A grammar of Gaahmg, A Nilo-Saharan Language of Sudan

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A grammar of Gaahmg A Nilo-Saharan Language of Sudan

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Cover illustration: Collecting water from lake at Bao, Sudan. Picture taken by author.

ISBN: 978-94-6093-078-2 NUR 616

Copyright © 2011: Timothy M. Stirtz. All rights reserved.

A grammar of Gaahmg A Nilo-Saharan Language of Sudan

PROEFSCHRIFT

ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. P.F. van der Heijden, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op dinsdag 7 februari 2012 klokke 16:15 uur

door

Timothy M. Stirtz geboren te Abilene, Kansas USA in 1971

Promotiecommissie: Promotor:

Prof. dr. M.P.G.M. Mous

Co-promotor:

Dr. M.G. Kossmann

Overige Leden: Prof. G.J. Dimmendaal (Universität zu Köln) Prof. Th.C. Schadeberg Dr. A. Amha

5

Acknowledgements It was a joy to study the Gaahmg language, in part because it is a fascinating language, but also because of the kind assistance I received along the journey. I am deeply indebted to my committee, Prof. Dr. M.P.G.M. (Maarten) Mous and Dr. M.G. (Maarten) Kossmann. Working with them has been rewarding and a pleasure. I want to thank Prof. Th.C. Schadeberg for his thoughtful comments on my thesis, as well as thank the other readers. I also want to express my thanks to Dr. Leoma Gilley, who was a mentor to me, gave me comments on several Gaahmg papers, and was the first to encourage me to pursue a PhD. My thanks also to Dr. Constance Kutsch Lojenga and Dr. Thomas E. Payne, for their time and input on portions of my thesis. I express deep appreciation to the Gaahmg people who shared with me their beautiful language. Hashim Orta Adaw Madal made arrangements for me to work with language speakers, travelled with me to the Gaahmg home area, and introduced me to his family and home. Annaim Karaka Farajalla Yasin was an enormous help in data collection, tirelessly producing paradigms and checking data. He demonstrated love and careful thought of his language, and always seemed to understand why I was probing for certain data. My thanks also to Safadin Hamid Ateeb who faithfully assisted in data collection. There are many other language speakers who assisted in other ways to whom I don’t know how to adequately express my thanks. The Institute of African and Asian Studies of Khartoum University granted me permission to conduct the research in Khartoum. I want to especially thank Prof. Dr. Al-Amin Abu-Manga for his kind assistance in making my research possible. I also want to thank the Government of South Sudan who granted me permission to conduct research on two trips to Kurmuk, in the southern Blue Nile province. I am thankful for the support and friendship of my SIL colleagues who fielded questions or otherwise encouraged me in the research. I wish to acknowledge the love, support, encouragement, and prayers of my parents, who have always stood with me. I am also indebted to my siblings, extended family, and friends for their encouragement and support. I am deeply grateful to my wife Toni, who was one of my strongest supporters from the beginning of the research. Finally, I thank God with a heart full of gratitude, for He is surely my help, and “the One who sustains me” (Psalms 54:4).

6

A grammar of Gaahmg

Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... 5 Abbreviations ........................................................................................................... 11 Morpheme list........................................................................................................... 12 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 15 1.1 Gaahmg language .................................................................................. 15 1.2 Gaahmg land, history, and people ......................................................... 16 1.3 The current research .............................................................................. 18 1.4 Overview and notations ......................................................................... 19 2 Phonology......................................................................................................... 21 2.1 Consonants ............................................................................................ 21 2.1.1 Consonant articulation ...................................................................... 21 2.1.2 Consonant contrasts .......................................................................... 21 2.1.2.1 Phonetically similar contrasts ...................................................... 21 2.1.2.2 Consonant length contrasts .......................................................... 23 2.1.3 Consonant rules ................................................................................ 23 2.1.3.1 Underlying and surface representations of plosives..................... 26 2.1.3.2 Plosive distribution ...................................................................... 28 2.1.3.3 Underlying and surface representations of other consonants ....... 29 2.1.3.4 Fricative and sonorant distribution............................................... 30 2.1.4 Consonant distribution in consonant sequences................................ 31 2.1.4.1 Consonant sequences across syllable boundaries......................... 31 2.1.4.2 Consonant sequences word-finally .............................................. 32 2.2 Vowels................................................................................................... 33 2.2.1 Vowel contrasts ................................................................................ 33 2.2.1.1 Phonetically similar contrasts ...................................................... 33 2.2.1.2 Vowel length contrasts................................................................. 34 2.2.2 Vowel distribution ............................................................................ 35 2.2.2.1 Distribution in word positions...................................................... 35 2.2.2.2 Distribution in noun roots ............................................................ 35 2.2.2.3 Distribution in vowel sequences .................................................. 36 2.3 Syllable structure ................................................................................... 36 2.3.1 Syllable types.................................................................................... 36 2.3.2 Syllable structure of polysyllabic words........................................... 38 2.3.3 Monosyllabic vowel lengthening...................................................... 40 2.3.4 Nasal clusters and prenasalization .................................................... 40 2.3.5 Ambiguous vowel sequences............................................................ 41 2.3.6 Ambiguous final vowels ................................................................... 42 2.4 Tone....................................................................................................... 43 2.4.1 Tonal contrasts in the same syllable structure .................................. 44 2.4.2 Tone distribution............................................................................... 45 2.4.3 Tone assignment ............................................................................... 46 2.4.4 Lexical tone ...................................................................................... 48 2.4.5 Grammatical tone.............................................................................. 51

7 3

Morphophonology ............................................................................................ 55 3.1 Morphological consonant and vowel elision ......................................... 56 3.2 Morphological [ATR] harmony............................................................. 56 3.2.1 Rightward [ATR] spreading ............................................................. 57 3.2.2 Leftward [ATR] spreading................................................................ 57 3.2.3 [+ATR] bound morphemes............................................................... 57 3.3 Morphological [round] harmony ........................................................... 58 3.3.1 Rightward [round] spreading in nouns.............................................. 59 3.3.2 Rightward [round] spreading in verbs .............................................. 59 3.4 Morphological tone rules....................................................................... 60 3.4.1 Morphological tone spreading .......................................................... 60 3.4.2 Mid tone lowering and Low tone raising .......................................... 60 3.4.3 Suffix High and Mid tone lowering .................................................. 61 3.4.4 Three tones assigned to a single stem syllable.................................. 62 4 Clitics and word structure................................................................................. 63 4.1 Clitics..................................................................................................... 63 4.1.1 Copular clitic .................................................................................... 64 4.1.2 Definite clitic .................................................................................... 64 4.1.3 Relative clause definite clitic ............................................................ 65 4.1.4 Dative clitic....................................................................................... 66 4.1.5 Relative clause dative clitic .............................................................. 66 4.1.6 Locative copular clitic ...................................................................... 67 4.1.7 Relative clause locative copular clitics ............................................. 67 4.1.8 Accompaniment clitic ....................................................................... 68 4.1.9 Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitic ........................... 69 4.1.10 Subordinate clause-final clitic........................................................... 69 4.1.11 Relative clause definite and subordinate clitic.................................. 70 4.1.12 Perfect clitic ...................................................................................... 71 4.2 Word structure ....................................................................................... 71 4.3 Comparison of adjectives with nouns and verbs.................................... 72 5 Pronouns ........................................................................................................... 77 5.1 Person and number markers .................................................................. 77 5.2 Possessive pronouns .............................................................................. 78 5.2.1 Possession of alienable nouns........................................................... 79 5.2.2 Possession of inalienable nouns: body parts .................................... 80 5.2.3 Possession of inalienable nouns: kinship terms ............................... 80 5.2.4 Inherently possessed body part nouns............................................... 81 5.3 Subject pronouns ................................................................................... 82 5.4 Object pronouns..................................................................................... 85 5.5 Dative pronouns..................................................................................... 87 5.6 Reflexive pronouns................................................................................ 89 5.7 Prepositional pronouns .......................................................................... 90 6 Noun stem......................................................................................................... 95 6.1 Introduction ........................................................................................... 95 6.2 Segmental noun plural formation .......................................................... 97

8

A grammar of Gaahmg

6.2.1 Singular suffixes ............................................................................... 97 6.2.2 Plural suffixes ................................................................................... 99 6.2.3 Plural suffixes on semantically defined sets of nouns..................... 106 6.2.4 Irregular plural formation ............................................................... 109 6.2.5 One-form lexemes........................................................................... 110 6.2.6 Multiple forms ................................................................................ 111 6.3 Tone in noun plural formation............................................................. 113 6.3.1 Tonal allomorphs of suffixes .......................................................... 113 6.3.2 Tone assignment in noun plural formation ..................................... 115 6.3.3 Nouns with irregular tone assignment ............................................ 121 6.4 Body part nouns................................................................................... 123 6.5 Genitive ............................................................................................... 124 7 Noun word ...................................................................................................... 127 7.1 Introduction ......................................................................................... 127 7.2 Copular clitic ....................................................................................... 129 7.2.1 Copular segmental morphology ...................................................... 129 7.2.2 Tonal morphology of the copular clitic........................................... 132 7.3 Definite clitic ....................................................................................... 134 7.4 Relative clause definite clitic............................................................... 137 7.5 Locative copular and dative clitics ...................................................... 138 7.5.1 Locative and dative segmental morphology ................................... 139 7.5.2 Locative copular and dative tonal morphology............................... 142 7.6 Accompaniment................................................................................... 144 7.6.1 Accompaniment segmental morphology ........................................ 144 7.6.2 Accompaniment tonal morphology................................................. 147 7.7 Subordinate clause-final clitic ............................................................. 148 8 Adjectives ....................................................................................................... 151 8.1 Adjective types .................................................................................... 151 8.1.1 Numerals......................................................................................... 151 8.1.2 Quantitative adjectives.................................................................... 153 8.1.3 Demonstratives ............................................................................... 154 8.1.4 Qualitative adjectives...................................................................... 155 8.2 Qualitative adjective stem morphology ............................................... 156 8.2.1 Segmental plural formation of adjectives ....................................... 156 8.2.2 Tonal plural formation of adjectives............................................... 158 8.3 Qualitative adjective clitic morphology............................................... 158 8.3.1 Copular clitic .................................................................................. 159 8.3.2 Definite clitic .................................................................................. 160 8.3.3 Relative clause definite clitic .......................................................... 163 8.3.4 Dative and locative copular clitics.................................................. 164 8.3.5 Relative clause dative/locative copular clitics ................................ 166 8.3.6 Accompaniment clitic ..................................................................... 167 8.3.7 Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics........................ 168 8.3.8 Subordinate clause-final clitic......................................................... 169 8.3.9 Relative clause definite and subordinate clause clitics ................... 170

9 9

Verb stem morphology ................................................................................... 173 9.1 Introduction ......................................................................................... 173 9.2 Infinitive .............................................................................................. 179 9.3 Subjunctive .......................................................................................... 180 9.4 Imperative............................................................................................ 183 9.5 Completive .......................................................................................... 185 9.6 Incompletive ........................................................................................ 187 9.6.1 Incompletive as habitual ................................................................. 189 9.6.2 Incompletive as future .................................................................... 190 9.7 Continuous........................................................................................... 190 9.8 Verb stem tone assignment.................................................................. 193 9.8.1 Infinitive tone.................................................................................. 194 9.8.2 Completive tone.............................................................................. 194 9.8.3 Subjunctive tone ............................................................................. 195 9.8.4 Incompletive tone ........................................................................... 195 9.8.5 Imperative tone ............................................................................... 196 9.8.6 Continuous past tone....................................................................... 196 9.8.7 Continuous non-past tone ............................................................... 199 9.9 Deictic ................................................................................................. 201 9.10 Antipassive verb forms........................................................................ 203 9.10.1 Antipassive segmental morphology................................................ 204 9.10.2 Antipassive tonal morphology ........................................................ 205 9.11 Causative ............................................................................................. 206 9.11.1 Causative segmental morphology ................................................... 206 9.11.2 Causative tone assignment.............................................................. 209 10 Verb word morphology............................................................................... 213 10.1 Introduction ......................................................................................... 213 10.2 Agented passive clitic .......................................................................... 214 10.2.1 Agented passive segmental morphology......................................... 216 10.2.2 Agented passive tonal morphology................................................. 217 10.3 Passive (Agentless).............................................................................. 218 10.3.1 Passive segmental morphology....................................................... 220 10.3.2 Passive tonal morphology............................................................... 222 10.4 Object pronouns................................................................................... 224 10.4.1 Object pronoun segmental morphology.......................................... 227 10.4.2 Object pronoun tonal morphology .................................................. 228 10.5 Dative pronouns................................................................................... 234 10.5.1 Dative pronoun segmental morphology.......................................... 235 10.5.2 Dative pronoun tonal morphology .................................................. 235 10.6 Imperfect verbs.................................................................................... 238 10.7 Subordinate verb-final clitic ................................................................ 241 10.8 Perfect verbs ........................................................................................ 247 10.9 Relative clause clitic on verbs ............................................................. 250 10.10 Verbal nouns........................................................................................ 253 10.11 Adjectival verbs................................................................................... 256

10

A grammar of Gaahmg

11

Prepositions ................................................................................................ 259 Animate accompaniment preposition .................................................. 259 Inanimate accompaniment preposition ................................................ 259 General preposition ............................................................................. 260 Prepositional prefix for pronouns ........................................................ 262 Adverbs functioning as prepositions ................................................... 263 12 Body part locatives ..................................................................................... 265 12.1 Segmental formation of body part locatives ........................................ 267 12.2 Tonal formation of body part locatives................................................ 271 13 Adverbs....................................................................................................... 275 13.1 Adverbs of manner .............................................................................. 275 13.2 Adverbs of direction ............................................................................ 276 13.3 Adverbs of place.................................................................................. 276 13.4 Adverbs of time ................................................................................... 277 13.5 Other adverbs....................................................................................... 278 13.6 Negation .............................................................................................. 279 14 Clause-level syntax..................................................................................... 281 14.1 Introduction ......................................................................................... 281 14.2 Grammatical function of constituents.................................................. 281 14.3 Word order........................................................................................... 282 14.4 Verbal clauses...................................................................................... 283 14.5 Verbal valency..................................................................................... 283 14.5.1 Agented passive .............................................................................. 284 14.5.2 Middle............................................................................................. 285 14.5.3 Passive ............................................................................................ 285 14.5.4 Antipassive ..................................................................................... 286 14.5.5 Causative ........................................................................................ 286 14.6 Non-verbal clauses .............................................................................. 289 14.6.1 Adjectival clauses ........................................................................... 290 14.6.2 Possessive clauses........................................................................... 291 14.6.3 Equative clauses.............................................................................. 292 14.6.4 Locative clauses.............................................................................. 292 14.6.5 Presentational clauses ..................................................................... 293 14.6.6 Non-verbal question clauses ........................................................... 294 14.6.7 Non-verbal negative clauses ........................................................... 295 14.7 Relative clauses ................................................................................... 296 14.8 Evidentiality ........................................................................................ 301 14.9 Noun phrases ....................................................................................... 303 14.9.1 Word order in the noun phrase........................................................ 303 14.9.2 Noun agreement.............................................................................. 304 14.9.3 Possessive phrases .......................................................................... 304 15 Sentence-level syntax ................................................................................. 307 15.1 Clause combinations............................................................................ 307 15.2 Conjunctions........................................................................................ 308 15.3 Interrogatives....................................................................................... 311 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5

11 15.4

Focus ................................................................................................... 314 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 317 Texts ........................................................................................................... 319 17.1 (Goat)................................................................................................... 319 17.2 (Nyee) .................................................................................................. 322 17.3 (Fand) .................................................................................................. 326 17.4 (Jafr) .................................................................................................... 330 17.5 (Jooj).................................................................................................... 332 17.6 (Thng) .................................................................................................. 334 17.7 (Assa)................................................................................................... 337 17.8 (Minj)................................................................................................... 339 17.9 (Tifa).................................................................................................... 341 17.10 (Womn) ............................................................................................... 343 References .............................................................................................................. 347 Samenvatting .......................................................................................................... 349 16 17

Abbreviations ACC ACM ADJ ADJV ADV ANTIP

Ar CAUS COMP COP CONT.N CONT.P D DAT DEF DEM EV GEN GP INF INST IMP IPF INCP LCM LOC

object (accusative) accompaniment adjective adjectival verb adverb antipassive Arabic loan word causative completive copula non-past continuous past continuous deictic dative definite demonstrative evidential genitive general preposition infinitive instrumental imperative imperfect incompletive locative copular marker locative

LP MID N

NA NP PAS PAS.A PF PL PP POS PREP PRON QM RC RDM RDTM REL REFL RLCM SG SBO

locative phrase middle verb form noun not attested noun phrase (agentless) passive agented passive perfective plural prepositional prefix possessive preposition pronoun question marker relative clause relative (clause) definite marker relative (clause) dative marker relativizer reflexive relative (clause) locative copular marker singular subordinate clause-final marker

12 SBO1 SBO2 SBO3 SBJV UNC UR V VP

A grammar of Gaahmg subordinate ‘when, because, questions’ subordinate ‘if’ subordinate ‘but’ subjunctive uncertainty underlying representation verb verb phrase

Pronouns are glossed as follows: 1 first person 2 second person 3 third person s singular p plural N subject (nominative)

verbal noun phonetic (surface) form phonemic (underlying) form example number rule number bound suffix bound clitic

VN

[] // () {} =

A AM D P R O b

object (accusative) marked object dative possessive reflexive object of preposition bound

Suffix symbols are as follows: -C copied consonant taking all the features of the stem final consonant -O back rounded vowel unspecified for [ATR] -E front unrounded vowel unspecified for [ATR] -A back vowel unspecified for [round] and [ATR] -A back unrounded vowel unspecified for [ATR] -V copied vowel taking all the features of the stem final vowel [+ATR] suffix spreading [+ATR] quality to the root - +g - +V [+ATR] person marker vowel

Morpheme list Title

Morpheme

Section

Copular clitics (COP)

=Ān appox-final, =V̄n mon.vow-final, = n̄ poly.vow-final, =Ā SG,cons-final, =À PL,cons-final =An appox-final, =Vn mon.vow-final, =n poly.vow-final, =Á cons-final =ÉSG, =ÈPL

4.1.1, 7.2, 8.3.1

Definite clitics (DEF) Relative clause definite clitics (RDM)

4.1.2, 7.3, 8.3.2 4.1.3, 7.4, 8.3.3, 10.9

13

Title Locative copular (LCM) /Dative clitics (DAT)

Morpheme =An᷇ appox-final, =V᷇n mon.vow-final, = n̄ poly.vow-final, =A᷇n cons-final

Section

Accompaniment clitics (ACM) Clause-final subordinate clitics (SBO) Plural agreement (PL)

-gg-

4.1.4, 4.1.6, 7.5, 8.3.4 4.1.8, 7.6, 8.3.6 4.1.10, 7.7, 8.3.8 5.1

First person (1)

-a-, -ə-

5.1

Second person (2)

-ɔ-, -u-

5.1

Third person (3)

-ɛ-, -i-

5.1

Object pronoun clitics (A)

a 1sA, =O 2sA, =E 3sA, =ì 3sAM, aaggá 1pA, =OOggÓ 2pA, =EEggÈ 3pA, =iiggə̀ 3pAM, =ə᷇n 1sD, =u᷇n 2sD, =i᷇n 3sD, =ə᷇ggə́n 1pD, =u᷇ggún 2pD, =îggə̀n 3pD d̪-

5.4, 10.4

-d̪ son,vow-final, -gg son-final, -Ad̪ son-final, -AAd̪ son-final, -Ed̪ son-final -gg son,vow-final, -Agg obs-final, -EEgg son-final, -AAgg son-final, -OOgg son-final, -AAd̪ kin-terms, -d̪ kin terms, -əgg body parts, -+gg body parts, -V+gg body parts, -gg son,vow-final

6.2.1

Dative pronoun clitics (D) Prepositional prefix (PP) Noun singular suffixes (SG) Noun plural suffixes (PL)

Adjective plural suffixes (PL) Infinitive suffix (INF) Subjunctive suffixes (SBJV) Imperative suffixes (IMP) Completive suffix (COMP) Incompletive (INCP) Continuous suffixes (CONT) Deictic suffixes (D)

=nĒ vow-final, =E᷇ cons-final =nÉ

vow-final,

=É cons-final

5.5, 10.5 5.7, 11.4

6.2.2, 6.2.3

8.2.1

-CINF

9.2

-(A) default, -C(A) obs-final , -(n)(A) approx-final, -d̪(A) vow-final, -d̪A PL -Ø default, -n approx-final , -d̪+A PL

9.3

-sA

9.5

-Ø -Án CONT.N, -An᷄ CONT.P

9.6 9.7

-CÁggĀ COMP.D , -(CAAg)gAn CONT.P.D , -(CAg)gAn CONT.N.D , -(CÁg)gĀ IMP.D, -d̪úū IMP.PL.D

9.9

9.4

14 Antipassive suffix (ANTIP) Causative suffixes (CAUS) Agented passive clitics (PAS.A) (Agentless) passive clitics (PAS) Imperfect clitics (IPF) Subordinate verb-final clitics (SBO1,2,3) Perfect bound morphemes (PF) Verbal Noun clitics (VN)

A grammar of Gaahmg -An ANTIP

9.10

-s+A COMP -d̪+A =E᷇ SG, =ÉĒPL

9.11

=ĀnÁ stem.vow-final, =Á stem.cons-final

10.3

(various) =E᷇ COMP.IPF.1sN, =É COMP.IPF.3sN, =ÁĀ COMP.IPF.1pN, =ÉÈ(ggÀ) COMP.IPF.3pN (various) =Ē COMP.SBO1.1sN, =i᷅ COMP.SBO1.3sN, =Ā COMP.SBO1.1pN, =íìggi ᷅ COMP.SBO1.3pN -CArPF.INCP, PF.IMP, =ArPF.CONT.N, =rPF

10.6

=gg son,vow-final, =Agg obs-final, =EEgg son-final, =AAgg son-final

10.2

10.7 10.8 10.10

15

1

Introduction

Gaahmg (Gaam, enthologue code [tbi]) is a Nilo-Saharan, Eastern Sudanic language spoken in the Ingessana Hills of the Blue Nile Province of North Sudan, near the Ethiopian border. For centuries, the Gaahmg people have fought off invaders entering their hills. Even today, their culture and language have been less influenced by outsiders than those of other ethnic groups in the Blue Nile Province. Although Gaahmg speakers outnumber speakers of other languages in the area, little documentation has been done of their language. This work presents a description of Gaahmg grammar, including its phonology, morphology, and syntax.

1.1

Gaahmg language

At the request of speakers, the name of the language is written orthographically with the grapheme /aah/ for the long vowel [əə]. The language name is pronounced [gə̀ə̀mg], meaning ‘people of the Gaam or Ingessana Hills’. Other names for the language include Ingessana, Gaam, and Tabi. Ingessana is a name given by Arabs. Gaam is the word for hill, and Tabi is a hill name in the home area (Bender 1980:4). Gaahmg is classified as a Nilo-Saharan, Eastern Sudanic language. Greenberg was the first to list Tabi (Gaahmg) as a separate branch of the Eastern Sudanic subfamily (1955:62). Bender proposed that Gaam belongs to an Eastern Jebel Family including the languages Aka, Molo, Kelo, and Ben Sheko which all have a first singular pronoun with the segment n and other similarities. He added that the total number of speakers of Eastern Jebel languages other than Gaam speakers probably does not exceed 2,000 (Bender 1998:39). The Ethnologue states there are 67,200 Gaahmg speakers, who mainly live in the Ingessana Hills of the Blue Nile Province (Gordon 2005), bordering Ethiopia to the east. There are four dialects: Jog Tao (Soda area), Buwag (southeast area), Kulag (Bao area), and Jog Goor (northwest area). The first two are more closely related to each other, and the last two to each other. Although the dialects are distinct enough phonetically and lexically to identify a person as from the dialect area, they are easily understood from one to another (Jedrej 1995: 32). The teachers, politicians and other educated people mostly come from the Jog Tao dialect, which is analyzed in this thesis. There are three published linguistic works on the language that predate the research of this author: Ethnographical Observations in Dar Fung by E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1932), The Phonological Features of the Ingessana Language by W. J. Crewe (1975), and Preliminary Gaam-English-Gaam Dictionary by M. L. Bender & Malik Agaar Ayre (1980).

16

1.2

A grammar of Gaahmg

Gaahmg land, history, and people

The Ingessana Hills are southwest of Damazine and northwest of Kurmuk in the Blue Nile Province. The capital of the Ingessena area is Bao (11.350797, 34.083710) and the government offices are in Soda. There are reported to be 78 hills in the area, some rising 300 meters above the surrounding flat plains. While the plains are grassland with occasional acacia trees, the vegetation in the hills has a much greater variety of plants and trees, with water sources even in the dry season.

Introduction

17

Gaahmg speakers live in the hills and in the plains, interacting with other ethnic groups in the surrounding geo-political area known as the Funj. In addition to the related languages of the Aka, Molo, Kelo, and Ben Sheko, there are the Berta, Gumuz, Oromo to the east, the Burun, Jumjum, Uduk, Mabaan to the south, Dinka and Nuer to the west, and Sudanese Arabs to the north. As Jedrej (1995) explains, the Gaahmg have historically protected themselves and their hills from many invasions of outsiders. As a result, their culture is much more resistant to change than that of other ethnic groups of the Funj. Mainly selfsustaining in what they cultivate in the hill area, the Gaahmg are slow to grow cash crops or to migrate for wages. As a result of past conflict with Arabs and other invaders, they have a reputation of being hostile towards strangers and even refugees. Although the origins of the Gaahmg are unclear, the Ingessena hills were alternately raided for several hundred years by the Funj sultans of Sennar to the northwest or by the Abyssinian kings of Gondar to the northeast, the Ingessena hills being a borderland between these kingdoms that plundered for slaves and gold. The Dinka and Nuer to the southwest raided the Gaahmg for cattle during times of drought or flooding in their own areas (Jedrej 1995). From 1820-1855, the ruling Turk-Egyptian Empire demanded heavy tribute of slaves and gold. When they did not receive their demands, they attacked and imprisoned the Gaahmg, taking several hundred prisoners at a time. The Gaahmg fought back with speed and surprise attacks, causing many attacks of the Empire to be unsuccessful (Jedrej 1995). In 1888-1889, the Mahdi government raided the Funj area and the Ingessena hills in particular, to provide for Khartoum during a severe and widespread famine, taking 1000 head of cattle from the Gaahmg on one occasion. The Gaahmg made counter attacks and held Arabs captive for ransom at ten head of cattle per person (Jedrej 1995). From 1903-1934, the Anglo-Egyptian Government was less brutal but continued the same pattern of collecting tribute and squelching resistance. When the Gaahmg attacked tax patrols in protest to tribute collections, the Anglo-Egyptian government conducted ‘military operations’ which, although they did not involve taking slaves, seized livestock and killed those deemed responsible (Jedrej 1995). The main occupations of the Gaahmg relate to livestock, cultivation, or craft making. In particular, the Gaahmg grow sorghum, sesame, maize, peppers, gourds, and tobacco. They keep cattle, goats, pigs, sheep, hens, donkeys, mules, and camels. During the dry season, young men and boys take herds of up to 50 head of cattle a hundred miles south to the Yabus River for water and pasture. Some weavers,

18

A grammar of Gaahmg

potters, and blacksmiths peddle their products in neighboring towns. However, livestock is generally not taken outside the area for sale, but herders wait for merchants travelling into the hills for trade (Jedrej 1995). Traditional religion and government of the Gaahmg are tied to localities. There are houses of god, or shrines, around which communities are centred. A group of elders in each community rules over and cares for the people they represent, deciding legal matters and organizing activities. An appointed elder is the custodian of the community shrine where ceremonies and celebrations take place. Each of the smaller or less important shrines is grouped under four great or important shrines, in each of the four dialect territories, which decide the annual festivals (Jedrej 1995).

1.3

The current research

The current research was conducted beginning in 2003 with speakers living in Khartoum. From April 2004-April 2008 the author continued field work in Khartoum as a language research associate of the University of Khartoum, Institute of African and Asian studies. The primary language resource persons for this period were Hashim Orta Adaw Madal, Safadin Hamid Ateeb, and Annaim Karaka Farajalla Yasin. All three are from the town of Soda, have spoken the Jog Tao dialect from childhood, and continue to speak it whenever they are with other speakers of the language. After April 2008, access to speakers was limited to two three-week trips to Kurmuk in southern Blue Nile Province, near the home area. The primary language resource person for this trip was Annaim Karaka Farajalla Yasin. The original data set of nouns and verbs were taken from word lists entered into dictionary software by speakers of the language, which became the Gaahmg-English Dictionary (Madal 2004). The singular and plural forms of nouns and subjunctive and completive forms of verbs were written on cards and glossed in English and Arabic. The cards were sorted numerous times to isolate segments and tone in the same environments, and each time speakers read the words on the cards. Texts were recorded on cassette, transcribed, and glossed by speakers of the language, the recordings made from a variety of individuals in the home area. Natural clauses were taken from the texts as frames for eliciting nouns and verbs with various morphemes. The cards were again used to elicit multiple nouns, verbs, and adjectives in the frames. The data set on which the thesis is based contains 700 nouns, 150 verbs, 40 adjectives, and a handful of other parts of speech. There are 16 texts of about 30 interlinearized pages that have been collected. These consist of folk narratives, historical narratives, personal narratives, persuasive texts, and poetic genres. Ten of these texts are presented in chapter 17.

Introduction

1.4

19

Overview and notations

Gaahmg is rich in morphology, particularly in nouns, adjectives, and verbs. To correctly analyze the morphemes and their alternations, we also discuss their phonological foundation and describe their syntactic environments. The phonological description of chapter 2 includes distribution and contrasts of phonemes, phonological rules, syllable structure, and a tonal description of roots. Consonant weakening is common word-finally and intervocalically in roots and across morpheme boundaries. A significant number of lexical distinctions as well as distinctions in grammatical function are made exclusively by [ATR] harmony and tone. Thus, the phonological analysis of these aspects is indispensable for the morphological analysis. Segmental and tonal morphophonological rules are presented in chapter 3. The vast majority of the alternations when morphemes combine can be attributed to processes described by these eleven rules. Clitics, having different alternations and functions than suffixes, are shown in chapter 4 to attach to more than one word category. In 4.2, there are four other criteria discussed which can be used to distinguish suffixes from clitics such as that suffixes attach to underlying forms of roots, whereas clitics attach to surface forms of stems. In 4.3, we establish adjectives as a distinct lexical category from nouns and verbs since they are not used in some of the syntactic constructions of either nouns or verbs, and there are some differences in the morphology when used as either category. In chapters 5-13, word categories are presented. The morphology of nouns (chap. 67), adjectives (chap. 8), and verbs (chap. 9-10) are the heart of this thesis. Pronouns (chap. 5), prepositions (chap. 11), body part locatives (chap. 12), and adverbs (chap 13) are the minor word categories described, which have little or no morphology. In chapter 6, we see that nouns have singular and plural suffixes. Although the vast majority of singular nouns do not have suffixes, plural marking is obligatory with plural referents. There are several plural suffixes, each with different tonal allomorphs, although most includes the segment gg. Most plural suffixes have no semantic correlation with the nouns to which they attach, but the suffix attached sometimes depends on the root-final segment. As shown in chapter 7, noun stems may attach one or more of seven clitics: copular, definite, locative copular, dative, accompaniment, subordinate, or relative clause definite clitics. The clitics have different segmental or tonal allomorphs which attach depending on the stem-final segment. In chapter 8, we show that adjectives are similar to nouns in stem and word morphology. Most adjectives attach the plural suffix -gg which is required on plural referents. The same seven clitics attaching to nouns may also attach to adjectives.

20

A grammar of Gaahmg

In chapter 9, the verb stem is discussed which is composed of the root and optional slots for antipassive, causative, and modal or aspect morphemes. Aspect is marked segmentally in the verb word—by completive and continuous suffixes. Past tense is marked by tone on the verb stem—High tone on the non-past continuous suffix and MH tone on the past continuous suffix. Infinitive, subjunctive and imperative forms also add suffixes to the root. Deictic suffixes for each verb aspect and mode are also attached to the root. Finite verb forms are inflected for subject person by tone added to the stem-final syllable: High tone in third singular verbs, Low tone in third plural verbs, and Mid tone in first and second person verbs. Chapter 10 discusses the clitics of the verb word, including agented passive, passive, object and dative bound pronouns, imperfect, perfect, subordinate, and relative clause definite marker clitics. Clause-level syntax is presented in chapter 14 to show the functions of morphemes. Agented passive, passive, antipassive, and causative morphemes are syntactically distinguished in a section on verbal valency. Non-verbal clauses with two sets of copulas are compared. Relative clauses, noun phrase agreement, and possession are also discussed, among other grammatical aspects. Chapter 15 presents sentencelevel syntax, including coordinate and subordinate conjunctions, question clauses, and subject and object focus. After some concluding remarks in chapter 16, ten texts of various genres are presented in chapter 17 to verify the morphology and syntax in the context of natural language. All data represent both underlying and surface (phonetic) forms unless otherwise marked. Where they differ, surface forms are written between brackets [ ], whereas underlying forms are written between forward slashes / /. Many of the clause examples are taken from the ten texts of chapter 17, which have reference codes. Throughout the thesis, examples from these texts list the reference code and line number in the free gloss from which the examples are taken. Pronouns, as in ūgg ŋə̀lg ‘your (2pPp) necks,’ have a different set of gloss abbreviations than other word categories (see the list of abbreviations and the discussion on possessive pronoun abbreviations in 5.1). Example numbers are indicated with parentheses such as (3), whereas rules are indicated with braces such as {M3}. In 3.3, rule {M4} states that [+round] quality spreads rightward from the root to all suffix vowels not underlying specified for the feature [round]. However, roundness does not spread as specified in every word with every speaker, but tends to vary from word to word and from speaker to speaker. In this thesis, morphemes are transcribed as having the most possible rounding.

21

2

Phonology

2.1

Consonants

Gaahmg has 21 consonant phonemes as shown in table 1. There is contrastive length for fricatives, nasals, lateral, and rotic phonemes, but not for other consonant phonemes. Table 1: Consonant Phonemes Labial Dental Vl. Plosives p t̪ Vd. Plosives b d̪ Fricatives f, f: Nasals m, m: Laterals Rotics Approximants w ð1

2.1.1

Alveolar t d s, s: n, n: l, l: r, r:

Palatal c ɟ

Velar k g

ɲ, ɲ:

ŋ, ŋ:

y2

Consonant articulation

Gaahmg dental and alveolar plosives are contrastive. Dental plosives are made with the tongue tip touching the back of the upper teeth. The articulation of the alveolar plosive tends to vary from person to person between alveolar and retroflex. The plosive is produced with the tongue tip or the underside of the tongue tip touching the alveolar ridge or slightly behind the alveolar ridge. The phoneme [r] is a flap, but when lengthened [r:] is realized as a trill. The phoneme /ð/ deserves special attention. It is best described as a dental approximant since the tongue does not necessarily touch the teeth, although it can protrude out of the open mouth between the teeth. The articulation is most similar to that of the IPA [ð] but has less friction.

2.1.2

Consonant contrasts

2.1.2.1 Phonetically similar contrasts The consonants are considered to be phonemic based on the minimal and near minimal pairs of (1) in which phonetically similar consonants are contrasted. Rootfinal velar consonants are written in parentheses to indicate that they do not surface. 1 2

The interdental fricative symbol {ð} is used to represent the dental approximant phoneme. The symbol {y} is used instead of the IPA symbol {j}.

22 (1)

A grammar of Gaahmg Consonant contrasts p - b pād̪á(g) ‘rope material’ p-f párɛ́(g) ‘leather bag’ p - w páásɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘basket type’ b - m bɔ̀ɔl̀ ‘ground crack’ b - w bāár ‘tribe member’ m -w mīīd̪ ‘stone’ m - n māāng ‘disagreement’ f - w fīīd̪ ‘feather’ t ̪ - d̪ t ̪ɔ̄ɔr̄ ‘larynx’ t̪ - t t ̪ɛ́ɛr̀ ‘carving tool’ t̪ - s t ̪álɔ̀(g) ‘tax’ d̪ - d d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ ‘animal fence’ d̪ - n d̪əŕ sə́ ‘tumor’ d̪ - l d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ ‘lake’ d̪ - r d̪ùù-d̪ ‘year’ d̪ - ð ɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ ‘eye’ cɛ̄dá̪ ŋ ‘illness type’ t-d tɛ́ɛl̀ ‘anchor’ t-s tɛ́ɛl̀ ‘anchor’ d - n də́əĺ ɟ ‘tree type’ d-l dɛ̀ɛl̀ ‘collar bone’ d-r də̄wə̀ ‘bean type’ d - ð dɔ᷄d ‘stork’ s - ð āwɛ̄ɛs̄ ‘bird type’ n-l nə̄nd̪ ‘demon’ n-r nāān-d̪ ‘day’ n - ɲ nāān-d̪ ‘day’ n - ŋ nāms ‘food, eating’ l-r d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ ‘lake’ c-ɟ cāà ‘cooking stone’ c - y cāā ‘bath’ ɟ-ɲ ɟāā ‘boy, son, person’ ɟ-y ɟááð ‘ragged clothes’ ɲ - y ɲāàŋ ‘crocodile’ ɲ - ŋ ɲááfàr ‘mustache’ k - g káál ‘house fence’ k - w káár ‘stew’ g - ŋ gàrɲɛ̀ ‘dung’ g - w gàà ‘pumpkin type’

bád̪à fárɲá(g) wáásāā mɔ̀ɔl̀ wáár wīī-d̪ nāānd̪ wīī-d̪ d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ tɛ́ɛl̀ sálɔ̄(g) dɔ̄ɔr̄ nə̄rnə́ə́ lɛ́ɛĺ rùù-d̪ mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̀ðān dɛ̀ɛl̀ sɛ́ɛǹ nə̄nd̪ lɛ́ɛĺ rə̀əw ̀ ə̀ ɟááð lɛ̄ɛð̄ lə̀ŋd̪ rāāɛ̄ ɲāàŋ ŋālg d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ ɟāā yààð ɲāā yààð yāàm ŋáásāā gāàl wáár ŋārná(g) wāā

‘gourd bowl’ ‘bird type’ ‘stone type’ village name ‘insect type’ ‘breast’ ‘day’ ‘breast’ ‘animal fence’ ‘anchor’ ‘army ant’ ‘hammer’ ‘saliva’ ‘grass (GEN.)’ ‘perennial stream’ ‘tree type’ ‘youth leader’ ‘collar bone’ ‘ruler’ ‘demon’ ‘grass (GEN.)’ ‘net’ ‘old clothing’ ‘planting drill’ ‘tree type’ ‘quarrel’ ‘crocodile’ ‘neck’ ‘leech’ ‘boy, son, person’ ‘sister’ ‘girl, daughter’ ‘sister’ ‘bride’ ‘tree type’ ‘falcon’ ‘insect type’ ‘leach’ ‘water’

Phonology

23

2.1.2.2 Consonant length contrasts There is little, if any, phonetically contrastive length of plosives in any environment. The same is true for the approximants /w/, /ð/ and /y/. Although plosives and approximants have little if any contrastive length, fricatives and other sonorants are contrastive for length in intervocalic position of a few nouns, such as those in (2). (2)

2.1.3

Intervocalic consonant length contrasts f - ff áfád̪ ‘blood’ s - ss básár ‘dried food’ m - mm sāmáŋ ‘sorghum storehouse’ ɲ-ɲ də̀ɲə̄r-g ‘unable to speak (ADJ.PL)’ ŋ - ŋŋ ɟíŋ-íd̪ ‘louse’ r - rr kāráábbá ‘troublesome (ADJ)’ [kāráábá] l - ll wílì(g) ‘stone name’

cáffá(g) bāssà-d̪ t ̪ámmál ɲɛ̄ɲɲɛ̄rās ɟìŋŋə̄r pārrās

‘side (of body)’ ‘large intestine’ ‘chair’ ‘full (ADJ.PL)’ ‘lyre’ ‘full (ADJ)’

t ̪īllī(g)

‘tree, flower’

Consonant rules

Final consonants pose a challenge in Gaahmg. In (3), root-final consonants in three different verb forms sometimes surface in three different ways. Root-final consonants are word-final in the incompletive (INCP), intervocalic in the past continuous (CONT.P), and in a third environment in the deictic completive (COMP.D). (3)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o)

Final consonants in various environments (Presented in surface form) 3sN 3sN 3sN INCP CONT.P COMP.D àɔ̄ àw-án àb-āgā ‘sit’ káɛ́ káy-án káɟ-ágā ‘bring’ cīī cī-ə́n cīg-ə́gə̄ ‘wear’ cūd̪ cūd̪-ə́n cūd̪-úgū ‘climb’ lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f-án lɔ̀f-ɔ̄gɔ̄ ‘do magic’ lās lās-án lās-ágā ‘roll-up’ ɲām ɲām-án ɲām-ágā ‘break’ gɔ᷅n gɔ̀n-án gɔ̀n-ɔ̄gɔ̄ ‘grab’ gu᷅ɲ gùɲ-ə́n gùɲ-ūgū ‘agree’ māl māl-án māl-ágā ‘gather’ wɛ̄r wɛ̄r-án wɛ̄r-ágā ‘watch’ ɲáɔ́ ɲáw-án ɲáw-ágā ‘request’ kɔ́ɛ ́ kɔ́y-án kɔ́y-ɔ́gɔ̄ ‘cook’ fɛ́ð fɛ́ð-án fɛ́ð-ágā ‘release’ pāā pā-án pā-d̪ágā ‘guard’

24

A grammar of Gaahmg

The root-final consonants of (3a-b) surface in three different ways, and the final consonants of (c, l, m) surface in two different ways. A root with final vowel is given for comparison in (o). In (3a-c), the root-final consonants surface differently in the two environments of the past continuous and deictic completive. To account for these differences, we propose that the root-final consonant in the deictic completive becomes underlying geminate through suffixation. The deictic completive suffix is analyzed as -CAggA, where C is a consonant with the same features as the root-final consonant3 and A is a back vowel taking the [ATR] and [round] features of the root. The suffix causes the root-final consonant to be underlying doubled, but a degemination process causes the geminates to surface with little, if any, phonetically contrastive length. The past continuous form has the suffix -An, where A is an unrounded back vowel and takes the [ATR] value of the root. Thus, the root-final consonant weakens in the past continuous form with intervocalic environment, but not in the deictic completive form where it is underlying geminate through suffixation. In (3a-c, l-m), the root-final consonants also surface differently in the word-final environment of the incompletive compared with the environment of the deictic completive. We analyze the root-final consonants in these verbs to weaken to vowels word-finally. The verb forms of (3) are re-presented in (4) with the proposed underlying form on the left and underlying geminates represented in the deictic completives. The surface form is given in brackets to show where it differs from the underlying form. (4) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) 3

Final consonants in various environments rere-presented UR 3sN 3sN 3sN INCP CONT.P COMP.D /ab/ L àɔ̄ àw-án àb-bāggā [àbāgā] /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káy-án káɟ-ɟággā [káɟágā] /cig/ M cīī cī-ə́n cīg-gə́ggə̄ [cīgə́gə̄] /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪-ə́n cūd̪-d̪úggū [cūd̪úgū] /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f-án lɔ̀f-fɔ̄ggɔ̄ [lɔ̀fɔ̄gɔ̄] /las/ M lās lās-án lās-sággā [lāságā] /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲām-án ɲām-mággā [ɲāmágā] /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n gɔ̀n-án gɔ̀n-nɔ̄ggɔ̄ [gɔ̀nɔ̄gɔ̄] /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ-ə́n gùɲ-ɲūggū [gùɲūgū] /mal/ M māl māl-án māl-lággā [mālágā] /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wɛ̄r-án wɛ̄r-rággā [wɛ̄rágā] /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́ ɲáw-án ɲáw-wággā [ɲáwágā] /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ ́ kɔ́y-án kɔ́y-yɔ́ggɔ̄ [kɔ́yɔ́gɔ̄]

‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’

However, C becomes d̪ when attached to a root-final vowel as in pā-d̪ággā ‘guard’.

Phonology UR (n) (o)

/fɛð/ H /pa/ M

3sN

3sN

3sN

INCP

CONT.P

COMP.D

fɛ́ð pāā

fɛ́ð-án pā-án

fɛ́ð-ðággā pād̪-d̪ággā

25

[fɛ́ðágā] [pād̪ágā]

‘release’ ‘guard’

The root-final plosives /b/, /ɟ/ and /g/ of (4a-c) surface in the deictic completive, but are weakened word-finally in the incompletive form, and intervocalically in the past continuous form. Similarly, the approximants /w/ and /y/ of (l-m) are weakened word-finally in the incompletive form. The bilabial and palatal plosives of (a-b) weaken to corresponding approximants intervocalically (/b/ becomes [w] in àw-án, /ɟ/ becomes [y] in káy-án). Thus we have the rule of {P1a}, where P represents a phonological rule. The plosives /b/, /ɟ/ of (a-b) and approximants /w/ and /y/ of (lm) weaken to corresponding vowels word-finally (/b/, /w/ become [ɔ] or [u], and /ɟ/, /y/ become [ɛ] or [i], depending on the [ATR] quality of the preceding vowel). Thus we have the rule of {P1b}. The dental plosive /d̪/ of (d) does not weaken intervocalically or word-finally, and the alveolar plosive /d/ is not attested rootfinally in verbs. {P1}

Bilabial and palatal weakening (a) /b/, /ɟ/ are weakened intervocalically to approximants. (b) /b/, /ɟ/, /w/, /y/ are weakened word-finally to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. (c) /w/, /y/ before word-final sonorants are weakened to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel.

As will be evident from the distribution of word-final consonant clusters in 2.1.4.2, all word-final consonant sequences are sonorant-obstruent in surface form. Therefore, as stated in {P1c}, /w/, /y/ are weakened before word-final sonorants. In this way, word-final sonorant-sonorant consonant sequences are avoided. For example, the ɔ of càɔ̀r ‘rabbit’ and the ɛ of gɔ̀ɛn̄ ‘metal worker’ could underlying be w and y respectively, but are weakened to vowels in the surface form. The velar plosive /g/ of (4c) is weakened to elision as stated in {P2}. {P2}

Velar plosive elision /g/ is elided both inter-vocalically and word-finally when following a vowel.

Since all word-final consonant sequences are sonorant-obstruent in surface form as will be discussed in 2.1.4.2, the contrast between plosives and approximants is neutralized in the first of the two consonant positions. Therefore, there is also the rule of {P3}.

26 {P3}

A grammar of Gaahmg Plosive weakening Plosives are weakened to approximants when they immediately precede word-final obstruents and follow vowels.

For example, the w in d̪aw ᷆ d̪ ‘fertile soil’ and y in ka᷇yd̪ ‘cup, spoon’ could underlyingly be b and ɟ respectively, but weaken to sonorants in the surface form. Rules {P1-P3} apply throughout the language in roots and when abound morphemes are attached. 2.1.3.1 Underlying and surface representations of plosives In this section, we discuss the neutralization of plosives in various environments. The chart of (5) summarizes the plosive changes mentioned in this section, which are illustrated with examples in the following sections. The environments are as follows: word-initial B, intervocalic V, either consonant in a consonant sequence C1C2-, word-final before an obstruent CC[-son]#, word-final E. A dash indicates the underlying phoneme has not been attested to surface in the environment. An empty slot indicates the phoneme cannot be confirmed to surface in the environment. (5)

Plosive realizations in various environments UR B V -C1C2- CC[-son]# E p → p t̪ → t̪ t → t c → c k → k b → b w w ɔ, u d̪ → d̪ d̪ d̪ ð d̪ d → d d d d ɟ → ɟ y ɟ y ɛ, i g → g Ø g Ø b: → b b̥̚ d̪: → d̪ d̪ ̥̚ d: → d ɟ: → ɟ ɟ ̥̚ g: → g g ̥̚

Voiced and voiceless plosives Voiced and voiceless plosives surface word-initially. Voiceless plosives do not surface in any other environment. There is neutralization between voiced and voiceless plosives in consonant sequences, as plosives are always voiced in this environment—either in word-medial or word-final consonant sequences.

Phonology

27

Voiced plosives and approximants As the bilabial and palatal weakening rule of {P1} indicates, there is neutralization between the plosives /b/, /ɟ/ and approximants /w/, /y/ intervocalically {P1a}. There is neutralization between the plosives /b/, /ɟ/ and vowels /ɔ, u/, /ɛ, i/ word-finally {P1b}. The velar plosive /g/ is elided intervocalically and word-finally {P2}, but otherwise surfaces. As the plosive weakening rule of {P3} indicates, there is neutralization between plosives and corresponding approximants for the first consonant of a word-final consonant sequence. The dental and alveolar plosives /d̪/, /d/ surface the same as their underlying forms in all other environments. Geminate plosives /b b:/, /ɟɟ:/, and /g g: / There is no phonetic contrast of length for any plosive in any environment. As will be discussed in section 2.1.3.2, the underlying geminate plosives /b:/, /ɟ:/, and /g:/ are realized as single, devoiced unreleased plosives word-finally, and are realized with little or no lengthening intervocalically. Since the non-geminate plosives /b/, /ɟ/, and /g/ surface as weakened in the same environments that their geminate equivalents surface as single plosives, they are never in contrast. Geminate plosives /d̪ d̪:/ and /d d: / The plosives /d̪/ and /d/ are not weakened intervocalically or word-finally, but also never surface with contrastive length. Intervocalically, the underlying geminate equivalents /d̪:/ and /d:/ surface with little or no length. Word finally, the dental geminate /d̪:/ surfaces the same as for the other geminate plosives—as a single devoiced unreleased plosive, but is released elsewhere. The alveolar geminate plosive /d:/ is not attested word-finally. Voiceless plosives and voiced geminate plosives Voiceless plosives are not attested anywhere except word-initially and are in complementary distribution with voiced geminate plosives which cannot be confirmed word-initially. Thus, voiceless plosives could possibly be analyzed as underlying geminate plosives in word-initial position. In this analysis, there would be no underlying voicing contrast in plosives, but only a length contrast4. In this thesis, word-initial plosives are written as voiceless plosives since they surface as such. Underlying geminate plosives in word-final and intervocalic 4

Or, since consonant clusters are not attested word-initially, an alternative analysis would be that geminate plosives are fortis (‘strong’) consonants and non-geminate plosives are lenis (‘weak’) consonants.

28

A grammar of Gaahmg

position are written as voiced geminate plosives, and the reader should assume that all such voiced geminate plosives surface with little or no contrastive length. 2.1.3.2 Plosive distribution Voiceless plosives surface at the beginnings of words, but not in other environments. (6)

Voiceless plosive distribution Beginning p púr ‘flower’ t ̪ t ̪ɛ̄ɛ-̄ d̪ ‘road, path’ t tɛ̄ɛn̄ d̪ ‘riddle’ c cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄ ‘lame person’ k kābbàr [kābàr] ‘wing, armpit’

Voiced plosives surface at the beginnings of words and in consonant sequences. The phonemes /ɟ/ and /g/ occur as the first or second segment of consonant sequences, /d̪/ and /d/ only occur as the second segment of sequences, and /b/ is not attested in any consonant sequence. (7)

Voiced plosive distribution Beginning ‘father’ b bààɔ̀ d̪ d̪ìì ‘rat’ d dɔ̄ɔĺ àfàà ‘wolf’ ɟ ɟìd̪ ‘husband’ g

gə̀mūūr

‘dove’

Consonant sequence ---mɔ́fd̪ɛɛ̄ ̄ kágdàr bàɟwáár d̪ɔǵ gɔ̀lɟā [d̪ɔǵ ɔ̀lɟā] bāgd̪àrs ɟɔ́rgāāl

‘snake type’ ‘food type’ ‘bird type’ ‘ankle’ ‘lizard type’ ‘bird type’

When the plosives [b], [ɟ] and [g] surface in intervocalic and word-final position, they are underlyingly geminate even though they surface with little or no contrastive length. If they were not geminate, they would be weakened to approximants and vowels in these environments. They are realized as single, devoiced unreleased plosives word-finally, and are realized with little or no length intervocalically. (8)

Geminate voiced plosive distribution Intervocalic Final bb lə̄bbù(g) [lə̄bù] ‘navel’ ɟílə̀bb [ɟílə̀b̥̚ ] ɟɟ cīɟɟí [cīɟí] ‘diarrhea’ bìmìríɟɟ [bìmìriɟ ̥̚] gg dāggár [dāgár] ‘tortoise’ gàágg [gàág ̥̚] d̪ fáád̪àr ‘nostril’ d̪əì̀ d̪ [d̪əì̀ d̪ ̥̚ ]

‘water spring’ ‘bird type’ ‘bird type’ ‘scorpion’

Phonology

d

Intervocalic cɛ̄dáŋ5

‘illness type’

29 Final dɔ᷄d [dɔ᷄d̥̚ ]

‘bird type’

The voiced plosives /d̪/ and /d/ never surface with contrastive length and are not weakened intervocalically or word-finally. Therefore there is no evidence for the voiced plosives /d̪/ and /d/ to be geminate underlyingly, except for the dental plosive in root-final position of certain verb forms through morphology. As seen in the verb cūd̪-d̪úggū [cūd̪úgū] ‘climb-COMP.D’ of (4), the geminate plosive d̪: surfaces in verb forms with little or no contrastive length. For the remaining data of this thesis, underlying geminate plosives are written without a phonetic realization, but can be assumed to surface with little or no contrastive length. 2.1.3.3 Underlying and surface representations of other consonants Fricatives and sonorants surface word-initially, intervocalically, word-finally, and in consonant sequences, with the exception of the dental approximant /ð/, which does not surface word-initially, and the approximants /w/ and /y/ which do not surface word-finally. As the rule of {P1c} indicates, the contrast between the approximants /w/, /y/ and vowels /ɔ, u/, /ɛ, i/ is neutralized before a word-final sonorant. This is because only sonorant-obstruent consonant sequences are allowed to surface wordfinally, as will be discussed in section 2.1.4.2. As was shown in section 2.1.2.2, length is contrastive for fricatives, nasals, lateral, and rotic phonemes intervocalically in a handful of nouns. These surface forms are summarized in the chart of (9) and examples are given in the following section. (9)

5

Fricative and sonorant realizations in various environments UR B V -C1C2CC[-son]# CC[+son]# f → f f f s → s s s m → m m m m n → n n n n ɲ → ɲ ɲ ɲ ɲ ŋ → ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ l → l l l l r → r r r r w → w w w w ɔ, u ð → ð ð ð y → y y y y ɛ, i

Or cɛ̄d̪áŋ

E f s m n ɲ ŋ l r ɔ, u ð ɛ, i

30

A grammar of Gaahmg UR f: s: m: n: ɲ: ŋ: l: r:

B → → → → → → → →

V f: s: m: n: ɲ: ŋ: l: r:

-C1C2-

CC[-son]#

CC[+son]#

E

2.1.3.4 Fricative and sonorant distribution Fricatives and sonorants are attested in five word positions with few exceptions: /y/ and /ð/ are not attested as the second of a consonant sequence, /ð/ is not attested at the beginnings of words, and /y/ and /w/ do not surface word-finally. The sonorants w and y in lɛ̄wd̪á ‘animal (gen.)’ and kàymà ‘lucky stone’ can also be interpreted as the vowels ɔ and ɛ. In section 2.3.5, it is discussed how there is no strong evidence for these phonemes being analyzed as vowels or glides in this environment. (10)

Fricative and sonorant distribution f B fɛ̄gg ‘water’ C1 mɔ́fd̪ɛɛ̄ ̄ ‘snake type’ C2 sáárfāā ‘rat’ V áfád̪ ‘blood’ E gàf ‘give INCP’ m B málɔ̀ ‘beeswax’ C1 sīmd̪ə̀gg ‘salve (N.PL)’ C2 gə̀rmù-d̪ ‘insect type’ V lāmāɲ ‘knot’ E áám ‘bone’ ɲ B ɲāàŋ ‘crocodile’ C1 t ̪ùggùùɲfàà ‘tree type’ C2 bɛ̀rɲáɔ̀ ‘tomato’ V kāɲāàd̪ ‘bowl’ E lúɲ ‘boomerang’ r B rə̀əw ̀ ə̀ ‘net’ C1 ə̀rŋə̀-d̪ ‘insect type’ C2 t ̪ɛ̄grɛ᷄lfàà ‘bird type’ V kūūrī ‘circle E d̪áár ‘throne’

s

n

ŋ

l

B C1 C2 V E B C1

sīìnd̪ rə̄slūúmàà dɛ́rsá kāsá kə̄s nə̄rnə́ə́ ɔ̀nsɔ̀

‘guest’ ‘praying mantis’ ‘sweat’ ‘boy’ ‘chair’ ‘saliva’ ‘plate’

C2 V E B C1 C2 V E B C1 C2 V E

nə̄rnə́ə́ gə̀bbə̀nīd̪ sɛ́ɛǹ ŋárɛ̀màà bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà t ̪ílŋə́(g) áŋɛ́(g) d̪àŋ lɔ̄fɔ̀ wíìlmāā kúūrlúúgg búlíɟɟ bāàl

‘saliva’ ‘tribal name’ ‘ruler’ ‘spirit type’ ‘insect type’ ‘seed, chain’ ‘elephant’ ‘courtyard’ ‘magic’ ‘ant type’ ‘rodent’ ‘worm’ ‘instrument’

Phonology

31

Fricative and sonorant distribution (continued) w B wɛ́ɛ(́ s) ‘house’ y B C1 lɛ̄wd̪á ‘animal’ C1 C2 bàɟwáár ‘bird type’ C2 V rə̀əw ̀ ə̀ ‘net’ V E ----E ð B ----gə̄əð̀ g6 ‘thief’ C1 C2 ----V áðá ‘dog’ E t ̪ààð ‘door’

2.1.4

yāàm kàymà ----íyə́ə́ -----

‘bride’ ‘lucky stone’ ‘oil, fat’

Consonant distribution in consonant sequences

2.1.4.1 Consonant sequences across syllable boundaries There are few restrictions on non-geminate consonant sequences across syllable boundaries (-C1.C2-). The coda of a previous syllable (C1) may be an obstruent or sonorant, nasal or oral, voiced or voiceless. The same is true of the onset of the following syllable (C2). Additionally, consonants may be both obstruent or both sonorant, both nasal or both oral, and both may be voiced. Further, the consonants may have opposite corresponding values (C1 = obstruent, C2 = sonorant; C1 = nasal, C2 = oral; C1 = voiceless, C2 = voiced; opposite orders of each values as well). However, only fricatives can be voiceless in consonant sequences, and there are no attested voiceless-voiceless sequences except in compound words such as fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪-fā ‘person name (person.name-place)’. All attested consonant sequences across syllable boundaries are listed in (11), which is divided into sequences with and without nasal consonants. The sonorants w and y in kāwd̪á ‘ear wax’ and kàymà ‘lucky stone’ can also be interpreted as the vowels ɔ and ɛ. (11)

Sequences with nasal consonants nd̪ tɛ̄nd̪ás ‘bird type’ ɲd̪ nd kándāl ‘tree type’ ɲɟ ns t ̪īns-ə̄gg ‘asking’ ɲf nf ráánfàà ‘covering (n)’ ŋm ms ámsá-d̪ ‘dryness’ lm rn ŋārná(g) ‘leach’ lŋ rm gə̄rmūù-d̪ ‘tree type’ rŋ rɲ gàrɲɛ̀ ‘dung’ ym

sáràɲd̪ā ɟīɲɟíl tùggùùɲfàà bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà kɔ́ɔl̀ màà bɔ̀lŋɛ̀(g) kə̄rŋə̄l kàymà

‘tree type’ ‘bird name’ ‘tree type’ ‘insect type’ ‘tree type’ ‘medical tool’ ‘grass type’ ‘lucky stone’

With some speakers, the underlying approximant /ð/ of gə̄əð̀ g ‘thief’only surfaces in the plural form gə̀əð̀ ə̄əḡ g; with other speakers, it also surfaces in the singular form. 6

32

A grammar of Gaahmg

Other sequences sl rə̄slūúmàà fd̪ mɔ́fd̪ɛɛ̄ ̄ rd̪ ɔ́rd̪àà rs d̪ə́rsə́ rl kúūrlúúgg ɟw bàɟwáár gd̪ bāgd̪àrs gd kágdàr gr t ̪ɛ̄grɛ᷄lfàà

‘preying mantis’ ‘snake type’ ‘army’ ‘tumor’ ‘rodent’ ‘bird type’ ‘lizard type’ ‘food type’ ‘bird type’

ld̪ lɟ lg lf rɟ rg rf wd̪ yd̪

cɛ̄ld̪á bámàlɟā d̪əľ gə̄ kə̂lfə̄ kə́ùrɟə̄ t ̪írgə̀(g) sáárfāā kāwd̪á t ̪āyd̪á(g)

‘charcoal’ ‘morning star’ ‘drum’ ‘jaw’ ‘tree type’ ‘nature’ ‘rat’ ‘ear wax’ ‘strainer’

2.1.4.2 Consonant sequences word-finally In word-final non-geminate consonant clusters (C1C2#), C1 is always sonorant and C2 is always obstruent. Only the obstruents d̪, ɟ, g, and s are attested in the C2 position. There is partial word-final nasal assimilation in that only homorganic nasals surface before the obstruents ɟ and g. However, heterorganic nasals surface before the obstruents d̪ and s. (12)

Sequences with nasal consonants ms nāms ‘food, eating’ nd̪ fānd̪ ‘cheek’ ng úng7 [úŋg] ‘tear’ ns wīlə̀ns ‘hunting’ ɲd̪ rɔ᷆ɲd̪ ‘mud’ ɲɟ bɛ̀ɲɟ ‘upper hip’ ŋd̪ lə̀ŋd̪ ‘tree type’

Other sequences rd̪ bə̀rd̪ rs ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ld̪ lɔ́ld̪ lɟ fàlɟ ðg gə̄əð̀ g [gə̄əg̀ ̥̚] wd̪ d̪aw ᷆ d̪ yd̪ ka᷇yd̪

‘lion’ ‘hippopotamus’ ‘facial blemish’ ‘tree type’ ‘thief’ ‘fertile soil’ ‘cup, spoon’

The sonorants w and y in d̪aw ᷆ d̪ ‘fertile soil’ and ka᷇yd̪ ‘cup, spoon’ can also be interpreted as the vowels ɔ and ɛ. In section 2.3.5, it is discussed how there is no strong evidence for these phonemes being analyzed as vowels or glides in this environment. Since no sonorant-sonorant consonant sequences are attested word-finally in (12), we assume that these sequences are not allowed. The bilabial and palatal weakening rule of {P1c} in 2.1.3 is based on this constraint. Since no word-final sonorantsonorant consonant sequences are allowed, /w/ and /y/ before word-final sonorants must be weakened to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. The ɔ of càɔ̀r ‘rabbit’ and the ɛ of gɔ̀ɛn̄ ‘metal worker’ could underlying be w and y respectively, but weaken to vowels in the surface form. The underlying nasal n of úng ‘tear’ surfaces as ŋ in the singular form úŋg but surfaces as n in the plural form úníígg.

7

Phonology

33

The plosive weakening rule of {P3} in 2.1.3 is based on the same constraint. Since no word-final sonorant-sonorant consonant sequences are allowed, plosives must be weakened to approximants when they immediately precede root-final obstruents and follow vowels. The w in d̪aw ᷆ d̪ ‘fertile soil’ and y in ka᷇yd̪ ‘cup, spoon’ could underlyingly be b and ɟ respectively, but weaken to sonorants in the surface form.

2.2

Vowels

Gaahmg has six vowel phonemes as shown in table 2. The vowel /ə/ [ɐ] is phonetically low, made in the same place in the mouth as [a], but with advanced tongue root. The phonemes /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ vary somewhat in phonetic value, becoming closer to the values [e] and [o] respectively in long vowels. To a lesser extent, the phonemes /i/ and /u/ also vary in phonetic value, realized closer to [ɪ] and [ʊ] respectively in short vowels. Vowel length is common and can be analyzed as a vowel sequence in the same syllable or as a lengthened version of a short vowel. Table 2: Vowel Phonemes [-round] [+ATR] [-ATR]

[-back] i ɛ

[+round] [+back] ə a

u ɔ

The two [ATR] sets of phonemes determine the vowel harmony in the language. Only vowels with the same [ATR] value occur together in the same root. Across morpheme boundaries in the same word, [+ATR] quality spreads to all vowels unspecified for [ATR], either from root to bound morpheme or from bound morpheme to root, whereas [-ATR] quality never spreads. In 3.2, [ATR] quality across morpheme boundaries is further discussed.

2.2.1

Vowel contrasts

2.2.1.1 Phonetically similar contrasts The six vowels are considered to be phonemic based on the minimal and near minimal pairs of (13). The following symbols refer to the specified positions taken by vowels: B is word-initial, M is word-medial, and E is word-final. (13)

Vowel contrasts i-ɛ B īīgg M cíl E mīī

‘milk’ ‘spine’ ‘goat’

ɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ cɛ́l ɲɛ̄ɛ ̄

‘eye’ ‘dream’ ‘drawing, colour’

34

A grammar of Gaahmg Vowel contrasts (continued) ɛ - a B ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ‘back’ M d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ ‘leach’ E ɲɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘drawing, colour’ a - ɔ B áál ‘calf fence/pen’ M d̪áár ‘throne’ E máà ‘house’ ɔ - u B ɔ́ɔĺ ‘head’ M kɔ́ɔĺ ‘snake type’ E mɔ̄ɔ̄ ‘gunfire’ ə - i B ə̄yúú ‘local tooth brush’ M gə̀əl̀ ‘shield’ E wə̄ə̄ ‘shade, help’ ə - ɛ B ə̄əð̄ ‘tree type’ M d̪əə̄ ̀r ‘snake type’ E wə̄ə̄ ‘shade, help’ ə - a B ə̀əl̀ ‘hyena’ M d̪əə̄ ̀r ‘snake type’ E wə̄ə̄ ‘shade, help’ ə - ɔ B ə̀əl̀ ‘hyena’ M d̪əə̄ ̀r ‘snake type’ E wə̄ə̄ ‘shade, help’ ə - u B ə̄əð̄ ‘tree type’ M ɲə̄ə̄m ‘chin’ E wə̄ə̄ ‘shade, help’

áám d̪áár ɲāā ɔ́ɔĺ d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ mɔ̄ɔ̄ úū-d̪ kùùl mūū íyə́ə́ ɟííl mīī ɛ̄ɛð̄ d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ áál d̪ààr wāā ɔ́ɔĺ d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ mɔ̄ɔ̄ úū-d̪ múùm mūū

‘bone’ ‘throne’ ‘girl, daughter’ ‘head’ ‘animal fence’ ‘gunfire’ ‘wasp’ ‘Kulag clan member’ ‘forehead, face’ ‘oil, fat’ ‘cricket’ ‘goat’ ‘water-carrying net’ ‘leach’ ‘cotton, thread’ ‘calf fence/pen’ ‘eagle’ ‘pond’ ‘head’ ‘animal fence’ ‘gunfire’ ‘wasp’ village name ‘forehead, face’

2.2.1.2 Vowel length contrasts Short and long vowels occur contrastively in word-initial, word-medial, and wordfinal positions. However, the short vowel ɛ is only attested in word-initial position in pronouns such as ɛ̄ggà ‘they (3pN)’ and ɛ̄gg ‘their (3pPs, 3pPp)’. (14)

Vowel length contrasts i - ii B îlɟ M cîl E kūūrī ɛ - ɛɛ M sɛ̀n E mɔ́ɔś ɛ̄ ə - əə B ə́mīī M sə̄m E kúsə́

‘beeswax’ ‘instrument’ ‘circle’ ‘skin illness’ village name ‘ant type’ ‘medicine’ ‘grass type’

īīgg t ̪īīl cùùrìì sɛ́ɛǹ māāsɛ̄ɛ ̄ ə̀əm ̀ ə̄ə̄ sə́ə́m būūsə̀ə̀

‘milk’ ‘tree type’ ‘sheave’ ‘ruler’ ‘root type’ ‘liver’ ‘hunter’ ‘stone name’

Phonology Vowel length contrasts (continued) a - aa B ārāà-d̪ ‘lake’ M sāɔ̄ ‘shoe’ E cɛ̄ld̪á ‘charcoal’ u - uu B úld̪ ‘grinding stone’ M lúɲ ‘boomerang’ E gə̄yù ‘grass type’ ɔ - ɔɔ B ɔ̄ɲ ‘meat’ M kɔ̄r ‘word, speech’ E málɔ̀ ‘beeswax’

2.2.2

35

áàrɛ̄ɛ ̄ sáàɔ̀ āld̪áá úū-d̪ lúúŋ ə̄yúú ɔ́ɔĺ kɔ́ɔĺ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄

‘grass type’ ‘grass-cutter’ ‘earth, dust’ ‘wasp’ ‘water pot’ ‘local tooth brush’ ‘head’ ‘snake name’ ‘sugar cane’

Vowel distribution

2.2.2.1 Distribution in word positions As shown by the contrasts in (14), six short and six long vowels are attested in wordinitial, word-medial, and word-final position. In monosyllabic nouns, phonetically short vowels are not common word-medially; only four are attested word-initially— îl ‘horn’, úld̪ ‘grinding stone’, ɔ̄ɲ ‘meat’, āld̪ ‘fox’, and ɔ̄d̪ ‘wife’; and do not surface word-finally. However, phonetically long vowels are common in monosyllabic nouns: they are most frequent word-medially, then word-finally, and a few occur word-initially. Although vowel length is phonemic, there is neutralization of vowel length word-finally in monosyllabic nouns and verbs. As will be discussed in 2.3.3, vowels are only realized as long in that position. In polysyllabic nouns, short vowels are common in all three word positions, and long vowels are rare wordinitially and word-finally. 2.2.2.2 Distribution in noun roots The distribution of vowels in disyllabic noun roots is given in (15). The [-ATR] vowels (ɛ, ɔ, and a) and the [+ATR] vowels (i, u, and ə) function as distinct sets in roots; the vowels of the [-ATR] set never occur with vowels of the [+ATR] set in the same root.8 Within each set, all possible vowel combinations are attested in roots except i-u. The word ɟììgg-úúl ‘afternoon’ is a compound and literally means ‘evening-up’.

8

The following nouns are believed to be compounds because of mixed sets of [ATR] vowels:

fùùlmāā ‘insect type always in houses (máà ‘house’) ’, gāālmə́sí ‘tree type (lit. eagle’s claws)’, wíìlmàà ‘ant type (màà ‘mother’)’, tùggùùɲfàà ‘tree type (fàà ‘release’), rə̄slūúmàà ‘bird type (lit. apostle of house)’, tīrímāā ‘bird type (tírí(g) ‘tree type’)’, t ̪úúlíìfàà ‘grass type (fàà ‘release’)’, tààsàmīī ‘sorhgum type (tààsà ‘ducked’, mīí ‘chicken’)’, nààd̪ì ‘those (d̪í ‘also’).’

36 (15)

A grammar of Gaahmg Vowel distribution in disyllabic nouns roots [-ATR] [+ATR] ɛ - ɛ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ ‘sour taste’ i-i fíd̪ìn ɛ - a cɛ̄dán ‘illness type’ i - ə ɟílə̀bb ɛ - ɔ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ ‘sugar cane’ i - u ɟììgg-úúl a - ɛ kààd̪ɛl̄ ‘bull’ ə - i mə̀ɲìl ‘malnutrition’ ə - ə gə̀mə̄l a - a t ̪álàm a - ɔ páɟɟɔ̄ɔ̄ ‘star’ ə - u gə̄mūùr ɔ - ɛ bɔ́rɛ̄-d̪ ‘eye matter’ u - i búlíɟɟ ‘governor’ u - ə būūsə̀ə̀ ɔ - a mɔ̀rāā ɔ - ɔ fɔ̀dɔ̪ ̀r ‘nose’ u - u būŋúr

‘perfume’ ‘water spring’ ‘afternoon’ ‘rainbow, spirit’ ‘forest’ ‘dove’ ‘worm’ ‘stone type’ ‘youth’

2.2.2.3 Distribution in vowel sequences Vowel sequences may occur in the same syllable (CV1V2, CV1V2C, or CV1V2CC). Only vowels of the same [ATR] set are paired in sequences, as shown in the list of (16). All possible vowel sequences are attesting in roots except ɛa. (16)

Vowel sequences [-ATR] ɛa -ɛɔ d̪ɛɔ́ ĺ 9 ‘jackal’ aɛ bàɛ̀l ‘perfume’ aɔ càɔ̀r ‘rabbit’ ɔɛ gɔ̀ɛn̄ ‘metal worker’ ɔa gɔ̀à-d̪ ‘excrement’

iə iu əi əu ui uə

[+ATR] d̪īə́rmə̀ díū-sū10 t ̪ə̀ìl gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ bùīl būə̀

‘centipede’ ‘planted (V)’ ‘tree type’ ‘fish’ ‘moisture’ ‘tree type’

Vowel sequences may not exceed two vowels, and long vowels do not occur in underlying vowel sequences. However, long vowels do occur in surface form vowel sequences such as in ɲūūì ‘leopard’, where the underlying final-approximant y surfaces as a vowel, in accordance with {P1b} in 2.1.3.

2.3 2.3.1

Syllable structure Syllable types

The syllable structure may be represented as (C)N(C)(C), where the vowel nucleus In d̪ɛɔ́ ĺ , bàɛ̀l and other examples of (16), the vowels ɔ, ɛ, and i in V2 position could be analyzed as the glides w or y if it were not for the fact that sonorant-sonorant sequences are not allowed in word-final consonant clusters. 10 The root verb is /díw/ ‘plant’, but in the completive díū-sū, w becomes u, evidenced by the fact that the [+round] quality of u is spread to the suffix vowel, which would otherwise be ə. 9

Phonology

37

N is the only obligatory constituent of the syllable. The CC codas are only found word-finally and onset-less syllables only word-initially. The nucleus N may be short, long, or a vowel sequence, where long vowels can be analysed as vowel sequences of two short vowels or as lengthened versions of short vowels. The most common syllable types are CN and CNC. The syllable type CNCC commonly occurs in monosyllabic words and word-finally in disyllabic words. Less common syllable types, which only occur word-initially, are N and NC. The syllable type NCC only occurs in monosyllabic words. In the list of syllable types in table 3, all words are monomorphemic except those with hyphens. The syllable type NCC is not attested with a long vowel except across morpheme boundaries as in ɛ́ɛĺ -g ‘stomach’, and the syllable type CNCC is not attested with a vowel sequence except across morpheme boundaries as in gə̀ūr-d̪ ‘stomach’. Table 3: Syllable types (N = syllable nucleus) Short Long N ú ‘you 2sN’ ùù ‘air’ NC îl ‘horn’ áám ‘bone’ NCC āld̪ ‘fox’ ɛ́ɛĺ -g ‘stomach’ CN wā ‘no’ wāā ‘pond’ CNC fɔ́l ‘hole’ d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ ‘leach’ CNCC cúld̪ ‘birth sack’ ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ‘hippo’

Vowel Sequence āɔ̄11 ‘tree type’ àɔ̀l12 ‘brother’ ə́íld̪ ‘cold’ būə̀ ‘tree type’ bàɛ̀l ‘perfume’ gə̀ūr-d̪ ‘stomach’

As will be seen in 2.4.3, tone assignment in some disyllabic nouns depends on syllable weight. For this reason, each syllable type is classified according to one of three different weights: light, mid or heavy. Table 4: Syllable weight of syllable types Light Mid Heavy V VC VVC CV VCC VVCC CVC CVVC CVCC CVVCC VV CVV

11 As discussed in 2.3.6, the word-final vowel ɔ in āɔ̄ ‘tree type’ ɔ could be interpreted as the glide w if it were not for the fact that the definite clitic =n for stem-final vowels attaches to this noun (āɔ̄=n) instead of the definite clitic for stem-final consonants =Á. 12 In àɔ̀l, bàɛ̀l, the vowels ɔ, ɛ could be analyzed as the glides w or y if it were not for the fact that sonorant-sonorant sequences are not allowed in word-final consonant clusters.

38

A grammar of Gaahmg

Open syllables with short vowels (V and CV) have light weight, closed syllables with short vowels (VC, VCC, CVC, CVCC) and open syllables with long vowels or vowel sequences (VV and CVV) have mid weight, and closed syllables with long vowels or vowel sequences (VVC, VVCC, CVVC, CVVCC) have heavy weight. Although tone assignment in some nouns depends on syllable weight, there are no meaningful restrictions on distribution of syllables in words based on syllable weight.

2.3.2

Syllable structure of polysyllabic words

There are 12 disyllabic syllable structures as shown in (17), including light-light, light-mid, light-heavy, mid-light, mid-mid, and mid-heavy syllable structures. There are no heavy syllables in word-initial position. Consonant clusters do not exceed 2 consonants—either word finally (*-CCC#) or across syllable boundaries (*-CC.C-). (17)

Disyllabic short vowel syllable structures light-light V.CV ūfú ‘tree type’ light-mid V.CVC ə́sə̀r ‘army’ light-heavy V.CVCC ɔ́rɔ́nd̪ ‘fermented milk’ mid-light VC.CV ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ‘cooking plate’ mid-mid VC.CVC ámsád̪ ‘dryness’ mid-heavy VC.CVCC ànd̪àrs ‘insect type’ light-light CV.CV kúsə́ ‘grass type’ light-mid CV.CVC t ̪álàm ‘malnutrition’ light-heavy CV.CVCC d̪ùfūrd̪ ‘dust’ mid-light CVC.CV cɛ̄ld̪á ‘charcoal’ mid-mid CVC.CVC kágdàr ‘food type’ mid-heavy CVC.CVCC bāgd̪àrs ‘lizard’

Long vowels are common in both first and second syllables of disyllabic words as seen from (18). (18)

Disyllabic long vowel syllable structures VV.CV ààsà ‘basket type’ V.CVV íyə́ə́ ‘oil, fat’ VV.CVV áàrɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘grass type’ VV.CVC ə̄əm ̄ ə̄ŋ ‘yawning’ V.CVVC āwɛ̄ɛs̄ ‘bird type’ VVC.CV āāmsá ‘dry, tired (ADJ)’ VC.CVV àld̪áá ‘earth, dust’ VC.CVVC ə̀nd̪ə́əŕ ‘tree type’ CVV.CV t ̪ɛ́ɛf́ á ‘leaf, liver sickness’

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39

Disyllabic long vowel syllable structures CV.CVV gə̄mə̀ə̀ ‘ant type’ CVV.CVV māāsɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘root type’ CVV.CVC pɛ́ɛŕ àm ‘flag’ CV.CVVC márɔ̄ɔs̄ ‘spider’ CVV.CVVC t ̪īīfə́əŋ́ ‘bird type’ CVV.CVCC bāālànd̪ ‘stripe’ CV.CVVCC búlūūrs ‘bird type’ CVVC.CV bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà ‘insect type’ CVC.CVV mɔ́fd̪ɛɛ̄ ̄ ‘snake type’ CVVC.CVV ɟííld̪əə̀ ̀ ‘tree type’ CVC.CVVC ɟɔ́rgāāl ‘bird type’ Vowel sequences may not exceed two vowels, and long vowels do not occur in underlying vowel sequences. Vowel sequences are rare in polysyllabic lexemes. The only three attested are listed in (19). In all of these, they occur in an initial CVVC syllable type. (19)

Polysyllabic vowel sequence structures CVVC.CVV gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ ‘fish’ CVVC.CV d̪īə́rmə̀ ‘centipede’ kə́ùrɟə̄ ‘tree type’

Three-syllable words are not common—about 5% of monomorphemic nouns. Only the syllable types CN, CNC, and occasionally N occur in three-syllable words. The syllable types CN and CNC may occur in any position of the word. (20)

Three--syllable short vowel syllable structures CV.CV.CV t ̪āsāmɛ́(g) ‘grass’ CV.CV.CVC kàŋàrâɲ ‘jackal’ CV.CVC.CV sáràɲd̪ā ‘tree type’ CVC.CV.CV t ̪únd̪úlì(g) ‘elbow’ CVC.CV.CVC sànd̪àlàɲ ‘tree type’

Long vowels may occur in any syllable of three-syllable words. No more than three syllables in a root have been attested. (21)

Three--syllable long vowel syllable structures V.CV.CVV ūŋúrə̀ə̀ ‘pumpkin’ CVV.CV.CV mə́əń ìmə̄ ‘vegetable type’ CV.CV.CVV kūsūmíí ‘knee’ CV.CVV.CVV kūd̪úúd̪īī ‘bird type’

The verb root also has the syllable structure (C)N(C)(C), where the vowel nucleus is

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A grammar of Gaahmg

the only obligatory constituent of the syllable and can be short, long, or a vowel sequence. However, at least 90% of verb roots consist of the syllable CVC with short vowel. The other syllable types are rare. (22)

2.3.3

Root verb syllable types VC /ab/ L ‘sit’ CV /ba/ M ‘throw’ CVC /bɛl/ L ‘beat’ CVVC /maar/ M ‘buy’ /kɔɛɟ/ L ‘welcome’ CVCC /gams/ MH ‘find’ CVCVC /kɔŋɔr/ L ‘snore’

Monosyllabic vowel lengthening

The surface syllable structure of Gaahmg requires that all monosyllabic, opensyllable nouns and verbs have long vowels as stated in the rule of {P4}. {P4}

Monosyllabic vowel lengthening Vowels are realized as long in monosyllabic, opened-syllable nouns and verbs.

Normally, the underlying root vowel of monosyllabic, open-syllable nouns is long. But in nouns such as t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ / tɔ̪ -́ gg ‘cow’ which have a short root vowel, the vowel is realized as long in the singular form. In the plural form with final consonant, the vowel remains short. In verbs such as nág-gā /nág-d̪ā ‘sleep.SBJV1sN/.1pN’ with root-final velar plosive, the velar plosive is elided in word-final position of incompletive forms {P2}, as will be discussed in 9.6. The resulting monosyllabic open-syllable verb with underlying short vowel surfaces with a long vowel nāā ‘sleep.INCP’. The lengthening rule of {P4} requires that the minimal surface word for nouns and verbs have at least mid syllable weight. The process does not apply to other parts of speech such as the negative wá ‘no, not’ or the adverb tu̪ ‘towards, upward’. These adverbs, which are separate words, are discussed in chapter 13.

2.3.4

Nasal clusters and prenasalization

Nasal-obstruent sequences such as in ànd̪àrs ‘insect type’ and t ̪īns-ə̄gg ‘asking’ are common in the language. They are interpreted as consonant sequences instead of prenasalized obstruents for the following reasons: several unambiguous consonant sequences are attested in 2.1.4.1 including nasal-obstruent sequences, there are no

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words beginning with a nasal-obstruent sequence that must count as one unit, there are no three-consonant sequences across syllable boundaries in which a nasalobstruent sequence must count as one unit, and all word-final nasal-obstruent sequences fit into the proposed syllable type CVCC.

2.3.5

Ambiguous vowel sequences

Vowel sequences before word-medial or word-final consonant sequences such as in the words of (23) are interpreted as vowel sequences in the surface form. The vowels in V2 position of the sequences cannot be analyzed as glides, since three consonants in a sequence are not allowed. (23)

V1V2C.C-- or V1V2CC# d̪īə́rmə̀ ‘centipede’ kə́ùrɟə̄ ‘tree type’ àɔ̀r-g ‘priest, chief’ ə́íld̪ ‘cold (n)’ gə̀ūr-d̪ ‘stomach’

Vowel sequences before root-final sonorants such as in the words of (24) are interpreted as vowel sequences in the surface form. As shown in the distribution of word-final consonant sequences of (12), only sonorant-obstruent sequences are allowed, as in bə̀rd̪ ‘lion’; word-final sonorant-sonorant consonant sequences (*càwr ‘rabbit’, *gɔ᷅yn ‘metal worker’) are not allowed. However, unambiguous vowel sequences such as in d̪īə́rmə̀ ‘centipede’ and būə̀ ‘tree type’ of (16) are attested. Thus, the vowels in V2 position of the sequences in (24) are analyzed as vowels. (24)

V1V2C[+son]# càɔ̀r ‘rabbit’ gɔ̀ɛn̄ ‘metal worker’ t ̪ə̀ìl ‘tree type’

Vowel sequences before root-final obstruents such as in the words of (25) are ambiguous. The vowels in V2 position of the sequences can be analyzed as glides in the surface form since all other sonorants (m, n, ɲ, ŋ, l, r, ð) are unambiguously attested in word-final sonorant-obstruent constructions as shown in (12). They can also be analyzed as vowels in the surface form since all relevant vowel sequences (aɔ, ɛɔ, aɛ, ɔɛ, əu, iu, əi, ui) are unambiguously attested in (16). Although there is no strong evidence for one interpretation over the other, such words are listed with vowel sequences in this thesis13. 13

In (12), the glides are written instead of vowels in order to show the full range of sonorant possibilities in word-final sonorant-obstruent position. Otherwise, vowels are written for this

42 (25)

A grammar of Gaahmg V1V2C[-son]# d̪āɔ̀d̪ ‘fertile soil’ káɛ̄d̪ ‘serving spoon’ d̪əì̀ d̪ ‘scorpion’

Vowel sequences before root-medial consonants such as in the words of (26) are also ambiguous. The vowels in V2 position of the sequences can be analyzed as glides in the surface form since all other sonorants are unambiguously attested in word-medial, syllable-final position as shown in (11). They can also be analyzed as vowels in the surface form since all relevant vowel sequences are unambiguously attested in (16). Although there is no strong evidence for one interpretation over the other, such words are listed with vowel sequences in this thesis. (26)

V1V2C-kàɛ̀mà ‘lucky stone’ kāɔ̄d̪á ‘ear wax’ fɔ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ‘planting seed’

2.3.6

Ambiguous final vowels

Word-final vowel sequences such as in māāɔ̀ ‘gazelle’ are underlying vowel-plosive or vowel-approximant constructions which surface as vowel-vowel sequences. The bilabial and palatal weakening rule of {P1b} states that the underlying plosives /b/, /ɟ/ and approximants /w/, /y/ are weakened word-finally to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. Unambiguous word-final vowel sequences such as in būə̀ ‘tree type’ support this analysis, as does the fact that different allomorphs of the accompaniment and definite clitics attach to stem-final vowels rather than to stem-final consonants. In (27), singular nouns and their accompaniment and definite forms are given. Accompaniment singular nouns take the clitic =E᷇ for surface-final consonant stems as in (a) and the clitic =nĒ for surface-final vowel stems as in (b-d). The language treats (b-p) as having vowel-final stems and attaches the clitic =nĒ. Similarly, the definite clitic =A for surface-final consonant stems attaches in (a), but definite clitics having final n for surface-final vowel stems attach in (b-p). There are no noun suffixes with initial consonant which attach to both underlyingfinal consonants and underlying-final vowels. Therefore, the root-final plosives /b/, /ɟ/, and /g/ never surface as plosives as they do in verbs (/cág/, cáá ‘bathe.INCP.3sN’, cág-gággā ‘bathe-COMP.D’). In nouns, there is no way to verify whether the rootfinal segments are underlyingly /w/ or /b/, /ɟ/ or /y/. However, although the definite position.

Phonology (27) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

43

V1V2# in noun forms UR

N SG

ACM

DEF

/kaam/ L /waayaa/ H /aŋɛ(g)/ H /buə/ ML /kaw/ HL /maaw/ ML /bɛw/ ML /cɛɛw/ HM /t ̪ay/ ML /kaay/ M /muy/ M /ɲuuy/ ML /buu/ L /rɛɛ/ M /t ̪ɔɔ/ H /ɟīì/ ML

kààm wááyáá áŋɛ́ būə̀ káɔ̀ māāɔ̀ bɛ̄ɔ̀ cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄ t ̪āɛ̀ kāāɛ̄ mūī ɲūūì bùù rɛ̄ɛ ̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ɟīì

kààm=ɛ̄ wááyáá=nɛ̄ áŋɛ́=nɛ̄ būə̀=nī káɔ̀=nɛ̄ māāɔ̀=nɛ̄ bɛ̄ɔ= ̀ nɛ̄ cɛ́ɛɔ́ = ̄ nɛ̄ t ̪āɛ̀=nɛ̄ kāāɛ̄=nɛ̄ mūī=nī ɲūūì=nī bùù=nī rɛ̄ɛ= ̄ nɛ̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ nɛ̄ ɟīì=nī

kààm=ā wááyáá=n áŋɛ́=n būə̀=n káw=àn māāw=àn bɛ̄w=àn cɛ́ɛw ́ =ān t ̪āy=àn kāāy=ān mūy=ə̄n ɲūūy=ə̀n bùù.=ùn rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ̄n t ̪ɔ́ɔ.́ =ɔ́n ɟīī.=ìn

‘nyala’ ‘bird type’ ‘elephant’ ‘tree type’ ‘hyena, root’ ‘gazelle’ ‘tree type’ ‘lame person’ ‘giraffe’ ‘witch doctor’ ‘wildebeest’ ‘leopard’ ‘chicken coop roof’ ‘cotton’ ‘cow’ ‘turkey’

clitic distinguishes surface-final vowel stems from surface-final consonant stems, it also distinguishes underlying-final approximant (or plosive) stems from underlyingfinal vowel stems. The definite clitic =An attaches to stems with underlying-final approximants in (e-l), and the definite clitic =Vn with copied vowel from the stem attaches to stems with underlying-final vowels in (m-p). Thus, the singular nouns of (e-l) have underlying-final approximants or plosives, but surface-final vowels.

2.4

Tone

There are three underlying level tones in Gaahmg illustrated by the words of table 5. Table 5: Contrastive H, M, and L tones H ə́əŕ ‘tree bark’ ‘anger’ M ə̄ər̄ ‘sheep’ L ə̀ər̀ Rising and falling tone is analyzed as a sequence of two level tones. The level tones combine and result in nine tone melodies which are all contrastive in the same monosyllabic syllable type—three level, three falling, and three rising. The same, as well as additional tone melodies, are contrastive in disyllabic syllable patterns. Unlike some African tone languages, tone is not affected by consonants, tone is stable—it does not shift from one syllable to another, and tone does not down-step or down-drift. The functional load of tone is very high, both in the distinction of words and in the expression of grammatical functions.

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The tone bearing unit is the syllable. In roots with fewer tones than the number of syllables, such as in three-syllable nouns with two tones, tone is assigned right-toleft, regardless of syllable weight. However, when there are more tones than syllables, such as in disyllabic roots with three-tone melodies, two tones are assigned to the heaviest syllable, and the remaining tone is assigned to the other syllable. In roots, no more than one tone may be assigned on light syllables and generally no more than two tones may be assigned on mid or heavy syllables. However, as will be seen in 7.6.2, two tones (HM) are assigned to the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ which is a light syllable. And as will be seen in 9.8.6, three tones (MHM) are assigned to the continuous past suffix –A᷄ n̄ which is a mid syllable. Nevertheless, no more than three tones are ever allowed on any one syllable.

2.4.1

Tonal contrasts in the same syllable structure

The words in (28) have contrastive tone melodies for the specified syllable structures. Three level, three falling, and three rising tone melodies are attested in the CVVC syllable type. There is also one attested monosyllabic root with three tones (d̪ùûl ‘instrument’). The same tone melodies and additional tone melodies are attested in disyllabic syllable patterns, although not all in the same syllable pattern. The singular suffix -d̪ of ɲíī-d̪ ‘tooth’ and of several other nouns in (28) does not add tone, as will be discussed in section 6.3.1. The contrasts support the claim of there being minimally three underlying tones in the language. (28) Tonal contrasts in the same syllable structures H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH HLH HLM HMH LHL

CVVC pɔ́ɔŕ ‘boat’ bāāl ‘cave’ dɛ̀ɛl̀ ‘collar bone’ sɛ́ɛǹ ‘ruler’ ɲíī-d̪ ‘tooth’ bɛ̄ɛl̀ ‘metal’ d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ ‘fence’ d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ ‘leach’ būúl ‘bread’ ------d̪ùûl ‘instrument’

CVCVVC wɛ́ráá-d̪ ‘clan member’ kālāā-d̪ ‘tongue’ sɛ̀ŋàà-d̪ ‘instrument’ ----gə̄mūùr ‘dove’ mɔ̀dá̪ ál ‘hatred’ bàrɔ̄ɔl̄ ‘cistern’ sɛ̄wɛ́ɛĺ ‘tree type’ rúŋùú-d̪ ‘bird type’ mə́ðùūl village name lúlīíd̪ ‘snake type’ bàsáàr ‘lie’

CVCVC básár ‘dried food’ t ̪ɛ̄d̪ɛl̄ ‘bird type’ d̪ìrìm ‘tree type’ fíd̪ìn ‘perfume’ bɔ́rɛ̄-d̪ ‘eye matter’ mɔ̄sɔ̀r ‘horse’ --gə̀mə̄l ‘forest’ cɛ̄yám ‘tobacco’ ------bə̀ðə̂l ‘job-less person’

Although there are at least nine contrastive tone melodies in noun roots, verb roots may only have the seven underlying tone melodies of (29). The only verb roots

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attested to have HM melody are bɛ᷇l-l ‘name, call’ and lɛ́ɛ ̄ ‘come, arrive’, and the only verbs attested to have ML melody are dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ‘stand’, bu᷆ɲ-d̪ ‘make big’. The infinitive verb form is analyzed to reveal the underlying root tone. (29) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

2.4.2

Tonal contrasts in infinitive verb forms Root tone INF H fír-r ‘smell, pray’ M cɔ̄r-r ‘help’ L d̪ùr-r ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-r ‘attach’ HM (rare) bɛ᷇l-l ‘name, call’ ML (rare) dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ð ‘strike, ram’

Tone distribution

Level tone Level tone appears in syllable types regardless of syllable weight. In (30), syllable types are grouped together according to light, mid, or heavy syllable weight. High, Mid, and Low tone occur on each of the six syllable types with both long and short vowels, with the exception of High on the syllable type VV. The singular suffixes (30)

H M L H M L H M L H M L

14

Level tone distribution in six syllable types with both short and long vowels V- (light) VC- (mid) VCC (mid) íyə́ə́ ‘oil, fat’ ɔ́rd̪àà ‘army’ úld̪ ‘grinding stone’ ūrīī ‘ostrich’ āld̪áá ‘earth’ āld̪ ‘fox’ ɔ̀sáà ‘pillow’ ə̀rŋə̀-d̪ ‘insect’ àrs ‘tree type’ CV- (light) CVC (mid) CVCC (mid) d̪ínì ‘world’ cíl ‘spine’ cɛ́ld̪ ‘local broom’ kāsá ‘boy’ mɛ̄l ‘tree type’ kɔ̄rd̪ ‘bird type’ fə̀rì hill name d̪àl ‘pot’ fàlɟ ‘tree type’ VV- (mid) VVC (heavy) VVCC (heavy) --áám ‘bone’ ɛ́ɛĺ -g ‘stomach’ ə̄ər̄ ī ‘angry person’ ɛ̄ɛð̄ ‘net type’ īīgg ‘milk’ ààsà ‘basket’ ə̀əl̀ ‘hyena’ àɔ̀r-g14 ‘priest, chief’ CVV- (mid) CVVC (heavy) CVVCC (heavy) wááyáá ‘bird type’ pɔ́ɔŕ ‘boat’ də́əĺ ɟ ‘tree type’ lɛ̄ɛr̄ ɔ̄ɔ̄ ‘reed’ bāāl ‘cave’ bāār-d̪ ‘abdomen’ ‘hippopotamus’ fààŋɔ̀ɔ̀ ‘sorghum dɛ̀ɛl̀ ‘collar ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s type’ bone’

There are two singular forms àɔ̀r, àɔ̀rg and the plural form is àɔ̀rɛ̄ɛḡ .

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-d̪, -g of ə̀rŋə̀-d̪ ‘insect’, ɛ́ɛĺ -g ‘stomach’ and of other roots of (30) do not add tone, as will be discussed in section 6.3.1. Falling and rising tone Falling and rising tone only appear in roots on syllable types with mid and heavy weight. As shown in (31), falling and rising tone does not occur on the open syllable types V and CV with light weight. It has not been attested on VVCC syllables. Falling and rising tone is common on CVVC, CVVCC, CVC and CVV syllables, and rare in VC, VCC, VV, VVC and CVCC syllables. Other than in the word d̪ùûl ‘instrument’, three tones on the same syllable in monomorphemic roots is not attested. (31) Falling/rising tone distribution in various syllable types V- (light) VC (mid) VCC (mid) HL --îl ‘horn’ îlɟ ‘beeswax’ CV- (light) CVC- (mid) CVCC (mid) HL --kə̂lfə̄ ‘jaw’ --ML --ɟɛ᷆r ‘sorghum type’ rɔ᷆ɲd̪ ‘mud’ LH --d̪əľ gə̄ ‘drum’ --LM --gɔ᷅n ‘responsibility’ --MH --dɔ᷄d ‘stork’ --VV- (mid) VVC (heavy) VVCC (heavy) HL áàrɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘grass type’ áɔ̀s15 ‘dried food’ --HM --úū-d̪ ‘wasp’ --CVV- (mid) CVVC (heavy) CVVCC (heavy) HL máà ‘house’ sɛ́ɛǹ ‘ruler’ gúùrd̪ ‘energy’ HM múū ‘mosquito’ ɲíī-d̪ ‘tooth’ káān-d̪ ‘fly’ ML t ̪īì ‘cassava’ bɛ̄ɛl̀ ‘metal’ kāànd̪ ‘carrying stick’ LH --d̪ɔɔ̀ ŕ ‘fence’ gàágg ‘bird’ LM --d̪ɛɛ̀ r̄ ‘leach’ gə̀ūr-d̪ ‘stomach’ MH mīí ‘chicken’ būúl ‘bread’ --LHL --d̪ùûl ‘instrument’ ---

2.4.3

Tone assignment

In three--syllable words Tone is stable in that it does not shift or spread from one syllable to another. Thus, it is not possible to determine the tone bearing unit (TBU) by observing shifting or spreading. Rather, tone assignment is used as support of the syllable being the TBU.

15

Can also be interpreted as having a glide âws

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All attested three-syllable monomorphemic words are presented in (32). Tone assignment is as expected for one and three-tone melodies for the syllable being the TBU. These have one tone per syllable, with the exception of kàŋàrâɲ ‘jackal’. Two-tone melodies are assigned right-to-left in that the final tone of the melody surfaces on the final syllable, and the first tone of the melody surfaces on the first two syllables. (32) M L HL ML LH LM

Tone assignment in three--syllable monomorphemic words Melodies with one or two tones Melodies with three tones ɲɛ̄ɲɲɛ̄rās ‘fully (ADJ.PL)’ HLM mə́əń ìmə̄ ‘vegetable type’ kàmàlɔ̀gg ‘woman’ bámàlɟā ‘morning star’ sànd̪àlàɲ ‘living alone’ d̪ɔǵ gɔ̀lɟā ‘ankle’ mɔ́ggɔ́lɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘maize’ MHM kūd̪úúrīī ‘bird type’ t ̪únd̪úlì(g) ‘elbow’ cɛ̄ggɛ́llūū ‘root name’ būd̪īrìɲ ‘sunset’ MHL ūŋúrə̀ə̀ ‘pumpkin type’ bìmìríɟɟ ‘bird type’ kə̄ggə́lìgg ‘cock’ càŋàld̪ā ‘upper arm’ LHL kàŋàrâɲ ‘jackal’ gə̀bbə̀nīd̪ area name mùggùrīī ‘hatred’ kūsūmíí ‘knee’ t ̪āsāmɛ́(g) ‘grass type’ fə̄ɲə̄ld̪é ‘leave for child rearing’

In disyllabic words Nearly all disyllabic roots with one or two-tone melodies are assigned tone as expected with one tone per syllable. However, there are five attested exceptions, all of which involve the ML tone melody. The word ārāàd̪ ‘lake’ of (33) and four words listed below it are exceptions. All attested disyllabic monomorphemic words with three-tone melodies are also shown in (33). In these words, the syllable with the heaviest syllable weight is assigned two tones and the other syllable is assigned one. If there is the same weight in both syllables, two tones are usually assigned to the first syllable, but in two out of six of such words, tone is assigned to the second syllable (kɔ̀ɔf̀ ɔ̂r ‘weakness’ and bɛ̀rɲáɔ̀ ‘tomato’). In (33), syllable weight is listed before each word with three tones, where l = light, m = mid, and h = heavy, and the letters for the first and second syllables are divided by a period. It is the underlying syllable structure that determines the syllable weight rather than the surface form. For example, since mūggúùì ‘burning wood’ has an underlying final /y/ or /ɟ/, the second syllable is underlying CVVC instead of CVVV.

48 (33)

H M L HL ML

LH LM MH

2.4.4

A grammar of Gaahmg Tone assignment in two--syllable monomorphemic words Melodies with Weight Melodies with three tones one or two tones fádɔ́ɔĺ ‘farmland’ HLH l.h rúŋùú-d̪ ‘bird type’ bārɔ̄ɔl̄ ‘cistern’ HLM m.m áàrɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘grass type’ sɛ̀ŋàà-d̪ ‘instrument’ m.l kə̂lfə̄ ‘jaw’ fíd̪ìn ‘perfume’ m.l kúùrī ‘sheave’ mɔ̄sɔ̀r ‘horse’ l.h mə́ðùūl village name ārāà-d̪ ‘lake’ HMH h.h kúūrlúúgg ‘rat type’ gə̄mūùr ‘dove’ l.h lúlīíd̪ ‘snake type’ gə̄rmūù-d̪ ‘tree type’ l.m málɔ᷄ɟɟ ‘nose mucus’ kāɲāàd̪ ‘bowel type’ MHM m.m ba᷄llɛ̄ɛ ̄ ‘tree type’ kāmɛ̄ɛr̀ ‘village’ MHL m.h mūggúùì ‘burning wood’ mɔ̀dá̪ ál ‘hatred’ LHM m.l d̪əľ gə̄ ‘drum’ gə̀mīīl ‘tree type’ LHL l.m bə̀ðə̂l ‘business’ sɛ̄wɛ́ɛĺ ‘tree type’ m.m kɔ̀ɔf̀ ɔ̂r ‘weakness (N.SG)’ l.h ɟɔ̀fɔ́ɔr̀ ‘desire’ m.m bɛ̀rɲáɔ̀ ‘tomato’ l.m ɔ̀sáà ‘wooden pillow’ l.h gàd̪áàɛ̀ ‘basket’ l.h kàðáàm ‘work’ l.h kùsúùr ‘authority’ m.m cǐrsə̀(g) ‘tool cleaner’

Lexical tone

Lexical tone described in this section has to do with roots (single non-bound morphemes) which are distinguished only be tone. Grammatical tone described in 2.4.5 has to do with bound morphemes distinguished only by tone that make a grammatical distinction, or morphemes that consist only of tones. Gaahmg frequently uses tone for distinguishing lexical meanings, as shown in the lists of minimal pairs in (34-36). (34)

Noun minimal pairs H-M sə́ə́m ə́əŕ cáá kááɛ́ H-L d̪áár ə́əŕ H - HL káár cíl

‘hunter’ ‘tree bark’ ‘wild cat’ ‘night’ ‘throne’ ‘tree bark’ ‘stew’ ‘spine’

sə̄ə̄m ə̄ər̄ cāā kāāɛ̄ d̪ààr ə̀ər̀ káàr cîl

‘medicine’ ‘anger’ ‘bath’ ‘witch doctor’ ‘eagle’ ‘sheep’ ‘male goat’ ‘instrument’

Phonology

49

Noun minimal pairs (continued) H - ML kɔ́ðɛ́l ‘natural painting’ t ̪írí(g) ‘tree type’ M-L ə̄ər̄ ‘anger’ M - HM mūū ‘forehead, face’ M - ML bāāl ‘cave’ cāā ‘bath’ kāɲāā-d̪ ‘back of head’ M - MH mīī ‘goat’ L - ML d̪ɛɛ̀ l̀ ‘storage shelf’ ɟìì ‘tree type’ L - MH ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ‘thing, something’ L - LM bɔ̀ggɔ̀ ‘tree type’ bàrɔ̀ɔl̀ ‘snake type’ HM - ML káān-d̪ ‘fly’ (35)

(36)

Verb minimal pairs in infinitive form H-L cág-g ‘bathe, wash’ càg-g pál-l ‘cut’ pàl-l M-L bɛ̄l-l ‘possess’ bɛ̀l-l M-HM bɛ̄l-l ‘possess’ bɛ᷇l-l L-HM bɛ̀l-l ‘hit, beat’ bɛ᷇l-l

kɔ̄ðɛ̀l t ̪īrì(g) ə̀ər̀ múū bāàl cāà kāɲāàd̪ mīí d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ ɟīì ɟɛ̄ɛm ́ bɔ̀ggɔ̄ bàrɔ̄ɔl̄ kāànd̪

‘baboon’ ‘death, dying’ ‘sheep’ ‘mosquito’ ‘instrument’ ‘cooking stone’ ‘bowel for hot food’ ‘chicken’ ‘lake’ ‘turkey’ ‘sorghum sieve’ ‘cream’ ‘cistern’ ‘water-carrying stick’

‘finish’ ‘fall’ ‘hit, beat’ ‘name, call’ ‘name, call’

Differing word category minimal pairs H-M káɛ́n ‘finished (ADJ)’

kāɛ̄n

H - HL H - ML H - LHL M - HL M - ML H - MH M - MHM L - LHL HL - ML

káɛ́n fúúí kɔ́ɔf́ ɔ́r kāɛ̄n cīīnd̪-ə̄gg báár bāāl d̪ùùl ɲílì

káɛ̀n fūūì kɔ̀ɔf̀ ɔ̂r káɛ̀n cīīnd̪-ə̀gg bāár ba᷄āl d̪ùûl ɲīlì

‘yesterday (ADV)’ ‘thin (V)’ ‘male (ADJ)’ ‘weakness’ ‘thin (v)’ ‘playing (N.PL)’ ‘tribe member’ ‘striped (ADJ)’ ‘instrument’ ‘ignorance’

ML - LH ML - HMH

gāàl būùr

gàál bu᷇úr

‘far (ADJ)’ ‘remained (ADJ)’

‘finished (ADJ)’ ‘tree type’ ‘thin, weak (ADJ)’ ‘yesterday (ADV)’ ‘finishing (N.SG)’ ‘weak (ADJ)’ ‘cave’ ‘difficult (ADJ)’ ‘knowledgeable (ADJ)’ ‘falcon’ ‘pot for wine’

As seen from (37), tone distinguishes subject and infinitive pronouns, as well as possessive pronouns of kinship terms and body parts. Tone also distinguishes the conjunction ɔ̀ ‘and’ with Low tone from the second singular pronouns ɔ́ ‘you’ and ɔ̄ ‘your’. Pronouns are discussed in the sections indicated in (37) and the conjunction

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A grammar of Gaahmg

ɔ̀ ‘and’ is discussed in 15.2. (37)

Pronoun minimal pairs 5.3 9.2 5.2.3 Subject Infinitive Possessive kinship ā á á ɔ̄ ɔ́ ɔ́ ɛ̄ ɛ̄ ɛ́

5.2.2 Possessive body parts ā ɔ̄ ɛ̄

1s 2s 3s

Tone also distinguishes singular and plural demonstrative adjectives as shown in (38) where singular demonstratives have initial High tone and plural demonstratives have initial Low tone. (38)

Demonstratives (see 8.1.3) DEM ADJ SG

DEM ADJ PL

nɛ́ɛ ́ náá(n) náád̪ī

nɛ̀ɛ ̀ nàà(n) nààd̪ì

‘this’ ‘that’ ‘that’

‘these’ ‘those’ ‘those’

near speaker near addressee away from both

Tone also distinguishes the animate accompaniment preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ from the inanimate accompaniment prepositions ɛ̄ ‘with’ and the general preposition ɛ́ (GP). (39)

Preposition minimal pairs ɛ̀ ‘with’ Animate accompaniment preposition ɛ̄ ‘with’ Inanimate accompaniment preposition ɛ́ GP General preposition

11.1 11.2 11.3

In (40), examples of nouns with three tonal allomorphs of a plural suffix are given. The suffix of (a) has no underlying tone, allowing the plural form to surface with Low tone, the same as in the root. Whereas, the suffix of (b) has underlying Mid tone and the suffix of (c) has underlying High tone. As will be shown in section 6.3.1, there are seven other noun plural suffixes with two or three tonal allomorphs, most of which are not semantically or phonologically predictable with the root. (40) (a) (b) (c)

Tonal allomorphs of noun plural suffixes (see 6.3.1) Suffix Tone Noun SG Noun PL -Agg lə̀ŋd̪ lə̀ŋd̪-ə̀gg ‘tree type’ -Āgg bə̀ɲɟ bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg ‘pulp’ -Ágg mīīd̪ mīīd̪-ə́gg ‘stone’

Phonology

2.4.5

51

Grammatical tone

Gaahmg also frequently uses tone to distinguish grammatical function; there are grammatical distinctions made only by tone in nouns and verbs. Grammatical tone distinguishes bound morphemes with different grammar, or is a morpheme in itself, either added to or replacing underlying stem tone. Tone distinguishes bound morphemes, such as the copular and definite clitics of (41). The copular singular clitic =Ā which takes the [ATR] value of the root has underlying Mid tone, the copular plural clitic =À has underlying Low tone, and the definite clitic =Á has underlying High tone. (41)

Copular =Ā, =À and definite =Á suffixes 7.3 7.2 Noun DEF Noun Noun COP SG d̪əm ̄ d̪əm ̄ =ə̄ d̪əm ̄ =ə́ ‘Arab’ PL d̪əm ̄ -g d̪əm ̄ -g=ə̀ d̪əm ̄ -g=ə́ ‘Arabs’

Similarly, the past and non-past continuous forms differ only by tone as shown by the verbs of (42). The past continuous suffix -A᷄n has underlying MH tone, whereas the non-past continuous suffix -Án has underlying High tone. (42)

Past -A᷄n and non--past -Án continuous verb forms 9.8.6 9.8.7 Root tone CONT.P.3sN CONT.N.3sN H kɔ́m-a᷄n kɔ́m-án ‘cut, chop’ L gàf-án gàf-a᷅n ‘give’ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄n kə᷄ð-ə́n ‘strike’

Several verb clitics listed in (43-44) are also distinguished only by tone. The third singular object pronoun allomorph =E with no underlying tone attaches to first singular verbs as in (a) and a different allomorph =E᷇ with HM tone attaches to third singular verbs as in (b). The relative clause definite clitic =É with High tone attaches to singular person verb forms as in (c), and the clitic =È with Low tone attaches to plural person verb forms as in (d). The subordinate (SBO1) clitic =Ē with Mid tone attaches to first singular verbs as in (e). (43) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Verb clitics distinguished by tone 10.4.2 1SN/3SA =E pál=ɛ̄ 10.4.2 3SN/3SA =E᷇ pál=ɛ᷇ 10.9 RDM.SG =É pa᷇l=ɛ́ 10.9 RDM.PL =È pál=ɛ̀ 10.7 SBO1.1sN =Ē pál=ɛ̄

‘cut.INCP.1sN=3SA’ ‘cut.INCP.3sN=3sA’ ‘cut.INCP.3SN=RDM’ ‘cut.INCP.3pN=RDM’ ‘cut.INCP.1SN=SBO1’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

The third singular marked object pronoun allomorph =i with no underlying tone attaches to first singular verbs as in (a) and a different allomorph =ì with Low tone attaches to third singular verbs as in (b). The imperfect third singular clitic =í with High tone attaches to incompletive verbs as in (c), and the subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic =i᷅ with LM tone attaches to third singular verbs as in (d). (44) (a) (b) (c) (d)

Verb clitics distinguished by tone 10.4.2 1SN/3SN =i pə́l=ī 10.4.2 3SN/3SN =ì pə́l=ì 10.6 IPF.3sN =í pə́l=í SBO1.3sN =i᷅ pə́l=i᷅ 10.7

‘cut.INCP.1sN=3SAM’ ‘cut.INCP.3sN=3SAM’ ‘cut.INCP=IPF.3SN’ ‘cut.INCP.3sN=SBO1’

Where tone is a morpheme in itself, it can be added to segmental forms or can replace the underlying tone of segmental forms. Tone is added to distinguish subject persons of verb forms and to distinguish future and non-future subject pronouns. Tone replacement is used for genitive case, plural person possession of body part nouns, antipassives, causatives, and verbal nouns. In verbs, tone marks subject person agreement by being added to the stem-final syllable. As shown in (45), tone distinguishes third singular and third plural subject verb forms from other person forms. The verb root of (45) has underlying High tone and the completive suffix -sA has no underlying tone. In such verbs, high tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third singular forms, Low tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third plural forms, and Mid tone is assigned to the stemfinal syllable of first and second person forms. (45)

Paradigm of completive verb kɔmɔm-sA ‘chop--COMP’ with subject pronouns (see 9.5) á kɔ́m-sɔ̄ 1s āgg kɔ́m-sɔ̄ 1p ú=kúm-sū16 2s ūg=kúm-sū 2p ɛ̄ kɔ́m-sɔ́ 3s ɛ̄, ɛ̄gg kɔ́m-sɔ̀ 3p

Tone is also added to subject pronouns to indicate future tense of the following verb form. In first and second person subject pronouns, Mid tone is assigned along with High tone on the final syllable, resulting in falling tone.

16

As discussed in 5.3, the second person morpheme specifies [+ATR] quality on verbs forms. The [+ATR] quality spreads leftward to the second person pronoun clitics ɔ=, ɔgg=.

Phonology (46)

53

Future and non--future pronouns (see 9.8.4) Subject non-future Subject future á a᷇ 1s ɔ́ ɔ᷇ 2s āggá āgga᷇ 1p ɔ̄ggɔ́ ɔ̄ggɔ᷇ 2p

Genitive case is marked by tone replacement. Nouns with Mid and MH root tone melody have HL melody in genitive forms. Nouns with all other root tone melody have ML tone melody in genitive forms. (47)

Genitive singular and plural nouns with various root tone melodies (see 6.5) Root GEN Noun SG Noun SG Noun PL Noun PL tone tone DEF DEF GEN GEN H ML t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n t ̪ɔ̄ɔ= ̀ n t ̪ɔ́-gg tɔ᷆-gg ‘cow’ M HL mīī=n míì=n mīī-gg míì-gg ‘goat’ L ML d̪ìì=n d̪īì=n d̪ìì-gg d̪īì-gg ‘rat’

A Low-Mid tone pattern is required by the plural person possessive morpheme of all body part nouns. Although the underlying tone melody of bɔ̄ɔr̄ à / bɔ̄ɔr̄ à-gg ‘shoulder’ in the paradigm of (48) is Mid-Low, the plural forms possessed by plural persons surface as Low-Mid. (48)

Possessive paradigm for inalienable body part

bɔ̄ɔr̄ à / bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà--gg ‘shoulder’ (see 6.4) Noun SG

Noun PL

Singular person pronouns ā bɔ̄ɔr̄ à 1sP ɔ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ à 2sP ɛ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ à 3sP ā bɔ̄ɔr̄ à-gg 1sP ɔ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ à-gg 2sP ɛ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ à-gg 3sP

Plural person pronouns --1pP --2pP --3pP āgg bɔ̀ɔr̀ ā-gg 1pP ūgg bɔ̀ɔr̀ ā-gg 2pP ɛ̄gg bɔ̀ɔr̀ ā-gg 3pP

In antipassive forms, root tone melodies are replaced by other tone melodies: High changes to HM, Mid changes to MH, and Low changes to LH. (49)

Antipassive suffix -An on third singular completive verbs (see 9.10.2) Root 3sN ANTIP 3SN tone COMP tone ANTIP-COMP H fír-sə́ HM fír-ə̄n-sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ MH cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-sɔ́ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū LH d̪ùr-ūn-sú ‘bury’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

In causative forms, root tone melodies are also replaced by other tone melodies, as shown in (50). (50)

Third singular causative completive verbs (see 9.11.2) Root COMP CAUS COMP tone CAUS 3sN 3SN tone H fír-sə́ HM f i᷇r-sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ HM cu᷇r-sú ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū ML d̪u᷆r-sū ‘bury’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ HM kə᷇s-sə́ ‘strike’

Finally, in verbal nouns, root tone melodies are replaced by other tone melodies, as shown in (51). (51)

Verbal noun plural suffixes =Agg, =gg (see 10.10) Root INF VN VN SG VN PL tone tone H pál-l M pāl pāl=āgg, pāl=g ‘cut’ L f ɛ̀l-l ML f ɛ᷆l fɛ̄l=āgg, f ɛ᷆l=g ‘tell’ HL pîr-r ML pi᷆r pīr=ə̀gg, pi᷆r=g ‘deceive’ HM bɛ᷇l-l M bɛ̄l bɛ̄l=āgg ‘name’ kə̄n kə̄ð-ə̄gg ‘strike’ MH kə᷄ð-ð M

55

3

Morphophonology

Several morphophonological alternations applying throughout the language are presented in this chapter and labelled with an M. Alternations which apply only to certain morphemes are presented in the relevant sections, and not here. Phonological consonant rules, which were presented in 2.1.3 and the monosyllabic vowel lengthening which was presented in 2.3.3, are relisted here for ease of reference. {P1}

Bilabial and palatal weakening (from 2.1.3) (a) /b/, /ɟ/ are weakened intervocalically to approximants. (b) /b/, /ɟ/, /w/, /y/ are weakened word-finally to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. (c) /w/, /y/ before word-final sonorants are weakened to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel.

{P2}

Velar plosive elision (from 2.1.3) /g/ is elided both inter-vocalically and word-finally when following a vowel.

{P3}

Plosive weakening (from 2.1.3) Plosives are weakened to approximants when they immediately precede word-final obstruents and follow vowels.

{P4}

Monosyllabic vowel lengthening (from 2.3.3) Vowels are realized as long in monosyllabic, opened-syllable nouns and verbs.

Whereas the phonological rules apply to all relevant environments in a word, the morphophonological rules only apply to relevant environments that exist because of morphemes combining. All rules in this section apply in several bound morphemes, often including both suffixes and clitics in both nouns and verbs. However, morphophonological rules are not applied to two noun clitics (COP, ACM), and are not applied to several verb clitics. Nevertheless, all the rules apply to all stem suffixes. In 4.2, morphophonological rules not applied to certain clitics are further discussed. In the relevant sections throughout this thesis, when the rules of this section are referred to, they are indicated by number between braces such as {M3}. Thus, the common morphophonological rules of this section are easily distinguished from less common processes applied to one or two morphemes. The latter are more like exceptions in the language than rules. Each of the following rules is explained afterwards with examples.

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3.1 {M1}

A grammar of Gaahmg

Morphological consonant and vowel elision Verb stem suffix vowel elision When vowels are joined through morphology to verb stems with a vowelfinal suffix, the final vowel of the stem is elided.

When the agented passive clitic =E᷇ is attached to the stem ɟɛ̀r-sā ‘forget-COMP’, the completive suffix vowel is elided (ɟɛ̀r-s=ɛ̄). In the past continuous relative clause verbs of 10.9, the definite clitic =É does not elide the continuous suffix vowel -a of ŋāɲ-a᷇.=ɛ́ ‘file-CONT.P.RC=RDM’ and is one exception to the rule. {M2}

Suffixes becoming juxtaposed syllables When vowels are joined through morphology to roots with final vowels, no vowels are elided and the bound morpheme appears as a syllable on its own, juxtaposed to the root.

When the vowel-initial past continuous suffix -A᷄n is attached to the vowel-final verb root /pa/ ‘guard’, the suffix becomes a second syllable, juxtaposed to the root (pā.án). When the copular clitic =V̄n is attached to the root tɔ̪ ɔ́ ́ ‘cow’, the clitic vowel V takes on all the features of the final vowel and begins a second syllable (tɔ̪ ɔ́ ́.-ɔ᷇n). When the agented passive clitic =E᷇ is attached to the root bāā ‘throw.INCP’, the suffix vowel becomes a new syllable (bā.=ɛ᷇).

3.2

Morphological [ATR] harmony

In 2.2.2.2, it was observed that the [-ATR] vowels (ɛ, ɔ, a) and the [+ATR] vowels (i, u, ə) function as distinct sets in roots, the vowels of one set never occurring in the same root with vowels of the other set. The [ATR] harmony also functions across morpheme boundaries, spreading either to the right or to the left without limit in words to all vowels unspecified for [ATR]. [+ATR] quality is dominant. In all morphemes, only [+ATR] quality is specified underlying, and spreads from root to bound morpheme or from bound morpheme to root. Vowels that are not specified for [ATR], or do not have an [ATR] association through spreading, are realized as [ATR] by default. Examples follow in the next two sections. {M3}

[+ATR] spreading [+ATR] quality spreads to the left or to the right across morpheme boundaries, only limited by word boundaries, to vowels unspecified for [ATR].

Morphophonology

3.2.1

57

Rightward [ATR] spreading

The [+ATR] quality spreads rightward from noun roots onto plural suffixes. In (1), nouns representing each of the six vowels attach the plural suffix -EEgg, where E is a vowel specified as [-back]. In (d-f), the [+ATR] quality assigned to the noun root spreads rightward onto the suffix unspecified for [ATR]. In (a-c), no such spreading occurs since roots and suffixes are unspecified for [ATR] and take [-ATR] quality by default. (1) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

3.2.2

Rightward [ATR] spreading to plural suffix -EEgg Vowel Noun SG Noun PL ɛ cɛ̀ɛr̀ cɛ̀ɛr̀ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘singer’ a d̪ààr d̪ààr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘eagle’ ɔ cɔ̄ɔl̄ cɔ̄ɔl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘donkey’ i ɟííl ɟííl-īīgg ‘cricket’ ə gùùr gùùr-īīgg ‘grinding stone’ u ə̀ər̀ ə̀ər̀ -ììgg ‘sheep’

Leftward [ATR] spreading

The [+ATR] quality spreads leftward from the imperative plural suffix onto verb roots. A list of singular imperative and imperative plural forms representing each of the six vowels is given in (2). The singular imperative generally has no suffix and is often the same form as the root. The imperative plural has the suffix -d̪A+, where A+ is a back vowel specified as [+ATR] and takes the [round] feature of the root. In (a-c), verb roots unspecified for [ATR] become [+ATR] in the plural imperative form. In (d-f), [+ATR] verb roots remain [+ATR]. (2) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

3.2.3

Leftward [ATR] spreading from imperative plural suffix -d̪A+ Vowel IMP IMP PL ɛ fɛ́ɛ ́ fíí-d̪ə̄ ‘clean’ a t ̪ál t ̪ə́l-d̪ə ̄ ‘put, make’ ɔ kɔ́m kúm-d̪ū ‘cut, chop’ i díú díú-d̪ū ‘plant’ ə pə̂r pə̂r-d̪ə̀ ‘attach’ u t ̪úr t ̪úr-rū ‘see’

[+ATR] bound morphemes

Several [+ATR] bound morphemes which spread their quality to the root or stem are represented in (3). For each morpheme, the underlying root and surface form are given along with the section where the morpheme is discussed. [+ATR] quality distinguished the morphemes -əgg, -+g, -d̪+A, =ì, =i from other bound morphemes unspecified for [ATR] which are otherwise segmentally equivalent. In

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A grammar of Gaahmg

addition, [+ATR] quality is a morpheme in itself added to second person subject verb forms to distinguish them from other person forms. As will be shown in 5.3, the second person singular verb for ‘chopping’ ɔ́ kúmə᷇n is [+ATR], whereas the first singular á kɔ́m-a᷇n and third singular ɛ̄ kɔ́m-án are [-ATR]. (3)

[+ATR] bound morphemes and spreading Morpheme Morpheme UR SR N.PL body -əgg /bɛ̄rd̪/ bìrd̪-ə̄gg part anus-PL -+g /kālāā/ kə̄lə̄ə-̄ gg tongue-PL -V+gg /āā-d̪/ ə̀d-̪ ə̄gg eye.1pPp-PL IMP.PL -d̪+A /nām/ ɲə́m-d̪ə̄ break-IMP.PL CAUS -d̪+A /kɔ́r/ ku᷇r-d̪ú ‘read-CAUS’ Marked =ì /wár/ wə́r=ì ACC ‘take=3sAM’ DAT =i᷇n /gàf/ gə̀ù-s=i᷇n ‘giveCOMP=3SD’ SBO1 =i᷅ /ŋān/ ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ ‘file-COMP= SBO1.3SN’ Second /kɔ́m/ ɔ́ kúm-ə᷇n, person ú=kúm-ə᷇n subjects ‘2sN=chopCONT.N’

3.3 {M4}

‘anuses’

Section 6.2.3

‘tongues’

6.2.3

‘our eyes’

6.2.3

‘Break!’

9.4

‘he writes’

9.11

‘he takes him’

5.4, 10.4 5.5, 10.5

‘he gave him’

‘(when) he filed’

10.7

‘you are chopping’

5.3, 9.1

Morphological [round] harmony Rightward [+round] spreading [+round] quality spreads rightward from the root to all suffix vowels not underlyingly specified for the feature [round].

Several bound morphemes in noun and verb morphology are underlying specified for [round], but several bound morphemes in noun and verb morphology are not. The roundness only spreads rightward from roots to suffixes or clitics, and never the opposite direction. Roundness does not spread as specified in every word with every speaker, but tends to vary from word to word and from speaker to speaker.

Morphophonology

3.3.1

59

Rightward [round] spreading in nouns

Nouns with root-final consonant sequences commonly take the plural suffix -Agg, where A is a back vowel unspecified for [round] and takes the [round] and [ATR] features of the root. In (4), the plural forms are shown for nouns with each of the six vowels. In (c,f), the [+round] feature of the root spreads to the vowel of the plural suffix, causing A to become ɔ or u. In other examples of (4), the suffix vowel is realized as unrounded. In (d-f), the [+ATR] quality of the verb root spreads rightward onto the suffix, whereas in (a-c), the noun root unspecified for [ATR] does not affect the suffix. (4) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

3.3.2

Rightward [+round] spreading to noun plural suffix -Agg Root vowel Noun SG Noun PL ɛ cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg ‘local broom’ a mānd̪ mānd̪-āgg ‘tree type’ ɔ kɔ̄rd̪ kɔ̄rd̪-ɔ̄gg ‘bird type’ i t ̪īrd̪ t ̪īrd̪-ə̄gg ‘farm’ ə lə̀ŋd̪ lə̀ŋd̪-ə̀gg ‘tree type’ u cúld̪ cúld̪-ūgg ‘birth sack’

Rightward [round] spreading in verbs

The completive verb has the suffix -sA, where A is a back vowel unspecified for [round] and takes the [round] and [ATR] features of the root. Similarly, plural subjunctive forms have the suffix -d̪A with the same vowel unspecified for [round]. In (5), the completive and plural subjunctive forms are shown for verbs with each of the six vowels. In (c,f), the [+round] feature of the root is spread to the vowel of the completive and plural subjunctive suffixes. In other examples of (5), the suffix vowel is realized as unrounded. In (d-f), the [+ATR] quality of the verb root spreads rightward onto the suffix, whereas in (a-c), the verb root unspecified for [ATR] does not affect the suffix. (5)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

Rightward [+round] spreading to completive -sA and plural subjunctive -d̪A Root vowel COMP SBJV PL ɛ bɛ̀ɛ-̀ sà bɛ̀ɛ-̀ d̪à a cág-sā cág-d̪ā ɔ kɔ́m-sɔ̄ kɔ́m-d̪ɔ̄ i cīg-sə̄ cíg-d̪ə ̄ ə ɟə̀ə-̀ sə̄ ɟə̀ə-̀ d̪ə ̀ u rùm-sū rùm-d̪ū

‘tell, say’ ‘bathe, wash’ ‘cut, chop’ ‘wear’ ‘finish’ ‘clear path’

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3.4

A grammar of Gaahmg

Morphological tone rules

The following tone rules apply across morpheme boundaries in both noun and verb morphology. They are morphological in that they operate across morpheme boundaries rather than being linked to certain morphemes.

3.4.1

Morphological tone spreading

{M5}

Rightward tone spreading to unassigned bound morpheme vowel When a bound morpheme with vowel does not have underlying tone, tone spreads rightward from the root or stem to the bound morpheme.

The High tone of the noun root kə́s ‘sorghum’ spreads to the plural suffix -Agg without tone (kə́s-ə́gg). The Mid tone of the incompletive verb stem cɔ̄r ‘help.1sN’ spreads to the third singular object clitic =E without tone (cɔ̄r=ɛ̄ ‘help.1sN=3sA’). In a few nouns and verbs, tone spreads to bound morphemes with underlying tone. {M6}

Second of two root or stem-final tones reassigned to bound morpheme vowel When a bound morpheme with vowel does not have underlying tone, and when there are two tones assigned to the root or stem-final syllable, the second tone is delinked and reassigned to the bound morpheme vowel.

The Low tone of the noun îlɟ ‘beeswax’ with HL root tone melody delinks and is reassigned to the suffix -Agg without tone (ílɟ-ə̀gg). The Low tone of the verbal noun pi᷆r ‘lie’ with ML tone melody is delinked and reassigned to the plural clitic =Agg without tone (pīr=ə̀gg). In a few verbs, the second of two tones assigned to the root-final syllable is not delinked but only spreads. The Low tone of the subjunctive verb pîr ‘lie’ with HL tone melody is not delinked but only spreads to the subjunctive plural suffix -d̪A with no underlying tone (pîr-rə̀ ‘to.lie.1sN’). In a few nouns and verbs, the second tone reassigns to bound morphemes with underlying tone. In the third singular continuous past form, the Low tone of the HL tone melody delinks and reassigns to the continuous past suffix –A᷄n with MH tone (pír-ə̌n ‘lie.3sN’). The initial Mid tone of the continuous suffix assimilates to the preceding Low {M9}.

3.4.2

Mid tone lowering and Low tone raising

There are two significant processes in stems and words—a Mid tone lowering process and a Low tone raising process. In roots or stems with HM tone assigned to

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the final syllable, the Mid tone assimilates to a Low tone of a bound morpheme. The rule is symbolized in {M7} where the dash mark represents a morpheme boundary of either an affix or clitic. The rule applies in both noun and verb stems. {M7}

Mid tone lowering HM-L > HL-L

The plural noun wáār-g ‘insect’ has HM stem tone. The Mid tone becomes Low when the plural copular clitic =À with Low tone is attached (wáàr-g=à). The infinitive form of the verb bɛ᷇l ‘call’ has underlying HM tone. When the third plural morpheme assigns Low tone to the completive suffix attached to this verb, the root Mid tone becomes Low (bɛ̂l-d̪à). In verbs with Low root tone melody, Low tone is raised to Mid when a suffix with Low tone is attached, as symbolized in M8. The process does not occur on verbs with other tone melodies ending in Low tone such as HL or ML tone melodies. {M8}

Verb root L raised to M preceding suffix L [only in verbs with Low root tone melody] L-L > M-L

The imperative form of the verb ɟɛ̀r ‘forget’ has underlying Low tone melody. When the third plural morpheme assigns Low tone to the completive suffix on the same verb, the Low root tone becomes Mid (ɟɛ̄r-sà).

3.4.3

Suffix High and Mid tone lowering

There is also a lowering process of both High and Mid tone of bound morphemes. A contrast between High and Mid tone is neutralized on bound morphemes following root- or stem-final Low tone. The morphological tone lowering process of {M9} symbolizes the fact that High tone on a bound morpheme becomes Mid when following a root or stem with final Low tone. Further, Mid tone on a bound morpheme assimilates to root or stem-final Low tone. The rule applies in all noun and verb stems. However, the rule does not apply to some clitics such as accompaniment, passives, imperfects, and dative pronouns attached to noun or verb stems. {M9}

Bound morpheme High and Mid tone lowering L-H > L-M L-M > L-L

When the copular clitic =Ā attaches to the noun stem sɛ́ɛǹ ‘ruler’ with final Low

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tone, the clitic Mid tone becomes Low (sɛ́ɛǹ =à). When the definite clitic =Á attaches to the same noun, the clitic High tone is lowered to Mid (sɛ́ɛǹ =ā). However, the Mid tone of the copular clitic =Ān does not lower when attached to d̪ìì ‘rat’ (d̪ìì.=īn). Similarly, the Mid tone of the accompaniment clitic =nĒ does not lower when attached to the vowel-final noun stem ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ‘cooking plate’ (ɔ̀nsɔ̀=nɛ̄). The infinitive verb dɔ̄ɔs̀ ‘stand’ has Mid-Low tone melody. In the first singular completive form, Mid tone assigned to the stem-final syllable assimilates to the rootfinal Low tone (dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀). In the third singular form of the same verb, High tone assigned to the stem-final syllable lowers to Mid tone (dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄). However, when the imperfect clitic =É with High is added to the third singular completive form, the High clitic tone does not become Mid (dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ́ ).

3.4.4

Three tones assigned to a single stem syllable

There are various three-tone contours assigned through morphology to a single syllable, which result in surface tones that differ from the underlying tones. The combinations of underlying tones mostly do not surface in a single syllable in roots. Therefore, the changes resulting in the surface form are analyzed as morphophonological processes rather than processes that occur throughout the language. As symbolized in {M10}, when the three tones High, Low, High are all assigned to a single stem syllable through morphology, the resultant tone for the syllable is High-Mid-High. {M10}

HLH > HMH

The first singular incompletive verb pîr ‘lie’ has a HL root tone melody. In the third singular incompletive form when High tone is added to the root tone to mark third person, the three tones High, Low, and High are all assigned to the same syllable and the Low tone surfaces as Mid (pi᷇ ŕ ). As symbolized in {M11}, when the three tones Low, High, Low are all assigned to a single stem syllable, the resultant tone for the syllable is Low-Mid-Low. However, the underlying contour surfaces without change in the heavy syllable noun root d̪ùûl ‘instrument’, as shown in (31) of section 2.4.2. {M11}

LHL > LML

When the third plural past continuous suffix -A᷄ ǹ with MHL tone is added to the verb dɔ̄ɔs̀ ‘stand’, and the initial Mid tone of the suffix assimilates to root-final Low tone, the suffix LHL tone then surfaces as LML (dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅ ǹ ‘starting.3pN’).

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4

Clitics and word structure

In this chapter, we show that various clitics attach to several word categories (4.1), discuss word structure (4.2), and differentiate between the word categories nouns, adjectives, and verbs (4.3).

4.1

Clitics

There are eight grammatically distinct clitics which attach to more than one word category. In addition, there are other clitics which are combinations of clitics, where the morphemes from which they are formed are given in parentheses in table 6 and are explained in the sections to follow. Copular, definite, and relative clause definite clitics can have number distinction, sometimes depending on the word category to which they attach. Dative, accompaniment, locative copular, subordinate, and perfect clitics never have number distinction. The clitics in table 6 are those which attach to consonant-final words. Clitic allomorphs sometimes attach to other wordfinal segments, as will be discussed in relevant morphology sections. The difference between relative clauses marked and unmarked for definiteness will be discussed in 14.6. Table 6: Clitics on consonant-final words Copular (COP) Definite (DEF) Relative clause definite (RDM) Dative (DAT) Relative clause dative (RDTM) Locative copular (LCM) Relative clause locative copular (RLCM) Accompaniment (ACM) Relative clause accompaniment (RDM=ACM) Subordinate (SBO) Relative clause subordinate ‘when’ (RDM=SBO) Perfect clitic (PF)

SG

PL

=ĀN, =ÀPRON, ---ADJ =Á =É =A᷇n =ÉĒn (from =É=A᷇n ) =A᷇n (from íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ ) =ÉĒn (from =É íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ ) =E᷇ =ÉÉ=nĒ (from =É=nĒ ) =É =ÉÉ=nÉ (from =É=nÉ ) =r

=À =ÁN, =ÀADJ =È =A᷇n =ÈÈn (from =È=A᷇n) =A᷇n (from ɛ̄ggàn) =ÈÈn (from =È ɛ̄ggàn) =E᷇ =ÈÈ=nĒ (from =È=nĒ ) =É =ÈÈ=nĒ (from =È=nÉ ) =r

Each clitic is presented below, first in an example clause, and then attached to various word categories. The meaning of each clitic, as well as the section where its

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morphology is presented, is also mentioned.

4.1.1

Copular clitic

In answer to questions such as ɲi᷇n nɛ́ɛ ́ ‘What is this?’ and various other non-verbal clauses described in 14.6, copular clitics (COP) are attached to nouns, adjectives, or pronouns. Singular and plural copular clauses are shown in (1). See 7.2 and 8.3.1 for a presentation of copular clitic morphology. (1a)

fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā=n àggáár=āā Feetfa =DEF hunter =COP ‘Feetfa is a hunter.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g=àà cow-PL strong-PL=COP ‘Cows are strong.’

The singular copula clitic is =Ā with Mid tone on nouns, =À with Low tone on pronouns, and no marking on adjectives. The plural copula clitic is =À on all words. (2) Copular clitic SG

PL

1sP

àggáár=āā ɟāā bánd̪āl ə́əǹ =ə̀ə̀

àggáàr-g=àà ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=àà ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀

4.1.2

Definite clitic

Noun ADJ

‘is a hunter’ ‘is a weak person’ ‘is mine’

The definite clitic (DEF) indicates the speaker believes a word is active or known information in the mind of the hearer. See also 7.3 and 8.3.2. (3a)

á ɲa᷇m àggáár=áá 1sN want hunter=DEF ‘I want the hunter.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g=àà nāàm cow-PL strong-PL=DEF eating ‘The strong cows are eating.’

The singular definite clitic is =Á with High tone. The plural definite clitic is =Á with High tone on nouns and =À with Low tone on adjectives. It is =n on vowelfinal nouns and adjectives. (4) Definite clitic Noun ADJ 3SP

SG

PL

àggáár=áá ɟāā-n n bánd̪āl=(áá) mɔ̄sɔ̀r íìnī=n n

àggáār-g=áá ɟɔ̄gg-(ɔ́ɔ́) bánd̪āl-g=àà mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ínìgī=n n

‘the hunter’ ‘the weak person’ ‘the his horse’

In singular noun phrases with a head noun and adjective modifier, the definite clitic

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65

attaches to the adjective unless it is consonant-final and the noun is vowel-final. (5) Definite clitic on singular nouns and adjectives Noun-final ADJ-final Noun SG ADJ DEF V=DEF C=(DEF) wɛ́ɛ= ́ n bɛ́r=(áá) ‘the clean house’ C V=DEF kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ íī=íín ‘the heavy sword’ C C=DEF ɟɛ̄n bánd̪āl=áá ‘the weak person’ V V=DEF bààɔ̀ fāā=n n ‘the old father’ In plural noun phrases with a head noun and adjective modifier, the definite clitic attaches to the adjective and optionally to the head noun. (6) Definite clitic on plural nouns and adjectives ADJ-final Noun SG ADJ DEF Noun-final C-PL=(DEF) C-PL=DEF wís-ə̄g=(ə́ə́) bɛ́r-g=àà C-PL=(DEF) C-PL=DEF kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ -g=(ə̄ə̄) íì-g=ə̀ə̀ C-PL=(DEF) C-PL=DEF ɟɔ̄gg=(ɔ́ɔ́) bánd̪āl-g=àà C-PL=(DEF) C-PL=DEF bààw-āād̪=(áá) fāng=àà

4.1.3

‘the clean houses’ ‘the heavy swords’ ‘the weak persons’ ‘the old fathers’

Relative clause definite clitic

Relative clauses are marked or unmarked for definiteness just as noun phrases. When the head of the relative clause is known information, the relative clause definite clitic (RDM) is attached to the clause-final word. See also 7.4, 8.3.3, and 14.7. (7)

á ɲa᷇m ɟāā ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ 1sN want person REL strong=RDM ‘I want the person who is strong.’

The singular relative clause clitic is =É with High tone and the plural clitic is =È with Low tone. (8) Definite relative clause clitic Noun ADJ

Body part locative ADV

Verb

SG

PL

ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ná a᷅n wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íí ná ŋāɲ=ɛ́ɛ́

nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ nà àn wísə̄-g ə́əɲ̀ g=ìì nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ìì nà ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ɛ̀

‘who is a hunter’ ‘who is weak’ ‘who is behind the house’ ‘who came with force’ ‘who files’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Dative clitic

The dative (DAT) has the semantic roles of beneficiary and recipient. See also 7.5 and 8.3.4. (9)

á gàf ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ càɔ̀r=āān 1sN give something rabbit=DAT ‘I give something to a rabbit.’

Singular and plural dative clitics are =A᷇n. (10) Dative clitic Noun ADJ

4.1.5

SG

PL

àggáár=aa᷇n ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n

àggáār-g=aa᷇n ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n

‘to a hunter’ ‘to a weak person’

Relative clause dative clitic

When the head of the relative clause is an indirect object, the relative clause dative clitic (RDTM) is attached to the clause-final word. See also 8.3.5. (11)

á gàf ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ɟāā ná 1sN give something person REL ‘I give something to the strong person (lit. the person who is strong).’

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄ strong=RDTM

The singular relative clause dative clitic is =ÉĒn (from the combination of the singular relative clause definite clitic and dative clitic =É=A᷇n ‘=RDM.SG=DAT’) with HM tone and the plural is =ÈÈn (from =È=A᷇n ‘=RDM.PL=DAT’) with Low tone. (12) Relative clause definite and dative clitic SG

PL

Noun

ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà àggáār-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

ADJ

ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

Body part locative

ná a᷅n wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà àn wísə̄-g ə́əɲ̀ g=ìì ììn ììn

ADV

ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íī íīn íīn

nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ìììn

‘to the . . who is the hunter’ ‘to the . . who is the weak’ ‘to the . . who remains behind the house’ ‘to the . . who came with force’

Clitics and word structure

4.1.6

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Locative copular clitic

In non-verbal locative clauses, the singular or plural locative copula íīn/ɛ̄ggàn separates the subject from the predicate. However in fast speech, both singular and plural copulas attach to the subject noun phrase in the form of the clitic =A᷇n (LCM). The singular locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ of (13a) is replaced by the clitic =A᷇n attached to the subject noun in (b). The plural locative copula ɛ̄ggàn of (c) is replaced by the same clitic in (d). See also 7.5, 8.3.4, and 14.6.4. Locative copular clauses ɟāā bánd̪āl íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ íīn person weak LCM house beside ‘A weak person is beside a house.’

(13) (a)

(b)

bɛ̀ɲɟ ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ person weak=LCM house beside ‘a weak person is beside a house.’

(c)

gàn ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g ɛ̄ggà n wɛ́ɛ ́ people weak-PL LCM house ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

(d)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ people weak-PL=LCM house beside ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

The locative copular clitic happens to have the same form as the dative clitic.

gànn) (14) Locative copular clitic (rapid speech form of íīn íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ , ɛ̄ggà Noun ADJ

4.1.7

SG

PL

àggáár=aa᷇n ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n

àggáār-g=aa᷇n ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n

‘a hunter is’ ‘a weak person is’

Relative clause locative copular clitics

As in (15a), when the head of a definite relative clause is the subject of a non-verbal locative clause, the relative clause definite clitic =É is attached to the final word of the relative clause before the locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ . However, in fast speech as in (b), the singular relative clause locative copular clitic =ÉĒn (RLCM) replaces the relative clause definite clitic =É and the locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ . Similarly, the plural relative clause locative copular clitic =ÈÈn of (d) replaces the relative clause definite clitic =È and the particle ɛ̄ggàn in (c). See also 8.3.5 and 14.7.

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A grammar of Gaahmg Relative clause locative copular clauses ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ íīn person REL weak=RDM.SG LCM house beside ‘The weak person (lit. person who is weak) is beside a house.’

(15) (a)

(b)

ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄ wɛ́ɛ ́ person REL weak=RLCM house ‘The weak person is beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

(c)

ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ɛ̄ggàn gàn people REL weak-PL=RDM.PL LCM ‘The weak people are beside a house.’

(d)

ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ wɛ́ɛ ́ people REL weak-PL=RLCM house ‘the weak people are beside a house.’

wɛ́ɛ ́ house

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

The singular relative clause locative copular clitic is =ÉĒn (from =É íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ ) with HM tone and the plural is =ÈÈn (from =È ɛ̄ggàn) with Low tone, which happen to be the same as the relative clause dative clitics. (16) Relative clause locative copular clitic clitic (rapid speech form of =É íīn gànn) íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ ,=È ɛ̄ggà SG

PL

Noun

ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà àggáār-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

ADJ

ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

Body part locative

ná a᷅n wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

nà àn wísə̄-g ə́əɲ̀ g=ìì ììn ììn

ADV

ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íī íīn íīn

nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ìììn

4.1.8

‘the . . who is the hunter is’ ‘the . . who is weak is’ ‘the . . who remains behind the house is’ ‘the . . who came with force is’

Accompaniment clitic

The accompaniment clitic (ACM) is used on noun phrases in adjuncts introduced by the animate preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ if the noun has the semantic role of accompaniment. See also 7.6 and 8.3.6. (17)

bāárg-á áð-a᷄ ǹ ɛ̀ àggáár=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ Baggara-DEF coming with hunter=ACM ‘The Baggara tribe was coming with a hunter.’

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69

Singular and plural accompaniment clitics are =E᷇. (18) Accompaniment clitic Noun ADJ

Body part locative ADV

4.1.9

SG

PL

ɛ̀ àggáár=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɛ̀ ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇

ɛ̀ àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg nà nà wísə̄-g ə́ə̀ɲg=īī ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ii᷇

ɛ̀ ɟāā ná na᷅ wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɛ̀ ɟāā ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ii᷇

‘with a hunter’ ‘with a weak person’ ‘with a person who remains behind a house’ ‘with a person who came with force’

Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitic

When the head of the relative clause has an accompaniment role and is introduced by the animate preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’, the relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics (RDM=ACM) are attached to the clause-final word. See also 8.3.7. (19)

bāárg-á áð-a᷄ ǹ ɛ̀ ɟāā ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ Baggara-DEF coming with person REL strong=RDM=ACM ‘The Baggara were coming with the strong person (lit. the person who is strong).’

The singular relative clause definite and accompaniment clitic is =ÉÉ=nĒ (from =É=nĒ ‘=RDM.SG=ACM’) and the plural is =ÈÈ=nĒ (from =È=nĒ ‘=RDM.PL=ACM’), where the relative clause definite clitic vowel is lengthened. (20) Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics SG

PL

Noun

ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄

nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄

ADJ

ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄

nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄

Body part locative

ná a᷅n wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ= ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄

nà àn wísə̄-g ə́əɲ̀ g=ìì ìì= ìì=nī

ADV

ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íí íí= íí=nī

nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ìì ìì= ìì=nī

‘with the . . who is the hunter’ ‘with the . . who is weak’ ‘with the . . who remains behind the house’ ‘with the . . who came with force’

4.1.10 Subordinate clause-final clitic In subordinate clauses, such as those beginning with the subordinate conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’, the clitic =É (SBO) attaches to the clause-final word. The subordinate

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clause-final clitic =É (SBO) should not be confused with the subordinate verb-final clitics (SBO1, SBO2) of 10.7. In (21), the clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) attaches to the verb t ̪úrs=i᷅ ‘struck=COMP =SBO1’ in addition to the clause-final clitic =É (SBO) and is a different morpheme. See also 7.7 and 8.3.8. (21)

ɛ́ gārá bə̀rd̪=ə̄ t ̪úr-s=i᷅ when lion=DEF see-COMP=SBO1 ‘When the lion saw a strong person, . . ’ GP

ɟāā person

ná REL

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ strong=SBO

Singular and plural subordinate clauses have the clitic =É in clause-final position. (22) Subordinate clitic Noun ADJ

Body part locative ADV

Verb

SG

PL

àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟāā àn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ=ɛ̄ɛ̄ líɟ-ɟ=i ᷅ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íí ŋə̄ɲ=ii᷅

àggáàr-g=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟɔ̄gg àn wísə̄-g bɛ̀ɲāāg=ɛ́ɛ́ líɟ-ɟ=íì íì(ggi íì(ggi᷅ (ggi᷅) ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íí ŋə̄ɲ=íì íì(ggi íì(ggi᷅ (ggi᷅)

‘When . . . a hunter’ ‘When . . . a weak person’ ‘When . . . a person remaining beside the house’ ‘When . . . came with force’ ‘When he files’

4.1.11 Relative clause definite and subordinate clitic When a relative clause is at the end of a subordinate clause, the relative clause definite and subordinate clitics (RDM=SBO) are attached to the clause-final word. See also 8.3.9. (23)

ɛ́ gārá bə̀rd̪ə ̄ t ̪úr-s=i᷅ (GP)when lion.DEF see-COMP=SBO1 ‘When the lion saw the strong boy, . . ’

ɟāā boy

ná REL

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ strong=RDM=SBO

The singular relative clause and subordinate clause clitic is =ÉÉ=nÉ (from =É=nÉ ‘=RDM.SG=SBO’) and the plural is =ÈÈ=nĒ (from =È=nÉ ‘=RDM.PL=SBO’), where the relative clause definite clitic vowel is lengthened and the subordinate clitic High tone lowers to Mid following Low in the plural clitic {M9}. (24) Relative clause definite and subordinate clitics SG

PL

Noun

ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́

nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄

ADJ

ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́

nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄

‘When . . the . . who is the hunter’ ‘When . . the . . who is weak’

Clitics and word structure Body part locative

ná a᷅n wɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́

nà àn wísə̄-g ə́əɲ̀ g=ìì ìì= ìì=nī

ADV

ná líɟ-ɟə́ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=íí íí= íí=ní

nà líɟ-ɟə̄ ə̄nd̪ə́gg=ìì ìì= ìì=nī

4.1.12

71 ‘When . . the . . who remains behind the house’ ‘When . . the . . who came with force’

Perfect clitic

The perfect clitic (PF) indicates that a past or present action remains or results in the present or future. See also 10.8. (25)

ɛ̄ lā gə᷅f-ì wá, ɛ̄ gə̀ù-s-íì=rr. 3sN UNC /gàf/give.INCP-3sAM not 3sN /gàf/give-COMP-IPF=PF ‘He would not give it (money), (since) he had already given.’ (Fand3)

The perfect clitic =r optionally attaches to the verb object or verb of the clause. (26) Perfect clitics Noun á kɔ́m-d̪á ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́=r Verb á kɔ́m-d̪á=rr ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́

4.2

‘in order to completely cut the people’ ‘in order to completely cut the people’

Word structure

Before beginning morphology discussion on various word categories, it is important to define how a word boundary is determined and how the terms ‘root’, ‘stem’ and ‘word’ are used in this thesis. The morphemes attached to roots and stems have different functions, different morphophonological alternations, or in other ways are treated as different kinds of morphemes in the language. Word boundaries are determined by [+ATR] spreading. A word involves all bound morphemes to which [+ATR] quality spreads; with the exception of a few compounds (see footnote 8 in section 2.2.2.2), all vowels of a word have the same [ATR] quality, all being either [+ATR] or all being [-ATR]. A root is the smallest lexical morpheme of a word and can be the entire word. A stem is a root plus an optional suffix and can also be the entire word. A word includes the stem and any optional clitics. (27)

Stem = root + (suffix) Word = stem + (clitic) + (clitic)

All suffixes of the language are a part of the stem and all clitics in the language are outside of the stem, but inside the word. More than one clitic in the same word is possible, but only one suffix is possible in a stem.

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Nearly all stems are inflectional, having aspect (COMP, CONT, PF) or mood (IMP, SBJV). On the other hand, clitics are derivational (VN), indicate valency (PAS, PAS.A) or have clausal functions indicating how the word relates to another constituent of the clause (DAT, ACM) or indicates its place in the clause (COP, RDM, SBO). There are five criteria which can be used to determine whether a bound morpheme is a clitic. The criteria are not all valid for any one clitic. However, none of these criteria are valid for any of the suffixes. Thus, they each individually support the claim that clitics can be grouped differently than suffixes, and how to distinguish the two. (28) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Criteria for determining bound morphemes are clitics Attaches to more than one word category Attaches to inflectional morphemes Attaches to surface-final segments Stem tone assignment is the point of departure One or more of the morphophonological rules {M1-11} is not applied.

In the previous section of this chapter, it is shown that many of the clitics are attested to attach to more than one word category. In the introduction to noun morphology in 6.1 and the introduction to verb morphology in 9.1, as well as in relevant sections for each morpheme, the other criteria are shown to be valid for at least some clitics. Although several inflectional suffixes cannot be combined with other inflectional suffixes, all clitics can attach to inflectional suffixes. Although suffixes always attach to underlying-final segments of roots, clitics attach to surfacefinal segments of stems. In noun morphology, it is shown that root tone assignment is the point of departure for stem tone assignment, whereas stem tone assignment is the point of departure for word tone assignment. In verb morphology, although the morphophonological rules {M1-11} always apply to suffixes, it is common for one or more of the rules to not be applied to clitics.

4.3

Comparison of adjectives with nouns and verbs

Nouns and verbs are the two largest word categories in Gaahmg, both of which have significant amounts of morphology. Adjectives (also called qualitative adjectives in this thesis), though less productive, also have a significant amount of morphology. Before discussing the morphology of each, it is important to verify that each is a lexical category in its own right. Although adjectives commonly function as modifiers, they can also be used nominally or verbally. However, they are not used in some of the syntactic constructions of either nouns or verbs, and there are some differences in the morphology when used as either category. Thus, they can be analyzed as a distinct lexical category from either nouns or verbs.

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73

Adjectives such as kāyáár ‘beautiful’ agree in number with the head noun of the noun phrase, often marking plural number with the same suffix -gg as in nouns. (29a)

(b)

á ɲa᷇m ɔ̄d̪ kāyáár 1sN want wife beautiful ‘I want a beautiful wife.’ á ɲa᷇m ɔ̄ɔ-̄ gg kāyáār-g g 1SN want wives-PL beautiful-PL ‘I want beautiful wives.’

Adjectives are attested to fill the same slot in a clause as a noun when they are predicates of non-verbal clauses (with either a separate or bound copula) or follow a relativizer. However, they are generally not attested (NA) as subjects, objects, or objects of prepositions, although adjectives can modify the head noun of a noun phrase in each of these constructions. (30) Noun ‘hunter’ and adjective ‘beautiful’ syntactic comparison N ADJ ADJ of noun phrase Predicate ɟɛ̄n t ̪ā àggáár ɟɛ̄n t ̪ā kāyáár ɟɛ̄n tā̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kāyáár àggáár kāyáár kāyáár separate ‘The person is a ‘ . . is beautiful.’ ‘ . . is a beautiful girl.’ copula hunter.’ Predicate ɟɛ̄n àggáár àggáár=ā ɟɛ̄n kāyáár kāyáár ɟɛ̄n kàmàlɔ̀gg kāyáár kāyáár bound ‘The person is a ‘ . . is beautiful.’ ‘ . . is a beautiful girl.’ copula hunter.’ Following á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ̄n ná á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ̄n ná á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ̄n ná REL àggáár kāyáár kàmàlɔ̀gg kāyáár àggáár=ɛ́ kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáár=ɛ́ ‘I want the person ‘ . . is beautiful.’ ‘ . . is a beautiful girl.’ who is a hunter.’ Subject àgáár àgáár wɛ᷇dá̪ n (NA) kàmàlɔ̀gg kāyáár kāyáár wɛ᷇d̪án ‘The hunter is good.’ ‘The beauty is . . ’ ‘beautiful girl is . . ’ Object á ɲa᷇m àggáár (NA) á ɲa᷇m kàmàlɔ̀gg àggáárá kāyáár kāyáár=á ‘I want the hunter.’ ‘ . . the beauty.’ ‘ . . beautiful girl.’ Object ɛ̄ lɛ́ɛn᷄ ɛ̀ àggáár= (NA) ɛ̄ lɛ́ɛn᷄ ɛ̀ kàmàlɔ̀gg àggáár=ɛ᷇ r=ɛ᷇ of PP kāyáár= kāyáár=ɛ᷇ r=ɛ᷇ ‘She comes with ‘ . . with the ‘ . . with a a hunter.’ beauty.’ beautiful girl.’ A few adjectives such as wɛ᷇dá̪ n ‘good’ have a different form (wáɛ̄dá̪ ‘goodness, joy’) when used as a subject, object or object of a preposition. The word used in these constructions is analyzed categorically as a noun, having different syntactic functions than adjectives.

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(31) Noun wáɛ̄dá̪ ‘goodness, joy’ and adjective wɛ᷇dá̪ n ‘good’ syntactic comparison Predicate t ̪ɔ́ɔ́=n wɛ᷇dá̪ n Object á ɲa᷇m wáɛ̄dá̪ ‘The cow is good.’ ‘I want joy.’ Subject wáɛ̄dá̪ wɛ᷇dá̪ n Object of PP ɛ̄ ád̪ ɛ̄ wáɛ̄dá̪ ‘Joy is good.’ ‘He became with joy.’ (is pleased)’ There are three differences in the stem morphology of nouns and adjectives with final consonants. As shown in (32), singular nouns attach the copular clitic =Ā, whereas singular adjectives do not attach any clitic. Plural nouns attach the definite clitic =Á with High tone, whereas plural adjectives attach the definite clitic =À with Low tone. (32) Noun ‘hunter’ and adjective ‘beautiful’ morphology comparison N.SG N.PL ADJ.SG ADJ.PL àggáár àggáār-g kāyáár kāyáār-g COP =Ā/=À àggáár=ā àggáàr-g=à --/=À kāyáár kāyáàr-g=à -DEF =Á/=Á Á àggáár=á àggáār-g=á =Á/=À À kāyáár=á kāyáàr-g=à LCM/ =A᷇n/ àggáár àggáār-g =A᷇n/ kāyáár kāyáār-g DAT =A᷇n =a᷇n =a᷇n =A᷇n =a᷇n =a᷇n ACM =E᷇/=E᷇ àggáár=ɛ᷇ àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ =E᷇/=E᷇ kāyáár=ɛ᷇ kāyáār-g=ɛ᷇ RDM =É/=È àggáár=ɛ́ àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ =É/=È kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ SBO =É/=É àggáár=ɛ́ àggáār-g=ɛ́ =É/=É kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáār-g=ɛ́ In addition, the definite clitic =Vn with no underlying tone attaches to monosyllabic vowel-final nouns (máà, máá.=àn ‘house=DEF’), whereas the definite clitic =V́n with High tone attaches to monosyllabic vowel-final adjectives (íì, íī.=ín ‘heavy=DEF’). The differences in syntactic function and the differences in morphology, support the claim of there being both categorical nouns and adjectives. A few adjectives may be derived from nouns with the suffix -i as seen from the data of (33) taken from the Gaahmg-English Dictionary by Madal (2004). The derivation from one category to the other also supports the claim of both categories. (33)

Adjectives derived from nouns (Madal, 2004) N

ə̄ər̄ 17 d̪ùùd̪ kùsúùr

ADJ

‘anger’ ‘year’ ‘authority’

əər-i d̪uud̪-i kusuur-i

‘sorrowful, angry’ ‘annual’ ‘forceful’

Adjectives can also be used as verbs, often with the same syntax and morphology as 17

No tone marking was included with the data from the mentioned source.

Clitics and word structure

75

verbs. Adjectives are attested to fill the same slot in a clause as verbs in the constructions of (34). Many adjectives such as kāyáár ‘beautiful’ have the same morphology as verbs for completive and continuous suffixes. (34)

Verb ‘chop’ and adjective ‘beautiful’ syntax comparison INF INCP COMP CONT.N

Following REL

V

ADJ

ɟɛ̄n d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ -s ɛ̄ kɔ́m ‘The person begins to chop.’ ɟɛ̄n kɔ́m ‘The person chops.’ ɟɛ̄n kɔ́m-ssɔ́ ‘The person chopped.’ ɟɛ̄n kɔ́m-áán ‘The person was chopping.’ á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ̄n ná kɔ́m=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘I want the person who chops.’

ɟɛ̄n d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ -s ɛ̄ kāyáár ‘ . . to be beautiful.’ ɟɛ̄n kāyáár ‘ . . is beautiful.’ ɟɛ̄n kāyáár-sá sá ‘ . . was beautiful.’ ɟɛ̄n kāyáár-áán ‘ . . was beautiful.’ á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ̄n ná kāyáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘ . . is beautiful.’

However, in verb paradigms such as the incompletive forms of (35), the long forms of subject pronouns precede the adjectival verb instead of short subject pronouns as in true verbs. The plural adjective suffix -gg and copular clitic =A attach to adjectival verbs of plural persons, whereas these bound morphemes are not attached to any true verb forms. (35) (a)

Incompletive paradigms of active verb and adjectival verb compared ‘___ chop, cut’ (b) ‘___ am/are/is beautiful’ á kɔ᷇m 1sN āān kāyáār 1sN ɔ́, ú=ku᷇m 2sN ɔ̄ɔn̄ kə̄yə́ə̄r 2sN ɛ̄ kɔ́m 3sN ɛ̄ɛn̄ kāyáár 3sN āgg kɔ᷇m 1pN āggá kāyáár-g=ā 1pN ɔ̄gg, ūg=ku᷇m 2pN ɔ̄ggɔ́ kə̄yə́ə́r-g=ə̄ 2pN ɛ̄ggà kɔ̂m 3pN ɛ̄ggà kāyáár-g=à 3pN

The adjectival verb kāyáār of (35) has subject tone inflection (final Mid for second person, final High for third singular, and final Low for third plural) and [+ATR] second person forms, as do true verbs. However, in some adjectives used as verbs, person inflection is not as regular as the adjectival verb paradigm in (35). Second plural forms of some adjectival verbs have Low final tone instead of Mid (kɔ́ɔf́ àr, kúúfə̀r-g=ə̀ ‘thin.INCP-2pN=COP’) and second person forms of some adjectival verbs have [-ATR] quality instead of [+ATR] (bánd̪āl, bánd̪āl-g=ā ‘weak.INCP2pN=COP’). These features mark adjectives as being different than true verbs. Since adjectives have some differences in syntax and morphology compared to both nouns and verbs, they are analyzed as a separate category. Adjective clitic morphology similar to that of noun morphology is presented in 8.3, whereas

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adjective morphology similar to verb morphology is presented in 10.11. In the following chapters, word categories are discussed one-by-one. For each, we first discuss the function followed by the forms of morphemes attached to roots or stems. Because possessive pronouns are important for the discussion on nouns and verbs, pronouns in general are discussed first, followed by nouns, adjectives, verbs, prepositions, locatives, and adverbs. Each of these is a lexical category, as are conjunctions discussed in 15.2.

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5

Pronouns

The pronoun system in Gaahmg distinguishes three persons, two numbers (singular and plural), and six cases (possessive, subject, object, dative, reflexive, prepositional). There is no dual, no gender distinction, no inclusive/exclusive distinction, and no logophoric distinction. As expected in an SVO language, subject pronouns are pre-verbal and object and dative pronouns are post-verbal. Possessive pronouns are pre-nominal for inalienable nouns and post-nominal for alienable nouns. Prepositional pronouns have the prepositional marker prefix d̪- and reflexive pronouns make use of the possessed noun ‘body’. There are two distinct ways that pronouns affect verbs through [ATR] quality: second person subject morphemes require verb forms to have [+ATR] vowel quality as discussed in 5.3, and dative suffixed pronouns spread [+ATR] vowel quality leftward onto the verb root {M3}, as discussed in 5.5. The six types of pronouns are each discussed in their own section, but first, an explanation is needed for the vowel-person correspondence in all pronouns. Interrogative pronouns are not discussed in this chapter, but in 15.3 in the chapter on sentence level syntax.

5.1

Person and number markers

Pronouns in Gaahmg, regardless of case or number, use vowel features to represent the person referred to. Depending on the type of pronoun, the vowel may be either [+ATR] or unspecified for [ATR], and the three persons coincide with the language's three vowel harmony pairs as shown in (1): [+back, -round] vowels represent first person, [+round] vowels represent second person, and [-back] vowels represent third person. Pronouns are marked for plural number agreement with the velar geminate segment -gg-. (1)

Person marker vowel pairs in pronouns Vowel features Vowel pairs Person indicated [+back, -round] a, ə 1st person [+back, +round] ɔ, u 2nd person [-back, -round] ɛ, i 3rd person

The abbreviations used for pronouns are as follows in order of appearance: 1, 2, or 3 refers to person; s or p refers to singular or plural person number; P, N, A, D, R, O refers to possessive, subject (or nominative), object (or accusative), dative, reflexive, or prepositional case (object of a preposition); and in possessive pronouns, final s or p refers to singular or plural noun agreement. For example, the pronoun máà ə́əǹ (è) ‘my (1sPs) house’ indicates the first person singular possessive pronoun agreeing

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with a singular noun, and the pronoun máàgg ə́nə̀gg(ə̀) ‘my (1sPp) houses’ indicates the first person singular possessive pronoun agreeing with a plural noun. For reference, the list of table 7 presents the most basic pronoun forms of this chapter.

Long subject (N)

Short Subject (N)

Subject future (N)

Object (A)

Dative (D)

ā

āān

á

a᷇

a

ɔ̄

ɔ̄

ɔ̄ɔn̄

ɛ̄

ɛ̄ɛn̄

ɔ᷇ ɔ᷇= ɛ́

-O

ɛ̄

ɔ́ ɔ́= ɛ̄

à(gg)

āgg

āggá

āgg

āggá

ɔ̀(gg)

ɔ̄gg ūgg ɛ̄gg

ɔ̄ggɔ́

ɔ̄gg ɔ̄gg= (ɛ̄gg)

ɔ̄ggɔ́ ɔ̄ggɔ́= ɛ̄ggà

-ə᷇n -ə᷅n -u᷇n -u᷅n -i᷇n -i᷅n -ə᷇ggə́n -ə᷅ggə̄n -u᷇ggún -u᷅ggūn -îggə̀n -i᷅ggə̀n

ɛ̀(gg)

5.2

ɛ̄ggà

-E -E᷇ aaggá áāggá -OOggÓ -ÓŌggÓ -EEggÀ -ÉÈggÀ

Prepositional (O)

Possessive (body parts ) (P)

ā

Reflexive (R)

Infinitive

Table 7: Basic pronoun forms

ə̄əŋ̄

-áán(á)

1s

ūūŋ

-ɔ́ɔń (ɔ́)

2s

īīŋ

-ɛ́ɛn̄ (á)

3s

ə̀əŋ̀ -g

-a᷇ggá

1p

ùùŋ-g

-ɔ᷇ggɔ́

2p

ììŋ-g

-ɛ̂ggɛ̀

3p

Possessive pronouns

There are two sets of possessive pronouns, one used with inalienable nouns—body parts and kinship terms—the other with alienable nouns. The two sets have different syntax. The inalienable set precedes the noun, the alienable set follows it. The examples of (2-4) demonstrate the order of possessors and possessed nouns. (2) (a)

PrePre-nominal possessive pronouns: pronouns: body parts ɲa᷆m ūgg ŋə̀lg lg break 2pPp necks ‘They will break your necks.’ (Thng23)

Pronouns

79

(b)

ānɛ̄nd̪á T̪ ɛĺ ɛ̄ kúnd̪=ú18 ɛ̄ ád̪ ɛ̄ wáɛ̄dá̪ then God 3sPs heart=DEF 3sN becomes with joy ‘Then, God will be pleased (lit. Then God’s his heart, it becomes with joy).’ (Womn17)

(3) (a)

Pre--nominal possessive pronouns: kinship terms ɔ̀ ɔ́ yáā ɲāā nɛ́ɛ ́ lɛ̀ɛǹ -án d̪ūmùùn d̪-ūūŋ t ̪à and 2sPs mother girl this was.coming towards PP-2sO there ‘Your mother’s sister (lit. your girl mother) was coming to you there.’ (Assa3-4)

(b)

ɔ̄ðɔ̄ɔḡ g, ə̀dd̪ ə̪ ̀ ɛ́ kɔ̄r d̪-ɔ̄ggɔ̀ ggɔ̀ ɟīð-ə̀gg=ə̄ gg=ə̄ gg gg= women live GP word PP-2pPp husband2pPp husband-PL=DEF ‘Women, if you live only by your husbands’ orders.’ (Womn21)

(4) (a)

PostPost-nominal possessive pronouns mɔ̄sɔ̀r íìnī bɛ᷇l ə̀súùr. horse 3sPs named Asuur ‘His horse was called Asuur.’ (Minj10)

(b)

bìì fīŋə́də̪ ̄ kɔ̄r ə́ə̀əǹ níí ma᷆ mâŋ! let hear word 1sPs this very carefully ‘Listen to my words very carefully!’ (Womn3)

5.2.1

Possession of alienable nouns

Possessive pronouns of alienable nouns are given in (5). Alienable possessive pronouns agree with the noun they follow in both singular and plural number. The singular marker -n- is only found in alienable possessive pronouns and in long subject pronouns (see 5.3), whereas the plural marker -gg- is used in all plural pronouns. The plural person pronouns are distinguished from the singular person (5) Noun SG

Noun PL

Possessive paradigm for alienable noun máà / máà máàgg gg ‘house’ Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns máà ə́əǹ (=è) 1sPs máà ə̄yə̀n(=ə̀) 1pPs máà úùn(=ù) 2sPs máà ūyùn(=ù) 2pPs máà íìnī(=n) 3sPs máà īyə̀nī(=n) 3pPs máà-gg ə́nə̀gg(=ə̀)19 1sPp máà-gg ə̄yə̀gg(=ə̀) 1pPp máà-gg únùg(=ù) 2sPp máà-gg ūyùgg(=ù) 2pPp máà-gg ínìgī(=n) 3sPp máà-gg īyə̀ggī(=n) 3pPp

18 The construction of (2b) has both a noun (T̪ ɛĺ ‘God’) and pronoun (ɛ̄ ‘his’) possessor of the body part kúnd̪ú ‘heart’. See 14.9.3 for nominal possession of body parts. 19 Or ə́ngə̀

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pronouns with the segment y, and initial tone of singular person possessives is High, whereas initial tone of plural person possessives is Mid. Third person possessives have a final vowel with Mid tone. Vowels and consonants in parentheses are copular clitics, attached when the possessive pronouns are comments of a stative clause (‘The cow is mine’). They are discussed further in section 14.6.1.

5.2.2

Possession of inalienable nouns: body parts

Possessive pronouns for body parts are given in (6). In Gaahmg, body parts are inalienable nouns with possession formed by an independent possessor pronoun preceding the possessed noun. In (6), the body part ‘cheek’ is listed in singular and plural forms with all possible possessive pronouns. The dashed line represents constructions that do not exist. The [+ATR] value of the plural suffix -əgg spreads leftward onto the noun root in accordance with {M3} of 3.2, but not onto the independent possessive pronoun preceding the noun. The plural person pronouns are distinguished from the singular person pronouns by the plural marker gg. Second person possessives of plural body parts can be [+ or -ATR]. The tone of all possessive pronouns of body part nouns is Mid. (6)

ǵ g ‘cheek’ Possessive paradigm for inalienable body part fānd̪ / fə̄nd̪əgg Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns Noun SG ā fānd̪ 1sPs --1pPs ɔ̄ fānd̪ 2sPs --2pPs ɛ̄ fānd̪ 3sPs --3pPs Noun PL ā fə̄nd̪-ə́gg 1sPp āgg fə̀nd̪-ə̄gg 1pPp ɔ̄, ū fə̄nd̪-ə́gg 2sPp ɔ̄gg, ūgg fə̀nd̪-ə̄gg 2pPp ɛ̄ fə̄nd̪-ə́gg 3sPp ɛ̄gg fə̀nd̪-ə̄gg 3pPp

In addition, the nouns possessed by plural persons take a different tone pattern than that of nouns possessed by singular persons. As is discussed further in 6.4, the plural person morpheme requires LM tone pattern to surface for possessed body part nouns.

5.2.3

Possession of inalienable nouns: kinship terms

The possessive pronouns of kinship terms are identical to those of body part nouns, except for tone. Whereas all possessive pronouns of body part nouns have Mid tone, first and second singular person pronouns of kinship terms have High tone. And in contrast to body parts, the tone of kinship terms possessed by plural persons is the same as those possessed by singular persons.

Pronouns (7)

5.2.4

81

Possessive paradigm for inalienable kinship term tá̪ áð áðà / t ̪ááð ̪ááðàd̪ ‘grandmother’ Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns Noun SG á t ̪ááðà 1sPs āgg t ̪ááðà 1pPs ɔ́ t ̪ááðà 2sPs ɔ̄gg t ̪ááðà 2pPs ɛ̄ t ̪ááðà 3sPs ɛ̄gg t ̪ááðà 3pPs Noun PL á t ̪ááðàd̪ 1sPp āgg t ̪ááðàd̪ 1pPp ɔ́, ú t ̪ááðàd̪ 2sPp ɔ̄gg, ūgg t ̪ááðàd̪ 2pPp ɛ̄ t ̪ááðàd̪ 3sPp ɛ̄gg t ̪ááðàd̪ 3pPp

Inherently possessed body part nouns

For most inalienable nouns, possessive pronouns are separate from the nouns they precede, evidenced by a lack of [+ATR] spreading from roots to the preceding pronoun {M3}. However, there is a special set of body parts in which the possessive pronoun is attached to the noun. These body part nouns do not occur without being possessed by someone, and can be referred to as ‘inherently possessed’ body parts (Payne 1997:105-106). Unlike other body part nouns, speakers cannot say ‘eye’, ‘hand’, ‘head’, etc. without also including the possessor along with the noun (i.e. ‘his eye’, ‘my eye’, ‘your eye’, etc.). An exhaustive list of inherently possessed body parts is shown in (8). Those that are used as locatives, as described in chapter 11, have asterisks next to them. The root contains only a consonant, except for (g) which has no root segment. A possessive person marker long vowel VV- is prefixed to the root in all singular forms as well as in plural forms of all but the body part nouns of (a-b). In the plural forms of (a-b), a person marker short vowel V- is prefixed to the root. All vowels of each possessed body part noun refer to the person possessing it, corresponding with the three vowel pairs of the language: a or ə for first person, ɔ or u for second person, and ɛ or i for third person. The [+ATR] quality of the plural suffixes -+gg or –V̄+gg spreads leftward onto the noun root {M3}. Further, the vowel of the suffix is underlying unspecified for any other feature, and takes the features of the person morpheme—ə, u, or i, depending on the person possessing the body part. The body parts of (f-g) have both a singular and plural suffix. (8) (a)

(b)

Possessive paradigms of ‘inherently possessed’ body part nouns Root N SG, SG person N PL, SG person N PL, PL person /d̪/ āā-d̪ 1sPs ə́-d̪-ə̄gg 1sPp ə̀-d̪-ə̄gg 1pPp ‘eye’ ɔ̄ɔ̄-d̪ 2sPs ú-d̪-ūgg 2sPp ù-d̪-ūgg 2pPp ɛ̄ɛ-̄ d̪ 3sPs í-d̪-īgg 3sPp ì-d̪-īgg 3pPp /s/ áà-s 1sPs ə́-s-ə̄gg 1sPp ə̀-s-ə̄gg 1pPp ‘hand’ ɔ́ɔ̀-s 2sPs ú-s-ūgg 2sPp ù-s-ūgg 2pPp ɛ́ɛ-̀ s 3sPs í-s-īgg 3sPp ì-s-īgg 3pPp

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A grammar of Gaahmg

(c)

/l/

(d)

/ɲ/

(e)

/ŋ/

(f)

/l/

(g)

//

āā-l ɔ̄ɔ̄-l ɛ̄ɛ-̄ l āā-ɲ ɔ̄ɔ̄-ɲ ɛ̄ɛ-̄ ɲ āā-ŋ ɔ̄ɔ̄-ŋ ɛ̄ɛ-̄ ŋ āā-l-g ɔ̄ɔ̄-l-g ɛ̄ɛ-̄ l-g āā-gg ɔ̄ɔ̄-gg ɛ̄ɛ-̄ gg

1sPs 2sPs 3sPs 1sPs 2sPs 3sPs 1sPs 2sPs 3sPs 1sPs 2sPs 3sPs 1sPs 2sPs 3sPs

ə̀ə-̀ l-g ùù-l-g ìì-l-g ə̀ə-̀ ɲ-g ùù-ɲ-g ìì-ɲ-g ə̀ə-̀ ŋ-g ùù-ŋ-g ìì-ŋ-g ə̀ə-̀ l-g ùù-l-g ìì-l-g ə̀ə-̀ gg ùù-gg ìì-gg

1pPp 2pPp 3pPp 1pPp 2pPp 3pPp 1pPp 2pPp 3pPp 1pPp 2pPp 3pPp 1pPp 2pPp 3pPp

‘head’*

‘back’*

‘body’*

‘stomach’*

‘mouth’

Although all the body part nouns of (8) have an initial vowel, they are not considered a special set of nouns because of the initial vowel, but because of the possessive pronoun being a part of the noun and because of the vowel harmony changes for the entire possessive construction. There are two attested body part nouns which have a vowel-initial root but for which the possessive pronoun is not a part of the noun and for which there is no change in vowel harmony: ā ə̀ə̀mə̄ə̄ ‘my liver’, āgg ə̀əm ̀ ə̄ə̄-gg ‘our livers’; ā îl ‘my horn’, ā íl-ə̀əg̀ g ‘my horns’, āgg ìl-ə̄əḡ g ‘our horns’. The root tone of the nouns in (8) is Mid with the exception of (b) which has HL tone. The nouns possessed by plural persons all have L(M) tone. The plural nouns ‘eyes’ and ‘hands’ (a-b), possessed by singular persons, have HM tone melody.

5.3

Subject pronouns

Subject pronouns precede the verb and have the semantic roles of agent or experiencer, except in passive clauses when they have the roles of patient or theme. They are independent of the verb and are most often realized in short form. Long, short, future and infinitive subject pronouns for each of three persons, singular and plural, are listed in (9). Future tense is marked on the subject pronoun by tone difference from non-future subject pronouns. A separate set of pronouns with differing tone precedes non-clause-initial infinitive verbs. As will be discussed shortly, second person pronouns of finite verbs are optionally clitics which attach to verbs.

Pronouns (9)

Subject pronouns Long Short (non-future) āān á ɔ̄ɔn̄ ɔ́, ɔ́= ɛ̄ɛn̄ (ɛ̄) āggá āgg ɔ̄ggɔ́ ɔ̄gg, ɔ̄gg= ɛ̄ggà (ɛ̄gg)

Future a᷇ ɔ᷇, ɔ᷇= ɛ́ āggá ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ́= ɛ̄ggà

83

Infinitive ā ɔ̄ ɛ̄ à(gg) ɔ̀(gg) ɛ̀(gg)

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

Long subject pronouns are most common in nominal clauses such as in (10). They are rare otherwise. (10) (a)

(b)

Long subject pronouns á bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “wá, āān wá.” āān ūŋúūr=ú 1sN said no 1sN Arab=DEF not ‘I replied, “No, I am not an Arab.” ’ (Jooj6) ma᷇n ná ə́n=í t ̪ù wá ɛ̄ɛn̄ one which bad=REL it.is true not ‘Nothing bad will happen (lit. the one thing which is bad is not there).’ (Fand23)

Sometimes, the short subject pronouns co-occur with a long subject pronoun as in (11) for added emphasis to the subject. (11)

āān á bìīn d̪í, “ɔ̀ ɔ̄ɔn̄ ú=ɟìs-sə̀ ɲíí d̪í t ̪ɛ̀=ā?” 1sN 1sN said also and 2sN 2sN=did what also here=DEF ‘I myself also asked him, “And you, what are you doing here?” ’ (Jooj8)

Third person short subject pronouns occur along with noun subjects such as in (12) to indicate a switch in reference or to give emphasis to the subject. (12)

ɟɛ̄n ɛ̄ bìl=ì d̪-ɛ̄ kúnd̪ person 3sN shot=him PP-3sP chest ‘A person shot him in his chest.’ (Fand30)

In narratives, the short pronouns are commonly used alone to reference the same subject as in the previous clause. Sometimes third singular person subject pronouns are used to reference third plural person with the same subject as the previous clause. Although not that frequent, third person subject pronouns can be dropped. In such instances, the zero pronoun reference is normally recoverable from context. The tone of the verb form distinguishes third singular and plural persons, as described in section 9.8.

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In (13), short subject pronouns precede a [-ATR] verb root, and in (14) precede a [+ATR] verb root. First and third subject pronouns are always [-ATR] regardless of the vowel quality of the verb root. (13)

Paradigm of short subject pronouns on continuous non--past verb kɔ́m-ān ‘cut, chop’ á kɔ́m-a᷇n 1sN āgg kɔ́m-a᷇n ɔ́ kúm-ə᷇n, ú=kúm-ə᷇n 2sN ɔ̄gg kúm-ə᷇n, ūg=kúm-ə᷇n ɛ̄ kɔ́m-án 3sN ɛ̄gg kɔ́m-ân20

1pN 2pN 3pN

In second person forms of finite verbs, the (root) vowel is always [+ATR] regardless of the vowel quality of the verb root. Verb roots as in (13) that are otherwise [-ATR] become [+ATR] in the second person verb forms. In the verb of (13), the vowel that surfaces as ɔ in other persons becomes u in the second person; the vowel that surfaces as a in other persons becomes ə in the second person. Second person subject pronouns are optionally [+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. Those which surface as [-ATR] are analyzed as separate from the verb. Those which surface as [+ATR] are analyzed as clitics attached to the verb, becoming [+ATR] through leftward spreading from the [+ATR] second person verb form {M3}. (14)

Paradigm of short subject pronouns on completive verb bìld̪ə̀ ‘hit’ á bìld̪ə̀ 1sN āgg bìld̪ə̀ 1pN ɔ́ bìld̪ə̀, ú=bìld̪ə̀ 2sN ɔ̄gg bìld̪ə̀, ūg=bìld̪ə̀ 2pN ɛ̄ bìld̪ə̄ 3sN ɛ̄gg bìld̪ə̀ 3pN

First and third subject pronouns are independent, even though they are short, evidenced by the fact that [+ATR] quality does not spread leftward to the pronouns from the [+ATR] verb form in the paradigm of (14) as it does in second person forms {M3}. Example (6) demonstrated how [+ATR] quality does not spread onto independent possessive pronouns, either. Other support for the short first and third subject pronouns not being prefixes or clitics is seen in (15), where leftward [+ATR] spreading from the suffixed dative pronoun in (b) does not spread onto the subject pronoun. Since [+ATR] quality spreads without limit within the word {M3}, the preceding pronoun is analyzed as being separate. This example of a dative clitic will be discussed further in section 20

As discussed in 9.1, singular and plural third person subjects are distinguished by tone on the verb itself as seen in (13) of this section where first and second person verb forms have final Mid tone, the third singular form has final High tone, and the third plural form has final Low tone. In (14), the final Mid tone on first and second verb forms assimilates to the root Low tone {M9} and the final High tone on the third singular form is lowered to Mid following Low root tone {M9}.

Pronouns

85

5.5. (15a)

á gàɔ̀sà ūnū mīí 1sN gave 2sD chicken ‘I gave you a chicken.’

á gə̀ùs=u u᷇ mīí 1sN gave=2sD chicken ‘I gave you a chicken.’

(b)

As will be shown in 9.2, infinitive verb forms do not inflect for person, neither in tone nor in [ATR] quality, and subject pronouns are never attached to such verbs. Third person agents (or experiencers) can also follow the verb in prepositional phrases and in genitive case, and are discussed in 10.2 and 14.5.1.

5.4

Object pronouns

Second and third person object pronouns are suffixed to verbs as shown by the examples of (16). They have the roles of patient, theme, or experiencer. (16) Object pronoun clitics (a) ɛ̄ lā gə᷅f=ìì 3sN UNC /gàf/give.INCP=3sAM ‘He would not give it.’ (Fand3)

wá not

(b)

ɛ́ dɔ̀ɟ-ɟ āāggá ɛ́ mīīd̪-ə́g fɔ̄rɔ́ɟɟ wá 3sN /d̪ɔɟ̀ /stone-INF 1pA by stone-PL few not ‘When it pelted us with a lot of stones, . . ’ (Thng20)

bə̀=ī oh=SBO

(c)

ɛ̄ mə́r-ə᷄n=íì íìgg d̪ūmùùn ɛ́ gɔ̄ɔr̄ íìggə̀ ggə̀ 3pN /mār/sold.CAUS-CONT=3pAM towards to clan.name ‘ . . to sell to them far away past the Goor clan.’ (Minj3)

Unlike dative pronouns, second and third object pronouns never occur independently, but only as bound morphemes to verb stems. Further, a noun object cannot occur along with an object pronoun. Examples (17b) and (d) are ungrammatical. (17) (a)

(c)

Object pronoun examples ɟɛ̄n gàɔ̀-sā mīī=n person give-COMP goat=DEF ‘The person gave the goat.’ ɟɛ̄n person

gə̄ū-s=ì give-COMP= 3SAM ‘The person gave it (goat).’

(d)

(b)

*ɟɛ̄n gàɔ̀-sā ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) person give-COMP 3sA ‘The person gave it (goat).’

*ɟɛ̄n person

gə̄ū-s=ì mīī=n give-COMP= goat=DEF 3SAM ‘The person gave it (goat).’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Second and third person unmarked object pronouns take the [ATR] quality of the stem. First person object pronouns are analyzed as separate morphemes since they remain [-ATR] regardless of the quality of the root to which they follow. Most objects have more than one tonal allomorph for different subject person verbs to which they attach. Tone of object pronouns is discussed further in 10.4.2. (18)

Unmarked object pronouns Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns a 1sA aaggá, áāggá 1pA =O 2sA =OOggÓ, =ÓŌggÓ 2pA =E, =E᷇ 3sA =EEggÀ, =ÉÈggÀ 3pA

There are two types of third person object pronouns, although the exact distinction in function is not clear. For lack of better terms, they are called ‘marked (AM)’ and ‘unmarked (A)’ object pronouns in this thesis in accordance with their distinction in vowel quality. The unmarked third person pronouns of (18) are unspecified for [ATR], the same as first and second person object pronouns, and the marked third person pronouns of (19) are [+ATR]. As with unmarked object pronouns, the marked pronouns have more than one tonal allomorph for different subject person verbs to which they attach. These are also further discussed in 10.4.2. (19)

Marked third person object pronouns Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns =i, =ì, =íìggì 3sAM =iiggə̀, =ììggə̀, =íìggə̀

3pAM

The marked and unmarked object pronouns are both used to indicate patients, as shown in (20). (20) (b)

Unmarked object ɟɛ̄n bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ person beat-COMP=3SA ‘The person beat it (goat).’

(c)

Marked object ɟɛ̄n bīl-d̪=ì person beat-COMP=3SAM ‘The person beat it (goat).’

However, the marked and unmarked third person object pronouns can be used to distinguish types of subordinate clauses introducing the referent to which the third object pronoun refers. In (20a), the unmarked [-ATR] object pronoun attached to wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘take-COMP=3sA’ refers to the noun párɛ́=n ‘bag=DEF’ introduced in the subordinate ‘if’ clause, whereas in (b) the marked [+ATR] object pronoun refers to a noun introduced by the subordinate conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’. In 10.7, the verbs of these subordinate clauses will be shown to take different subordinate clitics and are grammatically distinct.

Pronouns (20) (a)

(b)

5.5

87

Third singular marked and unmarked object pronouns ɟāā=n ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ párɛ́=n=ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ person 3sN file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. =DEF =SBO2 =SBO INCP ‘If the person filed the leather bag, I will come take it.’ ɛ́ gārá ɟāā=n ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ párɛ́=n=ɛ́, á (GP) person /ŋān/file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN when =DEF =SBO1 =SBO ‘When the person has filed/sanded the bag, I will come

wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ take-COMP =3sA

lɛ́ɛ ̄ come. INCP

wə́r=ìì take.INCP =3sAM

take it.’

Dative pronouns

The dative pronouns have the semantic roles of beneficiary or recipient as seen in the examples of (21) (21) Dative pronoun clitics (a) á bì=īīggə̀ “wá!” ggə̀n 1sN /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ tell.INF=3pD no ‘I told them “No!” ’ (Thng21-22) (b)

īīgg=ə́

ɛ̄

fān t ̪ád̪ mə̄l=íínə̄ milk=DEF 3sN /māl/gather.INCP=3sD on down ‘Milk accumulated for him underneath.’ (Fand24)

(c)

ɟɔ̄gg gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɔ́ bà ə́s-s=ə᷅ə᷅ggə̄ ggə̄n ɟɛ̀gg ə́n-g=ì gg people Goor=DEF oh /áð/become-COMP=1pD things bad-PL=RDM ‘The Goor tribe became our enemies (lit. to us bad things).’ (Minj6)

Dative pronouns are normally suffixed to verbs, but in slow speech are separate and immediately follow the verb. As will be discussed in 10.5.2, there are tonal allomorphs for different subject person verbs to which the dative pronouns are attached. (22)

Dative pronouns Singular person pronouns Separate Attached ə́nə̄ =ə᷇n, =ə᷅n 1sD únū =u᷇n, =u᷅n 2sD ínə̄ =i᷇n, =i᷅n 3sD

Plural person pronouns Separate Attached ə̄ggə᷇n =ə᷇ggə́n, =ə᷅ggə̄n ūggu᷇n =u᷇ggún, =u᷅ggūn īggə̀n =îggə̀n, =i᷅ggə̀n

1pD 2pD 3pD

As previously mentioned and as seen in (23b), the [+ATR] value assigned to the dative pronoun spreads leftward onto the root {M3}. There is no such harmony with independent dative pronouns as seen in (23a).

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A grammar of Gaahmg ɛ̄ 3sN

(23a)

gàɔ̀-sā gave-COMP

u᷇nū 2sD

mīí chicken

(b)

‘He gave you a chicken.’

ɛ̄ 3sN

gə̀ù-s=u u᷇ mīí gavechicken COMP=2sD ‘He gave you a chicken.’

Similar to object pronouns, dative pronouns do not occur along with a dative noun as in (24). *ɟɛ̄n gə̀ù-s=ii᷇n mīī-n kàmàlɔ̀gg=āān person give-COMP=3SD goat-DEF woman=DAT ‘The person gave the goat to the woman.’

(24)

Although the dative noun and object noun can have either order in a clause as in (25a), the independent dative pronoun must immediately follow the verb when occurring along with a noun object. For example, the independent pronoun following the noun object in (25c) is ungrammatical. ɟɛ̄n person

(25a)

gàɔ̀-sā give-

mīīn goat.

COMP

DEF

kàmàlɔ̀gg=āān woman=DAT

/

kàmàlɔ̀gg=āān woman=DAT

mīīn goat. DEF

‘The person gave the woman the goat.’ ɟɛ̄n person

(b)

gàɔ̀-sā give-

ínə̄ 3SD

COMP

mīīn goat.

(c)

*ɟɛ̄n person

DEF

‘The person gave her the goat.’

gàɔ̀-sā give-

mīīn goat.

COMP

DEF

ínə̄ 3SD

‘The person gave her the goat.’

When an imperfect suffix such as =É in (26a) or an object pronoun such as =ì in (b) are attached to the verb, the independent dative pronoun can follow the verb word. (26a)

á ɲa᷇m 1sN /ɲám/want.INCP ‘I want Hashim ā

háshīm=á Hashim=DEF

ɟìd̪-d̪ə̄ ɔ̀ ā wár-d̪=ɛ́ ə᷇nə̄ make and SBJV bring 1sD /ɟìs/-SBJV.3sN /wár/-SBJV=IPF.3sN to get me a radio.’ (Assa11-12)

SBJV

(b)

t ̪ɛ́l God

rád̪ɛ.̀ radio

gə̄ū-s=ìì ūggúūn ɛ̄ ɟɔ̄ ūggúūn gāfà gave-them 2pD given by only /gàf/COMP=3sAM /gàf/NOM.SG ‘God has given them to you for good reason.’ (Womn6)

màrɛ̀ɛ ̀ somehow

Pronouns

89

When both the object and dative object are pronouns, the dative pronoun commonly follows the object pronoun and can be separate or attached. When attached, the dative pronoun can be attached directly as in (27b) or n can be inserted between then as in (c). In (d), the object pronoun follows an attached dative pronoun, but the third singular object pronoun has a different form [=ÉÉn (which becomes =íín through [+ATR] spreading) instead of =E (3sA) or =EEggÀ (3pA)]. An object can also follow a dative pronoun by having a prepositional prefix d̪- as will be shown in (31e) of 5.7 and is then a prepositional pronoun instead of an object pronoun. (27) (a)

Object and dative pronouns in the same clause ɟɛ̄n gə̄ū-s=ìì ínə̄ (b) ɟɛ̄n gə̄ū-s=ìì.=ī .=īn 3SD person give-COMP= person giveCOMP=3SAM 3SAM=3SD ‘The person gave it to her.’ ‘The person gave it to her.’

(c)

ɟɛ̄n gə̀ù-s=īīn=i᷇n person give-COMP=3SAM=3SD ‘The person gave it to her.’

(d)

bà please

ná REL

fār-sā /far/remain-

t ̪ámán=ɛ́ one=RDM

bà please

ú 2sN

kə́ɟ=əən᷇ =ííín /kaɟ/bring=1sD=3sA

COMP

‘Any (cows) which remain, please bring them to me.’ In (28), the full paradigm of suffixed dative pronouns is shown attached to a completive verb. The completive verb without the dative pronoun and object are shown in (a), and the paradigm with dative suffix, assuming the same noun object, is given in (b). In (a), the root vowel surfaces as ɔ, but in (b) becomes u with the attached [+ATR] dative suffixes {M3}. In such examples, the vowel of the completive suffix does not surface, as suffix vowels are elided by the initial vowel of following suffix, as stated by the verb elision rule of {M1} in 3.1. Other dative pronoun paradigms on verb forms are shown in 10.8. (28) (a) (b)

Paradigm of attached dative pronouns on completive verb kɔ́m-sɔ̄ ‘cut, chop’ kɔ́m-sɔ̄ māgàld̪ ‘He cut-COMP a stick.’ kúm-s=ə᷇ -COMP=1sD kúm-s=ə᷇gə́n -COMP=1pD kúm-s=u᷇ -COMP=2sD kúm-s=u᷇gún -COMP=2pD kúm-s=i᷇ -COMP=3sD kúm-s=îgə̀n -COMP=3pD

5.6

Reflexive pronouns

In Gaahmg, the reflexive pronoun is used as an object that is referentially identical to the subject. In (29a, b), the reflexive indicates the object which is the same

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referent as the subject. However in (c), the reflexive meaning is extended and the reflexive is used as a repeated object for emphasis. Instead of referring back to the subject, it refers back to the object. In (29c), the plural noun ɟɔ̄gg ‘people/officials’ and the third plural reflexive ììŋg are objects of the verb máð ‘refuse’. The noun ɟɔ̄gg represents the government and is emphasized with the reflexive, possibly because of previous bad encounters with them. Reflexives are not found to be used as repeated subjects. (29) Reflexive pronoun examples (a) “sàlàd̪=ā", ɛ̄ bɛ̀ɛ,̀ "ū=wə́r ūūŋ ūūŋ cābb ánɛ̄ɛń ” Hyena=DEF 3sN say 2sN=carry 2sR up like.this ‘ “Hyena", he said, "Make yourself upright.” ’ (Nyee32) (b)

ɛ̄ máà īīŋ ɛ̄ àn mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɔ̄ɔl̄ īīŋ 3sN prides 3sR 3sN stay horse up ‘He takes pride in himself as he sits up on the horse.” (Minj14)

(c)

ɛ̄ máð ɛ̄21 ɟɔ̄gg ììŋg ɛ́ d̪āfà ììŋg 3sN refuse 3sN people 3pR by fighting ‘He refused (to give money to) the officials by fighting.’ (Fand4)

Reflexive pronouns are based on the inherently possessed word for ‘body’, which is VVŋ, where V is the person marker vowel. As discussed in 5.2.4, the word for body and a few other nouns cannot occur without possession using one of the person marker vowels. With such words the norm is for [-ATR] vowels to indicate singular persons, and for [+ATR] vowels as well as the plural suffix -gg to indicate plural persons. However, all reflexive pronouns are [+ATR], and the suffix -gg as well as Low tone indicate plural agreement. (30)

5.7

Reflexive pronouns Singular person pronouns ə̄əŋ̄ 1sR ūūŋ 2sR īīŋ 3sR

Plural person pronouns ə̀əŋ̀ -g 1pR ùùŋ-g 2pR ììŋ-g 3pR

Prepositional pronouns

Prepositional pronouns are objects of prepositions, or for another reason are prefixed by the preposition marker d̪-. The prepositional prefix takes the place of the general preposition ɛ́, í (GP) as in (31a-b) when introducing prepositional pronoun objects The second pronoun ɛ̄ ‘he’ in (c) is the only occurrence found of a post-verbal subject pronoun. Perhaps it is repeated for emphasis or there is an implied unstated verb ‘to give’ of which ɛ̄ ‘he’ is the subject pronoun. 21

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(see 11.4). However, the prepositional prefix is used in addition to an adverb functioning as a directional preposition such as d̪ūmùùn ‘towards’ in (c). It is also used in addition to the animate accompaniment preposition ɛ ‘with’ and accompaniment clitic =E᷇ on the pronoun as shown in (d). The marker is also used to introduce verb objects when separated from the verb by a bound dative pronoun as in (e) or by other verbal suffixes. (31) Prepositional pronoun examples (a) ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -s-ī d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ someone bother-COMP-PAS.A PP-3sO ‘No one was bothered by it.’ (Thng25)

wá not

(b)

ɟɔ̄gg ɛ̄gg ə́ði᷅ bà, ɛ̄gg wár ɟɛ̀gg=ā d̪-a᷇ggá kāɛ̄ people 3pN come oh 3pN take things=DEF PP-1pO all ‘When these people come, they take all (our) things from us.’ (Minj7)

(c)

ɔ̀ ɔ́ yáā ɲāā nɛ́ɛ ́ lɛ̀ɛǹ án d̪ūmùùn d̪-ūūŋ ūūŋ and 2sPs mother girl this was.coming towards PP-2sO ‘ . . and your mother’s sister was coming to you there.’ (Assa3-4)

(d)

ɔ̀ kár t ̪āðán ɛ̀ d̪-êgg=ɛ̄ gg and wildcow was with PP-3pO=ACM ‘ . . and a wild buffalo was with them.’ (Nyee4)

(e)

ɛ̄ gə̀l-d̪=i᷇n d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ná 3sN /gàl/ram-SBJV.3sN=3sD22 PP-3sO REL.SG ‘ . . in order to break it down for them.’ (Nyee12)

t ̪ád̪ down

t ̪à there

d̪í also

Prepositional pronouns have the same segmental form as the long subject pronouns. However, in addition to taking the prefix d̪-, prepositional pronouns are post-verbal and differ in tone from long subject pronouns. (32)

Prepositional pronouns Singular person pronouns -áán(á) 1sO -ɔ́ɔń (ɔ́) 2sO -ɛ́ɛn̄ (á) 3sO

Plural person pronouns -a᷇ggá 1pO -ɔ᷇ggɔ́ 2pO -ɛ̂ggɛ̀ 3pO

Occasionally, the third singular prepositional pronoun is attached to a preposition or other word category without the prefix d̪-. In (33), the pronoun -ɛ́ɛn̄ is shortened to -ɛ̄ on the preposition tá̪ d̪-ɛ̄ ‘down’ and literally means ‘down of it (egg’s head)’. 22

As with subject pronouns, third singular dative pronouns are sometimes used for third plural referents.

92 (33)

A grammar of Gaahmg ɔ̀ and

kɔ́lɔ́d̪=ɔ́ egg=DEF

d̪ùr-s=ə̄nə́ bury-COMP=

ɛ̄ɛl̄ t ̪ád̪-ɛ̄ bà bɛ̀l-d̪ā head. downoh burst PAS 3sPs 3sO ‘And the egg put in the ground with its top side down did not burst.’ (Fand21)

wá not

In chapter 12, it is discussed how body part locatives can be used with nouns of reference as in (34a) or with pronouns of reference as in (b). The latter is a special kind of prepositional pronoun called a ‘locative prepositional pronoun’. (34a)

Body part locative ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ with noun reference ūfú ‘tree’ āld̪=á ɛ̄ pə̂rd̪ə ̄ ūfú ɛ́ɛɲ́ 23 fox=DEF 3sN jump tree behind ‘Fox jumped behind the tree.’

(b)

Body part locative d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ with third singular pronoun reference; also called a locative prepositional pronoun āld̪=á ɛ̄ pə̂rd̪=ì d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ 3sN jump=3sAM PP-behind.3sO fox=DEF ‘Fox jumped behind him (lit. jumped him behind him).’ (Goat12)

(c)

Third singular possessed singular body part noun ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ‘back’ āld̪=á ɛ̄ pə̂rd̪ə ̄ ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ɔ́ɔĺ fox=DEF 3sN jump back.3sPs up ‘Fox jumped on his back.’

Locative prepositional pronouns are often close in form to inherently possessed body part nouns which do not occur without being possessed by someone (Payne 1997:105-106). As discussed in 5.2.4, speakers cannot say ‘back’, ‘hand’, ‘head’, etc. without also including the possessor along with the noun (i.e. āāɲ ‘my.back’, ɔ̄ɔɲ̄ ‘your.back’, ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ‘his.back’, etc.). Although their vowels distinguish person as in locative prepositional pronouns (d̪-ááɲ ‘behind-me’, d̪-ɔ́ɔɲ́ ‘behind-you’, d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind-him’), inherently possessed body parts such as ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ in (34c) have no prepositional prefix d̪- and differ in tone than when used as locative prepositional pronouns as in (34b). In chapter 12, it will be shown that body part locatives with noun references such as (34a) of this section do not distinguish person and are thus a distinct lexical category from possessed body part nouns. Since locative prepositional pronouns have different tone than the respective body part nouns from which they are taken, they are analyzed categorically as locatives rather than as nouns with locative meaning through metaphorical extension. Further, since they The body part locative ááɲ ‘behind’ can also be used to reference the third singular noun ūfú ‘tree’, indicating that the vowel aa, which refers to first person in pronouns, no longer 23

refers to person in this phrase.

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attach the same prepositional prefix d̪- as other prepositional pronouns, they are also analyzed as prepositional pronouns rather than as mere locatives. In (35a), the locative prepositional pronoun d̪-ɛ́ɛĺ ‘on-it’ is close in form to the inherently possessed body part noun ɛ̄ɛl̄ ‘his.head’. If the meaning were ‘on its head’, the word ɛ̄ɛl̄ , followed by the locative ɔ́ɔĺ ‘up’, would be used. In (b), the locative prepositional pronoun d̪-íì-mùù-gg ‘in.front.of-them’ is used. In both of íì these examples, as well as in (34b), the third singular marked object pronoun =ì is attached to the verb preceding the prepositional pronoun. In (35c), the third singular object pronoun represents a third plural referent. (35) (a)

(b)

Locative prepositional pronoun examples bɛ᷇l Mīɲɟìbb t ̪āɛ́ɛń ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ ɛ̄ ə̀bb=ì d̪-ɛ́ɛĺ named Minjib then 3sN starts 3sN rides=3sAM PP-on.3sO ‘ . . called Minyjib rode his horse proudly (lit. rides it on it).’ (Minj13) ná

ə́n=í ɛ̄ pə̀l=ì tád̪ d̪-íì-mùù-gg íì bad=RDM 3sN fall=3sAM down PP-3pO-front-PL ‘(thing) which is bad fell down in front of them (lit. falls to them down in front of them).’ (Thng8) REL.SG

Just as the inherently possessed body part noun VVŋ ‘body’ is used as a reflexive pronoun, other inherently possessed body part nouns of 5.2.4 are used as locative prepositional pronouns, including the word VVŋ ‘body’ (for the meaning ‘under’) (36)

Body part nouns and locative prepositional pronouns Body part nouns Locative prepositional pronouns Person N SG N PL PREP PREP 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

āāŋ ɔ̄ɔŋ̄ ɛ̄ɛŋ̄ āālg ɔ̄ɔl̄ g ɛ̄ɛl̄ g āāl ɔ̄ɔl̄ ɛ̄ɛl̄ āāɲ ɔ̄ɔɲ̄ ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ mūū

ə̀əŋ̀ g ùùŋg ììŋg ə̀əl̀ g ùùlg ììlg ə̀əl̀ g ùùlg ììlg ə̀əɲ̀ g ùùɲg ììɲg mùùgg

‘body’

‘stomach’

‘head’

‘back’

‘face’

PRON SG

PRON PL

-ə́əŋ̄ -úūŋ -íīŋ -áálg -ɔ́ɔĺ g -ɛ́ɛĺ g -áál -ɔ́ɔĺ -ɛ́ɛĺ -ááɲ -ɔ́ɔɲ́ -ɛ́ɛɲ́ -áāmū -úūmū -ɛ́ɛm ̄ ū

-ə́əŋ̀ g -úùŋg -íìŋg -ə́əl̀ g -úùlg -íìlg -ə́əl̀ g -úùlg -íìlg -ə́əɲ̀ -úùɲ -íìɲ -ə́əm ̀ ùùgg -úùmùùgg -íìmùùgg

‘under’

‘inside’

‘above’

‘behind’

‘in front of’

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with different tone than for reflexive pronouns. In (36), mūū ‘face’ is the only body part used as a prepositional pronoun that is not an inherently possessed body part.

95

6 6.1

Noun stem Introduction

The noun word structure can be ordered according to the schemes of (1). The noun stem consists of the root and optional singular or plural suffixes. The noun word consists of the stem, and optional slots for copula (COP), definite (DEF), locative (LCM), dative (DAT), accompaniment (ACM), subordinate (SBO), and relative definite clause marker (RDM) clitics. (1)

Noun stem = root + ({SG, PL}) Noun word = [Noun stem] + ({COP, DEF, LCM, DAT, ACM, SBO, RDM})

Noun stem morphology (suffixes) is discussed in this chapter and noun word morphology (clitics) is discussed in the next. All noun suffixes are inflectional number markers that have referential meaning, whereas the noun clitics indicate the role of the noun phrase within the syntactic context. Whereas inflectional suffixes cannot combine with each other (*SG-PL), all noun clitics can combine with the inflectional suffixes. A primary distinction between suffixes and clitics is whether the element attaches to underlying-final segments or to surface-final segments. Stem suffixes attaching to noun roots attach to underlying-final segments, whereas word clitics attaching to noun stems attach to surface-final segments. Vowel length of root-final vowels is the primary indicator of whether the form is an underlying or surface representation. In (2), the plural suffix -gg attaches to the underlying short vowel in t ̪ɔ́-gg ‘cow-PL’, whereas the accompaniment clitic attaches to the surface long vowel of the singular form (t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ nɛ̄). (2)

Roots and stems compared Underlying Surface Noun stem root root suffix UR N.SG N-PL /t ̪ɔ/ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́-gg

Noun word clitic N.SG=ACC t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ nɛ̄

‘cow’

The same tone rules apply to most noun stem and noun word morphology. However, the starting point for noun stem tone assignment is the root tone, whereas the starting point of noun word tone assignment is the stem tone. As discussed in 2.4.3, two-tone melodies on trisyllabic noun roots are assigned rightto-left. Thus, in the monomorphemic root mɔ́ggɔ́lɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘maize’ of (3a), the Low tone of the HL melody surfaces on the final syllable, and the High tone of the melody surfaces on the first two syllables. Tone assignment for noun stems such as ɟílə̀bbə̀gg ‘water.spring-PL’ in (b) begins with the tone assigned to the root in the singular

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form ɟílə̀bb and spreads to the plural suffix -Agg having no underlying tone. If the root tone were not the starting point, right-to-left tone assignment would render the surface tone as *ɟílə́bb-ə̀gg instead of ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg. (3) (a) (b) (c)

Roots, stem, and word tone assignment compared N.SG N-PL N.PL=COP HL root tone mɔ́ggɔ́lɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘maize’ HL stem tone ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg ‘water spring’ HL word tone îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀ ‘horn’

Similarly, tone assignment for noun words such as íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀ ‘horn-PL=COP’ in (3c) begins with the tone assigned to the stem in the plural form íl-ə̀əg̀ g and continues by attaching the copular suffix =À with Low tone. The noun stem tone assignment ílə̀əg̀ g has the root tone îl as its point of departure where the second tone of the HL root melody is delinked and reassigned to the tone-less suffix -AAgg {M2}. If the stem tone were not the starting point, the word tone would be different. For instance, if the root tone îl were the starting point, right-to-left tone assignment would render the surface tone as *îl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀ instead of íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀. Or, if the HL underlying tones of the copular word form were assigned right-to-left, the surface tone would be *íl-ə́əǵ g=ə̀ instead of íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀. In summary, we can say there are four criteria for determining which noun bound morphemes are suffixes and thus a part of the stem, and which noun bound morphemes are clitics and thus outside of the stem, but a part of the word. In chapter 4, each of the morphemes listed in (4) below is shown to attach to more than one word category. As will be shown in the respective sections of chapter 7, all noun clitics attach to the inflectional suffixes. Also shown in the respective sections, the clitics attach to the surface-final segments. Finally, the stem tone assignment is the point of departure in tone assignment for the clitics. These criteria are not valid for the inflectional number suffixes. Thus, the clitics are analyzed as being a different kind of morpheme than the suffixes. (4)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

Criteria for determining that COP, DEF, LCM, DAT, ACM, SBO, RDM bound morphemes are clitics (stem morphemes) and not suffixes (root morphemes) Attaches to more than one word category Attaches to inflectional morphemes Attaches to surface-final segments Stem tone assignment is the point of departure

Inflectional number marking with the suffix –gg occurs on both nouns and adjectives and is one possible exception of a suffix attaching to more than one word category, as do clitics. However, there are many other plural suffixes attaching to

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nouns which do not attach to adjectives. In contrast, all allophonic clitics (with different forms and the same function) attach to each word category. First, the segmental suffixes in plural formation are discussed in 6.2. Then the tonal allomorphs of various suffixes and tone assignment are discussed in 6.3. Body parts, a class of nouns which take special plural formation, are discussed in 6.4. Finally, the genitive case, which only involves a tonal change, will be presented in 6.5.

6.2

Segmental noun plural formation

In Gaahmg, there are singular and plural suffixes on nouns. While the vast majority of singular nouns do not have suffixes, plural marking is obligatory with plural referents. There are also a significant number of nouns that only have singular forms or only have plural forms. In addition, there are some nouns with variance between one or more suffixes on the nouns. However, there are no singular nouns with suffixes where the corresponding plural nouns are without suffixes. Table 8: Noun Plural Formation SG suffix/PL suffix

-/PL suffix Noun SG only Noun PL only

N SG

N PL

mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-́ d̪ rīmə́ə́ bùīl ---

mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-̄ gg rīmə́ə-̄ gg --īīgg

‘vegetable type’ ‘star’ ‘moisture’ ‘milk’

Percentage 5% 70% 15% 10%

First we discuss singular suffixes in 6.2.1 and plural suffixes in 6.2.2-6.2.3. Irregular plural formation is shown in 6.2.4. Nouns with only singular forms and only plural forms are presented in 6.2.5. Finally, noun with varying suffixes are presented in 6.2.6.

6.2.1

Singular suffixes

Less than 5% of noun lexemes in the language24 have singular suffixes. Although there are five attested singular suffixes, only -d̪ is not rare. All singular suffixes attach to root-final sonorants, and the suffix -d̪ also attaches to root-final vowels. The choice of the singular suffix has no semantic correlation with the noun to which it is attached. Virtually all nouns with singular suffixes also have plural suffixes. The plural suffixes attached to nouns presented in this section are the same as those presented in the following sections.

24

Here and in following sections, percent of nouns means out all the noun lexemes in our data set.

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Table 9: Singular Suffixes Suffix Final segment of root -d̪ vowel sonorant -gg sonorant -Ad̪ sonorant -AAd̪ sonorant -Ed̪ sonorant

N SG

N PL

rúŋùú-d̪ bə̀r-d̪ àɔ̀r-g ɲíl-ə̄d̪ cāl-āād̪ ɟíŋ-íd̪

rúŋùu᷇-gg bə̀r-ə̀əg̀ g àɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ɲìl-g càl-g ɟíŋ-g

# of nouns ‘bird type’ ‘lion’ ‘priest, chief’ ‘intestine’ ‘testicle’ ‘louse’

36 6 7 3 1 1

The most common singular suffix is -d̪, which attaches to root-final vowels and sonorant consonants. There are 36 nouns attested with this suffix. In (5), the suffix is attached to root-final long and short vowels. (5)

Singular suffix -d̪ attached to rootroot-final long and short vowels suffixes N SG N PL /aa/ -d̪/-gg wɛ́ráá-d̪ wɛ́ráā-gg ‘tribe member’ /a/ -d̪/-gg bāsà-d̪ bāsà-gg ‘large intestine’ /ə/ -d̪/-gg ə̀rŋə̀-d̪ ə̀rŋə̀-gg ‘insect type’ /ɛɛ/ -d̪/-gg mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-́ d̪ mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-̄ gg ‘vegetable type’ /ɛ/ -d̪/-gg bɔ́rɛ̄-d̪ bɔ́rɛ̄-gg ‘eye matter’ /ii/ -d̪/-gg mə̄míí-d̪ mə̄míī-gg ‘root type’ mə̄y-ə́əd̄ ̪ ‘ancestor’ /i/ -d̪/-AAd̪ mə̄ī-d̪ /ɔɔ/ -d̪/-+gg gɔ̀ɔ-̀ d̪ gùù-gg ‘excrement’ /uu/ -d̪/-gg rúŋùú-d̪ rúŋùu᷇-gg ‘bird type’ /u/ -d̪/-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg ‘insect type’

UR-final

It is less common for the singular suffix -d̪ to attach to root-final sonorant consonants. Only the nouns of (6) have been attested. (6)

Singular suffix -d̪ attached to rootroot-final sonorants sonorants UR-final suffixes N SG N PL /n/ -d̪/-gg nə̄n-d̪ nə̄n-g /r/ -d̪/-EEgg mɔ̀ggɔ̀r-d̪ mɔ̀ggɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g /r/ -d̪/-EEgg bāār-d̪ bāār-ɛ́ɛḡ g /r/ -d̪/-EEgg gə̀ūr-d̪ gə̀ùr-īīgg /r/ -d̪/-AAgg bə̀r-d̪ bə̀r-ə̀əg̀ g /r/ -d̪/-AAgg kɔ̄r-d̪ kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g

‘demon’ ‘cane’ ‘abdomen, waist’ ‘stomach pouch’ ‘lion’ ‘bird type’

The singular noun suffix -gg is attached to the inherently possessed body part noun āā-gg ‘my mouth’, ɔ̄ɔ̄-gg ‘your mouth’, ɛ̄ɛ̄-gg ‘his/her mouth’ discussed in 5.2.4 where the suffix attaches to the person marker vowel. Otherwise, only the nouns of (7-8) are attested with the singular suffix -gg, and in all of these, the suffix is attached to root-final sonorants.

Noun stem (7)

Singular suffix -gg attached to rootroot-final sonorants UR-final Suffixes N SG N PL /r/ -gg/-EEgg àɔ̀r-g àɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g /n/ -gg/-EEgg ún-g ún-íígg /ð/ -gg/-AAgg gə̄əð̀ -g [gə̄əg̀ ̥̚] gə̀əð̀ -ə̄əḡ g ŋāl-g ŋə̀l-g /l/ -gg/-+gg /l/ -gg/-+gg ɛ́ɛĺ -g ììl-g

99

‘priest, chief’ ‘tear’ ‘thief’ ‘neck’ ‘my stomach/ our stomachs’

In the nouns of (8), the singular suffix -gg becomes -ɟ when attached to root-final palatals through an assimilation process. However, the plural suffix -gg attached to the same root is not assimilated. Thus, the process only applies to this singular suffix -gg. (8)

Singular suffix -gg attached to rootroot-final palatals becomes -ɟ UR-final Suffixes N SG N PL /ɲ/ -gg/-AAgg bɛ̀ɲ-ɟ bɛ̀ɲ-āāgg ‘side of something’ /y/ -gg/-Agg máāy-ɟ máāy-g ‘cucumber’

A handful of nouns have the singular suffixes -Ad̪, -AAd̪ or -Ed̪, where A is a back vowel taking the [round] feature of the root {M4}, A is a non-rounded back vowel, and E is a front vowel. All of these singular suffixes attach to root-final sonorants. (9)

6.2.2

Singular suffixes -Ad̪, -AAd̪ AAd̪ and -Ed̪ attached to rootroot-final sonorants sonorants UR-final Suffixes N SG N PL /l/ -Ad̪/-gg ɲíl-ə̄d̪ ɲìl-g ‘intestine’ /l/ -Ad̪/-gg kɔ́l-ɔ́d̪ kɔ́l-g ‘egg’ /ŋ/ -Ad̪/-gg túŋ-ə́d̪ túŋ-g ‘tribe member’ /l/ -AAd̪/-gg cāl-āād̪ càl-g ‘testicle’ /ŋ/ -Ed̪/-gg ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ‘louse’

Plural suffixes

Nearly all plural marking involves the segment gg. Plural suffixes may also have an initial short or long vowel, where a short vowel only occurs following root-final obstruents, and a long vowel only occurs following root-final sonorants or geminate velar plosive gg. Most plural suffixes have no semantic correlation with the nouns to which they attach. However, there are five suffixes which attach to a few nouns in the semantic sets of relational nouns or body parts. Most plural suffixes are unspecified for ATR, but there are two suffixes that are underlying specified as [+ATR] which spread their quality leftward to the root {M3}. Further, plural suffixes may have up to three tone patterns: no tone, M or H/HM. Plural suffixes with no semantic correlation to the root are presented in this section and plural suffixes correlated to semantic sets of nouns are presented in the following section.

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Table 10: Plural suffixes with no semantic correlation Suffix Final segment N SG N PL -gg -Agg -EEgg -AAgg -AAgg

sonorant vowel obstruent sonorant sonorant sonorant

d̪áár fɔ̄ɛd̄ á̪ cɛ́ld̪ pɔ́ɔŋ́ bɔ́n kɔ̄r-d̪

d̪áār-g fɔ̄ɛd̄ a̪ -᷇ gg cɛ́ld̪-āgg pɔ́ɔŋ́ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g bɔ́n-āāgg kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g

‘throne’ ‘seed’ ‘local broom’ ‘knife sheath’ ‘heart’ ‘bird type’

Percentage or number25 37% 17% 17% 9 1

Plural suffix -gg The plural suffix -gg attaches to nouns with root-final sonorants or vowels. About 37% of nouns take this suffix. In (10), the suffix is attached to root-final sonorants. In section 6.2.6 it will be shown that several root-final sonorant nouns take both the plural suffix -gg and the plural suffix -EEgg (t ̪ɛ́ɛr̀ /tɛ̪ ɛ́ r̀ -g, t ̪ɛ́ɛŕ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘carving tool’). Nouns with other root-final segments sometimes have variance between other suffixes. (10)

̄ (with Mid tone), -gg on rootPlural suffixes - gg root-final sonorants UR-final N SG N PL /m/ ɟɛ̄ɛm ́ ɟɛ̄ɛm ᷇ -g ‘sorghum sieve’ /n/ gɔ̀ɛn̄ gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g ‘metal worker’ /ɲ/ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ-g ‘sour/bitter taste’ /ŋ/ sāmáŋ sāma᷇ŋ-g ‘sorghum storehouse’ /r/ d̪áár d̪áār-g ‘throne’ /l/ sɛ̄wɛ́ɛĺ sɛ̄wɛ́ɛl̄ -g ‘tree type’ /ð/ mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ -g [mɛ̄ɛḡ ̥̚] ‘tree type’ /w/ káɔ̀ kâw-g ‘hyena’ /y/ ááɛ́ ááy-g ‘honey’ /y/ ɲūùì ɲūùy-g ‘leopard’

Nouns with root-final approximants w or y surface with a root-final vowel in the singular form (káɔ̀ ‘hyena’, ɲūùì ‘leopard’), in accordance with {P1b} in 2.1.3. As discussed in 2.3.5, there is no strong evidence for the root-final segments in the plural forms of such nouns surfacing as approximants (kâw-g ‘hyena-PL’, ɲūùy-g ‘leopard-PL’) or vowels (káɔ̀-g, ɲūūì-g). In (11), the suffix -gg attaches to nouns with root-final vowels, including short and long final vowels in monosyllabic and polysyllabic roots.

25

The percentages of nouns in the first three rows are out of all noun lexemes in the language; the number of nouns in the last two rows is the exact number of nouns attested.

Noun stem (11)

101

̄ , -gg on Plural suffixes - gg, gg on rootroot-final vowels UR-final N SG N PL /aa/ wāā wāā-gg ‘water, lake’ /əə/ wə̄ə̄ wə̄ə-̄ gg ‘shade, help’ /oo/ pɔ́ɔ́ pɔ́ɔ-́ gg ‘tree type’ /uu/ bùù bùù-gg ‘chicken coop roof’ /ɛɛ/ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ rɛ̄ɛ-̄ gg ‘cotton, thread’ /ii/ mīí mīí-gg ‘chicken’ /uə/ būə̀ būə̀-gg ‘tree type’ /a/ fɔ̄yd̪á fɔ̄yd̪a᷇-gg ‘planting seed’ /ə/ cíífə́ cíífə᷇-gg ‘Tabaldi leaf’ /ɔ/ mɔ̄ðɔ́ mɔ̄ðɔ́-gg ‘locust’ /u/ kúúfú kúúfu᷇-gg ‘ground sesame’ /aa/ wááyáá wááyáā-gg ‘bird type’ /əə/ rīmə́ə́ rīmə́ə-̄ gg ‘star’ /ɛɛ/ kááld̪ɛɛ́ ́ kááld̪ɛɛ́ -̄ gg ‘brother-in-law’ /ii/ kūsūmíí kūsūmíī-gg ‘knee’ /oo/ páɟɟɔ̄ɔ̄ páɟɟɔ̄ɔ-̄ gg ‘star’ /uu/ ə̄yúú ə̄yúū-gg ‘local toothbrush’

In addition, there are four monosyllabic, open-syllable nouns with short vowels in the underlying representation. As discussed in 2.3.3, the vowels of all monosyllabic, open-syllable nouns are realized as long. The four nouns in (12) have short root vowels, which are realized as long in the singular form. However, when the plural suffix -gg with final consonant is attached to the underlying form, the vowel remains short. Since the final consonant s of (12d) does not surface in the singular form, the short vowel is realized as long. (12)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

Plural formation with monosyllabic, open--syllable nouns having underlying short vowels Root N SG N PL /sá/ sáá sá-gg ‘wine’ /t ̪ɔ́/ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́-gg ‘cow’ /gɔ᷆/ gɔ̄ɔ̀ gɔ᷆-gg ‘clothing type’ /wɛ́s/ wɛ́ɛ ́ wís-ə̄gg ‘house’

Plural suffix -Agg The plural suffix -Agg attaches to underlying root-final obstruents, including various root-final consonant sequences and geminate plosives. About 17% of nouns take this suffix. The suffix vowel A is unspecified for roundness and takes the [round] quality of the root, in accordance with {M4} in 3.3. It is also unspecified for [ATR] and takes this feature from the root {M3}.

102 (13)

A grammar of Gaahmg Plural suffixes -Ágg, gg, -Āgg, -Agg UR-final N SG N PL /bb/ ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg /d̪/ mīīd̪ mīīd̪-ə́gg /d/ dɔ᷄d dɔ᷄d-ɔ̄gg /ɟɟ/ síīɟɟ sííɟɟ-ə̄gg /s/ tɛ̄nd̪ás tɛ̄nd̪ás-āgg /nd̪/ ɔ́rɔ́nd̪ ɔ́rɔ́nd̪-ɔ̄gg /ŋd̪/ lə̀ŋd̪ lə̀ŋd̪-ə̀gg /ld̪/ cúld̪ cúld̪-ūgg /rd̪/ t ̪īrd̪ t ̪īrd̪-ə̄gg /ɲɟ/ bə̀ɲɟ bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg /lɟ/ îlɟ ílɟ-ə̀gg /ms/ nāms nāms-āgg /rs/ bāgd̪àrs bāgd̪àrs-àgg

‘water spring’ ‘stone’ ‘bird type’ ‘tree type’ ‘bird type’ ‘fermented milk’ ‘tree type’ ‘birth sack’ ‘farm’ ‘sorghum pulp’ ‘beeswax’ ‘food’ ‘lizard’

The suffix also attaches to two words with root-final approximant ð: kūūð/kūūð-ə́gg ‘shadow’ and ɛ̄ɛð̄ /ɛ̄ɛð̄ -āgg ‘water-carrying net’. All other nouns with root-final approximant take the suffixes -gg, -EEgg, or -AAgg (see next two sections) which attach to sonorants. Although -d̪ is a singular suffix, some roots have d̪ as the final root segment. As shown in the nouns of (14) with root-final d̠, the dental surfaces in the plural form. (14)

Root--final d̠ surfacing in plural nouns N SG

N PL

d̪əì̀ d̪ káɛ̄d̪ lāād̪ lúlīíd̪ māād̪ rúíd̪ ɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ yāād̪ mīīd̪

d̪əì̀ d̪-ə̀gg káɛ̄d̪-āgg lāād̪-āgg lúlīíd̪-ə̄gg māād̪-āgg rúíd̪-ə̄gg īīd̪-ə́gg yāād̪-āgg mīīd̪-ə́gg

‘scorpion’ ‘cup, spoon’ ‘gum mastic’ ‘snake type’ ‘snake type’ ‘dirt’ ‘his eye/his eyes’ ‘broken plate’ ‘stone’

However, in the eleven plural nouns of (15) with root-final d̪, the segment d̪ is either weakened to the approximant ð or elided. Several of these nouns have more than one plural form. The noun of (a) has one plural form where d̪ surfaces and one where it is weaken to ð. The noun of (15d) has one plural form where d̪ surfaces and one where it is elided. The nouns of (15e-i) have one plural form where d̪ is weaken to ð and one where it is elided.

Noun stem (15)

103

Root--final d̪ weakened to approximant ð or elided in plural nouns w N PL with d̪ N PL with ð N PL with elision d̪āɔ̀d̪ d̪āɔ̀d̪-àgg d̪āɔ̀ð-àgg ‘fertile soil’ fīīd̪ fīīð-ə̄gg ‘feather’ lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔd́ ̪ lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔð́ -ɛ̄gg ‘locust’ àbbād̪ àbbād̪-āgg àbbā-āgg ‘tree type’ áfád̪ áfáð-āgg áfá-āgg ‘blood’ ɔ̄d̪ ɔ̄ð-ɔ̄gg ɔ̄-ɔ̄gg ‘wife’ ɟìd̪ ɟīð-ə̀gg ɟī-ìgg ‘husband’ áfád̪ áfáð-āgg áfá-āgg ‘blood’ rɛ̄bbɛ́d̪ rɛ̄bbɛ́ð-ɛ̄gg rɛ̄bbɛ́-ɛ̄gg ‘reed type’ lúd̪ lú-ùgg ‘leg’ kə́líd̪ kə́lí-īgg ‘bird type’

N SG

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

Similarly, there are several nouns with root-final palatal geminate ɟɟ in which the geminate surfaces in the plural form. (16)

Root--final ɟɟ surfacing in plural nouns N SG

N PL

síīɟɟ t ̪álŋɛ̀ɟɟ sūrmùɟɟ pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛɟ̄ ɟ

sííɟɟ-ə̄gg t ̪álŋɛ̀ɟɟ-àgg sūrmùɟɟ-ùgg pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛɟ̄ ɟ-āgg

‘tree type’ ‘tree type’ ‘tree type’ ‘tree type’

There are also nouns with root-final palatal geminate ɟɟ in which the geminate is elided in the plural form. The noun of (17a) has one plural form where ɟɟ surfaces and one where it is elided. (17)

Root--final ɟɟ elided in plural nouns N PL with ɟɟ N PL with elision bìmìríɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ-ə̄gg bìmìrí-īgg búlíɟɟ búlī-īgg gàfāɟɟ gàfɛ̄-ɛ̄gg26 N SG

(a) (b) (c)

‘bird type’ ‘worm’ ‘lung’

The suffix vowel of -Agg is assimilated to the preceding vowel when it directly follows the last root vowel. In addition to roundness and [ATR] spreading, the suffix vowel also takes on the [-back] feature of the root. For example, in (15g) ɟìd̪/ɟī-ìgg ‘husband’, (15i) rɛ̄bbɛ́d/̪ rɛ̄bbɛ́-ɛ̄gg ‘reed type’, and (17a) bìmìríɟɟ/bìmìrí-īgg ‘bird type’, the vowel of the suffix -Agg becomes i or ɛ to match the last root vowel. The nouns of (15) and (17) are analyzed as exceptions in that intervocalic d̪ and ɟɟ This noun is irregular in that it has the suffix –Egg and the root vowel assimilates to the suffix vowel rather than vice versa. 26

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are not weakened in other morpheme boundaries of the language. In (4) of section 2.1.3, we saw that d̪ of the root verb /cūd̪/ ‘climb’ is not weakened in the intervocalic environment of the continuous form cūd̪-ə́n. Similarly, the ɟ of the root verb /káɟ/ ‘bring’ surfaces as a palatal plosive when the deictic completive suffix -Cagga is attached (káɟ-ɟággā). Alternatively, one might analyze the nouns of (15) and (17) as having suffixes in the singular and plural forms and the roots ending in vowels, such as d̪āɔ̀-d̪/ d̪āɔ̀-ðàgg ‘fertile soil’, àbbā-d̪/ àbbā-āgg ‘tree type’, bìmìrí-ɟɟ/ bìmìrí-īgg ‘bird type’, etc. However, this analysis requires an additional singular suffix -ɟɟ and plural suffix -ðAgg, the latter being unusual in that there are no other -CVC suffixes on nouns. Further, when the vowel-initial past continuous suffix -An is attached to the vowelfinal verb root /pa/ ‘guard’, the suffix becomes a second syllable, juxtaposed to the root (pā.-án), in accordance with {M2} of 3.1. However, the plural suffix on the nouns in (15) and (17) does not become an additional syllable (bìmìrí-īgg), and reflects a different underlying form. Thus, the alternative analysis is not taken and the nouns of (15) and (17) are analyzed as having only plural suffixes. In (13), the suffix -Agg was shown to attach to the root-final plosives -bb, -d̪, -d, and -ɟɟ. It is posited that the velar plosive is included in the list of root-final segments to which the suffix attaches. The velar plosive elision rule of {P2} in 2.1.3 predicts that word-final velar plosives are elided. It also predicts that when a vowel-initial suffix is attached to a root-final velar plosive g, the plosive will be elided in the resulting intervocalic environment. This is the case for the incompletive and past continuous forms of (18) with suffix -An. The deictic completive form is given to make clear the root-final segment. (18)

Incompletive and continuous verb forms which elide g Root 3sN 3sN 3sN INCP CONT.P D.COMP /bag/ L bàā bà-án bàg-gāggā [bàgāgā] ‘take’ /cig/ M cīī cī-ə́n cīg-gə́ggə̄ [cīgə́gə̄] ‘wear’ /gug/ L gùū gù-ə́n gùg-gə̄ggə̄ [gùgə̄gə̄] ‘vomit’

It is posited that the same process occurs in nouns with the plural suffix -Agg. The nouns of (19) are believed to have root-final velar plosives which are elided wordfinally in the singular form and intervocalically in the plural form. After the velar plosive is elided, the vowel of the suffix takes on the same features as that of the last root vowel, just as in the nouns of (15) and (17) when d̪ and ɟɟ are weakened to elision. There are no noun suffixes with initial consonant which attach to both underlyingfinal consonants and underlying-final vowels. Therefore, the root-final velar

Noun stem (19)

105

Plural suffixes -Ágg, gg, -Āgg, -Agg with rootroot-final g UR-final N SG N PL /ɛg/ áŋɛ́ áŋɛ́-ɛ̄gg ‘elephant’ /ag/ cáffá cáffá-āgg ‘side of body’ /ɔg/ t ̪álɔ̀ t ̪álɔ̀-ɔ̀gg ‘tax’ /ig/ būld̪í būld̪í-īgg ‘finger’ /əg/ tílŋə́ tílŋə́-ə̄gg ‘sorghum type’ /ug/ kúlmú kúlmú-úgg ‘buttock’

plosive g never surfaces in nouns as it does in verbs. Thus, there is no way to verify the root-final g in the nouns of (19). Alternatively, the nouns of (19) could have root-final vowels. But as with the nouns of (15) and (17), the plural suffix on the nouns of (19) does not become an additional syllable, juxtaposed to the root (áŋɛ́.-ɛ̄gg ‘elephant’) as does the past continuous suffix on verbs with root-final vowels (pā.-án ‘guard-CONT.P’) {M2}. Thus, the alternative analysis is not taken. Plural suffix -EEgg The plural suffix -EEgg attaches to root-final sonorants. About 17% of nouns have this suffix. There is no difference in phonological distribution between nouns with -EEgg, -gg, or -AAgg (next section), which are all suffixed to final sonorants. (20)

Plural suffixes -ÉĒgg, -ĒĒgg, ĒĒgg, -EEgg EEgg UR-final N SG N PL /m/ bààm bààm-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘bird type’ /n/ kūn kūn-īīgg ‘hunger’ /ɲ/ lúɲ lúɲ-íīgg ‘boomerang’ /ŋ/ pɔ́ɔŋ́ pɔ́ɔŋ́ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘knife sheath’ /r/ t ̪ɛ́ɛr̀ t ̪ɛ́ɛŕ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘carving tool’ /l/ àɔ̀l àɔ̀l-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘brother’ /ð/ ə̄əð̄ ə̄əð̄ -íīgg ‘tree type’ /w/ d̪āɔ̀ d̪àw-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘monkey’ /y/ rāāɛ̄ rāāy-ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘quarrel, war’

The suffix -EEgg also attaches to one noun with root-final velar geminate gg: ɔ́gg/ɔ́gg-ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘place’. All other nouns with root-final velar geminate take the suffix -AAd̪ (5.6.3) which attaches to obstruents and sonorants. The suffix -EEgg also attaches to three words with root-final dental plosive d̪ in which d̪ is weakened to the approximate ð or elided: rɛ̄bbɛ́d/̪ rɛ̄bbɛ́ð-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘reed type’, ŋāāŋāād̪/ŋāāŋāā.-ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘thigh’, ə̀bbùùd̪/ə̀bbùù.-ììgg. In ŋāāŋāā.-ɛ́ɛḡ g and ə̀bbùù.-ììgg, three syllables remain despite the deleted plosive. All other nouns with root-final dental plosives take the suffix -Agg.

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In (1) of 3.2.1, the suffix -EEgg was attached to nouns with each of the six root vowels. Plural suffix -AAgg AAgg The plural suffix -AAgg attaches to root-final sonorants. Only the nine nouns of (21) have been attested with this suffix. Since the suffix vowel is underlying specified as [-round], it is not affected by the [round] quality of the root such as in kùùl/ kùùl-ə̄ə̄gg ‘clan member’ and bɔ́n/bɔ́n-āāgg ‘heart’. Thus, the [round] rule {M4} does not apply to this suffix.

(21)

Plural suffixes -ÁĀgg, ÁĀgg, -ĀĀgg, ĀĀgg, -AAgg AAgg UR-final N SG N PL /l/ îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g ‘horn’ tɛ́ɛl̀ tɛ́ɛĺ -ààgg ‘anchor’ kùùl kùùl-ə̄əḡ g ‘clan member’ láál láál-áāgg ‘pumpkin type’ /n/ kásán kásán-áāgg ‘friend’ bɔ́n bɔ́n-āāgg ‘heart’ /m/ yāàm yààm-ààgg ‘bride’ /w/ cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄ cɛ́ɛw ́ -āāgg ‘lame person’ /ð/ ɟááð ɟááð-āāgg ‘old clothes’

There is no difference in phonological distribution between nouns with suffixes -gg, -EEgg, or -AAgg, which are all suffixed to final sonorants; nor is there any way to predict which noun takes which of the three suffixes, as shown by the contrasts of (22). (22)

Contrast of plural segmental suffixes -gg, -EEgg, -AAgg AAgg UR-final N SG N PL /ɛɛl/ d̪ɛɛ̀ l̀ d̪ɛɛ̀ l̀ -g ‘storage shelf’ d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ dɛ̀ɛl̀ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘sea, town’ tɛ́ɛl̀ tɛ́ɛĺ -ààgg ‘anchor’ /aam/ kààm kààm-g ‘nyala’ fáàm fáám-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘opinion’ yāàm yààm-ààgg ‘bride’

About 10% of nouns with root-final sonorants have more than one plural form, taking the suffixes -EEg and -gg (see examples in section 6.2.6).

6.2.3

Plural suffixes on semantically defined sets of nouns

The remaining segmental plural suffixes are listed in table 11 and are attached to

Noun stem

107

less than 5% of nouns, most of which belong to certain semantically defined sets of nouns. In these sets, the semantic correlation of the nouns with the suffix is clear, although there are many exceptions. The suffixes -AAd̪ and -d̪ are commonly attached to kinship terms, and the suffixes -əgg, -V+g and -+g, are commonly attached to body parts. The suffix -AAd̪ is underlyingly specified as [-round], the suffixes -V+g and -+g are specified as [+ATR], and V is a person marker vowel. Table 11: Plural Suffixes on semantic sets of nouns Suffix Semantic set N SG N PL -AAd̪ -d̪ -əgg -+g -V+g

kinship nouns root-final -gg kinship nouns body part body part body part

mə̄əð̄ gàágg ābɛ́ɛ ́ fānd̪ āāl ɔ̄ɔd̄ ̪

mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ gàágg-āād̪ ābɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ fə̄nd̪-ə́gg ə̀ə̀l-g ùd̪-ūgg

‘grandfather’ ‘bird type’ ‘maternal uncle’ ‘cheek’ ‘my head/our heads’ ‘your eye/our eyes’

# of nouns 5 5 5 5 8 2

The suffix -AAd̪ is partly conditioned by phonology and partly correlated to semantics. As for phonological conditioning, -AAd̪ attaches to nouns whose stem ends in gg. The plural suffix -Agg in (13) which attaches to root-final bb, d̪, d, ɟɟ and g, cannot be used with such nouns. In addition, there are five nouns not ending in gg which take -AAd̪, four of which are kinship terms. There are many other kinship terms which do not have the suffix -AAd̪. Only the ten nouns of (23) have been attested with this suffix. Since the suffix vowel is underlyingly specified as [-round], it is not affected by the [round] quality of the root. (23)

Plural suffixes -ÁĀd̪ ÁĀd̪, -ĀĀd̪ ĀĀd̪, -AAd̪ AAd̪ UR-final N SG N PL /gg/ gàágg gàágg-āād̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ kə̄ggə́lìgg kə̄ggə́lìgg-ə̀əd̀ ̪ kúūrlúúgg kúūrlúúgg-ə̄əd̄ ̪ ə̄ðə̄gg ə̄ðə̄gg-ə̄əd̄ ̪ /m/ máàm máám-ààd̪ /n/ bɛ̀ɛǹ bɛ̀ɛǹ -āād̪ /ð/ mə̄əð̄ mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ yààð yààð-āād̪ /w/ bààɔ̀ bààw-āād̪

‘bird type’ ‘mature woman’ ‘cock’ ‘rodent type’ ‘greed’ ‘paternal aunt’ ‘gossip’ ‘grandfather’ ‘sister’ ‘father’

The segmental suffix -d̪ attaches to five nouns with root-final vowels, which are kinship terms or insects, two of which are compound nouns with the morpheme maa ‘mother’27. 27

Because of limited data collection, it was not determined if the word for ‘mother’ attaches

108 (24)

A grammar of Gaahmg Plural suffix -d̪, - d̪̄ UR-final N SG /a/ t ̪ááðà bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà /aa/ fùùlmàà wíìlmāā /ɛɛ/ ābɛ́ɛ ́

N PL

t ̪ááðà-d̪ bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà-d̪ fùùlmàà-d̪ wíìlmāā-d̪ ābɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪

‘grandmother’ ‘insect type’ ‘insect type (compound noun)’ ‘ant name (compound noun)’ ‘maternal uncle’

Although most plural suffixes are underlyingly unspecified for [ATR], the suffix -əgg is underlyingly [+ATR] and spreads its [ATR] quality to the noun root {M3}. Similar to its unspecified equivalent -Agg, the suffix - əgg attaches to root-final obstruents. Only the five nouns of (25) have been attested with this suffix, three of which are body parts. (25)

Plural suffixes -əgg, gg, -ə́gg gg əgg, -ə̄gg, gg Vowel of UR N SG N PL /ɛ/ tɛ̄ɛn̄ d̪ tīīnd̪-ə̄gg wɛ́ɛ(́ s) wís-ə̄gg bɛ̄rd̪ bìrd̪-ə̄gg /a/ fānd̪ fə̄nd̪-ə́gg sārànd̪ sə̀rə̀nd̪-ə̄gg

‘riddle’ ‘house’ ‘anus’ ‘cheek’ ‘crotch line’

The segmental plural suffix -+gg is underlying [+ATR] and spreads its [ATR] quality to the noun root {M3}. Similar to its unspecified equivalent -gg, the suffix -+gg attaches to final sonorants and to final vowels. Only the nine nouns of (26) have been attested with this suffix, four of which are inherently possessed body part nouns. Inherently possessed body part nouns are a subset of inalienable nouns and are discussed in section 5.2.4. (26)

̄ Plural suffixes -+gg, -+ gg Vowel of UR UR-final N SG /ɔ/ /l/ fɔ́l /ɔ/ /l/ d̪ɔl̀ /ɔ/ /ɔ/ gɔ̀à-d̪28 /a/ /a/ kālāā-d̪ /l/ āāl /ɲ/ āāɲ /ŋ/ āāŋ /l/ āāl-g

N PL

fu᷇l-g d̪ùl-g gùù-gg kə̄lə̄ə-̄ gg ə̀əl̀ -g ə̀əɲ̀ -g ə̀əŋ̀ -g ə̀əl̀ -g

‘hole’ ‘penis’ ‘excrement’ ‘tongue’ ‘my head/our heads’ ‘my back/our backs’ ‘my body/our bodies’ ‘my stomach/our stomachs’

In nouns with [+ATR] root vowel quality and root-final sonorant, it cannot be the suffix –d̪ other than in insect nouns. 28 Irregular vowel change from a to ɔ.

Noun stem

109

determined whether the suffix is -g or -+g. In nouns such as ɟīɲɟíl / ɟīɲɟil᷇ -g ‘bird type’, lə́əð́ / lə́əð̄ -g ‘male singing voice’, and lúɲ / lu᷇ɲ-g ‘boomerang’, the [+ATR] quality could be underlying present in the suffix as well as in the root, or only present in the root. In the nouns of (26), [+ATR] quality spreads to the root of the plural noun {M3}, giving evidence of the underlying [+ATR] quality of the suffix. There is also a suffix that is underlyingly specified as [+ATR], but unspecified for any other vowel features. There are seven inherently possessed body part nouns discussed in 5.2.4 for which the root is only a consonant. A possessive person marker long vowel VV- is prefixed to the root in singular forms. In the plural form, two of these nouns take the plural suffix -V+gg, where V is the person marker vowel, along with a short person marker prefix vowel V-. In (27), the possessive paradigms of these two body parts are shown. There are many body part nouns which do not take the suffixes -əgg, -+g, or -V+gg. (27)

̄ Plural suffix -V+ gg N SG, SG person

(a)

(b)

6.2.4

āā-d̪ ɔ̄ɔ-̄ d̪ ɛ̄ɛ-̄ d̪ áà-s ɔ́ɔ-̀ s ɛ́ɛ-̀ s

1sPs 2sPs 3sPs 1sPs 2sPs 3sPs

N PL, SG person ə́-d̪-ə̄gg 1sPp ú-d̪-ūgg 2sPp í-d̪-īgg 3sPp ə́-s-ə̄gg 1sPp ú-s-ūgg 2sPp í-s-īgg 3sPp

N PL, PL person

ə̀-d̪-ə̄gg ù-d̪-ūgg ì-d̪-īgg ə̀-s-ə̄gg ù-s-ūgg ì-s-īgg

1pPp 2pPp 3pPp 1pPp 2pPp 3pPp

‘eye’

‘hand’

Irregular plural formation

There are also a handful of nouns with various other plural formations, as shown in the exhaustive list of (28). In (a-b), the root-final vowel is elided; in (c), the last root vowel is assimilated to the vowel of the suffix; in (d), the underlying final consonant is not realized in the singular form; in (e), the plural form has the (28) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

Irregular plural formation N SG

N PL

cīɟɟí ə̄ŋə̀ gàfāɟɟ wɛ́ɛ ́ kɔ̄r-d̪ ɲāā ɟāā gɔ̀à-d̪ ɟīn ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ cɛ́l

cīɟɟ-ə́əḡ g ə᷆ŋ-g gàfɛ̄-ɛ̄gg wís-ə̄gg kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g ɲālg ɟāālgɛ́ gùù-gg ɟɔ̄gg ɟɛ̀gg cáāl-g

‘diarrhea’ ‘young girl’ ‘lung’ ‘house’ ‘bird type’ ‘girl’ ‘son, boy, person’ ‘excrement’ ‘man, person’ ‘thing, something’ ‘dancing group member’

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suffix -AAgg where the vowel AA takes the round feature of the root; and in (f-k), various other things take place.

6.2.5

One-form lexemes

There are both singular nouns without plural forms and plural nouns without singular forms. These nouns are morphologically similar to other singular and plural nouns, and adjectives agree in number with them. The singular nouns of (29) do not have corresponding plural forms and can be modified by singular adjectives. They are referents found as single items, things found in quantities, abstract ideas, or items difficult to count. The list is not exhaustive but representative of the approximately 15% of nouns without plural forms in the language. (29)

Singular nouns N SG

kɔ̄rɔ̀ mə̄ggə̀r múùm kàɛ̀mà púúfə̄ sɛ̀n cɛ̄dáŋ ɲūd̪ī rɔ᷆ɲd̪ gàrɲɛ̀ d̪ùfūrd̪ bùīl gə̀mə̄l málɔ̀ mə́əń ìmə̄

N SG

hill name area name village name ‘good luck stone’ ‘leprosy’ ‘skin disease’ ‘disease type’ ‘poverty’ ‘mud’ ‘dung’ ‘dust’ ‘moisture’ ‘forest, woods’ ‘bee wax’ ‘leafy vegetable’

rúùm múū kə̀əɲ̀ lúúsúd̪ málɔ᷄ɟɟ ɟūùd̪ bāālànd̪ ùù íyə́ə́ kāārɔ̄ sə́ə́m fə́yə̀ sɛ̀ɛǹ ɛ̄ɛ ̄ lɔ̄fɔ̀ lə́əð́

‘fog’ ‘mosquito’ ‘a quantity of milk’ ‘sweat’ ‘nose mucus’ ‘yeasted sorghum’ ‘stripe’ ‘air’ ‘animal fat’ ‘bacteria’ ‘hunting’ ‘beneficiary’ ‘wealth, pride’ ‘magic’ ‘singing voice’

The plural nouns of (30) do not have corresponding singular forms and can be modified by plural adjectives. They are representative of the approximately 10% of nouns without singular forms in the language. Since all plural nouns end in a velar plosive, these also can be analyzed as having the noun plural suffix -gg or the common verb nominalizer clitic =gg. Verbal nouns are discussed in 10.10. (30)

Plural nouns N PL

tɛ̄ɛr̄ g bə̀ŋə̀rg

N PL

‘comb’ ‘skin disease’

īīgg d̪ùùgg

‘milk’ ‘ash’

Noun stem

Plural nouns (continued) bìld̪ə̄gg ‘worms (disease)’ íyə́əǵ g ‘oil’ ɟūūgg ‘urin’ cɔ̄ɔḡ g ‘holy place’

6.2.6

fɛ̄gg márɔ̄sɛ̄ɛḡ g d̪ùrsììgg kāŋɛ̄ɛḡ g

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‘water’ ‘disease type’ ‘bad smell’ ‘group’

Multiple forms

About 5% of nouns have two plural forms or two singular forms. Whereas the segmental suffixes differ between the multiple forms, the tone pattern remains the same as far as allowed by the tone rules described in section 6.3.2. This section gives all attested nouns with multiple forms as spoken by the main language resource person. Other speakers sometimes list multiple forms for other nouns, although the multiple suffixes which attach to nouns do not change as much from speaker to speaker. The most common noun type taking multiple forms has the plural suffix -gg or -EEgg. (31)

Variation between plural suffixes -gg and -EEgg N PL 1 N PL 2 bààm bààm-g bààm-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘bird type’ cɛ̄yám cɛ̄ya᷇m-g cɛ̄yám-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘aged tobacco’ fɔ̀dɔ̪ r̀ fɔ̀dɔ̪ r̀ -g fɔ̀dɔ̪ r̀ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘nose’ ɟííl ɟíīl-g ɟííl-īīgg ‘cricket’ kāāɛ̄ kāāɛ̄-gg kāāy-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘witch doctor’ kàbbàr-ɛ̄ɛḡ g29 ‘wing, armpit’ kābbàr kābbàr-g kàd̪dɛ̪ l̄ kàd̪dɛ̪ l̄ -g kàd̪dɛ̪ l̄ -ɛ́ɛǵ g ‘leader’ lɛ̄ɛð̄ lɛ̄ɛð̄ -g30 [lɛ̄ɛḡ ̥̚] lɛ̄ɛð̄ -ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘drill for planting’ lúɲ lu᷇ɲ-g lúɲ-íīgg ‘boomerang’ lúúŋ lúūŋ-g lúúŋ-íīgg ‘water pot’ ɲə̄ə̄m ɲə̄ə̄m-g ɲə̄ə̄m-íīgg ‘chin’ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ -g ɲɛ́ɛŋ́ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘spear type’ rāāɛ̄ rāāɛ̄-gg rāāy-ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘quarrel, war’ t ̪ɛ́ɛr̀ t ̪ɛ́ɛr̀ -g t ̪ɛ́ɛŕ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘carving tool’ mə̀ɲìl mə̀ɲìl-g mə̀ɲìl-īīgg ‘rainbow, spirit’ bə̄əð̄ bə̄ə̄ð-g [bə̄əḡ ̥̚] bə̄əð̄ -īīgg ‘salt’ lɔ̄ɔr̀ lɔ̄ɔr̀ -g lɔ̄ɔr̄ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘cervix, womb’ N SG

(b) (d) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (p) (q) (r) (s) (t) (u) (v) (w) (x) (y) 29

As discussed in 6.4, the tone pattern in plural body parts is prescribed by a plural possessive L(M) tone morpheme and therefore can differ from the underlying form. 30 As discussed in 6.3.2, Mid tone on vowel-less suffixes is not assigned following root-final Low tone.

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There are two nouns attested to take either the plural suffix -gg or -AAgg. (32)

Variation between plural AAgg plural suffixes -gg and -AAgg N SG

N PL

N PL

láál cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄

láāl-g cɛ́ɛɔ́ -̄ g

láál-áāgg cɛ́ɛw ́ -āāgg

‘pumpkin type’ ‘lame person’

There is one noun attested to take either the plural suffix -gg or -Agg. (33)

Variation between plural plural suffixes -gg or -Agg N SG

N PL

N PL

ɛ̄ɛð̄

ɛ̄ɛð̄ -g [ɛ̄ɛḡ ̥̚]

ɛ̄ɛð̄ -āgg

‘net’

There are two nouns attested to take either the plural suffix -gg or -d̪. (34)

Variation between plural plural suffixes -gg and -d̪ N SG

N PL

N PL

fùùlmàà bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà

fùùlmàà-gg bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà-gg

fùùlmàà-d̪ bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà-d̪

‘insect type’ ‘insect type’

There is one noun attested to take the singular suffix -d̪ with plural suffix -gg or -EEgg. (35)

Singular suffix -d̪ with variation between plural suffixes -gg and -EEgg N SG N PL 1 N PL 2 gə̀ūr-d̪ gə̀ūr-g gə̀ùr-īīgg ‘stomach, pouch’

In some nouns, the status of the final d̪ is varying. Either it functions as part of the stem and is retained in the plural, or it functions as the singular marker and is not present in the plural. There are four nouns attested to take the plural suffix -Agg or have a singular and plural suffix. In (36), the d̪ of nə̄nd̪ ‘demon’ can either be a root-final segment or a singular suffix; similarly for the other forms of (36). (36)

Plural suffix -Agg or Singular suffixes -d̪ with Plural suffixes -gg N PL 1 N SG N PL 2 nə̄nd̪ nə̄nd̪-ə̄gg nə̄n-d̪ nə̄n-g ‘demon’ kāɲāàd̪ kāɲāād̪-àgg kāɲāà-d̪ kāɲāà-gg ‘bowl’ bə̀rd̪ bə̀rd̪-ə̀gg bə̀r-d̪ bə̀r-ə̄əḡ g ‘lion’ kɔ̄rd̪ kɔ̄rd̪-ɔ̄gg kɔ̄r-d̪ kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g ‘bird type’

N SG

There are two nouns attested to take the plural suffix -EEgg or have a singular and plural suffix.

Noun stem (37)

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Plural suffix -EEgg or Singular suffix -d̪ with Plural suffix -gg N PL 1 N SG N PL 2 lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔd́ ̪ lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔð́ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔ-́ d̪ lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔ-̄ gg ‘locust’ àbbùùd̪ àbbùùð-ììgg àbbùù-d̪ àbbùù-gg ‘butterfly’

N SG

Finally, there are four nouns attested to have two singular forms. The first three nouns of (38) take the same plural form for both singular forms. However, the fourth noun also has two plural forms corresponding to the two singular forms. (38)

Two Singular forms 1 N SG 2 N PL 1 àɔ̀r àɔ̀r-g àɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ ɟíŋ-d̪ ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g gàfā-ɟɟ gə̄fə̀ gàfɛ̄-ɛ̄gg búlí-ɟɟ búlī-d̪ búlī-īgg N SG

6.3

N PL 2

búlī-gg

‘priest, chief’ ‘louse’ ‘lung’ ‘worm’

Tone in noun plural formation

Thus far we have merely described the segments of noun plural formation. Now we turn to a description of tone in noun plural formation. In 6.3.1, we list the underlying tonal allomorphs of noun suffixes; in 6.3.2, we discuss tone assignment in plural formation; and in 6.3.3, a few plural nouns with irregular tone assignment are presented.

6.3.1

Tonal allomorphs of suffixes

Five out of six singular suffixes have no underlying tone and therefore have no effect on the singular noun tone. However, the suffix -Ad̪ may have no underlying tone as in kɔ́l-ɔ́d/̪ kɔ́l-g ‘egg’ or Mid tone as in ɲíl-ə̄d/̪ ɲìl-g ‘intestine’. Singular suffixes with vowels having no underlying tone (-Ad̪, -AAd̪, -Ed̪) are assigned the root-final tone {M5}. (39)

Singular suffixes -Ad̪, -AAd̪ AAd̪ and -Ed̪ attached to root--final sonorants root Suffixes N SG N PL -d̪ wɛ́ráá-d̪ wɛ́ráā-gg ‘tribe member’ -g àɔ̀r-g àɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘priest, chief’ -ɟɟ pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛ-̄ ɟɟ pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛ-̄ gg ‘tree type’ -Ād̪ ɲíl-ə̄d̪ ɲìl-g ‘intestine’ -Ad̪ kɔ́l-ɔ́d̪ kɔ́l-g ‘egg’ cāl-āād̪ càl-g ‘testicle’ -AAd̪ -Ed̪ ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ‘louse’

Segmental plural suffixes have up to three tonal allomorphs. Suffixes without

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vowels have a form with no underlying tone as well as a form with underlying Mid tone. Suffixes with short vowels have a form with no underlying tone, a form with Mid tone, and a form with High tone. Suffixes with long vowels have a form with no underlying tone, a form with Mid tone, and a form with High-Mid tone. There is only one form of the suffix -V+ ḡ , which has underlying Mid tone, and only one form of the suffix -OOgg, which has no underlying tone. The tonal allomorphs of plural suffixes are listed in table 12 and examples follow. Table 12ː Tonal allomorphs of noun plural suffixes No underlying tone Mid tone High or High-Mid tone ̄ -gg - gg -Agg -Āgg -Ágg -EEgg -ĒĒgg -ÉĒgg -AAgg -ĀĀgg -ÁĀgg -AAd̪ -ĀĀd̪ -ÁĀd̪ -d̪ - d̪̄ -əgg -ə̄gg -ə́gg -+g -+ ḡ -V+ ḡ -OOgg In (40), examples of nouns with each of the tonal allomorphs are given. The plural suffix -gg can have no underlying tone as in (a,c), where the plural form surfaces with final High tone, the same as in the singular form. Or the plural suffix -gg can have underlying Mid tone as in (b,d) which causes the plural form to have final High-Mid tone. Similarly, other nouns of (40) show contrastive underlying tone in the other segmental suffixes. (40) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m)

Tonal allomorphs of noun plural suffixes with examples Suffix Tone N SG N PL -gg lɛ́ɛĺ lɛ́ɛĺ -g ‘grass’ ̄ - gg káál káāl-g ‘house fence’ -gg mɔ̄ðɔ́ mɔ̄ðɔ́-gg ‘locust’ ̄ - gg fɔ̄ɛd̄ á̪ fɔ̄ɛd̄ a̪ -᷇ gg ‘seed’ -Agg lə̀ŋd̪ lə̀ŋd̪-ə̀gg ‘tree type’ -Āgg bànd̪ bànd̪-āgg ‘tree type’ -Ágg mīīd̪ mīīd̪-ə́gg ‘stone’ -EEgg d̪ààr d̪ààr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘eagle’ -ĒĒgg cɛ̀ɛr̀ cɛ̀ɛr̀ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘singer’ -ÉĒgg rāāɛ̄ rāāy-ɛ́ɛḡ g ‘quarrel, war’ -AAgg tɛ́ɛl̀ tɛ́ɛĺ -ààgg ‘anchor’ -ĀĀgg ɟááð ɟááð-āāgg ‘old clothes’ -ÁĀgg láál láál-áāgg ‘pumpkin type’

Noun stem

(n) (o) (p) (q) (r) (s) (t) (u) (v) (w) (x) (y)

Suffix Tone -AAd̪ -AAd̪ -ÁĀd̪ -d̪ - d̪̄ -əgg -ə̄gg -ə́gg -+g -+ ḡ -V+ ḡ -OOgg

N SG

N PL

máàm yààð mə̄əð̄ t ̪ááðà ābɛ́ɛ ́ tɛ̄ɛn̄ d̪ wɛ́ɛ(́ s) fānd̪ āāl fɔ́l ɔ̄ɔd̄ ̪ kɔ̄r-d̪

máám-ààd̪ yààð-āād̪ mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ t ̪ááðà-d̪ ābɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ tīīnd̪-ə̄gg wís-ə̄gg fə̄nd̪-ə́gg ə̀əl̀ -g fu᷇l-g ùd̪-ūgg kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g

115

‘paternal aunt’ ‘sister’ ‘grandfather’ ‘grandmother’ ‘maternal uncle’ ‘riddle’ ‘house’ ‘cheek’ ‘my head/our heads’ ‘hole’ ‘your eye/your eyes’ ‘bird type’

In (40k, n), the root underlying HL tone is spread across two syllables in the plural form as a result of the absence of underlying tone in the plural suffix {M6}. In (v), the change in tone from singular to plural form is a result of the inherently possessed body part morpheme rather than from underlying tone of the suffix, as discussed in 6.4.

6.3.2

Tone assignment in noun plural formation

In the tone assignment of noun plural formation, root tone is used as the starting point; the tone assignment of suffixes is in addition to or after tone assignment of the root. Nouns with vowel suffixes are first discussed, followed by nouns with vowelless suffixes. Noun suffixes having vowels with no underlying tone When a suffix with a vowel does not have underlying tone, tone spreads rightward from the final tone of the root to the suffix, in accordance with {M5} in 3.4.1. The nouns of (41) can be analyzed as having no underlying tone in the suffixes. As discussed shortly, in nouns with L, HL and ML melodies such as ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s/ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg ‘hippopotamus’, ɟílə̀bb/ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg ‘water spring’, and bāgd̪àrs/bāgd̪àrs-àgg ‘lizard’, the suffix could also have Mid tone which assimilates to the root-final Low tone {M9}. If the root tone were not the starting point for tone assignment in noun plural formation, right-to-left tone assignment of the plural noun in (41m) would render the surface tone as *ɟílə́bb-ə̀gg instead of ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg. The tone of the plural nouns of (nq) would also be different.

116 (41) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p) (q)

A grammar of Gaahmg Rightward tone spreading to unassigned suffix vowel Root tone Suffix N SG N PL H -Agg kə́s kə́s-ə́gg ‘sorghum type’ -gg/-EEgg ún-g ún-íígg ‘tear’ M -Agg māād̪ māād̪-āgg ‘snake type’ -EEgg kɔ̄r kɔ̄r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘word, speech’ -d̪/-EEgg bāār-d̪ bāār-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘abdomen, waist’ -aad̪/-gg cāl-āād̪ càl-g ‘testicle’ -əgg tɛ̄ɛn̄ d̪ tīīnd̪-ə̄gg ‘riddle’ -d̪/-OOgg kɔ̄r-d̪ kɔ̄r-ɔ̄ɔḡ g ‘bird type’ L -Agg ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg ‘hippopotamus’ -EEgg bààm bààm-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘bird type’ bə̀r-ə̀əg̀ g ‘lion’ -d̪/-AAgg bə̀r-d̪ -AAd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ ‘mature woman’ HL -Agg ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg ‘water spring’ ‘bird type’ HM -Agg búlūūrs búlūūrs-ə̄gg ML -Agg bāgd̪àrs bāgd̪àrs-àgg ‘lizard’ LM -Agg àbbād̪ àbbād̪-āgg ‘tree type’ MHL -AAd̪ kə̄ggə́lìgg kə̄ggə́lìgg-ə̀əd̀ ̪ ‘cock’

However, there are a few nouns where the tone of the root is changed in the plural form. When a suffix with a vowel does not have underlying tone, and when there are two tones assigned to the root-final syllable, the second tone of the root-final syllable is delinked and reassigned to the suffix vowel, in accordance with {M6} in 3.4.1. The nouns of (42) each have two tones assigned to the root-final syllable, and each (42)

Second of two root--final tones reassigned to suffix vowel with no underlying tone Root tone Suffix N SG N PL HL -Agg îlɟ ílɟ-ə̀gg ‘beeswax’ -EEgg fáàm fáám-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘opinion’ -AAgg tɛ́ɛl̀ tɛ́ɛĺ -ààgg ‘anchor’ -AAd̪ máàm máám-ààd̪ ‘paternal aunt’ HM -Agg síīɟɟ sííɟɟ-ə̄gg ‘tree type’ -AAgg cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄ cɛ́ɛw ́ -āāgg ‘lame person’ ML -Agg kāɲāàd̪ kāɲāād̪-àgg ‘bowel for hot foot’ -EEgg gə̄mūùr gə̄mūūr-ììgg ‘dove’ -EEgg lɔ̄ɔr̀ lɔ̄ɔr̄ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ ‘cervix’ LM -Agg gɔ᷅n gɔ̀n-ɔ̄gg ‘responsibility’ -d̪/-EEgg gə̀ūr-d̪ gə̀ùr-īīgg ‘stomach pouch’ LHL -EEgg bàsáàr bàsáár-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘lie’ -EEgg ɟɔ̀fɔ́ɔr̀ ɟɔ̀fɔ́ɔŕ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘desire’

Noun stem

117

can be analyzed as having no underlying tone in the suffix(es). The second tone of the root-final syllable is delinked and reassigned to the suffix vowel. The nouns d̪āɔ̀d̪/d̪āɔ̀d̪-àgg ‘fertile soil’ and t ̪áɔ̀r/tá̪ ɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘lizard’ contrast with the nouns of (42) in that the root-final tone is not delinked and thus {M6} does not apply. The nouns káɛ̄d̪/káɛ̄d̪-āgg, káɛ́d̪-āgg ‘cup, spoon’ and gə̄mūùr/gə̄mūùr-ììgg, gə̄mūūr-ììgg ‘dove’ have two plural forms with differing tone. The plural form káɛ̄d̪-āgg is analyzed as having Mid tone in the suffix which makes it unnecessary for the root-final Mid tone to delink and reattach. Similarly, the plural forms d̪āɔ̀d̪àgg, tá̪ ɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g, and gə̄mūùr-ììgg are analyzed as having Mid tone in the suffix which makes it unnecessary for the root-final Low tone to delink and reattach. As discussed below, the suffix Mid tone is analyzed to assimilate to root-final Low tone, in accordance with the tone lowering rule {M9} of 3.4.3. Noun suffixes having vowels with Mid tone In (43), noun suffixes with vowels having Mid tone are attached to nouns with various root tone melodies. Mid tone surfacing on suffixes attached to nouns with root-final Mid tone as in māād̪/māād̪-āgg ‘snake type’ is ambiguous since the suffix could have underlying Mid tone or no underlying tone. In nouns with only Low tone assigned to the root-final syllable as in ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s/ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg ‘hippopotamus’, ɟílə̀bb/ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg ‘water spring’, and bāgd̪àrs/bāgd̪àrs-àgg ‘lizard’, the suffix could have no underlying tone or Mid tone which assimilates to the root-final Low tone, in accordance with the tone lowering rule {M9}. (43)

Mid tone on suffix vowel of various suffixes Root tone Suffix N SG N PL H -Āgg ɔ́rɔ́nd̪ ɔ́rɔ́nd̪-ɔ̄gg -ĒĒgg pɔ́ɔŋ́ pɔ́ɔŋ́ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g -ĀĀgg ɟááð ɟááð-āāgg -ə̄gg wɛ́ɛ(́ s) wís-ə̄gg -Ād̪/-gg ɲíl-ə̄d̪ ɲìl-g M -Āgg māād̪ māād̪-āgg -ĒĒgg kūn kūn-īīgg -ĀĀd̪ ə̄ðə̄gg ə̄ðə̄gg-ə̄əd̄ ̪ -ə̄gg tɛ̄ɛn̄ d̪ tīīnd̪-ə̄gg -AAd̪/-gg cāl-āād̪ càl-g L -Agg ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg -EEgg bààm bààm-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g -d̪/-AAgg bə̀r-d̪ bə̀r-ə̀əg̀ g -AAd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ HM -Agg káɛ̄d̪ káɛ̄d̪-āgg HL -ĒĒgg t ̪áɔ̀r t ̪áɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g -Agg ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb-ə̀gg

‘fermented milk’ ‘knife sheath’ ‘old clothes’ ‘house’ ‘intestine’ ‘snake type’ ‘hunger’ ‘greed’ ‘riddle’ ‘testicle’ ‘hippopotamus’ ‘bird type’ ‘lion’ ‘mature woman’ ‘cup, spoon’ ‘lizard’ ‘water spring’

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Root tone MH ML LH HMH HLH

Suffix -Āgg -Agg -Agg -EEgg -Āgg -ĀĀd̪ -Āgg -ĀĀd̪ -d̪/-gg

N SG

N PL

dɔ᷄d d̪āɔ̀d̪ bāgd̪àrs gə̄mūùr bìmìríɟɟ gàágg lúlīíd̪ kúūrlúúgg rúŋùú-d̪

dɔ᷄d-ɔ̄gg d̪āɔ̀d̪-àgg bāgd̪àrs-àgg gə̄mūùr-ììgg bìmìríɟɟ-ə̄gg gàágg-āād̪ lúlīíd̪-ə̄gg kúūrlúúgg-ə̄əd̄ ̪ rúŋùu᷇-gg

‘bird type’ ‘fertile soil’ ‘lizard’ ‘dove’ ‘bird type’ ‘bird type’ ‘snake type’ ‘rodent type’ ‘bird type’

However, in nouns with two tones on the root-final syllable such as tá̪ ɔ̀r/tá̪ ɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘lizard’, káɛ̄d̪/káɛ̄d̪-āgg ‘cup, spoon’, d̪āɔ̀d̪/d̪āɔ̀d̪-àgg ‘fertile soil’, the suffix must have underlying tone. If it had no underlying tone, the second of the two root-final tones would delink and reassign to the suffix {M6} as in the nouns îlɟ/ílɟ-ə̀gg ‘beeswax’ síīɟɟ/sííɟɟ-ə̄gg ‘tree type’, and kāɲāàd̪/ kāɲāād̪-àgg ‘bowel’ of (42). There are no plural nouns surfacing with Mid suffix tone following either ML or HL tone on the root-final syllable. Therefore, the nouns t ̪áɔ̀r/t ̪áɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g ‘lizard’ and d̪āɔ̀d̪/d̪āɔ̀d̪àgg ‘fertile soil’ are analyzed to have Mid tone in the suffix which assimilates to preceding Low tone {M9}. Mid tone does surface when attached to nouns with Low root tone melodies such as bə̀ɲɟ/bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg ‘pulp’. However, as discussed below, this suffix tone is analyzed as underlying High tone which lowers to Mid following root-final Low tone, also in accordance with rule {M9}. Noun suffixes having vowels with High or High--Mid tone High tone in noun suffixes is less frequent than Mid tone and follows fewer root (44)

High and High--Mid tone on suffix vowel of various suffixes Root tone Suffix N SG N PL H -Ágg kə́s kə́s-ə́gg ‘sorghum type’ -ÉĒgg lúɲ lúɲ-íīgg ‘boomerang’ -ÁĀgg láál láál-áāgg ‘pumpkin type’ M -Ágg fānd̪ fə̄nd̪-ə́gg ‘cheek’ -ÉĒgg múfúr múfúr-íīgg ‘gazelle type’ -ÁĀd̪ mə̄əð̄ mə̄ə̄ð-ə́əd̄ ̪ ‘grandfather’ L -Ágg bə̀ɲɟ bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg ‘pulp’ -d̪/-ÉĒgg mɔ̀ggɔ̀r-d̪ mɔ̀ggɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘stirring stick’ -ÁĀgg kùùl kùùl-ə̄əḡ g ‘clan member’ -ÁĀd̪ bɛ̀ɛǹ bɛ̀ɛǹ -āād̪ ‘gossip’ LM -Ágg d̪ìwīnd̪ d̪ìwīnd̪-ə́gg ‘grass type (comp)’

Noun stem

119

tone melodies than Mid tone. In (44), noun suffixes with vowels having High or High-Mid tone are attached to nouns with four different root tone melodies. In accordance with the suffix tone lowering rule {M9}, suffix-initial High tone becomes Mid when attached to a root such as bə̀ɲɟ/bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg ‘pulp’ with Low tone, or in the other nouns in (44) with Low tone melody. The root tone melodies HL and ML are missing from the examples of (43-44). For unknown reasons, nouns with these root-tone melodies do not attach suffixes with initial High tone which would surface as Mid tone {M9}. The only noun with a High tone suffix which attaches to a noun with more than one tone in the root tone melody is d̪ìwīnd̪/d̪ìwīnd̪-ə́gg ‘grass type (lit. rat’s ear)’ which is a compound noun. Example (45) shows the resulting combinations of suffix tone and root-final tone for nouns attaching suffixes with vowels. The noun kə́s/ kə́s-ə́gg ‘sorghum type’ of (a) and (c) could have High tone or no underlying tone in the suffix; either analysis results in the same surface tone. The noun māād̪/māād̪-āgg ‘snake type’ of (e) and (f) could have Mid tone or no underlying tone in the suffix. The noun ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s/ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ sàgg ‘hippopotamus’ of (h) and (i) could have Mid tone or no underlying tone in the suffix, as suffix Mid tone assimilates to preceding Low tone {M9}. (45) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i)

Resulting combinations of vowel suffix tone and root--final tone Root tone Suffix tone N SG N PL H H kə́s kə́s-ə́gg ‘sorghum type’ M ɔ́rɔ́nd̪ ɔ́rɔ́nd̪-ɔ̄gg ‘fermented milk’ none kə́s kə́s-ə́gg ‘sorghum type’ M H mīīd̪ mīīd̪-ə́gg ‘stone’ M māād̪ māād̪-āgg ‘snake type’ none māād̪ māād̪-āgg ‘snake type’ L H bə̀ɲɟ bə̀ɲɟ-ə̄gg ‘pulp’ M ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg ‘hippopotamus’ none ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s ɟɛ̀ɛr̀ s-àgg ‘hippopotamus’

Vowel--less noun suffixes having no underlying tone The nouns of (46) can be analyzed as having no underlying tone in the suffixes, as the tone of the root is the same in singular and plural forms. (46)

No underlying tone on suffixes without vowels Root tone Suffix N SG N PL H -gg áám áám-g ‘bone’ -gg t ̪ɛ́ɛf́ á t ̪ɛ́ɛf́ á-gg ‘leaf, illness type’ -gg sáá sáá-gg ‘wine’

120

A grammar of Gaahmg Root tone M L HL HM ML LM MH HLM MHM MHL LHL

Suffix -gg -gg -ɟɟ/-gg -gg -gg -d̪ -gg -gg -d̪ -gg -gg -d̪/-gg -gg -gg -d̪/-gg -gg -gg -gg -gg -ɟɟ/-gg -gg -d̪ -gg -gg -gg -gg

N SG

N PL

bāāl wə̄ə̄ pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛ-̄ ɟɟ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ bùù bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà sɛ́ɛǹ ɔ́rd̪àà t ̪ááðà ɟɔ́rgāāl páɟɟɔ̄ɔ̄ bɔ́rɛ̄-d̪ bāàl būə̀ bāsà-d̪ gɔ̀ɛn̄ gùld̪ū bāár lɛ̄ɔd̄ á̪ máāy-ɟ [máāɟ ̥̚] áàrɛ̄ɛ ̄ wíìlmāā cɛ̄ggɛ́lūū ūŋúrə̀ə̀ d̪ùûl gàd̪áàɛ̀

bāāl-g wə̄ə-̄ gg pɛ̄bbɛ̄ɛ-̄ gg wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ-g bùù-gg bɔ̀ɔŋ̀ mà-d̪ sɛ́ɛǹ -g ɔ́rd̪àà-gg t ̪ááðà-d̪ ɟɔ́rgāāl-g páɟɟɔ̄ɔ-̄ gg bɔ́rɛ̄-gg bāàl-g būə̀-gg bāsà-gg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g gùld̪ū-gg bāár-g lɛ̄ɔd̄ á̪ -gg máāɛ̄-g áàrɛ̄ɛ-̄ gg wíìlmāā-d̪ cɛ̄ggɛ́lūū-gg ūŋúrə̀ə-̀ gg d̪ùûl-g gàd̪áàɛ̀-gg

‘cave’ ‘shade, help’ ‘tree type’ ‘sour/bitter taste’ ‘chicken coop roof’ ‘insect type’ ‘ruler’ ‘army leader’ ‘grandmother’ ‘bird type’ ‘star’ ‘eye matter’ ‘instrument type’ ‘tree type’ ‘large intestine’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tree trunk, wood’ ‘tribe member’ ‘animal’ ‘cucumber’ ‘grass type’ ‘ant name (comp)’ ‘root type’ ‘pumpkin’ ‘instrument type’ ‘basket’

Vowel--less noun suffixes having Mid tone In (47), noun suffixes having Mid tone are attached to nouns with four different root tone melodies, all of which end in High tone. Since the suffix has no vowel, the Mid tone of the suffix is assigned to the root-final syllable. (47)

Mid tone on suffixes without vowels Root tone Suffix N SG N PL H -gg d̪áár d̪áār-g -gg kúúfú kúúfu᷇-gg -gg wááyáá wááyáā-gg -+gg fɔ́l fu᷇l-g -d̪/-gg wɛ́ráá-d̪ wɛ́ráā-gg

‘throne’ ‘ground sesame’ ‘bird type’ ‘hole’ ‘tribe member’

Noun stem Root tone MH

LH HLH

Suffix -gg -gg -d̪ -d̪/-gg -gg -d̪/-gg

N SG

N PL

sāmáŋ fɔ̄yd̪á ābɛ́ɛ ́ mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-́ d̪ àggáár rúŋùú-d̪

sāma᷇ŋ-g fɔ̄yd̪a᷇-gg ābɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ mɔ̄rɛ́ɛ-̄ gg àggáār-g rúŋùu᷇-gg

121

‘sorghum storehouse’ ‘planting seed’ ‘maternal uncle’ ‘vegetable type’ ‘rider, hunter’ ‘bird type’

Mid tone in vowel-less suffixes does not surface following root-final Low tone, and Mid tone is ambiguous with no underlying tone in suffixes when following rootfinal Mid tone. However, Mid tone in vowel-less suffixes does surface following root-final High tone. High tone in vowel-less suffixes does not surface following root-final Mid or Low tone, and High tone is ambiguous with no underlying tone in suffixes when following root-final High tone. Based on these limitations, there is no reason to posit underlying High tone on vowel-less suffixes. Example (48) shows the resulting combinations of suffix tone and root-final tone for nouns attaching vowel-less suffixes. The noun bāāl/ bāāl-g ‘cave’ of (c-d) could have Mid tone or no underlying tone in the suffix. The noun wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ/ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ-g ‘sour taste’ of (e-f) could have Mid tone or no underlying tone in the suffix, as suffix Mid tone assimilates to preceding Low tone or is not assigned {M9}. (48)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

6.3.3

Resulting combinations of suffix tone and root--final tone for vowel--less suffixes Root tone Suffix tone N SG N PL H M d̪áár d̪áār-g none áám áám-g M M bāāl bāāl-g none bāāl bāāl-g L M wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ-g none wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ wɛ̀lɛ̀ɲ-g

‘throne’ ‘bone’ ‘cave’ ‘cave’ ‘sour/bitter taste’ ‘sour/bitter taste’

Nouns with irregular tone assignment

Outside regular tone assignment which is about 95% of nouns, there is a set of nouns changing to Low tone in the plural form, as well as a scattering of other nouns with unpredictable tone. The nouns of (49) have Mid-Low root tone and vowel suffixes. In the plural form these nouns surface with Low tone in both the root and suffix syllables.

122 (49)

A grammar of Gaahmg Nouns with ML root tone becoming L Suffix Noun SG Noun PL -EEgg d̪āɔ̀ d̪àw-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ d̪ɛɛ̀ l̀ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g d̪əə̄ ̀r d̪əə̀ ̀r-ììgg gāàl gààl-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g gāàr gààr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g māàr mààr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g māàw mààw-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g mə᷆l mə̀l-ììgg ɲa᷆ŋ ɲàŋ-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g mɔ̄sɔ̀r mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g āŋàr àŋàr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g -Agg sīìnd̪ sììnd-ə̀gg kāànd̪ kàànd̪-àgg -AAgg yāàm yààm-ààgg

‘monkey’ ‘lake’ ‘snake type’ ‘falcon’ ‘hog’ ‘unmarried woman’ ‘gazelle’ ‘bamboo drinking straw’ ‘crocodile’ ‘horse’ ‘rope bed’ ‘guest’ ‘water-carrying stick’ ‘bride’

In previous sections, we have seen several nouns with ML root tone melody that contrast with the nouns of (49). The noun bāgd̪àrs/bāgd̪àrs-àgg ‘lizard’ of (41) and the nouns lɔ̄ɔr̀ /lɔ̄ɔr̄ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ ‘cervix’ and kāɲāàd̪/kāɲāād̪-àgg ‘bowel’ of (42) have no underlying tone in the suffix, so root-final Low tone is delinked from the root and/or is assigned to the suffix {M5-6}. The nouns gə̄mūùr/gə̄mūùr-ììgg ‘dove’ and d̪āɔ̀d̪/d̪āɔ̀d̪-àgg ‘fertile soil’ have Mid underlying tone in the suffix which assimilates to the preceding Low tone {M9}, so the root-final tone is not delinked from the root nor assigned to the suffix. The nouns of (49) are similar to the ML nouns of (42) in that they also have suffixes with Mid tone assimilating to preceding Low tone {M9}. However, it is not understood why the root-initial Mid tone of the nouns of (49) also assimilates to Low tone, and this alternation could be analyzed as tone replacement. In 6.4 it will be shown that possessed body part nouns also have a tone change in the plural form. However, this is a different tone change—LM replacement—than with the nouns of (49)—Low replacement. There are a handful of other nouns with unpredictable tone in the plural form. In (50a-d), the root-final High tone is not assigned in the plural form. In (e), the suffix tone is Low. In (f-h), other tone changes take place between singular and plural forms. (50) (a) (b) (c)

Nouns with irregular tone in the plural form N SG

N PL

ūfú cɛ̄ld̪á kāsá

ūfū-gg cɛ̄ld̪ā-gg kāsā-gg

‘tree type’ ‘charcoal’ ‘boy’

Noun stem

(d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

6.4

N SG

N PL

t ̪āɛ̄d̪á(g) lúd̪ búlí-ɟɟ ɟìd̪ gə̄əð̀ g [gə̄əg̀ ̥̚]

t ̪āɛ̄d̪ā-āgg lú-ùgg búlī-īgg ɟīð-ə̀gg, ɟīìgg gə̀əð̀ -ə̄əḡ g

123

‘wine strainer’ ‘leg’ ‘worm’ ‘husband’ ‘thief’

Body part nouns

Since all body part nouns possessed by plural persons take an alternate tone pattern, a separate section is included for their description. All body part nouns possessed by plural persons have L(M) tone. Although the common tone pattern of bɔ̄ɔr̄ à/bɔ̄ɔr̄ àgg ‘shoulder’ in the paradigm of (51) is Mid, Low, the plural forms possessed by plural persons surface as Low, Mid. (51)

Possessive paradigm for inalienable body part bɔ̄ɔr̄ à / bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà--gg ‘shoulder’ Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns Noun SG ā bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà 1sPs --1pPs ɔ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà 2sPs --2pPs ɛ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà 3sPs --3pPs Noun PL ā bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà-gg 1sPp āgg bɔ̀ɔr̀ āā-gg 1pPp ɔ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà-gg 2sPp ūgg bɔ̀ɔr̀ āā-gg 2pPp ɛ̄ bɔ̄ɔr̄ àà-gg 3sPp ɛ̄gg bɔ̀ɔr̀ āā-gg 3pPp

The tone assignment of the plural person possessive morpheme is described in (52). (52)

Plural person possessive L(M) tone assignment Plural possessed body part nouns have LM pattern in that Mid tone surfaces on the final syllable and Low tone surfaces on the others. However, monosyllabic body part nouns have Low tone.

This rule causes three-syllable body part nouns to be Low, Low, Mid; two-syllable body parts to be Low, Mid; and monosyllabic body parts to be Low. The nouns in (53) are exemplary of possession of body parts. Regardless of the root tone of nouns possessed by singular persons, the tone of plural body parts possessed by plural persons is governed by the possessive morpheme. Only the first person has been included since the other persons follow the pattern of (51) for their respective vowel pairs. (53) Low--Mid tone alternation in plural person possession of body part nouns Root tone N SG, SG person N PL, SG person N PL, PL person H ā cíl āgg cìl-g ‘spine’ ā sísíɲ ā sísíɲ-ɛ́ɛḡ g āgg sìsìɲ-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘gum’ ā cáffá(g) ā cáffá-āgg āgg càffā-āgg ‘side’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Root tone M

L

HL

HM ML MH LM HLM

6.5

N SG, SG person

N PL, SG person

N PL, PL person

ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā ā

ā

fīī-gg

ā

pɛ̄bbār-g

ā ā

bààlɛ̀ɛm ̀ àà-gg íl-ə̀əg̀ g

ā ā

t ̪únd̪úlì-ìgg ɲíī-gg

ā ā ā

bāssà-gg būld̪í-īgg kūsūmíī-gg

ā

càŋàld̪ā-gg

ā

d̪ɔǵ gɔ̀lɟā-gg

āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg āgg

fīī-d̪ kālāā-d̪ pɛ̄bbār d̪ɔl̀ fɔ̀dɔ̪ r̀ bààlɛ̀ɛm ̀ àà îl lááðà(g) t ̪únd̪úlì(g) ɲíī-d̪ sūù-d̪ bāssà-d̪ būld̪í(g) kūsūmíí ə̀əm ̀ ə̄ə̄ càŋàld̪ā kə̂lfə̄ d̪ɔǵ gɔ̀lɟā

fìì-gg kə̀lə̄ə-̄ gg pɛ̀bbàr-ɛ̄ɛḡ g d̪ùl-g fɔ̀dɔ̪ r̀ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g bààlɛ̀ɛm ̀ āā-gg ìl-ə̄əḡ g lààðā-gg t ̪ùnt ̪ùlī-īgg ɲìì-gg sùù-gg bàssā-gg bùld̪ī-īgg kùsùmīī-gg ə̀ə̀mə̄ə-̄ gg càŋàld̪ā-gg kə̀lfə̄-gg d̪ɔg̀ gɔ̀lɟā-gg

‘feather’ ‘tongue’ ‘rib’ ‘penis’ ‘nose’ ‘knee cap’ ‘horn’ ‘brain’ ‘elbow’ ‘tooth’ ‘hair’ ‘intestine’ ‘finger’ ‘knee’ ‘liver’ ‘triceps’ ‘jaw’ ‘ankle’

Genitive

Genitive nouns are used as agents or experiencers following a verb or as the possessor in a phrase with the general preposition ɛ́. A tone change marks the genitive case. In (54), the noun àggáár ‘hunter’ with LH root tone melody has ML tone melody when used as an experiencer following the verb ɲáɔ́-s=ɛ᷇ ‘needCOMP=PAS.A’. In (55), the noun t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ‘cow=DEF’ with H root tone melody has ML tone melody when used as the possessor in the phrase with general preposition. (54)

nāms ɲáɔ́-s=ɛ᷇ food /ɲaw/need-COMP=PAS.A ‘Food is needed by the hunter.’

(55)

ɔ̄ɲ ɛ́ tɔ̄ɔ̪ ɔ̀ɔ̄ = ̀ n meat of /t ̪ɔ́ɔ/́ cow.GEN=DEF ‘Meat of the cow is good.’

āggāàr āggāàr /àggáár/hunter.GEN wɛ᷇dá̪ n good

The genitive function is not marked with a suffix, but only by a tone change. Nouns with M or MH root tone melodies have HL tone melody in the genitive case. Nouns with all other root tone melodies have ML tone melody in the genitive case.

Noun stem

125

Table 13: Genitive noun tone changes Root tone melody Genitive tone melody M, MH HL All other melodies ML In (56), singular nouns with various root tone melody are compared in genitive and non-genitive forms. Nouns with M and MH root tone melody have HL melody in genitive forms. Nouns with all other root tone melody have ML tone melody in genitive forms. The two tones of the genitive melodies both assign to the stem-final syllable and the first tone spreads leftward to all preceding syllables as in kūd̪ūūrīìgg ‘bird’. If there is a clitic following the stem such as the definite clitic =Á in tɛ́nd̪ás=à ‘bird=DEF’, the genitive stem-final tone is delinked and reassigned to the clitic. (56)

Genitive singular and plural nouns with various root tone melodies Root GEN N SG GEN N SG GEN DEF N SG tone tone H ML t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ̄ɔ̀ t ̪ɔ̄ɔ= ̀ n ‘cow’ M HL mīī míì míì=n ‘goat’ L ML d̪ìì d̪īì d̪īì=n ‘rat’ HL ML wírì wīri ᷆ wīri ᷆=n ‘bird’ HM ML súlə̄ sūlə᷆ sūlə᷆=n ‘clan member’ ML ML ɲūūì ɲūūì ɲūūì=n ‘leopard’ LH ML àggáár āggāàr āggāār=à ‘hunter’ LM ML mɔ̀rāā mɔ̄rāà mɔ̄rāà=n ‘governor’ MH HL tɛ̄nd̪ás tɛ́nd̪às tɛ́nd̪ás=à ‘bird type’ MHM ML kūd̪úúrīī kūd̪ūūrīì kūd̪ūūrīì=n ‘bird type’

The same tone changes take place for plural genitive nouns. (57)

Genitive singular and plural nouns with various root tone melodies Root GEN N PL GEN N PL GEN DEF N PL tone tone H ML t ̪ɔ́-gg tɔ᷆-gg tɔ̄-gg=ɔ̀ ‘cow’ M HL mīī-gg míì-gg míí-gg=ə̀ ‘goat’ L ML d̪ìì-gg d̪īì-gg d̪īī-gg=ə̀ ‘rat’ HL ML wírì-ìgg wīrī-ìgg wīrī-īgg=ə̀ ‘bird’ HM ML súlə̄-ə̄gg sūlə̄-ə̀gg sūlə̄-ə̄gg=ə̀ ‘clan member’ ML ML ɲūùy-g ɲūùy-g ɲūūy-g=ə̀ ‘leopard’ LH ML àggáár-g āggāàr-g āggāār-g=à ‘hunter’ LM ML mɔ̀rāā-gg mɔ̄rāà-gg mɔ̄rāā-gg=à ‘governor’ MH HL tɛ̄nd̪ás-āgg tɛ́nd̪ás-àgg tɛ́nd̪ás-ágg=à ‘bird type’ MHM ML kūd̪úúrīī-gg kūd̪ūūrīì-gg kūd̪ūūrīī-gg=ə̀ ‘bird type’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

There is some variation in the tone of genitive forms. Sometimes with the same speaker with the same words, the genitive Low tone is not delinked even though it is reassigned to a plural clitic (míì-gg=ə̀ ‘goat.GEN=DEF’, āggāàr-g=à ‘hunter.GEN=DEF’). Sometimes genitive nouns have Low tone melody instead of ML tone melody (kùd̪ùùrìì ‘bird type’). There are other variations besides these, but with the exception of ML root tone melodies, genitive forms differ in tone from nongenitive forms.

127

7 7.1

Noun word Introduction

In this chapter we present a morphological description of the noun word, including clitics for copular (COP), definite (DEF), locative copular (LCM), dative (DAT), accompaniment (ACM), relative clause definite (RDM), and clause-final subordinate (SBO) markers. In chapter 4, these clitics were shown to attach to two or more word categories. Noun word morphology involves clitics attached to noun stems, rather than to noun roots. Whereas suffixes attached to noun roots attach to underlying segments, clitics attached to noun stems attach to surface segments. The accompaniment morpheme attaches a different clitic for vowel-final stems (=nE) as in (1a) than for consonantfinal stems (=E) as in (d). Because the accompaniment clitic =nE attaches to a surface-final segment in (1a), it is also analyzed to attach to surface-final segments in (1b-c). Thus, the singular surface forms of (1b-c) are káɔ̀=nɛ̄ ‘hyena’, ɲūūì=nɛ̄ ‘leopard’ with stem-final surface vowels, whereas the root underlying forms are /kaw/ or /kab/, /ɲuuy/ or /ɲuuɟ/ 31. (1)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

Roots and stems compared Underlying Surface Noun stem root root suffix UR N.SG N-PL /t ̪ɔ/ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́-gg /kaw/ káɔ̀ kâw-g /ɲuuy/ ɲūūì ɲūùy-g /kaam/ kààm kààm-g

Noun word clitic N.SG=ACC t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ nɛ̄ káɔ̀=nɛ̄ ɲūūì=nɛ̄ kààm=ɛ̄

‘cow’ ‘hyena’ ‘leopard’ ‘cow type’

Suffixes are attached to the underlying-final segments of roots, whereas clitics are attached to the surface-final segments of stems. However, in the case of copular and definite clitics, the underlying-final stem segment can determine which clitic allomorph attaches. Just as noun roots attach different suffixes depending on the root-final segment, noun stems attach different clitics depending on the stem-final segment. Each grammatical noun clitic has different segmental or tonal allomorphs, sometimes differing according to the following stem-final segments: underlying 31

As discussed in 2.3.6, although there is no way to distinguish whether the underlying-final segments are plosives or approximants, the definite clitic =An attaches to stems with underlying-final approximants and the definite clitic =Vn attaches to stems with underlyingfinal vowels.

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approximants ð, y or w in monosyllabic stems, long surface vowels in monosyllabic stems, surface vowels in polysyllabic stems, surface consonants, and surface consonants of plural stems. Table 14 lists the various clitics on stem-final segments and (2) gives example nouns with the same order. Those that have not been attested are left blank. Table 14: Noun word clitics and their allomorphs Stem-final segment COP DEF LCM/DAT (Monosyllabic) underlying =Ān =An =A᷇n approximant ð, w, y (Monosyllabic) long vowel =V̄n =Vn =V᷇n (Polysyllabic) vowel = n̄ =n = n̄ Consonant =Ā =Á =A᷇n Consonant N PL =À =Á =A᷇n (2a)

(b)

ACM

RDM

=nĒ =nĒ =nĒ =E᷇ =E᷇

SBO

=nÉ

=É =É =È

Noun word clitic allomorphs on various stem--final nouns N COP DEF LCM/DAT mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ =ān mɛ̄ɛð̄ =ān mɛ̄ɛð̄ =a᷇n sāɔ̄ sā.ɔ̄=n/sāw=ān sā.ɔ̄=n/sāw=ān sā.ɔ᷇=n/sāw=a᷇n rɛ̄ɛ ̄ rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ̄n rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ̄n rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ᷇n ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ n ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n d̪əm ̄ d̪əm ̄ =ə̄ d̪əm ̄ =ə́ d̪əm ̄ =ə᷇n ̄ -g=ə̀ d̪əm ̄ -g=ə́ d̪əm ̄ -g=ə᷇n d̪əm ̄ -g d̪əm

=nÉ =nÉ =É =É

‘tree type’ ‘shoe’ ‘cotton’ ‘uncle’ ‘Arab’ ‘Arabs’

Noun word clitic allomorphs on various stem--final nouns N

ACM

mɛ̄ɛð̄ sāɔ̄ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ d̪əm ̄ d̪əm ̄ -g

mɛ̄ɛð̄ =nɛ̄ sāɔ̄=nɛ̄ rɛ̄ɛ= ̄ nɛ̄ ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ d̪əm ̄ =ɛ᷇᷇ d̪əm ̄ -g=ɛ᷇

RDM

SBO

ābbɛ́ɛ.́ =ɛ́ d̪əm ̄ =ɛ́ d̪əm ̄ -g=ɛ̀

mɛ̄ɛð̄ =nɛ́ sāɔ̄=nɛ́ rɛ̄ɛ= ̄ nɛ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ d̪əm ̄ =ɛ́ d̪əm ̄ -g=ɛ́

‘tree type’ ‘shoe’ ‘cotton’ ‘uncle’ ‘Arab’ ‘Arabs’

The tone lowering rule of {M9} in 3.4.3 states that suffix-initial High and Mid tone are lowered following stem-final Low tone. Most of the noun clitics are in accordance with this rule, but the following are not: the copular clitics =Ān, =V̄n and accompaniment clitic =nĒ attached to underlying approximants and long vowel-final stems. In all noun words, tone assignment takes the stem tone as its point of departure.

Noun word

7.2 7.2.1

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Copular clitic Copular segmental morphology

In answer to questions such as ɲi᷇n nɛ́ɛ ́ ‘What is this?’ and various other non-verbal clauses described in 14.6, a copular clitic can be attached to noun stems. (3a)

fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā=n àggáár=āā Feetfa =DEF hunter =COP ‘Feetfa is a hunter.’

ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ àggáàr-g=àà people=DEF hunter-PL-COP ‘The people are hunters.’

(b)

The clitic =Ān is attached to monosyllabic stems with underlying final approximant, the clitic =V̄n is attached to monosyllabic stems with long vowel, the clitic = n̄ is attached to polysyllabic vowel-final stems, and the clitic =Ā is attached to consonant-final singular stems. The clitic =À is attached to plural nouns, which are always consonant-final. Table 15: Copular clitics Stem-final segment (Monosyllabic) underlying approximant (Monosyllabic) long vowel (Polysyllabic) vowel Consonant

COP N SG

COP N PL

=Ān =V̄n = n̄ =Ā

=À

Monosyllabic underlying approximant--final singular stems In (4), the copular clitic =Ān is attached to singular nouns with stem-final dental approximant ð. The clitic vowel takes the [ATR] and [round] features of the stem {M3-4}. (4)

Copular clitic =Ān on singular nouns with stem--final ð N SG

COP N SG

ɟááð mə̄əð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ kūūð yààð

ɟááð=ān mə̄əð̄ =ə̄n mɛ̄ɛð̄ =ān kūūð=ūn yààð=ān

‘old clothes’ ‘grandfather’ ‘tree type’ ‘shadow’ ‘sister’

As shown in (5), monosyllabic stems with underlying final approximants w, y sometimes elide the vowel of the singular copular clitic =Ān and sometimes retain it, depending on the underlying-final segment and the speed of the utterance. When the underlying approximant surfaces as a vowel, it becomes the onset to a second syllable. When the copular clitic vowel is retained, the stem-final vowel surfaces as

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an approximant. (5) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Copular clitic =Ān on monosyllabic underlying approximant final stems m Stem-final N SG COP N SG aɔ /aw/ káɔ̀ ká.ɔ̀=n ká.w=àn ‘hyena’ aaɔ /aaw/ bààɔ̀ bàà.ɔ̄=n bàà.w=ān ‘father’ ɛɔ /ɛw/ bɛ̄ɔ̀ bɛ̄.ɔ̀=n bɛ̄.w=àn ‘tree type’ aɛ /ay/ t ̪āɛ̀ t ̪ā.ɛ̀=n t ̪ā.y=àn ‘giraffe’ aaɛ /aay/ gááɛ̀ gáá.ɛ̀=n gáá.y=àn ‘tree type’ əəi /əəy/ mə̀əì̀ mə̀ə.̀ ī=n mə̀ə.̀ y=ə̄n ‘farm fence’ ui /uy/ mūī mū.ī=n mū.y=ə̄n ‘wildebeest’ uui /uuy/ ɲūūì ɲūū.ì=n ɲūū.y=ə̀n ‘leopard’

Most monosyllabic stems with underlying-final approximant w and y are phonetically somewhere in-between the two utterances of (5). In stems with underlying-final velar approximant w as in (a-c), the surface form is usually close to having the velar approximant. In [-ATR] stems with underlying final palatal approximant y as in (d-e), the surface form is usually half way between the approximant y and vowel ɛ. In [+ATR] stems with underlying final y as in (f-h), the surface form is usually close to the vowel i. Also, the faster the utterance, the closer the surface form is to the shorter form with a stem-final vowel, regardless of the underlying stem-final segment. Monosyllabic long vowel--final singular stems When the singular copular clitic =V̄n attaches to monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, the clitic becomes a second syllable, in accordance with {M2} of 3.1. The clitic vowel takes on all the features of the stem-final vowel to which it is juxtaposed. (6)

long vowel final stems Copular clitic =V̄n on monosyllabic m Stem-final N SG COP N SG ɛ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ̄n ‘cotton’ a máà máá.=àn ‘house’ ɔ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ.́ =ɔ᷇n ‘cow’ i ɟīì ɟīī.=ìn ‘turkey’ ə wə̄ə̄ wə̄ə.̄ =ə̄n ‘shade’ u bùù bùù.=ūn ‘chicken coop roof’

Polysyllabic vowel--final singular stems The copular clitic = n̄ is attached to polysyllabic singular nouns with various stemfinal long and short vowels in (7a-j). The clitic also attaches to nouns with underlying-final vowel sequence such as būə̀ ‘tree type’ in (k) and to nouns with

Noun word

131

underlying-final velar plosives g such as áŋɛ́(g) ‘elephant’ in (l). The language treats these singular nouns as vowel-final stems, attaching the vowel-final clitic = n̄ instead of the consonant-final clitic =Ā. (7) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l)

Copular clitic = n̄ on singular nouns with stem--final vowels Stem-final N SG COP N SG ɛɛ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n ‘uncle’ ii ūrīī ūrīī=n ‘ostrich’ aa wááyáá wááyáā=n ‘bird type’ əə gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ n ‘fish’ ɔɔ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ= ̄ n ‘sugar cane’ uu ə̄yúú ə̄yúū=n ‘tooth brush’ a t ̪ááðà t ̪ááðà=n ‘grandmother’ ə ə̄ŋə̀ ə̄ŋə̀=n ‘little girl’ ɔ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̀nsɔ̀=n ‘cooking plate’ u kúúfú kúúfu᷇=n ‘crushed beans’ uə būə̀ bū.ə̀=n ‘tree type’ (g) áŋɛ́(g) áŋɛ᷇=n ‘elephant’

Consonant--final singular stems In (8), the copular clitic =Ā is attached to singular nouns with various stem-final consonants. (8)

Copular clitic =Ā on singular nouns with stem--final consonants Stem-final N SG COP N SG bb ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb=ə̀ ‘water spring’ d̪ māād̪ māād̪=ā ‘snake type’ d dɔ᷄d dɔ᷄d=ɔ̄ ‘bird type’ ɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ=ə̄ ‘bird type’ gg kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɔ̀ ‘woman’ s márɔ̄ɔs̄ márɔ̄ɔs̄ =ɔ̄ ‘spider’ m d̪əm ̄ d̪əm ̄ =ə̄ ‘Arab’ n sɛ́ɛǹ sɛ́ɛǹ =à ‘ruler’ ɲ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ ɲɛ́ɛŋ́ =à ‘spear type’ ŋ mə̄ɲ mə̄ɲ=ə̄ ‘wild cat type’ r púr púr=ū ‘flower’ l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l=ɔ̀ ‘millipede’

Plural stems With plural nouns, the copular clitic is =À. In (9), the singular nouns and singular copular forms are given for comparison.

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(9) Copular clitic =À on plural nouns Suffix N SG N PL COP N SG ̄ - gg wáár wáār-g wáár=ā -gg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáā=n ̄ - gg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúfu᷇=n -Āgg cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪=ā -ÉĒgg púr púr-íīgg púr=ū -AAgg îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g íl=ə̀n -AAd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɔ̀ - d̪̄ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n -d̪/-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg gə̀rmù=d̪=ù -Ed̪/-gg ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ɟíŋ-íd̪=ə̄

7.2.2

COP N PL

wáàr-g=à wááyáá-gg=à kúúfú-gg=ù cɛ́ld̪-āgg=à púr-íìgg=ə̀ íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̀ kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪=à ābbɛ́ɛ-̀ d̪-à gə̀rmù-gg=ù ɟíŋ-g=ə̀

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’ ‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

Tonal morphology of the copular clitic

̄ have underlying Mid tone and the The singular copular clitics =Ān, =V̄n, = n, plural copular clitic =À has underlying Low tone. The singular copular clitics =Ān, =V̄n attached to approximants and long vowel-final stems are an exception to the tone lowering rule of {M9} in 3.4.3 in that clitic Mid tone does not assimilate to stem-final Low tone. Monosyllabic underlying approximant--final stems In the noun yààð=ān ‘sister=COP’ of (10) with stem-final dental approximant ð, the Mid clitic tone does not assimilate to the preceding stem-final Low tone. (10) Tone H M L

Copular clitic =Ān on stem--final ð nouns with three tone melodies N SG

N PL

COP N SG

COP N PL

ɟááð mə̄əð̄ yààð

ɟááð-āāgg mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ yààð-āād̪

ɟááð=ān mə̄əð̄ =ə̄n yààð=ān

ɟááð-āāgg=à mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd́ = ̪ ə̀ yààð-āād̪=à

‘old clothes’ ‘grandfather’ ‘sister’

Similarly, Mid tone of the copular clitic =Ān does not assimilate to preceding Low tone in monosyllabic stems with underlying-final approximants w and y. However, the Low tone of HL and ML stem tone melodies delinks and reassigns to the clitic syllable in ká.w=àn ‘hyena=COP’ and ɲūū.y=ə̀n ‘leopard=COP’, even though the clitic has underlying Mid tone, in contradiction of {M6}. In these forms, the reassigned Low tone replaces the clitic Mid tone. The same tone melodies surface on the noun words regardless of whether the underlying stem-final approximant surfaces as a vowel or approximant.

Noun word

133

(11)

Copular clitic =Ān on monosyllabic approximant final stems with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL ML

N SG

N PL

ááɛ́ mūī bààɔ̀ káɔ̀ ɲūūì

ááy-g mūy-g bààw-āād̪ kâw-g ɲūùy-g

COP N SG

áá.ɛ᷇=n mū.ī=n bàà.ɔ̄=n ká.ɔ̀=n ɲūū.ì=n

COP N PL

áá.y=a᷇n mū.y=ə̄n bàà.w=ān ká.w=àn ɲūū.y=ə̀n

ááy-g=à mūy-g=ə̀ bààw-āād̪=à kâw-g=à ɲūùy-g=ə̀

‘honey’ ‘wildebeest’ ‘father’ ‘hyena’ ‘leopard’

Monosyllabic long vowel final stems In monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, Mid tone of the copular clitic =V̄n also does not assimilate to preceding Low stem tone. Stem-final High tone spreads onto the copular clitic, juxtaposed to the stem. The final Low tone of HL and ML melodies is delinked from the stem and reassigns to the clitic, replacing the Mid clitic tone, in contradiction of {M6}. (12) Tone H M L HL ML MH

Copular clitic =V̄n on monosyllabic long vowel final stems with various tone melodies N SG

N PL

cáá mīī d̪ìì máà ɟīì mīí

cáá-gg mīī-gg d̪ìì-gg máà-gg ɟīì-gg mīí-gg

COP N SG

cáá.=a᷇n mīī.=īn d̪ìì.=īn máá.=àn ɟīī.=ìn mīī.=i᷇n

COP N PL

cáá-gg=à mīī-gg=ə̀ d̪ìì-gg=ə̀ máà-gg=à ɟīì-gg=ə̀ mīí-gg=ə̀

‘wild cat’ ‘goat’ ‘rat’ ‘house’ ‘turkey’ ‘chicken’

Polysyllabic vowel final stems In (13), the copular clitic = n̄ is attached to singular polysyllabic nouns with various tone melodies and stem-final vowels. The Mid clitic tone is assigned to stems with (13) Tone H M L HL HM ML LM MH

Copular clitic = n̄ on vowel--final singular nouns with various tone melodies N SG

N PL

wááyáá ūrīī ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ́rd̪àà sáárfāā gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ mɔ̀rāā pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á

wááyáá-gg ūrīī-gg ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg ɔ́rd̪àà-gg sáárfāā-gg gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg mɔ̀rāā-gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg

COP N SG

wááyáā=n ūrīī=n ɔ̀nsɔ̀=n ɔ́rd̪àà=n sáárfāā=n gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ n mɔ̀rāā=n pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā=n

COP N PL

wááyáá-gg=à ūrīī-gg=ə̀ ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg=ɔ̀ ɔ́rd̪àà-gg=à sáárfāā-gg=à gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg=ə̀ mɔ̀rāā-gg=à pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ à-gg=à

bird type’ ‘ostrich’ ‘cooking plate’ ‘army’ ‘rat’ ‘fish’ ‘governor’ ‘crack’

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final High tone, but is not assigned to stems with final Low tone in accordance with {M9}. Consonant--final stems In (14), the copular clitic =Ā attaches to nouns with stem-final consonants and various tone melodies. The Mid tone of the clitic =Ā assimilates to stem-final Low tone in accordance with {M9}. (14)

Copular clitic =Ā on consonant--final singular nouns with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

N SG

N PL

wáár d̪ə̄m kààm sɛ́ɛǹ ɟɔ́rgāāl kɔ̄ðɛ̀l àggáár gɔ̀ɛn̄ bāár

wáār-g d̪əm ̄ -g kààm-g sɛ́ɛǹ -g ɟɔ́rgāāl-g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g àggáār-g gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g bāár-g

COP N SG

wáár=ā d̪ə̄m=ə̄ kààm=à sɛ́ɛǹ =à ɟɔ́rgāāl=ā kɔ̄ðɛ̀l=à àggáár=ā gɔ̀ɛn̄ =ā bāár=ā

COP N PL

wáàr-g=à d̪əm ̄ -g=ə̀ kààm-g=à sɛ́ɛǹ -g=à ɟɔ́rgāāl-g=à kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g=à àggáàr-g=à gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g=à bāár-g=à

‘insect type’ ‘Arab’ ‘cow type’ ‘ruler’ ‘bird type’ ‘baboon’ ‘hunter, rider’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tribe member’

In stems such as wáār-g ‘insect type’ with High-Mid tone assigned to the same stem-final syllable, the Mid tone assimilates to the clitic-final Low tone (wáàr-g=à). This is in accordance with the stem Mid tone lowering rule of {M7} in 3.4.2. (15)

7.3

Stem Mid tone assimilating to clitic Low Plural formation suffix N PL COP N PL - ḡ wáār-g wáàr-g=à - ḡ àggáār-g àggáàr-g=à ̄ - gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ à-gg=à -Āgg ŋārná-āgg ŋārná-àgg=à -ÉĒgg púr-íīgg púr-íìgg=ə̀ -ÉĒgg rāāy-ɛ́ɛḡ g rāāy-ɛ́ɛg̀ g=à - d̪̄ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ-̀ d̪=à -d̪/-ÁĀd̪ mə̄y-ə́əd̄ ̪ mə̄y-ə́əd̀ = ̪ ə̀ -d̪/- ḡ káān-g káàn-g=à ̄ -d̪/- gg lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔ-̄ gg lɔ̄ggɔ́ɔ-̀ gg=ɔ̀

‘insect type’ ‘hunter, rider’ ‘crack’ ‘leach’ ‘flower’ ‘quarrel’ ‘uncle’ ‘ancestor’ ‘fly’ ‘locust’

Definite clitic

The definite clitic indicates the speaker believes a word is active or known information in the mind of the hearer, as illustrated in (16a) and (b). In narratives, the first mention of a participant can be with the definite clitic if the participant is

Noun word

135

already know in the mind of the hearers. In (17a), the participant Minjib is unknown to hearers and introduced without the definite clitic, whereas in (b) the Baggara people group are notorious in Gaahmg culture and introduced with the definite clitic. (16a)

wáár=áá wɛ᷇dá̪ =n insect=DEF good=COP ‘The insect is good.’

(17a)

ɟɛ̄n fāā ma᷇n bɛ́la᷄n mīɲɟìbb. ɔ̀ ɛ̄ man old certain named Minjib and with ‘There was an old man named Minjib. At that time

(b)

(b)

wáār-g=áá wíə̀-gg=ə̀ insect-PL=DEF good-PL=COP ‘The insects are good.’ mūn time

náán that

ŋáɔ́-a᷄ ǹ ɲā-lg nà ə̄n-g=ì, search.for girl-PL REL young-PL=RDM /ŋáw/-CONT.P the Baggara (people group) were kidnapping young girls.’ (Minj1-2)

bāárg=á Baggara=DEF

The same definite clitic =A is attached to (non-approximant) consonant-final stems. This includes many singular nouns and all plural nouns. The definite clitic =An is attached to monosyllabic underlying approximant-final stems, the clitic =Vn is attached to monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, the clitic =n is attached to polysyllabic vowel-final stems. Table 16: Definite clitics Stem-final segment (Monosyllabic) underlying approximant (Monosyllabic) long vowel (Polysyllabic) vowel Consonant

DEF

=An =Vn =n =Á

Definite clitics are the same segmentally as copular clitics. Therefore, the segmental behaviour of the definite clitic will not be illustrated further, and the focus of the presentation will be on its tone. The definite clitics =An, =Vn, =n have no underlying tone and the definite clitic =Á attached to stem-final consonants has underlying High tone. Monosyllabic underlying approximant--final stems In (18), the definite clitic =An is attached to nouns with the stem-final dental approximant ð and three tone melodies. The clitic vowel takes the stem-final tone {M5}.

136 (18) Tone H M L

A grammar of Gaahmg Definite clitic =An on stem--final ð nouns with three tone melodies N SG

N PL

DEF N SG

DEF N PL

ɟááð mə̄əð̄ yààð

ɟááð-āāgg mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ yààð-āād̪

ɟááð=án mə̄əð̄ =ə̄n yààð=àn

ɟááð-āāgg=á mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ = ̪ ə́ yààð-āād̪=á

‘old clothes’ ‘grandfather’ ‘sister’

The definite clitic =An is also attached to monosyllabic approximant-final stems in which the final underlying approximant w or y can surface as a vowel or as an approximant. In either, the noun word tone melody is the same. When the clitic vowel is not elided, it takes the stem-final tone {M5-6}. (19)

Definite clitic =An on monosyllabic approximant final stems with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL ML

N SG

N PL

DEF N SG

ááɛ́ mūī bààɔ̀ káɔ̀ ɲūūì

ááy-g mūy-g bààw-āād̪ kâw-g ɲūùy-g

áá.ɛ́=n mū.ī=n bàà.ɔ̀=n ká.ɔ̀=n ɲūū.ì=n

DEF N PL

áá.y=án mū.y=ə̄n bàà.w=àn ká.w=àn ɲūū.y=ə̀n

ááy-g=á mūy-g=ə́ bààw-āād̪=á kâw-g=ā ɲūùy-g=ə̄

‘honey’ ‘wildebeest’ ‘father’ ‘hyena’ ‘leopard’

Monosyllabic long vowel--final stems Similarly, the definite clitic =Vn is juxtaposed to monosyllabic long vowel final stems {M2} and takes the stem-final tone {M5-6}. (20)

Definite clitic =Vn on monosyllabic long vowel final stems with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL ML MH

N SG

N PL

DEF N SG

DEF N PL

cáá mīī d̪ìì máà ɟīì mīí

cáá-gg mīī-gg d̪ìì-gg máà-gg ɟīì-gg mīí-gg

cáá.=án mīī.=īn d̪ìì.=ìn máá.=àn ɟīī.=ìn mīī.=ín

cáá-gg=á mīī-gg=ə́ d̪ìì-gg=ə̄ máà-gg=ā ɟīì-gg=ə̄ mīí-gg=ə́

‘wild cat’ ‘goat’ ‘rat’ ‘house’ ‘turkey’ ‘chicken’

Polysyllabic vowel--final stems In (21), the definite clitic =n with no underlying tone is attached to nouns with stem-final vowels and various tone melodies, and does not affect the stem tone.

Noun word

137

(21)

Definite clitic =n on vowel--final singular nouns with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL HM ML LM MH

N SG

N PL

DEF N SG

DEF N PL

wááyáá ūrīī ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ́rd̪àà sáárfāā gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ mɔ̀rāā pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á

wááyáá-gg ūrīī-gg ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg ɔ́rd̪àà-gg sáárfāā-gg gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg mɔ̀rāā-gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg

wááyáá=n ūrīī=n ɔ̀nsɔ̀=n ɔ́rd̪àà=n sáárfāā=n gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ n mɔ̀rāā=n pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á=n

wááyáá-gg=á ūrīī-gg=ə́ ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg=ɔ̄ ɔ́rd̪àà-gg=ā sáárfāā-gg=á gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg=ə̄ mɔ̀rāā-gg=á pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg=á

bird type’ ‘ostrich’ ‘cooking plate’ ‘army’ ‘rat’ ‘fish’ ‘governor’ ‘crack’

Consonant--final stems In (22), the definite clitic =Á with underlying High tone is attached to nouns with stem-final consonants and various stem tone melodies. Clitic High tone becomes Mid when the clitic is attached to stem-final Low tone, in accordance with {M9}. (22)

Definite clitic =Á on consonant--final singular nouns with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

N SG

N PL

DEF N SG

DEF N PL

wáár d̪ə̄m kààm sɛ́ɛǹ ɟɔ́rgāāl kɔ̄ðɛ̀l àggáár gɔ̀ɛn̄ bāár

wáār-g d̪əm ̄ -g kààm-g sɛ́ɛǹ -g ɟɔ́rgāāl-g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g àggáār-g gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g bāár-g

wáár=á d̪ə̄m=ə́ kààm=ā sɛ́ɛǹ =ā ɟɔ́rgāāl=á kɔ̄ðɛ̀l=ā àggáár=á gɔ̀ɛn̄ =á bāár=á

wáār-g=á d̪əm ̄ -g=ə́ kààm-g=ā sɛ́ɛǹ -g=ā ɟɔ́rgāāl-g=á kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g=ā àggáār-g=á gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g=á bāár-g=á

7.4

‘insect type’ ‘Arab’ ‘cow type’ ‘ruler’ ‘bird type’ ‘baboon’ ‘hunter, rider’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tribe member’

Relative clause definite clitic

Relative clauses are marked or unmarked for definiteness just as noun phrases. When the head of the relative clause is known information, the relative clause definite clitic =É/=È attaches to the clause-final word. Relative clause definite clitics agree in number with the noun modified. In (a), the singular clitic with High tone on fáá-gg=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘lines’ agrees with the singular noun kə́sə́n-gí ‘friendship’. In (b), the plural clitic with Low tone on lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛg̀ g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘grasses’ agrees with the plural noun ɟe᷆gg ‘things’. (23a)

kə́sə́ngí ná àɔ̀ ná ɛ́ fáá-gg ɛ́ friendship REL.SG sits REL.SG in line-PL by ‘The friendship which sits in lines by lines.’ (Tifa11)

fáá-gg=ɛ́ɛ́ line-PL=RDM

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A grammar of Gaahmg

ɟe᷆gg thing.PL.

ɛ́ of

lɛ̄ɛl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g=à bíīgg nà àn REL.PL stay grass.GENsome GEN PL-COP ‘ . . some wild forest animals (lit. some things of grass which were staying in grass).’ (Nyee1-2)

lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛg̀ g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ grassPL=RDM

The relative clause definite clitic =É with High tone agrees with singular nouns modified by the relative clause, and the clitic =È with Low tone agrees with plural nouns. Table 17: Relative clause definite clitics RDM N SG RDM N PL Stem-final segment (Polysyllabic) vowel =É Consonant =É =È The singular clitic =É attaches to nouns with stem-final consonants or vowels. When attaching to vowels, it becomes an added syllable, juxtaposed to the stem {M2}. (24)

Relative clause definite clitic =É on singular nouns Stem-final N SG RDM N SG Vowel kāsá kāsá.=ɛ́ ‘boy’ Consonant mə̄īd̪ mə̄īd̪=í ‘elder’

Singular clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. Stemfinal HM tone becomes HL tone as in àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ ‘hunter’ when followed by the plural clitic Low tone {M7}. (25)

Relative clause definite clitics =É/=È /=È on singular and plural nouns Stem-final N SG N PL RDM N SG RDM N PL H/HM àggáár àggáār-g àggáár=ɛ́ àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ ‘hunter’ M kààd̪ɛl̄ kààd̪ɛl̄ -ɛ́ɛǵ g kààd̪ɛl̄ =ɛ́ kààd̪ɛl̄ -ɛ́ɛǵ =ɛ̀ ‘leader’ ‘guest’ L sīìnd̪ sììnd̪-ə̀gg sīìnd̪=ī sììnd̪-ə̀gg=ì

7.5

Locative copular and dative clitics

The locative copula clitic and dative clitic are analyzed as two different morphemes that happen to have the same form or the same morpheme with two senses. The later is possible since the two clitics never occur together. The morphology of both clitics is presented together in this section.

Noun word

7.5.1

139

Locative and dative segmental morphology

Locative copula clitic In non-verbal locative clauses, the singular or plural locative copula íīn/ɛ̄ggàn separates the subject from the predicate. However in fast speech, both singular and plural copulas attach to the subject noun phrase in the form of the clitic =A᷇n. The singular locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ of (26a) is replaced by the clitic =A᷇n attached to the subject noun in (b). The plural locative copula ɛ̄ggàn of (c) is replaced by the same clitic in (d). (26) (a)

(c)

Locative copular clauses àggáár íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ íīn hunter LCM house beside ‘A hunter is beside a house.’

(b)

bɛ̀ɲɟ àggáār-g ɛ̄ggàn gàn wɛ́ɛ ́ hunter-PL LCM house beside ‘Hunters are beside a house.’

àggáár=aa᷇n hunter=LCM (d)

wɛ́ɛ ́ house

àggáār-g=aa᷇n hunter-PL=LCM

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside wɛ́ɛ ́ house

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

Dative clitic The dative has the semantic roles of beneficiary and recipient as seen in the examples of (27). In general, dative constructions are not used with inanimate nouns. (27) Dative nouns in clauses (a) ɛ̄ bɛ̄ɛ ̄ càɔ̀r=āān he says rabbit-DAT ‘He said to the rabbit . . .’ (b)

á gàf ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ càɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=aa᷇n I give something rabbit-PL=DAT ‘I give something to the rabbits.’

(c)

tíssə̀ t ̪īnēgg bīīgg sāfād̪dí̪ n=aa᷇n asked questions some.PL Sayfadin-DAT ‘They asked Sayfadin some questions.’

The locative copular and dative clitic =A᷇n is attached to monosyllabic underlying approximant-final stems, the clitic =V᷇n is attached to monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, the clitic = n̄ is attached to polysyllabic vowel-final stems, and the clitic =A᷇n is attached to consonant-final stems. In stems with final approximants and stems with final vowels, the locative, dative, definite, and copular forms of nouns

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are segmentally identical, differing sometimes only by tone. In stems with final consonant, locative and dative forms of nouns differ from definite and copular forms by a word-final n. Table 18: Locative copular and dative clitics Stem-final segment LCM/DAT (Monosyllabic) underlying approximant =A᷇n (Monosyllabic) long vowel =V᷇n (Polysyllabic) vowel = n̄ Consonant =A᷇n Monosyllabic underlying approximant--final singular stems In (28), the locative and dative clitic =A᷇n is attached to singular nouns with stemfinal dental approximant ð. The clitic vowel takes the [ATR] and [round] features of the root {M3-4}. (28)

Locative and dative clitic =A᷇n on singular nouns with stem--final ð N SG LCM/DAT N SG ɟááð ɟááð=a᷇n ‘old clothes’ mə̄əð̄ mə̄ə̄ð=ə᷇n ‘grandfather’ mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ =a᷇n ‘tree type’ kūūð kūūð=u᷇n ‘shadow’ yààð yààð=ān ‘sister’

Most monosyllabic stems with underlying-final approximants w, y are phonetically somewhere inbetween the two utterances of (29). (29)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Locative/Dative clitic =A᷇n on monosyllabic underlying approximant final stems m Stem-final N SG LCM/DAT N SG aɔ /aw/ káɔ̀ ká.ɔ̀=n ká.w=àn ‘hyena’ aaɔ /aaw/ bààɔ̀ bàà.ɔ̄=n bàà.w=ān ‘father’ ɛɔ /ɛw/ bɛ̄ɔ̀ bɛ̄.ɔ̀=n bɛ̄.w=àn ‘tree type’ aɛ /ay/ t ̪āɛ̀ t ̪ā.ɛ̀=n t ̪ā.y=àn ‘giraffe’ aaɛ /aay/ gááɛ̀ gáá.ɛ̀=n gáá.y=àn ‘tree type’ əəi /əəy/ mə̀əì̀ mə̀ə̀.ī=n mə̀ə.̀ y=ə̄n ‘farm fence’ ui /uy/ mūī mū.i᷇=n mū.y=ə᷇n ‘wildebeest’ uui /uuy/ ɲūūì ɲūū.ì=n ɲūū.y=ə̀n ‘leopard’

Monosyllabic long vowel--final singular stems As in copular and definite forms, when locative copula and dative clitics =V᷇n attach to monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, the clitic becomes a second syllable

Noun word

141

{M2}. The clitic vowel takes on all the features of the stem-final vowel to which it is juxtaposed. (30)

Locative/Dative clitic =V᷇n on monosyllabic long vowel final stems m Stem-final N SG LCM/DAT N SG ɛ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ᷇n ‘cotton’ a máà máá.=àn ‘house’ ɔ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ.́ =ɔ᷇n ‘cow’ i ɟīì ɟīī.=ìn ‘turkey’ ə wə̄ə̄ wə̄ə.̄ =ə᷇n ‘shade’ u bùù bùù.=ūn ‘chicken coop roof’

Polysyllabic vowel--final singular stems In (31), the locative copular and dative clitic = n̄ is attached to singular nouns with various stem-final long and short vowels. (31) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l)

Locative/Dative clitic = n̄ on singular nouns with stem--final vowels Stem-final N SG LCM/DAT N SG ɛɛ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n ‘uncle’ ii ūrīī ūrīī=n ‘ostrich’ aa wááyáá wááyáā=n ‘bird type’ əə gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ n ‘fish’ ɔɔ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ= ̄ n ‘sugar cane’ uu ə̄yúú ə̄yúū=n ‘tooth brush’ a t ̪ááðà t ̪ááðà=n ‘grandmother’ ə ə̄ŋə̀ ə̄ŋə̀=n ‘little girl’ ɔ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̀nsɔ̀=n ‘cooking plate’ u kúfú kúfu᷇=n ‘crushed beans’ uə būə̀ būə̀=n ‘tree type’ (g) áŋɛ́(g) áŋɛ᷇=n ‘elephant’

Consonant--final singular stems In (32), the locative copular and dative clitic =A᷇n is attached to singular nouns with various stem-final consonants. (32)

Locative and dative clitic =A᷇n on singular nouns with stem--final consonants Stem-final N SG LCM/DAT N SG bb ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb=ə̄n ‘water spring’ d̪ māād̪ māād̪=a᷇n ‘snake type’ d dɔ᷄d dɔ᷄d=ɔ᷇n ‘bird type’

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N SG

bìmìríɟɟ kàmàlɔ̀gg márɔ̄ɔs̄ d̪əm ̄ sɛ́ɛǹ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ mə̄ɲ púr d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l

LCM/DAT N SG bìmìríɟɟ=ə᷇n kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɔ̄n márɔ̄ɔs̄ =ɔ᷇n d̪əm ̄ =ə᷇n sɛ́ɛǹ =ān ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ =ān mə̄ɲ=ə᷇n púr=u᷇n d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l=ɔ̄n

‘bird type’ ‘woman’ ‘spider’ ‘Arab’ ‘ruler’ ‘spear type’ ‘wild cat type’ ‘flower’ ‘millipede’

Plural stems In (33), the locative copular and dative clitic is attached to plural nouns with various plural suffixes. (33) Locative and dative clitics on plural nouns Suffix N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG ̄ wáār-g wáár=a᷇n - gg wáár ̄ - gg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáā=n ̄ - gg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúfu᷇=n -Āgg cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪=a᷇n -ÉĒgg púr púr-íīgg púr=u᷇n -AAgg îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g îl=ə̄n -AAd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg- kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɔ̄n ààd̪ - d̪̄ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ= ̄ n -d̪/-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg gə̀rmù=d̪=ūn -Ed̪/-gg ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ɟíŋ-íd̪=ə᷇n

7.5.2

LCM/DAT N PL wáār-g=a᷇n wááyáá-gg=a᷇n kúúfú-gg=u᷇n cɛ́ld̪-āgg=a᷇n púr-íīgg=ə᷇n íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ə̄n kàmàlɔ̀ggààd̪=ān ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪=a᷇n gə̀rmù-gg=ūn ɟíŋ-g=ə᷇n

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’ ‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

Locative copular and dative tonal morphology

The locative copular and dative clitics =A᷇n, =V᷇n have underlying High-Mid tone, and the clitic = n̄ on vowel-final stems has underlying Mid tone. Monosyllabic underlying approximant--final stems In (34), locative copular and dative clitics are attached to nouns with the stem-final dental approximant ð and three tone melodies. Clitic High tone becomes Mid when attached to stem-final Low tone {M9}.

Noun word (34) Tone H M L

Locative/Dative clitic =A᷇n on stem--final ð nouns with three tone melodies N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG LCM/DAT N PL ɟááð ɟááð-āāgg ɟááð=a᷇n ɟááð-āāgg=a᷇n mə̄əð̄ mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ mə̄əð̄ =ə᷇n mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ = ̪ ə᷇n yààð yààð-āād̪ yààð=ān yààð-āād̪=a᷇n

143

‘old clothes’ ‘grandfather’ ‘sister’

In (35), the locative copula and dative clitic =A᷇n is attached to monosyllabic approximant-final stems in which the final approximant can surface as a vowel or as an approximant. In either, the noun word tone melody is the same. High clitic tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone in bàà.w=ān ‘father=LCM’. As in the copular and definite forms of such nouns with HL and ML stem tone melodies, the Low tone delinks and reassigns to the clitic, replacing the clitic tone, in contradiction of {M6}. (35) Tone H M L HL ML

Locative/Dative clitic =A᷇n on monosyllabic approximant final stems with various tone melodies N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG LCM/DAT N PL ááɛ́ ááy-g áá.ɛ᷇=n áá.y=a᷇n ááy-g=á ‘honey’ mūī mūy-g mū.i᷇=n mū.y=ə᷇n mūy-g=ə́ ‘wildebeest’ bààɔ̀ bààw-āād̪ bàà.ɔ̄=n bàà.w=ān bààw-āād̪=á ‘father’ káɔ̀ kâw-g ká.ɔ̀=n ká.w=àn kâw-g=ā ‘hyena’ ɲūūì ɲūùy-g ɲūū.ì=n ɲūū.y=ə̀n ɲūùy-g=ə̄ ‘leopard’

Monosyllabic long vowel--final stems In (36), the locative copular and dative clitic =V᷇n is juxtaposed to monosyllabic long vowel-final stems. Clitic High tone again becomes Mid when attached to Low stem melodies {M9}. In HL and ML stem melodies, the final Low tone delinks and reassigns to the clitic, replacing the clitic tone, in contradiction of {M6}. (36) Tone H M L HL ML MH

Locative/Dative clitic =V᷇n on monosyllabic long vowel final stems with various tone melodies N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG LCM/DAT N PL cáá cáá-gg cáá.=a᷇n cáá-gg=a᷇n ‘wild cat’ mīī mīī-gg mīī.=i᷇n mīī-gg=ə᷇n ‘goat’ d̪ìì d̪ìì-gg d̪ìì.=īn d̪ìì-gg=ə̄n ‘rat’ máà máà-gg máá.=àn máà-gg=ān ‘house’ ɟīì ɟīì-gg ɟīī.=ìn ɟīì-gg=ə̄n ‘turkey’ mīí mīí-gg mīī.=i᷇n mīí-gg=ə᷇n ‘chicken’

Polysyllabic vowel final stems In (37), the locative copula and dative clitic = n̄ is attached to nouns with various

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tone melodies and stem-final vowels. Clitic Mid tone assimilates to stem-final Low tone {M9}. (37) Tone H M L HL HM ML LM MH

Locative/Dative clitic = n̄ on vowel--final singular nouns with various tone melodies N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG LCM/DAT N PL wááyáá wááyáā-gg wááyáā=n wááyáā-gg=a᷇n ūrīī ūrīī-gg ūrīī=n ūrīī-gg=ə᷇n ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg ɔ̀nsɔ̀=n ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg=ɔ̄n ɔ́rd̪àà ɔ́rd̪àà-gg ɔ́rd̪àà=n ɔ́rd̪àà-gg=ān sáárfāā sáárfāā-gg sáárfāā=n sáárfāā-gg=a᷇n gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ n gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg=ə̄n mɔ̀rāā mɔ̀rāā-gg mɔ̀rāā=n mɔ̀rāā-gg=a᷇n pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā=n pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg=a᷇n

bird type’ ‘ostrich’ ‘cooking plate’ ‘army’ ‘rat’ ‘fish’ ‘governor’ ‘crack’

Consonant--final stems In (38), the locative copular and dative clitic =A᷇n is attached to nouns with various tone melodies and stem-final consonants. Clitic High tone becomes Mid when the clitic follows stem-final Low tone {M9}. (38) Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

7.6 7.6.1

Locative/Dative clitic =A᷇n on consonant--final singular nouns with various tone melodies N SG N PL LCM/DAT N SG LCM/DAT N PL wáár wáār-g wáár=a᷇n wáār-g=a᷇n ‘insect type’ d̪ə̄m d̪əm ̄ -g d̪əm ̄ =ə᷇n d̪ə̄m-g=ə᷇n ‘Arab’ kààm kààm-g kààm=ān kààm-g=ān ‘cow type’ sɛ́ɛǹ sɛ́ɛǹ -g sɛ́ɛǹ =ān sɛ́ɛǹ -g=ān ‘ruler’ ɟɔ́rgāāl ɟɔ́rgāāl-g ɟɔ́rgāāl=a᷇n ɟɔ́rgāāl-g=a᷇n ‘bird type’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l=ān kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g=ān ‘baboon’ àggáár àggáār-g àggáár=a᷇n àggáār-g=a᷇n ‘hunter, rider’ gɔ̀ɛn̄ gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g gɔ̀ɛn̄ =a᷇n gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g=a᷇n ‘metal worker’ bāár bāár-g bāár=a᷇n bāár-g=a᷇n ‘tribe member’

Accompaniment Accompaniment segmental morphology

As will be discussed in 11.1, the accompaniment clitic is used on nouns in adjuncts introduced by the preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ if the noun has the semantic role of accompaniment.

Noun word (39)

145

bāárg=á áða᷄ ǹ ànân ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ Baggara=DEF coming staying with people Goor=ACM ‘The Baggara were coming with the people of Goor.’ (Minj4)

The accompaniment clitic =nĒ is attached to stems with underlying-final approximant or final vowel. The clitic =E᷇ is attached to consonant-final stems. Table 19: Accompaniment clitics Stem-final segment (Monosyllabic) underlying approximant (Monosyllabic) long vowel (Polysyllabic) vowel Consonant

ACM

=nĒ =nĒ =nĒ =E᷇

Monosyllabic underlying approximant final singular stems In (40), the accompaniment clitic =nĒ is attached to singular nouns with stem-final dental approximant ð in (a-e) and to stems with underlying-final approximants w or y in (f-g). The clitic vowel takes the [ATR] quality of the root {M3}. (40) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Accompaniment clitic =nĒ on singular nouns with stem--final ð Stem-final N SG ACM N SG ð ɟááð ɟááð=nɛ̄ ‘old clothes’ mə̄əð̄ mə̄əð̄ =nī ‘grandfather’ mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ =nɛ̄ ‘tree type’ kūūð kūūð=nī ‘shadow’ yààð yààð=nɛ̄ ‘sister’ ɔ /w/ bààɔ̀ bààɔ̀=nɛ̄ ‘father’ ɛ /y/ rāāɛ̄ rāāɛ̄=nɛ̄ ‘quarrel’

Vowel--final singular stems In (41), the accompaniment clitic =nĒ is attached to singular nouns with various stem-final long and short vowels as in (a-j). The clitic also attaches to monosyllabic long vowel stems (k) and stems with underlying-final velar plosive g (m). (41) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Accompaniment clitic =nĒ on singular nouns with stem--final vowels Stem-final N SG ACM N SG ɛɛ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ ‘uncle’ ii ūrīī ūrīī=nī ‘ostrich’ aa wááyáá wááyáá=nɛ̄ ‘bird type’ əə gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ nī ‘fish’ ɔɔ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ= ̄ nɛ̄ ‘sugar cane’

146

(f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m)

A grammar of Gaahmg Stem-final uu a ə ɔ u aa uə (g)

N SG

ACM N SG

ə̄yúú t ̪ááðà ə̄ŋə̀ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ kúfú cáá būə̀ áŋɛ́(g)

ə̄yúú=nī t ̪ááðà=nɛ̄ ə̄ŋə̀=nī ɔ̀nsɔ̀=nɛ̄ kúfú=nī cáá=nɛ̄ būə̀=nī áŋɛ́=nɛ̄

‘tooth brush’ ‘grandmother’ ‘little girl’ ‘cooking plate’ ‘crushed beans’ ‘wild cat’ ‘tree type’ ‘elephant’

Consonant--final singular stems In (42), the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ is attached to singular nouns with various stem-final consonants. (42)

Accompaniment clitic =E᷇ on singular nouns with stem--final consonants Stem-final N SG ACM N SG bb ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb=ī ‘water spring’ d̪ māād̪ māād̪=ɛ᷇ ‘snake type’ d dɔ᷄d dɔ᷄d=ɛ᷇ ‘bird type’ ɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ=i᷇ ‘bird type’ gg kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɛ̄ ‘woman’ s márɔ̄ɔs̄ márɔ̄ɔs̄ =ɛ᷇ ‘spider’ m d̪əm ̄ d̪əm ̄ =i᷇ ‘Arab’ n sɛ́ɛǹ sɛ́ɛǹ =ɛ̄ ‘ruler’ ɲ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ =ɛ̄ ‘spear type’ ŋ mə̄ɲ mə̄ɲ=i᷇ ‘wild cat type’ r púr púr=i᷇ ‘flower’ l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l=ɛ̄ ‘millipede’

Plural stems In (43), the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ is attached to plural nouns with various plural suffixes. The singular nouns and singular accompaniment forms are given for comparison. (43) Accompaniment clitic =E᷇ on plural nouns Suffix N SG N PL ACM N SG ̄ - gg wáár wáār-g wáár=ɛ᷇ ̄ - gg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáá=nɛ̄ ̄ - gg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúfú=nī -Āgg cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪=ɛ᷇ -ÉĒgg púr púr-íīgg púr=i᷇

ACM N PL

wáār-g=ɛ᷇ wááyáá-gg=ɛ᷇ kúúfú-gg=i᷇ cɛ́ld̪-āgg=ɛ᷇ púr-íīgg=i᷇

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’

Noun word Suffix -AAgg -AAd̪ - d̪̄ -d̪/-gg -Ed̪/-gg

7.6.2

147

N SG

N PL

ACM N SG

ACM N PL

îl kàmàlɔ̀gg ābbɛ́ɛ ́ gə̀rmù-d̪ ɟíŋ-íd̪

íl-ə̀əg̀ g kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ gə̀rmù-gg ɟíŋ-g

îl=ī kàmàlɔ̀gg=ɛ̄ ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ gə̀rmù-d̪=ī ɟíŋ-íd̪=i᷇

íl-ə̀əg̀ g=ī kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪=ɛ̄ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪=ɛ᷇ gə̀rmù-gg=ī ɟíŋ-g=i᷇

‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

Accompaniment tonal morphology

The accompaniment clitic =nĒ on approximant-final stems and vowel-final stems has underlying Mid tone. However, this clitic is an exception to the tone lowering rule {M9} of 3.4.3. The clitic =E᷇ on consonant-final stems has underlying HM tone and is in accordance with {M9}. Dental approximant ð final stems In (44), Mid tone of the clitic =nĒ is not lowered following stem-final Low tone and thus {M9} is not applied to this suffix. (44)

Accompaniment clitic =nĒ on stem--final ð nouns with three tone melodies

Tone H M L

N SG

N PL

ACM N SG

ACM N PL

ɟááð mə̄əð̄ yààð

ɟááð-āāgg mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ ̪ yààð-āād̪

ɟááð=nɛ̄ mə̄əð̄ =nī yààð=nɛ̄

ɟááð-āāgg=ɛ᷇ mə̄əð̄ -ə́əd̄ = ̪ i᷇ yààð-āād̪=ɛ᷇

‘old clothes’ ‘grandfather’ ‘sister’

Vowel--final stems In (45), the accompaniment clitic =nĒ is attached to nouns with stem-final vowels and various tone melodies. As in approximant-final stems, Mid tone of the clitic =nĒ is not lowered following stem-final Low tone. (45)

Accompaniment clitic =nĒ on vowel--final singular nouns with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL HM ML LM MH

N SG

N PL

ACM N SG

ACM N PL

wááyáá ūrīī ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ́rd̪àà sáárfāā gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ mɔ̀rāā pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á

wááyáá-gg ūrīī-gg ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg ɔ́rd̪àà-gg sáárfāā-gg gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg mɔ̀rāā-gg pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg

wááyáá=nɛ̄ ūrīī=nī ɔ̀nsɔ̀=nɛ̄ ɔ́rd̪àà=nɛ̄ sáárfāā=nɛ̄ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ = ̀ nī mɔ̀rāā=nɛ̄ pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ á=nɛ̄

wááyáá-gg=ɛ᷇ ūrīī-gg=i᷇ ɔ̀nsɔ̀-gg=ɛ̄ ɔ́rd̪àà-gg=ɛ̄ sáárfāā-gg=ɛ᷇ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ -̀ gg=ī mɔ̀rāā-gg=ɛ᷇ pɛ̄ɛd̄ á̪ ā-gg=ɛ᷇

‘bird type’ ‘ostrich’ ‘cooking plate’ ‘army’ ‘rat’ ‘fish’ ‘governor’ ‘crack’

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Consonant--final stems In (46), the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ is attached to nouns with stem-final consonants and various tone melodies. High tone in the clitic becomes Mid when the clitic is attached to stem-final Low tone {M9}. (46)

Accompaniment clitic =E᷇ on consonant--final singular nouns with various tone melodies

Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

N SG

N PL

ACM N SG

ACM N PL

wáár d̪ə̄m kààm sɛ́ɛǹ ɟɔ́rgāāl kɔ̄ðɛ̀l àggáár gɔ̀ɛn̄ bāár

wáār-g d̪əm ̄ -g kààm-g sɛ́ɛǹ -g ɟɔ́rgāāl-g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g àggáār-g gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g bāár-g

wáár=ɛ᷇ d̪əm ̄ =i᷇ kààm=ɛ̄ sɛ́ɛǹ =ɛ̄ ɟɔ́rgāāl=ɛ᷇ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l=ɛ̄ àggáár=ɛ᷇ gɔ̀ɛn̄ =ɛ᷇ bāár=ɛ᷇

wáār-g=ɛ᷇ d̪əm ̄ -g=i᷇ kààm-g=ɛ̄ sɛ́ɛǹ -g=ɛ̄ ɟɔ́rgāāl-g=ɛ᷇ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g=ɛ̄ àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g=ɛ᷇ bāár-g=ɛ᷇

‘insect type’ ‘Arab’ ‘cow type’ ‘ruler’ ‘bird type’ ‘baboon’ ‘hunter, rider’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tribe member’

As discussed in section 2.4, no more than one tone is assigned on short, open syllables in roots. Although the short, open syllable clitic =E᷇ allows two tones to be assigned, there is commonly some alternation. When the accompaniment clitic is attached to stems with final Mid tone, the High of the High-Mid clitic =E᷇ is lowered to a pitch half-way between High and Mid tone before falling to Mid tone. The quick ‘half’ High-Mid falling tone sounds like a strong Mid tone syllable, and is different to speakers and hearers than the regular Mid tone. When the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ is attached to stems with final High tone, the High of the High-Mid clitic is sometimes unassigned so that the surface tone of the clitic vowel is only Mid tone. At other times, the Mid of the High-Mid clitic is unassigned so that the surface tone of the clitic vowel is only High tone. Still, at other times, both tones surface on the clitic vowel. These alternations differ for the same nouns for the same speakers, depending on the quickness of speech, rather than because of phonological features of the stem segments. The slower the noun form is spoken, the more likely that both tones will be uttered.

7.7

Subordinate clause-final clitic

In subordinate clauses such as those beginning with the subordinate conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’, the clitic =É attaches to the clause-final word. The marker =É attaches to the subordinate clause of (47a), beginning with the conjunction ɛ́ gārá

Noun word

149

‘when’, and to the subordinate clause ɔ̀ gàɔ̀-sā gùrūs=íí ‘and when a person gave money,’ of (b), having the same function but without the subordinate conjunction. (47a)

(b)

ɛ́ gārá kə᷄s-s=i᷅ ūfú-n=íí, GP when struck-COMP=SBO1 tree-DEF=SBO ‘When she struck the tree, she began . . .’ (Nyee14)

ɛ̄ 3sN

dɔ̄ɔs̀ start

bɛ̄ɛl̀ ma᷇n t ̪ā-án t ̪ù ɔ̀ gàɔ̀-sā gùrūs=íí metal certain was there and give-COMP money=SBO (Ar) ‘There was a certain metal token, and when (a person) gave money, ɛ̄ gə̀f=ûn=ì d̪-ɔ́ɔs̀ . 3sN give=2sD=3sAM in-hand.2sPs he gave it to you as certificate of payment (lit. in your hand)’ (Fand8-9)

The subordinate clause-final clitic =É (SBO) should not be confused with the subordinate verb-final clitics (SBO1, SBO2) of 10.7. In (47a), the clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) attaches to the verb kə᷄s-s=i᷅ ‘struck=COMP =SBO1’ in addition to the clause-final clitic =É (SBO) and is a different morpheme. Subordinate clauses are further discussed in section 15.2 on conjunctions. In 15.3 it will be shown that the subordinate clause-final clitic attaches to interrogative clauses in which the interrogative pronoun is pre-verbal. As shown in (23) of 4.1.11, subordinate clauses can contain relative clauses. In 14.7 the difference between subordinate clauses and relative clauses is discussed. The subordinate clause clitic =É attaches to singular and plural nouns with stemfinal consonants and the clitic =nÉ attaches to stem-final vowels. Table 20: Subordinate clause clitic Stem-final segment SBO N SG SBO N PL Vowel =nÉ Consonant =É =É In (48), the clitic =nÉ attaches to vowel-final noun stems with various root tone melodies. Subordinate clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. (48) Tone H M L HL

Subordinate clause clitic =nÉ attached to vowel--final noun stems N SG

N PL

SBO N SG

SBO N PL

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ mīī d̪ìì wírì

t ̪ɔ́-gg mīī-gg d̪ìì-gg wírìì-gg

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ nɛ́ mīī=ní d̪ìì=nī wírì=nī

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɛ́ mīī-gg=í d̪ìì-gg=ī wírìì-gg=ī

‘cow’ ‘goat’ ‘rat’ ‘bird’

150 HM ML LM MH

A grammar of Gaahmg cɛ́ɛɔ́ ̄ ɲūūì mɔ̀rāā kāsá

cɛ́ɛɔ́ -̄ gg ɲūūì-gg mɔ̀rāā-gg kāsā-gg

cɛ́ɛɔ́ = ́ nɛ́ ɲūūì=nī mɔ̀rāā=nɛ́ kāsá=nɛ́

cɛ́ɛɔ́ -́ gg=ɛ́ ɲūūì-gg=ī mɔ̀rāā-gg=ɛ́ kāsā-gg=ɛ́

‘cripple’ ‘leopard’ ‘governor’ ‘boy’

In (49), the clitic =É attaches to consonant-final noun stems with various root tone melodies. Subordinate clitic High tone again lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. (49) Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

Subordinate clause clitic =É attached to consonant--final noun stems N SG

N PL

SBO N SG

SBO N PL

kə́líd̪ t ̪ɛ̄dɛ̪ l̄ də̀ìd̪ ə́sə̀r márɔ̄ɔs̄ gə̄mūùr àggáár gə̀ŋīī-d̪ tɛ̄nd̪ás

kə́lí-īgg t ̪ɛ̄dɛ̪ l̄ -g də̀ìd̪-ə̀gg ə́sə̀r-g márɔ̄ɔs̄ -ɔ̄gg gə̄mūùr-ììgg àggáár-g gə̀ŋīī-g tɛ̄nd̪ás-āgg

kə́líd̪=í t ̪ɛ̄dɛ̪ l̄ =ɛ́ də̀ìd̪=ī ə́sə̀r=ī márɔ̄ɔs̄ =ɛ́ gə̄mūùr=ī àggáár=ɛ́ gə̀ŋīī-d̪=í tɛ̄nd̪ás=ɛ́

kə́lí-īgg=í t ̪ɛ̄dɛ̪ l̄ -g=ɛ́ də̀ìd̪-ə̀gg=ī ə́sə̀r-g=ī márɔ̄ɔs̄ -ɔ̄gg=ɛ́ gə̄mūùr-ììgg=ī àggáár-g=ɛ́ gə̀ŋīī-g=í tɛ̄nd̪ás-āgg=ɛ́

‘bird’ ‘bird’ ‘scorpion’ ‘army’ ‘spider’ ‘dove’ ‘hunter’ ‘bird’ ‘bird’

151

8

Adjectives

As discussed in 4.3, adjectives are analyzed as a distinct lexical category from either nouns or verbs since they are not used in some of the syntactic constructions of either nouns or verbs, and there are differences in the morphology from either category. Adjectives are generally not attested (NA) in use as subjects, objects, or objects of prepositions. As will be discussed in 8.3, there are three differences in the stem morphology of nouns and adjectives with final consonants. In verb paradigms, the long forms of subject pronouns precede the adjectival verb instead of short subject pronouns as in true verbs. The plural adjective suffix -gg and copular clitic =A attach to adjectival verbs of plural persons, whereas these bound morphemes are not attached to any true verb forms. These and other details specifying the difference between adjectives and nouns and verbs are found in 4.3. Adjective types are discussed in 8.1, stem morphology of qualitative adjectives in 8.2, and word morphology of qualitative adjectives in 8.3.

8.1

Adjective types

Numerals (8.1.1), quantitative adjectives (8.1.2), demonstratives (8.1.3) and qualitative adjectives (8.1.4) immediately follow nouns in nouns phrases and specify some property of the nouns they follow. Thus, all of these can be analyzed categorically as adjectives. Nevertheless, there are some differences. Demonstratives and qualitative adjectives agree in number with the nouns they modify, whereas numerals and quantitative adjectives do not. Rather, numerals and quantitative adjectives have different lexemes depending on whether the nouns they modify are singular or plural. Only the morphology of qualitative adjectives is similar to that of nouns. For further discussion of adjectives in noun phrases, see 14.9.2.

8.1.1

Numerals

The numeral tā̪ mán ‘one’ is used with singular nouns. All other cardinal numbers are used with plural nouns. (1a)

ār ú=bìlī ɟɔ̄gg kāɛ̄ wá, bɛ̀l ɟɛ̄n t ̪āmán ̪āmán hey 2pN=hit people all not hit person one ‘Don’t kill all the people; just kill the one man.’ (Fand29)

(b)

ɟāfàrì=n ɛ́ mánɛ̄ ɟɔ̄ d̪àɔ̀-sā càɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á Jafari=DEF alone just killed rabbits-PL=DEF Jafari, by himself, killed four rabbits. (Jafr7)

yə̄əs̄ ə́ four

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Gaahmg numerals draw upon words for hands, feet, and eyes. Hands and feet are representative of the number of fingers and toes that they contain. The numeral áásááma᷇n ‘five (hand-one)’ is based on the five fingers of one hand. The numeral íd̪íg-dáāgg ‘seven (eyes-two)’ is based on the two eyes—apparently in addition to the five fingers of one hand which are not included in the numeral. The numeral ə́sēg-dí ‘ten (hands-also) is based on the ten fingers of two hands. The numeral ɟāā dùì ə̄ə̄ŋ ‘twenty (person black body)’ is based on all the fingers and toes of a black person’s body. It is interesting that the word dùì ‘black’ is included in the construction of the numeral, although having nothing to do with the numeral itself. The numerals ‘forty’, ‘sixty’, and higher multiples of twenty are ‘two bodies’, ‘three bodies’ etc. (2)

Numerals (cardinal numbers) t ̪āmán d̪áāgg ɔ́ðɔ̄ yə̄əs̄ ə́ áás-ááma᷇n t ̪ə́ld̪ìgg íd̪íg-dáāgg íd̪ígg-ɔ́ðɔ̄ íd̪íg-yə̄əs̄ ə́ ə́sēg-dí ə́sə̄gd̪í ì ná t ̪āmán ə́sə̄gd̪í ì ná d̪áāgg ɟāā dùì ə̄ə̄ŋ ɟāā dùì ə̄ə̄ŋ ì ná t ̪āmán ɟāā dùì ə̄ə̄ŋ ì ná d̪áāgg ɟāā dùì ə̄ə̄ŋ ì ná ə́sēgdí jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ d̪áāgg jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ d̪áāgg ì ná ə́sēgdí jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ ɔ́ðɔ̄ jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ ɔ́ðɔ̄ ì ná ə́sēgdí jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ yə̄əs̄ ə́ jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ yə̄əs̄ ə́ ì ná ə́sēgdí jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ áásááma᷇n jɔ̄g dùìgg ììŋ-ə̄ ə́sēgdí

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 20 21 22 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 200

(hand.1sPs-one) (eye.3sPp-two) (eye.3sPp-three) (eye.3sPp-four) (hand.3sPp-also) (ten with REL one) (ten with REL two) (person black body) (twenty with REL one) (twenty with REL two) (twenty with REL ten) (people black body.PL-DEF two) (forty with REL ten) (people black body.PL-DEF three) (sixty with REL ten) (people black body.PL-DEF four) (eighty with REL ten) (people black body.PL-DEF five) (people black body.PL-DEF ten)

Ordinal numbers are constructed with cardinal numbers in relative clauses used as modifiers of the head noun. However, the numerals mɔ̄ɔg̀ g and yààn are used for ‘first’ and ‘second’ instead of tā̪ mán ‘one’ and d̪áāgg ‘two’.

Adjectives (3a)

d̪ù-d̪=ū ná mɔ̄ɔg̀ g=ɛ̄ year-SG=DEF REL first=REL ‘The first year is good.’

(b)

d̪ù-gg=ū nà ɔ́ð=ɛ᷆ year-PL=DEF REL.PL first=RDM ‘The third year is good.’

(4)

Ordinal numbers mɔ̄ɔg̀ g-ɛ̄ yààn-ɛ̀ ɔ́ð-ɛ᷆ yə̄əs̄ -î āāsāāmân-ì tə́ld̪ìg-ì íd̪ígd̪áàgg-ɛ̀ íd̪íggɔ̂ð-ɛ̀ íd̪ígyə̄əs̄ -î ə́sə̄gð-î ə́sə̄gd̪í ì ná t ̪āmán-ɛ̄ ə́sə̄gd̪í ì ná d̪áàgg-ɛ̀

8.1.2

153

wɛ᷇d̪án good.SG wíə̀-gg=ə̀ good-PL=COP

‘first’ ‘second’ ‘third’ ‘fourth’ ‘fifth’ ‘sixth’ ‘seventh’ ‘eighth’ ‘ninth’ ‘tenth’ ‘eleventh’ ‘twelfth’

Quantitative adjectives

Indefinite adjectives and quantitative adjectives can be grouped into the same semantic and syntactic category. There are different indefinite adjectives depending on whether the nouns they follow and modify are singular or plural. (5)

Mīī ma᷇ nāmáne᷇ ɛ́ ūlg-ì ma᷇n goat certain beaten GP thirst.GEN-3sP There was once a very thirsty goat. (Goat1)

mâŋ well

wá. not

Singular and plural referents can have differing or the same root forms. The cardinal number ‘one’ tā̪ mán could be derived from ma᷇n ‘any, certain’. (6)

Indefinite adjectives Singular ma᷇n ‘any, certain’ dāàn, yāàn ‘different, another’

Plural bíīgg dāān-ààgg

‘certain’ ‘others’

There are also different quantitative adjectives depending on whether the nouns they follow and modify are singular or plural.

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A grammar of Gaahmg

(7a)

mə̄īd̪ kūūd̪=ū d̪àɔ̀-sā ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ d̪ɛɛ́ ́ old.man person.name=DEF kill-COMP thing any ‘The old man of Kuud didn’t kill anything.’ (Jafr8)

wá not

(b)

ɛ́ gārá d̪əə́ ̀-s=i᷅ īīgg=ə́=r kāy kāy=ɛ́ GP when milk-COMP=SBO1 milk=DEF=PF all=SBO ‘When all the milk was completely milked, . .’ (Nyee25)

(c)

ɛ́ dɔ̀ɟ-ɟ āāggá ɛ́ mīīd̪-ə́g fɔ̄rɔ́ɟɟ ɟɟ wá 3sN /d̪ɔɟ̀ /stone-INF 1pA GP stone-PL few not ‘When it pelted us with a lot of stones, . .’ (Thng20)

(d)

á bās-sā ɔ́gg 1sN throw-COMP time ‘I threw many times.’

bə̀=ī oh=SBO

t ̪âlg ̪âlg many

Singular and plural referents of quantitative adjectives have differing root forms. There is no attested singular counterpart of fɔ̄rɔ́gg ‘few’. (8)

Quantitative adjectives Singular d̪ɛɛ́ ́ ‘any’ bum ‘much’ -----

8.1.3

Plural kāɛ̄ t ̪âlg fɔ̄rɔ́gg

‘all’ ‘many’ ‘few’

Demonstratives

Demonstratives follow and agree in number with the nouns they modify. They are not used pronominally. High tone on the initial syllable marks agreement with a singular noun and Low tone marks agreement with a plural noun. (9) Demonstratives (a) bìì fīŋə́-d̪ə ̄ kɔ̄r ə́əǹ níí ma᷆ mâŋ let hear word 1sPs this very carefully ‘Listen carefully to what I am saying (lit. this my word)!’ (Womn3) (b)

ágg fɛ̄ssā d̪ù-gg=ū nɛ̀ɛ ̀ 1pN grazed year-PL=DEF these ‘We grazed (cows) all these years.’

kāɛ̄ all

(c)

ú t ̪ə́ld̪ə᷄n=ī t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ gâr-g=ā nàà nààd̪ì 2sN putting=them cow-PL=DEF place-PL=DEF those ‘Why were you putting all those cows into a certain place?’

kāɛ̄ all

ɲíínə̀ why

Adjectives

155

The three-way distinction is for near a speaker, near an addressee, and away from both speaker and addressee. The singular and plural demonstratives náá(n) ‘that’ nàà(n) ‘those’ optionally have a final segment n. (10)

Demonstratives DEM SG

níí, nɛ́ɛ ́ náá(n) náád̪ī

DEM PL

‘this’ ‘that’ ‘that’

nɛ̀ɛ ̀ nàà(n) nààd̪ì

‘these’ ‘those’ ‘those’

near speaker near addressee away from both

The same three-way distinction is present in demonstrative locative adverbs which can be in short or long form. (11)

gə̂l Fə́nd̪ì bə̀g-s=ə̄n=i᷇n líɟɟi ᷅ ɛ́ just Fandi catch-COMP =PAS=3pD arrived GP Fandi was captured by them (government officials), and brought here to Khartoum. (Fand6)

(12)

Demonstrative locative adverbs Long Short t ̪ɛ̀ɛð̀ ɛ́ t ̪ɛ̀ ‘here’ near speaker t ̪ààðá t ̪à ‘there’ near addressee t ̪ììðí t ̪ì ‘there’ away from both

8.1.4

kə̄rt ̪ūūm Khartoum

t ̪ɛ̀. here

Qualitative adjectives

Qualitative adjectives, including adjectives of colour, also follow and agree in number with the noun they modify, as shown by the examples of (13). (13a)

á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ᷆r bɔ᷆r 1sN want sorghum yellow ‘I want yellow sorghum.’

(b)

á ɲa᷇m ɟɛ᷆r-g bɔ᷆r-g 1SN want sorghum-PL yellow-PL ‘I want yellow types of sorghums.’

Gaahmg has five colour distinctions. (14)

Colour adjectives ADJ SG

ɟāā lɛ́ɛĺ ɲíí-d̪ áfá-d̪ ɟɛ᷆r

ADJ PL

d̪ùì ɲáār pɔ́ɔ̀ bɛ̀rà bɔ᷆r

ɟɔ̄gg lɛ́ɛĺ -g ɲíí-gg áfá-āgg ɟɛ᷆r-g

d̪ùì-gg ɲáār-g pɔ́ɔ-̀ g bɛ̀rà-gg bɔ̀r-g

‘black person’ ‘green grass’ ‘white tooth’ ‘red blood’ ‘yellow sorghum’

The examples of (15) are representative of other qualitative adjectives.

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(15)

A grammar of Gaahmg

Qualitative adjectives ADJ SG

gāàr wɛ́ɛ ́ kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ ɟɛ̄n kágd̪àr t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ kàmàlɔ̀gg d̪àl d̪ɛɛ̄ l̀ t ̪ààð sáá sáàɔ̀ māàɔ̀ párɛ́ párɛ́ ə̄ŋə̀ ɟɛ̄n būúl ɟāā mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɟāā

8.2

ADJ PL

cúú bɛ́r íì bánd̪āl áɛ̀ kɔ́ɔf́ àr kāyáár lūsú gààl kár ə́n yáá fūūì sàmāār bāàl d̪əm ̀ ə̄ cɛ́ɛ ́ káɛ́ d̪úsú bûr də̀ɲə̄r

gààr-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g wís-ə̄g kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ -g ɟɔ̄g kágdàr-g t ̪ɔ́-g kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ d̪àl-g d̪ɛɛ̀ l̀ -ɛ̀ɛg̀ g t ̪ààð-g sá-gg sááw-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g mààw-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g párɛ́-ɛ̄gg párɛ́-ɛ̄gg ə᷆ŋ-g ɟɔ̄gg būu᷇l-g ɟāālgɛ́ mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ ɟɔ̄gg

cúú-gg bɛ́r-g íì-gg bándāl-g áy-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kāyáār-g lūsú-gg gààl-g kár-g ə́n-g yáá-gg fūùy-g sàmāār-g bāàl-g d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg cɛ́ɛ-̄ gg ka᷇y-g d̪úsú-gg bûr-g də̀ɲə̄r-g

‘sweet pork’ ‘clean house’ ‘heavy sword’ ‘weak person’ ‘sour food’ ‘thin cow’ ‘beautiful girl’ ‘hot cooking pot’ ‘distant lake’ ‘loose door’ ‘bad wine’ ‘new grass-cutter’ ‘male gazelle’ ‘rough leather.bag’ ‘striped bag’ ‘blind girl’ ‘unavailable person’ ‘finished bread’ ‘ignorant boy’ ‘remaining horse’ ‘stuttering boy’

Qualitative adjective stem morphology

Word structure of qualitative adjectives can be ordered according to the schemes of (16). As in nouns, the adjective stem consists of the root and an optional plural suffix. The adjective word consists of the stem and optional slots for copula, definite, locative, dative, accompaniment, subordinate, and relative definite clause marker clitics. (16)

Adjective stem = root + (PL marker) Adjective word = [ADJ stem] + ({COP, DEF, LCM, DAT, ACM, SBO, RDM})

Plural formation of qualitative adjectives is similar to that of nouns in that adjective roots attach the segmental suffix -gg with more than one tonal allomorph.

8.2.1

Segmental plural formation of adjectives

Plural formation of adjectives nearly always involves attaching the suffix -gg in the plural form. As in nouns, the suffix attaches to root-final sonorants and vowels.

Adjectives Table 21: Adjective Plural Formation Suffix Root-final segment ADJ SG -gg sonorant dɔ́mɔ̄l vowel yáá

157

ADJ PL

dɔ́mɔ̄l-g yáá-gg

‘big’ ‘new’

Number 20 10

The plural suffix -gg is attested to attach to root-final r, l, n, and y. (17)

Plural adjective suffix -gg UR-final

ADJ SG

ADJ PL

/r/ /l/ /n/ /y/ /y/

kár dɔ́mɔ̄l ə́n áɛ̀ fūùì

kár-g dɔ́mɔ̄l-g ə́n-g ây-g fūùy-g

‘loose’ ‘big’ ‘bad’ ‘sour’ ‘male’

The plural suffix -gg is also attested to attach to root-final short and long vowels. (18)

Plural adjective suffix -gg UR-final

ADJ SG

ADJ PL

/ə/ /u/ /i/ /a/ /ə/ /u/ /ɛ/ /i/

d̪əm ̀ ə̄ lūsú wi ᷇lí yáá bə́ə́ cúú cɛ́ɛ ́ íì

d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg lūsú-gg wi ᷇lí-gg yáá-gg bə́ə-́ gg cúú-gg cɛ́ɛ-̄ gg íì-gg

‘blind’ ‘hot’ ‘reflective’ ‘new’ ‘acidic’ ‘sweet’ ‘unavailable’ ‘heavy’

Only the adjectives of (19) have been attested with other suffixes and are analyzed as having irregular plural formation. (19)

Irregular plural adjective formation ADJ SG

ADJ PL

pārrās dāàn kàráább wɛ᷇dá̪ mūús ɲāán fāā mādā

pə̄rs-íīgg dāān-ààg kàráá-ɔ̄gg wíə̄-gg mūūs-ə́s ɲālgɛ́ɛǵ g fāng māng

‘full plate’ ‘another chicken’ ‘troublesome boy’ ‘good, beautiful’ ‘even, equal’ ‘small, young’ ‘old’ ‘big’

158

8.2.2

A grammar of Gaahmg

Tonal plural formation of adjectives

The following tone melodies have been attested in adjectives. (20)

Tone melodies in adjectives Root tone ADJ SG ADJ PL H báár báár-g M lə̄wə̄ lə̄wə̄-gg L gààl gààl-g HL bûr bûr-g HM ɲáār ɲáār-g ML bāàl bāàl-g MH mūús mūūs-ə́s LM sɛ̀ggār sɛ̀ggār-g LH kàráább kàráá-ɔ̄gg HMH wi ᷇lí wi ᷇lí-gg

‘weak’ ‘round, circular’ ‘distant, far’ ‘remaining’ ‘green’ ‘striped, coloured’ ‘even, equal’ ‘strong’ ‘troublesome’ ‘reflective mirror

As shown by the contrasts of (21), there are two tonal allomorphs of the segmental suffix -gg, one with no underlying tone and one with Mid tone. (21)

8.3

Tone melodies in adjectives Suffix ADJ SG ADJ PL -gg báár báár-g ̄ - gg kāyáár kāyáār-g -gg yáá yáá-gg ̄ - gg cɛ́ɛ ́ cɛ́ɛ-̄ gg

‘weak’ ‘beautiful’ ‘new’ ‘unavailable’

Qualitative adjective clitic morphology

Most clitic allomorphs attaching to nouns with various stem-final segments and number have the same form when attaching to adjectives of the same stem-final segments and number. There are three exceptions attested: the copular clitic =Ā attaches to consonant-final singular nouns, whereas there is no copular marking on consonant-final singular adjectives; the definite clitic =Vn with no underlying tone attaches to monosyllabic long vowel-final nouns, whereas the definite clitic =V́n with High tone attaches to monosyllabic long vowel-final adjectives; the definite clitic =Á with High tone attaches to plural nouns, whereas the definite clitic =À with Low tone attaches to plural adjectives. Table 22 lists the various clitics on stem-final segments and (22) gives example adjectives with the same order. Three combinations of clitics are included: the relative clause dative (RDTM)/ relative clause locative copula (RDCM), the relative clause definite and accompaniment (RDM=ACM), and relative clause definite and subordinate (RDM=SBO). Clitics on adjectives with certain stem-final segments

Adjectives

159

which have not been attested are left blank. Table 22: Adjective word clitic allophones Stem-final segment COP DEF (Monosyllabic)vowel/approx. =V́n ̄ (polysyllabic) vowel = n =n Consonant --=Á Consonant Noun PL =À =À Stem-final segment (polysyllabic) vowel Consonant Consonant Noun PL (22a)

DAT/LCM

RDTM/RLCM

=É =É =É =È

= n̄ =A᷇n =A᷇n

=ÉĒn =ÉĒn =ÈÈn

ACM

RDM=ACM

SBO

RDM=SBO

=nĒ =E᷇ =E᷇ ᷇

ÉÉ=nĒ ÉÉ=nĒ ÈÈ=nĒ

=nÉ =É =É

ÉÉ=nÉ ÉÉ=nÉ ÈÈ=nĒ

Adjective word clitic allomorphs on various stem--final adjectives ADJ

íì d̪əm ̀ ə̄ kāyáár kāyáār-g (b)

RDM

COP

DEF

RDM

d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n kāyáár kāyáàr-g=à

íī.=ín d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n kāyáár=á kāyáàr-g=à

íì.=ī d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=í kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀

‘heavy’ ‘blind’ ‘beautiful’ ‘beautiful-PL’

Adjective word clitic allomorphs on various stem--final adjectives DAT/LCM RDTM/RLCM ACM d̪ə̀mə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íīn d̪ə̀mə̄=nɛ̄ ‘blind’ kāyáár kāyáár=a᷇n kāyáár=ɛ́ɛn̄ kāyáár=ɛ᷇ ‘beautiful’ kāyáār-g kāyáār-g=a᷇n kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛǹ kāyáār-g=ɛ᷇ ‘beautiful-PL’

ADJ

(c)

Adjective word clitic allomorphs on various stem--final adjectives ADJ RDM=ACM SBO RDM=SBO d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íí=nī d̪ə̀mə̄=ní d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íí=ní ‘blind’ kāyáár kāyáár=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáár=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘beautiful’ kāyáār-g kāyáàr-g kāyáār-g kāyáàr-g ‘beautiful =ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ =ɛ́ =ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ -PL’

Not enough adjective data was collected to make sure that the copula = n̄ and accompaniment =nĒ clitics attached to stem-final vowels do not follow the tone lowering rule of {M9} in 3.4.3 as in nouns, but presumably this is the case.

8.3.1

Copular clitic

Copular clitics attach to adjectives. In the adjective non-verbal clauses of (23), the copular markers agree in number with the adjective to which they attach.

160 (23a)

(c)

A grammar of Gaahmg t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ sɛ̀ggār cow strong ‘A cow is strong.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g=àà cow-PL strong-PL=COP ‘Cows are strong.’

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪ə̀mə̄=n cow=DEF blind=COP ‘The cow is blind.’

The clitic = ̄ n attaches to polysyllabic vowel-final singular adjectives as in (23c), and the clitic =À attaches to plural adjectives as in (b), the same as in nouns with these stem-final segments. However unlike consonant-final singular nouns which attach the copular clitic =Ā, consonant-final singular adjectives are unmarked by any copular clitic, as shown in (a). Table 23: Copular clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment COP ADJ SG COP ADJ PL (Polysyllabic) vowel = n̄ Consonant --=À The copular clitic =n attaches to vowel-final singular adjectives and consonant-final singular adjectives are unmarked by any copular clitic. (24)

Copular clitics on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG COP ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán ‘young’

Stem-final HM tone becomes HL when followed by a copular clitic with Low tone {M7}. (25)

8.3.2

Copular clitic =À on adjectives with various stem tone melodies Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL COP ADJ SG COP ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r bɛ́r-g=à ‘clean’ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g=à ‘weak’ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=à ‘thin’ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár kāyáàr-g=à ‘beautiful’

Definite clitic

The definite clitic attaches to adjectives and agrees in number with the noun phrase head.

Adjectives (26a)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n nāām cow weak=DEF eating ‘The blind cow is eating.’

(b)

161

t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g=àà nāàm cow-PL weak-PL=DEF eating ‘The weak cows are eating.’

In singular noun phrases with a head noun and adjective modifier, the definite clitic attaches to the adjective unless it is consonant-final and the noun is vowel-final. (27)

Definite clitic on singular nouns and adjectives N-final ADJ-final DEF SG NP V=DEF C=(DEF) wɛ́ɛ= ́ n bɛ́r=(áá) ‘the clean house’ C V=DEF kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ íī=íín ‘the heavy sword’ ɟɛ̄n bánd̪āl=áá ‘the weak person’ C C=DEF V V=DEF bààɔ̀ fāā=n n ‘the old father’

In plural noun phrases with a head noun and adjective modifier, the definite clitic attaches to the adjective and optionally to the head noun. (28)

Definite clitic on plural nouns and adjectives ADJ-final DEF PL NP C-PL=DEF wís-ə̄g=(ə́ə́) bɛ́r-g=àà

N-final C-PL=(DEF)

C-PL=(DEF)

C-PL=DEF

kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ -g=(ə̄ə̄)

íì-g=ə̀ə̀

C-PL=(DEF)

C-PL=DEF

ɟɔ̄gg=(ɔ́ɔ́)

bánd̪āl-g=àà

C-PL=(DEF)

C-PL=DEF

bààw-āād̪=(áá)

fāng=àà

‘the clean houses’ ‘the heavy swords’ ‘the weak persons’ ‘the old fathers’

As with definite clitics on nouns, definite clitics on adjectives differ depending on the stem-final segment. Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives attach the definite clitic =n with no underlying tone and consonant final singular adjectives attach the definite clitic =Á with High tone, the same as in nouns with these types of final segments. However, two of the definite clitics attaching to adjectives differ from the clitics attaching to nouns with the same final segments. Monosyllabic vowel-final nouns attach the definite clitic =Vn with no underlying tone, but monosyllabic vowel-final adjectives attach the definite clitic =V́n with High tone. Plural nouns attach the definite clitic =Á with High tone, but plural adjectives attach the definite clitic =À with Low tone. Table 24: Definite clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment (Monosyllabic) long vowel or underlying approximant (Polysyllabic) vowel Consonant

DEF ADJ SG

=V́n =n =Á

DEF ADJ PL

=À

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Monosyllabic long vowel and underlying approximant-final adjectives attach the definite clitic =V́n with High tone. In d̪ù.=īn ‘black’, High suffix tone lowers to Mid following Low root tone {M9}. In íī.=ín ‘heavy’ and á.=ɛ᷄n ‘sour’, the underlying HLH tone results as HMH tone in accordance with rule {M10}, although in verbs, the rule only applies when the three tones are assigned to the same syllable. (29)

Definite clitic =V́n on monosyllabic singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG DEF ADJ SG /a/ yáá yáá.=án ‘new’ /ə/ bə́ə́ bə́ə́.=ə́n ‘acidic’ /u/ cúú cúú.=ún ‘sweet’ /ɛ/ cɛ́ɛ ́ cɛ́ɛ.́ =ɛ́n ‘unavailable’ /i/ íì íī.=ín ‘heavy’ /y/ áɛ̀ á.=ɛ᷄n ‘sour’ /y/ d̪ùì d̪ù.=īn ‘black’

Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives attach the definite clitic =n with no underlying tone. (30)

Definite clitic =n on polysyllabic vowel final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG DEF ADJ SG /a/ mādā mādā=n ‘big’ ‘blind’ /ə/ d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n ‘hot’ /u/ lūsú lūsú=n ‘reflective’ /i/ wi ᷇lí wi ᷇lí=n

Consonant-final singular adjectives attach the definite clitic =Á. (31)

Definite clitic =Á on consonant final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG DEF ADJ SG /r/ kár kár=á ‘loose’ ‘big’ /l/ dɔ́mɔ̄l dɔ́mɔ̄l=ɔ́ ‘bad’ /n/ ə́n ə́n=ə́

Consonant-final adjectives attach the definite clitic =Á with High tone and plural adjectives attach the definite clitic =À with Low tone. Clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9} and the Mid of stem-final HM tone (32)

Definite clitic =Á on singular adjectives and =À on plural adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL DEF ADJ SG DEF ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=á bɛ́r-g=à ‘clean’ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=á bánd̪āl-g=à ‘weak’ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ā kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=à ‘thin’ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=á kāyáàr-g=à ‘beautiful’

Adjectives

163

assimilates to clitic Low tone {M7}.

8.3.3

Relative clause definite clitic

Relative clause definite clitics attach to relative clause-final adjectives in agreement with the noun modied by the clause. In (33a), the singular clitic on ə́n=íí ‘bad=RDM’ is in agreement with the singular noun kɔ̄r ‘word’ and in (b), the plural clitic on ə̄ng=ìì ‘young-PL=RDM’ is in agreement with the plural noun ɲālg ‘girls’. (33a)

(b)

kɔ́r á kɔ̄r ná ə́n=íí speaks 1sA word REL.SG bad=RDM ‘She speaks to me rudely (lit. word which is bad).’ (Assa6) bāárg=á ŋáɔ́-a᷄ ǹ ɲālg nà ə̄n-g=ìì Baggara=DEF search.for-CONT.P girls REL young-PL=RDM ‘The Baggara were kidnapping girls which were young.’ (Minj2)

The relative clause definite clitics =É /=È on singular and plural adjectives are the same as on nouns. Table 25: Relative clause definite clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment RDM ADJ SG RDM ADJ PL (Monosyllabic) long vowel =É or underlying approximant (Polysyllabic) vowel =É Consonant =É =È Monosyllabic long vowel and underlying approximant-final adjectives attach the relative clause definite clitic =É with High tone. (34)

Relative clause definite clitic =É on monosyllabic singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDM ADJ SG /a/ yáá yáá.=ɛ́ ‘new’ /ə/ bə́ə́ bə́ə.́ =í ‘acidic’ /u/ cúú cúú.=í ‘sweet’ /ɛ/ cɛ́ɛ ́ cɛ́ɛ.́ =ɛ́ ‘unavailable’ /i/ íì íì.=ī ‘heavy’ /y/ áɛ̀ â.=ɛ̄ ‘sour’ /y/ d̪ùì d̪ù.=ī ‘black’

Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives also attach the clitic =É. In fast speech, the stem-final vowel can be elided such as in lūs=í ‘hot’.

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(35)

Relative clause definite clitic =É on polysyllabic vowel final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDM ADJ SG /a/ mādā mādā.=ɛ́ ‘big’ ‘blind’ /ə/ d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=í ‘hot’ /u/ lūsú lūsú.=í ‘reflective’ /i/ wi ᷇lí wi ᷇lí.=í

Consonant-final singular adjectives attach the relative clause definite clitic =É. (36)

Relative clause definite clitic =É on consonant final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDM ADJ SG /r/ kár kár=ɛ́ ‘loose’ ‘big’ /l/ dɔ́mɔ̄l dɔ́mɔ̄l=ɛ́ ‘bad’ /n/ ə́n ə́n=í

Consonant-final adjectives attach the clitic =É with High tone and plural adjectives attach the clitic =È with Low tone. Clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stemfinal Low tone {M9} and the Mid of stem-final HM tone assimilates to clitic Low tone {M7}. (37)

8.3.4

Relative clause definite clitic =É /=È /=È on singular and plural adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL RDM ADJ SG RDM ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ́ bɛ́r-g=ɛ̀ ‘clean’ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ́ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ ‘weak’ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̀ ‘thin’ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ ‘beautiful’

Dative and locative copular clitics

As in nouns, dative and locative copular clitics have the same morphology in adjectives and are both discussed in this section. The dative clitic attaches to noun phrase-final adjectives to indicate recipient or beneficiary roles. (38)

bəsərəniiggə ɟɔ̄gg ɲālg=aa᷇n were.lying people young=DAT ‘They were lying to the young people.’

The singular locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ of (39a) is replaced by the clitic =A᷇n attached to the adjective in (b). The plural locative copula ɛ̄ggàn of (c) is replaced by the same clitic in (d).

Adjectives (39) (a)

165

Locative copular clauses ɟāā bánd̪āl íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ íīn person weak LCM house beside ‘A weak person is beside a house.’

(b)

ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ person weak=LCM house beside ‘A weak person is beside a house.’

(c)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g ɛ̄ggàn gàn wɛ́ɛ ́ people weak-PL LCM house ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

(d)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ people weak-PL=LCM house beside ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives attach the dative and locative copular clitic = n̄ , and consonant-final singular and plural adjectives attach the clitic =A᷇n with HM tone, the same as in nouns with these types of final segments. Table 26: Dative and locative copular clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment DAT/LCM ADJ SG DAT/LCM ADJ PL (Polysyllabic) vowel = n̄ Consonant =A᷇n =A᷇n The dative and locative copula clitic = n̄ attaches to vowel-final adjectives and the clitic =A᷇n attaches to consonant-final adjectives. (40)

Dative Dative and locative copular clitic on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG DAT/LCM ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán=a᷇n ‘young’

The clitic =A᷇n attaches to both singular and plural adjectives. Clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. (41)

Dative and locative copular clitic =A᷇n on adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL DAT/LCM DAT/LCM H M L H/HM

bɛ́r bánd̪āl kɔ́ɔf́ àr kāyáár

bɛ́r-g bánd̪āl-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kāyáār-g

ADJ SG

ADJ PL

bɛ́r=a᷇n bánd̪āl=a᷇n kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ān kāyáár=a᷇n

bɛ́r-g=a᷇n bánd̪āl-g=a᷇n kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ān kāyáār-g=a᷇n

‘clean’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’

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8.3.5

Relative clause dative/locative copular clitics

The relative clause dative and locative copular clitics have the same morphology and are both discussed in this section. Dative relative clauses are always marked with the clitic =ÉĒn/=ÈÈn which agrees in number with the head noun of the relative clause. (42a)

(b)

á gàf ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ɟāā ná 1sN give something person REL ‘I give something to the strong person.’ á gàf ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ɟɔ̄gg nà 1sN give something person REL ‘I give something to the strong people’

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄ strong=RDTM sɛ̀ggār-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ strong=RDTM

The relative clause clitic =É and locative copula íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ of (42a) is replaced by the singular clitic =ÉĒn in (b). The relative clause clitic =È and locative copula ɛ̄ggàn of (c) is replaced by the plural clitic =ÈÈn in (d). Unlike locative copular clitics, relative clause copular clitics only attach to definite noun phrases and not phrases unmarked for definiteness; relative clauses unmarked for definiteness only use locative copulas íīn/ɛ́ɛn̄ and ɛ̄ggàn. (43) (a)

Relative clause locative copular clauses ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ íīn person REL weak=RDM LCM house ‘The weak person is beside a house.’

(b)

ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄ wɛ́ɛ ́ person REL weak=RDM.LCM house ‘The weak person is beside a house.’

(c)

ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ɛ̄ggàn gàn people REL weak-PL=RDM LCM ‘The weak people are beside a house.’

(d)

ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ wɛ́ɛ ́ people REL weak-PL=RDM.LCM house ‘The weak people are beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside wɛ́ɛ ́ house

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

Singular relative clauses with final adjectives attach the dative and locative copular clitic =ÉĒn, and plural relative clauses attach the clitic =ÈÈn.

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Table 27: Relative clause dative/locative copular clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment RDTM/RLCM ADJ SG RDTM/RLCM ADJ PL (Polysyllabic) vowel =ÉĒn Consonant =ÉĒn =ÈÈn The relative clause dative and locative copular clitic =ÉĒn attaches to both vowelfinal and consonant-final adjectives. (44)

Relative clause dative/locative copular clitics =ÉĒn ÉĒn on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDTM/RLCM ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íīn ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán=ɛ́ɛn̄ ‘young’

Singular adjectives attach the clitic =ÉĒn with HM tone and plural adjectives attach the clitic =ÈÈn with Low tone. Clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. Stem-final HM tone becomes HL tone before clitic Low tone {M7}. (45)

8.3.6

Relative clause dative/locative copular clitics =ÉĒn ÉĒn/=ÈÈ /=ÈÈn ÈÈn on singular and plural adjectives StemADJ SG ADJ PL RDTM/RLCM RDTM/RLCM final ADJ SG ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ́ɛn̄ bɛ́r-g=ɛ̀ɛǹ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛn̄ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛǹ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ɛn̄ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̀ɛǹ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ́ɛn̄ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛǹ

‘clean’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’

Accompaniment clitic

Accompaniment clitics attach to noun phrase-final adjectives. (46)

bāárg=á áða᷄ ǹ ɛ̀ ɟāā ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛɛ᷇ Baggara=DEF coming with person REL strong=ACM ‘The Baggara were coming with a strong person.’

Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives attach the accompaniment clitic =nĒ with Mid tone, and consonant-final singular and plural adjectives attach the clitic =E᷇ with HM tone, the same as in nouns with these types of final segments. Table 28: Accompaniment clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment ACM ADJ SG ACM ADJ PL (Polysyllabic) vowel =nĒ Consonant =E᷇ =E᷇

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The accompaniment clitic =nĒ attaches to vowel-final adjectives and the clitic =E᷇ attaches to consonant-final adjectives. (47)

Accompaniment Accompaniment clitics on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ACM ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=nɛ̄ ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán=ɛ᷇ ‘young’

The clitic =E᷇ attaches to both singular and plural adjectives. Clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. (48)

8.3.7

Accompaniment clitic =E᷇ on singular and plural adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL ACM ADJ SG ACM ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ᷇ bɛ́r-g=ɛ᷇ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̄ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ᷇ kāyáār-g=ɛ᷇

‘clean’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’

Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics

Accompaniment relative clauses can be marked or unmarked for definiteness. When unmarked, the accompaniment clitic attaches relative clause-finally, as in (49). When marked, the accompaniment clitic attaches after the relative clause definite clitic, as in (50). The relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics =ÉÉ=nĒ/ =ÈÈ=nĒ agree in number with the head noun of the relative clause. (49)

bāárg=á áða᷄ ǹ ɛ̀ ɟāā ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛɛ᷇ Baggara=DEF coming with person REL strong=ACM ‘The Baggara were coming with a strong person.’

(50)

bāárg=á áða᷄ ǹ ɛ̀ ɟāā ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ=nɛ̄ = ́ nɛ̄ =n Baggara=DEF coming with person REL strong=RDM=ACM ‘The Baggara were coming with the strong person.’

Singular adjectives attach the relative clause definite and accompaniment clitic =ÉÉ=nĒ, and plural adjectives attach the clitic =ÈÈ=nĒ. Table 29: Relative clause definite and accompaniment clitics on adjectives Stem-final segment RDM=ACM ADJ SG RDM=ACM ADJ PL (Polysyllabic) vowel =ÉÉ=nĒ Consonant =ÉÉ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ The relative clause definite and accompaniment clitic =ÉÉ=nĒ attaches to both vowel-final and consonant-final adjectives.

Adjectives (51)

169

Relative clause definite and accompaniment ÉÉ=nĒ accompaniment =ÉÉ= on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDM=ACM ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íí=nī ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ ‘young’

Singular adjectives attach the clitic =ÉÉ=nĒ with H=M tone and plural adjectives attach the clitic =ÈÈ=nĒ with Low=Mid tone. Relative clause clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. Stem-final HM tone becomes HL tone before relative clause clitic Low tone {M7}. (52)

8.3.8

Relative clause definite and accompaniment =ÉÉ= ÉÉ=nĒ /=ÈÈ /=ÈÈ= ÈÈ=nĒ on singular and plural adjectives Stem- ADJ SG ADJ PL RDM=ACM RDM=ACM final ADJ SG ADJ SG H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ bɛ́r-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ɛ= ̄ nɛ̄ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄

‘clean’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’

Subordinate clause-final clitic

The clitic =É attaches clause-final adjectives of subordinate clauses such as with the conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’. (53)

ɛ́ gārá bə̀rd̪=ə̄ t ̪úr-s=i᷅ when lion=DEF see-COMP=SBO1 ‘When the lion saw a strong person, . . ’ GP

ɟāā person

ná REL

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ strong=SBO

The subordinate clause clitic =É attaches to singular and plural adjectives with stem-final consonants and the clitic =nÉ attaches to stem-final vowels, the same as in nouns with these types of final segments. Table 30: Subordinate clause clitic Stem-final segment SBO ADJ SG Vowel =nÉ Consonant =É

SBO ADJ PL

=É

Monosyllabic long vowel and underlying approximant-final adjectives attach the subordinate clause clitic =nÉ. Occasionally, the clitic can be attached without n as in íì.=ī ‘heavy=SBO’.

170 (54)

A grammar of Gaahmg Subordinate clause clitic =nÉ on monosyllabic singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG SBO ADJ SG /a/ yáá yáá=nɛ́ ‘new’ /ə/ bə́ə́ bə́ə= ́ ní ‘acidic’ /u/ cúú cúú=ní ‘sweet’ /ɛ/ cɛ́ɛ ́ cɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘unavailable’ /i/ íì íì=nī ‘heavy’ /y/ áɛ̀ áɛ̀=nɛ̄ ‘sour’ /y/ d̪ùì d̪ùì=nī ‘black’

Polysyllabic vowel-final adjectives also attach the subordinate clitic =nÉ, and Occasionally the clitic can be attached without n as in lūsú.=í ‘hot=SBO’. (55)

Subordinate clause clitic =nÉ on polysyllabic vowel--final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG SBO ADJ SG /a/ mādā mādā=nɛ́ mādā=ɛ́ ‘big’ /ə/ d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=ní d̪əm ̀ ə̄=í ‘blind’ ‘hot’ /u/ lūsú lūsú=ní lūsú=í ‘reflective’ /i/ wi ᷇lí wi ᷇lí=ní wi ᷇lí=í

Consonant-final singular adjectives attach the subordinate clitic =É. (56)

Subordinate clause clitic =É on consonant--final singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG SBO ADJ SG /r/ kár kár=ɛ́ ‘loose’ ‘big’ /l/ dɔ́mɔ̄l dɔ́mɔ̄l=ɛ́ ‘bad’ /n/ ə́n ə́n=í

Consonant-final singular and plural adjectives attach the subordinate clause clitic

=É with High tone which lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. (57)

8.3.9

Subordinate clause clitic =É on singular and plural adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG ADJ PL SBO ADJ SG SBO ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ́ bɛ́r-g=ɛ́ ‘clean’ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ́ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ́ ‘weak’ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̄ ‘thin’ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ́ kāyáār-g=ɛ́ ‘beautiful’

Relative clause definite and subordinate clause clitics

Relative clauses in subordinate clauses can be marked or unmarked for definiteness. When unmarked, the subordinate clitic attaches relative clause-final, as in (a). When

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171

marked, the subordinate clitic attaches after the relative clause definite clitic, as in (b). The relative clause definite and subordinate clitic =ÉÉ=nÉ/=ÈÈ=nĒ agrees in number with the head of the relative clause. (58a)

(b)

ɛ́ gārá bə̀rd̪ə̄ t ̪úr-s=i᷅ ɟāā GP when lion.DEF see-COMP=SBO1 boy ‘When the lion saw a strong person, . . ’

ná

ɛ́ gārá bə̀rd̪ə̄ t ̪úr-s=i᷅ ɟāā when lion.DEF see-COMP=SBO1 boy ‘When the lion saw the strong person, . . ’

ná

GP

REL

REL

sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ strong=SBO sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ strong=RDM=SBO

Singular adjectives attach the relative clause definite and subordinate clitic =ÉÉ=nÉ, and plural adjectives attach the clitic =ÈÈ=nĒ. Table 31: Relative clause definite and subordinate clause clitics on adjectives RDM=SBO ADJ SG RDM=SBO ADJ PL Stem-final segment (Polysyllabic) vowel =ÉÉ=nÉ Consonant =ÉÉ=nÉ =ÈÈ=nĒ The relative clause definite and subordinate clitic =ÉÉ=nÉ attaches to both vowelfinal and consonant-final adjectives. (59)

Relative clause definite and subordinate clitic =ÉÉ= ÉÉ=nÉ on singular adjectives Stem-final ADJ SG RDM=SBO ADJ SG Vowel d̪əm ̀ ə̄ d̪əm ̀ ə̄.=íí=ní ‘blind’ Consonant ɲāán ɲāán=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘young’

Singular adjectives attach the clitic =ÉÉ=nÉ with H tone and plural adjectives attach the clitic =ÈÈ=nĒ with Low=Mid tone, where the subordinate clitic =nÉ High tone lowers to Mid following relative clause clitic =ÈÈ Low tone {M9}. Relative clause clitic High tone lowers to Mid following stem-final Low tone {M9}. Stem-final HM tone becomes HL tone before relative clause clitic Low tone {M7}. (60)

Relative clause definite and subordinate clitics =ÉÉ= ÉÉ=nÉ/=ÈÈ= ÈÈ=nĒ on singular and plural adjectives Stem- ADJ SG ADJ PL RDM=SBO RDM=SBO final ADJ SG ADJ PL H bɛ́r bɛ́r-g bɛ́r=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ bɛ́r-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘clean’ M bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘weak’ L kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr=ɛ̄ɛ= ̄ nɛ́ kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘thin’ H/HM kāyáár kāyáār-g kāyáár=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ kāyáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘beautiful’

173

9 9.1

Verb stem morphology Introduction

The verb word structure can be ordered according to the schemes of (1). The verb root tends to be monosyllabic, with optional onset and coda. The verb stem is composed of the root, and optional slots for antipassive (ANTIP), causative (CAUS), and modal or aspect morphemes. The verb word is made up of the stem and optional slots for agented passive (PAS.A), passive (PAS) or bound pronoun, and imperfect (IPF), perfect (PF), subordinate (SBO1,2), or relative clause definite marker clitics (RDM). (1)

Verb root = (C)V(C)(C) Verb stem = [Verb root] + (ANTIP) + (CAUS) + ({INF, SBJV, IMP, COMP, INCP, CONT, IMP.D, COMP.D, CONT.D}) Verb word = [Verb stem] + ({PAS.A, PAS, PRON}) + ({IPF, PF, SBO, RDM})

The verb word is further represented in table 32 by the order and options of each position or ‘slot’, where each item in the column is an example option. The morphemes are briefly explained following the table, after which, a few examples are given in (3). Table 32: Verb word bound morphemes and ordering Verb stem Outside verb stem root ANTIP CAUS Modality/ PAS.A, PAS, IPF, PF Aspect PRON SBO, RDM [V] -AnANTIP, -s+ACAUS -CINF =E᷇, =ÉĒPAS.A =ÉIPF -d̪+ACAUS -Ø, -C(A)SBJV =ĀnÁ, =ÁPAS =È(ggÀ)IPF -d̪ASBJV.PL =E3sA =íIPF =aaggá1pA -Ø, -nIMP =íì(ggə̀)IPF =i᷇n3sD -d̪+AIMP.PL =ĒSBO1 -sACOMP =ə᷇ggə́n1PD =i᷅SBO1 -ØINCP =E᷇SBO2 -A᷄nCONT.P =u᷇SBO2 -ÁnCONT.N =ÉRDM -CÁggĀCOMP.D =ÈRDM -(CAg)gAnCONT.N.D =ArPF -(CÁg)gĀIMP.D =rPF -d̪úūIMP.PL.D =ggVN.PL -CArPF =AggVN.PL When a verb is marked as having no object, it attaches the antipassive suffix -An, which precedes any other morphemes (9.10). Causative suffixes -s+A, -d̪+A have [+ATR] quality which spreads in both directions in the verb word (9.11).

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Third singular and first, second, and third plural subjunctive (SBJV) forms are distinguished from first and second person singular forms by the suffix -d̪A (9.3). Imperatives (IMP, IMP.PL) addressed to more than one person are distinguished from imperatives addressed to one person by the suffix -d̪+A (9.4). Aspect is marked segmentally in the verb word—by the completive (COMP) suffix -sA in (2a) and the continuous suffixes -Án/-A᷄n in (b-c). Past tense is marked by tone on the verb stem—High tone on the non-past continuous (CONT.N) suffix -Án in (b) and MH on the past continuous (CONT.P) suffix -A᷄n in (c). Future tense is marked by tone outside the verb word on the subject pronoun—High tone on the non-future subject pronoun á in (d) and HM on the future subject pronoun a᷇ in (e). (2) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Clauses showing aspect and tense COMP á d̪ùr-sù sù kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ CONT.N á, a᷇ d̪ùr-ə̀ə̀n kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ CONT.P á, a᷇ d̪ùr-ə᷇ə᷇n kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ INCP á d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ INCP FUT a᷇ d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́

‘I buried the egg.’ ‘I am/will be burying the egg.’ ‘I was burying the egg.’ ‘I bury the egg.’ ‘I will bury the egg.’

Aspect is divided into completive and incompletive action. As mentioned, completive verbs are marked by a morpheme (9.5). There is no incompletive (INCP) morpheme, but in the absence of all aspect or mood morphemes, ‘incompletive’ is the interpretation of the verb form (9.6). The incompletive can be specified as continuous, thereby taking a past or non-past suffix (9.7). Deictic (D) suffixes such as -CÁggĀ, -(CAg)gAn, -(CÁg)gĀ, -d̪úū indicating direction and distance also attach to the root (9.9). Agented passive (PAS.A) clitics =E᷇, =ÉĒ, often used in clauses with object focus to indicate a post-verbal encoding of an agent (or experiencer), agree in number with the agent (10.2). The passive (PAS) clitic =ĀnÁ attaches to stems with vowel-final suffixes whereas =Á attaches to stems with consonant-final suffixes and suffix-less stems (10.3). Object pronoun (ACC) (10.4), dative pronoun (DAT) (10.5), imperfect (IPF) (10.6), and verb-final subordinate (SBO1,2) (10.7) clitics indicate person and number. The relative clause definite marker (RDM) agrees in number with the nominative person form (10.9). A perfect (PF) bound morpheme -CAr, =Ar, =r can attach to nouns or verbs and can have various allomorphs for various verb forms. Although the morpheme -CAr on imperative and incompletive verbs is analyzed as a suffix and part of the stem, it is discussed along with the other perfect bound morphemes in (10.8), which are clitics and outside the stem. Verbal noun (VN) plural clitics =gg, =Agg attach to incompletive surface forms to nominalize the verb (10.10). Adjectives used as verbs and suffixing verb inflectional suffixes are also discussed (10.11). In addition, there is evidence for a middle (MID) verb form which, in at least a

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175

handful of verbs, is distinguished by [+ATR] vowels and tone change on the root. However, since only a limited amount of data was collected on this form, the middle is not presented in the verb morphology, but only in 14.5.2 on transitive verbs. In (3), example verb forms are given with formulations with each of the five morpheme slots. The symbol Ø indicates that the slot is not filled by any morpheme. (3)

Example verb forms and formulation Verb form Formulation INCP 3sN [V]Root + Ø + Ø + Ø + Ø + Ø kɔ́m ‘destroy, chop’ ANTIP CAUS SBJV 2pN [V]Root+ AnANTIP + d̪+ACAUS + d̪ASBJV + Ø + Ø kúm-ūn-d̪-ə᷄n ‘to cause to destroy something’ ANTIP COMP PAS [V]Root + AnANTIP + Ø + sACOMP +ĀnÁPAS + Ø kɔ́m-ɔ̄n-s=āná ‘something was destroyed’ COMP 3sN/2pA [V]Root + Ø + Ø + sACOMP + Ø+ɔ́ɔḡ gɔ́2pA + Ø kɔ́m-s=ɔ́ɔḡ gɔ́ ‘he destroyed you’ COMP 3sN/2pA RDM [V]Root + Ø + Ø + sACOMP + Ø+ɔ́ɔḡ gɔ́2pA + ÉRDM kɔ́m-d̪=ɔ́ɔḡ g= =ɛ́ ‘he who destroyed you’

Verb stem morphology (suffixes) is discussed in this chapter and verb word morphology (clitics) is discussed in the next. The majority of verb suffixes are inflectional morphemes, the exceptions being the antipassive and causative suffixes. The majority of verb clitics are derivational or clausal morphemes, the exceptions being the imperfect, and perfect clitics. Whereas some inflectional suffixes cannot combine with other inflectional suffixes (*COMP-CONT), nearly all clitics can combine with all inflectional suffixes. As in nouns, a primary distinction between roots and stems in verbs is whether the bound morpheme attaches to underlying-final segments or to surface-final segments. Suffixes attaching to verb roots attach to underlying root-final segments, whereas clitics attaching to verb stems attach to surface-final segments. In (4a), the past continuous suffix -A᷄n attaches to the underlying short vowel in pā.án ‘guard.3sN-CONT.P’, whereas the third singular object clitic =E᷇ attaches to the surface long vowel of the incompletive form (pāā.=ɛ᷇ ). In (4b-f), the object clitic attaches to the surface vowels of the incompletive forms rather than to the underlying plosives or approximants. However, in (b-c, e-f), the root-final segment can optionally surface as an approximant, just as when copular and definite clitics are attached to underlying approximant-final stems shown in (5) of 7.2.1 (káɔ̀/ká.ɔ̀=n, ká.w=àn ‘hyena=COP’; tā̪ ɛ̀/tā̪ .ɛ̀=n, tā̪ .y=àn ‘giraffe=COP’). The verb of (g) with root-final consonant is given for comparison.

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(a) (b)

Roots and stems compared Underlying Surface Surface root root root-final UR INF INCP. 3sN /pa/ M pā-d̪ [pād̪ ̥̚ ] pāā /ab/ L àb-b [àb̥̚] àɔ̄

Verb stem suffix INCP.3sN -CONT.P pā.-án àw-án

(c)

/kaɟ/ H

káɟ-ɟ [káɟ ̥̚]

káɛ́

káy-án

(d) (e)

/cig/ M /ɲaw/ H

cīg-g [cīg ̥̚] ɲáw-w [ɲáw]

cīī ɲáɔ́

cī.-ə́n ɲáw-án

(f)

/kɔy/ H

kɔ́y-y [kɔ́y]

kɔ́ɛ ́

kɔ́y-án

(g)

/ɲam/ M

ɲām-m [ɲām]

ɲām

ɲām-án

Verb word suffix INCP.3sN =3sA pāā.=ɛ᷇ àɔ̀.=ɛ̄, àw=ɛ̄ káɛ́.=ɛ᷇, káy=ɛ᷇ cīī.=i᷇ ɲáɔ́.=ɛ᷇, ɲáw=ɛ᷇ kɔ́ɛ.́ =ɛ᷇, kɔ́y=ɛ᷇ ɲām=ɛ᷇

‘guard’ ‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘break’

Although no verb form is the same as the root for every verb, the infinitive form is the best representation of the root because it includes all underlying segments and tone. Most commonly, the infinitive form does not contain additional segments or tone other than the copied final consonant. There are seven attested tone melodies in verbs, although there are only two attested verbs with the melodies HM and ML (bɛ᷇l ‘name, call’, lɛ́ɛ ̄ ‘come, arrive’; dɔ̄ɔs̀ ‘stand’, bu᷆ɲd̪ ‘make big’). (5) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Tonal contrasts in infinitive verb forms (see 9.2) INF Root tone H fír-r ‘smell, pray’ M cɔ̄r-r ‘help’ L d̪ùr-r ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-r ‘attach’ HM (rare) bɛ᷇l-l ‘name, call’ ML (rare) dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ð ‘strike, ram’

Finite verb forms are inflected for subject person by tone added to the stem-final syllable. Regardless of the root tone, High tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third singular verbs; Low tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third plural verbs; and Mid tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of first and second person forms. The fact that first and second person share the same tone might be seen as marking their shared property of being participants of the speech event.

Verb stem morphology (6)

177

Paradigm of completive verb kɔ́m-sA ‘chop--COMP’ with subject pronouns (see 9.5) á kɔ́m-sɔ̄ 1s āgg kɔ́m-sɔ̄ 1p ɔ́, ú=kúm-sū 2s ɔ̄gg, ūg=kúm-sū 2p ɛ̄ kɔ́m-sɔ́ 3s ɛ̄ggà kɔ́m-sɔ̀ 3p

Root tone replacement is used for antipassives, causatives, and verbal nouns. In antipassive forms, root tone melodies are replaced by other tone melodies: High changes to HM, Mid changes to MH, and Low changes to LH. (7)

Antipassive suffix -An on third singular completive verbs (see 9.10.2) Root 3sN ANTIP 3SN tone tone COMP ANTIP COMP H fír-sə́ HM fír-ə̄n-sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ MH cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-sɔ́ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū LH d̪ùr-ūn-sú ‘bury’

In causative forms, root tone melodies are also replaced by other tone melodies, as shown in (8). (8)

Third singular causative completive verbs (see 9.11.2) Root 3SN CAUS 3SN tone tone COMP CAUS COMP H fír-sə́ HM f i᷇r -sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ HM cu᷇r-sú ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū ML d̪u᷆r-sū ‘bury’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ HM kə᷇s-sə́ ‘strike’

Finally, in verbal nouns, root tone melodies are replaced by other tone melodies, as shown in (9). (9)

Verbal noun plural suffixes -Agg, =gg (see 10.10) Root INF VN VN SG VN PL tone tone H pál-l M pāl pāl-āgg, pāl=g ‘cut’ L f ɛ̀l-l ML f ɛ᷆l fɛ̄l-āgg, f ɛ᷆l=g ‘tell’ HL pîr-r ML pi᷆r pīr-ə̀gg, pi᷆r=g ‘deceive’ HM bɛ᷇l-l M bɛ̄l bɛ̄l-āgg ‘name’ MH kə᷄ð-ð M kə̄n kə̄ð-ə̄gg ‘strike’

As in nouns, the starting point for verb stem tone assignment is the root tone, whereas the starting point of verb word tone assignment is the stem tone. The rules {M1-11} are applied to all verb suffixes. However, one or more of these rules, the tone rules {M5-11} in particular, are not applied in some of the verb clitics.

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The chart of (10) summarizes the criteria for determining which verb bound morphemes are suffixes and thus a part of the stem, and which verb bound morphemes are clitics and thus outside of the stem, but part of the word. The perfect =r and relative clause definite clitics are attested to attach to more than one word category, as shown in chapter 4. All clitics with the exception of the verbal noun clitics can attach to all inflectional suffixes. Many of the clitics are attested to attach to the surface-final segments of stems as will be verified in the various sections of chapter 1032. Finally, one or more rules {M1-11} are not applied to some of the verb clitics, as will be summarized in 10.1 and later shown in the various sections. Although the four criteria are not all valid for any one clitic, none of these criteria are valid for any of the suffixes. Thus, they each individually lend support of the clitics being a different kind of morpheme than the suffixes. (10)

9.3 9.4 9.5 9.7 9.9 9.10 9.11 10.8 10.2 10.3 10.4

Criteria for determining verb clitics (stem morphemes) vs. suffixes (root morphemes) Attaches Attaches to Attaches Certain Analyzed to more inflectional to tone as a clitic morphemes surfacerules (word than one word final are not morcategory segments applied pheme) SBJV no no no no no IMP no no no no no COMP no no no no no CONT no no no no no D no no no no no ANTIP no no no no no CAUS no no no no no PF -Car no no no no no PAS.A no yes yes yes yes PAS no yes yes yes yes Object no yes yes yes yes PRON

10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8

Dative PRON IPF SBO1, SBO2 PF =Ar,

no

yes

yes

yes

yes

no no

yes yes

unknown unknown

yes yes

yes yes

yes

yes

unknown

unkwn.

yes

yes no

yes no

yes yes

unkwn. unkwn.

yes yes

=r 10.9 10.10 32

RDM VN PL

With further data, several other clitics in (10) may be attested to attach to surface-final segments.

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179

Verb stem segmental morphology of the basic verb forms is presented in sections 9.2 through 9.7, followed by tonal morphology of these morphemes in 9.8. Afterwards, tone morphology follows segmental morphology for each morpheme. In stating the function of verb forms, genres in which the verb form frequently occurs are sometimes mentioned, although genre does not dictate which verb form is used.

9.2

Infinitive

Infinitives are the most common form used in foregrounded nuclear clauses of narratives, i.e. sequences of events. As such, they often encode actions that can be translated into English as past tense, such as in (11). Infinitives commonly occur following the infinitive verb dɔ̄ɔs̀ ‘start’ as in (11a), but can follow various other verb forms and can be the first verb of a clause or sentence. (11a)

(b)

ānɛ̄nd̪á ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ bàg áŋɛ́=n bàg-g then 3pN start-INF 3pN grab-INF elephant=DEF ‘Then they started to grab an elephant.’ (Nyee8) mīī=n ɛ̄ gùɲ lə̂ŋ āld̪=á ɛ̄ wāɟ gùɲ-ɲ wāɟ-ɟ goat=DEF 3sN agree-INF then fox=DEF 3sN go-INF ‘The goat agreed and then the fox got out.’ (Goat16-17)

t ̪ú out

As such, infinitives are used in finite sentences. As discussed in 9.3, subjunctive verbs are commonly used in typical non-finite contexts such as ‘want to X’. Infinitive forms differ from finite forms in that they do not change with subject person, either in tone or [ATR] quality. Also, the subject pronouns preceding an infinitive verb differ from those of other verb forms. Singular pronouns of such verbs all have Mid tone and plural pronouns have Low tone. Also, second person pronouns are not clitics prefixed to the infinitive verbs, evidenced by the fact that they do not take the [ATR] quality of the verb. Because of these differences with other verb forms which change according to the subject person, this form which does not change with the subject is analyzed as the infinitive. (12) (a)

Infinitive paradigms ‘fall’ ā wál-l 1sN ɔ̄ wál-l 2sN ɛ̄ wál-l 3sN 1pN à(gg) wál-l ɔ̀(gg) wál-l 2pN ɛ̀(gg) wál-l 3pN PRON fall.INF

(b)

‘bury’ ā ɔ̄ ɛ̄ à(gg) ɔ̀(gg) ɛ̀(gg) PRON

d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-r bury.INF

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

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Table 33: Infinitive suffix All root-final consonants

-C

Infinitive verbs generally surface the same as the root. Since plosives and approximants are not weakened word-finally in accordance with {P1b} of 2.1.3, it is posited that a copied final consonant is added to the underlying-final segment which surfaces as a single segment. Roots with final n as in (13h) optionally surface without the final consonant and then with a lengthened vowel, in accordance with {P4} in 2.3.3. Vowel-final roots add the segment -d̪ as in (o) or do not add any suffix as in (p). It is possible that the vowel-final verb of (o) used to have final d̪ and that the vowel-final verb of (p) used to have final n, since these segments optionally surface in some forms of the verb as will be seen in following sections. (13) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Infinitive verbs with various root--final segments Root INF /ab/ L àb-b [àb̥̚] ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɟ-ɟ [káɟ ̥̚] ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīg-g [cīg ̥̚] ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪-d̪ [cūd̪ ̥̚ ] ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-f [lɔ̀f] ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās-s [lās] ‘roll-up’ /ɲam/ M ɲām-m [ɲām] ‘break’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n-n [gɔ̀n], gɔ̀ɔ̀ ‘grab’ /guɲ/ L gùɲ-ɲ [gùɲ] ‘agree’ /mal/ M māl-l [māl] ‘gather’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r-r [wɛ̄r] ‘watch’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáw-w [ɲáɔ́] ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́y-y [kɔ́ɛ]́ ‘cook’ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-ð [fɛ́ð] ‘release’ /pa/ M pā-d̪ [pād̪ ̥̚ ] ‘guard’ /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘say’

9.3

Subjunctive

Subjunctive verb forms are used to introduce post-nuclear (subordinate) clauses which indicate the purpose of a nuclear (main) clause. These verbs are introduced by a subject pronoun or by the subjunctive particle ā ‘to’. Subjunctives are common following imperative verbs such as in (14a). They may have a different subject than that of the previous verb, as seen in (c). (14a)

ɛ̄ bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “lɛ́ɛ ̄ ā nám nám-d̪ā 3pN said.INCP come.IMP SBJV eat-SBJV.1pN ‘They said, “Let’s eat the nyeerma!” ’ (Nyee7)

ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀mà=n!” devil.name=DEF

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181

(b)

ɛ̄ wár kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ ā kɔ́m-d̪ɔ́ ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́=r 3sN took.INCP (sword) SBJV cut-SBJV.3sN people=DEF=EV ‘ . . taking a koleez sword to kill (hack up completely) the people.’ (Fand5)

(c)

mīī=n goat=

á 1sN

gàf-àn ɟɔ̄gg fāŋ=a᷇n ā nə́m-d̪=íìggə̀ givepeople old= SBJV /nām/eat.3pNDEF CONT.N DAT SBJV=IPF ‘ . . (but) the goat I am giving to the old men to eat.’ (Jooj12)

Regardless of what grammatical verb form the subjunctive follows, it has the same segmental form. In (a) it follows a verb, in (b) an incompletive verb, and in (c) a continuous form. Subjunctive verbs add the suffix -d̪A to the root, except in first and second singular person forms, where other suffixes can sometimes be added depending on the rootfinal segments. A subject pronoun with Mid tone introduces the subjunctive verb. Plural pronouns before such verbs do not have the plural marker -gg, and second person pronouns are optionally [+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. The subjunctive particle ā is an optional alternative for introducing third person subjunctive verbs, as shown in (14b,c). (15) (a)

Subjunctive paradigms ‘to run’ (b) ā gàl-(à) 1sN ɔ̄, ū=gə̀l-(ə̀) 2sN ɛ̄, ā gàl-d̪ā 3sN ā gàl-d̪à 1pN ɔ̄, ū=gə̀l-d̪ə ̀ 2pN ɛ̄, ā gāl-d̪à 3pN PRON run-

‘to cut’ ā rùm-(ù) ɔ̄, ū=rùm-(ù) ɛ̄, ā rùm-d̪ū ā rùm-d̪ù ɔ̄, ū=rùm-d̪ù ɛ̄, ā rūm-d̪ù PRON cut-

SBJV

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

SBJV

First and second singular subjunctive verbs most commonly have the same segments as the root, but may take predictable suffixes according to the root-final segment, as shown in table 34, where segments in parentheses are optional. Other subjunctive forms take the suffix -d̪A, where A is a back vowel taking the [ATR] and [round] Table 34: Subjunctive suffixes SBJV 1sN,

Root-final b, ɟ, g Root-final w, y Root-final vowel Other root-final segments

-C(A) -(n)(A) -d̪(A) -(A)

2sN

SBJV 3sN,

-d̪A -d̪A -d̪A -d̪A

1pN, 2pN, 3pN

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features of the root. In (16), first and third singular subjunctive forms with each of the root-final consonants are given. As in (i-k), first singular subjunctive verbs with root-final b, ɟ, g attach the suffix -CA where C has the same features as the root-final consonant. As in (f-g), first singular forms with root-final approximants w and y attach the suffix -(n)(A) and the underlying approximant surfaces as a vowel, as will be explained shortly. The suffix-initial -n is sometimes elided, and when this happens, the approximant remains a vowel. As in (o), first singular subjunctives with rootfinal vowel add the same suffix as in third singular subjunctives -d̪(A), except that the vowel is optional, or add the suffix -n(a) as in (p). First singular subjunctives with other root-final segments optionally attach the suffix -(A). (16) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Subjunctive verb forms with various root--final segments Root SBJV 1sN SBJV 3sN /cud̪/ M cu᷇d̪, cúd̪-ū cúd̪-d̪ú [cúd̪ú] ‘climb’ /las/ M la᷇s, lás-ā lád̪-d̪á [lád̪á] ‘roll-up’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n, gɔ̀n-ɔ̀ gɔ̀d-̪ d̪ɔ̄ [gɔ̀dɔ̪ ]̄ ‘grab’ /fɛð/ H fɛ᷇ð, fɛ́ð-ā fɛ́d̪-d̪á [fɛ́dá̪ ] ‘release’ fɛ́ð-ðá [fɛ́ðá] ‘release’ /wɛr/ M wɛ᷇r, wɛ́r-ā wɛ́r-rá [wɛ́r:á], wɛ́r-d̪á ‘watch’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ̄-n(ɔ̄), ɲáɔ́.-ɔ̄ ɲáw-wá [ɲáwá], ɲáɔ́-d̪ɔ ́ ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-̄ n(ɔ̄), kɔ́ɛ.́ -ɔ̄ kɔ́ɛ.́ -ɛ́, kɔ́ɛ-́ d̪ɔ ́ ‘cook’ /ab/ L àb-b, àb-bà [àbà] àɔ̀-d̪ɔ ̄ ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H ka᷇ɟ-ɟ, káɟ-ɟā [káɟā] káɛ́-d̪á ‘bring’ /cig/ M ci᷇g-g, cíg-gə̄ [cígə̄] cíg-d̪ə́ ‘wear’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f, lɔ̀f-ɔ̀ lɔ̀f-d̪ɔ ̄ ‘do magic’ /ɲam/ M ɲa᷇m, ɲám-ā ɲám-d̪á ‘break’ /guɲ/ L gùɲ, gùɲ-ù gùɲ-d̪ū ‘agree’ /mal/ M ma᷇l, mál-ā mál-d̪á ‘gather’ /pa/ M pa᷇-d̪, pá-d̪ā pá-d̪á ‘guard’ /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̀ n, bɛ̀ɛ-̀ nà bɛ̀ɛ-̀ d̪ā, bɛ̀ɛ-̀ ā ‘say’

Third singular subjunctives have various alternations which are only attested in verb morphology. Those of (16a-d) undergo a coronal assimilation process. The rootfinal coronal consonants d̪, s, n, ð take on all the features of the suffix-initial coronal d̪. In 9.5, it will be seen how the same root-final segments assimilate to the initial s of the completive suffix -sA. The third singular subjunctive forms of (16d-f) also undergo an assimilation process. The suffix-initial dental plosive assimilates to ð, r, and w. There are two forms for plural subjunctives with root-final ð as in (d): the root-final consonant either assimilates to the suffix consonant as in fɛ́d-̪ d̪ā ‘release’, or the suffix consonant assimilates to the root-final consonant as in fɛ́ð-ðā ‘release’. In (g), the suffix-

Verb stem morphology

183

initial plosive may also assimilate to the underlying approximant y (kɔ́y.-yá) which weakens to the vowel ɛ after the suffix vowel a is elided (kɔ́ɛ.́ -ɛ́). This assimilation process to the root-final ð, r, and w does not always apply for every word with every speaker, but varies from word to word and from speaker to speaker. Rule {P1b} in section 2.1.3 states that /b/, /ɟ/, /w/, /y/ are weakened word-finally to vowels with the same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. The same weakening process occurs syllable-finally before a consonant-initial suffix, provided that the underlying root-final consonant is not the same as the suffix-initial consonant. In the third singular subjunctive forms of (f-i), b becomes ɔ (àɔ̀-d̪ɔ̀ ‘sit’), ɟ becomes ɛ (káɛ́-d̪ā ‘bring’), w becomes ɔ (ɲáɔ́-d̪ɔ ́ ‘request’), and y becomes ɛ (kɔ́ɛ-́ d̪ɔ ́ ‘cook’) before the consonant-initial suffix -d̪A. The [+round] feature spread to the suffix vowel as in ɲáɔ́-d̪ɔ ́ ‘request’ is further support of the root-final segment weakening to a vowel. Similarly, in the first singular forms of (f-g), w becomes ɔ (ɲáɔ́-nɔ́ ‘request’), and y becomes ɛ (kɔ́ɛ-́ nɔ́ ‘cook’) before the consonant-initial suffix -n(A). However, b,ɟ do not become ɔ,ɛ in the first singular forms àb-bà ‘sit’, káɟ-ɟā ‘bring’ of (h-i), and w does not become ɔ in the third singular form ɲáw-wā ‘request’ of (f), since the suffix-initial consonant has become the same as the underlying root-final consonant.

9.4

Imperative

The singular imperative is used for commanding one person as shown in (17a-b), whereas the imperative plural is used for commanding more than one person as shown in the second imperative of (c). Imperative forms may occur with a second person subject pronoun as in (b) or without as in (a, c). (17) Imperative examples (a) haʃim, kɔ́r-ɔ́ kɔ̄r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g Hashim /kɔr/say-IMP word-PL ‘Hashim, speak nice words!’

cúgg nice.PL

(b)

“sàlàd̪=ā”, ɛ̄ bɛ̀ɛ,̀ “ū ū=wə́r ūūŋ Hyena=DEF 3sN say.INF 2sN=/wár/carry.IMP 2sR ‘ “Hyena", he said, “Make yourself upright . . ” ’(Nyee32)

(c)

bìì fīŋ ŋə́d-̪ d̪ə̄ kɔ̄r ə́əǹ níí fī let.IMP /fīŋə́n/hear-IMP.PL word 1sPs this ‘Please hear what I have to say!’ (Womn3)

ma᷆ very

cābb up

ánɛ̄ɛń ” like.this

mâŋ carefully

Singular imperative forms generally have the same segmental form as the root, although a handful of imperative verbs attach suffixes, and some root-final segments are weakened when suffixes are not attached. Imperative plural forms take the

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suffix - d̪A+, where A+ is underlyingly specified as [+ATR] and spreads the quality leftward to the root. Table 35: Imperative suffixes Root-final w, y Other root-final segments

IMP

IMP PL

-n -Ø

-d̪A+ -d̪A+

Both imperative forms with various root-final consonants are shown in (18). Singular imperatives with root-final n as in (c) optionally elide the final segment. Imperatives with root-final w and y optionally attach the suffix -n as in (f-g) which causes the root-final approximants to surface as vowels. Without the suffix, rootfinal approximants, as well as root-final plosives (h-j), are weakened to vowels or elided, in accordance with {P1b}. In imperative forms with root-final vowel, elided n, or elided g such as in (c, j, o), the root vowel is lengthened, in accordance with {P4}. Some imperatives with root-final vowel as in (p) add the suffix -na. (18) (a) (b) (c) (d) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Imperative verb forms with various root--final segments Root IMP IMP PL /cud̪/ M cūd̪-ú cúd̪-d̪ū [cúd̪ū] ‘climb’ /las/ M lās lə́d-̪ d̪ə ̄ [lə́də̪ ̄] ‘roll-up’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n, gɔ̀ɔ̀ gùd̪-d̪ù [gùd̪ù] ‘grab’ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð fíd̪-d̪ə ̄ [fíd̪ə]̄ ‘release’ fíð-ðə̄ [fíðə̄] ‘release’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wír-rə̄ [wír:ə̄], wír-d̪ə̄ ‘watch’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́, ɲáɔ́-n ɲə́ú.-ū, ɲə́ú-d̪ū ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ,́ kɔ́ɛ-́ n kúí-ū, kúí-d̪ū ‘cook’ /ab/ L àɔ̀ ə̀ù-d̪ù ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ kə́í-d̪ə ̄ ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīī cíg-d̪ə ̄ ‘wear’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f lùù-d̪ù ‘do magic’ /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲə́m-d̪ə ̄ ‘break’ /guɲ/ L gùɲ-ū gùɲ-d̪ù ‘agree’ /mal/ M māl mə́l-d̪ə ̄ ‘gather’ /pa/ M pāā pə́-d̪ə ̄ ‘guard’ /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̀ nā bìì-d̪ə ̀ ‘say’

The plural imperative forms mostly have the same consonant alternations as plural subjunctive forms. In the plural imperatives of (18a-d) the root-final coronal consonants d̪, s, n, ð assimilate to the suffix-initial d̪. In (d-e), the suffix-initial d̪ assimilates to root-final ð and r. Possibly in (f-g), the suffix-initial d̪ also assimilates to the root-final w and y, which then become vowels. In (f-i), the approximants w, y and plosives b, ɟ are weakened syllable-finally to vowels with the

Verb stem morphology

185

same [ATR] quality as the preceding vowel. Similarly, the root-final f of (k) is also weakened syllable-finally to u. A handful of singular imperatives with root-final d̪, s, ɲ, n, l, r, ɟ attach the suffix -A such as in (18a, m). The vast majority of imperatives with these root-final segments do not attach the suffix but dáàn-a ‘push’, dɔ̄ɔ̀s-ɔ̄ ‘stand, begin’, bɛ̄l-á ‘possess’, and sír-ə̄ ‘make smooth’ are some that do attach the suffix.

9.5

Completive

The completive verb form is used to describe actions that are finished. In 9.6, we discuss how incompletive forms are used for actions that are not finished. These forms should not be confused with the perfect and imperfect forms of 10.6 and 10.8 which indicate that an action remains or does not remain in the present or future. In (19), these forms are compared. (19) (a) (b) (c) (d)

Completive and incompletive compared with perfective and imperfective COMP ɛ̄ cúr-sú sú t ̪ɔ́ɔń ‘He tied the cow.’ (action is finished) INCP ɛ̄ cúr t ̪ɔ́ɔń ‘He ties the cow.’ (action is still happening or will still happen) INCP ‘He ties the cow.’ ɛ̄ cúr=rrə́r t ̪ɔ́ɔń PF (it will not need to be tied again) INCP t ̪ɔ́ɔń ‘He ties the cow.’ ɛ̄ cúr-íí IPF (it will later need to be tied again)

In that the completive action is claimed to be already finished, the completive suffix is a marker for certainty. As such, it is more commonly used in foregrounded nuclear clauses of non-fictional narratives as in (a) than in foregrounded clauses of fictional narratives. As shown in (b), it is also commonly used in tail-head linkage points of departure which link old information of a previous clause with a new nuclear clause. (20) Completive examples (a) ɟāfàrì=n ɛ́ mánɛ̄ ɟɔ̄ d̪àɔ̀-sɔ̄ càɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á Jafari=DEF alone just /d̪àf/kill-COMP rabbits-PL=DEF ‘Jafari, by himself, killed four rabbits.’ (Jafr7) (b)

ɛ́ gārá GP when

ɛ̄ 3SN

wīr wīr-s=i᷅ /wɛ̄r/noticeCOMP=SBO1 ‘When he looked up, . . ’ (Goat7)

Table 36: Completive suffix All root-final segments

-sA

ɔ́gg place

d̪ūmùùn towards

yə̄əs̄ ə́ four

t ̪àw=ɛ̄ɛ= ̄ n up=SBO=DEF

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A completive paradigm is shown in (21). Second person subject pronouns are optionally [+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. (21) (a)

Completive paradigms ‘bought the food’ á màr-sà nāms=á ɔ́, ú=mə̀r-sə̀ nāms=á ɛ̄ màr-sā nāms=á āgg màr-sà nāms=á ɔ̄gg, ūg=mə̀r-sə̀ nāms=á ɛ̄ggà mār-sà nāms=á PRON buyfood=DEF COMP

(b) 1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

‘buried the egg’ á d̪ùr-sù ɔ́, ú=d̪ùr-sù ɛ̄ d̪ùr-sū āgg d̪ùr-sù ɔ̄gg, ūg=d̪ùr-sù ɛ̄ggà d̪ūr-sù PRON bury-

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

2sN 3pN

COMP

Completive forms are listed in (22) with various root-final consonants. In the forms of (a-c), root-final coronals d̪, s, n undergo assimilation to the suffix-initial s, just as they were shown to undergo assimilation to the subjunctive and imperative plural suffix-intial d̪ in 9.3-9.4. However, unlike in subjunctive and imperative plural forms, root-final ð in (d) is weakened to a vowel, just as root-final w, y, b in (e-g) are weakened to vowels in syllable-final position. (22) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Completive verb forms with various root--final segments Root COMP 3SN /cud̪/ M cūs-sú ‘climb’ /las/ M lās-sá ‘roll-up’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀s-sɔ̄ ‘grab’ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ɛ-́ sá ‘release’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-sɔ́ ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ sɔ́ ‘cook’ /ab/ L àɔ̀-sɔ̄ ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɟ-ɟá ‘bring’ /mal/ M māl-d̪á ‘gather’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r-sá ‘watch’ /cig/ M cīg-sə́ ‘wear’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-sɔ̄ ‘do magic’ /ɲam/ M ɲām-sá ‘break’ /guɲ/ L gùɲ-sū ‘agree’ /pa/ M pā-sá ‘guard’ /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̀ sā ‘say’

One assimilation process is unique to completive verb forms as seen in (22h-i). The suffix-initial s of the completive form becomes ɟ following root-final ɟ and becomes

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187

d̪ following root-final l. Also, root-final f surfaces in most completive forms, however it weakens to ɔ in gàɔ̀-sɔ̀ ‘gave’ and d̪àɔ̀-sɔ̀ ‘beat’.

9.6

Incompletive

Incompletive verb forms are used to describe actions that are ongoing, continuous, habitual, or otherwise not finished. They are common in direct speech. The examples of (23) illustrate some of the functions of incompletive verbs. In (a), the incompletive verb is used as habitual action, in (b) a stative verb (of an embedded complement clause), in (c) irrealis action, in (d) an interrogative (of a background clause in a historical narrative), and in (e) simultaneous tail-head linkage. Continuous incompletive forms, a subset of incompletive verbs, are discussed in the following section. (23) Incompletive examples (a) kɔ́r á kɔ̄r ná ə́n=í speak.INCP 1sA word REL.SG bad=RDM ‘She speaks to me rudely.’ (Assa6) (b)

ɛ̄ gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ mīī=n ɛ̄ nāā 3sN /ga᷄m/find-COMP.D goat=DEF 3sN /nāg/lay.INCP ‘He discovered the goat down in the well.’ (Goat10)

ɛ́ GP

fɔ̄l hole.GEN

gə᷅f=ì wá, ɛ̄ gə̀ù-s=íì=r33 = UN /gàf/give.INCP= not 3sN /gàf/give-COMP= 3sAM IPF=PF ‘He would not give it, since he had already given.’ (Fand3)

(c)

ɛ̄ 3sN

lā

(d)

ú=ɲ ɲí l gàr=ā súùgg îlg ɛ́ gārá 2pN=know place=DEF market in where /ɲɛ́l/INCP ‘Do you know the place in the market in Faaz where things are placed?’ (Fan27)

(e)

ɛ́ gārá āld̪-á d̪ən̂ =i᷅ GP when fox /d̪ən̂ /milk.INCP=SBO1 ‘While fox was milking,

fɛ́ð-a᷄n=á ɟɛ̀gg=ā placed things=DEF /fɛ́ð/-CONT.P=PAS

īīgg=í=n, milk=SBO=DEF

kúə̄=n ɛ̄ māl-l fān tàɔ̀, froth=DEF 3sN gather-INF on top froth accumulated in the pan.’ (Nyee22-23) 33

As discussed in 10.8, when the perfect clitic attaches to a completive imperfect verb as in (23c), the meaning is distant past action.

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Unlike completives, no suffix is attached to incompletive forms. Thus, incompletives generally have the same segmental form as the root, except that rootfinal segments weaken to vowels in accordance with {P1b}. Table 37: Incompletive suffix All root-final segments -Ø The incompletive paradigms of (24) can describe an ongoing action. Second person subject pronouns are optionally [+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. (24) (a)

Incompletive paradigms ‘run’ (b) á kār 1sN ɔ́, ú=kə̄r 2sN ɛ̄ kār 3sN āgg kār 1pN ɔ̄gg, ūg=kə̄r 2pN ɛ̄ggà ka᷆r 3pN PRON run. INCP

‘bury the egg’ á d̪ùr ɔ́, ú=d̪ùr ɛ̄ d̪u᷅r āgg d̪ùr ɔ̄gg, ūg=d̪ùr ɛ̄ggà d̪u᷆r PRON bury.

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2sN 3pN

INCP

Third singular incompletive verbs are listed in (25) according to root-final consonants, along with infinitive, first singular subjunctive, and singular imperatives for comparison. As in singular imperatives, root-final b, ɟ, w, y in incompletive forms of (a-b, l-m) are weakened to vowels {P1b} and g in (c) is elided word-finally {P2}. Incompletive forms with root-final w and y, optionally attach the suffix -n. In incompletive forms with root-final vowel or elided g such as in (c,o), the underlying short vowel is lengthened {P4}. (25) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

Incompletive verb forms with various root--final segments Root INF SBJV 1sN IMP INCP 3sN /ab/ L àb-b àb-b àɔ̀ àɔ̄ ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɟ-ɟ ka᷇ɟ-ɟ káɛ́ káɛ́ ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīg-g ci᷇g-g cīī cīī ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪-d̪ cu᷇d̪ cūd̪-ú cūd̪ ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-f lɔ̀f lɔ̀f lɔ᷅f ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās-s la᷇s lās lās ‘roll-up’ /ɲam/ M ɲām-m ɲa᷇m ɲām ɲām ‘break’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n-n, gɔ̀ɔ̀ gɔ̀n-(ɔ̀) gɔ̀n, gɔ̀ɔ̀ gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ ‘grab’ /guɲ/ L gùɲ-ɲ gùɲ gùɲ-ū gu᷅ɲ ‘agree’ /mal/ M māl-l ma᷇l māl māl ‘gather’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r-r wɛ᷇r wɛ̄r wɛ̄r ‘watch’

Verb stem morphology

(l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Root /ɲaw/ H /kɔy/ H /fɛð/ H /pa/ M /bɛɛ/ L

INF

SBJV 1sN

IMP

ɲáw-w kɔ́y-y fɛ́ð-ð pā-d̪ bɛ̀ɛ ̀

ɲáɔ̄-n kɔ́ɛ-̄ n f ɛ᷇ð pa᷇-d̪ bɛ̀ɛ-̀ n

ɲáɔ́-(n) kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) fɛ́ð pāā bɛ̀ɛ-̀ nā

INCP 3sN ɲáɔ́-(n) kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) fɛ́ð-(n) pāā, pād̪ bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n)

189

‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

Other incompletive forms with lengthened root vowel are shown in (26). (26)

9.6.1

Incompletive verbs with lengthened vowels Root INCP 3sN /nag/ M nāā ‘sleep’ /bag/ L bàā ‘take’ /cag/ H cáá ‘bathe’ /ɟag/ M ɟāā ‘mix’ /cig/ M cīī ‘wear’ /cug/ H cúú ‘send’ /gug/ L gùū ‘vomit’

Incompletive as habitual

In Gaahmg, there is no form used exclusively for habitual actions. Rather, habitual actions are described using either the incompletive or continuous, the continuous form being the more common. For some verbs, such as ‘sleep’, there is more than one form possible to describe habitual action: nāa (incompletive) and nāan (continuous). For other verbs, the choice of incompletive or continuous form for habitual action is based on the semantics of the verb. More study is needed to determine semantic groupings that predict the correct habitual verb form. Examples of incompletive verbs used for habitual action are given in (27) and examples of continuous verbs for habitual action will be given in 9.7. (27)

Verbs using incompletive form for habitual action Root INCP 3sN /nag/ M nāā ‘sleep’ /gal/ L gàl ‘run’ /kar/ M kār ‘run’ /kɔr/ H kɔ́r ‘speak’ /war/ H wár ‘take’ /ab/ L àɔ̄ ‘sit’ /cur/ H cúr ‘tie’

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9.6.2

A grammar of Gaahmg

Incompletive as future

All verbs can use the incompletive form for future actions from the time of speaking. To refer explicitly to the future, tone is altered on the subject pronoun. There is no future marking on the verb itself; the incompletive future has the same segmental and tonal form as other incompletives. Future incompletive paradigms are given in (28). In first and second person subject pronouns, Mid tone is assigned along with High tone on the final syllable, resulting in falling tone. In the third singular nominative pronoun, the Mid tone is changed to High. With third plural certain future verbs, the third singular nominative pronoun with High tone is also used, and the third plural subject pronoun optionally precedes it. (28) (a)

Future incompletive paradigms ‘will run’ (b) ‘will bury the egg’ a᷇ gàl 1sN a᷇ d̪ùr ɔ᷇, u᷇=gə̀l 2sN ɔ᷇, u᷇=d̪ùr ɛ́ ga᷅l 3sN ɛ́ d̪u᷅r āgga᷇ gàl 1pN āgga᷇ d̪ùr ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggu᷇=gə̀l 2pN ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggu᷇=d̪ùr (ɛ̄ggà) ɛ́ ga᷆l 3pN (ɛ̄ggà) ɛ́ d̪u᷆r PRON run. PRON bury. INCP

9.7

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2sN 3pN

INCP

Continuous

Continuous verb forms are used for actions that are ongoing, or continue over time, and are not completed at the time of speaking. The past continuous form is used for ongoing actions at a reference point in the past, whereas the non-past continuous form is used for ongoing actions that are still continuing at the time of speaking. Although the incompletive form alone can imply that the action is ongoing, using the continuous non-past form makes the continuous action overt. Continuous past verbs are commonly used in background clauses of narratives, as in (29a). Continuous non-past verbs are used in expository and hortatory texts, as in (b). Both are used in direct speech and conversations (c) and both are used habitually (b, d). (29) Continuous examples (a) bāárg=á áð-a᷄ ǹ àn-ân ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɛ᷇ Baggara=DEF coming- staying- with people Goor=ACM CONT.P CONT.P ‘The Baggara were coming with the people of Goor.’ (Minj4)

Verb stem morphology

191

(b)

t ̪âl ɛ́ fáá-gg ɛ́ fáá-gg; āw-a᷆n ɛ́ create. GP line-PL GP line-PL /àb/sitGP INCP.3pN CONT.N.3p ‘They create lines; they usually sit in groups.’ (Tifa8-9)

(c)

mīī=n goat=

(d)

ú=ɲíl gàr=ā súùgg îlg ɛ́ gārá fɛ́ð-a᷄n=á ɟɛ̀gg=ā 2pN= place= market in where placed things= know DEF DEF /ɲɛ́l/INCP /fɛ́ð/-CONT.P=PAS ‘Do you know the place in the market in Faaz where things were placed (down for selling)?’ (Fan27)

bùggə᷇ŋ group.PL

á 1sN

gàf-ààn ɟɔ̄gg fāŋ=a᷇n ā nə́m-d̪=íìggə̀ give/people old=DAT SBJV /nām/eatDEF CONT.N SBJV=IPF.3p ‘The goat I am giving to the old men to eat.’ (Jooj12)

Whereas the incompletive has no suffix, the continuous form attaches the suffix -An to the root, where A is a back [-round] vowel. Continuous past and non-past forms differ only by different underlying tone on the suffix: H for non-past continuous and MH for past continuous. Table 38: Incompletive suffix CONT.N

All root-final segments

-Án

CONT.P

-A᷄n

Continuous non-past paradigms are shown in (30). When the non-future set of subject pronouns, which are underlined in (30), is used with continuous non-past verbs, the continuous action has already begun. When the future set of pronouns is used with continuous non-past verbs, the continuous action will begin soon or in some cases has already begun. Second person subject pronouns are optionally (30) (a)

Continuous non--past paradigms ‘running’ (b) á, a᷇ gàl-àn 1sN ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=gə̀l-ə̀n 2sN ɛ̄, ɛ́ gàl-a᷅n 3sN āggá, āgga᷇ gàl-àn 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggú, ūggu᷇=gə̀l-ə̀n 2pN ɛ̄ggà gāl-a᷆n 3pN PRON run. CONT.N

‘burying the egg’ á, a᷇ d̪ùr-ə̀n ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=d̪ùr-ə̀n ɛ̄, ɛ́ d̪ùr-ə᷅n āggá, āgga᷇ d̪ùr-ə̀n ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggú, ūggu᷇=d̪ùr-ə̀n ɛ̄ggà d̪ūr-ə᷆n PRON bury. CONT.N

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

2sN 3pN

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[+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. As shown in (31), continuous past forms are the same as continuous non-past forms except for tone. Both sets of subject pronouns (future and non-future) may precede continuous past forms, although there is no difference in meaning—both mean an action that continued before the time of the utterance. (31) (a)

Continuous past paradigms ‘was running’ (b) á, a᷇ gàl-a᷇n 1sN ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=gə̀l-ə᷇n 2sN gàl-án 3sN ɛ̄, ɛ́ āggá, āgga᷇ gàl-a᷇n 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggú, ūggu᷇=gə̀l-ə᷇n 2pN ɛ̄ggà gàl-ân 3pN PRON run. CONT.N

‘was burying the egg’ á, a᷇ d̪ùr-ə᷇n ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=d̪ùr-ə᷇n ɛ̄, ɛ́ d̪ùr-ə́n āggá, āgga᷇ d̪ùr-ə᷇n ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggú, ūggu᷇=d̪ùr-ə᷇n ɛ̄ggà d̪ùr-ə̂n PRON bury. CONT.N

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

2sN 3pN

In (32), continuous past forms are shown with various root-final segments. In (a-b), root-final b, ɟ are weakened to approximants {P1a} and in (c), g is elided {P2}. The suffix is attached to vowel-final roots such as in (o), as a second syllable juxtaposed to the first, in accordance with {M2} in 3.1. In the continuous verb with root /kɔ/ ‘call’, the suffix vowel remains unrounded (kɔ̄.-a᷇n). Continuous forms optionally attach the suffix -CAn34, where C assimilates to the root-final consonant which then surfaces as a single unweakened segment. Forms with root-final w, y, ð as in (l-n) optionally attach the suffix -nAn. Some forms with root-final vowel such as in (p) also take this suffix. (32) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Continuous past forms with various root--final segments Root CONT.P 3SN /ab/ L àw-án àb-bán [àbán] ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káy-án káɟ-ɟán [káɟán] ‘bring’ /cig/ M cī.-ə́n cīg-gə́n [cīgə́n] ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪-ún cūd̪-d̪ún [cūd̪ún] ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-án lɔ̀f-fán [lɔ̀fán] ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās-án lās-sán [lāsán] ‘roll-up’ /ɲam/ M ɲām-án ɲām-mán [ɲāmán] ‘break’ /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n-án gɔ̀n-nán [gɔ̀nán] ‘grab’

34 The continuous form with suffix -CAn could be a shorten form of the deictic continuous form with suffix -(CAg)gAn shown in (52) of 9.9, as the verbs in these forms are similar or identical.

Verb stem morphology

(i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Root /guɲ/ L /mal/ M /wɛr/ M /ɲaw/ H /kɔy/ H /fɛð/ H /pa/ M /bɛɛ/ L

CONT.P 3SN gùɲ-ə́n māl-án wɛ̄r-án ɲáw-án kɔ́y-án fɛ́ð-án pā.-án

gùɲ-ɲə́n [gùɲə́n] māl-lán [mālán] wɛ̄r-rán [wɛ̄rán] ɲáɔ́-nán kɔ́ɛ-́ nán fɛ́ð-nán bɛ̀ɛ-̀ nán

193

‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

As shown in (29b,d), continuous non-past and past can both be used for habitual actions. Some examples in non-past form are listed in (33).

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Verbs using continuous non--past form for habitual action Root CONT.N 3sN Root CONT.N 3sN /d̪af/ d̪àf-a᷅n ‘beat’ (h) /cig/ cī-ín /gaf/ gàf-a᷅n ‘give’ (i) /t ̪if/ t ̪īf-ə́n /mag/ mā-án ‘drink’ (j) /t ̪ir/ t ̪ír-ə́n /fɛj/ fɛ́y-ɛ́n ‘clean’ (k) /cug/ cú-ún /nag/ nā-án ‘sleep’ (l) /lɛg/ lɛ̄-ɛ́n /ku/ kū-ún ‘build’ (m) /bɛl/ bɛ́l-án /nag/ ná-án ‘read’ (n) /mər/ mə́r-ə́n

9.8

Verb stem tone assignment

(33)

‘wear’ ‘tie’ ‘kill’ ‘send’ ‘come’ ‘call’ ‘sell’

We now present the tone of all inflectional verb forms presented thus far, although not all in the same order as in previous sections. The verb stem suffixes discussed to this point have no underlying tone except for the past continuous suffix -A᷄n with MH tone, the non-past continuous suffix -Án with High tone, and the imperative suffix -Á with High tone which attaches to a few imperative verbs. Table 39: Verb stem suffixes SBJV 1SN, 2sN -CA, -d̪A SBJV 3SN, 1pN, 2pN, 3pN -d̪A IMP -Á IMP.PL -d̪+A COMP -sA CONT.P -A᷄n CONT.N -Án In all finite verb forms, Mid tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of first and second person forms, High tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third singular verbs, and Low tone is assigned to the stem-final syllable of third plural verbs. Thus, although many of the inflectional verb suffixes have no underlying

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tone, tone is assigned to the suffixes according to these tonal inflections for subject person agreement. Table 40: Subject person inflectional tone 1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN Root tone +M +M +H +M +M

9.8.1

3pN +L

Infinitive tone

Underlying tone surfaces unchanged in infinitive verbs, and such forms do not inflect for person by tone changes. The same seven tone melodies as in 9.1 are presented here for reference. (34) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

9.8.2

Tonal contrasts in infinitive verb forms Root tone INF H fír-r ‘smell, pray’ M cɔ̄r-r ‘help’ L d̪ùr-r ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-r ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-l ‘name, call’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ð ‘strike, ram’

Completive tone

In (35), first singular, third singular, and third plural subject completive forms with various root tone melodies are compared. Mid tone assigned to the suffix in first singular forms becomes Low when following Low tone, as in (c,d,f). High tone assigned to the suffix in third singular forms becomes Mid when following Low tone in (c,d,f). These processes are in accordance with the tone lowering rule {M9} of 3.4.3. Low tone assigned to the suffix in third plural forms causes the root Low tone melody of (c) to be come Mid, in accordance with the raising rule {M8} of 3.4.2. In (e), the Mid tone of the HM root tone becomes Low in accordance with the lowering rule {M7} of 3.4.2. (35) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Completive forms with various root tone melodies Root tone COMP 1SN COMP 3sN COMP 3pN H fír-sə̄ fír-sə́ fír-sə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̄ cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-sū d̪ūr-sù ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-sə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪ā bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ̂l-d̪à ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-sə̀ ‘strike’

Verb stem morphology

9.8.3

195

Subjunctive tone

Subjunctive tone assignment as in (36) is the same as in completive forms except that roots with Mid tone melodies as in (b) are replaced by High tone for unknown reasons. Suffix Mid tone in first singular and second plural forms assimilates to root-final Low tone {M9}, as in (c,d,f). Suffix High tone in third singular forms becomes Mid when following Low tone {M9} in (c,d,f). Suffix Low tone in third plural forms causes the root Low tone of (c) to become Mid {M8}, and in (e) the Mid tone of the HM root tone becomes Low {M7}. (36) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

9.8.4

Subjunctive forms with various root tone melodies Root tone SBJV 1SN SBJV 2pN SBJV 3sN SBJV 3pN H f i᷇r fír-rə̄ fír-rə́ fír-rə̀ M cɔ᷇r cúr-rū cɔ́r-rɔ́ cɔ́r-rɔ̀ L d̪ùr d̪ùr-rù d̪ùr-rū d̪ūr-rù HL pə̂r pə̂r-rə̀ pə̂r-rə̄ pə̂r-rə̀ HM bɛ᷇l bi᷇l-d̪ə ̄ bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ̂l-d̪à ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ɔ̀ dūùd̪-d̪ù dɔ̄ɔd̀ -̪ d̪ɔ ̄ dɔ̄ɔd̀ -̪ d̪ɔ ̀ MH kə᷄ ð̄ kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ̄ kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ́ kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ̀

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘stand’ ‘strike’

Incompletive tone

Tone assignment for incompletive forms is mostly the same as for completive and subordinate forms. First singular Mid tone assimilates to root-final Low tone {M9}, as in (c,d,f). Third singular High tone becomes Mid when following Low tone {M9} in (c,f). Third plural Low tone causes the root Low tone melody of (c) to become Mid {M8}, and in (e) the Mid tone of the HM root tone becomes Low {M7}. For unknown reasons, final High tone in third singular forms with Mid root tone melody as in (b) does not surface. However, when a vowel-initial clitic with no underlying tone is attached such as the second person object pronoun =O, the clitic surfaces with High tone (cɔ̄r=ɔ́ɔń ). When the third singular High tone is added to incompletive forms with HL root tone melody, the combination HLH tone surfaces as HMH tone in accordance with the combination rule {M10} in 3.4.4. (37) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Incompletive forms with various root tone melodies Root tone INCP 1SN INCP 3sN INCP 3pN H f i᷇r fír f îr ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r cɔ̄r cɔ᷆r ‘help’ L d̪ùr d̪u᷅r d̪u᷆r ‘bury’ HL pə̂r pə᷇ ŕ pə̂r ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l bɛ᷇ ĺ bɛ̂l ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ dɔ̄ɔ̀ s̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ ð̄ kə᷄ð kə᷄ ð̀ ‘strike’

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Imperative tone

Tone assignment of the singular imperative is the same as the root tone, although when the suffix -Á is added to some singular imperatives, it has High tone which becomes Mid following preceding Low {M9}, as in (38f). Final Mid tone is assigned to imperative plural forms but assimilates to the preceding Low {M9} in (c,d,f). Like the subjunctive, in imperative plural forms with Mid root tone melodies as (b), the root tone is replaced by High tone. (38) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

9.8.6

Imperative forms with various root tone melodies Root tone IMP IMP.PL H fír-ə́ fír-rə̄ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r cúr-rū ‘help’ L d̪ùr d̪ùr-rù ‘bury’ HL pə̂r pə̂r-rə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-á bi᷇l-d̪ə ̄ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ɔ̄ dūùd̪-d̪ù ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ə́ kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ̄ ‘strike’

Continuous past tone

In tone assignment of continuous forms, some of the same rules as well as additional rules apply. Although a few rules account for tone assignment in nearly all continuous forms, when and how they apply is less predictable. In (39), the continuous past forms with various root tone melodies are shown together for comparison, but each of the three person forms are dealt with separately in following paragraphs in order to demonstrate the applications of all rules. When an object pronoun attaches to verbs with HL and ML root tone melodies as in (d,f), different tone results on the continuous past suffix than when there is no object pronoun. (39) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Continuous past forms -A᷄n (MH) with various root tone melodies Root tone CONT.P 1SN CONT.P 3sN CONT.P 3pN H fír-ə᷄ n̄ fír-ə᷄n fír-ə᷄ ǹ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-a᷇n cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-ân ‘help’ L d̪ùr-ə᷇n d̪ùr-ə́n d̪ùr-ə̂n ‘bury’ HL pə́r-ə᷅n pə́r-ə̌n pə́r-ə᷅ ǹ ‘attach’ pə́r-ə᷄n=ī pə́r-ə᷄n=i᷇ pə́r-ə᷄n=ì ‘attach it’ HM bɛ́l-a᷄ n̄ bɛ́l-a᷄n bɛ́l-a᷄ ǹ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅n dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ǎn dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅ ǹ ‘stand’ bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=ī bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=i᷇ bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=ì ‘make it big’ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄ n̄ kə᷄ð-ə᷄n kə᷄ð-ə᷄ ǹ ‘strike’

In the first singular continuous past forms of (40), the Mid tone morpheme is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix -A᷄n (MH) to become -A᷄ n̄ (MHM). In

Verb stem morphology

197

(c,d,f), the initial Mid tone of the suffix -A᷄ n̄ assimilates to the preceding Low tone {M9} and unites with it. In (d,f), the resulting L-HM tone then becomes L-M {M9}, or in (d) when the third singular object clitic =E with no underlying tone is attached, the resulting HL-HM becomes H-MHM {M10}. In (f), when the third singular object clitic is attached, the underlying tone surfaces unchanged. (40)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

(e) (f)

(g)

First singular past continuous -A᷄ n̄ (MHM) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule Applied INF CONT.P tone Formation 1SN H H-MHM>H-MHM fír-r fír-ə᷄ n̄ ‘smell’ M M-MHM>M-HM cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-a᷇n ‘help’ L L-MHM>L-HM L-M>L-L d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-ə᷇n ‘bury’ HL HL-MHM>HL-HM L-M>L-L; pə̂r-r pə́r-ə᷅n ‘attach’ >H-LM L-H>L-M HL-MHM>HL-HM L-M>L-L; pə́r-ə᷄n=ī ‘attach >H-MHM HLH>HMH it’ HM HM-MHM> bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-a᷄ n̄ ‘name’ H-MHM L-M>L-L; dɔ̄ɔs̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅n ‘stand’ ML ML-MHM> ML-HM> s ML-LM L-H>L-M ML-MHM> bu᷆ɲ-d̪ bu᷆ɲ-d̪‘make ML-MHM ə᷄n=ī it big’ MH MH-MHM> kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə᷄ n̄ ‘strike’ MH-MHM

In High-initial two tone root melodies such as (40d-e), the second tone of the melody surfaces on the suffix, delinked from the root. However, in other root melodies, the root tones remain assigned to the root. When three tones surface on the past continuous suffix such as in (a,e,g), High tone is lowered to ‘half High’ pitch, being one of three tones on a mid weight syllable, similar to tone of the accompaniment clitic =E᷇ described in 7.6.2. In the third singular forms of (41), High tone is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix -A᷄n (MH), which already has final High tone. In (c,d,f), the initial Mid tone of the suffix -A᷄n assimilates to the preceding Low tone {M9}. In (d), the resulting H-LH becomes H-MH {M10} when the third singular object =E᷇ with HM tone is attached, and in (f), the underlying tone surfaces unchanged when the third singular object is attached.

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(41)

First third past continuous -A᷄n (MH) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule Applied INF CONT.P tone Formation 3sN H H-MH>H-MH fír-r fír-ə᷄n ‘smell’ M M-MH>M-H cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-án ‘help’ L L-MH>L-H L-M>L-L d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-ə́n ‘bury’ HL HL-MH>H-LH L-M>L-L pə̂r-r pə́r-ə̌n ‘attach’ HL-MH>H-LH L-M>L-L; pə̂r-r pə́r-ə᷄n=i᷇ ‘attach >H-MH HLH>HMH it’ HM HM-MH>H-MH bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-a᷄n ‘name’ ML ML-MH>ML-LH L-M>L-L dɔ̄ɔs̀ - dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ǎn ‘stand’ s ML-MH>ML-MH bu᷆ɲ-d̪ bu᷆ɲ-d̪‘make ə᷄n=i᷇ it big’ MH MH-MH>MH-MH kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə᷄n ‘strike’

(a) (b) (c) (d)

(e) (f)

(g)

In the third plural forms of (42), Low tone is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix to become -A᷄ ǹ (MHL). In (c,d,f), the initial Mid tone of the suffix -A᷄ ǹ assimilates to the preceding Low {M9}. In (d), the resulting H-LHL tone becomes H-LML in accordance with the combination rule {M11} in 3.4.4, or the tone becomes H-MHL {M10} when the third singular object clitic =E with no underlying tone is attached. In (f), the LHL tone also becomes LML {M11}, or the underlying tone surfaces unchanged when the third singular object is attached. (42)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

(e) (f)

(g)

Third plural past continuous -A᷄ ǹ (MHL) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule Applied INF CONT.P 3pN tone Formation H H-MHL>H-MHL fír-r fír-ə᷄ ǹ ‘smell’ M M-MHL>M-HL cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-ân ‘help’ L L-MHL>L-HL L-M > L-L d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-ə̂n ‘bury’ HL HL-MHL>H-LHL L-M > L-L; pə̂r-r pə́r-ə᷅ ǹ ‘attach’ >H-LML LHL > LML HL-MHL>H-LHL L-M > L-L; pə́r-ə᷄n=ì ‘attach >H-MHL HLH > HMH it’ HM HM-MHL> bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-a᷄ ǹ ‘name’ HM-MHL ML ML-MHL> L-M > L-L; dɔ̄ɔs̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅ ǹ ‘stand’ ML-LHL> s ML-LML LHL > LML ML-MHL> bu᷆ɲ-d̪ bu᷆ɲ-d̪‘make ML-MHL ə᷄n=ì it big’ MH MH-MHL> kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə᷄ ǹ ‘strike’ MH-MHL

Verb stem morphology

9.8.7

199

Continuous non-past tone

In (43), continuous non-past forms with various root tone melodies are shown together for comparison, and each of the three person forms are dealt with separately in following paragraphs. In each of the three forms, a new assimilation rule is used: M-H>M-M, which states that High suffix tone assimilates to preceding Mid. However, the rule only applies in forms with HM root tone melodies as in (e) and not in forms with Mid root tone melody as in (b). Thus, the assimilation rule is more of an exception than a rule, and for this reason is not included in the morphophonological rules of chapter 3. Where it applies in the derivations to follow, it is marked with a diamond (◊) to distinguish it from the regular morphophonological rules. (43) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Continuous non--past forms -Án (H) with various root tone melodies Root tone CONT.N 1SN CONT.N 3sN CONT.N 3pN H fír-ə᷇n fír-ə́n fír-ə̂n ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-a᷇n cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-ân ‘help’ L d̪ùr-ə̀n d̪ùr-ə᷅n d̪ūr-ə᷆n ‘bury’ HL pə́r-ə̀n pə́r-ə᷅n pə́r-ə̀n ‘attach’ HM bɛ́l-ān bɛ́l-ān bɛ́l-a᷆n ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ān dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ān dɔ̄ɔs̀ -àn ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷇n kə᷄ð-ə́n kə᷄ð-ə̂n ‘strike’

In the first singular continuous past forms of (44), the Mid tone morpheme is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix -Án (H) to become -A᷇n (HM). In (c,d,f), the initial High tone of the suffix -A᷇n becomes Mid {M9}. In (c,d), the resulting L-M tone then becomes L-L {M9}, where the same rule applies twice to the same verb forms. As mentioned, the initial High tone of the suffix assimilates to the preceding Mid tone of HM root tone melodies {◊} as in (e), but not to the root Mid tone of (b). As in continuous past forms, in (44d-e), the second tone of the root (44)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular non--past continuous -A᷇n (HM) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule INF CONT.N 1SN tone Formation Applied H H-HM>H-HM fír-r fír-ə᷇n ‘smell’ M M-HM>M-HM cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-a᷇n ‘help’ L L-HM>L-M L-H>L-M; d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-ə̀n ‘bury’ >L-L L-M>L-L HL HL-HM>HL-M L-H>L-M; pə̂r-r pə́r-ə̀n ‘attach’ >H-L L-M>L-L HM HM-HM>H-M M-H>M-M ◊ bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-ān ‘name’ ML ML-HM>ML-M L-H>L-M dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ān ‘stand’ MH MH-HM>MH-MH kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə᷇n ‘strike’

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melody surfaces on the suffix and delinks from the root, but in (f-g), the root melody remains assigned to the root. In the third singular forms of (45), High tone is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix -Án, which already has High tone. In (c,d,f), the High tone of the suffix -Án becomes Mid {M9}. For unknown reasons, the resulting L-M tone does not become L-L by a second application of {M9} as in the verbs of (44c,d). Again the initial High tone of the suffix assimilates to the preceding Mid tone {◊} in (e) but not in (b). (45)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular non--past continuous -Án (H) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule INF CONT.N tone Formation Applied 3sN H H-H>H-H fír-r fír-ə́n ‘smell’ M M-H>M-H cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-án ‘help’ L L-H>L-LM L-H>L-M d̪ùr-r d̪ùr-ə᷅n ‘bury’ HL HL-H>H-LM L-H>L-M pə̂r-r pə́r-ə᷅n ‘attach’ HM HM-H>H-M M-H>M-M ◊ bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-ān ‘name’ ML ML-H>ML-M L-H>L-M dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ān ‘stand’ MH MH-H>MH-H kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə́n ‘strike’

In the third plural forms of (46), Low tone is assigned to the end of the continuous suffix -Án to become -Ân (HL). In (c,d,f), the initial High tone of the suffix -Ân becomes Mid {M9}. In (d, f), Mid tone of the resulting HL-ML tone assimilates to the preceding Low {M9}, where the same rule applies twice to the same verb forms. In (c), the root Low tone is raised to Mid {M8}. The initial High tone of the suffix assimilates to the preceding Mid tone {◊} in (e) but not in (b). (46)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third plural non--past continuous -Ân (HL) with various root tone melodies Root Stem Tone Rule INF CONT.N tone Formation Applied 3pN H H-HL>H-HL fír-r fír-ə̂n ‘smell’ M M-HL>M-HL cɔ̄r-r cɔ̄r-ân ‘help’ L L-HL>L-ML L-H>L-M; d̪ùr-r d̪ūr-ə᷆n ‘bury’ >M-ML L-L>M-L HL HL-HL>HL-ML L-H>L-M; pə̂r-r pə́r-ə̀n ‘attach’ >H-L L-M>L-L HM HM-HL>H-ML M-H>M-M ◊ bɛ᷇l-l bɛ́l-a᷆n ‘name’ ML ML-HL>ML-ML L-M>L-L dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s dɔ̄ɔs̀ -àn ‘stand’ >ML-L L-M>L-L MH MH-HL>MH-HL kə᷄ð-ð kə᷄ð-ə̂n ‘strike’

Verb stem morphology

9.9

201

Deictic

Direction and distance can be indicated morphologically in the verb by a deictic suffix. The suffix indicates that the action happens at a distance from the speaker, or the action happens towards the speaker. The meaning is ‘(Subject) will go and do X’ or ‘(Subject) comes while doing X’. In (47a-b), a comparison is given between the common incompletive and the deictic incompletive, and in (c-d) between the imperative and deictic imperative.

(47) (a) (b) (c) (d)

(48)

Incompletive with and without deictic a᷇ kɔ́m gùld̪ū ‘I will chop.INCP a tree.’ a᷇ kɔ́m-g gɔ᷇n gùld̪ū ‘I will chop-INCP.D a tree. (I will go far and chop a tree.)’ wár fɛ̄gg bíīgg ɛ̄ d̪ɔɔ̀ ǹ ɛ̄ ‘Take water some there with you.’ wár-rrággā fɛ̄gg bíīgg ɛ̄ d̪ɔɔ̀ ǹ ɛ̄ ‘Take-IMP.D water some there with you. (Bring some water with you.)’ lə̂ŋ ɛ̄ mā-d̪ d̪ággā fɛ̄gg=á bɛ̄ðɛ́r-r until 3sN drank-COMP.D water=DEF satisfied-INF ‘He went and drank until he was satisfied.’ (Goat12-13)

Table 41 lists the suffixes for various deictic verb forms. Segments in parentheses are optionally elided in verbs with most root-final segments. Table 41: Deictic suffixes COMP.D CONT.P.D -CÁggĀ -(CAAg)gAn

CONT.N.D -(CAg)gAn

IMP.D -(CÁg)gĀ

IMP.PL.D -d̪úū

Like the infinitive, the deictic completive suffix -CÁggĀ does not change according to person forms of the verb. Second person forms with this suffix do not become [+ATR] as they do in finite verb forms, and there is no person inflection with tone changes. However, the continuous past deictic, continuous non-past deictic and (49) (a)

Completive and past continuous distance paradigms ‘drink’ (b) ‘chop’ COMP COMP.D CONT.P CONT.P.D ā mā-sā mā-d̪ággā á kɔ́m-a᷄ n̄ kɔ́m-māágga᷇n ɔ̄ mə̄-sə̄ mā-d̪ággā ɔ́, ú= kúm-ə᷄ n̄ kúm-mə̄əǵ gə᷇n ɛ̄ mā-sá mā-d̪ággā ɛ̄ kɔ́m-a᷄n kɔ́m-māággán àgg mā-sā mā-d̪ággā āgg kɔ́m-a᷄ n̄ kɔ́m-māágga᷇n ɔ̀gg mə̄-sə̄ mā-d̪ággā ɔ́gg, kúm-ə᷄ n̄ kúm-mə̄əǵ gə᷇n ūgg= ɛ̄ggà kɔ́m-a᷄ ǹ kɔ́m-māággân ɛ̀gg mā-sà mā-d̪ággā

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

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imperative deictic verbs do change according to person forms of the verb. (50)

Continuous non--past distance paradigm ‘chop’ CONT.N CONT.N.D a᷇ kɔ́m-a᷇n kɔ́m-gɔ᷇n 1sN ɔ᷇, u᷇= kúm-ə᷇n kúm-gu᷇n 2sN ɛ́ kɔ́m-án kɔ́m-gɔ́n 3sN āgga᷇ kɔ́m-a᷇n kɔ́m-gɔ᷇n 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ūggu᷇= kúm-ə᷇n kúm-gu᷇n 2pN ɛ̄ggà kɔ́m-ân kɔ́m-gɔ̂n 3pN

(51)

Imperative distance verbs IMP.D IMP.PL IMP.PL.D kɔ́m kɔ́m-gɔ̄ kúm-dū kúm-d̪-úū māā mā-d̪ággā mə́-d̪ə ̄ mə̄-d̪-úū IMP

‘chop’ ‘drink’

In (52), third singular forms are shown with the deictic completive suffix -CÁggĀ and deictic continuous non-past suffix -(CAg)gAn attached to verb roots with various final segments. The continuous forms are optionally shortened in verbs with many root-final segments. The initial consonant of the suffixes takes on all the features of the root-final consonant and becomes d̪, n, or does not surface when attached to vowel-final roots. Geminate segments surface as single segments. (52) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Third singular deictic deictic completive -CÁggĀ and continuous nonnon-past -C(Ag)gAn verbs COMP.D 3SN CONT.N.D 3SN /ab/ L àb-bāggā àb-bāggán /kaɟ/ H káɟ-ɟággā káɟ-ɟággán /cig/ M cīg-gə́ggə̄ cīg-gə́ggə́n /cud̪/ M cūd̪-d̪úggū cūd̪-d̪úggún /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-fɔ̄ggɔ̄ lɔ̀f-fɔ̄ggɔ́n /las/ M lās-sággā lās-sággán /ɲam/ M ɲām-mággā ɲām-mággán /gɔn/ L gɔ̀n-nɔ̄ggɔ̄ gɔ̀n-nɔ̄ggɔ́n /guɲ/ L gùɲ-ɲūggū gùɲ-ɲūggún /mal/ M māl-lággá māl-lággán /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r-rággá wɛ̄r-rággán /ɲaw/ H ɲáw-wággā ɲáw-wággán /kɔy/ H kɔ́y-yɔ́ggɔ̄ kɔ́y-yággán /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-ðággā fɛ́ð-ðággán /pa/ M pā-d̪ággā pā-d̪ággán /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ.̀ -(n)āggā bɛ̀ɛ.̀ -(n)āggán

àb-gán káɟ-ɟán cīg-gə́n cūd̪-d̪ún lɔ̀f-gɔ́n ɲām-gán gɔ̀n-gɔ́n gùɲ-gún māl-gán wɛ̄r-gán

pā-d̪án

‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

Verb stem morphology

203

In (53), the deictic completive suffix -CÁggĀ with underlying HM tone and the deictic continuous non-past suffix -CÁggÁn with H tone is attached to verb roots with various tone melodies. Completive and continuous forms are shown for comparison. Suffix-initial High tone becomes Mid following Low {M9} in (c,d,f). (53)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular deictic completive -CÁggĀ and continuous non--past -(Ág)gÁn gÁn verb forms Root COMP COMP.D CONT.N CONT.N.D 3SN 3sN 3sN tone 3sN H fír-sə́ fír-ə́ggə̄ fír-ə́n fír-(ə́g)gə́n M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-ɔ́ggɔ̄ cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-(ɔ́g)gɔ́n L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-ūggū d̪ùr-ə᷅n d̪ùr-(ūg)gún HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-ə̄ggə̄ pə́r-ə᷅n pə̂r-(ə̄g)gə́n HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-ággā bɛ́l-ān bɛ᷇l-(ág)gán ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ɔ̄ggɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ān dɔ̄ɔs̀ -(ɔ̄g)gɔ́n MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄ð-ə́ggə̄ kə᷄ð-ə́n kə᷄ð-(ə́g)gə́n

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘make-big’ ‘strike’

Deictic imperative plural forms with suffix -úū with HM tone have similar tone assignment. (54) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Deictic imperative plural -úū verb forms Root tone IMP.PL IMP.PL.D H fír-rə̄ fír-r-úū ‘smell’ M cúr-rū cūr-r-úū ‘help’ L d̪ùr-rù d̪ùr-r-ūū ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-rə̀ pə̂r-r-ūū ‘attach’ HM bi᷇l-d̪ə ̄ bi᷇l-d̪-úū ‘name’ ML dūùd̪-d̪ù dūùd̪-d̪-ūū ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə̄ kə᷄d-̪ d̪-úū ‘strike’

9.10 Antipassive verb forms When a speaker uses a transitive verb and wants to indicate that an implied object is unknown or is intentionally not mentioned, he or she does so by attaching the antipassive suffix -An to the verb root. In (55a), the simple completive verb ɲām-sá ‘break’ is contrasted with the antipassive completive ɲām-án-sá in (b). For further examples, see 14.5.4 on verbal valency of transitive verbs. (55a)

kāsá=n boy=DEF

ɲām-sá /ɲam/breakCOMP

‘The boy broke a branch.’

gùld̪ū branch

(b)

kāsá=n boy=DEF

ɲām-áán-sá /ɲam/breakANTIP-COMP ‘The boy broke something.’

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9.10.1 Antipassive segmental morphology The antipassive suffix -An attaches to the verb root before inflectional suffixes are added. Table 42: Antipassive suffixes Incompletive -An An Subjunctive -An An, An-d̪ An -An An A Completive -An An-sA An Continuous non-past -An An-An An In (56-57), antipassive paradigms are compared with non-antipassive verb paradigms. (56) (a)

(57) (a)

Antipassive completive and incompletive paradigms ‘break’ COMP ANTIP COMP (b) INCP ANTIP INCP á ɲām-sā ɲām-án-sā a᷇ ɲām ɲāām-án ɔ́, ú= ɲə̄m-sə̄ ɲə̄m-ə́n-sə̄ ɔ᷇, u᷇= ɲə̄m ɲə̄ə̄m-ə́n ɛ̄ ɲām-sá ɲām-án-sá ɛ́ ɲām ɲāām-án āgg ɲām-sā ɲām-án-sā āggá ɲām ɲāām-án ɔ̄gg, ɲə̄m-sə̄ ɲə̄m-ə́n-sə̄ ɔ̄ggɔ᷇, ɲə̄m ɲə̄ə̄m-ə́n ūgg= ūggú= ɛ̄ggà ɲām-sà ɲām-án-sà ɛ̄ggà ɲa᷆m ɲāām-ân

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

Antipassive subjunctive and continuous non--past paradigms ‘break’ (b) ‘work’ SBJV ANTIP SBJV CONT.N ANTIP CONT.N ā ɲám ɲāām-án a᷇ káám-àn káám-àn-ān ɲə́m ɲə̄ə̄m-ə́n ɔ᷇, kə́əm ́ -ə̀n kə́əm ́ -ə̀n-ə̄n ɔ̄, u᷇= ū= ɛ̄ ɲám-d̪á ɲāām-án-d̪á ɛ́ káám-a᷅n káám-àn-ān ā ɲám-d̪ā ɲāām-án-d̪ā āggá káám-àn káám-àn-ān ɔ̄, ɲə́m-d̪ə ̄ ɲə̄ə̄m-ə́n-d̪ə̄ ɔ̄ggɔ́, kə́əm ́ -ə̀n kə́əm ́ -ə̀n-ə̄n ū= ūggú= ɛ̄ ɲám-d̪à ɲāām-án-d̪à ɛ̄ggà káám-àn káám-àn-àn

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

In (58), third singular completive forms and third singular antipassive completive forms with suffix -An-sA are shown with various root-final segments. As in continuous forms, root-final b, ɟ are intervocalically weakened to approximants {P1a} and g is elided {P2} in (a-c). The antipassive and completive suffix takes the round feature of the root.

Verb stem morphology (58) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o)

Antipassive completive -AnAn-sA Root COMP 3sN ANTIP COMP 3sN /ab/ L àɔ̀-sɔ̄ àw-ān-sá /kaɟ/ H káɟ-ɟá káy-ān-sá /cig/ M cīg-sə́ cī.-ə́n-sə́ /cud̪/ M cūs-sú cūd̪-ún-sú /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-sɔ̄ lɔ̀f-ɔ̄n-sɔ́ /las/ M lās-sá lās-án-sá /ɲam/ M ɲām-sá ɲām-án-sá /gɔn/ L gɔ̀s-sɔ̄ gɔ̀n-ɔ̄n-sɔ́ /guɲ/ L gùɲ-sū gùɲ-ūn-sú /mal/ M māl-d̪á māl-án-sá /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r-sá wɛ̄r-án-sá /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-sɔ́ ɲáw-ān-sá /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ sɔ́ kɔ́y-ɔ̄n-sɔ́ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ɛ-́ sá fɛ́ð-ān-sá /pa/ M pā-sá pā.-án-sá

205

‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’

9.10.2 Antipassive tonal morphology The antipassive suffix -An has no underlying tone. However, three root tone melodies change in antipassive forms, as shown by table 43. Table 43: Antipassive tone changes Root tone melody Antipassive root tone melody H HM M MH L LH HL, HM, ML, MH no change Since the antipassive suffix -An has no underlying tone, the second tone of the root tone melody is delinked and reassigned to the antipassive suffix in accordance with {M6} in 3.4.1. As in all third singular finite verbs, High tone is assigned to the final (59)

(a) (b) © (d) (e) (f) (g)

Antipassive suffix –An on third singular completive verbs Root 3sN ANTIP 3SN tone COMP tone ANTIP COMP H fír-sə́ HM fír-ə̄n-sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ MH cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-sɔ́ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū LH d̪ùr-ūn-sú ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ HL pə́r-ə̀n-sə̄ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á HM bɛ́l-ān-sá ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-sū ML būɲ-d̪-ùn-sū ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ MH kə̄ð-ə́n-sə́ ‘strike’

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syllable which becomes Mid following Low tone {M9} in (c,d,f).

9.11 Causative A causative verb is used to indicate the reason or initiative of the action being a different argument than that which does the action. In other words, it expresses that there is an external causer and adds an argument to the clause. In the causative continuous form of (60a) with causative suffix -d̪+A, the subject verbal noun tī̪ f ə᷇n ‘tying’ causes the būŋu᷇rgə́ ‘youth’ to sit. The root verb /káàm/ ‘work’ in the causative completive form of (b) with suffix -s+A means ‘bother’. In (c), the simple completive verb cúrsū ‘tie’ is compared with the causative completive form of the same verb cu᷇rsū ‘tie’ in (d), which functions as a speech act of giving a command. Although the causative completive suffix -s+A attaches in (d), the only difference is a tone change on the root. (60) (a)

(b)

(c)

Causatives examples t ̪īf-ə᷇n ɛ́ gə̄əm ̄ -g=ə̀ ə̄ù-d̪-ə̄n būŋu᷇r-g=ə́ t ̪ád̪ tying GP Gaam.GEN make.sit youth-PL=DEF down -PL=DEF /t ̪īf/-CONT.N.NOM.SG /gə̀əm ̀ -g/ /àb/-CAUS-CONT.N ‘The tying of the Gaahmg youth enables them to sit down.’ (Tifa3) ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -ss=ī someone /káàm/bothered-CAUS.COMP=PAS.A ‘No one was bothered by it.’ (Thng25) á 1sN

cúr-sū /cúr/tie-

mīīn goat.

COMP

DEF

t ̪ád̪ up

(d)

á 1sN

d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ PP-3sO

cu᷇r-sū sū /cúr/tieCAUS.

mīīn goat.

wá not t ̪ád̪ up

háʃīm (name)

DEF

COMP

‘I tied up the goat.’

‘I commanded Hashim to tie up the goat.’

The causative suffix functions as a transitivizer in some verbs, making intransitive verbs such as ti̪ r᷇ ‘die’ become transitive (t ̪i ᷇r-rə̄ ‘kill’). However, the causative suffix can also derive verbs from transitive verbs such as máār ‘buy’, mə᷇r-rə̄ ‘sell’ in which the role of agent in ‘buy’ switches to experiencer in ‘sell’. Some verbs such as pə́r-d̪ə ̄ ‘jump’ have been derived from a verb of which there is no longer the underived form in use.

9.11.1 Causative segmental morphology The causative suffixes are -s+A, -d̪+A where +A is a back [+ATR] vowel taking the [round] feature of the root and spreading [+ATR] quality to the verb stem. The suffix -s+A attaches to form causative completive verbs, whereas the suffix -d̪+A

Verb stem morphology

207

attaches to form other causative verb forms. Table 44: Causative suffix Completives Other verb forms

-s+A -d̪+A

The list of (61) compares the un-derived main verb form and derived causative form of the roots /mar/ ‘buy/sell’ and /ti̪ r/ ‘die/kill’. In each verb, the main form differs from the causative form by tone, [ATR] quality, or the suffix -d̪+A. (61)

Causative ‘kill’ and ‘sell’ forms compared with non--causative forms ‘die’ and ‘buy’ /māār/ /mə᷇r-d̪/ Verb form ‘buy’ ‘sell’ INF māār-r mə᷇r-d̪ COMP.3sN máár-sá mə᷇r-sə́ SBJV.1sN máār mə᷇r-d̪ə̄ SBJV.3sN máár-d̪á mə᷇r-d̪ə́ IMP māār mə᷇r-d̪ə́ IMP.PL mə́əŕ -d̪ə̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə̄ INCP.3sN māār mə᷇r-d̪ə́ CONT.P.3sN māār-án mə᷇r-d̪-ə́n ANTIP-COMP.3SN māār-án-sá mə́r-ə̄n-sə́

/t ̪īr/ ‘die’ t ̪īr-r t ̪ír-sə́ t ̪i ᷇r t ̪ír-d̪ə ́ t ̪īr t ̪ír-d̪ə ̄ t ̪īr t ̪īr-ə́n t ̪īr-ə́n-sə́

/t ̪i ᷇r-d̪/ ‘kill’ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə́n t ̪ír-ə̄n-sə́

The vowel of the causative suffix is elided when followed by the vowel-initial continuous suffix, in accordance with the vowel elision rule {M1} in 3.1. In (62), causative completive and incompletive paradigms are compared with noncausative forms, and in (63), causative subjunctive and continuous non-past forms are compared. All person forms of causative subjunctive verbs have the same segmental form. (62) (a)

Causative completive and incompletive paradigms ‘buy--sell’ /māā māār mə᷇r-d̪/ ‘sell’ māār/ ‘buy’ - /m PRON COMP CAUS COMP (b) PRON INCP á māār-sā mə᷇r-sə̄ a᷇ māār ú= mə̄ər̄ -sə̄ mə᷇r-sə̄ u᷇= mə̄ər̄ ɛ̄ māār-sá mə᷇r-sə́ ɛ́ māār āgg māār-sā mə᷇r-sə̄ āggá māār ūgg= mə̄ər̄ -sə̄ mə᷇r-sə̄ ūggú= mə̄ər̄ ɛ̄ggà māār-sà mə̂r-sə̀ ɛ̄ggà māàr

CAUS INCP

mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə ́ mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ mə̂r-d̪ə ̀

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

208 (63) (a)

A grammar of Gaahmg Causative subjunctive and continuous non--past paradigms /tt ̪īr ̪īr/ ‘die’ - /tt ̪ir᷇r᷇ -d̪/ ‘kill’ PRON SBJV CAUS SBJV (b) PRON CONT.P CAUS CONT.P ā t ̪i ᷇r t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ̄ á t ̪īr-ə᷇n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə᷇n ū= t ̪i ᷇r t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ̄ ú= t ̪īr-ə᷇n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə᷇n ɛ̄ t ̪ír-rə́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ́ ɛ̄ t ̪īr-ə́n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə́n ā t ̪ír-rə̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ̄ āgg t ̪īr-ə᷇n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə᷇n ū= t ̪ír-rə̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ̄ ūgg= t ̪īr-ə᷇n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə᷇n ɛ̄ t ̪ír-rə̀ t ̪îr-d̪ə ̀ ɛ̄ggà t ̪īr-ə̂n t ̪i ᷇r-d̪-ə̂n

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

The causative infinitive forms in (64) are listed with the non-causative infinitive forms for comparison. The semantics of each pair are close, supporting the claim that they are derived from the same root. Not all causatives are derived from verbs. The causative kúūn-d̪ ‘sing, play’ in (f) is derived from the noun kɔ̄n ‘birth (n)’ and the causative ɲə᷇n-d̪ ‘make small’ in (g) is derived from the adjective ɲāān ‘small, young’. (64) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Causative and non--causative infinitive verbs Root INF CAUS Root /muð/ H múð-ð ‘meet’ /mud̪-d̪/ HM /kɔɛɟ/ H kɔ́ɛɟ́ -ɟ ‘enter’ /kui-d̪/ HM /kɔr/ H kɔ́r-r ‘speak’ /kur-d̪/ HM /rag/ M rāg-g ‘stop.IT’ /rəə-d̪/ HM /kɔn/ M kɔ̄n-n ‘birth (n)’ /kuun-d̪/ HM /ɲaan/ M ɲāān-n ‘small (adj)’ /ɲən-d̪/ HM /mar/ M māār-r ‘buy’ /mər-d̪/ HM /t ̪ir/ M t ̪īr-r ‘die’ /t ̪ir-d̪/ HM

CAUS INF

mu᷇d-̪ d̪ kúī-d̪ ku᷇r-d̪ rə́ə-̄ d̪ kúūn-d̪ ɲə᷇n-d̪ mə᷇r-d̪ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪

‘gather’ ‘welcome’ ‘read’ ‘stop (TR)’ ‘sing, play’ ‘make small’ ‘sell’ ‘kill’

Causative infinitive, subjunctive, imperative, and incompletive forms are listed in (65) for the same verbs as in (64) and are segmentally identical. As in other finite forms, person inflection is marked by adding tone to the stem-final syllable (Mid to (65)

(a) (b) (c) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j)

Causative forms compared CAUS INF

CAUS SBJV.

CAUS SBJV.

CAUS IMP

CAUS IMP.PL

CAUS INCP.

mu᷇d-̪ d̪ kúī-d̪ ku᷇r-d̪ rə́ə-̄ d̪ kúūn-d̪ ɲə᷇n-d̪ mə᷇r-d̪ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪

1sN mu᷇d-̪ d̪ū kúī-d̪ə̄ ku᷇r-d̪ū rə́ə-̄ d̪ə ̄ kúūn-d̪ū ɲə᷇n-d̪ə ̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə̄

3sN mu᷇d-̪ d̪ú kúī-d̪ə́ ku᷇r-d̪ú rə́ə-̄ d̪ə ́ kúūn-d̪ú ɲə᷇n-d̪ə ́ mə᷇r-d̪ə ́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə́

mu᷇d-̪ d̪ú kúī-d̪ə́ ku᷇r-d̪ú rə́ə-̄ d̪ə ́ kúūn-d̪ú ɲə᷇n-d̪ə́ mə᷇r-d̪ə ́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə́

mu᷇d-̪ d̪ū kúī-d̪ə̄ ku᷇r-d̪ū rə́ə-̄ d̪ə ̄ kúūn-d̪ū ɲə᷇n-d̪ə̄ mə᷇r-d̪ə ̄ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə̄

3sN mu᷇d-̪ d̪ú kúī-d̪ə́ ku᷇r-d̪ú rə́ə-̄ d̪ə́ kúūn-d̪ú ɲə᷇n-d̪ə́ mə᷇r-d̪ə ́ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪ə ́

‘gather’ ‘welcome’ ‘read’ ‘stop (TR)’ ‘sing, play’ ‘make small’ ‘sell’ ‘kill’

Verb stem morphology

209

first singular subjunctive and imperative plural forms; High to third singular subjunctive and incompletive forms). Subject pronouns and subjunctive particles distinguish incompletives and subjunctives from imperative forms which may occur without pronouns. Context must be relied upon for other identical forms. As is discussed further in 14.5.5, antipassive causative clauses indicate that one or more of the non-agent arguments are unknown. In (66a) the object broken is unknown, in (b) the one breaking the branch is unknown, and in (c) both are unknown. (66a)

àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄n-sə́ ɟɛ̄n hunter /ɲām/break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP person ‘A hunter made the person break something.’

(b)

gūld̪ūn àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄n-sə́ hunter /ɲām/break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP branch ‘A hunter made someone break the branch.’

(c)

àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄n-sə́ hunter /ɲām/break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP ‘A hunter made someone break something.’

When the causative and antipassive suffixes come together in the same verb stem, the antipassive suffix precedes the causative suffix, as seen in the verb forms of (67). (67)

(a) (b)

Antipassive completive, incompletive, and continuous non--past causative forms Root COMP CAUS INCP CAUS CONT.N CAUS ANTIP 3sN ANTIP 3sN ANTIP 3sN /pal/ pə́l-ə̄n-sə́ pə́l-ə̄n-d̪ə́ pə́l-ə́n-d̪-ə᷄n ‘cut’ /ɲam/ ɲə́m-ə̄n-sə́ ɲə́m-ə̄n-d̪ə ́ ɲə́l-ə́n-d̪-ə᷄n ‘break’ Root-ANTIPRoot-ANTIPRoot-ANTIPCOMP.CAUS CAUS CAUS-CONT.N

9.11.2 Causative tone assignment Table 45: Causative tone changes Root tone melody Causative root tone melody H HM M HM L ML HL, HM, ML no change MH HM

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The causative suffixes -s+A, -d̪+A have no underlying tone. However, four root tone melodies change in causative forms, as shown by table 45. After root tone changes, tone assignment in causative verbs is the same as for other verb stems with those melodies. Third singular High tone assigned to the final syllable becomes Mid following Low {M9} in (c,d,f). (68)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular causative completive verbs Root COMP CAUS CAUS COMP tone 3SN tone 3sN H fír-sə́ HM f i᷇r-sə́ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ HM cu᷇r-sú ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū ML d̪u᷆r-sū ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ HL pə̂r-sə̄ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á HM bi᷇l-d̪ə ́ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ ML dūùs-sū ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ HM kə᷇s-sə́ ‘strike’

Causative incompletive verbs in first singular, third singular, and third plural are shown in (69) for various tone melodies. Third singular High tone, third plural Low tone, and first and second person Mid tone assign to the final syllables. (69)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Causative incompletive verbs Root CAUS INCP CAUS INCP CAUS tone tone 1sN 3sN H HM f i᷇r-d̪ə ̄ f i᷇r -d̪ə́ M HM cu᷇r-d̪ū cu᷇r-d̪ú L ML d̪u᷆r-d̪ù d̪u᷆r-d̪ū HL HL pə̂r-d̪ə ̀ pə̂r-d̪ə ̄ HM HM bi᷇l-d̪ā bi᷇l-d̪á ML ML dūùd̪-d̪ù dūùd̪-d̪ū MH HM kə᷇s-sə̄ kə᷇s-sə́

INCP CAUS

3pN f îr-d̪ə ̀ cûr-d̪ù d̪u᷆r-d̪ù pə̂r-d̪ə̀ bîl-d̪à dūùd̪-d̪ù kə̂s-sə̀

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘stand’ ‘strike’

In antipassive causative forms, the root tone becomes causative tone instead of antipassive tone. The causative two-tone melodies are spread out over two syllables when the antipassive suffix is attached to the root. In the third singular antipassive completive forms of (70), High tone attaches to the stem-final syllable.

Verb stem morphology (70)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular antipassive causative completive verbs Root CAUS CAUS ANTIP CAUS tone tone COMP 3SN COMP 3SN H HM f i᷇r -sə́ fír-ə̄n-sə́ ‘smell’ M HM cu᷇r-sú cúr-ūn-sú ‘help’ L ML d̪u᷆r-sū d̪ūr-ùn-sū ‘bury’ HL HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə́r-ə̀n-sə̄ ‘attach’ HM HM bi᷇l-d̪ə́ bíl-ə̄n-sə́ ‘name’ ML ML dūùs-sū dūùs-ùn-sū ‘stand’ MH HM kə᷇s-sə́ kə́ð-ə̄n-sə́ ‘strike’

211

213

10 Verb word morphology 10.1 Introduction At this point, the morphology of verb stems has been described. We now continue with a morphological description of the verb word. Whereas verb inflectional suffixes have been shown to attach to underlying-final segments, the verbal clitics of this chapter attach to surface-final segments of inflectional suffixes or elide them. When vowel-initial clitics are attached to vowel-final suffixes of stems such as completive forms, the stem-final vowel is elided according to the rule {M1} in 3.1 When the agented passive clitic =E᷇ attaches to cɔ̄r-sɔ́ ‘help.3sN-COMP’, the suffixfinal vowel is elided (cɔ᷄r-s=ɛ᷇ ‘help.3sN-COMP=PAS.A’). In suffix-less stems, clitics attach to surface-final segments. The verb nominalizer clitic =gg attaches to the surface-final segments of the incompletive form bāā ‘throw’ rather than to the underlying segments /ba/, and thus surfaces with a long vowel (bāā=gg ‘throw=PL’). Verb word tonal morphology is similar to verb stem tonal morphology, but with some differences. As shown in chapter 9 on stem morphology, subject person tone is added to stem-final syllables: Mid tone on first and second person verbs, High tone on third singular verbs, and Low tone on third plural verbs. (1) (a) (b) (c)

Subject person tone on completive stems Root tone COMP 1SN COMP 3sN COMP 3pN H fír-sə̄ fír-sə́ fír-sə̀ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̄ cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-sū d̪ūr-sù

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’

In that verb stem tone assignment is the point of departure for verb word tone assignment, subject person tone is commonly spread or delinked and reattached to clitics with no underlying tone {M5-6}. However, when clitics with underlying tone are added, subject person tone generally does not surface or cause alternations. In (2), third singular =E, =E᷇ and second plural =OOggÓ, =ÓŌggÓ object clitics are attached to first singular, third singular, and third plural subject completive verbs. The tone of each clitic allomorph is different depending on the subject person verb form to which it is attached. Thus, the clitic allomorphs are listed in parentheses next to each form. The object clitics attached to first singular and third plural verbs have no underlying tone on initial vowels. Thus, they are assigned the subject person tone from the elided completive suffix vowel. The initial vowels of the clitics are assigned first singular Mid tone in (a), and are assigned third plural Low tone in (c). However, the clitics in (b) with underlying initial High tone are not assigned subject person tone.

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A grammar of Gaahmg

Object clitics attached to various subject verb forms ‘smell-COMP’ ‘smell-COMP=3sA’ ‘smell-COMP=2pA’ 1SN fír-sə̄ fír-s=ī (=E) fír-s=ūūggú (=OOggÓ) 3sN fír-sə́ fír-s=i᷇ (=E᷇) fír-s=úūggú (=ÓŌggÓ) 3pN fír-sə̀ fír-s=ì (=E) fír-s=ùùggū (=OOggÓ)

In verb stem morphology, alternations are according to rules {M1-M11}. However, it is common for clitics attached to verb stems to not alternate according to these rules. The chart of (3) is given as a summary of how the rules are not applied to such clitics. Although not a defining aspect of clitics, non-application of rules in bound morphemes is viewed as support for the element being a clitic rather than a suffix. (3) Rules applying in derivational and clausal clitics Clitic Rules applying PAS.A =E᷇ {M9} applies for INCP and COMP but not for CONT.P PAS =ĀnÁ, {M9} does not apply =Á Object various Person marker tone spreads to all clitic-initial vowels PRON without underlying tone; {M7-9} apply in all forms except that {M9} does not apply for 3pN marked=íìggə̀. Dative various All clitics have underlying tone; No tone rules apply PRON IPF SBO1,2

various various

PF

=Ar, -Car

RDM VN PL

=É =Agg, =EEgg, =AAgg

All clitics have underlying tone; No tone rules apply {M7-8} apply to third singular =i᷅ ‘when’ , {M9} applies to third singular =E᷇ and second plural =u᷇ ‘if’; for other clitics, no tone rules apply Person marker tone is assigned to the bound morphemes; {M7-9} apply {M9} applies; {M1} does not apply in past continuous {M5-6} apply after root tone changes

10.2 Agented passive clitic The verbal clitic =E᷇, =ÉĒ indicates a third person agent (or experiencer) encoded post-verbally in a prepositional phrase or in genitive case. The clitic agrees in number with the encoded agent when in genitive case but not when in a prepositional phrase. The clitic is called an ‘agented passive (PAS.A)’ marker in this thesis. It is commonly used when patients or themes are in focus, being pre-verbal. In agented passive clauses, an explicit agent is required and the encoding of the agent is required to be post-verbal. Further, the agent is marked as a non-argument,

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demoted to a prepositional phrase as in (a) or in genitive case as in (b), and thus no longer the syntactic subject. The clauses of (c-d) have singular and plural agents encoded in post-verbal positions, where the clitics =E᷇, =ÉĒ agree in number with the agent. However, the clitic =E᷇ of (4a) does not agree in number with the plural agent káɛ́ggà ‘witchdoctor’ in the prepositional phrase. (4) (a)

(b)

(c)

Agented passive clitic examples ɛ́ gààr cúə́ . . . nām-án=ɛɛ᷇ pork sweet /nam/eat-CONT.P=PAS.A by ‘Sweet pork . . . was being eaten by witchdoctors.’ nāms ɲáɔ́-s=ɛɛ᷇ food /ɲaw/need-COMP=PAS.A ‘Food is needed by the hunter.’ gùld̪ūn branch

ɲa᷄m-s=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟɛ̂n breakperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘The branch was broken by the person.’

káɛ́-gg=à witchdoctor-PL=DEF

āggāàr hunter.GEN (d)

gùld̪ūn branch

ɲa᷄m-s=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ ̄ ɟɔ́gɔ̀ breakpeople.GEN COMP=PAS.A ‘The branch was broken by the people.’

In agented passive clauses, the semantic patient or theme, encoded as a noun in (5a) or pronoun as in (b), is pre-verbal. The semantic patient or theme is encoded as the syntactic subject, evidenced by the pronoun taking the same form as the third person subject pronoun (of active verbs) which can be short or long. (5) (a)

PrePre-verbal third singular themes mīī= =n gàɔ̀-s=ɛ̄ɛ̄ ɟɛ̂n mīī goat=DEF giveperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘The goat was given by the person.’

(b)

ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) n) 3sN

gàɔ̀-s=ɛ̄ɛ̄ ɟɛ̂n giveperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘It (goat) was given by the person.’

The clitic is only attested with transitive verbs, and can be used when the clause has no patient or theme, as in the antipassive clause of (6b). It is not used in agentless passive clauses where the syntactic subject (patient) follows the verb, as does tɔ̪ ɔ́ ń ‘cow’ in (d). (6a)

ɟɛ̄n person

ɲām-áán-sá break-ANTIP-COMP

(b)

ɲām-áán-s=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ break-ANTIP-COMP=PAS.A

ɟɛ̂n person. GEN

‘The person broke something.’

‘The person broke something.’

216 (c)

A grammar of Gaahmg t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪àɔ̀-s=āāná cow=DEF strike-COMP=PAS ‘The cow was struck.’

(d)

d̪àɔ̀-s=āāná t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n strike-COMP=PAS cow=DEF ‘The cow was struck.’

Only third person agents can be encoded post-verbally and clauses such as ‘*The person gave me.’ with a first person pre-verbal pronoun are not possible. Thus, there are only two agented passive markers. In addition, only third singular patients or themes are possible in agented passive clauses and not clauses such as ‘*I am needed by the hunter.’ Agented passive clitics are also discussed in the section on verbal valency in 14.5.1. Table 46: Agented passive clitic Third singular subject =E᷇ Third plural subject =ÉĒ

10.2.1 Agented passive segmental morphology Agented passive clitics are attached to verb stems. When the root is stem-final, such as in incompletive forms, no segments are elided, even if the stem is vowel-final. In this case, the clitic is juxtaposed to the stem (pāā.=ɛ᷇ ‘guard=PAS.A’) in accordance with {M2} of 3.1. However, final vowels which are not part of the root, such as suffix-final vowels in completive and subjunctive plural forms, are elided by the initial vowel of agented passive clitics (cɔ̄r-sɔ́ ‘help-COMP.3sN’, cɔ᷄r-s=ɛ᷇ ‘helpCOMP=PAS.A’), in accordance with {M1} of 3.1. In (7), third singular incompletive forms with agented passive clitic =E᷇ are shown with various root-final segments. The clitic attaches to the surface-final segments of the incompletive form rather than to the underlying form, as seen by the long vowels in (c, h, o-p) when the clitic is juxtaposed to open syllables. In (b-c, l-m), the rootfinal segment can optionally surface as a vowel or an approximant. (7) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Third singular agented passive clitic =E᷇ on incompletive forms with various root--final segments INCP 3sN PAS.A INCP 3SN Root /ab/ L àɔ̄ àɔ̀.=ɛ̄, àw=ɛ̄ ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káɛ́.=ɛ᷇, káy=ɛ᷇ ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīī cīī.=i᷇ ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪=i᷇ ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f=ɛ̄ ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās lās=ɛ᷇ ‘roll-up’ /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲām=ɛ᷇ ‘break’ /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ gɔ̀n=ɛ̄, gɔ̀ɔ.̀ =ɛ̄ ‘grab’ Root

INCP 3sN

PAS.A INCP 3SN

Verb word morphology (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

/guɲ/ L /mal/ M /wɛr/ M /ɲaw/ H /kɔy/ H /fɛð/ H /pa/ M /bɛɛ/ L

gu᷅ɲ māl wɛ̄r ɲáɔ́-(n) kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) fɛ́ð-(n) pāā, pā-d̪ bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n)

gùɲ=ī māl=ɛ᷇ wɛ̄r=ɛ᷇ ɲáw=ɛ᷇, ɲáɔ́-n=ɛ᷇ kɔ́y=ɛ᷇, kɔ́ɛ-́ n=ɛ᷇ fɛ́ð=ɛ᷇, fɛ́ð-n=ɛ᷇ pāā.=ɛ᷇, pā-d̪=ɛ᷇ bɛ̀ɛ.̀ =ɛ̄, bɛ̀ɛ-̀ n=ɛ̄

217

‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

10.2.2 Agented passive tonal morphology The agented passive clitic =E᷇ has underlying HM tone. In (8), it is attached to third singular completive and incompletive verbs, and in (9) it is attached to third singular continuous past verbs. In completive and incompletive forms, the initial High tone of the agented passive clitic becomes Mid following root-final Low tone {M9} as in (c,d,f). For unknown reasons, completive and incompletive forms with Mid root tone melody and agented passive clitic have MH tone on the root as in (8b), but not in continuous past forms with Mid root tone melody as in (9b). (8)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Agented passive clitic =E᷇ on completive and incompletive verbs Root COMP PAS.A COMP INCP PAS.A INCP 3sN 3sN 3sN 3SN tone H fír-sə́ fír-s=i᷇ fír fír=i᷇ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ᷄r-s=ɛ᷇ cɔ̄r cɔ᷄r=ɛ᷇ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=ī d̪u᷅r d̪ùr=ī ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ī pə᷇ ŕ pə̂r=ī ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d=ɛ᷇ bɛ᷇ ĺ bɛ᷇l=ɛ᷇ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔ̀ s̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ =ɛ̄ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=i᷇ kə᷄ð kə᷄ð=i᷇ ‘strike’

It is posited that there is no stem-final third singular High tone in the agented passive forms of (8) since the clitic-initial High tone lowers to Mid {M9} in (c,d,f). However, it is posited that there is stem-final High tone in the continuous past forms of (9) which causes the clitic-initial High tone not to lower (not applying {M9}). (9) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Agented passive clitic =E᷇ on continuous past verbs Root tone CONT.P 3sN PAS.A CONT.P 3SN H fír-ə᷄n fír-ə᷄n=i᷇ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-a᷇n=ɛ᷇ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-ə́n d̪ùr-ə᷇n=i᷇ ‘bury’ HL pə́r-ə̌n pə́r-ə̌n=i᷇ ‘attach’ HM bɛ́l-a᷄n bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ᷇ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ǎn dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ǎn=ɛ᷇ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄n kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=i᷇ ‘strike’

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In a few isolated suffixes of the language, when High tone occurs on two adjacent syllables of suffixes, Mid tone is inserted between them on the first of the two syllables. Thus, Mid tone is added to the continuous past suffix in (9b,c) but not on other forms where there is an initial Mid or Low tone preceding the High on the continuous suffix. The agented passive clitic is attached to antipassive verbs with post-verbal encoded agents as in (10). (10)

ɲām-án-s=ɛ᷇ break-ANTIP-cOMP=PAS.A ‘The person broke something.’

ɟɛ̂n man.GEN

In (11), the agented passive clitic is attached to third singular antipassive completive verbs. High tone of the agented passive clitic becomes Mid following final Low tone {M9} in (d,f) since there is no third singular High tone present. (11)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Agented passive clitic =E᷇ and antipassive suffix -An on third singular completive verbs ANTIP ANTIP PAS.A ANTIPtone COMP 3SN COMP 3sN HM fír-ə̄n-sə́ fír-ə̄n-s=i᷇ ‘smell’ MH cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-s=ɛ᷇ ‘help’ LH d̪ùr-ūn-sú d̪ùr-ūn-s=i᷇ ‘bury’ HL pə́r-ə̀n-sə̄ pə́r-ə̀n-s=ī ‘attach’ HM bɛ́l-ān-sá bɛ́l-ān-s=ɛ᷇ ‘name’ ML būɲ-d̪-ùn-sū būɲ-d̪-ùn-s=ī ‘make-big’ MH kə̄ð-ə́n-sə́ kə̄ð-ə᷇n-s=i᷇ ‘strike’

10.3 Passive (Agentless) In contrast with the agented passive of 10.2, which always has an explicit agent in the clause, the passive of this section never encodes an agent. Passive and active forms are compared in (12). In the normal SVO word order of active transitive clauses such as (a-b, d), the noun preceding the verb is the subject and agent. In (b), the L-M tone (with L-H becoming L-M by {M9}) of the completive form indicates the third singular subject while L-L tone would indicate a third plural subject. In passive clauses such as (c,e), the clitic =ĀnÁ indicates that an implied agent is absent from the clause. In that case, the patient (syntactic subject) normally precedes the verb as in (c) but may follow the verb as in (e) and in (13). The clitic =ÁnÁ attaches to stems with vowel-final suffixes such as the completive forms of (c,e) and the clitic =Á attaches to stems with consonant-final suffixes such as the continuous past form of (13) and to suffix-less stems.

Verb word morphology

219

(12) Passive and active forms compared (a) kāsá d̪àɔ̀-sɔ̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n (b) d̪àɔ̀-sɔ̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ‘A boy struck the cow.’ ‘He struck the cow.’ (c)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪àɔ̀-s=āāná ‘The cow was struck.’

(e)

d̪àɔ̀-s=āāná t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ‘The cow was struck.’

(13)

(d)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ-́ n d̪àɔ̀-sā ɟɛ̄n ‘The cow struck the person.’

fɛ́ð-a᷄n=áá ɟɛ̀gg=ā t ̪ád̪ things=DEF down /fɛ/put-CONT.P=PAS ‘Things were being laid down.’ (Fand27-28)

Unlike agented passive clitics, passive clitics do not distinguish number; the same passive clitics are used for both singular and plural implied agents and for singular and plural stated patients or theme (syntactic subjects). In passive clauses, only third person patients or themes are possible; clauses such as ‘*I was struck’ are not possible. Third person dative or object pronouns can be attached to passive verbs. A dative pronoun attached to a passive verb as in (14a) refers to a beneficiary or recipient 35, whereas an object pronoun as in (b-d) refers to a patient or theme. The dative pronoun alone can represent a recipient as in (a) and the object pronoun alone can represent a patient, or the pronouns along with a noun reference can represent these roles as in (b-c). In 5.3, it was mentioned that subjects of active clauses can include both a noun and pronoun reference in the same clause, the pronoun added for emphasis such as for switch reference from a different participant. Syntactic subjects (recipients, patients) of passive clauses can also include both a noun and pronoun reference for emphasis, such as for switch reference in (b) and salience in (c). The kāsā-gg ‘boys’ of (c) is salient in that the theme of the hortatory text is tying (or training) boys in the customs appropriate for manhood. (14) Passives with dative and object pronouns (a) gə̀f-ə̄ə̄n=íìggə̀n wárā ma᷇n ɛ́ gārá d̪àf-a᷇n=áá t ̪álɔ̀=nɛ̄. given=them paper(Ar) certain GP when collect tax=SBO /gàf/-PAS=3pD /dàf/-CONT.N=PAS ‘They were given a receipt when the tax money was collected.’ (Fand7)

35

The dative pronoun attached to passive verbs implies that dative nouns can have the role of beneficiary or recipient in passive clauses, such as in jɔ̄gg=ɔ᷇n gə̀f-ə̄ə̄nə́ wárā ‘The people were given paper (people=DAT give=PAS paper)’. Because of limited time, no such clauses were elicited, but presumably such clauses are possible in Gaahmg.

220

A grammar of Gaahmg bàg-s=āān=ɛ᷇n36 líɟ-ɟ=i ᷅ ɛ́ kə̄rt ̪ūūm caught-him arrived to Khartoum /bàg/-COMP=PAS=3sA /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=IPF.3sN ‘Fandi was captured and brought here to Khartoum.’ (Fand6)

(b)

gə̂l just

fə́nd̪ì Fandi

(c)

bìì kāsā-gg t ̪íú-d̪=ə̄n=íìggə̀ lə̂ŋ pád̪ let boy-PL to.be.tied=they until always /bìɟ/IMP /t ̪īf/-SBJV=PAS=3pA ‘Let boys forever and always be tied.’ (Tifa13)

t ̪ɛ̀. here

The clitic =ÁnÁ attaches to stems with vowel-final suffixes such as subjunctive and completive forms and the clitic =Á attaches to stems with consonant-final suffixes such as continuous forms or to suffix-less stems such as incompletive forms. Passives are also discussed in 14.5.3. Table 47: Passive clitics Stems with vowel-final suffixes Stems with consonant-final suffixes, Suffix-less stems

=ĀnÁ =Á

10.3.1 Passive segmental morphology In (15), incompletive forms with passive clitic =Á are shown with various root-final segments. As with agented passive clitics, passive clitics attach to the surface-final segments of incompletive forms rather than to underlying segments. (15) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i)

Passive incompletive verbs UR INCP 3sN PAS INCP /t ̪ab/ H t ̪áɔ́ t ̪áɔ́.=á, t ̪áw=á /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káɛ́.=á, káy=á /cig/ M cīī cíí.=á /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cúd̪=ə́ /tif/ M tīf tíf=ə́ /las/ M lās lás=á /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲám=á /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ gɔ̀n=á /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ=ə́

‘add’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘tie’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’

36 The third singular pronoun =ɛ᷇n differs from the object pronoun by an added n, which may be present in (b) to help distinguish the pronoun from the passive clitic alone =āná which also has a final vowel. For further discussion about optional n on object pronouns, see 10.4.1. Or, the pronoun =ɛ᷇n may be the long subject pronoun ɛ̄ɛn̄ attached word-finally instead of preceding the verb as in active clauses.

Verb word morphology UR

(j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

/mal/ M /wɛr/ M /ɲaw/ H /kɔy/ H /fɛð/ H /pa/ M /bɛɛ/ L

INCP 3sN māl wɛ̄r ɲáɔ́-(n) kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) fɛ́ð-(n) pāā, pā-d̪ bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n)

221

PAS INCP

mál=á wɛ́r=á ɲáɔ́.=á, ɲáɔ́-n=á kɔ́ɛ.́ =á, kɔ́ɛ-́ n=á fɛ́ð=á páá.=á, pá-d̪=á bɛ̀ɛ.̀ =á, bɛ̀ɛ-̀ n=á

‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

Antipassive passive clauses are used to indicate an implied agent and unknown object. (16)

ɲām-án-s=āná break-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘Something was broken.’

In (17), antipassive passive completive and incompletive forms are shown. (17)

Antipassive passive completive and incompletive forms Root COMP COMP ANTIP INCP PAS INCP ANTIP

(a)

/kɔm/ H

(b)

/war/ H

PAS

PAS

kɔ́m-s= āná wár-s= āná RootCOMP=

kɔ́m-ɔ̄n-s= āná wár-ān-s= āná Root-ANTIPCOMP=PAS

PAS

kɔ́m= á wár= á Root=

kɔ́m-ɔ̄n= á wár-ān= á Root-ANTIP=

PAS

PAS

‘chop’ ‘take’

PAS

Causative passive clauses are used to indicate an implied, unstated agent of a causative verb. (18)

gùld̪ūn ɲə᷇m-s=ə̄nə́ ɟɛ̄n branch break.CAUS-COMP=PAS person ‘The person was made to break the branch.’

In (19), causative passive incompletive, completive, and continuous past forms are shown. The vowel of the causative suffix -d̪A is elided in the incompletive and continuous forms, and the causative completive suffix -s+A attaches in completive forms.

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(19)

Causative passive completive, incompletive, and continuous past forms Root CAUS INCP PAS CAUS COMP PAS CAUS CONT.P PAS /kɔr/ ku᷇r-d̪=ə́ ku᷇r-s=ə̄nə́ kúr-d̪-ə᷄n=ə́ ‘read’ /t ̪ir/ t ̪i ᷇r-d̪=ə́ t ̪i ᷇r-s=ə̄nə́ t ̪ír-d̪-ə᷄n=ə́ ‘kill’ /kɔn/ kúūn-d̪=ə́ kúūs-s=ə̄nə́ kúún-d̪-ə᷄n=ə́ ‘sing’ Root-CAUS= Root-CAUS. Root-CAUSPAS COMP=PAS CONT.P=PAS

(a) (b) (c)

Antipassive causative passive clauses indicate an implied agent and one or more unknown non-agent arguments. (20)

ɟɛ̄n ɲə́m-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ person break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘The person was made to break something.’

(21)

ɲə́m-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ /ɲām/break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘Someone was made to break something.’

10.3.2 Passive tonal morphology The passive clitic =ĀnÁ on stems with vowel-final suffixes as in (22) has underlying M,H tone, and the passive clitic =Á on consonant-final stems as in (23) has underlying High tone. Tone in these clitics does not follow the lowering rule {M9}. In (22c,d,f), passive clitic =ĀnÁ Mid tone does not assimilate to stem-final Low tone, thus not applying {M9}. (22) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Passive clitic =ĀnÁ on completive and subjunctive verbs Root tone COMP 3sN PAS COMP SBJV 3sN PAS SBJV H fír-sə́ fír-s=ə̄nə́ fír-rə́ fír-r=ə̄nə́ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-s=āná cɔ́r-rɔ́ cɔ́r-r=āná L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=ə̄nə́ d̪ùr-rū d̪ùr-r=ə̄nə́ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ə̄nə́ pə̂r-rə̄ pə̂r-r=ə̄nə́ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ə̄nə́ bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=āná ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s=ə̄nə́ bu᷆ɲ-d̪ə ̄ bu᷆ɲ-d̪=ə̄nə́ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=ə̄nə́ kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə́ kə᷄d-̪ d̪=ə̄nə́

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘make-big’ ‘strike’

In (23c,d,f), passive clitic =Á High tone does not lower to Mid following stem-final Low tone, thus not applying {M9}. In passive incompletive forms, Mid root tone melody as in (22b) becomes High, as in subjunctive forms. In the continuous past forms of (23b,c), Mid tone is inserted on the first of the two bound morpheme syllables, each with High tone. In the continuous past forms with agented passive clitic in (9b,c), Mid tone was also inserted on the first of two bound morpheme syllables with High tone.

Verb word morphology (23) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Passive clitic =Á on incompletive and continuous past verbs Root tone INCP 3sN PAS INCP CONT.P 3sN PAS CONT.P H fír fír=ə́ fír-ə᷄n fír-ə᷄n=ə́ M cɔ̄r cɔ́r=á cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-a᷇n=á L d̪u᷅r d̪ùr=ə́ d̪ùr-ə́n d̪ùr-ə᷇n=ə́ HL pə᷇ ŕ pə᷇r=ə́ pə́r-ə̌n pə́r-ə̌n=ə́ HM bɛ᷇ ĺ bɛ᷇l=á bɛ́l-a᷄n bɛ́l-a᷄n=á ML bu᷆ɲ-d̪ū bu᷆ɲ-d̪=ə́ bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n=ə́ MH kə᷄ð kə᷄ð=ə́ kə᷄ð-ə᷄n kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ə́

223

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘make-big’ ‘strike’

In (24), the passive clitic =ĀnÁ is attached to third singular antipassive completive verbs. In each, the antipassive two-tone melodies are spread out over the first two syllables and the Mid-High passive tone surfaces on the final two syllables. (24)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Antipassive passive completive verbs with clitic =ĀnÁ Root ANTIP ANTIP COMP PAS ANTIP COMP tone tone 3SN H HM fír-ə̄n-sə́ fír-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘smell’ M MH cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-ɔ́n-s=āná ‘help’ L LH d̪ùr-ūn-sú d̪ùr-ūn-s=ə̄nə́ ‘bury’ HL HL pə́r-ə̀n-sə̄ pə́r-ə̀n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘attach’ HM HM bɛ́l-ān-sá bɛ́l-ān-s=āná ‘name’ ML ML būɲ-d̪-ùn-sū būɲ-d̪-ùn-s=ə̄nə́ ‘make-big’ MH MH kə̄ð-ə́n-sə́ kə̄ð-ə́n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘strike’

In (25), the passive clitic =ĀnÁ is attached to third singular causative completive verbs. In each, the causative two-tone melodies surface on the first syllable and the Mid-High passive tone surfaces on the final two syllables. (25)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Causative passive verbs with clitic =ĀnÁ Root CAUS CAUS COMP PAS CAUS tone tone 3SN COMP H HM f i᷇r-sə́ f i᷇r-s=ə̄nə́ M HM cu᷇r-sú cu᷇r -s=ə̄nə́ L ML d̪u᷆r-sū d̪u᷆r-s=ə̄nə́ HL HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ə̄nə́ HM HM bi᷇l-d̪ə ́ bi᷇l-d̪=ə̄nə́ ML ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s=ə̄nə́ MH HM kə᷇s-sə́ kə᷇s-s=ə̄nə́

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘stand’ ‘strike’

In (26), the passive clitic =ĀnÁ is attached to third singular antipassive causative completive verbs. In each, the causative two-tone melodies surface on the first two syllables and the Mid-High passive tone surfaces on the final two syllables.

224 (26)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

A grammar of Gaahmg Antipassive causative passive completive verbs with clitic =ĀnÁ Root CAUS CAUS CAUS ANTIP PAS CAUS ANTIP tone tone COMP 3SN COMP 3SN COMP H HM f i᷇r-sə́ fír-ə̄n-sə́ fír-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘smell’ M HM cu᷇r-sú cúr-ūn-sú cúr-ūn-s=ə̄nə́ ‘help’ L ML d̪u᷆r-sū d̪ūr-ùn-sū d̪ūr-ùn-s=ə̄nə́ ‘bury’ HL HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə́r-ə̀n-sə̄ pə́r-ə̀n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘attach’ HM HM bi᷇l-d̪ə ́ bíl-ə̄n-sə́ bíl-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘name’ ML ML bu᷆ɲ-sū būɲ-d̪-ùn-sū būɲ-d̪-ùn-s=ə̄nə́ ‘stand’ MH HM kə᷇s-sə́ kə́ð-ə̄n-sə́ kə́ð-ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ ‘strike’

10.4 Object pronouns Second and third person object pronouns are clitics attached to verb stems, whereas first person object pronouns are analyzed as separate morphemes since they do not undergo changes in [ATR] quality. As presented in 5.4, the unmarked object pronouns are relisted in (27). Several person object pronouns have tonal allomorphs which are discussed in the following section on object pronoun tonal morphology. (27)

Unmarked object pronouns Singular person pronouns a 1sA =O 2sA =E, =E᷇ 3sA

Plural person pronouns aaggá, áāggá =OOggÓ, =ÓŌggÓ =EEggÀ, =ÉÈggÀ

1pA 2pA 3pA

First person pronouns have back unrounded [-ATR] vowels which do not become [+ATR] regardless of the root they follow. Thus they are analyzed as separate morphemes. When first person object pronouns follow verb stems with suffixes such as the completive forms cɔ̄r-sá ‘help-COMP’, cúr-sú ‘tie-COMP’ of (28), the stem-final vowel is elided and the tone of the verb root spreads to the object pronoun, just as if the first person object were a clitic as the other object pronouns. In 12.1, it is shown that independent body part locatives sometimes have elided vowels and tone changes similar to clitics. The first person object pronouns are no more unusual in their alternations than these body part locatives. (28a)

ɛ̄ cɔ̄r-s á 3sN /cɔ̄r/help-COMP 1sA ‘He helped me.’

(b)

ɛ̄ cúr-s á 3sN /cúr/tie-COMP 1sA ‘He tied me.’

Marked third person object pronouns are [+ATR] and also have tonal allomorphs. (29)

Marked third person object pronouns Singular person pronouns Plural person pronouns =i, =ì, =íìggì 3sAM =iiggə̀, =ììggə̀, =íìggə̀

3pAM

Verb word morphology

225

As mentioned in 5.4, one difference between the two sets of third object pronouns is grammatical agreement with the subordinate clause in which the noun referents are introduced. In (30a), the unmarked [-ATR] object pronoun attached to wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘take-COMP=3sA’ refers to the noun párɛ́=n ‘bag=DEF’ introduced in the subordinate ‘if’ clause, whereas in (b) the marked [+ATR] object pronoun attached to wə́r=ìì ‘take.INCP=3sAM’ refers to a noun introduced by the subordinate conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’. (30) (a)

(b)

Third singular marked and unmarked object pronouns ɟāā=n ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ párɛ́=n=ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ person 3sN file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. take-COMP =DEF INCP =SBO2 =SBO =3sA ‘If the person filed/sanded the leather bag, I will come take it.’ ɛ́ gārá ɟāā=n ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ párɛ́=n=ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ (GP) person /ŋān/file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. when =DEF =SBO1 =SBO INCP ‘When the person has filed the bag, I will come take it.’

wə́r=ìì take.INCP =3sAM

As discussed in 10.2, the agented passive clitic =E᷇ of (31a-b) indicates a third person agent (or experiencer) encoded post-verbally in a prepositional phrase or in genitive case, and agrees in number with the subject. Post-verbal agents are in genitive case which is marked by a tone change. In such clauses, the semantic patient or theme (syntactic subject), encoded as a noun in (a) or pronoun as in (b), is pre-verbal. (31) (a)

PrePre-verbal third singular themes mīī= =n gàɔ̀-s=ɛ̄ɛ̄ ɟɛ̂n mīī goat=DEF giveperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘The goat was given by the person.’

(b)

ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) n) 3sN

gàɔ̀-s=ɛ̄ɛ̄ ɟɛ̂n giveperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘It (goat) was given by the person.’

We now compare marked and unmarked objects and syntactic subjects (semantic patients or themes) of agented passive clauses. We compare third singular and plural subjects with third singular and plural objects. Clauses which compare the grammatical structures are first shown in (32), and the resulting verb forms which compare the morphemes are shown in the chart of (33). In each of the clauses of (32), a third singular subject is combined with a third singular object. These grammatical structures are representative of the singular and plural combinations of subjects and objects shown in the chart to follow. In (a), the subject verb form has no object pronoun, in (b) the verb has an unmarked object pronoun, and in (c) a marked object pronoun. The clause of (d) has the same meaning as those of (b-c), but the pronoun patient is in focus, being a syntatic

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subject of an agented passive clause. The same clause with a noun patient is given in (e) for comparison. (32) (a)

(b)

(d)

Third singular subject with third singular object (3sN - 3sA) No object pronoun ɟɛ̄n bɛ̀l-d̪ā mīīn person beat-COMP goat.DEF ‘The person beat the goat.’ Unmarked object pronoun ɟɛ̄n bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ person beat-COMP=3SA ‘The person beat it (goat).’ Subject pronoun ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) n) bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ 3sN beat-COMP=PAS.A

(c)

Marked object pronoun ɟɛ̄n bīl-d̪=ì person beat-COMP=3SAM ‘The person beat it (goat).’

ɟɛ̂n person.

(e)

GEN

‘It (goat) was beaten by the person.’

Subject noun mīī=n bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ ɟɛ̂n goat=DEF beatperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘The goat was beaten by the person.’

In the chart of (33), the four rows show the various combinations of singular and plural subjects with the marked and unmarked plural objects. In correspondence with the grammatical structures of (32), column (a) shows subject forms without object pronouns, (b) shows subject forms with unmarked object pronouns, (c) shows subject forms with marked object pronouns, (d) shows syntactic pronoun subjects of agented passive clauses, and for comparison, (e) shows syntactic noun subjects of agented passive clauses. (33)

NOM

Third singular and plural subject and object verb forms of bɛ̀l ‘beat’ compared (a) (b) (c) (d) ACC No Unmarked Marked Subject object object object PRON PRON

PRON

PRON

3sN

3sA(M)

bɛ̀l-d̪ā

bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄

bīl-d̪=ì

3pN

3sA(M)

bɛ̄l-d̪à

bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ̀

bīl-d̪=īìgg īìggì ggì

3sN

3pA(M)

bɛ̀l-d̪ā

bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà

bīl-d̪=ììgg ììggə̀ ggə̀

3pN

3pA(M)

bɛ̄l-d̪à

bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛg̀ gà

bìl-d̪=íìgg íìggə̀ ggə̀

ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) n) bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) n) bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛ ̄ ɛ̄ggà bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ ɛ̄ggà bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛ ̄

(e) Subject N

mīīn bɛ̀l-d=ɛ̄ mīīn bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛ ̄ mīīgg bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ mīīgg bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛ ̄

Verb word morphology

227

As shown in (33), unmarked third object pronouns segmentally agree in number with their referent; the segment -gg- marks the plural object (bɛ̀l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà ‘beat=3sN/3pA’, bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ̄ɛg̀ gà ‘beat=3pN/3pA’). The different tonal allomorphs of the objects predictably attach to different subject forms as further described in 10.4.2. In marked third object pronouns, the segment -gg- marks the plural object (bīl-d̪=ììggə̀ ‘beat=3sN/3pAM’, bìl-d̪=íìggə̀ ‘beat=3pN/3pAM’) as well as a singular object combined with a plural subject (bīld̪=īìggì ‘beat=3pN/3sAM’). Again, the different tonal allomorphs of the objects predictably attach to different subject forms. Syntactic pronoun subjects of agented passive clauses have the same form as subjects of active clauses [ɛ̄(ɛ̄n) ‘he (3sN)’, ɛ̄ggà ‘they (3pN)’]. They are independent and agree in number with the referent. For these pre-verbal patients or themes, the agented passive verb clitic =E᷇ marks that a singular agent comes after the verb and the suffix =ÉĒ marks that a plural agent comes after the verb.

10.4.1 Object pronoun segmental morphology In (34), the third singular unmarked object clitic =E᷇ and marked clitic =ì are attached to incompletive verbs with various root-final segments. The clitics attach to the surface-final segments of the incompletive form rather than to the underlying segments. (34) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Third singular object clitics =E᷇ ,= =ì on incompletive verbs UR INCP 3sN INCP 3sN/3sA INCP 3sN/3sAM /ab/ L àɔ̄ àɔ̀.=ɛ̄, àw=ɛ̄ ə̄ū.=ì, ə̄w=ì /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káɛ́.=ɛ᷇, káy=ɛ᷇ kə́í.=ì, kə́y=ì /cig/ M cīī cīī.=i᷇ cīī.=ì /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪=i᷇ cūd̪=ì /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f=ɛ̄ lūf=ì /las/ M lās lās=ɛ᷇ lə̄s=ì /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲām=ɛ᷇ ɲə̄m=ì /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ gɔ̀n=ɛ̄, gɔ̀ɔ.̀ =ɛ̄ gūn=ì, gūū.=ì /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ=ī gūɲ=ì /mal/ M māl māl=ɛ᷇ mə̄l=ì /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wɛ̄r=ɛ᷇ wīr=ì /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-(n) ɲáɔ́.=ɛ᷇, ɲáw=ɛ᷇᷇ ɲə́ú.=ì, ɲə́ú=nì /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) kɔ́ɛ.́ =ɛ᷇, kɔ́y=ɛ᷇ kúí.=ì, kúí=nì /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-(n) fɛ́ð=ɛ᷇, fɛ́ð=nɛ᷇ fíð=ì, fíð=nì /pa/ M pāā, pā-d̪ pāā=ɛ᷇, pā-d̪=ɛ᷇ pə̄ə= ̄ ì, pə̄-d̪=ì /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n) bɛ̀ɛ= ̀ ɛ̄, bɛ̀ɛ-̀ n=ɛ̄ bīī.=ì, bīī-n=ì

‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

When object clitics are attached to polysyllabic, vowel-final stems, such as in the completive form cɔ̄r-sɔ́ ‘help.3sN-COMP’, the stem suffix vowel is elided {M1} as in cɔ̄r-s=ɛ᷇ ‘help.3sN-COMP=3sA’. When a singular person object clitic vowel is the same as the elided completive suffix vowel, the object clitic vowel can be

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lengthened and n added so as to distinguish the two bound morphemes cɔ̄r-s=ɔ́(ɔ́n) ‘help.3sN-COMP=2sA’. In (35), the first singular a and second singular =O object pronouns follow third singular completive forms with various root vowels. The segments in parentheses are optionally added to distinguish the object pronoun from the completive suffix alone. (35)

Object pronouns A, =O on third singular completives UR 3sN 3sN/1sA 3sN/2sA /ɟɛr/ L ɟɛ̀r-sā ɟɛ̀r-s ā(ān) ɟɛ̀r-s=ɔ̄ ‘forget’ /kaam/ HL káàm-sā káàm-s ā(ān) káàm-s=ɔ̄ ‘work’ /cɔr/ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-s á cɔ̄r-s=ɔ́(ɔ́n) ‘help’ /cur/ H cúr-sú cúr-s á cúr-s=ú(ún) ‘tie’

10.4.2 Object pronoun tonal morphology Underlying tone for object pronouns is shown in table 48. For several object pronouns, there are different tonal allomorphs when attached to different subject forms. Third singular =E,᷇ first plural áāggá and second plural =ÓŌggÓ objects have underlying initial HM tone when attached to third singular verbs, but otherwise have no tone on the first syllable. Third plural =ÉÈggÀ objects have underlying initial HL tone when attached to third singular and third plural verbs, but otherwise have no tone on the first syllable. First a and second =O singular objects have no underlying tone regardless of the subject form to which they are attached. Third marked objects have underlying initial Low tone =ì, =ììggə̀ when attached to third singular verbs, and have underlying initial HL tone =íìggì, =íìggə̀ when attached to third plural verbs, but otherwise have no tone on the first syllable. Table 48: Tone of object pronouns on subject person verb forms Unmarked 1sA 2sA 3sA 1pA 2pA 3pA 1sN =O =E =OOggÓ =EEggÀ 2sN a =E aaggá =EEggÀ 3sN a =O =E᷇ áāggá =ÓŌggÓ =ÉÈggÀ 1pN =O =E =OOggÓ =EEggÀ 2pN a =E aaggá =EEggÀ 3pN a =O =E aaggá =OOggÓ =ÉÈggÀ

Marked 3sAM =i =i =ì =i =i =íìggì

3pAM =iiggə̀ =iiggə̀ =ììggə̀ =iiggə̀ =iiggə̀ =íìggə̀

Tone assignment on object pronouns attached to incompletive, completive, and continuous forms is mostly the same for respective person forms to which the objects are attached. We now present various object pronouns with these three verb forms. In (36), the second singular =O, third singular =E, second plural =OOggÓ, and third plural =EEggÀ object pronouns are attached to first singular incompletive

Verb word morphology

229

forms with various root tone melodies. First person Mid tone is assigned to initial clitic vowels with no underlying tone {M5-6}, but assimilates to preceding Low {M9} in (c,d,f). (36)

First singular incompletive verbs with second singular =O, third singular =E, second plural =OOggÓ, and third plural =EEggÀ object pronouns Root tone

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

H M L HL HM ML

(g)

MH

INCP

INCP

1SN

1SN/ 2SA fír=ū cɔ̄r=ɔ̄ d̪ùr=ù pə̂r=ù bɛ᷇l=ɔ̄ bu᷆ɲ-d̪= ù kə᷄ð=ū

f i᷇r cɔ̄r d̪ùr pə̂r bɛ᷇l bu᷆ɲd̪ù kə᷄ ð̄

INCP 1SN/

3sA fír=ī cɔ̄r=ɛ̄ d̪ùr=ì pə̂r=ì bɛ᷇l=ɛ̄ bu᷆ɲd̪= ì kə᷄ð=ī

INCP

INCP

1SN/ 2pA fír=ūūggú cɔ̄r=ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ d̪ùr=ùùggū pə̂r=ùùggū bɛ᷇l=ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ bu᷆ɲ-d̪= ùùggū kə᷄ð=ūūggú

1SN/ 3pA fír=īīggə̀ cɔ̄r=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà d̪ùr=ììggə̀ pə̂r=ììggə̀ bɛ᷇l=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà bu᷆ɲ-d̪= ììggə̀ kə᷄ð=īīggə̀

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘makebig’ ‘strike’

In (37), the first singular a [-ATR], third singular =E᷇, first plural áāggá [-ATR], and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns are attached to third singular incompletive verbs. Third singular High tone is assigned to the first singular object pronoun with no underlying tone {M5-6} but becomes Mid following Low in (c,d,f) {M9}. Underlying initial High tone on the other three object pronouns also becomes Low in (c,d,f) {M9}. (37)

Third singular incompletive verbs with first singular a, third singular =E᷇ , first plural áāggá áāggá,,, and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root tone

INCP

INCP

3sN

(a) (b)

H M

fír cɔ̄r

3SN/ 1SA fír á cɔ̄r á

(c)

L

d̪u᷅r

d̪ùr ā

d̪ùr=ī

(d)

HL

pə᷇ ŕ

pə̂r ā

pə̂r=ī

(e)

HM

bɛ᷇ ĺ

bɛ᷇l á

bɛ᷇l=ɛ᷇

(f)

ML

(g)

MH

bu᷆nd̪ū kə᷄ð

bu᷆ɲ-d̪ ā kə᷄ð á

bu᷆ɲ-d̪= ī kə᷄ð=i᷇

INCP 3SN/ 3SA

fír=i᷇ cɔ̄r=ɛ᷇

INCP

INCP

3SN/ 1pA fír áāggá cɔ̄r áāggá d̪ùr āāggá pə̂r āāggá bɛ᷇l áāggá bu᷆ɲ-d̪ āāggá kə᷄ð áāggá

3SN/ 3pA fír=íìggə̀ cɔ̄r=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà

‘smell’ ‘help’

d̪ùr=īìggə̀

‘bury’

pə̂r=īìggə̀

‘attach’

bɛ᷇l=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà

‘name’

bu᷆ɲ-d̪= īìggə̀ kə᷄ð=íìggə̀

‘make. big’ ‘strike’

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In (38), the same four object pronouns are attached to third plural incompletive verbs, in which the third singular =E and first plural aaggá have different tonal allomorphs with no underlying initial tone. Third plural Low tone is assigned to the initial vowels of the first three object pronouns having no underlying tone {M5-6}. The underlying initial High tone of the third plural object pronoun ÉÈggÀ becomes Mid following Low {M9} in (c,d,f). (38)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third plural incompletive verbs with first singular a [[-ATR], third singular =E, first plural aaggá [-ATR], and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root INCP INCP INCP INCP INCP tone 3pN 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ 1SA 3SA 1pA 3pA H fîr fír à fír=ì fír ààggā fír=íìggə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ᷆r cɔ̄r à cɔ̄r=ɛ̀ cɔ̄r ààggā cɔ̄r=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà ‘help’ L d̪u᷆r d̪ūr à d̪ūr=ì d̪ūr ààggā d̪ùr=īìggə̀ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r pə̂r à pə̂r=ì pə̂r ààggā pə̂r=īìggə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ̂l bɛ̂l à bɛ̂l=ɛ̀ bɛ̂l ààggā bɛ᷇l=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲbu᷆ɲ-d̪ bu᷆ɲ-d̪= bu᷆ɲ-d̪ bu᷆ɲ-d̪= ‘maked̪ù à ì ààggā īìggə̀ big’ MH kə᷄ ð̀ kə᷄ð à kə᷄ð=ì kə᷄ð ààggā kə᷄ð=íìggə̀ ‘strike’

Similar tone assignment is shown for the same object pronouns on first singular, third singular, and third plural completive verbs in (39-41). In (39), first person Mid (39)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular completive verbs with second singular =O, third singular =E, second plural =OOggÓ, and third plural =EEggÀ object pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP tone 1SN 1SN/ 1SN/ 1SN/ 1SN/ 2 SA 3SA 2pA 3pA H fír-sə̄ fírfírfír-s= fír-s=īīggə̀ ‘smell’ s=ū s=ī ūūggú M cɔ̄r-sɔ̄ cɔ̄rcɔ̄rcɔ̄r-s= cɔ̄r‘help’ s=ɔ̄ s=ɛ̄ ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ s=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùrd̪ùrd̪ùr-s= d̪ùr-s=ììggə̀ ‘bury’ s=ù s=ì ùùggū HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂rpə̂rpə̂r-s= pə̂r-s=ììggə̀ ‘attach’ s=ù s=ì ùùggū HM bɛ᷇l-d̪ā bɛ᷇lbɛ᷇lbɛ᷇l-d̪= bɛ᷇l‘name’ d̪=ɔ̄ d̪=ɛ̄ ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ d̪=ɛ̄ɛḡ gà ML bu᷆ɲ-sù bu᷆ɲbu᷆ɲbu᷆ɲ-s= bu᷆ɲ‘makes=ù s=ì ùùggū s=ììggə̀ big’ MH kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄skə᷄skə᷄s-s= kə᷄s-s=īīggə̀ ‘strike’ s=ū s=ī ūūggú

Verb word morphology

231

tone is assigned to initial object vowels with no underlying tone {M5-6}. In (40), both third singular High tone assigned to the first singular object pronoun a with no underlying tone {M5-6} and underlying initial High tone on the other three object pronouns becomes Mid {M9} in (c,d,f). (40)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular completive verbs with first singular a, third singular =E᷇ ,᷇ first plural áāggá, and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP tone 3sN 3SN/ 3SN/ 3SN/ 3SN/ 1SA 3SA 1pA 3pA H fír-sə́ fír-s á fír-s=i᷇ fír-s áāggá fír-s= ‘smell’ íìggə̀ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-s á cɔ̄r-s=ɛ᷇ cɔ̄r-s áāggá cɔ̄r-s= ‘help’ ɛ́ɛg̀ gà L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s ā d̪ùr-s=ī d̪ùr-s āāggá d̪ùr-s= ‘bury’ īìggə̀ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s ā pə̂r-s=ī pə̂r-s āāggá pə̂r-s= ‘attach’ īìggə̀ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪ á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ᷇ bɛ᷇l-d̪ áāggá bɛ᷇l-d̪= ‘name’ ɛ́ɛg̀ gà ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s ā bu᷆ɲ-s=ī bu᷆ɲ-s āāggá bu᷆ɲ-s= ‘makeīìggə̀ big’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s á kə᷄s-s=i᷇ kə᷄s-s áāggá kə᷄s-s= ‘strike’ íìggə̀

In (41), third plural Low tone is assigned to initial vowels of the first three object pronouns having no underlying tone {M5-6}. The underlying initial High tone of the third plural object pronoun becomes Mid {M9} in (c,d,f). (41)

(a) (b) (c) (d)

Third plural completive verbs with first singular a, third singular =E, first plural aaggá, and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP tone 3pN 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ 1SA 3SA 1pA 3pA H fír-sə̀ fír-s à fír-s=ì fír-s ààggā fír-s= ‘smell’ íìggə̀ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ cɔ̄r-s à cɔ̄r-s=ɛ̀ cɔ̄r-s ààggā cɔ̄r-s= ‘help’ ɛ́ɛg̀ gà L d̪ūr-sù d̪ūr-s à d̪ūr-s=ì d̪ūr-s ààggā d̪ùr-s= ‘bury’ īìggə̀ HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s à pə̂r-s=ì pə̂r-s ààggā pə̂r-s= ‘attach’ īìggə̀

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A grammar of Gaahmg Root tone

COMP

COMP

COMP

COMP

COMP

3pN

(e)

HM

bɛ̂l-d̪à

3pN/ 1SA bɛ̂l-d̪ à

3pN/ 3SA bɛ̂l-d̪=ɛ̀

3pN/ 1pA bɛ̂l-d̪ ààggā

(f)

ML

bu᷆ɲ-sù

bu᷆ɲ-s à

bu᷆ɲ-s=ì

bu᷆ɲ-s ààggā

(g)

MH

kə᷄s-sə̀

kə᷄s-s à

kə᷄s-s=ì

kə᷄s-s ààggā

3pN/ 3pA bɛ᷇l-d̪= ɛ́ɛg̀ gà bu᷆ɲ-s= īìggə̀ kə᷄s-s= íìggə̀

‘name’ ‘makebig’ ‘strike’

Similar tone assignment is shown for object pronouns attached to first singular, third singular, and third plural continuous past verbs in (42-44), although with a few differences. In (42), first person Mid tone is assigned to initial object vowels with no underlying tone {M6}. (42)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular continuous past verbs with third singular =E, second plural =OOggÓ, and third plural =EEggÀ EEggÀ object pronouns Root CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P tone 1SN 1SN/3SA 1SN/2pA 1SN/3pA H fír-ə᷄ n̄ fír-ə᷄n=ī fír-ə᷄n=ūūggú fír-ə᷄n= ‘smell’ īīggə̀ M cɔ̄r-a᷇n cɔ̄r-án=ɛ̄ cɔ̄r-án=ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ cɔ̄r-án= ‘help’ ɛ̄ɛḡ gà L d̪ùr-ə᷇n d̪ùr-ə́n=ī d̪ùr-ə́n=ūūggú d̪ùr-ə́n= ‘bury’ īīggə̀ HL pə́r-ə᷅n pə́r-ə᷄n=ī pə́r-ə᷄n=ūūggú pə́r-ə᷄n= ‘attach’ īīggə̀ HM bɛ́l-a᷄ n̄ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ̄ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɔ̄ɔḡ gɔ́ bɛ́l-a᷄n= ‘name’ ɛ̄ɛḡ gà ML bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷅n bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=ī bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=ūūggú bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n= ‘makeīīggə̀ big’ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄ n̄ kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ī kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ūūggú kə᷄ð-ə́n= ‘strike’ īīggə̀

In (43), underlying initial High tone on the three object pronouns remains High following High tone on the continuous past suffix. (43)

(a) (b)

Third singular continuous past verbs with third singular =E᷇, first plural áāggá, and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P tone 3sN 3SN/3SA 3SN/1pA 3SN/3pA H fír-ə᷄n fír-ə᷄n=i᷇ fír-ə᷄n áāggá fír-ə᷄n=íìggə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-án=ɛ᷇ cɔ̄r-án áāggá cɔ̄r-án=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà ‘help’

Verb word morphology

(c) (d) (e) (f)

Root tone L HL HM ML

CONT.P

3sN d̪ùr-ə́n pə́r-ə̌n bɛ́l-a᷄n bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n

CONT.P 3SN/3SA d̪ùr-ə́n=i᷇ pə́r-ə᷄n=i᷇ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ᷇ bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=i᷇

(g)

MH

kə᷄ð-ə᷄n

kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=i᷇

233

CONT.P 3SN/1pA

CONT.P 3SN/3pA

d̪ùr-ə́n áāggá pə́r-ə᷄n áāggá bɛ́l-a᷄n áāggá bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n áāggá kə᷄ð-ə᷄n áāggá

d̪ùr-ə́n=íìggə̀ pə́r-ə᷄n=íìggə̀ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n= íìggə̀ kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=íìggə̀

‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘makebig’ ‘strike’

In (44), third plural Low tone is assigned to initial vowels of the first two object pronouns, having no underlying tone. The underlying initial High tone of the third plural object pronoun remains High following High tone on the continuous past suffix. For unknown reasons there is no stem-final third plural Low tone present in such forms or the initial High tone of the third plural object clitic is not lowered if stem-final Low tone is present {M9 does not apply}. (44)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third plural continuous past verbs with third singular =E, first plural aaggá, and third plural =ÉÈggÀ object pronouns Root CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P CONT.P tone 3pN 3pN/3SA 3pN/1pA 3pN/3pA H fír-ə᷄ ǹ fír-ə᷄n=ì fír-ə᷄n ààggā fír-ə᷄n=íìggə̀ M cɔ̄r-ân cɔ̄r-án=ɛ̀ cɔ̄r-án ààggā cɔ̄r-án=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà L d̪ùr-ə̂n d̪ùr-ə́n=ì d̪ùr-ə́n ààggā d̪ùr-ə́n=íìggə̀ HL pə́r-ə᷅ ǹ pə́r-ə᷄n=ì pə́r-ə᷄n ààggā pə́r-ə᷄n=íìggə̀ HM bɛ́l-a᷄ ǹ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ̀ bɛ́l-a᷄n ààggā bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ́ɛg̀ gà bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n=ì bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄n= ML bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄ ǹ ààggā íìggə̀ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄ ǹ kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ì kə᷄ð-ə᷄n ààggā kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=íìggə̀

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘makebig’ ‘strike’

We also show marked object pronouns attached to three persons of completive forms. In (45), the third singular =i and third plural =iiggə̀ marked object pronouns are attached to first singular completive forms. Second person Mid tone is (45)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular completive verbs with third singular =i iiggə̀ə̀ marked object pronouns and third plural =iigg Root COMP COMP COMP tone 1sN 1SN/3SAM 1SN/3pAM H fír-sə́ fír-s=ī fír-s=īīggə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cūr-s=ī cūr-s=īīggə̀ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=ì d̪ùr-s=ììggə̀ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ì pə̂r-s=ììggə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bi᷇l-d̪=ī bi᷇l-d̪=īīggə̀ ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s=ì bu᷆ɲ-s=ììggə̀ ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=ī kə᷄s-s=īīggə̀ ‘strike’

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assigned to initial object pronoun vowels with no underlying tone, but assimilates to preceding Low {M9} in (c,d,f). In (46), the third singular =ì and third plural =ììggə̀ object pronouns with underlying Low tone are attached to third singular completive verbs. Third singular High tone is not present on the completive suffix since Low root tone in (c) becomes Mid {M8} and the Mid of HM root tone in (e) assimilates to the object clitic Low tone {M7}. (46)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular completive verbs with third singular =ì and third plural =ììgg ììggə̀ ggə̀ object pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP tone 3sN 3SN/3SAM 3SN/3pAM H fír-sə́ fír-s=ì fír-s=ììggə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cūr-s=ì cūr-s=ììggə̀ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ūr-s=ì d̪ūr-s=ììggə̀ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ì pə̂r-s=ììggə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bîl-d̪=ì bîl-d̪=ììggə̀ ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s=ì bu᷆ɲ-s=ììggə̀ ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=ì kə᷄s-s=ììggə̀ ‘strike’

In (47), the third singular =íìggì and third plural =íìggə̀ object pronouns with underlying initial HL tone are attached to third plural completive verbs. In third singular object clitics, initial High tone becomes Mid following Low tone in (c,d,f) {M9}, but in third plural object clitics, for unknown reasons, initial High tone does not alternate {M9 is not applied}. (47)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third plural completive verbs with third singular =íìggì and third plural =íìgg íìggə̀ ggə̀ object pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP tone 3pN 3pN/3SAM 3pN/3pAM H fír-sə̀ fír-s=íìggì fír-s=íìggə̀ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ cūr-s=íìggì cūr-s=íìggə̀ ‘help’ L d̪ūr-sù d̪ùr-s=īìggì d̪ùr-s=íìggə̀ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=īìggì pə᷇r-s=íìggə̀ ‘attach’ HM bɛ̂l-d̪à bi᷇l-d̪=íìggì bi᷇l-d̪=íìggə̀ ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-sù bu᷆ɲ-s=īìggì bu᷆ɲ-s=íìggə̀ ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə̀ kə᷄s-s=íìgì kə᷄s-s=íìggə̀ ‘strike’

10.5 Dative pronouns As discussed in section 5.5, dative pronouns have the semantic roles of beneficiary or recipient.

Verb word morphology (48)

ɟɔ̄gg people

gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɔ́ Goor=DEF

235

bà oh

ə́s-s=ə᷅ə᷅ggə̄ ggə̄n ɟɛ̀gg ə́n-g=ì gg became-for.us things bad-PL=RDM /áð/-COMP=1pD ‘The Goor tribe became our enemies (lit. to us bad things).’ (Minj6).

All dative clitics have [+ATR] quality which spreads to the verb stem. Like object pronons, dative pronouns have tonal allomorphs for different subject person verbs to which they attach. (49)

Dative pronouns Singular person pronouns =ə᷇n, =ə᷅n 1sD =u᷇n, =u᷅n 2sD =i᷇n, =i ᷅n 3sD

Plural person pronouns =ə᷇ggə́n, =ə᷅ggə̄n 1pD =u᷇ggún, =u᷅ggūn 2pD =îggə̀n, =i᷅ggə̀n 3pD

10.5.1 Dative pronoun segmental morphology In (50), the third singular dative clitic =i᷇n is attached to incompletive forms with various stem-final segments. The clitic attaches to the surface-final segments of the incompletive form rather than to the underlying segments. (50) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

Third singular incompletive verbs with third singular dative pronoun =i᷇n INCP 3sN INCP 3sN/3sD /ab/ L àɔ̄ ə̀w=i᷇n /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ kə́y=i᷇n /cig/ M cīī cīī.=i᷇n /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪=i᷇n /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lùf=i᷇n /las/ M lās lə̄s=i᷇n /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲə̄m=i᷇n /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ gùn=i᷇n, gùù.=i᷇n /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ=i᷇n /mal/ M māl mə̄l=i᷇n /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wīr=i᷇n /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-(n) ɲə́w=i᷇n, ɲə́ú-n=i᷇n /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) kúy=i᷇n, kúí-n=i᷇n /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-(n) fíð=i᷇n, fíð-n=i᷇n /pa/ M pāā, pā-d̪ pə̄ə.̄ =i᷇n, pə̄-d̪=i᷇n /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n) bìì.=i᷇n, bìì-n=i᷇n

‘sit’ ‘bring’ ‘wear’ ‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘break’ ‘grab’ ‘agree’ ‘gather’ ‘watch’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘release’ ‘guard’ ‘say’

10.5.2 Dative pronoun tonal morphology All dative pronouns have underlying tone as shown in table 49. Dative clitic tonal

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allomorphs for third plural subject forms have initial LM tone. Dative clitics for all other subject person forms have initial HM tone, or in the case of the third plural dative clitic, HL tone. All dative clitics are attached to verb forms without tonal alternations. Table 49: Tone of dative pronouns 1sN, 2sN, 3sN, 1pN, 2pN 3pN =ə᷇n =ə᷅n =u᷇n =u᷅n =i᷇n =i᷅n =ə᷇ggə́n =ə᷅ggə̄n =u᷇ggún =u᷅ggūn =îggə̀n =i᷅ggə̀n

1sD 2sD 3sD 1pD 2pD 3pD

In (51), the second singular =u᷇n, third singular =i᷇n, second plural =u᷇ggún, and third plural -îggə̀n dative pronouns are attached to first singular completive forms with various root tone melodies. (51)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular completive verbs with second singular =u᷇n, third singular =i᷇n, second plural =u᷇ggú gúnn, and third plural =îggə̀ ggə̀n dative pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP 1SN/ 1SN/ 1SN/ 1SN/ tone 1SN 2 SD 3SD 2pD 3pD H fír-sə̄ fír-s=u᷇n fír-s=i᷇n fír-s= fír-s= ‘smell’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n M cɔ̄r-sɔ̄ cūr-s=u᷇n cū-s=i᷇n cūr-s= cūr-s= ‘help’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-s=u᷇n d̪ùr-s=i᷇n d̪ùr-s= d̪ùr-s= ‘bury’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=u᷇n pə̂r-s=i᷇n pə̂r-s= pə̂r-s= ‘attach’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n HM bɛ᷇l-d̪ā bi᷇l-d̪=u᷇n bi᷇l-d̪=i᷇n bi᷇l-d̪= bi᷇l-d̪= ‘name’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dūùs-s=u᷇n dūùs-s=i᷇n dūùs-s= dūùs-s= ‘stand’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n MH kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄s-s=u᷇n kə᷄s-s=i᷇n kə᷄s-s= kə᷄s-s= ‘strike’ u᷇ggún îggə̀n

In (52), the first singular =ə᷇n, third singular =i᷇n, first plural =ə᷇ggə́n, and third plural =îggə̀n dative pronouns are attached to third singular completive forms.

Verb word morphology (52)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

237

Third singular completive verbs with first singular =ə᷇n, third singular =i᷇n, first plural =ə᷇ggə́ ggə́n, and third plural =îggə̀ gg ggə̀n dative pronouns Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP 3SN/ 3SN/ 3SN/ 3SN/ tone 3sN 1 SD 3SD 1pD 3pD H fír-sə́ fír-s=ə᷇n fír-s=i᷇n fír-s= fír-s= ‘smell’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cūr-s=ə᷇n cū-s=i᷇n cūr-s= cūr-s= ‘help’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=ə᷇n d̪ùr-s=i᷇n d̪ùr-s= d̪ùr-s= ‘bury’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=ə᷇n pə̂r-s=i᷇n pə̂r-s= pə̂r-s= ‘attach’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bi᷇l-d̪=ə᷇n bi᷇l-d̪=i᷇n bi᷇l-d̪= bi᷇l-d̪= ‘name’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dūùs-s=ə᷇n dūùs-s=i᷇n dūùs-s= dūùs-s= ‘stand’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=ə᷇n kə᷄s-s=i᷇n kə᷄s-s= kə᷄s-s= ‘strike’ ə᷇ggə́n îggə̀n

In (53), the first singular =ə᷅n, third singular =i᷅n, first plural =ə᷅ggə̄n, and third plural =i᷅ggə̀n dative pronouns are attached to third plural completive forms. (53)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third plural completive verbs with first singular =ə᷅n, third singular =i᷅n, first plural =ə᷅ggə̄ ggə̄n, and third plural =i᷅ggə̀ ggə̀n dative pronouns gg gg Root COMP COMP COMP COMP COMP 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ 3pN/ tone 3pN 1SD 3SD 1pD 3pD H fír-sə̀ fír-s=ə᷅n fír-s=i᷅n fír-s= fír-s= ‘smell’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n M cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ cūr-s=ə᷅n cū-s=i᷅n cūr-s= cūr-s= ‘help’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n L d̪ūr-sù d̪ūr-s=ə᷅n d̪ūr-s=i᷅n d̪ūr-s= d̪ūr-s= ‘bury’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=ə᷅n pə̂r-s=i᷅n pə̂r-s= pə̂r-s= ‘attach’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n HM bɛ̂l-d̪à bîl-d̪=ə᷅n bîl-d̪=i᷅n bîl-d̪= bîl-d̪= ‘name’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dūùs-s=ə᷅n dūùs-s=i᷅n dūùs-s= dūùs-s= ‘stand’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n MH kə᷄s-sə̀ kə᷄s-s=ə᷅n kə᷄s-s=i᷅n kə᷄s-s= kə᷄s-s= ‘strike’ ə᷅ggə̄n i᷅ggə̀n

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10.6 Imperfect verbs In this thesis, the term ‘perfect’ discussed in 10.8 is used for verbs with a past or present action that remains or results in the present or future. The imperfect is simply the counterpart of such verbs. Namely, imperfect verbs indicate that a past or present action does not remain or result in the present or future. It should not be confused with imperfective aspect, which in other languages indicates an ongoing process. In (54a), the subjunctive imperfect verb indicates that although the goat will drink water, he will at some time become thirsty and need to drink again. In (b), the continuous past imperfect verb indicates that at the time the narrative takes place, the Baggara had horses, but may no longer have horses at the time the narrative is told. There is similar meaning for the incompletive imperfect verbs of (c-d). In the interrogative and declarative clauses in hortatory genre of (e), the incompletive imperfect verbs are used as habituals. (54) (a)

Imperfect Imperfect examples ɛ̄ wāɟ-ɟ d̪ūmùùn 3sN go-INF towards

wāā-lg ā mā-d̪=ɛ́ water. SBJV /mā/drinksource-in SBJV=IPF.3SN ‘He set out for the well in order to drink water.’ (Goat2-3)

(b)

bāárg=á t ̪ɛ̀ɛð̀ á bɛ̄l-án=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛg̀ gà Baggara=DEF here having-CONT.P=IPF.3pN ‘The Baggara had horses.’ (Minj8)

(c)

ágg cúr=ə̄ə̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ma᷇n t ̪ád̪ 1pN tie.INCP=IPF.1pN cow certain down ‘We tied down a buffalo over there.’ (Nyee19)

(d)

wə́r=íí gààm=ā t ̪ú /wár/bring.INCP=IPF.3sN hill.name=DEF out ‘He brought (the people of the) Gaam hill out.’ (Fand18)

(e)

ɟīnná that

ɟɔ̄gg people

fūūì-gg=ə̀ male-PL=DEF

wə̄īn=íì íìgg íìggə̀ ggə̀ /wāɟ/go.INCP =IPF. 3pN

tú out

fɛ̄gg water

mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ horse-PL=SBO

bà oh

wə̂r=íì íìgg íìggə̀ ggə̀ /wár/marry. INCP=IPF.3pN

‘Why do men go out to marry ɔ́ɔǵ g=ɛ́ ɲíīnə̄? ɟīnná wə̄īn=íì íìgg íìggə̀ ggə̀ women=IPF what that /wāɟ/go.INCP=IPF.3pN a second wife? They go out because . . ’ (Womn8-9)

tú=í out=SBO

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá GP because

As seen by the paradigms of (55), the imperfect clitic agrees with the subject person, but allomorphs sometimes differ from one grammatical verb form to another.

Verb word morphology

239

Second person forms are always [+ATR], as well as the clitics for most other person forms of incompletive imperfect verbs, but clitics of first and third person forms in completive, subjunctive, and continuous past verbs are [-ATR]. Singular person clitics have short vowels and plural person clitics have long vowels. (55)

Imperfect paradigms on completive, subjunctive, incompletive, and continuous past verbs COMP=IPF SBJV=IPF INCP=IPF CONT.P=IPF bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ᷇ mā-d̪=a᷇(n) wə́r=i᷇ wāy-án=ɛ̄ bīl-d̪=i᷇ mə̄-d̪=ə᷇(n) wə́r=i᷇ wə̄y-ə́n=ī bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ́ mā-d̪=ɛ́ wə́r=í wāy-án=ɛ̀ bɛ̄l-d̪=áā mā-d̪=áā wár=áā wāy-án=āā bīl-d̪=úū mə̄-d̪=úū wə́r=úū wə̄y-ə́n=ūū bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ́ɛ(̀ ggà) mā-d̪=ɛ́ɛ ̀ wə́r=íì(ggə̀) wāy-án=ɛ̀ɛ(̀ ggà) /bɛ̄l/ ‘possess’ /mā/ ‘drink’ /wár/ ‘bring’ /wāɟ/ ‘going’

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

The imperfect clitic is optionally used along with the clause-final subordinate clitic =É. The imperfect clitic =E᷇ alone can be used as in (56a), the subordinate clitic =É alone can be attached clause-finally as in (b), or both can be attached as in (c). At least (a-b), if not also (c), have the same meaning. (56) (a) (b) (c)

First singular imperfect clitic =E᷇ and subordinate clitic =É āān á bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ᷇ mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ā āān á bɛ̄l-d̪-ā mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ɛ̄ āān á bɛ̄l-d̪=ɛ᷇ mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ɛ̄ ‘I had owned horses.’

In third plural forms, the segments ggà of the imperfect clitic =ÉÈ(ggÀ) are not present when the clause-final subordinate clitic =É is not present as in (57a). (57) (a) (b) (c)

Third plural imperfect =ÉÈ( ÉÈ(ggÀ) ggÀ) and subordinate clitic =É ɛ̄ggà bɛ̄l-d̪-ɛ́ɛ ̀ mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ā ɛ̄ggà bɛ̄l-d̪-à mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ɛ̄ ɛ̄ggà bɛ̄l-d̪-ɛ́ɛggà g̀ gà mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ɛ̄ ‘They had owned horses.’

As with passive and dative clitics, tone of imperfect clitics does not alternate. In (58), the third singular imperfect clitic =É with underlying High tone and the third plural imperfect clitic =ÉÈ(ggÀ) with underlying HL tone are attached to completive forms without alternation. In third plural forms, there is no third plural Low tone present on the completive suffix since the Low root tone melody of (c)

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does not become Mid ({M8} does not apply), and the Mid of the HM root tone melody of (e) does not become Low ({M7} does not apply). (58)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular =É and plural =ÉÈ( ÉÈ(ggÀ) ggÀ) imperfect clitics on completive verbs Root COMP IPF COMP COMP IPF COMP tone 3sN 3SN 3pN 3pN H fír-sə́ fír-s=í fír-sə̀ fír-s=íì(ggə̀) ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-s=ɛ́ cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ cɔ̄r-s=ɛ́ɛ(̀ ggà) ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=í d̪ūr-sù d̪ùr-s=íì(ggə̀) ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=í pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=íì(ggə̀) ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ́ bɛ̂l-d̪à bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ́ɛ(̀ ggà) ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-sū bu᷆ɲ-s=í bu᷆ɲ-sù bu᷆ɲ-s=íì(ggə̀) ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=í kə᷄s-sə̀ kə᷄s-s=íì(ggə̀) ‘strike’

In (59), similar tone assignment is shown for third singular and third plural imperative suffixes on subjunctive verbs. (59)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular =É and plural =ÉÈ imperfect clitics on subjunctive verbs Root SBJV IPF SBJV SBJV IPF SBJV tone 3sN 3SN 3pN 3pN H fír-rə́ fír-r=í fír-rə̀ fír-r=íì ‘smell’ M cɔ́r-rɔ́ cɔ́r-r=ɛ́ cɔ́r-rɔ̀ cɔ̄r-r=ɛ́ɛ ̀ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-rū d̪ùr-r=í d̪ūr-rù d̪ùr-r=íì ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-rə̄ pə̂r-r=í pə̂r-rə̀ pə̂r-r=íì ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ́ bɛ̂l-d̪à bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ́ɛ ̀ ‘name’ ML bu᷆ɲ-d̪ɔ ̄ bu᷆ɲ-d̪=í bu᷆n-d̪ɔ̀ bu᷆ɲ-d̪=íì ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ́ kə᷄d-̪ d̪=í kə᷄d-̪ d̪ə ̀ kə᷄d-̪ d̪=íì ‘strike’

In the third singular and plural incompletive imperfect verbs of (60), the initial High tone of the third singular=í and third plural =íì(ggə̀) imperfect clitics does not (60)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular =í and plural =íì( íì(ggə̀ ggə̀) imperfect clitics on incompletive verbs Root INCP IPF INCP INCP IPF INCP tone 3sN 3SN 3pN 3pN H fír fír=í f îr fír=íì(ggə̀) ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r cūr=í cɔ᷆r cūr=íìggə̀ ‘help’ L d̪u᷅r d̪ùr=í d̪u᷆r d̪ùr=íì(ggə̀) ‘bury’ HL pə᷇ ŕ pə̂r=í pə̂r pə̂r=íì(ggə̀) ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇ ĺ bi᷇l=í bɛ̂l bi᷇l=íì(ggə̀) ‘name’ ML bu᷆n-d̪ū bu᷆ɲ-d̪=í bu᷆ɲ-d̪ù bu᷆ɲ-d̪=íì(ggə̀) ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄ð kə᷄ð=í kə᷄ ð̀ kə᷄ð=íì(ggə̀) ‘strike’

Verb word morphology

241

alternate. In (61), the third singular =È and third plural=ÈÈ(ggÀ) imperfect clitics, both with underlying Low tone, are attached to continuous past verbs without alternation.

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

Third singular =È and plural =ÈÈ( ÈÈ(ggÀ) ggÀ) imperfect clitics on continuous past verbs Root CONT.P IPF CONT.P CONT.P IPF CONT.P tone 3sN 3sN 3pN 3pN H fír-ə᷄n fír-ə᷄n=ì fír-ə᷄ ǹ fír-ə᷄n=ìì(ggə̀) M cɔ̄r-án cɔ̄r-án=ɛ̀ cɔ̄r-ân cɔ̄r-án=ɛ̀ɛ(̀ ggà) L d̪ùr-ə́n d̪ùr-ə́n=ì d̪ùr-ə̂n d̪ùr-ə́n=ìì(ggə̀) HL pə́r-ə̌n pə́r-ə̌n=ì pə́r-ə᷅ ǹ pə́r-ə̌n=ìì(ggə̀) HM bɛ́l-a᷄n bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ̀ bɛ́l-a᷄ ǹ bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ̀ɛ(̀ ggà) ML bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n=ì bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə᷄ ǹ bu᷆ɲ-d̪-ə̌n=ìì(ggə̀)

(g)

MH

(61)

kə᷄ð-ə᷄n

kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ì

kə᷄ð-ə᷄ ǹ

kə᷄ð-ə᷄n=ìì(ggə̀)

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘makebig’ ‘strike’

10.7 Subordinate verb-final clitic In 4.1.10, 7.7, and 8.3.8, clause-final subordinate clitics were discussed. In this section, verb-final subordinate clitics are discussed, which differ in form and function from clause-final subordinate clitics. Whereas clause-final subordinate clitics mark the end of subordinate clauses, verb-final subordinate clitics mark verbs as being in a subordinate clause and in which type of subordinate clause. There are three verb-final subordinate clitics which appear with different subordinating conjunctions introducing the clause. Third person subordinate clitics are listed in table 50 and are shown in example clauses which follow. The first verb-final subordinate clitic listed is introduced by either the conjunctions ‘when’ or ‘because’. Table 50: Subordinate clitics on completive verbs clause-final verb-final ‘when, because’ ‘if’ ‘but’ SBO SBO1 SBO2 SBO3 3sN =É =i᷅ =E᷇ =É 3pN =È =íìggi ᷅ =E᷇ =E᷇ In (62), three subordinate clauses are sentence-initial, all marked with the clausefinal subordinate clitic=É (SBO). The verb-final clitics=i᷅ (SBO1) and=E᷇ (SBO2) are attached to verbs in the same clause with the clause-final clitic. In (a-b), the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) attaches in clauses introduced with the conjunctions ɛ́ gārá ‘when’ or ɛ́ kɔ̄rá ‘because’. In (c), the verb-final subordinate clitic =E᷇ (SBO2) attaches in the conditional ‘if’ clause, not introduced by any

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conjunction. In conditional ‘if’ clauses, the subject pronoun ɛ̄ ‘he’ is required between the noun subject and verb. The verb wə́r=ì ‘take=3sAM’ in the result clauses of (a-b) has incompletive aspect and the verb wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘take-COMP=3sA’ in the result clause of (c) has completive aspect. In addition, the object pronoun attached to the verbs in the result clause of (a-b) is the marked [+ATR] object clitic =ì, whereas in (c) is the unmarked [-ATR] object clitic =È. (62) (a)

(b)

SentenceSentence-initial subordinate clauses ɛ́ gārá ɟāā=n ŋə̄ɲ-s=i párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ wə́r=ìì s=i᷅ (GP) person /ŋān/file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. take.INCP when =DEF =SBO1 =SBO INCP =3sAM ‘When When the person has filed/sanded/rubbed the leather bag, I will come take it.’ ɛ́ kɔ̄rá

ɟāā=n ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ s=i᷅ person file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. because =DEF =SBO1 =SBO INCP ‘Because Because the person has filed the bag, I will come take it.’ GP

(c)

ɟāā=n ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́, á lɛ́ɛ ̄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ s=ɛ᷇ person 3sN file-COMP bag=DEF 1SN come. =DEF =SBO2 =SBO INCP ‘If If the person filed the leather bag, I will come take it.’

wə́r=ìì take.INCP =3sAM

wár-s=ɛ̀ɛ̀ take-COMP =3sA

The clause-final subordinate clitic =É (SBO) attaches to the final word of the clause, regardless of word category, except that it does not usually attach when the clausefinal element is a verb. The clause-final clitic =É (SBO) attaches in (a), but not in (b) where the verb-final ‘if’ clitic =E᷇ (SBO2) attaches to a clause-final verb. (63) (a)

(b)

ClauseClause-final subordinate clitic =É ɟāā=n ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ párɛ́=n ná wɛ᷇d= ̪ ɛ́ɛń =ɛ́ɛ́, ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ s=ɛ᷇ person 3sN file-COMP bag=DEF REL good=RDM=SBO =DEF =SBO2 ‘If the person filed the leather bag which is good, I . . ’ ɟāā=n ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ s=ɛ᷇, person=DEF 3sN file-COMP=SBO2 ‘If the person filed, I will come.’

á 1SN

á... 1SN

lɛ́ɛ ̄ come.INCP

However, as will be discussed in 14.7, the relative clause definite clitic =É (RDM) and clause-final subordinate clitic =É (SBO) can both be attached to verbs when clause-final in definite relative clauses. In 15.3, it will be shown that the clause-final subordinate clitic =É (SBO) attaches in interrogative clauses when interrogative pronouns are pre-verbal. In 15.3, it will also be shown that when an interrogative

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pronoun replacing an adverb is pre-verbal, the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) is attached to the verb. The same distinctions are made by verb-final clitics when the subordinate clause is sentence-final as when the subordinate clause is sentence-initial. (64) (a)

SentenceSentence-final subordinate clauses á líī, ɛ́ gārá ɟāā=n 1sN come.COMP GP when person= DEF

ŋə̄ɲ-s=i s=i᷅ file-COMP= SBO1

párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́ bag=DEF= SBO

‘I came when the person had filed the bag.’ (b)

(c)

á 1sN

líī, come.COMP

ŋə̄ɲ-s=i s=i᷅ file-COMP= because DEF SBO1 ‘I came because the person had filed the bag.’

párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́ bag=DEF=

a᷇ 1sN

párɛ́=n=ɛ́ɛ́ bag=DEF=

líī, come.COMP

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá GP

ɟāā=n person=

ɟāā=n person=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

ŋa᷄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ s=ɛ᷇ file-COMP= SBO2 ‘I will come if the person has filed the bag.’

SBO

SBO

As shown in (65), the same verb-final subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic agrees in person with the subject when attached to completive, subjunctive, incompletive, and continuous past verbs. (65)

Subordinate ‘when’ paradigms on completive, subjunctive, incompletive, and continuous past verb ‘file’ COMP=SBO1 SBJV=SBO1 INCP=SBO1 CONT.P=SBO1 ‘when’ ‘when’ ‘while’ ‘when’ á ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̄ ŋáɲ=ɛ̄ ŋāɲ=ɛ̄ ŋāɲ-án=ɛ̄ ɔ̄ ŋə̄ɲ-s=ī ŋə́ɲ=ī ŋə̄ɲ=ī ŋə̄ɲ-ə́n=ī ɛ̄ ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ ŋə́ɲ-d̪=i᷅ ŋə̄ɲ=i᷅ ŋə̄ɲ-ə́n=i᷅ āgg ŋāɲ-s=ā ŋáɲ-d̪=ā ŋāɲ=ā ŋāɲ-án=ā ɔ̄gg ŋə̄ɲ-s=ū ŋə́ɲ-d̪=ū ŋə̄ɲ=ū ŋə̄ɲ-ə́n=ū ɛ̄ggà ŋə̄ɲ-s=íìggi ᷅ ŋə́ɲ-d̪=íìggi ᷅ ŋə̄ɲ=íìggi ᷅ ŋə̄ɲ-ə́n=íìggi ᷅

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

As shown in (66), the verb-final subordinate clitic introduced by the conjunction ‘because’ is the same clitic as that introduced by the conjunction ‘when’ (SBO1).

244 (66)

A grammar of Gaahmg Subordinate ‘because’ paradigm COMP=SBO1 ‘because’ ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̄ 1sN ŋə̄ɲ-s=ī 2sN ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ 3sN ŋāɲ-s=ā 1pN ŋə̄ɲ-s=ū 2pN ŋə̄ɲ-s=íìggi ᷅ 3pN ‘file’

For the verb-final subordinate ‘if’ (SBO2) clitic, there is more variance from one grammatical verb form to another than with the subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic. As in imperfect clitics attached to incompletive forms, all subjunctive ‘if’ persons except first plural have [+ATR] clitics. In subordinate ‘if’ verbs, tone differs on subjunctive suffixes from that of other verb forms. Continuous past subordinate ‘if’ forms are like infinitive forms, in that all person forms are the same. (67)

Subordinate ‘if’ paradigms on completive, subjunctive, incompletive, and continuous past verb ‘file’ COMP=SBO2 SBJV=SBO2 INCP=SBO2 CONT.P=SBO2 ‘if’ ‘if’ ‘if’ ‘if’ āān ā ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ ŋa᷇ɲ=ɛ́ ŋə̄ɲ=i᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇ ɔ̄ɔn̄ ɔ̄ ŋə᷄ɲ-s=i᷇ ŋə᷇ɲ=í ŋə̄ɲ=i᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇ ɛ̄ɛn̄ ɛ̄ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ ŋáɲ-d̪=ɛ́ ŋə̄ɲ=i᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇ āggá à ŋa᷄ɲ-s=a᷇ ŋáɲ-d̪=a᷄ ŋāɲ=a᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇ ɔ̄ggɔ́ ɔ̀ ŋə᷄ɲ-s=u᷇ ŋə́ɲ-d̪=u᷄ ŋə̄ɲ=u᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇ ɛ̄ggà ɛ̀ ŋa᷄ɲ-s=ɛ᷇ ŋáɲ-d̪=ɛ᷅ ŋə̄ɲ=i᷇ ŋāɲ=ága᷇

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

The subordinate ‘but’ (SBO3) clitic is similar to the subordinate ‘if’ (SBO2) clitic, but its paradigm differs from that of the ‘if’ clitic in root tone and in the third singular clitic. In subjunctive verbs, the subordinate ‘but’ clitic is the same as the subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic. (68)

Subordinate ‘because, but’ paradigms on completive and subjunctive verbs COMP=SBO1 COMP=SBO3 SBJV=SBO3 ‘because’ ‘but’ ‘but’ ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̄ ŋáɲ-s=ɛ᷇ gàl=ɛ̄ ŋə̄ɲ-s=ī ŋə́ɲ-s=i᷇ gə̀l=ī ŋə̄ɲ-s=i᷅ ŋáɲ-s=ɛ́ gə᷆l-d̪=i᷅ ŋāɲ-s=ā ŋáɲ-s=a᷇ gàl-d̪=ā ŋə̄ɲ-s=ū ŋə́ɲ-s=u᷇ gə̀l-d̪=ū ŋə̄ɲ-s=íìggi ᷅ ŋáɲ-s=ɛ᷇ gə̀l-d̪=íìggi ᷅ ‘file’ ‘file’ ‘ram’

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

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As with imperfect clitics, underlying tone on subordinate ‘when’ and ‘but’ clitics does not alternate. In (69), the first singular subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic =Ē with underlying Mid tone and the third singular clitic =i᷅ with LM tone are attached to completive verbs without alternation. Mid clitic tone does not assimilate to preceding Low tone in (c,d,f) ({M9} does not apply). In third singular forms, third singular High tone is not present on the completive suffix since Low root tone in (c) becomes Mid {M8} and the M of HM root tone in (e) assimilates to the subordinate clitic initial Low tone {M7}. (69)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular =Ē and third singular =i᷅ subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic on completive verbs SBO1 COMP COMP SBO1 COMP Root COMP tone 1sN 1SN 3sN 3SN H fír-sə̄ fír-s=ī fír-sə́ fír-s=i᷅ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̄ cɔ̄r-s=ɛ̄ cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cūr-s=i᷅ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-s=ī d̪ùr-sū d̪ūr-s=i᷅ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=ī pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=i᷅ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪ā bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ̄ bɛ᷇l-d̪á bîl-d̪=i᷅ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dūùs-s=i᷅ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄s-s=ī kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=i᷅ ‘strike’

Similar tone assignment takes place for incompletive forms with the same subordinate clitics. (70)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

First singular =Ē and third singular =i᷅ subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic on incompletive verbs Root INCP SBO1 INCP INCP SBO1 INCP 3sN 3SN tone 1sN 1SN H f i᷇r fír=ī fír fír=i᷅ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r cɔ̄r=ɛ̄ cɔ̄r cūr=i᷅ ‘help’ L d̪ùr d̪ùr=ī d̪u᷅r d̪ūr=i᷅ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r pə̂r=ī pə᷇ ŕ pə̂r=i᷅ ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l bɛ᷇l=ɛ̄ bɛ᷇ ĺ bîl=i᷅ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ =ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔ̀ s̄ dūùs=i᷅ ‘make-big’ ̄ MH kə᷄ ð kə᷄s=ī kə᷄ð kə᷄s=i᷅ ‘strike’

In (71), the third plural subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic =íìggi ᷅ with HL, LM tone is attached to completive and incompletive verbs without alternation.

246 (71)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

A grammar of Gaahmg Third plural =íìggi ᷅ subordinate ‘when’ (SBO1) clitic on completive and incompletive verbs Root COMP SBO1 COMP INCP SBO1 INCP 3pN 3pN 3PN tone 3pN H fír-sə̀ fír-s=íìggi ᷅ f îr fír=íìggi ᷅ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ̀ cūr-s=íìggi ᷅ cɔ᷆r cūr=íìggi ᷅ ‘help’ L d̪ūr-sù d̪ùr-s=íìggi ᷅ d̪u᷆r d̪ùr=íìggi ᷅ ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=íìggi ᷅ pə̂r pə̂r=íìggi ᷅ ‘attach’ HM bɛ̂l-d̪à bi᷇l-d̪=íìggi ᷅ bɛ̂l bi᷇l=íìggi ᷅ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ dūùs-s=íìggi ᷅ dɔ̄ɔs̀ dūùs=íìggi ᷅ ‘make-big’ MH kə᷄s-sə̀ kə᷄s-s=íìggi ᷅ kə᷄ ð̀ kə᷄s=íìggi ᷅ ‘strike’

In (72), the third singular subordinate ‘but’ (SBO3) clitic =É with underlying H tone is attached to completive verbs, also without alternation. (72)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular =É subordinate ‘but’ (SBO3) clitic on completive verbs Root COMP SBO3 COMP 3SN tone 3sN H fír-sə́ fír-s=í ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ́r-s=ɛ́ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=í ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə̂r-s=í ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ́ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ́ ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=í ‘strike’

Unlike subordinate ‘when’ and ‘but’ clitics, in the subordinate ‘if’ (SBO2) clitic, tone does alternate according to the tone lowering rule {M9}. In (73), the third singular =E᷇ and second plural=u᷇ subordinate ‘if’ clitics, both with underlying HM tone, are attached to completive verbs. The clitic-initial High tone becomes Mid following Low tone in (c,d,f). Further, Mid root tone melody becomes MH as in (b), just as (73)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Third singular =E᷇ and second plural =u᷇ subordinate ‘if’ (SBO2) clitic on completive verbs Root COMP SBO2 COMP COMP SBO2 COMP tone 3sN 3SN 2pN 2pN H fír-sə́ fír-s=i᷇ fír-sə̄ fír-s=u᷇ ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ᷄r-s=ɛ᷇ cūr-sū cu᷄r-s=u᷇ ‘help’ L d̪ùr-sū d̪ùr-s=ī d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-s=ū ‘bury’ HL pə̂r-sə̄ pə᷇r-s=ī pə̂r-sə̀ pə᷇r-s=ū ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇l-d̪á bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ᷇ bi᷇l-d̪ə ̄ bi᷇l-d̪=u᷇ ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ̄ dūùs-sù dūùs-s=ū ‘stand’ MH kə᷄s-sə́ kə᷄s-s=i᷇ kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄s-s=u᷇ ‘strike’

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Mid root tone melody was shown to become MH when the agented passive clitic is attached in (8).

10.8 Perfect verbs Perfect verbs are the counterpart of imperfect verbs. They are used for past or present actions that remain or result in the present or future. In (74a), the clitic indicates that the government did not leave after they became established in Faath area, even to the time of telling the narrative. In (b), the perfective clitic indicates that the money had already been given and should not need to be given again. In (c), the clitic, although on the noun object instead of the verb, indicates that the action of cutting remains and will not need to be done again. (74) (a)

Perfect examples t ̪āɛ́n mɔ̀rā=n then government= DEF

líín /lɛ́/arrive.

àw-sā=rr /àb/sat-COMP=PF

fááð-āŋ. Faath-body

INCP

‘Then the government (forces) arrived and became established in Faath area.’ (Fand16-17) (b)

ɛ̄ lā gə᷅f=ì wá, ɛ̄ gə̀ù-s-íì=rr. 3sN UNC /gàf/give.INCP=3sAM not 3sN /gàf/give-COMP-IPF=PF ‘He would not give it (money), (since) he had already given.’ (Fand3)

(c)

ɛ̄ wár-r kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ ā kɔ́m-d̪á ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́=r. 3sN took-INF (sword) SBJV cut-SBJV.3sN people=DEF=PF ‘He took a koleez sword to kill (hack up completely) the people.’ (Fand5)

The perfect clitic is attached to verbs in (74a-b), but to a noun in (c). The same meaning in (c) results when the clitic attaches to the verb (kɔ́m-d̪á=r) and not on the noun object (ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́). When the perfect clitic attaches to a completive imperfect verb as in (75b), the meaning can be distant past action. The difference between the completive with perfect clitic and the completive imperfect with perfect clitic is distance between event time and speech time. (75) (a) (b)

Perfect completive and completive imperfect verbs á gàɔ̀-sà=r COMP=PF ‘I had given.’ á gàɔ̀-s-ɛ́ɛ= ̄ r COMP-IPF=PF ‘I had given a long time ago.’

Completive, subjunctive, and completive imperfect paradigms with perfect clitic are the same as without the clitic except that completive imperfect singular person forms have lengthened vowel when the clitic is added.

248 (76)

A grammar of Gaahmg Perfect verb paradigms on completive, subjunctive, and completive imperfect verbs COMP=PF SBJV=PF COMP-IPF=PF àw-sà=r kɔ́m-ā=r gàɔ̀-s-ɛ́ɛ= ̄ r 1sN ə̀w-sə̀=r kúm-ə̄=r gə̀u-s-íī=r 2sN àw-sā=r kɔ́m-d̪á=r gàɔ̀r-s-ɛ́ɛ= ̄ r, gə̀ù-s-íì=r 3sN àw-sà=r kɔ́m-d̪ā=r gàɔ̀r-s-áā=r 1pN ə̀w-sə̀=r kúm-d̪ə= ̄ r gə̀ù-s-úū=r 2pN āw-sà=r kɔ́m-d̪à=r gàɔ̀r-s-ɛ́ɛ(̀ ggà)=r 3pN ‘had remained’ ‘had cut’ ‘had given’

The perfect also occurs on incompletive, continuous, and imperatives, although with different forms of the bound morpheme. In (77a-b), the non-past continuous verb gàf-àn ‘give-CONT.N’ is contrasted with the non-past continuous perfect form with clitic =Ar. In (c-d), the simple imperative verb bɛ̀l ‘beat’ is contrasted with the imperative perfect form with the suffix -CAr. As will be shown shortly, the perfect morpheme on incompletive and imperative verbs is a suffix which attaches to underlying root-final segments, rather than a clitic which attaches to surface-final segments. (77) (a) (b) (c) (d)

Perfect continuous non--past and imperative a᷇ gàf-àn mīī INCP-CONT.N ‘I will be giving a goat.’ a᷇ gàf-àn= =ār mīī INCP-CONT.N=PF ‘I will give a goat (and not take it back).’ bɛ̀l ɟɔ́ǃ IMP ‘Just beatǃ’ bɛ̀l-lā lār ɟɔ́ǃ IMP-PF ‘Just beat completelyǃ lār (so that it won’t need to be beaten again).’

Perfect incompletive and non-past continuous paradigms are in given in (78). (78)

Perfect verb paradigms on incompletive and continuous non--past verbs CONT.N=PF INCP-PF cɔ̄r-án=ār cúr-rə̄r 1sN cūr-ə́n=ə̄r cúr-rə̄r 2sN cɔ̄r-án=ár cúr-rə́r 3sN cɔ̄r-án=ār cúr-rə̄r 1pN cūr-ə́n=ə̄r cúr-rə̄r 2pN cɔ̄r-án=àr cúr-rə̀r 3pN ‘will have helped’ ‘have tied’

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249

Perfect morphemes are listed in table 51. The incompletive and imperative perfect is a suffix attaching to the root, whereas the perfect on other forms is a clitic attaching to the stem. Table 51: Perfective morphemes Incompletive, imperative -CAr Continuous non-past =Ar Other verb forms =r In (79), the perfect suffix -CAr is attached to incompletive verbs. The suffix-initial consonant takes on all the features of the root-final consonant and becomes the dental plosive d̪ when attached to vowel-final roots. The resulting geminate plosives surface as single segments. If the perfect morpheme were a clitic attaching to the surface-final segments, among other differences the short vowel of pā-d̪ár ‘guard’ in (o) would be long. (79) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o)

Third singular perfect incompletive clitic -CAr UR INCP 3sN PF INCP 3sN /ab/ L àɔ̄ àb-bār ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káɟ-ɟár ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīī cīg-gə́r ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪-d̪əŕ ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f-fār ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās lās-sár ‘roll-up’ /ɲam/ M ɲām ɲām-már ‘break’ /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n gɔ̀n-nār ‘grab’ /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ-ɲə̄r ‘agree’ /mal/ M māl māl-lár ‘gather’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wɛ̄r-rár ‘watch’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-(n) ɲáw-wár ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) kɔ́y-yár ‘cook’ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-(n) fɛ́ð-ðár ‘release’ /pa/ M pāā pā-d̪ár ‘guard’

Perfect bound morphemes have no underlying tone and Mid, High, or Low tone is assigned to the perfect morphemes with vowels according to subject person inflection. In the third singular incompletive perfect verbs of (80), the third singular High tone assigned to the perfect suffix becomes Mid following Low tone {M9} in (c,d,f).

250 (80)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

A grammar of Gaahmg Perfect -CAr on third singular incompletive verbs Root INCP PF INCP tone 3sN 3SN H fír fír-rə́r ‘smell’ M cɔ̄r cɔ̄r-rár ‘help’ L d̪u᷅r d̪ùr-rə̄r ‘bury’ HL pə᷇ ŕ pə̂r-rə̄r ‘attach’ HM bɛ᷇ ĺ bɛ᷇l-lár ‘name’ ML dɔ̄ɔ̀ s̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sə̄r ‘stand’ MH kə᷄ð kə᷄ð-ðə́r ‘strike’

10.9 Relative clause clitic on verbs The relative clause definite clitic =É attaches to the last element of a definite relative clause. In this section, its behaviour is studied when attached to clause-final verbs. (81)

bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=á wrongdoing-DEF

T̪ ɛĺ God

ná

t ̪ál-d̪ áāgg= =ɛ́ ɲə́m=ì /t ̪ál/create-COMP /ɲám/want. 1pA=RDM INCP=3sAM ‘God who created us doesn’t want us to do wrong.’ (Womn12) REL

wá. not

Verbs of relative clauses have infinitive forms; the roots of verbs in relative clauses do not become [+ATR] in second person forms. However, they do take inflectional suffixes, and they can be marked for definiteness by the relative clause clitic =É, =È which agrees in number with the subject. The relative clause completive and subjunctive suffixes unmarked for definiteness are the same as in finite forms, but the relative clause continuous past suffix is without a final n (-A᷄ instead of -A᷄n). Table 52: Relative clause clitics on verbs Unmarked for Definite Definiteness SG Incompletive INF INF=É Completive INF-sA INF-s=É Continuous past INF-A᷄ INF-A᷄n=É Subjunctive INF-A, INF-d̪A INF=EÉ, INF-d̪=ÉÉ

PL INF=È INF-s=È

INF-A᷄=È INF-d̪=ÈÈ

The relative clause (RC) incompletive paradigm of (82a) is unmarked for definiteness and is the same as the infinitive form. The relative clause paradigm of (b) is marked for definiteness where the clitic =É with High tone indicates a singular subject and the clitic =È with Low tone indicates a plural subject.

Verb word morphology (82) (a)

251

Incompletive relative clause paradigm ‘__ who files is good.’ INCP.RC (Unmarked for definiteness) (b) INCP.RC =RDM (Definite) āān ná ŋāɲ á wɛ᷇da̪ n᷇ 1sN ŋāɲ=ɛ́ 1sN ɔ̄ɔn̄ ná ŋāɲ ú= wi ᷇d̪ən᷇ 2sN ŋāɲ=ɛ́ 2sN ɛ̄ɛn̄ ná ŋāɲ (ɛ́) wɛ᷇dá̪ n 3sN ŋāɲ=ɛ́ 3sN ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ 1pN āggá nà ŋāɲ āgg wíə̄ggə̄ 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ́ nà ŋāɲ ɔ̄gg wíə̄ggə̄ 2pN ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ 2pN ɛ̄ggà nà ŋāɲ (ɛ̄ggà) wíə̀ggə̀ 3pN ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ 3pN PRON REL file. PRON good file. INCP INCP=RDM

Similarly, paradigms of other verb forms in relative clauses are given in (83). Relative clause incompletive, completive, and continuous past verbs unmarked for definiteness do not have person tone marking assigned to the final syllable, but subjunctive forms do. In each of the verb forms in definite relative clauses, a definite clitic with High tone marks singular person subject and a definite clitic with Low tone marks plural person subject. Subjunctive relative clause definite verbs add a long clitic =ÉÉ, =ÈÈ, whereas other verbs add a short clitic. In past continuous relative clause forms, the definite clitic =É does not elide the continuous suffix vowel -a of ŋāɲ-a᷇.=ɛ́ ‘file-CONT.P.RC=RDM’ and is an exception to {M1} of 3.1. (83)

Completive, continuous, subjunctive relative clause paradigms of ‘file’ COMP. COMP. CONT.P. CONT.P. SBJV. SBJV. RC RC=RDM RC RC=RDM RC RC=RDM ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ́ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-a᷇.=ɛ́ ŋáɲā ŋáɲ=ɛ̄ɛ ́ 1sN ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ́ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-a᷇.=ɛ́ ŋáɲā ŋə́ɲ=īí 2sN ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ́ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-a᷇.=ɛ́ ŋáɲ-d̪á ŋáɲ-d̪=ɛ́ɛ ́ 3sN ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̂ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-â.=ɛ̀ ŋáɲ-d̪ā ŋáɲ-d̪=ɛ̀ɛ ̀ 1pN ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̂ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-â.=ɛ̀ ŋáɲ-d̪ā ŋə́ɲ-d̪=ìì 2pN ŋāɲ-sá ŋāɲ-s=ɛ̂ ŋāɲ-a᷇ ŋāɲ-â.=ɛ̀ ŋáɲ-d̪à ŋáɲ-d̪=ɛ̀ɛ ̀ 3pN

As shown in (84), the relative clause singular definite clitic =É attaches to the surface forms of (non-relative clause) incompletive forms rather than to unmarked relative clause incompletive verbs, which are infinitive forms. If the clitic were attached to infinitive forms, among other differences, the long vowel of cīī.=í ‘wear=RDM’ in (c) would be short and the geminate gg would surface.

252 (84)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (n) (o) (p)

A grammar of Gaahmg Relative clause singular definite clitic =É on incompletive verbs with various root--final segments Unmarked Definite INCP 3SN INCP.RC 3sN RDM INCP.RC 3sN (INF) /ab/ L àɔ̄ àb-b àɔ̀.=ɛ̄, àw=ɛ̄ ‘sit’ /kaɟ/ H káɛ́ káɟ-ɟ káɛ̄.=ɛ́, ka᷇y=ɛ́ ‘bring’ /cig/ M cīī cīg-g cīī.=í ‘wear’ /cud̪/ M cūd̪ cūd̪-d̪ cūd̪=í ‘climb’ /lɔf/ L lɔ᷅f lɔ̀f-f lɔ̀f=ɛ̄ ‘do magic’ /las/ M lās lās-s lās=ɛ́ ‘roll-up’ ɲām-m ɲām=ɛ́ ‘break’ /ɲam/ M ɲām /gɔn/ L gɔ᷅n, gɔ̀ɔ̄ gɔ̀n-n gɔ̀n=ɛ̄, gɔ̀ɔ.̀ =ɛ̄ ‘grab’ /guɲ/ L gu᷅ɲ gùɲ-ɲ gùɲ=ī ‘agree’ /mal/ M māl māl-l māl=ɛ́ ‘gather’ /wɛr/ M wɛ̄r wɛ̄r-r wɛ̄r=ɛ́ ‘watch’ /ɲaw/ H ɲáɔ́-(n) ɲáw-w ɲáɔ̄.=ɛ́, ɲáɔ̄-n=ɛ́ ‘request’ /kɔy/ H kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) kɔ́y-y kɔ́ɛ.̄ =ɛ́, kɔ́ɛ-̄ n=ɛ́ ‘cook’ /fɛð/ H fɛ́ð-(n) fɛ́ð-ð f ɛ᷇ð=ɛ́, f ɛ᷇ð-n=ɛ́ ‘release’ /pa/ M pāā, pād̪ pā-d̪ pāā.=ɛ́, pā-d̪=ɛ́ ‘guard’ /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n) bɛ̀ɛ ̀ bɛ̀ɛ.̀ =ɛ̄ ‘say’

In (85), third singular completive and incompletive verbs of definite and unmarked relative clauses are shown. The unmarked completive verbs have Mid tone assigned to the completive suffix which assimilates to preceding Low {M9} in (c,d,f). For unknown reasons, High tone is assigned to the completive suffix of Mid root tone melodies as in (b). Unlike completive verbs of nuclear clauses, in completive verbs of definite relative clauses, the completive suffix tone remains even though the suffix vowel is elided. The underlying High tone of the definite clitic lowers to Mid when assigned along with completive Low tone {M9} in (c,d,f). In unmarked incompletive forms, there is no evidence of Mid tone added to the root. However, Mid tone surfaces on incompletive roots with High root tone melodies as in (a) when (85)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Relative definite marker clitic =É on third singular completive and incompletive verbs Root COMP.RC RDM COMP.RC INCP.RC RDM INCP.RC tone 3sN 3SN 3sN 3sN H fír-sə̄ fír-s=i᷄ fír f i᷇r=í M cɔ̄r-sɔ́ cɔ̄r-s=ɛ́ cɔ̄r cɔ̄r=ɛ́ L d̪ùr-sù d̪ùr-s=i᷅ d̪ùr d̪ùr=ī HL pə̂r-sə̀ pə̂r-s=i᷅ pə̂r pə̂r=ī HM bɛ᷇l-d̪ā bɛ᷇l-d̪=ɛ᷄ bɛ᷇l bɛ᷇l=ɛ́ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sà dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s=ɛ᷅ dɔ̄ɔs̀ dɔ̄ɔs̀ =ɛ̄ MH kə᷄s-sə̄ kə᷄s-s=i᷄ kə᷄ð kə᷄ð=í

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘make-big’ ‘strike’

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253

the relative definite clitic is added. In (86), third singular continuous and subjunctive verbs of definite and unmarked relative clauses are shown. The unmarked continuous verbs have MHM tone assigned to the continuous suffix. These verbs have the same tonal alternations as first singular continuous past verbs in non-relative clauses shown in 9.8.6. When the definite clitic attaches as a second syllable, juxtaposed to the continuous suffix syllable (not applying {M1}), the final Mid tone of the continuous suffix assigns to the clitic in (a,d-g). The underlying High tone of the continuous suffix then surfaces in (d,f). (86)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Relative definite marker clitic =É on third singular continuous past and first singular subjunctive verbs Root CONT.P.RC RDM CONT.P.RC SBJV.RC RDM SBJV.RC 3SN 1sN 1sN tone 3sN H fír-ə᷄ ̄ fír-a᷄.=i ᷄ fír-ə̄ fír=īí M cɔ̄r-a᷇ cɔ̄r-a᷇.=ɛ́ cɔ́r-ɔ̄ cɔ́r=ɛ̄ɛ ́ L d̪ùr-ə᷇ d̪ùr-ə᷇.=í d̪ùr-ə̀ d̪ùr=ìī HL pə́r-ə᷅ pə́r-ə̌.=i᷄ pə̂r-ə̀ pə̂r=ìī HM bɛ́l-a᷄ ̄ bɛ᷇l-a᷄.=ɛ᷄ bɛ᷇l-ā bɛ᷇l=ɛ̄ɛ ́ ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -a᷅ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -ǎ.=ɛ᷄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -à dɔ̄ɔs̀ =ɛ̀ɛ ̄ MH kə᷄ð-ə᷄ ̄ kə᷄ð-ə᷄.=i ᷄ kə᷄ð-ə̄ kə᷄ð=īí

‘smell’ ‘help’ ‘bury’ ‘attach’ ‘name’ ‘make-big’ ‘strike’

First singular subjunctive verbs of relative clauses shown in (86) have similar tone assignment to completive verbs of relative clauses. Unmarked subjunctive verbs have Mid tone assigned to the subjunctive suffix which assimilates to preceding Low {M9} in (c,d,f). The underlying High tone of the definite clitic lowers to Mid when assigned along with subjunctive Low tone {M9} in (c,d,f).

10.10 Verbal nouns Verbal nouns can be modified by adjectives, just as other nouns, and have singular and plural forms. The verbal nouns of (87a,c) are modified by singular adjectives, whereas the nouns of (b, d) are modified by plural adjectives. (87) Verbal noun examples (a) kɔ̄r ɛ́ t ̪āāða᷆ speaking GP grandmother.GEN ‘Grandmother’s word is good.’ (b)

kɔ̄r-ɛ̄ɛ̄ɛgg ḡ g speaking-PL

ɛ́ GP

t ̪āāða᷆ grandmother. GEN

‘Grandmother’s words are good.’

ná REL

ná REL

kúr-s=i᷄ /kɔ́r/speak-COMP =RDM kúr-s=i᷄ /kɔ́r/speakCOMP =RDM

wíə̀-gg=ə̀ good-PL =COP

wɛ᷇dá̪ n good.SG

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A grammar of Gaahmg

bāð ə́ən̄ wɛ᷇dá̪ n bāð throwing 1sPs good.SG ‘My throw is good.’

(d)

bāð ə́nə̀gə̀ bāð-àgg throwing-PL 1sPp ‘My throws are good.’

wíə̀-ggə̀ good-PL

The verbal noun is not used as such in counting as are other nouns. It is not possible to say ‘one throw’ or ‘many throws’. Rather, the countable action is communicated with the verb and the word ɔ́gg ‘place/time’ as in the phrases of (88). (88a)

á 1sN

bās-sā throw-

ɔ́gg time

t ̪āmán one

(b)

á 1sN

COMP

bās-sā throw-

ɔ́gg time

t ̪âlg many

COMP

‘I threw once.’

‘I threw many times.’

Singular verbal nouns have the same segmental form as the incompletive, although often with different tone. Plural verbal nouns are formed by attaching one of four clitics to the incompletive surface form, depending on the surface-final segment, and altering the tone. Table 53: Plural verbal noun clitics clitic =gg =Agg =Agg, =EEgg, =AAgg VN PL

Surface-final sonorant, vowel Underlying root-final obstruents Underlying root-final sonorant

As shown in (89), singular verbal nouns have the same segmental forms as the incompletive, which optionally attach the suffix -n to roots with root-final approximants y, w and some root-final vowels. The plural clitic =gg is attached to singular incompletive forms with surface-final sonorants or vowels. If the plural marker were attached to underlying-final segments, among other differences, the (89) (b) (c) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m) (o) (p)

Plural verbal noun clitic =gg INF INCP 3SN /d̪ɔɟ/ L d̪ɔɟ̀ -ɟ d̪ɔɛ̀ ̄ /cag/ H cág-g cáá /kɔm/ H kɔ́m-m kɔ́m /cɛɛn/ L cɛ̀ɛǹ -n cɛ̀ɛn̄ /ŋaɲ/ M ŋāɲ-ɲ ŋāɲ /bɛl/L bɛ̀l-l bɛ᷅l /ar/ M ār-r ār /ɲaw/ H ɲáw-w ɲáɔ́-(n) /kɔy/ H kɔ́y-y kɔ́ɛ-́ (n) /ba/ M bā-d̪ bāā /bɛɛ/ L bɛ̀ɛ ̄ bɛ̀ɛ-̄ (n)

VN SG

VN PL

d̪ɔɛ̄ ̀ cāā kɔ̄m cɛ̄ɛǹ ŋāɲ bɛ᷆l ār ɲāɔ̄-(n) kɔ̄ɛ-̄ (n) bāā bɛ̄ɛ-̀ (n)

d̪ɔɛ̄ = ̀ gg cāā=gg kɔ̄m=g cɛ̄ɛǹ =g ŋāɲ=g bɛ᷆l=g ār=g ɲāɔ̄-(n)=g kɔ̄ɛ-̄ (n)=g bāā=gg bɛ̄ɛ-̀ n=g

‘throw stones’ ‘bathe, wash’ ‘cut, destroy’ ‘play’ ‘file, sand’ ‘hit, beat’ ‘scrape’ ‘request’ ‘cook’ ‘throw, hit’ ‘say’

Verb word morphology

255

long vowel of bāā=gg ‘throw=PL’ in (o) would be short. The plural clitic =Agg is attached to root-final obstruents d̪, f, s as in (90a-c), to the sonorants ð and ɲ as in (d-e), and occasionally to other sonorants as in (f-i). For unknown reasons, the segment g is inserted before root-final d̪ in plural verbal nouns such as cūgd̪=ūg ‘climb’ in (a).

VN SG

VN PL

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Plural verbal noun clitic =Agg Root INF INCP 3SN /cud̪/ M cūd̪-d̪ cūd̪ /lɔf/ L lɔ̀f-f lɔ᷅f /las/ M lās-s lās /kuuð/ H kūūð-ð kūūð /gaɲ/ L gàɲ-ɲ ga᷅ɲ /bɛr/ H bɛ́r-r bɛ́r /bɛl/ M bɛ̄l-l bɛ̄l

--lɔ̄f-ɔ̀ lās kūūð ga᷆ɲ bɛ̄r bɛ̄l

(h) (i)

/ɲam/ H /bɔn/ L

ɲāɔ̄-(n) bɔ᷆n

cūgd̪=ūg lɔ̄f=ɔ̀gg lās=āgg kūūð=ūgg gāɲ=àg bɛ̄r=āgg bɛ̄l=āgg, bɛ̄l=g ɲām=āgg bɔ̄n=ɔ̀gg

(90)

ɲám-m bɔ̀n-n

ɲám bɔ᷅n

‘climb’ ‘do magic’ ‘roll-up’ ‘build’ ‘laugh’ ‘tell’ ‘have, possess’ ‘want, love’ ‘wait’

The verbal noun clitic =Agg attaches to the incompletive surface form such as ɲám ‘want’ instead of to the singular verbal noun surface form ɲāɔ̄-(n), as evidenced by the m in ɲām=āgg. A few plural verbal nouns with root-final sonorants attach the clitics =AAgg or =EEgg. (91) (a) (92) (a) (b)

Plural verbal noun clitic =AAgg Root INF INCP 3SN VN SG /ɲɛl/ H ɲɛ́l-l ɲɛ́l ɲɛ̄l Plural verbal noun clitic =EEgg Root INF INCP 3SN /kɔr/ H kɔ́r-r kɔ́r /kaam/ HL káàm-m káa᷅m

VN PL

ɲɛ̄l=āāg

‘know’

VN SG

VN PL

kɔ̄r kàðáàm

kɔ̄r=ɛ̄ɛḡ g kàðáám=ɛ̀ɛg̀ g

‘speak, say’ ‘work, deal’

Verbal noun clitics have no underlying tone. However, the root tone melody changes in verbal noun forms, as seen by the tone changes in table 54. Verbs with root tone melodies L, HL, and ML have ML tone melody in verbal nouns. Verbs Table 54: Verbal noun tone changes Root tone melody Verbal noun tone melody L, HL, ML ML all other melodies M

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with all other root tone melodies have Mid tone in verbal nouns. In (92), the clitic =Agg is attached to verbal nouns with various root tone melodies. Verbal nouns have tone melodies as described in table 54. Since the clitic =Agg has no underlying tone, the Low tone of ML root melodies reassigns to the clitic {M6} in (d,f) and Mid tone spreads to the clitic in other forms {M5}. (92)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

Agg,, =g =ggg Verbal noun plural clitics =Agg Root INF VN VN SG VN PL tone tone H pál-l M pāl pāl=āgg, pāl=g M bɛ̄l-l M bɛ̄l bɛ̄l=āgg, bɛ̄l=g L f ɛ̀l-l ML f ɛ᷆l fɛ̄l=āgg, f ɛ᷆l=g HL pîr-r ML pi᷆r pīr=ə̀gg, pi᷆r=g HM bɛ᷇l-l M bɛ̄l bɛ̄l=āgg ML dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ML --dɔ̄gs=ɔ̀gg MH kə᷄ð-ð M kə̄n kə̄ð=ə̄gg

‘cut’ ‘possess’ ‘tell’ ‘deceive’ ‘name’ ‘stand’ ‘strike’

10.11 Adjectival verbs Adjectives can be used as verbs, although not always with the same syntax or morphology as true verbs, as compared in 4.3. The long form of the subject pronoun precedes the adjectival verb instead of the short subject pronoun as in true verbs. The plural adjective suffix -gg and copular clitic =A attach to adjectival verbs of plural persons. These features mark adjectival verbs as being different than active verbs. The verbs of (93) have subject tone inflection (final Mid for second person, final High for third singular, final Low for third plural) and [+ATR] second person forms as do other verbs. However, in some adjectival verbs, person inflection is not as regular. (93) (a)

Adjectival verb paradigms ‘___ am/are/is clean.’ (b) āān bɛ᷇r 1sN ɔ̄ɔn̄ bi᷇r 2sN ɛ̄ɛn̄ bɛ́r 3sN āggá bɛ́r-g=ā 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ́ bír-g=ə̄ 2pN ɛ̄ggà bɛ́r-g=à 3pN

‘___ am/are/is beautiful.’ āān kāyáār 1sN ɔ̄ɔn̄ kə̄yə́ə̄r 2sN ɛ̄ɛn̄ kāyáár 3sN āggá kāyáár-g=ā 1pN ɔ̄ggɔ́ kə̄yə́ə́r-g=ə̄ 2pN ɛ̄ggà kāyáár-g=à 3pN

Adjectival infinitive forms often surface the same as adjectives modifying singular nouns. Underlying-final geminate segments of infinitive forms surface as single segments. Many infinitive forms of adjectives such as (94e, i, j) are irregular in that they do not have a final geminate consonant but a different suffix.

Verb word morphology (94) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l)

257

Adjectival infinitive forms ADJ SG

ADJ PL

INF

bɛ́r gààl áɛ̀ cúú fāā bánd̪āl kɔ́ɔf́ àr kāyáár wɛ᷇dá̪ n lūsú d̪əm ̀ ə̄ ɲāán

bɛ́r-g gààl-g áɛ̀-gg cúú-g fān-g bánd̪āl-g kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g kāyáār-g wíə̀-gg lūsú-gg d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg ɲāā-lgɛ́ɛǵ

bɛ̄r-r gààl-l àɟ-ɟ cūū fān-g bānd̪ál-l kɔ̀ɔf̀ àr-r kāyáár-r wɛ̄nd̪á-d̪ lùùs-ə̄d̪ d̪əə̀ ̀m-m ɲāān-n

‘clean’ ‘far’ ‘sour’ ‘sweet’ ‘old’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’ ‘good’ ‘hot’ ‘blind’ ‘young’

In (95), first and third singular and second and third plural forms of incompletive adjectival verbs are shown. The suffix -n is common in singular person suffixes, and the suffix -gg is required in all plural person suffixes. Although third singular High tone and third plural Low tone generally occur word-finally on adjectives, second person Mid tone is not as regular on second plural forms, as second plural forms of (b,c,h) have final Low tone. Further, second person [+ATR] quality is not as regular as in true verbs, as second plural forms of (b,c,g) have [-ATR] quality ({M3} is not applied). Among the adjectival verbs attested, those of (95) are the most regular in final segment alternations, tone and vowel quality. Others are even more irregular. (95) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m)

Incompletive person forms of adjectival verbs INF INCP 1sN INCP 3SN INCP 2pN bɛ̄r-r bɛ᷇r bɛ́r bír-g=ə̄ gààl-l gààl gàāl gààl-g=à àɟ-ɟ áɛ̀-n áɛ᷄-n áɛ̀-gg=à cūū cúū-n cúú-n cú-gg=ū --íì-n íi ᷄-n íì-gg=ə̀ fān-g fāān fāān fə̄n-g=ə̄ bānd̪ál-l bánd̪āl bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-g=ā kɔ̀ɔf̀ àr-r kɔ́ɔf́ àr kɔ́ɔf́ a᷅r kúúfə̀r-g=ə̀ kāyáár-r kāyáār kāyáár kə̄yə́ə́r-g=ə̄ wɛ̄nd̪á-d̪ wɛ᷇da̪ n᷇ wɛ᷇dá̪ n wíə̄-gg=ə̄ lùùs-ə̄d̪ lūsū-n lūsú-n lūsú-gg=ū d̪əə̀ m ̀ -m d̪əə̀ ̀mə̀-n d̪əə̀ ̀mə̄-n d̪əə̀ ̀mə̄-gg=ə̄ ɲāān-n ɲāān ɲāán ɲə̄ə̄-lgíígg=ə̄

INCP 3pN bɛ́r-g=à gààl-g=à áɛ̀-gg=à cú-gg=ù íì-gg=ə̀ fān-g=à bánd̪àl-g=à kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g=à kāyáár-g=à wíə̀-gg=ə̀ lūsú-gg=ù d̪əə̀ ̀mə̄-gg=ə̀ ɲāā-lgɛ́ɛǵ g=à

Adjectival verbs have various grammatical forms such as the incompletive, completive, and continuous past forms of (96).

‘clean’ ‘far’ ‘sour’ ‘sweet’ ‘heavy’ ‘old’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’ ‘good’ ‘hot’ ‘blind’ ‘young’

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(96)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (l) (m)

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Third singular incompletive, completive and continuous past adjectival verbs INF INCP 3SN COMP 3sN CONT.P 3sN bɛ̄r-r bɛ́r bɛ̄r-sá bɛ́r-án gààl-l gàāl gààl-d̪à gààl-ān àɟ-ɟ áɛ᷄-n àɟ-ɟā a᷇y-án cūū cúú-n cúū-n-sú cúú-n-ə́n --íi ᷄-n ìɟ-ɟə̄ íy-ə᷄n fān-g fāān fàn-gā-sā fāān-án bānd̪ál-l bánd̪āl bánd̪āl-sá bánd̪āl-án kɔ̀ɔf̀ àr-r kɔ́ɔf́ a᷅r kɔ̀ɔf̀ àr-sā kɔ́ɔf́ ār-án kāyáár-r kāyáár kāyáár-sá kāyáár-án wɛ̄nd̪á-d̪ wɛ᷇dá̪ n wɛ̄nd̪á-sá wɛ᷇dá̪ n-án lùùs-ə̄d̪ lūsú-n lūsú-n-sú lūsú-n-ə́n d̪əə̀ ̀m-m d̪əə̀ ̀mə̄-n d̪əə̀ ̀mə̀-sə̄ d̪əə̀ ̀mə̄-gg-ə́n ɲāān-n ɲāán ɲāán-sá ɲāán-án

‘clean’ ‘far’ ‘sour’ ‘sweet’ ‘heavy’ ‘old’ ‘weak’ ‘thin’ ‘beautiful’ ‘good’ ‘hot’ ‘blind’ ‘young’

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11 Prepositions Preposition is a lexical category including four independent prepositions and one prepositional prefix. Prepositions introduce noun phrases which function as modifiers or adjuncts of the preceding noun or verb. Four independent prepositions can have the same segmental form ɛ but differ in tone or grammatical marking on the prepositional phrase. The animate accompaniment preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ has Low tone, the inanimate preposition ɛ̄ ‘with’ has Mid tone, and the general preposition ɛ́, í (GP) has High tone. The general preposition has free variation in vowel quality regardless of the [ATR] quality of surrounding words. When the general preposition is used to introduce a genitive phrase, the noun following the preposition undergoes a tone change. The preposition marker prefix d̪- is used for introducing phrases with initial pronouns. Table 55: Prepositions ɛ̀ ‘with’ ɛ̄ ‘with’ ɛ́, í GP; ‘to, from, in, at, by, of’ d̪‘to, from, in, by’

Animate accompaniment preposition Inanimate accompaniment preposition General preposition: Goal, source, time, location, instrument, or genitive Pronoun preposition marker

11.1 Animate accompaniment preposition The preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ having Low tone is used for introducing animate accompaniment phrases. In such phrases, the accompaniment marker clitic =E᷇ attaches to the final word of the accompaniment phrase. The accompaniment marker =E᷇ for consonant-final stems is attached to the noun āld̪=ɛ᷇ ‘fox’ in (1a) and to kūūd̪=i᷇ ‘person.name’ in (b). (1) Animate accompaniment preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ (a) sàlàd̪=ā ɛ̀ āld=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɛ̄ bɛ̀ɛ ̀ hyena=DEF with fox=ACM 3pN said.INF ‘Hyena and Fox said . . ’ (Nyee16) (b)

kūūd̪=i᷇ wāɟ-ɟà ɛ́ wīlə̀ns person. went GP hunting.GEN name=ACM ‘Jafari and an older man of the Kuud clan went on a hunt.’ (Jafr1)

ɟāfàrì=n Jafari=DEF

ɛ̀ with

mə̄īd̪ old.man

11.2 Inanimate accompaniment preposition The preposition ɛ̀ ‘with’ having Mid tone is used for introducing inanimate accompaniment adjunct phrases. The accompaniment marker clitic is not attached

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to such phrases. (2) Inanimate accompaniment preposition ɛ̄ ‘with’ (a) ɛ̄ máà īīŋ ɛ̄ àn-n mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɔ̄ɔl̄ 3sN prides.INF 3sR 3sN stay-INF horse up ‘ . . taking pride in himself as he sits up on the horse ɛ̄ párɛ́=n ɛ́ mə̄ɲìl=ə̀ d̪-ɛ́ɛs̀ with skin.bag=DEF GP /mə̀ɲìl/devil.GEN=DEF PP-hand.3sPs with an animal-skin bag having demonic power in his hand.’ (Minj14-15) (b)

ānɛ̄nd̪á T̪ ɛĺ ɛ̄ kúnd̪=ú ɛ̄ ád̪ then God 3sPs heart=DEF 3sN becomes ‘Therefore God will be pleased (lit. God’s heart becomes with joy).’ (Womn17)

ɛ̄ with

wáɛ̄dá̪ , joy

11.3 General preposition The preposition ɛ́, í ‘to, from, in, at, by’ introduces adjunct phrases that indicate goal, time, location, or instrument/source. Goal phrases can be used along with a following locative adverb t ̪ɛ ‘there’ as in (3a) or along with a preceding adverbial locative d̪umuun ‘far’ as in (b). The first prepositional phrase ɛ́ nāānd̪á ‘in day’ of (b) has the role of time. In (c), the prepositional phrase has the role of location, (3) General preposition ɛ́, í (GP) (a) gə̂l fə́nd̪ì bə̀gsə̄n=i᷇n líɟɟi ᷅ ɛ́ kə̄rt ̪ūūm t ̪ɛ̀. just Fandi caught.by-them arrived GP Khartoum here ‘Fandi was captured by them and brought here to Khartoum.’ (Fand6) (b)

(c)

á wāɟ-ɟā ɛ́ nāānd̪á ma᷇n 1sN went-COMP GP day certain ‘One day I went to Dal Valley.’ (Jooj1)

d̪ūmùùn towards

ɛ́ GP

āgg bìɟ āgg gɔ᷆l-g=ɔ̄ nà dáāgg ɛ̀ɛǹ 1pN left 1pP friend-PL=DEF REL.PL two 3sN ‘We left our other two companions behind.’ (Thng5-6)

d̪ààl (valley name) ɛ́ GP

(d)

ɛ́ dɔ̀ɟ-ɟ āāggá ɛ́ mīīd̪-ə́g fɔ̄rɔ́ɟɟ wá bə̀=ī 3sN stone-INF 1pA GP stone-PL few not oh=SBO ‘When it pelted us with a lot of stones, . . ’ (Thng20)

(e)

gààr cúə́ . . . nām-án=ɛɛ᷇ ɛ́ pork sweet /nam/eat-CONT.P=PAS.A GP ‘Sweet pork . . . was being eaten by witchdoctors.’

ɲə̄ə̄gg behind

káɛ́-gg=à witchdoctor-PL=DEF

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in (d), the role of instrument, and in (e), the role of agent. This preposition is also used in the formation of two conjunctions: ɛ́ gārá ‘when, while (lit. by place.DEF)’, ɛ́ kɔ̄rá ‘because (lit. by word.DEF)’. Conjunction is another lexical category and discussed in 15.2. In 13.4, it will be shown that the general preposition introduces prepositional phrases used as adjuncts indicating time ɛ́ nāānd̪=á yāàn ‘another day (lit. at day another)’. The general preposition is also used to introduce genitive phrases which indicate possession, or close relation of certain objects or actions. In such phrases, the noun following the preposition undergoes a tone change and is the possessor of the noun preceding the preposition, or is the noun to which the preceding noun is closely related. In (4a), the ɲɛ̄ɛr̄ ɛ̄ma᷆=n ‘devil.GEN=DEF’ is the possessor of ɲālg ‘children’. In (b), the word preceding the genitive phrase is a verb and the genitive phrase functions as an adjunct. As discussed in 6.5, the tone of each genitive noun has Mid-Low or High-Low, regardless of the root tone. (4) General preposition ɛ́, í (GP) gâr-rā ā nám-d̪á ɲālg ɛ́ (a) ā SBJV be.ableSBJV eat-SBJV. children GP 3sN SBJV.3sN ‘ . . so as to eat the nyeerma offspring.’ (Nyee10) (b)

(c)

ɲɛ̄ɛr̄ ɛ̄ma᷆=n /ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀màn/ devil.GEN=DEF

ɛ̄ gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ mīī=n ɛ̄ nāā 3sN found-M.COMP goat=DEF 3sN laying.INCP ‘He discovered the goat down in the well.’ (Goat10) càɔ̀r tale

nɛ́ɛ-́ n this-

ɛ́

ɛ́ GP

sālād̪=à ɛ̀ /sàlàd=à/ with hyena.GEN=COP DEF ‘This story is about a hyena, fox, and some

âld̪ /āld̪/ fox.GEN

ɛ́

nà

GP

REL.PL

àn stay

GP

lɛ̄ɛl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ =à bíīgg /lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛḡ /grass. some GEN-PL=COP wild forest animals.’ (Nyee1-2)

fɔ̄l /fɔ́l/hole.GEN

ɛ̀ with

ɟɛ᷆gg /jɛ̀g/ thing.PL.GEN

lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛg̀ g=ɛ̀ forest-PL=RDM

In (4c), there are three possessors (sālād̪à ‘hyena’, âld̪ ‘fox’, ɟe᷆gg ‘things’) of a single item (càɔ̀r nɛ́ɛń ‘this tale’) introduced by the general preposition ɛ́ (GP) with High tone and two animate accompaniment prepositions ɛ̀ ‘with’ with Low tone. There is no animate accompaniment clitic =E᷇ attached to the nouns âld̪ ‘fox’ and ɟe᷆gg ‘things’ possibly because the general preposition ɛ́ (GP) with genitive use has scope over them, causing them to undergo genitive tone change. The object lɛ̄ɛl̄ ɛ̄ɛḡ gà ‘grasses’ in the genitive phrase ɟɛ᷆gg ɛ́ lɛ̄ɛl̄ ɛ̄ɛḡ gà ‘things of grasses’ is

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introduced by a general preposition ɛ́ (GP) with High tone since it is not a fourth possessor of càɔ̀r nɛ́ɛń ‘this tale’, but of ɟe᷆gg ‘things’. As discussed in 10.2 and 14.5.1, the genitive is also used to encode agents of agented passive clauses as in (5). (5)

nāms ɲáɔ́-s=ɛɛ᷇ food /ɲaw/need-COMP=PAS.A ‘Food is needed by the hunter.’

āggāàr āggāàr /àgáár/hunter.GEN

11.4 Prepositional prefix for pronouns The consonant prefix d̪- is used instead of the independent general preposition ɛ́ (GP) when marking prepositional phrases beginning with possessive pronouns, prepositional pronouns, locative prepositional pronouns, or inherently possessed body parts—all of which are vowel-initial.37 In (6a), the preposition attaches to the possessive pronoun ɛ̄ ‘his’ of the possessive phrase to indicate ‘in his chest’. In (b), the preposition attaches to the prepositional pronoun -a᷇ggá ‘us’ to indicate ‘from us’. In (c), the preposition attaches to the locative prepositional pronoun -ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind.3sO’ to indicate ‘to behind him’. In (d), the preposition attaches to the possessed body part noun ɔ̄ɔɲ̄ to indicate ‘on your back’. In (a,d), the prepositional phrases have the role of location, in (b) the role of source, and in (c) the role of goal. (6) Prepositional prefix d̪(a) ɟɛ̄n ɛ̄ bìl=ì d̪-ɛ̄ kúnd̪ person 3sN shot=3sAM PP-3sP chest ‘A person shot him in his chest.’ (Fand30) (b)

ɟɔ̄gg ɛ̄gg ə́ði᷅ bà, ɛ̄gg wár ɟɛ̀gg=ā d̪-a᷇ggá kāɛ̄ people 3pN come oh 3pN take things=DEF PP-1pO all ‘When these people come, they take all (our) things from us.’ (Minj7)

(c)

āld̪=á ɛ̄ pə̂rd̪-ì d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ , lə̂ŋ ɛ̄ mād̪ággā fox=DEF 3sN jump-3sAM PP-behind.3sO until 3sN drank ‘Fox jumped over him (into the well) and drank until . . ’ (Goat12)

(d)

ā ra᷄g-sa᷇ d̪-ɔ̄ɔɲ̄ ā lɛ́ɟ-ɟā t ̪ú=í 1sN step PP-back.2sPs SBJV go out=SBO ‘If I step on your back so that I get out, . . ’ (Goat14-15)

In the data collected, the prepositional prefix d̪- did not replace the general preposition in genitive use ɛ́ ‘of’ such as in ‘of my house’. 37

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11.5 Adverbs functioning as prepositions Some adverbs of direction have the syntactic function of prepositions, introducing a noun phrase. In (7a), the adverb d̪ūmùùn ‘towards’ introduces the noun phrase wāālg ‘water.source in’. Sometimes adverbs of direction introduce other adverbs of direction as in (b), where the first adverb functions as a preposition, and the second functions as a noun phrase. In both example (a) and (b), the prepositional phrase functions as an adjunct, describing the location of the action. (7) Adverbs of direction functioning as prepositions (a) ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ ɛ̄ wāɟɟ d̪ūmùùn mùùn wāāl=g 3sN started 3sN go towards water.source=in ‘He set out for the well.’ (Goat2) (b)

īīgg=ə́

ɛ̄

fān fān t ̪ád̪ mə̄l=ínə̄ milk=DEF 3sN gathered=3sD on down ‘Milk accumulated for him underneath.’ (Nyee24)

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12 Body part locatives Locative phrases can consist of a noun of reference followed by a body part functioning as a locative, which in this thesis is called a ‘body part locative’. Body part locatives are analyzed categorically as locatives in that the original body part noun has become a grammaticalized form which no longer refers to person. In 5.2.4, it was shown that the vowels of inherently possessed body part nouns correspond to the person possessing the nouns. Such body parts used as locatives may have generalized first or second person vowels when used for the location of third person nouns. (1)

ɛ̄ àn ūfú ɔ́ɔĺ d̪ɛɛ̄ n̄ ɛ̄. 3sN staying tree up only ‘ . . as he remained in the tree.’ (Nyee35)

In (1), ɔ́ɔĺ ‘up’ is a body part locative with the same segmental form as ɔ̄ɔl̄ ‘your head (2sPs)’. The noun ɔ̄ɔl̄ ‘your head’ is a second person singular inherently possessed singular body part requiring a person marker vowel. In contrast, the locative ɔ́ɔĺ ‘up’ is used with the third singular noun ūfú ‘tree’, and the vowel ɔɔ no longer refers to person. In this way, the body part has become grammaticalized as a locative rather than as a body part. The second person vowel of the locative form ɔ́ɔĺ ‘up’ is random in that other body part locatives use first person or third person vowels. As will be discussed in 14.9.3, possession of body part nouns is different than for other nouns in that the possessor precedes the body part (ɟɛ̄n lúd̪ ‘person’s leg’) instead of following and in the genitive case (gàd̪ááɛ̀ ɛ́ ɟɛ̂n ‘basket of person.GEN’). The construction of locative phrases with body part locatives resembles that of possessed body parts—the body part follows the possessor and the body part locative follows the noun of reference. However, since ɔ́ɔĺ ‘up’ and other singular body part locatives can describe the location of any singular person noun or pronoun, the locative is a grammaticalized form which no longer refers to any person. In (2), body part nouns and the corresponding body part locatives are listed in both singular and plural forms along with their meanings. All body part locatives have the same segmental form as the corresponding body part noun; however, locatives (a-c) which are inherently possessed body parts have different tone than the corresponding body part nouns. Locatives which are inherently possessed body parts include a person marker vowel only because the body part cannot occur without one. The person marker vowel does not represent any person in its locative usage unless the prepositional prefix d̪- is attached, as discussed shortly. As to which of the three vowel-person forms the grammticalized body part employs, appears random. The locative of (a) uses the third person vowel, the locative of (b)

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uses the second person vowel, and the locative of (c) can use either the first or third person vowel in singular locative form, but only the first person vowel in plural form. (2)

Body parts and corresponding body part locatives LOC Noun Noun LOC SG

PL

(a) (b) (c)

ɛ̄ɛl̄ g ɔ̄ɔl̄ āāɲ/ ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ bə̄l mūū bɛ̀ɲ-ɟ

ììl-g ùùl-g ə̀əɲ̀ -g/ ììɲ-g bə̀l-g mùù-gg bɛ̀ɲ-āāgg

(d) (e) (g)

‘stomach.3P’ ‘head.2P’ ‘back.1P/ back.3P’ ‘vagina’ ‘face’ ‘side’

SG

PL

ɛ́ɛĺ g ɔ́ɔĺ ááɲ/ ɛ́ɛɲ́ bə̄l mūū bɛ̀ɲɟ

íìlg úùlg ə́əɲ̀ g

‘in, inside of’ ‘above, over, on’ ‘behind, in back of’

bə̀lg mùùgg bɛ̀ɲāāgg

‘under, beneath’ ‘before, in front of’ ‘next to, beside

In each example of (3), a body part locative follows the noun of reference. The body part locative agrees in number with the head noun—plural in (a) and singular in (b-d). (3) Body part locatives (a) ú=ɲíl gàr=ā súùgg īìlg īìlg ɛ́ gārá fɛ́ða᷄ná ɟɛ̀gg=ā 2pN=know place=DEF market in where placed things=DEF ‘Do you know the place in the market where things . . ’ (Fand27) (b)

ɛ̄ máà īīŋ ɛ̄ àn mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɔ̄ɔl̄ 3sN prides 3sR 3sN stay horse up ‘ . . taking pride in himself as he sits up on the horse.’ (Minj14)

(c)

fāā ná be᷇l cɔ̀ɔɟ̀ ɟɔ̀ɔ.̀ -ɛ̀ɛǹ , ɛ̄ àn gə̄ì old REL.SG called Joojo-3sO 3sN staying tree.type ‘An old man named Joojo was sitting under a Gai tree.’ (Jooj3)

(d)

ɛ̄ rāgg fɔ́l mūū 3sN stop hole front ‘He stopped in front of the hole.’ (Goat17-18)

bə̀l beneath

When body part locatives are used with pronouns of reference instead of nouns of reference, the object pronoun is attached to the verb and the prepositional prefix d̪‘to’ attaches to the body part locative, as will be discussed in 11.4. Body part locatives with pronominal reference are also called locative prepositional pronouns, as discussed in 5.7. In (4), the third singular object pronoun =ì attaches to the verb. The prepositional prefix d̪- marks the body part locative as indicating a pronoun as well as a location,

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and thus the vowel ɛɛ indicates the third person singular pronoun (d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘to behind him’). (4)

āld̪=á ɛ̄ pə̂rd̪=ì d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ fox=DEF 3sN jump=3sAM PP-behind.3sO ‘Fox jumped behind him.’ (Goat12)

If instead the meaning were ‘Fox jumped behind (over) you’, the construction d̪-ɔ́ɔɲ́ (PP-behind.2sO; locative prepositional pronoun) would have been used. If the meaning were ‘Fox jumped on his back’ the construction d̪-ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ (PP-back.3sPs; possessed body part) with Low tone would have been used [see also (6d) of 11.4]. If the meaning were ‘Fox jumped behind the tree’, the construction pə̂rd̪ə ̄ ūfú ɛ́ɛɲ́ (jump tree behind; body part locative) would have been used. Locative phrases are adjuncts of the verb and are equivalent in function to adverbs of place such as tɛ̪ ‘there, here’ discussed in 13.3. However, since locative phrases have a different construction than adverbs of place, they are analyzed as separate lexical categories. Although body part locatives are analyzed as separate morphemes, the initial vowels of some body part locatives are sometimes elided, undergo [ATR] changes, and undergo tone changes similar to those of clitics, depending on the nouns they follow. A summary of these changes is given here with reference to the list of (5), and examples follow in the next sections. Elision and [ATR] changes only occur in the singular body part locative of (5a) and to a lesser extent in the singular locatives of (b-c). The changes mostly depend on the speed of the utterance, but also on the final segments of the nouns the locatives follow. Tonal changes in body part locatives nearly always take place, regardless of the speed of utterance. However, there are no tonal changes for the singular locative of (g) and the plural locatives of (d-g) with underlying initial Low tone. The examples that follow represent fast speech and demonstrate the most possible changes. (5) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (g)

Body part locatives LOC SG

LOC PL

ɛ́ɛĺ g ɔ́ɔĺ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ bə̄l mūū bɛ̀ɲɟ

íìlg úùlg ə́əɲ̀ g bə̀lg mùùgg bɛ̀ɲāāgg

‘in, inside of’ ‘above, over, on’ ‘behind, in back of’ ‘under, beneath’ ‘before, in front of’ ‘next to, beside

12.1 Segmental formation of body part locatives The body part locatives ɛ́ɛĺ g ‘in’ and ɔ́ɔ́l ‘above’ attach to singular nouns with

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stem-final approximant ð, evidenced by the vowel quality change of the locative vowel in (6b) and (d). However, the body part locative ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ is separate from singular nouns as vowel quality of the locative never changes. (6)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Singular body part locatives locative ɛ́ɛlg ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ on singular nouns with stem--final ð N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ ɟááð ɟááð=ɛ́ɛĺ g ɟááð=ɔ́ɔĺ ɟááð ááɲ ɟááð ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘old clothes’ mə̄əð̄ mə̄əð̄ =íílg mə̄əð̄ =úúl mə̄əð̄ ááɲ mə̄əð̄ ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘grandfather’ mɛ̄ɛð̄ mɛ̄ɛð̄ =ɛ́ɛĺ g mɛ̄ɛð̄ =ɔ́ɔĺ mɛ̄ɛð̄ ááɲ mɛ̄ɛð̄ ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘tree type’ kūūð kūūð=íílg kūūð=úúl kūūð ááɲ kūūð ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘shadow’ yààð yààð=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g yààð=ɔ̄ɔl̄ yààð āāɲ yààð ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ‘sister’

Body part locatives attached to monosyllabic underlying approximant-final stems are shown in (7). In (a-e), the singular body part locatives either cause the underlying-final approximant to surface as such or elide the approximant. The vowel of the locatives ɛ́ɛĺ g ‘in’ and ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’ take the [ATR] quality of the noun to which they attach. However, the body part locative ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ is separate from singular nouns as vowel quality of the locative does not change in (f-h). (7)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h)

Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on monosyllabic underlying approximant--final stems m StemN N SG N SG N SG final SG ‘in’ ‘above’ ‘behind’ aɔ /aw/ káɔ̀ kâw=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g kâ.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ kâw āāɲ ‘hyena’ aaɔ /aaw/ bààɔ̀ bààw=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g bàà.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ bààw āāɲ ‘father’ ɛɔ /ɛw/ bɛ̄ɔ̀ bɛ᷆w=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g bɛ᷆.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ bɛ᷆w āāɲ ‘tree type’ aɛ /ay/ t ̪āɛ̀ t ̪a᷆.=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g t ̪a᷆=ɔ̄ɔl̄ t ̪a᷆y āāɲ ‘giraffe’ aaɛ /aay/ sāāɛ̄ sāā=ɛ́ɛĺ g sāā.=ɔ́ɔĺ sāāy ááɲ ‘coconut’ əəi /əəy/ mə̀əì̀ mə̀ə.̀ ī=īlg mə̀əì̀ .=ūūl mə̀əì̀ āāɲ ‘farm fence’ ui /uy/ mūī mū.í=ílg mūī.=úúl mūī ááɲ ‘wildebeest’ uui /uuy/ ɲūūì ɲūù.=īīlg ɲūūì.=ūūl ɲūūì āāɲ ‘leopard’

Similarly, in monosyllabic long vowel-final stems, the vowel of the locatives ɛ́ɛĺ g ‘in’ and ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’ take the [ATR] quality of the noun to which they attach, but ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ is separate. (8)

Singular body part locatives locative ɛ́ɛlg ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ on monosyllabic long vowel--final stems Stem- N SG N SG N SG N SG final ‘in’ ‘above’ ‘behind’ ɛ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɛ́ɛĺ g rɛ̄ɛ.̄ =ɔ́ɔĺ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ ááɲ rɛ̄ɛ ̄ ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘cotton’ a máà máà.=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g máà.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ máà āāɲ máà ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ ‘house’ ɔ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ.́ =ɛ́ɛĺ g t ̪ɔ́ɔ.́ =ɔ́ɔĺ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ááɲ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘cow’

Body part locatives

Stemfinal i ə u

N SG

N SG

N SG

N SG

ɟīì wə̄ə̄ bùù

‘in’ ɟīì.=īīlg wə̄ə.̄ =íílg bùù.=īīlg

‘above’ ɟīì.=ūūl wə̄ə.̄ =úúl bùù.=ūūl

‘behind’ ɟīì āāɲ wə̄ə̄ ááɲ bùù āāɲ

269

ɟīì ɛ̄ɛɲ̄ wə̄ə̄ ɛ́ɛɲ́ bùù ɛ̄ɛɲ̄

‘turkey’ ‘shade’ ‘chicken coop roof’

The body part locative ɛ́ɛĺ g ‘in’ can attach to polysyllabic singular nouns with stemfinal vowel. Following some nouns with final long vowel such as in (9a,c), the initial long vowel of the locative is elided. With other nouns such as (b) there can be partial elision. There can also be elision of noun short-final vowels as in (g,i,j). In (d,f,h,k), the locative is separate, evidenced by the vowel quality of the locative not changing to [+ATR]. In (e), it is ambiguous whether the locative attaches or not. The locative ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’ attaches to vowel-final stems to a lesser extent than ɛ́ɛĺ g— in these examples it is only attached in (j). The locative ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ is always separate. (9)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on polysyllabic vowel--final stems StemN SG N SG N SG N SG final ‘in’ ‘above’ ‘behind’ ɛɛ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ= ́ lg ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ɔ́ɔĺ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ ‘uncle’ ii ūrīī ūrī.í=ílg ūrīī ɔ́ɔĺ ūrīī ááɲ ‘ostrich’ aa wááyáá wááyáá=lg wááyáá ɔ́ɔ́l wááyáá ááɲ ‘bird type’ əə gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ gə̄ūld̪əə̀ ̀ āāɲ ‘fish’ ɔɔ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ ɛ́ɛĺ g mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ ɔ́ɔĺ mɛ́lɔ̄ɔ̄ ááɲ ‘sugar cane’ uu ə̄yúú ə̄yúú ɛ́ɛĺ g ə̄yúú ɔ́ɔĺ ə̄yúú ááɲ ‘tooth brush’ a t ̪ááðà t ̪ááð=ɛ̀ɛl̄ g t ̪ááðà ɔ̄ɔl̄ t ̪ááðà āāɲ ‘grandmother’ ə ə̄ŋə̀ ə̄ŋə̀ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g ə̄ŋə̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ ə̄ŋə̀ āāɲ ‘little girl’ ɔ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̀ns=ɛ̀ɛl̄ g ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ āāɲ ‘cooking plate’ u kúúfú kúúf=íílg kúúf=úúl kúúfú ááɲ ‘crushed beans’ uə būə̀ būə̀ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g būə̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ būə̀ āāɲ ‘tree type’

The body part locative ɛ́ɛĺ g ‘in’ can attach to singular nouns with stem-final consonants evidenced by [ATR] harmony, but the other vowel-initial singular locatives remain separate.

270 (10)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

A grammar of Gaahmg Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg ‘above’, ááɲ on singular nouns with stem--final consonants Stem- N SG N SG N SG N SG final ‘in’ ‘above’ ‘behind’ bb ɟílə̀bb ɟílə̀bb=īīlg ɟílə̀bb ɔ̄ɔl̄ ɟílə̀bb āāɲ ‘water spring’ d̪ māād̪ māād̪=ɛ́ɛĺ g māād̪ ɔ́ɔĺ māād̪ ááɲ ‘snake type’ d dɔ᷄d dɔ᷄d=ɛ́ɛĺ g dɔ᷄d ɔ́ɔĺ dɔ᷄d ááɲ ‘bird type’ ɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ=íílg bìmìríɟɟ bìmìríɟɟ ‘bird type’ ɔ́ɔĺ ááɲ gg kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg= kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg ‘woman’ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g ɔ̄ɔl̄ āāɲ s márɔ̄ɔs̄ márɔ̄ɔs̄ =ɛ́ɛĺ g márɔ̄ɔs̄ ɔ́ɔĺ márɔ̄ɔs̄ ááɲ ‘spider’ m d̪əm ̄ d̪ə̄m=íílg d̪əm ̄ ɔ́ɔĺ d̪əm ̄ ááɲ ‘Arab’ n sɛ́ɛǹ sɛ́ɛǹ =ɛ̄ɛl̄ g sɛ́ɛǹ ɔ̄ɔl̄ sɛ́ɛǹ āāɲ ‘ruler’ ɲ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ =ɛ̄ɛl̄ g ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ ɲɛ́ɛŋ̀ āāɲ ‘spear type’ r púr púr=íílg púr ɔ́ɔĺ púr ááɲ ‘flower’ l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l ɔ̄ɔl̄ d̪ɔŋ̀ ɔ̀l āāɲ ‘millipede’

Regardless of the stem-final segments, the plural body part locatives íìlg ‘in’, úùlg ‘above’, and ə́əɲ̀ g ‘behind’ of (6-10) do not undergo changes and are thus analyzed as separate words from the preceding plural nouns. Singular locatives are also presented for comparison. (11) Suffix ̄ - gg -gg ̄ - gg -Āgg -ÉĒgg -AAgg -AAd̪ - d̪̄ -d̪/-gg -Ed̪/-gg

Body part locative ɛ́ɛlg ĺ g ‘in’ and íìlg íìlg ‘in’ on various segment--final singular and plural nouns N SG N PL N SG ‘in’ N PL ‘in’ wáár wáār-g wáár ɛ́ɛĺ g wáār-g íìlg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáá-lg wááyáá-gg íìlg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúf-íílg kúúfú-gg íìlg cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪ ɛ́ɛĺ g cɛ́ld̪-āg íìlg púr púr-íīgg púr-íílg púr-íīgg íìlg îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g íl ɛ̀ɛl̄ g íl-ə̀əg̀ g íìlg kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g īìlg ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ-́ lg ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ íìlg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ ɛ̄ɛl̄ g gə̀rmù-gg īìlg ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ɟíŋ-íd̪-íílg ɟíŋ-g íìlg

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’ ‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

Body part locatives (12) Suffix ̄ - gg -gg ̄ - gg -Āgg -ÉĒgg -AAgg -AAd̪ - d̪̄ -d̪/-gg -Ed̪/-gg (13) Suffix ̄ - gg -gg ̄ - gg -Āgg -ÉĒgg -AAgg -AAd̪ - d̪̄ -d̪/-gg -Ed̪/-gg

Body part locative ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’ and úùlg úùlg ‘above’ on various segment--final singular and plural nouns N SG N PL N SG ‘above’ N PL ‘above’ wáár wáār-g wáár ɔ́ɔĺ wáār-g úùlg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáá ɔ́ɔĺ wááyáá-gg úùlg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúf=úúl kúúfú-gg úùlg cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪ ɔ́ɔĺ cɛ́ld̪-āgg úùlg púr púr-íīgg púr ɔ́ɔĺ púr-íīgg úùlg îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g îl ɔ̄ɔl̄ íl-ə̀əg̀ g ūùlg kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ ɔ̄ɔl̄ ūùlg ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ɔ́ɔĺ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ úùlg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ ɔ̄ɔl̄ gə̀rmù-gg ūùlg ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɔ́ɔĺ ɟíŋ-g úùlg Body part locative ááɲ ̀ɲg ‘behind’ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ and ə́əɲg on various final segments of singular and plural nouns N SG N PL N SG ‘behind’ N PL ‘behind’ wáár wáār-g wáár ááɲ wáār-g ə́ə̀ɲg wááyáá wááyáá-gg wááyáá ááɲ wááyáá-gg ə́ə̀ɲg kúúfú kúúfú-gg kúúfú ááɲ kúúfú-gg ə́əɲ̀ g cɛ́ld̪ cɛ́ld̪-āgg cɛ́ld̪ ááɲ cɛ́ld̪-āg ə́əɲ̀ g púr púr-íīgg púr ááɲ púr-íīgg ə́əɲ̀ g îl íl-ə̀əg̀ g íl àāɲ íl-ə̀əg̀ g ə̄əɲ̀ g kàmàlɔ̀gg kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ kàmàlɔ̀gg āāɲ kàmàlɔ̀gg-ààd̪ ə̄əɲ̀ g ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ābbɛ́ɛ ́ ááɲ ābbɛ́ɛ-̄ d̪ ə́ə̀ɲg gə̀rmù-d̪ gə̀rmù-gg gə̀rmù-d̪ āāɲ gə̀rmù-gg ə̄əɲ̀ g ɟíŋ-íd̪ ɟíŋ-g ɟíŋ-íd̪ ááɲ ɟíŋ-g ə́ə̀ɲg

271

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’ ‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

‘insect’ ‘bird’ ‘beans’ ‘broom’ ‘flower’ ‘horn’ ‘woman’ ‘uncle’ ‘insect’ ‘louse’

12.2 Tonal formation of body part locatives The singular body part locatives ɛ́ɛ́lg ‘in’, ɔ́ɔ́l ‘above’, ááɲ/ɛ́ɛ́ɲ ‘behind’ have underlying High tone and the plural body part locatives íìlg ‘in’, úùlg ‘above’, ə́ə̀ɲg ‘behind’ have underlying HL tone. Regardless of whether the locatives attach to nouns, initial High tone of the locative is lowered to Mid following noun-final Low tone, as shown by (14-19). (14) Tone H M L

Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on stem--final ð nouns with three tone melodies N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ ɟááð ɟááð=ɛ́ɛĺ g ɟááð=ɔ́ɔĺ ɟááð ááɲ ‘old clothes’ mə̄əð̄ mə̄əð̄ =íílg mə̄əð̄ =úúl mə̄əð̄ ááɲ ‘grandfather’ yààð yààð=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g yààð=ɔ̄ɔl̄ yààð āāɲ ‘sister’

272

A grammar of Gaahmg

(15)

Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on monosyllabic approximant--final stems with various tone melodies N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ ááɛ́ áá.ɛ́=ɛ́lg áá.=ɔ́ɔĺ g ááy=ááɲ ‘honey’ mūī mū.í=ílg mūī.=úúl mūī ááɲ ‘wildebeest’ bààɔ̀ bààw=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g bàà.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ bààw=āāɲ ‘father’ káɔ̀ kâw=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g kâ.=ɔ̄ɔl̄ kâw=āāɲ ‘hyena’ ɲūūì ɲūù.=īīlg ɲūūì.=ūūl ɲūūì āāɲ ‘leopard’

Tone H M L HL ML (16) Tone H M L HL ML (17) Tone H M L HL ML MH (18) Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ Singular body part locatives ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on monosyllabic long vowel--final stems with various tone melodies N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ cáá cáá.=ɛ́ɛĺ g cáá.=ɔ́ɔĺ cáá ááɲ ‘wild cat’ mīī mīī.=íílg mīī.=úúl mīī ááɲ ‘goat’ d̪ìì d̪ìì.=īīlg d̪ìì.=ūūl d̪ìì āāɲ ‘rat’ máà máà.=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g máà.=ɔ̄ɔ̄l máà āāɲ ‘house’ ɟīì ɟīì.=īīlg ɟīì.=ūūl ɟīì āāɲ ‘turkey’ Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on polysyllabic vowel--final nouns with various tone melodies N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ áðá áð=ɛ́ɛĺ g áð=ɔ́ɔĺ áðá ááɲ ‘dog’ ūrīī ūrī.í=ílg ūrīī ɔ́ɔĺ ūrīī ááɲ ‘ostrich’ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̀ns=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g ɔ̀nsɔ̀ ɔ̄ɔl̄ ɔ̀nsɔ̀ āāɲ ‘cooking plate’ bád̪à bád̪=ɛ̀ɛl̄ g bád̪à ɔ̄ɔl̄ bád̪à āāɲ ‘gourd cup’ gāfà gāf=ɛ̀ɛl̄ g gāfà ɔ̄ɔl̄ gāfà āāɲ ‘farm, field’ mɔ̄ðɔ́ mɔ̄ð=ɛ́ɛĺ g mɔ̄ðɔ́ ɔ́ɔĺ mɔ̄ðɔ́ ááɲ ‘locust’ Singular body part locatives ĺ g ‘in’, ɔ́ɔĺ ‘above’, ááɲ ááɲ/ɛ́ɛɲ́ ‘behind’ locative ɛ́ɛlg on consonant--final nouns with various tone melodies N SG N SG ‘in’ N SG ‘above’ N SG ‘behind’ wáár wáár=ɛ́ɛĺ g wáár ɔ́ɔĺ wáár ááɲ ‘insect type’ d̪ə̄m d̪əm ̄ =íílg d̪əm ̄ ɔ́ɔĺ d̪əm ̄ ááɲ ‘Arab’ kààm kààm=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g kààm ɔ̄ɔl̄ kààm āāɲ ‘cow type’ sɛ́ɛǹ sɛ́ɛǹ =ɛ̄ɛl̄ g sɛ́ɛǹ ɔ̄ɔl̄ sɛ́ɛǹ āāɲ ‘ruler’ ɟɔ́rgāāl ɟɔ́rgāāl=ɛ́ɛĺ g ɟɔ́rgāāl ɔ́ɔĺ ɟɔ́rgāāl ááɲ ‘bird type’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l kɔ̄ðɛ̀l=ɛ̄ɛl̄ g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l ɔ̄ɔl̄ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l āāɲ ‘baboon’ àggáár àggáár=ɛ́ɛĺ g àggáár ɔ́ɔĺ àggáár ááɲ ‘hunter, rider’ gɔ̀ɛn̄ gɔ̀ɛn̄ =ɛ́ɛĺ g gɔ̀ɛn̄ ɔ́ɔĺ gɔ̀ɛn̄ ááɲ ‘metal worker’ bāár bāár=ɛ́ɛĺ g bāár ɔ́ɔĺ bāár ááɲ ‘tribe member’

Body part locatives (19) Tone H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

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Plural body part locatives ̀ɲg ‘behind’ íìlg ‘in’, úùlg úùlg ‘above’, ə́əɲg locative íìlg on nouns with various tone melodies N PL N PL ‘in’ N PL ‘above’ N PL ‘behind’ wáār-g wáār-g íìlg wáār-g úùlg wáār-g ə́ə̀ɲg ‘insect type’ d̪ə̄m-g d̪əm ̄ -g íìlg d̪əm ̄ -g úùlg d̪əm ̄ -g ə́əɲ̀ g ‘Arab’ kààmg kààmg īìlg kààmg ūùlg kààmg ə̄əɲ̀ g ‘cow type’ sɛ́ɛǹ -g sɛ́ɛǹ -g īìlg sɛ́ɛǹ -g ūùlg sɛ́ɛǹ -g ə̄əɲ̀ g ‘ruler’ ɟɔ́rgāāl-g ɟɔ́rgāāl-g íìlg ɟɔ́rgāāl-g úùlg ɟɔ́rgāāl-g ə́əɲ̀ g ‘bird type’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g īìlg kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g ūùlg kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g ə̄əɲ̀ g ‘baboon’ àggáār-g àggáār-g íìlg àggáār-g úùlg àggáār-g ə́əɲ̀ g ‘hunter, rider’ gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g íìlg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g úùlg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g ə́əɲ̀ g ‘metal worker’ bāár-g bāár-g íìlg bāár-g úùlg bāár-g ə́əɲ̀ g ‘tribe member’

The singular body part locatives bə̄l ‘under’ and mūū ‘in front of’ have underlying Mid tone which assimilates to final Low tone of a preceding noun. The locative bɛ̀ɲɟ ‘beside’ has underlying Low tone which is not affected by any tone. (20)

ɲɟ ‘beside’ Singular body body part locatives locative bə̄l ‘under’, mūū ‘in front of’, bɛ̀ɲɟ on consonant--final nouns with various tone melodies

Tone

N SG

N SG

N SG

N SG

wáár d̪ə̄m kààm sɛ́ɛǹ ɟɔ́rgāāl kɔ̄ðɛ̀l àggáár gɔ̀ɛn̄ bāár

‘under’ wáár bə̄l d̪əm ̄ bə̄l kààm bə̀l sɛ́ɛǹ bə̀l ɟɔ́rgāāl bə̄l kɔ̄ðɛ̀l bə̀l àggáár bə̄l gɔ̀ɛn̄ bə̄l bāár bə̄l

‘in front of’ wáár mūū d̪ə̄m mūū kààm mùù sɛ́ɛǹ mùù ɟɔ́rgāāl mūū kɔ̄ðɛ̀l mùù àggáár mūū gɔ̀ɛn̄ mūū bāár mūū

‘beside’ wáár bɛ̀ɲɟ d̪əm ̄ bɛ̀ɲɟ kààm bɛ̀ɲɟ sɛ́ɛǹ bɛ̀ɲɟ ɟɔ́rgāāl bɛ̀ɲɟ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l bɛ̀ɲɟ àggáár bɛ̀ɲɟ gɔ̀ɛn̄ bɛ̀ɲɟ bāár bɛ̀ɲɟ

H M L HL HM ML LH LM MH

‘insect type’ ‘Arab’ ‘cow type’ ‘ruler’ ‘bird type’ ‘baboon’ ‘hunter, rider’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tribe member’

The plural body part locatives bə̀lg ‘under’, mùùgg ‘in front of’, bɛ̀ɲāāgg ‘beside’ also have initial Low tone which is not affected by any tone. (21)

Plural body part locatives lg ‘under’, mùù mùùgg gg ‘in front of’, bɛ̀ɲāāgg āāgg ‘beside’ locative bə̀lg on nouns with various tone melodies

Tone

N PL

N PL

N PL

N PL

wáār-g d̪əm ̄ -g kààmg sɛ́ɛǹ -g ɟɔ́rgāāl-g

‘under’ wáār-g bə̀lg d̪əm ̄ -g bə̀lg kààmg bə̀lg sɛ́ɛǹ -g bə̀lg ɟɔ́rgāāl-g bə̀lg

‘in front of’ wáār-g mùùgg d̪əm ̄ -g mùùgg kààmg mùùgg sɛ́ɛǹ -g mùùgg ɟɔ́rgāāl-g mùùgg

‘beside’ wáār-g bɛɲāāgg d̪əm ̄ -g bɛɲāāgg kààmg bɛɲāāgg sɛ́ɛǹ -g bɛɲāāgg ɟɔ́rgāāl-g bɛɲāāgg

H M L HL HM

‘insect’ ‘Arab’ ‘cow’ ‘ruler’ ‘bird’

274 Tone

A grammar of Gaahmg N PL

N PL

N PL

N PL

ML LH LM

kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g àggáār-g gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g

‘under’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g bə̀lg àggáār-g bə̀lg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g bə̀lg

‘in front of’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g mùùgg àggáār-g mùùgg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g mùùgg

‘beside’ kɔ̄ðɛ̀l-g bɛɲāāgg àggáār-g bɛɲāāgg gɔ̀ɛn̄ -g bɛɲāāgg

MH

bāár-g

bāár-g bə̀lg

bāár-g mùùgg

bāár-g bɛɲāāgg

‘baboon’ ‘hunter’ ‘metal worker’ ‘tribe m.’

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13 Adverbs Another lexical category—adverbs, describes the action of the clause, the clause predicate or the entire clause. There is a strong case for both adjectives and adverbs; different modifiers are normally used to describe verbs than those used to describe nouns. The adjective wɛ᷇d̪án ‘good.SG’ of (1a) cannot be used in (b) to describe the verb fīŋə́-d̪ə ̄ ‘hear’, and the adverb mâŋ ‘well’ of (b) cannot be used to describe the noun sālāām ‘peace’ in (a). Furthermore, the adjective wɛ᷇dá̪ n agrees in number with the noun it modifies, whereas the adverb maŋ is unchangeable, and therefore not a noun or any other word category with number distinction. (1a)

(b)

sālāām ɛ́ t ̪ɛ́l wɛ᷇d̪dá̪ n peace GP God good.SG ‘The peace of God is good.’ bìì fīŋə́-d̪ə ̄ kɔ̄r=ɛ́ mâŋ mâŋ let.IMP hear-SBJV.3pN word=RDM well ‘Let them hear this message well!’ (Womn25)

In this chapter, all attested words are presented which have the function of describing the action of the clause, the clause predicate or the entire clause. These words which are lexically categorized as adverbs can be grouped semantically according to manner, direction, place, time, or none of these. Adverbs of manner, direction, and place always follow the verb, whereas other adverbs are moveable outside of the verb phrase and may occur before the verb. When more than one kind of adverb is present, it is most common for manner and directional adverbs to precede adverbs of place, time, and other adverbs. The negative particle can also be analysed as an adverb since it has the same function as adverbs and always occurs clause-finally.

13.1 Adverbs of manner Adverbs of manner, which describe how the action takes place, immediately follow the verb or any verb complements. (2a)

ā

bā káŋ wāɟ-ɟá bír bír /bag/collect.SBJV multitude /waɟ/go-SBJV openly ‘ . . to gather the multitude (of people) scattered about.’ SBJV

(b)

ɔ̀ ɟɛ̄n=á . . . bə̄=ì d̪ùùl ùl and person=DEF send=3sAM difficult ‘The person . . . to send is difficult (to find).’ (Assa9-10)

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A few attested adverbs of manner are given in (3). (3)

Adverbs of manner bír ‘openly’ sù rɛ̄ggāād̪ ‘loudly’ t ̪ìfīīɟɟ mâŋ ‘well’ ɟáám d̪ùùl ‘difficult’

‘deeply’ ‘quickly’ ‘wrongly’

13.2 Adverbs of direction Adverbs of direction, indicating the direction of the action, may describe the verb without any further verb modifiers as in (4a). However, it is common for adverbs of direction to occur along with adverbs of place, which normally follow adverbs of direction as in (b). (4a)

(b)

ɛ̄gg bɔ̄fɔ̀ ɛ̄gg lɛ́ɛ ̄ t ̪àɔ̀ 3pN sing 3pN going up ‘They sang as they went up.’ (Fand25) á wīr-ə᷇n áfád̪ ma᷇n t ̪ád̪ t ̪ɛ̀ 1sN slaughter-CONT blood certain down here ‘I am making a sacrifice here (lit. slaughtering down a certain living creature here).’ (Jooj9)

A list of some adverbs of direction is provided in (5). (5)

Adverbs of direction t ̪ád̪ ‘down’ t ̪àɔ̀ sím ‘in, down’ t ̪ú cābb ‘up’ fān d̪ūmùùn ‘towards’

‘up’ ‘out, away, through’ ‘on, to’

13.3 Adverbs of place Adverbs of place can reference physical or figurative locations of verbs. They can describe the verb by themselves or along with another adverb. Other adverbs, such (6a)

(b)

mə́sí nɛ́ɛ ́ nə́r-r-ə̄n insect this drools-CAUS-CONT.N ‘This insect drools here.’ (Jooj10)

t ̪ɛ̀ here

ɔ̀ á ɲa᷇m ā t ̪a᷇l kɔ̄r ɛ́ and 1sN want SBJV create speech GP ‘And now I will stop talking here.’ (Tifa14)

mūn time

t ̪ɛ̀ here

ɟɔ̄ only

Adverbs

(c)

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gùrūūs-úgg=ú t ̪ā t ̪ù wá money-PL=DEF COP there not ‘There is no money.’ (Fand16)

as ɟɔ̄ ‘only’ in (6b), follow adverbs of place. Attested adverbs of place are listed in (7). The same three-way distinction as in demonstratives in 8.1.3—near a speaker, near an addressee, and away from both speaker and addressee—also occur in adverbs, as well as a presentational adverb as in (6c). (7)

Adverbs of place Long Short t ̪ɛ̀ɛð̀ ɛ́ t ̪ɛ̀ ‘here’ t ̪ààðá t ̪à ‘there’ t ̪ììðí t ̪ì ‘there’ t ̪ù ‘there’

near speaker near addressee away from both presentational

13.4 Adverbs of time Adverbs of time normally occur as part of the verb phrase as in (8a, b), but may precede the clause entirely as in (c). (8a)

ɔ̀ ú=ɲə᷇m ɲíí bār bārɛ̀ ā and 2sN=want what now QM ‘And what do you want now?’ (Jooj7)

(b)

āgg wāɟ-ɟā wāā=lg fɛ́ɛd́ ɔ̪ ɔ́ ĺ ɟɔ̄ 1pN went-COMP water=in early.morning only ‘We also went to the water valley early in the morning.’ (Thng17)

(c)

ɔ̀ bār ú-ə̀n=ī bārɛ̀ ú=bûr and now 2sN=remain.INCP 2sN=/an/live.INCP=IPF ‘And are you still living (with good health)?’

Attested adverbs of time are listed in (9). (9)

Adverbs of time bārɛ̀ ‘now’ kāɛ̄n ‘yesterday’ fɛ́ɛd́ ɔ̪ ɔ́ ĺ ‘early morning’

bà oh

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Prepositional phrases introduced with the general preposition ɛ́, í (GP) of 11.3 can be used as adjuncts indicating time. In (10a), the phrase ɛ́ nāānd̪á ma᷇n ‘on a certain day’ describes the time of the verb wāɟɟā ‘went’. Such phrases are also common at the beginning of the clause as in (b). á wāɟɟā ɛ́ nāānd̪=á ma᷇ d̪ūmùùn ma᷇n 1sN went GP day=DEF certain towards ‘One day I went to Dal Valley.’ (Thng1)

(10a)

(b)

ɛ́

ɛ́ GP

nāānd̪=á yāàn, ɛ̄ ád̪ággā ɛ̄ yāàn, āld̪=á day=DEF other Fox=DEF 3sN came 3sN ‘Another day, Fox brought another idea . . .’ (Nyee30)

GP

d̪ààl. (valley name) fáàm thought

Attested prepositional phrases used as adjuncts indicating time are shown in (11). (11)

Prepositional Prepositional phrases used as adjuncts indicating time ɛ́ fɔ̀gg ‘tomorrow’ ɛ́ yāāgg ‘a while’ ɛ́ kááy-ɛ̄ɛḡ g ‘at night’ ɛ́ nāānd̪á yāàn ‘another day’ ɛ́ gāránd̪á ‘at that time’

13.5 Other adverbs Other adverbs are found to modify verbs, verb predicates, or the entire clause. Although they most commonly occur following the verb, some precede the verb when emphasizing noun subjects or even introduce the clause. The adverbs in (12a, b) show the most typical position, following the verb. In (c), the adverb ɟɔ̄ ‘just’, (12a)

mɔ̀rāā ə́ð=í t ̪áān ̪áān government came=IPF again ‘The government came again.’ (Fand10)

(b)

ə᷇, wɛ́ɛ ́ dàr ɟɔ̄ ā gàɔ̀-dā īīggə́ ɲālg=a᷇n oh go hide only SBJV give-SBJV.1pN milk.DEF children=DAT ‘Let’s just go hide in order to give this milk to the children.’ (Nyee26)

(c)

ɟāfàrì=n ɛ́ mánɛ̄ ɟɔ̄ d̪àɔ̀-sā càɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á Jafari=DEF alone just killed-COMP rabbits-PL=DEF ‘Jafari, by himself, killed four rabbits.’ (Jafr7)

(d)

bɛ̄l-án gìrʃɛ́ɛn̄ ɟɔ̄. having-CONT.P two.piasters(Ar) only ‘He had only two piasters.’ (Fand1-2)

yə̄ə̄sə́. four

Adverbs

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emphasizes the subject, whereas in (d), the adverb emphasizes the object. The remaining attested adverbs are listed in (13). (13)

Other adverbs d̪í ‘also, in addition to’ ɟɔ̄ ‘only, no more, just’ d̪ɛɛ̄ n̄ ɛ̄ ‘only’ t ̪áān ‘again, another time’ màrɛ̀ɛ ̀ ‘somehow’ ma᷆ ‘even’

pád̪ rɛ̄ ānà ánɛ̄ɛń gə̂l

‘suddenly, always, forever’ ‘very’ ‘like this’ ‘like this’ ‘just, in that way’

13.6 Negation The negative particle wá always occurs clause-finally and modifies or negates the preceding verb, verb predicate or clause. Since neither its position nor function differs from adverbs, the negative particle can also be analyzed as an adverb. As in (14a), the negative particle occurs as the last word of the verb phrase and may be separated from the verb by verb complements or adjuncts. The negative particle may also negate an adverb of manner as in (b) or a prepositional phrase functioning as an adverb as in (c). (14) Negative examples (a) mə̄īd̪ kūūd̪=ū d̪àɔ̀-sā ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ old.man person.name=DEF kill-COMP thing ‘The old man Kuud didn’t kill anything.’ (Jafr8)

d̪ɛɛ́ ́ any

wá not

(b)

mássɛ̄ɛ ̄ ɟìs-ə᷅n=ə᷇ mâŋ wá sickness treating-CONT.N=1sD carefully not ‘The massee sickness is not treating me well.’ (Assa2)

(c)

ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ âr-s āān ánɛ̄ɛń ɛ́ nāānd̪-á ma᷇n something frightened-COMP 1sA like.this GP day-DEF certain ‘There has never been a day I was as frightened as this.’ (Thng14)

wá not

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14 Clause--level syntax 14.1

Introduction

In the previous chapters, various morphemes have been shown to be distinct in form. We now present many of the same morphemes in their syntactic context to show their function. Agentive passive, agentless passive, antipassive, and causative verb forms are shown to be syntactically distinct. In non-verbal clauses, copular clitics are shown to take the place of separate copula particles, which are functionally equivalent but different in form. Relative clauses are morphologically marked for definiteness and grammatical function, and they receive the marking instead of the head noun they modify. In this chapter, we first discuss grammatical function of constituents in 14.2 and word order in 14.3, then verbal clauses in 14.4 and verbal valency in 14.5, followed by non-verbal clauses in 14.6, relative clauses in 14.7, evidentiality in 14.8, and finally noun phrases in 14.9.

14.2 Grammatical function of constituents Nouns function as subjects, objects, indirect objects, or objects of prepositional phrases. In (1), mɛ̀ɛn̄ ‘youth’ has the role of agent and functions as the subject of the clause. The noun nāmsá ‘food’ has the role of a theme, functioning as an object, whereas mə̄əð̄ ə́n ‘grandfather’ is the recipient and indirect object. (1)

mɛ̀ɛn̄ māār-sá nāms-á mə̄əð̄ =ə᷇n youth.leader /mar/buy-COMP food-DEF grandfather=DAT ‘The youth leader bought the food for the grandfather.’

Case marking does not occur on subject or object nouns, but dative nouns take the clitic =A᷇n as shown in (1) and (2) and have the role of beneficiary or recipient. In (2), the noun kááy-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=ɛ́ ‘night-PL=RDM’ functions as the object of the general preposition ɛ́ (GP). (2)

ɔ̀ ná bɛ́r-s=āná ɲālg=a᷇n ɛ́ kááy-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=ɛ́ and REL explain-COMP=PAS small.ones=DAT GP night-PL=RDM ‘ . . and that which is explained (fable) to children at night.’

Objects and indirect objects are verb complements, whereas prepositional phrases, locative phrases and adverbs are verb adjuncts. In (2), the prepositional phrase ɛ́ kááyɛ̄ɛḡ gɛ́ ‘at night’ is an adjunct to the verb bɛ́rsāná ‘explain’ expressing time. In (3), the locative phrase ūfú ɔ́ɔĺ ‘in the tree’ and adverb d̪ɛɛ̄ n̄ ɛ̄ ‘only’ are both adjuncts to the verb àn ‘stay’ expressing location.

282 (3)

A grammar of Gaahmg ɛ̄ àn ūfú ɔ́ɔĺ d̪ɛɛ̄ n̄ ɛ̄. 3sN staying tree up only ‘ . . as he remained in the tree.’ (Nyee35)

14.3 Word order Gaahmg word order is SVO, as in (4). (4)

bāárg-á ŋáɔ́-a᷄ ǹ ɲā-lg nà ə̄n-g=ì Baggara-DEF search-CONT.P girl-PL REL.PL young-PL=RDM ‘The Baggara (people group) were kidnapping young girls.’ (Minj2)

As shown in (5), verb complements—objects and indirect objects—immediately follow the verb, and adjuncts follow verb complements. Adverbs are least connected with the verb and the most moveable of the adjuncts, sometimes being fronted before the verb, although not usually before the subject. When more than one kind of adverb is present, manner and directional adverbs normally precede adverbs of place, time, and other adverbs. Negation markers can be analyzed as adverbs, since they follow the verb and its adjuncts and have the same function as adverbs. They are always sentence-final and cannot be fronted before the verb as some adverbs can. (5)

Word order of complements and adjuncts V (NP[O]) (NP[IO]) (ADV[Adjunct])

({LP, PP, ADV}[Adjunct])

The examples of (6) show the common word order of verb complements and adjuncts. In (a), the object kɔ̄r ‘speech’ is followed by a prepositional phrase ɛ́ mūn ‘by time’, which is followed by an adverb of place tɛ̪ ̀ ‘here’, and then followed by the adverb ɟɔ̄ ‘only’. In (b), the verb is followed by the locative phrase mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɔ̄ɔl̄ ‘on a horse’, by the prepositional phrase ɛ̄ párɛ́=n ɛ́ mə̄ɲìl=ə̀ ‘with animal skin of the devil’ which is a prepositional phrase within a phrase, and finally by the prefixed prepositional phrase d̪-ɛ́ɛs̀ ‘in his hand’. (6a)

ā

t ̪a᷇l kɔ̄r ɛ́ mūn create.SBJV.1sN speech by time ‘ . . and I will stop talking here.’ (Tifa14)

t ̪ɛ̀ here

SBJV

(b)

ɛ̄ 3sN

àn stay

mɔ̄sɔ̀r horse

ɔ̄ɔl̄ up

ɛ̄ with

párɛ́=n skin.bag=

ɛ́

ɟɔ̄. only

d̪-ɛ́ɛs̀ . PPDEF DEF hand.3sPs ‘He rides on a horse with an animal-skin bag of the devil in his hand.’ (Minj14-15) GP

mə̄ɲìl=ə̀ devil.GEN=

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14.4 Verbal clauses Verbal clauses with underived verbs can be transitive, intransitive or dative (threeargument). The intransitive clauses of (7) have the subjects as their only argument. Intransitive verbs are not uncommon in Gaahmg. (7) (a)

(b)

Intransitive (1 argument) āld̪=á ɛ̄ wāɟ-ɟ fox=DEF 3sN /wāɟ/go-INF ‘The fox went out.’ (Goat16-17)

t ̪ú. out

mɔ̀rāā ə́ð-ð-í t ̪áān government /áð/come.INF-IPF again ‘The government came again.’ (Fand10)

Transitive verbs have the arguments subject and object which in the clause of (8) have the semantic roles of agent and theme. In Gaahmg, there is no morphological distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs. (8)

Transitive (2 arguments) AGENT

THEME

ɟād̪ɛɛ̀ r̀ =ā wár-sá kāŋ íìnī=n Jader=DEF /wár/carry-COMP group 3sPs=DEF ‘Jader led his very large group.’ (Fand24-25)

ɛ̄ with

mād̪ā. big.size

Dative verbs have the arguments subject, object, and indirect object which in the clause of (9) have the semantic roles of agent, theme, and recipient. The presence of a recipient or beneficiary in a clause requires the presence of an agent or experiencer and patient or theme. In other words, a dative cannot be present without a subject and object. The dative verbs attested are /gàf /‘give’, /bɛ̀ɛ ̀ / ‘tell, say’, /bàg/ ‘bring’. (9)

Dative (3 arguments) AGENT

THEME

RECIPIENT

ɟɛ̄n gàɔ̀-sā mīī=n kàmàlɔ̀gg=āān person give-COMP goat=DEF woman=DAT ‘The person gave the woman the goat.’

14.5 Verbal valency Although there is no morphological distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs, there are four valency-decreasing morphemes and one valency-increasing morpheme attached to verbs. The functions of each are shown by the examples in following sections.

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Table 56: Verb derivational markers SG

Agented passive Middle Passive Antipassive Causative

=E᷇ [+ATR], tone change =ĀnÁ, =Á -An [+ATR], -d̪+A

PL

=ÉĒ [+ATR], tone change =ĀnÁ, =Á -An [+ATR], -d̪+A

valencydecreasing

valencyincreasing

14.5.1 Agented passive The agented passive clitic decreases the valency of the clause by demoting the agent to non-argument status, although an explicit expression of the agent is still required. In clauses with agents encoded by post-verbal constructions, an agented passive clitic=E᷇ /=ÉĒ, which agrees with a genitive agent in number, is attached to the verb stem. The clauses of (10-11) have singular and plural agents in pre- and postverbal positions. (10)

Pre-verbal agents AGENT

(a)

ɟɛ̄n person

PATIENT

ɲām-sá break-

gùld̪ūn branch.DEF

AGENT

(b)

ɟɔ̄gg people

COMP

‘The people broke the branch.’

Post-verbal agent, agented passive verb PATIENT

(a)

gùld̪ūn branch.DEF

COMP

‘The person broke the branch.’ (11)

PATIENT

ɲām-sà break-

AGENT

ɲa᷄m-s=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ 38 ɟɛ̂n breakperson. COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘The branch was broken by the person.’ gùld̪ūn branch

PATIENT

(b)

AGENT

gùld̪ūn branch

ɲa᷄m-s=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ ̄ ɟɔ́gg breakpeople.GEN COMP=PAS.A ‘The branch was broken by the people.’

Third person encodings of agents or experiencers follow the verb when objects are in focus, being pre-verbal. In such clauses, nouns with the role of agent or experiencer can be introduced with the general preposition ɛ́ (GP) as in (12a). Pronouns with such roles can be introduced with the prefix d̪- ‘by’ as in (b). A noun with these roles following a verb without a preposition is in genitive case, marked by a tone change, as in (c). The noun àggáár ‘hunter’ of (c) has LH root tone melody which switches to ML tone melody in genitive case.

38

As discussed in 10.2.2, root tone of Mid root tone melodies becomes MH in incompletive and completive verbs with agented passive clitic.

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(12) Clauses with agented passives (a) gààr cúə́ . . . nām-án=ɛɛ᷇ ɛ́ pork sweet /nam/eat-CONT.P=PAS.A GP ‘Sweet pork . . . was being eaten by witchdoctors.’ (b)

(c)

ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -s=īī someone /káàm/bothered.CAUS-COMP=PAS.A ‘No one was bothered by it.’ (Thng25) nāms ɲáɔ́-s=ɛɛ᷇ food /ɲaw/need-COMP=PAS.A ‘Food is needed by the hunter.’

káɛ́-gg=à witchdoctor-PL=DEF

d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ PP-3sO

wá. not

āggāàr āggāàr hunter.GEN

14.5.2 Middle The verb of (13) has a middle form where the speaker indicates that it is unknown whether there is an implied agent or not. The middle form is distinguished from the active form by the vowel specified as [+ATR] and by a tone change, which is the same tone change as in clauses with post-verbal agents such as (11). Because of lack of data collected, it cannot be determined if first or second person subjects are possible with middle verbs. (13) (a)

Middle (with or without an implied agent) gùld̪ūn ɲə᷄m-sə́ (b) gùld̪ūgg ɲə᷄m-sə̀ branch.DEF break.MID-COMP branch.PL break.MID-COMP ‘The branch broke.’ ‘The branches broke.’

14.5.3 Passive In agentless passive verbs, the speaker indicates an implied, unstated agent which could be known or unknown. The clitic =ĀnÁ attaches to stems with vowel-final suffixes and the clitic =Á attaches to stems with consonant-final suffixes or suffixless stems. Passive clitics do not agree in number with the syntactic subject (semantic patient), and do not attach the agented passive clitic. (14) (a)

Passive (implied agent) gùld̪ūn ɲām-s=āná branch break-COMP=PAS ‘The branch was broken.’

(b)

gùld̪ūgg ɲām-s=āná branch.PL break-COMP=PAS ‘The branches were broken.’

In passive clauses, a noun with the role of theme or patient normally takes the place of the syntactic subject, occurring before the passive verb, as in (15a). However, when there is focus on the passive verb, the noun follows the verb, as in (b).

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(15) Passive clauses (a) kɔ́lɔ́d-̪ ɔ́ d̪ùr-s=ə̄ə̄nə́ egg-DEF /d̪ur/bury-COMP=PAS ‘The egg was buried.’ (Fand21) (b)

fɛ́ð-a᷄n=áá ɟɛ̀gg=ā t ̪ád̪ /fɛ/put-CONT.P-PAS things=DEF down ‘Things were being laid down.’ (Fand27-28)

14.5.4 Antipassive In antipassive clauses, the speaker indicates an implied, unknown object (patient, theme, or experiencer). Such verb forms are marked by the antipassive suffix -An which attaches to the verb root before inflectional suffixes are added. As in active clauses, agents can also be post-verbal in antipassive clauses. In such clauses, verbs are marked with the agented passive clitic =E᷇ /=ÉĒ as shown in (17). (16) (a)

Antipassive (unknown patient) ɟɛ̄n ɲām-áán-sá person break-ANTIP-COMP ‘The person broke something.’

(17) (a)

Antipassive, agented passive verb (unknown patient) ɲām-áán-s=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟɛ̂n (b) ɲām-áán-s=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ ̄ ɟɔ̂gg break-ANTIP- person. break-ANTIPpeople. COMP=PAS.A GEN COMP=PAS.A GEN ‘Something was broken ‘Something was broken by the people.’ by the person.’

(b)

ɟɔ̄gg ɲām-áán-sà people break-ANTIP-COMP ‘The people broke something.’

Further, passive antipassive clauses are used to indicate an implied agent and unknown patient, being marked by the antipassive suffix -An and passive clitic =ĀnÁ. (18)

Passive antipassive (implied agent, unknown patient) ɲām-áán-s=āāná break-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘Something was broken.’

14.5.5 Causative Causative clauses are used to indicate the reason or initiative of the action being a different argument than that which does the action. Causative verbs then add a second argument to intransitive clauses and a third argument to transitive clauses. They are marked by the vowel specified as [+ATR] and by the causative suffixes

Clause-level syntax

287

-s+A, -d̪+A. In (19), the reason or initiative for breaking is from àggáár ‘hunter’, but the actual breaking is done by ɟɛ̄n ‘person’. As shown in (20), causative clauses can also have post-verbal agents, being marked by the agented passive clitic =E᷇. (19)

Causative (3 arguments) AGENT

EXPERIENCER

PATIENT

àggáár ɲə᷇m-sə́ ɟɛ̄n gùld̪ū=n hunter break.CAUS-COMP person branch=DEF ‘A hunter made the person break the branch.’ (20)

Causative, agented passive verb (3 arguments) gùld̪ū=n ɲə᷇m-s-ii᷇ āggāàr(-ɛ̀) ɟɛ̄n branch=DEF break.CAUS-COMP-PAS.A hunter.GEN person ‘A branch was broken by a hunter making the person break it.’

When dative clauses become causative, a fourth argument is added as shown in (21). (21)

Causative dative (4 arguments) AGENT

EXPERIENCER

THEME

RECIPIENT

àggáár gə́ù-sə̄ ɟɛ̄n mīī kàmàlɔ̀gg=ān hunter give.CAUS-COMP person goat woman=DAT ‘A hunter made the person give a goat to the woman.’ Antipassive causative clauses indicate that one or more of the non-agent arguments are unknown. The same verb form is used regardless of which of the non-agent arguments or how many of them are unknown. Antipassive causative clauses with post-verbal agents also have the same form regardless of which non-agent argument or how many are unknown. In (22-23) the patient is unknown, in (24-25) the experiencer is unknown, and in (26-27) the patient and experiencer are unknown. (22)

Antipassive causative (unknown patient) àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-sə́ ɟɛ̄n hunter break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP person ‘A hunter made the person break something.’

(23)

Antipassive causative, agented passive verb (unknown patient) ɟɛ̄n ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-s=ii᷇ āggāàr(-ɛ̀) person break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS.A hunter.GEN ‘The person was made to break something by a hunter.’

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(24)

Antipassive causative (unknown experiencer) àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-sə́ gūld̪ūn hunter break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP branch.DEF ‘A hunter made someone break the branch.’

(25)

Antipassive causative, agented passive verb (unknown experiencer) gūld̪ūn ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-s=ii᷇ āggāàr(-ɛ̀) branch.DEF break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS.A hunter.GEN ‘The branch was broken by a hunter making someone break it.’

(26)

Antipassive causative (unknown patient & experiencer) àggáár ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-sə́ hunter break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP ‘A hunter made someone break something.’

(27)

Antipassive causative, agented passive verb (unknown patient & experiencer) ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-s=ii᷇ āggāàr(-ɛ̀) break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS.A hunter.GEN ‘Something was broken by a hunter making someone break it.’

Passive causative clauses are used to indicate an implied, unstated agent of a causative verb. The patient such as gùld̪ūn ‘branch’ in (28) is the syntactic subject. The noun ɟɛ̄n ‘person’ is an experiencer which does the action at the initiative of an unstated agent such as àggáár ‘hunter’. (28)

Passive causative (implied agent) gùld̪ūn ɲə᷇m-s=ə̄nə́ ɟɛ̄n branch.DEF break.CAUS-COMP-PAS person ‘The person was made to break the branch.’

Finally, passive causative antipassive clauses indicate an implied agent and one or (29)

Passive causative antipassive (implied agent, unknown patient) ɟɛ̄n ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ person break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘The person was made to break something.’

(30)

Passive causative antipassive (implied agent, unknown experiencer & patient) ɲə́m-ə̄ə̄n-s=ə̄nə́ break.CAUS-ANTIP-COMP=PAS ‘Someone was made to break something.’

Clause-level syntax

289

more unknown non-agent arguments.

14.6 Non-verbal clauses There are two sets of copulas with which all non-verbal clauses are formed. The most common set of copulas are shown in table 57 and are used for adjectival, possessive, and equative clauses. A second set is used for locative and presentational clauses, which will be presented shortly. With the limited data collected, it could not be determined how existential clauses, if possible, are constructed. Table 57: Common copulas

Copula Copular clitic on consonant-final noun phrases Copular clitic on vowel-final noun phrases

Non-past

Non-past

SG

PL

t ̪ā ---

t ̪a᷆ =À

Past continuous t ̪ā-án

=n

In non-verbal clauses, the copula tā̪ can be used as in (31a) or the past continuous copula t ̪ā-án can be used. However, it is also common for a copular clitic =À to attach to the final word of a clause as in (c). Although the independent past continuous copula t ̪ā-án can be used for past reference, the copular clitic cannot. (31) Non--verbal clauses (a) gùrūūs-úgg-ú t ̪ā t ̪ù wá money-PL-DEF COP there not ‘There is no money.’ (Fand16) (b)

Bɛ̄ɛl̀ ma᷇n t ̪āt ̪ù ̪ā-án metal certain COP-CONT.P there ‘There was a certain metal token’ (Fand8)

(c)

t ̪ɔ́-gg-ɔ́ d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL-DEF blind-PL=COP ‘The cows are blind.’

In answer to the question ɲi᷇n nɛ́ɛ ́ ‘What is this?’ or ɲíggì nɛ́ɛ ́ ‘What are these?’, the copular clitic attached to a single noun is a clause in itself. (32a)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n cow=COP ‘(This) is a cow.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ̀ɔ̀ cow-PL=COP ‘(these) are cows.’

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As will be seen, there is no difference in the clausal construction between adjectival clauses and nominal non-verbal clauses. However, as mentioned in 8.3.1, there is a morphological difference in the copular clitic attached to consonant-final nouns (=Ā) and the copular clitic attached to consonant-final adjectives (no marking).

14.6.1 Adjectival clauses In (33), singular and plural adjectival clauses are shown—with the copula tā̪ in (a-b) and with the copular clitic in (c-d). There is no copular clitic marking on singular consonant-final adjectives as in (c). The clitic on vowel-final singular adjectives is =n as in (e). The clitic =À on plural adjectives takes the [ATR] quality of the adjective word. (33) (a)

Adjectival clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪ā sɛ̀ggār cow COP strong ‘A cow is strong.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg t ̪a᷆ sɛ̀ggār-g cow-PL COP strong-PL ‘Cows are strong.’

(c)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ sɛ̀ggār cow strong ‘A cow is strong.’

(d)

t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g=àà cow-PL strong-PL=COP ‘Cows are strong.’

(e)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n cow blind=COP ‘A cow is blind.’

(f)

t ̪ɔ́-gg d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL blind-PL=COP ‘Cows are blind.’

In the adjectival clauses of (34), the initial noun phrases are marked for definiteness. (34) (a)

(c)

Definite adjectival clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n sɛ̀ggār cow=DEF strong ‘The cow is strong.’ cɔ̄ɔl̄ donkey

sɛ̀ggār=áá strong=

d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n blind=

DEF

COP

‘The strong donkey is blind.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg-ɔ́ɔ́ sɛ̀ggār-g=àà cow-PL-DEF strong-PL=COP ‘The cows are strong.’

(d)

cɔ̄ɔl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g donkey-

sɛ̀ggār-g=àà d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg=ə̀ə̀ strongblindPL PL=DEF PL=COP ‘The strong donkeys are blind.’

Demonstratives are not used pronominally. Instead, the indefinite adjective ma᷇n/ bíīgg ‘certain’ can be used as in (35a-b). Otherwise, demonstratives can be used as in (c-f).

Clause-level syntax

291

Demonstratives in copular clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ma᷇n d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n (b) cow certain blind=COP ‘A certain cow is blind.’ ‘This is a blind cow.’

t ̪ɔ́-gg bíīgg d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL certain.PL blind-PL=COP ‘Certain cows are blind.’ ‘These are blind cows.’

(c)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ níí d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n cow this blind=COP ‘This cow is blind.’ ‘This is a blind cow.’

(d)

t ̪ɔ́-gg nìì d̪əm ̀ ə̄-gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL these blind-PL=COP ‘These cows are blind.’ ‘These are blind cows.’

(e)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ níí ə́əǹ =ə̀ə̀ cow this 1sPs=COP ‘This cow is mine.’ ‘This is my cow.’

(f)

t ̪ɔ́-gg nìì ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL these 1sPp=COP ‘These cows are mine.’ ‘These are my cows.’

(35) (a)

14.6.2 Possessive clauses Clause-initial noun phrases of possessive copular clauses can be unmarked for definiteness as in (36a-b) or marked for definiteness as in (c-f). Possessive copular clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ə́əǹ =ə̀ə̀ (b) cow 1sPs=COP ‘a cow is mine.’

t ̪ɔ́-gg ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL 1sPp=COP ‘cows are mine.’

(c)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ə́əǹ =ə̀ə̀ cow=DEF 1sPs=COP ‘The cow is mine.’

(d)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ɔ́ ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL=DEF 1sPp=COP ‘The cows are mine.’

(e)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n cow=

(f)

t ̪ɔ́-gg cow-PL

(36) (a)

DEF

sɛ̀ggār strong

ə́ə̀n=ə̀ə̀ 1sPs= COP

‘The strong cow is mine.’

sɛ̀ggār-g=àà strong-PL=

ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀ 1sPp=

DEF

COP

‘The strong cows are mine.’

It is also possible to have two copular clitics attached to two coordinate constituents (37a)

(b)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ níí d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n ə́əǹ =ə̀ə̀ cow this blind=COP 1sPs=COP ‘This cow is blind and mine.’ t ̪ɔ́-gg nìì d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g=ə̀ə̀ ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ə̀ cow-PL these blind-PL-COP 1sPp=COP ‘These cows are blind and mine.’

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of the predicate. With the limited data collected, it could not be determined if nominal predicates are possible in possessive clauses. However, they are possible in equative clauses as shown in (38a-b) below.

14.6.3 Equative clauses The copular clitic is also used in equative clauses. As in other past tense non-verbal clauses, past tense equative clauses are formed with the past continuous copula tā̪ -án as in (38b). (38) (a)

(c)

Equative copular clauses ɟɛ̄n bàà.ɔ̄=n (b) person father=COP ‘The person is a father.’

ɟɛ̄n t ̪āán bààɔ̀ ̪āán person COP.CONT.P father ‘The person was a father.’

fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā=n ɟɛn d̪ù.ī=n n Feetfa=DEF person black=COP ‘Feetfa is a black person.’

There is no difference in the clausal construction between adjectival clauses as in (33) of 14.6.1 and the nominal non-verbal clauses in (38).

14.6.4 Locative clauses Non-past locative and presentational non-verbal clauses are formed with a different set of copulas. Past tense locative clauses are formed with the past continuous copula t ̪ā-án. Table 58: Non-past locative and presentational copulas Locative copula Locative copular clitic in noun phrase Locative copular clitic in relative clause

SG

PL

íīn, ɛ́ɛn̄ =A᷇n =ÉĒn

ɛ̄ggàn =A᷇n =ÈÈ

The singular locative copula íīn, ɛ́ɛn̄ has free variation in vowel quality independent of the [ATR] quality of the words surrounding it. The noun phrase of locative clauses can be unmarked for definiteness as in (39a-b) or definite as in (c-d). In either, the copular clitic =An᷇ can take the place of íīn.

Clause-level syntax (39) (a)

293

Singular locative clauses ɟāā bánd̪āl íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ íīn person weak LCM house beside ‘A weak person is beside a house.’

(b)

ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ person weak=LCM house beside ‘A weak person is beside a house.’

(c)

ɟāā=n bánd̪āl=(áá) íīn wɛ́ɛ ́ íīn person=DEF weak=(DEF) LCM house ‘The weak person is beside a house.’

(d)

ɟāā=n bánd̪āl=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ person=DEF weak=LCM house beside ‘The weak person is beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

The plural locative copula is ɛ̄ggàn. The copular clitic =A᷇n can take the place of ɛ̄ggàn when attached to noun phrases unmarked for definiteness as in (40a-b) or when attached to definite noun phrases as in (c-d). (40) (a)

Plural locative clauses ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g ɛ̄ggàn gàn wɛ́ɛ ́ people weak-PL LCM house ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

(b)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ people weak-PL=LCM house beside ‘Weak people are beside a house.’

(c)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=àà ɛ̄ggàn gàn wɛ́ɛ ́ people weak-PL=DEF LCM house ‘The weak people are beside a house.’

(d)

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n wɛ́ɛ ́ bɛ̀ɲɟ people weak-PL=LCM house beside ‘The weak people are beside a house.’

bɛ̀ɲɟ beside

14.6.5 Presentational clauses Presentational clauses are formed with the same copulas as locative clauses, along with the adverb tù̪ ‘there’. The copular clitic =A᷇n can take the place of íīn when attached to an unmarked noun phrase as in (41b) or when attached to a definite noun phrase as in (d).

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Singular presentational presentational clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ sɛ̀ggār íīn t ̪ù íīn cow strong LCM there ‘There is a strong cow.’ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n sɛ̀ggār íīn íīn cow=DEF strong LCM ‘There is the strong cow.’

t ̪ù there

(b)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ cow

sɛ̀ggār=aa᷇n strong=LCM

(d)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n cow=DEF

t ̪ù there

sɛ̀ggār=aa᷇n strong=LCM

t ̪ù there

Similarly, the copular clitic =A᷇n can take the place of ɛ̄ggàn when attached to an unmarked plural noun phrase as in (42b) or when attached to a definite plural noun phrase as in (d). (42) (a)

(c)

Plural presentational clauses t ̪ɔ́-gg sɛ̀ggār-g ɛ̄ggàn gàn t ̪ù cow-PL strong-PL LCM there ‘There are strong cows.’ t ̪ɔ́-gg cow-PL

sɛ̀ggār-g=àà ɛ̄ggàn gàn strongLCM PL=DEF ‘There are the strong cows.’

t ̪ù there

(b)

(d)

t ̪ɔ́-gg cow-PL t ̪ɔ́-gg cow-PL

sɛ̀ggār-g=aa᷇n strong-PL=LCM

t ̪ù there

sɛ̀ggār-g=aa᷇n strongPL=LCM

t ̪ù there

Past tense presentational clauses must use the copula tā̪ -án. (43) (a)

Past tense presentational clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ t ̪āán t ̪ù (b) t ̪ɔ́-gg t ̪āán ̪āán ̪āán cow COP.CONT.P there cow-PL COP.CONT.P ‘There was a cow.’ ‘There were cows.’

t ̪ù there

14.6.6 Non-verbal question clauses The question marker à indicates a question with a yes/no response and can mark non-verbal or verbal question clauses. This section discusses how it is used in nonverbal questions and section 15.3 presents its use in verbal questions. Question clauses have the same construction as equivalent declarative clauses except for the question marker. The question marker for non-verbal clauses is most commonly clause-final. The question marker à is independent from stems, evidenced by lack of [ATR] quality change in the question marker in (44b).

Clause-level syntax (44a)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n sɛ̀gār à cow=DEF strong QM ‘Is the cow strong?’

(b)

295

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́=n d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n cow=DEF blind=COP ‘Is the cow blind?’

à QM

When the copular clitic =À is at the same place in the clause as the question marker, it is joined to the question marker (45b) instead of to the word it follows as in declarative clauses such as (45a). (45a)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ cow-PL=

d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g=ə̀ blindDEF PL=COP ‘The cows are blind.’

(b)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ cow-PL=

d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g strong-PL

à=à COP=QM

DEF

‘Are the cows blind?’

The question marker is shown in demonstrative copular clauses (46a-b), adjectival clauses (c-f), equative clauses (g-h), and presentational clauses (i-j). In (e-f), the predicate is fronted for focus, and the copula and question marker are fronted along with it. (46) (a)

(c)

NonNon-verbal question clauses (b) t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n (nɛ́ɛ)́ à cow=COP this QM ‘Is this a cow?’ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n cow=DEF blind=COP ‘Is the cow blind?’

à

d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n à t ̪ɔ́ɔ-́ n blind=COP QM cow-DEF ‘Is the cow blind?’

(g)

ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ nɛ́ɛ ́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n thing this cow=COP ‘Is this thing a cow?’ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n t ̪ù cow=LCM there ‘Is there a cow?’

à QM

(d)

QM

(e)

(i)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ̀ɔ̀ (nɛ̀ɛ)̀ cow-PL=COP these ‘Are these cows?’

à

(f)

(h)

QM

(j)

à QM

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g cow-PL=DEF strong-PL ‘Are the cows blind?’

à=à COP=QM

d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g à-à t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ strong-PL COP-QM cow-PL=DEF ‘Are the cows blind?’ ɟɛ̀gg nɛ̀ɛ ̀ t ̪ɔ́gg à-à things these cow-PL COP-QM ‘Are these things cows?’

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔɔn᷇ t ̪ù cow-PL=LCM there ‘Are there cows?’

à QM

14.6.7 Non-verbal negative clauses The negative particle wá is clause final and does not attach to the word it follows. Non-verbal negative clauses have the same construction as equivalent affirmative clauses except for the negative marker. The negative marker is shown in

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demonstrative copular clauses (47a-b), adjectival clauses (c-d), presentational clauses (e-f), and past presentational clauses (g-h). (47) (a)

NonNon-verbal negative clauses t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n wá (b) t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ̀ɔ̀ wá not cow-PL=COP not cow=COP ‘(This) is not a cow.’ ‘(These) are not cows.’

(c)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪əm ̀ ə̄=n cow=DEF blind=COP ‘The cow is not blind.’

wá not

(d)

(e)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n t ̪ù cow=LCM there ‘There is no cow.’

wá not

(f)

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔɔn᷇ t ̪ù cow-PL=LCM there ‘There are no cows.’

(g)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ̄ n cow=

t ̪ù there

t ̪āán COP.

CONT.P ‘There was no cow.’

LCM

wá not

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔ́ d̪əm ̀ ə̄-g=ə̀ cow-PL=DEF strong-PL=COP ‘The cows are not blind.’

(h)

wá not

wá not

t ̪ɔ́-gg=ɔɔn᷇ t ̪āán t ̪ù cowthere COP. PL=LCM CONT.P ‘There were no cows.’

wá not

14.7 Relative clauses Relative clauses are introduced with the relativizer ná/nà ‘who, which, that’ which agrees in number with the head noun it follows. Relative clauses have been attested to modify noun subjects as in (48), objects as in (49), and copular complements as in (50). (48)

ɟɛ̄n ná ə́n=í ɛ̄ pə̀l-ì tád̪ d̪-íì-mùù-gg. person REL.SG bad=RDM 3sN fall-it down PP-3pO-front-PL ‘The person which was bad fell down in front of them.’ (Thng7-8)

(49)

kɔ́rá kɔ̄r ná ə́n=í. speaks word REL.SG bad=RDM ‘She speaks rudely (lit. the word which bad).’ (Assa6)

(50a)

càɔ̀r nɛ́ɛ= ́ n ɛ́ sālād̪=à ɛ̀ tale this=DEF of hyena.GEN=COP of ‘This story is about a hyena, fox, and some

âld̪ fox.GEN

ɛ̀ of

ɟe᷆gg thing.PL.GEN

(b)

ɛ́ lɛ̄ɛl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g=à bíīgg nà àn-n lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛg̀ g=ɛ̀ of grass.GEN-PL=COP some REL.PL stay-INF grass-PL=RDM wild forest animals (lit. some things that live in the grass).’ (Nyee1-2)

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The relativizer ná/nà can also be used pronominally as in (51). (51)

nà

āgg bìɟɟə̀ dáāgg ɛ́ ɲə̄ə̄gg=í 1pN left two in behind=SBO ‘Those which we left behind . . ’ (Thng7)

REL.PL

Relative clauses differ from subordinate clauses in the conjunctions introducing the clause, in the clause-final clitics, and in marking for definiteness. As will be discussed in 15.2, the subordinate conjunctions ɛ́ gārá ‘when, while’, ɛ́ kɔ̄rá ‘because’, (ār) ‘if’, wàr ‘but’ introduce subordinate clauses instead of the relativizer ná/nà. As shown in 7.7 and 8.3.8, the clause-final subordinate clitic is always =É with High tone, whereas the relative clause clitic agrees in number with the head noun =É/=È. Finally, subordinate clauses are not distinguished for definiteness, but many relative clauses are. Relative clauses can take the place of noun modifiers which are either marked or unmarked for definiteness. Thus, relative clauses are also marked or unmarked for definiteness. In (48-50), the relative clauses are definite, whereas in (51) the relative clause is unmarked for definiteness. Most commonly the head noun is unmarked for definiteness if the relative clause has a definite clitic. Singular definite clitics on relative clauses have High tone and plural definite clitics have Low tone. Table 59: Definite relative clause clitics Short

SG

PL

=É

=È

In noun phrases with dative, accompaniment, and subordinate clitics, there is no marking for definiteness and the noun phrases are ambiguous for definiteness. However, in relative clauses with such nouns, there is a definiteness distinction, except with dative relative clauses which cannot attach a dative clitic to semantically indefinite relative clauses. Some clitics such as the dative merge with the definite relative clause clitic (=É=A᷇n becomes =ÉĒn), but other clitics such as the accompaniment and subordinate follow the definite relative clause clitic (=É=nĒ becomes =ÉÉ=nĒ, where =nĒ is the accompaniment clitic attaching to vowelfinal stems). This definite marking is shown in (52) where the same definite relative clause clitics attach to clause-final nouns, adjectives and verbs—all consonant-final. Dashes indicate there are no clitics on the clause-final word, whereas an x indicates the word category cannot occur as definite.

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(52) Definite with dative, accompaniment, and subordinate markers on consonant--final words Final SG PL SG PL SG PL SG PL N ADJ V N DAT ADJ DAT V DAT N ACM ADJ ACM V ACM N SBO ADJ SBO V SBO

----H =A᷇n =A᷇n x =E᷇ =E᷇ x =É =É x

-gg -gg L =A᷇n =A᷇n x =E᷇ =E᷇ x =É =É x

DEF

DEF

REL

REL

RDM

RDM

=Á =Á x =A᷇n =A᷇n x =E᷇ =E᷇ x =É =É x

=Á =À x =A᷇n =A᷇n x =E᷇ =E᷇ x =É =É x

------x x --=E᷇ =E᷇ --=É =É ---

------x x --=E᷇ =E᷇ --=É =É ---

=É =É =É =ÉĒn =ÉĒn =ÉĒn =ÉÉ=nĒ =ÉÉ=nĒ =ÉÉ=nĒ =ÉÉ=nÉ =ÉÉ=nÉ =ÉÉ=nÉ

=È =È =È =ÈÈn =ÈÈn =ÈÈn =ÈÈ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ =ÈÈ=nĒ

In (53), nouns, adjectives and verbs are shown at the end of noun phrases and at the end of relative clauses. Each phrase is also shown unmarked and marked for definiteness. The singular definite relative clause marker is =É and the plural definite relative clause marker is =È. (53) Definite markers on consonant--final words Final Unmarked Definite N SG àggáár àggáár=áá ɟāā ná àggáár ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ADJ SG ɟāā bánd̪āl ɟāā=n n bánd̪āl=(áá) ɟāā ná bánd̪āl ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ V SG ɟāā ŋāɲ ɟāā=n n ŋāɲ ɟāā ná ŋāɲ ɟāā ná ŋāɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ N PL àggáār-g àggáār-g=áá ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáār-g ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ADJ PL ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g ɟɔ̄gg=(ɔ̀ɔ̀) bánd̪āl-g=àà ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ V PL ɟɔ̄gg ŋa᷆ɲ ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ɔ́ ŋa᷆ɲ ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ɛ̀

‘hunter’ ‘person who is hunter’ ‘weak person’ ‘person who is weak’ ‘person files’ ‘person who files’ ‘hunters’ ‘people who are hunters’ ‘weak people’ ‘people who are weak’ ‘people file’ ‘people who file’

In (54), nouns, adjectives and verbs are again shown at the end of noun phrases and at the end of relative clauses, this time with the dative clitic. In noun phrases with an attached dative clitic, the phrase is ambiguous for definiteness, as the dative clitic and no other is attached regardless of whether the phrase is semantically definite or indefinite. And, the distinction cannot be made by adding a definite marker to the head noun in noun phrases with adjectives, such as in *ɟāā-n n bánd̪āl-aa᷇n. In relative clauses, unlike other clitics, semantically indefinite dative nouns modified by a

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relative clause are impossible, such as *ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=aa᷇n. When the dative clitic attaches to definite relative clauses, it merges with the definite relative clause marker: =É=A᷇n becomes =ÉĒn in singular clauses and =È=A᷇n becomes =ÈÈn in plural clauses. (54) Dative markers on consonant--final words Final Unmarked Definite N SG àggáár=aa᷇n àggáár=aa᷇n *ɟāā ná àggáár=aa᷇n ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

*ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=aa᷇n

ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n *ɟāā=n n bánd̪āl=aa᷇n ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛn̄

N PL

ɟāā ná ŋāɲ àggáār-g=aa᷇n *ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáār-g=aa᷇n

ɟāā ná ŋāɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ̄ɛn̄ àggáār-g=aa᷇n ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

ADJ PL

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n *ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n *ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ɔ́ bánd̪āl-g=aa᷇n ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ

ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛǹ

ADJ SG

v sg

V PL

ɟāā bánd̪āl=aa᷇n

‘to hunter’ ‘to person who is hunter’ ‘to weak person’ ‘to person who is weak’ ‘to person who files’ ‘to hunters’ ‘to people who are hunters’ ‘to weak people’ ‘to people who are weak’ ‘to people who file’

As with dative clitics, in noun phrases with an attached accompaniment clitic =E᷇, the phrase is ambiguous for definiteness, as the accompaniment clitic and no other is attached regardless of whether the phrase is semantically definite or indefinite. However unlike dative clitics in relative clauses, there is a definiteness distinction for accompaniment nouns modified by a relative clause, as unmarked relative clauses attach the accompaniment clitic alone and definite relative clauses attach the accompaniment clitic (for vowel-final stems =nĒ) following the definite relative clause clitic: =ÉÉ=nĒ in the singular clauses and =ÈÈ=nĒ in plural clauses. (55) Accompaniment markers on consonant--final words Final Unmarked Definite N SG àggáár=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ àggáár=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ‘with hunter’ ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ ‘with person who is hunter’ ADJ SG ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ ɛ᷇ ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ‘with weak person’ *ɟāā=n n bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ ‘with person who is weak’ V SG ɟāā ná ŋāɲ ɟāā ná ŋāɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ̄ ‘with person who files’

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N PL

Unmarked àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇

ADJ PL

ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇

V PL

ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ

Definite àggáār-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ‘with hunters’ ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘with people who are hunters’ ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ‘with weak people’ *ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ɔ́ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ᷇ɛ᷇ ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘with people who are weak’ ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ= =ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘with people who file’

Similarly, in noun phrases with an attached subordinate clause-final clitic, the phrase is ambiguous for definiteness, as the subordinate clitic and no other is attached regardless of whether the phrase is semantically definite or indefinite. However, in relative clauses, there is a definiteness distinction, as unmarked relative clauses attach the subordinate clitic alone and definite relative clauses attach the subordinate clitic (for vowel-final stems =nÉ ) following the definite relative clause clitic: =ÉÉ=nÉ in singular clauses and =ÈÈ=nĒ in plural clauses where subordinate marker High tone is lowered following Low tone. (56) Subordinate ɛ́ gārá markers on consonant--final words Final Unmarked Definite N SG àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘when . . . hunter’ ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟāā ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘when . . . person who is hunter’ ADJ SG ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ́ ɛ́ ɟāā bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘when . . . weak person’ *ɟāā=n n bánd̪āl= =ɛ́ ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘when . . . person who is weak’ V SG ɟāā ná ŋāɲ ɟāā ná ŋāɲ=ɛ́ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ ‘when . . . person who files’ N PL àggáār-g=ɛ́ɛ́ àggáār-g=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘when . . . hunters’ ɟɔ̄gg nà ɟɔ̄gg nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘when . . . people àggáār-g=ɛ́ɛ́ who are hunters’ ADJ PL ɟɔ̄gg ɟɔ̄gg bánd̪āl-g=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘when . . . weak people’ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ́ɛ́ *ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ɔ́ bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ɟɔ̄gg nà ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘when . . . people bánd̪āl-g=ɛ́ɛ́ who are weak’ V PL ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ ɟɔ̄gg nà ŋāɲ=ɛ̀ɛ̀ɛ= ̀ nɛ̄ ‘when . . . people who file’ When one or more relative clauses are within another relative clause, the definite relative clause marker can only attach to the final word of the final clause.

Clause-level syntax (57)

301

Definite markers on relative clauses within relative clauses Unmarked Definite ɟāā ná bánd̪āl ɟāā ná bánd̪āl ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ‘person who is weak ná àggáár *ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ná àggáár who is hunter’ *ɟāā ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ná àggáár=ɛ́ɛ́ ɟɔ̄gg nà ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘people who are weak bánd̪āl-g nà *ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g nà àggáàr-g who are hunters’ àggáār-g *ɟɔ̄gg nà bánd̪āl-g nà àggáàr-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀

In genitive noun phrases or relative clauses, either marked or unmarked for definiteness, only the head noun undergoes a change in tone. (58) Genitive relative clauses Final Unmarked Definite ADJ SG ɟáà bánd̪āl ɟáà=n áà n bánd̪āl=(áá) ɟáà ná bánd̪āl ɟáà ná bánd̪āl=ɛ́ɛ́ ADJ PL ɟɔ́gg bánd̪āl-g ɟɔ́gg=(ɔ̀ gg ɔ̀) bánd̪āl-g=àà gg ɟɔ́gg gg nà bánd̪āl-g ɟɔ́gg gg nà bánd̪āl-g=ɛ̀ɛ̀

‘of weak person’ ‘of person who is weak’ ‘of weak people’ ‘of people who are weak’

14.8 Evidentiality The certainty of an action taking place is marked in the clause rather than on the verb. There are two degrees of certainty or evidentiality for both completive and incompletive verbs. The normal completive form by itself is a statement of certainty. It states that it is certain the action is completed. Uncertainty in the completive form is indicated by the particle lā and optionally by the clause-final subordinate clitic =É. Both degrees of certainty in the completive are shown in (59). (59) (a) (b)

Degrees of certainty in the completive ɛ̄ kɔ́msɔ́ māgàd̪ ‘He cut.’ lā ɛ̄ kɔ́msɔ́ māgàd̪(=ɛ̄ɛ̄) ‘He may have cut a stick.’

(60) (a)

Completive uncertainty paradigms ‘may have bought’ (b) lā á màr-sà 1sN lā ɔ́, ú=mə̀r-sə̀ 2sN lā ɛ̄ màr-sā 3sN lā āgg màr-sà 1pN lā ɔ̄gg, ūg=mə̀r-sə̀ 2pN lā ɛ̄ggà mār-sà 3pN PRON buy-COMP

certainty uncertainty

‘may have buried’ lā á d̪ùr-sù lā ɔ́, ú=d̪ùr-sù lā ɛ̄ d̪ùr-sū lā āgg d̪ùr-sù lā ɔ̄gg, ūg=d̪ùr-sù lā ɛ̄ggà d̪ūr-sù PRON bury-COMP

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2sN 3pN

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In (60), completive uncertainty paradigms show that the uncertainty particle occurs before the subject pronoun. Similarly, the incompletive verb by itself is also a statement of certainty. It states that it is certain the action is ongoing or for certain will be ongoing. Adding the uncertainty particle lā before the incompletive verb or attaching the clause-final subordinate clitic =É indicates uncertainty in the future. With either marker, the other marker is optional. (61) (a) (b) (c)

Degrees of certainty in the incompletive kɔ́m māgàd̪ ‘He will cut a stick.’ ɛ́ lā kɔ́m māgàd̪(=ɛ̄ɛ̄) ‘He may cut a stick.’ ɛ́ (lā) ‘He may cut a stick.’ lā) kɔ́m māgàd̪=ɛ̄

certainty uncertainty uncertainty

As mentioned in 9.6.2, tone is altered on subject pronouns of incompletive verbs to indicate future actions with certainty. The same future incompletive paradigms in 9.6.2 are given in (62) for ease of reference. (62) (a)

Future certainty incompletive paradigms ‘will run’ (b) ‘will bury the egg’ a᷇ gàl 1sN a᷇ d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ u᷇=gə̀l 2sN u᷇=d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ ɛ́ ga᷅l 3sN ɛ́ d̪u᷅r kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ āgga᷇ gàl 1pN āgga᷇ d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ ūggu᷇=gə̀l 2pN ūggu᷇=d̪ùr kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ (ɛ̄ggà) ɛ́ ga᷆l 3pN (ɛ̄ggà) ɛ́ d̪u᷆r kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ PRON run. PRON bury. egg=DEF INCP

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2sN 3pN

INCP

Unlike in uncertain completive paradigms, in uncertain incompletive paradigms the uncertainty particle occurs after the subject pronoun. In second person forms, the particle attaches to the verb, thereby taking on [+ATR] quality. The same meaning (63) (a)

Future uncertainty incompletive paradigms ‘may run’ (b) ‘may bury egg’ á, a᷇ lā gàl 1sN (b) á, a᷇ lā d̪ùr ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=lə̄=gə̀l 2sN ɔ́, ɔ᷇, ú, u᷇=lə̄=d̪ùr ɛ̄, ɛ́ lā ga᷅l 3sN ɛ̄, ɛ́ lā d̪u᷅r āgg(á) lā gàl 1pN āgg(á) lā d̪ùr ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ́, 2pN ɔ̄ggɔ́, ɔ̄ggɔ́, ūgg(ú), ūggu᷇=lə̄=gə̀l ūgg(ú), ūggu᷇=lə̄=d̪ùr ɛ̄ggà lā ga᷆l 3pN ɛ̄ggà lā d̪u᷆r PRON run. PRON bury. INCP

INCP

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

1sN 2sN 3sN 1pN 2pN 3pN

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is communicated regardless of whether the future or non-future subject pronouns precede the uncertainty marker. Second person subject pronouns are optionally [+/- ATR] regardless of the [ATR] quality of the root vowel. Although uncommon, it is possible for the subject pronoun to be repeated following the certainty marker and before the verb, as in (64). (64)

á lā á gàr 1sN UNC 1sN dig.INCP ‘I may dig a hole.’

fɔ́l hole

14.9 Noun phrases 14.9.1 Word order in the noun phrase The noun phrase can be diagrammed in the order of (65). The head noun is followed by an optional possessive pronoun (POS), and one or more optional adjectives. More than one adjective in the same noun phrase is rare and no prescribed order in the noun phrase can be determined. It is also possible for demonstratives (DEM) to precede alienable possessive pronouns. The possessors of inalienable nouns— kinship terms and body parts—precede the possessed noun, and the possessors of alienable nouns follow the noun. (65)

Noun phrase word order NP

->

(POSInalienable)

N

(POSAlienable)

({DEM, NUM, ADJQuan, ADJQual})

The adjectival clause of (66a) shows a noun phrase with three adjectives—a demonstrative, numeral, and adjective of quality. The possessive pronoun ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ ‘mine=COP’ is a noun phrase complement of the non-verbal adjectival clause and the copula clitic is attached. In (b), the second singular possessive pronoun ɔ́ ‘your’ precedes the kinship term yáā ɲāā ‘aunt, younger mother (lit. mother girl)’—a compound noun phrase, which is followed by a demonstrative. (66) Noun phrase word order (a) t ̪ɔ́-gg nìì ásámán d̪ùìgg=ə̀ cow-PL these five black=DEF ‘These five black cows are mine.’ (b)

ə́nə̀gg=ə̀ 1sPp=COP

ɔ̀ ɔ́ yáā ɲāā nɛ́ɛ ́ lɛ̀ɛǹ -án d̪ūmùùn d̪-ūūŋ and 2sPs mother girl this was.coming towards PP-2sO ‘Your mother’s sister was coming to you there.’ (Assa3-4)

t ̪à there

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(c)

bìì fīŋə́-d̪ə ̄ kɔ̄r ə́əǹ níí ma᷆ mâŋ let hear word 1sPs this very carefully ‘Listen carefully to what I am saying (lit. this my word)!’ (Womn3)

(d)

bɛ̄-ɛ̄n ā wár-d̪ā bààl-g=ā nɛ̀ɛ ̀ ə́nə̀gg /bɛg/say- SBJV /war/bring- instrument- these 1sPp CONT.P SBJV PL=DEF ‘They were saying to bring all my wood instruments.’

kāɛ̄ all

In (c), the first singular possessive pronoun ə́əǹ ‘my’ follows the singular noun kɔ̄r ‘word’, being an alienable noun, and is followed by the demonstrative níí ‘this’. In (d), the third plural possessive pronoun ə́nə̀gg ‘my’ follows the plural alienable noun bààlgā ‘instrument’. A demonstrative, possessive pronoun, and quantitative adjective are all present in the same noun phrase, where the demonstrative precedes the pronoun, possibly being fronted for emphasis. Constructions with relative clauses are preferred above long noun phrases with multiple adjectives. In (67), the relativisor nà begins three separate relative clauses. (67)

ásámán nà wíə̀g t ̪ɔ́gg ə́nə̀gg nà cows 1sPp REL five REL good ‘My five good black cows are in the field.’

nà REL

d̪ùìgg=ɛ̀ black=RDM

ɛ̄ggàn L.COP

14.9.2 Noun agreement Adjectives, possessive pronouns, and demonstratives agree with nouns in number. Agreement is marked by the geminate velar segment gg or tone change. The plural adjective suffix -gg is shown in (68a-b) and the possessive pronouns ə́nə̀gg and ə̄yə̀gg are shown in (c-d). In (e-f), High tone in the demonstratives indicates a singular noun and Low a plural noun. (68) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

Noun agreement Noun SG Noun PL kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ íì kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ -g íì-gg t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ kɔ́ɔf́ àr t ̪ɔ́gg kɔ́ɔf́ àr-g máà ə́əǹ máà-gg ə́nə̀gg máà ə̄yə̀n máà-g ə̄yə̀gg t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ nɛ́ɛ ́ t ̪ɔ́-gg nɛ̀ɛ ̀ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ náá t ̪ɔ́-gg nàà

‘heavy sword’ ‘thin cow’ ‘my house’ ‘our house’ ‘this cow/ these cows’ ‘that cow/ those cows ’

14.9.3 Possessive phrases Possession of most nouns is expressed by the general preposition ɛ́ (GP) following the possessed noun and preceding the possessor. The possessor is in genitive case

kālg field

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305

which is marked only by a tone change. Examples (69b, d, f) are incorrect, but given for comparison with the examples of (70). (69) (a)

Noun possessive phrases gàd̪áàɛ̀ ɛ́ ɟɛ̂n basket GP person.GEN ‘basket of person’

(c)

(e)

(b)

*ɟɛ̄n person

gàd̪áàɛ̀ basket

gàd̪áàɛ̀-gg ɛ́ ɟɛ̂n basket-PL GP person.GEN ‘baskets of person’

(d)

*ɟɛ̄n person

gàd̪áàɛ̀-gg basket-PL

gàd̪áàɛ̀-gg ɛ́ ɟɔ̂gg basket-PL GP person.GEN-PL ‘baskets of people’

(f)

*ɟɔ̄gg people

gàd̪áàɛ̀-gg basket-PL

Although body part nouns can also be possessed by having the same construction as other nouns as shown in (70a, c, e), it is more common for the possessor of body part nouns to precede the body part without the general preposition and without being in genitive case as in (70b, d, f). (70) (a)

Body part noun possessive phrases lúd̪ ɛ́ ɟɛ̂n (b) leg GP person.GEN ‘leg of person’

(c)

ɟɛ̂n lú-ūgg ɛ́ leg-PL GP person.GEN ‘legs of person’

(e)

lú-ūgg ɛ́ ɟɔ̂gg leg-PL GP person.GEN-PL ‘legs of people’

ɟɛ̄n person

lúd̪ leg

(d)

ɟɛ̄n person

lú-ūgg leg-PL

(f)

ɟɔ̄gg people

lù-ùgg leg-PL

In (71a), the possessor ūfú ‘tree’ precedes the body part noun ə̄əŋ̄ ‘body’ it possesses. As seen in (71b), kinship terms may also form possession by the possessor preceding the possessed noun. In this case, the kinship term possessor yáā ‘mother’ precedes the noun ɲāā ‘girl’ it possesses. (71a)

ɛ́ gārá ka᷄hs-s=i᷅ GP when struck-COMP=SBO1 ‘When she struck the tree,

ūfú-n=í, hijliij.tree-DEF=SBO

ɛ̄ 3sN

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s start-INF

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lə̂ŋ ɛ̄ wāɟ-ɟ sím ūfú ə̄əŋ. ̄ŋ. until 3sN went-INF down tree body (her horns) went deep into the tree (lit. into tree’s body).’ (Nyee 14-15) (b)

ɔ̀ ɔ́ yáā ɲāā nɛ́ɛ ́ lɛ̀ɛǹ -án d̪ūmùùn d̪-ūūŋ t ̪à and 2sPs mother girl this was.coming towards PP-2sO there ‘Your mother’s sister (lit. your girl mother) was coming to you there.’ (Assa3-4)

307

15 Sentence--level syntax There is morphological marking in subordinate and interrogative clauses, and a discussion of sentence-level syntax is needed to understand these morphemes. In this chapter, we discuss types of clauses in sentences (15.1), coordinating and subordinating conjunctions (15.2), interrogative structures (15.3), as well as focus (15.4).

15.1 Clause combinations Clauses may be nuclear (main, independent), pre-nuclear (dependent clause preceding a nuclear clause), or post-nuclear (dependent clause following a nuclear clause). As in (1a), foregrounded nuclear clauses of narrative texts most commonly use infinitive verbs. However, in non-fiction narratives, a completive verb is also common, as shown in (b). (1a)

āld̪=á fox=

ɛ̄ 3sN

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s start-INF

ɛ̄ 3sN

bād̪-d̪ break-INF

bāɛ̀=n jug=DEF

ɛ́ GP

DEF

sālād̪=à hyena. GEN=DEF

‘Fox punctured a hole in Hyena’s jug.’ (Nyee21) (b)

ɟād̪ɛɛ̀ r̀ =ā wár kāŋ íìnī=n wár-sá Jader=DEF carried-COMP group 3sPs=DEF ‘Jadar led his very big group.’ (Fand23-24)

ɛ̄ with

mād̪ā big.size

Pre-nuclear clauses are introduced with subordinate conjunctions, the most common of which is the conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’ which often introduces tail-head linkage. In the second line of (2), the subordinate clause refers to ‘an arrival at the well’ implied by the previous nuclear clause, before continuing with the next nuclear clause in the third line. In this way, the subordinate clause links new information with old information contained in the subordinate clause. The verbs of tail-head linkage are most commonly completive verbs, but can also be incompletive or pastcontinuous. (2)

ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ wāɟ-ɟ d̪ūmùùn 3sN start-INF 3sN go-INF towards ‘He set out for the well in order to

wāā=lg water.source=in

ā SBJV

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A grammar of Gaahmg mā-d̪=ɛ́ fɛ̄gg. ɛ́ gārá líɟ líɟ-ɟ=i᷅ drinkwater GP when /lɛ́ɟ/wentSBJV=IPF COMP=SBO1 get a drink. When he arrived at the well,

wāā= wāā=lg= lg=ɛ́, water= in=SBO

ɛ̄ 3sN

gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ fɛ̄gg=á ɛ̄ nāā ɛ́ foundwater= 3sN lay. GP D.COMP DEF INCP he discovered that the water was very far down in the

fɔ̄l hole.

t ̪ə́d̪-ì. downGEN 3sO well.’ (Goat2-4)

Post-nuclear clauses are introduced by a subordinate conjunction as in (3a) or by a subjunctive verb as in (b). In (b), three subjunctive verbs in three separate postnuclear clauses are introduced by the subjunctive particle ā and give the purpose of the nuclear clause. A further subjunctive clause (ā mād̪ɛ ́ fɛ̄gg ‘to drink water’) is found in the first two lines of (2). Clauses may also be embedded such as the clause fɛ̄gg-á ɛ̄ nāā ɛ́ fɔ̄l tə̪ d́ ̪-ì ‘water lay down in the hole’ of the final line of (2) which is a complement of the verb gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ ‘found’. (3a)

á wīr-ə᷇n áfád̪ ma᷇n 1sN /wīr/slaughter-CONT.P blood certain ‘I am making a sacrifice here because ɛ́

GP

t ̪ɛ̀, here

mə́sí nɛ́ɛ ́ nə́r-r-ə̄n insect this /nár/drool-CAUS-CONT.N because this insect drools here.’ (Jooj9-10) (b)

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá

GP because

t ̪ád̪ down

ānɛ̄nd̪á ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ ɛ̄ bàg-g then 3pN start-INF 3pN grab-INF ‘Then they elicited the help of an elephant

t ̪ɛ̀. here

áŋɛ́=n elephant=DEF

ā

gə̀l-d̪=îggə̀ ɛ́ ūfú= ggə̀n ūfú=n /gàl/ram-SBJV.3sN=3pD GP Tabaldi.tree=DEF in order to break down the Tabaldi tree for them

SBJV

ā

ɛ́

SBJV

gâr ā nám ɲālg gâr-rā nám-d̪á be.ableSBJV eat-SBJV.3sN children SBJV.3sN so as to eat the nyeerma offspring.’ (Nyee8-10)

GP

t ̪ád̪ down

ɲɛ̄ɛr̄ ɛ̄ma᷆=n. devil.GEN= DEF

15.2 Conjunctions Conjunctions are a further lexical category, introducing either nuclear or non-nuclear (subordinate) clauses. The coordinate conjunctions of (4) are found to introduce nuclear clauses. Some references in texts from chapter 17 are listed for the

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309

conjunctions. In addition, it is also possible to juxtapose nuclear clauses without any conjunction. Table 60: Coordinate conjunctions ɔ̀ ‘and’ Nyee4, 27, Fand13, Assa1, 3, 9, 12 d̪ɛ ̀ ‘then, since’ Fand20, 22, Womn11 t ̪āɛ́n ‘then’ Fand28, Minj13 ānɛ̄nd̪á ‘then, therefore’ Minj12, Womn11, 17, 24 ɛ́nná ‘therefore, thus’ Fand5 mìntà̪ àðɛ́ɛ ́ ‘thereafter’ Thng4 gə̂l ‘in that way’ Nyee28 lə̂ŋ ‘then, until’ Goat6, 12, 16, Nyee15, Thng10 The conjunctions d̪ɛ ̀ ‘then, since’ and lə̂ŋ ‘then, until’ are analyzed as coordinate conjunctions, since subordinate marking in the clause never occurs with them. The conjunctions ānɛ̄nd̪á ‘therefore’ and d̪ɛ ̀ ‘then, since’ are shown in (4c); the conjunction lə̂ŋ ‘then, until’ is shown in (5e). (4) (a)

Coordinate conjunctions ɟīnná wə̄-īn=íìggə̀ tú=í that go-INCP=IPF out=SBO ‘They remarry because

(b)

ɔ̄ðɔ̄ɔḡ g=ɔ́ women=

nà

ə́ŋ bad

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá GP because

ɟīs-ə᷆n=īìggə̀ bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=ɛ́ɛ= ́ n. /ɟìs/makewrongdoing= DEF CONT.N=3pA SBO=DEF bad women (their first wives) make them do wrong. REL

(c)

ānɛ̄nd̪á, therefore

(d)

bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=á wrongdoing=

tɛ̀ here

bìì /bìɟ/let.

bìì-d̪ə̀ bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=á /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ say- wrongdoing= IMP IMP.PL DEF So let us please stop the wrongdoing since t ̪ɛ́l God

àwd̪àmàlɔ̄ please

d̪ɛ̀ɛ ̀ since

ná

t ̪ál-d̪ áāgg=ɛ́ ɲə́m=ì wá. /t ̪ál/create-COMP /ɲám/want. not DEF 1pA=RDM INCP=3sAM God who created us doesn’t want us to do wrong.’ (Womn9-12) REL

The subordinate conjunction wàr ‘but’ of table 61 has only been attested to introduce post-nuclear clauses, but the other conjunctions of table 61 introduce pre-nuclear and post-nuclear clauses.

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Table 61: ɛ́ gārá ɛ́ kɔ̄rá (ār) wàr

Subordinate conjunctions ‘when, while’ Goat3, 7, 17, Fand 1, 7, 8, 15 ‘because’ Jooj9, Assa5, Tifa6, Womn9 ‘if’ Goat14, 15, Fand20, Thng21, Womn21 ‘but’ Nyee13

The subordinate marking in the clause occurs along with these conjunctions as a clitic on the verb, or clause finally, or both. It is more common for the conjunction ār ‘if’ to be absent from the clause than to be present, although there is subordinate marking regardless. As shown in 10.7, the verb-final subordinate clitic attached in ‘if’ clauses differs in tone from the clitic attached to verbs of other subordinate clauses. In (5c), the conjunction wàr ‘but’ occurs along with the verb-final subordinate clitic =ī (SBO3). In (d), the conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’ occurs along with the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) and the clause-final subordinate clitic =É (SBO). In (4a), the conjunction ɛ́ kɔ̄rá ‘because’ occurs along with the clause-final subordinate clitic =É on bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=ɛ́ɛ= ́ n ‘wrongdoing=SBO=DEF’ where the definite clitic =n for vowel-final stems is also attached. (5) (a)

Subordinating conjunctions ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ bàgg 3pN /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /start- 3pN /bàg/grab. INF

SBJV

kár=á wild.cow=

d̪í also

DEF

‘They also elicited the help of the buffalo (b)

ɛ̄ 3sN

(c)

wàr wàr but

(d)

gə̀l-d̪=i᷇n d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ná /gàl/ramPP-3sO REL SBJV.3sN=3sD in order to break it down for them, ā

gə᷆l-d̪=i᷅ /gàl/ramSBJV.3pN= SBO3 but she was not able to break it down. SBJV

ɛ́ gārá when

gâr-rā /gâr/ableSBJV.3sN

ɛ̄ 3sN

t ̪ád̪ down

ka᷄hs-s=ii᷅ ūfú=n=íí, /kə᷄n/strikehijliij.tree= COMP=SBO1 DEF=SBO When she struck the tree,

GP

d̪í, also

d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄

ná

PP-3sO

REL

ɛ̄ 3sN

t ̪ád̪ down

d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ -s /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /start-INF

wá. not

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311

lə̂ŋ ɛ̄ wāɟ-ɟ sím ūfú ə̄əŋ̄ . until 3sN /wāɟ/go-INF down tree body (her horns) went deep into the tree.’ (Nyee11-15)

15.3 Interrogatives Questions are constructed using the question marker à or an interrogative pronoun. Only the interrogative pronouns of (6b-e) agree in number with the noun phrase which they replace. Some interrogative pronouns have a marked form when they replace words which occur in an uncommon position in the clause, but are otherwise unmarked. Other interrogative pronouns only have one form regardless of its position in the clause. When any of the interrogative pronouns are pre-verbal, the clause-final subordinate clitic =É (SBO) of 7.7 and 8.3.8 attaches sentence-finally. When an interrogative pronoun replacing an adverb is pre-verbal, the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) of 10.7 is attached to the verb. (6) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

Interrogatives Unmarked

Marked

SG

PL

SG

à ŋān ŋāna᷇n ɛ́ ŋān ɲíí ná īsíīn tā īsí d̪əì̀ (fān) d̪á (fān) īsí ə̄rə́ŋ

à ŋə̄nə́əd̀ ə̪ ̀ ŋānáād̪an᷇ ɛ́ ŋānáād̪ ɲíígg nà īsíīn t ̪ā īsí

PL QM

ɲíīnā d̪əỳ īn fān d̪áɛ̄n

ɛ́ ŋə̄nə̀ ɲííggə̀

‘who’ ‘for whom’ ‘whose’ ‘what’ ‘which’ ‘which’ ‘when’ ‘where’ ‘how’ ‘why’

In the example questions to follow, typical answers to the questions are in parentheses. The examples are all with singular interrogatives; plural interrogatives take similar constructions. As discussed in 14.6.6, questions with yes/no responses have the question marker à sentence-finally. (7)

ɟāā=n bánd̪āl t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ná sɛ̀ggār=ɛ́ɛń person=DEF weak kill-COMP cow REL strong=RDM ‘Did the weak person kill the strong cow?’ (Yes./No.)

à QM

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The interrogative pronoun ŋān ‘who’ takes the place of animate nouns in subject case.39 It can be pre-verbal as in (8a) with the clause-final subordinate clitic =É, or post-verbal as in (b) with the agented passive clitic =E᷇ on the verb. (8a)

ŋān who

t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ kill-COMP

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n=ɛ́ɛ́ (b) t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ cow= cow=DEF killDEF=SBO COMP=PAS.A ‘Who killed the cow?’ (The person killed the cow.)

ŋān who

The interrogative pronoun ŋāna᷇n ‘for/to whom’ takes the place of animate indirect objects. (9)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ŋāna᷇n person=DEF kill-COMP cow=DEF for whom ‘For whom did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow for his uncle.)

When following the general preposition ɛ́ (GP), the interrogative pronoun ɛ́ ŋān ‘whose’ takes the place of possessed animate nouns. It can be post-verbal as in (10a) or pre-verbal as in (b). In pre-verbal position as in (b), the agented passive clitic =E᷇ is attached to the verb, the post-verbal agent is in genitive case, and the clause-final subordinate clitic =É is attached to the agent. (10a)

(b)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ɛ́ ŋān person=DEF kill-COMP cow GP whom ‘Whose cow did the person kill?’ (The person killed his uncle’s cow.) t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ɛ́ ŋān t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ ɟáà=n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ cow GP whom kill-COMP=PAS.A person.GEN=DEF =SBO ‘Whose cow did the person kill?’ (The person killed his uncle’s cow.)

The interrogative pronoun ɲíí ‘what’ takes the place of non-human nouns. When taking the place of a noun object, it is unmarked post-verbally as in (11a), but has a marked form in (b) where the agented passive clitic =E᷇ is attached to the verb and the clause-final subordinate clitic is attached to the agent. (11a)

39

ɟāā=n person=DEF

t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ kill-COMP

ɲíí what

(b)

ɲíīnā what

t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ kill-COMP =PAS.A ‘What did the person kill?’ (The person killed a cow.)

ɟáà=n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ person.GEN =DEF =SBO

Because of limited data, the pronoun is not presented when taking the place of an animate noun object.

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The relativizer ná along with the interrogative pronoun īsíīn ‘which’ takes the place of a relative clause. When taking the place of a relative clause modifying a subject, it can be pre-verbal as in (12a) or post-verbal as in (b). When taking the place of a relative clause modifying an object, it can be post-verbal as in (c) or pre-verbal in (d). Another way of replacing a relative clause is with the copula tā̪ and the interrogative pronoun īsí ‘how’ as in (e). (12a)

ɟāā ná īsíīn t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ̄ɔ= ̀ n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ īsíīn person REL which kill-COMP cow.GEN=DEF=SBO ‘Which person killed the cow?’ (The weak person killed the cow.)

(b)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ ɟāà ná īsíīn īsíīn cow=DEF kill-COMP=PAS.A person.GEN REL which ‘Which person killed the cow?’ (The weak person killed the cow.)

(c)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ná īsíīn īsíīn kill-COMP cow REL which person=DEF ‘Which cow did the person kill?’ (The person killed the strong cow.)

(d)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ná īsíīn t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ ɟáà=n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ síīn cow REL which kill-COMP=PAS.A person.GEN=DEF =SBO ‘Which cow did the person kill?’ (The person killed the strong cow.)

(e)

t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n t ̪ā īsí t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷇ ɟáà=n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ cow=DEF COP how kill-COMP=PAS.A person.GEN=DEF =SBO ‘Which cow did the person kill?’ (The person killed the strong cow.)

The interrogative pronoun d̪əì̀ ‘when’ takes the place of adverbs of time. It is unmarked post-verbally as in (13a), but has a marked form in (b). As in (13b), when an interrogative pronoun replacing an adverb is pre-verbal, the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) used on ‘when’ clauses in 10.7 is attached to the verb ti̪ ᷇r-sə̄ ‘kill-COMP’. (13a)

(b)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n d̪əì̀ person=DEF kill-COMP cow=DEF when ‘When did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow yesterday.) d̪əỳ īn t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷅ īn ɟāā=n when person=DEF kill-COMP=SBO1 ‘When did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow yesterday.)

t ̪ɔ̄ɔ= ̀ n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ cow.GEN=DEF=SBO

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Similarly, the interrogative pronoun (fān) d̪á ‘where’ is a substitute for adverbs of place. It is unmarked post-verbally as in (14a), but has a marked form in (b), again with the verb-final subordinate clitic =i᷅ (SBO1) attached to the verb t ̪ir᷇ -sə̄ ‘killCOMP’. (14a)

(b)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n (fān) fān) person=DEF kill-COMP cow=DEF towards ‘Where did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow near the house.) fān d̪áɛ̄n ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-s=ii᷅ fān towards where person=DEF kill-COMP=SBO1 ‘Where did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow near the house.)

d̪á where

t ̪ɔ̄ɔ= ̀ n=ɛ̄ɛ̄ cow.GEN=DEF=SBO

The interrogative pronoun (fān) īsí ‘how’ is a substitute for adverbs of manner. The interrogative pronoun ə̄rə́ŋ ‘why’ is a substitute for other verbal adjuncts. (15a)

(b)

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n (fān) fān) person=DEF kill-COMP cow=DEF towards ‘How did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow with force.)

īsí how

ɟāā=n t ̪i ᷇r-sə́ t ̪ɔ́ɔ= ́ n ə̄rə́ŋ person=DEF kill-COMP cow=DEF why ‘Why did the person kill the cow?’ (The person killed the cow because it was ill.)

15.4 Focus Focus is constructed by fronting the constituent which the speaker deems as the most important bit of information for the clause. Both subjects and objects can be fronted in focus. Normally, prepositional phrases used as adjunct conjunctions such as ɛ̄ mūn náán ‘at that time’ occur sentence-initially or following a conjunction. (16a)

(b)

ɔ̀ ɛ̄ mūn mūn and with time ‘At that time,

náá=n, náá=n, that=DEF

bāárg=á ŋáɔ́-a᷄ ǹ ɲā-lg nà ə̄n-g=ì Baggara=DEF /ŋáw/search.for-CONT.P girl-PL REL young-PL=RDM the Baggara (people group) were kidnapping young girls.’ (Minj1-2)

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315

However, subjects are brought into focus when placed before such phrases, as in (17). In this concluding sentence of a narrative where a fox and hyena try throughout to capture and eat him, the devil creature is fronted in order to emphasize him as being the victor. (17)

ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀mà= gāránd̪á ɛ̄ ád̪-d̪á gāɲà à=n ɛ́ devil=DEF GP that.time 3sN became-SBJV.3sN laughing ‘The nyeerma, at that time, went on laughing.’ (Nyee34)

In the first line of the Fandi text, the main participant is marked as being salient, or most important, by fronting it. The noun subject Fə́nd̪ì-n which normally follows the subordinate conjunction ɛ́ gārá ‘when’ is sentence-initial. (18)

fə́nd̪ì=n ɛ́ gārá d̪àɔ̀-s=ə᷅ mɔ̀rāā-gg=ɛ᷇=nɛ́ Fandi=DEF GP when fight- COMP=IPF government-PL=ACM=SBO ‘When Fandi fought with the government, . . ’ (Fand1)

Objects are brought into focus by moving them to a pre-verbal position. The object mii-n ‘chicken’ in (19) is out of its normal post-verbal position to emphasize that it is the ‘chicken’ being thrown away and not the ‘goat’. (19)

mīí= á gàn t ̪ú īí=n chicken=DEF 1sN throw.INCP out ‘The chicken I am throwing away.’ (Jafr11)

In (20), the relative clause, describing a certain group of women, and functioning as the recipient of the transitive verb /gàf/ ‘give’, is brought to the beginning of the sentence. The meaning is ‘It is those kinds of women and not others whom God blesses.’ (20)

nà

a᷆n gg= gg=ì t ̪ɛ́l gə̀f=íìggə̀n ɟɛ̀gg tə̄-yə̀gg stay.INCP doors-theirs=RDM God gives.INCP=3pD things ‘To those who stay in their homes, God gives them things.’ (Womn13)

REL

Pre-verbal objects are emphasized when there is a post-verbal subject and agented passive clitic attached to the verb. The sentence of (21) is the concluding remark of a personal story where a creature repeatedly tries to attack the narrator and other participants. The construction emphasizes the outcome of the object ɟāām ‘someone’ (‘no one’ with negation). (21)

ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -s=ī someone /káàm/bothered.CAUS-COMP=PAS.A ‘No one was bothered by it.’ (Thng25)

d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ PP-3sO

wá. not

317

16 Conclusion Gaahmg is a morphologically rich language, employing many suffixes and clitics on nouns, adjectives, and verbs. [ATR] quality and tone distinguish a significant number of lexemes and grammatical functions. Several specific processes of consonant weakening, vowel elision, [+ATR] spreading, [+round] spreading, and morphological tone rules, account for the vast majority of alternations when morphemes are combined. Gaahmg suffixes differ in alternation and function from clitics, where the former are mostly inflectional morphemes which attach to underlying root segments, whereas the latter are mostly functional, derivational or clausal morphemes which attach to surface stem segments. All pronouns except interrogatives use vowel features to represent the person referred to, the three persons coinciding with the language's three vowel harmony pairs. Nouns may attach singular and plural suffixes, although plural suffixes are by far more common, and have various segmental and tonal allomorphs which mostly have no semantic correlation with the nouns to which they attach. Nouns and adjectives attach one or more of seven clitics to the stem, each with segmental or tonal allomorphs which depend on the stem-final segment. The verb has five morpheme slots in addition to the root. Antipassive and causative morphemes attach immediately following the root, followed by modal and aspect morphemes which are also included in the stem. Derivational, pronominal, and clausal clitics attach to the verb stem, many of which have various segmental or tonal allomorphs depending on the subject person or inflectional verb form to which they attach. Gaahmg has morphological marking for both perfect and imperfect aspect, which can both attach to completive and incompletive verbs. Tone is added to verb stems for subject person inflection, tone distinguishes past from non-past tense in the continuous form, and tone replacement is used in the formation of antipassives, causatives, and verbal nouns. Prepositions, body part locatives, adverbs, and conjunctions are distinct lexical categories. Body part locatives are similar in form and meaning to inherently possessed body part nouns, but are a distinct lexical category in that they do not refer to person and have different tone than body part nouns. Although they are separate morphemes, some of these locatives undergo the same segmental and tonal alternations as clitics, depending on the final segments of the preceding noun of reference. Agentive passive, agentless passive, antipassive, and causative verb forms are syntactically and morphologically distinct and combine in nearly all possible ways.

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In non-verbal clauses, copular clitics may take the place of separate copula particles, which are functionally equivalent but differ in form. Relative clauses are morphologically marked for definiteness and grammatical function in place of the marking on the head noun they modify. Subordinate clauses are morphologically marked clause-finally, and the verbs of subordinate clauses can also be marked according to the type of subordinate clause. Interrogative clauses attach the agented passive when an agent is post-verbal, the clause-final subordinate when any of the interrogative pronouns are pre-verbal, and the verb-final subordinate when an interrogative pronoun replacing an adverb is pre-verbal.

319

17 Texts Ten texts of various genres are presented to show Gaahmg morphology and syntax in the context of natural language. There are two folk narratives, two historical narratives, two personal narratives, a conversation, an expository text, and two persuasive texts. The texts were originally recorded on cassette, transcribed, and glossed by speakers of the language, the recordings made from a variety of individuals in the home area. Later, the texts were extensively checked by the present author with speakers of the language and revised accordingly.

17.1 (Goat) Folk Narrative: “The Goat and the Fox” Author unknown; 2003; Transcribed by Hashim Orta 1.

Mīī goat

2.

Ɛ̄ 3sN

3.

ā

ma᷇n certain

nām-án=ɛ᷇ ɛ́ beaten GP /nām/-CONT=PAS.A There was once a very thirsty goat.

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ started 3sN /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF He set out for the well

wāɟ-ɟ go /wāɟ/-INF

ūlg-ì thirst.GEN-3sO /u᷆lg/ d̪ūmùùn towards

mâŋ well

wá. not

wāā=lg water.source=in

mā-d̪=ɛ́ fɛ̄gg. Ɛ́ gārá líɟ-ɟ=i ᷅ wāā-lg=ɛ́ drink water GP when went water-in=SBO /mā-d/-SBJV=IPF.3SN /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=SBO1 to get a drink. When he arrived at the well,

SBJV

4.

ɛ̄ 3sN

gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ fɛ̄gg=á ɛ̄ nāā ɛ́ found water=DEF 3sN laying GP /ga᷄ms/-COMP.D /nāg/INCP he discovered that the water was very far down in the

5.

Ɛ̄ 3sN

pə᷇r-d̪ ɛ̄ jump 3sN /pə̄r/-CAUS.INF He jumped into the well

wál-l fall /wál/-INF

wāā=lg. well=in

fɔ̄l hole.GEN /fɔ́l/ well.

t ̪ə́d̪-ì. down-3sO /tád̪/

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A grammar of Gaahmg

6.

Ɛ̄ 3sN

7.

Ɛ́ gārá

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ mā-d̪ fɛ̄gg=á started 3sN drink water=DEF /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /mā-d/-INF and drank water until he was satisfied. wīr-s=i᷅

ɔ́gg

d̪ūmùùn

noticed place towards /wɛ̄r/-COMP=SBO1 When he looked up,

GP

when

8.

ɛ̄ 3sN

9.

ɛ̄ 3sN

10.

lə̂ŋ until

ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̄ðɛ́r-r. satisfied /bɛ̄ðɛ́r/-INF

t ̪àw=ɛ̄ɛ= ̄ n40, up=SBO=DEF

dūgg sə̄rma᷇h-gg. Āld̪=á ɛ́ yāāgg lost wonderment-PL fox=DEF GP awhile /dūg/INF he was bewildered (at how far down he was). After a while, Fox

bā-d̪-ággā ɲa᷇m-m ā appear want SBJV /bā-d̪/-COMP.D /ɲám/-INF appeared and also wanted a drink. Ɛ̄ 3sN

gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ mīī=n ɛ̄ found Goat=DEF 3sN /ga᷄m/-COMP.D He discovered the goat down in the well.

11.

Ɛ̄

12.

Āld̪=á Fox=DEF

má-d̪á fɛ̄gg drink water /mā-d̪/-SBJV.3sN nāā laying /nāg/INCP

ɛ́ GP

d̪í. also.

fɔ̄l. hole.GEN /fɔ́l/

t ̪ə̄rb41=ì

t ̪ā īsí?” “Mīí 42, mīí, 3sN called goat goat COP how /t ̪ār/INCP=3sAM /mīī/ He called out to him, “Goat, goat, how are you?” ɛ̄ 3sN

pə̂r-d̪=ì d̪-ɛ́ɛɲ́ , lə̂ŋ ɛ̄ jump PP-behind.3sO until 3sN /pə̄r/-CAUS.INF=3sAM Fox jumped over him (into the well), and drank until

mā-d̪ággā drank /mā-d̪/-COMP.D

The definite clitic attaches to adverbs such as t ̪àw ‘up’ when they function as the object of a preposition as in (Goat7), where d̪ūmùùn ‘towards’ is an adverb functioning as a preposition. The definite clitic =n on vowel-final stems is attached after the subordinate clitic =ɛ̄. If the definite marker is taken off, the subordinate clitic is short. 41 Irregular INCP inflection; /t ̪ār/ becomes t ̪ār-bá in INCP.3sN 42 Mīī is ‘goat’ in isolation but the tone changes to mīí in the vocative. 40

Texts 13.

fɛ̄gg=á water=DEF

bɛ̄ðɛ́r-r. Āld̪=á satisfied fox=DEF /bɛ̄ðɛ́r/-INF he was satisfied. Fox said,

14.

“Mi ᷄ī=n, goat=DEF

15.

ā

321 ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said /bɛ̀/INF

bôn ān! Ā ra᷄g-sa᷇ d̪-ɔ̄ɔɲ̄ wait 1sN step PP-back.2sPs /bɔ̂n/IMP 1sA /rāg/-COMP.SBO2 “Wait for meǃ If I step on your back lɛ́ɟ-ɟā t ̪ú=í , ā mə́r-ə̄ ū=ra᷄hg-g-a᷇h go out=SBO SBJV return 2sN=step /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP /mə́r/-SBJV.2sN /rāg/-INF-SBO2 so that I can get out, (then) I will come back (into the well) so that

SBJV

16.

gùɲ-ɲ agree /gùɲ/-INF you can also step on my back (and get out).” The goat agreed and then the fox

17.

wāɟ-ɟ t ̪ú. Ɛ́ gārá líɟ-ɟ=i ᷅ t ̪ú=í, ɛ̄ go out GP when arrived out=SBO 3sN /wāɟ/-INF /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=SBO1 got out. When he was out, he looked back from

18.

fɔ́l hole

19.

ɛ̄ 3sN

d̪-āāɲ PP-back.1sPs

d̪í.” also

mūū front

Mīī=n goat=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

lə̂ŋ then

āld̪=á fox=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

rāg-g stop /rāg/-INF

gàɲ-ɲ rɛ̄ rɛ̄ggāād̪ laughed very loudly /gàɲ/-INF the top of the hole and laughed hysterically as he left,

wāɟ-ɟ went /wāɟ/-INF never to return.

ɛ̄ 3sN

lə̂ŋ until43

pád̪. forever

Although lə̂ŋ primarily functions as a conjunction as in (Goat12), in (Goat19) it functions as an adverb of wāɟɟ ‘went’. 43

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A grammar of Gaahmg

17.2 (Nyee) Folk Narrative: “The Nyeerma and the Fox” Author: Babakir Suliman; Oct 2003; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta 1.

2.

Càɔ̀r tale

nɛ́ɛ= ́ n this=DEF

ɛ́

sālād̪=à ɛ̀ hyena.GEN=COP with /sàlàd-à/ This story is about a hyena, fox, and some GP

ɛ́

lɛ̄ɛl̄ -ɛ̄ɛḡ g=à bíīgg nà grass.GEN-PL=COP some REL.PL /lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛḡ / wild forest animals (lit. some things of grass which were staying in grass) GP

3.

Sàlàd̪ hyena

ɛ̀ with

āld̪=e᷇ fox=ACM

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -sɔ̀ starts /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-COMP

ɛ̄ 3pN 3sN

âld̪ fox.GEN /āld̪/

ɛ̀ with

ɟe᷆gg thing.PL.GEN /jɛ̀g/

àn-n lɛ́ɛĺ -ɛ́ɛg̀ g=ɛ̀. stay forest-PL=RDM /àn/-INF

wāɟ-ɟ go /wāɟ/-INF

ā SBJV

Hyena and Fox set out to 4.

ɲáɔ̀-d̪à rís-ə̀gg ma᷇n ɔ̀ kár t ̪āð-án ɛ̀ look.for gift-PL (Ar) certain and wild- was with /ɲáɔ́/-SBJV.3pN cow COP-CONT.P look for food and a wild buffalo was with them.

5.

Ɛ̄ 3sN44

6.

ɛ̄ 3sN

7.

Ɛ̄ 3pN

44

d̪-ɛ̂gg=ɛ̄. PP-3pO=ACM

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀mà=n get.up 3sN found devil.name=DEF /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /gə̄ms/-D.COMP On their way they found (offspring of ) a nyeerma devil

kɔ́s-sɔ́ ɛ̄ àn-n ūfú=úl. crying 3sN stayed Tabaldi.tree=up /kɔ́n/-COMP /àn/-INF crying and resting in the Tabaldi (Ar. Hijliij) tree. bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “Lɛ́ɛ ̄ ā nám-d̪ā ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀mà=n!” said come SBJV eat devil.name=DEF /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /lɛ́ɟ/IMP /nám/-SBJV.1pN They said, “Let’s eat the nyeerma!”

The third singular subject pronoun is used twice in (Nyee5) as a third plural pronoun.

Texts 8.

Ānɛ̄nd̪á then

9.

ā

323

ɛ̄ 3pN

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ bàg-g áŋɛ́=n start 3pN grab elephant=DEF /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /bàg/-INF Then they elicited the help of an elephant

SBJV

t ̪ád̪ down

ā

gâr-rā ā nám-d̪á ɲālg be.able SBJV eat children /gâr/-SBJV.3sN /nám/-SBJV.3sN so as to eat the nyeerma offspring.

ɛ́

SBJV

GP

11.

Ɛ̄ 3pN

d̪í also

12.

ɛ̄ 3sN

10.

13.

gə̀l-d̪=îggə̀n ɛ́ ūfú=n ram-for.them GP Tabaldi.tree=DEF /gàl/-SBJV.3sN=3pD to break down the Tabaldi tree for them

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ bàg-g kár=á starts 3pN grab wild.cow=DEF /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /bàg/-INF They also elicited the help of the buffalo

gə̀l-d̪=i᷇n d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ram-for.them PP-3sO /gàl/-SBJV.3sN=3sD45 in order to break it down for them,

wàr but

REL.SG

t ̪ád̪ down

d̪í, also

ā

gâr-rā ɛ̄ gə̀l-d̪=ī d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ná able 3sN ram PP-3sO REL.SG /gâr/-SBJV.3sN /gàl/-SBJV.3pN=SBO3 but she was not able to break it down. SBJV

14.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

15.

lə̂ŋ until

45

ná

ɲɛ̄ɛr̄ ɛ̄ma᷆=n. devil.GEN=DEF /ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀màn/

ka᷄hs-s=i᷅ ūfú=n=í, struck hijliij.tree=DEF=SBO /kə᷄n/COMP=SBO1 When she struck the tree,

ɛ̄ 3sN

t ̪ád̪ down

wá. not

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s start /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF

ɛ̄ 3sN

wāɟ-ɟ sím ūfú ə̄əŋ̄ . went down tree body /wāɟ/-INF (her horns) went deep into the tree.

As with subject pronouns, third singular dative pronouns are sometimes used for third plural referents.

324 16.

A grammar of Gaahmg Sàlàd̪=ā hyena=DEF

ɛ̀ with

āld=e᷇ fox=ACM

ɛ̄ 3pN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF

Hyena and Fox said, 17.

“lɛ́ɛ,̄ ā come SBJV /lɛ́ɟ/IMP “Let’s milk this

18.

Āld̪=á Fox=DEF

d̪əd̂ -̪ d̪ə ̀ kár=á!” milk wild.cow=DEF /d̪ə̂n/-SBJV.1pN buffalo!”

ɛ̄ 3sN

cúg-g went

t ̪ààgg door

mâ belonging.to

ə́ə̀l hyena.

ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said

GEN

/cúg/-INF /ə̀əl̀ / /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF Fox went to hyena’s (larger type of hyena than salad) house who said, 19.

“Ágg 1pN

20.

ágg 1pN

21.

Āld̪=á fox=DEF

22.

cúr=ə̄ t ̪ɔ́ɔ́ ma᷇n tie cow certain /cúr/INCP=IPF.1PN “We tied down a buffalo over there;

t ̪ád̪ down

ɲa᷇m ū=gə̀ù-d̪ə ̀ bāɛ̀ ma᷇n ā want 2sN=give jug certain SBJV /ɲám/INCP /gàf/-SBJV.2pN Please, will you give us a container for milking.” dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ bād̪-d̪ bāɛ̀=n start 3sN break jug=DEF /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /bād̪/-INF Fox punctured a hole in the bottom

ɛ̄ 3sP

ɛ̄ 3sN

bə̄l bottom

ɛ́ GP

fɔ́l. hole

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

āld̪=á Fox=DEF

of the hyena’s container. While Fox was milking, 23.

kúə̄=n froth=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

māl-l accumulate /māl/-INF froth formed in the pan and

fān on

tàɔ̀, top

d̪ə-̂ d̪=ì.” milk /d̪ən̂ /SBJV.3pN=3sAM ɛ́ GP

d̪ən̂ =i᷅ milking

sālād̪=à hyena.GEN=DEF

īīgg=í=n, milk=SBO =DEF /d̪ən̂ /INCP=SBO1

Texts

325

24.

īīgg=ə́

25.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

26.

“A᷇h, oh

27.

Ɔ̀ kúə̄ ánɛ̄ɛń ɛ́ fə́ī ma᷇n and froth like.this GP strength certain Since froth does not have any substance,

28.

gə̂l in.that.way

29.

30.

ɛ̄

fān t ̪ád̪. mə̄l-l=ínə̄46 3sN gathered=to.him on down milk=DEF /māl/-INF=3sD milk accumulated for him underneath (he drank it as it ran out the bottom).

d̪əə́ ̀-s=i᷅ īīgg=ə́=r kāy=ɛ́, ɛ̄ bɛ̀ɛ ̀ milked milk=DEF=PF all=SBO 3sN said /d̪ən᷇ /-COMP=SBO1 /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF When all the milk was completely milked, he (hyena) said,

wɛ́ɛ ́ dàr ɟɔ̄ ā gàɔ̀-dā īīgg=ə́ ɲālg=a᷇n.” go hide only SBJV give.to milk=DEF children=DAT /wāɟ/IMP /d̪àr/IMP /gàf/-SBJV.1pN “Let’s go hide in order to give this milk to the children (his own).”

wár-r=e᷇ carried /wár/-INF=PAS.A therefore it was blown away,

ɲālg children

ɛ̄ 3sN

ɛ́ GP

sālād̪=à ā hyena.GEN=DEF SBJV /sàlàd̪-ā/ and Hyena’s children never drank it.

Ɛ́ GP

ɛ́

GP

nāānd̪=á day=DEF

yāàn, other

āld̪=á Fox=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

wá not

ánɛ̄ɛń , like.this

ūù=nì air.GEN=DEF /ùùnī/

wár-r, carry /wár/-INF

mə́d-̪ d̪=íìggə̀ drink=they /mād̪/-SBJV=IPF.3pN ád̪-ággā came /ád̪/-D.COMP

ɛ̄ 3sN

wá. not

fáàm thought

Another day, Fox brought another idea to 31.

ma᷇n certain

dáān different

sàlàd̪=ān. hyena=DAT

Ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF

ínə̄ 3sD

Hyena. He said to him,

46

This is the long form of DAT which is usually separate, but here analyzed as attached because of [+ATR] quality spread to the verb root.

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A grammar of Gaahmg

32.

“Sàlàd̪=ā”, Hyena=DEF

ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ,̀ “Ū=wə́r ūūŋ say 2sN=carry 2sR /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /wár/IMP “Hyena", he said, "Make yourself upright and go

33.

ū=bə̀g=gə́n47 mɔ̄ɔ̄ ma᷇n ā nám-d̪ā kár 2sN=grab.for.us fire certain SBJV eat cow /bàg/IMP=1pD /nám/-SBJV1pN bring us some fire (so that) we may eat this buffalo.

34.

ɲɛ́ɛŕ ɛ̀mà=n devil=DEF

ɛ́ GP

gāránd̪á that.time

ɛ̄ 3sN

cābb up

ád̪-d̪á became /ád/-SBJV.3sN

ánɛ̄ɛń like.this

níí. this

gāɲà laughing /gàɲ/NOM.SG

The nyeerma went on laughing 35.

ɛ̄ 3sN

àn-n ūfú=úl d̪ɛɛ̄ n̄ ɛ̄. stay tree=up only /àn/-INF as he remained in the tree.

17.3 (Fand) Historical Narrative: “Fandi” Author: Tugul Maktab; Oct 2003 in Khartoum; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta 1.

Fə́nd̪ì=n Fandi=DEF

ɛ́ gārá GP when

mɔ̀rāā-gg=ɛ᷇=nɛ́, governmentPL=ACM=SBO /d̪àf/-COMP=IPF.3SN When Fandi fought the government, he had

2.

gìrʃɛ́ɛn̄ two.piasters(Ar)

3.

ɛ̄ 3sN

47

d̪àɔ̀-s=ə᷅ fought

bɛ̄l-án having /bɛ̄l/-CONT.P

Más-sá ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ gə̂l bɛ̀ɛ ̀ refused people=DEF just said /máð/-COMP /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF only two piasters. He denied the people (local officials), saying lā

ɟɔ̄. only

gə᷅f=ì wá, ɛ̄ give=it not 3sN /gàf/INCP=3sAM he would not give it (money), since he UNC

gə̀ù-s=íì=r. gave /gàf/-COMP=IPF.3SN=PF had already given.

The verb ū=bə̀g=gə́n is shortened from ū=bə̀ə.̀ =ə᷇ggə́n ‘/bàg/IMP=1pD’.

Texts

327

4.

Ɛ̄ 3sN

5.

ɛ̄ 3sN

6.

gə̂l just

7.

Gə̀f-ə̄n=íìggə̀n wárā ma᷇n ɛ́ gārá d̪àf-a᷇n=á t ̪álɔ̀=nɛ̄. given=them paper(Ar) certain GP when collect tax=SBO /gàf/-PAS=3pD /dàf/-CONT.N=PAS They (citizens) were given a receipt when the tax money was collected.

8.

Bɛ̄ɛl̀ metal

9.

ɛ̄ 3sN

10.

máð-ð ɛ́ ɟɔ̄gg ììŋg ɛ́ d̪āfà, refused 3sN people 3pR GP fighting /máð/-INF /d̪àf/.NOM.SG He refused (to give money to) the officials by fighting, wár-r kɔ̀lɛ̀ɛð̀ ā kɔ́m-d̪á ɟɔ̄g=ɔ́=r. Ɛ́nná took (sword) SBJV cut people=DEF=EV that.is.why /wár/-INF /kɔ́m/-SBJV.3sN taking a koleez sword to kill (hack up completely) the people. So, bàg-s=āān=ɛ᷇n48 líɟ-ɟ=i ᷅ ɛ́ kə̄rt ̪ūūm caught-him arrived to Khartoum /bàg/-COMP=PAS=3sA /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=IPF.3sN Fandi was captured and brought here to Khartoum. Fə́nd̪ì Fandi

t ̪ɛ̀. here

ma᷇n certain

t ̪ā-án t ̪ù ɔ̀ gàɔ̀-sā gùrūs=í, was there and give money=SBO (Ar) COP-CONT.P /gàf/-COMP.3sN There was a certain metal token, and when (a person) gave money,

gə̀f-f-ûn=ì d̪-ɔ́ɔs̀ . give-to.you=it in-hand.2sPs /gàf/-INF-2sD-3sAM he gave it to you (as certificate of payment). Mɔ̀rāā government

ə́ð-ð=í came

t ̪áān again

bɛ̀ɛǹ saying

fə́ndì=n Fandi=DAT

ɛ̄ 3sN

/áð/-INF=IPF.3pN /bɛ̀/INCP The government came again, again requesting Fandi to pay

gàɔ̀-d̪ā give /gàf/-SBJV.3sN

The third singular object pronoun =ɛ᷇n differs from the expected pronoun by an added n, which may be present here to help distinguish the pronoun from the passive clitic alone =āná which also has a final vowel.

48

328 11.

A grammar of Gaahmg gùrūs money(Ar)

t ̪áān. again

Fə́nd̪ì Fandi

máá-sá ɛ̄ refused 3sN /máð/-COMP the money. Fandi refused, saying he would

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF

ɛ̄ 3sN

lā UN

12.

gə᷅f=ì wá. ɲíīnə́ wə́r-r=i᷇ give=it not what brought /gàf/INCP-3sAM /wár/-INF=SBO not pay it. What brought on this refusal?

māān-g=á nààn=ɛ̄? refusing.GEN those=SBO /máð/-NOM.PL=DEF

13.

Mɔ̀rāā government

14.

más-sá=r=ɛ́, ɛ́nná mās=á lə̄=ì t ̪ú=í refused-it that.is.why refusal came out=SBO /máð/-COMP=PF=3sA /máð/NOM=DEF /lā-d/INCP=3sAM refused it, and that is why the refusal (from the government) came out to him (with brutality).

15.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

16.

gùrūūs-úgg=ú t ̪ā t ̪ù wá. Tāɛ́n mɔ̀rā=n money-PL=DEF is there not then government=DEF (Ar) COP no money. Then the government (forces) arrived and became

17.

àw-sā=r sat

fááð=āŋ. ɟɛ̄n kùðùùl bɛ́l-a᷄n=ɛ́ ɟād̪ɛɛ̀ r̀ ɛ̄ɛn̄ Faath= person Kulug is.named Jader 3sN body /àb/-COMP=PF /bɛ᷇l/-CONT.N=IPF.3SN established in Faath area. A Kulug (clan name) person called Jader was going

18.

ɛ́

ə́ð-ð=í dúūr-g=ɔ́ fɔ̄rɔ́ɟɟ came time-PL=DEF few /áð/-INF=IPF.3sN The government came many times, and Fandi

ə́ð-ð=í came /áð/-INF=IPF.3SN At first, the government came and said there is

mɔ̀rāā government

ɔ̀ and

Fə́nd̪ì Fandi

gə̂l. just

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ said /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF líín arriving /lɛ́/INCP

Wə́r=í gààm=ā t ̪ú, ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ ɛ̄ d̪ūr-d̪ù bringhill.name= out people= 3pN bury he DEF DEF /wár/INCP=IPF.3SN /d̪ùr/-SBJV.3pN to Taw. He (Jader) brought the people of the Gaam hill in order to hide

GP

T̪ aw ᷆ . Taw

mɔ̄ɔg̀ g=ɛ̄, first=SBO

wá, not

Texts

329

Ɛ̄ 3sN

19.

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

t ̪ád̪. down

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ nɛ́ɛ= ́ n ɛ̄ said egg=DEF this=DEF 3sN /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF an egg in the ground. He said, “If this egg doesn’t burst,

20.

wá=í not=SBO

bà, oh

21.

Ɔ̀ and

22.

ɟɔ̄gg people

23.

ma᷇n ná ə́n=í ɛ̄ɛn̄ t ̪ù wá.” ɟād̪ɛɛ̀ r̀ =ā certain which bad=RDM it.is there not Jader=DEF nothing bad will happen (lit. the one thing which is bad is not there).” Jader

24.

wár-sá kāŋ íìnī=n ɛ̄ mād̪ā. Ɛ̄gg carried group 3sPs=DEF with big.size 3pN /wár/-COMP led his very big group. They traveled and sang

25.

ɛ̄gg 3pN

26.

mū-ín front-3sO

d̪ɛ ̀ then

mɔ̀rāā government

lā will

ɟi ᷅s ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ do something /ɟìs/INCP then (it is a sign that) the government will not do anything.”

bɛ̀l-d̪ā burst /bɛ̀l/-COMP wá.” not

kɔ́lɔ́d= ̪ ɔ́ egg=DEF

d̪ùr-s=ə̄nə́ ɛ̄ɛl̄ t ̪ád̪-ɛ̄ bà bɛ̀l-d̪ā wá. bury head.3sPs down-3sO oh burst not /d̪ùr/-COMP=PAS /bɛ̀l/-COMP And the egg put in the ground with its top side down did not burst. ɛ̄ 3pN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “Wə́í-d̪ə ̄ d̪ɛ ̀ said go then /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /wāɟ/-IMP.PL The people said, “Let us go since

bɔ̄fɔ̀ sing

ɛ̄gg 3pN

rāg-g stopped /rāg/-INF

t ̪ù. there

t ̪àɔ̀. up

Ɛ̄gg 3pN

Líɟ-ɟ=ì went

lɛ̄ɛn̄ -g going /lɛ́ɟ/-NOM.PL

d̪àl=ɔ̄=mɔ̄ɔ= ̄ n Dal=DEF= fire=DEF /bɔf/NOM.SG /lɛ́ɟ/INCP /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=IPF.3pN as they went along. They had arrived at the entrance of the Dal water valley ɛ̄ 3sN

lɛ́ɛ ̄ going

kɔ̄r word

lɛ̄ɛn̄ =g going /lɛ́ɟ/= NOM.PL and stopped there. They were going to . . . well,

wāā pond

ɛ̄gg 3pN

lɛ̄ɛn̄ =g, going /lɛ́ɟ/= NOM.PL

330 27.

28.

A grammar of Gaahmg ú=ɲíl gàr=ā súùgg îlg ɛ́ gārá 2pN= place= market in where know DEF /ɲɛ́l/INCP do you know the place in the market in Faaz t ̪ád̪ down

fáað=āŋ Faaz=body

t ̪āɛ́n then

à? QM

fɛ́ð-a᷄n=á placed

ɟɛ̀gg=ā things= DEF

/fɛ́ð/-CONT.P=PAS area where things

Mɔ̄fátīshā policeman(Ar)

ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̄ said /bɛ̀/INCP

are sold (lit being placed down)? The soldier said, 29.

“ɲɛ́ɛś -a᷇n-á ɟɛ̄n ná lɛ̄ɛn̄ =g ɛ́ gɔ̄lg=ɔ́ focus person which going GP others=DEF /ɲɛ́ɛś /-CONT.N-IMP /lɛ́ɟ/=NOM.PL “Aim at the man who is leading the others;

29.

Ār Hey

30.

ɟɛ̄n person

31.

mɔ̄ɔ= ̄ n fire=DEF

ú=bìl-ī ɟɔ̄gg kāɛ̄ wá, bɛ̀l ɟɛ̄n 2pN=hit people all not hit person /bɛ̀l/IMP /bɛ̀l/IMP=IPF.2pN Don’t kill all the people; just kill the one man.” ɛ̄ 3sN

bìl-l=ì shot=him /bɛ̀l/-INF=3sAM A person shot him in his chest ɛ̄ 3sN

d̪-ɛ̄ PP-3sP

bād̪-d̪ gə̀əl̀ =ə̄ penetrated shield=DEF /bād̪/-INF through the shield (armor) so that he died.

t ̪ì. there

t ̪āmán.” one

kúnd̪, chest

lə̂ŋ until

t ̪ú out

ɛ̄ 3sN

t ̪īr-r. die /t ̪īr/-INF

17.4 (Jafr) Third-person True Narrative: Jafariin Waɟa i Wiləŋ “Jafari Went on a Hunt” Author: Safadin Hamid; Oct 2004; Recorded and transcribed by Safadin Hamid 1.

Jāfàrì=n Jafari=DEF

ɛ̀ with

mə̄īd̪ old.man

kūūd̪=i᷇ clan.name=ACM

wāɟ-ɟà ɛ́ went GP /wāɟ/-COMP Jafari and an older man of the Kuud clan went on a hunt.

wīlə̀ns. hunting.GEN

Texts 2.

ɟāfàrì=n Jafari=DEF

ku᷇n-sú cîl ɛ́ blew horn GP /kɔ́n/CAUS-COMP Jafari blew the hunting horn.

3.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

4.

ɛ̄gg 3pN

5.

Būŋu᷇r-g=ú youth-PL=DEF

6.

ɟɔ̄gg people

331

wīlə̀n-g=ə̀. hunting.GEN-PL=DEF /wīlə̀ŋ/

ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ people=DEF

fīŋə́-s=íìggə̀ ɛ́ cîl=ī, heard=them GP horn=SBO /fīŋə́n/-COMP=3pA When the people heard them (blow) the horn, dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄gg lād̪-ággā t ̪ú. started 3pN went out /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /lā-d̪/-D.COMP they ran out (to participate in the hunt). lə̄-ì t ̪ú d̪í. Ɛ́ gārá run out also GP when /lā-d̪/INCP-3sAM The young people ran out. When they heard, fàŋ old

bu᷆r sɛ̀ggɛ̄rg=ɛ̀ remain young=RDM /būr/INCP some older people who were still agile also ran out.

7.

ɟāfàrì=n Jafari=DEF

8.

Mə̄īd̪ old.man

9.

ma᷇n certain

10.

ɛ̄ 3sN

bíīgg some

fīŋə́-s=íìggi᷅ heard /fīŋə́n/-COMP=SBO1

ɛ́ mánɛ̄ alone

nà

lə̄=ì t ̪ú d̪í. ran out also /lā-d̪/INCP=3sAM

REL

ɟɔ̄ just

d̪àɔ̀-sā càɔ̀r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á killed rabbits-PL=DEF /d̪àf/-COMP Jafari, by himself, killed four rabbits. kūūd̪=ū person.name=DEF

d̪àɔ̀-sā ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ kill thing /d̪àf/-COMP The old man Kuud didn’t kill anything.

d̪ɛɛ́ ́ any

wá. not

be᷇l Fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā, d̪àɔ̄-sā t ̪ày-ɛ̀ɛg̀ g dáāgg. call Feetfa(Ar) killed giraffe-PL two /bɛ᷇l/INCP /d̪àf/-COMP One youth called Feetfa killed two giraffes. Feetfa bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “Lí-d̪ū ā gàɔ̀-d̪à ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ said let SBJV give something /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /líð/-IMP.PL /gàf/-SBJV.1pN said, “Let’s give something to the older man.”

yə̄əs̄ ə́. four

Būŋúr youth

Fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā=n Feetfa=DEF

mə̄īd̪=ə᷇n.” old.man=DAT

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A grammar of Gaahmg

11.

ɟāfàrì=n ɛ̀ Fɛ́ɛt̄ ̪fā=nē ɛ̄gg Jafari=DEF with Feetfa=ACM 3sN Jafari and Feetfa, they and everyone,

12.

ɛ̄gg 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “Àɔ̀, said yes /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF said, “Yes, indeed!”

ɟɔ̄gg people

ɛ̀ with

dáāgg=e᷇ two=ACM

àɔ̀!” yes

17.5 (Jooj) Personal Narrative: Jen Faa na bel Cooɟooeen “An old man called Joojo” Author: Hashim Orta; Oct 2003; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta (Hashim tells the beginning of a conversation he had with a man named Joojo that he met in the home area. Although not a complete narrative, this portion is presented for its syntax constructions, some of which are not found in other texts.) 1.

Á 1sN

wāɟ-ɟā ɛ́ nāānd̪á ma᷇n went GP day certain /wāɟ/-COMP One day I went to Dal Valley.

d̪ūmùùn towards

ɛ́

D̪ ààl. (valley name)

GP

2.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

le᷇ɟ-ɟ=ɛ̄ ɛ́ D̪ ààl=ɛ̄, á arrived GP Daal=SBO 1sN /lɛ᷇ɟ/-COMP=SBO1 When I arrived to Dal Valley, I found an old

gə̄ms-ə́ggə̄ found /gə᷄ms/-D.COMP

3.

fāā old

gə̄ì tree.type

bə̀l. beneath

īsí, how

bə̀=ì?” oh= 3sP

4.

5.

á 1sN

be᷇l-l Cɔ̀ɔɟ̀ ɟɔ̀ɔ.̀ -ɛ̀ɛǹ , ɛ̄ àn-n called Joojo-3sO 3sN stay /bɛ᷇l/-INF /àn/-INF man named Joojo, sitting under a Gai tree.

á 1sN

ná

REL

t ̪ís-s=i᷇n á asked= 1sN him /t ̪ís/-INF=3sD I asked him, “How are

Ɛ̄ 3sN

bì=īn, said

“ɟɛ̄n man

fāā=n, old=

t ̪ā COP

DEF

/bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF=3sD you old man (respectful greeting)?”

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “ɲíīn ùùŋg ŋa᷄l=ɛ᷇ ūŋúūr-g, ūŋúūr-g?” said what bodies.2pPp smell Arab-PL Arab-PL /bɛ̀/INF /ŋāl/INCP=PAS.A He asked, “Why does your body smell like that of Arabs?”

ɟɛ̄n man

Texts

6.

Á 1sN

7.

Ɔ̀ and

8.

Āān 1sN

9.

Ɛ̄ 3sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ “Wá, āān ūŋúūr=ú said no 1sN Arab=DEF /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF I replied, “No, I am not an Arab. ú=ɲə᷇m ɲíí 2sN=want what /ɲám/INCP What can I do for you?”

333

wá. not

bārɛ̀ ā?” now QM

bì=īn d̪í, “Ɔ̀ ɔ̄ɔn̄ ú=ɟìs-sə̀ ɲíí d̪í said also and 2sN 2sN=did what also /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF=3sD /ɟìs/-COMP I myself also asked him, “And you, what are you doing here?” á 1sN

bɛ̀ɛ,̀ “Á wīr-ə᷇n áfád̪ ma᷇n t ̪ád̪ said 1sN slaughter blood certain down /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /wīr/-CONT.P 1sN He said, “I was making a sacrifice here because

10.

mə́sí insect

11.

Mīí=n chicken=DEF

12.

mīī=n goat=DEF

t ̪ɛ̀, here

t ̪ɛ̀ ā?” here QM

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá

ɛ́

GP

GP

because

nɛ́ɛ ́ this

nə́r-r-ə̄n t ̪ɛ̀. drools here /nár/-CAUS-CONT.N this insect drools here. á 1sN

gàn t ̪ú, throw out /gàn/.INCP The chicken I am throwing away, á 1sN

gàf-àn ɟɔ̄gg give people /gàf/-CONT.N

fāŋ=a᷇n old=DAT

(but) the goat I am giving to the old men to eat.”

ā SBJV

nə́m-d̪=íìggə̀.” eat-it /nām/-SBJV= IPF.3pN

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A grammar of Gaahmg

17.6 (Thng) Personal Narrative: Jen e Arsagga “Something that frightened us” Author: Hashim Orta; Oct 2003; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta 1.

Gārá when

āgg 1pN

àn t ̪àà-gg d̪-a᷇ggá máà-gg=ɛ́, live door-PL PP-1pO house-PL=SBO /àn/INCP While we were living in our houses, women

2.

fɛ́ɛd́ ɔ̪ ɔ́ ĺ . Āgg dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s āgg wāɟ-ɟ wāā=lg t ̪ār-s àn49. called me 1pN start 1pN go water=in early.morning /t ̪ār/-COMP 1sA /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF /wāɟ/-INF called me. In the early morning we set out for the water valley.

3.

Ɛ́ gārá GP when

4.

ɛ̄ 3sN

5.

āgg 1pN

6.

nà

āgg 1pN

lɛ́ɟ-ɟ=ā=ɛ́, ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ɛ̄ arrived something 3sN /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=SBO1=SBO When we arrived, something frightened us. cúd̪-d̪ t ̪àɔ̀ gùld̪ū=ūl. climbed up tree=up /cúd̪/-INF and climbed up a tree. After that,

ɔ̄ð-ɔ̄ɔḡ g=ɔ́ woman-PL=DEF

âr-s āāggá. frightened-us /âr/-COMP 1pA

Mìnt ̪ààðɛ́ɛ ́ thereafter

kɔ̄ɛɟ́ -ɟ āgg t ̪ál-l dáāg enter 1pN make two /kɔ̄ɛɟ́ /-INF /t ̪ál/-INF two of us passed (it) and left our other

āgg 1pN

bìɟ-ɟ āgg left 1pP /bìɟ/-INF

gɔ᷆l-g=ɔ̄ friend-PL=DEF

dáāgg ɛ̀ɛǹ ɛ́ ɲə̄ə̄gg. two 3sN GP behind two companions behind.

REL

7.

Nà

bìɟ-ɟə̀ dáāgg ɛ́ ɲə̄ə̄gg=í, left two GP behind=SBO /bìɟ/-COMP Those we left behind, the bad thing

REL.PL

āgg 1pN

ɟɛ̄n person

The segement n in the first singular object pronoun an makes a distinction with a in the completive suffix of tār-sà which has no object pronoun. 49

Texts 8.

ná REL.SG

ə́n=í bad=RDM

ɛ̄ 3sN

pə̀l-l-ì tád̪ fall down /pàl/-INF-3sAM

335 d̪-íì-mùù-gg. PP-3pO-front-PL

fell down in front of them. Āgg 1pN

t ̪āð-án āgg Ma᷆gsààd̪ āgg were 1pN Magsad 1pN COP-CONT.P We were four in all, including Magsad.

9.

10.

Lə̂ŋ Then

ma᷆ even

yə̄əs̄ ə́. four

ə̂r-s=ììgg=i᷅, frightened=them /âr/-COMP=3pA=SBO1 Then, even though the thing frightened us,

11.

āgg 1pN

12.

ɟāām someone

13.

Kɔ̄ɟɟ=ɔ́ fear=DEF

14.

ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ something

ɛ́ gārá when

t ̪āð-án were COP-CONT.P

GP

ɟɛ̄n person

kɔ̄ɛɟ́ -ɟ màrɛ̀ɛ.̀ Āgg bìɟ-ɟ=ì fàgg enter somehow 1pN left=it then /kɔ̄ɛɟ́ /-INF /bìɟ/-INF=3sAM we were able to go past somehow. We left it somehow,

màrɛ̀ɛ.̀ somehow

kə́əm ̀ =ī 50 wá. dealt.with=it not /káàm/CAUS=PAS.A.3SP and no one was bothered.

bàg-s ān51 mâŋ d̪-áán wá. grabbed me well PP-1sO not /bàg/-COMP 1sA I have never been as scared as on this occasion! âr-s ān ánɛ̄ɛń ɛ́ nāānd̪=á frightened me like.this GP day=DEF /âr/-COMP-1sA There has never been a day I was as frightened as this.

ma᷇n certain

wá. not

ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -ì is a shortened version of ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -ì d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ‘someone is bothered by it PP-3SP) (Thng25)’; For comparison, ɟɛ̄n káàm ɟāām ‘person bothers someone’; ɟɛ̄n kə́əm ̀ ɟāām ‘person bothers.CAUS someone’; ɟāām kə́əm ̀ =ī ɟɛ̂n ‘someone is bothered by the person (CAUS=PAS.A)’; ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -ə̄ ‘someone is bothered (CAUS-PAS)’. 50

(CAUS=PAS.A

51

Final –n is used here to make the pronoun obvious.

336

A grammar of Gaahmg

15.

Nāānd̪=á day=DEF

t ̪úr-s=ì , ɟɛ̀gg=ā saw=it things=DEF /t ̪úr/-COMP=3sAM It was only that day in which I saw it that they were so frightened of the thing

16.

ə̂r-s=īìggì ɔ́gg=ɛ́. fightened=them place=SBO /âr/-COMP=3pAM in that place. On another day,

17.

āgg 1pN

18.

É gārá GP when

19.

ná

náán that

ɟɔ̄ only

á 1sN

É GP

nāānd̪=á day=DEF

yāàn, other

wāɟ-ɟā wāā=lg fɛ́ɛd́ ɔ̪ ɔ́ ĺ ɟɔ̄, āggá kāf-a᷇n. went water-in early.morning only 1pN draw.water /wāɟ/-COMP /kāf/-CONT.P we also went to the water valley early in the morning and drew water. āgg 1pN

lɛ́ɟ-ɟ=ā=ɛ́ , ɟɛ̄n ma᷇n arrived person certain /lɛ́ɟ/-COMP=SBO1=SBO When we arrived, something

dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s started /d̪ɔɔ̄ s̀ /-INF bad began pelting us with stones. REL.SG

20.

É 3sN

21.

á 1sP

ə́n=í bad=RDM

ɛ̄ 3sN

dɔ̀ɟ-ɟ āāggá ɛ́ mīīd̪-ə́g fɔ̄rɔ́ɟɟ stoned us GP stone-PL few /d̪ɔɟ̀ /-INF 1pA When it pelted us with a lot of stones, gɔ᷆l-g=ɔ̄ friendPL=DEF

ɲâm-m want

ā SBJV

ɛ̄ 3sN

d̪ɔɟ̀ -ɟ āāggá ɛ́ stone us GP /d̪ɔɟ̀ /-INF 1pA

wá not

gāl-d̪à, run

/ɲám/-INF /gàl/-SBJV.3pN my companions wanted to run, (but) I told them 22.

52

“Wá! no

mīīd̪ə́gg. stones

bə̀=ī, oh=SBO

á 1sN

bì=īggə̀n52 told=them /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF=3pD

Ūgg=gə̀l wá, ār ɟɛ̀gg=ā nà 2pN=run not if things=DEF REL.PL /gàl/IMP “No, don’t run if the things which frighten you don’t run, (otherwise)

The long third plural dative pronoun is used.

Texts

337

23.

âr-s=ɔ̀ɔg̀ g=ɛ̄ kár-á wá, ɲa᷆m ūgg ŋə̀lg.” frightened=you run not break 2pPp necks /âr/-COMP=2pA=SBO2 /kár/-INCP /ɲām/INCP.3p they will break your necks (If you do run, it will harm you).”

24.

Āgg 1pN

25.

āgg 1pN

gàl-d̪à wá āgg sábbàr-sà ɟɔ̄ màrɛ̀ɛ.̀ ran not 1pN patient(Ar) only somehow /gàl/-COMP /sábàr/-COMP We did not run; somehow we were patient. We went and

Āgg 1pN

wāɟ-ɟ go /wāɟ/-INF

bìɟ-ɟ-ì, ɟāām kə́əm ̀ -s=ī d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ 53 wá. left-it someone bothered PP-3sO not /bìɟ/-INF-3sAM /káàm/CAUS-COMP=PAS.A left it there (and) no one was bothered by it.

17.7 (Assa) Conversation: Koraag e yo Assamma “Discussion with Grandmother Assamma” Oct 2003; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta 1. Hashim:

T̪ ā is

Ú=bə̄=ì d̪əì̀ ɔ̀ ɔ́ lə̄ wə̄ī d̪əì̀ ? 2sN=appear when and 2sN UN go when COP /bā-d̪/INCP=3sAM /wāɟ/INCP How are you? When did you arrive, and when will you go?

2. Assamma (and following):

īsí? how

Mássɛ̄ɛ ̄ sickness

ɟìs-ə᷅n-ə᷇ mâŋ wá, treating=me carefully not ɟìs/-CONT.N=1sD The Massee sickness is not treating me well,

3.

nām-án á sù, sù, sù. Ɔ̀ ɔ́ yáā ɲāā nɛ́ɛ ́ eating-me deep deep deep and 2sPs mother girl this /nām/CONT.N 1sA giving me a great amount of pain. Your mother’s sister (lit. your girl mother)

4.

lɛ̀ɛǹ -án d̪ūmùùn d̪-ūūŋ t ̪à bɛ̀ɛn̄ ɲa᷇m gɔ̄ɔ.̀ was.coming towards PP-2sO there said want clothing /lɛ́ɟ/-CONT.P /bɛ̀/INCP /ɲám/INCP was coming to you there, saying she wanted clothing.

53

The prepositional pronoun d̪-ɛ́ɛn̄ ‘by-it’ expresses the agent of the agented passive clause.

338 5.

6.

A grammar of Gaahmg Kɔ́r-a᷄n kɔ̄r ná lūsú ɛ́ kɔ̄rá was.saying speech REL.SG hot GP because /kɔ́r/-CONT.P (She) was saying harsh words instead of kind cúú=í sweet=RDM

wá. not

Kɔ́r á kɔ̄r speaks word /kɔ́r/INCP 1sA words. She speaks to me rudely.

ná REL.SG

kɔ̄r speech

Be᷄l gɔ̄ɔ-̀ gg wá, ɟɛ̀gg bíīgg has cothing-PL not thing some /bɛ̄l/INCP (This is because) she doesn’t have clothing—just some

8.

nà

mə̀ər̀ -ə᷇n=în=ìn ɟɔ̄. was.buy.for.her just /māār/-CONT.P=3sD=3sAM old clothes from long ago (that) I was buying for her.

REL

9.

Ɔ̀ and

t ̪ā

COP

ɟùùn long.ago

ɟɛ̄n=á person=DEF

á 1sN

á 1sN

kúr=ì ín=í, tell=it 3sD=SBO /kɔ́r/INCP=3sAM (Furthermore), the person (who travels with a message) to tell it (her needs) to

10.

bə̄=ì d̪ùùl. Cāɛ̀=n ɛ̄ send=him difficult Jae=DEF 3sN /bà-d̪/INCP=3sAM is difficult to find. Jae (son of Assamma) said,

11.

‘Á 1sN

12.

ā

ā

SBJV

SBJV

13.

REL.SG

ə́n=í. bad=RDM

7.

ə́ŋ bad

ná

bàà ā wáɟ-ɟā. Á grab SBJV go 1sN /bàg/INCP /wāɟ/-SBJV.1sN ‘I want to go. I want Hashim

ɟìd̪-d̪ə̄ ɔ̀ make and /ɟìs/-SBJV.3sN to get me a radio.’

Á 1sN

bì=îggə̀n tell=them /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF=3pD I told them, ‘(Alright,

kɔ́r say /kɔ́r/INCP

ɲa᷇m Háshīm=á want Hashim=DEF /ɲám/INCP

wár-d̪=ɛ́ ə᷇nə̄ bring 1sD /wár/-SBJV-IPF.3sN

rád̪ɛ.̀ ’ radio

‘Jə̀-d̪ə̀ ùùŋg=ū ɔ̄gg kāɛ̄ ɟɔ̄.’ finish 2pR=DEF 2pN all only /ɟə̀d̪/-IMP.PL all of you), you all just (go without me).’

Texts

14.

Mássɛ̄ɛ= ̄ n sickness=DEF

15.

sù, sù, ɟɔ̄. deep deep only a great deal of pain (lit. eats me).

ɛ̄ 3sN

d̪ùs-ə᷇n=í ɛ̄ comes.out 3sN /d̪ùs/-CONT.P=IPF.3SN The Masseen sickness came, bringing me

339

nām á eats me /nām/-INCP 1sA

17.8 (Minj) Historical Expository: Jen Faa Miɲɟib o Baarg “Old Man Miɲjib and the Baggara” Author: Tuguul Maktab; Oct 2003; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta bɛ́l-a᷄n Mīɲɟìbb. Ɔ̀ ɛ̄ named Minjib and with /bɛ᷇l/-CONT.P There was an old man named Minyjib. At that time

1.

Jɛ̄n man

2.

Bāárg=á Baggara=DEF

3.

ɛ̄ 3pN

4.

Bāárg=á Baggara=DEF

5.

Bāárg=á Baggara=DEF

54

fāā old

ma᷇n certain

mūn time

náá=n that

ŋáɔ́-a᷄ ǹ ɲā-lg nà ə̄n-g=ì, search.for girl-PL54 REL young-PL=RDM /ŋáw/-CONT.P the Baggara (people group) were kidnapping young girls mə́r-ə᷄n=íìggə̀ d̪ūmùùn ɛ́ Gɔ̄ɔr̄ . sold=them towards GP clan.name /mār/CAUS-CONT.P=3pA to sell to them (non-Gaahmg people) far away past the Goor clan.

áð-a᷄ ǹ àn-ân ɛ̀ ɟɔ̄gg coming staying with people /áð/-CONT.P /àn/-CONT.P The Baggara were coming with the people of Goor.

Gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɛ᷇. Goor=ACM

áð-a᷄ ǹ fān ɛ́ T̪ āw=ā wá. coming towards GP village.name=DEF not /áð/-CONT.P The Baggara were not coming to the people of Taw (Gaahmg village).

The plural suffix –lg is irregular.

340

A grammar of Gaahmg

6.

Jɔ̄gg people

Gɔ̄ɔr̄ =ɔ́ Goor=DEF

7.

Jɔ̄gg people

ɛ̄gg 3pN

8.

Bāárg=á Baggara=DEF

bà oh

ə́s-s=ə᷅ggə̄n ɟɛ̀gg ə́n-g=ì. became=for.us things bad-PL=RDM55 /áð/-COMP=1pD The Goor tribe became our enemies (lit. to us bad things). ə́ð=i᷅ bà, ɛ̄gg wár-r ɟɛ̀gg=ā come oh 3pN take things=DEF /áð/INCP=SBO1 /wár/-INF When these people come, they take all (our) things from us. t ̪ɛ̀ɛð̀ á here

bɛ̄l-án=ɛ̀ɛg̀ gà mɔ̀sɔ̀r-ɛ̀ɛg̀ =ɛ̄ having horse-PL=IPF.3pN /bɛ̄l-CONT.P=IPF.3pN

d̪-a᷇ggá PP-1pO

kāɛ̄. all

bà, oh

The Baggara had horses; 9.

ɟɛ̄n person

fāā old

ná

bɛ᷇l-l Mīɲɟìbb bɛ̄l-án mɔ̄sɔ̀r named Minjib has horse /bɛ᷇l/-INF /bɛ̄l/-CONT.P the old man called Minyjib also had a horse. bɛ᷇l-l Ə̀súùr. Mɔ̄sɔ̀r íìnī=n named Asuur horse 3sPs=DEF /bɛ᷇l/-INF His horse was called Asuur. When his horse smelled

10.

Mɔ̄sɔ̀r horse

íìnī 3sPs

11.

gɔ᷆lg others

ììŋg=ə̄ bodies=DEF

12.

wíl (sound)

13.

bɛ᷇l-l Mīɲɟìbb t ̪āɛ́n ɛ̄ dɔ̄ɔs̀ -s ɛ̄ named Minjib then 3sN starts 3sN /bɛ᷇l/-INF /dɔ̄ɔs̀ /-INF called Minyjib rode his horse proudly,

55

ɟɔ̄ only

REL

d̪i ᷇=ní, also=SBO

ɛ̄ 3sN

ɛ̄ 3sN

cîl-d̪ ɛ̄ whistles 3sN /cîl/-CAUS.INF the presence of others, he whistled, cried (sound)

d̪í. also

fír-sə́ smells /fír/-COMP kɔ́n-n wíl, cries (sound) /kɔ́n/-INF

ɛ̄ 3sN

gə̀ɲ-ɲ ɔ́gg. Ānɛ̄nd̪á ɟɛ̄n fāā ná digs place therefore person old REL /gàɲ/-INF (sound), and pawed the ground (to alert others). So, that old man ə̀b-b=ì rides=it /àb/-INF=3sAM

d̪-ɛ́ɛĺ PP-on.3sO

The relative clause definite clitic attaches even without the relativizer na in some contexts.

Texts 14.

ɛ̄ 3sN

15.

ɛ̄ with

341

máà īīŋ ɛ̄ àn-n mɔ̄sɔ̀r ɔ̄ɔl̄ prides 3sR 3sN stay horse up /mân/INCP /àn/-INF taking pride in himself as he sits up on the horse párɛ́=n skin.bag=DEF

ɛ́

mə̄ɲìl=ə̀ d̪-ɛ́ɛs̀ . devil.GEN=DEF PP-hand.3sPs /mə̀ɲìl/ with an animal-skin bag having demonic power in his hand. GP

17.9 (Tifa) Persuasive Text: Tifa E Kassag (Tying of the youth) Author unknown; 2004; Recorded and transcribed by Hashim Orta bu᷇r ɛ̄ t ̪īū-s-ə̄n=íìggə̀56 wá=ɛ́ɛń =ɛ́, remain 3pN were.tied=they not=RDM=SBO, /búr/ /t ̪īf/-COMP=PAS=3pA When boys remain not tied up (with Gaahmg rules),

1.

Kāssā-gg=á boy-PL=DEF

2.

ɔ᷆r kɔ̄r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á ɔ́gg ə̀əg̀ g t ̪ìfīīɟɟ mix.up word-PL=DEF place mouth.1pP quickly /ɔ̄r/INCP they very quickly get mixed-up (lit. they mix up the words in the place of mouths).

3.

T̪ īf-ə᷇n ɛ́ Gə̄əm ̄ -g=ə̀ ə̄ù-d̪-ə̄n būŋu᷇r-g=ə́ tying GP Gaam.GEN-PL=DEF make.sit youth-PL=DEF /t ̪īf/-CONT.N.NOM.SG /gə̀əm ̀ -g/ /àb/-CAUS-CONT.N The tying of the Gaahmg youth enables them to sit down

4.

ɛ́

būŋùr-g youth.GEN-PL /būŋu᷇r-g/ in the rope of youth57 like this!

GP

56

mɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ rope

ɛ̄ 3pN

ɛ́

GP

ānɛ̄nd̪á like.this

t ̪ìfīīɟɟ. quickly

t ̪ád̪ down

bà! oh

A third plural object pronoun is used here for the semantic role of patient in the passive contruction. Compare ɟɔ̄gg t ̪īū-sə̀ kāssāggá ‘people tied the boys’; kāssāggá t ̪īū-s-ə̄nə́ ‘the boys were tied’; t ̪īū-s-ə̄n-íìggə̀ ‘they were tied’. 57 The figurative meaning is ‘The youth become respected members of the community by obeying the Gaahmg rules.’

342

A grammar of Gaahmg

5.

Á 1sN

bɛ̀ɛ ̀ t ̪īf-ə᷇n wɛ᷇dá̪ n, ə́n wá. Kāssā-g=á say tying beautiful bad not boy-PL=DEF /bɛ̀ɛ/̀ INF /t ̪īf/-CONT.N.NOM.SG I say, (youth) tying is beneficial and not detrimental. Let boys

6.

bìì t ̪íú-d̪=ə̄n=íìggə̀ ɛ́ kɔ̄rá lā let be.tied=them GP because UNC /bìɟ/IMP /t ̪īf/-SBJV=PAS=3pA be tied because it will help them sit down

7.

ɛ́ GP

t ̪ɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ road

t ̪āmán one

ɔ̀ and

mɛ̄ɛd̄ ̪ rope

ɛ́ GP

ə᷆w=īìggì make.sit=them /àb/CAUS.INCP=3pAM

bùŋùr-g=ìī=n. youth.GEN-PL=SBO=DEF /būŋu᷇r/

in one rope of youthful unity. 8.

9.

10.

t ̪īū-s=ə̄n=î58 have.been.tied /t ̪īf/-COMP= PAS=RDM Those who have been tied, sit in rows

ɟɔ̄gg=ɔ́ people=DEF

nà

REL

t ̪âl ɛ́ fáá-gg create GP line-PL /t ̪ál/INCP.3pN

ɛ́ GP

fáá-gg. line-PL

of lines.

Āw-a᷆n ɛ́ bùggə᷇ŋ. ɟɛ̄n ná bɛ̄l-l ɔ́gg íīn=íín=í sitting GP group.PL person REL.SG has place 3sO=RDM=SBO /àb/-CONT.N.3p /bɛ̄l/-INF They usually sit in groups. When a person has a place (in society), ɲíl=ì knows=it

ɔ̀ and

ná REL.SG

bīl-l=ì has=it

wá=ɛ́ɛ= ́ nɛ́ not=RDM=

ɲíl=ì knows=it

ɟɔ̄ only

d̪í. also

SBO

/ɲɛ́l/INCP=3sAM /bɛ̄l/-INF=3sAM /ɲɛ́l/INCP=3sAM he knows it, and when he doesn’t have a place, he knows that as well. 11.

Kə́sə́n-gí 59 ná àɔ̀ ná ɛ́ friend-N.SG REL sits REL GP /kásán, kásánáāg/ 'friend' /àb/INCP The friendship of sitting in lines is full of

fáá-gg line-PL

ɛ́ GP

fáá-gg=ɛ́ line-PL=RDM

Word-final HL tone on t ̪īū-s=ə̄n=î is from the passive clitic = ə̄nə́ final vowel elision and High tone reassignment to the relative clause definite clitic (ə̄nə́=ì ‘PAS=RDM’ becomes ə̄n=î ). 59 Kə́sə́n-g-í ‘friendship’ is a derived singular noun. 58

Texts t ̪īns, teaching

343

12.

t ̪á is

ɔ̀ and

ɲɛ́l ànd̪ās=á ná knows living=DEF REL COP /ɲɛ́l/INCP.3s good teaching and results in a wonderful life.

13.

Bìì kāsā-gg t ̪íú-d̪=ə̄n=íìggə̀ lə̂ŋ let boy-PL to.be.tied=they until /bìɟ/IMP /t ̪īf/-SBJV=PAS=3pA (So), let boys forever and always be tied

14.

ɔ̀ and

á 1sN

ɲa᷇m ā t ̪a᷇l want SBJV create /ɲám/INCP /t ̪ál/SBJV.1sN and I will stop talking here.

wáɛ̄d̪=ɛ́. beauty=RDM

pád̪, always

kɔ̄r ɛ́ mūn speech GP time /kɔ̄r/NOM.SG

t ̪ɛ̀ here

ɟɔ̄. only

17.10 (Womn) Persuasive Text: “Women” Author unknown; 2003; Transcribed from cassette recording by Annaim Karaka 1.

Ɔ̄ð-ɔ̄ɔḡ g=ɔ́ woman-PL=DEF

nà

bɛ̄l-l ɟīð-ə̀gg=ì have husband-PL=DEF /bɛ̄l/-INF Those women who have husbands, REL

2.

ɔ̀ and

3.

Bìì fīŋə́d-̪ d̪ə ̄ kɔ̄r ə́əǹ let hear word 1sPs /bìɟ/IMP /fīŋə́n/-IMP.PL please hear what I have to say!

4.

Ār hey

wāɛ̄ ɟāām=ɛ́ máà-gg go wrongly=SBO house-PL /wāɟ/INCP and do bad things in their houses,

á 1sN

níí this

īīlg=ì in=3sP

ma᷆ very

bà oh

bà! oh

mâŋ. carefully

bɛ̄l kɔ̄r ma᷇n ɛ́ d̪-ɛ̂ggɛ̀. have word certain GP PP-3pO /bɛ̄l/INCP I have something important to say to them.

344 5.

A grammar of Gaahmg ɟɔ̄gg people

ɲā-lg=ɛ́ young.one-PL=RDM

nà REL

ū=bīl, 2sN=have /bɛ̄l/INCP

The young people you have, 6.

T̪ ɛĺ God

7.

Ta᷆ be

8.

gə̄ū-s=ì ūggúūn gāfà ɛ̄ gave=them 2pD given with /gàf/-COMP=3sAM /gàf/NOM.SG God has given them to you for good reason.

ɟìd̪-d̪=ə̄nə́ ɟāām be.done wrong COP.3pN /ɟìs/-SBJV.3pN=PAS They are not to be abused. ɟīnná that

ā

SBJV

ɟɔ̄gg people

fūūì-gg=ə̀ male-PL=DEF

ɟāām wrong

ɟɔ̄ only

màrɛ̀ɛ.̀ somehow

wá. not

wə̄īn=íìggə̀ tú go out /wāɟ/-INCP=IPF.3pN

wə̂r=íìggə̀ marry /wár/INCP=IPF.3pN

Why do men go out to marry 9.

10.

ɔ́ɔǵ g=ɛ́ women=SBO

wə̄īn=íìggə̀ tú=í going out=SBO /wāɟ/-INCP=IPF.3pN a second wife? They remarry because ɔ̄ðɔ̄ɔḡ g=ɔ́ women=DEF

ɲíīnə̄? what

nà

ɟīnná that

ɟīs-ə᷆n=īìggə̀ bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=ɛ́ɛń . making=them wrongdoing=SBO /ɟìs/-CONT.N=3pA bad women (their first wives) make them do wrong. REL

11.

Ānɛ̄nd̪á, In.this.way

12.

bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=á wrongdoing=DEF

ə́ŋ bad

ɛ́ kɔ̄rá GP because

tɛ̀ here

bìì bìì-d̪ə ̀ bɛ̀ɛǹ ād̪=á let say wrongdoing=DEF /bìɟ/IMP /bɛ̀/-IMP.PL So let us please stop the wrongdoing since T̪ ɛĺ God

ná

àwd̪àmàlɔ̄ please

t ̪ál-d̪ áāgg=ɛ́ created us /t ̪ál/-COMP 1pA=RDM God who created us doesn’t want us to do wrong. REL

d̪ɛ ̀ since

ɲə́m=ì wá. want=it not /ɲám/INCP=3sAM

Texts

345

13.

Nà those.which

a᷆n stay /àn/INCP

tə̄-yə̀gg=ì Tɛ́l gə̀f=íìggə̀n ɟɛ̀gg doors-theirs God gives=them things /t ̪ààð-g/ /īyə̀gīīn=ì/ /gàf/INCP=3pD door-PL 3pPp=RDM To those who stay in their homes, God gives them things and situations

14.

ɔ̀ kɔ̄r-ɛ̄ɛḡ g=á nà wíə̀gg. and word-PL=DEF REL good which are good. When a husband

15.

wāɟ-ɟá t ̪ú gàr ɛ́ kāðāàm=ɛ̄, went out place GP work.GEN=SBO /wāɟ/-COMP /kàðáàm/ goes out to work, he tries hard to

ɟɛ̄n person

fūūìn male.SG

ɛ̄ 3sN

ɲa᷇m 60 wants /ɲám/INCP

ā SBJV

16.

ɟɛ̀ɛm ̀ ɛ́ nâms ɛ̄ nə̂m-d̪=ì ɲālg some- GP food. 3SN eat=it children thing GEN /nāms/ /nām/-SBJV=3sAM /ga᷄ms/SBJV=IPF.3sN provide an income for his family (lit. in want to find some food in order for his children to eat.).

17.

Ānɛ̄nd̪á then

ád̪ ɛ̄ wáɛ̄dá̪ , becomes with joy /áð/SBJV Therefore (if wives are faithful) God will be pleased (lit. God’s heart becomes with joy),

18.

ɔ̀ and

19.

ɟɔ̄gg people

20.

60

gə̄m-d̪=í find

T̪ ɛĺ God

ɛ̄ 3sPs

kúnd̪=ú heart=DEF

ínìggīīn. 3sPp

ɛ̄ 3sN

ɛ̄ 3sN

t ̪ə́bb=u ɟɛ̀g ɛ́ t ̪âlg. adds=you things GP many.GEN /t ̪ab/SBJV=2sD /t ̪ālg/ and he will give to you (wives) many blessings. nà

àn-n ɛ́ kɔ̄r íìnī wə́=ììn, live GP word 3sPs not=RDM /àn/-INF Those people who do not obey his word, REL

ànd̪ās īyə̀nī cohabitation 3pPs live unhappy lives.

ə́n bad

ɟɔ̄ only

d̪í. also

Irregular 3sN tone; INCP 3sN verbs with underlying High tone would normally have High tone.

346

A grammar of Gaahmg

21.

Ɔ̄ðɔ̄ɔḡ g, women

22.

ɛ́

ə̀d-̪ d̪ə ̀ ɛ́ kɔ̄r d̪-ɔ̄ggɔ̀ ɟīð-ə̀gg=ə̄ live GP word PP-2pPp husband-PL=DEF /àn/-IMP.PL Women, if you live only by your husbands’ T̪ el᷆ ɛ́ God.GEN GP /Tɛ́l/ orders and by God’s commands,

GP

kɔ̄r word

ɛ́

GP

ma᷇n=ɛ́, certain=SBO

23.

ū=gə̂r-d̪ə̀ ū ə̀d-̪ d̪ə̀ ma᷆ 2sN=be.able 2sN live very /gâr/-IMP.PL /àn/-IMP.PL you will be able to live very well.

mâŋ. well

24.

Ānɛ̄nd̪á then

bà oh

25.

bìì let /bìɟ/IMP Let them

fīŋə́-d̪ə ̄ kɔ̄r=ɛ́ mâŋ. hear word=RDM well /fīŋə́n/-SBJV.3pN hear these words well!

bìì ɔ̄ð-ɔ̄ɔḡ g=ɔ́ ád̪-d̪à wìnd̪-ə̀g, let woman-PL=DEF become ear-PL /áð/-SBJV.3pN /bìɟ/IMP So, let women hear these words (lit. women become ears)

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References Bender, Lionel M. and Malik Agaar Ayre (1980). Preliminary Gaam-English-Gaam Dictionary. personally published. Bender, Lionel M. (1998). The Eastern Jebel Languages of Sudan II. Comparative Lexion. Afrika und Übersee 81:39-64. Evans-Pritchard, Edward E. (1932). Ethnographical Observations in Dar Fung. Sudan Notes and Records 15.1:1-61. Gordon, Raymond G. (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Dallas: SIL International. Greenberg, Joseph H. (1955). Studies in African Linguistic Classification. Connecticut: Compass Press Brainford. Jedrej, Marian Charles. (1995). Ingessana: The Religious Institutions of a People of the Sudan-Ethiopia Borderland. Leiden etc.: E.J. Brill Madal, Hashim Orta Adaw (2004). Gaam-English Dictionary. Khartoum: Sudan Workshop Program. Payne, Thomas E. (1997). Describing Morphosyntax: A Guide for Field Linguists. Cambridge etc.: Cambridge University Press. Stirtz, Timothy M. (2004). Phonology and Orthography in Gaahmg. Occasional Papers in the study of Sudanese Languages (Entebbe, Uganda: Summer Institute of Linguistics) 9:127-144. Stirtz, Timothy M. (2006). Possession of Alienable and Inalienable Nouns in Gaahmg. In: Al-Amin Abu Manga, Leoma Gilley, and Anne Storch (eds.): Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture. Proceedings of the 9th Nilo-Saharan Linguistic Colloquium, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 16-19 February 2004. pp. 377-392. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Stirtz, Timothy M. (2009). [ATR] Vowel Harmony in Gaahmg; a Six-vowel System. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics. 30:73-95.

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Samenvatting The following is a summary of the thesis in Dutch. See section 1.4 for an overview in English. Gaahmg (Gaam, [tbi]) is een Nilo-Saharaanse taal behorende tot de Eastern Sudanic subgroep. Het wordt gesproken door ongeveer 67.000 mensen in de Ingessana Heuvels in de provincie Blauwe Nijl in Noord-Soedan. Ondanks dat het Gaahmg aanzienlijk meer sprekers heeft dan andere talen in het gebied is er slechts weinig onderzoek naar gedaan. Gaahmg heeft een rijke vormleer, vooral wat betreft de zelfstandige naamwoorden, de bijvoeglijke naamwoorden en de werkwoorden. Om tot een correcte analyse van de morfemen en hun alternanties te komen wordt eerst de fonologische basis gelegd en worden later de syntactische omgevingen beschreven. Na het inleidende hoofdstuk 1 worden in hoofdstuk 2 de distributie en de contrastiviteit van fonemen behandeld, evenals fonologische regels, syllabestructuur en toon in wortels. Medeklinkers worden vaak verzwakt aan het einde van een woord en tussen twee klinkers; dit gebeurt zowel binnen de wortel als over morfeemgrenzen heen. [ATR]-harmonie en toon spelen een belangrijke rol in de uitdrukking van lexicale en grammaticale verschillen. Daarom is de fonologische analyse van deze kenmerken van groot belang als basis voor de morfologische analyse. In hoofdstuk 3 worden de segmentele en tonale morfofonologische regels uiteengezet. Met behulp van deze regels kan het grootste deel van de veranderingen die plaatsvinden als morfemen worden gecombineerd worden verklaard. Hoofdstuk 4 laat zien dat clitica, die andere alternanties en functies hebben dan suffixen, aan meer dan één woordsoort kunnen worden gehecht. Paragraaf 4.2 bevat een discussie van vier criteria waarmee suffixen en clitica van elkaar kunnen worden onderscheiden, onder andere dat suffixen aan de onderliggende vorm van de wortel worden gehecht, terwijl clitica de oppervlaktevorm als basis nemen. In 4.3 wordt aangetoond dat bijvoeglijke naamwoorden een andere woordsoort vormen dan zelfstandige naamwoorden en werkwoorden. Zij treden niet op in een aantal typisch nominale of verbale constructies, en waar ze hun context delen met substantieven of verba zijn er verschillen in de morfologie. De hoofdstukken 5 tot 13 behandelen de verschillende woordsoorten. Het centrale deel van dit proefschrift betreft de vormleer van zelfstandige naamwoorden (hoofdstuk 6-7), van bijvoeglijke naamwoorden (hoofdstuk 8) en van werkwoorden (hoofdstuk 9-10). De kleinere woordsoorten: voornaamwoorden (hoofdstuk 5), voorzetsels (hoofdstuk 11), lichaamsdeelgerelateerde locatieven (hoofdstuk 12) en bijwoorden hebben weinig tot geen morfologie.

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A grammar of Gaahmg

In hoofdstuk 6 zien we dat zelfstandige naamwoorden enkelvouds- en meervoudssuffixen kunnen hebben. Het grootste deel van de enkelvoudige zelfstandige naamwoorden krijgt geen suffix, terwijl een suffix verplicht is als er naar een meervoud wordt gerefereerd. Er zijn verschillende meervoudssuffixen, ieder met meerdere tonale allomorfen. De meesten bevatten het element gg. Er lijkt over het algemeen geen samenhang te bestaan tussen de semantiek van het zelfstandige naamwoord en de keuze van het suffix; in sommige gevallen is er wel sprake van een fonologische conditionering. Hoofdstuk 7 laat zien dat één of meer clitica aan de stam van het zelfstandige naamwoord kunnen worden gehecht. Er zijn zeven sets clitica: copulacliticum, bepaaldheidscliticum, locatief copulacliticum, datiefcliticum, comitatiefcliticum, onderschikkingscliticum en relatiefcliticum. De clitica hebben ieder hun eigen segmentele en/of tonale allomorfen al naar gelang de vorm van het laatste segment van de stam. In hoofdstuk 8 wordt aangetoond dat bijvoeglijke naamwoorden in hun stam- en woordmorfologie op zelfstandige naamwoorden lijken. Het meervoudssuffix bij adjectieven is -gg. Dezelfde zeven clitica die met zelfstandige naamwoorden kunnen worden gebruikt treden ook op bij bijvoeglijke naamwoorden. In hoofdstuk 9 komt de werkwoordelijke stam aan bod, die bestaat uit een wortel en kan worden uitgebreid met morfemen die antipassief, causatief en modaalaspectuele categorieën uitdrukken. Aspect kan segmenteel in het verbale woord worden uitgedrukt door middel van completieve en continuatieve suffixen. Tijd wordt door de toon op de werkwoordsstam gemarkeerd – hoge toon voor het nietverleden continuatieve suffix en midden-hoge stijgende toon voor het verleden continuatieve suffix. De infinitief, de subjunctief en de imperatief hebben ook hun eigen suffixen die aan de wortel worden gehecht. Finiete werkwoorden worden vervoegd naar de persoon van het onderwerp door middel van een toon op de laatste lettergreep van de stam: hoge toon voor 3e persoon enkelvoud, lage toon voor 3e persoon meervoud en middentoon voor 1e en 2e persoon. Hoofdstuk 10 bespreekt de clitica die aan het verbale woord worden gehecht: agentieve passief, passief, gebonden voornaamwoorden van lijdend en meewerkend voorwerp, imperfectum, perfectum, onderschikkend, en markeerders van een definiete relatieve zin. In hoofdstuk 14 wordt de zinsbouw besproken, met als doel de functies van de morfemen te verduidelijken. Het deel over werkwoordelijk valentie behandelt de agentieve passief, de passief, de antipassief en de causatief. Bij de nietwerkwoordelijke zin worden twee groepen copula’s besproken. Bovendien worden onder meer betrekkelijke bijzinnen, possessieve constructies en congruentie in nominale constituenten behandeld. In hoofdstuk 15 komen dan nevenschikkende en onderschikkende voegwoorden aan bod, evenals vraagzinnen en focus op het subject of het object. Na een aantal slotoverwegingen in hoofdstuk 16 biedt hoofdstuk 17 tien (orale) teksten behorende tot verschillende tekstgenres.

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Curriculum vitae Timothy Mark Stirtz was born in 1971 in Abilene, Kansas of the United States. He received a B.S. in Secondary Mathematics Education from Kansas State University in 1995 and a M.S. in Applied Linguistics from the Graduate Institute of Applied Linguistics in Dallas, TX in 2001. He taught secondary mathematics at Quisqueya Christian School in Port-au-Prince, Haiti 1995-1997, where he met is wife, Toni Kidachi, and they were married in 1996. He studied Arabic 1997-1999 in Amman, Jordan, joined SIL International in 1999, and studied field linguistics 1999-2001 in Dallas, Texas. In 2007, he gained admission to the Leiden University Centre of Linguistics to undertake doctoral research in Gaahmg, and concentrated on this research from April 2007-September 2011. He and his wife with two children, Jonathan and Joshua, have lived in East Africa since 2001.