27 “I thought I would write to Don Juan B Alberdi (…) but as the Ship was readying to

leave and above all not having with him the frankness of a soldier in arms that I have with you, I do not dare write him so lightly and I take the liberty of begging you to to it for me”. Guti´errez to Frías, Guayaquil, January 29, 1845, RBN, XXV (59), 232. 28 Jos´e M´armol, Río to Guti´errez, Valparaiso, March 26, 1846, AJMG, Vol. 2, 52. 29 Pi˜ nero to Frías, Valparaiso, January 24, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 25.

94

E. BLUMENTHAL

Maintaining social ties in exile was not always easy. Even in cities linked by the steamship, problems with reception were common and could block all communication. Ships did not always arrive and depart on a regular schedule, which led to the necessity of improvising other means of sending correspondence.30 A common strategy for dealing with this situation was to send multiple letters, by land and sea, in the hope that this redundancy would assure the arrival of at least one copy.31 Complaints concerning lost and late mail were also frequent. “I have received two of your letters although both with very late dates. Why the devil are we so far and condemned to live apart?”32 The implicit response to the rhetorical question is clear. It was due to political emigration and dispersal in exile, though it also suggests the anguish that exile and distance could provoke. The same feeling might be expressed in a lighter tone, placing the blame on mobility more generally, and the profusion of letters to which they were subjected.33 The post office was another frequent subject of complaint, particularly regarding the circulation of foreign newspapers. Domingo de Oro, writing to his cousin Sarmiento from Lima, complained about the postal service in the city of Callao (Lima’s port city), that left him cut off from news of Chile, Argentina and the world. “The arrangement of the Post Office is so perfect (…) that newspapers are received by the people to whom they are addressed only by coincidence. They are kept in the patio of the administration, on the ground, and nobody watches over them. Whoever

30 “Unfortunately there is no correspondence between this port and that one; some tend to come; but none can nor will go from here to there. That is why this letter —God-willing it will arrive— goes by way of Paranagua (Brazil), where Francisco Madero (Juan Nepumoceno’s younger brother) is going to put it on a ship to Chile”. Alsina to Mitre, Montevideo, October 25, 1848, in Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 17. This sort of complaint about the lack of boats between Valparaiso and the Río de la Plata was common. 31 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, June 3 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3954. 32 Sarmiento to Indalecio Cortínez, Santiago, January 20, 1842, Correspondencia, Vol. 1,

36. 33 “The memory of your poor friend must pursue you everywhere, like a Lady of the Lake, given that you have not stopped writing me from San Juan, Buenos Aires, Tucumán and wherever else you might be. From those three points I have received as many letters, although not in the order you wrote them”. Sarmiento to Jos´e Posse, San Felipe (Chile), January 29, 1845, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 49.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

95

wants may take one; and when they arrive in the hands of those of my friends who are subscribers, I read them, when they do not, I do not.”34 Often, distress was high, and the lack of response could lead to worries about the recipient’s fate, and the sender might pose all sorts of questions concerning the reception of the letter or even the viability of epistolary exchange. “I greatly regret, my dear friend, the loss of my first letters from the 16 of June because they contained the account of our detestable journey and my first impressions here.”35 The loss of a letter compounded the loss implicit in exile, represented by the difficult trip and arrival to a new destination, far from home. The fear that a letter might never arrive could foretell more serious consequences. In the absence of a response, the imagination took over. “I have written you several times, but I have neither letter nor news. This worries me because I know you are in a strange country in upheaval.”36 The lack of response, in the confused moment of emigration with the threat of interception, could lead the correspondents to doubt the viability of the epistolary exchange. Gen. La Madrid, exiled in Chile, wrote to F. Frías with a message for Mariano Fragueiro—“or Mr. Nicolas Pose in his absence”—who La Madrid believed to be in Valparaiso. The letter was a message for General Paz in Montevideo with Fragueiro only as an intermediary. La Madrid had already addressed several letters to Paz from Bolivia and Chile without receiving a response and thus believed that one of the intermediaries had “played a trick with them” and wished Fragueiro to verify his suspicion.37 In this game of exile telephone, exile plans could be compromised and lives lost.

34 Domingo de Oro to Domingo F. Sarmiento, Lima, July 7, 1845, ibid., 80. 35 Florencio Varela to Gutierrez, Río de Janeiro, August 4, 1841, AJMG, Vol. 1, 223.

Another example: “My emotion is imponderable that one of your letters has been lost in this damned and unorganized Post Office that Mr. López had brought, a young Argentinian of much capacity, recently arrived from Chile on the French boat Suberbe, and who within a few days plans to head to Montevideo”. Teodoro Miguel Vilardebo´ to J. M. Guti´errez, Río de Janeiro, February 26, 1846, AJMG, Vol. 2, 46. López seems to have carried the letter to Brazil, and then mailed it upon arrival in Río. 36 Andrés Lamas to Mitre, Río de Janeiro, July 1, 1848, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 13–14. Mitre was at this moment in Bolivia, and would shortly be expelled after the revolution headed by Manuel Isidoro Belzú overthrew President José Ballivián, ally of the Argentine exiles. 37 La Madrid to Frías, Santiago, January 18, 1844, RBN, XXV(59), 139–40, 145. La Madrid wrote three other letters in short succession, hinting at his worry.

96

E. BLUMENTHAL

Presence in Absence The need to renew the social bond broken by exile and surmount the distance imposed by migration, as well as to coordinate political or military action, persisted despite the obstacles to communication. It was necessary to take advantage of “any opportunity that presents itself” to maintain contact.38 Emigration necessarily implies leaving behind loved ones and running the risk of being forgotten. Another risk was forgetting, or being forgotten by, one’s country, a serious risk in the case of political exile. This implied establishing contact with compatriots in exile who were dispersed in different cities or countries. For emigres, the rupture was both physical and symbolic given the political divisions of the country left behind, or in the case of Argentinians not yet “organized.” Constant worries of these epistolary exchanges were to avoid breaking the social bond and the need to renew it in exile. Examples abound of requests to send news to family members, friends or the muchacha or rubia whose name was not necessarily given. Classic examples of love at a distance include the messages from V. F. López to his fiancée Carmencita, mediated by his family, or the letters from Sarmiento to his cousin Elena Rodríguez.39 It was necessary to make excuses for not having written when facing the pressing demands of others for news.40 One could use friends as messengers or to search others missing for a long time.41 Francisco Bilbao wrote to his former teacher, Andrés Bello, after his

38 “A long time has passed with writing, and I do not remember if it was you or I who first cut the ties of our correspondence, that I now consider my duty to renew. Although through friends’ letters I have sometimes had news from you, I would nonetheless like to receive them directly and formally request that from now on you write me at any opportunity that presents itself, and I promise to do the same.” Mitre (Valparaiso) to Lamas (Río de Janeiro), February 15, 1851, Mitre, Correspondencia literaria, I, 21–22. 39 For the rubia, see B. Villafa˜ ne to F. Frías, La Paz, July 11, 1843, RBN, xxv (59), 83. For Sarmiento, see Correspondencia, Vol. 1. 40 “In the last mail I did not write to you because I had no one to do so for me. I had received letters from Sarmiento, Piñero, a few lines from Lopez in the letter for you; one angry, the other demanding, all screaming for me to explain myself, my silence, mi ingratitude. It is thus necessary to answer, and to answer without delay: I did so, and could not write to you.” Benjamín Villafa˜ ne, La Paz, Bolivia, to F´elix Frías, December 4, 1842, RBN, XXV (59), 15–16. 41 “I beg that you send my affectionate regards to Messrs. Gallardo, Gomez (Orja) Orcajo and Lamarca, the only compatriots that I remember being in that city, and also Mr. Elias Bedoya, if he does reside there. If Mr Ethcart were still there (he worked in the Gaceta de

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

97

son’s death. “Juan, my fellow student, friend of my youth, political fellow, partner in meditation and enthusiasm.”42 Though on the opposite side of the political divide from his former teacher, Francisco Bilbao and Juan Bello spent time together in the Chilean opposition and Peruvian exile ten years previous. These examples show how correspondence enabled émigrés to maintain or reestablish the bonds of sociability broken by exile and distance, reminding what had been lost and insisting upon the obligation of writing. A phrase from V. F. López illustrates this. “I go crazy every time I think about all this; it makes me want to overcome the obstacles of space, I would like to leap (illegible) and I am humiliated by the condition of slavery the law of the patria condemns us to regarding the present and the laws of humanity regarding hope.”43 Above and beyond the rather typical formulation of wanting to overcome space, exile makes an appearance in the references to slavery. Lopez often took time at the beginning of his letters to explain why he did not write more often, despite his desire to maintain the bonds of family and loyalty with his parents and his fiancée.44 One special type of letter deserves attention, sent upon arrival to a new country, which served to reconstruct the social bond broken by emigration and confirm the safe arrival of the writer, while also explaining and interpreting the host country. In it, the writer/émigré details the inhabitants and experiences in the new country, while making comparisons and expressing judgments based on experiences shared with the recipient. Although clearly in the tradition of the Romantic travel letter, they were not necessarily intended to be published. The spirit of the letter appears in the introduction to Sarmiento’s Viajes (travels), structured around a series of letters written to friends in Chile (both Chileans and émigrés), when he explains that the way he looks at a (European) country he is visiting “has always Bs. As. 10 years ago), excellent subject, please suffocate him with an embrace from me. You might know something of Luis Elordi de Maza, who was in the Liberating Army and fell prisoner in San Juan and from there escaped to that country. I do now know where he is, as I do not know if he received that letters and ounces I sent him with Mrs. de Lavalle. It would be quite agreeable to obtain news of him through you.” Alsina to Frías, Montevideo, July 31, 1844, RBN, XXV (59), 173. 42 Bilbao to Bello, Buenos Aires, January 6, 1861. Bilbao, Francisco. 1897. Vol. 2. Santiago: El Correo, 84. 43 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, July 2, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3955. 44 See, for example, V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 10, 1843, AGN-AL,

Leg 2364, no 3966. For expressions of filial love in the correspondence between fathers and sons see Decker, Epistolary Practices, 67–68.

98

E. BLUMENTHAL

awaken in me the memory of similar things in America, making me, as it were, the representative of those faraway lands.”45 Sarmiento, like many letter writers (both public and private), looked critically and comparatively at the countries he lived in and visited in exile.46 “I have traversed a long and arduous peregrination, during which I have been journalist, novelist, soldier, traveler, poet, engineer and politician.” Bartolomé Mitre began a letter to his friend Andrés Lamas in this way upon his arrival in Chile, after being expelled from Bolivia in 1848. Through a colorful description of his activities in Bolivia and Peru, he renewed an epistolary exchange that had been interrupted by his Bolivian adventures and expressed the desire that it be “more regular” in the future. Going from his travel narrative to messages for family and friends, Mitre sent his regards to Lamas’ wife and expressed a desire for his own wife to join him in Chile if he was able to afford it. He painted a rosy picture of Chile as a place of opportunity for the émigrés.47 A similar letter from Guayaquil narrated exposure to tropical fever as well as the potential benefits of participating in the Pacific commerce.48 The extension of Chilean historian Diego Barros Arana’s exile in Buenos Aires in 1859 gave him the opportunity to narrate the country’s political situation, as the province prepared for a military confrontation with the rest of the Confederation. He contrasted this explicitly with the state of affairs in Chile, under the authoritarian rule of President Manuel Montt. Although he was “stupefied” by Montt’s “abuses” that his wife had related, Argentina did “not present many attractions for the traveler” because of the preparations for war which also affected Uruguay and Paraguay. This situation led him to the bitter realization that “there was no asylum” for him in America and pushed him to depart for Europe. The contrast between his 45 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1849. Viajes en Europa, Africa y América: por D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 1. Santiago de Chile: Impr. de J. Belin, XI. He nonetheless denies that he is writing “travel impressions” showing that he is at least familiar with the genre. II–III. Cf. Concha, Jaime. “On the Threshold of Facundo”. 46 Other examples of Romantic epistolary travel exile narratives include “Carta sobre Lima”. In Lastarria, José Victorino. 1855. Miscelanea literaria. Valparaíso: Imprenta y Libreria del Mercurio, 191–274. Vicuña, Pedro Félix. 1847. Ocho meses de destierro: O cartas sobre el Perú. Santiago: Impr. y Librería del Mercurio. 47 Mitre (Valparaiso) to Lamas (Río de Janeiro), June 28, 1848, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 12–13. Mitre wrote through J. M. Gutiérrez, who was in regular contact with Lamas. It was written three days before Lamas’ in which he expressed his worries over Mitre’s silence. 48 Juan Antonio Gutiérrez to Frías, Guayaquil, January 29, 1845, RBN XXV (59), 232.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

99

description of himself as a “traveler” and his remark concerning “asylum” underscores an ambiguity in the mobility of elite emigres in Europe in the nineteenth century, that was often somewhere between political exile and intellectual pilgrimage.49 One of the more remarkable letters of this type is the one from V. F. López to Félix Frías which, in addition to giving a full report on the émigrés’ insertion into Chilean society, details the effects of exile on their social bonds. After dismissing Frías’ reproaches for failing to write, he explains that he had lived a year and a half in Chile “isolated, in a country where there were only ten or twelve wretched individuals like me that constituted my only society.” This isolation, a result of exile, was total, and he insisted on ignorance about the situation in Bolivia (where Frías was living), and of other exiles, who “are defenseless because they are innumerable, some are here, some are there, I do not even know the names of the cities” where they live. It is the fact of thinking of their return—“our only thoughts are, without cease, of el Plata in Montevideo, we only think of that and we only have faith in those that are there”—that kept them from inquiring about the fates of others in Bolivia or Chile. He confessed he did not feel up to writing. “(Y)ou have not written because of despondency and neither have I; this supposes that we have the same heart; as we feel impressions that produce the same effects.”50 This despondency was a product of exile, though the suffering of exile produced a new bond tying them together emotionally. Isolation and the emotional impact of exile are also the object of a letter from Chilean exile Francisco Bilbao to a friend after rounding Cape Horn. “How can I portray the mass of feelings, impressions, memories (illegible) that have accompanied my solitary nights in the midst of Atlantic storms? Impossible.”51 Sharing the pain of exile with his friend, the emotional link with his friend materialized through the letter. Bilbao’s words recall 49 Diego Barros Arana to Rosalía Izquierdo de Barros, Buenos Aires, May 26, 1859, Biblioteca Nacional de Chile, Sala Medina (hereafter BNCh-SM), Caja 61, doc. 2790. He also compared the independence day celebrations that occurred in Buenos Aires on May 25. “Poor celebration. There was nothing that reminded me of the worst of the 18 of September in Chile.” 50 V. F. Lopez ´ to F´elix Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 492. 51 Francisco Bilbao, Montevideo to Aníbal Pinto Garmendia, November 1, 1844. Archivo

Nacional de Chile, Archivo Santa María (hereafter ANCh-SM), A7111. Aníbal, whose father had been president and whose mother was from Argentina, would be president thirty years later.

100

E. BLUMENTHAL

the “Pilgrim’s Canto” of José Mármol, whose exile led him to cross the southern seas in the opposite direction.52 Though the thoughts of return were constant, in the case of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation this despondency could lead them to abandon even the idea of patria. Guillermo Billinghurst, a merchant émigré living in Bolivia, expressed his bitterness facing the impossibility of return. “Although I will never forget that Argentine blood runs through my veins, my dear Felix, I have formed the firm resolution of exiling myself (de desterrarme) from my Patria forever.” Politics (“the elements of perpetual anarchy” in the Río de la Plata) led him to renounce the “soft pleasure that comes from living surrounded by the objects that are dear to man” rather than return.53 Billinghurst’s decision to stay was perhaps linked to his position as a successful merchant, but we will see other examples of this desire to renounce return.54 López and Frías—like Mitre, Lamas and Sarmiento, just to name some of the examples cited here—used letters to reestablish the political and social bonds that had been interrupted by exile. Chilean émigrés did the same, as can be seen in the correspondence Barros Arana. Friends in Santiago kept him abreast of news from the capital and the civil war as well as of friends in exile, living in Lima, Mendoza and Buenos Aires.55 Barros Arana also kept in touch with his Argentine family (his mother was from Buenos Aires) that informed him of the situation in both Chile and the Río de la Plata.56 52 “Por estranjeros mares/ Vagando peregrin,/ El sol de mi destino/ No vierte claridad ;/ Y al golpe de las ondas/Que azotan mi barquilla,/ Me alejo de la orilla/ De la felicidad”. “Canto del peregrino”, Mármol, José. 1854. Poesias de José Mármol. Buenos Aires: Imprenta americana, 141. 53 Guillermo Billinghurst to F´elix Frías, Cobija, April 24, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 447–48. 54 “We must disabuse ourselves, there is no patria, or at least there is no patria that a man of character, of honor would desire (…) This port has given me guano, to guano I will dedicate myself, I will think of nothing but guano, until I become guano.” Guillermo E. Billinghurst, Cobjia to F´elix Frías, Sucre, March 23, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 44. Billinghurst never returned to the Río de la Plata and his son (also named Guillermo) would be president of Peru and nitrate merchant. Cobija is near what is now Antofagasta, Chile. 55 Marcial Gonz´alez to D. Barros Arana, Santiago, January 21, 1860, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1651 (1–2) doc. 1652 (1–4); Santiago, February 15, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1653 (1–2); Santiago, February 29, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1654 (1–2) doc. 1655 (1–3). 56 Pascuala Arana to D. Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, July 27, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 519–20; August 26, doc. 514; November 25, doc. 518. Juana Barros de Baudrix, Montevideo, July 31, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 56, doc. 1051. For the importance of these family relations, see Chapter 6.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

101

It is not surprising that exile solidarity is a recurring and important theme of correspondence. The literary trope of national or ideological solidarity surfaces repeatedly. “My dear friend, we are not only compatriots, more intimate bonds unite us — those of misfortune and principles. Victims of the same blow, our pain is today the same, our emotions identical, our tears become confused. Please consider me something more immediate than the words compatriot or friend.”57 Letters allowed émigrés to overcome poverty and isolation, to reestablish the social bond broken by exile. Letters are a means of establishing a virtual return home, while awaiting the physical return.

Public and Private Letters The idea that epistolary exchanges belonged strictly to the private sphere and to the two correspondents needs to be reconsidered. There are a series of practices, common in the nineteenth century that enlarged the readership. These practices, such as the use of intermediaries or the risks of interception, were due to the uncertain nature of communication. Others were linked to forms of sociability, such as reading letters aloud to a group. Furthermore, letters that were originally considered “private” were often published, with or without the writer’s consent. In this literary return home, correspondence occupied a hybrid place, both public and private, that made it applicable to exile political struggle. The ambiguity of the separation between public and private spheres comes out in many of the studies of correspondence in the nineteenth century. While for W. M. Decker the “conventions and expectations” that distinguish public from private are clear—leading him to exclude published travel and public letters from his source material—he presents a range of practices that nuance this position. Group reading of letters, the publication of “private” letters (with or without the author’s permission) and the use of epistolary exchange to sound out new ideas before publication were all practices that extended potential or real readership beyond

57 Benjamín Villafa˜ ne to F´elix Frías, La Paz, February 5, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 414–15. The prolific correspondence between Villafañe and Frías give the impression that their friendship took root through correspondence. See, for example, Villafa˜ ne to Frías, La Paz, March 18, 1842, ibid., 432.

102

E. BLUMENTHAL

sender and recipient.58 Mary Favret goes further, affirming that a “correspondence” exists in the Romantic period between public and private experiences, through an effect of “translation” or passage from the public sphere to the private and vice versa, produced by the mass reading of nominally private letters. She elaborates a “fall from grace” of the letter, from an essentially “feminine,” private, innocent voice (personified by the epistolary novel), to a public, masculine voice, a “collective means of political activity,” read by millions and controlled by the British state.59 Despite the liberal ideology of the epistolary secret, letters played important public roles. The use of intermediaries was common, allowing senders to overcome the problem of distance, the vagaries of international postal service and to compensate for often imprecise knowledge of recipients whereabouts. For example, Domingo de Oro informed Sarmiento that he would send “letters to La Paz for Paz and Rojo in the sense that you desired, and I will make them as effective as possible.”60 In this case, Sarmiento does not even appear to have written the letters, but rather dictated them long distance. Messages could pass from one person to the next in a written game of telephone, with delivery uncertain. Intermediation could also take the form of a letter of introduction. Barros Arana emigrated in 1859 with several letters recommending him to Bartolome Mitre, governor of Buenos Aires and former exile in Chile. These letters, including one from Argentine émigré Juan Gregorio de las Heras, were important in introducing him to the political elite of Buenos Aires, and contact with Mitre would facilitate his access to historical archives in the city.61 One could also take advantage of the permanent residence of a friend to send a message to a traveler. “Juan Mª Gutiérrez will no doubt

58 Decker, Epistolary Practices, 24, 114. 59 Favret, Romantic Correspondence, 9, 26–30. Also see Henkin, The Postal Age, 110–11. 60 Domingo de Oro to D. F. Sarmiento, Arica, April 5, 1845, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 69. 61 Juan Gregorio de Las Heras, Santiago, December 22, 1858 and Hermogenes ´ de Irisarri, Santiago, December 29, 1858, ibid., 107–10. Irisarri, son of an actor in the Chilean and Guatemalan independence, reminisced in his letter about having gotten Mitre out of prison in Chile in 1851. Also see the letters of recommendation carried by Sarmiento to Rio in Amante, Destierro, 182–83.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

103

be arriving there soon — Do me the favor of delivering him the attached letter and show him this one.”62 This comment reveals another practice, that of shared reading. The receiver was not the only one to whom the letter was addressed, and instructions to share (or conversely hide) the content were common. This was often the case when dealing with politics, giving the letter a more public dimension for disseminating news. It could be a strategy of overcoming problems of distance and communication, because in a small community hungry for news, if one letter arrived it could replace others that were lost. If a ship was leaving, one letter could be addressed to various recipients to make up for the lack of time.63 Letters, memoirs and novels give examples of the importance of reading letters aloud, with family and friends, which was in itself a Romantic trope.64 A letter could even be addressed to a whole city, or at least its resident exiles.65 At the same time, sharing could be more or less formal. When writing to Lamas to explain why he had not written earlier, Mitre let him know that he was already aware of his reproaches, having read letters addressed to Sarmiento.66 An anecdote from General La Madrid’s memoirs illustrates the extent to which the practice could widen readership. Traveling between Bolivia and Chile, in the hopes of organizing an expedition to attack Rosas’ allies in the Argentine Provinces, he relates how in 1841 he received a letter in Chuquisaca (Sucre), Bolivia with news of General Paz’s campaign in the province of Corrientes. The letter had already been opened because “they” (fellow émigrés) had gone to get the letter at General Alvarado’s house, where “they” found “several compatriots meeting” and, impatient for news, opened the letter without waiting for La Madrid. La Madrid did

62 Luis L. Domínguez, Montevideo, to F´elix Frías, May 20, 1845, RBN, VI (22), 36. Gutiérrez was arriving from Rio after a stay in Europe. 63 V. F. Lopez ´ a` V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, June 3, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3954. 64 In Amalia, the classic novel about Argentine exile under Rosas, letters have a central role

in the plot; reading aloud (pp. 428, 544) and the fear of their interception by Rosas’ agents (pp. 41, 69–70, 189–90) appear in several chapters. Mármol, José. 1851. Amalia: novela historica americana. Buenos Aires: Ramon Espasa y Compañia. 65 “Se˜ nor don Juan María Guti´errez, Pi˜ nero, Pe˜ na, and other friends in Valparaíso”, DF Sarmiento, 1846, s/l, Sarmiento, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 111. 66 Mitre to Lamas, Montevideo, November 4, 1851, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 26. “Dira usted que soy un harag´an, como se lo ha escrito a Sarmiento (…)”.

104

E. BLUMENTHAL

not seem in the least put out. On the contrary, he joined in the celebrations when he too arrived.67 This shows how far they were from considering the letter to be the private property of the recipient, but rather an artifact belonging to the whole community of émigrés in Bolivia. The nature of its content (news of the civil wars) united them around their common struggle to celebrate Paz’s victory. The letter was also to have an immediate, public, political use. It was copied by Paunero and sent to his brother-in-law, Bolivian President José Ballivián, no doubt to solicit support in their military campaigns. More than a public/private dichotomy, there were concentric circles of sharing, opening up the letter to more and more people. Letters could also be forwarded to third persons in other cities or countries, often after copying as Paunero did. Forwarding letters allowed the original sender to inform or communicate with people residing in other cities.68 More generally, information was sent to many different people, as seen in Alberdi’s reference to Frías concerning letters from Sarmiento and Cané. Alberdi did not wish to repeat “what Sarmiento and Cané write, because I see you have a letter from both.”69 The explanation for not sharing is indicative of how common sharing was, as was the warning not to share.70 The same information circulated among different channels to different people, progressively extending the readership in the different sites of exile. Private letters, or extracts, were frequently published to maximize the public impact. The Chilean historian and public figure Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna decided to publish a letter from B. Mitre concerning his history

67 La Madrid, Memorias, 734–36. 68 For example, Lastarria to V. F. Lopez, ´ October 29, 1842, thanking him for a letter from

Gutierrez. Archivo Guti´errez, I, 252; Villafa˜ ne to Frías, La Paz, August 19, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 485. Villafañe transcribed Frías’ previous letter to Sarmiento, and relayed news from the Río de la Plata coming from Elías Bedoya, member of the Argentine Commission of Santiago. 69 Alberdi to Frías, Valparaiso, March 30 (S/L), Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1976. Cartas ineditas a Juan Maria Gutierrez y a Felix Frias. Editado por Jorge M. Mayer y Ernesto A. Martinez. Buenos Aires: Luz del Dia, 209. Another example: “Demetrio Pe˜ na finally remembered us. He wrote on the 9th of the present a long letter from Valparaiso: I would like to have time to to transcribe it for you so that you could judge its merit”, Billinghurst to Frías, Cobija, April 24, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 447. 70 F. Frías to M. Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-CBN, Legajo 679, nº 9.915.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

105

of the Carrera brothers, sending it to the editor of the Correo Literario.71 This was not always done to comment on the politics of the day though and could alter its meaning. For example, a letter from Barros Arana describing exile in Paris was read aloud to a circle of like-minded opposition figures who then took the decision to send it to the Mercurio, while “erasing the explosions (reventones ) of Chilean politics.” The letter as published, devoid of political content in a context of repression and censorship, became a simple literary expression of travels in Spain and France.72 While the author’s intentions were important in considering if a letter could be considered private or public, the recipient—or interceptor—was also an important agent in the process. Of course, the letter writer could not control how the letter was to be used, and the threat of interception by the authorities was real. The Argentine military officers were constantly beset by fears of interception, not only because of the possibility of revealing their military plans, but also because publication of the letters in the Buenos Aires newspapers could result in a propaganda coup for Rosas. “I have seen what Rodríguez said in his diplomatic notes,” wrote General Anselmo Rojo. “Rosas will print Rodríguez’s notes, that favor him so much, and our writers in Chile will meet them in field of battle.”73 Rojo is referencing the continual propaganda battles between the Buenos Aires newspapers and the exile writers in Chile, a subject to which we will return. The interception and publication of confidential messages could also compromise the émigrés’ protectors, as was the case when letters written from Paunero to Frias in 1846 were intercepted, forcing Frías to insist to the Bolivian president that the content would not jeopardize relations with Rosas.74 Public letters represent one side of a continuum going from confidential correspondence to those that were intended for publication. A classic

71 B. Vicu˜ na Mackenna to Diego Barros Arana, Santiago, August 19, 1858, ANCh, Archivo Fern´andez Larraín (hereafter ANCh-FL), Vol. 117, 8. 72 Marcial Gonz´alez to Barros Arana, January 15, 1860, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1650 (1–5) doc. 1649 (1–2). 73 Anselmo Rojo to F. Frías, Tupiza, August 15, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 101–2. For interception, also see Amante, Destierro, 57–61. 74 F´elix Frías to Jos´e Ballivi´an, June 26, 1846, Valparaiso, AGN-CBN, Legajo 679, no 9.111. Paunero was at that point an official in the Bolivian military, diplomatic representative of Montevideo in Bolivia, and liaison with the émigrés in Chile (as well as Ballivián’s brotherin-law). Frías was Bolivian consul in Chile.

106

E. BLUMENTHAL

example in the context of nineteenth-century émigrés are those published in the Sarmiento’s Viajes. Before publication as a book, extracts of the letters had already been published during his voyages “in the press in Montevideo, France, Spain and Chile,” as Sarmiento proudly affirmed. Choosing to publish his narrative in the form of letters was not an arbitrary esthetic choice, but rather because the letter is “such an elastic and ductile literary genre that lends itself to all forms and admits all subjects.” It allowed him “to follow the lazy gait (andar abandonado) of the letter, that fits so well with the natural variety of the voyage,” giving a personal and direct tone to his reflections on the countries he was visiting, comparing them constantly to Chile and Argentina.75 This is the classic genre of the Romantic public letter that uses the tone of an intimate letter to give emotional immediacy to a political text.76 This same informal approach, and its relation with emigrant mobility, is also found in unpublished correspondence and underscores the relationship between the genre and the political practices of emigration in the nineteenth century. Alberdi went even further in interpreting this ambiguity of private correspondence and the Romantic public letter. He chose to disseminate one autobiographical text through the press, even though he considered it a text that was “private, that will not interest the public” and “confidential.” He published the narrative in the form of four public letters, one for each period of his life, and explained his choice of the press saying it was “the most economic means” of disseminating the text to the members of his family. Yet like Sarmiento, he understood the letter as “the form that is most advisable to the intimate conversation that is epistolary correspondence.”77 The fiction of intimate conversation typical of the genre made it easier for him to advance his argument, political and literary, of explaining his absence after decades of exile. Through this correspondence, the absent one became present, and an emotional bond could be reestablished with his readership in Argentina. Again, the letter was a form of assuring return from exile, when physical return was not possible or desired.

75 Sarmiento, Viajes, V–VI. Batticuore, La mujer romantica, ´ 106, 206. 76 Favret, Romantic Correspondence, 26. 77 “Mi vida privada que se pasa toda en la República Argentina”. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Imprenta europea, 261.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

107

Through its title—“My Private Life that Happened in the Argentine Republic”—Alberdi goes further in the private/public dichotomy. He claimed his “public” life started when he emigrated to Montevideo, in the sense that “you cannot call a writer’s life private when, from whatever foreign location, he is involved in the political and activist life of his country.”78 His decision to emigrate was at the origin of his entrance into public life, but it was also necessary in order to take advantage of political liberties that were not available in Rosas’ Buenos Aires. For Alberdi, the émigré’s life was necessarily public, and he established a parallel between the public/private dichotomy and that of Argentina/exile. Given his long absence abroad, Alberdi was affirming that his links to Argentina manifested themselves in public life, hence the public and political nature of correspondence that he nonetheless qualified as “private” and “intimate.” For Alberdi, the decision to emigrate, and stay abroad for decades after Rosas’ fall, was linked to a search for a political voice in Argentine politics.79 While gaining greater freedom of expression, exile and correspondence gave a political and national character to his most intimate thoughts.

Circulation of Texts and Formation of the Public Sphere We have seen how the émigrés established dense networks of communication, despite the technological constraints, to repair the social bonds broken by exile and to establish presence in absence. Given the political nature of exile, a major desire was regime change that would allow them to return home. But we can also find more prosaic concerns tied to survival, such as looking for work, housing or opportunities in other countries. This section looks at the modalities of the circulation of texts through correspondence in exile, the contents of which will be examined in Chapters 5–7. The mediating role of Argentine émigrés in the circulation of Romanticism in Chile has received attention from scholars. Through correspondence and articles published in Chilean periodicals, these émigrés played an important role in publishing French romantics and young Chileans adapted

78 Ibid., 307. 79 Adelman, Jeremy. 2007. “Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the

Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism”. Latin American Research Review 42 (2): 86–110.

108

E. BLUMENTHAL

these texts and ideas for their own purposes.80 Less well understood are the modalities of these circulations, how different texts traveled between different sites of exile, whether Argentinians in the 1830s and 1840s or Chileans in the 1850s. The central argument of this chapter is that this transnational circulation participated in the formation of the public sphere in South America, connecting debates in different countries.81 Journalism is key to exile correspondence in both qualitative and quantitative terms. Many studies have highlighted the role of the press in nationbuilding projects in Latin America.82 The sending of articles or newspapers, requests for publication and the search for jobs in newspapers, hint at the tight connections between journalism, correspondence and exile, many of them across the recently created international borders. Journalism was also a major source of employment for émigrés around the continent, ensuring their survival. Émigrés from the Argentine Confederation were central to journalistic production in Montevideo, Chile and Bolivia in the 1840s. Chileans played a similar role, although qualitatively and qualitatively less important, in Peru and the Río de la Plata in the 1850s.83 Chilean emigres used the transmission of texts via correspondence as a means of political action, sending political propaganda produced in exile for diffusion in Chile. Much of Barros Arana’s correspondence was comprised of the exchange of news, both comments concerning the countries he was

80 Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Jakši´c, Ivan. 2001. Andrés Bello: la pasión por el orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Myers, Jorge. 1998. “La Revolución en las ideas: La generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas”. In Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo 3, Revolución, República, Confederación (1806–52), Noemí Goldman (ed.), 3:381–445. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Stuven, Ana María. 2000. La seducción de un orden: las elites y la construcción de Chile en las polémicas culturales y políticas del siglo XIX. (Investigaciones). Santiago, Chile: Ediciones Universidad católica de Chile. Subercaseaux, Bernardo. 1981. Cultura y sociedad liberal en el siglo XIX: Lastarria, ideología y literatura. Colección Bello. Santiago: Aconcagua. 81 Preuss, Ori. 2016. Transnational South America: Experiences, Ideas, and Identities, 1860s –1900s. Routledge. 82 Alonso, Paula, ed. 2004. Construcciones impresas: panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, 1820–1920. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Gonzalez Bernaldo, Civility and Politics. Donghi, Tulio Halperín, Ivan Jakši´c, Gwen Kirkpatrick, y Francine Masiello, eds. 1994. Sarmiento: Author of a Nation. Berkeley: University of California Press. 83 This will be examined in the following chapters in terms of labor markets, exile politics and participation in host country politics.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

109

visiting as well as of the situation in Chile. In this way, he was abreast of the political situation that kept him from returning.84 Barros Arana also sent and commented on pamphlets written abroad for dissemination in Chile. “I read the pamphlet written by the exiles (desterrados ) in England and I agree with your opinion. They have been devoured here, and everybody, after reading them, thinks like us.”85 In the context of revolution, repression and censorship in Chile, émigrés, because of their relative freedom of expression, appear as a valuable source of information on the state of Chile, even when this information was not overtly political. “I received by steamer the package (pacotilla) of pamphlets against Montt and all have been conveniently distributed.”86 Similarly, Bilbao’s correspondence from his Buenos Aires exile with Miguel Luis Amunátegui includes the regular exchange of books and newspapers, involving politics as well as literary matters.87 During the 1850s and 1860s, texts also circulated between Chilean émigrés and their hosts in the Río de la Plata. While in Paris in 1860, after having spent most of 1859 in Buenos Aires, Barros Arana received requests to purchase books from B. Mitre. Mitre also updated him on the Argentine conflicts and narrated his campaign to become governor of Buenos Aires, including a copy of one of his speeches. He also confessed his jealousy of

84 Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago, to Diego Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, April 30, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1635 (1–2) Caja 58, doc. 1636 (1–4). Their correspondence in Cajas 58 and 59 contain many examples of this type. 85 Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago, to Diego Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, October 31, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1642 (1–5) Caja 58, doc. 1641 (1–2). The pamphlet in question is Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín y Ramón Lara. 1859. Montt, Presidente de la República de Chile, i sus ajentes ante los tribunales i la opinión pública de Inglaterra. Paris: L. Guerin. Also see Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago to Diego Barros Arana, March 15, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1656 (1–2) doc. 1657 (1–3), where Gonz´alez narrates the reception of a pamphlet published by Lara in Mendoza. Lara, Ramón. 1860. El gobierno de Montt y sus ajentes. Una de mil. Manuel Montt, titulado Presidente de Chile, despues de haber usurpado a los pueblos … Mendoza 1 de marzo de 1860. Mendoza: s.n. Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago to Diego Barros Arana, Paris, October 17, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1674 (1–2), doc. 1675 (1–3) for the pamphlet by Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1860. D. Juan Manuel Rosas delante de la posteridad y la confiscacion politica restablecida en la lejislacion de Sud-America. Lima: Estab. Tip. Aurelio Alfaro. See Chapter 6 for the context in which these pamphlets were written. 86 Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago to Diego Barros Arana, November 15, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1643 (1–2) Caja 58, doc. 1644 (1–3). He included a letter for Vicu˜ na Mackenna, also in exile in Buenos Aires. 87 Revista chilena de historia y geografía, 1931, LXIX (73), 5–32.

110

E. BLUMENTHAL

Barros Arana’s life as a historian working in European archives.88 Mitre had already shared sources from his personal collection with Barros Arana.89 These exchanges were born in exile. Mitre lived for several years in Chile, where they had mutual acquaintances, and they formally met during Barros Arana’s exile but Barros Arana’s book-dealing in Paris had a much longer history. His father, Diego Barros, whose commercial ties to Buenos Aires were examined in the previous chapter, had been dealing in books with Pedro de Angelis since the 1840s, and Barros Arana took over this business in the 1850s.90 De Angelis offered to present Barros Arana in Paris, and they regularly exchanged sources during Barros Arana’s stay in Buenos Aires.91 Barros Arana’s exile networks, which he used for historiographical benefit, were piggybacking on the older commercial networks of his father. The Chilean exile production and circulation appears centered on Santiago. Letters were sent to Chile, mostly to the capital, from where articles, pamphlets and other texts were distributed, whether clandestinely or to be (re)published in the newspaper. There was not so much circulation, at least in the selected samples, between different sites of exile (none, e.g., between Lima and Buenos Aires, although there were several between Europe and the Río de la Plata). For example, in exile in Buenos Aires, Barros Arana received news from Lima, and even from Mendoza, via his friends in Santiago. His Argentine family also kept him informed.92 After moving to 88 Mitre, Bartolom´e, July 26, 1860, Buenos Aires to Diego Barros Arana, BNCh-SM, Caja 60, doc. 2203 (1–3), 2202. Baudrix or Mariano Balcarce was to facilitate the money transfer. 89 Mitre, Bartolom´e, February 19, 1859, Buenos Aires to D. Diego Barros Arana, BNChSM, Caja 60, doc. 2198, 2199. We will examine the impact of this circulation on Chilean historiography in Chapter 6. 90 Pedro de Angelis to Diego Antonio Barros, Buenos Aires, June 10, 1840 and to “Diego Antonio Barros and son”, January 31, 1848, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 487 and 488. Pedro de Angelis to Diego Barros Arana, Montevideo, September 8, 1854, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 493 (c2 doc 494); Buenos Aires, January 30, 1856, Caja 54, doc. 499 (500); Buenos Aires, November 20, 1858, Caja 54, doc. 501. Pedro de Angelis, of Neapolitan origin, was Rosas’ main publicist. Felipe Arana, Rosas’ Minister of Foreign Relations, was Diego Barros’ brother-in-law. 91 Montevideo, December 24, 1854, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 496 (c2 doc 497), and Buenos Aires, November 5, 1857, Caja 54, doc. 510. Quinta, January 26, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 505 (506). The source in question here was the minutes of a session of the Royal Academy of Denmark in Copenhagen. 92 Gonz´alez, Marcial, Santiago, to Diego Barros Arana, January 21, 1860, BNCh-SM, Caja 58, doc. 1651 (1–2) doc. 1652 (1–4), February 15, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1651 (1–2) doc. 1652 (1–4) and February 29, 1860, Caja 58, doc. 1654 (1–2) doc. 1655 (1–3).

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

111

Europe, letters addressed to him in Buenos Aires passed through the hands of his brother-in-law, Mariano Baudrix.93 Argentine production and circulation functioned differently. Exchanges between exile centers were more common, whereas missives sent to the Confederation tended to follow regional migration patters, such as from Chile to Cuyo. This can also be mapped visually, through a quantitative analysis of the previously cited correspondence. Compared to Chilean circulation patters, they are more multipolar and diasporic in that they link the different sites of exile without necessarily passing through the country of origin.94 Chilean circulation patterns, on the other hand, were centered much more on Santiago and showed remarkably little communication between sites of exile (see Figs. 3.1 and 3.2). The circulation of texts often had a commercial aspect to it. For example, Alsina asked Mitre to sell a text he had written on maritime law in Chile, Peru and Bolivia. He then sent copies of his translation of Thomas Chitty as well as pamphlets containing articles he had written on the Camila O’Gorman assassination.95 His motivations might have been as much to gain publicity as to make money. Chile at this point represented a major site of exile and a potential business market. J. M. Gutiérrez, during his eight years living in Chile, was at the center of the circulation of émigré writing. Mitre, on his way to Bolivia from Montevideo in 1847, brought with him 50 copies of Estebán Echeverría’s Dogma

93 Pascuala Arana to D. Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, August 26, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 518. This correspondence was nonetheless prone to disruptions because of the conflicts in the Argentine Confederation. On the occasion of the campaign leading to the battle at Cepeda in 1859, Pascuala asked her cousin in Paris for news from Chile that she was not receiving because of the blockade of Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires, July 27, 1859, BNCh-SM, Caja 54, doc. 519–20. 94 The use of “diasporic” here merely highlights the difference in circulation patters and does not involve theoretical pretensions. For the use and abuse of the concept of diaspora, see Dufoix, Stéphane. 2008. Diasporas. Berkeley: University of California Press. Also relevant is Smith, Robert C. 2003. “Diasporic Memberships in Historical Perspective: Comparative Insights from the Mexican, Italian and Polish Cases”. International Migration Review 37 (3): 724–59. 95 Alsina to B. Mitre, Montevideo, October 25, 1848, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 17; April 19, 1849, ibid., 20. Maritime law was important because of the Anglo-French blockade of Buenos Aires which many emigres supported. Camila O’Gorman was a cause c´el`ebre for Rosas’ opponents, a young, pregnant woman who was assassinated with her lover, a priest, by the mazorqueros after having fled Buenos Aires.

112

E. BLUMENTHAL

Fig. 3.1 Circulation of rioplatense Émigré Correspondence (Source Author’s data base. N = 300. Created using http://rawgraphs.io/)

socialista, an important exile text, as well as copies of Mármol’s Canto del peregrino, which Gutiérrez then distributed. Mitre then sent copies of his own Biografía de Indarte back to Montevideo, with a copy of a letter from Gutiérrrez and a proposal to commercialize the distribution of books between Chile and Uruguay. “You can send him the copies of Agresiones de Rosas that you were going to send to me, he has promised to distribute them to friends and also sell the quantity that you wish.” Sales overlapped free distribution and were a mixture of political activism and commercial interest. Mitre considered them “services of much importance, for you in particular as well as American literature in general.”96 Free distribution to friends was a way of promoting his own reputation, as well as the political cause. The copies of Echeverría’s Dogma socialista that Mitre brought to Chile were accompanied by a letter from the author to Gutiérrez, suggesting that he distribute them “among the Argentinians that could pay immediately”

96 Mitre to Lamas, Valparaiso, January 23, 1847, ibid., 10.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

113

Fig. 3.2 Circulation of Chilean Émigré Correspondence (Source Author’s data base. N = 76. Created using http://rawgraphs.io/)

and that he send copies to Alberdi, in Lima.97 In his response, Gutiérrez outlined the market conditions in Chile, claiming that the Dogma was selling better than Mármol’s Canto, because poetry was not “the best manifestation of political thought, and today the moment is political for Argentine émigrés, who will be the consumers of these two productions,” and offered to send copies on to Copiapó.98 Gutiérrez’s market analysis should be interpreted not as literary criticism, but rather the comments of a commercial agent, giving advice on sales. In a market made up largely of émigrés, the preference was for useful political works; Chileans apparently not buying the texts. In a similar exchange, Mármol informed Gutiérrez that 50 copies of his Canto were on the way (apparently the same referred to by Mitre), and that he would be sending 20 more plus 50 copies of an open letter 97 E. Echeverría to J. M. Guti´errez, November 1, 1846, AJMG, Vol. 2, 73–74. The letter also includes a reminder to charge “Isac” for the books he had already sold. 98 J. M. Gutíerrez to E. Echeverría, Valparaiso, January 15, 1847, AJMG, Vol. 2, 88–89. For the preference for politics over poetry, see Batticuore, Mujeres romanticas, ´ 57–58.

114

E. BLUMENTHAL

to the Gaceta de Buenos Aires. Mármol requested that he send back to Montevideo the copies he could not sell in Peru or Bolivia.99 According to Mitre, sales were not due to “love of poetry,” but rather “the activity and relations” of Gutiérrez, which hints that some of the purchases were the effect of solidarity as much as literary interest.100 Authors such as Mitre listened to Gutiérrez’s suggestions. Two decades later, Gutiérrez appears as an intermediary in the book exchanges between Bilbao and Amunátegui, and Bilbao recommended opening a Chilean bookstore in the Río de la Plata.101 Gutiérrez’s networks were not the only ones. Sarmiento had his own circuits for selling his literary output. In Copiapó, Antonio Aberastain was in charge of selling Sarmiento’s pamphlets to the émigré community, specifically named as the target market. Sales were made in subscription format, and the buyers did not necessarily know the content of the works they were buying, suggesting that the purchases were dictated at least in part by solidarity.102 After one such remittance, Aberastain noted the “faith we have here in you when we buy your merchandise as a sealed bundle.”103 These letters show the extent of the émigré literary networks in South America, from the Río de la Plata in the Atlantic, through Valparaiso, Copiapó, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador. The arrival in Chile of a large contingent of émigrés from the Río de la Plata after 1842, following the siege of Montevideo by Rosas’ Uruguayan ally, Manuel Oribe, also meant the expansion of a Pacific literary market for Río de la Plata authors. These markets existed primary because of political exile and were made up of Argentine émigrés. This does not imply that Chileans did not read Argentine émigré production, as we will see, but rather was a reflection of commercial circulation and a demand for news from the Río de la Plata region.

99 J. M´armol to J. M. Guti´errez, Montevideo, December 17, 1846, Archivo Gut´errez, II,

78. 100 Mitre to Lamas, Valparaiso, January 23, 1847, Mitre, Correspondencia literaria, 11. 101 Bilbao to Miguel Luis and G. Víctor Amunátegui, Buenos Aires, January 16, 1862. In

Revista chilena de historia y geografía, 1931, LXIX (73), 9–11. 102 A. Aberastain to Sarmiento, Copiapo, ´ August 5, 1845, Sarmiento, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 83. 103 A. Aberastain to Sarmiento, Copiapo, ´ August 27, 1845, ibid., 88.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

115

Facundo and the Development of a Transnational Public Sphere The circulation of Facundo, perhaps Sarmiento’s most famous book, illustrates these literary networks and how they played a role in shaping political discourse. The book is a well-known hybrid fiction/sociological interpretation of the civil wars in the Río de la Plata, through the portrait of the legendary caudillo Facundo Quiroga. It explains Rosas’ success in terms of a struggle between the city and the countryside as well as offering a historicist interpretation of Rosas’ place in history as the representative of deep historical forces.104 First appearing in serial format in the Santiago newspaper El Progreso, in May 1845, it quickly circulated throughout the continent. Sarmiento was receiving congratulations and requests for copies from Peru, Bolivia and Uruguay, even before the first book version came out in September 1845.105 Gutiérrez played a central role in distributing Facundo. He promoted the book in the Valparaiso newspaper El Mercurio and promised Sarmiento to do “the impossible, as they say in French” so the books would “arrive in time for you to do with them as you wish.”106 Sarmiento had sent copies of El Progreso in July, and later sent him 170 copies of the book to distribute in

104 The literature on Facundo is vast. A good place to start is the classic introduction by Alberto Palcos in Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1938. Facundo. La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata. 105 A. Aberastain to D. F. Sarmiento, Copiapo, ´ August 5 and 27, 1845, Sarmiento, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 83, 88. Domingo de Oro to Sarmiento, Lima, June 17, 1845 and July 22, 1845, ibid., 75, 81. Juan Andr´es Ferrera to DF Sarmiento, La Paz, July 4, 1845 ibid., 78. W. Paunero to Sarmiento, La Paz, July 4, 1845, ibid., 79–80. Oro indicates that he had read copies of the Progreso in Lima, and that he was waiting for copies of the book to distribute. In Octobre, Paunero expressed his impatience that the book still had not arrived. La Paz, October 3, 1845, ibid., 97. Villafa˜ ne also asked Frias to send hime copies of Facundo, as well as the biography of Aldao. Aguamiro (Peru), August 5, 1845, RBN, XXV (59), 270. Billinghurst, in Cobija, received a copy from Frías. Valparaiso, September 26, 1845, AGN-CBN, Legajo 680, nº 10.050. 106 Sarmiento to J. M. Guti´errez, Santiago, August 8, 1845; J. M. Guti´errez to Sarmiento, Valparaiso, August 27, 1845, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 85, 88. Citation on page 88. Sarmiento thanked him for his review in the letter from the 8th. The reaction of other Argentine émigrés in the press in Chile and Montevideo is well known. Carlos Tejedor in El Progreso and Demetrio Rodríguez Pe˜ na in El Mercurio both praised it, while Florencio Varela and Est´eban Echeverría criticized it, even while republishing it in El Nacional. See Palcos, “Introducción”, XVI–XVII, and also Diana Sorensen Goodrich, “The Wiles of Disputation: Alberdi Reads Facundo”. In Author of a Nation.

116

E. BLUMENTHAL

the Río de la Plata (clandestinely in Buenos Aires) and Europe. However, Sarmiento was most interested in Gutiérrez’s political and literary contacts, asking him to send copies to important contacts in Montevideo, such as Echeverría, Varela and Rivera Indarte, as well as the Times of London and “your friends in France, in the National, La Democracia Pacifica, Revista de Paris and de Ambos Mundos.”107 The results of Gutiérrez’s approach show the importance of the circulation of Facundo in Sarmiento’s strategy to make a name for himself in the other exile centers. At this point, Sarmiento was not well-known outside of Chile and Cuyo and therefore depended on these literary networks for introductions in the Río de la Plata, among the émigré porteños of Montevideo. At one point, Echeverría wrote to Gutiérrez to ask him about the author of books on Facundo Quiroga and Aldao that were so popular in Montevideo.108 Sarmiento used his book as a calling card, personally sending a copy to General Paz in anticipation of his stop in Montevideo on the way to Europe, at the end of 1845.109 Although books were sometimes lost, the circulation of Facundo was remarkably fast. Upon arrival in Río in 1846, Sarmiento wrote to ask about the copies that Gutiérrez had sent ahead and which had apparently never arrived.110 Yet by the end of 1845, émigrés across the continent had read or heard about it, and the impact of this important work began to make itself felt. Even before Facundo was written, it was being talked about in exile. Sarmiento used his contacts in the émigré communities of the Pacific to collect testimonials of people from La Rioja who had known the legendary caudillo. Aberastain asked the residents of Copiapo for written testimonials.111 Riojanos made up a significant contingent of émigrés in Chile, 11% 107 D. F. Sarmiento to J. M. Guti´errez, Santiago, July 24 and August 22, 1845, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 82, 86–87. Citation page 87. While Guti´errez took care of distribution, the Argentine merchant “Pe˜ na” (perhaps Jacinto Rodríguez Pe˜ na) was in charge of logistics: stockage of the books in Valparaiso, reserving passage on a ship and advancing money. Guti´errez to Sarmiento, Valparaiso, September 1845, ibid., 90; Sarmiento to Guti´errez, Santiago, September 2, 1845, ibid., 91. 108 E. Echeverría to J. M. Gut´errez, Montevideo, November 25, 1845, AJMG, Vol. 2, 34. 109 Montevideo, December 22, 1845, Correspondencia, I, 106. 110 Sarmiento to J. M. Guti´errez, Río de Janeiro, March 1, 1846, AJMG, Vol. 2, 48. Sarmiento added he was afraid “the shipment (carretada) that went to France is lost in some port”. 111 A. Aberastain to D. F. Sarmiento, Copiapo, ´ March 16 and April 20, 1845, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 63–65, 73.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

117

of the members of the 1852 Constitutional Club of Santiago, and 13% or the Copiapó branch of the club.112 Word also reached Bolivia; Villafañe let Frías know that he would not be able to help Sarmiento. La Madrid wrote in his memoirs that he went to Sarmiento’s house in Santiago several times to talk about the civil wars and Quiroga.113 The correspondence and discussions that accompanied the writing of Facundo allowed Sarmiento to bring together different images and stories that were circulating—publicly and privately—among the émigrés concerning Quiroga. After collecting, assembling and interpreting these stories, Sarmiento distributed them to the various exile centers. Sarmiento also tested these narratives in his correspondence. Shortly after emigrating to Chile in 1841, he wrote to a friend from his province of origin, San Juan, about how he had narrowly escaped death. After his release from prison, before his “banishment” (destierro) to Chile, he wrote “on ne tue point les idées” (you cannot kill ideas) in French on the walls of his rural home. Rumors were circulating in San Juan that it in fact meant “montoneros, sons of bitches, one day you will pay.” In Facundo, he translated it as “you can cut a man’s throat, but not an idea’s,” followed by an explanation of the role of Chilean liberty in providing a refuge for Argentine émigrés.114 The correspondence formed a first draft of more public writings that could be tested with a sympathetic public. Just as Sarmiento incorporated anecdotes that he had already used in letters into the book, the legends that circulated in the Pacific about the caudillo formed a sort of collective first draft of the final text. It is not surprising that many of his 112 This was calculated using the Santiago club affiliated with Sarmiento, because of the lack of birthplace information for the majority of members of the rival Valparaíso club affiliated with Alberdi. Author’s database. Also see Blumenthal, Edward. 2019. “Los clubes constitucionales argentinos en la costa del Pacífico (1850–1855): Exilio y retorno en la ‘provincia flotante’”. Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio Ravignani” 3a (51): 17–55. 113 B. Villafa˜ ne to F. Frías, Lima, April 16, 1845, RBN, XXV (59), 249. La Madrid, Memorias, 531. 114 “hijos de una gran puta, montoneros, un día me la pagar´an”. Sarmiento to Manuel Jos´e Quiroga Rosas, Los Andes, December 16, 1840; Santiago, February 19, 1841, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 11, 18. “A los ombres se deg¨uella: a las ideas no”, Facundo, 3. Another parallel between the letters and the introduction can be found in the way in which Sarmiento highlights the physical violence he suffered. In his letter he wrote that “el día que me degollaron, lancearon, etc´etera, en San Juan, al pasar a mi destierro (…)”, while Facundo reads “salia yo de mi patria desterrado por l´astima, estropeado, lleno de cardenales, puntazos i golpes recibidos el dia anterior”. See Concha, Jaime. “On the Threshold of Facundo”. In Author of a Nation.

118

E. BLUMENTHAL

sources were unhappy with the final result, upset to discover that Sarmiento had represented their stories in ways of which they did not approve.115 The goal of these exchanges was to enlarge readership beyond the immediate site of exile. Montevideo, Santiago or Valparaiso were no doubt too small as markets for the émigrés’ ambitions. And thinking about the postRosas order, it was necessary to reach the largest possible “Argentine” public. This would be the ideal public given the difficulties in making themselves heard (expressing voice) in Buenos Aires. This is particularly true for Sarmiento who used Facundo to make a name for himself among the porteño émigrés in other sites of exile. These émigré correspondence practices complicate the notion of public sphere, understood as having sharply drawn distinctions between public and private as well as between national and foreign. The practice of reading and writing letters blurs the lines between public and private in an incipient public sphere that extended beyond national borders, effectively trasnationalizing it. The émigrés read and wrote texts that fed the public sphere in the different sites of exile, while exchanging them through networks that crossed international borders.116 While this was true for the Chileans that sent letters, pamphlets and books to fight President Montt, it was equally true for the Argentinians whose texts circulated in a more decentralized space outside of the territorial boundaries of the future Argentine Republic. This highlights the historicity of the transnational exile network. South American political exile networks in the nineteenth century were based on the traditional medium of epistolary correspondence and the circulation of print technology. Though one could, by analogy, consider print technology as revolutionary—as Anderson does—or even hold that circulation was accelerated by the introduction of the steamship in these years, the fundamental historicity lies elsewhere. As we have seen, these commercial and migratory circuits these networks traveled through were preexisting, and it was the slow consolidation of national societies that made them transnational. This, as I will continue to argue, was also a product of the same political circulations.

115 De la Madrid complained about this in Memorias, 531. Also see the famous letter from Alsina to Sarmiento where he criticizes the lack of rigor with which Sarmiento described Quiroga. “Notas de Valentín Alsina”, Facundo (Palcos), 349–419. 116 See Note 4.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

119

Exile Journalism Networks and the Transnational Public Sphere The diasporic nature of exile correspondence and the imagination of a shared exile public sphere are particularly clear in the way in which émigrés from the Confederation used the mail to exchange, publish and comment on newspaper articles. We have seen that it was common to spread news through epistolary exchange. In many ways, this was just a more formal means of doing so. As in the case of Facundo, many works were first published serially in newspapers and circulated in this form. Sending articles and whole newspapers was as common as expressions of friendship and discussions of the political situation. The same articles were then being read across the different centers of exile. We have already seen how Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna published in Chile from exile. Francisco Bilbao also had his articles republished in Chile. An article published in El Uruguay of Entre Rios subsequently appeared in El Mercurio of Valparaiso and the Correo del Sur of Concepción in 1858, for example.117 His debate with Sarmiento, analyzed in Chapter 7, was covered in Santiago.118 However, these Chilean networks lack the sustained diasporic nature of the correspondence networks of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation. Mitre, for example, made sure that his friends in the Atlantic had access to his newspaper, El Comercio, and the books and pamphlets published in its presses, when he was editor between 1849 and 1851. In exchange, he asked for newspapers from Montevideo.119 For the émigrés living in Bolivia, Chilean newspapers were particularly valuable, representing contact with the Río de la Plata. Even before moving from Bolivia to Chile, Félix Frías received multiple requests for Chilean newspapers that he obtained as a result of his contacts with émigrés in Chile. Guillermo Billinghurst, émigré 117 Solar G., Felipe del. 2012. Las logias de ultramar. En torno a los orígenes de la francmasonería en Chile 1850–1962. Santiago: Occidente, 36. 118 El Correo Literario, August 7, 1858. 119 Mitre, Valparaiso to A. Lamas, Río de Janeiro, September 29, 1848 and March 4,

1851, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 24, 44. Among the works, he mentions are his Artillery Manual, and a translation of William H. Prescott’s Conquest of Peru (originally published in 1847), as well as a future translations of Conquest of Mexico (1843) and The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic (1837) (Mitre refers to it as History of the Catholic Monarchy). He also evokes the publication of biographical portraits of San Martín and Bolívar, anticipating the historiographical work he would begin a few years later.

120

E. BLUMENTHAL

merchant living in Cobija, Bolivia, was another valuable source of Chilean newspapers thanks to his commercial ties in the Pacific.120 Chilean émigré journalism had a particular attraction for Frías and Villafañe, as we will see. The constant exchange of newspaper articles was not just to stay abreast of the news. It was also a source of material for publication in local newspapers, as well as an outlet for expanding readership and distributing these same local newspapers. Although the networks for distributing newspapers were similar and parallel to those already discussed for books, the distribution of newspapers was less commercially motivated and seems rather to have been based on extending readership and reputation. During his stay in Bolivia between 1841 and 1844, Frias was in regular contact with V. F. López in Chile. They regularly published one another’s work in their own newspapers. In one of their first exchanges after finding jobs in exile in 1841, López asked Frías to find subscribers in Bolivia and promised to send him copies of El Progreso, the newspaper he had founded with Sarmiento, “so that you will have material for your pen and I hope you will do the same for me.” López also promised to send an editorial to El Mercurio, “because it is Piñero’s paper”—Piñero was another émigré, editor of the paper—that would analyze the Bolivian press and promote Frías’ articles in Chile, which were also “in the hands of the editors of the Semanario.” López was using his contacts to ensure distribution of Frías’ work not only in periodicals controlled by émigrés—El Progreso, El Mercurio—but also those in Chilean hands, such as El Semanario, the flagship magazine of Chilean romantic youth of the Generation of 1842.121 López also sent copies of the polemics that had resulted in attacks on the émigrés, as well as articles published in El Progreso. He asked that Frías forward them to others in Bolivia, in particular, General Paz, and promised to send news from the Río de la Plata when he received it from Montevideo. López complained about the attacks on himself and Sarmiento in El Semanario.122

120 Villafa˜ ne to Frías, La Paz, September 19, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 510; April 19, 1844, RBN, XXV (59), 153. Billinghurst to Frías, Cobija, April 24, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 448. 121 V. F. Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 500. 122 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Frías, Santiago, February 3 and 9, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 32–35. The

articles included Teatro, A˜ no Nuevo, Boletín Bibliografico, ´ Jorge Sand, Monarquia and Revoluci´on Argentina. This last one is probably López’s anonymously published: 1841. Anuncio: Vindicación de la República Arjentina en su revolución y sus guerras civiles por A. Y X, emigrados arjentinos. Santiago: Imprenta Liberal.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

121

The dissemination of the press was not limited to articles written by fellow émigrés. López also sent much of the production of the Generation of 1842 that was not limited to the Romantic polemics. He sent copies of José Victorino Lastarria’s opening speech to the Literary Society that marked the Generation of 1842, and copies of the Semanario, its flagship weekly.123 Not without biting criticism though, calling it “vulgar work, copied on what was done in our salon; but he concealed that he had read ours.” This comment highlights the competition to appear in the Romantic vanguard but it also nuances the idea of Argentine “influence” on Chilean Romantics. López was helping to disseminate Chilean writing in South America, showing the permeability of the transnational public sphere to the more “national” public spheres evolving in sites of exile. Argentinians throughout the continent were reading the same texts but they were also sharing “Chilean” texts in Bolivia. News and newspapers passed from the Atlantic through Chile before being disseminated in the Pacific to Bolivia, Peru and beyond. Émigrés in Bolivia kept abreast of the news in the Río de la Plata through Chilean newspapers, often edited by exiles.124 In Montevideo, Florencio Varela sent copies of his new newspaper, El Comercio del Plata, to El Mercurio and El Progreso in Chile, as well as to his friend J. M. Gutiérrez, while publishing letters and other texts by Gutiérrez in his own.125 Frías also had articles republished in El Nacional of Montevideo, edited by José Rivera Indarte.126 Frías sent pamphlets and articles from the Mercurio as far away as Ecuador.127 Throughout the continent, the same articles were being read, commented and republished in the different exile centers.

123 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 497. 124 V. F. Lopez ´ (Santiago) to F. Frías (Chuquisaca), April 1, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 51. 125 F. Varela, Montevideo to J. M. Guti´errez, November 13, 1845, AJMG, Vol. 2, 32. 126 Rivera Indarte to Frías, Montevideo, November 6, 1844, RBN, XXV (59), 209. He added that Frías’ pamphlets were being read in Montevideo, notably El Cristiantismo Cat´olico, that had been brought and distributed by the Chilean Francisco Bilbao, exiled from Chile for blasphemy! 127 Juan Antonio Guti´errez to F. Frías, Guayaquil, January 29, 1845, RBN, XXV (59), 230–31. Juan Antonio was Juan María’s brother. Frías sent a copy of El Cristiantismo Cat´olico, as well as a pamphlet by Alberdi, Las altas Conecciones de la cuestion del Plata con los Estados de la Am´erica del Sur.

122

E. BLUMENTHAL

This dissemination of each other’s work throughout the Pacific was for republication as well as consumption, as López stated. López also asked Frías to write in his newspaper (El Filántropo) about “El Progreso’s poetry … you should also write about the merit of the editorials published, always contracted with the good of the country and with elevated and civilizing intentions.” Just as López was promoting the Bolivian press (which was Frías’ work) in Chile, he asked Frías to do the same in Bolivia, praising El Progreso. The reasoning behind this strategy seemed self-evident to López: “we need to help each other and what comes from abroad is always worth more.”128 This strategy sought to legitimize their position in the host country, using foreign references that were newspapers produced by fellow émigrés in other sites of exile. If the Chilean press praised Frías’ articles, or the Bolivian press praised López’s, it would help them maintain their position as respectable journalists in the host country. This was a reciprocal strategy, used by Frías and López, Gutiérrez and Varela, publishing in each other’s newspapers across the continent. Frías’ relationship with President Ballivián illustrates how publishing abroad helped legitimize émigrés in their host countries. As in Chile, émigrés made up a significant portion of newspaper writers. Frías approached Ballivián through Facundo Zuviría, exiled in Bolivia since 1831 and a close collaborator of Ballivián’s, with a project to start a newspaper with fellow émigré Benjamín Villafañe.129 There were both generational and ideological differences between the Unitarians of 1831 and the younger generation of Romantics, but it was not surprising for the recently arrived migrants to turn to those already established for support and work. Frías held up his connections to Chilean newspapers as a guarantee of journalistic quality and ideological dependability, while requesting government support for a new newspaper. “It does not seem to me to be necessary for me to explain the ideas that I will develop — they will be the same that I have already expressed some months ago in the articles that appeared in the Filántropo and that have been reproduced by the Mercurio of Valparaiso. I suppose that you must have seen them.” Frías promised that the new newspaper would have “the same character as the Mercurio and the Progreso” in the sense of the “dedication of these newspapers to the interests

128 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Frías, Santiago, April 22, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 57. 129 Frías to Facundo Zuviría, February 19, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 36–37.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

123

(general and social interests, preferred over political ones).”130 It is not a coincidence that the two Chilean papers held up as a reference were run by fellow émigrés. The newspaper was to be “more social than political, addressing the people more than the government, but not without applauding an administration that represents national demands with dignity.” According to him, it was their “condition as foreigners” that made it necessary to proceed in this way, as well as Frias’ conception of press independence. As Frías put it, “the more honorific the Government expects the press to be, the more civilizing independent the press is.”131 As we saw, this did not stop him from encouraging his colleagues in other countries to praise the Bolivian government. The dilemma of the émigré was trying to maintain a difficult balance between editorial freedom and loyalty to Bolivian patrons, avoiding entanglements while supporting the government. By claiming to avoid politics, Frías was emphasizing that the émigrés were not a danger to the host government. As we will see in later chapters, this claim to an apolitical position was not true, but it reveals the delicate position of émigrés who could be seen either as allies or as dangerous competitors. Although the newspaper project was apparently never carried out, Frías used his contacts in Chile to move there in 1844 while simultaneously getting himself named Bolivian Consul in Valparaiso. This was a professional move to advance his writing career in the public eye, based on the opportunities for newspaper work he learned about in his correspondence with émigrés like López and Piñero. He had already published in Chilean newspapers while still residing in Bolivia, and with every setback he encountered in Bolivia, the idea of re-emigrating appears. “Fearing that our war will be long, and seeing myself obliged to continue living in Bolivia for a few more years, I have resolved to move to Chile if there is no opportunity to invade our Northern Provinces.”132 Villafañe, who had migrated to Bolivia from Chile in 1841, advised Frías to make the move if the “discouragement” Frías felt due to his work issues “was justified”; he too was thinking of returning when his financial position improved.133 The duration of exile could change professional calculations; despite a position that was supposed

130 Ibid. 131 Ibid., Strikethrough in original draft manuscript. 132 Frías to General Anselmo Rojo, Sucre, August 9, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 97. 133 Villafa˜ ne to F. Frías, La Paz, December 4, 1842, RBN, XXV (59), 16–17.

124

E. BLUMENTHAL

to be temporary, Frías began to think more and more about improving his private, professional situation. Frías hinted about moving to Chile throughout his stay in Bolivia between 1841 and 1844, though he made his decision only after conflicts, intrigues and rivalries with other émigrés, primarily Zuviría, undermined his position with Ballivián according to Frías.134 He had several job offers that would have taken him out of Bolivia, including newspaper writing in Chile or a diplomatic mission to represent Bolivia in Peru or Chile. Combining the two, in a country “where it is essential for me to be to continue my literary education,” was ideal.135 Thus, he accepted a job as consul in Valparaiso.136 Frías’ experience in Bolivia shows how, as temporary exile became more permanent, émigrés started thinking more about their professional careers. These careers were conditioned by relations with patrons in host countries as well as earlier arrivals. With survival assured from a paying job, they could think more about their long-term political and personal positions. Newspaper work remained intimately connected to work in the public administration. The place accorded to exile politics in these newspapers—in particular the Chilean ones—suggests the existence of an important Argentine readership in the Pacific, though it is difficult to quantify. A fairly unified market existed between Montevideo, Chile and Bolivia, extending into Peru, Ecuador, Brazil and perhaps beyond. An “imagined community” existed outside the borders of the Argentine Confederation that was not contained within any one host country. These connections facilitated the exile labor markets analyzed in the next chapter.

134 Villafa˜ ne to Frías, La Paz, September 12, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 112–13. 135 Frías to Paunero, Chuquisaca, July 24, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 92. One month later he

was nonetheless discussing accompanying the General Margari˜ nos, another émigré in Ballivian’s service, on a military mission to Paraguay. 136 M. de la Cruz M´endez (Bolivian Minister of Foreign Relations) to Frías, Sucre, August 3, 1844, RBN, XXV (59), 176. Cruz M´endez to Frías, Sucre, September 27, 1844, 194, Cruz M´endez to Frías, Sucre, November 3, 1844, 205, Gen Jos´e Ballivi´an, President of Bolivia, to F´elix Frías, Sucre, November 3, 1844, 207.

3

EPISTOLARY EXCHANGE AND THE EXILE EXPERIENCE …

125

Transnational Networks Before the Nation Exile correspondence networks played a multifaceted role. They allowed émigrés to renew social bonds, projecting presence in absence, to families and friends at home as well as to other sites of exile. Furthermore, they were a reflection of a broader range of sociability practices, from conversation to formal publication, that nuance the idea of a strict division between public and public spheres. These networks were transnational, in that they connected exile communities throughout South America and into Europe, crossing the new international borders. These practices inform the historicity of transitional networks. The nation is a historical construct and these networks were neither national, nor ahistorical. As we saw in Chapter 1, they followed colonial-era patterns of circulation and mobility. Yet their members thought of themselves as citizens of modern nations, part of a wave of liberal democratic nationalism. The networks, while “acting” colonial, were helping to construct the nation, as we will see in later chapters. It is necessary to historicize networks by seeing how they effect and are affected by historical developments such as the creation of international borders. Borders changed these networks, transnationalizing them, just as the networks helped shape the border. This is clear when it comes to the emerging “national” public spheres, which were deeply connected through correspondence networks, the consequences of which will be examined in more detail in subsequent chapters. Throughout the Pacific, émigrés as well as host societies were reading Facundo and other texts circulated and published by émigrés. This illustrates how the “diasporic” nature of the exile public sphere, so pronounced in the case of the Argentine émigrés, was connected to national public spheres. The émigrés were not floating and publishing in the ether of this transnational space as implied by Alberdi’s poetic “floating province.” They were territorialized, anchored in specific local communities that constrained their actions, communities that will be examined in the following chapters. Émigrés were therefore writing for several distinct publics, starting with the transnational exile public analyzed here and made up of the different sites of exile (in particular in Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Montevideo) as well as clandestine distribution at home. They were also writing for local publics, made up of host society and, finally, a third public, that of the other countries where their works were being republished, for example, Chile in the

126

E. BLUMENTHAL

case of the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation working for Ballivián. Interestingly, this last public is less present in the counterexample of Chilean émigrés, highlighting the importance of comparisons when doing connected history. What is true for Argentine émigrés is nonetheless true to a lesser extent for the Chilean émigrés. Their networks were less diasporic and decentralized, but they too fashioned transnational connections that spread dissenting literature through the continent and back at home. This was not “influence,” nor Argentine introduction of Romanticism, but dialoging public spheres.

CHAPTER 4

Political Exile, Labor Markets and Institution-Building

The exile mobility described in the previous chapters came at a crucial moment of South American history, when countries were in the process of building the republican institutions of independent nation-states. Exile played a key role in staffing these institutions. The arrival of émigrés with specific abilities, useful to these institution-building dynamics, coincided with the need of the authorities for these same abilities. This occurred at a moment when the Romantic vision of culturally distinct “nationalities” was just beginning to take hold, and borders between the countries were quite porous, thus facilitating émigrés access to job markets. This chapter explores the ways by which émigrés participated in their neighbors’ nation-building projects through integration in labor markets that were key to these same processes. It argues that republican institutionbuilding was in part the product of transnational flows such as those studied in Chapter 2. It is also about survival in exile, and the way this private struggle for survival intersected with the needs of the new, growing public sector. These labor markets were not just in the public sector, that is those most traditionally linked to the construction of public, republican institutions (i.e., civil servants). They also included those domains that the actors saw as key institutions for forming nationalities, such as the press, education, law and civil service. The material conditions of exile conditioned the political engagement with their neighbors’ republican projects and also are important to understanding the evolution of political thought in exile, as

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_4

127

128

E. BLUMENTHAL

we will see in later chapters. It also provided background experience that would be valuable upon return. In this context, there was a demand for expertise in certain key domains that émigrés could fill. Chile had a history of employing foreigners in the public sector. In the 1830s, Portales hired Andrés Bello, Ignacio Domeyko (who had fled the Russian Empire after the failed Polish uprising of 1831) and the French naturalist Claudio Guy, and offered employment to several exiled Unitarians, such as Bernardo Rivadavia, Florencio Varela, Julián Segundo de Agüero and Valentín Alsina.1 Bello, a Caracas-born émigré who was a naturalized Chilean, is perhaps the prototypical émigré recruited into public service. He originally left Caracas to promote South American independence though diplomatic service in London (1810–1829), but could not return, first because of the wars of independence, and then because of his own ambiguous relationship with Simón Bolívar. He was also a member of the Chilean delegation starting in 1822, and his nomination to the Chile’s Ministry of the Treasury 1829 allowed him to move to Santiago, escape from poverty and begin a distinguished career in Chile. His biographer emphasizes how the psychological experience of exile was a formative experience for him.2 Chile offered him a professional and political escape from his situation, and the chance to continue his career. Bolivia too had a tradition of employing foreigners. Soldiers from the Río de la Plata and Nueva Granada (Colombia) were incorporated into its military after independence in 1825. More than half of the prefects named during the first president’s term, Antonio José de Sucre, were foreigners. Although Santa Cruz did not allow foreigners to occupy positions in the public administration when he became president in 1829, President José Ballivián (1841–1847) went back to previous practices.3 A local need for teachers and journalists rested on the view that whatever came from Buenos Aires or Santiago represented the avant-garde in the domain. Montevideo is given less attention in this discussion, though émigrés there worked in many of the same fields, because although formally independent Uruguay

1 Mayer, Jorge M. 1973. Alberdi y su tiempo. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de Buenos Aires, 392. 2 Jakši´c, Ivan. 2001. Andrés Bello: la pasión por el orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria,

21. 3 Peralta Ruíz, Víctor and Marta Irurozqui. 2000. Por la concordia, la fusión y el unitarismo: Estado y caudillismo en Bolivia, 1825–1880. Madrid: CSIC, 36–43.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

129

was subsumed in the Argentine civil wars. Furthermore, after 1842, Montevideo was under siege by Rosas’ allies who controlled much of the country, limiting the potential for developing republican institutions. In the 1840s, émigrés from the Argentine Confederation spread through the continent, working in Montevideo, Chile, Bolivia and Peru at a moment when Chile and Bolivia were experiencing a strong demand in these domains, thanks to a period of relative stability, political opening and expansion of public institutions. The émigrés’ education in the institutions created by Rivadavia a generation earlier was a strong advantage, giving them the expertise that Chilean society needed at that time, and promoting the “modernization of the Chilean state,” as Jorge Myers has put it.4 This went beyond Chile, however, and émigrés from the Argentine Confederation functioned as a transnational cohort of nation-builders. Because of their quantitative and qualitative importance, they sometimes formed labor niches in the 1840s in key professions such as journalism.5 As we will see, this is the consequence of a confluence of massive exile, pushing an entire generation of politicians and intellectuals into the market, and of demand on the part of receiving countries in the 1840s. A decade later, in the 1850s, Chileans exiled in Peru and the Argentine Confederation did not fill the same nation-building niches, although many did work as journalists in order to survive. Part of the reason may have been legal, because the Chilean constitution prohibited its citizens from

4 Myers, Jorge. 1998. “La Revolución en las ideas: La generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas”. En Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo 3, Revolución, República, Confederación (1806–52), editado por Noemí Goldman, 3:381–445. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 407–8. 5 As defined by Alejandro Portes (though not used here with the same ethnic sense): “ethnic niches emerge when a group is able to colonize a particular sector of employment in such a way that members have privileged access to new job openings, while restricting that of outsiders”. Portes, Alejandro. 2000. “Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology”. In Knowledge and Social Capital, Eric L. Lesser (ed.), 43–67. Boston: Butterworth-Heinemann, 56. Apart perhaps from journalism, these are not “true” niches in that the Argentine émigrés did not exercise a monopoly over these professions. The concept is nonetheless useful as it underscores their relative importance in these professions. Also see Waldinger, Roger. 1994. “The Making of an Immigrant Niche”. International Migration Review 28 (1): 3–30. Waldinger. 2005. “Networks and niches: The continuing significance of ethnic connections”. In Ethnicity, Social Mobility, and Public Policy: Comparing the USA and UK, Glenn C. Loury, Tariq Modood, and Steven M. Teles (eds.), 342–62. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

130

E. BLUMENTHAL

occupying public sector jobs in foreign countries.6 Yet much of it was due to historical contingency. Chilean émigrés in the 1850s encountered a chaotic political situation in the Río de la Plata, where Buenos Aires had seceded from the Confederation after Rosas’s fall in 1852, leading to a decade of conflict. In Peru, too, Chilean émigrés faced political conflict, albeit to a lesser degree, marked by the 1854 revolution, although the situation stabilized toward the end of the decade. This demand for émigré know-how, and the ability to fill it, was subject to historical contingencies that shaped later waves of political migration. The timing and sequencing of the different waves of exile affected the shape of exile labor markets, and Chilean émigrés did not encounter the same conditions for economic integration. At the same time, Chile was hugely attractive to émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, and their successful integration into Chilean nation-building projects made Chile more attractive as a destination, and increasing the demand for Argentine émigrés in key position. This is an example of path contingent dependency, whereby early integration into these key employment sectors in Chile and Bolivia shaped later migratory and political choices.7

Newspaper Writing, Survival and Émigré Integration Far and away the most important source of revenue in exile was employment in newspapers. As we will see in later chapters, this often implied involvement in local politics as well, but this section focuses on the mechanics of employment in exile. As we saw in Chapter 3, it was also transnational in nature, integrating different centers of exile and connecting “national” debates through discussion of continental topics, such as the position of Rosas in South America, and in these cities émigrés were an important part of the reading public. Journalism as a profession was closely related to the role of the press in nation-building in Latin America more broadly. As Paula Alonso has noted, the press played a key role in this process, promoting values, engaging in politics and facilitating debate, and was perceived as a way of measuring 6 Chapter IV. Art. 11. Clause 4. Argentine émigrés did not face this barrier, as there was no Argentine constitution in the 1840s. 7 Pierson, Paul. 2004. Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

131

freedom and the level of “civilization” in a country.8 This can be seen in commentaries by Sarmiento as to the intimate connection between press publications and a country’s material and moral progress—its “civilization and liberty”—that had an important role to play in national development, spreading knowledge and promoting commerce. Yet he could not help “deploring its backwardness” because of the lack of readers and the ignorance that he perceived in Chile and throughout Spanish America.9 Newspaper writing was seen not only as a political tool, but also as a part of the political culture they wished to establish. A general outline of the role Argentine émigré journalists played abroad is fairly well understood, as is that of Chilean émigrés in the Río de la Plata and Peru. In Montevideo, Argentine émigrés directed newspaper such as El Iniciador and El Nacional. In Chile, they directed or contributed to many newspapers and magazines, notably El Mercurio, El Progreso, and El Comercio de Valparaiso.10 El Mercurio, one of the most important newspapers in Chile (it is still operating) was the only daily until El Progreso’s founding in 1842, and was mostly run by émigrés in the 1840s.11 El Progreso, founded by Sarmiento and López, also held a prominent place in the 8 Alonso, Paula, ed. 2004. Construcciones impresas: panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, 1820–1920. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 8. 9 “Sobre la lectura de periodicos”, ´ El Mercurio, July 4, 1841. In Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1887. Obras De D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 1. Santiago de Chile: Impr. Gutenberg, 75–76. 10 The most complete summaries can be found in Jorge Mayer, Alberdi y su tiempo. Rojas, Ricardo. 1948. Historia de la literatura argentina: ensayo filosófico sobre la evolución de la cultura en el Plata. Tercera parte, Los Proscriptos. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada. Silva Castro, Raúl. 1958. Prensa y periodismo en Chile, 1812–1956. Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile. Also see Jakši´c, Ivan. 1994. “Sarmiento and the Chilean Press”. In Sarmiento: Author of a Nation. Tulio Halperín Donghi, Iv´an Jakˇsi´c, Gwen Kirkpatrick, and Francine Masiello (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press. Stuven, Ana María. 2000. La seducción de un orden: las elites y la construcción de Chile en las polémicas culturales y políticas del siglo XIX. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile. 11 José Luis Calle, owner and editor (1833–1838), Sarmiento (1841–1842), Miguel Pi˜ nero (September 1842–March 1843 and June–November 1843), Félix Frías (1843–May 1844), Alberdi (June/July 1844), D. Rodríguez Pe˜ na (August 1844–1846), Juan Carlos Gomez ´ (Uruguayan, 1846–1851), Juan Ramon ´ Mu˜ noz Cabrera (a Bolivian “that you would think was Argentinian”, 1851–1852). These were the editors, employed by the newspapers. Émigré contributors were also common. Briseño, Ramón. 1862. Estadística bibliográfica de la literatura chilena: Obra compuesta, en virtud de encargo especial del consejo de la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta chilena, 216. Silva Castro, Prensa y periodismo, 138–46.

132

E. BLUMENTHAL

1840s and was seen by many as an Argentine paper during this period. In Lima, where there was a large Chilean merchant presence, the main newspaper El Comercio was founded by the Chilean Manuel Amunátegui. While not a political émigré himself, he allowed many Chilean émigrés to publish in it, among them the Bilbao brothers and Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna.12 In the Argentine Confederation too, Chileans such as the Bilbao brothers, Ramón Lara and Diego Barros Arana, among others, worked in newspapers in Mendoza, Paraná and Buenos Aires.13 Yet the material aspect of journalism is still understudied. Working for a newspaper, in addition to providing a political outlet for émigrés, was also the main way of surviving financially in exile for educated émigrés. The example of Barros Arana is particularly instructive, and his family ties—his mother was from Buenos Aires—were essential to finding shelter and a job. He was living in exile with his cousin’s family when he learned of the defeat of the rebels in 1859 and realized that return would be difficult. This meant he would need to work to make a living, and his brother-in-law Mariano Baudrix got him a job as Paris correspondent for the Paraná newspaper El Nacional.14 Similarly, survival in exile helps explain why Francisco Bilbao accepted the post of editor of El Nacional Arjentino (Paraná) in 1859, the official newspaper of the Confederation, in opposition to his friend Mitre.15 Sarmiento underscored this motivation to his benefactor, Minister of Justice and Public Instruction, Manuel Montt, reveals. “I write as I did in ’41, out of the necessity to live and feed my family, and I will continue on this task as long as this position (i.e. exile) lasts; but it would be crazy to do so voluntarily.” This was, in fact, a veiled warning, as Sarmiento was alluding to his difficulties in Chile and hinting at a move to Bolivia.16 This hints at a certain competition between governments for the services of the Argentine 12 Bochner, Malcolm Ira. 2002. “Entrepreneurs of Exile: Chilean Liberals in Peru, 1851–1879”. Ph.D., United States, Connecticut: The University of Connecticut, 73–74. 13 An extensive recompilation of F. Bilbao’s journalism can be found in Varona, Alberto J. 1973. Francisco Bilbao Revolucionario de América. Vida y pensamiento: estudio de sus ensayos y trabajos periodísticos. Santiago: Ediciones Excelsior. 14 Diego Barros Arana to Rosalía Izquierdo de Barros, Buenos Aires, May 26, 1859, BNCh-

SM, Caja 61, doc. 2790. The newspaper was apparently El Nacional Argentino of Paran´a, the Argentine Confederation’s official newspaper. 15 He received a $150-month salary, plus a percentage of the subscriptions. Wasserman, Fabio. 2019. “Un chileno en la Plata”. Unpublished paper presentation. 16 Sarmiento to M. Montt, September 19, 1845, Sarmiento. 1999. Manuel Montt y Domingo F. Sarmiento: Epistolario, 1833–1888. Santiago: Lom Ediciones, 59.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

133

émigrés, who could relatively easily change countries and find a new job. Indeed, shortly thereafter Montt agreed to finance Sarmiento’s fact-finding trip to Europe and the United States to research public education. Sarmiento’s arrival in Chile in 1840 underscores the demand for Argentine journalists that existed in Chile at that time. After his first period in exile between 1831 and 1836, he returned to San Juan where he founded a newspaper and was active in politics against the Federalist governor of the province. In 1840, he was imprisoned and upon release fled the country. The most common narrative, based on Sarmiento’s own account in his correspondence and in Facundo, was that he fled the threat of violence at the hands of the Federalist militia to Chile, “where liberty still shined” and where he could “project the rays of the light from its press to the other side of the Andes.”17 Exile in this narrative was a question of projecting his voice across the Andes; exit was a means of participating more effectively against the San Juan government and Rosas. Though the violence he faced should not be underestimated, both this quotation and letters he wrote before his imprisonment show that he had been thinking about migrating for some time. In Chile in 1840, he wrote to a friend in Cuyo. “You are probably surprised that I am writing you from Santiago … fleeing you might say … banished?” No, he was simply accompanying his uncle, the bishop, on business in Chile. In an animated tone, he relayed the possibilities that awaited him in Chile. His previous work in education and journalism had “opened the way and the friendship and consideration of some distinguished Argentinians” already living in Chile. He was in touch with Mercurio owner, émigré and fellow sanjuanino José Luis Calle, who had agreed to projects—to what exactly is not clear—to promote their “social goals” and advance “the interests of our countries.”18 Sarmiento had clearly prepared the way to exile before the critical moment, assured he had an escape route, a possible job and a way of participating in Argentine politics from abroad. Exit was a way of securing voice and was not simply fleeing violence, although the violence was quite 17 Citation from Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1845. Civilizacion i barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga i aspecto físico, costumbres i habitos de la Republica Arjentina. 1a ed. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso, 4. 18 Sarmiento to Quiroga Rosas, San Felipe de Aconcagua (Chile), April 9, 1840, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1988. La correspondencia de Sarmiento: Años 1838–1854, Carlos S. A. Segreti (ed.). Vol. 1. Córdoba: Poder Ejecutivo de la Provincia de Córdoba, 7.

134

E. BLUMENTHAL

real. Indeed, he would soon be running El Mercurio, showing that he had thought out his employment options in a country where he had already worked. Exit, was not just absence, either, and the rupture with San Juan was less permanent than his narrative indicates; his father and his sisters made a series of trips back across the border between 1841 and 1845. Economic and political motives blend together in Sarmiento’s exile experience. When émigré Miguel Piñero, Sarmiento’s successor at the head of the El Mercurio at the end of 1842, returned to his position as editor after a hiatus because of ill health, he claimed to Frías that “this occupation will not make you rich … but what can you do, my friend, in a foreign country and without capital?”. He was able to make a decent living, however, and explained that he had entered into a profit-sharing arrangement with its owner, the Spanish-born José Santos Tornero, under which he claimed to be making a guaranteed 200 pesos monthly, with the possibility of making up to 300, “which is a lot in this country.” Piñero also confessed to having “a father’s love” for the newspaper, and that “the empty applause of the public also flatters our profession … As a writer, I have been very happy in this country.”19 Employment in newspapers employed close, albeit sometimes uncomfortable, relations with public authorities. Above and beyond official government newspapers, that were actively run by the state, private newspapers received most of their funding through government “subscriptions”; that is, subsidies that were necessary to finance the day-to-day operations. Indeed, the Chilean press law of 1828 stipulated that the government subscribe to 200 copies of every newspaper published in order to promote the press, as was common in Spanish America.20 For El Mercurio, the government subscription was its first source of revenue in 1842, according to its owner.21 In order to defend the government against the attacks of an opposition newspaper that accused the authorities of limiting press freedom, Sarmiento insisted that it was the lack of private subscribers, and not

19 Pi˜ nero to Frías, June 4, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 78. 20 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1846. Lejislación de la prensa en Chile: O sea manual del escritor, del

impresor y del jurado. Biblioteca de lejislación hispano-chilena. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio, 58. 21 Cited in Silva Castro, Raúl. 1958. Prensa y periodismo en Chile, 1812–1956. Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile, 148.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

135

press freedom, that was the number one enemy of newspapers in Chile. Newspapers existed “thanks to the philanthropy of government.”22 This often led to close relationships between newspapers, run by émigrés or not, and the authorities. For example, Facundo Zuviría, an émigré from Salta, was in charge of the official Bolivian government newspaper El Restaurador and Wenceslao Paunero ran La Época. Both had been in Bolivia since 1831. Another émigré, Rafael Beéche, had a contract with the government for the printing of official documents and newspapers.23 The émigrés who arrived in 1841 after the defeat of General Lavalle, among them Félix Frías and Benjamín Villafañe, also published in newspapers such as El Filántropo and El Observador, where they were paid 30 pesos per article.24 In seeking government support to start a new newspaper in 1843, Frías did not request a salary, noting that he did not need to receive a salary because he was already an employee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Public Instruction. He asked for a government subscription of 150 copies, “to cover the newspaper’s costs,” in exchange for “exclusive editorial direction” of the newspaper.25 He also promised to keep his superior in the ministry informed and to ask for his advice on “Bolivia’s true needs.”26 Politics was, in theory at least, to be confined to anti-Rosas activities that coincided with his patrons views of South American affairs. Though survival was imperative, building one’s reputation was as important as the salary received, as V. F. López’s experience upon his arrival in Chile in 1841 shows. Although he quickly obtained a position as co-editor of the Gaceta de Valparaiso with Piñero, he did not earn much money.27 Facing his father’s complaints, he claimed he would give up journalism altogether. Although he could continue making money as a journalist, “it brings many heartaches … and I am still not resigned to that which is the only means of making money that has presented itself to me.” His hopes were in starting a high school, which would open career opportunities and

22 “Sobre la lectura de periodicos ´ II”, El Mercurio, August 7, 1841, in Obras, Vol. 1, 81. 23 F. Frías to M. Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-CBN, legajo 679, no 9.915. 24 Benjamín Villafa˜ ne to F´elix Frías, La Paz, July 19, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 462. Frías to JM Guti´errez, Chuquisaca, May 1, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 70. 25 Frías to Facundo Zuviría, February 19, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 36–37. 26 Frías to Casimiro Ola˜ neta, Sucre, April 24, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 59. 27 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, July 2, 1842, AGN, Archivo Lopez ´ (hereafter AGN-

AL), Leg 2364, no 3955.

136

E. BLUMENTHAL

allow him to escape from the resentment he felt being a foreigner in journalism.28 López nonetheless hoped that journalism would open doors for him in Chile, and he never gave it up altogether. When he arrived in Chile and realized that he would not be returning to Buenos Aires any time soon, he headed to Santiago to look for work. Two factors made it easy for him to find a job, according to his narrative. The first was the help offered by the Canon Navarro, the priest his father had contacted to help, who “praised me highly, speaking well of me,” presented him to society in Santiago and lent him money as well. The second was the publication of a pamphlet on the political situation in the Río de la Plata that “allowed me to earn a bit of money and gave me the literary reputation I needed to find work.”29 Julián Navarro was a priest from Buenos Aires who arrived in Chile with the revolutionary armies in 1817, where he had attended university around 1800. While Navarro and his father’s support illustrate how family and merchant networks were used by émigrés, López’s strategy also follows the logic of a colonial letrado. For letrados of the ancien régime, the goal of publishing was not to make money but rather to acquire literary renown and social prestige, which would allow the writer to obtain a position in public office, a sinecure obtained thanks to literary services rendered to the authorities.30 Lopez’s correspondence, in particular with his father, is filled with reference to his “literary reputation” and “merits” he had earned, facilitating his reception into “society” as well as claiming to have received the “praise” of government ministers.31 Integration into Chilean society is here seen in terms reminiscent of the ancien régime, while López’s criticisms of journalism as a profession echoed his father’s advice. His father, 28 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 23, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3960. 29 V. F. Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 493–96. The 1841 pamphlet is Anuncio: Vindicación de la República Arjentina en su revolución y sus guerras civiles por A. Y X, emigrados arjentinos. Santiago: Imprenta Liberal. 30 Halperin Donghi, Tulio. 1994. “The colonial Letrado as a Revolutionary Intellectual: Deán Funes as Seen through his ‘Apuntamientos para una Biografía’”. In Revolution and Restoration: The Rearrangement of Power in Argentina, 1776–1860, Mark D. Szuchman and Jonathan Charles Brown (eds.), 54–73. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. For a classic view of the letrado’s relationship to power see Rama, Ángel. 1996. The lettered city. Durham: Duke University Press. 31 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, January 7, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3967; V. F. Lopez ´ a` V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, May 2, 1843, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3962.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

137

worried about his son’s future, wanted López to accept a better paying job as a teacher and looked down on a career in journalism as unworthy. This is also a relevant description of Frías’s relationship to the authorities in Bolivia, where he offered his newspaper services in exchange for a ministerial position. Piñero also talked of literary reputation in these terms, as we have seen. The challenge of constructing a literary reputation while closely connected to governmental authorities was key to obtaining paid positions in the public sector, as we will see below. While this letrado mentality persisted in the Romantic generation, they were also using the public sphere as a means of access to politics, opening spaces of debate and political plurality. This modernized both politics and professionalized journalism, as journalists began working for money, and the press was opened to debate.32 Barros Arana, who later became a friend of many Argentine émigrés, noted this relationship, holding that while their journalism may have seemed mediocre by late nineteenth-century standards, “it is necessary to place oneself in that era to value the contribution of their innovations.”33 Exile was part of this process, as the economics of the situation—i.e., the need for paid remuneration—forced the émigrés into market relationships with newspaper owners.

Émigré Networks and Employment in Journalism The interaction between émigré networks and the local labor market was key to staffing Chilean newspapers and starting new ones as a business venture. Indeed, this helps explain the vitality of Chilean journalism during the 1840s. There was fierce competition both among Argentine émigré writers, and newspapers to attract them. López noted that he had received various employment offers and that the émigrés were highly solicited in the market.34 Frías too, before moving to Chile at the end of 1843, had

32 González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 2003. “Sociabilidad y opinión pública en Buenos Aires (1821–1852)”. Debate y perspectivas: cuadernos de historia y ciencias sociales, no. 3: 55–80. 33 Barros Arana, Diego. 1905. Un decenio de la historia de Chile: (1841–1851). Vol. 1. Santiago: Impr. y Encuadernación Universitaria, 316. Myers has also remarked on the relationship between Argentine émigrés and a professionalization marked by technical ability, depoliticization of public discourse and a more detached style. “La revolucion ´ en las ideas”, 408–9. 34 V. F. Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 495–96.

138

E. BLUMENTHAL

to choose between taking over El Mercurio from Piñero or a position at El Progreso, and Piñero’ letters to him on newspaper employment in Chile, cited above, no doubt played a role in his move.35 This network helps to explain why the Mercurio was principally run by émigrés in these years. Although Alberdi was editor for only a few months in 1844, he worked to ensure that his circle would maintain control of the paper and continue to publish in it. He promised the owner, Santos Tornero, that he and Frías would publish a certain number of articles, paid by the column. “This system is excellent. It exempts us from any obligation whatsoever,” he noted to Frías. He seems to be referring to the daily work of running the newspaper; they could work and publish when they wanted and still get payed. “I told Tornero that if he wanted good writers, he has to pay them well and on time, without delay because they are poor and delicate people.”36 Frías and Alberdi—editor from his arrival in November 1843 to May 1844, and in June and July 1844 respectively—wanted to get out of the job of running the paper, but still wanted to be able to publish regularly. This was, not coincidentally, the moment when Alberdi, Piñero and other émigrés passed the bar exam to practice law in Chile. A few weeks later, Alberdi was negotiating with Demetrio Rodríguez Peña on behalf of Santos Tornero, so that Rodríguez Peña could take over editorial functions. Alberdi kept Frías abreast of the negotiations because the latter, though he was no longer interested in being editor, still wanted to publish articles on Bolivia in the paper. “In these negotiations, Peña has won and so have we. We are more homogenous, and we do not have to fear the dangers that comes with conflicting interests.”37 Santos Tornero had, in fact, agreed to allow Frías to publish articles on Bolivia, “with the condition that they be impartial,” but he could not remunerate him. Because Santos Tornero was already paying Rodríguez Peña as 35 Pi˜ nero to Frías, June 4, 1843, V. F. Lopez, ´ to Frías. Santiago, November 25, 1843. Rafael Minvielle to F´elix Frías, Santiago, November 26, 1843. RBN (XXV), 59, 78, 121–24. El Progreso was no longer in the hands of Sarmiento and Lopez ´ but had been bought by the Spanish citizen Rafael de Manville. 36 Alberdi to Frías, July 15, 1844, Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1976. Cartas inéditas a Juan Maria Gutierrez y a Felix Frías, Jorge M. Mayer and Ernesto A. Martinez (ed.). Buenos Aires: Luz del Dia, 212. Italics in the original. According to Silva Castro’s timeline, Alberdi was editor in June and July of 1844, before handing the editorial office off to Frías. He also pushed for Pi˜ nero’s participation. Piñero had quit the position as editor in order to become a lawyer. He died of tuberculosis in 1846. 37 Alberdi to Frías, August 1, 1844, RBN (XXV), 59, 174–75.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

139

editor, he said he could only pay Frías for the occasional article, though this reneged on their original agreement.38 The continual changes in editors give the impression that the position was being used as a stepping-stone before being passed off to friends. For example, Frías quit in May 1844 three months before his nomination as Bolivian consul, but he wished to continue publishing on Bolivia, while Alberdi and Piñero both transitioned to jobs as lawyers and in public administration. This arrangement led to conflicts with Rodríguez Peña, who objected to Frías‘ role in the newspaper. However, Frías continued publishing on Bolivia, as well as his series titled Cristianismo católico, even after “dropping the position of editor like a hot coal.” Rodríguez Peña accused Frías of publishing articles behind his back, using an émigré friend who worked in the Mercurio’s printing shop to insert editorials on politics in the Río de la Plata, in order to have the newspaper printed in time to make a steamship bound for Montevideo.39 Alberdi tried to mediate between Frías and Rodríguez Peña, as he had between Santos Tornero and Rodríguez Peña, proposing that Rodríguez Peña be in charge of the “news” while Frías covered “political and literary” domains. The episode nevertheless led to lasting friction with Rodríguez Peña. The rivalry demonstrates that journalism was not only a source of employment but also a political weapon or a stepping-stone to other jobs. It could also be a side-job, providing money and reputation but also the time to pursue other obligations. Journalism could also be a business opportunity, an enterprise to invest in. Four months after starting work as editor of the Mercurio, Sarmiento was already dreaming of buying it and its printing shop, “as soon as I can increase the number of subscriptions.”40 In 1842, when the owner, Manuel Rivadeneyra, sold it to Santos Tornero instead, Sarmiento and López decided to start their own newspaper, El Progreso, but he continued to speculate about purchasing printing presses, ordering one from the

38 Tornero to Frías, Valparaíso, August 7, 1844, RBN (XXV), 59, 177. 39 Demetrio Rodríguez Pe˜ na to Santos Tornero, Santiago, N/D (October 1844?), RBN

(XXV), 59, 198–99. 40 Sarmiento to Manuel Quiroga Rosas, Santiago, June 8, 1841 and July 31, 1841, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 25, Citation from 28. His first article was published in El Mercurio on February 11, 1841.

140

E. BLUMENTHAL

United States, partly to be able to print his own books. Two years later he spoke of one being “sent” by Rivadeneyra.41 El Progreso was founded with the support of the Vial brothers, Chilean politicians at that point aligned with the government. Government subsidies were increased that year to accommodate the new newspaper, in the face of opposition from some conservative, Catholic sectors that criticized newspapers for not having any utility in a society characterized by mass illiteracy. They preferred religious predication as a civilizing technique. Barros Arana reported an increase from $9794 to $16,468 most of which he attributed to the Progreso.42 In the government as well as the opposition, these subsidies were favored to stimulate demand, civilizing the country through the spread of Enlightenment values. Private subscriptions were key to Sarmiento, who wanted the newspaper to be profitable rather than state-dependent, and he related his efforts to find subscribers to his friends.43 One of the Progreso’s first articles was an ironic narrative of the desperate search for subscribers, and independence from the government subsidy. “Truthfully, are you going to be the Government’s enemy? The Government is not subscribing? —What do I know, but we need subscriptions to deliver the paper, it is better to save them from that work. —That is not good. You will not get subscribers.”44 The search went beyond Santiago and Valparaiso, and in Copiapó—a mining city with a large émigré presence—he found ten, “not a lot if you take into account the population of this department, but not so few if you take the mining industry into account.” Miners were apparently not known as large consumers of reading material.45 Sarmiento commissioned Andrés Bello’s son Carlos Bello to search for new subscribers, while his friend Antonio Aberastain was in charge of receiving the papers and distributing them. They also sought subscribers in Bolivia, among the émigré population. López wrote to Frías—this was before his move to Chile—informing him that they had quit their jobs at La Gaceta and El Mercurio in order to found 41 Sarmiento to Domingo Soriano Sarmiento, Santiago, August 20, 1843. Sarmiento to Jos´e Posse, San Felipe, January 29, 1845. Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 43, 51. 42 Barros Arana, Un Decenio, Vol. 1, 313–16. 43 Sarmiento to Manuel Quiroga Rosas, Santiago, November 24 (1842?). Correspondencia,

Vol. 1, 35. 44 “Los suscriptores”, El Progreso, November 11, 1842, Obras, Vol. 2, 13–16. 45 Carlos Bello to Sarmiento, Copiapo, ´ September 18, 1842. Correspondencia, Vol. 1,

39–40.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

141

El Progreso. López included a copy of the prospectus, and claimed that “the newspaper has a large number of subscribers and might make us a lot of money … Please seek out subscribers for this periodical that will be good and will have many deep articles (news analysis). I will send you each new issue and all the copies that I can spare so that you will have material for your pen.” International subscriptions were fairly common, as can be deduced by the complaints about their delivery cited in the previous chapter.46 The profit motive looms large here, as did López’s hopes for success. He had a clear financial interest, and not just literary interest, in the newspaper. The journalistic networks described in the previous chapter are key to understanding how López and Sarmiento hoped to develop El Progreso, collaborating with émigrés in other countries. Straddling the thin line between economic and political emigration, journalism represented a way to survive by offering one’s services, directly or indirectly, to the host government. It was not always a primary goal in itself, but rather a path to a paying position in education, diplomacy or public administration. In the case of the Argentine émigrés, their qualitative and quantitative importance in both Bolivia and Chile shows how they dominated this particular niche during the 1840s. At the same time, the professionalization of journalism, in which the émigrés played a major part, opened pluralistic spaces of debate and discussion that government supporters and opponents participated in, as we will see in Chapters 5 and 6. Émigrés thus played an important role in the formation of national public spheres in sites of exile during this period, even while they were enlarging them through the creation of a transnational public sphere.

Émigrés at the Origins of National Education Education was another field in which Argentine émigrés played a key role in Chile and Bolivia in the 1840s, where they worked in primary, secondary and university education. There is little evidence, however, of Chileans working in schools in Peru or the Río de la Plata.47 Again, this no doubt has to do with the political situation in these countries in the 1850s, and the

46 V. F. Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 499–500. Domingo de Oro to Sarmiento, Lima, July 7, 1845. Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 80. 47 I could only find one Chilean working in education in Peru, Alejandro Victoriano Martínez Cuadros in the Colegio del Orden.

142

E. BLUMENTHAL

more punctual nature of Chilean exile. The contingencies of the 1840s— stability in Chile and a mass exodus of educators from the Argentine Confederation produced the conditions for émigré participation in education in Bolivia, Chile and Peru. This section argues that South American circulation played a role in the origins of national education in sites of exile, during a period of expansion that lay the groundwork for the takeoff in the last decades of the century. The literature on the Atlantic circulation of ideas of education and their ideological importance in forming republican citizens has emphasized end-of-century developments, in a context of mass migration.48 Though education was still the privilege of a small minority, it nevertheless played an outsized role in earlier republican political projects that sought to develop public education. This exile circulation highlights the role of foreigners in the formative period before the development of mass education. The role played by émigrés in education reflected the ideological leanings of the young Romantic generation, for whom education was an important mechanism for creating citizens in a democratic polity, judged necessary in order to acquire the necessary competencies to exercise sovereignty and participate in political life that were lacking in Spanish America. Sarmiento explained this relationship between education and republican institutions in Educación Popular. “Equality of rights … is a fact that serves as the base of the social organization in a republic … From this imprescriptible principle comes the obligation of each government today to educate future generations.”49 There were differences within the Romantics as to the goals of education, and Sarmiento promoted a wider, more democratic view of education than Alberdi, who questioned the need for literacy among the working classes.50 But education was central to republican and liberal thought in Spanish America. 48 For general context of education, see Espinoza, G. Antonio. 2013. Education and the State in Modern Peru: Primary Schooling in Lima, 1821–C. 1921. Palgrave Macmillan. Martinez, Françoise. 2014. « Régénérer la race » : Politique éducative en Bolivie (1898–1920). Paris: Éditions de l’IHEAL. Serrano, Sol. 1994. Universidad y nacion: Chile en el siglo XIX. Coleccion imagen de Chile. Santiago de Chile: Editorial universitaria. 49 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1849. De la educacion popular. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belin i Compañía, 19. 50 Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 340–50. Villavicencio, Susana. 2008. Sarmiento y la nación cívica: ciudadanía y filosofías de la nación en Argentina. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 110–15. Halperin Donghi nuanced these differences, “Una nacion ´ para el desierto

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

143

Beyond these ideological considerations, education was also a profession that was easily transportable. Sarmiento had already founded a school in San Juan and the porteño members of this generation had also acquired educational experience in the institutions founded by Rivadavia. Ideology, ability and experience had prepared them to work in the field, and they found a ready demand in Bolivia and Chile in both public and private education. In Bolivia, Juan Ignacio Gorriti taught in the University of Charcas and various secondary schools.51 Frías and Villafañe also taught in public and private schools. In addition to being an employee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Public Instruction, Frías tutored President Ballivián’s son—no doubt future Bolivian president Adolfo Ballivián—in Latin and Spanish grammar, while Villafañe held the chair of Geography and French in the Colegio de La Paz.52 They also mention other émigrés working in education including Avelino Jercina from Córdoba, who held a chair in mathematics at the Colegio de Cochabamba and Dr. Zorrilla from Salta who was director of the Colegio de Junín. Their letters shared information on compensation and make clear that they considered their personal and political relations with the Bolivian government key to obtaining these positions, again reflecting both the persistence of the letrado mentality and their particular position as émigrés. The protection that the Bolivian government granted them, and that was reflected in their praise of President Ballivián, was based on their public service, in education as well as other fields. Villafañe, referring to the two classes he was to receive, claimed they offered him a “promising future.” “They promise to allow me an independent life, and the freedom to study without interruption; they promise the one thing I have always desired,

argentino”. 1980. Proyecto y Construcci´on de una Naci´on: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Ayacucho, XXXVII–XXXIX. 51 Zuviría, Facundo. 1932. Facundo Zuviría. Selección de escritos y discursos. Prólogo de Miguel Solá. Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 14. 52 F´elix Frías to Juan María Guti´errez, Chuquisaca, May 1, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 69–70. Frías to Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-CBN, legajo 679, no 9.915. Avelino Ferreira also taught at the Colegio de Cochamba. Cutolo, Vicente Osvaldo. 1968. Nuevo Diccionario Biográfico Argentino (1750–1930). Buenos Aires: Editorial Elche, 72.

144

E. BLUMENTHAL

that I never hoped to obtain, that is the means to study.”53 A position in education was an important step in resolving émigré money worries.54 In Chile too, many émigrés worked in public education. In the 1840s, when many émigrés started arriving in Chile from regions other than Cuyo, Chile was undergoing an expansion of its public educational institutions, through the foundation of new institutions such as the University of Chile and a Normal School for training secondary school teachers. Thanks to his contacts with the Minister of Public Instruction, Manuel Montt, Sarmiento was named Director of the Normal School in 1842. Montt’s attention was first called to Sarmiento when he wrote an article in El Mercurio on the battle of Chacabuco, a decisive engagement in the Chilean independence and symbol of republican fraternity between Argentina and Chile.55 At first, Sarmiento refused the appointment, considering that it was not appropriate for a foreigner to occupy the position, to which Montt reportedly replied that “ideas do not have a country.” This was perhaps not the only reason Sarmiento had for refusing the position. Like many exiles, he thought his stay in Chile would be brief, and indeed, a few months after arriving he was already on his way back to join General La Madrid’s forces against the Federalists in Cuyo in September 1841. It was only after the failure of this campaign that he accepted the appointment in early 1842.56 Sarmiento’s appointment, which was his main source of revenue until his departure for Europe in 1845, allowed him to boast of his contacts with Montt to other émigrés. “I have settled down permanently in Santiago as Director! of the Normal School of Primary Instruction.”57 The political and economic status he acquired in Chile, as much as his writing in the press, helped him position himself as the natural leader of the émigré colony in Chile. When a large contingent of porteño émigrés arrived after 1842, fleeing the siege of Montevideo, they found Sarmiento in a 53 Benjamín Villafa˜ ne to F´elix Frías, Sorata, May 29, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 452. 54 Benjamín Villafa˜ ne to F´elix Frías, La Paz, July 19, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 462. 55 M. Rivadeneyra to M. Montt, Valparaíso, March 5, 1841, Montt y Sarmiento: epistolario,

48. Rivadeneyra was the owner of the Mercurio while Sarmiento worked there until 1842. 56 Montt to Sarmiento, Santiago, January 20, 1842, Montt y Sarmiento epistolario, 53. For the Montt quotation, see Sarmiento. 1850. Recuerdos de provincia, Santiago: Imprenta de Julio Belín, 177. 57 DF Sarmiento to Indalecio Cortínez, Santiago, January 20, 1841. Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 36. Italics in the original.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

145

stable position in Chile. Many of them found positions in Chilean public and private education, such as José Barros Pazos who taught at the prestigious Instituto Nacional, though he complained that he only made $350 per year for two classes, and while the other teachers—Chileans—received $300 per class.58 J. M. Gutiérrez, who would be named Director of the Valparaiso Naval School in 1845, was hired through his émigré contacts. Montt assured him, through the intermediary of J. B. Alberdi, that the schools would always need personnel.59 Sarmiento’s trip to study schools in Europe and the United States between 1845 and 1848, undertaken as an employee of Montt’s ministry, confirmed him as the main expert on education in Chile, and provided him with the material for his first book on the subject, De la educación popular, presented to the Department of Humanities in 1848. The dedication to Montt makes clear his role as patron, and in it Sarmiento is often referred to as a Chilean citizen by his foreign counterparts. Sarmiento was particularly impressed by the burgeoning primary education system of Massachusetts, which he thought applicable to Chile and Argentina as an instance of democratic, popular education for republican state-building, and he struck up a friendship with Horace and Mary Mann during his visit.60 The comparisons he makes between himself and Mann—their trips of discovery to Europe, and the resulting publications—set Sarmiento up as Mann’s South American equivalent, an expert in republican schooling. “Mr. Mann, starting from the north of America and guided by the same principles, preceded me by two years in the same enterprise that I had taken on from the south of the continent.”61 The exile experience was key to Sarmiento’s positioning as the “country’s schoolteacher” (maestro de la patria) as he was often referred to in Argentina in later decades.

58 Barros y Arana, Maria Celina. 1963. El Doctor Jose Barros Pazos: en la patria y en el exilio, 1808–1877. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana Dr. Emilio Ravignani, 85–86. 59 Alberdi to Guti´errez, Santiago, June 21, 1845. Cartas in´editas, 49. 60 Sarmiento. 1851. Viajes En Europa, Africa Y América: Por D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 2.

Santiago de Chile: Impr. de J. Belin, 275–78. Mary Mann would later write the introduction to the first English translation of Facundo (Hurd and Houghton, 1868). 61 Sarmiento, De la educacion popular, 8–10, 14.

146

E. BLUMENTHAL

Education as Employment This section delves into the material conditions of teaching as a means of survival in exile. When a paying position in the public sector was not available, private education was another important outlet, and here too, émigré networks were key. There were a number of private schools owned and operated by émigrés, primarily from the Argentine Confederation. These were essentially family-run establishments, that appeared not only in Chile and the Río de la Plata, but also in Peru and Bolivia. For example, the actors Hilarión Moreno and his wife Dominga Montes de Oca founded a primary school, although not much information is available beyond its prospectus.62 More information is available for the Colegio Zapata, run by two brothers from Mendoza, Manuel José and Martín. It was a significant source of employment in exile, and B. Mitre, J. M. Gutérrez, J. B. Alberdi, José Barros Pazos, Tomás Godoy Cruz and chaplain José María Torres all taught there.63 At least three children of émigrés went to school there.64 The Zapata brothers also ran a school in Lima in the late 1840s and Lastarria mentioned it as one of the most prestigious while in exile in Lima in 1851.65 The Cabezón family, another family of educators, had a long history of teaching across the continent. The father, José León, was born in Spain and arrived in Salta when he was young and opened a school before independence. He supported the independence movement and set up a school in Buenos Aires in 1817, before moving to Chile with his family in 1828. His son, Mariano, director of the Normal School founded by Rivadavia, also founded a Model School in Bolivia in 1828. He returned to Salta in 1831 to found the Escuela de la Patria (The School of the Fatherland) that was closed because of its director’s Unitarian sympathies, and he joined his

62 Moreno, Hilarión María and Dominga Montes de Oca de Moreno. 1850. Colejio infantil para niños i niñas, calle de Duarte, acera del Dr. Nathaniel. Santiago: Impr. de Julio Belin. 63 Cutolo, Nuevo diccionario biográfico. Lastarria, Recuerdos Literarios, 35. Barros Pazos

taught Latin, English and French. Barros y Arana, José Barros Pazos, 85–86. 64 Zapata, Manuel José and Martín Zapata. 1837. Prospecto del colegio de los señores Zapatas en Santiago de Chile: que comprenden los ramos que en el se enseñan. Santiago: s.n. 65 Espinoza, Education, 125. Lastarria, “Carta sobre Lima”, 225. An émigré (Salustiano?) Zavalía was also teaching in Peru. Guillermo Billinghurst to F. Frías, Cobija, April 24, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 447.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

147

father in Chile in 1834, where he took over the family school. The sisters Dámasa, Manuela and María José taught across Chile and founded a girls’ school in Santiago in 1832. The oldest sister, Dámasa, worked in her father’s school but also taught in Valparaiso (1832); La Paz, Bolivia (1845); and La Serena, Chile (1848). Manuela founded schools in Copiapó (1853), Valdivia (1849) and La Imperial (1850) and promoted education in the southern Chilean region of Araucanía.66 Sarmiento’s experience as a teacher should be understood in this context. He had taught in Chile during his first period in exile, between 1831 and 1836. After his return to San Juan, he, along with his aunt, Tránsito de Oro, and his sisters, founded a school for girls which continued for some time after his exile. His sisters, Procesa and Bienvenida, followed him to Chile after 1841 and founded a school for girls in San Felipe where they worked for almost ten years before returning to San Juan to open another school.67 Indeed, he and López knew the Cabezón family. In 1840, before fleeing to Chile, Sarmiento mentioned having visited a Santiago school for girls which was probably the Cabezón school.68 López had attended Pío Cabezón’s school in Buenos Aires in 1825 and 1826, and José Cabezón’s classes at the University of Buenos Aires.69 López and Sarmiento also founded a school, El Liceo, in Santiago in 1842, which was next door to the Cabezón school for girls, as he explained to his father. While not exactly a family enterprise, it was financed by Vicente López from Buenos Aires, and Vicente Fidel considered it a means of escaping poverty in Chile. He described to his father his hopes for the school, weighing the advantages and affirming that “they are still clamoring to get in.” López had so much confidence in the future of the school, calling it his “Eden,” that he suggested his father join him in exile in Chile.70 This was an uncertain moment for the family in Buenos Aires, in which Vicente López’s future under the Rosas regime was in question. López sent copies 66 Cutolo, Nuevo diccionario, Vol. 1, 507. 67 Ibid. A third sister, María de Rosario, also sought in this school. 68 Sarmiento to Manuel Quiroga Rosas, San Felipe, April 9, 1840. In Correspondencia, Vol.

1, 7. 69 Lopez, ´ Vicente Fidel, Evocaciones hist´oricas. Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Cultura de la Nacion, ´ en coproduccion ´ con Fundacion ´ Universitaria de Estudios Avanzados, 1994, 21–22. V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez ´ and Lucia Riera de Lopez, ´ Santiago, April 23, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3970. 70 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 10, 1843, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3966.

148

E. BLUMENTHAL

of the program and positive clippings from Chilean newspapers in order to convince his father to borrow money and invest it in the school.71 His father apparently shared his hopes and López confirmed receiving the money, sent through an English merchant house.72 López described his “poor school” as being “an asylum for a portion of the young defenseless Argentinians,” showing his lucid recognition of how exile employment networks worked.73 Indeed, many émigrés found jobs teaching in the Liceo. Barros Pazos taught Roman civil law, Miguel Piñero taught various courses and Zacarías (López’s servant who had accompanied him from Córdoba to Chile) was the administrator (mayordomo).74 López even allowed Jacinto Rodríguez Peña and Félix Frías to share his room above the school.75 Though private, the school’s program sought to portray its founding as part of the expansion of public education underway in Chile, such as the founding of the University and the Normal School, of which Sarmiento and López were already a part.76 More generally, they presented their pedagogy as founded on the latest European ideas. “Carried by these ideas, we decided in this Liceo we have the honor of directing, to try new procedures of teaching and the distribution of studies that have already been sanctioned by experience in Europe.”77 The school received the sanction of both European ideas and the Chilean government with which the émigrés were associated, through Sarmiento’s activities in the University and at the Normal School. This was related to the émigrés’ reputation as “Argentinians and Romantics,” an intellectual reputation that represented them as being in the vanguard of modern thought, but also left them exposed to conservative attacks. This self-representation of being in the intellectual vanguard was 71 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, January 7, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3967. 72 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, December 6, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3972. 73 V. F. Lopez ´ a` V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, March 30, 1844, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3969. 74 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 10, 1843, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3966.

For Zacarías, see Piccirilli, Ricardo. 1972. Los López: Una dinastía intelectual. Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires, 37. 75 Silva Castro, Prensa y periodismo, 141; V. F. Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, November 25, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 121. 76 López, Vicente Fidel and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. 1843. Programa y regalmento del Liceo. Santiago: Imprenta del Progreso, 3–4. 77 Ibid., 54.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

149

central to López’s career strategy and vision of himself. He noted to his father he would be teaching the “Philosophy of History in one of the best schools in this city; I am the only young person here with ideas about this science; I have begun to popularize Jouffroy.”78 Indeed, the school was forced to close when one of their students, Francisco Bilbao, was convicted of blasphemy and left for exile in Europe, after publishing attacks on the church and the Chilean social structure. The response of the Revista Católica that blamed the émigrés for introducing dangerous thought into Chile led parents to withdraw their children and consequently forced the school to close.79 Teachers were not the only ones to travel, and the émigré schools opened their doors to foreign students, following patterns of student mobility analyzed in Chapter 2. The Liceo’s program alluded to this circulation in its presentation of the state of education in Chile, emphasizing that the “high level of development” of “public instruction” in Chile was confirmed by the fact that public and private schools attracted not only Chilean students, but also “a large portion of the students that come in the classroom from all the neighboring republics, attracted by the deserved reputation they enjoy.”80 This was not by chance. Lopez sent a copy of the program to Frías in Bolivia, asking him to recruit students for the school, requesting specifically that Peruvian general Juan Crisóstomo Torrico González’s children, living in Santiago, be enrolled; Torrico was a Ballivián ally. López also inquired about any other parents in Sucre with children living in Santiago and requested that Frías look for students to be sent to Chile to study.81 Sarmiento also asked several friends to help recruit students from San Juan (Cuyo) and Illapel, in the Chilean border region of Coquimbo, an area with a heavy migratory presence from the other side of the Andes.82

78 V. F. Lopez ´ a` V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, July 2, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3955. Underlined in the original in an apparent reference to Theodore Jouffroy’s Mélanges philosophiques (1833). 79 Bilbao, Francisco. 1844. “La sociabilidad chilena”. El Crepúsculo, June 1, 1844, 52–90. Also see Chapter 6. 80 López and Sarmiento, Programa, 3. 81 V. F. Lopez ´ to F´elix Frías, Santiago, September 25, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 110–11. 82 Sarmiento to Quiroga Rosas, April 6 1841, Santiago. Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 21. He

seems to be referring to an earlier attempt to found a girls’ school, but it represents the same type of student circulation.

150

E. BLUMENTHAL

The number of schools run by émigrés, their role in Chilean public education, as well as the reputation they had acquired give the impression of an international market known to the actors. This is reinforced by the language used by V. F. Lopez to try to convince his father of the viability of the school. According to López, the “universal feeling that our house is the best in all the Pacific coast” was widespread in Chile, and this was one of the key factors that guaranteed its success.83 Émigré networks were key to establishing and finding students for these schools.

Academic Prestige and Émigré Careers Émigrés also participated in the organization of the University of Chile, founded in 1842 to replace the old colonial institution, just as the wave of émigré Romantics arrived as a consequence of the failure of Lavalle’s military campaign and the siege of Montevideo. Contrary to émigré participation in primary and secondary education in Chile—which was aimed at obtaining a remunerated position or creating private establishments— teaching at the University of Chile was more a matter of politics and prestige than money. Politics, because academic debates led to violent polemics where the émigrés were subject to attacks because as “Argentinians and Romantics.” Prestige, because the positions in the university were honorific and not remunerated. Professors tended to have a position in the public administration that assured their subsistence. Intellectual production was aimed more at developing applied knowledge that could be used by politicians for the purpose of publicity, than the internal development of academic disciplines. Only later in the century would the university professionalize, leading to paid positions.84 As in journalism, an academic position was about making a name for oneself that could be converted into social prestige. At the university level, though the position of foreigners was important, few were South American, reflecting the role of European knowledge in the foundation of the university and its professions. In the Department of Humanities, however, they represented a larger share with four South

83 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 10, 1843, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3966. 84 Serrano, Universidad y nación, 87–88, 144–46.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

151

Americans, three of whom were from the Argentine Confederation.85 Of the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, Sarmiento was the one who most successfully used the University as a springboard to advance his career, but López and Frías were also members of the Department of Humanities, and several others published university theses. The role of Andrés Bello was key in the founding of the university as a cornerstone of republican education.86 Sarmiento was a founding member of the Department of Humanities, where he presented several theses. In a letter to his cousin, he boasted of being the only founding foreign member of the Department of Humanities, apparently counting Bello and others as Chilean.87 His most famous was a proposal to reform American Spanish orthography, in which he proposed to align spelling to American usage to promote literacy.88 Despite the ensuing polemics, the university and the press adopted the new spellings with Bello’s support, reinforcing Sarmiento’s legitimacy in education policy in Chile. Although the positions were honorific, money could be made indirectly. For the Argentine émigrés, university honors were an important step in their career because they could lead to a paying position in education. V. F. López made this connection explicit, when he explained to his father why he participated in the annual contest for the best history thesis, saying that “with this prize I will obtain an important chair … My literary reputation is great here, and is widely recognized. My position with the government is very good. Various ministers have spoken of me with my friends with great praise.”89 The link between a literary name, political power and wellpaying employment implied a combined strategy of publishing in the press with university honors. 85 43 out of 281 total faculty members were foreigners, of them six from South America. Serrano, Universidad y naci´on, 114–15. 86 Ibid., 104–10. Jakˇsi´c, Andrés Bello, 156–62. 87 D. F. Sarmiento to Domingo Soriano Sarmiento, Santiago, August 20, 1843, Correspon-

dencia, Vol. 1, 42. By my count, at the founding of the Faculty of Humanities there were four foreign-born members out of 18 total, excluding Bello’s sons. Anales de la Universidad de Chile: 1843–1847. 1846. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo, 18–19. 88 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1843. Memoria sobre ortografía americana. Santiago: Imprenta de la Opinión. Cf. Chapter 6. 89 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, May 2, 1843, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3962. For the role of the history theses in public debate see Serrano, Universidad y nación, 117–19. Stuven, La seducción de un orden, 232–49. Woll, Allen L. 1982. A Functional Past: Uses of History in Nineteenth Century Chile. Louisiana State University Press, 49–65.

152

E. BLUMENTHAL

López had been seeking a paying teaching job since his arrival in Chile. Two years earlier, just after his arrival in Chile 1841, he headed toward the capital with “recommendations to teach a literary subject in one of the schools in this capital; I will take care to get accredited to see if I can obtain a chair in that National Institute; everybody assures me that I will have the means to live on while I have to stay here.”90 López did not win the prize, but he did present a thesis in 1844 in order to receive the diploma of Licenciado en filosofía y humanidades, which he forwarded to his father with evident pride.91 He was elected to the Department of Humanities the same year.92 It was not necessary to have a diploma to be a member of the faculty; indeed, many members did not have university diplomas and many positions were in fact vacant, suggesting a lack of qualified personnel.93 Nevertheless, in the case of López and Sarmiento, their nomination coincided with receiving a diploma, suggesting a symbolic relationship at the very least. Frías was also named to the Department of Humanities in 1851, and his appointment underscores the honorary nature of the position as well as the potential benefits for an émigré. He received the appointment during his stay in Paris, where he lived from 1848 to 1855 working primarily as correspondent for the Chilean newspaper El Mercurio. Replying to Andres Bello’s invitation, Frías stated he loved Chile “like my own country,” thanking him for the “honor.” “I ignore the duties this -honorific- title imposes, and I beg you to send me the university statutes and, if possible, the most notable publications of its members.”94 Yet even from Paris, Frías was intent

90 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Valparaíso, March 21, 1841, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3941. 91 López, Vicente Fidel. 1845. Resultados jenerales con que los pueblos antiguos an contribuido

a la civilizacion de la umanidad: memoria leida por V. F. López ante la Facultad de Filosofía y Umanidades de la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Impr. del Siglo. V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, April 27, 1845, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3974. He received a special dispensation to present the thesis without undergoing “certain formalities”. “Se dispensan a un solicitante algunas formalidades …”, April 25, 1845. Anales de la Universidad de Chile, Correspondientes al año 1845. 1848. Santiago: Imprenta de los Tribunales, 7–8. 92 “Elección de un nuevo miembro”, May 28, 1845. Anales de la Universidad de Chile, Correspondientes al año 1845, 64. V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, September 7, 1845, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3975. October 26, 1845, AGN-AL, 2364, no 3976. 93 Serrano, Universidad y naci´on, 108. 94 Frías to Bello, Paris, December 12, 1851, AGN-CBN, Leg 685, no 10.949.

Strikethrough in the original.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

153

upon the possibility of being named to a diplomatic position, representing Chile in France.95 López was not the only émigré to participate in the historical competition, and José Barros Pazos also presented a thesis in 1845.96 He had started teaching in the Instituto Nacional in 1843 and passed the Chilean bar exam in 1844. Barros Pazos was in a similar position to López, as we will see, having a law degree but unable to practice because he was a foreigner, and trying to earn a living as a teacher. In all of these cases, with differing degrees of success, émigrés in Chile used the writing of theses and university appointments, coupled with journalism, to build up prestige when seeking public sector employment.

Émigrés and Legal Codification In the domain of law, too, émigrés played an important role in Chile. They worked in a large variety of legal professions generally linked to their legal education, the law being one of the classic degrees offered by universities. This education opened up the possibility of passing the bar and working as a lawyer, as well as working in public administration, teaching law or publishing legal texts. In a larger sense, their activities in Chile can be divided into two broad categories, one comprising the formation of a national body of juridic knowledge, the other being the professional career as a lawyer. In both cases, they were key to building up national systems of law. Andrés Bello, author of the Chilean Civil Code, was the most wellknown émigré jurist. His first publications in the Chilean press, in 1833, concerned proposals for legal codification that dated to the 1820s. Despite independence, Chile, like other Spanish American countries, still mostly used Spanish law. Diego Portales asked him to take up writing a civil code in 1834, but because of Portales’ assassination and the war with the PeruBolivian Confederation work did not begin until the 1840s. Bello finished the project in 1852, and a commission nominated by President Manuel Montt spent another three years revising it before presenting it to Congress in 1855. After coming into effect in 1857, it served as a model for several

95 Domingo Espi˜ neira, London, to Frías, Paris, December 18, 1852, AGN-CBN, Leg 677, no 9.271. 96 Barros Pazos, José. 1858 (1845). Una lección de historia: memoria presentada en un concurso de oposicion ante la Universidad de Chile. 2a. Buenos Aires: Impr. de la Tribuna.

154

E. BLUMENTHAL

other American countries.97 The fact that a political émigré, naturalized Chilean, played such a crucial role is indicative of the demand for qualified legal scholars in the creation of a body of national legal knowledge, and the importance of foreign jurists in filling this demand. Chile’s Commercial Code was also written by a naturalized émigré, José Gabriel Ocampo, from La Rioja. When he was nominated in 1852 to write the code, Ocampo was already a member of the Chilean legal establishment. He also participated in the commission charged with preparing Bello’s civil code the same year, had been a member the law school at the University of Chile since its founding, taught law at the Instituto Nacional and would be named to the Supreme Court in 1878.98 His attachment to Chile began well before his arrival in Chile in 1841 from Montevideo, where he had been living in exile since 1839. He had obtained his degree in 1820 from the University of San Felipe, predecessor to the University of Chile, and was admitted to the Chilean bar in 1822. Before returning to Buenos Aires, between 1822 and 1826 he practiced law and pursued a political career, elected representative to the Provincial Assembly of Santiago in 1820, representative of the Constituent Congress of 1823, as well as being Secretary of the Convention with Camilo Henríquez in 1824 and secretary of the Senate until 1824.99 Ocampo’s professional integration in Chile was apparently enough for him to participate in the political community without a formal naturalization process. As we will see, this put him apart from the younger generation of émigré lawyers that attempted to integrate the labor market in the 1840s. This legal work on codification was the most visible facet of the discussion of the Chilean law in the press and in a number of works published over the decades in which the creation of a national law was debated, and the law interpreted. Émigré jurists played a significant role in this too, compiling 97 Jakˇsi´c, Andr´es Bello, 189–215. 98 Amun´ategui Aldunate, Miguel Luis. Copia del decreto que nombra a Gabriel Ocampo

como miembro de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, Universidad de Chile Archivo Central A. Bello AH1572 1. He was naturalized by a special act of Congress in 1857, as we will see in Chapter 5. 99 “Abogdos chilenos. Ensayo estadístico de los que actualmente existen, recibidos en nuestras Cortes de Apelaciones desde el 10 de octubre de 1812 hasta el 1o de diciembre de 1864”. Anales de la Universidad de Chile: memorias científicas y literarias 27 (1): 8. Cutolo, Nuevo diccionario. According to Cutolo, he left Chile because of the “anarchy” of the late 1820s. For the Commercial Code, see Brahm García, Enrique. 1997. “Jose Gabriel Ocampo y las fuentes de la ley sobre sociedades anónimas: el proceso de codificacion comercial chileno en un ejemplo”. Revista de estudios histórico-jurídicos, no 19: 189–254.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

155

and commenting on applicable law in the fields of press, commercial and administrative law, in ways that anticipated the codification of the 1850s and 1860s. Juan Bautista Alberdi was the most prolific. This, along with his work as a lawyer, provided him with experience that was essential in writing Bases, his most famous work, that was the foundation of the 1853 Argentine Constitution. His contribution to Chilean legal codification included work on press legislation, essentially a liberally commented copy of the still applicable 1828 press law preceded by a long introduction describing the history of freedom of the press in Spain and Chile. Alberdi argued that freedom of expression was essential to the development of the press, and outlined its evolution, covering the disappearance of prior restraint as well as the development of popular press juries (jurados de prensa) to judge violations of the 1828 law, secrecy of correspondence and the distribution of the press by mail.100 While an interesting commentary on the limits of free speech at the time, it was also of great practical use in a profession dominated in Chile by émigrés like himself. After years of violent polemics in the press in which Argentine émigrés were often the target of attacks as foreigners, and just two years after the conviction for blasphemy and exile of one of the Liceo’s students, this text would have been indispensable for writers, editors and owners of newspapers to understand their rights and obligations. Many of Alberdi’s texts were of practical use to professionals, especially those professions with a heavy émigré presence. He published compilations useful to merchants, such as one covering Chilean commercial laws on foreclosure and bankruptcy, as well as Spanish law, still applicable in the absence of civil and commercial codes. The goals of the 1837 Chilean law, as set out by Alberdi, included “protecting good faith,” ensuring effective “compliance with contracts” and “securing rights,” all necessary for capitalist development.101 The compilation was useful to the émigré merchants of Valparaiso that Alberdi was close to, but more importantly addressed the more

100 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1846. Lejislación de la prensa en Chile: O sea manual del escritor, del impresor y del jurado. Biblioteca de lejislación hispano-chilena. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. For Las Bases, see Chapter 6. 101 Manual de ejecuciones y quiebras, o sea, coleccion autorizada y concordancia de las leyes patrias y españolas que rijen en chile, sobre el procedimiento ejecutivo. 1848. Valparaíso: Impr. Europea, OC, Vol. 3, 245. This covers the Chilean laws of 1837 and 1845 as well as the Spanish Ordenanzas de Bilbao and the Novísima recopilación.

156

E. BLUMENTHAL

general interest of eliminating legal uncertainty in a new national framework that helped to stimulate commerce. Anticipating Ocampo’s work on the Commercial Code, it was reedited as late as 1858.102 Alberdi also covered fields more directly related to government jurisdiction and public law, such as constitutional law, judicial jurisdictions, and a manual for “sub-delegates.”103 Again, this anticipated the codification process, and was part of the construction of national law in Chile, as Alberdi’s introduction to De la majistratura (sic) shows. The objective of this text was “to fill a need” in the administration of justice in Chile, that is “the lack of a general law that organizes the Tribunals and Courts and determines its jurisdiction and competencies.”104 He tried to fill the gap by carefully compiling all the laws that governed the functioning of the judicial branch in Chile. The text was, in fact, conceived as a textbook for a class in constitutional and administrative law that he proposed to Montt, “that I have not seen taught as I think it should be,” but he apparently never taught the course.105 Alberdi also collaborated with Ocampo on the Commercial Code and thanked him for suggesting that he write De la majistratura.106 Several other émigrés commented and compiled Chilean commercial law. José Barros Pazos, émigré lawyer and educator in Chile, published a series of articles in the Progreso on the establishment of commercial tribunals in Chile that were compiled and reedited as a pamphlet.107 Mariano 102 Compilación del derecho mercantil chileno sobre ejecuciones y quiebras, o, guía judicial del comerciante. 1858. 3a. ed. aum. por La nueva ley de prelación. Valparaíso: Impr. del Comercio. The “ley de prelacion” ´ (ranking of creditors) was in the 1848 edition. A second edition was published in 1856, according to Brise˜ no, Estadística bibliográfica, Vol. 1, 71. 103 The sub-delegate was similar to a prefect, presiding over the municipality and subordinate to the governor. Alberdi, Juan Bautista, Cuadro sin´optico del derecho constitucional chileno (1845), Indice alfab´etico del Boletín de las leyes y decretos del Gobierno de Chile (1848), De la majistratura, sus atribuciones en chile: o sea de la organización de los tribunales y juzgados, según las leyes que reglan al presente la administración de justicia (1846), Manual del subdelegado (Santiago, 1845). A summary of the Manual del subdelegado appeared in El Progreso, June 4 1845, and is reprinted in Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. Vol. 16. Buenos Aires: Imprenta europea, 165. 104 Alberdi, De la majistratura, V. 105 Alberdi to Montt, Valparaíso, February 15, 1846, cited in Mayer, Alberdi y su tiempo,

430. 106 Alberdi, De la majistratura, sus atribuciones en Chile, VII. “Sinopsis del Plan de Redaccion ´ para el Codigo ´ de Comercio Chileno”, Escritos P´ostumos, 2002, XVI, 112–23. 107 Barros Pazos, José. 1843. Administración de justicia: artículos publicados en El “Progreso” en 1843 sobre juzgados de comercio. Santiago: s.n. It was reedited in 1849 as Artículos

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

157

Fragueiro, émigré merchant living in Copiapó, published a series of works whose principal goal was the establishment of a public bank to control and democratize the issuing of credit and carry out public investment.108 A few years later, he adapted his projects to the Argentine context and was the first Treasury Minister of the Confederation after Rosas’ fall.109 Although these projects could not be easily applied to the Argentine situation after the fall of Rosas in 1852,110 they were, in fact, written in quite a different context, that of an émigré merchant, invested in mining in Copiapó, who was heavily involved in Pacific commerce. As Fragueiro himself noted, his banking experience was informed by his own experience in Copiapó and the project sought to promote commerce in Chile.111 Indeed, the projects also bore the mark of the Saint-Simonian socialism of the Romantic generation.112

Émigrés and the Professionalization of Legal Practice Though it is striking the degree to which to codification of Chilean law was the work of émigrés, this was not a paying job. The intellectual work of the jurist was mirrored by the daily job of the lawyer. As in the case of journalism and teaching, the institutionalization and professionalization of the discipline were just beginning in the 1840s when émigré lawyers

escritos por el Dr. D. José Barros Pasos sobre el establecimiento de juzgados de letras de comercio. Santiago: Impr. de los Tribunales. 108 Fragueiro, Mariano. 1844. Fundamentos de un proyecto de banco presentado a la Sociedad de agricultura i beneficencia de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. 1845. Observaciones sobre el proyecto de estatuto para el Banco nacional de Chile. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. 109 Cuestiones arjentinas. 1852. Imp. del Copiapino. Organizaci´on del cr´edito. 1850. In Fragueiro, Mariano. 1976. Cuestiones argentinas: y organización del crédito. Gregorio Weinberg (ed.). Buenos Aires: Ediciones Solar. 110 Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 1980. “Una nacion ´ para el desierto argentino”. In Proyecto y

construcción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho, XXIX–XXX. 111 Fragueiro, Fundamentos, 91. The text was adopted from a speech to the Sociedad de agricultura y beneficencia de Chile. 112 Tarcus, Horacio. 2016. El socialismo romántico en el Río de la Plata (1837 –1852). Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 195–97.

158

E. BLUMENTHAL

began to enter the workforce. This section argues that the influx of émigré lawyers seeking work coincided with, and perhaps contributed to, a professionalization of the field that was already underway. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, holders of a law degree were not considered professional lawyers, but rather letrados , public men with legal training and potential functionaries of the new republics. With a law degree, one could pass the bar and work as a lawyer, but this was not necessarily the main objective; educated men generally held a law degree which conferred prestige and the status of public service. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the political character of the law degree (in the sense of political science, the study of politics) became more accentuated, with the weakening of canon law and theology within the university, and a law degree was intimately connected to the practice of politics.113 Despite a lack of qualified jurists in the first half of the nineteenth century, many denounced their numbers as being too high, linked to fears of political instability.114 The professionalization of lawyers was part of the emergence of republican legal systems, incipient even before legal codification. In Buenos Aires, lawyers began playing an important role in the merchant guild’s tribunal (Consulado), which was transforming into a commercial court, in the 1840s. Before that lawyers were not allowed in the tribunal and the judges were merchant members of the guild. This was a reflection of the corporate nature of private law, where property rights were contingent, political and protected by guilds. The practice lasted through the first half of the

113 Pérez Perdomo, Rogelio. 2008. “Los juristas como intelectuales y el nacimiento de los estados naciones en América Latina”. En Historia de los intelectuales en América Latina: I. La ciudad letrada, de la conquista al modernismo, editado por Carlos Altamirano y Jorge Myers, 168–83. Buenos Aires: Katz. He uses letrado in a broad sense as public figures, intellectuals, 179. For the case of Chile, see Bravo Lira, Bernardino. 1998. “Estudios jurídicos y Estado modernizador. Cultura de abogados en Chile 1758–1998”. Revista chilena de derecho 25 (3): 641–55. Serrano, Universidad y naci´on, 168–78. 114 Uribe, Víctor M. 1999. “Colonial Lawyers, Republican Lawyers and the Administration of Justice in Spanish America”, 25–48. Zimmermann, Eduardo. 1999. “The education of lawyers and judges in Argentinas Organización Nacional (1860–1880)”, 104–23. In Judicial Institutions in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, Londres, Institute of Latin American Studies, Eduardo Zimmermann (ed.). London: Institute of Latin American Studies. While Uribe makes a chronological distinction, referring to the fears imperial bureaucrats had of the political activities of lawyers, Zimmermann emphasizes two competing visions, one which saw lawyers as possessors of the science of government, and another that deplored the excessive number of lawyers compared to technical professionals and engineers.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

159

nineteenth century, because of the uncertainty caused by civil wars and the absence of a political power strong enough to impose a modern system of contractual relations. In the 1830s and 1840s, the parties involved in disputes in the Buenos Aires tribunal began to hire lawyers to prepare their cases, even though the lawyers could not appear before the tribunal. Judges were then forced to turn to jurists to analyze the files whose argumentation was increasingly complex.115 The Chilean Civil Code only came into effect in 1857, the Commercial Code in 1865; the Argentine Civil Code in 1861 and the Buenos Aires Commercial Code, which came into effect in 1858, was extended to the Republic with unification in 1862. This transition to greater professionalism was occurring at the same moment as the émigrés were incorporating into the workforce in Chile. This also meant more money for lawyers, as Alberdi pointed out in an article in the Mercurio. He noted that at the moment of independence, “our American lawyers were poor. Moreno and Castelli, in the Plata, barely made enough to live, despite their knowledge and fame. In Chile, they were no more fortunate. Today it is different: good lawyers earn more than the highest magistrates, which demonstrates that the old order no longer rules”.116 As we will see, Alberdi made a good living, and left public service to continue in private practice. First, it was necessary to have one’s diploma recognized and to pass the bar. Yet this appears to have been a quite recent development. According to a law passed in 1842, and the subsequent university statues of 1844, foreign diplomas allowed candidates to pass exams directly to obtain a Chilean diploma. Before this change, candidates to the bar simply had to appear for an oral exam before a commission of three jurists nominated by the Court of Appeals. It was now necessary to have a licenciatura from the University of Chile in order to be received by the Court, after having presented and defended a thesis at the University, and not a bachillerato as before. The new statutes also increased the requirements needed in order to graduate, in an attempt to professionalize the career.117 115 Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation

of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 147–49, 161–62. 116 “Disposiciones de nuestras leyes sobre los honorarios o salarios de los abogados (…)”, El Comercio de Valparaíso. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1997. Alberdi, periodista en Chile. Carolina Barros (ed.). Buenos Aires: Verlap, 351. 117 Serrano, Universidad y nación, 169–70. For the relevant statutes, see Anales de la Universidad de Chile: 1843–1847, 69–75.

160

E. BLUMENTHAL

In Alberdi’s case, he was already a member of the Uruguayan bar, allowing him to present a thesis directly to the University without taking classes. He was the first to do so under the new statutes to obtain the diploma of licenciado.118 Unlike many of his other legal works published in Chile, the thesis did not treat legal codification but was rather more political in nature, calling for a Congress of Spanish American republics to resolve common problems and push for continental unity.119 Two subjects analyzed in this Memoria were of particular interest to the émigrés, as well as being common to international public law in the nineteenth century: the prohibition of extradition for crimes of lesa patria and the establishment of a right to interfere in the internal affairs of neighboring American countries, which the émigrés were themselves trying to convince their host governments to do. Even before receiving his diploma and passing the bar, Alberdi had apparently already been working as a lawyer in a firm run by Joaquín Hevel. Referring to one of his first cases in Chile, he complained that “more than pecuniary compensation” he wanted “a chance to earn some credit; but my cooperation remains obscured and unknown, and the only profit it brings me are a few ounces.”120 This was no doubt the consequence of not yet having the credentials necessary to practice under his own name and implies that émigrés could do legal work as employees, working for other lawyers. Passing the bar, though, was key to practicing under one’s own name and greater social prestige. José Barros Pazos was in a similar position and wrote to his wife in 1844 asking her to send his diploma and a certificate from the University of Buenos Aires showing his coursework.121 He was received by the Court of Appeals two months before Alberdi, and he did not present a thesis to the Law School in the framework of the University reforms.122 As previously 118 “Abogados chilenos”, 3. Although they are listed as “Chilean” lawyers, there were evidently no criteria of nationality and the anonymous author notes that 12 of the 521 listed lawyers were not Chilean. The diploma was “Licenciado de la Facultad de Leyes i Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad de Chile”. 119 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1844. Memoria sobre la conveniencia i objetos de un congreso jeneral americano. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. The cover notes Alberdi was a “lawyer in the Republic of Uruguai (sic)”. 120 Alberdi to Frías, Valparaíso, July 19, 1844, Mayer, Cartas in´editas, 213. 121 March 21, 1844, cited in Barros y Arana, El Doctor Jose Barros Pazos, 101. 122 “Abogados chilenos”, 4.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

161

noted, however, Barros Pazos did present a historical thesis in 1845, published on commercial tribunals in the press and also taught law at several schools, highlighting how prestige, networks and professionalization were intertwined in émigré career paths. Gabriel Ocampo’s brother Domingo Ocampo was also a lawyer and judge in Concepción. In the northern mining town of Copiapó, there were several Argentine lawyers, including Ocampo’s cousin, Ramón Ocampo, who provided legal services to the mining industry.123 Like Alberdi, Enrique Rodríguez and Carlos Tejedor appear to have practiced law before passing the bar, perhaps in Ocampo’s firm. Domingo de Oro, a relative of Sarmiento, who was close to Bolivian president Ballivián and a resident of Copiapó, years later noted their “reputation” as lawyers and that “at one point they had to go to Santiago to carry out certain formalities necessary to carry out their profession.”124 Indeed, they were received by the court of appeals two days apart.125 Other émigrés had a harder time passing the bar. In 1843, Miguel Piñero was considering practicing law in Chile, but he continued in the Mercurio where he was making a decent living. He claimed to be making $200 to $300 pesos—or 10 oz—monthly at the paper, which is about what Alberdi was making as a lawyer, and is similar to the amounts mentioned for positions in education.126 Alberdi worried that Piñero was having a hard time passing the bar, and about the implications it would have for the other émigrés,127 though Piñero’s success in 1844 filled him with new hope.128

123 Gabriel Ocampo passed the bar on December 13, 1822, Domingo and Ramon ´ Ocampo April 7, 1826. Ramon ´ and his brother Francisco, a doctor, were from La Rioja, like Gabriel and Domingo. Ramon and Francisco both lived in Copiapo. “Abogados chilenos”, 8. Also see Mayer, Alberdi y su tiempo, 305, 318. 124 Oro, Domingo de. 1911. Papeles de D. Domingo de Oro. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Coni hermanos, 265. Cutolo claims that Tejedor y Barros Pazos worked in Ocampo’s firm, but cites no sources. Tejedor married Ocampo’s daughter. 125 Respectively April 1 and 2, 1851. “Abogados chilenos”, 10. 126 Pi˜ nero to Frías, Santiago, January 23, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 24. Valparaíso, June 4,

1843, 78. Valparaíso, October 5, 1843, 116. 127 Alberdi to Frías, Valparaíso, July 10, 1844, Mayer, Cartas in´editas, 211; July 19, 1844, ibid., 213. 128 Alberdi to Frías, August 7, 1844, Mayer, Cartas in´editas, 216. Pi˜ nero does not appear on the list of lawyers that was published in 1866, perhaps because of his early death in 1846.

162

E. BLUMENTHAL

The new university statutes clearly had an effect on émigré integration, creating barriers that excluded foreigners. Passing the bar was an evident relief for Piñero, who wrote that “Alberdi and I have our hopes pinned on the Forum (i.e., the courtroom), that is on years of living by the sweat of our brows.”129 Relief was mixed with a certain bitterness, no doubt linked to exile and employment difficulties, but the law was seen as a professional situation that could provide a living, even in exile. V. F. Lopez was never able to have his diploma recognized and practice law, to his great disappointment. He critiqued the whole process of recognition and passing the bar with bitterness, claiming that the judges of the court had “mocked” him, promising recognition while working to exclude the émigrés. He noted the reformed practice of an oral exam with the Court, but complained that “we are Argentinians and wretched, and therefore we do not receive the same treatment.” López claimed the head of the court had a reputation for corruption and was blocking López’s petition to be received by the court, while the prosecutor was insisting he retake all the required courses before passing the bar exam.130 A few years later, he suggested to his father that he would seek a law diploma that would allow him to pass the bar under the new rules.131 Shortly afterward, he moved to Montevideo where he worked as a clerk in a law firm before passing the bar and starting a successful career, first in Uruguay and then Argentina.132 Barros Pazos also insisted upon these difficulties when writing to his wife, claiming that in Chile there were “so many letrados that at least 50 do not work in the profession and go to the haciendas or look for a comfortable position as a law clerk (escribiente). So I have little chance at making money with it.”133 Yet, he thought that if his diploma were recognized, his situation might improve, and he did pass the bar. This opinion appears to have been common, and López commented that the “career of a lawyer allows three or four to have a reputation, and after that it has been impossible for

129 Pi˜ nero to Frías, Valparaíso, October 15, 1844, RBN (XXV), 20, 197. 130 V.F. López to V. López, Santiago, October 7, 1841, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3950. 131 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, April 27, 1845, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3974. 132 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Montevideo, May 1846, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3977. 133 March 21, 1844. Cited in Barros y Arana, El Doctor Jose Barros Pazos, 101. He seems

to be using letrado as a synonym for lawyer here.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

163

me to join.”134 He described a market saturated with émigré lawyers, and yet kept asking his father to send his diploma, which he had left in Cordoba when he fled, so he could pass the bar.135 A potential employer expressed similar ideas to Frías, claiming that in Chile “there is no other lucrative literary occupation than that of a lawyer, and for this it is necessary to resemble our friend Mr. Ocampo.” 136 Though this was a bit self-serving—the employer wished to employ Frías as a clerk in his rural hacienda—it underscores the perceived difficulty of making money working in the press and need for recognition of one’s diploma to become a lawyer. Indeed, in his previous letter Frías had complained about the press and expressed his desire to retire from the press and political issues to the countryside.137 Frías did not end up accepting the job and left for Paris shortly thereafter, after accepting Santos Tornero’s offer to work as the Paris correspondent of the Mercurio for six ounces of gold monthly. “(L)ife in Paris” seemed to him to be “the most appropriate to alleviate the pain of proscription.”138 Gabriel Ocampo gave similar advice to a young Chilean lawyer/politician in the 1860s, claiming that journalism and politics “will not even get you lunch” and advising to concentrate on the professional career of law.139 Likewise, in a letter written in 1850 to the son of mendocino merchants raised in Chile, Alberdi advised that commercial law should make up “half of the knowledge of a hispano-American lawyer.”140 In a gauge of incipient professionalization, Alberdi also noted that a lawyer “is not precisely called to public administration.”141 Ocampo is a key figure here, held out in the letter to Frías as an example of what an émigré must do to integrate in Chile and enjoy a successful career in law. He was also a transition figure in the professionalization of

134 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, November 23, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3960. 135 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, October 29, 1842, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3959. 136 Francisco de Arriagada to Frías, Santiago, May 10, 1848, AGN-CBN, Leg 679, no

9.932. 137 Frías to Arriagada, Valparaíso, April 27, 1848, AGN-CBN, Leg 679, no 9.934. 138 Frías to Arriagada, May 13, 1848, AGN-CBN, Leg 679, no 9.935. 139 Serrano, Univerisdad, 174. From the memoirs of Abdón Cifuentes. 140 Alberdi. 1850. “Carta sobre los estudios convenientes para formar un abogado”. In Obras, Vol. 3, 346–47. 141 Ibid., 348.

164

E. BLUMENTHAL

the bar and what it meant for foreign lawyers. Born in 1798, he was ten to twenty years older than the Romantic generation, and, as we have seen, had deep ties to Chile, having studied and started his career at the bar and in politics in Chile. These were also family ties. As previously noted, his brother Domingo was a lawyer and judge, in Concepción, and his cousin Ramón Ocampo practiced in Copiapó.142 His age and social position gave him prestige and made him an important figure among the émigrés. Ocampo apparently played a mediating role for émigré lawyers. López complained that Ocampo had “behaved horribly with us; he does not see us nor hear us; he sees we are poor, we smell bad; and he must want to be free of the fright that we would give every time you saw us entering in his house.” Other than his own career, he claims that Ocampo also blocked Piñero and Barros Pazos, victims of “cold and classical men like him.”143 While Piñero and Barros Pazos were both eventually able to pass the bar and practice, López’s attitude shows that these professional barriers, more or less informal, were as much a question of contacts as nationality. Interestingly, Gabriel Ocampo was on the Appeals Court commission that accepted Barros Pazos—his cousin, with whom he had arrived on the same boat in 1841—to the bar, underscoring Ocampo’s position in facilitating émigré admission to the field.144 Ocampo may have been concerned about the competition of the newly arrived lawyers. Though difficult to confirm categorically, it would appear that the arrival of large numbers of émigré lawyers shook up the Chilean market, saturating it with qualified jurists. While this provided an ample pool of letrados for the Chilean and Bolivian governments to employ in education, journalism and public administration, it also led to competition and frustrated ambitions among the émigrés who wished to join the bar. The complaints about a saturated market are backed up by the numbers, although they should be taken with precaution. Argentine lawyers—not letrados , but those having passed the bar and practiced—made up around 7% of the total number of lawyers in Chile. The percentage is probably higher if letrados are taken into account.145 In this context, the formal and 142 See Footnote 122. 143 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Santiago, October 7, 1841, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no 3950. 144 Barros y Arana, El Doctor José Barros Pazos, 102–3. 145 I have found 13 practicing lawyers born in the Río de la Plata who practiced law in Chile during this period. All of them arrived between 1840 and 1845, except for one for whom there is no record. Other than those already mentioned, Antonio Aberastain and Trist´an

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

165

informal barriers to practicing law may, in part, have been a response to the influx of émigré lawyers and contacts and connections were key. Success though, came at a price, in the form of time lost that could have been spent on politics and literature. Alberdi complained of the “most assiduous labor” to Frías, recognizing that although practicing law would “promise pecuniary advantage”—he mentions 100 pesos a month—his “heart was uneasy in the midst of this aridity deadly to every promising feeling.”146 This clearly shows that it was the need for money that pushed émigrés to the bar as a paying profession (as opposed to a source of prestige), and therefore contributed to incipient professionalization, even when it distanced them from their political and intellectual goals.

Exile and Public Administration The ultimate goal of the letrado was finding work in public service after having made a name for oneself through journalism, legal work or academic prestige. Six of the thirteen practicing émigré lawyers in Chile, as well as many letrados , worked in public administration. If positions in public education are included, the figure becomes eight out of thirteen lawyers that worked in the public sector more broadly. Indeed, there seems to be a relationship between the two, as all the émigrés working in the public administration had a law degree and in several cases passing the bar coincided with obtaining a position. Though it was not a legal prerequisite, it seems to have provided legitimacy, an indication of integration into Chilean national life, as it were. Though Chileans were constitutionally prohibited from working in public administration abroad, several Chilean émigrés were appointed to public office in 1850s Peru, such as the Prefect of Ayacucho and the head of police

Navaja practiced in Copiapo, ´ Gallardo in Valparaíso, Francisco Javier Godoy in the Valle del Huasco. Martín Zapata (of the Colegio Zapata) also practiced. The statistics on the total number of lawyers are imprecise, but I am assuming there were around 200 total practicing lawyers. Victor Uribe suggests there were 152 lawyers in the Río de la Plata between 1785 and 1811, and 117 or 203 for Peru during the same period (“Colonial Lawyers”, 32). Rogelio P´erez Perdomo advances a figure of 282 jurists in Chile in 1854 and 439 in Argentina in 1869 (“Los juristas como intelectuales”, 179). 521 people passed the bar between 1812 and 1864, though it is impossible to know how many were practicing at any given moment (“Abogados chilenos”, 12). 146 Alberdi to Frías, Valparaíso, February 11, 1846, Mayer, Cartas in´editas, 228.

166

E. BLUMENTHAL

in Callao. These appointments were nevertheless criticized in the Peruvian press because the appointees were seen as foreigners and suspect.147 In terms of numbers and length of service, this could not compare to the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation. In Uruguay, independent since 1828, the early waves of Unitarians quickly found work in the administration of President Fructuoso Rivera.148 During Oribe’s siege of Montevideo, Melchor Pacheco y Obes was Minister of War and diplomatic representative in Europe, José María Paz organized the defense of the city, while del Carril, a sanjuanino, was Rivera’s representative on the Argentine Commission, a sort of government in exile.149 The siege and differences with Rivera caused many émigrés to leave Montevideo. In Bolivia too, many émigré letrados were employed in public administration. As noted, Frías was employed at the Ministry of Exterior Relations and was later Consul in Valparaiso.150 Wenceslao Frías, the son of a 1831 émigré, was also employed in a ministry.151 Domingo de Oro had a diplomatic position representing Bolivia in a special mission to Peru, where he was charged with monitoring Bolivian émigrés sympathetic to Santa Cruz.152 When Ballivián fell from power in 1847, these jobs dried up and many moved on to Chile and Peru. 147 Bochner, “Entrepreneurs of Exile”, 90. 148 Iriarte, Tomás de. 1944. Memorias: La independencia y la anarquía. Vol. 1. Buenos

Aires: Ediciones Argentinas, 120–21. 149 Blumenthal, Edward. 2018. “Exilio, guerra y política transnacional: Las comisiones argentinas en la política internacional americana”. Anuario IEHS 33 (2): 145–67. Etchechury Barrera, Mario. 2012. “La ‘causa de Montevideo’. Inmigración, legionarismo y voluntariado militar en el Río de la Plata, 1848–1852”. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. Nouveaux mondes mondes nouveaux - Novo Mundo Mundos Novos - New world New worlds, diciembre. https:// doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.64670. 150 Félix Frías to J. M. Guti´errez, Chuquisaca, May 1, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 69. M. de la Cruz M´endez (Bolivian Minister of Exterior Relations) to Frías, Sucre, August 3, 1844, ibid., 176. M de la Cruz M´endez to Frías, Sucre, September 27, 1844, 194, M de la Cruz M´endez to Frías, Sucre, November 3, 1844, ibid., 205, Gen Jos´e Ballivi´an, President of Bolivia, to Frías, Sucre, November 3, 1844, ibid., 207. 151 Frías to Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-CBN, Leg 679, no 9.915. Though the name was common in the Argentina/Bolivia border region, Frías does not say if they were related. 152 Tom´as Frías to Domingo de Oro, Sucre, December 11, 1844, in Oro, Papeles. Vol. 2, 7–8. Santa Cruz, president of the Peru-Bolivia confederation in the 1830s, was one of Ballivian’s political rivals. Tomás Frías, who would later be president of Bolivia, was a Bolivian government minister.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

167

Chile was perhaps where they found the most stable employment, as a result of the longevity of the regime and Montt’s influence. Alberdi was named Secretary to the Intendant of Concepción in December 1844, the same month he passed the bar and a month after receiving his diploma. He did not, however, stay long in Concepción because he was unhappy with both provincial life and his salary. Alberdi preferred the independence and the money that a professional career in the bar assured him over a government position or a political career. “All this for 83 pesos a month! Where else would I not make double that, with half the work and double the pleasure?”153 Piñero too, shortly after passing the bar, was named Secretary to the Navy (Secretario de Marina) and was also the chief lawyer for the prosecutor of Valparaiso.154 After his death in 1846, Piñero was replaced by Demetrio Rodríguez Peña who gave up his job as editor of the Mercurio to take up the position, much as Piñero had done before him.155 Rodríguez Peña did not become a practicing lawyer, though he had a law degree from the University of Buenos Aires, thus behaving much more like a traditional letrado. Domingo Ocampo, Gabriel’s brother, also had a long career in public administration in Chile. He was named judge in Concepción by Alberdi, and later took over Alberdi’s position as secretary to the Intendant, as well as holding a position on the Junta de educación (school board) in the same province.156 Carlos Tejedor and Antonio Aberastain both worked as secretaries to the Intendant in Copiapó. In their correspondence, Chilean public officials remarked on the Argentine émigrés’ qualifications and experience, in public administration as well as the semi-official press. After Piñero’s death, the intendant of Valparaiso remarked that Piñero’s absence “was immense.” While Rodríguez Peña’s

153 Alberdi, “En Chile”. In Escritos p´osthumos. Vol. 16, 112. Also see Alberdi to Frías, Concepcion, ´ March 16, 1845. In Mayer, Cartas in´editas, 225. 154 Joaquín Prieto to Manuel Montt, Valparaíso, March 16 1846. Aránguiz Donoso, Horacio and Marco Antonio León León, eds. 2001. Cartas a Manuel Montt: un registro para la historia social y política de Chile (1836–1869). Santiago: DBAM, 85. President from 1831 to 1841, Prieto then became Senator and Intendant in Valparaíso. 155 Joaquín Prieto to Manuel Montt, Valparaíso, May 2, 1846. In ibid., 107. 156 Ocampo earned $3000 per year as judge on the Court of Appeals of Concepción.

Repertorio nacional formado por la oficina de estadistica: en conformidad del articulo 12 de la lei de 17 de setiembre de 1847. 1850. Imprenta del Progreso Plaza de la Independencia, 137, 174. Mayer, Alberdi y su tiempo, 412.

168

E. BLUMENTHAL

nomination to replace him would fill the gap, it left the semi-official Mercurio without an editor. The intendant was hoping to convince Alberdi to take over the editorial page, while they searched for another Argentinian to take over the paper.157 It is striking the degree to which the names of émigrés appear and reappear in the discussions of candidates to positions in the public administration in the correspondence of Montt with Chilean politicians and ministerial officials. In addition to suggesting the influence the government could exercise over an influential paper, these examples underscore the career path taken by many. From journalism, where one could make a name for oneself and attract the attention of those in power, one could land a job in public administration or education, with a preference for practicing lawyers and those with the legal background as a letrado. Émigrés were a valuable source of human capital for the Chilean and Bolivian governments in the 1840s and their foreign origin was clearly not an obstacle, despite the complaints of those like López who were unable to find a successful career path. Although the traditional letrado career path was still an option, the move toward professionalization in fields such as law and journalism, coupled with the economic situation of exile, meant that these fields were increasingly considered as career paths in their own right. Yet they remained deeply connected to the politics of building republican institutions, as we will see in subsequent chapters.

Exile and Institution-Building This chapter underscores the connections between political exile and economic migration, not only because émigrés followed preexisting commercial routes but also because of the importance that economic calculations played in their migratory decisions. Exile was more complicated than just retiring from public to private life, and participation in host countries’ public life was part of the economic calculation of exile. Political émigrés functioned much like a migratory community, using correspondence to sound out the labor markets in different sites of exile. They tended to work in specific fields, and sometimes dominated them, forming labor niches. It was relatively easy to find employment in a neighboring country, given that legal and social barriers to participation in host-country public life 157 Joaquín Prieto to Manuel Montt, Valparaíso, May 2, 1846. In Ar´anguiz and Leon, ´ Cartas a Manuel Montt, 107.

4

POLITICAL EXILE, LABOR MARKETS AND INSTITUTION-BUILDING

169

were low. This facilitated exile integration, giving émigrés experiences that would be vital to their own political struggles and projects. The experience of Argentine émigrés in the 1840s seems fairly unique, a product of the path dependency created by the specific historical circumstances of massive, long-term exile coupled with demand in neighboring countries. Importantly, émigrés from the Argentine Confederation in the 1840s did not have a country to return to. The constitution of the Argentine Republic was at the center of their uncertain political projects, and their failure meant a more existential exclusion from a country that did not yet exist. Chilean émigrés in the 1850s faced a very different set of circumstances. The Argentine Confederation was in a state of political uncertainty due to the secession of Buenos Aires, and the key domains analyzed in this chapter were being filled by returning émigrés. This experience nonetheless shows the importance exile could play in staffing state-building projects that were quite open to foreign participation, as well as in the institutionalization and professionalization of the fields of journalism, education and the law. It also anticipates the institutional roles many Argentine émigrés would play after 1852 whether in education (Sarmiento, Zapata), law (Alberdi) or public administration more generally (Fragueiro, Frías, Tejedor). Exile was a valuable learning ground for all émigrés, that had a deep influence on their political thought, as we will see in subsequent chapters.

CHAPTER 5

The Practice and Politics of Exile: Nation-State Formation from Abroad

In this chapter, we will examine how émigrés used the exile networks (analyzed in Chapter 2) and their professional integration into host societies (Chapter 3) to carry out what one scholar has called “exo-politics,” that is politics from abroad.1 In exile, émigrés used a series of political practices to remain connected to political struggles back home. Journalism, political and civil society associations as well as informal forms of sociability were tools that allowed them to continue to participate in politics in their home territories. An additional goal is to capture a broader picture of the different sites of exile across South America, going beyond the better-known correspondence and writings used in most of this book, primarily by crossing the bylaws and minutes of exile associations with biographical data. This should not, however, be confused with popular participation—which will be approached indirectly—as it was necessary to be at least nominally literate to sign. Exile practices included not just those of the émigrés themselves (voice); they also included the state practices used to regulate the political opposition and combat exo-politics. In particular, state practices included different forms of exile: from banishment and/or encouraging flight as an escape valve to actively seeking to prevent emigration under penalty of death. The comparison of the practices used by republican officials in Chile and the Río de la Plata sheds light on the importance of exile to state formation. The 1 Dufoix, Stéphane. 2003. Les diasporas. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 95.

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_5

171

172

E. BLUMENTHAL

practices also shaped a transnational political culture of exile that stretched across generations, linked to Romantic representations of exile as well as a specifically South American vision of Rosas as the ultimate reactionary tyrant. We will be examining the ways exile politics shaped the intellectual underpinnings of the republican nation-state formation in the last two chapters, primarily through an analysis of exile participation in host-country politics. It is nonetheless difficult to separate exile and host-country politics. Indeed, this chapter argues that the practice and politics of exile created a common culture of exile while connecting political struggles across the new international boundaries that were created with independence. Exile played a role in international relations, mediating civil wars and drawing émigrés into local politics.

Sites and Waves of Exile As noted in Chapter 1, starting in the independence period political exile in the Río de la Plata tended to follow regional patterns, with émigrés from the littoral provinces going to Montevideo, those from the north fleeing to Bolivia and those from Cuyo to Chile. During the 1829–1832 civil wars that followed Dorrego’s execution, the vanquished Unitarian officers fled to neighboring countries, often followed by their families as well as common soldiers, along these same regional patterns. These began to transform into more or less permanent communities that blended into previously existing migratory flows and persisted even after the overthrow of Rosas in 1852. During the 1830s, Montevideo was the center of both porteño exile as well as anti-Rosas political intrigue. Unitarians, both military officers—such as Juan Lavalle and Martín Rodríguez—and civilians were joined later in the decade by Federalists opposed to Rosas’ concentration of power, including Tomás de Iriarte and Félix Olazábal. Émigrés from Buenos Aires such as Florencio Varela, Valentín Alsina and Braulio Costa played an important role in the press and local politics.2 After the closing of the May Association and the rapidly accelerating repression of the late 1830s, the young 2 Zubizarreta, Ignacio. 2009. “Una sociedad secreta en el exilio: los Unitarios y la articulación de políticas conspirativas antirrosistas en el Uruguay, 1835–1836”. Boletín del Instituo de Historia Argentina y Americana D. Emilio Ravignani, 3a, 3 (31): 43–75. 2014. Unitarios: Historia de la facción política que diseñó la Argentina moderna. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

173

Romantics joined the opposition now grouped around Lavalle, who would launch a new military expedition against Rosas and Buenos Aires in 1839. Though qualitatively important, given the number of elite porteños who found refuge there, numerically it was not the biggest site of exile. The 1843 census of Montevideo estimated that there were 2553 “Argentinians” out of an estimated population of around 31,189, only 11,431 of whom were Uruguayan (“National”).3 Chile had long been a site of exile for émigrés from Cuyo. The defeat of Lavalle and La Madrid in 1841 led to new arrivals from the interior. The changing political context in the 1840s also led to new inflows from the Atlantic region. The 1842 siege of Montevideo by Buenos Aires’ navy and the Uruguayan General Oribe, led many to join the flourishing exile community in Chile. This included many of the young Romantics, such as Alberdi, Gutiérrez and Tejedor. The northern Atacama province of Chile, particularly the mining city of Copiapó, played a significant role as a site of exile. The 1854 Chilean census listed 19,669 foreigners, 9682 in Atacama alone, including 8389 “Argentinians,” the equivalent of 86.64% of the foreigners and 16.5% of the population of the province. This was of a total of around 10,500 “Argentinians” in Chile.4 Émigrés elites like Carlos Tejedor and Enrique Rodríguez were well integrated into local public life, working as lawyers, journalists or merchants invested in mining actives. The Junta de minería, charged with auto-regulating the mining industry included several prominent émigrés.5 Yet, the bulk of this population was made up of peons that comprised much of the labor force in the mines. Though there is a lack of sources that would allow them to be identified individually, many of them appear to have been émigré soldiers who blended into the resident migrant population. 3 This was at the beginning of the siege that led to much emigration from the city. Lamas, Andrés. “Padron de Montevideo, levantado en Octubre de 1843”. Cited in Etchechury, Mario. 2018. “‘Defensores de la humanidad y la civilización’. Las legiones extranjeras de Montevideo, entre el mito cosmopolita y la eclosión de las ‘nacionalidades’ (1838–1851)”. Revista Historia 0 (50–II): 491–524. 4 Censo Jeneral de la República de Chile levantado en abril de 1854. Santiago de Chile. Venegas Valdebenito, Hernán. 2008. El espejismo de la plata: trabajadores y empresarios mineros en una economía en transición: Atacama 1830–1870. Santiago de Chile: Editorial USACH, 138–40. Chile, y Dirección General de Estadística. 1858. 5 Including Nicol´as Vega, his son Domingo, Felipe Cobo, Antonio Aberastain, Vicente Quezada, Jos´e María (sic?) Cabezon ´ and Domingo de Oro. The minutes of the junta regularly appeared in El Copiapino at least until 1852. Also see Venegas, Espejismo, 95–96.

174

E. BLUMENTHAL

There were efforts by the émigré elites to incorporate these peons into exile politics, though it is unclear to what extent they identified with exile politics. Sarmiento and émigré elites in Copiapó operated as informal consuls, sending a report to the Chilean president in 1851 in which they complained of the forced enrollment of “Argentine” peons into the local militia and public works programs, instead of being accorded the protection of asylum.6 They also sought the peons’ incorporation into militias in order to launch expeditions into La Rioja and Tucumán, as we will see. Bolivia too was an important site of exile, and its Pacific port of Cobija (now near Antofagasta, Chile) allowed access to the oceanic commercial routes. Here, the community was divided between what one called the “émigrés of 31”—who fled the defeat of General Paz to Facundo Quiroga that same year—and those of 1841 who fled with Lavalle.7 Santa-Cruz had already offered asylum and employment in the 1830s, and President Ballvián (1842–1847) continued this role in the 1840s.8 The alliance was sealed by family politics. The Uruguayan-born Wenceslao Paunero, exiled to Bolivia in 1831, married Ballivián’s sister in the 1830s and became a key intermediary with other émigrés. Ballivián’s overthrow in 1847 led to renewed flows toward other sites in the Pacific, including Peru (such as Paunero) but mostly Chile. Frías moved there in 1843 as consul, while Mitre and Zuviría passed through Lima before setting up residence in Chile. There was a fair amount of émigré mobility up and down the Pacific in the 1840s independent of these political factors, but that appears to have been reinforced by them (Figs. 5.1 and 5.2). The primary destination of Chilean émigrés was Lima and the Peruvian coast, though a substantial minority went to Buenos Aires, often after a stay in the Mendoza border region. Though difficult to determine exact numbers, signed manifestos give an indication of the number of politically active émigrés that could be mobilized for political purposes in the Peruvian capital. Almost a hundred émigrés in Lima signed Manuel Bilbao’s account

6 “Representación a nombre de argentinos de Copiapó”, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1999. Manuel Montt y Domingo F. Sarmiento: Epistolario, 1833–1888. Santiago: Lom Ediciones, 98. 7 F. Frías, February 10, 1842, Chuquisaca, RBN, XXIV (58), 420–21. 8 F. Frías to J. M. Guti´errez, Chuquisaca, May 1, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 69–70. Frías to

M. Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN, legajo 679, nº 9.915.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

175

Fig. 5.1 Rioplatense sites of exile (Source Author’s data base. No. of émigres, N = 709)

of the April 20 Santiago uprising. One hundred Chileans also attended José Miguel Carrera Fontecilla’s funeral in 1860.9 Chilean émigrés were part of a larger, preexisting Chilean community, made up of merchants who traded with Chile and other sites on the 9 Bilbao, Manuel. 1853. Triunfo y perdida; o sea, El 20 de abril de 1851, en Santiago de Chile: Episodio histórico. Lima: Imp. del Comercio. Figueroa, Pedro Pablo. 1897. Diccionario biografico de Chile. Santiago: Impr. y encuadernacion Barcelona, Vol. 1, 303. The Figueroa numbers cannot be confirmed.

176

E. BLUMENTHAL

Fig. 5.2 Chilean sites of exile (Source Author’s data base. No. of émigres, N = 120)

Pacific coast. The division between merchants and émigrés was sharper than among the Argentine population in Chile. The Chilean merchants in Lima tended to sympathize with the Montt government, or at least desired to remain apolitical and avoid exile politics. This is in contrast to the noisier, if not larger, group of political émigrés who participated in anti-Montt politics and backed Peruvian general Ramón Castilla in Peruvian politics. The émigrés congregated around El Comercio, a still-existing Lima newspaper founded and run by a Chilean, Manuel Amunátegui, in

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

177

1839, which was widely read by Chilean émigrés and Peruvians.10 Though Amunátegui was not apparently living in exile, he was connected to Chilean politics through his brothers Miguel Luis and Gregorio Víctor Amutátegui. The Amunátegui brothers, who avoided political and concentrated on academic activities as a historian (Miguel Luis) and a jurist (Gregorio Víctor), nonetheless moved in the same circles as many émigrés.11 This follows early migratory trends, as we saw in Chapter 1, that followed Pacific coast trade networks that existed since colonial times and continued after Peruvian independence. These political migrations intensified in the 1850s. In 1850 and 1851, many important members of the opposition were banished or emigrated to Lima, first because of the repression that closed the Society of Equality, then because of the armed uprisings that broke out across the country the following year. Those exiled included Santiago Arcos, the Bilbao brothers and their father Rafael, Federico Errázuriz, José Victorino Lastarria, Eusebio Lillo and Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna, as well as the émigré porteño Bartolomé Mitre.12 Lima was not the only site of exile for Chilean émigrés, and continued migration through the Pacific was common. The Bilbao brothers, who fled to Peru after the April 1851 Santiago uprising, were then banished again to Guayaquil, Ecuador, in 1854 because of their support for Castilla in Peru. At least three Chileans—Arcos, Vicuña Mackenna and Francisco Segundo Sampayo—emigrated to California as part of a larger gold rush Chilean migration. From there, Vicuña Mackenna traveled east across the United States before continuing on to England, France and Spain and returning to Chile via Buenos Aires and Mendoza in 1855.13

10 Bochner, Malcolm Ira. 2002. “Entrepreneurs of Exile: Chilean Liberals in Peru, 1851–1879”. Ph.D., United States, Connecticut: The University of Connecticut, 73–74. 11 See correspondence with Bilbao in La revisita chilena de historia y geografía, 1931 LXIX (73), 5–46. 12 Decades later, Vicu˜ na Mackenna narrated his flight, as well as that of Francisco Bilbao and various others. Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1878. Historia de la jornada del 20 de abril de 1851: una batalla en las calles de Santiago. Santiago: R. Jover, 643–50. 13 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1856. Pájinas de mi diario durante tres años de viaje: 1853–1854–1855. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 2. Figueroa, Diccionario, Vol. 3, 205. For the gold rush migrations, see Purcell, Fernando. 2017. ¡Muchos extranjeros para mi gusto!: Mexicanos, chilenos e irlandeses en la construcción de California, 1848–1880. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica.

178

E. BLUMENTHAL

Émigrés from the Argentine Confederation also followed these Pacific routes north, mostly to Bolivia and Peru, but some further still. Juan Antonio Gutiérrez, brother of the notable writer Juan María, became a successful merchant in Guayaquil after fleeing to Chile in 1841.14 Similarly, Tejedor, who was apparently briefly banished from Copiapó after his editorial activities led to conflicts with the Intendant, fled to Lima and Guayaquil.15 Ramón Gil Navarro and Enrique Lafuente followed Chilean routes to California in these same years.16 Buenos Aires and the Argentine Confederation, though less important numerically than Lima as a site of exile, were important intellectually, as we will see in the following chapters. The Buenos Aires 1855 census lists 231 Chileans in the province,17 and there were at least fifteen Chileans in exile in the Río de la Plata in the 1840s and 1850s. Mendoza was another important site of exile between 1851 and 1858. The city already had a large Chilean population, unsurprisingly given its close proximity and economic and social ties to Chile. A second large wave of exile occurred between 1858 and 1862.18 A campaign that sought to reform the 1833 constitution in order to limit executive power, particularly with regard to the use of the state of siege, was promoted by the opposition newspaper La Asamblea Constituyente. A public meeting in Santiago, publicized in the newspaper was met with a wave of repression. The meeting was prohibited by the authorities while soldiers emptied the meeting hall and arrested 157 participants. The call for the meeting was signed by Angel Custodio Gallo Goyenechea, Manuel Antonio and Guillermo Matta Goyenechea, Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna and Isidoro Errázuriz, who would all end up in exile. Most had previously

14 J. A. Gutiérrez to Frías, Guayaquil, January 29, 1845, RBN XXV (59), 232. Juan María visited him in 1847 and 1851. 15 Figueroa, Diccionario biográfico de extranjeros. I have not been able to confirm this story. 16 Gil Navarro, Ramón. 2000. The Gold Rush Diary of Ramón Gil Navarro. University of Nebraska Press. Lafuente was fictionalized in the Ricardo Piglia novel Respiración artificial. 17 Census data online at http://censobuenosaires1855.com/resultados_censo.html Accessed June 6, 2018. 18 Fernández Abara, Joaquín. 2012. “Regionalismo, liberalismo y rebelión: Copiapó en la guerra civil de 1859”. Masters, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. 2015. “Guerra, militarización y caudillismo en el norte chileno: el caso de Copiapó en la Guerra Civil de 1859”. Economía y política 2 (2): 41–75.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

179

participated in opposition politics in the context of the Society of Equality and/or the revolution of 1851, though the Gallo and Goyenechea families had previously supported Montt. After the failure of this urban movement, an armed uprising broke out in the north, led by the Gallo and Goyenechea families, with Pedro León Gallo Goyenechea (Angel Custodio’s brother) at the head. After their defeat, Gallo Goyenechea fled to Cuyo with around 700 followers.19 The lack of extant documentation makes it difficult to follow most of those who fled to the Argentine Confederation, though we will pick up the trail of Errázuriz and Lara below.

State Practices of Exile The practices of exile include those of the republican authorities—such as outright banishment, or “encouraging” flight through the use of bond payments or sentence commutation—as well as mobility practices of “exit,” where the émigrés fled in anticipation of repression ranging from job loss and imprisonment to summary execution. These categories were not exclusive, as individual situations often involved a combination of choosing flight and the constraints imposed by state repression and violence. The preceding section hints at significant differences between practices of exile on either side of the Andes. Chilean exiles were of shorter duration, characterized by banishment or flight in the context of peaks of political conflict, whereas exile from Rosas and his allies was longer-lasting. This was no doubt a reflection of political differences. Chile’s history in this period was marked by periodic crises and authoritarian rule that alternated with amnesties and relative openness, whereas Rosas’ rule in Buenos Aires was a brutal dictatorship characterized by a peak period of repression after 1839.20 Banishment was a legal strategy used by the Chilean authorities to control the opposition, by offering sentencing reductions or the right to return to Chile in exchange for promises to stay out of politics. After the 1851 19 Barros Arana, Diego, Marcial González, José Victorino Lastarria, and Domingo Santa María. 1861. Cuadro histórico de la administración Montt: escrito según sus proprios documentos. Valparaiso: Impr. i Libreria del Mercurio de Santos Tornero, 187. 20 Loveman, Brian and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas del olvido: vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones. Myers, Jorge. 1995. Orden y virtud. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes.

180

E. BLUMENTHAL

uprisings, a death penalty sentence was frequently commuted to 4, 5, 6 or 10 years of banishment, with the threat of it being reinstated in case of early return.21 An example of this is Francisco Segundo Sampayo, whose death sentence was commuted to six years of banishment for having participated in the uprising in Valparaiso on October 28, 1851.22 Francisco Bilbao and his brother Luis were sentenced to death in 1851,23 and their brother Manuel was sentenced to death later that year after the uprising in La Serena. They do not appear on the list of those whose sentences were reduced to banishment, however, suggesting flight to exile in Lima.24 This strategy of banishment and relegation was not employed to nearly the same extent by Rosas, where exile tended to be characterized by flight from violence. This was memorably captured in José Mármol’s novel Amalia, written in exile in Montevideo, in its famous opening scene in which an attempt to flee by boat to Montevideo led to summary execution on the docks.25 Passports were granted to opposition members, sometimes after prison time, with the expectation of flight; Gutiérrez referred to his as a “miracle.”26 Exile lasted longer and return was more difficult though not impossible. In Rosas’ Buenos Aires amnesties were individualized pardons and only became significant at the end of the 1840s, toward the end of his regime, as a way of rewarding émigrés who gave up exile politics, an option some saw as desirable.27 Chilean exile practices of frequent amnesties and reincorporation into public and political life contrasted with the situation in the Confederation where Rosas was in power for almost 20 years, much longer than Montt

21 “Sentencia del consejo de guerra” and “indulto”, in Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1862. Historia de los diez años de la administracion de Don Manuel Montt. Levantamiento i sitio de La Serena. Vol. 2. Santiago: Impr. chilena, 284–87. 22 Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas del olvido, 163–64. 23 Vicuña Mackenna “Sentencias definitivas”, October 10, 1851, Vicuña Mackenna, His-

toria de la jornada, CXLXIX. 24 “Sentencia del consejo de guerra”, 284. This was also the case of others, sentenced to death, who resurfaced in exile, including Eusebio Lillo and Federico Errázuriz. 25 Mármol, José. 1851. Amalia: novela historica americana. Buenos Aires: Ramon Espasa y Compañia. 26 J. M. Guti´errez to Vicente Lopez, ´ Buenos Aires, May 19, 1840, AGN-AL, Leg 2358, no 3748. 27 Martínez, Claudio. 1849. Consejos a La Emigracion Argentina. Valparaiso: Imprenta Europea.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

181

(10) and there was no hope of electoral change. Moreover, Chilean exile was often interrupted by amnesties or political opening that allowed for periods of return, reconciliation and even a degree of political participation. State violence too was more targeted and legalized; there was much less beheading and putting them on pikes and more expedited courts-martial. For example, Pedro Félix Vicuña was banished to Lima in 1846 as part of the Interior Ministry’s efforts to control President Bulnes’ reelection, and five other opposition members, including Manuel Bilbao, accompanied him.28 Vicuña was, however, allowed to return at the end of the year, after the elections, because of ill-health.29 After the 1851 revolution, an 1857 amnesty allowed many to return, though some had returned even before the amnesty was passed, such as Vicuña Mackenna in 1855. These amnesties were not without controversy. In 1852, the President of the Senate, Diego José Benavente, protested against the revocation of an amnesty granted on the battlefield, reminding his colleagues that he too had experienced exile many years previously, as a follower of José Miguel Carrera during the independence wars.30 Juan Bello, banished to Peru because of a funeral speech he had given for one of the fallen rebels, received a diplomatic post to Paris in 1855, two years after his return; his father’s connections no doubt helped keep him out of trouble.31 Lastarria, a deputy in Congress at the time, was banished in 1850 and returned at the beginning of 1851 whereupon he was accused of participating in the Santiago uprising in April. He then fled to Lima, apparently “voluntarily,” where he stayed until 1852. Lastarria returned to Congress as an opposition member in 1855 and accepted public appointments in education and diplomacy, without participating in the 1858–1859

28 It is not clear if they too were formally banished. Vicuña, Pedro Félix. 1846. Vindicacion de los principios e ideas que han servido en Chile de apoyo a la oposicion en las elecciones populares de 1846. Lima: Imprenta del Comercio, 53–55. For the role of the Interior Ministry in Chilean electoral practices, see Valenzuela, J Samuel. 1997. “Hacia la formación de instituciones democráticas: Prácticas electorales en Chile durante el siglo XIX”. Estudios Públicos (66), 215–57. 29 Vicuña to Carmen Mackenna, Lima, November 6, 1846. In Vicuña, Pedro Félix. 1847. Ocho meses de destierro: O Cartas sobre el Perú. Santiago: Impr. y Librería del Mercurio, 107. 30 Edwards, Alberto. 1932. El gobierno de don Manuel Montt, 1851–1861. Santiago: Edit. Nascimento, 120. 31 Intendencia de Santiago, April 24, 1851. In Vicuña Mackenna, Historia de la Jornada,

657.

182

E. BLUMENTHAL

events.32 Even Francisco Bilbao, while in exile in Paris, was nominated to the statistics office in 1849. The official journal noted his studious behavior in exile.33 In 1857, Bilbao expressed hope of return. “The speeches of deputies Gallo, Tocornal, Lastarria have brought the caresses of the patria that calls out to its unfortunate children. They have revealed to us that there is still memory and that sooner or later we will be able to breathe the natal air.” He also claimed he was ready to renounce returning if it meant that “my brothers and my friends” could then go home. Bilbao affirmed that “the permanence of exile and banishment” was due to the fear that his own return generated in many quarters.34 Beyond these personal considerations and the importance that the Chilean authorities ascribed to him, he was clearly following the debates in the Chilean press and Bilbao’s critiques of amnesty echo those of the opposition within Chile, who feared that amnesty would exclude émigrés. This was, in fact, the case. The amnesty only applied to Montt opponents that had remained in Chile; return from exile would be decided on an individual basis by the president.35 The exile path of Carrera’s son, José Miguel Carrera Fontecilla, is a revealing example of these Chilean practices. He led armed uprisings in both 1851 and 1859 and was exiled to Lima each time. In 1851, after having participated in the April 20 uprising in Santiago, he escaped banishment—or execution—at the hands of a military tribunal by fleeing north with Vicuña Mackenna, where they participated in the uprising in La Serena, later the same year.36 As was the case for many others, after the end of the rebellion their death sentence was commuted to four years of banishment.37 For political and intellectual elite émigrés, exile could also be an opportunity to travel, particularly to Europe, with stopovers in Pacific and Atlantic ports. This was notable the case of Gallo Goyenechea, Domingo Santa María, Guillermo Matta, Isidoro Errázuriz, Vicuña Mackenna and Barros

32 Lastarria, José Victorino. 1968. Diario político, 1849–1852. Santiago: Andrés Bello. 33 Boletín de las Leyes, Ordenes y Decretos del Gobierno. 1849. XVII (8), 70. 34 “Chile”, La Revista del nuevo mundo (5) 1857, 119–20. 35 Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 168–70. 36 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Historia de la jornada, 648–49. 37 “Sentencia del consejo de guerra”, July 10, 1852. “Indulto”, August 13, 1852. In Vicu˜ na

Mackenna, Historia de los diez a˜ nos, Vol. 2, 284–87.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

183

Arana in the 1850s, as well as Francisco Bilbao in 1844. Their stay in Europe or the United States was important in their education and the evolution of their vision of Chile’s past and future. This was also the case of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation such as Alberdi and Gutiérrez. When Oribe’s siege started to make exile life in Montevideo dangerous, they undertook a trip to Europe, visiting the Italian states, France and Spain before settling into Chile when it became clear that return to Buenos Aires would not happen.38 This type of exile was identified with a bourgeois voyage of initiation that could legitimize a political or intellectual career.39 The more public discussions, appearing in multiple pamphlets and books written in exile, underscore the ways émigrés understood their own fate as well as the practices employed by Chilean authorities that led to exile. The expressions of indignation against the injustices of exile and Montt’s policies combined with narratives of personal victimization that describe the process of emigration. A good example is a pamphlet by Ramón Lara that describes the practice of banishment in Chile, though it is essentially a personal defense.40 After seven years in exile, he recounts having returned to Chile in 1858 only to be imprisoned without trial, his house ransacked and then being sent to the Straits of Magellan, “Montt’s Siberia.” He was only allowed to leave in exile after having paid an “expatriation bail.” “Magellan is Montt’s Siberia; you either perish among the convicts in the polar ice or pay an expatriation bail for ten years.”41 This voyage, from internal exile (relegation) abroad, passing through prison, expropriation of his property and bail payment, seems to have been a common Chilean practice and numerous references can be found in the sources. Isidoro Errázuriz emphasized the illegality of banishment and the blackmail of having to choose between prison in Magellan or paying bail to be able to go into exile.

38 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1845. Veinte días en Génova. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. 39 Fey, Ingrid E. y Karen Racine. 2000. Strange Pilgrimages: Exile, Travel, and National

Identity in Latin America, 1800s –1990s. Wilmington, DE: SR Books. 40 Lara, Ramón. 1860. El gobierno de Montt y sus ajentes. Una de mil. Manuel Montt, titulado Presidente de Chile, despues de haber usurpado a los pueblos … Mendoza 1 de marzo de 1860. Mendoza: s.n. (El Constituyente?). 41 Ibid., 9.

184

E. BLUMENTHAL

Even when emergency powers do not authorize the President of the Republic to banish citizens, Montt daily sends away from Chile those he considers enemies of his policies; because he placed them in the alternative of succumbing to the ice of the Straight or in the humid and solitary prisons of the Penitentiary or leaving voluntarily, on an enormous bail, to a determined place abroad.42

Errázuriz agreed to exile in Mendoza after paying a $20,000 bail in hard currency, while Gallo Goyenechea, the Matta brothers and Vicuña Mackenna—all arrested in connection with the Asamblea Constituyente in 1858—were unceremoniously deported to England the following year and an English ship hired for the occasion.43 Chilean documents indicate that the five were condemned to death for sedition and had their sentence commuted to banishment and a 6000 maravedis fine by the Supreme Court.44 The exile voyage was clearly reserved to those who could afford to pay, and the higher payment for exile to Mendoza seems to indicate the fear of exile politics from neighboring countries. They would no doubt have preferred Lima or Buenos Aires for strategic reasons. Vicuña describes similar practices in 1846, when he was incarcerated as part of the electoral opposition, before being banished. Anticipating relegation to Magellan or a remote island off Chiloé, he requested a passport to Peru for the duration of his 85-day sentence and paid bail to stay for a year in Peru. Vicuña complained that this was an arbitrary administrative decision made under the state of siege, whereas according to him only a tribunal could impose such a sentence.45 These details on the Chilean system of banishment mostly date to the 1858–1862 period. It is difficult to determine if this is the result of a more effective system of repression, developed during the decade of Montt’s 42 Errázuriz, Isidoro. 1860. Emigracion chilena i el gobierno Montt ante el Congreso Arjentino. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Bernheim, 21. 43 “Corte de policía correccional de Liverpool”, June 22, 1859. In Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín, and Ramón Lara. 1859. Montt, Presidente de la República de Chile, i sus ajentes ante los tribunales i la opinión pública de Inglaterra. Paris: L. Guerin, 8. 44 “Contra don Manuel Antonio i don Guillermo Matta i otros”, January 10, 1859 Gaceta de los tribunales. 1859. 146–47. Maravedis were a fractional currency generally used in smaller transactions. Hard currency (pesos duros ) refers to high-value inflation-resistant metallic currency. They were also sentenced to 3 years of banishment for “abuse of freedom of the press”, 292–93. 45 Vicuña, Vindicación, 54–55.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

185

government, or rather a result of more successful propaganda denouncing the system deployed by émigrés. Notably, the forced deportations of 1858 contrast with the way bail was used in 1850, simply to ensure that those sentenced to banishment actually left, under penalty of having their bail revoked.46 Regardless, banishment was a tool used by the Chilean authorities in 1850–1852 and earlier to a much greater extent than under Rosas in the Argentine Confederation.

Family Histories of Exile The frequency and importance of these experiences of serial family exile, with roots in the independence period, played a role in forming a political culture of exile, flavored by Romanticism. By serial exile, I mean repeated periods of exile—often banishment—followed by amnesties, pardons and return, often across generations. This was particularly strong among Chilean émigrés. Vicuña Mackenna, who was himself a serial exile and active participant in these events, said of his friend Carrera Fontecilla: he had a guerrilla’s tent (el toldo de un montonero) for a cradle and he saw light for the first time in the savage loneliness of a desert far from his patria. His father, errant and cursed, who never once saw him, wished to get closer to his shelter, running his enemies through with a sword, that in his heroic day closed all escape; but he was only able to know that he was born, and as it was the first son his wife had given him, exclaimed with much rejoicing: He is my first recruit! 47

The literal truth of Vicuña Mackenna’s story, almost certainly embellished by poetic license, is almost beside the point, though it is true that Carrera Fontecilla was born in 1820 during his father’s exile in the Río de la Plata. It shows how the émigré historian understood his friend’s exile heritage as part of a family tradition of exile, expressed through the Romantic figure of the émigré. In this sense, his first recruit could refer to the military heritage of the general, or the exile tradition the son was inheriting.

46 Vicuña, Historia de la jornada, 297–300. Includes original documents from the Intendencia. 47 Vicuña Mackenna, Historia de los diez a˜ nos, Vol. 1, 91–92.

186

E. BLUMENTHAL

Carrera Fontecilla’s proclamations after his nomination as Intendant of La Serena following a popular assembly, cited by Vicuña Mackenna, highlighted the legitimacy of his revolutionary military heritage. Using Federalist language similar to that of his father, his pronunciamiento focused on the complaints of the cities of Chile. “(T)heir complaints were not listened to, legal means were useless, the constitution was tread upon, they resolved to enforce their sovereign power themselves. This pueblo … has nobly reassumed its sovereignty.”48 The military and exile traditions were linked in the Carrera family, and the death of Carrera Fontecilla in exile in Lima in 1960, where he was working as a chocolate maker,49 is in this sense reminiscent of his father’s. This was also true of Vicuña Mackenna’s own family. His grandfather Juan Mackenna was banished to Mendoza by Carrera, and his father was banished to Peru in 1846. Despite these continuities, the exile situation had changed dramatically since his Carrera’s military campaigns in the Río de la Plata decades earlier. The 1850s political struggles were conditioned by post-1848 sensibilities, framed in terms of an effective expansion of republican democracy, Romantic notions of nationality and the incipient social question. Despite the use of the term caudillo to describe him in the sources, Carrera Fontecilla was not an independent military leader operating on a frontier with little state control, but instead a leader of urban military uprisings. His exile was also conditioned by a certain consolidation of republican institutions, in Chile and Peru, that limited the political participation of Chilean émigrés. They wrote against Montt and even participated in local politics, but were more attentive to host-country societies. The Bilbao family was also one of generational serial exile.50 The Bilbao brothers spent time in Lima as children during their father’s exile between 1834 and 1839. Francisco Bilbao’s exile in 1851 was his second experience after his flight to Europe in 1844 following his conviction for blasphemy after the publication of Sociabilidad chilena. It is not clear what combination of revolutionary zeal and disappointment with the turn of events in 48 “Al Pueblo de La Serena i de los departamentos pronunciados por la causa de la libertad”,

ibid., 98–99. 49 Figueroa, Diccionario biografico, ´ Vol. 1, 303. 50 There is no up-to-date biography of Bilbao. The two classics, which focus on his writing,

are Donoso, Armando. 1913. Bilbao y su tiempo. Santiago de Chile: Talleres de la Empresa Zigzag. Varona, Alberto J. 1973. Francisco Bilbao Revolucionario de América. Vida y pensamiento: estudio de sus ensayos y trabajos periodísticos. Santiago: Ediciones Excelsior.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

187

Paris caused him to move back to Chile in 1849.51 In 1851, after the suppression of the Society of Equality and the April uprising, his brother and father accompanied him to Lima into exile. In 1855, Francisco and Manuel were banished to Ecuador for their participation in Peruvian politics. After a stay in Paris in 1856, Francisco Bilbao moved to Buenos Aires, though he had to move to Paraná in 1859 because of his role in the opposition press. His brother Manuel joined him from Peru in 1865. Starting with the revolution that led to the 1833 Chilean constitution, over the next thirty years the Bilbao family experienced five successive exiles (1834, 1844, 1851, 1855 and 1859), a history that left its mark on the family. During his own exile in Buenos Aires in 1855, Vicuña Mackenna visited a “distinguished lady, victim of more recent exiles (because history is long…),” Argentine by birth, whose family was dispersed in Europe, Peru and Ecuador, who could not pronounce the word “Chile” without crying.52 This was undoubtably a reference to the Bilbao family, though their name was not mentioned, as Vicuña Mackenna limited himself to the first names of the woman’s sons, Francisco, Manuel and Luis. Bilbao’s intellectual relationship with exile should be understood as a reflection of his own personal and family history. This personal and family tradition is reminiscent of Vicuña Mackenna or Carrera Fontecilla; yet Bilbao was different in that he transformed this exile into a universal political engagement abroad. In Chile, in France, in Peru and in the Argentine Confederation, Bilbao translated this exile tradition into active engagement with political factionalism and revolution. This was unique and seems to have been less common among émigrés from the Argentine Confederation. The only other émigré whose experience comes close in terms of serial exile from multiple countries is Mitre, future president of the unified Argentine Republic, who was raised in exile in Montevideo after his parents fled Buenos Aires in the 1830s. Mitre moved to the Pacific in 1846, where he enrolled in the Bolivian army in 1847, before heading to Chile after Ballivián’s fall. He was banished to Lima in 1851 after expressing his sympathies for the Society of Equality in the newspaper he ran, El Comercio

51 Mondragón, Rafael. 2014. “Francisco Bilbao, la tormenta de 1849 y la fundación de La Tribune des Peuples: del liberalismo al anticolonialismo y el socialismo de las periferias.” Revista La Cañada: pensamiento filosófico chileno, no 5: 10–62. 52 Vicuña Mackenna, Pájinas, 366.

188

E. BLUMENTHAL

de Valparaíso, returning briefly to Valparaiso before participating in the campaign that defeated Rosas in 1852.53 Serial exile was common among émigrés from the Confederation, as Sarmiento’s multiple exiles in the 1830s suggest. These also involved family, and Sarmiento’s father and sisters accompanied him on several of his exiles. The mendocino Jacinto Godoy, mentioned in Chapter 2, is another example and was joined by his son Juan Gualberto in Chile in 1831. This was not only true of these more famous examples. The names that appear in the records of exile associations hint at the fact that migration involved entire families. Some of these are well known, such as the Gorriti family that emigrated to Bolivia after the collapse of the Interior League in 1831, or the repetition of the name Frías among the émigrés in Bolivia. Others are more anonymous and cannot be matched with extant records, such as the signature of the “Álvarez brothers” in one Chilean document.54

Romantic Representations of Exile These experiences of serial family exile, often on a generational scale, led to the development of Romantic representations of exile as a shared political culture. The bitterness of exile was the subject of émigré poetry, such as that of the Chilean Eusebio Lillo, whose Fragment of the Memories of the Émigré illustrates themes of loss and longing.55 The poem is reminiscent of Mármol’s A Pilgrim’s Cantos, both in its Romantic sensibility and its choice of metaphors linked to common experiences of exile. The sea crossing and the encounter with a new life separated—both literally and metaphorically—from home is a typical Romantic representation of exile, in Mármol’s case based on his serial exile, taking him from Buenos Aires, through Montevideo to Río. An attempted move to Chile, by way of the Straits, was forced back by the storms.56

53 Míguez, Bartolomé Mitre. Also see Chapter 5. 54 Bilbao, Triunfo, 42. 55 “Fragmento de los recuerdos del proscripto”. In Cortés, José Domingo. 1862. Flores chilenas: poesías líricas. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 64. 56 “Canto del peregrino”. In Mármol, José. 1854. Poesias de José Mármol. Buenos Aires: Imprenta americana, 141.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

189

Written in 1844, it was first published in exile in 1846 in Montevideo; Lillo had most likely read the Canto in Chile at the end of the 1840s.57 Lillo’s 1862 publication date is also significant because it followed the 1861 amnesty proclaimed by the new transition president, José Joaquín Pérez, allowing for the return of many émigrés. Similarly, Mármol’s Canto was republished in Buenos Aires in 1854 just after Rosas’ fall. This common language of exile, loss and return was important and shared in Romantic sensibility in Chile and the Río de la Plata, and across South America. The epistolary exchanges between émigrés, analyzed in Chapter 2, allowed for a conversation on the relationship between experiences of exile and patriotic sentiment. It was also eminently political. While denouncing Montt’s “tyranny” and attacking his concrete politics, Chilean exile pamphlets and articles also take up arguments linked to their context of exile, to justify political actions, in Chile and abroad. They seek to explain the context of exile, both to their host-country readers and to the Chilean audience back home. This includes an interesting reflection on exile and the political and human rights of émigrés. For Bilbao, the émigré that most notably develops these themes, exile was an essential part of his political identity. This is a central part of the The Émigré’s Messages, a compilation of articles and pamphlets pushed in book format, most of them originally published in the press belonging to El Comercio in Lima. Bilbao was a regular contributor to the newspaper in the early 1850s, and every June published “The Émigré’s Message” on the occasion of President Montt’s speech to the nation.58 “I have embraced the cause of revolution. In it we embrace, we friends, the noble children of Chile that suffer; all of us émigrés form a nation without territory, a race without a patria, citizens without a state, yet men of religion.”59 In Bilbao’s deistic understanding, religion was a synonym of liberty. Calling himself the “universal exile (proscrito),” Bilbao considered himself as part of the avant-garde of liberty, with the right to participate in politics in all the societies he lived in without belonging to any of them; 57 Mármol, José. 1846. El peregrino: canto duodécimo. Montevideo. For the reception of

Mármol in Chile, see Chapter 2. 58 Bilbao, Francisco. 1853. La revolución en Chile y los mensajes del proscripto: F. Bilbao. Lima: Impr. del Comercio. Many were republished in the 1865–1866 Obras completas de Francisco Bilbao. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Buenos Aires, and subsequent expanded editions. 59 “A los proscriptos”, La revoluci´on en Chile, 3.

190

E. BLUMENTHAL

indeed, rejected by all of them. Bilbao compared South American émigrés to Columbus, Galileo and Socrates, affirming that “while we have memory, we will always be banished.”60 Though Bilbao’s idea of universal proscription was unique, it was part of a common reflection of exile and the nation that shared a Romantic sensibility linked to the European revolutions of 1830 and 1848 and the exiles they produced. The Hungarian exile figure Kossuth loomed large in Bilbao’s writing, and he often cited Kossuth as an example of this spirit of 1848. The Romantic figure of exile was at the heart of Bilbao’s thinking and his comprehension of his own place in Chilean and world politics. In an article appearing in the context of Kossuth’s travels in the United States after the failure of the Hungarian 1848 revolution,61 Bilbao refers to Kossuth with words that spoke to his vision of himself. “Your word is now directed to the world. Wherever you speak, this place is a tribune of the peoples. You spill your heart in the middle of men of different race and language and all participate in your cause.”62 Poland was another exile trope that Sarmiento used, in one of his first published pieces in Chile, to call on the support of the Chilean government and public opinion: Poland! Sad Poland, I salute you from the foreign home that has lent me asylum. We, only us, understand your anguish, because disgrace sharpens one’s faculties for feeling others’ disgrace; because disgrace sympathizes with disgrace. As your children beg hospitality in the doors of European nations, we also wander, without a country, without asylum, without posing our wandering soles calmly, in the vast extension of America that surrounds our unfortunate country.63

60 “El desterrado”, Obras Completas, Vol. 1, 103–4. His works do not always include a date allowing us to situate them in time and space. 61 Freitag, Sabine, “‘The Begging Bowl of Revolution’: The Fund-raising Tours of German and Hungarian Exiles to North America, 1851–1852”. In Freitag, Sabine (ed.), 2003. Exiles from Europeans Revolutions: Refugees in Mid-Victorian England. London: Berghahn Books, 164–86. 62 Lima, July 10, 1854, “La palabra de la Hungria. A Kossuth. Enviandole los mensajes del proscripto”. In La revoluci´on en Chile, 197. The date is clearly erroneous, given that the book form was published in 1853. 63 “El emigrado”, El Mercurio, March 17, 1841. In Obras de D.F. Sarmiento. 1887. Vol. 1. Santiago: Imprenta Gutenberg, 20–22.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

191

For Santiago Arcos, Bilbao’s partner in the Society of Equality, exile was a synonym of defeat and resignation. “Can we even emigrate in the presence of so much injustice? You have a soul that feels for its brothers, will you understand that expatriation is the recourse of egotists, honorable men do not emigrate: they struggle until the last moment?”64 The shame of having been “banished without deserving my banishment” made him return to Chile from Lima in 1852 to continue the armed struggle against Montt. He wrote to his friend from a Chilean prison, from where he would be banished again to Mendoza later that year.65 Similar sentiments were expressed by Mármol’s fictional hero in Amalia, who resisted emigrating to Montevideo seeing it as defeat.66 As suggested by the Sarmiento quotation, political exile in the context of European revolutions was a source of legitimacy that linked South American exile to broader Atlantic political tendencies. Errázuriz appealed to public opinion in the Argentine Confederation claiming “they condemn in us what is tolerated and applauded in the French, Italian and Brazilian emigration,” insisting on the fact that the Chileans too were “exiles like in any other country in the world.”67 Chilean émigrés understood and justified their exile as part of a global political culture that included South America as well as the exiles produced by the peoples’ spring of 1848, invoked in the defense of their rights as émigrés. In England, the four banished Chileans mentioned in the previous section tried to sway public opinion through reference to contemporary European deportation cases. Their lawyer noted in court the similarity between their case and those of similarly “banished Neapolitans,” sent to the United States on a US ship, who rebelled on board forcing the captain to debark in Great Britain. A “fact that had been applauded in England by all classes in the country, who then congratulated themselves that it had not been an English ship.”68 The captain had consented to the demands

64 Arcos, Santiago. 1852. Carta de Santiago Arcos a Francisco Bilbao. Mendoza: Impr. de la L.L., 4. 65 Ibid., 2. For Arcos’ exiles, also see Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Historia de la jornada and Chapter 6. 66 Mármol, Amalia, 351–56. 67 Err´azuriz, Emigracion chilena, 4. 68 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Montt, Presidente, 12.

192

E. BLUMENTHAL

of the Neapolitan émigrés, whereas the Chileans had to seek recourse in the courts. The court documents were reprinted in Paris along with polemical antiMontt material. A declaration signed by Gallo and the Matta brothers, included in the pamphlet, underscored the role of public opinion. “Now that two English tribunals have condemned Montt through the actions of his accomplices, we believe we have complied with our duty occupying public opinion with a more detailed and extensive narrative of the events and authorized with our signatures.” This battle to win public opinion was also a reaction to the propaganda that the government circulated concerning the émigrés, describing them as criminals. “Many European newspapers, misled by the false news appearing in Montt’s official newspapers, have published erroneous and contradictory correspondence on the events.”69 The émigrés sought to rectify the situation. Montt had sent them “to the country in Europe where our voice would be heard most loudly by the press, discussion, public justice and the national spirit of liberty.”70 In addition to the vibrant London press, he is referring to the British nineteenthcentury heritage of asylum that received émigrés from Poland, France, Italy and across Europe.71 Speaking of their own banishment, Vicuña Mackenna asked if “this is not a crime worthy of being known, sentenced, vilified by public opinion in Europe?”72 It is not clear if these calls to European public opinion were a rhetorical device, given that writing in Spanish was clearly destined to circulate in America, or a strategy that sought to influence opinion concerning Montt. Probably a bit of both, as the contrast between Montt’s censorship and repression and the English press that the émigrés viewed as free and open sought to discredit the Chilean government. For Vicuña Mackenna, his passage through Buenos Aires in 1855, after a voyage during his first period in exile taking him through California, the eastern United States and several European countries, was the occasion to think more broadly about the meaning of exile in South America. He took the time to do a bit of what might be called exile tourism, visiting

69 Ibid., 23, 26. Might be a reference to Cochut, André. 1860. Chile in 1859. Originally published in La revue des deux mondes and translated into English and Spanish. 70 Vicuña Mackenna, Montt, Presidente, 28. 71 Freitag, Exiles from European Revolutions. 72 Vicuña Mackenna, Montt, Presidente, 28.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

193

Rosas’ former residence in Palermo where—as Vicuña Mackenna put it— “that fury of destruction spent his favorite days cutting people’s throats (degollando jente) and castrating tigers.” The reason behind the exile of so many of his friends, the very friends he was visiting in Buenos Aires, also reminded him of his grandfather’s banishment by José Miguel Carrera and allowed him to make the link to his own exile. “He died an émigré! … His grandson also arrived errantly looking for the trace of his glory, bathed in blood and erased by the broomstick of forgetfulness and ingratitude.”73 In Mendoza on his way back to Chile, he visited historical sites linked to the common history of Chile and the Río de la Plata, such as Rodeo del Medio, where Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid’s defeat led to the exile of hundreds to Chile in 1841,74 or Carrera’s last campaign.75 He noted that his guide (baqueano) was the same who had helped the famous caudillo Chacho cross the border into Chilean exile in 1841.76 He finished his narrative of his own return to Chile from exile by comparing it to La Madrid’s army crossing the border toward exile, evoking the snowy passes and suffering of exile as well as the hope of returning home. This anticipates the themes of exile and reconciliation that dominate his historiographical work of the 1850s and 1860s, examined in Chapter 6. This language of exile solidarity and family traditions of exile helps explain the personal and political friendship between Vicuña Mackenna and Carrera Fontecilla, despite the fact that the former’s grandfather was banished by the latter’s father and killed in a duel by the latter’s uncle in exile in Buenos Aires. Furthermore, it is important to remember that this language of Romantic exile was familiar to Vicuña Mackenna’s readers in Chile and the Río de la Plata, in part because of the relationship between émigrés from both sides of the Andes dating to the 1830s. Vicuña Mackenna’s narrative of his own exile reminds readers of the connections between the causes of exile across South America, a reflection of a common history of exile in South America. Mean and false republics of South America, has ingratitude been your affront or a deserved punishment? … Bolívar died of sorrow in Santa Marta; Sucre

73 Vicuña Mackenna, Pájinas, 371–72. 74 Ibid., 432. 75 Ibid., 420. 76 Ibid, 442.

194

E. BLUMENTHAL

perished assassinated; O’Higgins bones are in Peru; the Carreras were executed by firing squad in Mendoza; San marin (sic) died on the coasts of the Manche; Rivadavia poor and exiled finished his days in Cádiz.77

This was a shared history, but also a shared political culture based on state repression techniques as well as émigré mobility practices.

Representations of Rosas The representations of exile examined in the previous sections also had a specifically South American context. The political struggle against Rosas became a reference point for the Chileans, not only because of their personal ties to Argentina, but also because of their intellectual ties to anti-Rosas figures. As émigrés, they analyzed Chilean politics and society through the lens of what they discovered in the host country. Rosas and the young Romantic generation, though no longer so young or Romantic in the 1850s, remained a framework of analysis used to understand Chilean exile and struggles against Montt. Argentina took on a symbolic significance in the imaginary of exile that the actual numbers risk hiding. They also worked to legitimize the anti-Montt struggle in public opinion, in Chile and abroad, depicting Montt as a Chilean Rosas. The Romantic descriptions of exile, similar in Lillo, Mármol and many other literary and political writing, are not anodyne, because they underscore how exile under Rosas was a model for Chilean émigrés, a key to understanding their own dislocation and exile experiences. Ramón Lara explicitly evoked another author from the Río de la Plata, affirming that José Rivera Indarte’s Tablas de sangre (Tables/Stage of Blood) could have been written under Montt. According to Lara, Montt’s nine years of government had cost Chile “more blood than Rosa’s tyranny (had cost) the Argentine Republic.” In telling his own story, he challenged his readers to find worse oppression under Rosas.78 The narratives denouncing Rosas’ terror served as an archetype to the construction of a representation of Montt as a dictator. These narratives were useful to Chilean émigrés in Buenos Aires and the Confederation, who sought to legitimize their exile struggle and place in 77 Ibid., 366. 78 Lara, El gobierno de Montt, 2–3; 9. The text Lara refieres to is Rivera Indarte, José. 1843.

Rosas y sus opositores. 1a. Montevideo: Impr. del Nacional. A second edition (Buenos Aires, 1853) was published after Rosas fall. Indarte died in exile in Santa Catalina, Brazil.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

195

public life. Isidoro Errázuriz had to stand up to the closing of his propaganda operation in Mendoza in 1859, where he published the newspaper El Constituyente and ran the press under the same name. When his paper was banned by the Confederation, apparently under pressure from Chile, which had recognized Paraná and not Buenos Aires, Errázuriz appealed to public opinion to pressure Congress into reversing the decision. He appealed to Chilean-Argentine cooperation for the cause of liberty that had existed since independence, speaking of an “alliance of the peoples” against tyrannical governments such as those of Rosas and Montt, as well as the Spanish, evoking a common history of independence and exile. He compared the law Montt used to seize his opponents’ property— called the law of “responsibility”—to Oribe’s confiscations in Uruguay, describing the Chilean government as “mashorcadas,” in a reference to the Rosas group responsible for much of the repression in the province of Buenos Aires.79 Exile and independence were linked in a coherent narrative of struggle for liberal democracy, connecting the Chilean émigré struggle to the projects underway in the Confederation to organize an Argentine Republic. Errázuriz was not only the editor of the newspaper, he was also the owner of it and its printing press, and its closing meant a significant loss of revenue for the émigré entrepreneur (empresario), as he called himself. Before its closing, he had a contract with the provincial government to print official documents and declarations and he was required to give a certain number of copies of the newspaper to the government in exchange for a subsidy. This was a typical arrangement, but the paper also published on Chilean exile politics, as Errázuriz freely admitted. The name of the paper directly evoked both the Asamblea Constituyente, closed in Santiago two years earlier and at the root of Errázuriz’s exile, as well as the Argentine constitutional debates of the 1850s. After a series of articles that were highly critical of Montt, the Chilean consul in Mendoza apparently complained to the provincial authorities who transmitted the complaint to the Confederation’s government in Paraná.80 Errázuriz defended Chilean émigrés’ right to participate in the press in terms that were common among exiled writers. He attacked the use of Emer de Vattel’s work on the law of nations, offered by the Minister of

79 Err´azuriz, Emigracion chilena, 13, 42, 45. 80 Errázuriz, Emigracion chilena, 6. I was unfortunately unable to locate copies of the paper.

196

E. BLUMENTHAL

Foreign Affairs of the Confederation, Emilio de Alvear and used to justify closing the press and the newspaper. He qualified Vattel’s opinion as “backwards” (atrasada), more appropriate for an “irresponsible despotic regime of the absolutist governments of Continental Europe,” stating his preference for the more recent work of Andrés Bello, elaborated in Chile, which he claimed was more appropriate to the “democratic system recognized in our century.”81 The Chilean émigré was referring here to Bello’s Principios de derecho de gentes, originally published in Santiago in 1832 and influential in Latin America.82 Erráruriz noted Bello’s response to Rosas’ diplomatic representative in Santiago in 1845, Baldomero García, when the latter called on the Chilean government to silence émigrés, such as Sarmiento, who were active in the press. Bello “defended the rights of the Argentine emigration to the free use of the Chilean press against the claims of the Dictator Rosas,” precisely when Montt was Minister of Foreign Relations. He also noted the “French emigration” that found refuge from Napoleon III in Belgium, Switzerland and Jersey.83 While establishing the parallels between the “barbarism” of Rosas and Montt as dictators, Errázuriz was reminding the political elites of the Confederation of their own history of exile under Rosas. Chile had welcomed them, allowing free use of their civil liberties, notably in the press, where they actively published against Rosas. The Chilean government did not set up any obstacles to the attacks on Rosas in the Chilean press and defended the émigrés from the Buenos Aires government. Now it was the Confederation’s turn to protect the Chilean émigrés. In 1860, this reference to an exile debt could not have been clearer for Errázuriz’s readers. He also cited the Confederation’s 1853 constitution, which explicitly guaranteed civil liberties to foreigners, notably freedom of association and the press, opposing these liberal guarantees to the situation in Chile under emergency powers that had suppressed these rights, for foreigners and nationals alike. The “internment” with which Alvear menaced him was,

81 Ibid.,10. Emilio de Alvear, son of Carlos María, was Minister of Foreign Relations in 1860 under President Santiago Derqui. Cf. Alberdi’s arguments analyzed in Chapter 6. 82 Cf. Introduction, 24. 83 Err´azuriz, Emigraci´on chilena, 10–11.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

197

according to Errázuriz, the equivalent of “banishment” from the province of Mendoza, which he held was illegal.84 Errázuriz defended himself against the accusations brought by the Confederation government concerning the émigrés’ behavior, emphasizing their obedience to Argentine law. “Neither in Mendoza nor in any part of the Argentine Confederation have émigrés from Chile celebrated revolutionary clubs, armed expeditions or affiliated conspirators.” He insisted upon the “legality” of their actions, undertaken in the public sphere and not conspiratorially. “We have preferred to come out of the modest silence of proscription and come to the national Congress so that it and public opinion may do us justice and find an honorable precedent for the future.”85 This defense of a tradition of asylum apparently worked. The Confederation’s Congress took Errázuriz’s accusation into account, Avlear’s orders were canceled and, according to another Chilean émigré account, Alvear had to resign. A text published in 1861 after returning from exile, took up some of Errázuriz’s same arguments in defense of asylum. “President Montt forgot the rational liberal policy of a government that he was a part of, in favor of the Argentine émigrés that in another time attacked Rosas from our press; he forgot the practices of England, Belgium and Switzerland in defense of the French emigration persecuted by Napoleon III.”86 The idea that Montt’s confiscation laws were inspired by Rosas was also taken up in a pamphlet by Vicuña Mackenna, originally published as an open letter in El Comercio in Lima in 1860, where he had moved after being deported to England in 1859.87 Though addressed to a larger public, and not just Chilean émigrés, it used some of the same themes of Rosas’ barbarism to legitimize the émigré struggle against Montt. It took the form of a public letter to Bartolomé Mitre, his friend since the days of the Society of Equality in Santiago, in which he related a letter received from Salustio

84 Ibid., 8–9. For civil rights in the 1853 constitution, see González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 2016. “Enjeux des politiques de nationalité dans le contexte de migrations postimpériales: le cas de l’Argentine, 1853–1931”. Revue d’histoire du XIXe siècle, no 51 (enero): 71–87. 85 Ibid., 4–5. 86 Barros Arana, et al., Cuadro hist´orico, 257–58. This was connected to Santiago’s recog-

nition of Paraná, as we will see in Chapter 7. 87 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1860. D. Juan Manuel Rosas delante de la posteridad y la confiscacion politica restablecida en la lejislacion de Sud-America. Lima: Estab. Tip. Aurelio Alfaro. The letter was originally published on September 28, 1860.

198

E. BLUMENTHAL

Cobo. This letter within a letter, which Vicuña Mackenna claimed to have sent to Mitre to be deposited in the Buenos Aires archive, narrates Cobo’s visit to Rosas at his Southampton residence in England. Cobo was a Chilean émigré living in Europe. Vicuña Mackenna mentions that Cobo took over El Comercio (of Valparaíso) from Mitre when the latter was banished to Lima, but he was also the editor of the opposition paper El Ciudadano in 1858.88 Despite the title that evokes Rosas’ Southampton exile, the subject of this public letter to Mitre is not really about Rosas or Argentina, but rather about Montt and Chile. Though the first third of the 68 pages are dedicated to Rosas, through the mentioned letters, the rest of the pamphlet is an attack on Montt’s repressive policies, particularly his confiscation of opposition members’ property, that underscores the power of Rosas as an historical archetype for Chilean émigrés. Though addressed to Mitre, using a language of civilization and barbarism reminiscent of Facundo and written in part to a public of ex-émigrés from the Río de la Plata, it also reflects a wider context. Published in Lima, an important site of exile, for an implicit public of Chilean émigrés, it suggests how the language of Facundo had spread in South America, as a way of understanding the multiple realities of each country. “Making it known how Rosas fell, is to know Americans and the world, what are and have been the Monagas brothers, Dr. Francia, Quiroga, Belzu, Oribe, Obando, Montt, Santa-Cruz, all these demigods the fallen genius worshiped for their evil.”89 Chilean émigrés applied this understanding to Montt in a context of exile and hope of return. At the same time, the language of exile and banishment had also spread. “Accept this letter then, General, only as a reminiscence of the common dungeon that in (1)851 opened up for you when facing the saving mission that your country claimed from you, while destiny pointed me toward the laborious apprenticeship that you had suffered.” Exile linked Vicuña Mackenna and Mitre as friends, while it also linked Chile and Argentina as countries, and Montt and Rosas as dictators. “These memories will prove to you at least that I have not meanly forgotten the inspirations of your valiant soul, revealed to mine in the first dawn of its enthusiasm; and perhaps it will please you to know that on this side of the Andes there are still hearts

88 Ibid., 1. Silva Castro, Raúl. 1958. Prensa y periodismo en Chile, 1812–1956. Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile, 151. 89 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, D. Juan Manuel Rosas, 17.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

199

that have faith in the redeeming mission of America.”90 Writing as though in Chile, Vicuña Mackenna presents Mitre as a personal model and exile from the Confederation as a model for the Chilean opposition, a model for the triumph of democracy and the republic over the forces of reaction. It is not a coincidence that Mitre and Vicuña Mackenna would write some of the first national histories of their respective countries. Trans-Andean exile was also reference for Lastarria, who wrote his Letter from Lima to Mitre in 1851. This is, again of course, a reflection of friendships that began in Chile in the 1840s. Though less openly political, and without explicit reference to anti-Rosas exile, the fact that it was addressed to Mitre underscores the symbolic connections between Argentina and exile, as well as between the Romantic generations on both sides of the Andes. It is not a coincidence that it was Mitre—exiled from Chile and the Confederation as part of his experience of serial exile—who was chosen to represent them as a group.91 Through these public letters to Mitre, there is an implicit presence of a certain imaginary of Rosas in exile, as well as the hope that they will be read in Buenos Aires. These representations of exile were destined to have a long life. After the Chilean civil war of 1891, the defeated balmacedistas presented the post-war repression as work worthy of the mazorca.92

Exile Politics: Associations and Sociability Informal sociability was an important part of the exile political experience. Émigrés tended to group together in places they could discuss politics and plan revolution. Banquets, the theater and even bookstores and the printing press were places where they congregated to meet and exchange news.93 These last two were particularly salient given the importance of the press in exile, both as employment (Chapter 4) and as a means of political expression.

90 Ibid., 18. 91 “Carta sobre Lima”. In Lastarria, José Victorino. 1855. Miscelanea literaria. Valparaíso:

Imprenta y Libreria del Mercurio, 191–274. 92 Loveman and Lira, Las suaves cenizas, 234. 93 Félix Ortiz’s bookstore and the offices of the major papers were all mentioned as places

of exile sociability. Mayer, Jorge M. 1973. Alberdi y su tiempo. Vol 1. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de Buenos Aires, 309.

200

E. BLUMENTHAL

An important marker of exile sociability was the celebration of national holidays both in the press and in the form of banquets or other public expressions of émigré loyalty.94 For Chilean émigrés, September 18 (Independence Day) was the occasion to meet and demonstrate. Events were held in Lima and reported on in El Comercio, often with a banquet and sometimes accompanied by a parade or a theater performance attended by Chileans and Peruvians alike.95 Bilbao mentions a similar banquet in Mendoza in 1857, organized by the Club del Progreso, though it is not clear how many of the celebrants were actually Chilean.96 Likewise, May 25 was the occasion for émigrés from the Confederation to reaffirm their loyalty to the May revolution of 1810. It was often the occasion for press articles reflecting on the history of the revolution and the reasons for exile, as was the case of an 1842 article written by Sarmiento.97 A banquet celebrated on this date in 1849 in Sarmiento’s rural property at Yungay included the participation of several prominent émigrés, with speeches, reading of verse and toasts. The event finished with the singing of the national anthem around a portrait of San Martín, independence hero on both sides of the Andes, painted by one of Sarmiento’s sisters.98 These events, published in the local press, expressed a unique exile sensibility for a public composed in part of host-country readers, and they could serve quite effectively to bring out the sympathies of public opinion. This was the case in 1841, when—after the defeat of La Madrid in the context of Lavalle’s failed campaign against Rosas—hundreds of fighters streamed across the Andes. Their reception, organized by the Argentine Commission in coordination with the Chilean government, played out the press thanks to Sarmiento’s efforts. Moreover, it included theatrical productions of Shakespeare and Donizetti (with émigré actors), charity fundraisers to feed and clothe the newly arrived émigrés as well as a banquet at which Chilean and Argentine flags were flown. These events legitimized the exile

94 For the importance of banquets and café sociability in Europe in this period see Aprile, Sylvie. 2010. Le siècle des exilés: Bannis et proscrits de 1789 à la Commune. Paris: CNRS. 95 Bochner, Entrepreneurs, 63–65. 96 “No mas cordillera de los Andes”, La revista del Nuevo Mundo (9), 254–56. 97 “El 25 de mayo”, El Mercurio (Valparaíso), May 25, 1842. In Obras, Vol. 6, 48–55. 98 “El 25 de mayo”, La Crónica (Santiago?), June 3, 1849. In Obras, Vol. 46, 39–42.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

201

struggle in Chilean public opinion and made a case for providing asylum to the émigrés.99 Perhaps the most important form of association for the purpose of exile were the formal political organizations that sprung up to channel the émigrés’ struggles. National exile commissions were common in the mid-nineteenth-century Atlantic world. In the 1830s and 1840s, refugee committees appeared in Paris, especially those associated with the Giuseppe Mazzini’s Young Europe. Mazzini’s post-1848 Italian National Committee is another point of reference.100 Mazzinian ideas circulated throughout South America in this period as a result of Italian exiles.101 In Lima, the Chilean émigrés formed various ad hoc commissions, mostly to organize the September 18 celebrations.102 Though we do not have access to their minutes to carry out an analysis of their composition, a “list of Chilean émigrés in Lima” put together by Manuel Bilbao might serve as proxy. The average age was 42, and among the signees were artisans, future deputies, priests, journalists, military officers, merchants and legal professional, mostly from Santiago and the mining north.103 The preponderance of Santiago is not surprising, nor is the importance of the mining north, given Chile’s centralism and the importance of the north as one of the centers of rebellion in 1851 and 1859. These commissions continued late into the 1860s, after the objective conditions of exile had passed. In 1864, in the context of the war that opposed Chile, Peru and Ecuador to an invading Spanish fleet, one was formed to welcome former President Montt.104 99 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, “Acogida hecha a los emigrados”, “Sucesos de la cordillera”, El Mercurio, October 10 and 2 November 1841. In Obras, Vol. 6, 9–19. 100 Diaz, 242–55, Shain, 2004. 101 Isabella, Maurizio. 2009. Risorgimento in Exile: Italian Émigrés and the Liberal Interna-

tional in the Post-Napoleonic Era. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 213–16. Myers, Jorge. 2008. “Giuseppe Mazzini and the Emergence of Liberal Nationalism in the River Plate and Chile”. In Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism 1830–1920, Christopher Alan Bayly and Eugenio F. Biagini (eds.). Oxford: Oxford University Press for The British Academy. 102 Bochner, Entrepreneurs, 63. He sites El Comercio. 103 Bilbao, Manuel. 1853. Triunfo y perdida; o sea, El 20 de abril de 1851, en Santiago de

Chile: Episodio histórico. Lima: Imp. del Comercio. Of the 93 signees, age is available for 22, profession for 20, place of birth for 31. 104 Bochner, Entrepreneurs, 204–6. At least two émigrés, including Manuel Bilbao, participated.

202

E. BLUMENTHAL

Émigrés from the Río de la Plata also formed political commissions, though these were more permanent in character and took on more important characteristics. The Argentine Commissions were organized in Montevideo, Chile and Bolivia after 1839, to support the field operations of exiled military operations such as Lavalle against Rosas and his provincial allies.105 The Montevideo commission was made up almost entirely of porteños, mostly Unitarians with a few token dissident Federalists (and no Romantics), according to dissident members they did not take minutes or operate very democratically. In Chile, the commission was founded under the leadership of longstanding émigrés such as Las Heras, Sarmiento and Gabriel Ocampo, with branches in Valparaíso, Coquimbo and Copiapó, all important sites of exile. Most of the members of the Commission were from Cuyo or the interior provinces, and they all had deep roots in Chile and close ties to the Chilean government. In Bolivia, various ad hoc commissions established by the émigrés who arrived with Lavalle’s remains after his defeat and death in 1841 gave way to an Argentine Commission in Potosí that sought to set up satellites in La Paz and Sucre.106 These commissions left lists of members, minutes and donations received that show important connections with Bolivian authorities and deep roots in the Bolivia/Jujuy/Salta border region. In the minutes of its first meeting, where the executive commission was elected, the Potosí Commission did not use the title, but rather referred to the need to “congratulate the President of Bolivia,” José Ballivián and “give succor to the émigrés’ welfare.”107 Ballivián had just been proclaimed president by his troops after repelling a Peruvian invasion led by General Agustín Gamarra in the aftermath of the collapse of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation in 1839. He became an ally of the émigrés from the south. The rolls of the Argentine Commissions in Chile and Bolivia show the regional nature of emigration from the Río de la Plata. Though it is impossible to trace the provincial origins precisely, because of the lack of data on some members, there is a clear dominance of émigrés from Cuyo in Chile and from the northern provinces in Bolivia, while porteños dominated in 105 Blumenthal, Edward. 2018. “Exilio, guerra y política transnacional: Las comisiones argentinas en la política internacional americana”. Anuario IEHS 33 (2): 145–67. 106 Blumenthal, Edward. 2017. “Lavalle’s Remains: The Political Uses of the Body in Exile and Return”. Hispanic American Historical Review 97 (3): 387–421. https://doi.org/10. 1215/00182168-3933814. 107 June 27, 1842, AGN-CBN, Leg 685, no 10.904.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

203

Montevideo. Several members in Bolivia were in fact officers born in Upper Peru who were incorporated in the patriot armies in the 1810s and continued serving in the war with Brazil and the civil wars.108 The professions, though there are many gaps in the record, are similar to those of Chilean émigrés, though notably there are no known artisans. This pattern was repeated with the Argentine Constitutional Clubs, founded in Chile in 1852 in the wake of Rosas’ defeat that same year. They rapidly spread through the sites of exile on the Pacific coast with the goal of using the tools of the diasporic public sphere analyzed in Chapter 3 in order to shape public opinion in the constitutional debates underway in the Confederation.109 In the context of the constitutional debates over the organization of a unified republic—and in particular the place of Buenos Aires in the federal structure and the issue of who controlled its port’s customs revenue—exile public opinion split between two rival clubs, one led by Alberdi and the other by Sarmiento.110 With the secession of Buenos Aires from the Confederation in 1852, which would last until 1860, both states ratified their own constitutions, consolidated republican institutions and sought to achieve diplomatic recognition abroad. The Valparaiso Club supported the position of the Confederation and its provisional capital of Paraná and the Santiago Club allied with Buenos Aires. The Clubs sought to unify and represent exile public opinion in the Pacific in favor of their respective faction (Buenos Aires or Paraná). As Sarmiento put it, the rival club had “subsidized the Chilean press in the service of one of the Argentine interests,” i.e., factions.111 Thus, the rival Club sought to promote its views through “the opinion and the press of

108 Such as Juan Estanislao de Elías and Casimiro Rodríguez. “Suscripcion ´ arjentina”, s.d., AGN-BN, Leg 686, no 11.200. 109 Blumenthal, Edward. 2019. “Los clubes constitucionales argentinos en la costa del Pacífico”, Boletín del Instituto Ravignani, 3a (51): 17–55. 110 For the constitutional debate see Adelman, Jeremy. 2007. “Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism”. Latin American Research Review 42 (2): 86–110. Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 293–331. Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 1980. Proyecto y construcción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho, XXX–XLI. 111 “La prensa de Chile”, Obras, Vol. 15, 110.

204

E. BLUMENTHAL

Valparaíso.” 112 Though the factions were numerically relatively even, it’s remarkable how few participated (439 out of roughly 10,500 “Argentinians” in Chile according to the 1854 census). This suggests the elite nature of this type of exile politics, based on literacy and access to the public sphere, as opposed to the military struggle analyzed below. It is striking that émigrés from the Río de la Plata tended to form “Argentine” political associations, whereas the Chilean exile commissions were less numerous and more ephemeral. This was related to the fact that émigrés from the Confederation sought, through the associative process, to bring about the formation of a unified Argentine Republic, with a constitution, to replace the loose confederation set up by the 1831 Federal pact. This is to say the Argentina they envisioned did not yet exist. Analysis of the provincial origins of these associations shows that while they drew heavily on émigrés from neighboring provinces, they nonetheless brought together émigrés from different provinces to engage in Argentine politics across provincial lines, thus incubating an idea of Argentine nationality. They were in many ways constituting the republic through associative practices from the outside. As a declaration from Sarmiento’s club put it, “the Argentine residents of Chile are neither porteños nor provincial, but rather Argentinians from all points of the Republic, cast out in different eras and circumstances from the heart of the patria and have … persevered in the hope of seeing the organization of the country fulfilled.”113 What united them was exile politics. Chilean émigrés, on the other hand, sought revolution and constitutional reform, but had a country to which return. This mirrors the differences in patters of the exchange of correspondence analyzed in Chapter 3. Argentine associations were more diasporic and longer-lasting. The major figures of Argentine exile associations—Las Heras, Ocampo, Sarmiento, Alberdi—reflect this fact.

112 Circular, August 17, 1852. La nota y el credo de los argentinos residentes en Santiago y la contestacion con los documentos justificativos por el Club Constitucional Argentino instalado en Valparaiso. Valparaiso: Impr. del Diario, 20. 113 “A los argentinos residentes en…”, Santiago, November 3, 1852. In Sarmiento, Obras, Vol. 15, 83.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

205

Transnational Politics and International Relations Exile politics, transnational in nature as they crossed multiple borders, also played a role in international relations. At the most basic level, they followed the “three-tiered format of early exile” theorized by Sznajder and Roniger.114 Host governments were forced to deal with the presence of émigrés and “exo-politics” on their soil, either by co-opting them into local alliances or by controlling their activities, as we will see in the following chapters. In Mendoza and Lima, the Chilean consul kept watch on Chilean exile activities and, as we have seen, pressured the Confederation government to close El Constituyente. Similarly, in the 1840s the Buenos Aires government exerted pressure on Chile—remarkably unsuccessfully—to control the political activities of émigrés.115 The pressure exerted by the authorities helped accentuate the differences between nationals and foreigners, in a period in which these differences did not impede integration into national political and public life. Émigrés were forced to seek accommodation with the authorities to assure their continued asylum. In the case of émigrés from the Río de la Plata, this mediating diplomatic role between countries went even deeper. The Argentine Commissions actively negotiated with public authorities, both European and American. The Argentine Commission of Montevideo was created in 1839 as Lavalle’s civilian representatives in the context of his expedition to Buenos Aires. It operated as a government in exile, negotiating a precarious alliance with the Uruguayan President Fructuoso Rivera (1830–1834 and 1839–1843) as well as the 1838–1840 French blockade of Buenos Aires and the 1845–1850 combined Franco-British blockade. In the agreement signed between the five commissioners and the French consul, the Commission claimed to be acting in representation of “the Provinces and the citizens of the Argentine Republic, armed against the tyrant of Buenos Aires.”116 According to the French admiral’s aide-de-camp, involved in the negotiations, the Commission’s role was to “represent the legislative

114 The Politics of Exile, 73–74. 115 Infra, 169. 116 Varela, Florencio. 1840. Sobre la convención de 29 de octubre de 1840: desarrollo y desenlace de la cuestión francesa en el Río de la Plata. Montevideo: Imprenta de la Caridad, XVII.

206

E. BLUMENTHAL

power and, after the taking of Buenos Aires, convoke the people” to new elections, as well as channel aid to Lavalle.117 This role of government in exile extended to negotiating with a series of other actors, starting with state actors such as Paraguay and Uruguay as well as the province of Corrientes. This again highlights the porous nature of borders and sovereignty in the Río de la Plata. While Paraguay and Uruguay were independent republics—although Buenos Aires would not recognize Paraguay’s independence, de facto since 1811, until after Rosas’ overthrow—Corrientes was a semi-independent province allied with Montevideo against Buenos Aires.118 To the list should be added the breakaway Riograndense Republic (the current Brazilian state of Río Grande do Sul, 1835–1845) that gave asylum to many Uruguayan émigrés fleeing from Oribe, and allied after 1838 with Rivera in Montevideo.119 The Commission also played a mediating role between these governments and other non-state actors, including Uruguayan émigrés in Río Grande, and the Italian Legion under the command of Giuseppe Garibaldi.120 The commissions in Chile and Bolivia were involved in these efforts through overlapping involvement by their members, such as Las Heras, Frías and Paunero. However, they are not always mentioned by name. Paunero was not only a correspondent of the Argentine Commission of Santiago, he was also Ballivián’s brother-in-law as well as the Eastern Republic of Uruguay’s diplomatic representative in Bolivia. He frequently

117 Page, Theogène. 1841. “Affaires de Buénos-Ayres. Expédition de la France contre la République Argentine”. La Revue des Deux Mondes XXV (1841), 327. Yet he also suggested that the French were behind the creation of the Commission. 118 For provincial sovereignty, see Bransboin, Hernán David. 2012. “Mendoza Confederal El ejercicio de la soberanía mendocina en torno a la Confederación Argentina 1831–1852”. Ph.D., Universidad de Buenos Aires. Chiaramonte, José Carlos. 2004. Nación y estado en Iberoamérica: el lenguaje político en tiempos de las independencias. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Verdo, Geneviève. 2006. L’indépendance argentine entre cités et nation (1808–1821). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. 119 Scheidt, Eduardo. 2002. “Ecos da revolução farroupilha no Río da Prata”. Revista Eletrônica da ANPHLAC 0 (2): 29–45. Zubizarreta, “Sociedad secreta”. 120 Montevideo, 27 de agosto de 1845, Montevideo, 10 de noviembre de 1845, CHD, Vol. 3, 434–36. For Garibaldi and the Italian legion see Etchechury Barrera, Mario. 2012. “La ‘causa de Montevideo’. Inmigración, legionarismo y voluntariado militar en el Río de la Plata, 1848–1852”. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

207

voyaged between Montevideo, Chile and Bolivia with the goal of promoting an anti-Rosas alliance.121 Las Heras, President of the Argentine Commission of Santiago, married into a well-connected Chilean family and enjoyed a military commission in the Chilean army.122 After 1843, he was also Montevideo’s representative in Chile.123 Félix Frías was another such diplomatic figure, first informally through the press during his Bolivian exile (1841–1843) and then more formally as Bolivian consul in Valparaíso (1844–1847). In Bolivia—where, as we saw, he worked in education and the press—Frías was the correspondent of the Argentine Commission in Sucre, where he raised money and tried to recruit members.124 He also used his transnational exile newspaper contacts to promote Ballivián. In his proposal to the Ballivián government seeking support to start a new newspaper, Frías compared his project to two Chilean newspapers, El Mercurio and El Progreso, that were run by émigrés. Frías had already published in them and noted that the new newspaper would “increase the sympathies that the Argentine writers of Chile have in favor of the current administration of Bolivia.”125 His contacts in Chile gave him a double legitimacy as a guarantee of quality and as a way of promoting Bolivian image in the Chilean press. These were, of course, the same networks used by Frías and Villlafañe to increase their own readership in Chile, as we saw in Chapter 3. As Frías suggested, part of the émigrés’ strategy was to promote the Ballivián government in the Chilean and Montevideo press in 1843. Villafañe outlined this strategy in a letter to Frías, highlighting the need for positive articles on Ballivián to appear in the Chilean press. At Frías’ request, Villafañe had written a “long letter” to Sarmiento, asking him to look for support “among our friends in Chile.” Villafañe also underscored the need for a certain journalistic distance, so that the writers did not appear 121 Argentine Commission, Santiago, to Argentine Commission, Montevideo, July 25, 1842, CHD, Vol. 3, 258. 122 He was reincorporated into the Chilean army with the rank of General in 1842 and attended official ceremonies in this capacity. Minister of War to Las Heras, Santiago, October 11, 1842. Benjamín Vial to las Heras, Santiago, November 4, 1846, AGN-CG, Leg 1. 123 Santiago V´azquez to Las Heras, Montevideo, November 11, 1843, AGN-CG, Leg 1. 124 Commission to Frías, Potosí, February 5, 1842, AGN-BN, Leg 686, no 11.194. Frías,

February 10, 1842, Chuquisaca, RBN, XXIV (58), 420–21. 125 Frías to Facundo Zuviría, February 19, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 36–37. As noted in Chapter 2, Zuviría, his interlocutor in the government, was also an émigré.

208

E. BLUMENTHAL

to just be paid writers at Ballivián’s disposal. “I believe that because we cannot ourselves write in this county (Bolivia) praising the man without compromising ourselves, we should from time to time send some articles to Chile fulfilling this objective.”126 Although we do not have Sarmiento’s response, López offered his support. “In the article on Bolivia that I am going to send you I will salute Ballivián to mark your own articles.”127 The articles on Ballivián published in the Chilean press could then be shown to the Bolivian president and republished in the Bolivian press to show their support. Frías and Villafañe could maintain their journalistic independence all the while supporting their benefactor. To this point, Piñero outlined the advantages that Ballivián offered them. El Mercurio, “being the paper that circulates the most in the Pacific and in all parts, the (Bolivian) government would not be making a useless expense in protecting it. It would have a semi-organ to better circulate the ideas and documents that you communicated to me. I will also take up the interests of Bolivia.”128 El Mercurio’s assets were clearly useful to both émigrés and the Bolivian government. It would promote the prestige of the Bolivian government in a neighboring country by using émigré journalists close to the Chilean government. Not all emigres wished to support Ballivián in this way. Luis Domínguez, Frías’ contact in Montevideo, refused to participate without explaining his reasons, stating only that he did not have “all the necessary information.”129 Although Miguel Piñero, the editor of el Mercurio of Valparaiso, collaborated willingly, Frías was not happy with the result, and he wrote Piñero a long letter detailing Ballivián’s utility to the émigré cause, not only by protecting the émigrés and employing them, but also because of his value in an anti-Rosas military alliance including Bolivia and Chile. In Lavalle’s ex-secretary’s analysis, “the Argentine emigration” could not overthrow Rosas without the aid of the countries that had received the émigrés. He included an article to be published in the Mercurio rectifying the situation.

126 Villafa˜ ne to Frías, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXV (59), 20. Villafañe knew Sarmiento from before exile, where they were both members of the San Juan branch of Young Argentina. Before his move to Chile at the end of 1843, Frías did not know Sarmiento personally. 127 Lopez ´ to Frías, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN, XXIV (58), 501. 128 Piñero to Frías, Valparaíso, April 6, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 78–79. 129 Luis L. Domínguez, Montevideo, to F. Frías, Chuquisaca, September 12, 1843, RBN, VI (22), 12.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

209

Ballivián in his view was a “caudillo of progress,” on their side against the “barbarian” Rosas.130 Piñero explained himself by stating that he was working from the information provided by Frías in his letters, not having received the newspaper articles that Frías had sent.131 Yet the “misunderstanding,” as Piñero put it, was deeper. Piñero was not prepared to sacrifice his objectivity to support Ballivián. He attributed the critiques to living in a “different theatre” from Frías. A defense of Ballivián that was too open and obvious would have backfired, damaging their cause and causing the Bolivian émigrés to attack the “cuyanos” in the press, describing them as Ballivián’s “employees” who “go through America selling their pens to governments and to tyrants.” This, in turn, would have angered the Chileans with the paper, and the editor Demetrio Rodríguez Peña, another émigré, would have ordered Piñero to change the editorial line.132 This transnational republishing strategy was partially designed to further the émigrés’ own situation in Bolivia as analyzed in Chapter 3. But it also responded to a need for a diplomatic encirclement of Rosas and the Argentine Confederation that went beyond their own careers as journalists. Although this alliance never really took shape, it sought to bring the governments of Chile and Bolivia together with the exiled military leaders of Corrientes and Montevideo, as we will see in the next section. Piñero clearly viewed his reputation for objectivity as being on the line. The “moderation” with which Piñero expressed himself in the Chilean paper, his reference to himself as being “impartial” and his differences with Frías illustrate the difficulties émigrés could develop in public life.133 The accusation of being an “employee” of the government, a common one launched at political enemies, also suggests the dependence of the émigrés on the tolerance of the host societies, and above all of the authorities, in sites of exile. While Frías depended directly on Ballivián’s support, Piñero and Rodríguez Peña did not want to be seen as propagandists. Yet, the

130 Frías a` Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-BN, Leg 679, no 9.915. 131 M. Pi˜ nero to F´elix Frías. Valparaíso, January 24, 1843, RBN XXV (59), 25. Given the

dates, and the tone of the letter, it is possible that Piñero had not yet received Frías’ complaints. 132 M. Pi˜ nero to F´elix Frías. Valparaíso, April 1, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 53–54. He also complained about his conflicts with Casimiro Olañeta, Bolivian agent in Chile. Olañeta’s negative remarks were apparently getting back to the Bolivian president. 133 Miguel Pi˜ nero to F´elix Frías. Valparaíso, October 5, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 115.

210

E. BLUMENTHAL

dilemma was the same, how to reconcile the political demands of the struggle against Rosas with the realities and constraints of exile that called for circumspection. Frías’ correspondents, who considered supporting Ballivián from their different newspapers, considered these exchanges as a way of debating the place of émigrés in host society, and how the exile struggle should connect to local politics and their survival, giving way to comparisons of Bolivia and Chile. They were also playing a role as mediators between South American governments. A potential alliance between the émigrés and the governments of Chile, Bolivia and Montevideo and their participation in the incipient national public spheres, connected anti-Rosas politics with the political needs as well as the need for an intellectual letrado workforce in neighboring countries. This highlights the porosity between public opinion and informal pressure groups, insofar as émigrés were perceived as the “official” journalists of the different governments. The aforementioned Constitutional Clubs, operating off the Pacific coast after the fall of Rosas in 1852, also carried out unofficial diplomacy. By circulating Chilean newspapers associated with the different exile factions in Cuyo, they sought to intervene in the interior provinces of the Confederation in the context of the conflict between Buenos Aires and Paraná. As Sarmiento put it, “Mendoza is the gateway to Chile, and therefore a strategic element,” the loss of which “would close the entrance to any influence that can be exercised from here” and open up a “division in the republic.”134 In this, Alberdi’s Club in Valparaiso was the clear winner, as Buenos Aires was unable to earn the loyalty of Cuyo provinces. This underscores the wide provincial autonomy still available to enjoy autonomous relations with Chile and its exile population even at this late date. The Clubs, operating through the transnational public sphere, also sought to convince public opinion in Chile, the countries on the Pacific coast and in Europe of the justice of their cause. The Chilean government recognized the Argentine Confederation in the treaty of 1855, no doubt largely for economic reasons. Commerce, notably the sale to Chile of cattle that was fattened in Cuyo in exchange for European manufactured goods via Valparaíso, was too important to both parties to let Buenos Aires interfere. Furthermore, at the heart of the Argentine Constitutional Club of Valparaíso were émigré merchants residing in the city that made a living

134 Yungai, October 17, 1852, Correspondencia, 218.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

211

in this commerce, notably Beeche and Lamarca, who were also diplomatic representatives of Paraná and friends of Alberdi’s.135

Émigré Soldiers and Civil Wars Armed struggle has been a classic option for exile politics. As we saw in Chapter 1, exile forces spilled easily across the new international borders, as in the case of Carrera, and could spark international wars such as in the Freire expedition from Lima in the run-up to war with the Peru-Bolivian Confederation. In the case of Chilean émigrés, armed struggle played a smaller role in exile politics in the 1830s and 1840s, when compared with the experience of those from the Río de la Plata, or of Chileans in the 1810s and 1820s. The Carrera and Freire experiences were not repeated. Chileans were nonetheless drafted into the militias and armies of neighboring territories, in particular in Peru and the provinces of the Argentine Confederation. Émigrés complained of the lack of consular protection in Peru, Ecuador, California and the Argentine Confederation, where they suffered from conscription into local armed forces.136 This military role did not seem to translate into armed exile politics, as it did in the case of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, perhaps due to smaller numbers and geographical distance. The lack of plans for invading Chile should not hide the role of exile in the armed uprisings in the north of Chile, in both 1851 and 1859. Many regime opponents, whether they had been formally banned or simply fled the repression, returned from exile to participate in these revolts. Arcos, F. Errázuriz and Lastarria, all banished in 1850 after the dissolution of the Society of Equality, returned the following year to participate in the uprisings in Santiago or La Serena, or the politics surrounding them.137 More ambiguous was the situation of M. Bilbao, Vicuña Mackenna and Carrera Fontecilla, who apparently escaped from Santiago after the April 20 uprising by heading to La Serena to participate in the revolt there.138 135 Blumenthal, “Los clubes”. 136 Barros Arana, et al., Cuadro histórico, 255–58. 137 Arcos, Carta de Santiago Arcos, 2. Lastarria, Diario político, 106–7, 143. Gazmuri,

Cristián. 1999. El “48” chileno: igualitarios, reformistas radicales, masones y bomberos. Santiago: Universitaria, 36. 138 The “Sentencia del consejo de guerra” (July 17, Santiago) lists them—as well as the Bilbao brothers, Lillo, Santa María and others—as having fled. They were then sentenced to

212

E. BLUMENTHAL

In this case, the rebellion provided refuge—the opportunity of using exit to promote voice—to these opponents; the defeat of the rebellion meant more permanent exile in Peru and the Pacific. This helps explain why Vicuña Mackenna and the other leaders of the Constituent Assembly were deported to England, and not Peru, in 1858. Regardless, the 1857 amnesty allowed the return of many who would then participate in the 1858–1859 events. Though in military terms this cannot compare with the constant efforts to organize military expeditions against the Argentine Confederation from Bolivia, Chile and Montevideo in the 1830s and 1840s, it does highlight that it was common for returning exiles to participate in armed uprisings as well as the Chilean specificity of repeated exile and return. Émigrés from the Argentine Confederation played a much larger role in both host-country military forces and launching invasions from exile. This was related, given that forming military corps composed of émigrés created units that could easily be turned to launching expeditions across borders. Military experience was a specific form of human capital that émigrés—who had, themselves, often fled from civil wars—could provide. In other words, exile military organization also facilitated their integration into national armies in host countries. The Río de la Plata was highly militarized,139 and this tended to spill over into neighboring territories. There were quite a few officers in the Chilean army who were born in the Río de la Plata and moved to Chile in the context of the wars of independence. Many of them accompanied San Martín’s army and made a professional decision to stay in Chile and continue their career with the Chilean armed forces. Among the most well known are Eugenio Necochea and the brothers Manuel and Ventura Blanco Encalada, who obtained Chilean citizenship and fought against the Peru-Bolivia Confederation. Others, such as Las Heras or Nicolás Rodríguez Peña, maintained their commissions and salaries because of their military service in the wars of independence, but did not serve in active duty. These were not exile experiences per se, but rather characteristic of a generation of officers and political figures who, during the independence

death again for their role in the La Serena uprising later that year. Vicuña Mackenna, Historia de la jornada, CXLVI. Lillo escaped to Valdivia in 1850 before participating in the Santiago uprising in 1851, then fled to Lima later that year. 139 Rabinovich, Alejandro. 2013. La société guerrière. Rennes: PUR.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

213

struggle, participated in politics and military operations across the continent and then had to choose the country in which they would continue their careers.140 Las Heras and Rodríguez Peña are interesting, because they consistently identified with the political émigrés living in Chile and participated in the associations examined in the previous section. Las Heras left Buenos Aires for Chile in 1826 because of a lack of political opportunity, and he was a regular participant in exile politics until the 1860s. In the 1850s, while conserving a commission in both the Chilean and Peruvian armies, he also sought reincorporation into the army of the province of Buenos Aires, as there was still no National Argentine Army.141 Rodríguez Peña also participated in exile associations, although his sons, Jacinto and Demetrio, raised in Buenos Aires and exiled under Rosas, played a more prominent role in both Chilean public life and exile politics. While younger émigrés had a much smaller role in host countries’ militaries, participation in Copiapó’s citizen militia was an important topic in local politics. Natives of La Rioja and the Cuyo border provinces represented much of this population. Debates in the local paper El Copiapino over whether “Argentine” peons should be incorporated into the civic militias required of citizens, highlight the émigrés’ local integration and their efforts to incorporate peons into exile politics. At the same time, they organized and financed invasions of the Argentine provinces. This came together during the 1851 uprisings in Chile when an exile militia, secretly organized to invade the Argentine Confederation under the command of Juan Cristóstomo Álvarez, was recruited by the Intendant to put down a mineworkers rebellion.142 The aforementioned Argentine Commissions played a major role in coordinating and arming émigré fighters against Rosas, while seeking alliances with host-country governments, particularly in the context of General Juan Lavalle’s campaign to invade Buenos Aires and defeat Rosas militarily. Operating from an exile base in Uruguay, Lavalle invaded the province of Buenos Aires in 1839 but never took the city, retreating to the 140 See Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2011. The Caudillo of the Andes: Andrés de Santa Cruz.

New York: Cambridge University Press. 141 B. Mitre (Minister of War and the Navy) to Las Heras, July 1, 1856, Buenos Aires, AGNCMHN, Leg 27, no 3379; Las Heras to Mitre, November 28, 1856, Santiago, AGN-CG, Leg 28, no 3400. 142 Blumenthal, Edward. 2015. “Milicias y ciudadanía de residencia: la revolución chilena de 1851 en perspectiva transnacional”. Illes i Imperis 0 (17): 91–112.

214

E. BLUMENTHAL

northern provinces where an Interior League of provinces opposed Rosas. His defeat precipitated the fall of these provinces to Rosas’ allies, and Lavalle was killed by a stray bullet on his way to exile in Bolivia in 1841. Subsequently, the commission continued arming the Argentine Legion that operated in conjunction with the Italian, French and Basque legions of Montevideo. The Argentine Commissions in Chile and Bolivia were founded in part to continue the military role, though they were more important in diplomacy and protecting émigrés, as we saw previously.143 In Bolivia, there was also a great demand for émigré officers and soldiers that led to connections between local and exile politics. Writing in 1843, Frías outlined all the émigré officers in Ballivián’s service, holding it out as a sign of military capability in exile, with an eye to organizing campaigns against Rosas. J. C. Álvarez was serving in Tarija, near Salta and Jujuy, while Juan Esteban Pedernera was in La Paz. The 150 men who had accompanied Lavalle’s body to Bolivia in 1841 were now under Pedernera’s command and had been used to repel the aforementioned invasion by the Peruvian General Gamarra. Rudecindo Alvarado, the independence-era general, was receiving a pension of $2000 pesos per year, while Pedernera, Ezequiel Ramos and a Colonel Elías were also receiving salaries from the Bolivian government. Notably, Frías indicated that there were “in the Bolivian army various -Bolivian- Argentine officials voluntarily serving the country.”144 Elías, probably Juan Estanislao de Elías, was in fact born in Chuquisaca where he joined the independence-era military, no doubt contributing to Frías’ momentary confusion. They had found work, but this implied involvement in conflicts with Peru. Ballivián sent his brother-in-law, Uruguayan-born Paunero, to Peru with 3000 men, to support Peruvian General Juan Crisóstomo Torrico in the civil wars. According to Frías, Torrico was the Peruvian commander whose interests were closest to those of the anti-Rosas émigrés. He expressed the hope that Torrico would become president and Paunero’s troops would then turn to the fight against Rosas. As already noted, 143 Blumenthal, “Exilio, guerra y política”. For the foreign legions, see Etchechury, “Defensores”, and 2015. “De colonos y súbditos extranjeros a “ciudadanos en armas”. Militarización y lealtades políticas de los españoles residentes en Montevideo, 1838–1845”. Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar 4 (8): 119–42. 144 Frías to J. M. Guti´errez, Chuquisaca, May 1, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 70. Frías to Pi˜ nero, Chuquisaca, January 7, 1843, AGN-BN, Leg 679, no 9.915. Strikethrough in the original draft. Alvarez was receiving $180 per month, Ramos $80. Salaries were probably in Bolivian devalued currency.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

215

Paunero was to be named Montevideo’s diplomatic representative in Bolivia in order to negotiate its participation in an invasion of the Argentine Confederation.145 In a letter to Paunero a few months later, Frías changed his view and claimed that Bolivian intervention in the Peruvian civil wars would not only be unjust but unworthy of Ballivián, and perhaps more importantly, a distraction from the émigrés’ interest in an invasion of the Argentine Confederation. He, therefore, recommended negotiating with Torrico’s rival, Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco. The fact that the Chilean newspapers were skeptical of Ballivián’s alliances, as noted above, might explain Frías’ change of view.146 These entanglements with civil wars in Peru illustrate the potential costs of the alliance with Ballivián, and the way in which civil and international wars in South America were actually overlapping conflicts connected in part by the politics of exile.147 The émigré General Anselmo Rojo wanted to bring together all the émigrés serving under Ballivián to support a campaign against Rosas. Ballivián agreed because General Torrico, his ally in Peru, had been defeated and gave orders for Paunero and his troops to march south to meet up with Rojo, but few émigrés arrived.148 Rojo wrote several letters requesting that the émigré soldiers be sent south, apparently to no avail, though Frías agreed to meet him in Potosí.149 Rojo’s efforts to bring together the émigrés who had fought under Torrico, in support of an anticipated anti-Rosas pronunciamiento in the northern Argentine provinces, ultimately failed, but it shows how exile connected political conflict across new national borders.150 General Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid’s experience along the Pacific between 1841 and 1846 also illustrates this. According to his memoirs, he traveled from Valparaiso to Copiapó to Cobija, and then to Lima, accompanied by 10–30 men (mostly officers, the numbers varied as he traveled) and 145 Ibid., 67–68. 146 Frías to Paunero, Chuquisaca, July 24, 1843, RBN, XXV (59), 86–90. 147 Again, this echoes Sobrevilla. 148 Frías to Gen. Anselmo Rojo. Sucre, August 9, 1843, RBN, xxv (59), 97. Incidentally, this was when López wrote to Frías from Chile requesting that Torrico’s children be enrolled in El Liceo of Santiago; Torrico was living in exile in Bolivia. 149 Rojo, Tupiza, to Frías, Sucre, August 15, 1843, RBN, xxv (59), 101. Frías to Rojo. Sucre, 24-08-1843. RBN, xxv (59), 104. 150 Rojo, Tupiza, to Frías, Sucre, August 24, 1843, RBN, xxv (59), 105.

216

E. BLUMENTHAL

occasional family members, seeking money, horses and weapons to cross into the Confederation. He sought support from the Argentine Commission of Chile, that had been created in large part to support his failed takeover of Mendoza in 1841, and that promised him men, horses and munitions at the end of the year, though he complained that aid was not forthcoming.151 In one incident, La Madrid relates that he was in Calama, Bolivia (now part of Chile) in 1841 when he received word of Gamarra’s defeat by Ballivián, the victory that would propel Ballivián to the presidency. Gamarra’s pro-Rosas reputation led the Bolivian authorities in Calama to request La Madrid’s help in defending the city from the Peruvians. Once in Sucre, the capital, he then requested Ballivián’s help in attacking Salta or Jujuy, in exchange for his support in Calama, but Ballivián refused.152 In the different sites of exile in Bolivia, Chile, Peru and Uruguay, émigré officers and fighters, grouped around the Argentine Commissions, found themselves in a web of alliances that included breakaway territories, most of them part of the former Viceroyalty, that enjoyed various degrees of international recognition, such as the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, Paraguay, Corrientes, Río Grande. The shifting alliances also included non-state actors, such as émigrés from various provinces and Uruguay as well as bodies such as the Argentine and Italian Legions. In this context, exile politics connected the civil wars in the Argentine Confederation, Uruguay and Brazil, while also drawing in actors ranging from Paraguay to France, internationalizing what have often been seen as purely internal conflicts.

Exile Political Culture and International Relations The politics of exile worked differently in the two case studies, because of the differences in the respective political situations. In terms of practices, the Chilean authorities clearly institutionalized the mechanisms of exile— such as summary expulsion, formal banishment after a court-martial and exile as a reduced sentence—whereas flight from Buenos Aires and the Confederation tended to be more in a context of generalized violence and/or defeat on the battlefield. Furthermore, while exile from the Confederation

151 La Madrid, Gregorio Aráoz de. 2007. Memorias del general Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid. 1 vols. Buenos Aires: El Elefante Blanco, 723–26. 152 Ibid., 727–37.

5

THE PRACTICE AND POLITICS OF EXILE …

217

tended to last longer, and émigrés put down deeper roots, exile in Chile was characterized by cycles of exile and return. These are, however, schematic difference and should not hide the fact that authorities across the region used all these practices to a greater or lesser degree. The Argentine diaspora was more heavily militarized (as was the Confederation) and more numerous. Chilean exile patterns tended to be more centralized (as was the Chilean republic). Exile associations were more common and permanent among émigrés from the Confederation, due to the length and permanence of exile. Furthermore, exile played a mediating role in international relations. More complicated than the three-tiers model, through diplomatic and military efforts, the politics of exile connected different national political contexts across South America. From the Río de la Plata (Paraguay, the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, the littoral provinces of the Argentine Confederation and the Neograndine Republic) to the Andes (Peru and Bolivia, as well as Chile, Cuyo and the northern provinces of the Argentine Confederation), the transnational networks of émigrés connected and internationalized civil wars and “national” politics in an interlocking series of factional disputes. Yet again, differences should not overshadow the important commonalities. Exile was key to politics and was understood as such by the actors. The act of emigrating, whether through banishment or strategic “exit,” was part of a culture of politics, connected to Romantic figures of revolution and family traditions dating to the independence period. Exile politics meant that exile was not just absence, but rather a continued participation in politics by other means. In the remaining chapters, we will see that at an intellectual and cultural level, these same processes were occurring. This is to say that while participating in exo-politics, émigrés also played an important role in host-country politics, where they shaped their plans for return and gained formative experiences that shaped countries across the region.

CHAPTER 6

Exile Representations of Chilean Exceptionalism

This chapter examines the participation of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation in host-country politics, particularly in Chile. While the émigré alliance with Bolivian President José Ballivián was cut short by his fall from power at the end of 1847, and Manuel Oribe’s siege of Montevideo led to emigration flows to the Pacific, in Chile it continued into the 1850s. The emergence of a transnational public sphere and the professional insertion of émigrés in key host-country employment sectors, examined in Chapters 3 and 4, provide the context for understanding this political engagement which would have long-lasting consequences. Through their participation in cultural debates and the formation of public and civil society institutions, Argentine émigrés imagined Chile as a model of nation-building that could be adapted to their home country after 1852 and the fall of Rosas. This is the generation of the political and intellectual elites who wrote the constitution and the first works of Argentine literature—much of it in exile—and who would build republican institutions and shape politics of the unified Argentine Republic in the second half of the century. The ideas expressed in texts such as Sarmiento’s Facundo and Alberdi’s Las Bases were influential in the development of Chilean exceptionalism in South America, the idea that the country was unique in enjoying stable institutions, that contrasted with the “anarchy”

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_6

219

220

E. BLUMENTHAL

of the Argentine civil wars.1 This idea of Chilean exceptionalism had consequences for both Chilean politics—developed in Chapter 7—as well as Argentine political thought, as we will see here. The 1840s have been seen, rightly, as a key moment in Chilean history, a period of relative stability and institution-building when the idea of a Chilean nationality took hold. This was, as we have seen, in part a result of amnesties, the return of émigrés and relative political openness, notably in the press. We have also seen how émigrés from the Río de la Plata and elsewhere integrated professionally into Chilean society, in a variety of fields that were intimately connected to Chilean nation-building projects. The press, in particular, played an important role in debates and discussions of topics that were key to forming nationalities, as they were referred to in that era, such as literature, language, history and politics, that marked the political and cultural history of the country in the 1840s.2 The émigrés from the Argentine Confederation were important actors in these debates, where they fashioned an image of themselves as “Argentinians and Romantics,” transmitters of a radical modernity, in opposition to a perceived conservatism in Chilean society, which they presented as archaic and closed to new ideas. This back and forth between émigrés and host societies, relayed by the transnational public sphere, played a key role in fashioning cultural representations of nationality, chief among them the idea of Chile as a successful national project to emulate.

1 Jocelyn-Holt Letelier, Alfredo. 2005. “¿Un proyecto nacional exitoso?: la supuesta excepcionalidad chilena”. In Relatos de nación : la construcción de las identidades nacionales en el mundo hispánico, Francisco Colom González (ed.), 417–38. Madrid: Iberoamericana. 2 Collier, Simon. 2003. Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830–1865: Politics and Ideas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jakši´c, Ivan. 2001. Andrés Bello: la pasión por el orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Loveman, Brian and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas del olvido : vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones. Stuven, Ana María. 2000. La seducción de un orden : las elites y la construcción de Chile en las polémicas culturales y políticas del siglo XIX (Investigaciones). Santiago: Ediciones Universidad católica de Chile. Subercaseaux, Bernardo. 1981. Cultura y sociedad liberal en el siglo XIX: Lastarria, ideología y literatura. Colección Bello. Santiago: Aconcagua. Woll, Allen L. 1982. A Functional Past: Uses of History in Nineteenth Century Chile. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

221

Émigrés and Public Opinion in Exile The ambiguities of émigré participation in early republican newspaper writing are captured by the brief life of El Heraldo Arjentino, an émigré newspaper founded in Santiago de Chile in 1842 by two recent arrivals, D. F. Sarmiento and V. F. López. The newspaper sought to provide local (Chilean), Argentine and international news to the Argentine émigrés in Chile. Taking the European immigrant newspapers as an explicit model, the editors stated that their goal was to do what “the English, French and Spanish have done in Montevideo and Buenos Aires, supporting periodicals and newspapers for their nationals that speak to them in their respective language of the interests and politics of the absent patria.” Implicitly, this suggests that the Argentine population in Santiago played the same role as the Europeans in Buenos Aires, promoting civilization; Sarmiento and López placed themselves at the center of this movement. The newspaper also sought to strengthen or create national loyalties among this émigré population, and planned an active distribution policy in the diaspora, hoping to “distribute it free to the poor Argentinians and send it to the provinces of Chile, to Bolivia and Peru.”3 El Heraldo only published three issues, seemingly failing in its selfdescribed goals. In an article that appeared shortly afterward in El Progreso—another paper founded by the duo, but with a wider readership— Sarmiento and López explained the short life of the paper as the result of the definitive defeat of anti-Rosas forces in the Río de la Plata. The article is surprising for its argument that with the disappearance of El Heraldo, the Argentinians, as a collectivity, should disappear too, either assimilating into the Chilean population or returning to the Río de la Plata. “The name of the Argentinians should no longer be heard (sonar) in the Chilean press; those who raised their voices in the name of that lost nationality should keep respectfully silent.”4 This renunciation of the Argentine nationality was in part a reaction to military defeat in the Río de la Plata, in which the siege of Montevideo led to new waves of exile toward the Pacific coast. It was also a reaction to the impossibility of assigning an historicist meaning to the exile struggle against 3 “Prospecto del Heraldo Argentino. A los argentinos residentes de Chile”. Heraldo Argentino (Santiago), December 23, 1842. In Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1887. Obras De D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 6. Buenos Aires: Lajouane, 88. 4 “Despedida del Heraldo Arjentino”, El Progreso (Santiago), January 11, 1843, ibid., 95.

222

E. BLUMENTHAL

Rosas. His consolidation of power underscored the difficulty of imbuing the exile struggle with a providential meaning, which would necessarily end with the defeat of the tyrant and the victory of progressive forces.5 Yet, its meaning is also connected to the permeability of Chilean society to émigrés and their politics. This permeability comes, in part, from the classic liberal notion of a civic nation based on participation in a political community, which surfaces in this same article. “The patria is not in the place where one was born, but rather in the condition of being the theatre in which the existence of man unfolds … Wherever these benedictions are found is the patria, and in this sense Chile can be our dear patria in the future.”6 This notion of civic nationhood, common among the young Romantics, echoes Echeveverría’s Socialist Dogma that stated that “the patria is not linked to the land of one’s birth but rather the free exercise and full possession of the citizen’s rights.”7 El Heraldo is the one example of an émigré newspaper that can be found in this period in Chile, despite an émigré proclivity for starting newspapers, although there are contemporary examples in Montevideo, such as Muera Rosas or El grito arjentino. The rejection of the Argentine nationality is nonetheless conspicuously absent from private correspondence, despite the possibility of naturalization, and the fact that Chile was the “theatre” in which their existence would unfold for the next ten years. This tension between assimilation and defense of exile nationality is at the heart of the émigrés participation in public life in exile. The newspaper in which El Heraldo’s autopsy was published, El Progreso, was in the end a more successful newspaper in channeling émigré ambitions in Chile. More self-consciously “Chilean” it opened up the possibility of widening their readership and receiving public subsidies. It was made possible by an Americanist language that transcended the political 5 Palti, Elías. 2009. El momento romántico. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 63–64. 6 “Despedida del Heraldo Arjentino”, El Progreso (Santiago), January 11, 1843. In

Sarmiento, Obras, Vol. 6, 94. 7 Echeverría, Esteban. 1846. Dogma socialista de la Asociación Mayo, precedido de una ojeada retrospectiva sobre el movimiento intelectual en el Plata desde el año 37. Montevideo: Imprenta del Nacional, 10. For the civic nation also see Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana : Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. Subercaseaux, Cultura. Villavicencio, Susana. 2008. Sarmiento y la nación cívica : ciudadanía y filosofías de la nación en Argentina. Buenos Aires: Eudeba.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

223

boundaries established by the Spanish American revolutions. Sarmiento and López justified their voluntary assimilation into Chilean society by the fact that “in vain national borders are fixed, an American is, in all parts, in his patria; the same language, the same customs, the same civilization, the same political parties, the same vicissitudes of liberty, the same dangers for the future.”8 The debates analyzed in this chapter were not simply Chilean, but rather part of a larger Spanish American context evoked here and circulated widely through the networks analyzed in Chapter 2. Yet they contrasted with the exile papers in Santiago and Montevideo that tended to ignore local politics. Publishing in Chilean newspapers did not mean renouncing Argentine politics, which occupied much space in the press in Chile, Uruguay and Bolivia; it did not mean a lack of exile journalism. On the contrary, émigrés worried about discussing their own issues too much in what were semiofficial papers. V. F. López suggested to J. M. Gutiérrez incorporating more “young Chileans” into La revista (Valparaíso) in order to have more freedom to “write about what interests us without always bothering/upsetting our Chile.”9 Speaking to two different publics meant a difficult balancing between exile and local politics that informed the founding texts of the Argentine national organization, published in the Chilean press between 1842 and 1855. Argentine émigrés in Chile were known collectively during this period as cuyanos, a name that both separated them and brought them closer to Chileans, given Cuyo’s close ties with Chile. Émigrés legitimated their presence in Chilean public life, as well as their right to comment on political life, by appealing to public opinion through the use of images of a shared history and a common past. For example, September 18, Chilean Independence Day, was celebrated in the press by émigré journalists who took advantage of the occasion to remind their readers of the shared history of independence. J. M. Gutiérrez published a canto “To the Independence of Chile” that evoked the “fields of blood” at Maipú, a celebrated battle

8 “Despedida del Heraldo Arjentino”, El Progreso (Santiago), January 11, 1843. In Sarmiento, Obras, Vol. 6, 95. 9 V. F. Lopez, ´ Santiago, to J. M. Guti´errez, Valparaiso, 18 July (1845?), AJMG, Vol. 2, 3–4.

224

E. BLUMENTHAL

won by San Martín’s army in 1818.10 Alberdi celebrated it in the press in the name of the Chilean people, criticizing a Spanish diplomatic agent who wished to change the date of the national holiday.11 In Copiapó, Carlos Tejedor also published an article celebrating the national holiday.12 These examples bring out the fact that the evocations of Chilean independence were filled with meaning for the émigrés. Sarmiento, cuyano, was perhaps the journalist that used this technique most powerfully. In his first article published in Chile, Sarmiento lamented the fact that the Battle of Chacabuco had been forgotten in Chile. This battle in 1817 was decisive in the reconquest of Chile by the patriot forces under San Martín, whose army was composed of soldiers from the Río de la Plata and Chilean émigrés. His article was noticed by several influential Chileans and proved to be his introduction into the Chilean press.13 The crossing of the Andes is described with an image anchored in collective memories. “The Andes with their snowy peaks, closing the pass, crowned by off-white clouds, threatening at times to bury forever in its naked and inhospitable crags the audacious patriots that dared to climb it.”14 The Andes, a geographic element that both separates and connects the two countries, are intimately connected to exile, and a source of suffering for the Chilean patriots in 1814 and 1817 as Sarmiento noted. “Hundreds of Chilean patriots, fleeing from the horrors of slavery, had crossed the Andes in 1814, and met with all kinds of shortages and all the troubles that accompany a long emigration.” In an act of public memory, Sarmiento also listed the soldiers and officers from both sides of the Andes who had participated in the campaign.15 He later reused the description after the defeat

10 “A la independencia de Chile. En el aniversario del 18 de Septiembre”, Valparaiso (1845). In Gutiérrez, Juan María. 1869. Poesias de Juan Maria Gutierrez. Buenos Aires: C. Casavalle, 73. 11 “Transposicion ´ de las fiestas de septiembre”, El Comercio de Valparaiso, September 28, 1848. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1997. Alberdi, periodista en Chile. Carolina Barros (ed.). Buenos Aires: Verlap, 358. 12 El Copiapino (Copiapó), September 18, 1847. 13 M. Rivadeneyra to M. Montt, Valpara´iso, March 5, 1841, Montt y Sarmiento, 48.

Rivadeneyra was the owner of the Mercurio while Sarmiento worked there in 1841 and 1842. 14 DF Sarmiento, “12 de febrero de 1817”, El Mercurio, February 11, 1841. In Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1887. Obras De D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 1. Santiago: Impr. Gutenberg, 3. 15 Ibid., 1.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

225

of La Madrid in Mendoza in 1841 and in the introduction to Facundo.16 This image would later appear in the Chilean independence historiography, as we will see in the next chapter. In this representation of the independence campaign, there is an implicit comparison with the situation of émigrés from the Argentine Confederation such as Sarmiento himself. This allusion to his contemporary political situation is stronger given that a number of the heroes of Chacabuco listed in the article were important public figures in both countries, including the president of Chile, Manuel Bulnes; Juan Gregorio de Las Heras, a general in the Chilean army and president of the Argentine Commission; Lavalle, at that moment in the midst of a military campaign against Rosas; and Eugenio Necochea, exiled in 1836, reincorporated in the Chilean army in 1837 and witness to Portales’ assassination the same year. It is no surprise that the article facilitated Sarmiento’s introduction into Chilean public life as he was praising much of Santiago’s high society. But it also highlights how émigrés could pursue a career in politics in more than one country. In articles commemorating Chilean Independence Day in the following years, the importance of these references did not escape the attention of readers regardless of nationality, due to Sarmiento’s growing prominence in the Chilean press. The calls to Chilean-Argentine fraternity were constant, and even more the allusions to the present day combat against Rosas. Sarmiento celebrated the “fraternal union” between both countries, and the “heroes” of independence, that allowed Chile to seek the help of their brother, their neighbor, who never closed his eyes so as not to see misfortune, nor covered his ears with his hands so as not to hear the groans of his oppressed brother … Chilean and Argentine blood would flow together for ever after, together would they rescue other brothers … I hope the day will never come that Chile says, calmly from its home, to its former brother-in-arms, when it sees him prostrate before a monster that humanity, civilization and morals proscribe: I take pity on your disgrace, brother, believe me!17

16 Concha, Jaime. 1994. “On the Threshold of Facundo”. In Sarmiento: Author of a Nation, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Ivan Jakši´c, Gwen Kirkpatrick and Francine Masiello (ed.), 145–55. Berkeley: University of California. 17 “Los diez i ocho dias de Chil”, El Mercurio, April 4, 1841, Obras, Vol. 1, 40.

226

E. BLUMENTHAL

While mobilizing images associated with the collective memory of the common struggle for independence, Sarmiento made explicit links to the present, his present, in order to facilitate his own integration and gain sympathy for his cause. In the 1850s, as we will see in the next chapter, Chilean émigrés would make similar appeals to exile solidarity in the Río de la Plata.

Cultural Polemics and the Construction of the Foreigner This balancing act was not always easy. The cultural and political polemics of the 1840s contributed to building political and cultural borders between Chileans and Argentinians, because the frictions between émigrés and nationals that emerged from these debates amplified the émigrés’ sense of being foreigners in Chile and reminded the Chileans that the émigrés were only guests in their country, in the context of a search for authentic expressions of Romantic nationality. The émigré polemical attacks on Chilean society took square aim at what they saw as the country’s provincial conservatism and cultural backwardness. V. F. López explained the lamentable situation of Chilean theater as a reflection of Chilean elite attitudes. “When the only interest of a government is to conserve the ensemble of social results that constitute its foundations, that conserve its power, in a given and known state; any novelty introduced in the realm of ideas, customs or interests is an element of dissolution.”18 Indeed, émigré actors criticized the Chilean theater and started their own company.19 Sarmiento was not any gentler in his attacks on Chilean theater and literature, denouncing what he saw as the backwardness of Chilean culture.20 In the writings of the young Romantic generation, the theater presented all the characteristics of progress they

18 V. F. Lopez, ´ no. 4 (May 1842). ´ “Clasicismo y Romanticismo”, Revista de Valparaiso, In Sanfuentes, Salvador, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, and Vicente Fidel López. 1943. La polémica del romanticismo en 1842: V.F. López, D.F. Sarmiento, S. Sanfuentes. Norberto Pinilla (ed.), 14. Buenos Aires: Américalee. Also see Myers, Jorge. 1998. “La Revolución en las ideas: La generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas”. En Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo 3, Revolución, República, Confederación (1806–52), Noemí Goldman (ed.), 3:381–445. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. 19 Calzadilla, Santiago. 1891. Las beldades de mi tiempo. Buenos Aires: Jacobo Peuser, 194. 20 D. F. Sarmiento, “Atraso del teatro en Santiago”, El Mercurio, July 7, 1841, Obras, Vol. 1, 72.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

227

wished to introduce into South American societies, education, sociability and national culture. Theater reviews that undertook an analysis of Romantic literary tendencies became a highly charged social critique. The polemical attacks were undertaken with overt political connotations. In a debate that broke out over language and spelling, Sarmiento linked the question of spelling and the creation of an “American language,” independent from Spain, to popular sovereignty and Chile’s social structure. “Popular sovereignty has all its value and its predominance in language; grammarians are like the conservative senate, created to resist popular attacks, to conserve routine and traditions.”21 This radical affirmation of popular sovereignty attracted the ire of Andrés Bello, among others, who was worried more by the political implications of the arguments than the linguistic matter in itself. Sarmiento’s position was in part the expression of a teleology of the meaning of history that underscored the inevitability of democratic change and republican institutions in opposition to conservative sectors that opposed political and cultural innovations. More broadly, the polemics had more to do with politics than literature and language and were proxies for deeper debates over the velocity of change and the limits of popular democracy.22 Indeed, Bello had long argued in favor of a similar reform—and lent his support to Sarmiento’s proposal—though he was much more of a gradualist and concerned with maintaining Hispano-American linguistic unity.23 Their dispute seems to have been more about who would occupy the place of “émigré intellectual” than substantive ideological differences. In these debates, López and Sarmiento attacked Chilean institutions and the lack of effective change in a society they perceived as too static and were in turn attacked as ungrateful foreigners who risked undermining the social order. “Novelty provokes doubt, reflections, disappointments that are all, at the same time, mortal symptoms for the pacific domination of the ancien régime. This is the germ of revolution that literary novelty always carries.”24 After having established the link between cultural and political change, their references to language, theater and history took aim act the

21 Sarmiento, “Ejercicios populares de la lengua castellana”, El Mercurio, April 27, 1842, in Obras, Vol. 1, 209. He suggested that Bello be banished from Chile. 22 Stuven, La seducción, 173–78, 207. 23 Jaksic, Andrés Bello, 146–69, 177–83. 24 V. F. Lopez, ´ “Clasicismo y Romanticismo”, 14.

228

E. BLUMENTHAL

sectors of Chilean elites most reticent to change. For López and Sarmiento, the subject of debate was not only the Romanticism with which they were associated in Chilean society; it was also the political rupture provoked by Romanticism that could be summarized, in a South American context, by utopian socialism and a more radical republicanism. “Romanticism was, then, a true literary insurrection like the political ones that preceded it. It has destroyed the old barriers that laughed, immobile, it has stirred up and destroyed everything.”25 López and Sarmiento were not the only émigrés to describe Chile as an aristocratic and conservative society, closed to the modern ideas wielded by the Romantics. The émigré correspondence, in particular of those born in Buenos Aires, is full of similar references. Echeverría—who, it should be noted, never visited Chile—described “the backwardness with which Chileans conceive of an education adequate for America.”26 Villafañe described Chilean culture as “backwards, egotistical, without intelligence, imagination or that poetry that you sense and seek”; and he characterized elites as a “shocking aristocracy (that) will hurt your eyes and your sensibilities.”27 For Iriarte, the lower classes were “exceedingly miserable” and “the people … truly serfs in Chile.”28 Their position as émigrés, in particular their situation in the labor market and the political checkerboard, informed the Romantics’ analysis of Chilean society. In Chile, the polemics were often perceived as arrogant, foreign attacks on Chilean culture and the foundation of their nationality. A classic example is an oft-cited passage from Jotabeche, the pen name of José Joaquín Vallejo, that associated the émigrés with Romanticism and radical politics and mocked their intellectual pretensions: Do not tire yourself, my friend; do not waste time resisting Romanticism, the torrent of the cheapest fashion that has come to us from Europe, with a stopover in San Andrés del Río de la Plata; where it was received with open arms by the national intelectualidades, expressing their sensibilizamiento and their spirit of socialitismo and insuring that they, since the 25th of May, brulaban for the progress humanitarios. Become a Romantic … Look, it 25 D. F. Sarmiento, “Continua ´ el examen del art´iculo Romanticismo”, El Mercurio, July 28, 1842, Obras, Vol. 1, 304. 26 Esteban Echeverr´ia to Andr´es Lamas, s/l, May 17, 1844, AJMG, Vol. 1, 272. 27 B. Villafa˜ ne to F. Fr´ias, La Paz, August 3, 1843, RBN (XXV), 59, 93–94. 28 Iriarte, Tomás de. 1949. Memorias. Vol. 7. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Argentinas, 266.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

229

does not take much other than opening your mouth, parry and thrust (tajos i reveses ) against the aristocracy, put democracy in the stars, show ostentatious sufficiency and familiarity with Hugo, Dumas and Larra.29

The italicized Gallicisms underscore the importance of French ideas and literary reference to the émigré Romantics, in particular to their public image, that Jotabeche so effectively mocks. National culture, in America, could be assimilated to universal, European “civilization”—effectively French—a civic political culture useful in Santiago as well as Buenos Aires. Jotabeche later referred to “those sons of the Plata who, in being men of letters, would even cease to be Argentinians.”30 This image was embraced by the émigré Romantics. V. F. López bragged about upsetting Chilean society. “You cannot image the impression that these articles have caused in this country; the veil has been drawn back; they have become alarmed and the theory of the masses that circulate in the streets has touched them in the center of their interests: all of them, every single one, have become alarmed and have read my writing with terror.”31 Referring to articles in El Progreso on the theater, monarchy, the “Argentine revolution” and the French writer Jorge (George) Sand’s views of women, López gloried in reactions from those such as Jotabeche. López’s letters show how these public debates played a central role in their careers in Chile, as men of letters in the press. The critiques coming from foreigners upset many Chileans, but being a foreigner underscored an intellectual facet they clearly wished to promote. This was associated with a mastery of French culture—in particular Romanticism and utopian socialism, associated with democratic liberalism—anti-Spanish sentiment and their position as outsiders that would shake up Chilean letters. Hence the exaggerated Gallicisms in Jotabeche’s satire. This was entirely conscious and in correspondence their comments were particularly acerbic. López’s lack of career success in Chile made him particularly bitter. As I made more declared enemies I earned friends too and my name rang out and became known; but always as an Argentinian and exciting antipathy

29 “Carta de Jotabeche a un amigo en Santiago”, July 23, 1842, El Semanario, Vallejo, José Joaquín. 1847. Colleccion de los artículos de Jotabeche. Santiago: Imprenta Chilena, 97. 30 “Segunda carta”, December 18, 1842, ibid., 130. For civility and French civilization see González, Civilité. 31 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Fr´ias, Santiago, February 3, 1843, RBN (XXV) 59, 32–33.

230

E. BLUMENTHAL

of nationality; on the one hand, being Argentine was useful, because, as you must have noticed, in the bottom of their souls of all these bastards (bergajos, sic) there is a profound respect for us, and indeed we are the most intelligent and advanced men in South America; but on the other hand, it brought me prejudices that do not fail to hurt me”.32

This representation of the émigrés as “Argentinians and Romantics” was not only part of a career strategy, but also legitimized their participation in public life as possessors of foreign knowledge. Building a Romantic reputation, though often painful, gave them a certain authority in the press. At the same time, it reinforced López’s scorn for what he interpreted as a lack of knowledge and sophistication, because for him Romanticism was already outmoded.33 Indeed, Sarmiento proposed that socialism had already replaced Romanticism in the political vanguard.34 The reactions of many Chileans to this pretended superiority only reinforced their sentiment of being Argentinians and foreigners. Again, the most eloquent complaints come from López, no doubt due to his lack of professional success. “So, here you have me constituted, with another friend, as the most capable representative of modern ideas in Chile; but do not believe that we have stopped being Argentinians; as far as that is concerned, we are always Argentinians and therefore always émigrés and not well thought of; jealousy has grown and consequently our antipathy.”35 The association between exile and the “national antipathy,” also noted by their detractors, such as Jotabeche, reinforced their sentiment of being not only the natural leaders of a future post-Rosas Argentina, but also as legitimate participants in Chilean public life. Facing these attacks and resentments, that they had played a part in provoking, the Romantic émigrés defended their right to participate in political discourse in Chile. Sarmiento, for example, qualified the hostile attitude of certain Chileans toward them as foreigners as an attitude reminiscent of the colonial period, “hating everything that was not Spanish, despotic

32 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Fr´ias, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 496. 33 Ibid., 495. 34 “Continúa el examen del articulo romanticismo”, El Mercurio, July 28, 1842. In Sanfuentes et al., La polémica, 100. 35 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Fr´ias, Santiago de Chile, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 498. The friend is Sarmiento.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

231

and Catholic.” According to this common view of Spain as the embodiment of backwardness, foreigners were considered as “monsters, heretics and damned.” This vision of Protestant outsiders was now, according to Sarmiento, being turned against other Spanish Americans: “Foreigners that were brothers in freeing themselves; foreigners who spoke one language, have one religion, origin, the same customs, one government, one purpose.”36 While defending the rights of foreigners, linked here to the perceived need to encourage Protestant immigration by guaranteeing freedom of religion, he rapidly moved on to another, more personal argument, that émigrés were not really foreigners. Brothers in liberty, “when the independence opened our ports to commerce, we began to look between each other where a hill rose up between us, where a river cut through, in order to say: here, on the other side, are the foreigners whom we must now loathe.”37 This was a clear reference to the shared common history, as well as to the novelty of the border that now separated them. Despite Sarmiento’s protests, the public debates fanned differences and provoked irritated reactions from Chileans. Alberdi offered another key defense of foreigners’ civil rights, in a series of articles published in El Comercio de Valparaíso, a newspaper he ran, in which he defended the émigrés’ participation in the Chilean political press.38 The articles ran in the context of a debate with Juan Carlos Gómez, the Montevideo-born editor of El Mercurio. “We do not understand, then, how the writer in a Chilean newspaper, analyzing Chilean subjects can be called a foreigner if not for the effect of that feeling of local exclusivity that our colonial antecedents have bequeathed to us.” Though he invokes a defense based on the natural rights of foreigners and the civil rights guaranteed to all in the Chilean constitution, he takes the argument further, claiming that “Americans” cannot really be foreigners in Chile. For Alberdi, it was a “contradiction in terms” to use the word “foreigner” to anyone in this position, and it was even worse “when it was an individual belonging to one of the different sections of America, formerly members of the same

36 “Los redactores al Otro Qu´idam”, El Mercurio, June 5, 1842. In Sarmiento, Obras, Vol. 1, 231. 37 Ibid., 231. 38 January 15, 19 et 20, February 8 and 9, and April 4, 1849. In Alberdi, Alberdi, periodista,

371–94.

232

E. BLUMENTHAL

family.” 39 More than the mere question of the civil rights of foreigners, Alberdi claimed the existence of a deeper connection of ideas and interests among Spanish Americans. This status of semi-foreigner nonetheless had limits for Alberdi, in particular when it came to politics. He remarked that these limits were not clear, noting the need to “signal with discretion the line that separates what is permitted from what is not to the writer of foreign nationality.” Furthermore, he added that not all that is licit is necessarily honorable. He recognized that foreigners had the right to form “political clubs” though they did not have the right to vote.40 Indeed, he would go on to found such a club three years later.41 Finally, responding to complaints from El Progreso—which by 1849 had long ceased to be edited by López and Sarmiento—concerning the participation of émigrés in Chilean politics, Alberdi noted, though he did not always approve, they had two “excuses”: “they have never entered onto that path that is reproached of them if not invited by the sons of the country; and they have worked, for better or worse, in support of the existing order; they have never conspired, not even under the mask of the liberal opposition.”42 Though their identification as Argentine émigrés was a constant subject of debate during the 1840s, they often rejected in public debate the pertinence of national categories, insisting on their right to represent Spanish American ideas and interests. This “antipathy of nationality” as López had described them, should not be perceived simply as a matter of xenophobic resentment against the Romantic émigrés. It was also a political and literary question. According to López, it was the “Romantic youth,” who might have seemed to be natural allies, that hated the émigrés most. The older conservatives— he specifically mentions Bello—admired them. Yet this distinction, which implies competition for the role of literary progressives in public debate, is a bit too pat. In the Sociedad Literaria in 1842, which stimulated Chilean Romanticism, and in the periodicals such as El Semanario the paper that led 39 “Los escritores extranjeros”, El Comercio de Valparaiso, January 15, 1849. In ibid., 371. 40 “Extensiones y l´imites del dercho de los extranjeros a injerirse en la prensa pol´itica de Chile”, El Comercio de Valparaiso, January 19, 1849, Alberdi periodista, 376–77. 41 Blumenthal, Edward. 2019. “Los clubes constitucionales argentinos: Exilio y retorno en ´ del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio la ‘provincia flotante’”, Boletin Ravignani”, 3ª, 51 (forthcoming). 42 Ibid.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

233

the attacks against the “Argentinians and Romantics” in 1842 and 1843, or its successor El Crepúsculo, both the affinities and the tensions with the émigré Romantics came into focus. José Victorino Lastarria, who gave the inaugural address to the Sociedad Literaria and edited El Semanario, explicitly noted these affinities. Writing decades later, Lastarria defended the role of the émigré Romantics in these debates and even in the Sociedad Literaria in the context of a broader defense of opposition liberalism in Chile. He barely mentions their role in the defense of the government that sent him into exile in 1851 and focuses instead on the émigrés’ role in radicalizing the youth in the 1840s.43 Despite his frequent complaints—including that of being excluded from the Society of Equality—López also recognized the good relationships that the émigrés had with Lastarria.44 It is in the intellectual exchanges between émigré Romantics and the young Chilean opposition that the impact of the former, and the fears it provoked among some conservative members of the establishment, take on their true importance.

Chilean Sociability and Argentine Romantics One of the more important moments of this connected intellectual history was the publication of Francisco Bilbao’s Sociabilidad chilena in 1844.45 This section argues that it was a culminating moment in a conservative shift among the Young Romantic émigrés. In the text, Bilbao attacked the Chilean social order, land distribution, women’s legal status and, most significantly, the role of the Catholic Church. Though acquitted of charges of sedition for his calls to revolution, he was convicted of blasphemy and decided that it was a good time to visit Europe. Although not addressed in Bilbao’s text, the attacks coming from conservative Catholic quarters quickly alluded to the émigré Romantics and the literary debates of the previous two years. In a series of articles, La Revista Católica attacked Bilbao and the school founded by López and Sarmiento where Bilbao had studied and taught.

43 Lastarria, José Victorino. 1885. Recuerdos literarios. Santiago: M. Servat, 169–71, 179–80. 44 V. F. Lopez ´ to Fr´ias, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV), 58, 499. 45 El Crepúsculo, 2, June 1, 1844. It was reedited as a pamphlet.

234

E. BLUMENTHAL

Open your eyes, FATHERS (PADRES DE FAMILIA), and see the success of PHILOSOPHICAL EDUCATION whose plan is being traced by the inspired members of the youth who have not been in these parts for long … Do not believe that we are declaiming: there is a school in Santiago where the author of ‘Chilean sociability’ is a teacher, that is to say charged with illustrating the human spirit, of rectifying its ideas, of instructing, etc.46

In a later article, also addressed to “fathers,” La Revista católica threatened parents with divine wrath if they did not look after their children’s education and monitor the material taught at school.47 The accusation of corrupting the youth was taken seriously by a very religious society—as Bilbao’s conviction for blasphemy can attest—and the émigré Romantics’ adhesion to Bilbao’s position could have had negative effects. This is all the more true if one takes into account Sarmiento’s relationship with Montt and his growing position in Chile, as well as López’s efforts to obtain a position at the National Institute. Chileans suffered as well, Guillermo Blest Gana lost his job teaching at the University, as did Bilbao from the National Institute, and many of the more liberal public figures were attacked.48 According to contemporary observers, the Argentinians and Romantics were blamed for Bilbao’s affront.49 The intellectual connections between them were clear enough, as promoters of Romantic socialist ideas, not to mention the personal links. Bilbao was, after all, widely considered a protégé of López’s. In his correspondence, López was apparently referring to Bilbao when he mentioned a “youth that has the best mind here, although still a beginner, he has stuck to me; he lives in my room all day long, listening to me like an oracle; I had him read my books, in short, I opened his intelligence to our ideas; he has taken to them with passion and accepted

46 “Refutacion de los errores relijiosos y morales del articulo ‘Sociabilidad Chilena’”, La Revista Católica (Santiago), July 1, 1844. Santiago de Chile: Seminario, 252. 47 “Correspondencia. A los padres de familia”, La Revista Cat´olica (Santiago), August 8, 1844, ibid., 295–96. 48 Stuven, Seducción, 270–79. Barros Arana, Diego. 1905. Un decenio de la historia de Chile: (1841–1851). Vol. 1. Santiago: Impr. y Encuadernación Universitaria, 504. Bilbao, Manuel, “Vida de Francisco Bilbao”. In Bilbao, Francisco. 1866. Obras completas de Francisco Bilbao. Editado por Manuel Bilbao. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Buenos Aires, XXXII. Lastarria, Recuerdos, 285–86. 49 Barros Arana, Decenio, 505–6. Lastarria, Recuerdos, 294.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

235

me as a master.”50 In letters to his father, López uses similar language to refer to his effect on Chilean youth more broadly. López and Sarmiento nonetheless took the precaution of attacking Bilbao in their newspaper, El Progreso. Sarmiento described La Sociabilidad Chilena as “an indigestible production, that lacks common sense” though he recognized Bilbao’s “high moral qualities.”51 López distanced himself for his erstwhile disciple, and his “insignificant rough draft.”52 They were not the only “Argentinians and Romantics” to react. In a series of articles in El Mercurio, Frías—always the most religious of the young generation— published a vigorous defense of the Catholic religion. Portraying himself as a “jealous defender of national interests” he sought to “definitively refute the nonsensical opinions, voiced through an inexpert and puerile enthusiasm against the religious beliefs of our country.” Frías criticized Bilbao’s “liberal fanaticism,” but at the same time insisted that he did not wish to “defend one fraction of Chilean society, by flattering a national concern.” His goal, he claims, was more elevated: “beliefs and general interests.”53 By appealing to universal Catholic values, Frías was guarding against the national conflict implicit in the attacks of La Revista Católica, while condemning Bilbao in terms that would have appealed to even the most conservative Catholics. While implicitly defending the émigrés, Frías also attempted to remove Romanticism from the debate, reconciling it with religion. He did this by arguing for its role in “the double eclectic and religious reaction against the sensualist school, unbelieving and classical, of the past century.”54 According to Stuven, Frías’ goal in defending eclecticism in order to argue for the unity of religion and philosophy was to remove it from political debates.55 He was also taking a step away from the French-inspired Romanticism of the young Romantics, toward one that was more critical of the liberal, 50 V. F. Lopez ´ to F. Fr´ias, Santiago, September 8, 1842, RBN (XXIV) 58, 497. 51 “Sociabildiad chilena”, El Progreso (Santiago), January 9, 1845. In Sarmiento, DF. 1896.

Obras. Vol. 10. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Mariano Moreno, 59–60. 52 El Progreso, December 27, 1844. Cited in Stuven, La seducci´on, 270. 53 Frías, Felix. 1844. El cristianismo catolico considerado como elemento de civilizacion en las

republicas hispano-americanos. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio, III–IV. First published anonymously on July 1 1844, the pamphlet cited here carries his name. 54 “Article IV, Del romanticismo, revolucion ´ literaria contempor´anea de la reaccion ´ ecl´ectica y relijiosa contra el siglo XVIII”, ibid., 30. 55 Stuven, La seducción, 275.

236

E. BLUMENTHAL

enlightened heritage. This was, perhaps, the first example of what Halperín Donghi called the “reactionary alternative” among the émigré Romantics,56 though Frías does not seem to have moved much from the moderate liberalism he always espoused. By redefining Chilean Romanticism in a way that rejected its more radical, liberal interpretations, associated, as we have seen, with the émigrés, he reconciled it with religion. He was an Argentinian and Romantic, but not one moved by “liberal fanaticism, terrible arm of despotism and anarchy … much more prejudicial to true republican interests in America than any other fanaticism.”57 The émigré critiques of Bilbao can be understood as a defensive reaction to the attacks of La Revista Católica. Even Frías‘ pamphlet can be interpreted as an attempt to reconcile Chilean ultramontanism with émigré interests and Romanticism. However, when Manuel Bilbao, Francisco’s brother, responded to these criticisms in a letter to El Progreso, by accusing the editors of a “betrayal … of the friendship that you professed towards my brother,” Sarmiento’s response shows that they had paid a price for their involuntary association with Bilbao. Their criticism of Bilbao was not enough to stop the collapse of their school, El Liceo. When La Revista Católica attributed, to an educational establishment directed by he whom today is the target of attacks (i.e. Sarmiento), the ideas manifested by Bilbao, and recommended to fathers that they removed their sons from that school of perdition, nobody lifted their voice in the press in favor of those who were slandered; slandered they were, and unworthily.58

Sarmiento’s commentary, while seemingly blaming Bilbao for his own misfortune, shows how this episode marked him. It highlights his vulnerability as an émigré in Chile despite his integration, success and friendship with Montt. Although there was a certain cumulative effect, after two years of often violent debates in the press, it still underscores the conflictual relationship with both the Chilean opposition and the conservative Catholics.

56 Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 1980. “Una nacion ´ para el desierto argentino”. In Proyecto y Construcción de una Nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho, XXVI. 57 “Article IX, El clero catolico ´ en la Am´erica Meridional”. In Frías, El cristianismo, 70. 58 D. F. Sarmiento, “Sociabildiad chilena”, El Progreso (Santiago) January 9, 1845, Obras,

Vol. 10, 61.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

237

Though Sarmiento and Lastarria remained friends and, perhaps more surprisingly, Bilbao and Frías would also remain close, Sarmiento and Bilbao never reconciled their differences. The episode continued echoing across the Andes 14 years later, in the context of the secession of Buenos Aires from the Argentine Confederation. Sarmiento and Bilbao—the later in exile in Buenos Aires—took up opposite sides in this conflict. Their press battles rapidly turned into mutual recriminations over what had occurred in 1844. Sarmiento reminded Bilbao of his responsibility in the school’s closing and presented himself, somewhat puzzlingly, as Bilbao’s only defender in the Chilean press. “Chile rose up against you. The church was going to excommunicate you, the government persecute you; families, expel you. Only one man in Chile was indulgent with the lost boy … That man edited El Progreso, and El Progreso was the only newspaper in Chile that did not wish to join its cry of execration.”59 López explained the failure of the school somewhat differently to his father, who had helped finance it, attributing the attacks in the press to a priest who wished to establish a rival school. “(T)he clergy started to watch us, their periodical, called Revista Católica, began to attack us furiously and denounce what it called our ideas, it began to call us Argentinians.”60 Interestingly, though the attacks in La Revista Católica are frequent, there does not seem to be any direct reference to Argentinians, as López claimed. Rather, the references to socialism and Romanticism coupled with vague references to foreigners seem to have been enough to charge the émigrés. While López effectively related to his father the atmosphere of “antipathies of nationality,” as he had previously characterized it, he elided the political questions at the center of the school’s closing, attributing it to a jealous priest. Those questions included fundamental issues of political culture—such as the role of the church, social inequalities and the limits of democracy—as well the role that émigrés could play in national political life. Though the immediate result was the closing of the Liceo, the more fundamental danger was one that Sarmiento had foreseen when he arrived in Chile and had to choose his political faction.

59 “Reminiscencias”, El Nacional (Buenos Aires), March 30, 1858, 1902. Obras, Marquez, Zaragosa y Cia, Vol. 52, 142. 60 V. F. Lopez ´ to V. Lopez, ´ Montevideo, May 1846, AGN-AL, Leg 2364, no. 3977. Cursive in the original.

238

E. BLUMENTHAL

Bilbao’s exile and the closing of El Liceo left scars on the personal relationship between Bilbao and Sarmiento. It also marked the culmination of a political divorce between the émigré Romantics and the Chilean opposition, whose political interests began to diverge despite a common intellectual background, friendships and experience of exile. This divorce also reflects the evolution in the thinking of émigrés such as Alberdi or Sarmiento, as a result of their work with the Chilean government and its institution-building projects.

Émigré Political Participation and Nationality This self-positioning as émigrés and “Argentinians and Romantics,” as we have seen, both facilitated their integration into Chilean society while also deepening a sense of national difference. At the same time, their critiques of Chilean conservatism should be balanced with the close collaboration of many émigrés with official Chilean state-building policies, as we saw in Chapter 4. Their involvement in Chilean politics logically included support for their sponsor and host, the Chilean government, and more specifically, Manuel Montt. Historians have highlighted the sociological importance of this alliance, in which the Chilean authorities offered a stable position while limiting their entry into politics.61 They have also highlighted the intellectual shock that Rosas’ survival represented to the historicist ideas they promoted.62 A closer look at this alliance, however, shows the importance of émigré participation in Chilean politics and can shed light on a crucial decade of Chilena politics. Here, the need to survive in exile shaped the conservative turn of the Young Romantic émigrés. One classic explanation of the alliance with Chilean authorities is a conservative turn among many of the émigré Romantics, due to the perceived menace of the 1848 revolutions in Europe, particularly in Paris, and the Chilean 1851 revolution.63 This is no doubt a factor, especially once the impact of 1848 started to be felt. Yet the chronology is problematic if one

61 Myers, “Revolucion ´ en las ideas”. 62 Palti, Momento romantico. ´ 63 Gazmuri Riveros, Cristián. 1999. El “48” Chileno: Igualitarios, reformistas radicales, masones y bomberos. 2a. ed. Santiago: Universitaria. Rock, David. 2002. “The European Revolutions of 1848 in the Rio de la Plata”. In The European revolutions of 1848 and the Americas, Guy Thomson (ed.), 125–41. London: Institute of Latin American Studies.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

239

takes into account the fact that the émigrés’ integration into Chilean political and cultural life coincided with the end of their more radical utopian period. This can be dated between the arrival of Sarmiento in Chile at the end of 1840 and the arrival of Alberdi and Gutiérrez in 1844 and is contemporary with Rosas’ consolidation in power in Buenos Aires after the failure of Lavalle’s campaign.64 Facing the failure of armed struggle as a means of removing Rosas from power, the émigré Romantics had to reconcile themselves to exile and what they saw as South American realities, whether they be the solidity of Rosas in power or simply the need to survive in exile. The émigré Romanticism and republicanism pushed them toward a government whose ambition to build republican institutions was clear.65 Yet, it should also be seen as a dynamic variable between the events in the Río de la Plata and the necessity of integrating into host societies, in particular in Chile, the new center of exile given the siege of Montevideo. The alliance shows the repercussions of the evolving political situation on émigré thought, as they felt the constant need to explain and justify the alliance with the Chilean government as the affirmation of their political values, and not just a marriage of convenience. In his first memoirs, written in exile in Chile in 1851, Sarmiento explained in detail how he was courted by different political factions upon his arrival in Chile. 1841 was an election year, and the pipiolo faction—often considered more liberal and inclined to federalism than the rival pelucones (or big wigs)—sent the émigré éminence grise, Las Heras, to convince him to wield his pen for them. “With my free education, my thirty years full of virility, their liberal ideas should have cast a spell, whoever might have pronounced them.” Nevertheless, he decided to write for General Bulnes’ campaign in the pages of El Nacional, an election newspaper that disappeared shortly afterward. Sarmiento presented this decision as essentially strategic, and not ideological. He claimed the pipiolos “did not have the elements (necessary) to triumph, they were a tradition and not a fact,” meaning they had no significant backing and were made up discredited figures from a previous generation. Yet, as a foreigner, Sarmiento claimed he “had other, more important considerations to take into account” such as the accusations of

64 Myers, “La Revolución en las ideas”. 65 For republicanism and Romanticism among the émigrés, see Botana, La tradición repub-

licana. Myers, “La Revolución en las ideas”. Palti, Momento romantico. ´

240

E. BLUMENTHAL

Rosas and his publicists that the émigrés were “perturbing elements, seditious and anarchists.” It was, therefore, essential to prove to the Chilean government that he was not a threat, and to “prove to America that it was not utopian thinking that led us to suffer persecution, and that given the imperfectability of American governments, we were ready to accept them as a reality, with a decided intention of … injecting them with ideas of progress.”66 Sarmiento summarized this context in a letter to a fellow cuyano. “Bulnes is in our interest. He abhors Rosas to death; the liberales are joining him (se le pliegan) here.”67 Ideology was not entirely absent, however. Sarmiento justified his alliance with Montt, which upset more than one Chilean and created some surprise among émigrés, in terms of doctrinaire politics and moderate liberalism. Montt was, according to his reading, among the most “advanced” when it came to “popular education,” one of Sarmiento’s passions, but also concerned with stability and order, and the cuyano drew a direct parallel with what Rosanvallon has called “the Guizot moment.”68 Sarmiento had to assure himself a place in Chile as an author—this is when he published the previously analyzed Chacabuco article—and as an anti-Rosas émigré. The strategic moderation had a clear political aim, in the degree to which Sarmiento was seeking to affirm the political maturity of the émigrés, not as Romantic idealists but rather as future political leaders, capable of directing America toward progress, with a capital P. In this sense, the alliance with Chilean government allowed the émigrés to understand what Elías Palti has called the enigma of Rosas, making sense out of the direction of history in Argentina. The émigré Romantics became in Chile what they could not become in the Argentine Confederation. That is to say they positioned themselves as the organic intellectuals of Montt, while at the same time discovering a model of nation-building. With this phrase, Palti also describes the problem historians have in understanding Rosas, which here, by extension refers to the untangling the interaction between ideological moderation and survival strategies that pushed toward an alliance with the Chilean government. 66 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, 176. In an earlier biographical text he spoke of “not appearing as a revolutionary, backing reactions”, Mi defensa, 24. 67 Sarmiento to M. J. Quiroga Rosas, Santiago, March 15, 1841. In Sarmiento, DF. La correspondencia de Sarmiento: Años 1838–1854. 1988. Vol. 1. Córdoba: Poder Ejecutivo, 19. 68 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, 180–81. Rosanvallon, Pierre. 1985. Le moment Guizot. Paris: Gallimard.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

241

Manuel Montt is the key figure for understanding émigré integration in Chile. In Chapter 4, we saw how he played a central role in émigré employment strategies in Chile. The personal relationships between Montt and many of the most well-known émigrés underscore the importance of the clientelistic networks that developed between the émigrés and the Chilean government. Participation in public life was, to a certain degree, conditioned by a relationship with power. The most flagrant cases are Alberdi, Gutiérrez and Sarmiento, whose close political relationship with Montt will be analyzed here. It is also the case of all those who occupied important positions in the Chilean pubic administration or political life, such as Tejedor, Miguel Piñero or Demetrio Rodríguez Peña. Montt’s personal relationship with Sarmiento is the most well-known, and the two had a close friendship. When Sarmiento was introduced to Montt, who admired his newspaper writing, the latter reportedly replied “ideas, sir, do not have a patria.” While this is clearly self-serving publicity for Sarmiento, who wished to counter anti-émigré sentiment, Montt never denied it. The cosmopolitan and enlightened welcome contrasted, in Sarmiento telling, with that of Chilean youth in El Semanario, which highlighted the Chilean character of political opposition. “All of the writers are Chilean, and we repeat, no other incentive moves us than the credit and prosperity of the country.”69 The political interests of the émigrés, seeking alliances in Chile, mixed with their common view of republican institution-building shared with Montt. Their friendship was solidified, in part, by close editorial cooperation. Sarmiento sent Montt his editorials before their publication, to get his opinion and find out “if there are any objections” to publishing.70 While this does not meet the threshold of prior restraint given its informality, it is an indication of close coordination between government ministers and the press. On another occasion, Sarmiento asked Montt for permission to attack an opposition newspaper for having promoted “a perfection of constitutional, governmental and social forms out of reach of our backwards peoples.” The government had previously communicated its wish that the

69 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, 177. 70 For example see letters to Montt dated August 2 and September 19, 1845. Sarmiento,

DF. 1999. Manuel Montt y Domingo F. Sarmiento: Epistolario, 1833–1888. Santiago: Lom Ediciones, 58–60.

242

E. BLUMENTHAL

paper not be attacked so that it could represent the opposition.71 Acknowledged by Sarmiento, it often seems to have consisted of Montt trying to control Sarmiento’s outbursts.72 This kind of close coordination with semi-official newspapers was common, given the important role of official subsidies, the common view of the press as directing public opinion, as opposed to representing it, and the close social ties binding elites. It was not specific to émigré journalists. On the other hand, Sarmiento seemed to have enjoyed a particularly close relationship to power in Chile. Years later, his friend Lastarria, who was an important opposition figure before and after the Montt presidency, spoke of Montt’s need to find a new “eulogist” after Sarmiento’s departure from Chile. His replacement was Ambrosio Montt, son-in-law and relative of Manuel Montt.73 Implicitly, the editorial coordination also speaks to Montt’s difficulty in controlling Sarmiento during the most virulent polemics. In their correspondence, this back and forth translated into obsequious declarations of Sarmiento’s friendship and promises to dedicate his pen “always to the service of Chile, and if I may, to your glory.”74 Sarmiento dedicated the writing to advancing Montt’s political career, which was inextricably linked to his own. This is seen clearly in the praise for Montt that appears in Recuerdos, and in the texts written during Montt’s turbulent 1851 presidential campaign that engendered armed rebellion. Alberdi also worked on political campaigns in Chile, albeit with more discretion. His biography of President Bulnes, which appeared during his reelection campaign in 1846, is a significant example of hagiographic campaign propaganda.75 It highlights Bulnes’ military service in the wars of independence, against the Spanish, indigenous and Creole loyalists in the south of the country and the war against the Peru-Bolivia Confederation. However, its primary interest is in its outline of the history of wars in the south of Chile, where a vision of the country as a product of warrior mixing 71 Sarmiento to Montt, January 18, 1843, ibid., 56. 72 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, 179. 73 Lastarria, Jos´e Victorino, Santiago, to Diego Barros Arana, February 28, 1860, BNCh, Sala Medina, Caja 59, doc. 2057 (1–2), 2058. 74 Sarmiento to Montt, s/f, s/l, La correspondencia, Vol. 1, 101. Similar expressions can be found in Recuerdos, 179–81. 75 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1846. Biografia del Jeneral Don Manuel Bulnes, Presidente de la Republica de Chile. Santiago: Impr. Chilena.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

243

of the Spanish and Mapuches, prefigures a long line of Chilean historiography. The publication was undertaken in coordination with Montt who, as Minister of the Interior, had the job of controlling the election process in order to assure the victory of the official candidates.76 Alberdi sent drafts of the biography to Montt for corrections and showed himself receptive to suggestions while using an obsequious language.77 Among the discussions was the problem of the exact title and whether it would be opportune or not for Alberdi to put his name on the work. Though Alberdi stated that it would be an honor to use his name, he left it to Montt to decide whether it was appropriate for “an individual foreign to the country to sign and respond to the truth of the biography’s claims.”78 In the end, it appeared with Alberdi’s name. Clearly, the émigré-controlled press played an important role in the election process. This discussion was part of a broader set of letters all concerned with controlling the elections. Alberdi also interceded with the new Montevideoborn editor of El Mercurio, Juan Carlos Gómez, in the interest of the campaign, insisting that Gómez would be “happy to receive any indication that he might be favored to treat those subjects that might by opportune or advisable.”79 On the occasion of a criticism of Sarmiento that appeared in El Mercurio, written by a correspondent, Alberdi informed Montt of his personal indignation and that Gómez was disposed to respond.80 Montt clearly had an influential role on émigré journalist writing during political campaigns, and Alberdi appears as an important intermediary in the running of El Mercurio. Alberdi interceded with both the editor of El Mercurio and the Minister of the Interior, a role which was related to the central place he held among émigré journalist networks. The alliance between émigré Romantics and the Chilean government implied participation in politics, even electoral campaigning, but there were limits to this participation. Most importantly, while they could develop a 76 For the role of the Interior Ministry in elections, see Valenzuela, J. Samuel. 1997. “Hacia la formación de instituciones democráticas: Prácticas electorales en Chile durante el siglo XIX”. Estudios Públicos, 66: 215–57. 77 Alberdi to Montt, Valparaiso, June 5, 1846, La Revista Nueva, Santiago (1902) 7 (31), 42–43. 78 June 18 and 19, 1846, Valparaiso, ibid., 44–46. Citation on p. 46. 79 May 27, 1846, Valparaiso, ibid., 41. 80 July 6, 1846, Valparaiso, ibid., 49–50.

244

E. BLUMENTHAL

successful career in political journalism, émigrés could not run for office. Sarmiento discussed with Montt the possibility of obtaining Chilean citizenship during his voyage in Europe, even asking for his help.81 In exchange, he promised not to engage in politics until he had become a citizen. “I also say, though it might appear to be a lie, that by the year (18)50 I will be a Chilean citizen and the interior political map will be a resounding triumph (arrollado).”82 Sarmiento expressed his attachment to Chile on several occasions. For example, in a letter to an old friend from Cuyo, he referred to “his paisanos in Chile, because I am no longer a sanjuanino.”83 Lastarria would later say that Sarmiento could have chosen whether to be president of Chile or Argentina; he chose the latter.84 His engagement with Montt to become Chilean underscores his participation in Chilean politics, which had become problematic for Montt given the virulent polemics. Their political writing in the press led to attacks from members of the opposition, Chilena Romantics as well as conservative Catholics, and their association with the government was well known. Furthermore, their anti-Rosas articles published in Chile’s semi-official press incurred the anger of Rosas who sent the diplomatic representative Baldomero García to Santiago in 1845, to discuss borders and commercial ties with Mendoza as well as attempting to muzzle the exile opposition in the Chilean press through diplomatic pressure.85 Though unsuccessful, Sarmiento’s increasingly uncomfortable position in Chile contributed to Mont’s desire to send him to investigate education systems en Europe and the United States between 1845 and 1847. Before leaving for Europe in 1845, Sarmiento had taken care to leave open different options to be able to return to Chilean or Argentine politics. According to Sarmiento, Montt had told him that he “should enter his country by sea from Europe, to organize. Go, spend a year; you will have the means to do so. If you want to return to Chile, you will be here whenever you 81 Madrid, November 6, 1846, Epistolario, 72. 82 Valparaiso, February 25, 1848, ibid., 83. 83 D. F. Sarmiento to Indalecio Cortínez, Santiago, January 20, 1842, La correspondencia,

Vol. 1, 37. 84 Myers, “La revolución”, 413. 85 Bransboin, Hernán David. 2012. “Mendoza Confederal El ejercicio de la soberanía men-

docina en torno a la Confederación Argentina 1831–1852”. PhD, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Cisneros, Andrés and Carlos Escudé. 2000. “Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas”. http://www.argentina-rree.com/historia_indice00.htm.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

245

would like.”86 Upon returning to Chile, the first thing Sarmiento did was to solicit work form Montt.87 Alberdi, too, flirted with the possibility of becoming Chilean. In his correspondence with Montt, he thanked him for the attention given to his “personal destiny.” “Decided to become Chilean, given the state of my country, I would prefer the capital or Coquimbo, in the case of a Court being set up there, as my place of stable residency.” In an implicit promise of public service, he promised to “reconcile” his chosen profession of the law with “all that I could in order to return to Chile the benefits of its generous hospitality and as appropriate to the confidence that you have distinguished me with until the present.”88 Though his biographer claims that Alberdi refused Montt’s offer of citizenship, made so that he could become a Chilean senator, because he did not want to give up his Argentine citizenship, this was only true in the broadest sense.89 There was no Argentine constitution that would have expressly forbade dual citizenship, though nationality law in the nineteenth century did not explicitly accept such double nationality. For example, under the 1833 Chilean constitution, accepting foreign citizenship meant the loss of Chilean citizenship. More importantly, if Alberdi and Sarmiento did not accept Chilean citizenship it is most likely because of their engagement with Argentine politics and their expectation of a future career in Buenos Aires. Becoming a Chilean citizen would have facilitated a political career in Chile, but it also would have limited their future options if Rosas fell. They were able to continue participating in Chilean politics, albeit without running for office, while maintaining a future Argentine option. Interestingly, this was to be a theme of Alberdi’s constitutional analysis, as we will see. Many of the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation in the 1830s and 1840s did in fact adopt Chilean citizenship, the most well-known being the Rodríguez Peña brothers and Gabriel Ocampo. According to Lastarria, Demetrio Rodríguez Peña “became Chilean through his distinguished

86 D. F Sarmiento, Santiago, to J. M. Guti´errez, Valparaiso, October 9, 1845, Archivo Guti´errez, II, 18. 87 D. F. Sarmiento to Guti´errez, Valparaiso, February 28, 1848, ibid., 102. 88 Valparaiso, July 11, 1846, La Revista Nueva, 1902, 7 (31), 49. 89 Mayer, Jorge M. 1983. El pensamiento vivo de Alberdi. Buenos Aires: Losada, 14.

246

E. BLUMENTHAL

wife and his sons.”90 Rodríguez Peña and his brother, children of a Buenos Aires-born independence leader, were both active members of exile political organizations and Chilean political journalists and civil servants. Indeed, the Chilean constitution of 1833 defined the process of naturalization in terms that echo Herzog’s description of the vecino, based on residency, marriage, property and professional status, requiring a profession or property, after three years of marriage to a Chilean or after five years of marriage to a foreigner and 10 years of residence.91 Another example of this type of residential integration is Gabriel Ocampo, whose career in Chile is best compared to Andrés Bello. Ocampo’s naturalization in 1857 by a special act of congress after decades of service in law and government appears almost as an honorific afterthought, rather than a precondition for his participation in Chilean politics and law.92 The list of “nacionalizados por gracia” in the nineteenth century is mostly composed of scientists and academics, highlighting the Chilean state’s need for human capital. The others are mostly peninsular-born Spaniards who stayed after independence.93 As a native of the border province of La Rioja, he traveled to Chile to study law and began his career there shortly after independence, serving in various elected bodies and political positions. It is worth noting that the provisional constitution of 1820, in effect during O’Higgins’ term in office when Ocampo finished his studies and started his career in Chile, did not define the preconditions for being a citizen or representative. These were surely not the only examples of naturalization, though this is difficult to ascertain. Of the approximately 700 exiles born in the Río de la Plata (including Upper Peru) examined as part of this study, we know the place of death of 148. Of these, 32 died in Chile, which is around 22%. Surely many of them became Chilean, or were treated as such, in the framework of vecindad and local citizenship. These examples of naturalization, or even the fact that émigrés such as Alberdi and Sarmiento considered it, show that it was not simply a question of Sarmiento’s deep ties to Chile, 90 Lastarria, Recuerdos, 414. 91 Herzog, Tamar. 2003. Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain

and Spanish America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 92 Geronimo ´ Urmeneta to G. Ocampo, August 11, 1858, U.CHILE Archivo Central A. Bello AH1566. See Chapter 4 for details on his career. 93 Prado O., Juan Guillermo. 2010. “Reflexiones en torno a la nacionalidad chilena de Andrés Bello.” Revista chilena de historia y geografía 170: 219–30.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

247

but instead a reflection of the integration of émigrés into Chilean society, as well as the situation in the Rió de la Plata that seemed to impede any return in the medium term. The permeability of nineteenth-century citizenship has been observed before, but the absence of and explicit framework of dual nationality also imposed certain limits and choices. The core of the problem of émigré naturalization, as we have seen, was the issue of political participation. For Sarmiento, it was a question of legitimizing his role in the polemics and debates that had stirred up so much resentment, while opening up a political career as an elected official in Chile. For Alberdi, the motivation seems to have been to consolidate his position in the Chilean world of law, much as Ocampo did in the 1850s. In their collaboration with Montt, the question of being a foreigner was always implicit and sometimes came to the forefront. It is in the press that the extent and complexity of the problem become clear. Émigré political participation in Chile did not occur through the ballot box, but rather through the political press. Nevertheless, the polemics analyzed in the previous section also show that they were not simply pens for hire, bought by power, as their detractors claimed.

Émigré Romantic Views of Chilean Exceptionalism While participating in Chilean politics and institution-building in this decade, the émigré Romantics drew conclusions that they hoped to apply to Argentine national organization. The Chilean experience of relative stability, open press and expansion of education, in which émigrés such as Sarmiento played key roles, appear in their exile writing as a roadmap for constituting an Argentine Republic in a future post-Rosas era. Works such as Sarmiento’s Facundo or Alberdi’s Las Bases, as well as their political thinking outlined in the press, should be understood in the context of Chilean exile, and the experiences acquired in Chilean public life, which formed the groundwork of their political projects. They also helped consolidate an influential view of Chilean exceptionalism. These texts were written in the moment of flowering of the Chilean press in the 1840s which lasted until the election of Montt to the presidency, when political conflict led to a new round of violence, censorship, imprisonment and exile. We have seen how the press polemics reinforced the émigré Romantics’ feelings of foreignness even while the émigrés participated openly in local politics. While émigrés compared Chile with other

248

E. BLUMENTHAL

South America republics, often finding their trans-Andean neighbors lacking in culture and retrograde in their thinking, they also noted Chile’s apparent success in avoiding the traps of post-independence Spanish America, finding a relative political stability and legal-constitutional framework. This led to comparisons with the situation of the Argentine Confederation, and the difficulties of constituting a united republic in the Río de la Plata, leading many of them—notably Alberdi and Sarmiento—to develop an idea of Chile as a model, exceptional in Spanish America, that might help them with their own projects. Facundo: Civilization and Barbarism, the celebrated text written by Sarmiento in Chile in 1845, is the most well-known exile work.94 Facundo is, at its heart, an analysis of Argentina in terms of a philosophy of history, that uses the interaction of people (mostly men) with geography in order to explain its history.95 It thus offered an explanation of the defeat of anti-Rosas forces, to émigrés and to their Chilean hosts, in Tocquevillian terms of the tensions between liberty and equality as well as civilization and barbarism. Originally published as a serial in the pages of El Progreso, it was contemporaneous with much of Sarmiento’s journalism. Jaime Concha has argued that the “establishment of perspective” and a “strategic distance” facilitated by exile and displacement, allowed for the systematic comparison between countries in Facundo.96 The book is shaped by exile is several ways, notably in the preface where Chile appears as a refuge from where the author could “project the rays of light of its press towards the other side of the Andes.”97 This is not just a metaphor, but instead an idealized description of the political and professional strategy employed by Sarmiento and other émigrés that centered on the circulation of journalism in South America. From Chile we can do nothing to those who persevere in the struggle under all the rigors of privations and the exterminating blade … Nothing! Except

94 Much has been written about Facundo. A classic starting point is the “Introducción crítica” in the 1938 edition edited by Alberto Palcos. La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata. 95 Myers, “La revolucion ´ en las ideas”, 439–40. Palti, El momento romantico, ´ 55–87. 96 Concha, “On the Threshold of Facundo”. 97 “Advertencia del autor”, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1845. Civilizacion i barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga i aspecto físico, costumbres i habitos de la Republica Arjentina. 1a ed. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso, 4.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

249

ideas, except consolation, except encouragement, we have no arm to give to the combatants if not what the free press of Chile provides to all free men. The press! The press! I have here, tyrant, the enemy that you suffocated amongst us … I have here how the press of France, England, Brasil, Montevideo, Chile, Corrientes is going to disturb your sleep in the middle of the deathly silence of your victims.98

By highlighting the role of the press in the struggle against Rosas, Sarmiento was also reminding his readers of the importance of Chilean public opinion in supporting the émigrés in their exile. This Chilean context was made explicit by Sarmiento in the prospectus of the serial that appeared in El Progreso, where he called attention to the émigrés’ importance in the Chilean press and that “public opinion in Chile was unanimous in believing” in the exile cause.99 Sarmiento regularly repeated similar comparisons. He was visibly pleased in stating that all Chilean newspapers condemned Rosas, from the opposition press to the Revista Católica, and that the worst insult the opposition could throw at the government was masorquero, in a reference to the popular name of the Sociedad Popular Restuaradora, the pro-Rosas association responsible for much of the violent repression in Buenos Aires.100 There may be a bit of wishful thinking in these statements, given the violent attacks to which the émigrés were subject in the press. Nevertheless, for Sarmiento the support of Chilean public opinion was important because it allowed the press to be used as an arm against Rosas and legitimized the exile struggle. This glorification of the Chilean press, and the projection of its “rays of light” was also a gauge of the superiority of the Chilean political system over that of Rosas and the Confederation. Press freedom was for Sarmiento a clear sign of this superiority, and one of the reasons to qualify his host country as “the republic that serves as a model to Spanish America.”101 Chile was, in this sense, a model of open debate compared to

98 Ibid., 17–18. 99 “Anuncio de la ‘Vida de Quiroga’”, El Progreso (Santiago), May 1 1845. The ‘anuncio’

does not appear in any of the editions published by Sarmiento, though it is included in Palco’s, as well as Obras, Vol. 6, 148–51. 100 “Confrontaciones singulares”, El Progreso, April 22, 1845. In Sarmiento, Obras, Vol. 6, 133–36. 101 “Inter´es de Chile en la cuestion ´ de la Plata”, El Progreso, May 8, 1845, Obras, Vol. 6, 119–20.

250

E. BLUMENTHAL

the Argentine Confederation suffocated by Rosas. This was not just empty praise; rather, Sarmiento wished for Chile to be present in the negotiations the French and British were holding with Rosas, in order to represent “civilization” in America, as part the broader American anti-Rosas alliance discussed in Chapter 5. Sarmiento used Chile as a constant reference, anchoring his narrative in realities his readers would recognize. He explained that Chileans saw the émigrés as particularly musical, inviting them to play the piano or the vihuela, a type of guitar. He highlighted the progress of Chilean small towns when discussing the devastation of the cities of the Argentine province of La Rioja by Quiroga, to further underscore their destruction.102 These comparisons, which helped Chilean readers to understand Argentine realities, had the effect of placing Chile as a central point of reference in the narration. Sarmiento evoked the experiences of many of the characters of his narrative in Chile, including Quiroga, as well as secondary ones, and also reminded readers of the links between the miners of Copiapó and the waves of exile provoked by Quiroga.103 The comparisons between Chile and the Argentine Confederation also followed a more structural logic which sought to establish a corollary with the central thesis of the book, the dichotomy between civilization and barbarism, the city and the countryside, the letrado and the gaucho. Sarmiento presents what might be called a Chilean vision of Rosas, the exact opposite of what he maintained to be the dearly held values of his adoptive country. These values include order (as opposed to anarchy and civil war), republican constitutional guarantees and a government of law as opposed to government of men. The menace that Rosas represented to Chile was not military, according to Sarmiento, but rather an attack on Chilean constitutional guarantees, an almost existential attack that derived from the mere fact of Rosas’ existence. Rosas could “do incalculable moral damage to Chile,” by silencing the émigrés from the Confederation, presented by Sarmiento as beneficial for civilization and press freedom in Chile.104 The mere fact of justifying his attacks, his violence, his system of government before the public opinion in Chile, is it not an attack on Chilean forms of

102 Sarmiento, Civilizaci´on i barbarie, 110, 204. 103 Ibid., 204. 104 “Anuncio de la ‘vida de Quiroga’”, 3.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

251

government and customs? Presenting his agent in Chile with the sign DIE SAVAGE UNITARIANS! is not an attack on the guarantees enshrined in the Constitution of Chile? What! Is it legitimate in Chile to kill Unitarians? … does the form of government of Chile have analogies with that established by Rosas, or are they two antipathetic poles in which the world moves?105

He concluded that there was “ill will between Chile and Rosas; there is antipathy, natural incompatibility.” Against this “antipathy,” he affirmed there was a “unanimity of interests, sympathies, compatibility between those Argentines that Rosas is persecuting because they do not accept his despotism and Chile, that in all its institutions has armed itself against this despotism.”106 Essentially, Sarmiento was positioning Chile and the Argentine Confederation as two opposed poles in his dichotomy of civilization and barbarism. His adoptive country during 15 years schematically incarnated, for him, the principles that the émigré Romantics wished to take root in the Río de la Plata and held to be valid for all of Spanish America. Sarmiento takes up the same argument in the conclusion of Facundo, where he affirms that, despite the desire of the Chilean government to avoid conflicts with Rosas, conflict was “in the way of being of the two peoples.”107 It was a continental conflict and an historic inevitability. Of course, Sarmiento had ulterior motives here, in positioning the émigrés in their host country. He was playing to Chilean public opinion to support the émigrés, as well as encouraging the government to adopt a more aggressively anti-Rosas position. Similarly, in his memoirs published in Chile, Sarmiento presented his pre-exile past as a justification of the social recognition obtained in Chile, and claims as his own San Juan’s colonial past and his own meritocratic attributes.108 San Juan under Quiroga is portrayed as an example of the dangers that social revolution represented in Chile after 1848, in the context of political tensions that led to the failed revolution of 1851. While Chile (and the United States) attracted to the officer corps “the sons of the most elevated families” contributing to “tranquility and prosperity,” the “Argentine Republic … depressed and humiliated” the upper classes, 105 Ibid., 3. 106 Ibid. 107 Sarmiento, Civilizaci´on i barbarie, 304. 108 Halper´in Donghi, Tulio, “Sarmiento’s Place in Post-Revolutionary Argentina”. In

Halperín et al., Sarmiento, 19–30.

252

E. BLUMENTHAL

providing a warning to Chile of what could happen if a precarious order were undermined.109 As Halperín Donghi has suggested, this attitude toward Chile began to evolve after Rosas’ fall at Caseros in 1852, and it is in Sarmiento’s case where this evolution is most obvious.110 In Facundo, Sarmiento already perceived the potential of post-Rosas Argentina to overtake Chile’s progress, anticipating a glorious future. Buenos Aires, a city he had not yet visited in 1845, would one day be, in Sarmiento’s vision, “the most gigantic city in both Americas … Only it, in the vast Argentine extension, is in contact with European nations; only it exploits the advantages of foreign commerce; only it has power and rents.”111 What he saw in Buenos Aires in 1855, when he finally moved to the future capital city, only confirmed this vision. In a letter to Mariano Sarratea, émigré merchant in Valparaíso, he opposed the ostentatious wealth of Buenos Aires to the poverty of Chile. “Instead of Chilean rotos (a pejorative word used to refer to the Chilean poor) thousands of Basques, Italians, Spaniards, French, etc. occupy it. The dress is the same for all classes, or more exactly put, there are no social classes.”112 Though the contrast between the hierarchies of class in Chile and the more egalitarian social relations of Buenos Aires had always drawn the attention of the émigrés, the stability and relative freedoms of Chile had previously outweighed it. Now, however, Sarmiento reviewed the progress of culture in Buenos Aires, highlighting social and political clubs and comparing it favorably with the situation in Santiago de Chile. In fact, he went further, questioning the value of order and stability that he had so long favored. “Peace, order have held back Chile, giving time to the Spanish colony to reorganize.”113 The reference to the Spanish here is metaphorical, representing all that is backward and obscurantist; from a model of stability and gradual progress, Chile had reverted, in his eyes, to provincial backwardness.

109 Sarmiento, Recuerdos, 168. 110 Halper´in Donghi. 1980. “Una nacion ´ para el desierto argentino”. In Proyecto y con-

strucción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho, 39–40. 111 Sarmiento, Civilizaci´on i barbarie, 23. 112 “Al se˜ nor Mariano de Sarratea”, Buenos Aires, May 29, 1855. 1899. Obras, Vol. 24,

Buenos Aires: Imprenta Mariano Moreno, 31–32. 113 Ibid.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

253

Facundo highlights the importance of the exile experience to understanding Sarmiento’s career, whether in Chile or upon “return” to Buenos Aires, a city he had never lived in before 1855. Sarmiento saw Chile (and Argentina) through the prism of the exile experience and explicitly recognized the effects of the practical experience of exile on the émigrés’ thinking. If for him the failure of Rivadavian liberalism was due to “inexperience,” doctrinal rigidity and a lack of comprehension of the country— the barbarism in the countryside having impeded the true expression of the sovereignty of the people—exile was where émigrés learned to govern. The “studious youth,” exiled by Rosas and “disseminated in all America” had “examined the different customs, penetrated in the intimate life of its peoples and studied their governments.” Mentioning Europe, as well as Brazil, Bolivia and Chile as sites of exile, Sarmiento underscored how exile and travel allowed for the accumulation of an “immense treasure of practical knowledge, experiences, and precious data” that the émigrés would put to use after Rosas fell.114 During his European travels, between 1846 and 1848, Sarmiento had also noted how the émigré could detect what the natives could not see, claiming to have noticed he was traveling over “a land deeply undermined by the elements of one of the most terrible convulsions … that those who lived in the country were not able to perceive.”115 He was referring to the revolutions of 1848 that broke out shortly after his departure. Yet, the most important product of exile was his expertise as a builder of public education in Chile and his observations of educational systems in Europe and the United States recorded in his Viajes. Exile was forced displacement, but it was also a learning experience that paved the way for a brilliant future. The idea that exile was a fertile ground for governing also came out in other exile writing.

Legal Order in Chile and Argentina The idea that Chile and the Argentine Confederation represented two distinct models for Spanish America also appears in another classic exile text, Alberdi’s Bases, which would serve as the inspiration for the 1853 Argentine

114 Sarmiento, Civilizaci´on i barbarie, 312–13. 115 Cited in Botana, La tradici´on republicana, 285. viajes, Vol. 1.

254

E. BLUMENTHAL

Constitution.116 Las Bases represent Alberdi’s constitutional and political vision for a post-Rosas Argentine Republic, published in Chile after Rosas’ defeat that sought to build a strong state and attract foreign capital and immigrants, in order to build infrastructure, such as railroads, and promote economic growth.117 It was the culmination of years of journalism in Chile, and much of the text is made up of articles and pamphlets that Alberdi had previously published in Chile after his arrival in 1844.118 Las Bases were the fruit of years of reflection as a jurist and practice of law, in Chilean political and public life, as well as his participation in Argentine politics. The book was also the official program of the Argentine Constitutional Club organized by the circle of Valparaíso émigré merchants close to Alberdi, mentioned in the previous chapter. This Club promoted Alberdi’s work, through the Chilean press and correspondence networks, in the context of the constitutional debates following Rosas fall and Buenos Aires’ subsequent secession from the Confederation in 1852.119 For Alberdi, Chile had several assets that made it one of the American countries best prepared to deal with the challenges of independence and the republican form of government. The underlying problem, for Alberdi and many others, was the same in Spanish America. Although the new countries had adopted the republican form of government as “the law of the government,” i.e., the constitution, “the republic is not a true practice on the ground.” “The republic ceases to be an effective truth in South America, because the people are not prepared to govern themselves by this system that is superior to their capacity.”120 Although independence and 116 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1852. Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la República Arjentina, derivados de la lei que preside al desarrollo de la civilización en la América del Sud, y del Tratado Litoral de 4 de enero de 1831. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. 117 Adelman, Jeremy. 2007. “Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism”. Latin American Research Review 42 (2): 86–110. Botana, La tradición republicana. 118 For example, Chapter XV, “Accion civilizadora de la Europa en las republicas ´ de SudAm´erica”, was essentially taken from “Accion de la Europa en la Am´erica”, El Mercurio, August 10 and 11, 1845. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1886. Obras Completas. Vol. 3, Buenos Aires: La Tribuna, 79–92. See Barros, Carolina, “Estudio Preliminar”. In Alberdi, Alberdi, periodista. Wasserman, Fabio. 2008. Entre Clio y la Polis: Conocimiento historico y representaciones del pasado en el Río de La Plata (1830–1860). Buenos Aires: Teseo, 119. 119 Blumenthal, “Clubes”. 120 Alberdi, Bases, 50.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

255

popular sovereignty replaced the Spanish crown, the “pueblos ” were not able to constitute a recognized and respected government. The result was an oscillation between what he called “anarchy” and “the omnipotence of the sword.”121 Alberdi noted that a return to monarchy was impossible and undesirable and would not have solved the main problem anyway, which resided in the inability of Spanish Americans to adapt to the representative form of government. The solution to changing “democracies in name to real democracies” was to be found in “the education of the people, brought about through the civilizing action of Europe,” that is to say immigration and free trade, civil, commercial and maritime codes, constitutions “in harmony with our time and our needs” and a government capable of promoting these measures.122 Though commercial and civil codes were still an unrealized project in Chile, which did not have a legislative framework promoting immigration either, the Chilean constitution and its strong executive branch were its major assets in Alberdi’s eyes. The “antecedents and the conditions of the country” made a strong president necessary, in order to avoid anarchy and tyranny as represented by the Argentine civil wars and Rosas. This was for the real, “possible republic,” against the illusions of men whom he criticized for wanting to institute “the dogma of the radical sovereign of the people.”123 In the Chilean context of 1851–1852, this could only be a reference to Santiago Arcos, Francisco Bilbao and their Society of Equality, though the European revolutions of 1848 no doubt came to mind as well. Chile had found the solution to this seemingly insurmountable problem. “The solution has a happy precedent in the South American republic, and we owe it to the good sense of the Chilean people, who have found in the energy of the president’s power, the public guarantees that monarchy offers to order and peace, without insulting the nature of republican government.”124 A strong executive power, able to invoke emergency powers to put down opposition and insure stability, was key in Alberdi’s eyes, in a

121 Ibid., 156. 122 Ibid., 53. 123 Ibid., 155–56. 124 Ibid., 53.

256

E. BLUMENTHAL

line of thinking about presidential power that goes back to Bolívar, explicitly cited. For Alberdi, the problem was essentially legal and constitutional: Chile’s peace, this eighteen years of continuous peace in the midst of external storms, that has made the honor of South America, does not come from its soil, nor form the character of Chileans, as has been said, it comes from its Constitution. Before it, neither soil nor national character kept Chile from living under anarchy for fifteen years.125

His admiration for the Chilean constitution and form of government came with criticism. Even if the Chilean constitution was “superior in its writing to all those of South America,” the governing class had not profited, in Alberdi’s eyes, from the stability it afforded. Chileans had wasted this most precious resource, by not opening up the county to allow an influx of immigrants and foreign capital.126 Alberdi criticized the strong Catholic ultramontane tendencies that prohibited other religions and set up obstacles to immigration and naturalization, notably the economic and religious doctrines of Juan Egaña, author of the 1813 and 1823 constitutions, and his son Mariano Egaña, author of the 1833 constitution.127 This last point was critical to Alberdi, whose constitutional and political project revolved around opening up to foreign capital and labor. “They excluded foreigners from administrative and municipal employment as well as from the magistracy, depriving the country of effective cooperation in the management of administrative life.”128 He quoted from Articles 5 and 6 of the 1833 constitution that prohibited non-Catholics from public service and fixed ten years of residency to the foreign bachelor seeking naturalization and alluded to “many others that close the doors the presidency, the ministry and the House of deputies, though they have lived 50 years in Chile and have saved its existence.”129 This is somewhat misleading; the 1833 constitution (Article 6) sets criteria of one year of residency and a desire to set up residency (avecindarse) 125 Ibid., 160. 126 Halper´in Donghi, “Una nacion”, ´ XXXII–XXXIII. 127 Alberdi, Bases, 24–25. 128 Ibid., 25. 129 This last sentence was added to a subsequent edition. See Halperín Donghi, Proyecto,

80.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

257

in Chile, leaving the decision to municipal discretion, again recalling the criteria of vecindad. Though Article 5 did indeed restrict public worship to Catholicism, Article 12 guaranteed “admission to all employment and public service” to “all inhabitants” of Chile.130 This was clearly the framework under which émigrés were admitted to public service and naturalized. Nevertheless, this could be the reflection of a certain sentiment of exclusion felt when facing barriers to ascendant mobility. Alberdi also critiqued the clause from the defunct 1826 Constitution of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, that listed foreign public service as a criterion for losing citizenship, though curiously the same clause was in the Chilean 1833 constitution (Article 11). He considered that the “republics of South America” needed to form an “association of sister families” and that such a clause would lead to population loss since it impeded return, clearly something that was on his mind.131 According to this classically liberal outlook, forbidding public service abroad was an economic error that did not promote commerce or industry. This clause in the Chilean constitution, and the lack of a constitution in the Argentine Confederation before 1853, help explain the differences in public service in exile in the cases of émigrés from Chile and the Confederation. In the absence of such a clause, when accepting a public sector position abroad the émigrés from the Confederation were not putting in jeopardy their (future) Argentine citizenship, or a potential political career in post-Rosas Argentina. Like Sarmiento, Alberdi considered this exile experience key to explaining the fruition of émigré thought in the 1840s and 1850s. Decades later he referred to the “Argentinians that left the soil of their tyrannized country, to study and serve the cause of liberty abroad” as the formative generation that created the republic.132 Chile had benefited enormously from this experienced, educated workforce. Likewise, the constitutional organization underway in the Confederation would likewise benefit from their return, informally creating the “association of sister families” where attempts to create larger confederations had failed.

130 Constitucion de la República de Chile, jurada y promulgada el 25 de Mayo de 1833. 1833. Santiago: La Opinión. 131 Alberdi, Bases, 17. 132 “Mi vida privada que se pasa toda en la República Argentina”. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista.

1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Imprenta europea, 306.

258

E. BLUMENTHAL

This analysis of the Chilean constitution reveals the same ambiguity already observed in the case of Sarmiento and other émigrés. On the one hand, there was a real admiration for the perceived stability and institutional strength of the Chilean government, and the vitality of public debate in the 1840s. On the other, there was a critique of a certain conservative attitude. These criticisms also prefigure how the young émigré Romantics—no longer so young or Romantic, after years of exile in Chile—moved away from this vision of Chilean exceptionalism in the 1850s. The comparisons with Chile are frequent in Las Bases, and only the United States rivals as a reference in Alberdi’s scheme. He was inspired by US federalism, though he considered that country suffered from a lack of authority because it lacked a strong executive branch. Referring to Chile, Alberdi claimed that the 1833 Constitution has given order and peace, not by coincidence, but because this was the central purpose, as stated in the preamble. It has done so through a vigorous executive power, that is, a power guardian of order, the essential mission of power, when it is really a power and not just a name. This trait constitutes the originality of the Constitution of Chile, which seems to me to be as original in its own way as that of the United States.133

The admiration for a strong presidency, which had ample powers to govern through a state of exception, was the reflection of a conservative discourse of authority that permeated the Chilean government in these decades. Alberdi was one of its most ardent defenders. He shows this position when he sought to justify his neutrality in the conflicts that were dividing Chile at the moment of publication of his vision for the Argentine Republic. “Removed from any connection to the political parties of Chile; having my affection and sympathy persons in both (parties), I speak thus of the constitution, of the need I have of proposing to my country, in the act of constituting itself, what experience has taught as worthy of imitation in the train of South American constitutional law.”134 While portraying himself as neutral outside observer, ready to imitate the best features of Chilean constitutionalism, the comment hides Alberdi’s active support of the Chilean government in the 1840s. Indeed, a major demand of the Chilean opposition during the 1850s was a constitutional 133 Alberdi, Las bases, 160. 134 Ibid., 161.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

259

reform to limit the president’s powers. Yet it fits neatly with Alberdi’s main objective, establishing a strong, neutral power, seen as above political conflicts; difficult to achieve and maintain in Chile, more so in the context of Argentine conflicts of the 1850s. The Chilean example was more than a simple model from which the best elements could be extracted and recycled into the Argentine constitution. It was also a system that, by nature, was opposed to the Rosas form of government, a dichotomy similar to that in Sarmiento’s Facundo. After having outlined the political problem of authority in Spanish America, he underscores that the two possible “systems” that could be imagined to resolve it were precisely those of Chile and Buenos Aires. Two systems have been tested in the extreme south of formerly Spanish America to escape form this position. Buenos Aires placed the omnipotence of power in the hands of one man, raising him in man-law, in man-code. Chile employed a constitution instead of the discretionary will of a man; and through this constitution gave to the executive power the means of enforcing it with the efficacy that a dictatorship is capable of.135

The efficacy of dictatorship in a modern republican form of government, with separation of powers and a president who was not above the law was, in Alberdi’s eyes, the way forward, the lesson Chile had taught to Spanish America.136 Chile’s experience had proven to Alberdi that a “regular government” was possible in America, with a “constitutional president” that had “the authority of a king.” This was the possible republic, the solution to the problem of authority, as opposed to the true republic vainly sought by men like Bilbao. Alberdi presented a way out of the historical impasse represented by the Confederation under Rosas, even though only one could triumph over the other. “Time has shown that the Chile’s solution is the only rational one in republics that little earlier were monarchies.”137 The problem was that the opposition just saw this as dictatorship. The 1851 revolution would put this idea of republican exceptionalism to the test.

135 Ibid., 256. 136 As opposed to the classical republicanism of Rosas. Cf. Myers, Orden y virtud. 137 Alberdi, Las bases, 156.

260

E. BLUMENTHAL

Exile and Connected Revolutions The early 1850s were key years in both Chile and the Río de la Plata, and across the Atlantic world.138 Starting in 1849, there was a mobilization of Chilean opposition forces that would lead to the revolution of 1851. At the same time, a military and political mobilization in the Río de la Plata led to the international and interprovincial coalition that defeated Rosas in early 1852. Émigré engagement with Chilean factional politics meant that many played an active role in suppressing the 1851 revolution, just as the consequences of the European revolutions were making themselves felt. This marked another milestone in a growing distance with the Romantic Socialism of their youth as well as the beginning of a certain reappraisal of their engagement with the idea of Chilean exceptionalism. In Chile, over the course of 1850 the Society of Equality, organized by young Chileans such as Francisco Bilbao and Santiago Arcos took off. This association sought to organize artisans and the popular sectors of Santiago, and other cities, around republican notions of equality, creating a semi-autonomous space of debate and exchange independent of the dominant political factions. A central goal of the association was to open the democratic process to the urban working class, educating them in their right as citizens, through history and literature classes, for example. Political conflicts with the authorities and the electoral factionalism of the late 1840s pushed the Sociedad toward a growing participation in electoral politics, and closer association with the parliamentary political opposition.139 This opposition, grouped around Montt’s rival Camilo Vial—one of the brothers who had bankrolled El Progreso and ex-minister (1846–1849) who had fallen from favor—considered Montt’s candidature in the 1851 presidential elections with suspicion, and the Society progressively transformed into an instrument in the electoral battle. These conflicts culminated with its banning at the end of 1850 and the declaration of emergency powers in November and December of the same year. Armed uprisings broke out in San Felipe (November 1850), Santiago (April 20, 1851) and Valparaíso

138 Thomson, The European Revolutions. 139 Gazmuri, El “48” Chileno. Grez Toso, Sergio. 1998. De la “regeneración del pueblo” a

la huelga general : génesis y evolución histórica del movimiento popular en Chile (1810–1890). Santiago: Dibam. Wood, James A. 2011. The Society of Equality: Popular Republicanism and Democracy in Santiago de Chile, 1818–1851. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

261

(October 1851) but were unable to stop Montt’s election. Open civil war broke out with uprisings in La Serena in the mining north and in the south between April and December of 1851. Meanwhile, events were accelerating on the other side of the Andes. After a decade of relative calm, the governor of Entre Ríos, Justo José de Urquiza, issued a pronouncement against Rosas in May of 1851, leading to a general military mobilization in which the provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes, allied with Montevideo, Paraguay and Brazil defeated the governor of Buenos Aires at Caseros on February 3, 1852. These two revolutions against two different regimes responsible for important waves of exiles, one of which succeeded and the other of which failed, crossed time and influenced each other. Chilean factional politics connected both revolutions, a connection recognized by the actors themselves. In the Chilean press, the chronological immediacy and connection in time are clear when analyzing the juxtaposition of coverage of Chile and the Argentine Confederation, where news of the military campaigns was juxtaposed with articles on the growing tensions within Chile. This can be seen in Santiago and Valparaiso, as well as in the regional press of cities such as Copiapó, home to a large émigré population. Between the end of 1851 and the beginning of 1852, news of the uprisings in Chile and the Urquiza’s campaign appeared regularly, often occupying the front page together.140 The importance of the news originating in the Confederation, resulting from the large numbers of émigré writers and editors, gives the impression of chronological simultaneity as well as a place in the same ideological universe. This confluence in the press was commented on explicitly by Félix Frías, émigré Romantic and Parisian correspondent in the Chilean press since his move there in 1848. Frías began his article, published originally in El Mercurio but rapidly reprinted and circulated as a pamphlet, as well as in other newspapers, with a striking declaration: “The latest news received in Europe from South America announces these two great events.”141 Both the simultaneity and the ideological connections between the events seemed clear to Frías, underscoring how émigrés compared the two countries and revolutions. 140 See, for example, El Copiapino (Copiapó), December 3, 1851. 141 “El triunfo del gobierno de Chile y la ca´ida de la tiran´ia en la Republica ´ Argentina”,

Paris, El Mercurio, March 14, 1852. In Fr´ias, F´elix. 1884. Escritos y discursos. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Imprenta y Librería de Mayo, 166. It reprinted in El Copiapino, June 4, 1852.

262

E. BLUMENTHAL

Frías linked Montt’s victory to Rosas’ fall both ideologically and strategically, associating Rosas, Manuel Oribe—Rosas’ ally in Uruguay who had imposed the siege on Montevideo—and Manuel Isidoro Belzu, who had assumed the presidency in 1848 shortly after the fall of José Ballivián, the émigrés’ patron.142 This axis of barbarism was contrasted with Chile’s government, protector of the émigré Romantics, portrayed by Frías as a government of laws that did not produce exile. Upon my arrival in Chile I clearly understood that as an opponent and revolutionary in the Argentine Republic I had to sympathize with the conservatives there, who were enemies of the Argentine government, the worst of American governments, if tyranny can indeed be called government, I had to be a friend of the Chilean government, the most regular and the best of all the governments of the South American republics. Yes, since then it seemed to me that insurrection was legitimate and patriotic in my country, but would be guilty in Chile. Confusing Rosas with General Prieto or General Bulnes, attacking them with the same means, would be in my eyes the height of insanity, as well as being a most shocking violation of the rules of logic.143

This justification of his support for the Chilean government in both ideological and strategic terms is reminiscent of that of Sarmiento. It also contains the familiar trope of Chile as an exceptional example of stability and constitutional order. Frías makes a clear distinction between Chile, characterized as “the treasure of South America,” and Rosas’ form of government, which is compared to the Chilean opposition. “Rosas is nothing other than socialism in power; what in France barbarous theories had threatened, was carried out there by this enormous bandit.”144 Frías, whose Catholicism was becoming more and more pronounced after living in Paris during the 1848 revolution, saw anti-liberal socialism in both Rosas and the Chilean opposition, more logically in the latter than in the former.145 Clearly, his vision of Rosas was colored by his experiences in Paris and Chile, the revolutions of 1848 and 1851, which in turn guided his political choices in exile.

142 Peralta Ruíz, Víctor and Marta Irurozqui. 2000. Por la concordia, la fusión y el unitarismo: Estado y caudillismo en Bolivia, 1825–1880. Madrid: CSIC. 143 Fr´ias, “El triunfo”, 170–71. 144 Ibid., 171. 145 Compiled in Frías, Escritos y discursos, Vol. 1.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

263

The existence of the Society of Equality proved to Frías that Chile did not have the prerequisite political education necessary for democracy, as in the rest of America, despite all the advantages he perceived in Chile as a model of Spanish America and post-Rosas Argentina. Frías justified the alliance with the Chilean government, as well as the émigrés’ previously revolutionary politics in Buenos Aires in the late 1830s and early 1840s, while laying out their transnational politics. The idea of Chile, as understood by Frías, had its own particularities, when compared to Alberdi or Sarmiento. His religiosity, in particular, made him stand out among the émigré Romantics, even among the most fervent supporters of Montt, but may be understood as part of his reaction to the 1848 revolutions as well as his close relationship with Chilean ultramontane Catholics.146 This also hints at how the Chilean opposition perceived Montt, as a second Rosas. Frías was not the only one to see Montt’s triumph as the victory of anti-Rosas forces in Chile. The fear that Montt would lose power to proRosas forces was not new. When Montt lost President Bulnes’ favors in 1846 and had to resign from the ministry, news of it reached Florencio Varela in Montevideo. “Chile now belongs to Rosas? I am terribly sorry (I lament it with all my soul).”147 This idea was sufficiently widespread so as to account for the émigré support for Montt in 1851. In memoirs published many years later, Sarmiento claimed to have defended Montt “armed and on horseback” in the streets of Santiago, attributing to himself a central military role much as he did in the campaign against Rosas some months later. He also claimed to have written many of Montt’s official proclamations with minister Antonio Varas.148 He clearly played an active role in

146 For Frías relations with Chilean Catholics, and in particular his epistolary exchanges with the archbishop, see Blumenthal, Edward. 2014. “‘Lo que viene de afuera siempre vale más’: exiliados argentinos entre Europa y América (1840–1855)”. In Exils entre les deux mondes. Migrations et espaces politiques atlantiques au XIXe siècle, Delphine Diaz, Jeanne Moisand, Romy Sanchez, and Juan Luis Simal (ed.), 253–68. Paris: Les Perséides. 147 Florencio Varela, Montevideo, to J. M. Guti´errez, Valparaiso, December 19, 1846, Archivo Guti´errez, Vol. 2, 83. 148 Sarmiento, “Memorias”, Obras, Vol. 49, 142–48. For his self-proclaimed role in the military campaign leading to Rosas’ defeat, Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1852. Campaña en el Ejército Grande Aliado de Sud América. Rio de Janeiro: Impr. y Const. de J. Villeneuve y C.

264

E. BLUMENTHAL

the press campaign—again, prefiguring his role in Caseros—publishing a steady stream of pro-Montt pamphlets in his son-in-law’s print shop.149 Sarmiento’s support, while particularly active, was not atypical. Montt had the backing of much of the émigré press, including Juan Carlos Gómez in the pages of El Diario de Valparaiso and Carlos Tejedor in El Copiapino. Most seemed to have supported Montt, unsurprisingly given the clientelistic ties linking him to many of the émigrés. In Copiapó, the demographic center of exile, a militia made up of émigré peons created to invade La Rioja played a key role in suppressing the 1851 revolution in the north, while the émigré miner elite organized around Tejedor to head off the opposition and protect mining interests.150 Support among émigrés was not universal though. The active support for Montt worried Alberdi, who would have wished to take a more neutral position. “Argentinians, many of them —Tejedor, Lamarca and one hundred unknown (émigrés),— have taken an active and imprudent position in the civil war that divides Chile today.” He feared that if the authorities lost control of the situation and were overthrown, it would exasperate “even more the animosity of which we are the object.”151 He blamed Sarmiento for the situation, commenting to Frías that Sarmiento had been the intellectual inspiration for Bilbao’s Sociabilidad Chilena.152 Alberdi too was caught up in Chilean factional politics, which impacted his famous debate with Sarmiento on the direction of post-Rosas Argentine politics.153 Editor of El Comercio from 1847 to 1849, Alberdi had a contract with the government and supported the Vial faction until 1849,

149 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1850. A quien rechazan i temen? A Montt: A quien sostienen i desean? A Montt: quien es entonces el candidato? Montt. Santiago: J. Belin i Ca. 1850. Motín de San Felipe i estado de sitio. Santiago, Chile: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. 1851. Candidato á la presidencia de Chile para 1851: D. Manuel Montt, antiguo ministro de Estado, i presidente de la Suprema Corte de Justicia. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belin i Cía. 1851. Motín en Santiago. Santiago, Chile: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. 150 Blumenthal, Edward. 2015. “Milicias y ciudadanía de residencia: la revolución chilena de 1851 en perspectiva transnacional”. Illes i Imperis (17): 91–112. 151 J. B. Alberdi to F. Fr´ias, Valparaiso, November 24, 1851, Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1976. Cartas ineditas a Juan Maria Gutierrez y a Felix Frias. Jorge M. Mayer and Ernesto A. Martinez (ed.), 251–52. Buenos Aires: Luz del Dia. 152 Ibid., 253. 153 Adelman, “Between Order and Liberty”. Botana, Tradición, 305–8. Halperín Donghi,

“Desierto”, XXX–XLI.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

265

as Sarmiento gleefully pointed out.154 When Vial was replaced by Montt as Interior Minister, Alberdi was forced to sell the paper. Similarly, Vicuña Mackenna claimed that Gutiérrez sought to escape from the tense political climate in Chile by visiting his brother in Guayaquil—after passing through Lima—though there is no mention of a political motive for the visit in his correspondence.155 Some went even further, sympathizing or even joining with the opposition. An old Unitarian from Mendoza like Juan Godoy, who had lived in Chile since 1831 and participated actively in Argentine exile associations, criticized the emergency powers given to Montt by the most “retrograde” sectors of the “old pelucones ” who wanted to convert the National Institute into a “monastery.” This pushed him to envisage a return to the Argentine Confederation, though he was also tempted by the changing political situation on the other side of the Andes. Godoy asked Gutiérrez for advice concerning events in Buenos Aires, because the news he had received from “newspapers in Mendoza” about the situation in Buenos Aires “foretell a new series of upheavals.”156 Stuck between one revolution and another, he only returned to Mendoza in 1856. The most open support came from Bartolomé Mitre, in his position as editor of El Comercio, which he had taken over from Alberdi in 1849, and the Vial paper El Progreso. In a clear engagement with the vialista opposition, he wrote editorials critical of the government, as well as the introduction to one of Santiago Arcos’ pamphlets, before the association was banned.157 His participation in Chilean politics led to his exile to Peru with much of the Chilean opposition in 1851. Though Katra suggests that the roots of Mitre’s inflammatory liberal rhetoric in the 1850s Buenos Aires can be found in this proximity to the Society of Equality, it is worth noting that he criticized similar efforts in Buenos Aires.158 Alberdi referred to Mitre in much the way he talked about Bilbao. “Mitre is leaving in the 154 Sarmiento, DF. “Sigue la Danza. Cuarta de las ciento y una”. In Obras, 1897. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Mariano Moreno, 195–96. 155 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1878. Juan María Gutiérrez: ensayo sobre su vida i sus escritos, conforme a documentos enteramente inéditos/por B. Vicuña Mackenna. Santiago: Rafael Jover, 88. Cf. AJMG, Vol. 1, 114–22. 156 Juan Godoy to J. M. Guti´errez, Santiago, August 1852, AJMG, Vol. 2, 162–63. 157 Arcos, Santiago and Bartolomé Mitre. 1850. La contribucion y la recaudacion. Val-

paraíso. Mitre, Bartolomé. 1849. Cuestion administrativa-legal. Impr. del Progreso. 158 Katra, The Argentine Generation, 153. González, Civilité, 212.

266

E. BLUMENTHAL

next steamship banished to Peru, because of the socialist ideas he has been propagating here. Poor thing, he is a child. He hopes to go to Montevideo.”159

The Limits of Exceptionalism and Integration As the authors recognized at the time, the exile context shaped the works associated with Argentina’s national organization and the birth of its literature. Classic works such as Facundo and Las Bases were not only produced in exile but owe much to émigré participation in host-country politics, particularly in Chile. Chile was both a model republic, one that seemed to better withstand the trials and tribulations of republican life, as well as a foil for imagining differing national traits, as will be explored more in the next chapter. Their very presence in Chile seemed to the émigrés to validate the idea of the exceptionalism of the Chilean national project, a project they were committed to themselves. The Americanism of the independence generation still shines through in the representations of the exile experience in mid-nineteenth-century South America and is reflected in the émigrés’ political and social integration. The participation of émigrés in these debates, as well as in politics more broadly, shows Chilean society’s permeability to foreigners in this era. Though the idea of Romantic nationalities was beginning to take hold, South American societies were weakly nationalized and quite open to foreign participation in society and politics. Émigré Romantics integrated into Chilean political life, taking on many—but not necessarily all—the attributes of citizens. Yet, this same integration led to conflicts in the press that would reinforce the understanding of the émigrés’ presence as foreigners. The fact that émigrés occupied such a prominent place in the Chilean press was noticed, and often resented, by Chileans that used it to question the presence of foreigners in the public and political sphere. Émigré integration in public life was highlighted by the fact of their foreign origin. Furthermore, the revolution in Chile revealed the fractures in the Chilean project that the émigrés had helped build, a situation that led to a rethinking of South American societies in the 1850s. This occurred in the moment of Argentine “national organization,” as the creation of a constitutional republic is

159 Alberdi to Fr´ias, Valpara´iso, May 24, 1851, Cartas in´editas, 249.

6

EXILE REPRESENTATIONS OF CHILEAN EXCEPTIONALISM

267

known, accompanied by an emerging ideal of a united Argentina’s exceptional potential. As émigrés and returnees crossed the Andes in the other direction, exile continued to play an important role in shaping the way elites thought about republicanism and liberalism in South America.

CHAPTER 7

Narratives of Exile, Narratives of Nationhood

This chapter examines Chileans in exile in the 1850s in Peru, the Argentine Confederation and Buenos Aires—as well as England, France and Spain— through an analysis of key Chilean historiographical and political texts. Chilean émigrés understood their own experience in light of the Argentine exile experience the decade before. Romantic notions of Utopian socialist exile mixed with narratives of tyranny to produce a universal discourse of exile, solidarity and possible return. Yet, these accounts were also intimately connected to ideas of nationhood and difference. This provides context to the birth of Chilean and Argentine historiography, particularly through the writings of Diego Barros Arana and Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna. As we saw in previous chapters, 1850 and 1851 saw various waves of exile to Lima and Mendoza, in the context of the dissolution of the Society of Equality and the election of Manuel Montt. In 1858, there was another uprising in the north, and new waves of exile. The uprising began as a press campaign calling for constitutional convention to modify the 1833 constitution, hated by the opposition because of the emergency powers accords the president in moments of crisis, but facing state repression turned to armed struggle. Though numerically less important, Chilean émigrés played the same central political and cultural role in Chilean society, as their trans-Andean homologues, particularly after their return in the 1860s. Among the Chileans studied in this chapter are two future presidents (Federico Errázuriz and Domingo Santa María), one losing presidential candidate (Vicuña Mackenna) and many members of the intellectual and © The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_7

269

270

E. BLUMENTHAL

political elites, understood broadly such as J. V. Lastarria, Diego Barros Arana, Isidoro Errázuriz, the Matta brothers and Guillermo Blest Gana. Their exile, often treated as an empty absence, a parenthesis in participation in Chilean public life, was anything but this. Chilean émigrés continued to participate actively in politics and cultural activities from abroad, in particular as militants against Montt’s regime in Chile. As we saw in Chapter 2, their writing continued to circulate in Chile, much of it propaganda criticizing Montt, despite censorship and the threat of imprisonment and exile for their readers. In this chapter, we will take a closer look at this exile writing, emanating from Lima, Guayaquil, Mendoza, Buenos Aires and Montevideo—as well as London, Paris and Madrid—to better understand the political and social integration of émigrés into host societies and the impact it had on their thinking about a post-Montt Chile, and republican national projects more generally. Exile played an important role in the evolution of Chilean republican thinking and representations of Chilean nationality.

Émigré Integration in Peru and the Río de la Plata Previously existing family and professional ties allowed Chilean émigrés to easily integrate sites of exile in Peru and the Río de la Plata. Chilean exile to Peru dates back at least to O’Higgins’ exile in 1823, and in the 1850s, Peru was a particularly welcome destination for émigrés, and not only for Chileans, as those from New Granada—as Colombia was then known— found a refuge.1 Close commercial ties existed during the colonial period, and the Chileans in Lima were divided between merchants and émigrés.2 Though perhaps exaggerating their importance, José Victorino Lastarria noted the role of Chileans in maritime commerce, from the stevedores in

1 Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2007. “Apertura y diversidad: Emigrados políticos latinoamericanos en la Lima de mediados del siglo diecinueve”. In La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras and Ana María Stuven (ed.). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos and Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. 2 The only study of Lima is an unpublished thesis, whose main source is El Comercio. Bochner, Malcolm Ira. 2002. “Entrepreneurs of Exile: Chilean Liberals in Peru, 1851–1879”. PhD, The University of Connecticut, Mansfield.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

271

the port city of Callao to the contractor charged with building the road to the capital.3 Exile in the Río de la Plata was facilitated by close family and personal ties. For example, Barros Arana and the Bilbao brothers had Buenos Airesborn mothers and a family tradition of exile shared by many, as well as friendships with former émigrés from the Río de la Plata living in Buenos Aires or the Confederation in the 1850s. Their correspondence suggests that contacts with returned Argentine émigrés facilitated integration in the Río de la Plata, whether in the Confederation, Buenos Aires or Montevideo. The example of Barros Arana is particularly poignant. Shortly after arriving in Montevideo, he wrote to his friend Bartolomé Mitre promising to spend a few days with him before leaving. “I do not doubt that some day we will see each other in a situation in which neither you nor I are exiles or émigrés (procriptos o emigrados ).”4 His hopes of a quick return to Chile did not materialize, and the two were able to spend more time together. Their friendship, based in part on exile solidarity and the fact that they had previously met in Chile, was sealed by their common interest in history writing and the elaboration of national narratives, especially of independence. Mitre’s aid here was key, as we will see. Mariano de Sarratea also expressed his “pleasure” that Barros Arana sought refuge in Buenos Aires, assuring him that he would have no trouble with passports.5 This was apparently written in response to a request from Barros Arana, who had fled from Santiago after a police raid on his house in order to avoid being imprisoned and deported to the prison camp in Magellan, during the repression following the aborted Constituent Assembly. As unofficial diplomatic representative of the state of Buenos Aires, Sarratea would have been in a position to mediate or secure a passport for Barros Arana. Many of the former émigrés who facilitated Barros Arana’s life in exile were or had been closely associated with Montt. J. M. Gutiérrez, with

3 Lastarria, José Victorino. “Carta sobre Lima”. 1855. Miscelanea literaria. Valparaíso:

Imprenta y Libreria del Mercurio, 194. 4 Barros Arana to Mitre, Montevideo, March 12, 1859. In Mitre, Bartolomé. 1912. Correspondencia literaria, historica y política del general Bartolomé Mitre. Vol. 1. Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Coni hermanos, 117. 5 Sarratea, Mariano C. de, Valparaiso, December 18, 1858, Diego Barros Arana, Santiago. BNCh-AD, Caja 60, doc. 2544 (1–2), 2543.

272

E. BLUMENTHAL

whom Barros Arana shared a long friendship, gave him letters of recommendation which he used in Buenos Aires.6 One of the most eloquent is that of Demetrio Rodríguez Peña, a naturalized Chilean with a career in public administration, who lived out his life in Chile. He wrote to Barros Arana to express his regrets concerning the political events in Chile that impeded Barros Arana’s return. It is extremely terrible (sensible es en estremo) to see the great Chilean family thus, and so many of its better sons estranged; though deploring this destiny common to our race, it is of comfort that Buenos Aires may today return to you and other Chileans that might go there, the same franc and cordial hospitality earlier dispensed by Chile to the Argentine émigrés.7

Avoiding politics altogether—Rodríguez Peña was a pillar of the Chilean administration since the mid-1840s—he nonetheless recognized both the political salience of exile and the parallels between their personal situations. He expressed his happiness that his brother could help Barros Arana and, curiously, he also sent greetings to Barros Arana’s relatives, Felipe and Pascuala Arana.8 It is not clear if Felipe refers to Rosas’ minister or his son, Pascuala’s brother, but if it is indeed the ex-minister it is somewhat surprising to see such a prominent anti-Rosas émigré professing his friendship. This image of reciprocal emigration and exile solidarity that went beyond factional differences, expressed here by former émigrés from the Río de la Plata, reflects the thinking of Chileans on their own exile. The Arana family was another source of contacts. Barros Arana’s correspondence with his family members in the Río de la Plata—a mix of news on conflicts in Chile and between the Confederation and Buenos Aires— shows the importance of his family ties, as well as his location at the center of émigré networks. During his stay in the Río de la Plata, in Mendoza, Buenos Aires and Montevideo, in the first half of 1859, his cousin Pascuala Arana kept him informed of news arriving from Chile and the fate of

6 Alejandro Magari˜ nos Cervantes, Buenos Aires, to Guti´errez, Rosario, January 24, 1859, AJMG, Vol. V, 178. Luis L. Dom´inguez, Buenos Aires, to Guti´errez, Rosario, March 21, 1859, ibid., 215. Manuel E. Garc´ia, Buenos Aires to Guti´errez, February 9, 1859, 192 and May 2, 1859, ibid., 233. 7 Rodr´iguez Pe˜ na, Demetrio, Santiago, to Diego Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, June 1, 1859, BNCh-AD, Caja 60, doc. 2508. 8 Ibid., Barros Arana’s mother was Felipe Arana’s sister.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

273

arriving Chilean émigrés. She informed him of Vicuña Mackenna’s lawsuit against the ship captain that took him to London, based on the pamphlet analyzed below, and the conflict between Errázuriz and the Minister of Foreign Relations, erroneously attributing Lara’s pamphlet to him.9 Curiously, the only extant correspondence between the two is from his period in exile, again suggesting the importance of these contacts, though it is not clear if this is just due to the vagaries of document conservation. Pascuala Arana advised her cousin not to return to Chile because of the worsening political situation. After Barros Arana’s departure for Europe, in the middle of 1859, the Arana family continued to host and aid Chilean émigrés, notably (Pedro León?) Gallo. The worsening conflict between Buenos Aires and the Confederation, and the blockade imposed by the Confederation on the secessionist province, interrupted the flow of information, and Arana complained of the lack of information coming from Chile. She suggested that his family connections were a reflection of his interests in Argentine politics, “I hope to believe that, after Chile, our land is that which most inspires you, so I am going to give you news of our politics.”10 Vicuña Mackenna also used his émigré contacts in Buenos Aires. In his narrative of his first years in exile (1853–1855), he described how returned émigrés such as Mitre, Fragueiro, Sarmiento and Frías received him, remembering their own experiences in Chile, while Vicuña Mackenna commented on their situation in Buenos Aires’ public life. “Most of these people had known Chile and had the custom of dressing up their kind attention with the pretext that it was an unpaid debt of hospitality that had been very pleasant for them.”11 Though most of the names he mentions are émigrés, not all of them were, and Vicuña Mackenna also paid a call on rosista society families, such as the Anchorena and the Ascuénaga, who had visited Chile as travelers. Vicuña Mackenna also gives us a portrayal of Mendoza in 1855, on his way back to Chile, dividing “Mendoza’s society” into three parts, not 9 Arana, Pascuala, August 26 (1859?), Buenos Aires, to Diego Barros Arana, BNCh-AD,

Caja 54, doc. 514. Arana, Pascuala, Buenos Ayres, June 26, 1860, to Diego Barros Arana BNCh-AD, Caja 54, doc. 523. 10 Arana, Pascuala, to Diego Barros Arana, Buenos Ayres, July 27, 1859, BNCh-AD, Caja 54, doc. 519, 520. 11 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1856. Pájinas de mi diario durante tres años de viaje: 1853–1854–1855. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 366.

274

E. BLUMENTHAL

always easily differentiated: Chilean, mendocina chilenizada and pure Mendoza, while emphasizing the cultural, political and economic links to Chile. He not only mentions fellow émigrés living in Mendoza, such as Ramón Lara and José Galeguillos, but also those local families who had lived in exile in Chile.12 Vicuña Mackenna’s description of these ties was also the occasion for new criticism of the Chilean government, and he commented that the economic opportunities that had created incentives for hacendados to move to Mendoza also attracted workers from Chile, where the conditions of “slavery” were pushing them to move.13 His comments underscore the importance of previously existing social and economic ties to exile integration. Arcos and Bilbao were also able to easily integrate into Buenos Aires society thanks to their relations. For Arcos, his igualitario bonds with Mitre were still strong, and Sarmiento tried to find work for him in the Buenos Aires topographic department.14 Arcos first met Sarmiento in the United States in 1847, where they were traveling together. Arcos helped Sarmiento, who was at the end of his journey and short of funds to return back to Chile, and they took the same boat to Valparaiso.15 Though they ended up on different sides of Chilean factional politics in 1851, they remained close friends.16 In Bilbao’s case, though friendship with Mitre no doubt helped, it was his family ties that were key. His mother was a porteña, and he married Pilar Guido Spano, while his brother Luis married Pascuala Arana, both from prominent Federalist families, in 1862. Associative life in particular attracted various émigrés and eased their integration in host society. Santiago Arcos belonged to the Club del Progreso

12 Including M. Delgado’s daughters, Lucas Gonz´alez, the señoritas Gordillo (who had returned after 10 years in Copiapo), ´ Victorino Corval´an’s family, Godoy Cruz’s window, Gregorio Torres, Mart´in Zapata and Leopoldo Zuloaga. These are all names that have cropped up at one point or another in this study. Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Pajinas, ´ 435–36. 13 Ibid., 438–39. 14 Sarmiento to Mitre, Yunguay, April 8, 1854. In Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1988. La

correspondencia de Sarmiento: Años 1838–1854. Carlos S. A. Segreti (ed.). Vol. 1. Córdoba: Poder Ejecutivo de la Provincia de Córdoba, 271. 15 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1849. Viajes en Europa, Africa y América: por D. F. Sarmiento. Vol. 2. Santiago de Chile: Impr. de J. Belin, 330–50. 16 For their friendship, see Arcos, Santiago. 2000. Epistolario de Santiago Arcos a Domingo F. Sarmiento, 1861–1874. Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del Museo Histórico Sarmiento.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

275

and the Club del Plata.17 Bilbao participated in Masonic loges as well as associations such as El Instituto Histórico Geográfico del Río de la Plata 18 and El Club Literario. The Chilean émigré Alejandro Victoriano Martínez Cuadros was a member of the Gran Logia de Lima.

Chilean Émigrés and the Peruvian Revolution of 1854 These close personal and family ties often implied participation in local politics. At the very least, émigrés had to participate in public debates to defend their civil rights and continued to engage in exile politics. This was particularly important as they could not count on the diplomatic protection of the Chilean government. One of the constant émigré complaints was this lack of diplomatic protection, and not only for émigrés. According to the Chilean opposition, Chilean citizens could not count on diplomatic protection against forced enrollment in the military. This was salient in the political conflicts in Peru, but was also true in the Río de la Plata where they faced drafting into the “Argentine armies.”19 Bilbao claimed to have offered informal protection to Chileans during both the Echenique government in Peru as well as in both the Confederation and Buenos Aires at the end of the decade where his complaints were received “perfectly” despite his lack of credentials.20 Participation in public life often meant allying with one or another faction in local politics. In Peru, this translated into participation in Ramón Castilla’s revolution, supported by the liberal opposition, which led to the abolition of slavery and mita, the head tax paid by indigenous Peruvians. Castilla, an independence-era general who had previously been president (1845–1851)—and lived in exile in Chile during Santa Cruz’s time in office—led a revolution in 1854 against President José Rufino Echenique, 17 Gazmuri, Cristiana. “Prólogo”. In Arcos, Santiago. 1989. Carta a Francisco Bilbao y otros escritos. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 37. 18 González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation

argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 239. Solar G., Felipe del. 2012. Las logias de ultramar. En torno a los orígenes de la francmasonería en Chile 1850–1962. Santiago: Occidente, 38–49. 19 Barros Arana et al. Cuadro Histórico de la administración Montt, 256. 20 Bilbao, “Apuntes cronológicos”. In Revista chilena de historia y geografía, 1931, LXIX

(73), 17.

276

E. BLUMENTHAL

elected in 1851 with Castilla’s support. The Chilean émigré population was associated with Castilla while Montt and Echenique received the active support of Chilean merchants.21 The Echenique government had carried out a campaign to consolidate internal debt, exchanging it for foreign bonds and enriching those associated in the process. This corruption led to opposition, much of it from exile in Chile and Ecuador. This included the perennial figure Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco as well as Manuel Toribio Ureta, banished to Chile in 1843 after a failed Vivanco rebellion. Ureta later wrote the abolition decree and became Castilla’s Minister of Foreign Relations. Domingo Elías, who was banished to Guayaquil after publicly opposing Echenique, became Treasury Minister after the revolution.22 The Bilbao brothers played an active role in local politics, taking strong positions in favor of abolitionism and the abolition of the mita. Francisco Bilbao participated in the founding of the Sociedad Republicana, wrote in the pages of El Comercio, and vocally opposed President Echenique.23 Bilbao’s activities in opposition to Echenique led him to seek asylum in the French Legation, but he was allowed to leave, and remain free, after agreeing to withdraw from politics. He dedicated his time to writing Santa Rosa de Lima, a pioneering biography of the Lima saint who died of tuberculosis in 1617, that explored her dedication to black and indigenous inhabitants of the Viceroyalty. It was received favorably in Lima.24 Though Bilbao appears to have respected the agreement, he and his brothers Manuel and Luis were banished to Guayaquil in 1854, amid a generalized rebellion, showing the threat that the government believed they posed. In Ecuador, Bilbao returned to Peruvian politics, publishing tracts attacking Echenique in the press and calling for revolution. “Rise, word of the exile! … the precursor wind that will punish the government 21 Bochner, Entrepreneurs, 82. 22 Bilbao, Francisco. 2005. Escritos peruanos. David Sobrevilla (ed.). Santiago: Editorial

Universitaria, 103–4. Vivanco returned to exile in Valparaiso after his defeat in an uprising in 1858 until his death in 1873. 23 For Bilbao’s years in Peru, see Sobrevilla, David, “Estudio introductorio”. In Bilbao, Escritos peruanos. Sobrevilla, “Apertura y diversidad”. This is little extant evidence of the Sociedad Republicana. For the broader context of artisan mobilization, see García-Bryce, Iñigo L. 2004. Crafting the Republic: Lima’s Artisans and Nation Building in Peru, 1821–1879. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 24 Bilbao, Francisco. 1861. Estudios sobre la vida de Santa Rosa de Lima. 2a ed. Buenos Aires: Bernheim. For its reception in Lima, see Bochner, “Entrepreneurs”, 126.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

277

of Peru.”25 Indeed, deported in 1853, Elías returned from Guayaquil the same year to lead an uprising. Though it failed, he played a role in Castilla’s rise to power later the following year. Toribio was also in exile in Guayaquil in 1854. After Echenique’s fall, the Bilbao brothers returned to Lima, where they continued to write in El Comercio. Bilbao presented the revolution in El Comercio as the victory of the sierra over the coast, the poor over the rich and the republic over monarchy.26 Though the Castilla government carried out the abolition of slavery and the mita for which the brothers had been agitating, they were looked on with suspicion by the new government. The constitutional program that Bilbao published already betrayed a certain skepticism, and he denounced the lack of debate over the new regime, foreshadowing an outcome such as in France in 1848 or Chile in 1850.27 Indeed, his support for the separation of church and state led to violent debate in the press.28 The debate shows how Francisco Bilbao’s articles on the subject led to fears that the state religion would be undermined in the new constitution and they led to his imprisonment on charges of violating the press law.29 After his release, he spent 1856 in England and France, before returning to Buenos Aires in 1857. Manuel Bilbao joined his brother in Buenos Aires in 1864. Natalia Sobrevilla has highlighted the irony that Echenique, though opposed to abolitionism, allowed a certain freedom of the press. The Castilla government, carried to power to enact the abolitionist/liberal program, did not allow any more freedom, and ended up jailing Bilbao. The new constitution did not separate church and state, as Bilbao had demanded.30 Furthermore, the association between Chilean émigrés and Castilla, as well as the outspoken anticlerical positions of Bilbo, led to a sharpening of national divisions between Chileans and Peruvians in the

25 La revolución de la honradez. In Escritos peruanos, 97. 26 “La noticia de la victoria”, El Comercio, January 22, 1855, in Escritos peruanos, 113–20. 27 Bilbao, Francisco. 1855. El gobierno de la libertad. Lima: Impr. del Comercio. V. 28 Bilbao, F., “Sobre la tolerancia”, El Comercio, March 29, “Catolicismo y libertad”, May 16, Escritos peruanos, 167–76. 29 Bilbao, F., “Libertad de imprenta”, El Comercio, May 21, ibid., 183–85. 30 Sobrevilla, “Apertura y diversidad”.

278

E. BLUMENTHAL

press, not unlike that analyzed in the previous chapter.31 Factional alignments continued to affect the relations between the two countries, and it was through participation in politics and public life that Chilean “foreigness” was reinforced. This is another example of what Sznajder and Roniger have called the tripartite model of exile, in which the expelling government, émigrés and the host government form alliances and opposition. It also highlights a division between émigrés and merchants within the Chilean community of Lima that contrasts with the overlapping categories of émigrés and merchants in the case of exile from the Río de la Plata.

Argentine Entanglements Chilean émigrés also had to situate themselves in the divided Argentine political scene of the secession years. The second wave of Chilean exile under Montt (1858–1862) coincided with the conflictual years of Buenos Aires’ secession that ended in the battles of Cepeda (1859) and Pavón (1861), which paved the way to a united republic under Buenos Aires’ dominance and Mitre’s election as president in 1862.32 Factional entanglements in the Río de la Plata, in the context of the secession of Buenos Aires from the Confederation, shaped Chilean exile politics. In many ways ideologically close to their former émigré friends in the Río de la Plata, now in power in Buenos Aires or the Confederation, they were also divided by Chilean politics as we saw in the previous chapter. These Chilean alliances would condition the émigrés’ insertion into Argentine conflicts, as they took public political positions in books, magazines and newspapers. We will mostly be looking at their activities in Buenos Aires, although Mendoza and Paraná were also sites of exile publication. The postRosas years witnessed an explosion of press activity, and Chilean émigrés were a part of it.33

31 Bochner, Entrepreneurs, 97–103. 32 Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation

of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 196–202. Scobie, James R. 1964. La lucha por la consolidación de la nacionalidad argentina, 1852–1862. Buenos Aires: Librería Hachette. González, Civilité, 310–22. 33 This has been most thoroughly studied in Buenos Aires. González, Civilité. Sabato, Hilda. 2001. The Many and the Few: Political Participation in Republican Buenos Aires. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

279

Barros Arana was in the difficult position of sharing family ties with prominent Federalists—his mother was the sister of Rosas’ foreign minister and his sister Juana Barros was married to a Federalist, Mariano Baudrix, who was living in exile in Montevideo—while also enjoying close friendships with Mitre and Gutiérrez, on opposite sides of the Buenos Aires/Confederation divide. Earlier in the decade, while commenting on the political situation in both countries, Gutiérrez described his disillusionment with Argentine politics and gave Barros Arana updates on the situation of the latter’s brother-in-law, in exile in Montevideo because of his Federalist sympathies. Baudrix and his brother Roque were accused of being masoruqeros.34 Pascuala Arana was clearly proud of her cousin’s influence in Buenos Aires, especially given the family’s difficult situation in the post-Rosas era. “I assure you that I am very happy to have a cousin that exercises influence with the distinguished categories of my country, given that we cannot have them even with the doorman at the casa de Gobierno.”35 She seems to be referring to Barros Arana’s close relationship with Mitre, elected governor in 1860. While Barros Arana’s own family in Buenos Aires was marginalized or exiled, his friendships with the Buenos Aires political elites, dating to their years in Chile, allowed him a degree of social integration. His contacts were nonetheless characterized by a strict neutrality when it came to politics, even though his opinions seemed to lean toward sympathy for Urquiza. In Chile, Barros Arana had displayed these sympathies, albeit ambiguously, to Gutiérrez who was himself a prominent Urquiza backer. “Here everyone is urquicista, and they do not attempt to establish anything to produce a judgement,” ironically commenting Sarmiento’s son-in-laws’ claim that Gutiérrez had turned into a rich protégé of Urquiza.36 He also expressed some skepticism that seems to align him more with the Chilean opposition. “The child Urquiza will follow his predecessor’s path, at least that is what it seems reading a proclamation in the Diario yesterday, and you will return to the same.”37 The dominant pro-Urquiza sentiment is 34 Santa F´e, October 10, 1853. In Gutiérrez, Juan María. 1934. A través de una correspondencia: don Juan María Gutiérrez. Santiago: Prensas de la Universidad de Chile, 110–11. 35 Pascuala Arana, to Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, January 25, 1860, BNCh-AD, Caja 54, doc. 521, 522. 36 Barros Arana, Santiago, to Guti´errez, Santa Fe, March 31, 1853, AJMG, Vol. 2, 221. 37 Barros Arana, Santiago, to Guti´errez, Mendoza, March 30, 1852, AJMG, Vol. 2, 124.

280

E. BLUMENTHAL

no doubt a reflection of the weight of pro-Confederation émigrés in the Valparaiso press and the position of the Montt government, as we saw in Chapter 5. Barros Arana was nonetheless open to the politics of Buenos Aires and received letters from Sarratea trying to convince him of the innocence of Buenos Aires in the Quinteros massacre during a failed 1858 revolution in Montevideo, and complaining of the Chilean press as the “organs of the Paraná press’ passions.”38 Once in Buenos Aires, Barros Arana kept a studious neutrality with all things related to the Confederation, no doubt in part in order to protect his position, and perhaps that of his family. “In my character as a foreigner, and following the advice that you gave me I have looked at all this without emitting judgements that could wound sensibilities, and that perhaps would not have the necessary truth (acierto).” Barros Arana claimed he therefore could not in good faith give his opinion on Gutiérrez’s position in the ongoing conflict, even by correspondence.39 It is possible that this distancing of himself from events in the Río de la Plata was related to his discussions with Gutiérrez on the legitimacy of historical comparisons of Rosas and Montt, as we will see shortly. Writing to Mitre from Paris during the incorporation of Buenos Aires into the Confederation, Barros Arana tried to maintain this same neutrality. He congratulated Mitre on the news of unification that he had received from Baudrix. Mentioning his federalist brother-in-law no doubt implicitly communicated to Mitre that he had ties on both sides of the conflict, as he did not fail to make explicit. “The letters that I receive from Buenos Aires, that contain praise of you from people that were opposed to you earlier, show to me that you have understood your position.”40 Written before Pavón, this was no doubt a bit hasty, but shows how Barros Arana hoped to reconcile his warring friends and family. Neutrality did not make finding work any easier. Barros Arana explained to his wife that the cost of living in Buenos Aires made it necessary to work, but that “in this country there are no occupations for one who wishes to write, unless one becomes a journalist to write and receive insults of all types. Bilbao, who chose this career, has been a victim of these polemics

38 Sarratea, Valpara´iso a` Diego Barros Arana, Santiago, August 7, 1858, BNCh-AD, Caja 60, doc. 2541, 2542. Sarratea unofficially represented the Buenos Aires government in Chile. 39 Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, to Guti´errez, Rosario, April 18, 1859, AJMG, Vol. 5, 227. 40 Barros Arana to Mitre, Paris, September 8, 1860, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 135.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

281

… and has precipitated into politics taking up a role that, I think, nobody should take in a foreign country.”41 Finally, he accepted work as Paris correspondent for the Nacional Argentino (Paraná), where Bilbao also worked, thus avoiding Argentine politics. This position, facilitated by his brotherin-law Baudrix, allowed him to finance an archival voyage to Europe while distancing him from political conflict on both sides of the Andes.42 He left a matter of weeks before the Battle of Cepeda. This neutrality applied to Chilean politics as well. Barros Arana explained to Gutiérrez his desire to withdraw from active participation in political life, to concentrate on his activities as an historian. He expressed this wish even before the defeat of the uprising in the north of Chile in 1859, hoping to return to Chile “before the mountain passes close, to shut myself away in my house without taking part in public affairs other than asking my friends for moderation and temperance.”43 When news of the victory of government forces over the rebels arrived in Buenos Aires, he realized that he would not be able to return and insisted again on avoiding Chilean politics.44 Though Barros Arana was no doubt in part following Gutiérrez’s advice concerning participation in local politics as a foreigner, it also seems to have been part of a broader turn away from politics, toward history, that was connected to the bitterness and memories of exile. This desire for neutral detachment was also a character trait, and he was generally reticent to participate in politics. According to his biographer, Barros Arana felt obliged to criticize the Montt regime because of its authoritarian abuses, leading to his exile, though he considered it to be intervening in a field that was not his own, preferring to concentrate on history.45 This desire to avoid politics did not prevent Barros Arana from being critical of Montt,

41 Barros Arana to Rosalia Izquierdo de Barros, Buenos Aires, May 26, 1859, BNCh-AD, Caja 61, doc. 2790 (1–5). 42 Ibid. 43 Barros Arana to Guti´errez, Montevideo, March 4, 1859, AJMG, Vol. 5, 207. He was anticipating the souther winter. 44 Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, to Guti´errez, Rosario, March 28, 1859, ibid., 219. He nonetheless appears to have published a series of articles on Chilean politics during this period that I have been unable to locate. Pascuala Arana to Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, July 27, 1859, BNCh, Sala Medina, Caja 54, doc. 519, 520. 45 Donoso, Ricardo. 1931. Barros Arana educador, historiador y hombre público. Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 40–43.

282

E. BLUMENTHAL

particularly in his correspondence, but seems to imply that return was for him an escape from exile politics. For others, their open sympathies with Buenos Aires were in part dictated by their political and personal friendship with Mitre, their only important ally among the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation in Chile in 1850 and 1851. Even before arriving in Buenos Aires, Santiago Arcos wrote to Mitre from Mendoza, where he lived from 1852 until 1855, expressing his sympathies for Mitre’s political positions in Buenos Aires. Urquiza’s government in Paraná, Arcos argued, was like “a gangrened member, it is useless to cut it off, it will fall on its own.”46 In these same years, before Sarmiento was able to take up residence in Buenos Aires in 1855, Arcos played a strategic role as intermediary between Sarmiento and Mitre, relaying correspondence and news and encouraging Sarmiento to move to Buenos Aires.47 Arcos continued this role, albeit with a less central role, during the 1858–1859 Cepeda campaign that opposed Buenos Aires and the Confederation, as can be seen in the correspondence between Mitre and general Wenceslao Paunero.48 Arcos appeared close to Mitre and Paunero, furnishing supplies to the army (food for the soldiers, horses and feed for the animals) as well as military intelligence.49 In this intermediary role between Paunero, Mitre and other important political actors in Buenos Aires, such as Dalmacio Vélez Sarsfield and Pastor Obligado—governor and ex-governor, respectively—Arcos transmitted letters, field reports and information.50 Arcos also drew maps for military intelligence and was named military engineer to organize a unit of sappers.51 Barros Arana, who visited him in exile

46 Arcos to Mitre, Mendoza, December 30, 1854. Mitre, Bartolomé. 1912. Archivo del general Mitre. Cartas confidenciales. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Biblioteca de “La Nación”, 36. 47 Sarmiento to Mitre, Santiago, October 1, 1852. Yungay, October 1, 1854. Sarmiento to Sarratea, Yungay, September 6, 1854. Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 215, 288–89. 48 Mitre, Archivo, Vol. 16. 49 Valent´in Alsina to Mitre, Buenos Aires, September 2 and 17, 1859, ibid., 39–40, 65;

Paunero to Mitre, San Nicol´as, July 15, 1859, ibid., 194–95; Santiago Arcos to Mitre, San Nicol´as, July 18, 1859, ibid., 284–85. 50 Pastor Obligado to Mitre, Buenos Aires, July 13, 1859, ibid., 102; Dalmacio V´elez Sarsfield to Mitre, Buenos Aires, August 28, 1859, ibid., 113, Paunero to Mitre, San Nicol´as, June 30, 1859, 182. 51 Paunero to Mitre, San Nicol´as, June 22 juin 1859, ibid., 173; Paunero to Mitre, San Nicol´as, June 9, 1859, 188–90.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

283

in Buenos Aires in 1859, claimed he was involved in mining ventures in San Luis without much success and served as voluntary artillery solider at Cepeda.52 Arcos, who was from a rich merchant family and set up as a merchant after leaving Chile, used his commercial networks to supply the army, as well as to receive information on Urquiza’s troop movements, as can be seen in a letter sent by one of his commercial partners and forwarded by Paunero to Mitre. His correspondent, whose name was erased to protect his anonymity, informed him that “our yerba business” was on hold, because Rosario was no longer a “commercial market (plaza comercial )” and had been transformed into a military staging ground (plaza de armas ).53 In Buenos Aires, he seems to have cut his ties to Chile, and turned his public life toward Argentina. Arcos had been close to Mitre and Sarmiento even before heading into exile. His Carta a Bilbao, cited in Chapter 5 for its negative views of exile and its calls for immediate revolution, was published during his residence in Mendoza, a location that presented obvious advantages for this type of strategy. There is little information available, though, about his activities during in these years. Arcos’ move might be interpreted as a transition from an exile strategy focused on return to Chile to fight against Montt to a deeper integration into Argentine politics. Arcos contributed to public debate in Argentina on several occasions. His texts deal with highly debated subjects that were key to Argentine unification in these years and are strikingly similar to Mitre’s own positions on the subject. In 1860, Acros published a book on banking in Buenos Aires that takes up themes similar to those he developed in La contribución y la recaudación, written in Chile in the context of the Society of Equality, with an introduction by Mitre, but now applied to the newly united Argentina.54 A second text, published during renewed tensions on Buenos Aires’ southern frontier, had greater influence. In it, Arcos defended a military

52 Barros Arana, Diego. 1905. Un decenio de la historia de Chile: (1841–1851). Vol. 2. Santiago: Impr. y Encuadernación Universitaria, 369. 53 Rosario, June 19, 1859, ibid., 172. Also see Paunero Mitre June 20 and 22, 1859, San Nicol´as, ibid., 170–71, 173–74. 54 Arcos, Santiago. 1860. Sobre la importancia de los bancos en los pueblos de la República Argentina. Buenos Aires. A summary is available in Gazmuri, Carta, 50.

284

E. BLUMENTHAL

offensive to deal with the “Indian problem.”55 This was also the line taken by Sarmiento and Mitre, though it contrasted with Bilbao’s position that favored their pacific incorporation into the republic in both Chile and Argentina. In a debate with Mitre in Los Debates and Sarmiento in El Nacional, Bilbao went as far as to sympathize with Calfucurá, a Mapuche leader whose alliance with Urquiza made him deeply unpopular in Buenos Aires. Bilbao compared the lonco’s frontier attacks with the recent uprising in British India and criticized the French colonization of Algeria.56 This debate continued echoing a decade later when La Tribuna published a series of public letters written to Arcos by his friend Lucio Mansilla on the latter’s voyage to the Ranqueles, an indigenous group living in the Andean foothills of Mendoza.57 Mansilla, like Bilbao, opposed extermination and favored peaceful integration, though it should be noted that in Mansilla’s case this even more clearly involved adopting Catholicism, farming and becoming a rural proletariat. After his father’s death in 1862, Arcos left for Europe to claim possession of his inheritance. He returned to politics after the revolution of 1868 in Spain, serving as a deputy in the Spanish Cortes where he continued advocating for “federalism, liberalism, socialism.”58 In his correspondence with Sarmiento, a frequent theme is Arcos’ wish to return to Mendoza.59 He remained more in contact with Buenos Aires than Santiago, which can perhaps again be explained by his exile friendships with Mitre, Sarmiento and Bilbao, though it is no doubt also a reflection of the fact that his wife and one of his children died in Buenos Aires during this period. A permanent exile, like his friend Bilbao, though they had very different political alliances in the Rio de la Plata, he rejected Montt’s Chile and never returned.

55 Arcos, Santiago. 1860. Las fronteras y los indios: Cuestión de indios. Buenos Aires: Impr. de J. A. Bernheim. 56 Bilbao, “La frontera”, La revista (10), 257–62. “La nacionalidad y la conquista” (12), 340–45. For an analysis of the debate, see Wasserman, Fabio. 2008. Entre Clio y la Polis: Conocimiento historico y representaciones del pasado en el Río de La Plata (1830–1860). Buenos Aires: Teseo, 121–24. Conversations with him have been useful in understanding Bilbao’s experience in the Río de la Plata. 57 Mansilla, Lucio Victorio. 1984 (1870). Una excursión a los indios ranqueles. Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho. 58 Arcos, A los electores de diputados de las futuras cortes constituyentes. 1868. Madrid. In Gazmuri, Carta, 167. 59 Cf. Arcos, Epistolario.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

285

Like Arcos, Vicuña Mackenna’s political sympathies were clearly with Buenos Aires during his stay in the Río de la Plata, but his experience led him to develop a vision of the cultural differences between Argentinians and Chileans that was in part a continuation of the debates analyzed in previous chapters. Describing the political situation in Buenos Aires during his stay in 1855, Vicuña Mackenna did not hide his sympathy for the “insurrection” of Buenos Aires, led by Mitre, that he portrayed as a “magnanimous act of dignity and patriotism” that contrasted with the “porteña vanity” that he perceived in the Buenos Aires faction that favored independence.60 He was referring here to the division between the two leading factions of Buenos Aires politics; the mitristas, followers of Mitre who favored a strong national government, and the other that would become the Partido Autonomista, led by Valentina Alsina and that favored a more autonomous provincial government to the extent of flirting with independence during these years. Vicuña Mackenna’s friendship with Mitre colored his perceptions, and he evoked the time spent together in prison in Chile where they had discussed “the liberal cause,” presenting Mitre as a “model” for politicians in South America. Much as in his previously discussed Lima pamphlet on Rosas, though more explicitly, Vicuña Mackenna associated the Chilean anti-Montt movement with the cause of Buenos Aires, speaking of Mitre’s political role in Buenos Aires as a continuation of the Society of Equality’s struggle in Chile.61 His solution to the conflict was nonetheless similar to the one F. Bilbao proposed later in the decade, arguing that Urquiza should resign from the presidency of the Confederation while Buenos Aires simultaneously renounced its sovereignty and pretension to statehood. Bilbao was, however, a political rival of Mitre’s and a Federalist supporter of the Confederation. It should be noted that Vicuña Mackenna was only in the Argentine provinces for three months and remained more of an outside observer. The Chilean events of 1850–1851, and Mitre’s position in the Chilean press, clearly played a role in determining the position of Chilean émigrés in the conflict between Buenos Aires and the Confederation. Yet, the Montt government’s recognition of Paraná also seems to have pushed the Chilean émigrés into supporting Buenos Aires, as can be seen in an anti-Montt text published by four prominent Chilean émigrés in 1861 after their return.

60 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Pajinas, ´ 386. 61 Ibid., 390.

286

E. BLUMENTHAL

They criticized the fact that Chile had recognized the Paraná government rather than that of Buenos Aires, rejecting Mariano de Sarratea, émigré merchant living in Valparaiso, as Buenos Aires consul, even though European governments had recognized the diplomats sent by Buenos Aires. The reality was somewhat more complicated. Though London and Paris had recognized the Confederation, they continued to maintain a consular presence in Buenos Aires. The economic weight of the latter inclined the balance in the second half of the decade.62 The Chilean émigrés attributed this decision to “private motivations, born from personal influence, that made them make this decision that was as rare as it was dangerous.”63 This seems to be a reference to the émigré merchant networks from the Confederation living in Valparaiso, connected politically to Alberdi and economically to Mendoza commerce, which supported Montt and Urquiza in the Valparaiso press. Chilean émigré sympathies for Mitre, their fellow-traveler and émigré in 1851 reinforced their accusations that the Montt government had been bought. This alignment also shows that factional alignments between Buenos Aires and Santiago remained a factor in international relations, with the Chilean opposition supporting Buenos Aires and the Montt government recognizing Paraná. Vicuña Mackenna, however, nuanced this view, remarking that recognition of the Confederation strengthened the “American cause.” He noted what he called the Spanish American “zeal (prurito)” for creating smaller and smaller breakaway republics after independence, admiring the porteño uprising against Urquiza while criticizing any attempt at independence from the Confederation.64 Vicuña Mackenna’s observations of Argentine political life take on another color and could refer as much to his own country as to Argentina. Like Bilbao below, he noted that Argentine émigrés went from unity in exile to discord in power, that Federalists had become Unitarians and vice versa. He specifically noted how J. M. Gutiérrez and D. F. Sarmiento, who had edited La Tribuna together in Santiago only a few years before, were now on opposite sides of the Buenos Aires-Confederation divide. These regrets of the loss of union in exile had an application for Chile. Vicuña 62 Cisneros, Andrés and Carlos Escudé. 2000. “Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas”. http://www.argentina-rree.com/historia_indice00.htm. Scobie, La lucha, 165–80. 63 Barros Arana et al., Cuadro histórico, 253. 64 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Pajinas de mi viaje, 386.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

287

Mackenna was determined to conserve the order and union of Chilean elites, even in exile.65 The interpretations of Argentine political life in Chilean émigrés such as Arcos and Vicuña Mackenna are clearly conditioned by their own exile struggle and their links to former émigrés from the Confederation. Exile and the need to confront different realities helped the émigrés to follow a process of differentiation between host and expelling country.

Federalism and Exile in the Río de la Plata Not all Chilean émigrés allied themselves with Mitre and Buenos Aires. In Errázuriz’s critique of the Confederation government, analyzed in Chapter 5, a residual federalism comes through that takes the minimal form of a defense of the provincial authorities that had allowed him to act freely in Mendoza. Chilean exile, which had become an issue during the “definitive union” of Buenos Aires with the Confederation after almost a decade of secession, was perceived by Errázuriz as a test of the new national institutions, and he praised the constitution as he criticized the minister. “When we stepped into Argentine territory, rather than abdicating our mode of being as free republican men, we hoped to encounter a noble asylum against the violence and oppression that had made us despair in our patria.”66 The Argentine “federal democracy” would be “the destiny of America and the regeneration of our race.”67 This federalism had been a demand of the Chilean opposition since the 1820s, though it was not at the heart of the younger generations’ struggles and was perhaps somewhat instrumental in Errázuriz’s case. The federalist tradition in Chile, from J. M. Carrera and the provincial assemblies of the 1820s, is often assumed to have later dissipated.68 Though Bilbao is the only émigré of the 1850s to have made federalism an important part of his thinking, this suggests a continuing, underestimated importance.

65 Ibid., 377–78. 66 Errázuriz, Isidoro. 1860. Emigracion chilena i el gobierno Montt ante el Congreso

Arjentino. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Bernheim, 3. 67 Ibid., 5. 68 Collier, Simon. 2003. Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830–1865: Politics and Ideas.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 122. This book’s index contains only one reference to “Federalism, artificial”.

288

E. BLUMENTHAL

The Bilbao family is the most prominent example of émigré support for Paraná as well as being the most firmly rooted in Argentine politics and society. Francisco Bilbao wrote in several newspapers sympathetic to the Confederation, including El Orden (Buenos Aires), El Nacional Argentino (Paraná), El Museo Literario and founded his own magazine, La Revista del Nuevo Mundo, though it only lasted six months.69 Francisco Bilbao’s participation in Argentine political life began before his arrival in Buenos Aires in 1857. In 1854, Bilbao wrote from Lima to his friend from the days of the Society of Equality, Bartolomíe Mitre, informing him of the situation of “the revolution” in the countries of the Pacific coast. “In Peru the revolution will triumph. Of Chile, we have little hope. In New Granada the case of the peoples has triumphed over militarism.”70 He accompanied the letter with some of his most recent political writings, informing his friend of his desire to move to Buenos Aires and that he had been following Mitre’s career in Buenos Aires with interest. Again we see a connection being drawn by Chilean émigrés between Mitre’s political activities and their own, as well as the political situation of Peru and the other South American republics, in a wave of revolutions connected to 1848.71 Though Bilbao does not seem to have taken up a strong position for the Confederation against Buenos Aires at this point, by the time he moved to Buenos Aires from France in 1857 this Americanism was connected to a Federalist sensitivity. This can be seen in his celebration of Urquiza’s victory over Buenos Aires’ forces, led by Mitre, at the Battle of Cepeda in 1859.72 Addressed to “his friends in America and Europe,” and appearing in both French and Spanish, Bilbao linked the events that he saw across South America as portending a universal democratic revolution. The abolition of slavery and the mita in Peru, his appeals for an “American Federation”

69 His writings have been thoroughly outlined in Varona, Alberto J. 1973. Francisco Bilbao Revolucionario de América. Vida y pensamiento: estudio de sus ensayos y trabajos periodísticos. Santiago: Ediciones Excelsior. 70 Bilbao to Mitre, Lima, November 16, 1854, in Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 79. 71 Thomson, Guy. 2002. The European Revolutions of 1848 and the Americas. London:

Institute of Latin American Studies. 72 Bilbao, Francisco. 1859. Carta de Francisco Bilbao, a sus amigos de América y Europa enviandoles la noticia de la victoria de la integridad argentina: Para el exterior; noticia de la victoria. Buenos Aires: El Nacional Argentino. The pamphlet includes a French translation by Etienne Brassac Saint Hilaire.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

289

published in Paris in 1856, and the apparent victory of the Confederation in the Río de la Plata were all part of a single tendency for Bilbao. Bilbao sought to “circulate in South America” abolition, federation and revolution. He underscored the link between Castilla’s victory in Peru and Urquiza’s in the Río de la Plata, claiming that this represented the beginning “of a new era” for the Argentine Republic, just as a liberal constitution promulgated under Castilla in 1855 had for Peru.73 Describing Buenos Aires as a place of “corruption,” “anarchy” and “despotism” he referred to Urquiza in hagiographic terms. “This same providential man that overthrew despotism and organized his country after 40 years of anarchy, is the same who just overthrew demagogy.”74 Though published in Buenos Aires, the title and the form of the public letter suggest that its primary audience was seen as South American and European. Bilbao wished to publicize the events of the Río de la Plata to like-minded thinkers elsewhere and was apparently still thinking of distribution in Europe after his recent stay in Paris. In this sense, it is part of the broader struggle between Buenos Aires and the Confederation for diplomatic and symbolic recognition as the real Argentina. This commitment to the Confederation’s cause as synonymous with revolution also comes through in his role in the press of Buenos Aires in these years. On arriving, he founded La Revista del Nuevo Mundo that, despite a brief existence of only six months and twelve issues, was fairly influential, provoking violent polemics with Sarmiento and Juan Carlos Gómez, a Montevideo-born former émigré in Chile, who had been a supporter of Montt in the Chilean press before criticizing the post-1851 repression. The stated objectives of the magazine were a reflection of the centrality of Argentina’s national organization to Bilbao’s Romantic socialist revolutionary outlook. “The liberty of man, the organization of Argentina’s nationality, the confederation of South America will be for us the lines of the fundamental triangle that will contain our works.”75

73 Bilbao, ibid., 2. 74 Ibid., 3–4. 75 Bilbao, Francisco. 1857. La Revista del nuevo mundo. Buenos Aires: Imp. y Lit. J.A. Bernheim, IV. It was compiled the same year in book format.

290

E. BLUMENTHAL

The subjects effectively taken up by the magazine were vast, including not only Argentine and South American federalism, but also the politics of Chile and Peru, the meaning of popular sovereignty, public education, British colonization of India and individual rights when facing police powers.76 These were often debated, in particular with Sarmiento, Mitre and Gómez. Bilbao gave special attention to the countries where he had spent time in exile. For example, he published the memorandum of association of the Sociedad de la Educación Americana that he helped found in Lima the previous year, as well as authors from Chile and Peru.77 Argentine politics, and specifically the question of national organization, received the most prominent attention. Notably, Bilbao developed his ideas for the organization of the Argentine republic in a series of articles that stretched over five issues. He insisted on the importance of this issue for (Spanish) America as a whole, that a united Argentina would be a linchpin of a federal America, the unity of the “American people” coming from its language, its common origin and history, but necessarily fragmented into different nations in order to “exploit the genius of local particularities,” and to develop these “particularities of its instinct in harmony with its soil.” “American nations,” according to Bilbao, had a single shared destiny, but had to follow parallel routes to arrive there. In this same way, Argentina had subdivided into competing fragments that threatened the future of this democratic “ocean” that had to “extend into the liberated Argentine pampas.”78 The unification of the Argentine Republic was thus a necessary condition to his broader federalism, linking his positions in Argentine politics to his Americanist and Romantic socialist ideals. The solution to the conflict between Buenos Aires and the Confederation passed through what Bilbao called a “supreme synthesis” of Federal and Unitarian ideas, or the “diverse elements of nationality that have not yet found their synthesis.” Bilbao emphasized how the struggle between the different factions had led to the present situation, “federalizing” the Unitarians and “unitarianizing” the Federalists.79 As he put it later, the “press, the parliamentary debates, the parties’ reciprocal omissions have 76 “La nacionalidad”, La Revista (12), 336–52; “Buenos Aires, La Confederacion ´ y la India”, Los Debates, no. 167, December 4, 1857. See Wasserman, Entre Clio y la Polis, 121–24. 77 “Sobre la educacion ´ americana”, La Revista (4), ibid., 65–70. 78 “Sobre la futura organizacion pol´itica de la Republica Argentina (Primer art´iculo)”, La

Revista (3), 55–56. 79 “Segundo art´iculo”, La Revista (4), 75.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

291

manifested that there have been federal institutions initiated by Unitarians: and inversely, there have been unitarian facts, practices and history carried out by Federalists.”80 This idea was not original, and it seems clear that Bilbao had read the Argentine Romantic generations’ writing on the subject. Since their 1840s exile, writers such as Alberdi and Sarmiento had tried to demonstrate that they had gone beyond the Unitarian/Federalist division, that had been blurred by factional politics.81 This idea was apparent in Facundo, where Sarmiento affirmed that Rosas was an instrument of “Providence” that had unified the country. “Before him and Quiroga, the Federal spirit had existed in the provinces, in the cities, even in the Federalists and Unitarians themselves, he extinguished it and organized to his own advantage, the unitarian system that Rivadavia wanted for the benefit of all.”82 Likewise, in 1847 Alberdi had affirmed that Rosas’ triumph was also that of the Unitarians, because he had unified Argentina and created customs of obedience. “This fact is the centralization of national power. Rivadavia proclaimed the idea of unity: Rosas fulfilled it.”83 Despite his penchant for Argentine and American federations, and his defense of Urquiza, Bilbao does not always appear to have been entirely convinced by his Federalist allies. Among the characteristics of the “synthesis” of federalism and Unitarianism, he described the “provincial caudilismo” as the synthesis of “Catholic centralism”—itself defined by the Inquisition and Spanish colonial heritage—and a “Federalism of the toldos,” referring to the tents used by the indigenous peoples of the pampas. While he argued for a federalism founded on a decentralized and democratic municipal power, he also held, in a language reminiscent of Facundo, that the 80 “Artículo quinto. Advertencia sobre las calificaciones de unitario y federal”, La Revista (10), 305. 81 Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 293–331. Halper´in Donghi, Tulio. 1980. “Una nacion ´ para el desierto argentino”. In Proyecto y construcción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho, XIX–XX; Myers, “La revolución en las ideas”. Palti, Elías. 2009. El momento romántico. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 29–91. 82 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1845. Civilizacion i barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga i aspecto físico, costumbres i habitos de la Republica Arjentina. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso, 306. 83 Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1847. “La Republica Argentina 37 a˜ nos despu´es de su Revolucion ´ de Mayo”. In 1886. Obras Completas. Vol. 3. Buenos Aires: Impr. de La Tribuna Nacional, 233.

292

E. BLUMENTHAL

federal caudillo was “the itinerant feudalism of the pampa” that concentrated all executive power. This represented an alliance between traditional despotism and “the Barbarous element” of the pampa, what he called the “unity in Federalism” or “the Unitarian organization of barbarism” at the moment when Rosas suffocated the “subaltern caudillos.”84 These positions provoked the reactions of Mitre and Sarmiento, writing in Los Debates and El Nacional (Buenos Aires), respectively. One of their recurrent criticisms was the contradiction that they perceived between Bilbao’s pronounced revolutionary ideals, and his defense of a caudillo that they considered to be the heir of Rosas and the primary representative of barbarism in the Confederation. In an article titled “Nationality,” Bilbao proposed Urquiza’s resignation and the convocation of a constitutional convention with Buenos Aires’ participation, to prevent Buenos Aires from becoming an independent nation that, according to Bilbao, would be the logical result of the province’s policies.85 For Sarmiento, the problem was not simply Urquiza in his role as President of the Confederation, but instead the fact that he was a despotic provincial caudillo who “governed without law, without counterweight, through habit and traditional terror, through the innocence of power and the possession of immense property, that he needs to keep for himself he tends to increase.”86 He also vehemently denied the idea that Buenos Aires wanted to become a nation independent of the provinces of the Confederation.87 It would seem that Bilbao’s visceral federalism, a sensibility less pronounced in the thought of his Chilean contemporaries, led him to support the Confederation, unlike Arcos or Vicuña Mackenna. This also led him into opposition with Mitre though, perhaps unsurprisingly, they did not clash so violently.

The Specter of Exile and Memories of Chile The question of federalism and the constitution of a unified Argentine Republic were important references for Bilbao in this post-1848 period,

84 “Segundo art´iculo”, La Revista (4), 81–82. 85 “La nacionalidad”, La Revista (7), 183–90. 86 Quoted in extenso in “La nacionalidad. Contestación al ‘Nacional’”, La Revista (8),

214. 87 Sarmiento, D. F. “Interrogatorios”, El Nacional, May 10, 1858, Obras, Vol. 17, 340.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

293

though they were a smaller part of a more broader, Americanist vision of political struggle of which Argentina was only a small part. This can be appreciated by analyzing the repercussions of Chilean factional politics in Buenos Aires 10 years later. The events of 1851 as well as a broader context of 1848 revolutions were a reference point allowing the political elite in the Río de la Plata to debate the limits of liberalism and the meaning of progress, civilization and nationality, as well as to decide who incarnated barbarism and division. The enmity between Bilbao and Sarmiento dated back to the publication of Sociabilidad chilena and the closing of Sarmiento’s Liceo in Santiago de Chile. It continued in the context of the 1851 revolution. In the Buenos Aires polemics between Sarmiento and Bilbao, the evocation of the Chilean recent past is a frequent reference for both parties. This can be seen in the continuation of their debate, after the closing of La Revista del Nuevo Mundo when Bilbao was writing in El Orden, a Buenos Aires newspaper run by Luis Domínguez and sympathetic to the Confederation. The seeming incongruity of an anticlerical socialist publishing in a newspaper run by an ultramontane Catholic that emphasized order can be seen as the confluence of personal relationships, factional politics and the need for employment in exile, as well as a common opposition to Buenos Aires. Bilbao’s relationship to Félix Frías, a former editor, no doubt played a role. Their close relationship is evidenced by the fact that Bilbao even distributed Frías’ pamphlet Cristianismo católico, critiquing Bilbao’s Chilean Sociability, in Montevideo during his stopover in 1844.88 In the pages of El Orden, Bilbao accused Sarmiento of complicity with the Chilean pelucones in the suppression of the Society of Equality. In response, Sarmiento took up arguments that he had already used in Chile. “We have not been pelucones in Chile, but rather liberals, and held as such; and we challenge Bilbao to cite the liberal measure we obstructed in his country.”89 Montt was the liberal, while Bilbao and his friends showed a great naivety that could only have led to Rosas-style barbarism in Chile. The emphasis on Bilbao’s foreignness (“his country”) is also striking. “When we arrived in Chile, we found a liberal party whose doctrines were those of Rousseau, Mably, Raynal. We know much more than this. At least we knew 88 Rivera Indarte to Fr´ias, Montevideo, November 6, 1844, RBN, XXV (59), 209. 89 “Concomitancias con los pelucones de Chile”, El Nacional, March 31, 1858, Obras,

Vol. 25, 370–71. Vicuña was Vicuña Mackenna’s father; Godoy had attacked Sarmiento as a foreigner, and Sarmiento had accused him of being an instrument of Rosas.

294

E. BLUMENTHAL

Tocqueville. Their well known writers were Vicuña, Godoy and other old fossils. … Remember that Bilbao was still in school and had not yet written Sociabilidad Chilena.” The old opposition between Argentine Romantics and Chilean naivety comes out clearly in his references to the pipiolo opposition before the arrival of the Romantics. Sarmiento knew what the Chilean opposition had yet to find out in terms of what was a possible republic in South America. Or perhaps he did not. The juste milieu (conservative middle) had less appeal in a context of liberal democratic revolutions occurring across the Atlantic world. “In 1840 so-called conservative ideas reigned in the world with Guizot, Thiers, Rossi and all the great statesmen of Europe. Gradual progress, moderate liberty, the juste milieu were the credo even of liberals and the cuyano had no obligation to know more than what the world knew.”90 Curiously, the old notion of “Argentine and Romantic” is overturned here, and Sarmiento took refuge behind pre-1848 French moderate politics. For Sarmiento, Montt’s policies under President Bulnes were the epitome of liberalism of the juste milieu. “Bulnes’ first period, to whose triumph we contributed, as did Prime Minister Montt, was the most brilliant and liberal era in Chile; when liberty was a reality, talent elevated, letters promoted, Chile was oncoming out of a long obscurity that was its cradle.” Chile’s most brilliant period coincided with Sarmiento’s presence, but he took pains to point out that he was not the lone Romantic émigré to contribute. “All of the Argentinians were associated with this administration: Piñero, Frías, Tejedor, Mitre, Alberdi, Gutierrez, Peña, etc.”91 He thus established a parallel between the actors of post-Caseros Argentine politics, whether they supported Buenos Aires or the Confederation, and the Bulnes era policies the émigrés supported, arguing for continuity between his position in Chile and in Buenos Aires, before and after Caseros. This argument did not succeed in eliminating a certain internal tension, given that many of these former émigrés were now on opposite sides of the Buenos Aires/Confederation divide. It is also interesting to note that he included Mitre in the list of émigré supporters of Montt, given his banishment from Chile for his role in the events leading to the 1851 revolution. It underscores the rhetorical operation of asserting continuity

90 Ibid., 371. Cursive in the original. 91 Ibid.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

295

between émigré practice and his position in Buenos Aires, representing liberal government and the possible republic. It is striking, though perhaps unsurprising, how Chilean politics bubbled to the surface in these debates over Argentine constitutional organization. The sterile debates over the definition of liberalism, more a reflection of a shared liberal-republican sensibility and factional differences than real ideological difference, tended to obscure the real subjects of discord, centered on the velocity of change and the limits of democracy—as well as control of Buenos Aires’ money-making customs office. This, in turn, is reflected in the wounds still open as a result of the government oppression that forced many into exile. Sarmiento finished his defense of his political role in Chile by distancing himself from President Montt (as opposed to the pre-1851 minister), no doubt precisely because Bilbao associated Sarmiento and Montt with the policies of banishment and violent repression. “Before leaving Chile, we publicly adjured any idea, any contact, not with pelucones, but instead with liberal, moderate, conservative, juste milieu parties, that have abandoned any honorable role in the world after the disasters brought by their politics in 1848.”92 Declaring his only political model to be the United States, he was in effect distancing himself from the Chilean model he had done so much to create and publicize.93 Though Chile seemed less and less attractive to former émigrés like him, this could also indicate that the efforts of Chilean émigrés to portray Montt as an incarnation of Rosas-style barbarism were having an effect in Buenos Aires. In this sense, the specter of the 1848 revolutions, and their particularly American incarnations such as Chile in 1851, played a key role.94 According to Sarmiento, Montt’s regime shared in the responsibility for the disorder and the repression directed at the Chilean opposition. Nevertheless, the path promoted by Bilbao did not fit with the progress that he had seen

92 Ibid., 372–73. 93 Botana, Tradición, 285–93. Halperín Donghi, “Una nación”, XXXVII–XXXIX. Villav-

icencio, Susana. 2008. Sarmiento y la nación cívica: ciudadanía y filosofías de la nación en Argentina. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 98–107. Bilbao too looked to the United States as a more apt republican reference, particularly after the French expedition to Mexico, though this was complicated by his critique of US expansion in the era of William Walker. 94 For the Argentine Romantics’ post-48 political thought, see Halper´in Donghi, “Una nacion”. ´ Myers, Jorge, “La revolucion ´ en las ideas”. Rock, David. 2002. “The European Revolutions of 1848 in the Rio de la Plata”. In Thomson, The European revolutions, 125–41.

296

E. BLUMENTHAL

during his travels in the United States, but pointed rather to the dangers presented by 1848. In consequence, to try to disarm Bilbao’s criticisms of Buenos Aires government—principally the corruption, electoral fraud and authoritarianism—he reminded the public of Bilbao’s behavior in 1851, describing him as an “entrepreneur of revolutions” and a danger to republican government. “When promoting the bloody revolution of April 12 (sic, April 20) in Chile, in order to fulfill (the revolution) the poor Bilbao said: ‘We are the rotos, the proletarians. We want clothes for our members, a just recompense for our work (a raise in salary) with which we enrich others’.” According to Sarmiento, Bilbao threatened to do the same in Buenos Aires. “Banished three times from Chile and from Peru for being a revolutionary, professor of the law of direct government of the people, he is opening his office of revolution in Buenos Aires.”95 Sarmiento denied Bilbao’s legitimacy to participate in the Buenos Aires press debates, not so much as a foreigner—which Sarmiento had suffered in Chile—but rather for his radicalism. Indeed, Sarmiento presented himself as the foreigner in Buenos Aires, comparing Bilbao’s attacks to those he had suffered in Chile. When referring to Bilbao’s polemics in the pages of El Orden, Sarmiento claimed that “Mr. Bilbao has had to recognize this phrase that stereotyped us for fifteen years in the Chilean press as the cuyano, the foreigner, the starving, launched every day by a Chilean, by three Chileans, by a thousand Chileans, by the Godoys, the Calvos and Violas of Chile.”96 While oddly presenting himself as the long-suffering émigré—old habits are hard to break—Sarmiento contrasted his own experience, and the love Chile professed for him, with the experience of Bilbao (excommunication and banishment) or Vicuña Mackenna, who, according to Sarmiento, was attacked in the Chilean press for what he wrote about Sarmiento in Pájinas de mi viaje. The radical universalism of Bilbao’s republicanism, associated with utopian socialism, is at the heart of Sarmiento’s attacks on him. As we have seen, these ideas were associated with a mystical view of himself as a universal exile, which in turn became the target of Sarmiento’s ridicule. “When we organize the Argentine Republic we are not going to discuss if property is theft, if loans should be free, if there is a right to work, if men are in fact equal, if the voice of the people is the voice of God and all those

95 “H´e ah´i a´ Bilbao”, El Nacional, May 15, 1858, Obras, Vol. 52, 155–56. 96 “Reminiscencias”, El Nacional, March 30, 1858, ibid., 140. Cursive in the original.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

297

questions with which French innovators, his maestros, have lost liberty and the republic every time they have found themselves in the circumstances of being free.”97 This critique of the 1848 ideological universe was also a way of highlighting what Sarmiento, and many others, saw as naivety and confusion in Bilbao, who sought an immediate application of socialist theories. On the contrary, for Sarmiento the “Argentine questions” were “serious and very practical.”98 The violence of their debate led Sarmiento to accuse Bilbao of calumny and it took the private mediation of the Masonic order of which they were both members to bring about a semblance of peace between them.99 Sarmiento’s strongest accusation was that Bilbao was paid by Urquiza and not an independent journalist: I have strong motives to believe that Mr. Bilbao writes at the service of Urquiza or the Government of the Confederation. El “Orden” could not survive without the support of a contract with the government. Mr. Bilbao has no capital: he is a non-resident returning from banishment. He has no known profession with which to live, besides writing. Argentine issues do not interest him personally as they do us100

These questions of editorial independence are the same that appeared in the better-known Sarmiento-Alberdi debates of 1852–1853 in Chile. On this occasion, Sarmiento also accused Alberdi of being hired by Urquiza, though it is interesting to note the greater emphasis on Bilbao’s legal status as a banished émigré—which implied a criminal connotation—a “nonresident,” with no personal connections or residency rights in the Río de la Plata. Though not entirely accurate, the text essentially argues Bilbao’s foreignness in legal terms reminiscent of Iberian vecindad and that being a salaried journalist, with no independent means of sustenance, was more suspicious than mere foreignness. Alberdi had accused Samirento of precisely this in Chile.

97 “La discussion”, El Nacional, March 12, 1858, Obras, Vol. 17, 336–37. 98 Ibid. 99 Gonz´alez Bernaldo, Civilit´e et politique, 232. 100 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1858. Acusacion por difamación contra D. Francisco

Bilbao. Buenos Aires: s. n. 37.

298

E. BLUMENTHAL

Bilbao’s revolutionary past was also the subject of controversy with Gómez. After moving to Buenos Aires after Caseros, Gómez had a prominent place in the pro-Buenos Aires press and did not appreciate Bilbao’s comments on the failed 1858 revolution in Montevideo supported by the state of Buenos Aires. A faction of the Colorado party, directed by César Díaz and supported by ex-President Venancio Flores, had staged a military rebellion. After its suppression, President Gabriel Pereira ordered the execution of the surrendered officials. Bilbao criticized the attitude of Buenos Aires politicians who, while insisting on law and order at home, supported uprisings in neighboring provinces and countries.101 This provoked the ire of Gómez, who had recently taken over Los Debates from Mitre. Gómez reminded Bilbao of his own revolutionary past in Chile. In a letter appearing in the same issue, Bilbao held that the situation in Chile, where a peaceful association was seeking constitutional reforms, was entirely different from that of Uruguay, where military officials staged a violent uprising to carry out a coup d’état against a constitutional government. The coup, according to Bilbao, sought to obtain and exercise the same extra-constitutional power that they accused the government of exercising.102 Over the following two months, Gómez and Bilbao engaged in a debate on the limits of democratic action and the legitimacy of violent revolution. They invoked their shared experiences on opposite sides of the political divide in Chile over and over again, as reference points concerning republican legality and legitimacy. For example, Bilbao cited the same phrases that Gómez used in Los Debates to describe the Chilean government in 1851. “All this occurred in Chile, and much more … All this was also corroborated by the pen of Mr. Mitre, that gentlemanly writer, who in Chile fought for the Reform, while the current editor of the ‘Debates’, the revolutionary in his country, defended the politics of the ‘Pelucones’, the policies of states of siege and emergency powers.”103 The debate continued in this tone, each one accusing the other of hypocrisy and repeating arguments already made. For example, Gómez cited Bilbao’s Messages of the Exile, to underscore the apparent contradiction between his support for the 1851 revolution in Chile and his criticism

101 “La religion de la ley”, El Orden (Buenos Aires), February 17, 1858. 102 “La religion de la ley”, Los Debates (Buenos Aires), February 15–18, 1858, no. 652. 103 “La religion de la ley”, Los Debates (Buenos Aires), February 20, 1858.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

299

of the 1858 revolution in Uruguay.104 What comes out most clearly from Bilbao’s reasoning, already explicit in the title of his original piece “The Religion of the Law,” is the importance of the rule of law, a stable legal regime that guarantees the rights of its citizens and implicitly of its foreign residents. His critique of the revolution did not imply support for the government. For Gómez and Sarmiento, the 1851 revolution and the Society of Equality were clearly an anti-model, an example of Americanism in the negative sense that Sarmiento used to characterize Rosas’ barbarism. This underscores the distance that the former émigrés from the Río de la Plata had begun to take from the Chilean model that they had done so much to elaborate. Gómez defined Bilbao as a “former socialist, ex-revolutionary from Chile, stained by the blood of the April 20 military uprising in Santiago.”105 Bilbao and Calvo were in fact trying to organize artisans along the lines of the Society of Equality, though without much apparent success.106 Chile was also a metaphorical reference that symbolized Bilbao’s naivety and lack of realism: “Bilbao is still in Chile in 1851.” With this phrase, Gómez sought to criticize Bilbao’s pretensions to lead a Buenos Aires opposition against the policies of the governing party. “In Chile, the opposition has a credo, whatever its errors and its failure to act according to its principles, has its traditions and declares its intents. There, the opposition is a party” that followed the traditions of Carrera, Freire and the Constitution of 1828. According to Gómez, this type of “party” did not exist in Buenos Aries. “What are the traditions of the Buenos Aires opposition party? … Are they Artigas, Rosas, Urquiza?”107 For Gómez, Bilbao’s criticisms were hypocritical because he enjoyed a freedom of the press unavailable elsewhere, in a context of the march to war with the Confederation. “There is so much liberty in Buenos Aires, that in ‘Orden’ Bilbao can defend the enemy that blockades the State and invades at gunpoint.” Gómez held that neither France, under the dictatorship of Napoleon III, nor England, where no one dared support Russia during

104 “La sinceridad del Orden”, Los Debates (Buenos Aires), July 21, 1858 105 “Gran descubrimiento”, Los Debates (Buenos Aires), May 31–June 1, 1858, 106 González, Civilité, 212. 107 “El partido de oposicion”, ´ Los Debates (Buenos Aires), April 22, 1858.

300

E. BLUMENTHAL

the Crimean war, offered such freedom, and that the opposition press in Buenos Aires could attack politicians freely, without risk.108 The comparisons between Europe and America, between Buenos Aires and the Confederation, rapidly turned anew to Chile when the subject was political execution. Bilbao had consistently manifested his opposition to the death penalty since his Sociabildiad chilena. The subject was topical given the events in Uruguay, and months later, the former Governor of San Juan would also be executed during a failed revolution. Gómez denied the reality of executions by firing squad in Chile in 1851 that Bilbao had called “political assassinations.”109 Bilbao’s departure from El Orden was due to the inherent tensions in his position as an anticlerical Freemason writing in a newspaper edited by his ultramontane friend, Félix Frías. After having avoided the subject of religion during much of his time at El Orden, Bilbao submitted an article that criticized the church and was rejected by the owner of the paper, Luis Domínguez, leading to Bilbao’s resignation. His departure meant an important economic loss from the paper, as a wave of Freemasons canceled their subscriptions.110 Bilbao’s Federalist friends had never appreciated his anticlerical positions. On the subject of the Revista del nuevo mundo, Gutiérrez had earlier claimed that “overthrowing the Pontiff in Rome and resuming the true Argentine nationality (the work of Protestant politicians) were the most visible objects of this review (cuaderno).”111 Bilbao’s alliances were less easily understandable than those of other Chilean émigrés in Argentina and reflect the difficulty of translating political conflict from one country to another. Interestingly, given his Federalist proclivities and friendship with Nicolás Calvo, Bilbao was also close to Paraguayan émigrés in Buenos Aires, helping to found El grito paraguayo and even going as far as to call for an invasion of Paraguay that foreshadowed the deadly war a decade later. This was no doubt due to his Romantic exile solidarity, anti-Catholicism that linked President Carlos Antonio López to Jesuitism as well as the problems of translating faction politics in a country he had never visited. The 108 “Pruebas de libertad”, Los Debates, April 17, 1858, no. 268. 109 “Venga la prueba”, Los Debates, July 29, 1858. 110 Luis L. Dom´inguez to J. M. Guti´errez, September 13, 1858 and December 12, 1858, AJMG, Vol. 5, 104, 147. 111 Guti´errez to Barros Arana, January 25, 1858, Guti´errez, A trav´es de una correspondencia,

131.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

301

Paraguayan émigrés nonetheless broke with him when he moved politically and physically closer to Paraná in 1859.112 The hostile climate in Buenos Aires in the run-up to the Battle of Cepeda led him to decamp to Paraná in 1859 to edit the Nacional Argentino, the official newspaper of the Confederation, in what could be interpreted as another step in his serial exiles. Bilbao claimed his desperation facing assassinations and electoral fraud led him to flee, though he does not seem to have faced persecution.113 But his disappointment following the agreement between Urquiza and Mitre, in between the battles of Cepeda and Pavón, pushed him to resign and return to Buenos Aires. After this, he withdrew from the Argentine political press. His disappointment with the transactions of political life led him to leave politics just when the country unified. This was also a prolific period for him as an author and includes two of his most well-known books, written after Argentine unification, that leave aside local politics to deal with the place of Latin America in the world, in the context of the French intervention in Mexico.114 Bilbao had long had an interest in Spanish American unity and opposition to US expansion and European colonialism in the region. In Paris in 1856, only eight years after the war in which the United States conquered half of Mexico’s territory, Bilbao delivered a speech to a group of like-minded émigrés and travelers in which he denounced the William Walker filibuster expedition to Nicaragua as an imperial betrayal of US republicanism and called for renewed unity to save “the territorial independence and the initiative of the American world.”115 While this text contains references to a republican Americanism that includes the United States, it is notable for the appearance of the idea that 112 Scavone Yegros, Ricardo. 2010. Polémicas en torno al gobierno de Carlos Antonio López: en la prensa de Buenos Aires, 1857 –1858. Asunción: Editorial Tiempo de Historia, 48–60. Alberto Varona notes Bilbao had little direct involvement in the paper. Revolucionario, 368–70. Wasserman, “Un chileno en la Plata”. Unpublished paper presentation. I would also like thank Fabio Wasserman for underscoring Bilbao’s involvement with the Paraguayans, and more generally for the many conversations on Bilbao. 113 Bilbao, “Apuntes cronológicos”. In Revista chilena de historia y geografía, 1931, LXIX (73), 16–17. 114 Bilbao, Francisco. 1862. La América en peligro. 2a. Buenos Aires: Bernheim y Boneo. 1864. El Evangelio Americano. Buenos Aires: Impr. de la Soc. Tip. Bonaerense. 115 Bilbao, Francisco. 1856. Iniciativa de la América: idea de un congreso federal de las repúblicas. Paris: Imprenta de D’Aubusson y Kugelmann, 4.

302

E. BLUMENTHAL

the American continent was divided between north and south, between an Anglo and a “Latin American race.”116 While the United States had not yet abolished slavery and did not “conserve the heroic races of its Indians or constitute itself in the champion of the universal cause,”117 “the black, the Indian, the disinherited, the unhappy, (and) the weak find in us the respect that is due to the title and the dignity of being human.”118 This is one of the first appearances of the phrase “Latin America” in political opposition to the United States and is directly related to this context of exile, émigrés searching to understand republican America’s place in an imperial, monarchical world.119 Though the coining of the term Latin America has often been associated with the Pan-Latinism in the court of Napoleon III, and associated with monarchical conservatism and European colonialism, Bilbao was an active opponent of the French occupation of Mexico (1861–1867). He feared “the extermination of the republic in the world” and “the end of independence,”120 emphasizing an Americanism that contrasted old and new worlds, despotic and free,121 and lamenting the “martyred peoples” Hungary, Poland, Italy and republican France after 1848.122 The ideological thread is consistent, though Bilbao dropped the phrase Latin America from this work, perhaps because of its association with France. His later writings were increasingly pessimistic. He criticized the lack of unity against France, and in particular the lack of reaction from the newly unified Argentine Republic under President Mitre.123 In one of the last works published

116 Ibid., 11. 117 Ibid., 15. 118 Ibid., 19–20. 119 For the history of “Latin America”, Gobat, Michel. 2013. “The Invention of Latin

America: A Transnational History of Anti-Imperialism, Democracy, and Race”. The American Historical Review 118 (5): 1345–75. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.5.1345. Quijada, Mónica. 1998. “Sobre el origen y difusión del nombre ‘América Latina’ (o una variación heterodoxa en torno al tema de la construcción social de la verdad)”. Revista de Indias 58 (214): 595–616. https://doi.org/10.3989/revindias.1998.i214.749. Romero, Vicente. 1998. “Du nominal ‘latin’ pour l’Autre Amérique. Notes sur la naissance et le sens du nom ‘Amérique latine’ autour des années 1850”. Histoire et Sociétés de l’Amérique latine 7: 57–89. 120 La América en peligro, 13. 121 Ibid., 16–19. 122 Ibid., 21. 123 Ibid., 105.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

303

during his lifetime, Bilbao struck an almost resigned tone, lamenting the triumph of the “Unitarian reaction in all America,” including those countries where he had lived.124 The Young Romantics of 1837 had returned to the Río de la Plata to organize the Argentine Republic, but they had not exorcized the ghosts of exile, whether it be their past exile in Chile, the Chilean émigrés in their midst or the new, though smaller, waves of interprovincial and international exile that occurred in the context of the conflict between Buenos Aires and the Confederation. Bilbao’s experience shows how the factional alliances brought back from Chile, by Chilean émigrés as well as returning Argentinians, shaped their political integration and participation.

Exile at the Origins of National Historiography For Chilean historians Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna, exile allowed them not only to rediscover their family and friends, but also to work in the archives where they found the primary sources they would subsequently employ for their founding historiography of the 1850s and 1860s. Their friendship with Mitre also facilitated the sharing of sources and their historiographical production in these years. The founding figures of both Chilean and Argentine historiography, émigrés or former émigrés, worked in close contact in these historiographically formative years. This included their formal historiographical works, as well as early travel and political essays that prefigured their later work in outlining visions of cultural nationality in the Romantic vein, deeply connected to the exile experience. After his first exile following the 1851 revolution, Vicuña Mackenna sent copies of his travel diary to Mitre so that they could be distributed in Buenos Aires. He specifically asked for them to be distributed to many returned émigrés.125 It was in Mendoza, on his way back to Santiago from Buenos Aires in 1855, that Vicuña Mackenna found the sources for his first books of history, published toward the end of the decade, in particular the Ostracism of the Carreras, which was published in between his two

124 El Evangelio americano, 116. 125 He mentions “Mármol, Frías, Vélez, Gutiérrez, Sarmiento, Halbach, the editors of ‘La

Tribuna’, the National Library and Mrs. Zavaleta de Saavedra”. Vicu˜ na Mackenna to Mitre, Santiago, November 7, 1856. In Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 73.

304

E. BLUMENTHAL

periods in exile.126 He described this research in his exile travelogue, and in Mendoza, he mixed archival work with historical tourism, visiting the site of Carrera’s final defeat.127 Wasserman notes that in 1876, Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna both saluted the publication of Mitre’s History of Belgrano, an independence-era military figure. This Chilean reading began in the 1850s. In a letter to Mitre included in his Ostracism, Vicuña Mackenna noted his “South American intentions” that sought to overcome “narrow nationalism” in writing “the first outline of Argentine history written by a Chilean.”128 Mitre’s reaction, portraying Carrera as a savage of the Pampa, shows that while he shared sources with and followed Chilean history writers, he was not prepared to accept their interpretations of Argentina. He confessed he had not yet had the opportunity to read the book, only newspaper published extracts, and promised to send copies of his History of Belgrano.129 In Europe and Peru during his second period in exile after his banishment to England (1858–1861), he continued his literary contacts with Mitre and though the first shipment of books from Europe to Buenos Aires was blocked by the Confederation blockade of the port, they continued their book exchange after his return to Santiago.130 In Lima in 1860, Vicuña Mackenna was able to conduct research in the archives of Bernardo O’Higgins, the exiled Chilean independence leader who died there in exile in 1842. It also provided a convenient metaphor for his own exile.131 This would provide the material for his book on O’Higgins, which began as a serial in El Mercurio in 1860, even before his return to Santiago the following year, where he waited out the elections in hiding.132 The

126 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1857. El ostracismo de los Carreras. Santiago: Impr. del Ferrocarril. 127 Vicuña Mackenn, Pajinas, ´ 420, 436. 128 Santiago, November 20, 1857. In Ostracismo de los Carreras, doc. 17, 541–42. In the

introduction he also noted the “sterility” of Argentine historiography, 8–9. For the History of Belgrano, see Wasserman, Entre Clío, 78, 104–7. Palti, El momento, 97–120. 129 Buenos Aires, February 1, 1858. In El Correo Literario, August 7, 1858. 130 Vicu˜ na Mackenna to Mitre, Lima, September 5, 1860, Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1,

132; Santiago, December 28, 1863, ibid., 274. 131 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1860. El ostracismo del jeneral D. Bernardo O’Higgins. Valparaíso: Impr. i libreria del Mercurio, 7–8. 132 For publication details, see Gazmuri, Cristían. 2012. La historiografía chilena (1842–1970). Vol. 1. Santiago: Taurus, 113–15.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

305

exile experience of O’Higgins and the Carrera brothers was seen by Vicuña Mackenna as central to Chilean republicanism. It is striking to note that many of the first works of national historiography in Chile, Peru and Argentina were published in a context of exile, often by foreigners. Vicuña Mackenna published on Peruvian history, first in the pages of El Comercio, then in book format. The book was dedicated to Las Heras, “general of three republics” who held the Andes “not as a barrier but rather a lighthouse”133 and was based on research done in exile in London and Lima. In London, he had read the memoirs of Lord Cochrane, British subject and naval hero of Chilean and Peruvian independence, and offered to translate them.134 He added to this the documents from the O’Higgins archives, Peruvian archives as well as oral interviews that also formed the base of his Ostracism.135 M. Bilbao also published on Peruvian political history during these years,136 and both of them were subject to attacks in the press as foreign interlopers writing “national” history.137 More than the attacks themselves, however, is the importance of exile in the creation of national historiographies, in which dislocation was the opportunity to compare historically across national lines. Arcos too published an historical study of the Río de la Plata in Paris, shortly after unification under Mitre.138 Barros Arana contextualized this study as part of South America’s efforts to overcome European ignorance and achieve an historical recognition on the level of diplomatic recognition. He also noted Arco’s efforts to observe “Argentine … national characteristics” as a product of history from the Inca to Mitre’s election.139 This both supported Mitre’s political and historiographical positions and promoted the region

133 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1860. La revolución de la independencia del Perú desde 1809 a 1819: introducción histórica que comenzó a publicarse en El Comercio de Lima, en forma de artículos críticos, con el título de Lord Cochrane y San Martín. Impr. del Comercio por J. M. Monterola. 134 Ibid., 16. 135 Ibid., 29. Ostracismo del jeneral, 13–14. 136 Bilbao, Manuel. 1853. Historia del Jeneral Salaverry. Lima: Impr. del Correo. 1856.

Compendio de la historia política del Perú. Lima: Impr. del Pueblo. 137 Bochner, “Entrepreneurs”, 128–36; 145–47. 138 Arcos, Santiago. 1865. La Plata, étude historique. Paris: Michel Lévy frères. 139 Barros Arana, Diego. 1866. “Crítica de Diego Barros Arana”. In Gazmuri, Carta,

155–65. Quotation on 157.

306

E. BLUMENTHAL

in Europe, despite some mild criticism of his friend. These exile historiographies could be interpreted as Argentina’s late-coming to historical narratives,140 yet the persistence across the continent (Argentina, Chile, Peru) better supports the argument that émigrés felt a particular need to develop “national” historiographies on a continental scale. Indeed, in exile in 1845, V. F. López wrote the first Chilean history textbook, though it did not enjoy commercial success.141 Exile had a deep impact on Chile’s founding narratives. José Luis Rénique has argued that Vicuña Mackenna’s two “ostracism” books are the product of his reflection on exile and the search for reconciliation of the open wounds of Chile’s historical memory. Vicuña Mackenna sought to reconcile O’Higgins and Carrera, historical enemies that he saw as the basis of the Chilean revolution, as well as Chile with its liberal past, “ostracized” just as the young Romantic opposition had been exiled after 1851. In this search for reconciliation, Vicuña Mackenna also reevaluated the historical role of Diego Portales, traditionally an enemy of the opposition now elevated to one of the founders of rule of law in Chile. The reconciliation of the country with its émigrés, past and present, was achieved through the revelation of the history of the country and its place in the world, itself heavily influenced by the experience of exile.142 The idea of a “Portalian regime” thus took form through the pens of those who were exiled in the 1850s. Though not without criticism or ambiguity, they found in Portales and the 1833 constitution the origins of “impersonal” government and the rule of law that would shape their own republican ideas. Their role in the following decades would be to expand democratic liberties while building upon the Portalian institutions. Vicuña Mackenna, for example, emphasized Portales’ personal integrity, positioning himself above the political fray, and his role in consolidating Chile’s

140 Wasserman, Entre Clío, 79–82. 141 López, Vicente F. 1846. Manual de la istoria[sic] de Chile: Libro adoptado por la Uni-

versidad para la enseñanza en las escuelas de la República. 2a. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso. V. F. López to V. López, Santiago, September 7, 1845, AGN-AL, Leg. 2364, n° 3975. 142 Rénique, José Luis. 2007. “Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna: exilio, historia y nación”. In La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras and Ana María Stuven (ed.), 487–529. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos and Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

307

institutions.143 Lastarria, though he attributed the institutionalization of power to the other ministers, gave grudging recognition of the imposition of what he saw as an aristocratic order.144 Though the idea of a Portalian regime is debatable—it is difficult to square Portales’ skepticism of state institutions and of the rule of law with the subsequent importance of the 1833 constitution and the 1840s institution building—it is difficult to minimize its historiographical salience. Vicuña Mackenna’s observations of life in the Buenos Aires, with the Argentine exile in Chile always lurking offstage, led him to outline contrasting traits or national characteristics for both countries: expansive, democratic and anarchic, on the one hand; aristocratic, conservative and closed, on the other, which played a role in reinforcing, or even creating, national stereotypes. His own experience of exile made him nuance and reevaluate his own country, not as a simple example of colonial conservatism, but rather as a country that could offer an example to other South American countries. The boisterous life of Buenos Aires marked Vicuña Mackenna, just as it had Sarmiento the same year, and the Chilean émigré compared it favorably to what he had seen in the United States earlier on his trip, comparing the activity on the wharfs of the Boca to that on the Mississippi and the city itself to San Francisco.145 “Buenos Aires reminded me of San Francisco de California because of its activities and the wage raises of its day laborers, and with this I think I can make no higher complement to the capital of El Plata.”146 He contrasted the high wages of the workers in Buenos Aires, and the quality of their clothes, to those in Santiago, and noted the social and urban consequences of these wages. “Therefore there are none of those dirty bodegones and pulperías that are so common in Santiago, in their place are stores stocked with groceries and consumer articles of the style that one finds of those stands in Paris that are called Epicierie, and among

143 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1863. Introduccion a la Historia de los diez años de la administracion Montt: D. Diego Portales. (Con mas de 500 documentos ineditos). Impr. y libreria del Mercurio de S. Tornero, 139, 341–45. 144 Lastarria, José Victorino. 1861. Don Diego Portales: juicio histórico… Santiago: Imprenta del Correo, 63–64, 123–26. 145 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Pajinas, ´ 394. For Sarmiento, see Chapter 5. 146 Ibid., 389.

308

E. BLUMENTHAL

us esquinas for their contrast with the bodegón.”147 The working-class or peasant stores, typical of the region, had been replaced by wealthier and more “civilized” establishments, a sign that could only be interpreted by him as progress. It was public and political life that nonetheless impressed Vicuña Mackenna the most. He seems astounded by the clubs, newspapers and democratic political life that he discovered thanks to introduction from his friends, themselves former-émigrés in Chile. This celebration of the vibrant Buenos Aires public sphere contrasted with the repression of public life under Montt. In his observations of public sphere practices in Buenos Aires, he associated “South American youth” with these practices and asked rhetorically why this “future” was constantly repressed and imprisoned.148 The vibrant political life, wealth and European life-style of Buenos Aires had made Sarmiento and other returnees doubt Chile‘s progress and the achievements of the Montt years. Vicuña Mackenna, though, was not tempted by the construction of a counter-model based on what he had seen. On the contrary, his observations of Buenos Aires’ social and political life made him reconsider his own country in a more positive way despite his opposition to Montt—already disassociated from Vicuña Mackenna’s reevaluation of Portales and the 1833 constitution. In a series of sociological comparisons of Chileans and Argentinians, which he was able to carry out thanks to his travels and introductions from Argentine friends, Vicuña Mackenna sketched out the national character of each country. Though a longtime promotor of associative life he wondered if the “intense curiosity” with which Buenos Aires youth attended “immature scenes” of associative life did not go too far. He commented that the “domestic reunions that are so agreeable” in Chile were “practically deserted” in Buenos Aires.149 Along the same lines, he emphasized “the contrast in the elevated talents of both countries.” While the great names of Argentine literature were known for their “imagination,” according to Vicuña Mackenna, the Chileans were known as “statesmen, men of studies and erudite.” As examples of “the Argentine imagination” he cited “Mármol, Adolfo Berro, Echavarria (sic), Rivera Indarte, Ventura de la Vega, Domínguez, Mitre, Sarmiento, Gómez, López, Gutiérrez,” many of them

147 Ibid., 390. For the pulperías, see González, Sociabilité, 51–61. 148 Vicu˜ na Mackenna, Pajinas, ´ 384–85. 149 Ibid., 376.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

309

former émigrés, some Uruguayan.150 He described Sarmiento as the “Dumas of South American literature,” the American writer with the “most exalted fantasy” before describing the enormity of his “vanity”—“an ode, an epic, a chant the universe intones prostrate before the great San Juanino”—and his ego, “he has changed the course of the rivers” in a reference to his proposal to make Martín García the capital of Argentina and South America.151 Imagination is not always so positive. Vicuña Mackenna developed this vision of national cultural differences on the occasion of a visit with Sarmiento to Mitre’s residence. The Chilean émigré cited Sarmiento on these differences; the sanjuanino, in his telling, said that in Chile the government’s authority governed, while in Buenos Aires it was “the people.” In Chile, “the country” was made up of “the aristocracy, the oligarchy of entailed estates, the priests and the capitalists,” thus excluding the people, while in Buenos Aires it was “the general classes,” thanks to the mercantile origins of the city.152 This was not a new idea of the differences between the Chile and its neighbor, and common to many émigrés from the Río de la Plata in the 1840s, as we saw in Chapter 6. While Vicuña Mackenna seems to have accepted this differentiation, he seemed less sure of the consequences, of which country was better placed to find the best path toward “regeneration.” Reducing the role of the priests and the “aristocracy” in politics, and “rehabilitating the chupalla and the poncho,” as he referred to Chilean popular classes, seemed to him easier than “rehabilitating the gente decente” and “elevating the democracy and the intelligence, of work and public virtue of the idle and stupid gauchaje that Rosas dominated.”153 The apparently more “democratic” character of Buenos Aires was not, in this context, necessarily an advantage for social progress, even for this ex-igualitario, who began to appreciate the advantages of Chile when experiencing the “anarchy” of a Buenos Aires cut off from the rest of the nation. Vicuña Mackenna’s criticism of Sarmiento might have had to do with the sanjuanino’s support for Montt, but it also shows a reconsideration of certain elements of Chilean society that the liberal opposition had, until then, criticized, such as the social hierarchies and the weight of authority.

150 Ibid., 377. 151 Ibid., 392. 152 Ibid. 153 Ibid.

310

E. BLUMENTHAL

For Barros Arana, exile was also an opportunity to concentrate on history writing, unlike his fellow émigrés for whom exile was the continuation of politics by other means. His exile, in the Río de la Plata and Europe, played an important role in his development as an historian. Even before fleeing at the end of 1858, he regularly sent copies of his books to Gutiérrez, notably every volume of his History of Independence upon its release.154 Gutiérrez gave copies to Mariano Baudrix and Pedro de Angelis, the Rosas’ publicist who had book-dealing relations with the Barros family in Santiago,155 and he also distributed copies more widely thanks to his own book dealing.156 In addition to distribution, the older Gutiérrez played somewhat of a mentor role to Barros Arana, advising him to consult the archives in Mendoza, since it was part of the General Captaincy of Chile before 1776. “As you should also embrace Cuyo that was discovered and conquered by Chile, do not forget the archives of the Cabildo of those provinces that are Argentine today.”157 He also tried to convince Barros Arana to go to Peru, instead of Europe, arguing that its historical archive as the seat of the Viceroyalty would make it a better choice.158 Though exile is not an explicit theme of this letter, the date, December 1858, when Barros Arana was experiencing the political difficulties that would send him into exile, shows the mix of political and professional motives at the origins of his travels. Gutiérrez’s arguments, that present American archives as more fitting than European ones for writing the history of the independence, highlight the strength of this cosmopolitan Americanist sentiment at the origins of national historiography. Once he arrived in Buenos Aires, Gutiérrez continued to advise him on his research, recommending as a foreigner that he avoid Argentine history, while also suggesting that he would have competition. Mitre’s biography of General Belgrano was already occupying that terrain.159 Barros Arana also corresponded with Mitre on the subject of history, as well as the exchange 154 Barros Arana, Diego. 1854–1857. Historia jeneral de la independencia de Chile. 3 vols. Santiago: Impr. Chilena. 155 Barros Arana to Guti´errez, March 28, 1856, AJMG, Vol. 4, 151–52. 156 Calisto Boyer to Guti´errez, Buenos Aires, October 12, 19 and 23, 1858, AJMG, Vol.

5, 119, 125, 127. 157 Gutiérrez to Barros Arana, Paran´a, July 20, 1854, In Guti´errez, A trav´es de una correspondencia, 114. 158 Gutiérrez to Barros Arana, Rosario, December 12, 1858. In ibid., 136. 159 Gutiérrez to Barros Arana, Rosario, April 1, 1859. In ibid., 142.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

311

of books, sending him copies of the “Colección de historiadores chilenos” and noting that he was avidly anticipating “the compilation of your articles in defense of the history of Belgrano.” Barros Arana also encouraged him to write a “history of the discovery and conquest of the Río de la Plata.”160 Exile was also the occasion to do archival work in Mendoza, Buenos Aires and Europe. In Mendoza in 1858, Barros Arana found documents pertaining to the independence wars and the execution of Carrera and was also able to talk with witnesses to the events.161 He made copies of many documents, some of which were ultimately destroyed in the earthquake that leveled the archives, along with much of the city, in 1861.162 In Montevideo, he met with V. F. López, Tomás Guido and Manuel Escalada to discuss history and historiographical practice.163 His discussions with López included the latter’s participation in the Romantic polemics of 1840s Santiago, which later made it into Barros Arana’s history of that decade.164 Buenos Aires was likely the most fruitful archival stop, at least in America. In the work that would represent the culmination of years of historical practice, the General History of Chile published twenty years later, he recalled the importance of these voyages, though without mentioning their origin in exile. “My travels through America and Europe facilitated continuing with this collection of materials for national history (historia patria).”165 He received the aid of Ricardo Trelles, director of the archives “of the former vice-royalty,” introduced to him by Gutiérrez.166 Mitre allowed him access to his private archive, while advising him in the “exploration of the archives” and presenting him to people of interest, which he remarked to Gutiérrez.167 He thanked Mitre publicly in the last volume:

160 Barros Arana a` Mitre, Santiago, October 13, 1854. In Mitre, Correspondencia, Vol. 1, 67–70. 161 Donoso, Barros Arana, 43. Barros Arana, Diego. 1884. Historia jeneral de Chile. Vol. 13. Santiago: Jover, 390. 162 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral, Vol. 16, 359–360. 163 Donoso, Barros Arana, 44. 164 Barros Arana, Un decenio, Vol. 1, 506 (Note 20), 514 (Note 25). 165 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral, Vol. 16, 359. 166 Ricardo Trelles to Guti´errez, Buenos Aires, February 13, 1859, AJMG, Vol. 5, 198. 167 Barros Arana to Guti´errez, Montevideo, March 4, 1859, ibid., 207.

312

E. BLUMENTHAL

The relations we cultivated in Chile in previous years then became the closest friendship, a true literary fraternity that we have conserved unaltered despite the time, distance and all the vicissitudes of life, communicating our literary projects and our writing, of whatever class, providing each other reciprocally with books, documents and maps that might be interesting for our respective work.168

Though this clearly illustrates the importance of the close epistolary relationship that developed between the fathers of two national historiographies, it elides the exile politics behind the initial encounters, in Santiago and Buenos Aires. Regardless, the relationship was essential to the consolidation of Barros Arana’s role as national historian. The sources collected in exile gave him the material he used to elaborate his most important works written over the following decades, most notable the General History. His exchanges with Mitre continued during his stay in Buenos Aires and Europe, as well as after his return to Chile.169 Barros Arana’s withdrawal from politics in exile in the Río de la Plata was also the beginning of a voyage of intellectual initiation that positioned him as perhaps the most important Chilean historian of his day. He would go on to do important archival work in Spain and Lima before returning to Santiago in 1861. Barros Arana’s historiographical work has an interesting relationship to exile. For example, he describes, in moving passages, the voyage through the mountains in the austral spring of 1814, following the defeat of the patriot forces at the Battle of Rancagua. “Tradition conserved for many years the painful memory of the bitterness and suffering of that forced emigration. The mountain passages, as we have noted, were still closed” due to winter snowfall.170 In this rendering, the difficulties of exile were softened by the warm welcome of the mendocinos, who provided them with mules and supplies to cross the Andes. Barros Arana explicitly evokes the historical ties as well as ideology in explaining the relations between Mendoza and Chile, noting they were united by “links of commerce and

168 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral, Vol. 16, 360. Cited in Donoso, Barros Arana, 45. 169 See, for example, Barros Arana to Mitre, Paris, June 7 and September 8, 1860, Cor-

respondencia, Vol. 1, 119–23, 135–38. Barros Arana to Mitre, Santiago, January 10, 1864, ibid., 297–300. 170 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral, Vol. 9, 611.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

313

a common aspiration to a radical change in the political situation, as well as by still fresh memories of having been members of the same family.”171 It is suggestive to note that Barros Arana’s History of the Independence, published between 1854 and 1857—that is, before his own exile in 1858— passes over the exodus altogether.172 It is only in his magnus opus published at the end of the century that he develops the theme. This evocation of the difficulties of navigating the mountain passages in the snow is a trope that appeared in exile writings from both sides of the Andes throughout the nineteenth century. Vicuña Mackenna also made use of it in his Ostracisms, while focusing on the travails of the protagonists’ family members.173 In Barros Arana’s exchanges, particularly with Gutiérrez, a familiar refrain repeats itself concerning the nature of the Montt and Rosas regimes and what they said about national character. Barros Arana and Gutiérrez shared their disagreements about the nature of the Montt government, particularly after the former’s exile in the Río de la Plata. For Gutiérrez, Chile enjoyed a cultural advantage over the other countries of South America that expressed itself in the sciences but more importantly in historiography. “Let us look at the other side of the Andes to find a bit of history and literature, because only in Chile are there young people who know how to think and write with this discernment that comes from preparatory studies.”174 Gutiérrez’s praise of El Museo, a periodical run by young Chilean literary talent, led him to compare Buenos Aires and Chile. “Buenos Aires does not count with any publication of this type. Rosas sterilized everything and has left an unfortunate city where good government will be established with difficulty.”175 Gutiérrez contrasted the situation in Chile with that of Buenos Aires, noting the latter’s “backwardness” in “sciences and letters” compared to Chile whose “intellectual advances were influenced by Argentines, as Lastarria has noted.”176 This notably contrasted with the

171 Ibid., 616. 172 Barros Arana, Historia jeneral de la independencia. 173 Vicuña Mackenna, El ostracismo de los Carreras, 17–18. El ostracismo del jeneral, 232–33. 174 Guti´errez to Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, January 28, 1857. In Guti´errez, A trav´es de una correspondencia, 125. 175 Guti´errez to Barros Arana, Santa Fe, October 10, 1853. Ibid., 109–10. 176 Guti´errez to Barros Arana, Buenos Aires, December 26, 1861. Mitre, Correspondencia,

Vol. 1, 160.

314

E. BLUMENTHAL

comparison made by Sarmiento and Vicuña Mackenna that left Buenos Aires in a more favorable light. Gutiérrez’s comments, while shaped by his disillusionment with Buenos Aires politics during the years of secession, was also clearly informed by his stay in Chile. Gutiérrez and Barros Arana exchanged political news about both countries and compared them constantly. Their discussions concerning Montt and Chile are best understood taking these comparisons into account. After Barros Arana’s arrival in the Río de la Plata, Chilean politics ruptured the consensus between the two friends. Speaking of Chile, Barros Arana insisted upon the lack of legal safeguards. “Throats were not cut (no se degollaba), it is true, but trials are hatched for the false charge of conspiracy, people were arrested, legal guarantees were violated, and the previous heritage of honor and morality left by previous administrations were neglected.”177 He criticized a letter, transcribed and forwarded by Gutiérrez that gave what he considered to be a false impression of what was occurring in Chile, by blaming events on the opposition forces.178 A few weeks later, after having received word of the Chilean rebels’ defeat, Barros Arana complained that Montt was going to “reinforce the formal dictatorship.”179 Gutiérrez replied with a warning about the dangers of exile, of finding oneself cut off from the realities back home, focused on suffering and distance. “Look at Vicuña, Garfias, so many others (without mentioning Freire) that can write the history of their lives through that of their suffering, banishment and persecutions. Would you like to enter into that list of martyrology?”180 This was a veritable list of Chilean opposition exiles that Barros Arana would analyze in his historical works. Though Gutiérrez admitted to being conscious of the hypocrisy of his position, given his many years in exile in Montevideo, Europe and Chile, he sought to make a clear distinction between Buenos Aires in 1839 and Chile 20 years later. “It seems that your case is different. Chile has a Constitution whose reality is enough so that we all envy the progress and order that reign in that Republic, which will continue becoming reality in the measure that the 177 Barros Arana to Guti´errez, Montevideo, March 4, 1859, AJMG, Vol. 5, 207. 178 Though attributed to Lamarca, Gutiérrez’s correspondence reveals Beéche to be his

main source of information on Chile, both were diplomatic figures associated with the Confederation in Valparaiso. AJMG, Vol. 5. 179 Barros Arana to Guti´errez, March 28, 1859, Buenos Aires, AJMG, Vol. 5, 219. 180 Guti´errez to Barros Arana, Rosario, March 24, 1859, Guti´errez, A trav´es de un episto-

lario, 138.

7

NARRATIVES OF EXILE, NARRATIVES OF NATIONHOOD

315

people understand it more and demand that which it promises including reform.” Chile—Gutiérrez calls it “the star of democracy”—was an example for the other South American republics and Gutiérrez looked unfavorably on a revolution “in which the people must necessarily take part, beginning with the national guard and finishing with the rotos (lower classes).”181 He recommended Barros Arana stay safely out of the fray. Gutiérrez, a supporter of the notion that Chile was a model republic, recognized the historical weight of the memory of exile in Chile and South America. His epistolary conversation with Barros Arana underscores the connection between the experience of exile and the development of national historiography. For Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna, exile— despite the pain and difficulties—provided them with the opportunity to develop contacts, share sources and distribute their historiographical writing. It was also a moment to compare the experiences of different countries of Latin America when they were developing narratives of national history.

Conclusions The election of a new, more consensual president in 1861 led to a general amnesty, opening up the possibility of return.182 Though the story of the influence of this exile in their historiographical work after exile has yet to be written, it clearly played a central role in their conception of the historical place of Chile in the world. It is no doubt this reevaluation of a Chilean model, stable and prosperous, an example for Latin America, discarded by their counterparts in Buenos Aires and the Confederation, that took root in the second half of the century, arriving at its peak with the War of the Pacific against Bolivia and Peru. Through these ideas, Chilean émigrés reconciled with the country whose republican institutions they played a role in consolidating after their return from exile. A certain idea of Chilean exceptionalism, forged in the 1840s encounter with émigrés from the Río de la Plata, was taken up by returning Chilean émigrés and became part of their program. Another, less triumphant, yet equally hopeful narrative that emerged in this period was that of the Romantic exile, seen not just in Bilbao, but

181 Ibid., 139. 182 For the 1861 amnesty, see Loveman, Brian and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas

del olvido: vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones, 181–91.

316

E. BLUMENTHAL

also in those who returned to integrate into the political and intellectual elites. The references were not only European. The “tyrant Rosas” was another key representation, though the former émigrés from the Argentine Confederation were skeptical of its relevance to Chile. This hinted at the difficulties of translating ideological and factional conflict from one side of the Andes to the other, from one country to another. Allies in Chile became rivals in the Confederation, and vice versa. Behind this complicated political logic was the realization that exile was central to political and cultural life in South America in this period. Solidarity among current and former émigrés and the recognition that anyone could and might experience exile allowed for easy sanctuary and integration, in a context where transnational social and family ties remained strong—in part because of exile.

CHAPTER 8

Floating Provinces: Exile and the Formation of Independent Republics

Alberdi’s evocative metaphor of the “floating province,” with which the introduction opened, both summarizes some of the exile dynamics as well as highlighting the extent to which some émigrés were conscious of this situation. From literature, law, social and historical analysis to governmental practices and experience, exile served as a learning experience and encouraged comparative reflection on the development of independent republics in South America. Thinking about the past and future of the region was shaped by this exile experience. The metaphor translates the lived experience of exile, imagining the transnational and diasporic forms taken by exile which linked émigré communities across the continent. Sites of exile were connected by exchanges of letters, books and newspapers, constituting a dense network that allowed émigrés to reflect upon the future of the republic upon return. As Alberdi noted in the case of the émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, the intellectual preparation for the conditional organization of the republic occurred in exile, where a model of the “possible republic” was elaborated. This metaphor, however, glosses over another important aspect of the exile experience. Sites of exile functioned as migrant communities where émigrés, engaging a transnational public sphere, used cross-border networks to find refuge and employment. At the same time, émigrés elaborated and deployed Americanist narratives of a common history, that afforded a central place to exile, to legitimize their presence as republican Spanish

© The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9_8

317

318

E. BLUMENTHAL

Americans and claim their civil rights while participating actively in hostcountry politics and public life. In this sense, they were not floating in a regional republican ether but were anchored in host societies, thanks in many cases to preexisting migratory routes dating back to before independence. Building on the theory proposed by Sznajder and Roniger, this book proposes that exile was a pillar of political order in South America, as well as playing a role in border formation. As the Alberdi suggested, in “normal” times exile played a role in alternation in power, at the heart of democratic legitimacy. Opposition took root, voiced discontent and attempted to produce change from abroad. Exile and return were part of broader transnational flows that emerged from colonial commercial and migratory routes with the creation of international borders. An important consequence was to create a political culture of exile, both in the sense of political practice— on a continuum running from state banishment to émigré flight—as well as that of cultural representations of the Romantic émigré. The practice of exile connected politics in emerging nation-states, mediating in both civil wars and international relations, and was at the heart of the formation of independent republics in South America.

Return from the Floating Provinces of Exile Before examining the main conclusions of this book, this section sketches out the some trajectories of return. Return from exile was not always possible. Early death was one reason and the years of poverty took their toll. For example, José Miguel Carrera Fontecilla, actor in the 1851 and 1858 revolutions in Chile and son of the independence leader, died in relative obscurity in Lima, where he was working as a chocolate maker. Disease also played a role. Miguel Piñero, who played an active role in Chilean journalism and public administration, died of tuberculosis in 1846 after many years of illness. Francisco Bilbao died of the same in 1865, though many attributed his death to him jumping into the Río de la Plata to save a woman who was drowning. Florencio Varela was murdered in 1848 in exile in Montevideo, reportedly by an agent of Oribe’s besieging army. Death in exile was often referred to tragically with a Romantic tinge in the sources. For example, in his funeral oration pronounced after the death of Juan Ignacio Gorriti in Sucre in 1842, Facundo Zuviría lamented the poverty and solitude of exile. “Exiled and robbed of all his property by a provincial leader, elderly and destitute, we saw him crawl (arrastrarse) here

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

319

with no other attire than his virtues, which could not be stripped from him, and to which the generous hospitality that awaited him corresponded.”1 Death in this case symbolized exile and the nation itself. Permanent exile, though relatively rare, was qualitatively important. Bilbao, as noted, referred to himself as the “universal exile” in light of his experiences across South America and Europe. In a letter signed “Pancho the Araucanian,” written during the 1861 political opening in Chile, Bilbao indicated that he wanted to return but that his father’s health and worries about work kept him.2 It is significant that until quite recently he remained a marginal figure in his place of birth, and his remains were only repatriated in 1998. Though ideologically quite different, Alberdi strikes a similar figure. He never returned to live in Argentina, besides a brief stay as senator toward the end of his life. Numerically, however, integration is the main reason émigrés did not return “home.” Unlike Bilbao or Alberdi, who never really settled down in a site of exile, many émigrés did in fact do so. In general, they were merchants—or others with strong local economic ties—or had settled in a city where they had family ties. For example, Manuel Bilbao, after joining Francisco and their porteña mother in Buenos Aires in 1865, went on to play a significant role in the city’s politics and journalism in the following decades. At least two Chilean émigrés in Lima—Francisco Segundo Sampayo and Rafael Vial, the latter brother of former minister Vial—stayed on until the outbreak of war between the two countries in 1879.3 Among émigrés from the Río de la Plata, integration was most common in Chile. The fall of Ballivián in Bolivia in 1847 led to a loss of employment and new migratory waves, whereas Montt’s suppression of the 1851 revolution in Chile assured continued support. In Montevideo, the extreme imbrication with Argentine politics, and geographic proximity to Buenos 1 “Discurso fúnebre que por orden del Instituto Nacional de Bolivia y en la inhumación de los restos del Dr. D. Juan Ignacio de Gorriti”, May 25, 1842. In Zuviría, Facundo. 1932. Facundo Zuviría. Selección de escritos y discursos. Prólogo de Miguel Solá. Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 37–38. 2 Bilbao to Miguel Luis Amunátegui, Buenos Aires, October 28, 1861. In 1931. Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía (LXIX) n° 73, 7–9. Amunátegui urged him not to return, given the political and work situation. Santiago, March 1, 1862. In 1838. Revista Chilena. (LXXXIV) n° 92, 45. 3 Brief biographies are available in Figueroa, Pedro Pablo. 1897. Diccionario biografico de Chile. 3 vols. Santiago: Impr. y encuadernacion Barcelona.

320

E. BLUMENTHAL

Aires, meant a more constant coming-and-going in function of who was in power at the time. Among those who died in Chile after 1852, there were merchants (Beéche, Villanueva, Lamarca fils, Sarratea), teachers who had run schools (the Cabezón sisters) as well as independence era figures whose exile status is ambiguous (Las Heras, Rodríguez Peña father, Blanco Encalada, Necochea). The most qualitatively important figures, examined in detail in Chapter 3, are Ocampo and the Rodríguez Peña brothers, who had distinguished political careers in Chile. Numerically, integration seems to have been more common among émigrés from the Río de la Plata. If we take those who died abroad as a proxy, around 7% of the émigrés tracked for this study, irrespective of birthplace, can be said to have “permanently” integrated into host societies. However, if we only measure against those for whom we have a place of death, the results change. For Chilean émigrés, the percentage rises to 22%, while around 78% returned to Chile.4 Among émigrés from the Argentine Confederation, around 32% of those for whom we have a place of death remained abroad while 60% “returned.”5 The difference is perhaps due to shorter stays in exile or a simple lack of data. These numbers, while suggesting that rates of integration were quite high, should be taken with caution. Even beyond the incomplete records, integration and return were not dichotomous. Integration did not necessarily imply cutting ties with “home.” Many of these figures played a role in exile politics and this continued even after the end of the regimes that had led to their exile. Alberdi, though he never returned, is a case in point. He left Chile for Europe in 1855, where he negotiated Spain’s recognition of independence and represented the Confederation in England and France. Although opposition to the war with Paraguay made him unwelcome during Mitre and Sarmiento’s presidencies, he continued writing and publishing on Argentine matters. Even a figure such as Gabriel Ocampo—naturalized by a special act of the Chilean Congress, author of

4 Using place of death as a proxy, of the 36 Chilean exiles tracked in this study for which we have information—out of 120 total—28 died in Chile (return) while four died in Lima, three died in Buenos Aires (the Bilbao family) and one in France (Arcos). 5 151 data points (out of 684 émigrés): 91 died in Argentina; 34 in Chile (almost 20%), four in Peru, two in Bolivia (the Gorriti), one in Paraguay and one in Santa Catarina, Brazil (Indarte); two in France (Alberdi and Frías), one in Spain and one in “Europe”. Though 10 died in Montevideo, all but one was before Caseros.

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

321

Chile’s Commercial Code and member of its Supreme court—continued to be linked to Argentine politics through the 1860s.6 Similarly, return was often a more nuanced affair. Even before the Battle of Caseros in 1852 or the Chilean amnesty of 1861, some returned home quietly, anticipating political opening or opting to withdraw from politics. Likewise, the original “exit” was not necessarily a sharply defined event. Sarmiento’s path illustrates these ambiguities of return. After initial periods of economic and political migration, his 1841 exile was marked by return the same year to join La Madrid’s army. Even after the latter’s failure, his father and sisters continued to travel back and forth from San Juan, often at Sarmiento’s doing. Those who did return often played key roles in public life and the consolidation of republican institutions in the later decades of the nineteenth century. There is a clear pattern to Chilean returns which followed periodic amnesties—often following elections—in 1839, 1857 and then in 1861. Amnesties were not the only form of public policy used to reintegrate émigrés. The incoming administration of Joaquín Pérez, elected in 1861 on a platform of reconciliation and integration of the opposition into a coalition government, tasked the Chilean legation in Lima with chartering a frigate to pay the return of those unable to do so.7 Pensions and other aspects of family law were used to reconcile political factions and bring émigrés back into the “Chilean family” in the decades following independence.8 Return meant incorporation into political life in the 1860s. Some— such as Lastarria, Isidoro and Federico Errázuriz and Domingo Santa María—participated off and on in the coalition politics inaugurated by the new Pérez government. Federico Errázuriz (1871–1876) and Santa María (1881–1886) would be presidents. Others, including Vicuña Mackenna, the Matta and the Gallo brothers, among others, played a key role in the founding of what would become the Radical Party, one of the main opposition parties. The party became known for its more uncompromising anticlericalism and defense of democratic ideals. Returned émigrés would also 6 Blumenthal, Edward. 2017. “Lavalle’s Remains: The Political Uses of the Body in Exile

and Return”. Hispanic American Historical Review 97 (3): 387–421. 7 Bochner, Malcolm Ira. 2002. “Entrepreneurs of Exile: Chilean Liberals in Peru, 1851–1879”. PhD, University of Connecticut, Mansfield, 174–75. Bochner puts the law in 1861 and return in January 1862, citing El Comerio, October 23, 1861. Cf. Note 11, 194. 8 Chambers, Sarah C. 2015. Families in War and Peace: Chile from Colony to Nation. Durham: Duke University Press.

322

E. BLUMENTHAL

figure prominently in the 1868 Reform Club, that sought to reform the 1833 constitution, limiting the state of siege and executive interference in elections. While Gazmuri has highlighted the continuities in terms of associative sociability between these institutions and those of the 1840s—while shedding the artisan, social component—it is equally important to note the formative exile experience.9 Many returned émigrés participated in public intellectual life more broadly, in particular Lastarria, Vicuña Mackenna and writers such as Blest Gana, Eusebio Lillo and Guillermo Matta. Barros Arana was named Rector to the National Institute in 1863 and returned to Buenos Aires in 1878 on a diplomatic mission to negotiate borders. Return for Argentinians was more of a slow trickle after Caseros. Many had integrated and found uprooting themselves difficult. For example, José Cayetano Borbón—an émigré merchant in Valparaíso, connected to Beéche, Lamarca and Villanueva—expressed the difficulties of return to his friend Alberdi, remarking upon his return to Buenos Aires in 1858, after 17 years of exile in Chile, that he felt as “foreign as a Russian.” In his response, Alberdi underlined that these feelings were common, shared by many in the city, specifically mentioning Frías, Gutiérrez and “all honorable men.”10 The relationship between Alberdi and Borbón underscores this gradual return in the 1850s. When Alberdi left Chile in 1855, he gave Borbón the power of attorney to represent him in commercial matters. When Borbón moved to Buenos Aires in 1858, the power was transferred to Villanueva. Uncertainty in the Río de la Plata, with the secession of Buenos Aires, also played a role. Urquiza banished Mitre and Sarmiento, among others, from Buenos Aires in 1852. With the secession of Buenos Aires later that year, those sympathetic to the Confederation, many of them returned exiles, would in turn be forced to leave for Uruguay or the Confederation. Taking refuge across the border that separated “Indians and Christians” was an option up through the 1870s and the final conquest of indigenous autonomy. Though Mitre quickly returned to Buenos Aires and assumed a leading role in political life, Sarmiento—after a brief stay in Río—went 9 Gazmuri Riveros, Cristián. 1999. El “48” chileno: igualitarios, reformistas radicales, masones y bomberos. Santiago: Universitaria, 121–50. 10 Borbón to Alberdi, Buenos Aires, September 26, 1858; Alberdi to Borbón, London, November 8, 1858. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista and José Cayetano Borbón. 1991. Correspondencia Alberdi-Borbón (1858–1861). Buenos Aires: Editorial Centro de Estudios Unión para la Nueva Mayoría.

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

323

back to Chile, where he had family and property. An 1854 attempt to return via Mendoza led to his imprisonment, and the intervention of the Chilean president, to secure his freedom. He would “return” to Buenos Aires in 1855, though he had only briefly visited the city in 1852. Shortly afterward, he famously claimed that he was Argentinian, not porteño or provincial, when facing the country’s political divisions.11 Likewise, the “return” of Uruguayan-born émigrés such as Paunero and Gómez implied integration into Buenos Aires‘ politics. Nonetheless, like in Chile, these émigrés quickly integrated both the legislative and executive branches of the Confederation and Buenos Aires, as well as institutions such as the University of Buenos Aires (Gutiérrez and López) and diplomatic service from the ministerial level on down (Alberdi, Sarmiento, Tejedor, Frías). Mitre (1862–1868) and Sarmiento (1868–1874) were the first two presidents of the united Argentine Republic. Sarmiento continued his work in education first as minister in Buenos Aires (1860–1862), where he expanded public schools in the province, and subsequently as president (1868–1874). This culminated toward the end of his life with the 1884 law establishing free and obligatory public education. Exile was a foundational experience for a generation that would go on to consolidate republican institutions in Chile and Argentina, but the effects in the latter part of the century—on public education, diplomacy, law and other areas—have yet to be studied.

Transnational Networks Before the Nation This book has argued that exile, understood as a form of transnational migration, played a key role in the formation of independent republics in Chile and the Río de la Plata. It had an impact on the creation of international borders, the separation of “Americans” into citizens and foreigners after the revolution as well as the imagination of cultural ideals of nationhood. Cross-border flows played a role in forming borders, both physical as well as through the nationalization of societies in the post-independence period. This allows us to historicize the network itself, recognizing the ways in which political history shaped, and was shaped by, migratory networks. In this sense, not only are transnational networks old, but they predate 11 “El provinciano al argentino”, El Nacional (Buenos Aires), September 12, 1855. In Sarmiento, D. F. Obras. Vol. 16. Buenos Aires: Mariano Moreno, 304.

324

E. BLUMENTHAL

the nation itself. During colonial times, regional commercial, family and migratory circuits connected major population centers in South America. With independence, former administrative borders were transformed into international ones, theoretically separating societies that shared deep connections. These connections became transnational with the emergence of national borders, a process in which exile and migration played a role. Political exile traveled along these same migratory routes making it difficult to establish a firm distinction between political and economic migration. From the 1810s, loyalists like the Pincheira or patriots like Carrera, O’Higgins or Artigas, fleeing with hundreds or even thousands of their followers, gave new political meaning to preexisting migratory and commercial routes. Starting in the independence period, émigrés functioned like émigré communities in sites of exile across the continent, often closely connected to merchant communities from their cities of origin. Using correspondence to keep in contact, they circulated news, newspapers and books on a South American scale, while engaging politically and socially with host societies. Newspaper writing, and the need for local alliances, led to political engagement and factional alliances at a local level, while epistolary networks participated in the circulation of newspapers and political writing throughout the continent. The result of these diasporic relations was the formation of transnational public spheres, in which émigrés wrote for multiple publics: the local market, back home, a broader émigré readership as well as readers in neighboring countries. Migration and exile connected public spheres and political debates across South America. Political integration was generally fairly easy, in part because of the continued acceptance of a form of local vecino citizenship, as well as the continental nature of revolution. Émigrés integrated local public life with few restrictions, including work in public administration and incipient “national” education. This was not without conflict, however, and their very participation in political debates and campaigns, public administration and factional conflicts often led to tensions around their nationality and the participation of foreigners, what López called “antipathy of nationality.” It was their very participation in local politics that led to political distancing between nationals and foreigners, thus contributing to their identification as foreigners in politics and public life, a process that by 1862 had advanced considerably. Émigrés articulated an idea of Romantic cultural nationalities occupying bounded territorial spaces, all the while behaving in their migratory experiences in ways more reminiscent of colonial mobilities. This is the tension

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

325

at the heart of Alberdi’s “floating province,” which imaged the émigrés as a “mobile and nomadic province,” territorialized in an Argentine Province outside of the Confederation. This does not quite fit with the fluid practices and exile mobilities that he, among others, practiced, and which more closely resembled colonial commercial and migratory flows than yet-tobe created national geographies. Alberdi’s efforts at theorizing exile show how these practices, a heritage of pre-independence patterns of mobility, became transnational. They thought of themselves in national terms (as Argentinians, Chileans, Peruvians, etc., as the case may be) and engaged in a national exile struggle, imagining politics in the framework of a bounded territorial nation-state, which did not yet exist in the case of Argentina, or was far from being a consolidated reality in the case of Chile. The practice was far from “national” yet it was key to creating the nation-state. This was not a homogenous process and implied a continuum of broader experiences. In the Río de la Plata, despite Rosas’ growing control over the other provinces, the latter were semi-sovereign and exercised a great deal of autonomy, though greatly reduced by 1850. This implied a complicated system of provincial alliances and counter alliances in the context of lowintensity conflict, with regular outbreaks of generalized warfare. Uruguay, while an internationally recognized sovereign state, was in reality subsumed in these interprovincial conflicts and constantly under the threat of Buenos Aires’ invasion, though it could count on European backing because of its sovereign status. Paraguay, though effectively independent, relied more on isolation than international recognition to protect itself. In Chile, Bolivia and Perú, international recognition and growing state control meant somewhat firmer borders, though between Bolivia and Peru the situation resembled that of the Río de la Plata. Nevertheless, émigrés— sharing language, culture and republican values—participated actively in local politics. This led to spill-over with neighboring civil wars: Battalions from the Argentine civil wars fought in Bolivia and Peru under Ballivián and supported the Chilean authorities against the 1851 revolution, all the while organizing military campaigns against the Argentine Confederation. This shows the thin line separating “international” and “civil” wars, that were in reality both. It also highlights the role of exile in international relations. Exile created tension between state authorities which could lead to war, as in 1836 when Peru and Bolivia gave asylum to émigrés from Chile and the Argentine Confederation, respectively. Émigrés also played mediating roles between state authorities, as when the Argentine Commissions attempted to weave

326

E. BLUMENTHAL

together international alliances against Rosas, between actors both international and provincial in the Río de la Plata, including the French and British flotillas, as well as with Bolivia and Chile. Exile, and the authorities’ need to control it, played a role in making these borders more of a concrete social reality. State authorities’ decision to give asylum between Chile and Cuyo, between Bolivia and Salta or between Uruguay and the littoral provinces, made the borders more a question of territorial, as opposed to jurisdictional, sovereignty. Protection through emigration led to the development of exile as a rearguard for political, and often military, struggle. Uruguay, despite its deep integration into Argentine politics, is the exception that proves the rule. It was its place at the fault lines between Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, with European economic interests at state, that attracted foreign intervention and led to its consolidation as a site of exile for Loyalists, Federalists and Unitarians, porteños, Chileans and riogradenses at least since the Portuguese capture of Montevideo in 1817. Likewise, “exit” to frontier regions—notably in the cases of Carrera and the Pincheira brothers in the 1820s and 1830s—played a role in the decisions made by Santiago and Buenos Aires to extend their control over these regions through the use of military force. This pincer movement would greatly limit this form of exile and anticipated the final conquest of autonomous indigenous territories in the 1870s and 1880s, when combined military moments from the capitals led to the incorporation into national polities of the contested borderlands between Chile and Argentina. A similar dynamic can be observed in the interprovincial exile, common in the Río de la Plata in the 1820s and 1830s. Exile to neighboring provinces in the context of civil war was a factor in strengthening territorial provincial autonomies in these decades. Federalist consolidation of power and the assertion of Rosas’ control over the provinces would limit this practice, though it emerged again in the 1850s in the context of the conflict between the Confederation and the state of Buenos Aires. State practices of exile did not just include asylum, but also banishment and relegation. These practices, which had long-standing colonial roots, were in many ways an escape valve for conflict between elites that allowed the commutation of death sentences and a deescalation of conflict, when combined with periodic amnesties. As hypothesized by Sznajder and Roniger, this book makes clear how banishment was transformed from relegation as a form of remote imprisonment to translocation across international boundaries, again strengthening the reality of these boundaries.

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

327

This also opened up opportunities for voice, as exile became a practice used by opposition forces to project their opposition back into neighboring polities. A clear evolution from the 1810s to the 1860s is visible, despite continuities. From the 1814 end of the patria vieja, continuing through to at least 1862, Chilean émigrés used networks to find employment and refuge, while seeking strategies to legitimize their participation in public life, functioning in this sense as a migratory community. Comparing Vicuña Mackenna, Barros Arana and the Bilbao brothers with parents and grandparents—Diego Barros, Rafael Bilbao and Juan Mackenna—illustrates these changes. Their merchant fathers integrated as vecinos into political life, through marriage, politics and business, while their sons were more clearly regarded as foreigners. Bilbao’s interlocutors in the Buenos Aires press reminded him systematically of this fact; Barros Arana needed little reminding to stay studiously neutral, even avoiding writing on Argentine history. A similar evolution can be observed when comparing Gabriel Ocampo’s integration into Chile with the frictions of Sarmiento and López. The situation of émigrés had changed. The authorities’ efforts to control the borders, in part a reaction to the menace of transborder caudillos and armed émigré communities, made the borders a more concrete social reality, though still quite porous. Interactions in many domains, from the press to professional life as lawyers and teachers, contributed to incipient professionalization and institutionalization, understood in national terms. Furthermore, in the context of the spread of Romantic notions of nationality, the confrontation and comparison with neighboring countries—inevitable in exile—meant that émigrés were more conscious of their cultural differences and even played a role in creating them. These preexisting networks thus gradually became transnational, with the creation and slow emergence of international borders as a social reality. Crossing the border began to take on a stronger meaning, in a process not finished by the end of period covered in this book. This also had consequences for the ideological nationalization of society in the newly independent republics, for these were also the routes though which Romantic ideas of nationalities circulated.

328

E. BLUMENTHAL

Political Culture and Romantic Representations of Exile There is a parallel between the role of exile in physical border formation and legal differences between nationals and foreigners, described above, and its role in imagining cultural forms of nationalism. This book argues that imaginaries of Romantic exile were a fundamental part of politics and nationality in the mid-nineteenth century that shaped the development of nations understood in cultural, as well as political, terms. Exile was, first and foremost, part of political culture as well as being a practice—exercised by both states (asylum, banishment) and émigrés (flight, exit)—that affected all political ideologies. Particularly in the first chapter, we saw that exile affected republicans and royalists, Unitarians and Federalists, and various stripes of liberals and conservatives. As a result of these practices, the political culture was infused with the different possibilities afforded by exit and voice. From the perspective of the authorities, banishment, internal relegation or even turning away when faced with flight were repressive practices that allowed room for maneuver when facing the political opposition. Whereas execution of elite opposition figures could result in outbreaks of an uncontrolled spiral of violence, such as after the execution of Carrera’s brothers in 1818 or Dorrego in 1828, exile could function as an escape valve that promised the opposition the possibility of surviving to fight another day.12 These practices were not homogeneous across South America. Chilean authorities tended to expel legalistically after summary trials and in exchange for bail, whereas under Rosas exile was a much more an informal form of flight to escape violence, though obtaining the necessary passport remained important. As a result, in the context of political instability or repression, the opposition tended to congregate in the sites of exile that had formed as a consequence of the revolutions and wars of independence. From abroad, émigrés could project their voice, through the printing press, as well as military force, all the while participating in factional politics. Exile, in this sense, was also a strategy used by the émigrés themselves not only to escape repression but also to practice politics from abroad. Alberdi theorized his separation from the republic he had done so much to create, crediting exit (“absence”) with “the secret” to the “value” of his writing because it gave him total independence from politics. He deduced 12 Sznajder and Roniger, The Politics of Exile, 51–58.

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

329

a general conclusion, that in South America “each republic has its political and literary tribune in the neighboring republic” which—given the similarities of language, history, culture and politics—was a guarantee of future progress.13 In other words, exile made liberty and future progress possible, while establishing a form of democratic alternation Exchange of power. This was connected to a sense that politics were indeed transnational and that Spanish American countries were confronting the same challenges, as well as the practical recognition that since the independence era many had played political roles in more than one country. It was also part of an expansive notion of the rights of foreigners. While still couched in terms of natural law and the law of nations, in the second half of the century universal civil rights would be incorporated into national legislation, notably the Argentine Constitution of 1853.14 Mid-century it was invoked as a more universal natural right, that was sometimes confused with the Americanist sentiment still prevalent in the different South American republics and the ease with which foreigners could integrate as vecinos. These political practices of exile were connected to the development of Romantic imaginaries of exile, in the context of the republican and utopian socialist revolutions of the period. This emerges most strongly in Bilbao, though it can also be found in more moderate figures such as Sarmiento. The figure of the Romantic exile, associated with the European revolutions of 1830 and 1848, and a broader, global context of political change, was of course not just a South American phenomena. Yet, when writing about themselves, representations of the intellectual as exile—to paraphrase Edward Said—became part of understanding how to think about the new republican societies being formed in South America. Exile was used as a metaphor in Romantic writing, often before physical exile itself, as a result of family and regional traditions of exile as well as the circulation of Mazzinian and Romantic socialist thought. This included tropes of youth and generational difference that sought to set the “young Romantics” apart from preceding generations. Exile as a Romantic trope could legitimize political struggle by associating it with European trends

13 “Mi vida privada que se pasa toda en la República Argentina”. In Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. Vol. 15. Buenos Aires: Imprenta europea, 310. 14 For the Argentine Constitution, see González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 2016. “Enjeux des politiques de nationalité dans le contexte de migrations post-impériales : le cas de l’Argentine, 1853–1931”. Revue d’histoire du XIXe siècle, no. 51 (enero): 71–87.

330

E. BLUMENTHAL

and thought. This was not copying European models, and Spanish American tropes were integral to its development. Indeed, for émigrés such as Bilbao, Spanish America was at the forefront of global revolution. In particular, the figure of the tyrant Rosas became a familiar motif as subsequent émigrés, including those from Chile, portrayed their struggle as part of broader one against colonial barbarism. Rosas became a reference for tyranny and repression in part thanks to the circulation of Sarmiento’s Facundo. Time and again, émigrés sought to portray their political struggle as legitimate by referencing Spanish American independence and previous waves of exile. Just as Chileans had received asylum in Mendoza and Buenos Aires after 1814, émigrés from the Río de la Plata sought asylum and the fulfillment of civil rights in Chile and Bolivia in the 1830s and 1840s. Chileans then claimed the same rights in the Río de la Plata in the 1850s by recalling their own reception of émigrés a decade previous. Exile solidarity became a staple of political discourse. This intellectual back and forth went beyond claims of solidarity. The observations that émigrés made of host societies were integral to Romantic notions of nationality. Tropes of arrogant, democratic “Argentinians and Romantics,” as opposed to more conservative and stable Chileans, emerged from the encounter. Yet this was not just trafficking in soon-to-be national stereotypes. The idea of Chile as enjoying an exceptional stability and order, though predating émigration to Chile, took on new force in the 1840s in the pens of émigrés from the Río de la Plata in the context of political opening and vibrant debate. Through their participation in local politics, in the context of republican institution-building, émigrés such as Alberdi and Sarmiento saw in their host country a model of the “possible republic.” This was a model they had helped to build, both discursively and literally, in newspapers and public institutions. This Chilean experience would be rethought and rearticulated in the 1850s, just as the 1851 and 1859 revolutions were showing the limits of Chilean order and consensus. The continental and global post-1848 wave of revolution and abolition led to new fears of the social consequences of democratization, just as Buenos Aires’ dynamism and the discovery of the United States as a model led to a reassessment of France as a political reference. While Chileans such as Bilbao developed Romantic notions of

8

FLOATING PROVINCES: EXILE AND THE FORMATION …

331

universal exile as the vanguard of global revolution,15 others—such as Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna—began to reconsider this legacy just as it was being discarded in the Río de la Plata. Chilean émigrés in Peru and the Rio de la Plata, in their contact with local societies, began to revalue a narrative of Chilean order as exceptional in South America. It provided a cultural narrative for explaining Chilean history that made sense of their own exile as well as providing a model for consolidating republican institutions in the following decades. Exile not only provided access to archives and libraries in Lima, Mendoza and Buenos Aires as well as Madrid, Paris and London; it was in the interaction with host societies in the Rio de la Plata and Peru that historians such as Barros Arana and Vicuña Mackenna rethought the Chilean past. This specifically Chileno-Argentine dynamic of using one’s neighbor as a mirror no doubt has parallels in the relationships between other countries, and Chile and Peru in particular spring to mind. More generally, it shows how political mobility fostered the comparisons necessary for the development of Romantic imaginaries of cultural difference central to the development of nationalism in the late nineteenth century. Defining oneself against one’s neighbor is not a new idea, yet it has overlooked the way in which key elements of national ideology emerged abroad. This book shows the importance of exile as a political and cultural practice which shaped the formation of independent republics in Chile and the Río de la Plata as well as the different sites of exile across South America. Smaller waves of exile followed the different provincial uprisings of the 1860s and 1870s in Argentina, and the next large wave of Chilean exile occurred after the civil war that ended the Balmaceda government in 1891. The practice and politics of exile would continue to play an important role in politics and international relations throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries at both the elite and popular level as politicians and defeated opposition forces found refuge in embassies, neighboring countries as well as further afield. This continued salience of exile can be seen in the early codification of international asylum law in South America in the 1889 Congress of International Private Law that took place in Montevideo, which implicitly recognized the importance of the practice in South 15 Sanders, J. E. 2011. “The Vanguard of the Atlantic World”. Latin American Research Review 46 (2): 104–27.

332

E. BLUMENTHAL

American politics.16 Though the dynamics of exile would change during the twentieth century, the practice would remain central to political culture.

16 Blumenthal, Edward. 2018. “Les mots de l’exil. Dans le droit international du XIXe siècle, entre Amérique Latine et Europe”. Hommes & migrations. Revue française de référence sur les dynamiques migratoires, no. 1321: 43–51.

Bibliography

Archives Archivo General de la Nación Argentina (Sala VII) Archivo López Catálogo General Colección Biblioteca Nacional Colección Museo Histórico Archivo Nacional de Chile Fondo Larraín Fondo Santa María Biblioteca Nacional de Chile Archivos Documentales Universidad de Chile Archivo Central A. Bello

Newspapers El Correo Literario (Santiago) El Copiapino (Copiapó) La Época (La Paz) Los Debates (Buenos Aires) La Gaceta de los tribunales (Santiago) El Grito arjentino (Montevideo) El Mercurio (Valparaíso) Muera Rosas (Montevideo) La revista católica (Santiago)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9

333

334

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources “Abogdos chilenos. Ensayo estadístico de los que actualmente existen, recibidos en nuestras Cortes de Apelaciones desde el 10 de octubre de 1812 hasta el 1o de diciembre de 1864”. 1866. Anales de la Universidad de Chile: memorias científicas y literarias 27 (1): 3–13. Actas de las sesiones del Congreso sud-americano de derecho internacional privado: Instalado en Montevideo el 25 de agosto de 1888 y clausurado el 18 de febrero de 1889. 1889. Buenos Aires: Impr. de J.A. Alsina. Anales de la Universidad de Chile: 1843–1847. 1846. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. Anales de la Universidad de Chile, Correspondientes al año 1845. 1848. Santiago: Impr. de los Tribunales. Biblioteca de mayo, colección de obras y documentos para la historia argentina. 1960. Vol. 8. Buenos Aires: Senado de la Nación. Boletín de las leyes i decretos del Gobierno. 1849. XVII (8). Santiago: Imprenta de la Independencia. Censo Jeneral de la República de Chile levantado en abril de 1854. 1858. Santiago. Colección de historiadores i de documentos relativos a la independencia de Chile. 1900. Vol. 1. Santiago: Imp. Cervantes. Constitucion de la República de Chile, jurada y promulgada el 25 de Mayo de 1833. 1833. Santiago: La Opinión. La Moda, gacetin semanal de musica, de poesia, de literatura, de costumbres. 1938. Buenos Aires: G. Kraft. La nota y el credo de los argentinos residentes en Santiago y la contestacion con los documentos justificativos por el Club Constitucional Argentino instalado en Valparaiso. 1852. Valparaiso: Impr. del Diario. “Relación de los individuos que se hallan depositados en la isla Juan Fernández y otros parajes de este reino, como igualmente de los que se han fugado; a todos los que se les ha señalado juez para la formación de sus respectivas causas”. 1900. In Colección de historiadores i de documentos relativos a la independencia de Chile. Vol. 35. Santiago: Impr. Cervantes. Repertorio nacional formado por la oficina de estadistica: en conformidad del articulo 12 de la lei de 17 de setiembre de 1847. 1850. Imprenta del Progreso Plaza de la Independencia. Alberdi, Juan Bautista. 1844. Memoria sobre la conveniencia i objetos de un congreso jeneral americano. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. ———. 1845a. Manual del subdelegado. ———. 1845b. Veinte días en Génova. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. ———. 1846a. Biografia del Jeneral Don Manuel Bulnes, Presidente de la Republica de Chile. Santiago: Impr. Chilena. ———. 1846b. De la majistratura, sus atribuciones en chile: o sea de la organización de los tribunales y juzgados, según las leyes que reglan al presente la administración de justicia. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

335

———. 1846c. Lejislación de la prensa en Chile: O sea manual del escritor, del impresor y del jurado. Biblioteca de lejislación hispano-chilena. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. ———. 1847. La República Arjentina, treinta y siete años después de la su Revolución de Mayo. Valparaíso: Mercurio. ———. 1848. Manual de ejecuciones y quiebras, o sea, coleccion autorizada y concordancia de las leyes patrias y españolas que rijen en chile, sobre el procedimiento ejecutivo. Valparaíso: Impr. Europea. ———. 1852. Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la República Arjentina, derivados de la lei que preside al desarrollo de la civilización en la América del Sud, y del Tratado Litoral de 4 de enero de 1831. 2a ed. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. ———. 1858. Compilación del derecho mercantil chileno sobre ejecuciones y quiebras, o, guía judicial del comerciante. 3a. Valparaíso: Impr. del Comercio. ———. 1886. Obras Completas. 8 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. de La Tribuna Nacional. ———. 1895–1901. Escritos póstumos de J. B. Alberdi. 16 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. Europea. ———. 1976. Cartas ineditas a Juan Maria Gutierrez y a Felix Frias. Jorge M. Mayer and Ernesto A. Martinez (eds.). Buenos Aires: Luz del Dia. ———. 1997. Alberdi, periodista en Chile. Carolina Barros (ed.). Buenos Aires: Verlap. Alberdi, Juan Bautista, and José Cayetano Borbón. 1991. Correspondencia AlberdiBorbón (1858–1861). Carolina Barros (ed.). Buenos Aires: Editorial Centro de Estudios Unión para la Nueva Mayoría. Anales de la Universidad de Chile: 1843–1847. 1846. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. Aránguiz Donoso, Horacio, and Marco Antonio León León, eds. 2001. Cartas a Manuel Montt: un registro para la historia social y política de Chile (1836–1869). Santiago de Chile: Dirección de Bibliotecas, Archivos y Museos. Arcos, Santiago. 1852. Carta de Santiago Arcos a Francisco Bilbao. Mendoza: Impr. de la L.L. ———. 1860a. Las fronteras y los indios: Cuestión de indios. Buenos Aires: Impr. de J. A. Bernheim. ———. 1860b. Sobre la importancia de los bancos en los pueblos de la República Argentina. Buenos Aires. ———. 1865. La Plata, étude historique. Paris: Michel Lévy frères. ———. 1989. Carta a Francisco Bilbao y otros escritos. Cristián Gazmuri (ed.). Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. ———. 2000. Epistolario De Santiago Arcos a Domingo F. Sarmiento, 1861–1874. Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del Museo Histórico Sarmiento.

336

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arcos, Santiago, y Bartolomé Mitre. 1850. La contribucion y la recaudacion: Sin aduanas, sin estanco, sin diezmo, sin alcabala, sin papel sellado, sin patentes, sin catastro, sin ramos eventuales. Valparaíso. Barros Arana, Diego. 1854–57. Historia jeneral de la independencia de Chile. 1a. 3 vols. Santiago: Impr. Chilena. ———. 1884. Historia jeneral de Chile, por Diego Barros Arana. 16 vols. Santiago: Jover. ———. 1905. Un decenio de la historia de Chile: (1841–1851). 2 vols. Santiago: Impr. y Encuadernación Universitaria. ———. 1908. Obras completas de Diego Barros Arana…. 16 vols. Santiago de Chile: Impr. Cervantes. Barros Arana, Diego, Marcial González, José Victorino Lastarria, and Domingo Santa María. 1861. Cuadro histórico de la administración Montt: escrito según sus proprios documentos. Valparaiso: Impr. i Libreria del Mercurio de Santos Tornero. Barros Pazos, José. 1843. Administración de justicia: artículos publicados en El “Progreso” en 1843 sobre juzgados de comercio. Santiago: s.n. ———. 1849. Artículos escritos por el Dr. D. José Barros Pasos sobre el establecimiento de juzgados de letras de comercio. Santiago: Impr. de los Tribunales. ———. 1858. Una lección de historia: memoria presentada en un concurso de oposicion ante la Universidad de Chile. 2a. Buenos Aires: Impr. de la Tribuna. Bello, Andrés. 1832. Principios de derecho de gentes. 1a ed. Santiago: Imprenta de La Opinión. ———. 1844. Principios de derecho de gentes. Nueva edición. Revista y corregida. Lima: Librería de la señora Viuda de Calleja é Hijos. Bilbao, Francisco. 1844. “La sociabilidad chilena”. El Crepúsculo, 1 de junio de 1844. ———. 1853. La revolución en Chile y los mensajes del proscripto: F. Bilbao. Lima: Impr. del Comercio. ———. 1855. El gobierno de la libertad. Lima: Impr. del Comercio. ———. 1856. Iniciativa de la América: idea de un congreso federal de las repúblicas. Paris: Imprenta de D’Aubusson y Kugelmann. ———. 1857. La Revista del nuevo mundo. Buenos Aires: Imp. y Lit. J.A. Bernheim. ———. 1859. Carta de Francisco Bilbao, a sus amigos de América y Europa enviandoles la noticia de la victoria de la integridad Argentina: Para el exterior; noticia de la victoria. Buenos Aires: El Nacional Argentino. ———. 1861. Estudios sobre la vida de Santa Rosa de Lima. 2a ed. Buenos Aires: Bernheim. ———. 1862. La América en peligro. 2a. Buenos Aires: Bernheim y Boneo. ———. 1864. El Evangelio Americano. Buenos Aires: Impr. de la Soc. Tip. Bonaerense. ———. 1865–66. Obras completas de Francisco Bilbao. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Buenos Aires.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

337

———. 1897. Obras completas. 2a ed. Pedro Pablo Figueroa (ed.). 4 vols. El Correo. ———. 2005. Escritos peruanos. David Sobrevilla (ed.). Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Bilbao, Manuel. 1853a. Historia del Jeneral Salaverry. Lima: Impr. del Correo. ———. 1853b. Triunfo y perdida; o sea, El 20 de abril de 1851, en Santiago de Chile: Episodio histórico. Lima: Impr. del Comercio. ———. 1856. Compendio de la historia política del Perú. Lima: Impr. del Pueblo, por J.M. Ureta. Blanco Encalada, Manuel. 1837. El General Blanco a sus compatriotas: manifiesto. [S.l: s.n. Blanco Encalada, Ventura. 1838. Defensa del General Blanco: dictamen fiscal y sentencia de la Corte Marcial, que confirma la absolución pronunciada por el Consejo de Guerra de oficiales generales por su conducta en la campaña del Perú. La Opinión. Briseño, Ramón. 1862. Estadística bibliográfica de la literatura chilena: Obra compuesta, en virtud de encargo especial del consejo de la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Impr. chilena. Calle, José Luis. 1830. Memoria sobre los acontecimientos mas notables en la provincia de Mendoza en 1829 y 1830. Mendoza: Imprenta Lancasteriana. Calzadilla, Santiago. 1891. Las beldades de mi tiempo. Buenos Aires: Jacobo Peuser. Carrera, José Miguel. 1818a. A los chilenos. Su compatriota José Miguel Carrera. Santiago. ———. 1818b. Un aviso a los pueblos de Chile. Están decretados vuestros destinos. Escuchad … Montevideo: Impr. Federal. Cochut, André. 1860. Chile in 1859. n.p. Concolorcorvo. 1775. El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes Lima: En Gijon: En la Imprenta de la Rovada. Cortés, José Domingo. 1862. Flores chilenas: poesías líricas. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril. Echeverría, Esteban. 1846. Dogma socialista de la Asociación Mayo, precedido de una ojeada retrospectiva sobre el movimiento intelectual en el Plata desde el año 37. Montevideo: Imprenta del Nacional. ———. 2010. Dogma Socialista de la asociación de mayo, precedido de una ojeada retrospectiva sobre el movimiento intelectual en la Plata desde el año 1837. Alicante: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes. Errázuriz, Isidoro. 1860. Emigracion chilena i el gobierno Montt ante el Congreso Arjentino. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Bernheim. Fragueiro, Mariano. 1844. Fundamentos de un proyecto de banco presentado a la Sociedad de agricultura i beneficencia de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. ———. 1845. Observaciones sobre el proyecto de estatuto para el Banco nacional de Chile. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio.

338

BIBLIOGRAPHY

———. 1976. Cuestiones Argentinas: y organización del crédito. Gregorio Weinberg (ed.). Buenos Aires: Ediciones Solar. Frías, Felix. 1844. El cristianismo catolico considerado como elemento de civilizacion en las republicas hispano-americanos. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. ———. 1884. Escritos y discursos. 4 vols. Buenos Aires: Imprenta y Librería de Mayo. Gil Navarro, Ramón, María del Carmen Ferreyra, and David Sven Reher. 2000. The Gold Rush Diary of Ramón Gil Navarro. University of Nebraska Press. Godoy Cruz, Tomás. 1833. Breve extracto del proceso seguido en la provincia de Mendoza…. Santiago: Imprenta de la Independencia. Godoy, Joaquín. 1834. Exposición, defensa y acusación sobre los acontecimientos del Chacay. Valparaíso: Impr. del Mercurio. Gorriti, Juana Manuela. 2010. El pozo de Yocci y otros relatos. Leonor Fleming (ed.). Madrid: Cátedra. Gutiérrez, Juan María. 1869. Poesias de Juan Maria Gutierrez. Buenos Aires: C. Casavalle. ———. 1979. Colección Doctor Juan María Gutíerrez: archivo-epistolario. 7 vols. Buenos Aires: Biblioteca del Congreso de la Nación. Gutiérrez, Juan María, and Diego Barros Arana. 1934. A través de una correspondencia: don Juan María Gutiérrez. Luis Barros Borgoño (ed.). Santiago: Prensas de la Universidad de Chile. Iriarte, Tomás de. 1863. Biografía del brigadier general d. José Miguel Carrera, dos veces primer magistrado de la república de Chile. Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Mayo. ———. 1944–57. Memorias. 11 vols. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Argentinas. Irisarri, Antonio José de. 1838. Defensa de los tratados de paz de Paucarpata. Lima: Reimpresa por E. Aranda. La Madrid, Gregorio Aráoz de. 2007. Memorias del general Gregorio Aráoz de la Madrid. 1 vols. Buenos Aires: El Elefante Blanco. Lara, Ramón. 1860. El gobierno de Montt y sus ajentes. Una de mil. Manuel Montt, titulado Presidente de Chile, despues de haber usurpado a los pueblos … Mendoza 1 de marzo de 1860. Mendoza: s.n. Lastarria, José Victorino. 1855. Miscelanea literaria. Valparaíso: Imprenta y Libreria del Mercurio. ———. 1861. Don Diego Portales: juicio histórico. Santiago: Imprenta del Correo. ———. 1885. Recuerdos literarios. Santiago: M. Servat. ———. 1968. Diario político, 1849–1852. Santiago: Andrés Bello. López, Vicente Fidel. 1841. Anuncio: Vindicación de la República Arjentina en su revolución y sus guerras civiles por A. Y X, emigrados arjentinos. Santiago: Imprenta Liberal.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

339

———. 1845. Resultados jenerales con que los pueblos antiguos an contribuido a la civilizacion de la umanidad: memoria leida por V. F. López ante la Facultad de Filosofía y Umanidades de la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta del Siglo. ———. 1846. Manual de la istoria[sic] de Chile: Libro adoptado por la Universidad para la enseñanza en las escuelas de la República. 2a. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso. ———. 1994. Evocaciones históricas. Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Cultura de la Nación, en coproducción con Fundación Universitaria de Estudios Avanzados. López, Vicente Fidel, and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. 1843. Programa y regalmento del Liceo. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso. Mansilla, Lucio Victorio. 1870. Una excursión a los indios ranqueles. Buenos Aires: Impr. litografía y fundición de tipos. Mármol, José. 1846. El peregrino: canto duodécimo. Montevideo. ———. 1851. Amalia: novela historica Americana. Buenos Aires: Ramon Espasa y Compañia. ———. 1854. Poesías de José Mármol. Buenos Aires: Imprenta Americana. Martínez, Claudio. 1849. Consejos a la emigracion Argentina. Valparaiso: Impr. Europea. Mitre, Bartolomé. 1849. Cuestion administrativa-legal suscitada entre el Ministerio de Junio i la Municipalidad de Santiago, con motivo de la destitucion del procurador de ciudad. Impr. del Progreso. ———. 1912a. Archivo del general Mitre. 28 vols. Buenos Aires: Biblioteca de “La Nación”. ———. 1912b. Correspondencia literaria, historica y política del general Bartolomé Mitre. 3 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Coni hermanos. Montt, Manuel, and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. 1999. Manuel Montt y Domingo F. Sarmiento: Epistolario, 1833–1888. Santiago: Lom Ediciones. Moreno, Hilarión María, and Dominga Montes de Oca de Moreno. 1850. Colejio infantil para niños i niñas, calle de Duarte, acera del Dr. Nathaniel. Santiago: Impr. de Julio Belin. Oro, Domingo de. 1911. Papeles de D. Domingo de Oro. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Impr. de Coni hermanos. Page, Theogène. 1841. “Affaires de Buénos-Ayres. Expédition de la France contre la République Argentine”. La Revue des Deux Mondes XXV (febrero): 301–70. Paz, José María. 1855. Memorias postumas del brigadier General D. Jose M. Paz. 4 vols. Buenos Aires: Imp. de la revista. Portales, Diego José Víctor. 1936. Epistolario de don Diego Portales, 1821–1837. Ernesto de la Cruz and Guillermo Feliú Cruz. Vol. 3. Santiago: Dirección general de prisiones. Rivera Indarte, José. 1843. Rosas y sus opositores. 1a. Montevideo: Impr. del Nacional.

340

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Rodríguez, Gregorio F. 1922. Contribución histórica y documental. 3 vols. Buenos Aires: Casa Jocobo Peuser. Rosas, Juan Manuel de, and Felipe Arana. 1837. Manifiesto de las razones que legitiman la declaración de guerra contra el gobierno del General D. Andres Santa Cruz, titulado presidente de la Confederación Perú-Boliviana. Buenos Aires: Imprenta del Estado. Sanfuentes, Salvador, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, and Vicente López. 1943. La polémica del romanticismo en 1842: V.F. López, D.F. Sarmiento, S. Sanfuentes. Norberto Pinilla (ed.). Buenos Aires: Américalee. Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino. 1843. Memoria sobre ortografía americana leída a la Facultad de Humanidades. Santiago: Imprenta de la Opinión. ———. 1845. Civilizacion i barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga i aspecto físico, costumbres i habitos de la Republica Arjentina. Santiago: Impr. del Progreso. ———. 1849a. De la educacion popular. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1849b. Viajes en Europa, Africa y América: por D. F. Sarmiento. 2 vols. Santiago de Chile: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1850a. A quien rechazan i temen? A Montt: A quien sostienen i desean? A Montt: quien es entonces el candidato? Montt. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1850b. Motín de San Felipe i estado de sitio. Santiago, Chile: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1850c. Recuerdos de Provincia. Julio Belin y Cia. ———. 1851a. Candidato á la presidencia de Chile para 1851: D. Manuel Montt, antiguo ministro de Estado, i presidente de la Suprema Corte de Justicia. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1851b. Motín en Santiago. Santiago, Chile: Impr. de J. Belin i Ca. ———. 1852. Campaña en el Ejército Grande Aliado de Sud América. Rio de Janeiro: Impr. y Const. de J. Villeneuve y C. ———. 1855. Educación común en el estado de Buenos-Aires …. Santiago: Impr. de J. Belín i Ca. ———. 1856. Memoria sobre educación común: presentada al Consejo Universitario de Chile …. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril. ———. 1858. Acusacion por difamación contra D. Francisco Bilbao. Buenos Aires: s.n. ———. 1887. Obras de D. F. Sarmiento. 52 vols. Santiago de Chile: Impr. Gutenberg. ———. 1938. Facundo. Alberto Palcos (ed.). La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata. ———. 1988. La correspondencia de Sarmiento: Años 1838–1854. Carlos S. A. Segreti (ed.). 2 vols. Córdoba: Poder Ejecutivo de la Provincia de Córdoba, Comisión Provincial de Homenaje a Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, and Bartolomé Mitre. 1911. Sarmiento-Mitre: correspondencia, 1846–1868. Buenos Aires: Coni hermanos.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

341

Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, and José Posse. 1946. Epistolario entre Sarmiento y Posse, 1845–1888. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Museo Histórico Sarmiento. Solá, Miguel. 1926. Organización nacional; cartas de la emigración. Buenos Aires: Porter. Sotomayor Valdés, Ramón. 1896. Campaña del ejército chileno contra la Confederacion Perú-Boliviana en 1837: Memoria presentada a la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Impr. Cervantes. Tocqueville, Alexis de. 1848. De la démocratie en Amérique. Vol. 2. Paris: Pagnerre. Vallejo, José Joaquín. 1847. Colleccion de los artículos de Jotabeche. Santiago: Impr. Chilena. Varela, Florencio. 1840. Sobre la convención de 29 de octubre de 1840: desarrollo y desenlace de la cuestión francesa en el Rio de la Plata. Montevideo: Imprenta de la Caridad. Vattel, Emer de. 1758. Le droit des gens, ou Principes de la loi naturelle, appliqués à la conduite & aux affaires des nations & des souverains. Vol. 1. Londres: s.n. Vera, Robustiano. 1902. Principios elementales de derecho internacional privado. Santiago: Impr. del Centro editorial la Prensa. Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. 1856. Pájinas de mi diario durante tres años de viaje: 1853–1854–1855. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril. ———. 1857. El ostracismo de los Carreras: Los jenerales José Miguel i Juan José i el coronel Luis Carrera. Episodio de la independencia de Sud-America, por Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna. Santiago: Imprenta del Ferrocarril. ———. 1860a. D. Juan Manuel Rosas delante de la posteridad y la confiscacion politica restablecida en la lejislacion de Sud-America. Lima: Estab. Tip. Aurelio Alfaro. ———. 1860b. El ostracismo del jeneral D. Bernardo O’Higgins: escrito sobre documentos inéditos i noticias auténticas. Valparaíso: Impr. i libreria del Mercurio. ———. 1860c. La revolución de la independencia del Perú desde 1809 a 1819: introducción histórica que comenzó a publicarse en El Comercio de Lima, en forma de artículos críticos, con el título de Lord Cochrane y San Martín. Impr. del Comercio por J. M. Monterola. ———. 1862–63. Historia de los diez años de la administracion de Don Manuel Montt. Levantamiento i sitio de La Serena. 5 vols. Santiago: Impr. chilena. ———. 1863. Introduccion a la Historia de los diez años de la administracion Montt: D. Diego Portales. (Con mas de 500 documentos ineditos). Impr. y libreria del Mercurio de S. Tornero. ———. 1878a. Historia de la jornada del 20 de abril de 1851: una batalla en las calles de Santiago. Santiago: R. Jover. ———. 1878b. Juan María Gutiérrez: ensayo sobre su vida i sus escritos, conforme a documentos enteramente inéditos. Santiago: Rafael Jover, Editor.

342

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Vicuña, Pedro Félix. 1846. Vindicacion de los principios e ideas que han servido en Chile de apoyo a la oposicion en las elecciones populares de 1846. Lima: Impr. del comercio por J. M. Monterola. ———. 1847. Ocho meses de destierro: O cartas sobre el Perú. Santiago: Impr. y Librería del Mercurio. Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín, and Ramón Lara. 1859. Montt, Presidente de la República de Chile, i sus ajentes ante los tribunales i la opinión pública de Inglaterra. Paris: L. Guerin. Yates, William. 1824. “A Brief Relation of Facts and Circumstances”. In Journal of a Residence in Chile, During the Year 1822, Lady Maria Callcott, Judas Tadeo de Reyes, and William Yates. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. Zapata, Manuel José, and Martín Zapata. 1837. Prospecto del colegio de los señores Zapatas en Santiago de Chile: que comprenden los ramos que en el se enseñan. Santiago: s.n. Zuviría, Facundo. 1932. Facundo Zuviría. Selección de escritos y discursos. Buenos Aires: El Ateneo.

Secondary Sources Adelman, Jeremy. 1999. Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ———. 2006. Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ———. 2007. “Between Order and Liberty: Juan Bautista Alberdi and the Intellectual Origins of Argentine Constitutionalism”. Latin American Research Review 42 (2): 86–110. https://doi.org/10.1353/lar.2007.0015. Alonso, Paula, ed. 2004. Construcciones impresas: panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, 1820–1920. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Amante, Adriana. 2010. Poéticas y políticas del destierro argentinos en Brasil en la época de Rosas. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Anderson, Benedict R. O’G. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Annino, Antonio, and François-Xavier Guerra. 2003. Inventando la nación: Iberoamérica siglo XIX. México: Fondo de Cultura Economica. Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Appiah, Anthony. 2007. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. W. W. Norton. Appiah, Kwame Anthony, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Marion Young, and Nancy Fraser. 2007. Justice, Governance, Cosmopolitanism, and the Politics of Difference: Recon-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

343

figurations in a Transnational World; Distinguished W.E.B. Du Bois Lectures 2004/2005. Humboldt-University. Aprile, Sylvie. 2010. Le siècle des exilés: Bannis et proscrits de 1789 à la Commune. Paris: CNRS. Arellano, Juan Carlos. 2011. “Los republicanos en armas: los proscritos, el gobierno y la opinión pública ante la Confederación Perú-Boliviana”. Universum (Talca) 26 (2): 49–66. Arendt, Hannah. 1973. The Origins of Totalitarianism. Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Ávila Martel, Alamiro de. 1988. Sarmiento en la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Barros y Arana, Maria Celina. 1963. El Doctor Jose Barros Pazos: en la patria y en el exilio, 1808–1877. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana Dr. Emilio Ravignani. Batticuore, Graciela. 2005. La mujer romántica. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. ———. 2011. Mariquita Sánchez: bajo el signo de la revolución. Biografías argentinas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Bayly, Christopher Alan. 1996. Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870. New York: Cambridge University Press. Bechis, Martha A. 1998. “La etnia mapuche en el siglo XIX, su ideologización en las pampas y sus intentos nacionistas”. Revista de estudios Trasandinos, no. 3: 139–58. ———. 2006. “Fuerzas indígenas en la política criolla del siglo XIX”. En Caudillismos rioplatenses: nuevas miradas a un viejo problema, 293–317. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Bechis, Martha A., Susana Bandieri, y Eduardo Cavieres F. 2001. Cruzando la cordillera…: la frontera argentino-chilena como espacio social. 1 vols. Neuquén, Argentina: Centro de Estudios de Historia Regional CEHIR, Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional del Comahue. Berlin, Isaiah. 2001. The Roots of Romanticism. Princeton University Press. Bertoni, Lilia Ana. 2001. Patriotas, cosmopolitas y nacionalistas: la construcción de la nacionalidad argentina a fines del siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: Fondo de cultura económica. Blumenthal, Edward. 2014. “‘Lo que viene de afuera siempre vale más’: exiliados argentinos entre Europa y América (1840–1855)”. In Exils entre les deux mondes. Migrations et espaces politiques atlantiques au XIXe siècle, Delphine Diaz, Jeanne Moisand, Romy Sanchez, and Juan Luis Simal (eds.), 253–68. Paris: Les Perséides Éditions. ———. 2015. “Milicias y ciudadanía de residencia: la revolución chilena de 1851 en perspectiva transnacional”. Illes i Imperis (17): 91–112.

344

BIBLIOGRAPHY

———. 2017. “Lavalle’s Remains: The Political Uses of the Body in Exile and Return”. Hispanic American Historical Review 97 (3): 387–421. https://doi. org/10.1215/00182168-3933814. ———. 2018b. “Exilio, guerra y política transnacional: Las comisiones argentinas en la política internacional americana”. Anuario IEHS, 33 (2): 145–67. ———. 2018c. “Les mots de l’exil. Dans le droit international du XIXe siècle, entre Amérique Latine et Europe”. Hommes & migrations. Revue française de référence sur les dynamiques migratoires, no. 1321: 43–51. ———. 2019. “Los clubes constitucionales argentinos en la costa del Pacífico (1850–1855): Exilio y retorno en la ‘provincia flotante’”. Boletín del Instituo de Historia Argentina y Americana D. Emilio Ravignani. 3ª (51): 17–55. Boccara, Guillaume. 1999. “Etnogénesis Mapuche: Resistencia y Restructuración Entre Los Indígenas del Centro-Sur de Chile (Siglos XVI–XVIII)”. The Hispanic American Historical Review 79 (3): 425–61. ———. 2002. “Colonización, resistencia y etnogénesis en las fronteras”. In Colonización, resistencia y mestizaje en las Américas:(siglos XVI–XX), Guillaume Boccara (ed.), 148:47–82. Quito: Editorial Abya Yala. Bochner, Malcolm Ira. 2002. “Entrepreneurs of Exile: Chilean Liberals in Peru, 1851–1879”. PhD, The University of Connecticut, Mansfield. Botana, Natalio R. 1997. La tradición republicana: Alberdi, Sarmiento y las ideas políticas de su tiempo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Bragoni, Beatriz. 1999. Los hijos de la revolución: familia, negocios y poder en Mendoza en el siglo XIX. Buenos Aires: Taurus. ———. 2012. José Miguel Carrera: un revolucionario chileno en el Río de la Plata. Biografías argentinas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Brahm García, Enrique. 1997. “Jose Gabriel Ocampo y las fuentes de la ley sobre sociedades anónimas: el proceso de codificacion comercial chileno en un ejemplo”. Revista de estudios histórico-jurídicos, no. 19: 189–254. https://doi.org/ 10.4067/S0716-54551997000100008. Bransboin, Hernán David. 2012. “Mendoza Confederal El ejercicio de la soberanía mendocina en torno a la Confederación Argentina 1831–1852”. PhD, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Bravo Lira, Bernardino. 1994. El absolutismo ilustrado en Hispanoamérica: Chile (1760–1860) de Carlos III a Portales y Montt. Editorial Universitaria. ———. 1998. “Estudios jurídicos y Estado modernizador. Cultura de abogados en Chile 1758–1998”. Revista chilena de derecho 25 (3): 641–55. Castro Esteves, Ramón de. 1952. Historia de correos y telégrafos de la República argentina. Buenos Aires: Talleres gráficos de correos y telécomunicaciones. Chambers, Sarah C. 2015. Families in War and Peace: Chile from Colony to Nation. Duke University Press.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

345

Chiaramonte, José Carlos. 2003. “Modificaciones del pacto imperial”. En Inventando la nación: Iberoamérica siglo XIX, editado por Antonio Annino y FrançoisXavier Guerra, 85–116. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. ———. 2004. Nación y estado en Iberoamérica: el lenguaje político en tiempos de las independencias. Sudamericana pensamiento. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Cisneros, Andrés, and Carlos Escudé. 2000. “Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas”. http://www.argentina-rree.com/historia_indice00.htm. Accessed June 6, 2015. Cohen, Deborah, and Maura O’Connor. 2004. Comparison and History: Europe in Cross National Perspective. New York: Routledge. Collier, Simon. 1967. Ideas and politics of Chilean independence: 1808–1833. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2003. Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830–1865: Politics and Ideas. Cambridge University Press. Collier, Simon, and William F. Sater. 1996. A History of Chile, 1808–1994. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Concha, Jaime. 1994. “On the Threshold of Facundo”. In Sarmiento: Author of a Nation, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Ivan Jakši´c, Gwen Kirkpatrick, and Francine Masiello (eds.), 145–55. Berkeley: University of California Press. Cutolo, Vicente Osvaldo. 1968. Nuevo diccionario biográfico argentino (1750–1930). 7 vols. Buenos Aires: Editorial Elche. Decker, William Merrill. 1998. Epistolary Practices: Letter Writing in America Before Telecommunications. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. Devoto, Fernando F. 2001. “Immigrants, exilés, réfugiés, étrangers: mots et notions pour le cas argentin (1854–1940)”. In Émigration politique. Une perspective comparative. Italiens et Espagnols en Argentine et en France XIXe–XXe siècles, Fernando F. Devoto and Pilar González Bernaldo (eds.), 77–99. Paris: L’Harmattan. Devoto, Fernando, and Pilar González Bernaldo de Quirós. 2001. Émigration politique: une perspective comparative: italiens et espagnols en Argentine et en France (XIXe–XXe siècles). Paris: l’Harmattan. Di Meglio, Gabriel. 2009. “La Mazorca y el orden rosista”. Prohistoria 12: 69–90. ———. 2012. ¡Mueran los salvajes unitarios!: La mazorca y la política en tiempos de Rosas. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Donghi, Tulio Halperín, Ivan Jakši´c, Gwen Kirkpatrick, and Francine Masiello, eds. 1994. Sarmiento: Author of a Nation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Donoso, Armando. 1913. Bilbao y su tiempo. Santiago: Talleres de la Empresa Zigzag. Donoso, Ricardo. 1925. Don Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna: su vida, sus ecritos y su tiempo (1831–1886). Santiago: Impr. Universitaria.

346

BIBLIOGRAPHY

———. 1931. Barros Arana educador, historiador y hombre público. Santiago: Universidad de Chile. Dufoix, Stéphane. 2008. Diasporas. Berkeley: University of California Press. ———. 2010. “Un pont par-dessus la porte. Extraterritorialisation et transétatisation des identifications nationales”. In Loin des yeux, près du cœur. Les États et leurs expatriés, Paris, Les Presses Sciences Po, Stéphane Dufoix, Carine GuerassimoffPina, and Anne de Tinguy (eds.), 15–57. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po. Edwards, Alberto. 1932. El gobierno de don Manuel Montt, 1851–1861. Santiago: Edit. Nascimento. Entín, Gabriel. 2015. “Los desterrados de la república. Revolucinarios del Río de la Plata en los Estados Unidos (1816–1817)”. In Exils entre les deux mondes: migrations et espaces politiques atlantiques au XIXe siècle, Delphine Diaz, Jeanne Moisand, Romy Sanchez, and Juan Luis Simal (eds.), 61–88. Paris: Les Perséides. Espinoza, G. Antonio. 2013. Education and the State in Modern Peru: Primary Schooling in Lima, 1821–C. 1921. Palgrave Macmillan. Etchechury Barrera, Mario. 2012. “La ‘causa de Montevideo’. Inmigración, legionarismo y voluntariado militar en el Río de la Plata, 1848–1852”. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. Nouveaux mondes mondes nouveaux - Novo Mundo Mundos Novos - New world New worlds, diciembre. https://doi.org/10.4000/ nuevomundo.64670. ———. 2015. “De colonos y súbditos extranjeros a “ciudadanos en armas”. Militarización y lealtades políticas de los españoles residentes en Montevideo, 1838–1845”. Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar 4 (8): 119–42. ———. 2018. “‘Defensores de la humanidad y la civilización’. Las legiones extranjeras de Montevideo, entre el mito cosmopolita y la eclosión de las ‘nacionalidades’ (1838–1851)”. Revista Historia (50–II): 491–524. Favret, Mary A. 1993. Romantic Correspondence: Women, Politics and the Fiction of Letters. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fernández Abara, Joaquín. 2012. “Regionalismo, liberalismo y rebelión: Copiapó en la guerra civil de 1859”. Masters, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. ———. 2015. “Guerra, militarización y caudillismo en el norte chileno: el casu de Copiapó en la Guerra Civil de 1859”. Economic y política 2 (2): 41–75. https:// doi.org/10.15691/07194714.2015.006. Fernández Sebastián, Javier, and Joëlle Chassin. 2004. L’avènement de l’opinion publique: Europe et Amérique, XVIIIe–XIXe siècles. Paris: l’Harmattan. Fey, Ingrid E., and Karen Racine. 2000. Strange Pilgrimages: Exile, Travel, and National Identity in Latin America, 1800s–1990s. Wilmington, DE: SR Books. Figueroa, Pedro Pablo. 1897. Diccionario biografico de Chile. 3 vols. Santiago: Impr. y encuadernacion Barcelona.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

347

Fitzgerald, David. 2004. “Beyond ‘Transnationalism’: Mexican Hometown Politics at an American Labour Union”. Ethnic and Racial Studies 27 (2): 228–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/0141987042000177315. Foner, N. 1997. “What’s New About Transnationalism? New York Immigrants Today and at the Turn of the Century”. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6 (3): 355–75. Forment, Carlos A. 2003. Democracy in Latin America, 1760–1900: Volume 1, Civic Selfhood and Public Life in Mexico and Peru. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Fradkin, Raúl. 2012. ¡Fusilaron a Dorrego! Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Frega, Ana. 2007. Pueblos y soberanía en la revolución artiguista: La región de Santo Domingo Soriano desde fines de la colonia a la ocupación portuguesa. Ediciones de la Banda Oriental. ———. 2009. Historia regional e independencia del Uruguay: proceso histórico y revisión crítica de sus relatos. Ediciones de la Banda Oriental. Freitag, Sabine, ed. 2003a. Exiles from Europeans Revolutions: Refugees in MidVictorian England. London: Berghahn Books. ———. 2003b. “‘The Begging Bowl of Revolution’: The Fund-raising Tours of German and Hungarian Exiles to North America, 1851–1852”. In Exiles from European Revolutions: Refugees in Mid-Victorian England, Sabine Freitag (ed.), 164–86. London: Berghahn Books. Gabaccia, Donna. 2000. “Class, Exile, and Nationalism at Home and Abroad: The Italian Risorgimento”. In Italian Workers of the World: Labor Migration and the Formation of Multiethnic States, Donna R. Gabaccia and Fraser M. Ottanelli (eds.), 21–40. Taylor & Francis Group. Gallo, Klaus. 2006. The Struggle for an Enlightened Republic: Buenos Aires and Rivadavia. Institute for the Study of the Americas. ———. 2008. “Esteban Echeverria’s Critique of Universal Suffrage: The Traumatic Development of Democracy in Argentina, 1821–52”. In Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism 1830–1920, Christopher Alan Bayly and Eugenio F Biagini (eds.), 1:299–310. Oxford University Press. Garavaglia, Juan Carlos, and José Luis Moreno. 1993. Población, sociedad, familia y migraciones en el espacio rioplatense: siglos XVIII y XIX. Buenos Aires: BPR Publishers. García-Bryce, Iñigo L. 2004. Crafting the Republic: Lima’s Artisans and Nation Building in Peru, 1821–1879. University of New Mexico Press. Gazmuri Riveros, Cristián. 1987. “El gran comerciante y el sentido de la circulación monetaria en el Río de la Plata colonial tardío”. Revista de Historia Económica (Second Series) 5 (3): 485–507. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0212610900015329. ———. 1999. El “48” chileno: igualitarios, reformistas radicales, masones y bomberos. 2a ed. Santiago: Universitaria.

348

BIBLIOGRAPHY

———. 2012. La historiografía chilena (1842–1970). Vol. 1. Santiago: Taurus. Gelman, Jorge. 1987. “El gran comerciante y el sentido de la circulación monetaria en el Río de la Plata colonial tardío”. Revista de Historia Económica (Second Series) 5 (3): 485–507. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0212610900015329. ———. 2009. Rosas bajo fuego: los franceses, Lavalle y la rebelión de los estancieros. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. Gobat, Michel. 2013. “The Invention of Latin America: A Transnational History of Anti-Imperialism, Democracy, and Race”. The American Historical Review 118 (5): 1345–75. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.5.1345. Goldman, Noemí. 2016. Mariano Moreno: de reformista a insurgente. Biografías argentinas. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Goldman, Noemí, and Ricardo Donato Salvatore. 2005. Caudillismos rioplatenses: nuevas miradas a un viejo problema. Temas. Historia. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Góngora, Mario. 1981. Ensayo histórico sobre la noción de Estado en Chile en los siglos XIX y XX. Santiago: Ediciones La Ciudad. González Bernaldo de Quirós, Pilar. 1987. “El levantamiento de 1829: el imaginario social y sus implicaciones políticas en un conflicto rural”. Anuario IEHS 2: 137–76. ———. 1999. Civilité et politique aux origines de la nation argentine: Les sociabilités à Buenos Aires 1823–1862. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. ———. 2003. “Sociabilidad y opinión pública en Buenos Aires (1821–1852)”. Debate y perspectivas: cuadernos de historia y ciencias sociales, no. 3: 55–80. ———. 2008. “Etrangers à la nation, citoyens dans la cité: l’expérience politique des étrangers dans la ville de Buenos Aires pendant la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle”. In Étrangers et Sociétés. Représentations, coexistences, interactions dans la longue durée, Pilar González Bernaldo, Manuela Martini, and Marie-Louise Pelus-Kaplan (eds.), 115–27. Paris: Presses universitaires de Rennes. Grez Toso, Sergio. 1998. De la “regeneración del pueblo” a la huelga general: génesis y evolución histórica del movimiento popular en Chile (1810–1890). Santiago: Dibam, Dirección Bibliotecas, Archivos y Museos. Guerra, François-Xavier, and Mónica Quijada. 1994. Imaginar la Nación. Münster: Lit Verlag. Guerra, François-Xavier, and Annick Lempérière. 1998. Los espacios públicos en Iberoamérica: ambigüedades y problemas: siglos XVIII–XIX. México: Centro francés de estudios mexicanos y centroamericanos. Habermas, Jürgen. 1991. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: MIT Press. Halperín Donghi, Tulio. 1980. Proyecto y construcción de una nación: Argentina, 1846–1880. Caracas: Fundacion Biblioteca Ayacucho. ———. 1985. Reforma y disolución de los imperios ibéricos: 1750–1850. Madrid: Alianza.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

349

———. 1994. “The colonial Letrado as a Revolutionary Intellectual: Deán Funes as Seen through his ‘Apuntamientos para una Biografía’”. In Revolution and Restoration: The Rearrangement of Power in Argentina, 1776–1860, Mark D. Szuchman and Jonathan Charles Brown (eds.), 54–73. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ———. 2005. Revolución y guerra: formación de una elite dirigente en la Argentina criolla. Historia y cultura. Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores Argentina. Hammerly Dupuy, Daniel. 1951. “Rasgos biográficos de Artigas en el Paraguay”. In Artigas: estudios publicados en “El País”, como homenaje al jefe de los Orientales en el centenario de su muerte, 1850–1950, Edmundo M. Narancio (ed.). Montevideo: Colombino. Henkin, David M. 2006. The Postal Age: The Emergence of Modern Communications in Nineteenth-Century America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Herrero, Fabián. 1999. “Indicios y estrategias: Lucha por el poder en Buenos Aires durante el critico año de 1820”. Prohistoria 3: 111–32. Herzog, Tamar. 2003. Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Hirschman, Albert O. 1970. Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ———. 1993. “Exit, Voice, and the Fate of the German Democratic Republic: An Essay in Conceptual History”. World Politics 45 (02): 173–202. https://doi. org/10.2307/2950657. Hoffmann, Bert. 2010. “Bringing Hirschman Back In: ‘Exit’, ‘Voice’, and ‘Loyalty’ in the Politics of Transnational Migration”. The Latin Americanist 54 (2): 57–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1557-203X.2010.01067.x. Iriye, Akira. 2013. Global and Transnational History: The Past, Present, and Future. Palgrave Macmillan. Isabella, Maurizio. 2009. Risorgimento in Exile: Italian Émigrés and the Liberal International in the Post-Napoleonic Era. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Jakši´c, Ivan. 1994. “Sarmiento and the Chilean Press”. In Sarmiento: Author of a Nation. Berkeley: University of California Press. ———. 2001. Andrés Bello: la pasión por el orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria. Jasanoff, Maya. 2012. Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World. Vintage Books. Jocelyn-Holt Letelier, Alfredo. 1986. “La idea de nación en el pensamiento liberal chileno del siglo XIX”. Opciones, no. 9. ———. 1992. La independencia de Chile: tradición, modernización y mito. Madrid: Mapfre. ———. 1998. El peso de la noche: Nuestra frágil fortaleza histórica. Santiago: Planeta/Ariel.

350

BIBLIOGRAPHY

———. 2005. “¿Un proyecto nacional exitoso?: la supuesta excepcionalidad chilena”. In Relatos de nación: la construcción de las identidades nacionales en el mundo hispánico, Francisco Colom González (ed.), 417–38. Madrid: Iberoamericana. Katra, William H. 1996. The Argentine Generation of 1837: Echeverría, Alberdi, Sarmiento, Mitre. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. Lacoste, Pablo. 2003. La imagen del otro en las relaciones de la Argentina y Chile: (1534–2000). Sección de Obras de historia. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica de Argentina. ———. 2006. “Viticultura y política internacional: el intento de reincorporar a Mendoza y San Juan a Chile (1820–1835)”. Historia (Santiago) 39 (1): 155–76. https://doi.org/10.4067/S0717-71942006000100005. Lázaro, Carlos. 2002. “El parlamentarismo fronterizo en la Araucanía y las Pampas”. In Colonización, resistencia y mestizaje en las Américas (siglos XVI–XX), Guillaume Boccara (ed.), 201–36. Quito: Editorial Abya Yala. Lazo, Rodrigo. 2005. Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States. University of North Carolina Press. Levitt, Peggy, Josh DeWind, and Steven Vertovec. 2003. “International Perspectives on Transnational Migration: An Introduction”. International Migration Review 37 (3): 565–75. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003. tb00150.x. Lira Montt, Luis. 1975. “Estudiantes chilenos en la Real Universidad de Córdoba del Tucumán, 1670–1815”. Revista de la Junta de Estudios Históricos de Mendoza 2 (8): 687. ———. 1979. “Estudiantes cuyanos, tucumanos, rioplatenses y paraguayos en la Real Universidad de San Felipe y colegios de Santiago de Chile: 1612–1817.” Historia, no. 14: 207–74. Loveman, Brian, and Elizabeth Lira. 1999. Las suaves cenizas del olvido: vía chilena de reconciliación política, 1814–1932. Santiago: Lom Ediciones. Ma, Shu-Yun. 1993. “The Exit, Voice, and Struggle to Return of Chinese Political Exiles”. Pacific Affairs 66 (3): 368–85. Manara, Carla G. 2005. “La frontera surandina: centro de la confrontación política a principios del siglo XIX”. Mundo Agrario 5 (10). ———. 2010. “Movilización en las fronteras. Pincheira y el último intento de reconquista hispánica en el sur (1818–1832)”. Sociedades de paisajes áridos y semiáridos 2 (2): 39–60. Manara, Carla G., and Gladys Varela. 1998. “Montoneros Fronterizos: Pehuenches, Españoles y Chilenos (1820–1832)”. Revista de Historia, no. 7: 181–201. Martinez, Françoise. 2014. «Régénérer la race»: Politique éducative en Bolivie (1898–1920). Paris: Éditions de l’IHEAL. Mayer, Jorge M. 1973. Alberdi y su tiempo. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de Buenos Aires. ———. 1983. El pensamiento vivo de Alberdi. Buenos Aires: Losada.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

351

Mc Evoy, Carmen, and Ana María Stuven. 2007. La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Míguez, Eduardo José. 2018. Bartolomé Mitre: entre la nación y la historia. Buenos Aires: Edhasa. Milletich, Vilma. 1998. “El Rio de la Plata en la economía colonial”. In Nueva Historia Argentina, Enrique Tandeter and Juan Suriano (eds.), 2:241–84. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Mondragón, Rafael. 2014. “Francisco Bilbao, la tormenta de 1849 y la fundación de La Tribune des Peuples: del liberalismo al anticolonialismo y el socialismo de las periferias.” Revista La Cañada: pensamiento filosófico chileno, no. 5: 10–62. Moutoukias, Zacarías. 1988. Contrabando y control colonial en el siglo XVII: Buenos Aires, el Atlántico y el espacio peruano. Buenos Aires: Centro editor de América Latina. Muller, Dalia Antonia. 2017. Cuban Émigrés and Independence in the NineteenthCentury Gulf World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Myers, Jorge. 1995. Orden y virtud. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ———. 1998. “La Revolución en las ideas: La generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas”. In Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo 3, Revolución, República, Confederación (1806–52), Noemí Goldman (ed.), 3:381–445. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana. ———. 2003. “Las paradojas de la opinión. El discurso político rivadaviano y sus dos polos: el ‘gobierno de las Luces’ y ‘la opinión pública, reina del mundo’”. In La vida política en la Argentina del siglo XIX. Armas, votos y voces, Hilda Sabato y Alberto Lettieri (eds.). México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. ———. 2004. “Identidades porteñas. El discurso ilustrado en torno a la nación y el rol de la prensa: El Argos de Buenos Aires, 1821–1825”. In Construcciones impresas, panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, Paula Alonso (eds.), 39–63. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. ———. 2005. “Los universos culturales del romanticismo. Reflexiones en torno a un objeto oscuro”. In Resonancias románticas. Ensayos sobre historia de la cultura argentina (1820–1890), Graciela Batticuore, Klaus Gallo, y Jorge Myers (eds.), 15–46. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA. ———. 2008. “Giuseppe Mazzini and the Emergence of Liberal Nationalism in the River Plate and Chile”. In Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism 1830–1920, Christopher Alan Bayly and Eugenio F. Biagini (eds.). Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy. Nussbaum, Martha. 2010. For Love of Country? A New Democracy Forum on the Limits of Patriotism. Beacon Press.

352

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ossa Santa Cruz, and Juan Luis. 2014. Armies, Politics and Revolution: Chile, 1808–1826. Liverpool University Press. ———. 2014. “The Army of the Andes: Chilean and Rioplatense Politics in an Age of Military Organisation, 1814–1817”. Journal of Latin American Studies 46 (1): 29–58. Palcos, Alberto. 1938. “Introducción”. In Facundo, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, I–XXI. La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata. Palti, Elías. 2009. El momento romántico. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA. Paredes, Alejandro. 1997. “Migración Limítrofe en Argentina y Chile (1869– 1980)”. En Argentina-Chile y sus vecinos, 1810–2000, 566. Peralta Ruíz, Víctor, and Marta Irurozqui. 2000. Por la concordia, la fusión y el unitarismo: Estado y caudillismo en Bolivia, 1825–1880. Madrid: Consejo superior de Investigaciones científicas. Pérez Perdomo, Rogelio. 2008. “Los juristas como intelectuales y el nacimiento de los estados naciones en América Latina”. In Historia de los intelectuales en América Latina: I. La ciudad letrada, de la conquista al modernismo, Jorge Myers (ed.), 168–83. Buenos Aires: Katz. Piccirilli, Ricardo. 1972. Los López: Una dinastía intelectual. Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires. Pierson, Paul. 2004. Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis. 1 vols. Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Pinto Vallejos, Julio, and Verónica Valdivia O. 2009. ¿Chilenos Todos? Santiago: LOM Ediciones. Pinto Vallejos, Julio, Daniel Palma Alvarado, Karen Donoso Fritz, and Roberto Pizarro Larrea. 2015. El orden y el bajo pueblo: los regímenes de Portales y Rosas frente al mundo popular, 1829–1852. Santiago: LOM Ediciones. Portes, Alejandro. 2000. “Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology”. In Knowledge and Social Capital, Eric L. Lesser (ed.), 43–67. Boston: Butterworth-Heinemann. ———. 2010. Economic Sociology: A Systematic Inquiry. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Portes, Alejandro, and Josh DeWind. 2007. Rethinking Migration: New Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Prado O., Juan Guillermo. 2010. “Reflexiones en torno a la nacionalidad chilena de Andrés Bello”. Revista chilena de historia y geografía 170: 219–30. Preuss, Ori. 2016. Transnational South America: Experiences, Ideas, and Identities, 1860s–1900s. New York: Routledge. Purcell, Fernando. 2017. ¡Muchos extranjeros para mi gusto!: Mexicanos, chilenos e irlandeses en la construcción de California, 1848–1880. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Quijada, Mónica. 1998. “Sobre el origen y difusión del nombre ‘América Latina’ (o una variación heterodoxa en torno al tema de la construcción social de la

BIBLIOGRAPHY

353

verdad)”. Revista de Indias 58 (214): 595–616. https://doi.org/10.3989/ revindias.1998.i214.749. Rabinovich, Alejandro. 2013. La société guerrière. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes. Rama, Ángel. 1996. The Lettered City. Duke University Press. Ratto, Silvia. 1996. “Conflictos y armonías en la frontera bonaerense, 1834–1840”. Entrepasados 11: 21–34. ———. 2005. “La lucha por el poder en una agrupación indígena: el efímero apogeo de los boroganos en las pampas (primera mitad del siglo XIX)”. Anuario de estudios americanos 62 (2): 219–49. Rénique, José Luis. 2007. “Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna: exilio, historia y nación”. In La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras and Ana María Stuven (eds.), 487–529. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos/Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Rock, David. 2002. “The European Revolutions of 1848 in the Rio de la Plata”. In The European revolutions of 1848 and the Americas, Guy P. C. Thomson (ed.), 125–41. London: Institute of Latin American Studies. Rodríguez O., Jaime E. Rodríguez. 1998. The Independence of Spanish America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rojas, Rafael. 2009. Las repúblicas de aire: Utopía y desencanto en la revolución de Hispanoamérica. Mexico: Taurus. Rojas, Ricardo. 1945. El profeta de la pampa; vida de Sarmiento. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada. ———. 1948. Historia de la literatura Argentina: ensayo filosófico sobre la evolución de la cultura en el Plata. Tercera parte, Los Proscriptos. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada. Romero, Vicente. 1998. “Du nominal ‘latin’pour l’Autre Amérique. Notes sur la naissance et le sens du nom ‘Amérique latine’autour des années 1850”. Histoire et Sociétés de l’Amérique latine 7: 57–89. Romo Sánchez, Manuel. 2004. Prisión de los patriotas chilenos en Juan Fernández (1814–1817). Santiago: Apostrophes. Roniger, Luis, James Naylor Green, and Pablo Yankelevich. 2012. Exile and the Politics of Exclusion in the Americas. Sussex Academic Press. Rosanvallon, Pierre. 1985. Le moment Guizot. Paris: Gallimard. Sabato, Hilda. 2001. The Many and the Few: Political Participation in Republican Buenos Aires. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Sahlins, Peter. 1991. Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees. Berkeley: University of California Press. Said, Edward W. 2000. “Reflections on Exile”. In Reflections on Exile and Other Essays, 173–86. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Salvatore, Ricardo Donato. 2003. Wandering Paysanos: State Order and Subaltern Experience in Buenos Aires During the Rosas Era. Duke University Press.

354

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sanders, J. E. 2011. “The Vanguard of the Atlantic World”. Latin American Research Review 46 (2): 104–27. Scheidt, Eduardo. 2002. “Ecos da revolução farroupilha no Rio da Prata”. Revista Eletrônica da ANPHLAC (2): 29–45. Scobie, James R. 1964. La lucha por la consolidación de la nacionalidad argentina, 1852–1862. Buenos Aires: Librería Hachette. Serrano, Gonzalo. 2011. “Emigrados Peruanos En Valparaíso Durante La Guerra de Chile Contra La Confederación Perú-Boliviana (1836–1839)”. Revista Histórica XLV (diciembre): 141–62. Serrano, Sol. 1994. Universidad y nacion: Chile en el siglo XIX. Coleccion imagen de Chile. Santiago de Chile: Editorial universitaria. Shain, Yossi. 2005. The Frontier of Loyalty: Political Exiles in the Age of the NationState. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Silva Castro, Raúl. 1958. Prensa y periodismo en Chile, 1812–1956. Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile. Sobrevilla Perea, Natalia. 2007. “Apertura y Diversidad: emigrados políticos latinoamericanos en la Lima de mediados del siglo diecinueve”. In La República Peregrina: hombres de armas y letras en América del Sur, 1800–1884, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras and Ana María Stuven (eds.). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos/Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. ———. 2011. The Caudillo of the Andes: Andrés de Santa Cruz. New York: Cambridge University Press. Socolow, Susan Migden. 1978. The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778–1810: Family and Commerce. London: Cambridge University Press. Solar G., Felipe del. 2012. Las logias de ultramar. En torno a los orígenes de la francmasonería en Chile 1850–1962. Santiago: Occidente. Strom, Sharon Hartman, and Frederick Stirton Weaver. 2011. Confederates in the Tropics: Charles Swett’s Travelogue. University Press of Mississippi. Stuven, Ana María. 2000. La seducción de un orden: las elites y la construcción de Chile en las polémicas culturales y políticas del siglo XIX. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile. ———. 2007. “La palabra en armas: patria y nación en la prensa de la guerra entre Chile y la Confederación Perú-Boliviana, 1835–1839”. In La república peregrina: hombre de armas y letras en América del Sur, Carmen Mc Evoy Carreras y Ana María Stuven (eds.), 407–41. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. ———. 2008. “El exilio de la intelectualidad Argentina: polémica y construcción de la esfera pública chilena (1840–1850)”. In Historia de los intelectuales en América Latina, Jorge Myers (ed.), 1:412–40. Buenos Aires: Katz. Subercaseaux, Bernardo. 1981. Cultura y sociedad liberal en el siglo XIX: Lastarria, ideología y literatura. Santiago: Aconcagua. Sznajder, Mario, and Luis Roniger. 2009. The Politics of Exile in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

355

Szuchman, Mark D. 1988. Order, Family, and Community in Buenos Aires 1810–1860. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Tarcus, Horacio. 2016. El socialismo romántico en el Río de la Plata (1837–1852). Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica. Ternavasio, Marcela. 1999. “Hacia un régimen de unanimidad. Política y elecciones en Buenos Aires, 1828–1850”. In Ciudadanía política y formación de las naciones. Perspectivas históricas de América Latina, Hilda Sabato (ed.), 119–41. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. ———. 2004. “Construir poder y dividir poderes. Buenos Aires durante la ‘feliz experiencia’ rivadaviana”. Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana Dr. Emilio Ravignani 26: 7–45. Thomson, Guy. 2002. The European Revolutions of 1848 and the Americas. London: Institute of Latin American Studies. Torpey, John. 2000. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Uribe, Víctor M. 1999. “Colonial Lawyers, Republican Lawyers and the Administration of Justice in Spanish America”. In Judicial Institutions in NineteenthCentury Latin America, Londres, Institute of Latin American Studies, Eduardo Zimmermann (ed.), 25–48. London: Institute of Latin American Studies. Valenzuela, J. Samuel. 1997. “Hacia la formación de instituciones democráticas: Prácticas electorales en Chile durante el siglo XIX”. Estudios Públicos, no. 66: 215–57. Varona, Alberto J. 1973. Francisco Bilbao Revolucionario de América. Vida y pensamiento: estudio de sus ensayos y trabajos periodísticos. Santiago: Ediciones Excelsior. Venegas Valdebenito, Hernán. 2008. El espejismo de la plata: trabajadores y empresarios mineros en una economía en transición: Atacama 1830–1870. Santiago: Editorial USACH. Verdevoye, Paul. 1988. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento: educar y escribir opinando: 1839–1852. Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra. Verdo, Geneviève. 2006. L’indépendance argentine entre cités et nation (1808–1821). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne. Vezub, Julio. 2009. Valentín Saygüeque y la “gobernación indígena de las Manzanas”: poder y etnicidad en la Patagonia septentrional (1860–1881). Buenos Aires: Prometeo Libros. Villalobos Rivera, Sergio. 1961. Tradición y reforma en 1810. Santiago: Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile. ———. 1965. Comercio y contrabando en el Río de la Plata y Chile, 1700–1811. Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria. ———. 1992. La vida fronteriza en Chile. Madrid: Mapfre. Villanueva Chávez, Elena. 1963. “La lucha por el poder entre los emigrados peruanos (1836–1839)”. Boletin IRA, no. 6: 7–89.

356

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Villar, Daniel, Juan Francisco Jiménez, and Silvia Ratto. 1998. Relaciones interétnicas en el sur bonaerense, 1810–1830. Bahía Blanca: Departamento de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional del Sur. Villavicencio, Susana. 2008. Sarmiento y la nación cívica: ciudadanía y filosofías de la nación en Argentina. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Waldinger, Roger. 2008. “Immigrant ‘Transnationalism’ and the Presence of the Past”. In From Arrival to Incorporation: Migrants to the U.S. in a Global Era, 267–85. http://works.bepress.com/roger_waldinger/26. Wasserman, Fabio. 1997. “La Generación de 1837 y el proceso de construcción de la identidad nacional argentina”. Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio Ravignani”, 3a, no. 15: 7–34. ———. 2008. Entre Clio y la Polis: Conocimiento historico y representaciones del pasado en el Río de La Plata (1830–1860). Buenos Aires: Teseo. ———. 2019. “Un chileno en la Plata”. Unpublished Paper Presentation. Weinberg, Félix. 1958. El Salón literario. Buenos Aires: Hachette. Werner, Michael, and Bénédicte Zimmermann. 2006. “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity”. History and Theory 45 (1): 30–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2006.00347.x. Wimmer, Andreas, and Nina Glick Schiller. 2003. “Methodological Nationalism, the Social Sciences, and the Study of Migration: An Essay in Historical Epistemology”. International Migration Review 37 (3): 576–610. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003.tb00151.x. Woll, Allen L. 1982. A Functional Past: Uses of History in Nineteenth Century Chile. Louisiana State University Press. Wood, James A. 2011. The Society of Equality: Popular Republicanism and Democracy in Santiago de Chile, 1818–1851. University of New Mexico Press. Zimmermann, Eduardo. 1999. “The Education of Lawyers and Judges in Argentinas Organización Nacional (1860–1880)”. In Judicial Institutions in Nineteenth Century Latin America, Eduardo Zimmermann (ed.), 104–23. London: Institute of Latin American Studies. Zolberg, Aristide R. 1983. “The Formation of New States as a Refugee-Generating Process”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 467 (mayo): 24–38. Zubizarreta, Ignacio. 2009. “Una sociedad secreta en el exilio: los Unitarios y la articulación de políticas conspirativas antirrosistas en el Uruguay, 1835–1836”. Boletín del Instituo de Historia Argentina y Americana D. Emilio Ravignani, 3a, 3 (31): 43–75. ———. 2014. Unitarios: Historia de la facción política que diseñó la Argentina moderna. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana.

Author Index

A Aberastain, Antonio, 114–116, 140, 164, 167 Agüero, Julián Segundo, 128 Alberdi, Juan Bautista, 1–3, 7, 20, 25, 26, 31–33, 88, 104, 106, 107, 113, 125, 134, 138, 139, 142, 145, 146, 155, 156, 159–163, 165, 167–169, 173, 183, 203, 204, 210, 211, 219, 224, 231, 232, 238, 239, 241–243, 245–248, 253–259, 263–266, 286, 291, 294, 297, 317–320, 322, 323, 325, 328, 330 Aldao, Francisco, 62, 67, 69, 83 Alsina, Adolfo, 111 Alvarado, Rudecindo, 72, 73, 103, 214 Álvarez, Juan Cristóstomo, 213 Alvear, Carlos María, 47, 48, 52–54, 58, 65 Amunátegui, Manuel, 176, 177 Amunátegui, Miguel Luis, 109, 319 Amutátegui, Gregorio Víctor, 114 Arana, Felipe, 54

Arcos, Santiago, 13, 177, 191, 211, 255, 260, 265, 274, 282–284, 305 Artigas, José Gervasio, 48–50, 56, 57, 299, 324 B Ballivián, José, 82, 104, 105, 122, 124, 126, 128, 143, 161, 166, 174, 187, 202, 206–210, 214–216, 219, 262, 319, 325 Balmaceda, José Manuel, 83, 331 Barcala, Lorenzo, 70 Barros Arana, Diego, 14, 32, 50, 51, 53, 54, 75, 98–100, 102, 105, 108–111, 119, 132, 137, 140, 179, 183, 197, 211, 234, 242, 269–273, 275, 279–283, 286, 303–305, 310–315, 322, 327, 331 Barros, Diego, 14, 53, 110, 327 Barros, Juana, 279 Barros Pazos, José, 145, 146, 148, 153, 156, 160–162, 164

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9

357

358

AUTHOR INDEX

Baudrix, Mariano, 111, 132, 279–281, 310 Beéche, Gregorio, 4, 135, 314, 320, 322 Bello, Andrés, 27, 96, 128, 140, 151–153, 196, 227, 246 Bello, Juan, 97, 181 Belzu, Isidoro, 198, 262 Benavente, Diego José, 54, 55, 181 Benavides, Vicente, 61, 64, 68 Bilbao, Francisco, 13, 23, 75, 96, 97, 99, 119, 132, 149, 180, 182, 183, 186, 187, 233, 255, 260, 276, 277, 288, 318 Bilbao, Manuel, 174, 181, 201, 236, 277, 319 Bilbao, Rafael, 54, 74, 75, 327 Billinghurst, Guillermo, 100, 119 Blanco Encalada, Manuel, 79, 80, 212 Blanco Encalada, Ventura, 80, 212 Blest Gana, Guillermo, 14, 234, 270, 322 Bolívar, Simón, 128 Bulnes, Manuel, 12, 81, 181, 225, 239, 242, 262, 263, 294

C Cabezón, family, 146, 147 Calle, José Luis, 67, 70, 71, 131, 133 Calpisquí, 43 Cané, Miguel, 104 Carrera Fontecilla, José Miguel, 175, 182, 185–187, 193, 211, 318 Carrera, Javiera, 51, 60 Carrera, José Miguel, 46, 57, 181, 193 Castilla, Ramón, 77, 79, 176, 177, 275–277, 289 Chitty, Thomas, 111 Cobo, Salustio, 198 Costa, Braulio, 172

D De Angelis, Pedro, 110, 310 De Elías, Juan Estanislao, 214 De Iriarte, Tomás, 58, 166, 172, 228 De Irisarri, Antonio José, 46, 80 De Irisarri, Hermógenes, 102 De la Madrid, Gregorio Aráoz, 72, 73, 91, 95, 103, 104, 117, 118, 144, 173, 193, 200, 215, 216, 225, 321 De la Vega, Nicolas, 72, 308 De Las Heras, Juan Gregorio, 65, 73, 102, 202, 204, 206, 207, 212, 213, 225, 239, 305, 320 De Mier, Servando Teresa, 57 De Oro, Domingo, 70, 94, 95, 102, 161, 166 De Oro, Tránsito, 147 De Pueyrredón, Juan Martín, 48, 57 De Rosas, Juan Manuel, 2, 7–11, 20, 21, 31, 46, 66, 69–71, 80, 81, 103, 105, 107, 114, 115, 129, 130, 133, 147, 157, 172, 173, 179, 180, 185, 188, 193–200, 202, 203, 206, 208–210, 213–215, 219, 222, 225, 238–240, 244, 245, 249–255, 259–263, 272, 280, 285, 291–293, 299, 309, 310, 313, 325, 326, 328, 330 De Santa Cruz, Andrés, 72, 73, 76–81, 84, 128, 166, 174, 275 De Sarratea, Mariano, 252, 271, 280, 286 ´ 128 De Sucre, Antonio José, De Urquiza, Justo José, 11, 261, 279, 282–286, 288, 289, 291, 292, 297, 301, 322 De Vattel, Emir, 26, 27, 195, 196 De Vivanco, Manuel Ignacio, 77, 215, 276 Domínguez, Luis, 103, 208, 293, 300 Domeyko, Ignacio, 128

AUTHOR INDEX

Dorrego, Manuel, 57, 65, 66, 83, 172, 328

E Echenique, José Rufino, 275–277 Echeverría, Esteban, 10, 111, 112, 116, 222, 228 Egaña, Juan, 256 Egaña, Mariano, 78, 256 Elías, Domingo, 276 Errázuriz, Federico, 14, 180, 211, 269, 321 Errázuriz, Isidoro, 182–184, 195, 270, 273, 287, 321

F Frías, Félix, 89, 92, 95, 98–100, 103–105, 117, 119–124, 134, 135, 137–140, 143, 148, 149, 151, 152, 163, 165, 166, 169, 174, 188, 206–210, 214, 215, 228–230, 235–237, 261–264, 273, 293, 300, 322, 323 Frías, Wenceslao, 166 Fragueiro, Mariano, 95, 157, 273 Freire, Ramón, 64, 74, 78, 79, 211, 299, 314

G Garfias, Antonio, 314 Gómez, Juan Carlos, 231, 243, 289, 290, 298–300, 323 Galeguillos, José, 274 Gallo Goyenechea, Ángel Custodio, 178, 182, 184, 192 Gallo Goyenechea, Pedro León, 179, 273 Gamarra, Agustín, 77, 81, 82, 202, 214, 216 Gandarrillas, Manuel José, 53–55

359

García, Baldomero, 196, 244 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 16, 206 Godoy Cruz, Tomás, 69, 71, 146 Godoy, Jacinto, 188 Godoy, Juan Gualberto, 265 Gorriti, Juan Ignacio, 143, 318 Gorriti, Manuela, 3 Guido Spano, Pilar, 274 Guizot, François, 240, 294 Gutiérrez, Juan Antonio, 98, 102, 178 Gutiérrez, Juan María, 90, 91, 102, 111, 121, 145, 183, 223, 271, 286 Guy, Claudio, 128 H Henríquez, Camilo, 54, 55 Heredia, Alejandro, 81 Hevel, Joaquín, 160 L López, Estasnislao, 56 López, Vicente, 91, 93, 147, 162 López, Vicente Fidel, 48, 91–93, 96, 97, 99, 120, 135, 151, 152, 162, 221, 223, 226, 229, 306, 311 Lafuente, Enrique, 178 Lamarca, Carlos, 96, 211, 264, 314, 320, 322 Lamas, Andrés, 95, 98, 100, 103, 112, 114, 119, 228 Lara, Ramón, 4, 132, 179, 183, 194, 273, 274 Lastarria, José Victorino, 2, 12–14, 28, 121, 146, 177, 179, 181, 182, 199, 211, 233, 237, 242, 244, 245, 270, 271, 307, 313, 321, 322 Lavalle, Juan, 9, 66, 135, 150, 172–174, 200, 202, 205, 206, 208, 213, 214, 225, 239

360

AUTHOR INDEX

Lillo, Eusebio, 14, 177, 188, 189, 194, 322

M Mármol, José, 100, 112, 113, 180, 188, 189, 191, 194, 308 Mackenna, Juan, 46, 186, 327 Madison, James, 58 Martínez, Andrés, 77 Matta, Guillermo, 14, 178, 182, 184, 192, 322 Matta, Manuel Antonio, 178, 184, 192 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 2, 201 Mendizábal, Mariano, 62 Mitre, Bartolomé, 11, 92, 98, 102–104, 109–114, 119, 132, 146, 174, 177, 187, 197–199, 213, 265, 271, 273, 274, 278–280, 282–288, 290, 292, 294, 298, 301–305, 308–312, 320, 322, 323 Montt, Manuel, 2, 12–14, 21, 98, 109, 118, 132, 133, 144, 145, 153, 156, 167, 168, 176, 179, 180, 182–184, 186, 189, 191, 192, 194–198, 201, 234, 236, 238, 240–245, 247, 260–265, 269–271, 276, 278, 280, 281, 283–286, 289, 293–295, 308, 309, 313, 314, 319 Moreno, Mariano, 45, 159

N Napoleon III, 196, 197, 299, 302 Navarro, Julián, 92, 136 Navarro, Ramón Gil, 178 Necochea, Eugenio, 212, 225, 320

O Ocampo, José Gabriel, 154, 156, 161, 163, 164, 202, 245, 246, 320, 327 Ocampo, Ramón, 161, 164 O’Gorman, Camila, 111 O’Higgins, Bernardo, 46, 51–53, 55–59, 61, 63–65, 68, 73, 75, 194, 246, 270, 304–306, 324 Olañeta, Casimiro, 78 Olazábal, Félix, 172 Orbegoso, Luis José, 77, 81 Oribe, Manuel, 114, 166, 173, 183, 195, 198, 206, 219, 262, 318 P Pardo y Aliaga, Felipe, 77 Pascuala, Arana, 100, 111, 272–274, 279 Paunero, Wenceslao, 92, 104, 105, 135, 174, 206, 214, 215, 282, 283, 323 Paz, José María, 66, 67, 69, 95, 102–104, 116, 120, 166, 174 Pedernera, Juan Esteban, 214 Pincheira, José Antonio, 68–70, 84, 324, 326 Piñero, Miguel, 120, 123, 134, 135, 137–139, 148, 161, 162, 164, 167, 208, 209, 241, 318 Poinsett, Joel, 46, 58 Portales, Diego, 11, 12, 70, 73, 74, 77–79, 128, 153, 225, 306–308 Q Quiroga Rosas, Manuel José, 117, 240 Quiroga, Facundo, 67, 91, 115, 116, 174, 198 R Ramírez, Francisco, 50, 56, 60

AUTHOR INDEX

Rivadavia, Bernardino, 65, 66, 71, 128, 129, 143, 146, 291 Rivera, Fructuoso, 205 Rivera Indarte, José, 116, 121, 194, 293, 308 Rocafuerte, Vicente, 58 Rodríguez, Elena, 96 Rodríguez, Enrique, 161, 173 Rodríguez, Martín, 172 Rodríguez Peña, Demetrio, 138, 139, 167, 241, 245, 272 Rodríguez Peña, Jacinto, 148 Rodríguez Peña, Nicolás, 209, 212, 213 Rodríguez, Zorrilla, 64 Rojo, Anselmo, 102, 105, 123, 215

S Sampayo, Francisco Segundo, 177, 180, 319 Sánchez de Thompson, Mariquita, 3, 88 San Martín, José, 47, 48, 51, 52, 56–59, 61, 63, 64, 81, 200, 212, 224 Santa María, Domingo, 3, 14, 179, 211, 321 Santos Tornero, José, 134, 138, 139, 163 Sarmiento, Bienvenida, 147 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31, 71, 72, 90, 91, 94–98, 100, 102–104, 106, 114–120, 131–134, 139–145, 147–149, 151, 152, 161, 174, 188, 190, 191, 196, 200, 202–204, 207, 208, 210, 219, 221, 223–228, 230–253, 257, 258, 262–264, 273, 274, 279, 282–284, 286,

361

289–297, 299, 307–309, 314, 320–323, 327, 329, 330 Sarmiento, Procesa, 147 Sol´a, Manuel, 4 T Tejedor, Carlos, 161, 167, 169, 173, 178, 224, 241, 264, 294, 323 Toribio Ureta, Manuel, 276 Torres, José´ Mar´ia, 146 Torrico, Juan Crisóstomo, 149, 214 V Vallejo, José Joaquín (Jotabeche), 228 Varela, Florencio, 95, 115, 116, 121, 122, 128, 172, 205, 263, 318 Vial, Camilo, 140, 260, 264, 265, 319 Vial, Rafael, 319 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín, 2, 14, 32, 46, 60, 119, 132, 177, 180–182, 184–187, 192, 193, 197–199, 211, 212, 265, 269, 273, 274, 285–287, 292, 296, 303–309, 313–315, 321, 322, 327, 331 Vicuña, Pedro Félix, 74, 181 Videla Castillo, José, 69, 72 Villafañe, Benjamín, 89, 96, 101, 117, 120, 122, 123, 135, 143, 144, 208, 228 Y Yates, William, 58, 61, 63 Z Zapata, brothers, 146 Zuviría, Facundo, 122, 124, 135, 174, 318

Subject Index

A Argentine Confederation, 1–5, 7, 18, 20, 30, 31, 33, 40, 42, 80, 84, 88, 94, 98, 106, 107, 144, 145, 162, 194, 198, 199, 204, 230, 240, 244, 248, 252, 253, 257, 263, 266, 267, 283, 284, 286, 289–291, 293, 300, 304–306, 309, 319, 323, 325, 326, 331 Asylum, 27, 52, 80, 82, 84, 99, 148, 174, 190, 192, 197, 201, 205, 206, 276, 287, 325, 326, 328, 330, 331 B Banishment, 13, 26, 29, 31, 35, 43–47, 49, 56, 57, 60, 63–67, 71, 74, 82, 83, 117, 171, 179, 180, 182–185, 191–193, 197, 198, 216, 217, 294–297, 304, 314, 318, 326, 328 Bolivia, 2, 4, 5, 19, 30, 31, 37, 47, 67, 69, 71–73, 76, 77, 80–84, 88, 92, 95, 98–100, 103, 104, 108,

111, 114, 115, 117, 119–125, 128–130, 132, 135, 137–143, 146, 147, 149, 166, 172, 174, 178, 188, 202, 206–210, 212, 214–217, 221, 223, 253, 315, 319, 325, 326, 330 Borders, 2, 4, 5, 15, 17, 18, 20–22, 25–27, 29, 30, 32, 35–38, 41, 42, 49, 51, 56, 61, 63, 67, 70–73, 76, 81–84, 86, 108, 118, 124, 125, 127, 134, 149, 174, 193, 202, 205, 206, 211–213, 215, 223, 226, 231, 244, 246, 318, 322–327 Boundaries, 23, 36, 37, 47, 68, 82, 83, 118, 172, 223, 326 Brazil, 2, 5, 11, 19, 37, 48, 49, 55, 65, 66, 124, 203, 216, 253, 261 Buenos Aires, 1, 2, 4, 7–9, 11, 18, 28, 33, 36–40, 43–46, 48–61, 63–73, 75, 76, 79–81, 84, 88–93, 98, 100, 102, 105, 107, 109–111, 116, 118, 128, 130, 132, 136, 146, 147, 154, 158–160,

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 E. Blumenthal, Exile and Nation-State Formation in Argentina and Chile, 1810–1862, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27864-9

363

364

SUBJECT INDEX

167, 169, 172–174, 177–180, 183, 184, 187–189, 192–196, 198, 199, 203, 205, 206, 210, 213, 216, 221, 228, 229, 237, 239, 245, 246, 249, 252–254, 259, 261, 263, 265, 269–275, 277–290, 292–296, 298–301, 303, 304, 307–315, 319, 320, 322, 323, 325–327, 330, 331 C Chile, 2–5, 7, 11, 14, 18–20, 27, 29–33, 36–38, 40–42, 44–47, 51–61, 63–65, 67–81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, 92–95, 97–100, 102, 103, 105–112, 114, 116, 117, 119–125, 128–133, 135–138, 140–157, 159–167, 171–179, 182–184, 186–191, 193–199, 201–214, 216, 217, 219–231, 233, 234, 236, 237, 239–242, 244–266, 270–277, 279, 281–290, 293–300, 303, 305–316, 318–323, 325–327, 330, 331 Clubs, 10, 117, 197, 203, 204, 210, 232, 252, 254, 308, 322 Cobija, 92, 120, 174, 215 Commissions, Argentine, 166, 200, 202, 205–207, 213, 214, 216, 225, 325 Concepción, 61, 64, 119, 161, 164, 167 Constituent Assembly (1858-59), 13, 212, 271 Constitutional Clubs, 117, 203, 210, 254 Copiapó, 25, 28, 36, 40, 72, 92, 113, 114, 140, 147, 157, 161, 167, 173, 174, 178, 202, 213, 215, 224, 250, 261, 264 Cosmopolitanism, 23, 24

E Ecuador, 5, 77, 81, 114, 121, 124, 177, 187, 201, 211, 276 Education and Teaching, 146, 148, 150, 153 Exile and border formation, 81, 83, 318, 328 and class, 14, 30 culture of, 7, 16, 22, 23, 27, 33, 172, 185, 188, 191, 318 and diplomacy, 181, 210, 214, 323 practices of, 6, 7, 10, 26, 29–31, 33, 35, 43–45, 171, 179, 180, 317, 318, 325, 326, 329, 332 serial exile, 185–188, 199, 301 sociability (associations, buffets), 88, 97, 125, 199, 200, 322

F Federalism, 7–9, 11, 16, 23, 47, 48, 56–61, 63, 66–69, 71–73, 75, 133, 144, 172, 186, 202, 239, 258, 274, 279, 280, 284–288, 290–292, 300, 326, 328 Frontier, indigenous, 44, 61, 68, 69

G Guayaquil, 63, 77, 81, 92, 98, 177, 178, 265, 270, 276, 277

J Journalism and Newspapers, 86, 108, 131, 132, 137, 141

L Law and Legal Professions, 153 Law of Nations. See Natural Law Letrados , 136, 158, 162, 164–166

SUBJECT INDEX

Lima, 19, 37, 38, 45, 50, 53, 54, 56, 57, 61, 63, 64, 74, 75–82, 88–92, 94, 100, 110, 113, 132, 146, 174, 176–178, 180–182, 184, 186, 187, 189, 191, 197, 198, 200, 201, 205, 211, 215, 265, 269, 270, 276–278, 285, 288, 290, 304, 312, 318–321, 331 Literary Society (La sociedad literaria), 2, 121 M Mapuche, 41–43, 61, 68, 69, 243, 284 Masonic Lodges, 275 Mendoza, 25, 38, 40, 45, 46, 51, 53, 55–57, 59, 61–63, 67–70, 88, 90, 91, 100, 110, 132, 146, 174, 177, 178, 184, 186, 191, 193–195, 197, 200, 205, 210, 216, 225, 244, 265, 269, 270, 272–274, 278, 282–284, 286, 287, 303, 304, 310–312, 323, 330, 331 Military Officers, 105, 172, 201 Militias, 4, 31, 60, 133, 174, 211, 213, 264 Montevideo, 2, 5, 9, 16, 33, 47–50, 52, 53, 58–60, 66, 71, 72, 81, 88, 92, 95, 99, 106–108, 110–112, 114, 116, 118–121, 124, 125, 128, 129, 131, 139, 144, 150, 154, 162, 166, 172, 173, 180, 183, 187–189, 191, 202, 203, 205–210, 212, 214, 215, 219, 221–223, 239, 249, 261–263, 266, 270–272, 279, 280, 293, 298, 311, 314, 318, 319, 326, 331 N Natural Law and the Law of Nations, 26, 27, 329

365

P Peru, 2, 5, 11, 19, 21, 28, 31, 37, 38, 44–46, 53, 55–57, 59, 61–63, 65, 69, 72–74, 76–81, 84, 92, 98, 100, 108, 111, 114, 115, 121, 124, 125, 129–132, 141, 142, 146, 165, 166, 174, 177, 178, 181, 184, 186, 187, 194, 201, 203, 211, 212, 214–217, 221, 265, 266, 269, 270, 275–277, 288–290, 296, 304–306, 310, 315, 320, 321, 325, 351 Public Office, 53, 136, 165 La Rioja, 25, 66, 67, 92, 116, 154, 174, 213, 246, 250, 264 R Relegation (Internal Exile), 26, 44, 45, 47, 48, 60, 180, 183, 326, 328 Rio Grande do Sul, 5, 206 Romanticism, 9, 13, 15, 21, 107, 126, 185, 228–230, 232, 235–237, 239 S Salta, 57, 73, 81, 90, 135, 143, 146, 202, 214, 216, 326 San Juan, 26, 40, 61–63, 67, 70, 71, 117, 133, 134, 143, 147, 149, 251, 300, 321 Santiago, 13, 36, 38, 40, 45, 46, 51, 53, 54, 58–61, 63, 68, 71, 80, 81, 84, 89–91, 100, 110, 111, 115, 117–119, 128, 133, 136, 140, 144, 147, 149, 154, 161, 175, 177, 178, 181, 182, 195–197, 201, 203, 206, 207, 211, 221, 223, 225, 229, 234, 244, 252, 260, 261, 263, 271, 284, 286, 293, 299, 303, 304, 307, 310–312, 326

366

SUBJECT INDEX

Socialism, 187, 228–230, 234, 262, 284, 296 Society of Equality (La sociedad de la igualdad), 13, 177, 187, 260, 265, 293

T Tarija, 73, 81, 214 Tupiza, 105, 215

U Uruguay, 2, 3, 5, 9, 11, 19, 48–50, 56, 57, 60, 65, 72, 83, 84, 98, 112, 115, 128, 162, 166, 195, 206 Young Argentina (La joven argentina), 10, 208 V Valparaíso, 25, 26, 77, 188, 198, 202, 204, 207, 210, 223, 252, 254, 260, 322