Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization [1st ed. 2019] 978-981-32-9247-5, 978-981-32-9248-2

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xxxv
Front Matter ....Pages 1-1
Bound for America: A Historical and Archaeological Investigation in Yuegang (Crescent) Seaport as the Main Origin of Galleon Cargo (Chunming Wu)....Pages 3-27
The Cultural Change of Kilns and Contents of Export Ceramics on the Perspective of Development of Zhangzhou Seaports During Ming and Qing Dynasties (Miao Liu)....Pages 29-48
The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck in Guangdong (Chunshui Zhou)....Pages 49-65
A Historical Review on the Social-Cultural Impact of Yuegang-Manila Navigation on the Ancient Chinese Civilization (Chunming Wu)....Pages 67-89
Front Matter ....Pages 91-91
Chinese Porcelain in the Manila Galleon Trade (Guanyu Wang)....Pages 93-113
Fujian and Hizen Ware: A 17th Century Evidence of the Manila Galleon Trade Found from Selected Archaeological Sites in the Philippines (Nida T. Cuevas)....Pages 115-128
Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the Philippines (Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on, Bobby C. Orillaneda)....Pages 129-145
The Kraak Porcelains Discovered from Taiwan and Macao, and Their Relationship with the Manila Galleon Trade (Tai-Kang Lu)....Pages 147-160
Ceramics from Nagasaki: A Link to Manila Galleon Trade (Etsuko Miyata)....Pages 161-172
Searching for the San Francisco (1609), a Manila Galleon Sunk off the Japanese Coast (Jun Kimura)....Pages 173-184
Front Matter ....Pages 185-185
The Development of Humåtak Village: The Life-Line of the Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade (Joe Quinata)....Pages 187-190
Clues to Internationalism in the Manila Galleon Wreck of the Late 1570s in Baja California (Edward Von der Porten)....Pages 191-213
Archaeological Distribution of Chinese Porcelain in Mexico (Patricia Fournier, Roberto Junco Sanchez)....Pages 215-237
The Chinese Porcelain from the Port of San Blas, Mexico (Roberto Junco Sanchez, Guadalupe Pinzón, Etsuko Miyata)....Pages 239-251
A Study of the Chinese Influence on Mexican Ceramics (Karime Castillo, Patricia Fournier)....Pages 253-268

Citation preview

The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2

Chunming Wu Roberto Junco Sanchez Miao Liu Editors

Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization

The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation Volume 2

Series Editor Chunming Wu, The Center for Maritime Archaeology, Xiamen University, Xiamen, Fujian, China

This series will publish the most important, current archaeological research on ancient navigation and sea routes in the Asia-Pacific region, which were key, dynamic factors in the development of human civilizations spanning the last several thousand years. Restoring an international and multidisciplinary academic dialogue through cross cultural perspectives, these publications underscore the significance of diverse lines of evidence, including sea routes, ship cargo, shipwreck, seaports landscape, maritime heritage, nautical technology and the role of indigenous peoples. They explore a broad range of outstanding work to highlight various aspects of the historical Four Oceans sailing routes in Asia-Pacific navigation, as well as their prehistoric antecedents, offering a challenging but highly distinctive contribution to a better understanding of global maritime history. The series is intended for scholars and students in the fields of archaeology, history, anthropology, ethnology, economics, sociology, and political science, as well as nautical technicians and oceanic scientists who are interested in the prehistoric and historical seascape and marine livelihood, navigation and nautical techniques, the maritime silk road and overseas trade, maritime cultural dissemination and oceanic immigration in eastern and southeastern Asia and the Pacific region. The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation book series is published in conjunction with Springer under the auspices of the Center for Maritime Archaeology of Xiamen University (CMAXMU) in China. The first series editor is Dr. Chunming Wu, who is a chief researcher and was a Professor at the institute. The advisory and editorial committee consists of more than 20 distinguished scholars and leaders in the field of maritime archaeology of the Asia-Pacific region. Advisory and Editorial Committee Advisory Board: Wenming Yan 严文明, Peking University, P.R. China Qingzhu Liu 刘庆柱, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, P.R. China Jeremy Green, Western Australia Museum, Australia Charles Higham, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand Lothar von Falkenhausen, University of California at Los Angeles, USA Robert E. Murowchick, Boston University, USA James P. Delgado, SEARCH - SEARCH2O INC., USA Barry V. Rolett, University of Hawaii at Manoa, USA Hans K. Van Tilburg, NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, USA John Miksic, National University of Singapore, Singapore Chenhua Tsang 臧振华, Academia Sinica of Taiwan, China Editorial Board: Laura Lee Junker, University of Illinois at Chicago, USA Ming Li 李旻, University of California at Los Angeles, USA Roberto Junco Sanchez, National Institute of Anthropology and History, Mexico María Cruz Berrocal, University of Konstanz, Germany Eusebio Z. Dizon, National Museum of the Philippines, Philippines Takenori Nogami, Nagasaki University, Japan Chung Tang 邓聪, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, P.R. China Bo Jiang 姜波, National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage, P.R. China Chunming Wu 吴春明, Xiamen University, P.R. China Editorial in Chief: Chunming Wu 吴春明, Xiamen University, P.R. China More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/16203

Chunming Wu Roberto Junco Sanchez Miao Liu •

•

Editors

Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization

123

Editors Chunming Wu The Center for Maritime Archaeology Xiamen University Xiamen, China

Roberto Junco Sanchez SAS-INAH Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia Mexico City, Mexico

Miao Liu Department of History Xiamen University Xiamen, China

ISSN 2524-7468 ISSN 2524-7476 (electronic) The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation ISBN 978-981-32-9247-5 ISBN 978-981-32-9248-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Silver coin of New Spain struck in Mexico City Mint during 1634–1665, which was discovered from southern coast of Fujian. Artifact collection of Fujian Provincial Museum

Introduction

During the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, the Spanish navigators established and operated the Manila Galleon maritime route which connected East Asia and New Spain in the American continent. The galleons sailed across the Pacific via the hub seaports and trade centers of Manila in the Philippines and Acapulco in Mexico, forming a prosperous sea route for more than 250 years. This pioneering navigation of pan-Pacific regions promoted early global maritime trade as a new maritime Silk Road between the East and the West. The Manila galleon navigation is an important academic theme which had been investigated and researched by multiple disciplines such as archaeology, history, anthropology, maritime navigation, and oceanology in last half century. Both seaport sites and shipwrecks underwater of galleon affiliated are crucial important cultural heritage contributing to archaeological reconstruction of the Spanish Pacific trade history. An international academic workshop of “Early Navigation in the Asia-Pacific Region” was carried out at Harvard University in summer of 2013, focusing on the shipwreck archaeological heritage of galleon remains and establishing an interaction platform promoting the understanding of maritime history of early globalization (Wu, C. editor, Early Navigation in the Asia-Pacific Region: A Maritime Archaeological Perspective, Springer Press, 2016). A further dialogue on the galleon trade history and maritime cultural interaction between the East Asia and New Spain, “The International Academic Workshop on Archaeology of the Manila Galleon Seaports and the History of Early Maritime Globalization” was organized by the Center for Maritime Archaeology of Xiamen University, China, on July 21–23, 2017, which mainly focused on the seaport archaeological heritage of the galleon affiliated navigation. The archaeologists and maritime cultural historians from America, Mexico, Japan, Philippines, Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan met together again and shared their new achievements and knowledge of the investigations and researches on the galleon seaport archaeology. A series of presentations respectively on different galleon trade affiliated seaports including Acapulco and San Blas in Mexico, Humåtak at Guam, Manila in Philippines, Yuegang (Crescent Harbor), Xiamen (Amoy), Macao, Keelung in China, and Nagasaki in Japan opened a new window for the vii

viii

Introduction

sighting and understanding of the social and cultural contents of this new maritime Silk Road of pan-Pacific region in last 500 years.

The main topics of this meeting covered the new archaeological discoveries of galleon affiliated seaport and harbor heritages, galleon shipwreck remains, the history of navigation and maritime trade among galleon affiliated harbors, the

Introduction

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origin, producing, transporting and trading of the galleon cargoes, etc. All of these works collaborated on a new perspective of maritime archaeology and tracked the different paragraphs of the galleon trade and affiliated maritime history, respectively, summarized as the “Yuegang Outbound”, “Manila Entreportting”, and “Bound for Acapulco”, preliminarily reconstructing a panoramagram of the history of Spanish pan-Pacific trade and early maritime globalization. Part I: Yuegang Outbound: The Archaeology of Yuegang as the Key Transit Terminal for Manila Galleons Yuegang is located at the lower reach and estuary of Jiulongjiang (九龙江) as the biggest river of southern Fujian. Yuegang had been the flourishing trade seaport of Ming (明) Dynasty and the main transiting terminals for Manila galleons interacting with mainland of East Asia. The investigations and excavations of Yuegang seaport heritage, export ceramics kiln sites along the Jiulongjiang basin, junk shipwreck sites along the coast of Southeast China, and the analyses and discussions on the Yuegang maritime history related to the Manila and galleon trade were presented in this panel.

Chunming Wu

Chunming Wu systematically reviewed the development of Yuegang seaport and the archaeological discovery of cultural heritages. His paper Bound for America: A Historical and Archaeological Investigation in Yuegang Seaport as the Main Origin of Galleon Cargo presented the historical documents to show the rising, changing, and decline of Yuegang seaport as the main transferring terminals of galleon cargoes in Southeast China, and the archaeological remains as old harbor architectures, exotic artifacts with multicultural types, and kiln sites of Yuegang exported ceramic, showing the flourishing navigation of Yuegang outbound for Manila and its maritime trade history.

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Miao Liu

Miao Liu focused on the development of export ceramics and kiln sites affiliated to Zhangzhou seaport maritime trade in her paper The Cultural Change of the Kilns and the Content of Export Ceramics on the Perspective of Development of Zhangzhou Seaports during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. She chronologically divided the changing of the Zhangzhou bay seaports and types of exported ceramics into successive five stages, which are the early stage of private trade of celadon of southern Fujian kilns and blue and white of Jingdezhen kilns along the coast bay of Zhangzhou in mid Ming Dynasty, the flourishing trade of Zhengzhou kiln products at Yuegang seaport in the mid and late Ming Dynasty, the exportation of Jingdezhen porcelains by Anhai and Xiamen seaports during the late Ming Dynasty, the ceramics from mountainous areas in southern Fujian traded by the Koxinga overseas trade group at Xiamen and Anhai seaports in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, and the last stage trade of ceramics of Anxi and Dehua kilns by Xiamen seaport in Qing Dynasty. This historical division provided a clear understanding of changing and diversity of export ceramics of Southeast China during the period of galleon trade. Nan’ao No. I shipwreck in east coast of Guangdong is one of most important shipwrecks discovered along the coast of Southeast China, which was identified as the Chinese junk bound for Manila trade during late Ming and Qing dynasties. The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck in Guangdong presented by Chunshui Zhou made a comprehensive description of the archaeological discovery of this shipwreck, including plan of the wreck remain and wooden hull structure, the content of cargoes of ceramics, bronze coins, copper ingots, stone, wooden, lacquer and bone artifacts, and a series of organic food and fruit remains. Further discussions on the characteristic of hull structure of the junk, the entreportting of porcelains from Jingdezhen to Yuegang, and the reconstruction of the sea route were also presented. Being one of the most important transiting terminals trading center for galleon cargoes in mainland East Asia, Yuegang had not only been the exporting seaport transferring Chinese cargoes for Manila and all over the world, but also the most

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important entrance for the variant oversea exotic cultures introduced into China by galleons and junks. A Historical Review on the Social-Cultural Impact of Yuegang-Manila Navigation on the Ancient Chinese Civilization by Chunming Wu provided the cases of maritime cultural interaction between the East and the West. He listed a series of the historical documents and archaeological evidences to show the maritime cultural gifts which the ancient China had received from Manila galleon trade, such as the domesticated grains (sweet potato, maize, tomato, tobacco, etc.), silver materials, silver coins from New Spain and firearms from Europe, and types of west architecture, revealing the maritime cultural contributions of Europe and America to ancient China via galleons and Yuegang. Part II: Manila Entreportting: Discovery of Galleon Trade Heritage at Manila, Macao, Keelung and Nagasaki As the premier entreport of Spanish galleon trade in East Asia, Manila had been one of the most important seaports like Malacca, Batavia, Macao, and Canton of East Asia where economically and culturally connected with Europe and America since the middle sixteenth to the early nineteenth century. Besides Manila and Yuegang, a few of other seaports such as Macao in East Asia had also acted as essential transferring hubs for import and export of the galleon cargoes. A few of papers focused on Manila and these affiliated seaports presented plentiful archaeological data revealing the complicated trading history of galleon cargoes linking the East and the West.

Chunshui Zhou

As the top wanted international commodity, Chinese ceramics had been the main cargoes for Europeans including Portuguese, Dutch, and Spanish. The diversity of types, designs, and quality of the Chinese ceramics resulting from these different European markets was an important topic of export ceramic study. According to ceramics discovered from shipwreck and land sites along the galleon routes, Guanyu Wang presented An Analysis on the Chinese Porcelain in the Manila

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Introduction

Galleon Trades and generally classified the changing of the ceramics of galleon cargoes and their interactions with other European cargo ceramics. Three stages of galleon ceramics were revealed in her study, of which the early stage of Spanish trade had collected any kind of Chinese porcelains which mainly included the blue and white Jingdezhen wares in the middle sixteenth century, the second stage had involved in the trade of Fujian local Zhangzhou porcelain wares with similar patterns and shapes but different quality as Jingdezhen in late sixteenth to early seventeenth century, the third stage of galleon trade shipped diverse ceramics resulting from the changing Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou wares adjusted to satisfy the wider world market after the arrival of Dutch and other Europeans since the middle seventeenth century. She emphasized that the three stages of the interaction of trade had assimilated the ceramics cargos of the Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch for their sharing the Chinese export porcelain wares produced for the world market.

Guanyu Wang

Nida T. Cuevas

Introduction

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The intensification of the Manila galleons had brought a great amount of Chinese ceramics to the Philippines, which were uncovered in both the shipwreck galleons and a series of land sites. Fujian and Japanese Ware: A 17th Century Evidence of the Manila Galleon Trade Found from Selected Archaeological Sites in the Philippines by Nida T. Cuevas located the distribution of Fujian and Hizen wares in the Philippines, focusing on the land-based sites within Intramuros and outside the walls or “extramuros” in Mehan and Arroceros in Manila, Porta Vaga in Cavite City, and Boljoon in southern Cebu. The study showed us contextual difference of ceramic wares found in different sites, discussing the significance of Fujian and Hizen ceramics in the Manila galleon maritime exchange.

Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on

Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the Philippines co-authored by Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on and Bobby C. Orillaneda presented a general introduction and overview of the hitherto underwater archaeological investigations of galleon shipwrecks in Philippines waters, from the waters off Catanduanes Island to the Embocadero (San Bernardino Strait in Northern Samar) and to Cavite and vice versa. Most of the sites had been explored extensively using state-of-the-art underwater surveying equipment, including Espiritu Santo (1576) and San Geronimo (1601), The San Diego (1600), Nuestra Señora de la Vida (1620), The Encarnacion (1649), The San Jose (1694), Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726), and San Andres (1798), of which only San Diego and Nuestra Senora de La Vida were so far been discovered, positively identified and studied.

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Introduction

Tai-kang Lu

Taiwan and Macao had been two vital transit seaports for the international trade during early maritime globalization of the seventeenth century. The Kraak Porcelains Discovered from Taiwan and Macao, and Their Relationship with the Manila Galleon Trade by Tai-kang Lu described the archaeological discovery of the Chinese Kraak porcelains from Taiwan and Macao, and Japanese Kraak-style Hizen wares from Taiwan, which had been traded by the Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese. The presentation revealed the phenomenon of multiceramic transit trade of Chinese and Japanese ceramics in the international maritime trade.

Etsuko Miyata

As one of the important seaport of East Asia, Nagasaki had also traded with Manila galleons from 1570 to 1639, resulting some interesting aspects such as migration, ceramics, and art influence to New Spain via Manila. Etsuko Miyata’s paper Ceramics from Nagasaki: A Link to Manila Galleon Trade introduced archaeological materials of traded porcelains from Nagasaki, analyzing the types and quantities, and compared the recovered pieces from Mexico of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This research proved connection of Nagasaki with the Pacific galleon trade, majorly via the Chinese merchants who directly connected Nagasaki, Manila, and Fujian.

Introduction

xv

Jun Kimura

Historical documents recorded that the Acapulco-bound galleon San Francisco had sunk in 1609 near modern Onjuku town, Chiba Prefecture of Japan. Jun Kimura reported the Searching for the San Francisco (1609), a Manila Galleon Sunk off the Japanese Coast with the information of the ongoing maritime archaeological project on this wreck searching since 2016, leaving us the hope and potentiality for further discovery in coming future. Part III: Bound for Acapulco: The Archaeology of the Pacific and America as the Galleon Navigation Record As the east destination of galleon navigation, the New Spain colonization in contemporary Latin America had received a great amount of cultural feedbacks from East Asia. Archaeologists investigated and excavated not only the underwater shipwrecks of galleon along the west coast of America, but also a series of land sites at Acapulco, San Blas, Rio Chiquito, and Panama seaports and many inland sites of central American regions, revealing numeral maritime trade heritages from East Asia, mainly including Chinese porcelains.

Joseph Quinata

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Introduction

At the intermediate range of Manila–Acapulco navigation, Guam had been an important provisioning station for galleons, leaving us a series of interesting historical and cultural heritages at Humåtak Bay seaport. Joseph Quinata’s Development of Humåtak Village: The Life Line of the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade shares with us a lot of materials of the galleon affiliated sites at Guam and discussed the cultural exchanges after the Spanish colonized.

Edward Von der Porter

The senior maritime archaeologists of California Edward Von der Porter reported Clues to Internationalism in the Manila Galleon Wreck of the late 1570s in Baja California shared us the new achievement of the investigations along the western shore of the Baja California peninsula since 1999. The artifacts collected from the site were dated to the early period of the galleon trade and was supposed to be the remains of the San Juanillo of 1578. Further identification on the artifacts reveals diverse sources of cargo artifacts and provides us rich clues for understanding the internationalism of galleon trade which included the Spanish and European sheets of lead, Spanish colonial coins, fragment pottery of Iberian, wax of Manila galleon cargos from Indonesia produced in the Philippines, stoneware Martaban jars from China or Southeast Asia, Chinese porcelains including early Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen wares, Chinese enameled boxes, bronze mirrors, brass locks, plates, bronze coins, and Southeast-Asian matchlock firearm, giving us a remarkable view of worldwide commercial ties of the galleon trade in 1570s.

Introduction

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Patricia Fournier

Archaeological Distribution of Chinese Porcelain in Mexico co-authored by Patricia Fournier and Roberto Junco Sanchez comprehensively deals with the distribution of Chinese porcelains archaeologically recovered from several Mexican sites located both in the urban and rural settings, mostly from the Mexico City and Acapulco seaport. More than 5000 shards of Asian ceramics had been studied, showing the types of ceramics cargo galleon to New Spain throughout the colonial period. The authors overviewed the archaeological evidence attesting the content, date, and spatial distribution of Chinese export porcelains transported to New Spain from the late 1500s to the early 1800s, reflecting the commerce and consumption of Asian ceramics as “fragments of globalization”.

Roberto Junco Sanchez

The San Blas in Nayarit of Mexico located at the Pacific coast of Mexico had not only been an active and important seaport as a stop for the galleon navigation from Manila to Acapulco, but also been an official Maritime Department of New Spain

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during eighteenth century. Roberto Junco Sanchez, Guadalupe Pinzón, and Etsuko Miyata co-authored The Chinese Porcelain from the Port of San Blas, Mexico reported the latest discovery of the archaeological program on the San Blas seaport in 2016 and 2017. The authors analyzed the Chinese porcelain shards collected from the site including both mostly the Jingdezhen wares, and a few of Zhangzhou wares and Dehua wares. Most of these porcelains were dated from 1740 to 1780s perfectly fitting with the duration of the Maritime Department. Typologically, these ceramics covered both the traditional Chinese types as blue and white with “willow pattern” and red painting over glaze “Guanzai”, and some westernized types of ceramics as Western motifs painting pattern on the wares. Anyway, these materials added the new and important information to understand the transpacific commercial history of galleon trade.

Karime Castillo

After arriving in New Spain by the galleon trade, the Chinese ceramics had passed from Acapulco to Veracruz through the New Spain, not only providing the elite with luxury goods, but also being the most important sources of inspiration influenced the local majolica potters of New Spain. A Study of the Chinese Influence on Mexican Ceramics by Karime Castillo and Patricia Fournier presented an interesting and enlightening comparing research on the ceramics cross-cultural exchange between Mexican and Chinese. This study focuses on the influence of Chinese porcelain in colonial Mexican majolica with a particular emphasis on ornament understood as a term that articulates both surface and decorative motifs. The paper reveals that the Chinese ornament was adopted and adapted by colonial potters into a style of their own, reflecting the insertion of majolica in which some of these Chinese elements had been abstracted to be part of the traditional Mexican majolica in the global networks of maritime cultural exchange. In brief, our international workshop on the archaeological investigations and researches of galleon affiliated seaports made a multiparagraph reconstruction of Spanish galleon transpacific navigation. Along this pan-Pacific sea route, Yuegang,

Introduction

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Macao, Keelung, and Nagasaki as the transiting seaports of galleon trade, Manila as the general entreportting hub of galleon connecting the East and the West, Hamatak, San Blas and Acapulco as the midpoint stops and destinations of galleon, exposed rich and diversified maritime cultural heritages, presenting a macro panoramas of the Manila galleon trade well known as the New Maritime Silk Road across the Pacific during the sixteenth to nineteenth century. This co-authored monograph not only revealed the magnificent galleon navigation across Pacific, but also showed the exciting pictures of multicultural interactions between two sides of Pacific resulted from the maritime globalization. We are grateful to all of the participants and contributors who come from both sides of the Pacific, working together and presenting these wonderful papers with deep insights, promoting further understanding on the early pan-Pacific navigation. We dearly cherish the memory of our old friend and colleague and the senior galleon archaeologist, Edward Von der Porten who worked with us closely in last few years for promoting the research of galleon history, but unfortunately passed away before the publication of this co-authored work. Heartfelt thanks to Mr. Jianzhong Song, Deputy Director of National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage of China; Mr. Qisheng Fu, Director of Fujian Provincial Bureau of Cultural Heritage; Mr. Kan Zhang, Director of History Department in Xiamen University, who supported our meeting and presented their highbrow comments after our discussions. We own our debt to the Center for Maritime Archaeology of Xiamen University, which provided financial support and organized the meeting, and Springer Nature which undertakes the publication of this proceeding.

Jianzhong Song

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Qisheng Fu

Kan Zhang

December 2018

Chunming Wu Roberto Junco Sanchez Miao Liu Photographer Yuzhen Huang

Contents

Part I 1

2

3

4

Yuegang Outbound: The Archaeology of Yuegang as the Key Transit Terminal for Manila Galleon

Bound for America: A Historical and Archaeological Investigation in Yuegang (Crescent) Seaport as the Main Origin of Galleon Cargo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chunming Wu The Cultural Change of Kilns and Contents of Export Ceramics on the Perspective of Development of Zhangzhou Seaports During Ming and Qing Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miao Liu The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck in Guangdong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chunshui Zhou A Historical Review on the Social-Cultural Impact of Yuegang-Manila Navigation on the Ancient Chinese Civilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chunming Wu

Part II

3

29

49

67

Manila Entreportting: Discovery of Galleon Trade Heritage at Manila, Macao, Keelung and Nagasaki 93

5

Chinese Porcelain in the Manila Galleon Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Guanyu Wang

6

Fujian and Hizen Ware: A 17th Century Evidence of the Manila Galleon Trade Found from Selected Archaeological Sites in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Nida T. Cuevas

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7

Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on and Bobby C. Orillaneda

8

The Kraak Porcelains Discovered from Taiwan and Macao, and Their Relationship with the Manila Galleon Trade . . . . . . . . . 147 Tai-Kang Lu

9

Ceramics from Nagasaki: A Link to Manila Galleon Trade . . . . . . 161 Etsuko Miyata

10 Searching for the San Francisco (1609), a Manila Galleon Sunk off the Japanese Coast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Jun Kimura Part III

Bound for Acapulco: The Archaeology of the Pacific and America as the Galleon Navigation Record

11 The Development of Humåtak Village: The Life-Line of the Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Joe Quinata 12 Clues to Internationalism in the Manila Galleon Wreck of the Late 1570s in Baja California . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Edward Von der Porten 13 Archaeological Distribution of Chinese Porcelain in Mexico . . . . . . 215 Patricia Fournier and Roberto Junco Sanchez 14 The Chinese Porcelain from the Port of San Blas, Mexico . . . . . . . 239 Roberto Junco Sanchez, Guadalupe Pinzón and Etsuko Miyata 15 A Study of the Chinese Influence on Mexican Ceramics . . . . . . . . . 253 Karime Castillo and Patricia Fournier

Contributors

Karime Castillo UCLA-Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Los Angeles, USA Nida T. Cuevas National Museum of the Philippines, Metro Manila, Philippines Patricia Fournier Escuela Nacional de Antropología E Historia (ENAH), Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), Mexico City, Mexico Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines Roberto Junco Sanchez Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuática (SAS), Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), Mexico City, Mexico Jun Kimura Department of Maritime Civilizations, School of Marine Science and Technology, Tokai University, Tokyo, Japan Miao Liu The Department of History, Xiamen University, Xiamen, China Tai-Kang Lu Department of Art History, Tainan National University of the Arts, Taiwan, China Etsuko Miyata Japan Society for Promotion of Science, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan Bobby C. Orillaneda Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines Guadalupe Pinzón Universidad Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM), Mexico City, Mexico Joe Quinata Guam Preservation Trust, Hagåtña, GU, USA Edward Von der Porten San Francisco, USA Guanyu Wang Art Museum, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N. T., Hong Kong

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Contributors

Chunming Wu The Center for Maritime Archaeology, Xiamen University, Xiamen, China Chunshui Zhou National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Beijing, China

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2

Fig. 1.3 Fig. 1.4 Fig. 1.5

Fig. 1.6

Fig. 1.7 Fig. 1.8 Fig. 1.9

Fig. 1.10

Fig. 1.11 Fig. 1.12 Fig. 1.13

Sea routes of East Ocean recorded in navigation guide books of ancient China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map of 1575–1580 from Spanish manuscript showing geographic situation of East and Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antonio de Herrera’s map of 1601 showing the power sphere of Spanish in the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . Boats from East and West sailing to Manila Bay, 1619 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The distribution of archaeological heritages investigated around Yuegang seaport in Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The distribution of the historical landscapes of Yuegang harbor recorded in Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County) of Qianlong Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The painting of landscape of Zhangzhou in 1622 when Dutch fleet arrived . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The site of Yuegang seaport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Canvas painting of waterfront landscape of Amoy, Fujian in 1900 with a lot of European sailing boats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tomb of the Spanish galleon seaman MANUEL DE ZESPEDES Y—CARRIAZO (1759) at Gulangyu of Amoy in Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Spanish colonial coins of 16–18th century discovered in Southeast China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . European type canons investigated at Donggu site of Dongshan county in southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . Huazhailou Kiln site in Pinghe county of southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

8

9 10 11

13

14 15 16

17

18 18 19 20 xxv

xxvi

Fig. 1.14 Fig. 1.15 Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2 Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4 Fig. 2.5 Fig. 2.6 Fig. 2.7 Fig. 2.8 Fig. 2.9 Fig. 2.10

Fig. 2.11 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 3.6 Fig. 3.7

Fig. 3.8

List of Figures

Xiayangkeng Kiln site in Hua’an county of southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ceramics from kiln sites along Nansheng stream valley of Pinghe County in southern Fujian . . . . . . . . Celadon from Hushang Kiln site of Anxi counuty of Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen porcelains of Mid Ming Dynasty discovered at Anhai port of Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The early blue and white porcelains from Anxi county of southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The early blue and white porcelains found in Anhai port of southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains from Zhangzhou Kiln . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhanzhou Kiln wares from Nan’ao No. 1 Shipwreck of eastern Guangdong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains from the Wanli Shipwreck in South China Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains from Donggu shipwreck of Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains of late Ming and early Qing Dynasty from Anxi Kiln sites of Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains of mid and late Qing dynasty from kiln sites of Dehua and Anxi in southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains from the shipwreck of Xisha Islands in South China Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Plan of the remnant Nan’ao No. I shipwreck in Eastern Guangdong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelains loaded in the compartment at the situ of Nan’ao No.1 shipwreck . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The collection of porcelains from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A dark reddish brown glazed pottery jar with pasted phoenix design from Nan’ao No.1 shipwreck . . . . . . . Zhangzhou wares from the Nan’ao I shipwreck . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen wares from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of the blue and white porcelains between the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck and Erlong Kiln in Zhangzhou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of the blue and white porcelains between the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck and Guanyinge Kiln site of Jingdezhen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21 22 31 32 33 34 36 37 40 42 42

45 46 51 52 53 54 55 56

58

58

List of Figures

Fig. 3.9

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3

Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6 Fig. 4.7 Fig. 4.8 Fig. 4.9 Fig. 4.10 Fig. 4.11 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3 Fig. 5.4 Fig. 5.5

Fig. 5.6 Fig. 5.7

Fig. 5.8

xxvii

A Wucai bowl painted with four panels of egret and lotus from Nan’ao No. I shipwreck site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A map of the East Indies by William Dampier in 1697 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of the earliest centers of grains’ domestication in the world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical image showing the commodities in Aztec Empire market including a series of American native domesticated goods as potato, sweet potato, tomato and pineapple . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tobacco culture of native American Indian . . . . . . . . . Pipe from Donggu shipwreck next to Yuegang region in southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ferangi canon and Iberian armed merchant ship of 16th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chart of Farangi cannon recorded in Chouhai Tubian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The chart of imitated Ferangi Wudi Shenfei Pao in Ming Dynasty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The cannon investigated underwater of Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical red brick building landscape of north port at Yuegang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remnant of Tianyi Xinju building at north port of Yuegang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The international maritime trade routes of 16th and 17th centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The location of Jingdezhen in Jiangxi . . . . . . . . . . . . . Painting showing the porcelain production and trading process in late 18th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The location of kiln sites in Jingdezhen of Jiangxi . . . Shards of Jingdezhen wares from the Guanyinge Kilns site, Zhushan Imperial Kilns site and Luomaqiao Kiln site in Jiangxi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The location of kiln sites of Zhangzhou, Fujian province . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shards of the Zhangzhou wares unearthed from the Wuzhai and Nansheng kilns sites in southern Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white dish from the Xuande shipwreck in South China Sea and comparative blue and white dish from the collection of the Palace of Santos in Lisbon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59 68 69

70 74 75 79 80 82 83 85 86 94 95 95 96

97 99

100

101

xxviii

Fig. 5.9

Fig. 5.10

Fig. 5.11 Fig. 5.12 Fig. 5.13

Fig. 5.14

Fig. 5.15

Fig. 5.16

Fig. 5.17

Fig. 5.18

Fig. 5.19 Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2

List of Figures

Comparative porcelain wares discovered from the Não Espadarte shipwreck unearthed from the North Bay of Macau and from the collection of the Palace of Santos in Lisbon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparative porcelain dishes from the local collection of the Philippines an unpublished site off the California coast and excavated from the Donceles street, Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelain dishes from the shipwrecks of San Felipe, San Isdro and the Nan’ao No. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain wares discovered from the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck . . . . . . . Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain wares excavated from an unpublished site off the California coast, excavated at the Casa de Martín Calvo de la Puerta, known as the Casa de la ObraPía, Havana, Cuba, and excavated from Santa Fe La Vieja, Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain bowl discovered from the San Diego shipwreck in the Philippines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou wares of Kraak style discovered from the San Diego shipwreck in the Philippines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou dishes, covered boxes and covered bowls with over glaze enamels discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck in southern Vietnam . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou covered box discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck in the southern Vietnam, Zhangzhou covered box from the in the Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Tokyo and Jingdezhen covered box with over glaze red and green from the collection of Shanghai Museum, China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou covered bowl discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck in southern Vietnam, Jingdezhen bowl discovered from the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck and Jingdezhen bowl from the collection of the British Museum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou plates in the Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Tokyo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trade route of the Manila Galleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The town of Cavite showing the location of Porta Vaga site in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

102

103 104 105

105

106

107

108

109

109 109 117 119

List of Figures

Fig. 6.3

Fig. 6.4

Fig. 6.5

Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8

Fig. 6.9

Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11

Fig. 7.1

Fig. 7.2 Fig. 7.3

Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2 Fig. 8.3 Fig. 8.4 Fig. 8.5

xxix

Satellite image of Manila showing locations of archaeological sites in Intramuros, Mehan Garden, Arroceros Forest Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus, Intramuros 17th century Blanc de Chine Figurine Male Fu Dog or Buddhist Lion Dehua Kiln, Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus, Intramuros blue and white dish with phoenix design 17th century from Fujian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blanc de Chine Porcelain Jar let, Dehua Kiln, Fujian Arroceros Forest Park, Manila 17th century . . . . . . . . Satellite image of the town of Boljoon, Cebu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Boljoon, Cebu Under glazed blue and white porcelain dish Fujian, China, Second half 17th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Japanese over glazed enamel bottle of Arita Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Japanese overglazed enamel large dish of Yoshida Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 . . . . . Japanese blue-and-white small double-gourd bottle of Arita Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map of the Philippine archipelago showing the different trade routes, including easterly and westerly routes of the Galleon trade and the underwater archaeological sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nautical chart showing the San Bernardino Strait and the Galleon routes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nautical Chart showing the survey areas in Catanduanes in the Philippines from 2002 to 2008 looking for the Galleons Espiritu Santo and San Geronimo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Taiwan, Macao and mainland China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kraak porcelain of Chin-te-chen Kiln discovered in south Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese ceramic discovered in north Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kraak porcelain and related heritage discovered in Macao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Japanese Hizen ware discovered in Taiwan . . . . . . . . .

120

121

122 123 124

124

125 126

127

132 133

136 148 151 153 156 158

xxx

Fig. 9.1 Fig. 9.2 Fig. 9.3 Fig. 9.4 Fig. 9.5 Fig. 9.6 Fig. 9.7 Fig. 9.8 Fig. 9.9 Fig. 9.10 Fig. 9.11 Fig. 9.12 Fig. 9.13 Fig. 9.14 Fig. 9.15 Fig. 10.1 Fig. 10.2 Fig. 10.3 Fig. 10.4 Fig. 10.5 Fig. 11.1 Fig. 11.2 Fig. 11.3 Fig. 12.1

List of Figures

Old map of Tojin-yashiki (Chinese quarter) in Nagasaki of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jingdezhen blue and white ware collected from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white large dish of Zhangzhou Kiln from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kraak porcelain and Kosometsuke dish of Jingdezhen products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white Zhangzhou large Kraak dish from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white Zhangzhou large plate from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white Zhangzhou large plate from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white Jingdezhen Kraak ware plate from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dehua small bowls from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fujian and Yi Xing Kiln spoon from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white bowl with Yongzhen reign mark of Jingdezhen Kiln . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white bowl with floral design of Jingdezhen product . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white bowl with 梵 (Fan) letter of Fujian product . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Blue and white Dehua dish from Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . Blue and white landscape cup with handles of Jingdezhen Kiln . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Onjuku in Chiba of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . Clock of Ieyasu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Onjuku along the coastal cliffs extending northward in Chiba of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The multi-beam sonar recording the seabed topography of Tajiri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oval shaped volcanic stone from the study area at Onjuku in Chiba of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The sea route of Manila Galleon navigation . . . . . . . . The landscape of the Humåtak port in Guam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New architectural building after Spanish encountering in Guam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . George Kuwayama’s (1997) book on Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

162 163 164 164 165 165 166 166 167 168 169 169 169 170 171 174 178 179 180 181 188 188 189 192

List of Figures

Fig. 12.2 Fig. 12.3 Fig. 12.4 Fig. 12.5 Fig. 12.6

Fig. 12.7 Fig. 12.8

Fig. 12.9 Fig. 12.10 Fig. 12.11

Fig. 12.12 Fig. 12.13 Fig. 12.14 Fig. 12.15 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

12.16 12.17 12.18 12.19

Fig. 12.20 Fig. 12.21 Fig. 12.22 Fig. 12.23 Figs. 12.24–12.26

xxxi

Raymond Aker’s reconstruction of a sixteenth-century galleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The investigation of the remote site on the west coast of Baja California in 1999. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The desert shore with low dunes and sand flats covered with shells in Baja coast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelain sherds were covered by 10 cm of blowing sand in four days. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A sheet of lead with iron tack heads is characteristic of Spanish and Portuguese long-range trading ships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Spanish-colonial coins heavily encrusted with sand and patination products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The piece of eight weighs approximately 1 ounce, or 28 g identified as production in Mexico City in 1572 and in Potosi, Upper Peru, in 1574 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . European form sounding lead from the site . . . . . . . . . This small “splash”, or dribble, of lead from the site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Compass gimbals similar to the five other ones of English, Basque and Dutch shipwrecks dating from 1545 through 1596 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Compass and sounding lead replicas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Iron-core lead shot was a common type in sixteenth-century Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pottery fragment identified as western Iberian type . . . Iberian “olive jars” descend from the classical amphorae which Spaniards still used in their trade . . . Beeswax remains on the site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stoneware Martaban jar fragment from the site . . . . . . Zhangzhou ceramic ware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou ceramic ware featuring a black-faced spoonbill bird . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jindezhen ceramic ware phoenix plate. . . . . . . . . . . . . Jindezhen ceramic wares with high quality, and incompletely fired plate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bowl with a pattern of Xi Wang Mu (the Queen Mother of the Western Paradise) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Landscape bowls transferring the design from scroll painting to porcelains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelain wares made for export trade with Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

192 193 194 194

195 196

196 197 197

198 198 199 199 200 201 201 202 203 203 204 204 205 205

xxxii

List of Figures

Figs. 12.27, 12.28 Figs. 12.29–12.31 Fig. 12.32 Figs. 12.33, 12.34 Figs. 12.35, 12.36 Figs. 12.37, 12.38 Fig. 12.39 Fig. 12.40 Fig. 12.41 Fig. 12.42 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

12.43 12.44 12.45 12.46

Fig. 13.1 Fig. 13.2 Fig. 13.3

Fig. 13.4 Fig. 13.5

Fig. 13.6 Fig. 13.7

Fig. 14.1 Fig. 14.2 Fig. 14.3 Fig. 14.4

Porcelain designs for Japanese markets . . . . . . . . . . . . Kraak wares with different designs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Small metal object of Chinese design . . . . . . . . . . . . . Small metal object of Chinese design . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bronze securing pin and brass key . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese bronze mirror and disc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brass lock plate from a Chinese or Southeast-Asian matchlock firearm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cloisonné was an uncommon element in the Chinese–Spanish trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A sherd of a polychrome sculpture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Calligraphy bowls with a few clearly painted characters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese bronze coin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Buddhist “singing” prayer bowl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bronze Buddhist guardian male lion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An artist’s depiction of the “ghost galleon” San Juanillo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map with the distribution of Chinese porcelain found in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wucai style lids, Wanli period, from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zhangzhou dishes and plates with overglaze enameled designs from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Transitional period blue on white cups and bowls from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City . . . . . Canton pattern, blue on white plate rim, c. 1785–1821, from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kangxi “famille verte” plate rim, from the Otumba area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ming period Wanli (c. 1570–1580) “Deer in the Park” plate, Jingdezheng blue and white porcelain plate from the excavation at downtown Acapulco . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

206 206 207 207 207 208 208 209 209 210 210 211 211 212 222 223

224 224

225 225

230 243 243 244 244

List of Figures

Fig. 14.5 Fig. 14.6 Fig. 14.7 Fig. 14.8 Fig. 14.9 Fig. 14.10 Fig. 14.11 Fig. 14.12 Fig. 14.13 Fig. 14.14 Fig. 14.15 Fig. 14.16 Fig. 14.17 Fig. 14.18 Fig. 15.1 Fig. 15.2 Fig. 15.3 Fig. 15.4

Fig. 15.5

Fig. 15.6

xxxiii

Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Primary vessel shapes copied from Chinese porcelain in New Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Composition in panels of Mexican majolica and Chinese porcelain from Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Porcelain found in the San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City, showing different decorative motifs . . . . Animal designs of Mexican majolica and Chinese porcelain from San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Flower designs of Mexican majolica from Templo Mayor, Mexico City and Chinese porcelain from San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Artemisia leaf motif of Mexican majolica from Templo Mayor, Mexico City and Chinese porcelain from San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City . . . . . . . . .

244 245 245 246 246 247 247 247 248 248 249 249 250 250 257 258 259

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261

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Fig. 15.7 Fig. 15.8

List of Figures

Chinese porcelain with arabesque motifs (San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City) . . . . . . . . . . . . Artists decorating contemporary Mexican majolica at “Talavera Uriarte”, Puebla, México . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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List of Tables

Table 7.1 Table 8.1

List of Manila Galleon shipwrecks in the Philippines . . . . . . . . The type and quantity of ceramics transported by ships from Taiwan to Manila in the records of Spanish customs between 1664 and 1684 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Part I

Yuegang Outbound: The Archaeology of Yuegang as the Key Transit Terminal for Manila Galleon

Chapter 1

Bound for America: A Historical and Archaeological Investigation in Yuegang (Crescent) Seaport as the Main Origin of Galleon Cargo Chunming Wu

Yuegang (Crescent Harbor at Chincheo or Zhangzhou, 漳州月港) had been the most famous and flourishing seaport inside the territory of Ming (明) empire during 15–18th century. It was one of the important seaports as Macao in mainland China, Keelung in Taiwan, Nagasaki in Japan, Borneo in Kalimantan, and Siam in Thailand, connecting with the Manila seaport in Philippines where had been the key center of the Spanish galleon trade in eastern Asia since the late 16th century. Chinese junks from Yuegang outbounded for Manila to trade with galleon merchants when Spanish stopped at Philippines islands as their commercial hub in eastern Asia. Yuegang became one of the transiting terminals for Manila galleons interacting with mainland of eastern Asia, having been not only the main origin and exporting seaport of galleon cargo such as Kraak (克拉克瓷) ceramic, silk and tea from China, but also the main inbound port of global culture and exotic products to China during the 16–18th century. The international trade of Yuegang seaport greatly enriched Chinese traditional multiculturalism. The preliminary archaeological investigations at Yuegang and the adjacent oceanic region in southeast China have shown a series of interesting cultural heritages resulting from Yuegang-Manila sailing trade and its connection with the Spanish Manila-Acapulco pan-Pacific navigation.

C. Wu (&) The Center for Maritime Archaeology, Xiamen University, Fujian, China e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_1

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1.1

1.1.1

History: The Rising and Developing of the Yuegang Seaport as the Main Terminal Transiting Galleon Cargo in Mainland Eastern Asia Yuegang Had Been the Intermediate Segment in the Successively Developing System of Ancient Seaports of the Min (闽) Area

Historical documents recorded that Fujian (Hokkiens, 福建) known as Min (闽) was the most flourishing maritime cultural region in ancient China. The chapter of South Area of Inland Sea (海内南) in Shanhaijing (Classics of the Mounts and Seas 《山海经》) recorded: Both Ou (瓯) and Min (闽) as the branches of aboriginal Yue (越) live in the oceanic region next to the northwestern mountain. (Yuan ed. 2014, pp. 237)

There had been a series of seaports as Fuzhou (福州, Focheo), Quanzhou (泉州, Zaitun, Cuchincheo), Zhangzhou (漳州, Chincheo) and Xiamen (厦门, Amoy) successively developing along the coast of Min area from north to south in last 2000 years. Yuegang was one of these seaports developed in the estuary of Jiulongjiang (九龙江) river in Zhangzhou after the declination of old Quanzhou seaport since Ming Dynasty. Fuzhou, known as Dongye (东冶) both in Qin (秦) and Han (汉) dynasties was the oldest seaport of Fujian, located at the estuary of the largest river of Minjiang (闽江). It was the capital of native Minyue (闽越) kingdom, and then Minzhong (闽 中) province and Yexian (冶县) county of Han imperial territory. Dongye was the busy seaport and important transit center for south and north maritime transportation from Han to Tang (唐) dynasties (Han 1947). Houhan Shu (History of the Later Han Dynasty 《后汉书》) recorded: The tributary boats coming from the 7 prefectures of Jiaozhi (Giao Chỉ, now Vietnam,交趾) State sailed to Dongye (东冶) of the Minyue capital from where their tribute articles were transported to the imperial territory of the Han dynasty. (Fan 1965, pp. 1156)

Quanzhou, known as the Zaitun (刺桐), rose to be the largest seaport of Fujian during Song and Yuan dynasties. The Fujian custom Shibosi (市舶司, Managing Office of Shipping Trade) was set at Quanzhou in 2nd year of Yuanyou (元佑) court (1087) and the seaport had developed into the largest one in Yuan empire. A series of multicultural heritages were investigated during last half century, including the tombs of the Arabian and Christianity, Islamic temples, Manichean (摩尼教) temple and Hinduism temples, reflecting the prosperous development of the maritime cultural interaction with oversea regions (Chen 1984, pp. 1–63 of images section; Zhuang 1989, pp. 170–303). The historical documents also recorded the situation of international maritime trade of Quanzhou seaport during the medieval period.

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Zhangzhou seaport, known as Yuegang, grew up in Ming Dynasty for the reason of maritime ban policy and the tribute trade system. Both Fuzhou and Quanzhou seaports developed as the official seaport for tribute trade since early Ming Dynasty, but declined soon after the decay of tribute trade system. Then most of the maritime merchants of Fujian area gathered secretly in the remote southern coast near the estuary of Jiulongjiang river in Zhangzhou, sailing outbound for southeast Asia, “smuggling” or “illegally” trading with foreigner (Lin 1987, pp. 142–152). Then the Yuegang seaport rose and was more flourished than Quanzhou and Fuzhou since late Ming Dynasty. Shuyu Zhouzilu (Consulting References of the Foreign Countries, 《殊域周咨 录》) of Ming Dynasty recorded the early private maritime contact between European and Hokkiens merchants: The Franc (佛郎机) merchant ships arrived at Guangzhou (广州) in Zhengde (正德, 1506– 1521) period. The local official reported that these foreign merchants were brutal and dishonest. The Ming imperial court ordered to expel all of the maritime merchants from Franc, Annan (安南, now Vietnam), Malacca out of Guangzhou. Then all of the foreign trade ships sailed to Fujian coast and smuggled with local maritime merchants, resulting the growing up of Fujian maritime economy and declination of Guangdong trade. (Yan 1993, pp. 323)

Mingshizong shilu (The True Account of Shizong Empire of Ming Dynasty, 《明 世宗实录》) also recorded the early stage of smuggling trade in Zhangzhou region in Jiajing (嘉靖) 12th year (1533) of Ming Dynasty: Zhangzhou merchants illegally built big boats with double masts and arbitrarily equipped them with firearm cannons. They smuggled to trade with foreigners. (Zhang and Zhang 1983, pp. 3488–3489)

Because of the decaying of the formal tribute trade seaports of Quanzhou and the flourishing of the smuggle seaport of Yuegang, the imperial court of Ming Dynasty lost a great amount of custom tax and the national revenue under the maritime ban policy. The situation compelled the imperial court to open the maritime navigation of Yuegang by taxing on the international trade since Longqing (隆庆) 1st year (1567). Then the Yuegang grew up to be maritime trade center in Ming territory, boats from Yuegang sailed out to dozens of foreign states in the East, West, South and North oceans since late Ming Dynasty (Lin 1987, pp. 176–214). Fujian custom office (Shibosi) was set up at Yuegang in Kangxi (康熙) 23rd year (1684), as one of the most important seaports along the southeastern coast of China. Q. Zhou (周起元) said in his Preface of the X. Zhang’s (张燮) Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东西洋考》): The maritime ban policy was abolished in 1st year of Longqing (1567) of Muzong (穆宗) emperor. Then the maritime merchants sailed to oversea countries in the east ocean and west ocean. A great amount of foreign products and exotic treasure were imported and hundreds of thousands of money were earned. (Zhang 1981, pp. 17)

Xiamen, known as Amoy and Gulangyu (鼓浪屿), were two small islands located at the estuary of Jiulongjiang and geographically lying next to Yuegang seaport.

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Both Amoy and Gulangyu had been indeed the spatial extension of Yuegang seaport from west to east. Koxinga (Guo Xing Fu, 国姓府, Chenggong Zheng, 郑成功) merchant group entrenched at Xiamen island and developed the maritime transportation of Xiamen seaport during late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Fujian custom office (Shibosi) was moved to Xiamen in Yongzheng (雍正) 6th year (1728), then Xiamen developed its maritime trade and replaced Yuegang as one of four legitimate maritime trading seaports in China during early Qing Dynasty. Xiamen Zhi (Chronicle of Xiamen Prefecture, 《厦门志》) of Qing Dynasty recorded: During the turning period of Ming and Qing dynasties, Koxinga controlled maritime trade of southeast China and all foreign merchants bought Chinese exported cargoes at Xiamen seaport.” “Xiamen island is located at the region between Zhangzhou and Quanzhou seaports and controls the maritime transportation to Penghu (澎湖) and Taiwan. Xiamen had been the gateway of Fujian maritime trade with foreigners since the early Qing Dynasty.” (Zhou 1967, pp. 37, 124, 143, 323)

In a word, the seaport of Yuegang and adjacent Xiamen had been the cultural succession of ancient seaports system in Fujian maritime area. Yuegang-Xiamen seaport was main transiting terminal of maritime cargoes to and from Manila galleons across the Pacific and the east of South China Sea during late Ming and early Qing dynasties.

1.1.2

Yuegang-Manila Navigation Developed for Trading with Spanish Galleon and Connecting with Early Maritime Globalization

The main reason of the rising of Yuegang seaport in Ming Dynasty had been the “smuggling” trade of Hokkien maritime merchants in the East Ocean (东洋), especially the maritime trade at Manila with Spanish galleons which navigated between America and Philippines across the Pacific as a key part of early globalization since mid 16th century. Anyway, the Yuegang-Manila navigation as the maritime connection between the Philippines islands and mainland of eastern Asia grew up on the foundation of prehistoric and historical navigation of East Ocean, continuing the thousands of years’ seafaring across Taiwan strait since Neolithic age. Archaeological investigations have revealed that the earliest East Ocean navigation had been carried out by aboriginal Minyue (闽越) and ancient Hokkiens since Neolithic age. The archaeologists reconstructed the sea route of proto-Austronesian emigration from the coast of Fujian and Guangdong, across Taiwan strait, seafaring step by step to Taiwan, Philippines, Indonesian and getting to Pacific archipelagoes (Lin 1958; 1987; Bellwood 1997). The historical documents described the sea route of East Ocean navigation from Fujian and Zhejiang of southeast China to Yizhou (夷州, now Taiwan), Penghu

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(Pescadores, 澎湖), Dongfan (东番, now Taiwan), Mait (麻逸) and Dandao (三岛) or Sanyu (三屿) islands in Philippines during Han, Tang, Song and Yuan dynasties. Sanguo Zhi (History of the Wu of Three Kingdoms 《三国志(吴书)》) recorded: In 2nd year (AD.230) of Huanglong (黄龙) reign of Wu (吴) kingdom, the king ordered generals Weiwen (卫温) and Zhuge Zhi (诸葛直) to lead a troop with 10,000 soldiers to search for Yizhou and Chanzhou (澶洲) where are located in the open sea. (Chen and Pei 2006, p. 674)

The chapter of Biography of Liuqiu of Suishu (History of the Sui Dynasty 《隋 书》) also said: Liuqiu (流求) is an island state within five days’ eastern bound sailing from Jian’an county in Fujian. (Wei and Linghu 1982, pp. 1823)

Zhufan Zhi (Biography of Foreign Nations 《诸番志》) of Song Dynasty recorded Pisheye (毗舍耶, now Babuyan Island of the Philippines) is located next to Penghu Island, which is a part of Jinjiang (晋江) county in Fujian…Mait state is located to the north of Foni (now Brunei, north of Kalimantan), where more than one thousand of aboriginal people live along the riverside…Including islands such as Sanyu, Baipuyan (白蒲延,now Babuyan Island), Pulilu (蒲里噜, now Polillo Island of the Philippines), Liyindong (里银 东), Xinliu (新流), Lihan (里汉)…When foreign merchants arrive at local villages they dared not land, instead anchoring their boats in the river and calling for local aboriginals to come to trade. (Zhao 1985, pp. 25–26)

Daoyi Zhilue (Biography of the Foreign Island Barbarians 岛夷志略》) of Yuan Dynasty said: There is no forest vegetation in Penghu Island and the land is too infertile to grow grain. People from Quanzhou constructed thatched cottages on the island to live in…People with strong tattoos from Sandao (Three islands) in the Philippines usually come to Quanzhou by boat for business. They will be respected as members of the senior generation when they return to their homeland after they experience traveling in China. (Wang 1981, pp. 13, 23)

Though the Ming Dynasty carried out maritime ban policy in seas surrounding China during its early period, the sea routes of East Ocean navigation between southeastern China and Philippines grew to be more explicit and concrete during Ming and Qing dynasties because of developed “smuggling” private trade of southeast Chinese merchants. The historical navigation guides of southeast China as Dongxiyang Kao (《东西洋考》, General Survey on the East and West Ocean), Shunfeng Xiangsong (《顺风相送》, Sea Routes with Successful Sailing), and Zhinan Zhengfa (《指南正法》, Guide for the Right Sea Routes) described a series of East Ocean sea routes between mainland southeast China and Philippines, east of Indonesian, including “Navigation from Taiwushan (太武山) of Zhangzhou to Miyan (密雁) harbor of Luzon (吕宋) via Penghu” in Dongxiyang Kao, navigation from seaports of Fujian and Guangdong as Meizhou (湄洲), Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Nan’ao (南澳) to Penghu, Luzon, Sulu and Brunei in Shunfeng Xiangsong (Fig. 1.1).

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Fig. 1.1 Sea routes of East Ocean recorded in navigation guide books of ancient China. Red line, Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Ocean). Green line, Shunfeng Xiangsong (Sea Routes with Successful Sailing). Black line, Zhinan Zhengfa (Guide for the Right Sea Routes)

During the mid and late Ming Dynasty, the East Ocean sea route between Yuegang seaport (including harbors as Taiwushan, Wuyu 浯屿, Dadan 大担, Liaoluo 料罗 and Nan’ao 南澳) and Luzon developed and flourished because of their “smuggling” trade connection with the Spanish Galleon commercial system. Since the late of 15th century, Spanish and Portuguese initiated the great geographical discovery and maritime globalization by crossing Atlantic to America and Indian Ocean to east Asia. They arrived in eastern Asia in the early and mid 16th century. Spanish galleons got to Philippines and conquered the aboriginals in 1571,

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set up the early Pan-Pacific navigation between Manila and Acapulco at new Spain, connecting Europe with eastern Asia via central America. Though the imperial court of Ming Dynasty carried out maritime ban since the mid 14th century, the Spanish galleon trade always relied greatly on the exported cargoes from mainland eastern Asia. The Spanish merchants applied repeatedly to emperor of Ming Dynasty for permission of trade at Chincheo (Zhangzhou) and Macao, but failed time and again. Anyway, the imperial court of Ming Dynasty opened the maritime trade of Yuegang by taxation in first year of Longqing (隆庆) period (1567), the new situation of “Opening Sea” encouraging Hokkien maritime merchants at Yuegang to sail outbound to trade with Spanish in Manila and other seaports in Luzon. The trade between Yuegang junks and Manila galleons extended eastern Asian navigation and connected with the early globalization of European (Figs. 1.2 and 1.3). The flourishing of sea routes between Yuegang and Luzon recorded in the Dongxiyang Kao, Shunfeng Xiangsong, Zhinan Zhengfa had been actually the result of the maritime economic interaction between Chinese Junks and Manila galleons. Chinese historical documents recorded the facts of Spanish expedition in Philippines and Yuegang merchant’s trade in Luzon.

Fig. 1.2 Map of 1575–1580 from Spanish manuscript showing geographic situation of East and Southeast Asia. Made by Spanish cartographer Lopez de Velasco, who had been the official historian of Castile and the Indies to Philip II. The Chart was printed in a book by Antonio de Herreray Tordesillas in Madrid in 1601 (cited from Suarez 1999, p. 163)

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Fig. 1.3 Antonio de Herrera’s map of 1601 showing the power sphere of Spanish in the Pacific. Cited from Tooley et al. (1968, p. 116)

The chapter of Biography of Luzon of Mingshi (History of Ming Dynasty, 《明 史》) recorded: After Franc (佛郎机, Spanish) had arrived to Luzon, they killed the king of the aboriginals and conquered the people. Luzon was indeed the Franc.” “The Hokkien merchants knew well of Luzon’s fertileness of the land. For Luzon was not so far away from Fujian, there were more than tens of thousands of Hokkiens moving to trade and staying there for a long time. (Zhang 1974, p. 8370)

The Chapter of Biography of Island Barbarians (Luzon) of Minshu (History of Min Kingdom, Vol. 146, 《闽书》) recorded the same facts: The Hokkien merchants reaped profit greatly at the early period of their maritime trade to Luzon. Though the profit reduced for the competition after more merchants reached, they still rushed to go. (He 1994, pp. 4359)

It was the Yuegang-Manila navigation and other sea routes connecting Manila with Macao, Siam, Borneo and Nagasaki to Manila that traded the ceramics, silk products, tea and other products from mainland of eastern Asia to Manila, and then transited to America and Europe by galleons since the mid 16th century (Fig. 1.4). The European and American products were also transported to Manila and Yuegang in return. So the Yuegang-Manila navigation had transited to Manila galleon before the Spanish merchants got legal permission to trade in China, connecting local maritime culture of eastern Asia with global navigation system as a part of new maritime silk road.

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Fig. 1.4 Boats from East and West sailing to Manila Bay, 1619. Up, Image of landscape of Manila seaport in 1619 (From Joris van Spilbergen, Speculum Orientalis Occidentalisque Indiae Navigationium, Cited from Suarez 1999, p. 203). Down, The type of junk from Xiamen of Qing dynasty recorded in Tangchuan Zhitu (Picture of Tang Boat, 唐船之图) collected in Matsuura Historical Museum of Hirado, Japan. (Osamu and Zhu 2011)

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After the imperial court of Qing Dynasty permitted Spanish galleons to anchor and trade at Amoy (Xiamen) wharf in the 5th year of Yongzheng (雍正) period (1727), the Fujian custom Shibosi soon moved from Yuegang to Amoy in the second year (1728), opening the new era of Yuegang-Manila navigation. Xiamen Zhi (Chronicle of Xiamen Prefecture, 《厦门志》) of Qing Dynasty recorded: The junks from Amoy started to sail and trade with foreigners since the 5th year of Yongzheng (1727) and the maritime trade of Amoy flourished in the early period of Qianlong emperor. During this period junks from different provinces of China arrived and paid tax at Amoy. Spanish galleons were also permitted to land and trade at Amoy. Amoy developed to be the first important seaport of Fujian trading with eight foreign companies, more than 30 internal trade companies, and more than one thousand junks. (Zhou 1967, pp. 125, 146)

.

1.2

Archaeology: Cultural Heritages of Harbors, Shipwrecks and Kilns of Exported Ceramic Around Yuegang Region as the Result of Flourishing Navigation to Manila

The preliminary archaeological investigation at Yuegang and the adjacent coastal regions in southeast Fujian and Guangdong revealed a series of cultural heritages as exotic landscape at harbor regions, shipwrecks sites underwater, exported ceramic kiln sites which had been the result of Yuegang-Manila navigation trade and its connection with the Spanish galleon Pacific transportation (Fig. 1.5).

1.2.1

A Preliminary Investigation of the Cultural Heritages of Yuegang

The central wharf of Yuegang is located at the south coast of estuary of Jiulongjiang river, including a few small islands and tributary streams between Haicheng (海澄) and Fugong (浮宫). The situation of the stream flowing around the islands and the curving coast was regarded as the crescent shape and taken as the crescent harbor (Yuegang). Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County, 《海澄县志》) of Qianlong (乾隆) reign of Qing Dynasty recorded in the first Volume of Geography and Location: Haicheng downtown lies 25 kilometers to the southeast of Zhangzhou, known as the crescent harbor. Haicheng had been a big settlement at beach in Tang and Song dynasties and local rich people used to illegally build junks and had smuggling trade with oversea merchants for their commercial profits.In order to control the maritime transportation and

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Fig. 1.5 The distribution of archaeological heritages investigated around Yuegang seaport carry out sea ban policy at Yuegang, the imperial court of Ming Dynasty set up Anbian Guan (安边馆, Border Security Bureau) at Haicang (海沧, now the west district of Xiamen) in the 9th year of Jiajing (嘉靖) period (1530), set up Jinghai Guan (靖海馆, Sea Defending Bureau) at Yuegang in the 30th year of Jiajing period (1551) and reformed the name as Haifang Guan (海防馆, Sea Guard Bureau) in the 42th year of Jiajing period (1563). The new county of Haicheng was established up in Longqing (隆庆) period (1567–1572) in the boundary region of Longxi (龙溪) and Zhangpu (漳浦) counties for managing and improving the maritime trade after revising the sea ban policy.Yuegang lies at a location connecting the Jiulongjiang river and open sea of Taiwan Strait, with the situation as crescent shape. (Chen and Deng 1968, pp. 17, 18)

After the establishment of new administration Haicheng county and the changing of the maritime ban policy, the imperial court of Ming Dynasty opened

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the maritime trade of Yuegang in Longqing period. The original maritime ban administration Sea Guard Bureau (Haifang Guan, 海防馆) was changed to be the custom taxation office Duxiang Guan (督饷馆, Taxation Bureau). The set and reform of the custom office at Haicheng had been recorded in the chapter of Taxation of Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东 西洋考》): Duxian Guan is located at the site of Sea Defending Bureau Jinhai Guan which had been reformed to be Sea Guard Bureau Haifang Guan in the 42th year of Jiajing (1563). For administrating the taxation of maritime trade, Haifang Guan was reformed again to be Duxian Guan (Taxation Buraeu) in Wanli (万历) period (1573–1619). (Zhang 1981, p. 153)

The historical harbor heritages as wharfs, market places and administration offices were investigated along the beach and riverside of Yuegang region (Figs. 1.6, 1.7 and 1.8). The series of wharf sites are Xianguan (銄馆), Lutouwei (路头尾), Zhonggu (中股), Rongchuan (容川), Dianziwei (店仔尾), Agebo (阿哥 伯) and Xiwei (溪尾), all were constructed by block stone. The old market places specially for shipping trade are located at Xiankou (县口), Xiaweijie (霞尾街), Nanmenwai (南门外), Gangkou (港口), Jiuqiao (旧桥), Xinqiaotou (新桥头), Luzhengang (庐枕港) (Zheng 2011, 2013).

Fig. 1.6 The distribution of the historical landscapes of Yuegang harbor recorded in Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County) of Qianlong Period (Chen and Deng 1968, pp. 10)

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Fig. 1.7 The painting of landscape of Zhangzhou in 1622 when Dutch fleet arrived. (Historical image collected by “National Museum of Taiwan”, Wang 2010, pp. 39)

Guiyu (圭屿, 龟屿, tortoise island) at Haicang (海沧) district of Xiamen had been one of the wharfs of Yuegang. Both Zhongzuo Suo (中左所, Militray Command of Zhongzuo) and Zengcuoan (曾厝垵) at Xiamen had been the custom inspection and outbound setting of Yuegang. Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County) recorded in the first Volume of Geography and Location: Guiyu and Shejiao (蛇礁, snake island) is located at the intersected region of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou, which had been the gateway of Yuegang seaport. During Longqing (1567– 1572) and Wanli (1573–1619) periods, castle of Bagua shape (八卦, Eight Diagrams), tower building of navigation mark and Tianfei (天妃) sea god temple were built at the Guiyu island. Wuyu (浯屿) of Amoy was another gateway of Yuegang. (Chen and Deng 1968, pp. 22, 23)

The chapter of Ship and Navy of Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东西洋考》) recorded: Haicheng was known as crescent seaport in Ming Dynasty where the county administration was set up in the 6th year of Longqing period (1572). The merchant junks set sail from Yuegang and stopped at Guiyu for sea guard inspection. Then the boat stopped at Zhongzuo Suo and Zengcuoan of Xiamen for outbound inspection again. (Zhang 1981, pp. 171)

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Fig. 1.8 The site of Yuegang seaport. Photographed by C. Wu

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Besides these seaport heritages next to Yuegang, there were a few outer wharfs of Yuegang along the coast of Zhangzhou, such as Jiuzhen (旧镇) at Luxi (鹿溪)in Zhangpu county, Zhangjiang (漳江) of Yunxiao (云霄) county, Gongkou (宫口) at Dongxi (东溪) of Zhaoan (诏安) county, Zhanglin (樟林) at Hanjiang (韩江) of Chaozhou (潮州) county, all of them had been flourishing as illegal smuggling wharfs during the sea ban period and legal wharfs after “Opening Sea” of Longqing period (since 1567). As the main transiting terminals of Spanish Pacific navigation with mainland of eastern Asia, Yuegang grew up as the hub for early cultural interaction of the east and west since the late 16th century. After then, a group of red brick buildings hybridized with the east and west architectural cultures emerged in the Yuegang and Amoy harbors and south coast of Fujian, reflecting the history of Yuegang-Manila navigation and maritime cultural influence on the seaport architectural landscape. The historical heritages of Spanish were also have been discovered in YuegangAmoy harbors. A grave stone at Gulangyu (鼓浪屿) of Amoy was investigated and identified as the remnant of destroyed tomb of a Spanish seaman MANUEL DE ZESPEDES Y – CARRIAZO who died at Amoy in 1759, as one of the crew of Manila galleon Guadalupe Mary SEN (O) RA. DE GUADALU PE (F. Wang 2017). This discovery shows the maritime cultural change of Spanish galleon trade in Yuegang-Amoy seaports after the permission from the imperial court in the 5th year of Yongzheng (雍正) (1727) (Figs. 1.9 and 1.10). A series of historical coins originated from Spain and new Spain in America dating from 16th to 19th centuries were also concentratedly unearthed in Yuegang harbor and adjacent coast of southern Fujian, including the old handmade cob type coins with shield pattern and pillars and water pattern, machine milled pillar and crowned hemispheres pattern (Fig. 1.11). The archaeological discovery and

Fig. 1.9 Canvas painting of waterfront landscape of Amoy in 1900 showing a lot of European sailing boats and Chinese junks (From exhibition of Asian Civilization Museum, Singapore)

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Fig. 1.10 Tomb of the Spanish galleon seaman MANUEL DE ZESPEDES Y—CARRIAZO (1759) at Gulangyu of Amoy. Photographed by P. Lu

Fig. 1.11 Spanish colonial coins of 16–18th century discovered in Southeast China. Collected and edited by M. Liu, C. Wu

chronological analysis on these coins revealed the circulation of Spanish colonial silver coins in southeast coast of China and the key role of Yuegang transferring in the early global maritime trading between the east and west (Liu 2015; Liu and Wu 2017). The Ferangi cannon was another seascape heritage investigated in Yuegang seaport and adjacent region of Fujian and Guangdong. The historical documents of

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Fig. 1.12 European type canons investigated at Donggu site of Dongshan county

Ming Dynasty recorded both Portuguese and Spanish together as “Ferangi” or “Farangi” (佛郎机) and their cannons. The Ferangi canon of European was illegally modeled and used in Yuegang seaport. This European type canons were investigated and collected at Donggu (冬古) site of Dongshan (东山) county (Fig. 1.12) which had been the military camp of Koxinga merchant group and a part of Gongkou (宫口) wharf of Yuegang seaport (DGUAT 2003; Jie and Zhao 2005; Li and Sun 2005). Shuyu Zhouzilu (Consulting References of the Foreign Countries, 《殊域周咨 录》) of Ming Dynasty recorded: The cannon tube was made of iron and the ball was made of iron and lead. The French gunpowder was said to be different from traditional Chinese one. The strongest cannons could shoot to more than 300 m far away and smash the wood and stone. (Yan 1993, pp. 321)

The preceding quotation from Mingshizong shilu (The True Account of Shizong Empire of Ming Dynasty, 《明世宗实录》) recorded the private maritime merchants’ use of firearm cannon in Zhangzhou region in the 12th year (1533) of Jiajing (嘉靖) reign of Ming Dynasty: Zhangzhou merchants illegally built big boats with double masts and arbitrarily equipped them with firearm cannons. (Zhang and Zhang 1983, pp. 3488–3489)

1.2.2

The Distribution and Content of Kilns of Exported Kraak Ceramics in the Lower Reach Watershed of Jiulongjiang River

Kraak or Swatow ceramics from south China had been the largest amount of the exported cargoes of both Portuguese, Dutch, British trading to Europe and Spanish galleon transporting to America. Archaeological investigations discovered that both Jingdezhen (景德镇) kiln in Jiangxi (江西) province and Zhangzhou kiln system

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next to Yuegang seaport had been the two important origins of Kraak ceramics exported for Europe and America. More than 10 sites of Zhangzhou kiln system were investigated and identified as the main sources of Kraak ceramics of Manila galleon of late Ming and Qing dynasty (16–19th century), being the important content of maritime cultural heritages of Yuegang seaport. These kilns distributes mainly at 2 watershed regions in the hinterland of Yuegang seaport in upper reach of West Stream (西溪), which is a branch of Jiulongjiang River, forming two groups of kiln as separate historical ceramic workshops, the Nansheng Stream (南胜溪) valley in Pinghe county and Yongfeng Stream (永丰溪) in Hua’an county. Besides, Huotian (火田) kiln in Yunxiao (云霄) county and Xiuzhuan (秀篆) kiln in Zhao’an (诏安) county were also investigated. The kiln sites along Nansheng Stream of Pinghe county had been investigated at Huazhailou (花仔楼), Tiankeng (田坑) in Nansheng village, Dalong (大垅), Erlong (二垅) and Dongkou (洞口) in Wuzhai (五寨) village, all of them were dated from late 16th to early 17th century (Fig. 1.13). Huazhailou kiln site displays both blue and white porcelain and painted porcelain. The blue and white includes mainly large plates and bowls with decorative patterns of phoenix, birds, mandarin ducks, deer, flowers and plants, and Chinese characters handwriting as Fu (福, fortune), Shan (善, good), Di (第, best). The painted porcelains include white, brown glaze and celadon plates, bowls, cups and boxes with polychrome decorative pattern.

Fig. 1.13 Huazhailou Kiln site in Pinghe county

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Fig. 1.14 Xiayangkeng Kiln site in Hua’an county

Both Dalong and Erlong kilns also specialized in the products of blue and white plates and bowls with decorative pattern not only of figures of animals and plants, but also of human figures. The blue and white artifacts from Dongkou kiln varies much in types as covered bowls, boxes, covered pots, canisters, incense burners, vases (Fig. 1.15). All of these kilns artifacts have also been identified not only in the series of galleon shipwrecks as San Diego and Royal Captain shipwreck II in Philippines, San Juanillo and San Agustin, but also in the shipwreck salvaged by Michael Hatcher at Admiral Stelingwerf Reef next to Bintan island of Indonesian dating to 1643 (Fig. 1.14). The kiln sites along Yongfeng Stream of Hua’an county had been investigated at Xiayangkeng (下洋坑), Wanyaokeng (碗窑坑), Fengmenkeng (封门坑) (Fig. 1.14). The blue and white ceramics from Xiayangkeng site include plate and bowl types with decorative patterns as phoenix, birds, flowers, plants, mountainous landscape with water and bridge, dating from early to middle of 18th century. Most of products of Hua’an kiln are taken as the cargoes for Yuegang-Amoy maritime trade.

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Fig. 1.15 Ceramics from kiln sites along Nansheng stream valley of Pinghe County

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Underwater Archaeology on the Shipwrecks Originally Destinating to Manila

As the main maritime terminal of mainland eastern Asia transporting to Manila seaport, a series of shipwrecks were investigated in the near shore region next to Yuegang and its adjacent coast, identified as the relics of Hokkien junks outbound for Manila in the late Ming and Qing dynasties. These shipwrecks such as Nan’ao (南澳), Guang’ao (广澳), Donggu (冬古), Gulei (古雷), Baiyu (白屿), dating from the 16th to 18th century, containing a series of cargo remains originally destinated for Manila for galleon trade. Nan’ao shipwreck is located at south of Nan’ao island in the eastern Guangdong province and the border region to southern Fujian, were investigated in 2007 and excavated in 2010–2012. The wrecked hull was reconstructed to be 27 m long and 7.8 m wide with a sharp bottom of external feature and watertight compartments of internal cabin structure, which was taken as the traditional type of Fuchuan (福船, Fujian Boat). The latest investigation on the timber remain reveals that the 26 watertight compartments of the Nan’ao shipwreck are much more crowded than the traditional Fuchuan (Boat of Fujian Type, 福船 ) of Song and Yuan dynasty showed in Quanzhou shipwreck. Archaeologists proposed that the crowded watertight compartment of internal cabin structure of junk in late Ming Dynasty might have been the result of international cultural influence of shipbuilding technique from Spanish and Portuguese (Zhou 2017). The iron cannon which had been known as Franc was also salvaged from the shipwreck site and was taken as another evidence of European influence. Most of artifacts collected from the shipwreck site are about 25,000 pieces of ceramic, including both Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen kiln systems (Sun 2012; Zhou 2017). These blue and white porcelain of Zhangzhou kiln system had been identified as products of Erlong and Dongkou kilns in Nansheng Stream valley dating from late 16th to early 17th century, which had been transported along the West Stream and Jiulongjiang River to Yuegang. So the Nan’ao shipwreck could be the junk of Yuegang outbound for Manila. Guang’ao shipwreck is located at Guang’ao seaport in Dahao (达濠) district of Shantou (汕头), Guangdong province. It was investigated in 1995 and dated to the middle of 17th century. The artifacts salvaged from the site include official bronze seal with inscription of Chinese characters as Fanqian Zhongzhenbo Qianzhen Qianxie Guanfang (official seal of allegiance Zhongzhenbo as the military general of Koxinga, 藩前忠振伯前镇前协关防), and the bronze canon with inscription of Koxinga (国姓府), indicating that this shipwreck had been the remain of Koxinga’s commercial group (GDPIACR et al. 2000). Donggu shipwreck is located at the near shore shallow water region of southeastern coast of Dongshan island, was investigated and excavated in 2001–2005. The timber remain had been destroyed badly and the hull structure couldn’t be well reconstructed. The artifacts uncovered from the site include ceramic, bronze, iron, tin, stone objects, of which a coin with inscription of Yongli Tongbao (永历通宝) of Koxinga regime dating the site to middle of 17th century. Koxinga’s family had

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been the powerful maritime commercial group in the Eastern Ocean during late Ming and early Qing dynasty, whose navigation was recorded in detail in the famous nautical guide book Zhinan Zhengfa cited in front page of this chapter. The ceramic artifacts from the site include bowls, plates, dishes and cups of blue and white porcelain, most of them are daily necessities. Most of the porcelains were the products of Zhangzhou kiln system as Dongkou and Erlong kiln of Pinghe county, Huotian kiln of Yunxiao, Xiuzhuan kiln of Zhao’an, and other kilns in Hua’an and Dehua counties(德化) (Liu 2012). Firearms including iron cannons and gun powder were uncovered not only at the beach as a part of camp and wharf of Gongkou, but also underwater shipwreck. Both of them reflect the Portuguese or Spanish influence and maritime cultural contact between Koxinga commercial group and European navigators. A bronze tobacco pipe from the site which the first to be discovered in China also reveals the history of cultural interaction between Eastern Asia and New Spain by the Yuegang-Manila and galleon navigation (DGUAT 2003; Jie and Zhao 2005; Li and Sun 2005; Liu 2012). Royal Captain shipwreck II near to Palawan island in Philippines was investigated by French expedition team “World Wide First” in 1985 and identified as a Chinese junk of Ming Dynasty. 3768 pieces of artifacts were salvaged and most of them were ceramics plates, dishes, bowls, cups, covered boxes, pots and vases with blue and white decoration patterns of chrysanthemum, cloud, grass, human figures, fish and Chinese characters of Fu (福, fortune) and Long (龙, dragon). These ceramics were the products of Dongkou kiln in Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen kiln in Jiangxi of Wanli (万历, 1573–1620) period of Ming Dynasty. Others salvages include painted glass beads, bronze gongs, iron bars and Chinese bronze coins. According to the analysis on the origin of these cargoes, the shipwreck could also be the junk remain of Yuegang-Manila navigation from southeastern Fujian (Goddio 1988).

1.3

Conclusion

Historical documents described Yuegang as an intermediate segment in the successively developing series of ancient seaports of the southeastern China and its trading with Spanish galleons in Philippines during late Ming and early Qing dynasties. The archaeological investigations reveal a series of historical heritages of ancient Yuegang seaport such as wharf, harbor landscape and ceramic kilns as the main origin of Spanish galleon cargoes, and Chinese junk shipwrecks along the Yuegang-Manila sea route in East Ocean. These discoveries have proved the history of Yuegang seaport as the main transferring terminals of galleon cargoes in mainland of eastern Asia and the key maritime center of social-cultural contact of mainland of eastern Asia with early maritime globalizing network. Yuegang hinterland region in the watershed of lower reach of Jiulongjiang river had been the main origin of industrial products of Kraak ceramics, agricultural

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products such as silk and tea for galleon trade. Further archaeological investigation and chronology in Yuegang adjacent regions, the comparison research of these maritime cultural heritages with galleon cargo artifacts, will rebuild a more reliable history of pan-Pacific maritime trade from the 16–18th century. Yuegang seaport had also been the entrance for eastern Asia importing the exotic cultures from America and Europe directly and indirectly by galleon trade, deeply influenced the social-cultural landscape of ancient China. Further maritime archaeological investigations and historical research will enormously improve the understanding of the pluralistically cultural history of eastern Asian.

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Wang, F., 王芳. (2017). The discovery of a grave stone of a Spanish Seaman tomb of 18th century at Gulangyu Island of Xiamen. In International Academic Workshop On Archaeology of the Seaports of Manila Galleon and the History of Early Maritime Globalization, July 21–23, 2017, China: Xiamen University. Wang, Y., 王御风. (2010). Tushuo Taiwanshi (《图说台湾史》,Illustrated Introduction to Taiwan). Taichung: Haodu Chuban Youxian Gongsi (好读出版有限公司, How-do Publishing Co. Ltd). Wei, Z., 魏征, & Linghu, D., 令狐德. (1982). Suishu (History of the Sui Dynasty, 《隋书》) (New ed.). Originally published in Tang dynasty. Beijing: Zhongua Shuju (中华书局, Zhonghua Book Company). Yan, C., 严从简. (1993). Shuyu Zhouzilu (《殊域周咨录》, Consulting References of the Foreign Countries. Originally written and published by C. Yan. In 2nd of Wanli [万历] reign of Ming dynasty [1574]. New edition re-edited and annotated by Yu, S., 余思黎, Beijing. Beijing: Zhongua Shuju (中华书局, Zhonghua Book Company). Yuan, K., 袁珂 (Ed.). (2014). Shanhaijing Jiaozhu (Commentaries on the classics of the mounts and seas, 山海经校注). Beijing: Beijing Lianhe Chubanshe (北京联合出版社, Beijing United Publishing House). Zhang, R., 张溶, & Zhang, J., 张居正. (1983). Mingshizong shilu (The true account of Shizong Empire of Ming Dynasty, 《明世宗实录》. Originally published in Ming dynasty). New edition, re-edited by Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe (上海古籍出版社, Shanghai Classic Publishing House). Zhang, T., 张廷玉. (1974). Mingshi (History of Ming Dynasty, 《明史》(New ed.). Originally published in 4th of Qianlong [乾隆] reign [1739] of Qing dynasty). Beijing: Zhongua Shuju (中华书局, Zhonghua Book Company). Zhang, X., 张燮. (1981), Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东西 洋考》 (New ed.). Originally published 45th year of Wanli [万历] reign of Ming dynasty [1617]). In Xie, F., 谢方 (Ed.), Beijing: Zhongua Shuju (中华书局, Zhonghua Book Company). Zhao, R., 赵汝适. (1985). Zhufan Zhi (Biography of the Foreign Nations, 《诸番志》(New ed.). Originally published in Song dynasty. Beijing: Zhongua Shuju (中华书局, Zhonghua Book Company). Zheng, Y., 郑云. (2011). The rescuing preservation and utilization of the historical Yuegang Heritage at Longhai County. Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology, 2, 14–19 (Longhaishi Gu Yuegang de Qiangjiu Baohu yu Kaifa Liyong, 《龙海市古月港的抢救保护与开发利用》, in Fujian Wenbo 《福建文博》). Zheng, Y., 郑云. (2013). An analysis on the foreign trade history of Yuegang in Ming Dynasty. Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology, 2, 51–57 (Mingdai Zhangzhou Yuegang Duiwai Maoyi Kaolue, 《明代漳州月港对外贸易考略》, in Fujian Wenbo 《福建文博》). Zhou, C. 周春水. (2017). The investigation and preliminary analysis of Nan’ao No.I Shipwreck in Guangdon. In International Academic Workshop on Archaeology of the Seaports of Manila Galleon and the History of Early Maritime Globalization, July 21–23, 2017, China: Xiamen University. Zhou, K., 周凯. (1967). Xiamen Zhi (Chronicle of Xiamen Prefecture, 《厦门志》(New ed.). Originally published in 19th of Daoguang [道光] reign [1839] of Qing dynasty). Taipei: Chengwen Chubanshe (成文出版社, Taiwan Chengwen Press). Zhuang, W., 庄为玑. (1989). A study on ancient Zaiyun Seaport (Gu Chitong Gang, 《古刺桐 港》). Xiamen: Xiamen University Press (Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe, 厦门大学出版社).

Chapter 2

The Cultural Change of Kilns and Contents of Export Ceramics on the Perspective of Development of Zhangzhou Seaports During Ming and Qing Dynasties Miao Liu

In the middle period of Ming Dynasty (since early 16th century), the retreating of the sea ban policy of imperial court encouraged the developing of the maritime trade controlled by the private merchants in the southeast coast of China, especially Quanzhou (泉州), Zhangzhou (漳州) in south of Fujian (福建), and Chaozhou (潮州) in the east of Guangdong (广东). These maritime merchants from southern Fujian gradually became the mainstay of maritime trade in East Asia of that time. The oceanic areas in south of Fujian, including Anhai (安海) of Quanzhou, Haicang (海沧) and Yuegang (月港) of Zhangzhou, and Meiling (梅岭) of Zhao’an (诏安), Zhanglin (樟林) and Nan’ao (南澳) of Chaozhou, were the main maritime seaports where maritime trade was carried out by the private merchants. These generalized Zhangzhou Bay (漳州湾) maritime area included two sub-regions as the west part from Nan’ao to Yuegang, and the east part from Xiamen (厦门) to Anhai. After the changing of the sea ban and opening of the maritime trade in Jiajing (嘉靖) period, Yuegang developed to be the most important seaport of legal maritime trade and reached its historical peak in the maritime history. During the alternative period of the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Zheng family maritime trade group (Koxinga, 国姓爷) raised and controlled maritime trade of East Asia, promoting the flourishing of overseas trade of Anhai, Xiamen and Taiwan (台湾). After middle Kangxi (康熙) period, Xiamen seaport continued and replaced the important role of Yuegang seaport in the maritime trade in the South China Sea. The prosperity and cultural change of these seaports in Zhangzhou Bay had promoted the development of traditional handcraft industries for oversea exporting. The maritime export porcelain production in Fujian had been the most important one of these industries during Ming and Qing dynasties. The kilns for these export porcelains developed and represented a trend of concentrating and transferring to

M. Liu (&) The Department of History, Xiamen University, Fujian, China e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_2

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the south and east coast as Quanzhou, Anxi (安溪), Dehua (德化), Yongchun (永春) and other adjacent regions next to the seaports for oversea trade. The arrival of European merchants as a segment of maritime globalization and their active trade with the local people further promoted the prosperous development of export porcelain industry in this region during late Ming and Qing dynasties.

2.1

The Rising of the Maritime Trade in Zhangzhou Bay in Mid-Ming Dynasty and Its Maritime Transportation of Export Porcelains

Besides the Chinese, the maritime merchants from the Ryukyu Kingdom, the Siam Dynasty, Champa and Malacca had been the important participants in the traditional maritime trade network of East Asia since the beginning of Ming Dynasty. They even replaced Chinese maritime traders as the most active ones in Southeast Asia during the period of sea ban of Ming Dynasty. However, archaeological evidence shows that overseas trade on the southeast coast of China did not completely disappear even when the sea ban policy was strictly enforced. The archaeological investigation and excavation in the southeast coast areas of China revealed many kiln sites dating to early and mid Ming Dynasty, such as Anxi (Fig. 2.1), Zhangpu (漳浦) in Fujian, and Dapu (大埔) in Guangdong, where a lot of kilns including imitations of Longquan celadon were discovered. Longquan celadon was the most popular export porcelains from Yuan to mid Ming dynasties. The emergence of industry of Longquan celadon imitations in early and middle Ming Dynasty in the south Fujian and east Guangdong might be considered as the evidence of the rising of private maritime trade during this period. Southeast Asia experienced the important period of Pan-Islamization since the 13th century. As the result of this acculturation, the Islamic cultures distributed widely through the islands of southeast Asia in the 15–16th centuries. Some important Islamic states such as the Malacca Kingdom, Sulu Sultan Kingdom and Mud Kingdom emerged and became the maritime trade centers in this region. Obviously commercial interests were the most important dynamic factor for Muslim merchant emigration to Southeast Asia and cultural interaction with local societies. The arrival of Muslim and Islamic culture in southeast Asia rebuilt a new order for the maritime trade in the South China Sea region and Ming Dynasty was subordinate to this trade network. With the shrinking of official maritime trade of the old period and the attraction of the overseas Islamic trade network, the private business activities as secret smuggling emerged in the coastal areas of Jiangsu (江 苏), Zhejiang (浙江), Fujian and Guangdong provinces since mid-Ming Dynasty. The remote bordering regions in Zhangzhou Bay, including the Wuyu (浯屿) Island of Xiamen, Yuegang and Meiling seaports of Zhangzhou, rose to be the important lairs for the early private business activities. With the secret development of these private maritime businesses, blue and white porcelains of Jingdezhen (景德镇)

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Fig. 2.1 Celadon from Hushang Kiln site of Anxi counuty of Fujian

were exported to the Islamic cultural regions. A large amount of blue and white porcelains of Jingdezhen dating to the Hongzhi (弘治) period were discovered in the Lena Shoal wreck in the Palawan of the Philippines (Goddio et al. 2000) and in the Brunei wreck in the Brunei Sea (Lin 2010: 84–96). Most of these wares are large plates, kettle pots, boxes, bottles, and lidded boxes, all of them are decorated with interlocking flowers of Islamic style. The same style porcelains of mid-Ming Dynasty were excavated in the Penny’s Bay site of Hong Kong (Lam 1989–1992: 79–90) and the ancient seaport sites of southern Fujian as Anhai port (Fig. 2.2). Furthermore, the same style porcelains were also widely unearthed in a series of ancient sites in southeast Asia and west Asia such as Syria, Iran, Turkey, and some other places in East Africa (Carswell 2007: 131). Following the step of Muslim merchants, the European maritime forces had reached east Asian waters and joined the traditional Asian trade network since the beginning of the 16th century. After the opening of new sea routes from west to east as a part of early globalizing navigation, the Portuguese established trade stations at Goa of India and Malacca of Southeast Asia, and then reached to the southeast coast of China. However, in the early period they failed to establish direct trade links officially with the imperial court of Ming Dynasty. They stopped at Shuangyu (双屿) island of Ningbo (宁波) in Zhejiang, Yuegang and Wuyu of Zhangzhou in Fujian, Nan’ao, Shangchuan island (上川岛) and Langbaijiao (浪白礁) in Guangdong, carrying out smuggling trade with Chinese maritime merchants from southeastern China for nearly half a century (Teixeira 1994: 209). Export porcelain

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Fig. 2.2 Jingdezhen porcelains of Mid Ming Dynasty discovered at Anhai port of Fujian

artifacts of this period were discovered at the shipwrecks of Pingtan (平潭) in Fujian, Xisha islands (西沙群岛) (Zhao 2012: 176–178) and Huawanping site (花碗坪遗址) of Shangchuan island (Huang and Huang 2007: 78–88) in Guangdong. The ceramics content of “Xuande” (宣德) shipwreck discovered in the southeast Asian seas (Brown 2009: 155–158) provides direct evidence of these smuggling trade activities of Portuguese merchant ships in East Asia before occupying Macao. Along with these smuggling trades, the Portuguese contacted and cooperated intimately with Chinese private merchants in southeastern China, especially those from Fujian. According to historical documents, “taking the advantage of the southeast monsoon in March and April of each year, the ships of Portuguese merchants tended to Fujian ocean and stopped at the old Wuyu island, they sailed to Yuegang to collect cargoes, or induced the local merchants in Zhangzhou and Quanzhou to trade with them.” (Liao 2009: 87–100) During this period of Portuguese trade at Yuegang and Wuyu, the smuggling transportation channel from Jingdezhen to Yuegang had been created. Encountering with the Portuguese, the private business activities in the southeast coast of China were gradually accumulating in early 16th century. In the border region between Fujian and Guangdong, the pirate maritime groups in Zhangzhou and Chaozhou formed and mastered the trade in the South China Sea (Xu and Xu 2013: 5–13). In this area, Yuegang had gradually developed to be the famous flourishing maritime commercial center during the Chenghua (成化) and Hongzhi periods. Portuguese document also recorded that all of the Chinese junks traded in Malacca came from Zhangzhou in the 16th century (Chen 2017: 86–126). After the revocation of the shipping administration office (Shibosi) (市舶司) in Fujian and Zhejiang in early Jiajing (嘉靖) period, illegal private maritime commerce at

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Haicang, Yuegang and Wuyu in Zhangzhou Bay grew up quickly and became the main bases for foreign trade at that time. The military suppressing on maritime smuggles on southeast coast of China commanded by Zhu Wan (朱纨) of Ming imperial court destroyed most of private maritime trade seaports at Shuangyu, Wuyu and Meiling, while Yuegang survived and existed independently and thrived gradually later. The prosperity of Yuegang prompted the development of the neighboring seaports such as Anhai in the northeast of Zhangzhou Bay in Jiajing period, at which a large number of blue and white porcelains from Jingdezhen were unearthed and showed us the private trade situation of this Blank Period (空白期) controlled by sea ban policy in Ming Dynasty. In addition to the transportation and export of Jingdezhen porcelains during this Blank Period, imitations of Jingdezhen wares had also been produced in the areas not far from these seaports on the southeast coast of China. In the late Ming Dynasty, the porcelain industry of the Zhangzhou Kiln (漳州窑) emerged at Pinghe (平和) and Nanjing (南靖) counties near Yuegang seaport. Some scholars have pointed out that the Zhangzhou Kiln should have started its ceramic industry in Jiajing period and might be related to Portugal’s early smuggling trade at Yuegang and Wuyu seaports. According to the latest kiln sites’ survey, the production of blue and white porcelains of Jiajing period were found in the kiln sites of Zhangzhou, Anxi, and Yongchun (永春) in Fujian, represented by blue and white porcelains decorated with embossed dots in line, simple flowers and birds pattern (Fig. 2.3). Similar style porcelains were also found on the shipwreck of San Isidro in northern Manila (Dizon and Orillaneda 2002: 218–220) and other sites in the Philippines

Fig. 2.3 The early blue and white porcelains from Anxi county of southern Fujian

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Fig. 2.4 The early blue and white porcelains found in Anhai port of southern Fujian

(Aga-Oglu 1963: 7–19) and Indonesia (Adhyatman 1999: 42). The archaeology at Anhai seaport revealed the same things in last few years (Fig. 2.4: 1–2). The early blue and white porcelain wares of south coast of China are probably the imitation of the products of Jingdezhen of the mid-Ming Dynasty, which were also found in Anhai seaport (Fig. 2.4: 3–4). These discovery reveal that the production of blue and white porcelain in south coast of China began as early as the Jiajing period, consisting with the history of early maritime trade of Zhangzhou Bay area as Yuegang and Anhai, during Jiajing period.

2.2

The Flourishing of Yuegang in the Mid and Late Ming Dynasty and Its Exportation of Zhangzhou Kiln Products

In 1567 (the 45th of Jiajing imperial court), Yuegang of Haicheng (海澄) county was officially permitted to engage in maritime trade in the east and west oceans, signing the changing of sea ban policy of Ming Dynasty. As a legal seaport for oversea trade, Yuegang had gradually prospered after then. At that time, Spanish colonized central America and was searching for the new sea route across the Pacific to Asia as a segment of European maritime globalization. After getting and controlling the Philippines in 1571, Spanish founded colony and eastern Asian trading base at Manila, bridging two sides of Pacific by famous Manila galleon navigation. Connecting with Manila galleon trading system, Yuegang became an important trading center for Chinese cargoes exporting to Manila and America for

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more than half a century, based on the traditional navigation system between mainland southeast China and Philippines carried out by the merchants of south Fujian in pre-Ming and early Ming dynasties. The East Asian cargoes of Manila galleon for America and Europe was mainly from mainland southeast China via Yuegang. According to the historical documents, the Spanish merchants had actively encouraged Chinese junks to trade in Manila since the beginning of galleon navigation. The Manila galleon trade across the Pacific was gradually stabilized and flourished continuously for more than half a century, promoting the rising and flourishing of export ceramic kilns around Yuegang in 16–17th centuries. Zhangzhou Kiln porcelains as a substitute for Jingdezhen porcelains made up for the shortage of oversea markets. At the same time when Spanish connected with the Philippines and East Asia market, Portuguese also carried out a large-scale and long-distance global trade based on Macao as the largest commodity distribution center in East Asia then. The Portuguese trade network went north to Japan, south to southeast Asia, and west across the Indian Ocean to Middle East and Europe. The Manila galleon trade was in fact integrated in their trade network of East Asia. It was recorded in the documents that “the textiles products of Far East were mainly shipped to India, Middle East and Europe. The porcelains were mainly traded in southeast Asian seaports such as Champa, Siam, Brunei and Indonesia, more refined ones shipped to India and Persia through the Strait of Hormuz, some of which were also shipped to East Africa, while the best ones were shipped to the market of Lisbon” (Teixeira 1994: 195–219). This information reveals the strategy of Portuguese maritime trade and entre-pot trade controlled by them in Asia. During this early stage of European global trade network, Dutch also involved in east Asian trade competition with Portuguese, Spanish and Chinese maritime merchants of southeast coast of China. In 1609, the Dutch East Indian Company (VOC) opened its first business quarter in Hirado of Japan, then blocked maritime trade at Manila and attacked Macao aiming to control the direct trade with China. Due to the leading role of Zhangzhou Bay in connecting the trade of mainland China with the oversea region, the Dutch also tried to blockade Yuegang. They attacked the Zhongzuosuo (中左所, now Xiamen) which was the gateway of Yuegang at Haicheng county, and pillaged the Chinese junks sailing for the Manila trade. After occupying Dayuan (大员, now Tainan) of Taiwan, the Dutch not only expected Chinese maritime merchants to carry silk and other goods to Dayuan, but also hired Chinese junks to sail to the estuary of Zhangzhou river to purchase their cargoes. Therefore, a new international maritime trade system participated by Chinese merchants, especially those of Zhangzhou in South Fujian, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch and other maritime ethnicities had been established in eastern Asia, northward to Japan, and southward to southeast Asia including Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, and etc. during the 16–17th centuries. In this new maritime cultural order, the oceanic region of Zhangzhou Bay centralized at Yuegang seaport played an important role as the main gateway of the most maritime cargo trade between mainland China and oversea regions. In addition to the traditional ceramic products

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of Jingdezhen, a large number of Zhangzhou Kiln products were exported and transferred to the east and west ocean through this new network. Zhangzhou Kiln was a famous export-oriented ceramic industry rising with the prosperity of Yuegang in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. The imitations of Jingdezhen ceramic artifacts had been main products of Zhangzhou Kiln which distributed mainly in regions of Pinghe and Nanjing counties of Zhangzhou in southern Fujian. The main products of Zhangzhou Kiln included not only blue and white porcelains, but also the enamel-decorated porcelain, plain three-color porcelain, celadon and other kinds of monochrome-glazed porcelain. The main types were large plates, bowls, saucers, boxes, pots, bottles, and etc. The decorative patterns were rich, including the style of heavy strokes drawing line and the paneled pattern as the Kraak style of Jingdezhen (Fig. 2.5) (FJPM 1997: 69–91). Compared with Jingdezhen products, the paste and decoration of the ceramic of Zhangzhou Kiln were much coarser and rasher with low quality. But these imitations of Jingdezhen ceramic provided the important supplement to export porcelain market when Jingdezhen’s production decline because of lack of raw materials, fulfilling great demand of overseas trade after the arrival of European to east Asia. The porcelains discovered at the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck in east of Guangdong were mainly blue-and-white wares of Zhangzhou Kiln (Fig. 2.6) (Sun 2012: 155– 169). This shipwreck was supposed to set sail from Yuegang seaport in the Wanli period. A similar style combination of ceramic cargoes was also discovered at the Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal in the Philippines (Goddio 1988) and Manila galleon shipwreck San Felipe in the southern coast of California (Von der Porten 2001: 1574–1576). Both of their porcelain wares included a group of exquisite porcelains of Jingdezhen of the late Jiajing and early Wanli period, as well as abundant of Zhangzhou coarse wares. Dated to a late period, a large number of Jingdezhen porcelains and Zhangzhou wares characterizing panel pattern decoration were discovered at another Spanish galleon San Diego (1600) in Philippines (Valdes and Diem 1993) and at the shell mounds resident site of aboriginal Indian in Drake’s Bay of California (Shangraw and Von der Porten 1981). These ceramic

Fig. 2.5 Porcelains from Zhangzhou Kiln

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Fig. 2.6 Zhanzhou Kiln wares from Nan’ao No. 1 Shipwreck

materials from shipwrecks sites in both sides of Pacific reveal the history of exportation of the products of Zhangzhou Kiln via Yuegang seaport and Spanish Manila galleon. The ceramic products of Zhanghou Kiln were also discovered at a series of shipwrecks in South China Sea and Atlantic Ocean, showing the maritime trade history related to Portuguese and Dutch navigation. A large number of blue and white porcelains were salvaged from the shipwreck site of the Beijiao No. 3 (北礁 3 号) shipwreck in Xisha (西沙, Paracel) islands, including Jingdezhen products and Zhangzhou wares (CUANMC 2006: 150–185). The majority of the cargo remains of the Binh Thuan shipwreck (1608) in Vietnam consisted of blue and white porcelains and over glazed enamel decorated porcelain of Zhangzhou Kiln (Flecker 2004). A small number of Zhangzhou Kiln products were also identified in some shipwreck sites of VOC, such as the Witte Leeuw (1613) in Atlantic ocean (van der Pijl-Ketel and Kist 1982). The prosperity of Yuegang not only promoted the further export of Jingdezhen porcelain, but also contributed to the rising and flourishing of ceramic industry of Zhangzhou kiln. The exportation of Jingdezhen porcelains was mainly transported through the seaports of Ningbo, Fuzhou and Guangzhou, while according to the

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Anping County Annuals, the Jingdezhen porcelain exported through the seaports of Zhangzhou Bay should have been transferred by Fuzhou. The coarse porcelains products of Zhangzhou Kiln were mainly shipped to the Philippines for Manila galleon trade, and some were transported to southeast Asia via Thailand and Vietnam or northward to Japan. The fine Jingdezhen wares were mainly transported to Middle East and Europe markets. Jingdezhen porcelain characterized by the Kraak style wares had been extremely popular in the European markets and widely used as a luxury good by the upper class society. Although Zhangzhou Kiln porcelain had entered Europe and America through the early global network of maritime trade, they were mainly discovered in Asian regions. A large number of blue and white porcelains and over glazed enamel decorated ceramics of Zhangzhou Kiln were unearthed from the archaeological layers in the urban ruins of Osaka, Nagasaki, Gifu and Hirado in Japan dating from the second half of the 16th to the first half of the 17th century. The excavation of the Hoi An (会安) seaport site of central coast of Vietnam unearthed a large number of Chinese ceramics dating from the end of the 16th to the first half of the 17th century, most of which were the ceramic products of Fujian and Guangdong rather than those of Jingdezhen (Li 2007).

2.3

The Emerging of the New Maritime Order in the Late Ming Dynasty and the Exportation of Jingdezhen Porcelains

At the end of Ming Dynasty, with the rising and developing of the Zheng’s family maritime trade group, a new maritime system emerged in eastern Asia oceanic regions. After Zheng Zhilong (郑芝龙) was recruited by the Ming imperial court in 1630, the maritime trade of Zhangzhou Bay area was monopolized by the Zheng’s group. VOC also gradually replaced Portuguese and Spanish as the main western maritime force dominating the trade in Eastern Asia. Then the main maritime power competition happened between the Dutch and the Zheng’s group, resulting temporarily a new maritime trading order in Eastern Asia. Historical documents revealed the developing and changing of the maritime trade of Zhangzhou Bay region at that time. The Manila galleon cargo trade was always prosperous and was valued by the Zheng’s group. Most of the Chinese junks for Manila did not depart from Yuegang but from Zheng group’s base and hometown Anhai. Xiamen-Anhai region in the eastern part of Zhangzhou Bay had played more important role. The VOC’s historical archives at Batavia also illustrated that Anhai had continued to be the major trading seaport of China in the 1640s and 1660s (Chen 2017). During the process of competition between different maritime powers, Taiwan island had been increasingly important in the eastern Asia maritime trade system. During the early 17th century, VOC occupied Dayuan of Taiwan and built the

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famous Zeelandia castle as a social and economic base for their colony and maritime trade. After the compromise between VOC and the Zheng’s group, more and more maritime merchants of southeast coast of China sailed to Taiwan and transported cargoes across the strait. Both Zheng Zhilong group based at Anhai and Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga) group based at Xiamen were the major suppliers of Chinese cargoes to the Dutch. Eventually, VOC transferred a large amount of Chinese cargoes via Taiwan in global trade system. With the gradually shrinking of Yuegang and the restoration of ceramic industry of Jingdezhen in the late Wanli period, the ceramic industry of Zhangzhou kiln correspondingly declined. Basing on the archaeological investigation and comprehensive research work, Japanese scholars pointed out that the main ceramic industry of Zhangzhou Kiln had lasted for half a century from the end of the 16th to the beginning of the 17th century (1585–1615, 13th–43th of the Wanli reign, Ming Dynasty). From the beginning of the 17th to the mid of the 17th century (the transiting period of Ming and Qing dynasties in China), the maritime ceramic cargo of Zhangzhou Kiln was replaced by the products of Jingdezhen Kiln again (Kenichi 1994). In the late Wanli period, Jingdezhen folk kilns overcame the raw material crisis and obtained the right to exploit and use high quality kaolin clay for porcelain. At the same time, with the stoppage of the official kiln of imperial court, a large number of excellent ceramic craftsmen flowed to the folk kiln of Jingdezhen, prompting the development of folk kiln of Jingdezhen rapidly. Once again, the fine porcelain wares of Jingdezhen replaced those of Zhangzhou as the main components of export porcelains. The quality and decoration complexity of porcelain of Zhangzhou Kiln in Hachcher’s salvaging dating about to 1643 were no longer comparable to its products of the prosperity period (Sheaf and Kilburn 1988), exactly revealing the situation of declination of Zhangzhou kiln. After the stabilization of maritime trade based on Taiwan in the 1630s, the Dutch started a large-scale transportation and exportation of Chinese porcelains. The porcelains sold by VOC consisted mainly of exquisite Jingdezhen porcelain for European trade, while some others “rough porcelain” for inter islands trade in Southeast Asia. Fuzhou (福州), Xiamen and Anhai were the main seaports transporting these fine and rough ceramics to Taiwan for VOC of this period. The Kraak porcelain with paneled pattern decoration was still the favorite of Europeans. The ceramic content from the shipwreck sites as Jiuliang No. 1 (九梁I号) in Pingtan (平 潭) of Fujian, the Wanli shipwreck (Fig. 2.7) and the Hachcher’s salvaging in South China Sea, reveal a “transition period” of Kraak porcelain. The porcelains from these shipwrecks present a different decorative type with Chinese traditional theme pattern as the poetry and human figures, scene of historical stories, landscape of mount and river, and painting of novels and operas, and new types of wares specially adapting to the daily life of Europeans (STUAFJ 2010); (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus 2007). Since the mid-17th century, the export of Chinese ceramics reduced and declined sharply for a series of regional chaos in southeast coast of China such as the retreat of Dutch from Taiwan expelled by Zheng’s group, the civil war between Ming and

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Fig. 2.7 Porcelains from the Wanli Shipwreck

Qing regimes, and the sea ban policy in the early Qing Dynasty. The year 1657 marked the end of the exportation of exquisite Jingdezhen porcelain to European market. After then, VOC turned their focus of ceramic trade to Japan for a period.

2.4

The Maritime Transporting of Porcelain Controlled by the Koxinga Overseas Trade Group in the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

During the alternation period of the Ming and Qing dynasties, the emergence of the Zheng’s family maritime trading group headed by Zheng Zhilong marked the developed peak of private maritime business at Anhai seaport and the decline of Yuegang seaport. In Zheng Chenggong period, both Xiamen and Anhai seaports as the eastern part of the Zhangzhou Bay became more important in the private maritime trade of southeast China. From 1646 to 1658, Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga) inherited the authority of his father Zheng Zhilong in their maritime empire, establishing the economic and military base at Xiamen. Koxinga controlled the maritime trade of southeast coast of China and sent junks to trade with Taiwan, Nagasaki and the other seaports of southeast Asia. He dispatched troops to attack and defeat the Dutch power in

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Taiwan in 1662, founding hereditary kingdom capitalizing at Dayuan (Zeelandia of Dutch and Tainan now) until overthrown by Qing imperial court in 1683. During this period of Zheng’s family kingdom, the overseas trade of southeast coast of China was basically monopolized by Koxinga. Zhengjing (郑经) also inherited his father’s enterprise of overseas trade, keeping maritime trade at Chaoshan (潮汕) of Guangdong, other seaports of Fujian, and Nagasaki of Japan. Both Xiamen and Taiwan were the important relay seaports of their oversea trade. The Donggu (冬古) shipwreck discovered in Dongshan (东山) county of south to Xiamen was identified as a warship of the late period of Zheng’s group (Chen 2001). The porcelains from the site included some pieces of Jingdezhen products of the Kangxi period, several Japanese porcelains and large quantities of ceramics of south Fujian. The most representative wares from the site were two types of blue and white porcelains, one was the plates with pattern of one autumn leaf (Fig. 2.8: 2–4), another was the bowls with pattern of Chinese character writing (Fig. 2.8: 5–7). The similar plates with pattern of one autumn leaf were also found in the Zhucuo (朱厝) and Xiuzhuan (秀篆) kiln sites of Zhao’an (诏安) county, Dongkou (洞口) kiln site of Pinghe county and the Gao’an (高安) kiln site of Hua’an (华安) county in Zhangzhou region (FJPM 1997: sheet 43). The latest archaeological survey shows that they were also produced in Fuchang (福昌), Zhutanei (朱塔内) and Zhuangzao (庄灶) kiln sites in Longjuan (龙涓) township of Anxi county (Fig. 2.9), where were adjacent to Hua’an County of Zhangzhou. The bowls with the pattern of Chinese character writing were also found in the kiln sites of Zhangzhou region, such as the Huotian (火田) kiln of Yunxiao (云霄) county, Wanyaoshan (碗窑山) kiln of Pinghe county, Pingshui (坪水) kiln of Zhangpu (漳浦), and in Zhucuo kiln and Xiuzhuan kiln of Zhao’an county (FJPM 1997: 3, 19, 21–25). In addition to the blue and white products, there were also white glazed ware, brown glazed wares and beige glazed wares collected from the shipwreck site (Fig. 2.8: 8, 11, 12). Some fine white cups and bowls were the typical products of Dehua (Fig. 2.8: 9–10), while other white porcelains and beige glazed wares were also the products of kiln sites in Hua’an and Nanjing (南靖) counties of Zhangzhou. In a word, the porcelain content of the Donggu shipwreck represented the production of the local kiln of the south coast of Fujian in 17th century. Similar combinations of artifacts were also widely discovered in other places of southeast coast of China, Taiwan, Japan, southeast Asia islands, Thailand, Vietnam and the Spanish colonies in Latin America, basically covering the whole scope of the trade network of Zheng’s maritime empire in this period. The blue and white plates with the pattern of one autumn leaf and the bowls with the pattern Chinese character writing were mostly discovered in Taiwan, especially in Tainan (台南) and Kaohsiung (高雄). They were also found in shipwrecks in the coast of Japan and in the sites of Vietnam and Thailand. They were also identified in the shipwreck of Vung Tau, Vietnam, which might sink after 29th year of Kangxi court (1690) (GXMZAR, et al. 2009: X, VIII). Though most of the porcelains from the Vung Tau wreck were Jingdezhen wares of the Kangxi period, the porcelains from

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Fig. 2.8 Porcelains from Donggu shipwreck of Fujian

Fig. 2.9 Porcelains of late Ming and early Qing Dynasty from Anxi Kiln sites

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southern Fujian were also identified, such as the white porcelains of Dehua, the porcelain plates with the pattern of one autumn leaf, the bowls with the pattern of Chinese character writing and the bluish white glazed porcelain of south Fujian, representing the cultural continuation of the ceramic combination of earlier stage. The blue and white bowls with the Ariso design produced in the Japanese Hizen kiln (Fig. 2.8: 1) were also widely distributed in this trade network during this period. Except for the Donggu wreck, it was also found in Tainan, the Hoi An site in central Vietnam and the Ayutthaya ruins of Thailand. After losing access to Chinese porcelains, the Zheng group and the Dutch started to deal in Japanese porcelains instead of Chinese porcelains. Hizen potters in the northwestern part of the Kyushu island began to produce porcelains for east and southeast Asia maritime markets and had been exported to maritime world since the 1640’s. Historical document recorded that a Chinese junk carried “174 straw bags of inferior porcelain” from Nagasaki to Cambodia via Xiamen in 1647 (Yamawaki 1988). Except for VOC, the Zheng’s group had been the most important merchants for the exportation of Japanese porcelains. They transported them mainly to southeast Asia and Japanese porcelains rapidly spread in the Asian markets. Japanese porcelains of this period have been found at archaeological sites in Taiwan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Manila trade for galleon cargo had continued to be valued by the Zheng’s group. According to the archives of Spanish custom of the Philippines, various types of porcelains including Japanese porcelains were imported to Manila by junks sailing from Taiwan and were sold through galleon trade to the Spanish colonies in Americas between 1664 and 1684. Archaeologists have discovered Japanese porcelains in Manila, Cebu City, Mexico City, La Antigua, etc. At these sites, the porcelains from Fujian such as the plates with pattern of one autumn leaf, bowls with the pattern of Chinese character writing and white wares of Dehua, were often discovered together with Japanese porcelains (Nagomi 2006), presenting the same combination as Donggu shipwreck. All of these porcelains from Japan and Fujian should have been imported to Manila via seaports of Xiamen, Anhai, and Tainan. Dehua white porcelains also continued to be exported to overseas regions through Xiamen seaport in this period. The Portuguese, Spanish, British and Dutch had engaged in the transportation of Dehua white porcelains, of which the British had been the most active. In the late period of the Zheng’s kingdom, the trade between Zheng and British developed. From the end of 17th to the beginning of 18th century, the British and French merchants usually purchased tea, raw silk, silk and porcelains from Xiamen and Guangzhou. Xiamen became the main trading seaport with the British at that time. The list of cargoes included in archives of the British East Indian Company recorded that the British merchants had normally carried a large number of Dehua white porcelains when they returned to Europe from Xiamen (Canepa 2012).

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The Developing of Xiamen Seaport in Qing Dynasty and Its Transportation of Porcelains in the South China Sea

In the 23th year Kangxi court (1684), Zheng family kingdom surrendered to the Qing Dynasty and the Qing Empire announced the abolition of the sea ban policy. Then the new customs in four major seaports including Xiamen and Guangzhou were set up for administrating the maritime trade in the southeast coast of China. In the 15th year of Yongzheng court (1727), Xiamen was admitted as the only official seaport of Fujian’s overseas trade, the only national ship ferry across to Taiwan, and one of the legal seaports setting sail for South China sea (Zhuang 2001). At that time of early Qing Dynasty, most of the maritime merchants were from Fujian, and then Guangzhou. Many foreign ships including Spanish galleons were permitted to dock and trade at Xiamen seaport. The rising and developing of Xiamen seaport in Qing Dynasty promoted the change of the ceramic industrial situation of south coast of Fujian. Revolving around the Xiamen seaport, the ceramic industrial center moved eastward from Zhangzhou area to Dehua, forming a vast export ceramic industrial area including Dehua (Fig. 2.10: 1–5), Yongchun, Anxi (Fig. 2.10: 6–10), Hua’an, Nanjing in south of Fujian, and Raoping (饶平), Huilai (惠来), Dapu and Chaozhou in east of Guangdong, etc., flourishing in mid and late Qing Dynasty. Xiamen seaport developed to be the transporting and exporting center of ceramics in southern China. After the rising of the maritime merchants of Zhejiang and Jiangsu and their controlling the oversea trade with Japan, the merchants from Fujian and Guangdong focused more on maritime trade with southeast Asian seaport. Since 1970s, a series of maritime archaeological work were carried out at Xisha islands (Paracel Is.) and a number of shipwreck sites and underwater cultural relics were discovered, showing the navigation history from the Southern Dynasties (南朝) to Ming and Qing dynasties. Most of these cultural relics were blue and white porcelains dating to the mid and late Qing Dynasty, spreading at each one of the Xiasha islands and representing the flourish of commercial navigation across this region (Fig. 2.11; Liu 2012). The style of the blue and white porcelains from these sites were similar and most of them were inferior. The most common decoration patterns are dragon with cloud, flying phoenix, character “Shou (寿, longevity)” writing pattern, flowers of magic fungus, plucked branches flower, pavilions architecture, sailing boats, landscape, poetry and so on. Except for a few products of Jingdezhen Kiln, most of them are identified as the products of Dehua, Dongxi, Anxi kilns of southern Fujian and some kilns of Eastern Guangdong.

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Fig. 2.10 Porcelains of mid and late Qing dynasty from kiln sites of Dehua, and Anxi. 1–5, Dehua; 6–10, Anxi

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Fig. 2.11 Porcelains from the shipwreck of Xisha Islands

References Adhyatman, S. (1999). Zhangzhou (Swatow) ceramics: Sixteenth to seventeenth centuries found in Indonesia. Jakarta: The Ceramic Society of Indonesia. Aga-Oglu, K., (1963). Ming porcelain from sites in the Philippines. Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, (Vol. 17). New York: Chinese Art Society of America. Brown, R. M. (2009). The ming gap and shipwreck ceramics in Southeast China: Towards a chronology of Thai trade ware. Bangkok: The Siam Society under Royal Patronage. Canepa, T., (2012). Dehua white porcelain trade in Europe and new world from the end of the 17th century to the early 18th century. Fujian Relics and Museology:4 (Shiqi Shijimo zhi Shiba Shijichu Ouzhou ji Xinshijie de Dehua Baici Maoyi, 《17世纪末*18世纪初欧洲及新世界 的德化白瓷贸易》 (第一部分),Fujian Wenbo, 《福建文博》, 2012 年第 4 期). Carswell, John. (2007). Blue and white: Chinese porcelain around the world. London: British Museum Press. CUANMC (Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China). (2006). The discoveries of underwater archaeological investigations in Xisha Islands (1998–1999). Beijing: Science Press (Xisha Shuixia Kaogu, 《西沙水下考古 (1998–1999)》, Kexue Chubanshe, 科学出版社). Chen, B., 陈博翼. (2017). From Yuegang to Anhai: Port transfer in the context of Pan-Piracy order and Spanish-Dutch conflict. Global History Review, 12. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press (Cong Yuegang Dao Anhai: Fan Haikou Zhixu yu Hexi Chongtu Beijingxia de Gangkou Zhuanyi, 《从月港到安海:泛海寇秩序与西荷冲突背景下的港口转移》, in Quanqiushi Pinglun, 《全球史评论》第 12 辑, Zhongguo Sheke Wenxian Chubanshe, 中国社科文献 出版社). Chen, L., 陈立群. (2001). Preliminary study on the ruins of Donggu Shipwreck in Dongshan Island. Fujian Relics and Museology (Vol. 1) (Dongshandao Donggu Chenchuan Yizhi Chutan 《东山岛冬古沉船遗址初探》, Fujian Wenbo, 《福建文博》2001年第1期). Dizon, E., & Orillaneda, R. (2002). Ming blue and whites found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In Y. Xuehua (Ed.), Yuan and Ming blue and white wares from Jiangxi. Hong Kong: The Art Museum of Chinese University of Hong Kong, jointly presented by Jiangxi Provincial Museum (in Jiangxi Yuanming Qinghuaci, 《江西元明青花瓷》, Xianggang Zhongwen Daxue, 香港中文大学).

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Flecker, M. (2004). The Binh Thuan shipwreck archaeological report. Melbourne: Christie’s Australia. FJPM (Fujian Provincial Museum). (1997). Zhangzhou Kilns. Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House (Zhangzhou Yao 《漳州窑》, Fujina Renmin Chubanshe 福建人民出版社). Goddio, F. (1988). Discovery and archaeological excavation of a 16th century trading vessel in the Philippines. Manila: Kyodo Printing Co., Inc. Goddio, F., Pierson, S., & Crick, M. (2000). Sunken treasures: Fifteenth century Chinese ceramics from the Lena Cargo. London: Periplus Publishing London Limited. GXMZAR (Guangxi Museum of Zhuang Autonomuous Region of China), GXPICRA (Guangxi Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology of China), VNNMH (Vietnam National Museum of History). (2009). Heritage of Marine Silk Road-Shipwreck chinawares in Vietam. Beijing: Science Press (Haishang Sichou Zhilu Yizhen——Yuenan Chushui Taoci, 《海上丝 绸之路遗珍——越南出水陶瓷》, Kexue Chubanshe, 科学出版社). Huang, W., 黄薇, Huang, Q., 黄清华. (2007). The porcelains excavated from Hua Wanping Site, Shangchuan Island, Guangdong Province. Cultural Relics (Vol. 5). (Guangdong Taishan Shangchuandao Huawanping Yizhi Chutu Ciqi ji Xiangguan Wenti, 《广东台山上川岛花碗 坪遗址出土瓷器及相关问题》, in Wenwu, 《文物》, 2007 年第 5 期). Kenichi, M. (1994). Zhangzhou Kiln Products (Swatowware) age and significance, in Fujian Archaeological Society, Fujian Provincial Museum co-editor. Research on unearthed of late Ming and Early Qing Dynasty of Fujian Coastal Trade Ceramics of Zhangzhou Kiln, Blue and White Porcelain and Red Painted Porcelain, and on Unearthed China SWATOW of Japan. (Zhangzhou Yaoxi Zhipin Shantouci de Niandai yu Yiyi, 《漳州窑系制品 (汕头瓷)的年代与 意义》, in Mingmo Qingchu Fujian Yanhai Maoyi Taoci de Yanjiu——Zhangzhouyao Chutu Qingha, Chihuici yu Riben Chutu Zhongguo Waixiao Swatow Lunwenji, 《明末清初福建沿 海贸易陶瓷的研究——漳州窑出土青花、赤绘瓷与日本出土中国外销swatow论文集》, Fujiansheng Bowuguan, Fujiansheng Kaogu Bowuguan Xuehui, Xitian Jinian Jijin,福建省博 物馆, 福建省考古博物馆学会, 西田纪念基金). Lam, P. Y. K. (1989–1992). Ceramic finds of the Ming Period from Penny’s Bay—An Addendum. Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, 13. Liao, D., 廖大珂. (2009). The Zhu Wan event and the marine trading system of East Asia. Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy, Vol. 2. (Zhuwan Shijian yu Dongya Haishang Maoyi de Xingcheng 《朱纨事件与东亚海上贸易体系的形成》, in Wenshizhen 《文史哲》 2009 年 第 2 期). Li, J., 栗建安. (2007). Study on the production and distribution of ancient blue and white porcelains in Fujian from archaeological discoveries. In H. Zhang & L. Wang (Eds.), Research on Chinese ancient ceramics, 13. Beijing: Forbidden City Press (Cong Kaogu Faxian Kan Fujian Gudai Qinghuaci de Shengchan yu Liutong, 《从考古发现看福建古代青花瓷的生产 与流通》, in Zhongguo Gutaoci Yanjiu 《中国古陶瓷研究》(第13辑), Zijincheng Chubanshe紫禁城出版社). Lin, M., 林梅村. (2010). Cultural and exchange between East and West in the age of exploration-A survey of the export of blue and white porcelains from Jingdezhen in the 15th and 16th centuries. Cultural Relics, Vol. 3. (Dahanghai Shidai Dongxi Wenming de Jiaoliu yu Chongtu——Shiwu zhi Shiliu Shiji JingdezhenQinghuaci Waixiao Diaocha Zhiyi, 《大航海 时代东西文明的交流与冲突——15—16 世纪景德镇青花瓷外销调查之一》, in Wenwu, 《文物》, 2010 年 第 3 期). Liu, M., 刘淼. (2012). Trade of the South China sea in Qin dynasty based on underwater porcelain in Fujian, in Chinese ancient ceramics society editor. The Research of Export Procelain and Color Glazed Porcelain. Beijing: Forbidden City Press (Cong Xisha Chenchuan Ciqi Kan Qingdai de Nanhai Maoyi, 《从西沙沉船瓷器看清代的南海贸易》, in Zhongguo Gutaoci Yanjiu Jicong: Waixiao Ciqi yu Yanseyou Ciqi Yanjiu, 《中国古陶瓷研究辑丛:外销瓷器与 颜色釉瓷器研究》, Gugong Chubanshe, 故宫出版社). Nagomi, T. (2006). On Hizen Porcelain and the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin, Vol. 26.

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Shangraw, C., & Von der Porten, E. P. (1981). The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’ Chinese porcelains at Drakes Bay, California, 1579 and 1595. Santa Rosa and Palo Alto, CA: Santa Rosa Junior College and Drake Navigators Guild. Sheaf, C., & Kilburn, R. (1988). The Hatcher porcelain Cargoes. Oxford: Phaidon Press. Sjostrand, S., & Syed Idrus, Sharipah Lok Lok bt. (2007). The Wanli Shipwreck and its ceramic cargo. Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage Malaysia. Sun, J., 孙健. (2012). A preliminary research on the Nanao No.1 Shipwreck in Guangdong province and related oversea maritime trade of Ming Dynasty in Southeastern China. In C. Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China. Beijing: Science Press (Guangdong Nan’aoyihao Mingdai Chenchuan he Dongnan Diqu Haiwai Maoyi 《广东南澳一号明代沉船和东南地区海外贸易》, in Haiyang Yichan yu Kaogu 《海洋遗 产与考古》, Kexue Chubanshe 科学出版社). Teixeira, P. M. (1994). A Porcelana No Comércio Luso-Chinês. In Z. Wu (Ed. ), International Symposium on East-West Cultural Interflow. Macao: Macau Foundation (Zhongpu Maoyizhong de Ciqi, 《中葡贸易中的瓷器》, in Dongxifang Wenhua Jiaoliu Guoji Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenxuan, 《东西方文化交流国际学术研讨会论文选》, Aomen Jijinhui, 澳门基金会). STUAFJ (The Survey Team of Underwater Archaeological in Fujian). (2010). Brief report of underwater archaeological survey of the Jiu Liang I Shipwrecks at Pingtan, Fujian. Fujian Relics and Museology, Vol.1. (Fujian Pingtan Jiuliang Yihao Chenchuan Yizhi Shuixia Kaogu Diaocha Jianbao, 《福建平潭九梁一号沉船遗址水下考古调查简报》, in Fujian Weno 《福建文博》 2010 年第 1 期). Valdes, C. O., & Diem, A. I. (1993). Saga of the San Diego (AD 1600). Manila: National Museum, Inc., Philippines. van der Pijl-Ketel, C. L., & Kist, J. B. (1982). The ceramic load of the “Witte Leeuw” (1613). Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum. Von der Porten, E. P. (2001). Manila Galleon Porcelains on the American West Coast, Taoci, Vol. 2. Xu, X., 徐晓望, Xu, S., 徐思远. (2013). Marine culture in Ming and Qing dynasties and the formation of Taiwan’s Marine economy. Journal of Fuzhou University (Philosophy and Social Sciences), Vol. 1. (Lun Mingqing Minyue Haiyang Wenhua yu Taiwan Haiyang Jingji de Xingcheng, 《论明清闽粤海洋文化与台湾海洋经济的形成》, Fuzhou Daxue Xuebao (Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban), 《福州大学学报》 (哲学社会科学版), 2013 年第 1 期). Yamawaki, T. (1988). To, Ran sen no Imari yushutsu (The Export of Imari by Chinese and Dutch Ships) in Arita Choshi Hensan Iinkai. Arita Choshi Shogyo Hen (The History of Arita-cho Volume on Business). Zhao, J., 赵家斌. (2012). The new discoveries of underwater archaeological investigation in Xisha Islands Region in 2009–2010. In C. Wu (Ed.), Maritime culture heritage and archaeology in seas surrounding China. Beijing: Science Press (Xishaqundao Shuixia Kaogu Xinshouhuo, 《西沙群岛水下考古新收获》, in Haiyang Yichan yu Kaogu 《海洋遗产与考古》, Kexue Chubanshe, 科学出版社). Zhuang, G., 庄国土. (2001). The cause of dominance of the Maritime Merchants from South Fujian over Overseas Chinese Merchant network from 17th to 19th centuries. Southeast Academic Research, Vol.3. (Lun 17–19 Siji Minnan Haishang Zhudao Haiwai Huashang Wangluo de Yuanyin, 《论17——19世纪闽南海商主导海外华商网络的原因》, Dongnan Xueshu, 《东南学术》 2001 年第 3 期).

Chapter 3

The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck in Guangdong Chunshui Zhou

The Nan’ao (南澳) No. I shipwreck was discovered in Sandianjing (三点金, three point golden island) by local fishermen when they were trawling in the sea area where they salvaged a batch of ancient ceramics. The Guangdong Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (GDPICRA) carried out a diving inspection and located the shipwreck site after 800 pieces of ceramic were collected from the site. The UCUHC and GDPICRA co-organized a systematic underwater archaeological program to rescue and protect the shipwreck heritage in 2010–2012. Most of the cargo remains were collected and hull remain of the shipwreck was preserved and protected at the original situ underwater (GDPICRA et al. 2011; Cui and Zhou 2013). As a maritime trade junk wrecked in the waters of Nan’ao Island in Shantou (汕 头) City during the Wanli (万历) period of the Ming Dynasty, the shipwreck site is located to the southeastern coast of Nan’ao Island, being sandwiched among Guanyu (官屿), Wuyu (乌屿), and Sandianjing (三点金) islands. The shipwreck was buried next to a submerged reef, about 19–30 m underwater with complicated seabed topography. The shipwreck was located exactly at a relatively low basin seabed surrounded by a circle of underwater reef where it was buried by sandy sediments, the thickness of which was 1.3–2.1 m. Nan’ao Island is located on the coastal nautical route of southeastern China, where the navigation has flourished since ancient period. This region was signed as Nanyueshan (南粤山, Southern Guangdong Mountain) in the famous Zhenghe’s Nautical Chart (Zhenghe Hanghai Tu, 郑和航海图) of Ming Dynasty, where had been the ideal anchorage for the seafaring boats. The situ was also recorded in the Two Compass Charts for Navigation (Liangzhong Haidao Zhenjing, 两种海道针 经) as “Nan’ao” from where a few of sea routes started or passed by. Many islands and submerged reefs distribute around Nan’ao Island, which was one of the most C. Zhou (&) National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_3

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important reasons of unfortunate wrecking accident. Another shipwreck of Song Dynasty or Yuan Dynasty was also investigated in this region less than one kilometer away from Nan’ao No. I shipwreck.

3.1

The Remnants of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck Site

The pre-disturbance survey showed that a small quantity of ceramic artifacts and several pieces of concretion scattering on the surface of the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck site. After three years’ underwater archaeological excavation by pumping the sandy and silty sediments, the hull remain of Nan’ao No. I shipwreck, which reclined on the sandy seabed and being shallowly buried by sandy layers was uncovered. The remain of the hull structure lies from north to south underwater, with bow in the north and stern in the south, tilting 8°–13° from west to east. The hull is 24.85 m long from bow to stern with 24 bulkheads, forming 25 watertight compartments (holds or cabins), each of which measures 80–100 cm in length. These bulkheads are signed archaeologically as N1–N18 from back-center to front part (north) and S1–S6 from back-center to rear part (south) according to the successive uncovering underwater. The widest bulkhead is N5, which lies in the middle of the boat, with a residual width of 7.5 m. N5 is also the deepest compartment with more than 1 m deep (Fig. 3.1). This hull structure presents the maximum and the most concentrated compartments in ancient shipwrecks that have been discovered in China.

3.1.1

The Discovery of Wooden Hull Structure

For the reason of the difficulty of working inside the narrow compartment and the obstacle of the large concretion on the surface of the site, the underwater excavation of sandy and silty mud sediment on the wreck hull has not completely done to the bottom of the compartments. But the excavation shows us well the wooden hull composition and structural elements inside the holds of the vessel. The hold was formed by the cross rib, bulkhead, bottom plank and side plank, attached timer on the bottom plank. Taking compartment N11 for example, it is 90 cm deep, 449 cm wide and 92 cm long (the distance between two bulkheads). The arc-shaped rib is closely clung between the bottom\side plank and the bulkhead. Two log beams are attached respectively next to the front and back bulkheads at the bottom of plank, on which a thin timber is put to be a plain floor of the compartment. This compartment is filled with various of pottery pots, some of them are loaded with fruits remain such as rhizoma smilacis glabrae. The stern compartment is located in S6. The stern board is slanted to the rear (south). Two square timbers are longitudinally fixed to the middle of the bottom plank with 1 m distance, which is used to fix the rudder.

3 The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of Nan’ao …

Fig. 3.1 Plan of the remnant Nan’ao No. I shipwreck

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The timbers are jointed together by laps and nails. The bulkheads are made up of 2 or 3 layers’ of timber lap jointing together by iron nails, each piece of timber is 30 cm high and 10 cm thick. The timbers of stern board in the cabin S6 are jointed along the beveled edge and fastened by the iron nails with the distance of 15– 25 cm. The mast step is located in compartment N10 as the remain of topmast, which is made up of mast splint and mast seat. The mast splint is shaped as two pieces of erect planks and with an interval gap of 26 cm. Each splint is 70 cm high, 50 cm wide and 20 cm thick. There are round holes at the upper end of the splint for rigging the mast, and mortise structure at the lower end for inserting the mast seat. The mast seat was buried and covered mostly by the concretion sediment, which can be figured as a piece of rectangular plank with 211 cm long, 40 cm wide and 35 cm thick. According to the location of the topmast and the depth of each compartments, the remain of the hull structure at situ is identified as the lower part of the right side of the boat, which could be one third of the original structure. The deepest compartment remaining was about 1 m deep, being the lower part of the hull below the waterline.

Fig. 3.2 Porcelains loaded in the compartment at the situ

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The Distribution of the Loaded Cargo

The distribution of the artifacts inside the compartments shows us the information of the seamen’s preference of loading cargo on the boat. The compartments uncovered were full of different types of cargoes, showing the seamen’s intention of both loading cargo as much as possible and of increasing the vessel stability in sailing. Among them were large blue and white porcelain plates, several iron cannons and some commodities which the crew loaded in the middle compartments of the boat. The pottery pots full of various kinds of food and fruit as rhizoma smilacis glabrae, as well as sets of small ceramic bowls and plates were held in front compartments of the boat. The iron cooking pots and kitchen utensils were discovered in the back compartments. The artifacts were held tightly inside the compartments. The plates, bowls, dishes etc. were stacked tightly together according to their same size and same shape (Fig. 3.2), piled up by different layers in which the thin planks were set to separate them. The large pottery pots were usually filled with small ceramic plates, bowls, bronze coins, small ornaments artifacts, fruits and food, resulting that the entire compartment were full with different cargoes with no more surplus room. Anyway, some artifacts were loaded randomly, as some heavy artifacts such as copper ingots and iron pots were uncovered inside the heap of porcelain plates.

Fig. 3.3 The collection of porcelains from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck

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Fig. 3.4 A dark reddish brown glazed pottery jar with pasted phoenix design

3.2 3.2.1

Category and Content of the Artifacts Category of the Artifacts

A total of 27,000 pieces of artifacts, including porcelain, pottery, metal and others, were collected from the situ during the pre-disturbance investigation and excavation. The majority of the remains are porcelains with various types of the products of Zhangzhou (漳州) kiln, Jingdezhen (景德镇) kiln and other kilns in southern Fujian and northern Guangdong (Fig. 3.3). Most of the porcelain are blue and white, while a small amount of other include Wucai (五彩, polychrome or five colors glazed) porcelain, dark celadon (dark bluish grey), white celadon (light bluish blue), mazarine blue, black glaze and etc. The shapes of them are plate, bowl, jar, cup, dish, powder box, small bowl, bottle, kettle and so on. The patterns of decoration includes flowers, animals, human figures, Chinese characters, Bagua (八 卦, Eight Trigram), bow string pattern, treasure design and so on. The usual

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Chinese characters written on the bottom of ceramic wares are Fu (福, fortune), Shou (寿, longevity), Wan Fu You Tong (万福攸同, all best wishes), Fu Gui Jia Qi (富贵佳器, the best ware for rich and honour), Da Ming Nian Zao (大明年造, Made in Ming Dynasty), and so on. The pottery is the second largest amount of artifacts collected from the situ which includes different kinds of pots, urns, bottles, small bowls, and so on. The most distinctive pottery wares are the big jars pasted with dragon and phoenix patterns at the exterior belly, carved with fine and dense line marks of dragon scales, phoenix wings and water waves (Fig. 3.4). The metal artifacts are the third important content of the shipwreck remain, which includes not only household necessities, but also raw materials, weapons and coins. They are bronze coins, copper ingots, copper coils, copper locks, iron cannons, iron cooking pots, tin boxes, lead hammers and so on. The bronze coins amount to 27,000 pieces. Other artifacts collected from the shipwreck include stone pestles, wooden weigh beams, bone combs, lacquer boards, and ore material beads. The tubular beads amount to 29,000 pieces. Besides, a series of organic food and fruit remains were also found, including bacon, walnut, chestnut, olive, longan, litchi, dried fruit, fennel, tea, and so on (Cui and Zhou 2014).

Fig. 3.5 Zhangzhou wares from the Nan’ao I shipwreck. 1–3: plate, 4: saucer, 5: jar, 6: small pot, 7: bottle

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Important Types of Export Porcelain

The most important types of export ceramic collected from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck include plates, bowls, cups, dishes, boxes and jars (Figs. 3.5 and 3.6). Plate is the most representative type of porcelain ware collected from the site, of which 90% are the products of Zhangzhou kiln. The porcelain plates of Zhangzhou kiln include two specifications with different calibers of mouth edge of 32 and 26 cm in diameter, the decorating patterns are chrysanthemum, lotus, peony, graceful ladies, recluse, Kirin (麒麟, lucky animal in ancient Chinese legend), dragon, phoenix and Chinese characters in the centre of the plates, circling with wave pattern out of the central pattern. Four flower sprays patterns are usual drawn on the inner and outer belly of the plate. The rhomboid pattern or the interlocking flowers pattern are decorated on the edge of plates. The porcelain plates from Jingdezhen kiln are mostly folding edge with small caliber of mouth edge of 19 cm in diameter and low in body. The decorating patterns in the center of the plates include Dan Feng Chao Yang (丹凤朝阳, phoenix facing the sunlight), landscape with tree, rock and rail, fish and aquatic weed, Feng Hou Jue Lu (蜂猴鹊鹿 bee, monkey, magpie and deer, pronouncing similarity to the high grade official position and high income in Chinese characters as封侯爵禄). The mouth edge are usually decorated with treasure designs or cross stripes of brocade pattern. There are

Fig. 3.6 Jingdezhen wares from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck. 1–3: plate, 4–6: bowl, 7: cup, 8: saucer, 9, 10: powder box

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interlocking floral designs on the outer belly and Chinese characters on the outer bottom of the plates. Most of the bowls are wares of Jingdezhen kiln, including blue and white porcelain and a small amount of Wucai, mazarine blue and white glaze, typologically varying in size as large, medium and small calibers in diameter of mouth edge. The patterns of blue and white porcelain are very exquisite and rich in content, such as dragon, phoenix, pines and deers, recluses, playing boys, flowers and birds, grapes, fish and aquatic weeds, Bagua (八卦, Eight Trigram), Panchi (蟠螭, early pattern of dragon) and so on. There are also Chinese characters or square monogrammed marks on the outer bottom of the bowls. Panel decoration with pond and lotus are used in the Wucai porcelain bowls from Jingdezhen. A small quantity of porcelain bowls from Zhangzhou kiln are also uncovered, characterizing of thick paste. The blue and white porcelain bowls of Zhangzhou kiln are decorated with chrysanthemum petals, flower sprays, interlocking flowers on the outer belly of the ware. A small number of white glazed bowls from Zhangzhou kiln are also found. A batch of exquisite powder boxes from Jingdezhen kiln are collected from the site, mostly are blue and white porcelains, and there are also a small amount of Wucai porcelain. The covers of the boxes are the focus of the decorative part, which are painted with flowers and birds, flowers and plants, seawater and fishes, Bagua (八卦 Eight Trigram), Chinese characters and so on. The Wucai boxes with high quality are of panel decoration, some of which are decorated with gold tracery. Most of the jars are from Zhangzhou kiln, including large and small ones. The large jars, represented by the blue and white porcelain decorated with interlocking floral design, are composited together of three parts as mouth, belly and bottom after they were moulded respectively. The small blue and white jars are decorated with interlocking floral pattern, flower sprays pattern, scroll grass pattern and so on. Some of white glaze jars are undecorated, without any patterns. Most of the cups and dishes are from Jingdezhen kiln. The themes of their decorative patterns are almost the same as those on the bowls, including patterns of birds and flower, high grade official Figures, Kirin designs, flowers and plants, and so on. A batch of small dishes with chrysanthemum pattern from Zhangzhou kiln are also found.

3.2.3

Origins of the Porcelains of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck

The blue and white porcelains collected from the shipwreck present typical characteristic of early Wanli (万历) period (late of 16th century) of Ming Dynasty. The fieldwork archaeology on the kiln sites and typological comparison revealed that these artifacts had been the products respectively of Erlong (二垅) kiln in Wuzhai (五寨) village of Pinghe (平和) County, Zhangzhou city, and Guanyinge (观音阁) kiln in Jingdezhen (Song 2014). The blue and white porcelains of Zhangzhou kiln are characterized with thick rough paste with obvious palm eye on the surface and sandy foot at the bottom,

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Fig. 3.7 Comparison of the blue and white porcelains between the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck and Erlong Kiln in Zhangzhou. 1–3: Porcelains from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck, 4, 5: Porcelains from Erlong Kiln

Fig. 3.8 Comparison of the blue and white porcelains between the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck and Guanyinge Kiln site of Jingdezhen. 1–4: Porcelains from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck, 5–8: Porcelains from Guanyinge Kiln site

known as “sandy foot wares” in the study of exported ceramics. This group of porcelains have also been misunderstood as the kiln products in somewhere in Shantou (汕头) city which are known as “Santow wares”. These wares had usually

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been made roughly in shaping, decorating and firing, leaving broken cracks on the surface of bottom of the large plate and uneven firing in the paste of the ware. The decoration patterns are casually designed and dully colored. The patterns include peony, chrysanthemum, lotus, graceful ladies, recluse, playing boys, Kirin, dragon, phoenix, swimming fishes and some Chinese characters (Fig. 3.7). The number of Jingdezhen kiln wares is far less than that of Zhangzhou kiln, which, however, are the most exquisite wares from the site. They are characterized with light, thin and white paste, well covered glassy glaze. They had been neatly shaped and the usual types are small artifacts such as bowls, dishes and cups. The decoration patterns of blue and white are bright and beautiful with different types of landscape, human figures, flowers, animals and treasure designs that are surrounded by cloud and thunder, water wave, cross, rhombic and etc. The Chinese characters inscriptions usually present at the bottom of these wares, such as Wan Fu You Tong (万福攸同, all best wishes), Fu Gui Jia Qi (富贵佳器, the best ware for rich and honour), Chang Ming Fu Gui (长命富贵, best wishes for long live and rich and honour), Da Ming Nian Zao (大明年造, Made in Ming Dynasty), Da Ming Xuande Nian Zhi (大明宣德年制, Made in Xuande period of Ming Dynasty), Da Ming Jiajing Nian Zhi (大明嘉靖年制, Made in Jiajing period of Ming Dynasty) (Fig. 3.8). A small amount of Wucai porcelain bowls and powder boxes of Jingdezhen kiln present panel pattern decoration with gold tracery. These artifacts had been well and neatly made, with four or six round panel patterns which decorated with flower sprays, pendant and string beads (Fig. 3.9). These artifacts are the only discovery of panel pattern decoration in the site and they belong to an earlier period of the content. The porcelains of both Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen kilns collected from the Nan’ao No. I shipwreck present typical characteristic of early Wanli (万历, AD

Fig. 3.9 A Wucai bowl painted with four panels of egret and lotus from Nan’ao No. I shipwreck site

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1572–1620) period of Ming Dynasty, dating to the late of 16th century, which basically coincide with the blue and white porcelains found in Manila galleon shipwreck San Diego (1600) in Philippines.

3.3 3.3.1

Discussions Analysis on the Hull Structure of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck

According to the archaeological materials, ancient wooden junk of Song and Yuan dynasties discovered in coastal regions of China are characterized with an interior structure of fewer big size compartments, such as the Quanzhou (泉州) shipwreck of Song Dynasty (QZMMF 1987), No. I shipwreck of South China Sea (南海一号) of Song Dynasty (Sun 2016), No. 1 shipwreck at Huaguangjiao 华光礁 Island of Yuan dynasty (UARCNMC and HNPOCRP 2006), No. 1 shipwreck at Daliandao (大练岛) island of Yuan dynasty (UARCNMC et al. 2014), No. 1 shipwreck at Banyangjiao (半洋礁) island of Yuan dynasty (Yang 2012), Xiangshan (象山) shipwreck of Ming dynasty (NPMICRA and XSCCRPO 1998), No. I and No. II shipwrecks at Penglai of Yuan Dynasty (SDPICRA et al. 2006). All of these ships present 13–15 compartments, each of which is bigger than 1 m long, constructed by the rib frames and bulkhead plates. Nan’ao No. I shipwreck presents a new structure of holding compartments that are different from that of the traditional Chinese junks before Ming Dynasty. The hull remnant is 24.85 m long with 24 bulkhead plates forming 25 watertight compartments (holds or cabins), each of which measures less than 1 m. This is characterized by the dense and concentrated compartments constructed by the keel, cross rib frames, bulkheads board and longitudinal planks. The characteristic of the hull structure of Nan’ao No. I shipwreck also presents in some other shipwreck cases as Wanjiao (碗礁) No. I shipwreck of Qing dynasty in Pingtang of Fujian (Zhang 2012; Zhao 2012), Xiaobaijiao (小白礁) No. I shipwreck of Qing Dynasty in Ningbo (Lin et al. 2011), and etc. The hull remnant of Wanjiao shipwreck is 13.8 m long with 16 compartments. Xiaobaijiao shipwreck remains is 20.35 m long with 24 compartments. The structure of the denser and stronger rib frames and concentrated compartments of these shipwrecks of late Ming and Qing dynasties present an improvement of the shipbuilding technique in ancient China. The denser rib frames could be stronger to support the hull planks and the reinforcing function of the bulkheads declined. So the boards of bulkhead were set as flexible and movable, by which the compartments could be adjusted according to the volume of loaded cargoes. The origin of this improvement of ancient Chinese shipbuilding is interesting and valuable for further study. The international technical exchange of shipbuilding between the East and the West could be an important aspect for investigation.

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The Transportation of Jingdezhen Exported Porcelains on Perspective of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck

After the Longqing (隆庆) period (AD 1567–1572) in Ming Dynasty, the Yuegang (月港, cresent) seaport of Zhangzhou was officially authorized as the only seaport for legal international trade during the sea ban of Ming Dynasty. The Nan’ao No. I shipwreck which had been loaded a great amount of exported ceramic of Jingdezhen kiln was located at sea region not far from the south of Zhangzhou and identified as originated from Yuegang seaport. The contents of this shipwreck show us important information of the maritime transportation of Jingdezhen ceramics by Zhangzhou seaport. Jingdezhen situates in the hinterland of China, from which the porcelains should be transported to the coastal seaports in Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong before exporting to oversea countries during ancient times. The traditional routes for the transportation of Jingdezhen ceramic included three routes from Poyang Lake (鄱 阳湖) water system to coastal region of southeast China (Peng 2011). The first route was to Fuzhou (福州) seaport in the estuary of Minjiang river. This route went upstream along Xinjiang (信江) river as a branch of Poyang Lake, turned south and got to upper reaches of Mingjiang (闽江) river system by Dahu Pass (打虎关) at the boundary of Jiangxi and Fujian provinces, then went downstream from Minjiang river to Fuzhou seaport. The second route was to Ningbo (宁波) seaport in the estuary of Qiantangjiang (钱塘江) river, which went eastward along Xinjiang River to Hekou (河口) town in Qianshan (铅山) county, then by land road to the cities of Quzhou (衢州) and Jinhua (金华) in the upper reaches of Fuchunjiang (富春江) River, went downstream of the river to the lower reach of Qiantangjiang and got to Ningbo. The third route was to Guangzhou (广州) seaport in the estuary of Pearl River Delta. This route went upstream of Ganjiang (赣江) river and reached Dayu (大余) county, crossed the Meiguan (梅关) Pass at the boundary of Jiangxi and Guangdong provinces, entered Beijiang (北江) river as upper reaches of Pearl River and went from the river to Foshan (佛山) city and Guangzhou. These traditional outbound routes system of Jiangxi developed for hundreds of years from North Song to Qing dynasties, were the main transportation ways for outbound exported porcelains of Jingdezhen. After the rising of Yuegang as the main legal seaport for international maritime trade during sea ban period of Ming Dynasty, another outbound route of Jingdezhen to Yuegang region which connected with Nan’ao island developed. The new routes set from Poyang Lake and went upstream along Fuhe (抚河) river to Guangchang (广昌) county, then decentralized into three subways. The first one went through Ninghua (宁化) and Zhangping (漳平) counties, entered the upper reaches of Jiulongjiang (九龙江) river and flowed downward to Yuegang seaport at the estuary of Jiulongjiang. The second one went to Changting (长汀) county, entered Tingjiang (汀江) river and flowed downstream the Hangjiang (韩江) river to Nan’ao island. The third one went through Ningdu (宁都), Huichang (会昌), Wuping (武平) and Zhenping (镇平) counties, entered and flowed downward to

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Hanjiang River (Xue and Liu 1995). A large amount of high quality exported porcelains have been investigated in the tombs sites of Guangchang, Huichang and Ningdu counties along these outbound routes, showing the transportation history of Jingdezhen exported ceramic to the coast of Yuegang during Wanli (万历, AD 1572–1620) period (Yao 1990; Xue and Liu 1985; JXPCRT 1982). This new transportation lasted for half century till the early 17th century when Yuegang seaport declined after another sea ban period of early Qing Dynasty for against Zheng Chenhgong’s (郑成功, Koxinga) maritime group in southeastern coast of China. After then, the Jingdezhen exported porcelains were transported along the traditional outbound routes again to other seaports such as Canton (广州, Guangzhou), Fuzhou and Nanking (南京 Nanjing). The underwater archaeology in the Haitan (海坛) strait of central coast of Fujian province in last decade revealed a few shipwrecks that loaded with Jingdezhen exported porcelains dating from the middle of Ming Dynasty to Qing Dynasty, showing the development and continuing of the traditional transportation of Jingdezhen ceramics to coastal seaports (Li 2012). For example, the Laoniujiao (老 牛礁) and Jiuliang (九梁) shipwrecks loaded with Jingdezhen blue and white porcelains of the middle and late Ming Dynasty, Wanjiao (碗礁) No. I shipwreck loaded with 17,000 pieces of Jingdezhen porcelains of the Kangxi period of Qing Dynasty (UATWJ 2006), indicating the possibility of these traditional outbound routes from Jingdezhen to Nanking, Ningbo, and Fuzhou seaports had prospered for quite a long period. The same situation happened along transportation route to Guangzhou which boomed and prospered in Qing Dynasty. Various kinds of Chinese wares including Guangcai porcelain (广彩, Jingdezhen white porcelain with Guangdong painted decoration for export), Wengzhang porcelain (纹章, armorial pattern porcelain) and Fengcai porcelain (粉彩, soft colors decoration) manufactured in Jingdezhen kiln ordered by the customers had been exported to Europe from Guangzhou seaport.

3.3.3

Reconstruction of Sea Route of Nan’ao No. I Shipwreck

Nan’ao No. I shipwreck represented the new maritime trade route between the East and West, sailing from mainland southeastern China to Philippines archipelagoes and linking the Manila galleon route to America and Europe. The traditional maritime trade routes across the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean originated in Tang dynasty. “Guangzhou Tonghai Yidao” (广州通海夷道, the maritime routes of Guangzhou to overseas states) described by Jiadan (贾耽) in Tang Dynasty presented the sea route setting out from Guangzhou, crossing the South China Sea, stopping at seaport of Java, passing the Malacca strait, getting to Sri Lanka, India and eastern Africa along the coast of Indian Ocean. After the globalization since the late 15th century, the early maritime transportation between

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European and eastern Asia in fact continued and outstretched this traditional route from the east to the west. In 1570s, the Spanish navigators intruded into and controlled the Philippine island setting up the transpacific Manila galleon trade route. After that the porcelains of Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kiln exported largely to the Philippines for trading with Spanish. Before the Spanish arrived, the small scale of smuggling trades had existed between the Chinese merchants and the Philippine aboriginals through middlemen of Muslim merchants of Moroland in south of Philippine. As the trade center of Spanish galleon in Asia, the Philippines didn’t produce either perfume or gold and silver artifacts. So the Spanish merchants implemented the policy of attracting Asian merchants from China, Japan, Siam, Cambodia and Spice Islands who frequented Manila that made Manila city the collecting and distributing center of galleon cargo. The Spanish shipped silver and gold products, as well as other cargoes from Acapulco of Mexico to Manila, purchased Chinese silk, velutum, porcelains, bronzes and jade artifacts as galleon cargo for American and European markets. Because of the thriving trade between southeastern coast of China and Spanish galleon merchants in Philippines before the end of 16th century, the large amount of Mexican sliver dollars were circulated into Guangdong, Fujian and Taiwan in late Ming Dynasty. In 1590s, Chinese maritime merchants transported almost all of the products and the necessities for galleon trade. Most of ceramics recovered from Nan’ao No. I shipwreck had been produced by the Zhangzhou kiln, a lot of which were rough and defective artifacts as uneven firing paste ware, broken cracks surface ware, deformed ware, glued broken ware and glaze lacking ware. These defective porcelains exported to the market of Manila showed the situation of insufficient production of local ceramic industry. The similar ceramics of Nan’ao No. I shipwreck have also been discovered in many sites of the Philippines (Mikami 1984), including both Zhanzhou and Jingdezhen kilns’ porcelains, and pottery jars with dragon pattern, Chinese bronze coins, bronze gongs, copper coils, iron cooking pots, beads and tin pots, presenting the prosperous situation of maritime trade between Yuegang and Manila. Because of the new era of maritime route between southeast coast of China and Philippines archipelagoes, and the development of new maritime trade markets in Philippines and America, more and more Chinese merchants arrived at and emigrated to Philippines, resulting an oversea Chinese residence of over 100,000 population next to the seaport of Manila in a short time. The Nan’ao No. I shipwreck was dated to around 1590s, when the maritime trade between Chinese and Spanish merchants developed healthy and peacefully. The diligent Chinese people had been the key role in promoting the international maritime trade and the construction of Manila international seaport during the early period of galleon navigation.

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Chapter 4

A Historical Review on the Social-Cultural Impact of Yuegang-Manila Navigation on the Ancient Chinese Civilization Chunming Wu

Yuegang (月港), the crescent seaport of Zhangzhou (漳州, Chincheo), is located at the estuary and lower reach of Jiulongjiang (九龙江) river which is the second largest river in Fujian province—the most famous maritime cultural center and flourishing region of oversea navigation of southeast coast of China. Yuegang as a smuggling seaport emerged originally in the early Ming and thrived in the late Ming Dynasty (明朝) under the maritime ban and tribute system, continued its prosperous maritime transportation after Quanzhou (泉州, Zaitun, Cuchincheo) which had been one of the most important seaport in Chinese medieval age. During 16–18th centuries, Chinese junks from Yuegang bounded out massively for Manila to trade with Spanish galleon merchants (Fig. 4.1). Yuegang became one of the most important transiting terminals for Manila galleons’ cargo trade in mainland eastern Asia. Yuegang was not only an essential exporting seaport transferring Chinese cargoes for Spanish galleons and American continents, but also the most important entrance for the new products, innovative technology and exotic artifacts introduced into China by galleons and junks. These exotic products, new techniques and foreign cultures from America and Europe changed the social-cultural landscape and daily life of the ancient China, provided assignable contribution to the development of Chinese pluralistic integrating culture.

C. Wu (&) The Center for Maritime Archaeology, Xiamen University, Fujian, China e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_4

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Fig. 4.1 A map of the East Indies by William Dampier in 1697. This map showed sea route outbound from Yuegang-Amoy to East Ocean Philippines and Canton to South and West Ocean Siam and Malacca. Collected in A New Voyage Round the World, London: Herman Moll. Cited from Tooley et al. (1968, p. 261)

4.1

The Domesticated Grains Imported from America Enriched Farming Products of Ancient China

The domestication of grains and the development of agriculture had been the main achievement of Neolithic revolution in the human history, greatly increasing the species and amount of food for the growing population of the world. The developing of cultivated agriculture had promoted the social-cultural complication and origin of early civilizations in Mesopotamia, the Nile valley, the Ganges valley, the lower reach of Yangtze River and Yellow River. The cross-border dissemination of domesticated crop species since Neolithic age has enriched the diet and livelihood of people all over the world (Fig. 4.2). The archaeologists have discovered that the east and southeast Asia had been the important center for ancient agricultural exchange. The cultivated rice farming had originated in the watershed region of middle and lower reach of Yangtze River (长 江) since early Neolithic age, then gradually disseminated to lower reach of Yellow River (黄河) and eastern Asian islands, Indochina peninsula, southern Asia and Africa. A series of cultivated crops originated in the western and central Asia such as grapes, pomegranates, sesame, walnuts, broad beans, cucumbers, garlic and pepper had also been brought to China across the silk road of the inner Asia, greatly changing and enriching the agricultural content and living diet of ancient Chinese people since the medieval age. Another international agricultural interaction wave happened since the maritime globalization of 16th century. A group of American domesticated plants, such as sweet potato, olive, potato, maize, tomato, goober, tobacco, et cetera, were transferred, not only to Europe, but also to

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Fig. 4.2 Distribution of the earliest centers of grains’ domestication in the world (made by C. Wu)

Philippines by Manila galleon. These American domesticated grains were also brought into China by Yuegang-Manila sea route, once again enriching and refining the framework of cultivation farming and people’s live of ancient China.

4.1.1

Sweet Potato

Sweet potato, Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lam., is known as Fanshu (番薯) in Chinese language, meaning “the potato from foreign country”. Sweet potato is a typical galleon exotic species from south America which was smuggled to Yuegang from Philippines after it had been introduced to Philippines by Manila galleon (Fig. 4.3). Sweet potato is so flexible and adaptable to variant environments that it was quickly cultivated in southeast coast of China and then disseminated northern to Zhejiang (浙江), Shandong (山东) and inland China. This exotic grain became an important food resource of Chinese people besides the traditional Five Crops (Wugu, 五谷) as rice (稻), bean (豆), wheat (麦), broomcorn millet (黍), Foxtail millet (稷), recorded in Huangdi Neijing 《黄帝内经》, ( The Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Medicine, Chapter of “Truth in the Golden Chamber”) of ancient China. A series of historical documents of Ming and Qing (清朝) dynasties recorded the transferring history in detail of sweet potato as a grain species from Philippines to southeastern China. It had been brought to Yuegang from Luzon of Philippines by oversea Chinese Z. Chen (陈振龙) before 21st year of Wanli (万历) of Ming Dynasty (1593). The story was recorded in detail by Z. Chen’s son J. Chen (陈经纶) in the paper The Report of My Fifth Generation Ancestor of Chen Family Offering Both the Species of Sweet Potato and the Guide Essay of its Growing 《元五世祖先献薯藤 ( 种法后献番薯禀帖》):

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Fig. 4.3 Historical image showing the commodities in Aztec Empire market including a series of American native domesticated goods as potato, sweet potato, tomato and pineapple. Cited from exhibition of “Ancient Americas” in The Field Museum of Natural History Chicago. Photographed and re-edited by C. Wu

My father Zhenlong Chen have engaged in trade in Luzon and stayed there for many years. He discovered that sweet potato had been grown all over the countryside there. Both the raw and cooked sweet potato were eaten by the local people who knew the series benefits of this food to be as healthy as the Chinese Five Crops. But sweet potato was forbidden to be exported to China then by Philippines administration. My father knew that this species would be a very important food source for the Chinese people so he bought this species and learn the method of cultivating in Philippines. He brought it secretly to Fujian and taught the local people to grow and eat it as a new grain. He succeeded and his contribution will be remembered forever. (Chen 1982)

One of the most important books on agricultural science of ancient China, the Nongzheng Quanshu (The General Affair of Agriculture, 《农政全书》) in Ming Dynasty recorded the same fact: There are two species of potato in China. One is the mountain yam (dioscorea japonica) as a native species of Fujian and Guangdong. Another is imported exotic species known as Fanshu (sweet potato) from foreign country. It was said that Fanshu had been forbidden to be exported to China from its original oversea country (the Philippines). The maritime merchant of Zhangzhou took the rattan of sweet potato and twisted it with ship rope underwater. Then this species was secretly smuggled by boat to Zhangzhou from Luzon of Philippines. (Xu 1956, pp. 112)

Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County, 《海澄县志》) of Qianlong (乾隆) reign recorded in Vol. 15th Custom and Products: Digua (地瓜, ground potato) was called sweet potato in Yiwu zhi (Foreign Object Chronicles,《异物志》). It originated from foreign state and was known as Fanshu (foreign potato). Sweet potato was planted all the year round as a new grain in Haicheng (海澄) county where Yuegang seaport is located. (Chen and Deng 1968, pp. 180)

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After sweet potato had been imported to Yuegang of Zhangzhou, it spread rapidly in south coastal counties in Fujian (Hokkien, 福建), and then to Taiwan (台 湾), Zhejiang, Shandong. Min Xiaoji (A Short Introduction of Fujian, 《闽小记》) recorded: Fanshu was imported from foreign country by Hokkiens in Wanli period of Ming Dynasty. It grew easily in barren and poor land. It was planted originally in Zhangzhou county, then was transferred to Quanzhou, Putian (莆田), Changle (长乐) and Fuqing (福清) counties in central Hokkien. (Zhou 1985, pp. 123–128)

H. Wang (汪灏) also recorded the history of importing sweet potato from foreign country to Fujian and Guangdong, in his Guang Qunfang Pu (An Introduction to Flowers of Guangdong, 《广群芳谱》): Ganshu (甘薯), known as Fanshu was got from overseas and secretly taken to China while it was forbidden to be exported out of the state. Then it was widely grown in Fujian and Guangdong. (Wang 2003, pp. [845] 557–588)

A slightly different saying is also recorded in the historical books of Lingnan (岭 南, Guangdong and Guangxi) regions. It argued that sweet potato species had been introduced to China from Vietnam in Ming Dynasty. Dianbai Xianzhi (Chronicle of Dianbai County, 《电白县志》) of Guangxu (光 绪) period of Qing Dynasty recorded in Vol. 30th Memorabilia: It is told that sweet potato came from Jiaozhi (交趾, now the coast of Vietnam) where this species was forbidden to be exported to China with the charge of death penalty on violators. Doctor Lin, Huailan (林怀兰) from Wuchuan (吴川) county visited Jiaozhou (交州, the county of Jiaozhi) and ate sweet potato in the reception banquet of local people. He was pleased to be offered a piece of raw sweet potato. He ate half of it then kept another half secretly and left back for China. Then the species was introduced and grown widely in Guangdong. (Sun 2003, pp. 311)

Dongguan Xianzhi (Chronicle of Dongguan County, 《东莞县志》) of early Republic period cited the story from The pedigree of Chen family in Fenggang 《风 ( 冈陈氏族谱》): In the Gengchen (庚辰, Wanli 8th year of Ming Dynasty) year, Mr. Chen, Yi (陈益) took his friend’s boat to Annan (安南, now Vietnam). After they arrived there, they were given a reception of banquet with delicious sweet potato by the local chief of aboriginal. Mr. Chen coveted the species of this sweet potato and bribed the chief for buying the species. Chen leaved for home with the species and grew it in southern China. Sweet potato became important food supply for resisting the famine. (Chen 1967, pp. 352–353)

Anyway, the Indochina peninsula has been another maritime connecting region of Manila galleon trade system according to the Chinese historical navigation guide book Sunfeng Xiangsong 《顺风相送》, ( Sea Routes with Successful Sailing) and Zhinan Zhengfa 《指南正法》, ( The Guide for Right Sea Routes). So these cited documents recording Vietnam origin of sweet potato in Guangdong do not necessarily contradict with the history that this species was firstly imported to Yuegang of Zhangzhou after it had been introduced to Philippines from America by galleon.

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4.1.2

Maize

Maize, Zea mays L., originally was one of the most important domesticated crops of native Indian in the central and south America. It was introduced and disseminated to Europe and other regions all over the world after geographical discovery and maritime globalization. Maize species was introduced to China in late Ming Dynasty. The most famous agricultural works Nongzheng Quanshu 《农政全书》 ( The General Affair of Agriculture, chapter 25th, by Xu, Guangqi) in Ming Dynasty recorded that maize had been introduced from foreign country to China. But the details of both the exact seaport of its landing and the sea route of its coming have not been presented in the book. According to other historical narrations as regional annals of Fujian, Taiwan, Shandong, Henan (河南), Anhui (安徽), Gansu (甘肃) and Qinghai (青海), maize species had been introduced to and grown in these provinces in late Ming Dynasty. This species varies its names in different regions in China. It is known as Bangzi (棒子, meaning “stick shape crop”), Baogu (包谷, meaning “wrapped crop”), Baomi (包米, meaning “wrapped rice”), Baolu (苞芦, meaning “wrapped shoot”) in the inner plain regions, all of them are the descriptions of its shape. But it is known as Fanmai (番麦, meaning “foreign wheat”) in coastal regions in Fujian, Taiwan and northwest Gansu and Qinghai, indicating its origin of oversea country. Pingliang Fuzhi (Chronicle of Pingliang Prefecture, 《平凉府志》) of Ming Dynasty said: Fanmai is also known as Xitianmai (西天麦 wheat from west region). (Zhao 1996, pp. 754)

Jinjiang Xianzhi (Chronicle of Jingjiang County 《晋江县志》) of Qianlong (乾 隆) period of Qing Dynasty called maize as “foreign wheat”: Fandamai (番大麦, foreign wheat) is known as Yumi (御米, royal rice) in color of red and yellow. (Zhu 1967, pp. 41)

Jiaqing Taiwan Xianzhi (Chronicle of Taiwan County of Jiaqing Period, 《嘉庆 续修台湾县志》) said in Vol. 1st “Geography”: Fammai (番麦) originally grew in oversea country. (Lu 1999, pp. 383)

The historical documents also recorded that Hokkiens had been the earliest pioneers of the maize cultivating in China and suppressed by the official in Qing Dynasty. The chapter of Economy and Products of Jingde Xianzhi (Chronicle of Jingde County, 《旌德县志》) recorded: Baolu was grown by the refugees from Fujian, Jiangxi (江西) provinces and Chizhou (池 州), Anqing (安庆) prefectures of Anhui (安徽) province. They leased and reclaimed the mountainous field for cultivating it. (Chen 1975, pp. 485)

Ningguo Xianzhi (Chronicle of Ningguo County of Jiaqing Period, 嘉庆 《宁国 府志》) recorded in the chapter Annals of Economy and Products:

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Baolu as species of coarse cereals is known as Liugu (六谷, sixth crop) or maize. Refugees leased fields near riverside to grow it and was suppressed by Anhui officials in 12th year of Jiaqing. (Lu 1970, pp. 585)

Considering the history of that maize had been firstly domesticated in America and introduced to the Philippines as one the most important cultivated crops, this “foreign wheat” was most likely imported to China from the seaport of Yuegang.

4.1.3

Tomato

Tomato, Lycopersicon esculentum Mill., is known as Fanqie (番茄), Fanshi (番柿), Xihongshi (西红柿), Yangshizi (洋柿子), all meaning “foreign persimmon” in Chinese language. Tomato also originated in south America and was domesticated in Mexico. The domesticated species of tomato disseminated to Spain, Portugal, other European countries and all over the world. Tomato was transferred to the Philippines by galleon navigation in 17th century and to other Asian countries after then. So the tomato was most likely brought to China from southeast Asia by maritime route. H. Wang (汪灏) said in Guang Qunfang Pu (An Introduction to Flowers of Guangdong, 《广群芳谱》): Tomato is known as Fanshi (番柿), meaning “foreign persimmon”, also called Liuyueshi (六月柿, Summer persimmon). The reason is that it originated from foreign country. (Wang 2003, pp. [846] 628)

4.1.4

Tobacco

Tobacco, Nicotianatabacum L., has been known as a series of transliteration as Danbagu (淡巴菰, 淡芭菰, 淡把姑, 淡巴菇, 担不归) in Chinese since the late Ming Dynasty. The domesticated tobacco originated in America and disseminated to other regions of the world through European navigation since 16th century (Fig. 4.4). It is one of the special plants which changed the social life of humankind so much in last 500 years. A series of historical documents of late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty recorded that tobacco had been transported from Luzon of the Philippines to Yuegang as an important galleon cargo from America. Lushu (Book on Clear Meaning of Things, 《露書》) recorded in Wanli (万历) 41th year (1613) of Ming Dynasty: Tobacco is a kind of plant with leave growing in Luzon. The smoker of tobacco would be intoxicated and it was a nicely medical preventer of miasma. The Yuegang merchants brought tobacco species from the Philippines and grew it in Zhangzhou. After then the yield

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Fig. 4.4 Tobacco culture of native American Indian. Left: Wood carved plate posted American native tobacco and smoking, collection of Tobacco store of Harvard Yard, Cambridge, USA. Right: Pipe exhibited in Spurlock Museum in University of Illinois at Urbana and Champaign, USA. Photographed by C. Wu

of tobacco of Zhangzhou was greater than that in Luzon and was exported tobacco products to Luzon. (Yao 2008, pp. 261)

L. Zhang (张璐) said in Kanxi (康熙) 34th year (1695) in his book of Benjing Fengyuan (The Principle of the Materia Medica, 《本经逢原》): The smoking of tobacco have not been recorded by local chronicles except for Korea Annals (朝鲜志), which states that Hokkiens had been the earliest group of people to smoke tobacco for preventing miasma. Then tobacco disseminated to northern China for preventing cold and now extended throughout our country. It is worried about that tobacco would be poisonously harmful to health after the smoke going through the inner organs of body. (Zhang 1996, pp. 3)

The famous litterateur of early Qing Dynasty E. Li (厉鹗) said in his Fanxie Shanfang Ji (Analects Collections of Fanxie Studio, 《樊榭山房集》):

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Tobacco has not been recorded in the classical materia medica of ancient China. It was imported from Luzon to Fujian in late of Ming dynasty, being known as Danbagu or golden cigarette. It is also called as Smoking Drink which is drank by fire rather than liquor. (Li 1992, pp. 729)

Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County, 《海澄县志》) of Qianlong (乾隆) period (1736–1795) of Qing Dynasty also recorded in Vol. 15th Custom and Products: Fig. 4.5 Pipe from Donggu shipwreck next to Yuegang region. Photographed by M. Liu

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A metal tobacco smoking pipe dating to 17th century was collected in Donggu (冬古) shipwreck in Dongshan (东山) County next to Yuegang. This tobacco pipe might be the earliest smoking set discovered in China after tobacco was imported to Yuegang (Fig. 4.5). After tobacco had been brought to Yuegang of Zhangzhou, it spread and was grown quickly throughout China. Smoking tobacco became a special social-cultural content in Chinese life. The imperial court officially prohibited the cultivating and smoking of tobacco during late Ming and Qing dynasties but finally failed. The Chinese society unavoidably accepted this bitter gift from America by galleon navigation and had the largest smoking population in the world (Li 1997).

4.2

The Exotic Products from European and New Spain Promoted the Innovation of the Chinese Traditional Handcraft Industry

Some inventions in ancient China such as paper making, printing technique, compass and gunpowder disseminated to all over the old world through silk road and maritime silk road in last 2000 years. These “Four Great Inventions” had been the great contributions of Chinese civilization to the united community of human beings. In last 500 years, after the geographical discovery and maritime globalization, a new wave of ideological innovation, industrial inventions and creations had promoted the social, commercial and scientific progress of western world, resulting the industrial revolution and synchronous change all over the world. The economical and technical progress of western world extended to eastern Asia through European global navigation, leaving a series of marks in the history of maritime cultures. The historical documents and archaeological discoveries have revealed that many industrial products and commercial artifacts from America and Europe as silver coins, silver materials, firearm and etc. had arrived in Manila and then been brought into Yuegang and Southeastern coast of China. J. Xiao (箫基) said in the Introduction of Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东西洋考》) of Ming Dynasty: Haichen County is a oceanic region where farming and trading highly developed. Haichen people specialize in maritime trade with both oversea countries and civil markets. They live mostly on the food of marine fish and daily necessities of exotic artifacts imported by maritime transportation. (Zhang 1981, pp. 15)

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The chapter of Taxation of Haicheng Xianzhi (Chronicle of Haicheng County, 《海澄县志》) of late Ming Dynasty listed different kinds of exotic products imported to Yuegang then: The imported exotic artifacts to Fujian in Ming Dynasty include “Suofu (琐服, clothes made of feather), Jiaozhi (Vietnam) silk, European cloth, Ceiba (吉贝, kapok) cotton, European silver coins, rhinoceros horns, ivory, agate, amber, tortoise shells, tortoise tubes Kingfisher feather, crane heads, glasses, phoebe nees fragrance, eaglewood fragrance, Suxiang (速香) fragrance, sandalwood, styrax benzoin, musk, frankincense, sweet scent wood, clove, Borneol wood, rose water, storax oil, lead, antelope horns, white horns, black horns, antlers, otter furs, horse tails, peacock tails, yellow waxes, white waxes, rose wood, black phoebe nees wood, brazilwood, brown bamboo, rattans, gamboge, ferula sinkiangensis, commiphora myrrha Engl, Daemonorops draco, aloe, bronze drums, striking clocks, Japanese screens, Japanese knives, glass mirrors, color decoration mats, bamboo mats, glasses, engineering drills, egg shape cups, cubilose, sago, pepper, acacia catechu, crab meat, jackfruit, coconut.” (Liang and Cai 1992, pp. 369)

A group of these exotic artifacts which had been transferred to eastern Asia by Manila galleons originated from America and European, such as European cloth, European silver coins, clocks, mirrors, glasses and engineering drills. These imported artifacts from western world deeply promoted the renewal and progress of Chinese traditional handcraft industry and commercial system.

4.2.1

Silver Materials and Silver Coin of New Spain

Before the introduction of modern silver mining technique in the late 19th century, the reservation and consumption of silver materials in ancient China were very limited and expensive. After the European discovery of America, the silver mines in Peru and other places of America were extensively exploited in 16–18th centuries, providing more than half of the consumption of silver materials in the world. During this time, the regional maritime trade system of the eastern Asia changed gradually to be the global and new maritime silk road. China exported a great amount of silk, ceramic, tea to European and America and seriously increased trade surplus, resulting a large amount of silver currency import, which mostly were shipped from America by Manila galleons (Quan 1969, 1979, 1989; Zhang 1993). The historical narrations also recorded the transportation of American silver to Fujian and Guangdong via Luzon of the Philippines in Ming and Qing dynasties. The Local Products of Guangdong Xinyu (A New Introduction to Guangdong, 《广东新语》, Vol. 15th) of early Qing Dynasty recorded: Most of foreign silver coins circulated in Fujian and Guangdong came from foreign shipping. Luzon, located to the southern ocean of Fujian, was the most important supply of foreign silver coins. The silver coins of Luzon had the same function of currencies as Chinese bronze coins in southeast coast of China, so the European and American silver transferred in the maritime trade to eastern Asia. The foreign silver were mostly imported by Hokkiens and Cantonese merchants from Luzon to Guangzhou. (Qu 1985, pp. 406)

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According to historical documents and archaeological discoveries, the foreign silver products imported to southern China via Manila galleons in Ming and Qing dynasties included two categories, the silver materials and silver coins, initiating the change of silver handcraft industry and civil currency system in ancient China. The importing of the American silver materials supplied a continually raw substance for silver artifacts industry, promoting the progress and upgrading the traditional silver handcrafts. As more and more silver materials imported to Yuegang seaport, silver handcrafts industry developed greatly in southeast coast of China in late Ming and Qing dynasties, specializing for meeting the demand of European and American markets. Except for some traditional Chinese types and patterns, most of the exported silver wares shared the same types, shapes and decorations with those silver wares of European society. With the import of silver materials from America by galleon navigation, and the export of European and American ordering silver wares through new maritime silk road, the updated silver industry of south coastal China of late Ming and Qing dynasties typically reflected the new style and content of global maritime trade. With the developing and expansion of galleon and Yuegang-Manila trade, many Spanish colonial silver coins flowed into Yuegang and circulated in the coastal regions in south China. The historical documents recorded that the Spanish silver coins had been firstly circulated in hinterland of Yuegang and then disseminated to other places of southern China. Y. Gu (顾炎武) presented the Commentary on the Tariff System of Chronicle of Zhangzhou Prefecture 《漳州府志》 ( ) of Ming Dynasty, in his book Tianxia Junguo Libingshu (General Analysis on the Foreign Countries of the World, 《天下郡国 利病书》): Luzon is located in East Ocean with no more special products. The foreigners charged the exchange by the silver coins. The merchants of Zhangzhou also used these foreign silver coins. (Gu 2012, pp. 3090–3097)

X. Zhang (张燮) recorded the same fact in the chapter of Luzon in Dongxiyang Kao (General Survey on the East and West Oceans, 《东西洋考》): All of Luzon silver coins came from Ferangi (佛郎机 including, Portuguese, Spanish) (Zhang 1981, pp. 94)

After being imported to Yuegang and circulated in southern Fujian, Spanish colonial silver coins disseminated and circulated to other provinces of south coastal China such as Fujian, Guangdong, Zhejiang, Anhui, Hunan, Jiangsu and Shanghai (Referring to the figure of Chap. 1 of this book, Fig. 1.12). The archaeological discoveries and chronological analysis on these coins dating to 16–18th centuries revealed the history of the circulation of Spanish colonial silver coins in China (Liu 2015; Liu and Wu 2017). In the late Qing Dynasty, the imperial court carried out the important currency reforming by which the traditional bronze coins with thousands of years history was replaced by the new coin system of “Long Yin” (龙银, dragon silver) made of silver

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material. The circulation of Chinese silver coins were most likely related to the pattern of European silver coins which had firstly been imported by YuegangManila navigation.

4.2.2

Ferangi Firearm

The gunpowder as a kind of explosive substance was firstly invented by Chinese people in Tang and Song dynasties, and then was transferred to western world through silk road. A series of archaeological and historical documents on shipwrecks presented that ancient junks of Chinese merchants had not been equipped with any firearms weapon before the late Ming Dynasty. It was European who firstly created the breech loading cannon during 14–15th centuries. The Portuguese and Spanish had equipped this new type of firearm on their fleets when they explored new world in America, Africa and Asia through global navigation. The arming of the ship cannon had been one of the essential features of European merchant fleets different from that of the Chinese Junks (Fig. 4.6). The historical documents of Ming Dynasty recorded that both the Portuguese and Spanish together as “Ferangi”, “Farangi” or “Frankish” (佛郎机) and their firearm cannons were also known as “Ferangi”, “Frankish” or “Farangi”.

Fig. 4.6 Ferangi canon and Iberian armed merchant ship of 16th century. Left: Portuguese breech loading cannon of 1520 (Needham 2005, p. 303). Right: A large Portuguese caravel of 1536 armed with ship cannon (Parry 1974, p. 166)

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Tiangong Kaiwu (Technology of Creation of the World, 《天工开物》) published in 10th year of Congzhen (崇祯) reign (1637) of Ming Dynasty recorded: The Western Ocean cannons were made of bronze with round shape like bronze drums. The shooting explosion of the cannon might kill the horse and people in a distance of 500 meters. The red barbarian (红夷, European) cannons are made of casted iron with 3.3 meters long which can be used for castle defending. The other cannons called first General and second General are small than the red barbarian cannons. The Ferangi cannons was specially equipped in the bow of worship. (Song 1978, pp. 400)

The Guangdong provincial supervising official Yingxiang Gu (顾应祥) described the shape of Ferangi cannon after he had contacted the Portuguese fleet in 12th year of Zhengde (正德) period (1517) when Portuguese intruded Pearl River Delta. The story was recorded in Vol. 13th Weapon of Chouhai Tubian (Illustration of Strategy of Maritime Affair, 《筹海图编》) of 41th year of Jiajing (嘉靖) reign (1562) of Ming Dynasty: Their iron cannon was made of two meters long with long tube and large breech on which a loading cavity with a long open hole was prepared for shell. There were five shells taking turns for each cannon. The cannon tube was wrapped and strengthened by wood. Both sides of the ship were equipped with four or five cannons to defend. These cannons would fire to the approaching warships and destroy them deadly. The Ferangi fleet was the strongest worship in the world because of this firearm. (Deng 2007, pp. 903) (Fig. 4.7)

Fig. 4.7 Chart of Farangi cannon recorded in Chouhai Tubian. Cited from Deng (2007, pp. 903)

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The Chap. 9 of Freangi of Shuyu Zhouzilu (Consulting References of the Foreign Countries, 《殊域周咨录》) of Ming Dynasty described Portuguese and Spanish boats and firearms: The merchant boat of Ferangi was made of multi-layers of timber with 30 meters long and 10 meters wide, fixing with more than 40 pieces of long paddles and 34 firearm cannons. The large bronze cannons were casted in more than 500 kilograms, medium size in 250 kilograms and small size in 75 kilograms. The cannon tube was made of iron with 4 portable cells and the cell-ball was made of iron and lead. The Ferangi gunpowder was said to be different from traditional Chinese one. The strongest cannons could shoot to 300 meters far away and smash wood and stone. (Yan 1993, pp. 321)

The description of these Ferangi cannons shared the same shape and structure of breech loading with a large cannon tube attached 4 or 5 cells taking turns. The Spanish and Portuguese merchant ships had been the main traders with the Chinese junks in East and West Ocean since 16th century. The content of these firearmed merchant ships characterizing with the breech loading Ferangi cannons definitely influenced both the weapon equipment of the south Chinese merchant junks and the firearm militarization of imperial army of Ming Dynasty. The historical documents and archaeological artifacts have revealed that the merchant junks of southern China of late Ming Dynasty had modeled the firearm cannons of the Ferangi. Mingshizong Shilu (The True Account of Shizong Empire of Ming Dynasty, 《明 世宗实录》) recorded the development of smuggling boats with the foreign type of firearm cannons in Jiajing (嘉靖) 12th year (1533) of Ming Dynasty: Zhangzhou merchants illegally built big boats with double masts and arbitrarily equipped with firearm cannons. They engaged in smuggling trade with foreigners. (Zhang et al. 1983, pp. 3488–3489)

After first encountering the Spanish and Portuguese armed fleets in the coastal region of southeastern China, the empire officials of Ming Dynasty realized the strong power of the western artillery characterized with the breech loading cannons. The historical documents recorded their inspections, imitations and utilizations of Freangi cannons in imperial army, which increasing substantially the combat power of the empire army. An interesting case happened in Baisha (白沙) of Dongguan (东莞) county in Guangdong province in Zhengde (正德, 1506–1521) period of Ming Dynasty, the Coast Guard officer Ru He (何儒) inspected the Freangi boats, got the method of making cannon, imitated and refined the firearm for the imperial navy. The story was recorded in Chap. 9 of Freangi in Shuyu Zhouzilu ( Consulting References of the Foreign Countries, 《殊域周咨录》) of Ming Dynasty: The Coast Guard officer Ru He at Baisha of Dongguan county visited Freangi boat for the custom taxing. He met Chinese people San Yang (杨三) and Ming Dai (戴明) on the boat who had lived in Freangi for many years and had been familiar with the method of building boat, casting cannons and making gunpowder. Ru He was ordered to secretly board the boat and inquire the method of making firearm cannon. He dispatched spies disguising as wine and rice traders to board the Freangi boat. They met San Yang and Ming Dai and asked

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C. Wu them to surrender to serve the Ming empire. Yang and Dai took the order and Ru He sent small boat at night secretly, receiving them. Then the Baisha Coast Guard learned the method of making Freangi type cannon. They imitated Freangi type cannon by themselves according to the report of Yang and Dai. (Yan 1993, pp. 321–322)

Chouhai Tubian (Illustration of Strategy of Maritime Affair, 《筹海图编》) recorded the utilization and content of the imitated weapons of Ferangi firearms in Ming Dynasty: The technology of making Ferangi cannon originated in European countries of and was transferred to China in the early Jiajing (嘉靖, 1522-1566) period of Ming Dynasty. Chinese people innovatively improved and refined it. (Deng 2007, pp. 901–902) The improved type of Ferangi in China was called Wudi Shenfei Pao (无敌神飞炮, Invincible Supernatural Cannon) made by imperial army of Ming Dynasty. The cannon including 3 cells which weights 750 kilograms. The usage and firing method of the new cannon is the same as Ferangi. (Deng 2007, pp. 905) (Fig. 4.8) “The existence of pirates greatly depended on the firearm cannons. So the imperial Coast Guard army of Ming Dynasty also developed cannons to combat with the criminals in the ocean. We set artilleries warships in front of command vessel to defeat the pirate boats.” “The warship armed with Ferangi firearm cannons was known as ‘centipede boat’ for its shape, its pattern originated from southeast barbarians and it is special for carrying Ferangi cannons. The cannons varied in size, as large as 500 and as small as 75 kilograms, with strong power of smashing stone and metal.” (Deng 2007, pp. 876, 883)

Nan’ao (南澳) No. 1 shipwreck site located at the eastern coast of Guangdong was identified as one of merchant junks outbound for Manila trade in late Ming Dynasty. Besides a great amount of exported ceramics and the many timbers investigated underwater, a western type cannon was salvaged (Sun 2012), proving the historical record of “illegally equipping of firearm cannon” by Yuegang maritime merchants (Fig. 4.9). Another shipwreck site in Donggu (冬古) bay of Dongshan (东山) county was investigated and some firearm cannons were also

Fig. 4.8 The chart of imitated Ferangi Wudi Shenfei Pao in Ming Dynasty. Cited from Deng (2007, pp. 905)

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Fig. 4.9 The cannon investigated underwater of Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck. Photographed by B. Li

collected (DGUAT 2003; Jie and Zhao 2005; Li and Sun 2005). These western type cannons from both Nan’ao and Donggu shipwrecks revealed the militarizing of the Chinese traditional merchant junks since late Ming Dynasty under the influence of Spanish galleons.

4.3

The Influence of European Architecture and the Emergence of the Red Brick Building in Southern Fujian and Eastern Guangdong

Since late 16th century, a series of European style architectures including church, business tower, consulate house, hospital, school and private dwelling emerged in the coastal seaports and maritime commercial centers of southern China, which had been generally the result of west cultural dissemination and maritime globalization. Besides this pure European style architectural heritage, another type of red brick architectural complex also emerged regionally in southern Fujian and eastern Guangdong since 16th century. This red brick landscape had hybridized the west and east architectural culture, sharing both the Chinese traditional courtyard dwelling (Siheyuan, 四合院) pattern in building plan, facade structure and roof top shape, and the Roman-Islamic red brick construction. Though architects and archaeologists have debated on the origin of this type of red brick buildings, historians and cultural heritage researchers focused on its historical connection with the Yuegang-Manila navigation and European cultural influence on the local settlement pattern (Wang 2008).

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The hybridizing red brick construction and masonry technique of brick and stone had been the most explicit characteristic of the regional architectural heritage in the coast of southern Fujian and eastern Guangdong since late Ming Dynasty. According to the archaeological discovery in Fujian and Guangdong areas, the red brick material such as the special products of early kiln technique of oxidizing atmosphere had been used in tomb and house construction during Han and Tang dynasties. These traditional red brick materials generally changed to grey brick in the construction for the kiln technique improving to carbonizing flame in long medieval period of Song and Yuan dynasties. So this hybridizing red brick architectures of Ming and Qing dynasties in the coastal regions in Fujian and Guangdong were different not only from those grey brick architectures in north and west inland areas of Fujian and Guangdong, but also from those gray brick houses of earlier periods (Song and Yuan dynasties) in the local coastal regions. Since late Ming Dynasty, the south Fujian and east Guangdong was the only regions where this new style red brick buildings was developed with hybridizing cultures of east and west, where had been exactly the maritime economical hinterland of Yuegang-Manila navigation. This hybridizing red brick landscape had been actually consistent with the historical masonry technique of Rome and Islamic architecture that had been prevalent from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf for thousands of years, and throughout the American continent in last 500 years. The historical documents and local clan archives recorded that most of the well known red brick architectures in southern coast of Fujian had been built by oversea Chinese coming back from the Philippines. The Cai (蔡) family mansion at Guanqiao (官桥) village of Nanan (南安) county was built by the oversea Chinese Qichang Cai (蔡启昌) from Philippines in Tongzhi (同治, 1862–1874) period of Qing Dynasty. He returned back from the Philippines and shipped all of the bricks and tiles from the Philippines to homeland for this proud building of his family. The decoration pattern and the sculptural content of the bricks and stones hybridized with traditional Chinese and exotic European features. The Tianyi Xinju (天一信 局, One World Post Office) at Yuegang of Longhai county, and its branches at Amoy, Anhai (安海) and Philippines were built by oversea Chinese Youpin Guo (郭有品) from the Philippines in late Qing Dynasty when Spanish still colonized the Philippines, all of which had also been constructed in a mixed Chinese and European style (Figs. 4.10 and 4.11). The Daiwei (埭尾) village in Dongyuan (东 园) of Longhai county was the largest red brick settlement in southern coast Fujian, including more than 60 buildings with almost the same size, style and direction, presenting both the Chinese courtyard dwelling style and western red brick masonry technique. Daiwei pattern red brick settlement is situated near the Yuegang seaport and related closely to the history of the Yuegang-Manila navigation, so it will be an interesting topic to carry out a systematic investigation on the origin and history of these hybridizing red brick buildings in southern Fujian and eastern Guangdong on the perspective of Yuegang-Manila navigation and historical maritime globalization.

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Fig. 4.10 Historical red brick building landscape of north port at Yuegang. Up: http://www.google.cn/maps/. Down: Photographed by C. Wu

4.4

Conclusion

Yuegang seaport was one of the most important transit terminals for the early maritime social-cultural interaction between east and west in last 500 years. Yuegang had not only been the outbound center for exporting the products of China

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Fig. 4.11 Remnant of Tianyi Xinju building at north port of Yuegang. Left: Remnant of the building. Right: The signboard “Kay Yerv Fin Tien It” in Gothic type English, which is the phonetic letters of Chinese characters 郭有品天一 Guo You Pin Tian Yi spelled in the dialect of south Fujian. Photographed by C. Wu

and eastern Asia for the pan-Pacific navigation of Manila galleons to America and Europe, but also the main inbound center of domesticated grains, the new industrial inventions, creations and technological innovation from Europe and America to eastern Asia via Yuegang-Manila sea route and galleon navigation. These imported exotic cultures, whether tangible or intangible, from Yuegang-Manila navigation and the maritime globalization enriched ancient Chinese multiculturalism and civilization.

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Part II

Manila Entreportting: Discovery of Galleon Trade Heritage at Manila, Macao, Keelung and Nagasaki

Chapter 5

Chinese Porcelain in the Manila Galleon Trade Guanyu Wang

Since the 16th century, Europeans started to explore the Asian sea with the financial and military support from both the royal families and nobles. Their efforts to trade with China drew the Ming Empire into the early Globalization. The beautiful artefacts with perfect craftsmanship made in Ming China soon became popular products around the world, among which, the Chinese porcelain was undoubtedly marked as the top brand. Europeans had participated actively into the stages of designing, producing, shipping and trading of Chinese porcelain wares, to ensure they make maximum profits from the business. Different interest groups and the various needs from markets prompted the diversification of the Chinese porcelain in circulation. This chapter aims to take the Manila Galleon trade of the late Ming period as a study case. By tracing the clues of specific types of Chinese export porcelain wares and their changing combinations in the ship cargos from time to time, the author will disscuss on the moving of their target markets and the dominant power behind.

5.1

Background

Starting from the end of the 15th century, Europeans entered the Age of Discovery. Among the Europeans who were keen on expanding their Oceanic Empires, the Portuguese arrived at the China coast as the earliest. After that, the maritime trade between China and Portugal suffered a difficult time until the Portuguese occupied Macau in the year of 1553 and got the permission to trade at the Canton port from the Ming Court the year after. The maritime trade between China and Europe entered its golden age shortly afterwards.

G. Wang (&) Art Museum, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N. T., Hong Kong e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_5

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Fig. 5.1 The international maritime trade routes of 16th and 17th centuries (Harrisson 1995)

From the map we can see the three main maritime trade routes under the control of the Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch during the 16th and 17th centuries (Harrisson 1995). Due to the military and trade monopolies of the Portuguese along the Indian Ocean, the Spanish explored a new travel route sailing across the Pacific Ocean from the Philippines to Drake’s Bay and then to Acapulco. After that, they had to cross a land route to Veracruz and then sail all the way back to Europe (Fig. 5.1). Although the route was rougher and riskier for the Spanish sailors, the use of it further avoided the fierce competition with the Portuguese and Dutch in a later stage.

5.2

Jingdezhen (景德镇) and Zhangzhou (漳州): Main Origins of the Chinese Porcelain Cargos

During the time when the Spanish came to the Southeast coast of Ming Empire, the main place of origin of the Chinese export porcelain wares was still Jingdezhen. Located in the inner land of Jiangxi province, China, Jingdezhen was famous for its export porcelain wares of high quality and fine decoration (Fig. 5.2). After being produced copying the orders from the merchants or agents, porcelain wares were packed carefully with woven straw or rough paper, settled in wood barrels or bamboo split packages. They were then transported by boats through the rivers to the Poyang Lake (鄱阳湖), and then move southwards along the Ganjiang River (赣江) to the Dayu (大余) County, a place named after the famous Dayu Mountain (大庾岭) located there. Upon arrival at the Dayu County, the porcelain packages

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Fig. 5.2 The location of Jingdezhen (https://jowoffinden.wordpress.com/2014/12/30/porcelainwhere-does-it-come-from/)

Fig. 5.3 Painting showing the porcelain production and trading process (Left to Right: Packing, cross the lake, mountain pass), late 18th century (Collection of the Maritime Museum of Hong Kong)

will be carried by the local porters to walk cross the Dayu Mountain, which separated the two provinces of Jiangxi and Guangdong (Fig. 5.3). After the mountain pass, the porcelain wares would be loaded on board again at Nanxiong (南雄) and transported through the Zhen River (浈水), Beijiang River (北江) and the Pearl River to Guangzhou (Canton), where the foreign boats were sailing up to the river for trade. Many kiln sites in Jingdezhen have been systemically excavated by ceramic archaeologists during the recent decades. Among them, shards of export type porcelain wares were unearthed from the Guanyinge (观音阁) Kiln site, Zhushan (珠山, Pearl Hill) imperial Kiln site and Luomaqiao (落马桥) Kiln site located along the Chang River (昌江) (Fig. 5.4). Comparative pieces with these discoveries could be seen in some of the cargos belonged to the Spanish shipwrecks, indicating that

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Fig. 5.4 The location of kiln sites in Jingdezhen (JDZCAI et al. 2017)

during the early stage of their arrival on the China coast, the Spanish were also very active in the trade of Jingdezhen porcelain wares near Canton (Fig. 5.5). But soon, the story turned to a new page. Unlike the Portuguese who are conducting trades with Chinese merchants based on Macau, a port near Guangzhou, the Spanish were based at the Philippines, which was more closely connected to the ports along the Fujian province. When the Longqing (隆庆) Emperor succeeded the Jiajing (嘉靖) Emperor in 1567, he made the decision to open the seaport Yuegang (月港, literately “Moon Barbour”) of Zhangzhou, Fujian province, to private trades, allowing the Chinese merchants active in Quanzhou (泉州) and Zhangzhou to conduct trade with foreign merchants (Japanese merchants were still excluded) near Yuegang. This was a great opportunity for the Spanish who were active around Zhangzhou to attend the maritime trades there. Furthermore, in the year of 1574, when the Ming Navy commanded by the Fujian Military Headquarter fought against a branch of Chinese pirates who had fled to Luzon at the northern part of the Philippines. They invited the Spanish to conduct joint operations against the pirates and won the war. So the next year, when the Spanish requested for official permission from the Ming court to trade with Chinese merchants and start missionary work in China, their requests were approved shortly afterwards (Gu et al. 1630). The Spanish merchants then became much more active in maritime trade along the Fujian coasts.

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Fig. 5.5 Shards of Jingdezhen wares from the Guanyinge Kiln site, Zhushan (pearl hill) Imperial Kiln site and Luomaqiao Kiln site (JDZCAI)

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Soon after Zhangzhou opened Yuegang to private trades, its local production of Chinese Blue and White porcelain wares raised dramatically. According to field investigations and archaeological works done in the previous decades, there are more than 50 kiln sites located in the area of the Zhangzhou City and the surrounded counties. In some of the sites, kilns and remains from the ancient firing activities distributed widely within the archaeological area, indicating that prosperous productions had been conducted everywhere. Most of the porcelain wares produced here were for exportation only, they were rarely seen in the domestic market. Comparative pieces with the Zhangzhou wares found in Spanish shipwrecks could mainly be seen in the kiln sites concentrated at Nansheng (南胜) and Wuzhai (五寨) located in Pinghe (平和) county closely to Zhangzhou, indicating that this was the production centre of Zhangzhou export porcelain wares during the late 16th to early 17th centuries, which is also the first peak of the trade of Chinese porcelain wares by the Manila Galleons (Figs. 5.6 and 5.7).

5.3

Jingdezhen Wares: The Beginning of the Trade

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive at the China coast. Starting from the early 16th century, the Portuguese made great efforts to cultivate the diplomatic relationship with the Ming court, but had limited results. Decades before their occupation of Macau, they were active in the smuggling trade among the offshore islands near Canton, Fujian and Zhejiang. As the local smuggling trade was already in its mature stage, merchants and pirates from the Southeast coast of China, Japan and Southeast Asia were all quite active here. This is also a good chance for Portuguese to get acquainted with the local merchants and pirates to further expand their knowledge and network in Asia (Lungstedt 1994). They were very aggressive in the trade of local products of the Ming Empire, as recorded in the historical documents, among which porcelain wares were one of their favourites. According to the Chinese blue and white porcelain wares discovered from the Xuande (宣德) shipwreck—originally a Portuguese ship dated to the mid-16th century, found at the north of the island of Pulau Tioman, Malaysia, we can have a glimpse of the porcelain wares they traded during the early stage. Comparative pieces of examples from the shipwreck site can be found in the porcelain collection of the Palace of Santos in Lisbon, where the French embassy is now located (Fig. 5.8). The Palace of Santos was one of the favourite royal residences of King Manuel I of Portugal (1469–1521), who had an endless passion for the Far East and offered strong support to the activities of exploring Asia and discovering China. The earliest pieces in the Santos Palace collection could be imported into Portugal during his reign in the early 16th century. According to the record of Chinese documents, in the year of 1553, some Portuguese claimed that their boats were destroyed by the great waves near Macau, so they needed to land on Macau and stay there to dry their cargos. The request was

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Fig. 5.6 The location of kiln sites of Zhangzhou, Fujian province (FJPM 1997)

approved by the local governor Wang Bo (汪柏), who had accepted the bribes from the Portuguese. In the following years, Wang also played a key role in legalizing the Portuguese trade activities with the Chinese merchants in Canton in 1554 (Guo 1602), and prompting the lease of Macau to the Portuguese in 1557 (Boxer 1959).

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Fig. 5.7 Shards of the Zhangzhou wares unearthed from the Wuzhai and Nansheng kilns sites (FJPM 1997)

The maritime trade between Portugal and Ming China developed remarkably afterwards. Large amounts of Chinese porcelain wares were traded to the markets along the Portuguese travel route, as well as their terminal port in Europe. Não Espadarte was a Portuguese ship which sank in 1558 off the coast of Mozambique, enroute from India to Portugal. The ship was found in 2001 with the main body badly destroyed. Besides a substantial amount of gold ingots, Chinese blue and white porcelain wares were also discovered, including a special bowl with

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Fig. 5.8 Blue and white dish from the Xuande shipwreck (left) and comparative blue and white dish from the collection of the Palace of Santos in Lisbon (right) (Brown 1999; Lion-Goldschmidt 1985)

the mark of 癸丑年造 (Gui Chou Nian Zao), literally “made in the Gui Chou year” (the year of 1553) (Official website of UNESCO). The porcelain wares excavated from the shipwreck are undoubtedly good examples of the Jingdezhen wares traded by the Portuguese after they settled down at Macau. Both the quantity and quality of the exported Jingdezhen porcelain were much better than before. Comparative pieces were found also on land sites along the travel routes of the Portuguese, especially the porcelain shards unearthed in the North Bay of Macau (Fig. 5.9). Archaeological discoveries indicate that shortly after the Spanish arrival at the Southeast coast of the Ming Empire, they were also active in the trade of Jingdezhen porcelain wares of high quality. Some fine examples were unearthed in the previous decades from the land sites along the travel route of the Manila Galleons, such as the sites in the Philippines, the sites off the California coast and the sites in Mexico City (Fig. 5.10).

5.4

The Rise of Zhangzhou Kilns: The Variety of Porcelain the Manila Galleon Trade

After the seaport Yuegang was opened to the Chinese private traders in the first year of Longqing (1567), trades with foreign merchants near the islands off Yuegang became legalized. This caused the rise of the local production of export wares for overseas markets, among which the Zhangzhou wares became famous and popular to the Spanish merchants. Shortly after the Spanish getting permission from the central government for conducting trades along the Fujian coast, they became active

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Fig. 5.9 Comparative porcelain wares discovered from the Não Espadarte shipwreck (top; Official website of UNESCO), unearthed from the North Bay of Macau (middle; Wang 2015), and from the collection of the Palace of Santos in Lisbon (bottom; Lion-Goldschmidt 1985)

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Fig. 5.10 Comparative porcelain dishes from the local collection of the Philippines (left; Tan and Diem 1997), an unpublished site off the California coast (middle; Kuwayama 1997), and excavated from the Donceles street, Mexico City (right; Museo del Templo Mayor)

in trading Zhangzhou wares to Southeast Asia and got great profits from it. As a result, besides the Jingdezhen wares they have already started to trade in the early years, Zhangzhou wares produced locally in the Fujian province soon became another important part of their porcelain cargos. That is to say, the porcelain cargos of Spanish ships became more various than the Portuguese ones of the same time. Instead of competing with the Portuguese near the Canton coast, the Spanish merchants moved their attention to the trades along the Fujian coast and became more focused on sailing between Fujian and Luzon afterwards (Giraldez 2015). The Nan’ao No. 1 (南澳一号) shipwreck was a Chinese ship which sank in the Sandianjin (三点金) waters off the coast of Nan’ao Island, Shantou, Guangdong province. It is dated to the early years of Wanli (万历) period (1570s) and is believed to be owned by a Chinese merchant according to recent research. It is a perfect time capsule showing the variety and combination of the porcelain cargos during the 1570s. An unprecedented amount of Zhangzhou wares, more than 20,000 pieces, was discovered from the shipwreck, showing the rapid development of the export productions of Fujian kilns and the popularity of Fujian wares in the maritime trade (GDPICRA 2014). These early examples of export Zhangzhou wares showed a rather different style from Jingdezhen pieces. The main types are dishes and bowls, decorated with hastily drew patterns in under glaze blue of grey tone, leaving much space in blank. The body and glaze of most of the Zhangzhou wares are obviously lower in quality than the Jingdezhen ones. It is also the reason why the Zhangzhou wares were always identified as coarse porcelain of the time on contrast to the fine ones made in Jingdezhen. There are several shipwrecks with Zhangzhou wares, such as the Beijiao No. 3 (北礁三号) shipwreck sank shortly after 1586 (UARCNMC and HNPBCRPM 2005), the San Isidro shipwreck of the second half of 16th century (Tan 2007), the San Felipe shipwreck of 1576 (Canepa 2016), the San Augustin shipwreck of 1595 and the San Diego shipwreck of 1600 (Canepa 2016; Desroches 1996). In addition to the Chinese ship Beijiao No. 3 and Southeast Asian ship San Isidro, all other ships belonged to the Spanish and were discovered along the sailing route of the Manila Galleons, indicating that the trades

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of Zhangzhou wares were actively conducted by the Spanish towards the markets of Southeast Asia and other districts along the sailing routes (Fig. 5.11). Besides the new tendency of the present of Zhangzhou wares in the porcelain cargos during this time, changes also occurred among the export porcelain wares from Jingdezhen, among which the most obvious is the increasing of overglaze enamelled porcelain wares. The overseas trade of over glaze enamelled Jingdezhen wares could be traced back to the Portuguese commercial activities of the 1540s– 1550s on the Shangchuan (上川) Island, Taishan (台山), Guangdong province, shortly before their landing on Macau. As a new category of export porcelain wares traded by the Portuguese, it was mainly discovered on the Shangchuan Islands, not being seen in any earlier land sites or shipwrecks (Yang 2015). Over glaze enamelled porcelain wares could be seen in the cargos of the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck, in a relatively small number of less than 500, indicating that they were still quite rare for the overseas market (Fig. 5.12). Recent discoveries from shipwrecks and land sites also proved that they were traded by both the Portuguese and Spanish as cargos during the time. As published, there were 17 samples in total of over glaze enamelled porcelain wares discovered from the Portuguese ship Não Espadarte sank in 1558,

Fig. 5.11 Porcelain dishes from the shipwrecks of San Felipe, San Isdro and the Nan’ao No. 1 (Tan 2007; Canepa 2016; GDPICRA 2014)

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Fig. 5.12 Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain wares discovered from the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck (GDPICRA 2014)

Fig. 5.13 Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain wares excavated from an unpublished site off the California coast (left), excavated at the Casa de Martín Calvo de la Puerta, known as the Casa de la ObraPía, Havana, Cuba (middle), excavated from Santa Fe La Vieja, Argentina (right)

44 pieces found in the Spanish ship San Phillipe of 1576 and one example from the San Diego shipwreck of 1600 was published (Canepa 2016; Desroches 1996). Although in an extremely small scale, the Spanish had still shipped the Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain wares to many districts along their sailing routes. Examples could be seen from the land sites of Santa Fe La Vieja, Argentina, the site of the Casa de Martín Calvo de la Puerta, known as the Casa de la ObraPía, Havana, Cuba, as well as the private collection of comparative pieces from some unpublished sites off the California coast (Fig. 5.13, Kuwayama 2001), all proved that the Spanish were incredibly active in the trade of every kind of porcelains they could get from the Chinese merchants.

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Another perfect example showing the variety of porcelain cargos traded by the Spanish is the San Diego shipwreck of 1600, which sank at a short distance away from Fortune Island, Nasugbu, Philippines. It was converted from a trading ship to a warship, overloaded with cannons and more than 34,407 artifacts including Chinese porcelain, Japanese Katanas, Mexican coins, etc. (Desroches 1996). Blue and white wares made in both Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou were discovered among the cargos, as well as the over glaze enamelled porcelain wares made in Jingdezhen (Fig. 5.14), covering the main kinds of export porcelain wares during the time. Besides, it is also showed a new tendency in the style of the maritime trade porcelain wares when time moved closer to the 17th century. The shapes and decorative styles of the Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen blue and white wares became similar to each other. Some of the Zhangzhou wares and Jingdezhen wares looked identical in terms of shape and decorative patterns. It is for sure that although made from different raw materials with local ceramics techniques behind, the export porcelain wares of Zhangzhou and Jingdezhen were designed and produced for a similar taste. The most typical example, the Kraak style, which stood out by its specific decoration with foliated radial panels, has never been seen in the Chinese traditional blue and white porcelain wares before, but soon popped up from the very end of 16th century and became the mainstream of the export porcelain wares produced both in Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou (Rinaldi 1989; Fig. 5.15). The phenomena indicated that production centres of export porcelain wares were adjusting themselves to better fit the demands and tastes of the overseas markets by reducing their own local features, and producing porcelain wares exactly copying the orders from the merchants or brokers. As a result, the export porcelain wares from different kilns became visually similar, reflecting that the leading role of the demands of the overseas markets was unprecedentedly emphasized. A new era of maritime trade of porcelain had come.

Fig. 5.14 Jingdezhen over glaze enamelled porcelain bowl discovered from the San Diego (Desroches 1996)

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Fig. 5.15 Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou wares of Kraak style discovered from the San Diego (Desroches 1996)

5.5

The Convergence and Diversity of Porcelain Wares: Production for the World Market

In the early 17th century, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) was founded by a government-directed amalgamation of several rival Dutch trading companies. Similar to its predecessor as a chartered company originally established in 1602, the VOC was active in conducting the trades with India, Southeast Asian and other Far East districts (Boxer 1965). In 1603, the first permanent Dutch trading post in Indonesia was established in Banten, West Java, and in 1611 another was established at Jayakarta (later “Batavia” and then “Jakarta”). The Dutch became a strong competitor in the Asia trades with the Portuguese and the Spanish. As the Dutch was active in the same travel route of the Portuguese and always seized the Portuguese merchant carracks by force, its growing power in the trade threatened and damaged much the vest interest of the Portuguese. However, on the other hand, the presentation of the Dutch in the Far East trade further expanded the markets for Chinese porcelain wares and other products, diversifying the demands for porcelain wares of different styles and types. The Binh Thuan wreck sank off the southern coast of Vietnam around 1608 was believed belonged to the Chinese merchant I Sin Ho under the commission of the Dutch traders in Johore. It was carrying silk, ceramics and cast-iron pans from China to the Malay Peninsula. The Dutch planned to use these wares to barter for

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spices in South-East Asian markets. Among the cargos, the earliest Zhangzhou wares with over glaze enamels were discovered (Flecker 2004). As the over glaze enamelled wares discovered from the shipwrecks of earlier time are all made in Jingdezhen, the Zhangzhou wares with similar decoration were undoubtedly a new category for the exporting porcelain wares during the time (Fig. 5.16). The types and styles of these early pieces are showing many similarities to the Jingdezhen wares already got popularized around the late 16th century. Take the over glaze enamelled Zhangzhou wares discovered from the Binh Thuan wreck of 1608 for example, the covered boxes were obviously copying the Jingdezhen pieces of earlier time and we can also find the original design of the Zhangzhou covered bowls from the Jingdezhen wares in the Nan’ao No.1 shipwreck of the early Wanli period (late 16th century) (Figs. 5.17 and 5.18). In another word, the Zhangzhou kilns had received the same orders as the Jingdezhen kilns did earlier. However, in addition to the early pieces copying the Jingdezhen wares, a new style of Zhangzhou wares decorated with over glaze enamels had been created based on the similar techniques, which has never been seen in any Jingdezhen product. The most representative pieces were the large dishes and bowls decorated in large area with over glaze blue outlined by over glaze black, showing a quite different taste from the red-tuned Jingdezhen enamelled wares (Fig. 5.19). The blue-tuned Zhangzhou wares later became the mainstream of the enamelled Zhangzhou wares for the Southeast Asian market. Examples are found as treasured heirlooms and excavated in ancient historical sites and shipwrecks of Indonesia. Comparative pieces can be seen in the overseas collections as well. Among them, many were valued by Japanese collectors and bought from Southeast Asia to Japan

Fig. 5.16 Zhangzhou dishes, covered boxes and covered bowls with over glaze enamels discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck (Flecker 2004)

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Fig. 5.17 Zhangzhou covered box discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck (left), Zhangzhou covered box from the in the Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Tokyo (middle) and Jingdezhen covered box with over glaze red and green from the collection of Shanghai Museum, China (right)

Fig. 5.18 Zhangzhou covered bowl discovered from the Binh Thuan shipwreck (left), Jingdezhen bowl discovered from the Nan’ao No. 1 shipwreck (middle) and Jingdezhen bowl from the collection of the British Museum (right) (Hall 2001)

Fig. 5.19 Zhangzhou plates in the Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Tokyo

in the last two centuries (Seikado Bunko Art Museum 1997). They were published by museums and private collectors in the recent decades. Besides, some European collections of Zhangzhou wares were also showing an Asian origin, such as the famous collection of the Princesseh of National Museum of Ceramics in

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Leeuwarden, Netherlands. The collection were donated by the heirs of Mr. Reinier D. Verbeek (1841–1926) who had amassed an impressive collection of Zhangzhou wares while living and working in Sumatra, Indonesia (Harrisson 1979). They are also important databases for us to get a whole picture of the style and types of Zhangzhou wares traded. According to the recent archaeological findings and related researches, we that Europe was once the biggest market for the Jingdezhen wares, while the Southeast Asian market imported most of the Zhangzhou wares. Based at the trading posts in Southeast Asia, the Spanish and Dutch were both deeply involved in the trades of Zhangzhou wares inside the Asian local markets. As discussed above, the Spanish played an indispensable role in prompting the production of Zhangzhou blue and white wares and traded them to the other Asian markets via Luzon at the initial stage of their exportation. While the rise of over glaze enamelled Zhangzhou wares were more closely related to the Dutch commercial activities in the Asian market. The reason for Zhangzhou kilns to start producing the over glaze enamelled wares was quite complicated. Internally, its interaction with the Jingdezhen kilns, especially the move of local potters and techniques from Jingdezhen to the Zhangzhou district should be put into consideration. However, undeniably, the arrival of the Dutch at Asia and their expansion of the Southeast Asian market, especially Indonesia, as one of the biggest markets of the over glaze enamelled Zhangzhou wares also played a crucial part in the rapidly increasing of the production scale of Zhangzhou wares. Following the Dutch, merchants and companies from British and other European countries arrived in the following years. The continuing expanding demands of the world market led the trade to a new era. An era that the relationship between the demands of overseas markets and the production of the Chinese porcelain kilns became unprecedentedly close. The Chinese export porcelain adjusted itself quickly, showing the unexpected convergence and diversity towards the world market.

5.6

Conclusion

The trade of Chinese porcelain by the Manila Galleon experienced mainly three stages. Upon their arrival, the Spanish were active in the trade of any kind of export Chinese porcelain they could get. The blue and white Jingdezhen wares as mainstream and the rare type of over glaze enamelled Jingdezhen wares can both be found from the Spanish shipwrecks and land sites along the Manila Galleon routes. But soon, the Spanish found their own approach of trading with Chinese merchants. Closely connected with the merchants who were active along the Fujian coast, the Spanish started to involve in the trade of Fujian local porcelain wares and shipped the porcelain to the Southeast Asian and further markets based on its trading post at Luzon. Different from the cargos of Spanish shipwrecks, large amounts of Zhangzhou wares were rarely seen in Portuguese shipwrecks, indicating that the Spanish and Portuguese focused on the customers of different markets.

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The porcelain wares of different quality with similar patterns and shapes made in Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kilns satisfied the various levels of purchasing power for the products of same style. Conducting commercial activities separately in Fujian and Canton with mutually beneficial cooperative interactions, the Spanish and Portuguese had kept a delicate balance in the expansion of their ocean empires and the growth of their own commercial benefits. The balance had been broken thoroughly by the arrival of the Dutch and interest groups from other European countries. The Dutch suppressed the power of the Portuguese in the East by despoiling the trading posts along their sailing routes and grabbing their trade ships by force. After settling down at Batavia (present day Jakarta), Indonesia, the Dutch started to aggressively expand their power in the following years. After several unsuccessful attempts in occupying some of the trade islands, they finally ruled Formosa (present day Taiwan) in 1624 and grabbed Malacca from the Portuguese in 1641. As reflected on the Chinese porcelain, both the Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou wares adjusted themselves and showed the unprecedentedly varieties towards a wider world market. Take the Jingdezhen kilns for example, by reducing the styles and types from their traditional porcelain wares, new shapes and patterns were made following the tastes of markets. As we can tell today, for example, Kraak wares for the European market and Kinrande wares for the Japanese. The same situation happened at the Zhangzhou kilns. By making wares copying the similar designs with Jingdezhen but of lower quality, they fulfilled the needs of customers and markets sharing the same taste of Jingdezhen wares but cannot afford them. Meanwhile, they produced the blue-tuned over glaze enamelled wares which were highly valued by the customers from Japan and the Southeast Asian market, showing their great flexibility in producing porcelain wares towards the needs of specific market. In this background, the Chinese porcelain wares shipped by the Manila Galleons also reflected the diversification of the cargos. After the three stages of development of trade, it is quite difficult for one to tell the differences of cargos shipped by the Portuguese, the Spanish and the Dutch. More closely connected and interacted, they were sharing the Chinese export porcelain wares not produced for a specific country active in the Far East trade, but for a world market.

References Boxer, C. R. (1959). The great ship from Amacon: Annals of Macao and the Old Japan Trade, 1550–1640. Lisboa: Centro de Estudos Historicos Ultramarinos. Boxer, C. R. (1965). The Dutch Seaborne Empire, 1600–1800. London: Hutchinson. Brown, R. M. (1999). Xuande marked trade wares and the “Ming Gap”. Oriental Art, 43, 2–6. Canepa, T. (2016). Silk, porcelain and lacquer: China and Japan and their trade with Western Europe and the new world, 1500–1644. Paul Holberton Publishing.

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Desroches, J. edited (1996). Treasures of the San Diego. Manila: National Museum of the Philippines. Flecker, M. (2004). Christie’s Australia: The Binh Thuan Shipwreck. Melbourne: Christie’s Melbourne. Fujian Provincial Museum (FJPM). 1997. Zhangzhou kiln: A report of the archaeological excavation on the kiln sites of Ming and Qing Dynasties in Zhangzhou region (Zhangzhou Yao: Fujian Zhangzhou Diqu Mingqing Yaozhi Diaocha Fajue Baogao Zhiyi, 漳州窑: 福建漳州地 区明清窑址调查发掘报告之一). Fuzhou: People Press of Fujian. Giraldez, A. (2015). The age of trade: The Manila galleons and the dawn of the global economy. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. Gu, B., (顾秉谦) et al. (1630). The historical recording of Shengzong Empire of Ming Dynasty in Wanli period (Mingshenzong Xianhuangdi Shilu, 明神宗显皇帝实录) (Vol. 35). The version copied and published in 1962 by Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Guangdong Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (GDPICRA). (2014). Under treasure: The catalogue of selected relics from the shipwreck of “Nan’ao No. 1” (Gufan Yizhen: Nan’ao Yihao Chushui Jinpin Wenwu Tulu, 孤帆遗珍: “南澳I号” 出水精品文物图 录). Beijing: Science Press Ltd. Guo, P. (郭棐). (1602). Guangdong provincial annals (Guangdong Tongzhi, 廣東通志) (Vol. 69). Biography of Foreign Country, chapter of Macao (Waizhi San Fanyi Aomen Tiao, 外志三番 夷澳門條), the version copied and published in 1977 by the Tai Tong Book Store, Hong Kong. Hall, J. H. (2001). Catalogue of late Yuan and Ming ceramics in the British Museum. London: The British Museum Press. Harrisson, B. V. (1979). Swatow in Het Princessehof. Leeuwarden: Gemeentelijk Museum Princessehof. Harrisson, B. V. (1995). Later ceramics in South-East Asia, sixteenth to twentieth centuries. Kuala Lumpur, New York: Oxford University Press. Kuwayama, G. (1997). Chinese ceramics in colonial Mexico. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Kuwayama, G. (2001). Chinese ceramics in colonial Latin America (Peru, Guatemala, Mexico). Doctoral Dissertation of University of Michigan. Lion-Goldschmidt, D. (1985). Ming porcelains in the Santos Palace collection, Lisbon. Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, 49, 79–93. Lungstedt, A. (1994). A historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China. Hong Kong: Viking Hong Kong Publications. Official website of UNESCO. (1558). Nao Espadarte. https://en.unesco.org/silkroad/silk-roadthemes/underwater-heritage/nao-espadarte-1558. Rinaldi, M. (1989). Kraak porcelain: A moment in the history of trade. London: Bamboo Pub. Seikado Bunko Art Museum. (1997). The catalogue of treasure painted ceramic collected in Seikado Museum (Jinjiatang Cang Wuzhou Chihui Minping Tulu, 靜嘉堂藏吳州赤繪名品圖 錄). Tokyo: Seikado Bunko Art Museum. Tan, R. C. (2007). Zhangzhou ware found in the Philippines: “Swatow” export ceramics from Fujian 16th–17th century. Malina: The Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines. Tan, R. C., & Diem, A. I. (1997). Chinese and Vietnamese blue and white wares found in the Philippines. Manila: Bookmark. The Jingdezhen Ceramic Archaeological Institute (JDZCAI), et al. (2017). The excavation of the remains of the Song and Yuan Dynasties at Luomaqiao kiln site in Jingdezhen, Jiangxi. Cultural Relics (Wenwu, 文物), 732, 4–36. Underwater Archaeology Research Centre of the National Museum of China (UARCNMC), & Hainan Provincial Bureau of Cultural Relics Protection and Management (HNPBCRPM). (2005). Underwater archaeology in Xisha archipelago in 1999 (Xisha Shuixia Kaogu, 西沙水 下考古1999). Beijing: Science Press Ltd.

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Wang, G. (2015). A study on early Sino-Portuguese maritime trade ceramics (1553–1600) (Ph.D. Thesis in History of Chinese Art). The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Yang, Z. (2015). On a few questions about the export of Jingdezhen wares based on the data of unearthed porcelains from shipwrecks of Ming dynasty in Fujian, published in New Research into the Maritime Trades. In: Seafaring and Underwater Archaeology of the Ming Dynasty: Hong Kong Maritime Museum International Symposium Proceedings (pp. 216–241). Hong Kong: Chung Hwa Book Company (Hong Kong) Limited.

Chapter 6

Fujian and Hizen Ware: A 17th Century Evidence of the Manila Galleon Trade Found from Selected Archaeological Sites in the Philippines Nida T. Cuevas

Glazed ceramics are important material evidence of maritime contacts and external exchanges, which have broadened the understanding of coastal polities (Junker 2000: 3), their long-distance trades and maritime relations and interactions (Nishimura 2014; Junker 2000). Philippine archaeological sites have yielded Chinese trade ceramics dated as early as the 9th century (Beyer 1979: 115), establishing the archipelago’s early involvement in external exchanges and contacts (Nishimura 2014; Junker 2000; Fox 1979; Lim 1966; Beyer 1979). The Manila Galleons in the 17th century heightened external exchanges and intensified contacts subsequently brought to the Philippines notable quantities of Chinese, Southeast Asian, and Japanese ceramics and other trade items. The historical records have revealed that direct sailing from the coastal city of Quanzhou in the Chinese southeastern province of Fujian in the 17th century opened new and shorter trade routes (Lam 2002: 53), and the abundant presence of Fujian wares archaeologically found in the country’s major historical sites has confirmed the vibrancy of this trade. This has also been substantiated by the presence of Japanese or Hizen wares in the archaeological sites which most often associated with Fujian wares. Such wares have been uncovered in the shipwrecks of San Diego in Fortune Island, Nasugbu, Batangas and San Isidro in Zambales (Dizon and Orillaneda 2007: 179; Desroches 1997: 300). Land-based sites such as Boljoon in Cebu (Bersales and de Leon 2011), PortaVaga site in Cavite City (Tatel 2002), and Mehan Garden (Jago-on et al. 2003), Arroceros Forest Park (Katipunan Arkeologistng Pilipinas Inc. 2006), and Intramuros sites in Manila also yielded Fujian and Hizen ceramics. While scholars have largely studied trade ceramics in the context of understanding external patterns of exchange and commercial links, the examination of the relations between material culture and a society’s social stratification (i.e. elite and

N. T. Cuevas (&) National Museum of the Philippines, Metro Manila, Philippines e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_6

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non-elite) may have had little attention, if at all, in archaeological reports. Although preliminary in nature, this study is an attempt to locate the distribution of Fujian and Hizen wares in the archipelago and to better understand the correlation between the archaeological locations of Fujian and Hizen wares along with their stylistic and morphological characteristics that present useful clues in determining elite and non-elite occupation. The scanty record about the existence of Hizen wares in the Philippines did not leave any historical footprints but archaeologically become part of the major item of the Manila Galleon trade. This chapter will present Fujian and Hizen porcelain recovered from land-based sites within Intramuros and outside the walls or “extramuros” in Mehan and Arroceros in Manila, Porta Vaga in Cavite City, and Boljoon in Cebu.

6.1

The Significance of Fujian and Hizen Ceramics in the Manila Galleon Maritime Exchange

The turn of the 17th century marked the establishment of the Manila galleon maritime exchange and the start of the world trade. Glazed ceramics from Fujian Province in southern China was among the trade items loaded in the galleons. These ceramics were notably in demand in Asian and Southeast Asian regions which have been also made available for transshipment to Hispanic American market. The restrictive trade policies of China in the 14th century had enormous impact on the production of the blue-and-white wares in Jingdezhen. This province claimed to be the main ceramic-producing center in China from the 12th to the 14th century. The Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) witnessed China’s attempt to regulate external trade and bring all foreign commerce under direct government administration (Junker 2000: 194). The imperial ban prohibited Chinese merchants from directly engaging in trade with Southeast Asia and allowed only tribute-paying polities to enter Chinese ports (Junker 2000), a practice that eventually led to the monopoly of trade by the government (Tan 2007: 13). In addition, the ban brought notable changes to porcelain production and became suggestive of the unstable economic management strategies of the Chinese government. Zhiyan Lin and Cheng Wen describe kiln production as follows: Government kilns operated when ordered and lying idle when no imperial order was on hand. None of their wares were allowed to be sold, nor would anyone dare to own them. Furthermore, in shape and decorative motif they were not suitable for the common people’s use even the potters were permitted to make them. The penalty for infringing on these prohibitions was beheading of the offender and his entire extended family. Most wares produced in the government kilns catered to imperial taste. The court appointed special officials to supervise the work so that many potters catered to the taste of a single person. The government also requisitioned or confiscated desired wares from private ceramic workshops, seizing the interest of private business (Lin and Wen 1984: 92).

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During the 16th century, the closing of Chinese ports to foreign traders interrupted the growing trade in the South China Sea (Desroches 1997). The demand for porcelains by the East and Southeast Asian markets did not ease up; on the contrary, it increased. The late 16th century marked the opening of Manila to a more global maritime trade. The Manila Galleons connected markets in the East and West in an intense trading network that involved Philippine waters and brought about the tremendous influx of mass-produced Chinese export ceramics (Fig. 6.1) (Cuevas 2014: 27). In the middle of the 17th century, the trading of ceramics included not only Fujian wares, but Hizen ceramics from Japan, among others. The production of Japanese or Hizen wares in Arita, Japan in 1635 was the byproduct of China’s restrictive trade policy. The exportation of Hizen porcelains to Southeast Asia, Mexico and Europe through Chinese junks and VOC (Vereenigdae Oostindische Companie) or the Dutch East India Company ships from the port of Nagasaki, Japan started in the middle of the 17th century. Hizen porcelains were manufactured with designs and forms copied from the Chinese technology. While a major trade item on the Manila-Acapulco route, not much information may be found on how Hizen porcelains arrived in the Philippines (Nogami 2006). What we do know is that 16th century Chinese records noted that during the Ming ban and the resulting demand for wares outside imperial control: Fujian emerged as

Fig. 6.1 Trade route of the Manila Galleon

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the center of trade ceramics production in China (www.koh-antique.com), the province mass produced porcelains; and northern Fujian established more kilns (Minbei) than southern Fujian (Minnan) (www.koh-antique.com/fujian). The historical records do not disclose that Fujian wares were actually exported to the Philippines. However, what latter day scholars describe as “mass produced, hurriedly potted, and invariably of inferior quality” blue-and-white wares and further describe as copies of celadon from Longquan kilns and Qingbai ware from Jingdezhen kilns may have included Fujian wares. Archaeologist Robert Fox describes the products of these provincial kilns as “people’s ware” (Fox 1979). One can surmise that the large production of Fujian wares ultimately responded to the Southeast Asian demand for ceramics trade. The study of Tatel (2002) on the patterns of external exchanges in the late 16th to the early 19th century in Porta Vaga in Cavite City mentions that the Spaniards developed a system of external trade as a result of the absence of trading ports near China (Tatel 2002). They sought to monopolize the Southeast Asian commerce by the way of the Manila-Acapulco trade through regular journeys of the heavilyladden galleon ships. The Manila-Acapulco trade attracted Chinese merchants to engage in Manila commerce, and their junks were full of goods. Tatel cites a historical document by Antonio de Morga (1609) that a total of thirty to forty Chinese junks traveling in groups arrived in Manila Bay from the ports of Guandong (Canton) Province, Chinceo or Quanzhou and Ucheo or Fuzhou prefectures (likely in Amoy, Fujian Province) (Iaccarino 2011: 99). The Minnan Ren or locals of southern Fujian province were known to be the dynamic merchants who moved to Manila conducted trade with the mainland via junks (Desroches 1997). Large trade ships regularly docked on Philippine ports that were big enough to accommodate them, such as those in Manila, Mindoro, Pangasinan, Cebu, Jolo (Sulu province) and Cotabato (Maguindanao province) (Junker 2000: 195). Sites such as the Porta Vaga in Cavite City, Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus and Ayuntamiento sites in Intramuros, Manila, the Arroceros Forest Park and the Mehan Garden sites outside Manila, and Boljoon in southern Cebu are some of the numerous locations of historical and archaeological importance that provide evidences of Fujian and Hizen wares found in the Philippines. The National Museum worked on these sites during the early years of 2000.

6.2

Evidence of Fujian and Hizen Wares in the Philippines

The turn of the 17th century witnessed the Philippine economy stabilizing as a result of the unrestricted commercial exchange and growth of the Manila Galleons (Cuevas 2014: 28). Evidence of commercial exchanges in the archaeological records of the historically known ports in the Philippines showed the presence of ceramics from Fujian province and Arita in Japan.

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6.2.1

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PortaVaga in Cavite City

The Porta Vaga site is located in Samonte Park, Cavite City. Porta Vaga is an adobe-walled fortification that served as gateway to the Puerto Cavite or port of Cavite (Fig. 6.2). The Fort of San Felipe Neri and the gate of Porta Vaga were constructed in 1595 and completed in 1602 (www.triposo.com). From the 16th to the 19th century, the fort was historically known as a seaport town (Tatel 2002; www.triposo.com). It also served as the point of embarkation for the Manila-Acapulco trade and functioned as a shipyard for a distinct colonial society that mainly subsisted on the maritime environments (Tatel 2002: 16; www.triposo. com). Archaeological evidences of 17th-century Fujian wares had been reportedly found in the site that Tatel subsequently and intensively studied in 2002. Dehua and Zhangzhou (Swatow) kilns produced Fujian wares excavated from the Porta Vaga site during the 17th and 18th centuries (Tatel 2002). Although recovered in fragments, types of morphological features are exhibited in Fujian bowls, dishes, covered boxes, cups, figurines, and spoons. Fujian wares from Porta Vaga demonstrate domestic response to the changing colonial trade policies as the European world economic order was shifting from mercantilism to capitalism (Tatel 2002: 117). The Porta Vaga or Cavite Puerto where was known as a small fishing village underwent transformation from simple economic fishing village into a major port of call for the trans-Pacific galleon trade. This was shown on the Fujian and Guandong wares which were predominantly recovered from the excavation in the 17th–18th century layers. This finding prompted Tatel to infer that the shift in the frequency of identified ceramic types per cultural layers reflect the over-all changing patterns in western trade in Southeast Asia. In other words, the ceramic analyses have shown that there were no changes on the wares themseoves. Rather,

Fig. 6.2 The town of Cavite showing the location of Porta Vaga site (Google map)

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the sudden appearance of large quantities of Fujian and Guandong wares in the 17th–18th century layers of the Porta Vaga excavation suggest that Porta Vaga was suddenly thrust into a broader economic network than the previous fishing village or town.

6.2.2

Intramuros

Intramuros was another area where archaeologists found abundant Fujian and some Hizen ceramics. The walled city quartered the Spanish community from the late 16th to the late 19th century. Located on the mouth of the Pasig River, Intramuros was a triangular wedge of land that curved outward, surrounded by a moat, and measured about two and a half miles in circumference (Fig. 6.3). As early as the 1960s, archaeologists of the National Museum extensively studied Intramuros (Bautista 2001). Excavations in various sections of Intramuros yielded archaeological materials that dated from the 15th century to the World War II. They recovered massive amounts of trade wares, including 17th and 18th century blue-and-white Chinese porcelain sherds. Dehua and Swatow kilns in southern Fujian produced a significant portion of these trade ceramics. Likewise, intensive examination of these materials revealed the presence of Hizen wares. The most substantial sites in Intramuros with Fujian and Hizen wares were the Ayuntamiento and the Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus.

Fig. 6.3 Satellite image of Manila showing locations of archaeological sites in Intramuros, Mehan Garden, Arroceros Forest Park (Google map)

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The Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesusis located along Santa Lucia Street in the corner of Victoria, between the Bastion de San Diego and the Cuartel de la Artilleria. In front of the beaterio was the College of the Society of Jesus, a proximity that allowed the beatas (pious women) easy access to the Church of Saint Ignatius of Loyola (now the Pamantasanng Maynila), hence the appellation for the nuns, Beatas de la Compania de Jesus. A wealthy Spaniard once owned the beaterio, after which the building domiciled the Religious of the Virgin Mary in the late 17th century (Archaeological, Cultural and Environmental Consultancy Inc. [ACECI] 2002). The 2002 excavation by the Archaeological, Cultural and Environmental Consultancy Inc. (ACECI) yielded Chinese trade ceramics dated between the 16th and the 18th century. Archaeologists have identified these wares as having been manufactured in both Fujian and Jingdezhen Kiln. The excavation uncovered five white glazed figurines of the Buddhist Lion (Male Fu Dog) from Dehua Kiln (Fig. 6.4) and sherds of the blue-and-white dish from Zhangzhou (Fig. 6.5). The site also yielded fragments of under glaze blue and white Hizen wares. Dish and cup vessels with flower and animal designs were identified by Nogami mostly of “Kraak Style” which was produced in 1660–1690 in Arita, Japan. The Ayuntamiento, with an approximate land area of 5000 m2, is bound on the northwest by Aduana Street, the northeast by the Banco Filipino Condominium Property, the southeast by Stanto Tomas Street, and Cabildo Street. It was the site of the Manila city government during the colonial period. The excavations at the Ayuntamiento revealed seventeenth century materials such as porcelain sherds, animal bones, shells, metal implements, and earthenware sherds. The excavation also exposed a number of inverted stoneware jars that served as water proofing units that appeared integral to the structural design. According to Angel Bautista (2001), these jars likely prevented the capillary action of water from spreading underground and dampening the floors of the living quarters during floods (Bautista 2001). Fujian wares excavated from the Ayuntamiento came in the form of saucers, bowls, and plates. Ceramic decorations included pine trees, flowers, cord-like lotus, and floral scroll motifs in panel characteristic of a kraak ware (Bautista 2001).

Fig. 6.4 Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus, Intramuros 17th century Blanc de Chine Figurine Male Fu Dog or Buddhist Lion Dehua Kiln, Fujian

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Fig. 6.5 Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus, Intramuros blue and white dish with phoenix design 17th century from Fujian

After a geomorphological study, Bautista inferred that trade ceramics from the Ayuntamiento site may also have come from other places because the swampy area had been reclaimed with soil hauled from elsewhere. Mehan Gardenis another archaeological site that yielded Fujian and Hizen wares. Mehan Garden is situated in “extramuros” or outside the walls of Intramuros. With a land area of approximately 3770 m2, it is a historic settlement site along it were the banks of the Pasig River, approximately 100 m upriver from Intramuros. It is currently bound by Baesa, Hospital Road, and Arroceros and P. Burgos streets (Jago-on et al. 2003: 111) Recent urban development has converted part of Mehan Garden into the Universidad de Manila (formerly City College of Manila) and the Bonifacio Shrine. Historians and archaeologists believe that Mehan Garden was a Chinese Parian settlement—the fifth—established in the immediate outskirts of Intramuros. Residential quarters and a marketplace for the Chinese constituted the Parian (Cuevas 2014: 22). In 2001, archaeological finds of abundant quantities of animal remains such as edible shellfish, bone from protein-rich animals, and wooden remains from structures and structural features affirm that Mehan functioned as a habitation area. Other finds include notable amounts of earthenware sherds blackened by soot and stonewares from storage jars and porcelain sherds. In 1967, the National Museum undertook excavations that revealed large quantities of 17th-century trade wares (Evangelista 1968). It identified later sherd finds as having been produced by Fujian kilns dated from the late 17th to the middle of the 19th century. Arroceros Forest Park is approximately 500 m northwest of the Mehan Garden site (see Fig. 6.3). It measures 21,428 m2 (2.1 ha) and is located in the district of Ermita. It is bound to the northeast by the Pasig River, the southwest by Arroceros

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street, and the northwest by Calle Colgante (today Quezon Bridge). Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain sherds manufactured in the kilns of Zhangzhou in Fujian were found and dated from the late 16th to the mid-18th century. Associated with the blue-and-white sherds was a small, intact white jar let from a Dehua Kiln (Fig. 6.6). While, fragments of Hizen wares were identified produced beteen 1660 and 1680 in Hizen (Nogami 2006). Both the Mehan Garden and the Arroceros Forest Park sites, utilized differently, became historical landmarks in 17th century Manila. While Mehan Garden was a residential settlement with some levels of craft production during the Parian period, the Arroceros Forest Park site likely served as a wharf to load and unload commodities, given its proximity to the Pasig River.

6.2.3

Boljoon Parish Church Site, Boljoon, Cebu

The parish church archaeological site in Boljoon, Cebu revealed Fujian and Hizen ceramics. The town is located at the southeastern coast of Cebu Island in the Central Visayas. Approximately 100 km south of Cebu City, Boljoon is bordered by narrow coastal strips and high mountains (Fig. 6.7). Archaeological excavations conducted on the grounds of the Patrocinio de Santa Maria Parish Church in the small town of Boljoon yielded materials giving evidence of a 17th-century burial ground (Bersales and de Leon 2011: 18). The burials were associated with ceramic and earthenware vessels, iron tools, and metal ornaments. These ceramics included a blue-and-white shallow porcelain dish with an under glazed blue leaf design from a Fujian kiln dated to about the second half of the 17th century (Fig. 6.8: Boljoon, Cebu). Found intact, this Fujian dish served as a mortuary vessel or a grave offering that accompanied the deceased. This was

Fig. 6.6 Blanc de Chine Porcelain Jar let, Dehua Kiln, Fujian Arroceros Forest Park, Manila 17th century

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Fig. 6.7 Satellite image of the town of Boljoon, Cebu (Google map)

Fig. 6.8 Boljoon, Cebu Under glazed blue and white porcelain dish Fujian, China, Second half 17th century (Bersales and de Leon 2011)

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associated with Hizen over glazed enamel wares (Figs. 6.9, 6.10 and 6.11) from a Yoshida Kiln dated to about 1650–1670 (Bersales and de Leon 2011).

6.3

Discussion

The influx of glazed ceramics or trade wares particularly from kilns in Fujian Province and noted in many historical and archaeological Philippine sites has become indicative of the thriving Sino-Filipino trade relations then. This lively exchange was also evident in the large quantities of Zhangzhou wares reportedly found in sites in Cavite, Manila, and Cebu (Tan 2007: 14). During a personal exchange with the author on January 9, 2016, Hizen ware specialist Takenori Nogami opined that Zhangzhou wares (Swatow) from southern Fujian remain some of the most important trade ceramics found in the Philippines. Spanish chroniclers in 1521 likewise noted that ceramics in general indicated a well-established trade network (Crick 2002: 71).

Fig. 6.9 Japanese over glazed enamel bottle of Arita Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 (Bersales and de Leon 2011)

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Fig. 6.10 Japanese overglazed enamel large dish of Yoshida Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 (Bersales and de Leon 2011)

The excavation site in Porta Vaga, Cavite City established a clear contextual deposition of trade ware types. These types consisted of mass-produced (Fujian) wares and some high-quality (European) wares. Tatel (2002) discussed the majority of ceramic sherds and reflected on over-all changing patterns. Trade ware coming from the ports of Fujian and Guandong provinces were clearly abundant in the layers from the 17th to the 18th century, while European wares notably appeared in the 19th-century layers. The presence of a Dehua jar let and Dehua figurines in both the Beaterio de la Compaña de Jesus and Arroceros sites suggests the high quality of Fujian ware production that European consumers treasured during the period spanning the late Ming to the early Qing period (17th to early 18th century). While the Dehua figurines from the Beaterio site may be viewed as supporting the historical record that the Spanish elite had lived there in the 17th century, the white ware jar let from the Arroceros Forest Park site may be regarded as a residue of the goods loaded and unloaded in the wharf area. The Boljoon site that yielded intact pieces of both Fujian and Hizen wares suggests the vessels sacral function in ritual and mortuary activity. This mortuary

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Fig. 6.11 Japanese blue-and-white small double-gourd bottle of Arita Kiln, Hizen area Boljoon, Cebu, ca. 1650–1670 (Bersales and de Leon 2011)

belief system can only be observed to burials belonging to elite or with high social stratification in contrast to burials with no grave goods. Further studies on issues that look into aspects of social stratification in concordance with the type of Fujian wares and other trade ceramics found elsewhere in the Philippines may prove useful.

References Archaeological, Cultural and Environmental Consultancy Inc. (ACECI). (2002). Report on the Rescue Archaeological Excavation at the Light and Sound Museum site, Sta. Lucia, Intramuros, Manila. Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Bautista, A. P. (2001). Terminal Report: Re-excavation of the Ayuntamien to Property. Manuscript. Manila: National Museum, Manila. Bersales, J. E., & de Leon, A. (2011). The archaeology of an Augustinian frontier mission: A report on the fifth phase of excavations at the Boljoon Parish Church, Cebu. Philippine

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Quarterly of Culture and Society (Vol. 39, Issue. (3/4). pp. 185–213). Cebu City, Philippines: University of San Carlos Press. Beyer, H. O. (1979). Early history of Philippine relations with foreign countries, Especially China. In M. Garcia (Eds.), Readings in Philippine Prehistory (pp. 112–117). Manila: The Filipiniana Book Guild. Crick, M. (2002). Traditions and transitions: Chinese ceramics at the end of the 15th century. In P. Lam (Eds.), Stacey Pierson and rosemary Scott in Lost at Sea: The strange route of the Lena Shoal Junk (pp. 71–90). London: Periplus Publishing. Cuevas, N. T. (2014). The Hizen Ware in the Philippines: Its Historical and Archaeological Significance. Boletìn del Instituto de Estudios Latino-Americanos de Kyoto, Vol. 14, pp. 11–32. Desroches, J-P. (1997). The porcelains: The treasures of the San Diego. Treasures of the San Diego. Paris: Elf Foundation. De Morga, A. (1609). Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. In E. H. Blair & J. A. Robertson (Eds.), The Philippine Islands 1493–1898 (Vol. 16, pp 8–218). Dizon, E., & Orillaneda, B. (2007). The San Diego and San Isidro wrecks: Reflections on Philippine ceramic trade on Swatow wares in the 16th century. zhang zhou ware found in the Philippines: Swatow export ceramics from Fujian from 16th–17th century (pp. 179–184). Singapore: ArtPostAsia.Manila. Evangelista, A. (1968). Pre-Spanish Manila through archaeology project: Mehan Garden. Manila, Philippines: Manuscript. National Museum. Fox, R. B. (1979). Chinese pottery in the Philippines. In M. Garcia (Eds.), Readings in Philippine Prehistory (pp. 178–196). Manila: The Filipiniana Book Guild. Iaccarino, U. (2011). The “Galleon System” and Chinese trade in manila at the turn of the 16th century. Ming Qing Yanjiu, 16, 95–128. Jago-on, S. C., Cuevas, N. T., & Belmonte, J. G. (2003). The Mehan Garden Archaeology. In Proceedings of the Society of Philippine Archaeologists: Semantics and Systematics-Philippine Archaeology. Manila: Katipunan Arkeologistng Pilipinas Inc. (KAPI). Junker, L. L. (2000). Raiding, trading and feasting: The political economy of Philippine Chiefdom. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Katipunan Arkeologistng Pilipinas, Inc. (2006). Arroceros Forest Park Rescue Archaeology Project. In Proceedings of the Society of Philippine Archaeologists (Vol. 4). Katipunan Arkeologistng Pilipinas Inc., Manila. Lam, P. (2002). Maritime trade in China during the middle Ming period circa 1500 AD. In F. Goddio, M. Crick, P. Lam (EDs.), Stacey Pierson and Rosemary Scott in Lost at Sea: The Strange route of the Lena Shoal Junk (pp. 43–58). London: Periplus Publishing. Lim, A. R. (1966). The Chinese pottery as a basis for the study of Philippine proto-history. In A. Felix (Eds.), The Chinese in the Philippines 1570–1770 (Vol. 1, pp. 223). The Historical Conservation Society: Solidaridad Publishing House. Lin, Z., & Wen, C. (1984). Traditional Chinese arts and culture: Chinese pottery and porcelain. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. Nishimura, M. (2014). Transformation of cultural landscape of compex societies in Southeast Asia: A case study of Cebu central settlement Philippines. In M. Nishimura (Eds.), Human relations and social developments: Festschrift Issue of Prof. Yasushi Kikuchi (pp. 275–308). Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Nogami, T. (2006). Hizen ware and its transport around the South China Sea: relation to the manila galleon trade. A paper presented at the 18th Congress of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association. Manila, Philippines. Tan, R. (2007). Zhangzhou ware found in the Philippines: Swatow export ceramics from Fujian 16th–17th century. Singapore; Manila: Art Post Asia. Tatel, C. (2002). Patterns of external exchange in Porta Vaga: Morphometric analysis of excavated Tradeware ceramics at Porta Vaga Site, Cavite City. MA thesis, Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. www.koh-antique.com/fujian. www.triposo.com.

Chapter 7

Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the Philippines Sheldon Clyde B. Jago-on and Bobby C. Orillaneda

The Spanish conquest of the Philippines began with the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in March 1521 (Pigafetta 1969). When Magellan was killed in April 27, 1521 by a local chieftain in the island of Mactan by the name of Lapu-lapu, the remaining Spaniards hastily left and went back to Spain. It was not until exactly 44 years after the death of Magellan that another expedition arrived in the Philippines (Cebu) under the command of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, with specific instructions from the King of Spain to find the return route from Manila to New Spain (present day Mexico). The discovery of the tornaviaje or the return journey from Manila to Acapulco by Fray Andres de Urdaneta, Legaspi’s pilot and navigator in 1565 completed the maritime route that was later utilized by the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (Schurz 1985). The first few galleons left from Cebu until Legaspi transferred his capital to Manila, leaving Cebu in economic disarray (Fajardo 2018). The galleon trade represents one of the earliest manifestations of economic globalization where Asia, the Americas and Europe were linked together through maritime high ways. The Galleon trade fostered both economic and cultural exchanges between the Philippines and Mexico, which can be observed up to this day (INQUIRER.net US Bureau 2017). The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route was operational for 250 years (1565–1815) where merchant ships traversed more than 18,000 km across the Pacific Ocean from Manila to Acapulco and vice versa. At the western terminus, Manila became the world’s premier entrepot during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that linked peoples, cultures and material goods between Asia and the Americas (Schurz 1985; Fish 2011). S. C. B. Jago-on
B. C. Orillaneda (&) Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines e-mail: [email protected] S. C. B. Jago-on e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_7

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It is significant to note that the first recorded shipwreck investigation in the Philippines in May 9, 1967 was related to the recovery of artefacts from a reportedly Manila galleon off the shores of Santo Domingo, Albay (Alba 1984; Conese 1989). Two huge coral-encrusted anchors, weighing three tons each, were found approximately 275 m from the sunken vessel with a forging date of 1649. The Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) was created in 1979 with support from the Southeast Asian Minister of Education Organization Special Projects in Archaeology and the Fine Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Ronquillo 1989). In 1988, UAU was renamed the Underwater Archaeology Section (UAS) under the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines.

7.1

Boat Building in the Philippines

A number of galleons were allegedly constructed in Cavite, Cebu, two (2) in Bagatao, two (2) along the Camarines coast, Donsol and Marinduque (Schurz 1985; Fish 2011; Bolunia 2014). Although the site in Donsol where some sheathing materials were recovered may provide a direct evidence for galleon shipbuilding, it is logical to follow that the Philippines provide a good venue for their construction based on the three (3) requisites that according to Schurz (1985), are to be satisfied for building a ship as big as a galleon capable of sailing into vast oceans: supply of good timber, a safe port, and the availability of skilled boat builders. First, good timber for shipbuilding were abundant in the areas mentioned; second, there are always safe ports in the country as evident in our long tradition of seafaring; and third, local shipbuilders are well documented in the long maritime history of the archipelago. Although shipwrights and naval architects may have come from Europe, there were already large pools of indigenous skilled boat builders prior to the colonial period.

7.2

Galleon Wrecks Along the Route to and from the Embocadero

The Manila-Acapulco galleons follow approximately the same routes both coming in from and going to Acapulco, thus a number of ships, not only galleons were wrecked along these sea lanes. Pilots generally follow the route from Cavite between Mariveles and Corrigidor in Bataan, keeping clear of Fortune Island, Batangas, to the left. Going south past Cape Santiago, and southeast along the Verde Island passage passing by Maricaban Island and Verde Island on the left. Continuing to go southeast passing Calapan Point on the right and Dumali Point farther south, passing now the southern part of Marinduque with Banton Island on the right. Going E by SE along the Masbate Passage clearing Aguja Point to the left

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and Bugui Point to the right. At approximately 123.3615 East degrees longitude and 12.6429° North latitude, changed course to E by NE veering left and clearing San Miguel Island to the right. After clearing San Miguel Island, at 123.60 East longitude, turned S by SE towards San Jacinto of Ticao. Continue going south in front of San Fernando, at approximately 12.4702 N latitude, turned East towards the entrance of Embocadero or San Bernardino Strait passing between Calantas reef and the northern tip of Capul Island while turning slightly E by NE towards the Municipality of Allen before going N by NE clearing Baricuatro Point to the right. Continue on the Northerly direction clearing San Bernardino Island to the left and Biri Island to the right before turning approximately 24° going East of Catanduanes and farther north, east of Japan where the Galleons mount the Kurushio current that would take them on an easterly track between 37° and 41° North latitude with the westerly wind pushing them toward the coast of west of California. The whole stretch from Cavite to Embocadero is approximately a month to navigate (Schurz 1985) (Fig. 7.1). At the entrance of the Embocadero where currents were the primary concern of navigators, there are tide rip currents starting north of San Andres Island in the Naranjo Group of Islands along the San Bernardino Strait. Outgoing galleons get clear of the San Bernardino Banks on the left on their way up climbing to the 37th parallel. Along these routes lie some of the galleon wreck sites. Many archaeological expeditions have been conducted on this area in the past looking for the wreck sites of the Galleons like San Andres. Santo Cristo de Burgos may have been wrecked in the area, just outside the entrance to the Embocadero. Espiritu Santo and San Geronimo were allegedly wrecked at the south and southeast coasts of Catanduanes Island on their way to the east of Japan to mount the Kurushio current. Galleons going on N by NE direction from the Embocadero are very vulnerable to storms coming from the Pacific, as Catanduanes lies directly along the path of these storms, especially during the NE monsoon. The southern part of the Island has reefs that are as shallow as 2 fathoms (3.6 m). The galleons from Acapulco may have entered the Embocadero from the Ladrones Islands (present day Guam) along the 12th parallel, avoiding the Wright Shoal on left, clearing Fitzgerald Banks going west before turning south, just west of San Bernardino Island to enter the Philippines via the route used by outgoing galleons. An alternative route would be to clear the reefs east of San Bernardino Strait going N by NW from the 12th parallel and south via the route used for outgoing Galleons (Fig. 7.2). Other galleons believed to have sunk in the vicinity of the galleon routes are Encarnacion in Ticao Pass (Malones 1986), Nuestra Senora dela Vida, San Diego, and San Jose.

Fig. 7.1 Map of the Philippine archipelago showing the different trade routes, including easterly and westerly routes of the Galleon trade and the underwater archaeological sites (Map generated by QGIS)

132 S. C. B. Jago-on and B. C. Orillaneda

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Fig. 7.2 Nautical chart showing the San Bernardino Strait and the Galleon routes (Map generated by QGIS)

7.3

7.3.1

Summary of Manila-Acapulco Galleon-Related Surveys, Explorations and Excavations by the Underwater Archaeology Section of the National Museum Espiritu Santo (1576) and San Geronimo (1601)

Espiritu Santo was an outbound Manila galleon that sunk in the vicinity of Catanduanes Island. Pastells’ (1925) work provided relevant passages related to the Espiritu Santo. The vessel’s untimely demise “was caused by an unforgettable strong and merciless typhoon and the galleon was suddenly thrown onto the reefs near a place and uncharted coast of the shore of Catanduanes.” Another part mentioned, “A Spanish ship had run across the reefs along the coast and all the Spaniards died either by drowning or from being smashed on the reefs or thrown into sharp stones.” Further, “… the natives of Sion found the location of two anchors, some pieces of cargo and arquebuses …” Finally, one passage states that: “The group who came (led by Don Juan de Sardonil) to attempt a rescue on the site to the north side of the Sion River never succeeded in recovering any cargo or survivors of the Espiritu Santo” (Alba 1992).

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Another textual source, Agustin Maria de Castro’s Osorio Venerable Missioneros Agustinosen el Extremo Oriente—1565 to 1780 published in 1954, provide the following relevant clause: “On the way, approximately 100 leagues from Manila and along a channel of the island Province of Catanduanes, the Espiritu Santo was wrecked due to the carelessness of the pilot.” Furthermore “the friars tried to swim toward the south of Catanduanes.” One of the most notable passengers of the Espiritu Santo is Father Diego de Herrera, a famous Augustinian priest. One of the myths is that the cross of Batalay church in Bato municipality came from the Espiritu Santo. In Gaspar de San Agustin, OSA’s Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas (The Conquest of the Philippine Islands) 1565–1615, which was translated by Luis Antonio Mañeru, those religious who survived the tragedy, led by Fr. Diego were attacked by the natives. The barbarous islanders attacked and killed them with their spears and cutlasses. They watered the earth with the blood of the religious, recording on the sands the cruelty of the tyrants, and the constancy by which the religious tolerated such a cruel death at their hands (De San Agustin n.d., 757). The interrupted voyage of the San Geronimo was mentioned in only one historical source, Colin and Murillo’s Labor Evangelica published in 1749. In Chap. 17, pp. 705–707 of the second volume, the San Geronimo was “lost on their way to New Spain.” And that it perished “just outside of the Embocadero in Catanduanes Island near Virac Point” (personal communication by Rolando Bayhon to Alba 1992). Virac Point is now called the Santa Rosa Shoals after its discovery in 1834 (Alba 1992). That Espiritu Santo and San Geronimo galleons are mentioned together in this paper is related to its sinking location as these vessels sunk in Catanduanes Island, one of the six provinces of the Bicol Region. It is thus unsurprising that underwater archaeological investigations were geared towards the search for both galleons. Catanduanes is located in the southeast tip of Luzon at 122°–124° East longitude and 12°–14° North latitude and lies along the typhoon belt of the Philippine archipelago. The island lies just a few kilometres north of the San Bernardino Straits and that any galleon taking the 13th latitude would it its shallow reefs in foul weather (Alba 1992, 1). The National Museum in collaboration with private entities started the search for the galleons in 1991, collaborating with the private research group Island Marine Archaeology Foundation, Inc. (IMARF). Magnetometers, depth sounders were used for the electronic survey while metal detectors and SCUBA were employed to verify potential sites. The survey covered Calolbon, Cabugao and Locot Bays and part of Johns Reef and Teresa Shoal in northeast and southern part of Virac (Alba 1992). In February 2002, the National Museum worked with another research entity, the Historical and Nautical Archaeology Foundation (HNAF) and surveyed the waters off Locot Bay, Barangay Bote, Bato municipality using proton magnetometers (Jago-on 2002). Three anomalies were detected that prompted a probing excavation using water dredges and airlift but did not yield any materials related to Santo Espiritu.

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From July 4–August 1, 2007, The National Museum again worked HNAF and carried out an electronic survey using multi-beam sonar, proton magnetometer as well as undersea visual surveys using SCUBA off the waters of Northeast Catanduanes (Orillaneda and Bersamira 2007). This was supplemented by ocular shoreline surveys in the beaches of Panay and Lete Island as well as in the north and northeast beaches of Bagamanoc and Pandan municipalities. Chinese blue and white porcelain fragments were found in the shoreline of Bagamanoc and on the east side of Panay Island that were identified to belong to Ming Dynasty, the same time period of the San Geronimo sinking in 1601. There were also three copper coins that were reportedly found in the shores of Bagamanoc. The coins appear similar to the ones recovered from the San Diego wreck in Batangas that sunk in December 14, 1600. These findings refocused the survey towards the entrance of the Bagamanoc Bay and Panay Island but no trace of the San Geronimo ship or its associated cargoes was ever found during the entire survey period. The next year, 2008, the National Museum and HNAF again carried out a six-month (April 15–October 15) electronic (multi beam and side scan sonar), magnetometer and SCUBA verification dives (Jago-on 2008; Orillaneda and Peñalosa 2008a, b). The entire offshore survey covered the entire eastern part and some areas of the north and south of Catanduanes that included the municipalities of Baras, Bagamanoc, Viga, Gigmoto, San Andres and Pandan. This was complemented by terrestrial coastal surveys in several barangays in the same municipalities. The land surveys yielded Chinese blue and white porcelains that were dated to the mid-17th century and thus not related to either the Espiritu Santo or the San Geronimo. Several anomalies were detected by the electronic survey but were modern objects. A total of 641 km2 were surveyed at the south and east coasts of Catanduanes Island looking for the two (2) galleons broken down as follows over the years. 47.45 km2 was surveyed in 2002, 131.35 km2 in 2003, 109.64 km2 in 2004, and 322 km2 from 2005 to 2008 (Fig. 7.3).

7.3.2

The San Diego (December 14, 1600)

San Diego was built in the shipyards of Cebu as a merchant ship and was initially named San Antonio (Desroches et al. 1995; L’Hour 1996). She was docked in Cavite for reconditioning and repairs when a couple of Dutch ships led by Olivier Van Noort aboard his flagship Mauritius and a smaller ship Concord entered the Philippines to carry out private trade in the country (Goddio 1994). When the Spaniards learned of the incursion, the government hastily assembled a small fleet of ships including San Diego as the flagship to pursue and engage the Dutch. Don Antonio de Morga, at that time the Vice Governor General of the Philippines, head of the Inquisition and a judge of the Royal Audiencia, was tasked to lead the expedition. An inexperienced sailor, Morga over loaded San Diego with weaponries including land cannons and other unnecessary cargo. This made

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Fig. 7.3 Nautical Chart showing the survey areas in Catanduanes from 2002 to 2008 looking for the Galleons Espiritu Santo and San Geronimo (Map generated by QGIS)

San Diego too heavy for manoeuvrability which was an essential factor for naval engagements (Goddio 1994). After a brief skirmish at Friar Point, Mauritius and San Diego had a running battle that finally culminated in a fierce, close encounter near Fortune Island, Batangas. De Morga’s bad tactical decisions and the unsuitability of San Diego for sea battle caused it to sink when hit by cannon balls. San Bartolome, San Diego’s escort vessel, captured the Concord in Lubang Island near Mindoro While Mauritius escaped to Indonesia before returning to Rotterdam (Desroches et al. 1995). Archival research on the possible location of the site was conducted in the libraries and archives of Spain, Holland, Italy and France. Primary historical materials perused include Don Antonio de Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas or Historical Events of the Philippines Islands, published in Mexico in 1609 and Olivier Van Noort’s My Arduous Journey Around the World and other sources that mentioned the battle between San Diego and Mauritius (Goddio 1994; Orillaneda 2000). The National Museum in collaboration with the World Wide First (WWF) headed by Franck Goddio began searching for San Diego on April 8, 1991 (Desroches et al. 1995). Survey equipment used included positioning systems for accurate tracking and navigation, magnetometers and sub-bottom profilers. Due to the conflicting historical accounts regarding the exact sinking location, the survey

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took longer and covered a lot of area before the shipwreck was discovered. The actual wreck site was only determined after a series of verification dives on one of the numerous anomalies detected which was approximately a kilometre northeast of Fortune Island and lying 54 m below sea surface level on a mound of stoneware jars and cannons covering approximately 40 by 200 km2 (Cuevas, Fortune Island Underwater Archaeological Excavations: A Preliminary Report 1992). The entire survey area is 120.9 km2. The entire project was divided into two seasons. The first season was conducted from February 10 to April 28, 1992 that exposed the shipwreck and recovered archaeological materials. WWF employed a team of commercial divers due to the site’s dangerous depth (54 m) that hindered ordinary scuba divers including the National Museum personnel from working at the site. Additional personnel included a diving doctor, recompression chamber technicians, dive masters, photographers and the crew of the vessels. The National Museum team included scores of researchers and technicians who were tasked with the supervision of the excavations and making sure the methodologies implemented conform to the National Museum standards. Dive activities were conducted round the clock with two groups of divers doing alternate shifts. A grid map was established to provide a framework from which all divers would record their finds. Two electric submersible pumps were used to power three water dredges. Artefacts deposited in the mesh were collected, labelled and bagged. Photo-documentation of the site was done by a separate team of photographers and videographers who dive at their own schedule to monitor the excavation work and the exposition of important artefacts. Recovered archaeological objects were subjected to first aid conservation measures such as the mechanical removal of natural seabed materials like silt and sand and by desalinisation. Metal and wooden artefacts were treated differently by storing them in a cool dry place and separating them from the pottery and trade ware ceramics to avoid contamination and deterioration. All artefacts were accessioned and recorded in the National Museum Inventory Form especially designed for underwater projects by the National Museum personnel. More than 34,000 various archaeological specimens were retrieved and accessioned that included ceramics (porcelains, stonewares and earthenwares), armaments (cannons, samurai swords and katanas, swords, muskets, ammunitions), silver coins and silver wares, metals anchors (helmets, buckles, lead weights and ingots, bells etc.), glass wares, jewelry and personal ornaments, gold objects (seals, coins, neck and finger rings and rosary), necklaces, kitchen wares, wooden objects and implements, ropes, floral and faunal remains and other unidentified objects (Goddio 1994). Significant archaeological objects recovered include navigational instruments (astrolabe and compass) and implements, fourteen bronze cannons, Chinese blue and white porcelains (Kraak and Swatow wares), more than 750 Chinese, Thai, Burmese, and Spanish or Mexican stoneware jars and over seventy Philippine-made earthenware potteries (Goddio 1994; Alba 1993).

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The second excavation season in 1993 started with the re-survey of the site from January 20 to the early part of February. The focus of the second excavation season that lasted from February 10 to April 14, 1993 was the exposition and recording of the shipwreck’s wooden vestiges (Alba et al. 1993, 10). French underwater archaeologist Michel L’Hour was invited to study the shipwreck’s naval architecture, (L’Hour 1996) examined the textual sources on the original and modified ship structure as the San Diego was converted from its original purpose as a merchant vessel to a warship.

7.3.3

Nuestra Señora de la Vida (1620)

Nuestra Señora de la Vida was an outbound Manila galleon that reportedly in sank in 1620 (World Wide First (WWF) 1985). The pilot reportedly failed to properly navigate the ship and hit one of the reefs off Verde Island (Schurz 1985; Fish 2011). The ship reportedly ran aground onto the shore, after which the ship structure broke and its contents recovered more than a year later following the date of the shipwreck. The furious passengers reportedly hanged the erring pilot. The shipwreck lies on the southwest coast of Isla Verde. This island is in the middle of a strait of the same name, approximately four miles from the north coast of Mindoro and about three miles from the south coast of Luzon. From December 1 to 12, 1985, the National Museum and WWF team carried out excavation activities at the reported site. Several hundred fragments of Chinese blue and white, scattered over a large area, were brought to the surface. Only thirty intact pieces were recovered. Although the wooden remains of the vessel have mostly disappeared, it is remarkable that a large part of the keel was found still in fairly good condition (World Wide First (WWF) 1985). Nuestra Señora de la Vida is considered significant as it is the first time that a keel and some fixtures belonging to a Spanish galleon have been found. The timber measured 21 m long and is located between 4 and 6 m deep. The keel is placed in its position by two huge blocks above it. The larger block is mainly composed of ballast stones, together with coral concretions. The smaller block consists of several cannonballs surrounded by a coating of iron and limestone aggregate and joined together with ballast stones. On the east side of the keel, parts of the floor-timber have survived. The keelson and two counter-keels have left traces under the two blocks (ballast stones and cannon balls). The keel and the other timbers were measured and photographed and all other associated materials were recovered and recorded. A trench was also dug to determine the extent of the site and the divers carried out investigations outside the immediate border of the site to determine the debris field. It is significant to note that traces of mercury were also found in the wood. Mercury is used to purify sand and silver, ridding them respectively of the sand grains and the ore (Nicolas 1986). The Chinese blue and white fragments were analysed and compared with similar items from the site “Cour Napoleon” stored at the Musee du Louvre in France

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(World Wide First (WWF) 1985). Based on the comparative results, the trade wares from Nuestra Señora de la Vida seemed to be of inferior quality and may be destined for a less selective clientele, quite possibly for the general population. The trade wares may well be produced during the second decade of the 17th century. Considering the keel’s archaeological importance, the National Museum revisited the site in 1986 to assess the possibility of raising and conserving it (Nicolas 1986). This was followed by another National Museum visit to verify reports of site disturbance by sports divers (Conese 1987). The keel was apparently disturbed as evidenced by broken planks and the presence of newly broken wood fragments. Finally, the keel of the galleon Nuestra Señora de la Vida (1620) was transferred from Boquete Island to Sabang, Puerto Galera, Mindoro Oriental in 1990 by Underwater Archaeology Section personnel led by Section Head Dr. Eusebio Dizon who was accompanied by museum conservator who assessed the condition of the keel and took samples of fungi and bacteria for further laboratory testing. A plank that was taken out of its original location and exposed to the elements was treated chemically (Dizon 1990). The two larger pieces of the keel was tied alongside the motorboat that allowed them to ‘float’ as the boat moves towards Sabang. Upon reaching the designated transfer site, the keel was lowered into the sandy seabed at around six metres deep and placed under a huge piece of coral to secure it.

7.3.4

The Encarnacion (1649)

Underwater Archaeological work done to locate the possible wreck of the galleon Encarnacion, an Acapulco-bound galleon that wreck off the coast of Sorsogon, was conducted only once from December 1985 to January 1986. Three personnel from the UAU of the National Museum together with a group of private individuals who provided logistics for the project conducted decompression dives on the reported site. The site is approximately 4.5 km from the west coast of Bulan, Sorsogon. It is 49 m deep with strong underwater current. Wooden planks were exposed after removing less than a meter of sand using an airlift. On top of the planks were ballast stones. The project was not completed because of bad weather.

7.3.5

The San Jose (1694)

The San Jose was the biggest Spanish galleon during its time, with a length of sixty metres. She reportedly sunk during a storm somewhere off the shores of the west side of Lubang Island, Mindoro Occidental on July 3, 1694 (Schurz 1985; Alba 1986; Fish 2011). The ship’s three masts and rudder supposedly broke while as the ship hit the reef, causing severe damage to its structure. It was estimated that the

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wreckage was strewn over a large area; possibly one square kilometre but the main area may be approximately contained in a 300 m2 area (Oceaneering International, Inc. 1987). It took only nine months to construct the San Jose at the shipyard in Cavite. The shipbuilders worked round the clock during her construction working even during religious holydays that when she was wrecked, the clergy immediately attributed to disrespect to the church having caused the disaster. All 400 people on board allegedly perished along 12,000 pieces of cargo (Schurz 1985; Fish 2011). The Underwater Archaeology Section of the National Museum of the Philippines carried out the search for the San Jose in collaboration with the World Wide First (WWF), a private research outfit led by Franck Goddio in a 127 km2 area covering the waters between Cabral Island and northwest of Lubang Island. A magnetometer survey was carried out around Tagbac Cove and detected two anomalies of non-natural origins (Alba 1986). The beach area where the suspected site is located yielded almost 1000 broken pieces of high quality Chinese blue and white porcelains. Off shore and at a maximum of 10 m deep, a number of shipwreck-related archaeological objects were discovered (Alba 1986; Oceaneering International, Inc. 1987; Conese 1989). These include broken Chinese blue and white porcelains, stoneware and earthenware fragments, encrusted cannonballs, lead balls that are presumed to be musket ammunitions as well as other metal artefacts including a sledge hammer, large nails and copper bars. Remarkable objects that were recovered include gold chains and silver objects, glass buttons, copper rings, parts of a rosary, brooches, gold and silver parts of a sword hilt among others (Cuevas 1990; Conese 1990). Although no evidence of an intact wreck was observed, a specific area contained ship wooden remains that may well be the San Jose. One timber measured about eight metres wide with a deck board of 30  25 cm and with nails protruding vertically along its axis. Numerous pieces of broken blue and white porcelains of the same type that was found on shore were also noted. After three weeks of investigation, the researchers concluded that the site was indeed the area where the San Jose perished. Many artefacts were still in situ but are mostly embedded in the corals. In 1987, The Oceaneering International carried out magnetometer, bathymetric as well as undersea visual survey using SCUBA at the site’s location to assess the best method to excavate the site due to the area’s complicated topography and some artefacts are buried beneath the corals (Oceaneering International, Inc. 1987).

7.3.6

Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726)

Santo Cristode Burgos was an outbound Manila galleon under the command of Captain General of the Sea Francisco Sanchez de Tagle. She sailed from Cavite on July 8, 1726 (Fish 2011). She moored on the southeast coast of Ticao Island between Sorsogon and Masbate while waiting for favourable winds when a sudden

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storm pushed the ship into the shallow reefs that caused its destruction on July 23, 1726. The ship reportedly sunk, with its stern on the shallow area and its bow facing the Ticao Pass. The vessel was one of the biggest during its time, weighing approximately 4000 ton and carried 52 bronze and iron cannons (Alba 2004). At the time of its sinking, she was fully laden with cargoes destined for Acapulco that may include spices, marine and forest products, silk and porcelains among others. Ticao Island is one of three major islands of Masbate. The island’s importance to the galleon trade lies in its location along the galleon route. The area is also one the last stops for the galleons to load water, provisions and possibly contraband merchandise before heading out to the San Bernardino Straits and continue its long and arduous journey across the Pacific towards Acapulco. Archaeological evidences for the island’s importance consists of the presence of ancient foreign ceramics from China, Vietnam and Thailand as well as glass beads and old coins in burials and habitations (Alba 2004). The search for the shipwreck began with archival research in the Casa de la Contratacion in Sevilla Spain. Textual sources indicate that Santo Cristo de Burgos San Juda Tadeo y de las Benditas Animas del Purgatorio sunk on July 23, 1726 off the Southeast coast just a little north of the municipality of San Fernando, Ticao Island, Masbate (Alba 2004). On-site survey to search for the actual sinking Santo Cristo off the shores of Ticaosoon followed. The survey area is 127.19 km2 stretching 28 km from north to south along the eastern coast of Ticao Island. The National Museum worked with WWF and carried out bathymetric and magnetometer survey as well as undersea visual assessments using SCUBA to check detected anomalies and other shipwreck-related objects such as ceramics and ballast stones. The survey yielded Chinese blue and white and enamelled porcelains, olive-green glazed jars as well as Thai stoneware fragments. An interesting find was a shell spoon that was similar as the one recovered in the San Jose wreck site in Masbate dated to 1694. The researchers believed the materials were from the Santo Cristo. Despite the very thorough investigation, the ship itself or the main cargoes, especially the 52 cannons, was never found. It is very possible that Santo Cristo de Burgo had been thoroughly salvaged, as it was located in shallow waters. There are evidences that the ship was grounded in the area based on the presence of ballast stones. After the investigation results, the National Museum and WWF decided to terminate the project (Alba 2004).

7.3.7

San Andres (1798)

San Andres was an Acapulco-bound galleon under the command of Captain General Manuel Lecoraz when she allegedly engaged Moro pirates at the entrance of the Embocadero. The Captain lost control of the ship when the wind suddenly stopped during the manoeuvre, rendering her helpless at the mercy of the currents. All hands were saved but the cargoes were allegedly lost.

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The UAS together with Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA) conducted underwater archaeological explorations off the waters at the Naranjo Group of Islands using Remotely Controlled Vehicle (ROV) and Multi-beam sonar. The strong currents in the area made the exploration extremely difficult. The search for the San Andres began in 2000 with PIERC with a survey area of 30.44 km2 at the waters off Naranjo Group of Islands. It was followed in 2004 and 2005 with total of 67 km2. In 2008, and 2014 the UAS together with FEFNA resumed the survey with a total survey area of 138.59 km2 which included the waters between the Naranjo Group of Islands and Capul Island to the east.

7.4

Summary

The Philippines’ archipelagic nature dictates that the indigenous population develop a complex maritime cultural heritage as a wide range of watercraft vessels were needed for livelihood, migration, warfare, exchange and trade among others. The presence of suitable raw materials and safe coves and bays also provides the necessary pre-requisite for the development of skilled boat builders and a subsequent boat-building tradition. The Butuan boats are early physical examples of this boat-building tradition. During the early colonial period, first-hand accounts of Philippine boatbuilding from colonial sources further strengthened the veracity of skilled Filipino ship builders necessary for building large and seaworthy vessels (Clark et al. 1993). Historical sources mentioned that some of the Manila galleons were constructed in the Philippines (Schurz 1985; Fish 2011). This has been attested in the discovery of astilleros or shipyards in Sorsogon Province, Bicol Region where some of the galleons may have been built, repaired and refitted (Bolunia 2014). The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade also resulted in a number of shipwrecks in the Philippines caused by inclement weather, human intervention or possibly a combination of both (Table 7.1). The National Museum, as the mandated agency by law to conduct underwater archaeological activities, worked with a number of private research entities in the search for some of these vessels. Thus far, San Jose, Nuestra Señora de la Vida, Santo Cristo de Burgos and San Diego yielded evidences of their locations. All were excavated but most sunk in shallow waters that resulted in severe destruction of ship structure and cargoes. Historical sources also mentioned that some wrecks were immediately salvaged. Despite this, significant information was gleaned that provided important information about the galleon trade cargoes. San Diego was the exception as it was discovered in pristine condition and thus served as a veritable time capsule of a specific period in the colonial history. The shipwreck and its associated cargoes revealed evidences of structure and loading modifications from a trade vessel (nao) to a warship, life on board, diet, weaponry and the presence of different ethnicities that were on-deck (e.g. Japanese samurai

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Table 7.1 List of Manila Galleon shipwrecks in the Philippines (Taken from different sources and many were not verified archaeologically) Galleon name

Shipwreck date

Location

Remarks

Espiritu Santo

1576

Outbound

Two unknown ships San Diego

1589

Catanduanes Island Cavite Port

December 14, 1600

Fortune Island, Batangas

San Geronimo

1601

Santo Tomas

1601

Nuestra Señora de la Vida

1620

Catanduanes Island Catanduanes Island Verde Island

1631

Cavite Port

San Luis

1646

Cagayan

Buen Jesus

1648

Nuestra Señora de la Encarnacion San Francisco Javier San Diego San Jose Santo Cristo de Burgos Nuestra Señora del Pilar San Pedro/El Caviteño

1649

Lampon/ Binangonan de Lampon? Bulan, Sorosogon

1653

Philippines

1654 1694 July 23, 1726 1750

Manila Bay Lubang Island Ticao Island, Masbate Not far from Manila Bay

1782

Northern Luzon

San Andres

1798

San Fernando

1799

Naranjos Island, near San Bernardino Strait Sorsogon

Partially loaded with cargoes for the journey to Acapulco when they sank A merchant vessel converted into a warship. Sunk during naval engagement with Dutch ship Mauritius Outbound Outbound Outbound

Outbound, sank while still on port possibly due to vessel unseaworthiness or ill arrangement of cargoes Stranded along the coast of Cagayan, crew and cargoes all saved Ship was set afire by the captain for fear of Dutch attack and capture Outbound

Onboard the vessel was General Lorenzo de Ugalde cargoes were salvaged and no loss of life Outbound Outbound Outbound, wreckage, bodies and cargoes washed up along the shores of Luzon Outbound, the ship was trying to sail to the Pacific using a new northern route taking it along the coast of Luzon rather than sailing to the San Bernardino Strait Outbound

Outbound, but the voyage was abandoned in Sorsogon. The cargoes were transferred to another vessel the San Rafael which returned to Cavite

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S. C. B. Jago-on and B. C. Orillaneda

weapons and possessions, foreign jewellery, Venetian glasses, silver objects of western origins) when San Diego engaged in naval battle with the Dutch ship Mauritius. The present paper has provided a general overview of the hitherto archaeological research of the Manila galleons. Although the scholarship is far from exhaustive, it has already contributed important information in the elucidation of the Philippines’ maritime history during the colonial period. Examination of the material evidences has offered a glimpse of specific periods in history when people of different ethnicities and cultures have interacted and are woven together through the use of a maritime trade route.

References Alba, L. (1984). The genesis of underwater archaeology in the Philippines (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Alba, L. L. (1986). Preliminary report on the San Jose excavation—Lubang Island (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Alba, L. L. (1992). A report on the 1991 underwater survey and exploration of Southern Catanduanes (Calolbon, Cabugao and Locot Bays) (Unpublished manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Alba, L. L. (1993). Preliminary analysis of the San Diego stoneware jars (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Alba, L. (2004). Santo Cristo underwater archaeological exploration project (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Alba, L. L., Conese, E., & Secuya, V. (1993). Fortune Island underwater archaeological excavations: A 2nd preliminary report (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Bolunia, M. J. L. (2014).“Astilleros: The Spanish shipyards of Sorsogon. In Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. Honolulu. Clark, P., Vosmer, T., & Santiago, R. (1993). The Butuan Two boat known as a balangay in the National Museum, Manila, Philippines. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 22, 143–159. Conese, E. E. (1987). Field report on the official travel conducted in Verde Island, Batangas City (March 21–27, 1987) (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Conese, E. E. (1989). Underwater archaeology in the Philippines (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Conese, E. E. (1990). Report on the sharing of artifacts retrieved from the San Jose wreck excavation (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Cuevas, M. (1990). Report on the sharing of artifacts retrieved from the San Jose wreck excavations (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Cuevas, M. (1992). Fortune Island underwater archaeological excavations: A preliminary report (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. De San Agustin, G. (n.d). Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas (The conquest of the Philippine Islands) 1565–1615. Desroches, J.-P., Casal, G., & Goddio, F. (Eds). (1995). Treasures of the San Diego. Paris: World Wide First. Dizon, E. (1990). Accomplishment report on the transfer of the Keel of the Nuestra Señora dela Vida Galleon From Boquete Island to Sabang, Puerto Galera (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila.

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Fajardo, F. (2018). “CEBU DAILY NEWS.” cebudailynews.inquirer.net. 26 July. Accessed August 12, 2018. http://cebudailynews.inquirer.net/186343/galleon-trade-killed-cebu-entrepot. Fish, S. (2011). The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The treasure ships of the Pacific. United Kingdom: Authorhouse U.K. Ltd. Goddio, F. (1994). San Diego: An account of adventure, deceit and intrigue. National Geographic, 37–57. INQUIRER.net US Bureau. (2017). Globalization started with Asia-Spanish America trade links, says DC panel. INQUIRER.NET. 12 September. Accessed August 12, 2018. http://usa.inquirer. net/6618/globalization-started-asia-spanish-america-trade-links-says-dc-panel. Jago-on, S. C. B. (2002). Brief field report on the survey off locot bay, Catanduanes (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Jago-on, S. C. B. (2008). Brief field report on the underwater archaeological exploration off the coast of the Island of Catanduanes (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. L’Hour, M. (1996). Naval construction in treasures of the San Diego (J.-P. Desroches, G. Casal & F. Goddio (Eds.)). Paris: Association Francaise d’Action Artistique. Malones, A., Jr. (1986). The “Encarnacion” (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Nicolas, N. (1986). A brief report on the sampling done among the timber remains of a Shipwreck in Isla Verde (April 29 to May 9, 1986) (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Oceaneering International, Inc. (1987). Survey Report. China Pacific explorations LTD. Salvage feasibility study Near Tagbac, Lubang Island, Philippines (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Orillaneda, B. (2000). Carasanan underwater archaeological project (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Orillaneda, B. C., & Bersamira, E. (2007). A brief field report on the Catanduanes underwater archaeological survey: The search for the San Geronimo Galleon (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Orillaneda, B. C., & Peñalosa, A. L. (2008a). The Catanduanes underwater exploration project: A brief field report (June 25–July 23 2008) (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Orillaneda, B. C., & Peñalosa, A. L. (2008b). The Catanduanes underwater exploration project: A brief field report (September 17–October 15 2008) (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Pastells, S. J. (1925). Pablo: ‘Historia General de las Islas Filipinas’. Pigafetta, A. (1969). Magellan’s voyage: A narrative account of the first circumnavigation. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Ronquillo, W. P. (1989). The Butuan archaeological finds: Profound implications for Philippine and Southeast Asian Pre-history. In R. Brown (Ed.), Guangdong Ceramics from Butuan and other Philippine Sites (pp. 60–70). Manila: Oriental Ceramics Society of the Philippines/ Oxford University Press. Schurz, W. L. (1985). The Manila Galleon. New York: E.P. Dutton and Co. World Wide First (WWF). (1985). Preliminary summary report of the “Nuestra Señora dela Vida” Wreck (Unpublished Manuscript). National Museum of the Philippines, Manila.

Chapter 8

The Kraak Porcelains Discovered from Taiwan and Macao, and Their Relationship with the Manila Galleon Trade Tai-Kang Lu

Taiwan and Macao played the vital roles of the international maritime transit trade in the cultural and economic interchange between the east and west in the seventeenth century. The Chinese Kraak porcelains exported from Taiwan and Macao in the first half of the seventeenth century were transshipped to other regions of the world in a large number by the Dutch, Spaniard and Portuguese. The Japanese Kraak style porcelains transshipped from Taiwan, not only were sold to Southeast Asia, but also exported to Manila and then re-shipped to America by Spanish galleons. The phenomenon of multi ceramic transit trade reveals the importance of Chinese and Japanese ceramics in the international maritime trade in the seventeenth century, and also shows the prosperous material cultural exchanges between Asia and other places of the world in that period.

8.1

Introduction

The island of Taiwan, also called Formosa or Hermosa, situated in the southeast offshore of the Asia continent. Taiwan (Formosa), close to Japan and Okinawa in the north, near Philippines in the south, divided by Bashi channel at a distance of 350 km, approach to Fujian province of mainland China in the west, separated by Taiwan strait for 200 km and facing the Pacific Ocean in the east, is a pivotal point around maritime trade of East Asia (Fig. 8.1). After late of fifteenth century, Europeans found their ways to the East by maritime adventures at large-scale, and the Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch sequentially set colonies and trade posts around Asia. First, the Portuguese occupied Goa in

T.-K. Lu (&) Department of Art History, Tainan National University of the Arts, Taiwan, China e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_8

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Fig. 8.1 Location of Taiwan, Macao and mainland China

India and Malacca in South-East Asia in early of sixteenth century. Half century later, the Portuguese built an extended trade post, Macao, where is close to China, a small peninsula at pearl river delta, Guangdong province. Spain found another way toward east by maritime exploration activities from the other side. She discovered American continent and navigated into the uncharted waters, and crossed Pacific Ocean in early sixteenth century. The Spaniard finally, conquered the Philippine Islands and built Manila city as her base in the Far East for purchasing Chinese merchandises in 1571. Most of the Chinese cargoes were shipped by Chinese junks from Chin-chou (Zhangzhou, 漳州), south of Fujian province, China. The Dutch made a start of her exploration into the Far East in the end of the sixteenth century. After the United Dutch East India Company (V.O.C.) was set up in 1602, the Dutch began her ambitious trade activities around Asia. Although, in 1619, the Dutch set her headquarter at Batavia, Indonesia, they still needed to wait for Chinese cargoes which sent by Chinese merchants sailing for a long distance to

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Southeast Asia. For resolving this problem, The Dutch anxiously tried to find a trade station where was close to Chinese coast. Taiwan (Formosa), for this reason, became the best choice based on their requirement. In 1622, Dutch conquered the Pen-hu archipelago (Pescadores, 澎湖) in south of Taiwan Strait. But two years later, Chinese Ming government’s military troops besieged the Dutch fort in Pen-hu Island because they thought these foreigners would threaten the safety of their coast. The Dutch were forced to evacuate from Pen-hu to Taiwan, the farther east and larger island (Lu 2001: 116–134). After 1624, the Dutch built several large scale forts in Southern Taiwan, where gradually became one of the profitable Dutch colonies in Asia for almost 40 years. On the other hand, the Spaniard conquered northern part of Taiwan from 1626 to 1642, and continually opposed to the Dutch who lived in Southern Taiwan.

8.2

The Ceramic Transit Trade of the Dutch V.O.C. in Southern Taiwan

During the V.O.C. occupation of the Pen-hu archipelago between 1622 and 1624, the Dutch constructed a fort in southern tip of the island. After 1624, the Dutch constructed fort Zeelandia and fort Provintia (安平古堡與赤崁樓) at Tainan in southern Taiwan. Since then Taiwan became an important port for transshipment in maritime trade network of V.O.C., and products of all kinds from China, Japan, Southeast Asia and Taiwan itself, were shipped by the Dutchmen selling to other places of the world. Among the commodities traded by the Dutch, Chinese ceramics were one of the lucrative goods. According to the statistics from the Dutch records, at least more than 4.6 million Chinese ceramic wares were transited from Taiwan between 1626 and 1654. The quantities were astonishing and the markets included European, Western Asia, India and Southeast Asia (Lu 2006: 89–132; 2014: 1–25), On the other hand, the Dutch also made various wooden samples while gave orders in Chinese ceramics. Thus, the decorations and shapes of their ceramic goods would be more suitable for the particular taste of the customers from other places of the world (Ibid: 102). For example, on October 23rd the Governor of Formosa (Taiwan) wrote to the chamber of Amsterdam: The (Chinese) merchants have promised him with the greatest emphasis to give a better price for it, to bring with the next monsoon a good, fine assortment and that with this aim in view has given them large dishes, large bowls, flasks, coolers, large pots, dinner dishes, beakers, salt-cellars, cups, mustard-pots and water-pots, and also flat dinner plates with broad rims and moreover wash-basins with their ewers, all made of wood, mostly turned, and painted with all kinds of Chinese figures which they have declared to be able to copy and have promised to bring next monsoon. (Volker 1971: 37)

Kraak Porcelain, a kind of typical Chinese export wares, was made from late sixteenth century to middle seventeenth century. The Kraak porcelains which were found in Pen-hu archipelago and Taiwan, mostly were discovered in the vicinity of

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the Dutch forts, and were the dominant wares that were re-export by the Dutch from Taiwan. There were two sources of these Chinese blue-and-white porcelains. One was from Chin-te-chen (景德镇) Kiln, Kiang-xi province, the other were the products from Fujian Province, which were also called provincial wares. The Kraak porcelains made by Chin-te-chen Kiln could be recognized as “fine porcelain” which usually can be seen on the Dutch records. Most of the blue-and-white Kraak porcelains found in Taiwan (including Pen-hu archipelago) are shaped to dishes, plates, and few other vases. There are four types of plates in below. • Type I plate: The central medallion of the plate is decorated with deer among rock and trees; about 20 cm in dimension. According the scheme of decoration of the rim and cavetto, there are two subtypes as follows. • Type I A plate: ducks among water-plants on the flat rim; no decoration on the cavetto (Fig. 8.2-1). Same wares could be seen from the ceramics found in Drake Bay, California, east coast of Northern America, which could be traced to two historic events of the late sixteenth century. One is Francis Drake’s landed Golden Hind in Drake Bay and traded his porcelain cargoes with native American in 1595. The other is in 1595, the Spanish galleon San Agustin sank around the waters of same region (Shangraw et al. 1981). Furthermore, Similar plates with deer motif are also among the archaeological relics found at National Palace, Zocalo area, the historical center of Mexico City (Kuwayama 1997: 53). • Type I B plate: The rim and cavetto is decorated with large panels with flowers separated by narrow panels with beaded pendants (Fig. 8.2-2). Above mentioned motifs are drawn in single line. Same wares could be found in many shipwreck sites where were dated in first half of the seventeenth century, such as Spanish galleon Santa Margrita (1601) in Maliyana Islands, (Harbeston 2003: 12) Dutch V.O.C. cargo Witte Leeuw (1613) at St. Helena Island in Atlantic Ocean (van der Pijl-Ketel 1982: 81–82), Wanli shipwreck (middle of the 1620’s) at the east coast state of Terengganu in Peninsular of Malaysia (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus 2007: 208–213), and Hatcher shipwreck (1643) in Southern China Sea (Sheaf and Kilburn 1988: pl. 47). Usually, the typeIA plate could be traced from the third quarter of the sixteenth century to early seventeenth century (Rinaldi 1989: 78–79; Krahl 1986: 694). However, according to the archaeological materials, typeIA and B plates were exported to overseas markets at the same time in early seventeenth century, for example, the Spanish galleon San Diego (1600) found in Luzon, Philippine Islands (Desroches and Giordan 1996: 314–355). Furthermore, both IA and IB type Kraak porcelains also could be found at the Edo sites, Tokyo, Japan. After researching the historic records, the date of the wares could be traced back to 1630s (Horiuchi 1991: 194–194). Type I Kraak plates found at Fen-Gui-Wei Dutch fort in Pen-hu Archipelago, Taiwan, could precisely be dated between 1622 and 1624, which could also be seen as another set of standard dated wares.

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2

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Fig. 8.2 Kraak porcelain of Chin-te-chen Kiln discovered in south Taiwan

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• Type II plate: The rim and cavetto are decorated with large panels with auspicious symbols separated by narrow panels with diapers and pendants (Fig. 8.2-3). The drawing of the motifs is far more complicated than typeI. The making skill of the type II is also finer too. Type II plate is the most typical Karrk porcelain in the first half of the seventeenth century. Similar wares could be found in 1600, Spanish San Diego shipwreck (Desroches and Giordan 1996: 344–349) and in 1613, Witte Leeuw V.O.C. shipwreck (van der Pijl-Ketel 1982: 53–79). Besides, two cases found in dated tombs (1603 and 1621) in China also provide some information about the supply in the domestic market. • Type III plate: the border of the plate is surrounded by round or oval-shaped panels with auspicious symbols. The center of the plate is star-shaped medallion. The Type III plat only could be found at the site of fort Zeelandia in southern Taiwan, but not in Pen-hu Archipelago, which should be the new type kraak porcelain that Dutch exported from Taiwan after her occupation of Taiwan. Similar wares were also found in shipwreck Witte Leeuw (1613) (van der Pijl-Ketel 1982: 88–103), and shipwreck Wanli (middle of the 1620s) in Malaysia (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus 2007: 232–245). • Type IV plate: It was only unearthed in the surrounding area of the fort Zeelandia. Although the broken shards are not so big (Fig. 8.2-4), the motif of pomegranate is still recognizable on the shards. Similar wares could be seen in the collection of the Rijks museum, Amsterdam (Jörg et al. 1997: 60), and Topkapi Saray museum in Turkey (Fig. 8.2-5; Krahl 1986: 803, Fig. 1606). Type IV plat was not found in Pen-hu Archipelago and should be the new ceramic merchandise that the Dutch ordered in Taiwan. According to the historical records, it must be the “new type’” of fine porcelains which were imported into Taiwan after 1636. Not many bottle shape Kraak blue and white porcelains were found in Taiwan. The first one is Kendi (India Kundi or Kundika), a kind of pouring vessel without handle (Figs. 8.2-6 and 8.2-7), Kendi Originally was a kind of religious service ware used by Hinduism or Buddhism, and afterward was extremely popular in Southeast Asia and Middle East. The shard of the Kendi found in Pen-hu archipelago is so small, and only bobble-shape mouth is left. Similar blue and white Kendi could be seen in the shipwreck Witte Leeuw (1613) (van der Pijl-Ketel 1982: 130–131), and Hatcher shipwreck (1643) (Sheaf and Kilburn 1988:48). The other kind of Kraak porcelain vessel is bottle with long neck, and only some shards of neck and belly were found (Fig. 8.2-8). Another group of Kraak porcelains found in Taiwan belongs to Swatow wares, which were made by Zhang-zhou Kiln, south of Fujian province. Usually, the quality of the Zhang-zhou wares was not so good, the base is stained with sand, and the cobalt and glaze are grayish or dark. It should be the “coarse porcelain” which was mentioned by the Dutch in historical records. The most typical kraak style Zhang-zhou blue and white plates, 36–38 cm in dimension, imitating the kraak style of Chin-te-chen porcelains, were decorated with the motifs of flowers and birds or landscapes (Fig. 8.2-9). Similar works could be seen in the shipwreck Witte

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Leeuw (1613) (van der Pijl-Ketel 1982: 198–199), and shipwreck BinhThuan (first half of the 17th century) in offshore central Vietnam (Christie’s 2005: 64, 66). The other kind of Zhang-zhou blue and white plates found in Pen-hu Archipelago, approximately 43 cm. in dimension, have Chinese characters ‘moon’ (yue; 月) in the panel of the rim (Fig. 8.2-10). The complete works of this kind of wares have eight Chinese words of “Sun, moon, light, brightness, four seasons and beautiful scenery” in the panels of the rim, and the medallion with pond and pavilion in the inside of the plate. Same kinds of museum collections could be seen in Southeast Asia, Japan and Holland.

8.3

Chinese Ceramic Trade in Northern Taiwan

After the Dutch conquered the Southern Taiwan, the Spaniard dispatched the military force from Philippine at once and conquered the Keelung (雞籠; 今基隆) and Tamsui (淡水) in northern tip of Taiwan in 1626. The attempt of the Spaniard, not only to protect the navigation between Manila and Fujian, but to unite both the armies of Manila and Macao, forming the ‘Manila-Macao-Taiwan’ strategic triangle. The European from Iberian Peninsula intended to organize an “Union of Arms” to against the Dutch in Taiwan (Fig. 8.3-1; Mateo et al. 2005: 226–228). Besides, considering the economically strategic importance by Spaniard, Taiwan should be an entrepot for their commercial activities. Although the Spanish stayed in Taiwan for only 16 years, and were driven out by the Dutch who controlled the southern part of Taiwan in 1646, they had already separately established fort San Salvador at Keelung and fort Santo Domingo at Tamsui around north tip of Taiwan. On the tentative idea of the Spaniard, They wished to drive the Dutch out of Taiwan. On the one hand they tried to seek another

1 (Borao Mateo, et al. 2005: 226-228) Fig. 8.3 Chinese ceramic discovered in north Taiwan

2 (Tu. 2007: 32-34)

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stronghold to trade with China. For the Chinese maritime merchants who lived in Fujian region, the coming of the Spaniard undoubtedly provided a new business for overseas trade. For example, in 1639, a Chinese official Fu, Yuan-Chu (傅元初) had mentioned in his report as follows: The Franks (Spaniard) from Luzon Island saw our ban for maritime activity, but secretly visited Tamsui and Keelung from time to time and did business with vice businessmen. It only needs one day from their place (the coast of the Fujian province) navigated to Taiwan. Our government knew the problem but could not forbid. Even we prohibit these activities but could not eradicate them. This situation only led the officials and smugglers who reside along the coastal regions easily made profits from maritime trade. (Gu 1966: 33)

The scale of the trade of the Spaniard in northern Taiwan was far less than that of the Dutch who lived in southern Taiwan. Most of the funds for trade by the Spaniard were sent by relief fleets navigating from the Philippines. It was the first time in 1628, the Spanish galleon Rosario from Manila purchased a big quantity of merchandises with very low price from the Chinese traders who came to Keelung for business (Mateo et al. 2001: 136). This business profit reflects the highly commercial potential. For this reason, in the next year (1629), the first echelon of the relief fleet from Manila visited Keelung, attracted a group of Manila traders carrying cash about 200,000 pesos to Taiwan, wishing to purchase Chinese cargos and silks (Mateo et al. 2003: 329). Thus, northern Taiwan had been included into the Spanish “Manila galleon trade” and shared the business prospect of the silver which was brought from America. The new circumstances also promoted the trade status of northern Taiwan in the East Asia waters (Chen. 2005: 208). Most purchase of the Spaniard focused on silk cargos, but not the ceramic trade. Even though, some definite ceramic trade records still could be seen in the intelligence that the Dutch acquired. For example, in 1628, the Dutch got the information from Keelung and Tamsui that there were people who traded (with Spain) from Fucho (福州) in violation of the ban. Others shipped large quantity of porcelains from northern region of China to northern Taiwan. In February, 1633, The Dutch captured a Chinese junk which sailed from Keelung to Manila, and most of its cargos belonged to Spaniard, which included 1560 pieces of Chinese porcelain (Chiang 1999: 85). The Spanish trade in Taiwan frequently faced the problem of lacking funds. It had something to do with the conditions of the relief fleets visiting Taiwan in each year. If the Spaniard in Taiwan could not get enough silver for buying merchandises, the Chinese merchants could not but ship back their cargos and suffered the loss (Mateo et al. 2001: 258, 2003: 332). The strongholds that Spaniard set in northern Taiwan, from the beginning to the end, were mainly for military defense, and never became the transit station in a large scale as the Dutch did even though there are some relics that clearly reveal the ceramic trade by Spaniard in northern Taiwan in first half of the seventeenth century. For instance, The Kraak blue and white porcelain plates which were found in the vicinity of the fort Santo Domingo, Tamsui (紅毛城, 淡水), were the typical Chinese export wares (Fig. 8.3-2; Tu 2007: 32–34), and Similar wares could be found in Hatcher shipwreck which sank approximately in 1643 (Sheaf and Kilburn 1988: 47). After the

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Chinese porcelain cargos that the Spaniard purchased in northern Taiwan were shipped back to Manila, they became parts of the various Chinese goods carried by Manila galleons and were transshipped to America and Europe.

8.4

Kraak Porcelain Discovered in Macao

A large quantity of ancient ceramic shards found in the R. Central, the hillside of St. Augustine’s Square, Macao in 1994, now a collection of the museum of Macao, is an essential indication of the Sino-Portuguese trade during the Age of Exploration. Through the author’s research (Lu 2013: 151–176), the ceramics can be divided into three periods (from the second half of the 16th century to the first half of the 17th century, from the second half of the 17th century and the 18th century to the 19th century). These materials clearly reveal that Macao as one of the major export seaports for the Chinese trade porcelains. There are many high quality kraak porcelains among these ceramic remnants, including dishes and bowls in various sizes (Figs. 8.4-1–4), cup (Fig. 8.4-5), vases, kendi and covered boxes. Some uncommon shards found at St. Augustine’s Square site reveal the connection between Macao and manila among the Catholic Church communities. For example, a shard of broken dish was decorated with the Hydra (Fig. 8.4-6). The complete dish collected by the Santos Palace in Lisbon (Fig. 8.4-8; Lion-Goldschmidt 1984: 44) suggests the drawing was a seven heads dragon and the figures in Latin Proverb. Same kind of motif could also be found on the stone façade of Cathedral of St. Paul’s in Macao (Fig. 8.4-7). A pottery shard of olive jar rim found at St. Augustine’s Square site (Fig. 8.4-9) could be seen as a typical Spanish storage jar which was usually found in Spanish colonial terrestrial and shipwreck sites. The trade ceramics found in Macau witnessed the cross-cultural exchange between the east and the west, presenting many fascinating factors and developments of the material cultural influence around the world.

8.5

The Japanese Hizen Ware Trade in Taiwan in the Second Half of the 17th Century

In 1661, the last admiral of Ming Dynasty, Cheng Ch’eng-Kung (Koxinga; 國姓 爺), drove away the Dutch and occupied Taiwan. The island turned out to be the last bastion of Ming Dynasty and against the Manchurian of Qing Dynasty. Cheng Ching (鄭經), the son of Cheng Ch’eng-Kung, succeeded to the throne in 1662 and continued to fight over the Manchurian until 1683. In order to raise large amount of money to support the war expenses, Cheng Ching managed the agriculture in Taiwan and positively developed overseas trade. A historical record wrote in the early Qing period, described as follows:

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Fig. 8.4 Kraak porcelain and related heritage discovered in Macao

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(Cheng Ching) sent merchantmen to many ports buying shipbuilding materials and brought them back to Taiwan. He built seagoing ships and bird ships, and loaded them with white sugar, deer skin and so on. In order to enrich the country, he sailed up to Japan trading for bronze canons, Japanese swords, armors and casting Yun-li currency (永曆錢), down to Siam (Thailand), Cochi (central Vietnam) and Tongking (northern Vietnam) for business. Hence, Taiwan became prosperous, and its farmlands and markets were even better than those of the inland of China. (Chiang 1951: 237)

After the middle of the seventeenth century, due to chaos of civil war and the overthrow of the Ming government, the exportation of Chinese ceramics suffered to a certain degree. Up to the early 1660’s, the condition became even worse, because the Qing court carried out great coast evacuation campaigns and forbade any maritime activity, intending to break the Cheng’s economic supply from mainland China. Under this condition, the ceramic industry at Hizen (肥前) in Kyushu swiftly developed and replaced part of the market that Chinese ceramics occupied before. As Cheng, Cheng-Kung’s maritime trade group had conducted business with Japan for a long time, they surely took Hizen wares as important goods in such a situation, therefore the porcelains made in Japan started to be seen in the transit trade ceramics in Taiwan. Regarding Cheng’s transit trade of Hizen wares in this period, historical records had some definite information. For example, the branch of the Dutch V.O.C. in Siam reported in 1664: A Chinese-owned junk sailing from Japan was captured with 3090 bundles of Japanese porcelain, and 1 case and 1 small straw bundle with Japanese tea-cup. The master of this junk must have been a “long haired” Chinese, a Coxinder, distinguished from the “shorn” Chinese who had submitted to the Manchu-regime… That Coxinder junks were regard as enemies of the company and would never have a Company passport need hardly be stressed here. (Volker 1971: 206)

Furthermore, the records of Spanish customs from the Philippines also revealed that the Chinese junks transshipped porcelains (obviously including Japanese plates) from Taiwan to Manila between 1664 and 1684 (Table 8.1).

Table 8.1 The type and quantity of ceramics transported by ships from Taiwan to Manila in the records of Spanish customs between 1664 and 1684 Date of arrival

Type and quantity of ceramics

Date of arrival

Quantity and type of ceramics

April 18. 1665

Teapots

Jan. 8. 1681

April 2. 1666 April 5. 1668 April 19. 1672

Japanese dishes Dishes Bowls

Apr. 15. 1682 Apr. 11. 1683 Jan. 31. 1684

4500 pieces of fine dishes and 7500 pieces of small bowls 20 bundles of big bowls 1800 pieces of fine dishes 500 pieces of bowls

Mar. 4. 1684

2000 pieces of soup bowls

*

Quote from Feng (2003), Table 11

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1

2 (Lu. 2006: 215-220)

3 (Lu, et al. 2008: 97-101)

Fig. 8.5 Japanese Hizen ware discovered in Taiwan

The archaeological artifacts of Hizen blue and white porcelains found at Tainan, in southern Taiwan and Pen-hu archipelago include bowls, dishes and bottles with various decorations, all dated to the second half of the seventeenth century (Fig. 8.5-1). Among these works, “Kraak style” Hizen dish is one of the most typical trade porcelains for western markets (Fig. 8.5-2, 3; Lu 2006: 215–220; Lu et al. 2008: 97–101). The same kind of dishes can be found both in Taiwan and

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Manila, coincide with the Spanish records about Taiwan as a relay-port and transshipping Hizen porcelains to the Philippines. As for similar dishes found in central America, it also shows that these transit cargos from Taiwan had already been sold to American market by Spanish Galleon trade (Nogami 2005: 250–251; Nogami 2006: 128–129; Lu 2006: 222).

8.6

Conclusion

Taiwan and Macao played the vital roles of the international maritime transit trade in the cultural and economic interchanges between the east and west in the seventeenth century. The Chinese Kraak porcelains exported from Taiwan and Macao in the first half of the seventeenth century were transshipped to other regions of the world in a large number by the Dutch, Spaniard and Portuguese. The Japanese Kraak style porcelains transshipped from Taiwan were sold to Southeast Asia, but also exported to Manila, which were re-shipped to America by Spanish galleon. The phenomenon of multi ceramic transit trade reveals the importance of Chinese and Japanese ceramics in the international maritime trade in the seventeenth century, and also shows the prosperous material cultural exchanges between Asia and other places of the world in that period.

References Chen, T.-J. (2005). Mount Keelung and Ocean Tamsui: The study of the Maritime space of East Asia and Early period of Taiwan 1400–1700. Taipei: Linking Books. Chiang, J.-S. (1951). Tai Wan Wai Chi (臺灣外紀, Events on Taiwan). Taipei: Bank of Taiwan. Chiang, S.-S. (Trans.). (1999). De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia, Taiwan 1629–1662, DEEL I. Tainan: Tainan City Government. Christie’s. (2005). The Binh Thuan Shipwreck. Australia: Christie’s Australia Pty Ltd. Desroches, J. P., & Giordan, A. (Eds.). (1996). The treasure of San Diego. Paris: AFAA and ELF. Feng, Z.-Z. (2003). Trade relation between Taiwan and the Philippines in Ming-Cheng period-mainly on the customhouse record of Manila. Taiwan Historica, 54(3), 59–105. Gu, I.-W. (1966). Tian Xia Jun Guo Li Bing Shu (天下郡國利病書) (p. 10). Taipei: The Commercial Press, Ltd. Harbeston, J. (2003). Correspondence: Wrecked Spanish Galleon. Arts of Asia, 33(1), 12. Horiuchi, H. (1991). Chinese ceramics (late Ming to early Ching dynasties) Edo Period Sites, Tokyo. Trade Ceramics Studies, 11, 185–200. Jörg, C. J. A., & van Campen, J. (1997). Chinese ceramics in the Collection of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam: The Ming and Qing Dynasties. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum & London: Philip Wilson Publishers Limited. Krahl, R. (1986). Chinese ceramic in the Topkapi Saray Museum Istanbul II. London: Sotheby’s Publication. Kuwayama, G. (1997). Chinese ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art.

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Lion-Goldschmidt, D. (1984). Les Porcelaines Chinoises du Palais de Santos. Arts Asiatiques, 34, 3–72. Lu, T.-K. (2001). Dutch Colonial period trade ceramics found at the Feng-Quei-Wei Peninsula, Pen-hu Archipelago. Monthly of Chinese Art, 221, 116–134. Lu, T.-K. (2006). A study on the imported ceramics in Taiwan in the 17th Century: Exploring of Taiwan from late Ming to Early Qing Dynasties through the ceramics (Ph. D. Thesis). National Cheng-kung University, Tainan. Lu, T.-K. (2013). The study of ceramics found in the R. Central, the Hillside of St. Augustine’s square. Macau. Revista de Culture, 86, 151–176. Lu, T.-K. (2014). The study of trade Ceramics (17th–19th Century A.D.) from the archaeological remains in Taiwan. Trade Ceramics Studies, 34, 1–25. Lu, T.-K., & Nogami, T. (2008). Hizen wares found in Ma-Gung Harbor, Pescadores (Peng-hu Archipelago) and Kinmen. Shi Wu Lun Tan (史物論壇), 6, 93–119. Mateo, B., & Eugenio, J. et al. (2003). Fleets, relief and trade: Communications between Manila and Jilong, 1626–1642. In Around and about Formosa: Essays in honor of Professor Ts’ao Yung-ho (pp. 307–336). Mateo, B., & Eugenio, J. et al. (2005). Intelligence-gathering episodes in the “Manila-Macao-Taiwan Triangle” during the Dutch Wars. In Macao-Philippines, historical relations (pp. 226–247). Mateo, B., Eugenio, J., et al. (2001). Spaniard in Taiwan I. Taipei: SMC Publishing. Nogami, T. (2005). Hizen wares transported by Galleon Ships: Including the role of Chinese Junks around the South China Sea. The Journal of Sophia Asian Studies, 23, 240–260. Nogami, T. (2006). On Hizen Porcelain and the Manila-Acapulco Gallen Trade. Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin, 26, 124–130. Rinaldi, M. (1989). Kraak Porcelain: A moment in the history of trade. London: Bamboo Publishing Ltd. Shangraw, C., der Porten, V., & Edward, P. (1981). The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’ Chinese Porcelains at Drakes Bay, California 1579 and 1595. California: Santa Rosa Junior College; Drake Navigator Guild. Sheaf, C., & Kilburn, R. (1988). The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes. Oxford: Phaidon, Christie’s Ltd. Sjostrand, S., & Syed Idrus, S. (2007). The Wanli Shipwreck and its ceramic Cargo. Kuala Lumpur: Department of Museums Malaysia. Tu, C-h. (2007). The trade ceramics found in archaeological expedition of Taiwan by National Museum of history in recent years. Bulletin of National Museum of History, 168, 24–41. van der Pijl-Ketel, C. L. (1982). The ceramic load of the “Witte Leeuw”. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum. Volker, T. (1971). Porcelain and The Dutch East India Company. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Chapter 9

Ceramics from Nagasaki: A Link to Manila Galleon Trade Etsuko Miyata

Nagasaki served as one of the important port polities during the modern period in Asia. The relation between Manila and Nagasaki remained a short period since Japan decided to close the country in 1639. Indeed, the Manila-Nagasaki trade was practiced from 1570 to 1639. Nagasaki’s presence meant little to Manila though there are some interesting aspects such as migration, art influence to New Spain via Manila, and Japanese ceramic trade (Reid 1993). In this paper, I would like to seek into the porcelain trade in Nagasaki mainly with the Chinese merchants and compare with the pieces found in the central Mexico city, Zócalo from the 16th century till 18th century (Kuwayama 1997). In this way, we may oversee not only the direct relation with Manila Galleon trade but the comparison as a consumption site to the Chinese merchants and how the city was seen as one of the Asian port city.

9.1

The Construction and Development of Nagasaki Seaport

Nagasaki was originally constructed by Omura Sumitada, a baptized samurai in order to bring in the Portuguese ships from Macao in 1570. The port was later donated to the Jesuits by Omura himself in 1590. Some of the important quarters such as Kozencho (built 1624) were excavated in the 1980s, Sakuramachi, Manzaicho, Tojin-yashiki (meaning Chinese quarter built 1689) have been excavated up to now (Fig. 9.1).

E. Miyata (&) Japan Society for Promotion of Science, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_9

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Fig. 9.1 Old map of Tojin-yashiki (Chinese quarter) in Nagasaki

The port was initially functioned to bring in Chinese silk and textiles in change for Japanese silver brought from the Iwami mine. The Jesuits were also participating in this trade as to maintain their evangelization activities in Japan. Of course the well known Japanese merchants such as Harada Kizaemon who was known to be committed in the Nagasaki Manila trade (his name appears in the Spanish archives as “Firando”) resided and engaged trade in this city. The port and the city prospered from trade with many other Asian and Southeast Asian ports such as Siam, Patani, Kochin, Batavia, Banten and more. Trade with Manila was one of the important trades to gain Chinese silk and other goods though after the incident of San Felipe and the succeeding martyrdom of Franciscans and the Jesuits, the country gradually limited its trade with the Dutch and Chinese and closed the country completely in 1639. Manzaicho is one of the first six towns constructed in the 1571 and belonged to the feudal samurai of this town, Takashima Shigeharu, who was baptized and converted into Catholic. There are several artifacts found from this site, which include a cross made of tin and iron and wooden rosaries. Kozencho was built by a Catholic merchant Suetsugu Kozen who often travelled to Xiamen and traded there. It is said that he was guided by the famous Wako Wanzhi during the time of trade ban with Japan. He was the father of Suetsugu Heizo who owned a ship and acted as a powerful merchant in the Red Seal Trade. Kozen appears in Luis Frois’ History of Japan as “Cosme Kozen” in the late 16th century. From this site, several porcelains similar or identical to those from Zócalo area in Mexico City were excavated. Most of the pieces are from the late 16th century to 17th and 18th century.

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Porcelains Excavated from Nagasaki Linking to Manila Galleon Trade

Jingdezhen blue and white wares with landscape design was collected from Nagasaki (Fig. 9.2). This type can be found from Drake’s bay, California and Zócalo area, Mexico (Kuwayama 1997). This type existed quite a long time from around the third quarter of the 16th century to early 17th century (Rinaldi 1990). Blue and white large dish with flower scrolls on the rim and pines on the center is identified as Zhangzhou product (Fig. 9.3). This kind of large plates were produced in Fujian and appreciated by the Japanese. How they used these plates are not known but were probably used in “hare no ba”, meaning “official ceremony”, usually a party with many invited guests. Kraak porcelain deep bowl and blue and white Kosometsuke dish (Fig. 9.4) is dated between 1610 to 1630s. owing to its bright blue and shape which appears in Witte Leeuw cargo. The so called “Kosometsuke” 古染付 type is considered to be produced only for Japanese market used in tea ceremony. They appeared in late Ming period. This means that the Jingdezhen productions were able to supply the needs of Japanese market but not in large quantity. Kosometsuke blue and white were limited strictly to Japanese high social class who enjoyed tea ceremony, therefore they were not for daily use. The motifs are very simple, sometimes with human figures and animals. Blue and white Zhangzhou large kraak type dish is also apparent from this site (Fig. 9.5). The cavetto is drawn with panels and geese with grass on the center. This large plate was also for the “hare no ba”, most probably a party occasion such as

Fig. 9.2 Jingdezhen blue and white ware collected from Nagasaki

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Fig. 9.3 Blue and white large dish of Zhangzhou Kiln from Nagasaki

Fig. 9.4 Kraak porcelain and Kosometsuke dish of Jingdezhen products

wedding ceremonies, new year party and seasonal parties. These large plates were not for daily use and were bought by wealthy merchants resided in Kozencho area. Blue and white Zhangzhou large plate was decorated with scrolls and geometric design on the rim, with Pine tree and bamboo drawn on the center (Fig. 9.6). The scroll is rather of an occidental style and can be dated to the late 16th to the first half of the 17th century. This is also a typical plate for ceremonial or party usage in Edo period in Japan.

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Fig. 9.5 Blue and white Zhangzhou large Kraak dish from Nagasaki

Fig. 9.6 Blue and white Zhangzhou large plate from Nagasaki

Another blue and white Zhangzhou large plate was decorated with pagoda motifs. These examples of large plates mean that Kozencho area was a residential area of rich merchants (Fig. 9.7). Blue and white Jingdezhen kraak ware plate (Fig. 9.8) is a kind of typical kraak porcelains which can be seen in many consumption sites such as Manila, Mexico, and Amsterdam. As can be seen from the large Zhangzhou plates, Japan was a specific market for the Chinese merchants. However, there are some common needs such as the landscape design plates which are found in many other consumption sites together with kraak large plates. As can be seen from the excavated ceramics, Nagasaki was strongly related to Fujian, which is very convincing considering that Suetsugu Kozen went to Xiamen. Chinese merchants who went to sell goods in the

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Fig. 9.7 Blue and white Zhangzhou large plate from Nagasaki

Fig. 9.8 Blue and white Jingdezhen Kraak ware plate from Nagasaki

Philippines may have related to Japan-Fujian trade. On the other hand, Nagasaki was similar to many other consumption cities and ports of the time. Jingdezhen kraak porcelains and other pieces were common types, which can be found from Zócalo and possibly, some were brought from Manila by the Red Seal Trade. At the same time, the existence of many large dishes from Fujian indicates the link with Fujian during this period. Tojin-yashiki was constructed in 1689 by the official order of Nagasaki intended to segregate Chinese population in Nagasaki. Chinese merchants visiting Nagasaki

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were only allowed to stay in this area with the main building which contained 2000 people. All of their belongings were brought into this place and were not allowed to leave any other belongings to the storage room, which was located near the port. However, interestingly, large quantity of identical pieces was found, which makes us imagine that they might have been porcelains for clandestine sale. These large amounts of Chinese porcelains were not their belongings since some Japanese low quality Arita, Utsugawa, Hizen Kiln wares located in Kyushu area are found as daily use. This means that the excavated Jingdezhen and Fujian wares were for private selling items (Hizen kilns produced high quality porcelains although they also produced ceramics of mundane use). Dehua small bowls with geometric design near the rim is a important type of trade cargoes (Fig. 9.9). They were present in Mexico City with certain quantity. However, these were small bowls whereas those in Mexico were fairly tall. Dehua small bowls with circle motifs on the rim came a little later than the previous type owing to the cultural layer but coexisted for quite a long time. This type can also be found from the Zócalo area, Mexico City (Kuwayama 1997). Fujian and Yi Xing Kiln spoon (Fig. 9.10) were found from the cultural layer dated to 1737 at the latest. Chinese spoons began to be exported to Nagasaki in the 1660s. Ceramic spoons are not commonly found in other Japanese excavation sites. Considering Japanese gastronomy, spoons were not necessary up to now. However in Nagasaki, owing to its characteristics of being an international port, spoons are found quite often. They are found in large quantity in Tojin-yashiki. They might have sold to other Chinese residing in Nagasaki or re-exported to other Asian ports by Fujianese merchants. In other Asian culture, spoons are quite often found and

Fig. 9.9 Dehua small bowls from Nagasaki

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Fig. 9.10 Fujian and Yi Xing Kiln spoon from Nagasaki

used to eat liquid food such as soup. Spoons are also found from Mexico City. These are not found in large quantity though they might have been used to eat soups or serve salsa (sauce). The distribution of these ceramic spoons in Nagasaki is still a mystery and needs to be further studied since they were not commonly used among Japanese. Blue and white Jingdezhen small bowl with Yongzhen reign mark (1725–1735) on the bottom was collected from Nagasaki (Fig. 9.11). Dragon or a flying phoenix is painted with pencil drawing technique. This type is not present from the Zócalo site in Mexico. Small cups are one of the popular shapes found from Nagasaki. Their usage may have been tea cups though it is unknown. Blue and white Jingdezhen bowl with floral design (Fig. 9.12) is a large bowl with chrysanthemum design on the interior and exterior. This same type can be found from Templo Mayor site, Mexico City. It can be dated to 1730s. These are frequently found from the Southeast Asian sites such as Banten site, Java where the Dutch East Company had its storage place (Ohashi 2004). Blue and white [Fan: 梵] letter or so called key frets motifs (Fig. 9.13) is very common, and Jingdezhen products and Fujian products are distributed at the same time. Dated to mid 18th century, these bowls are found from many sites in Asia as well as in Mexico. Blue and white Dehua dishes with flowers in a basket design have been collected (Fig. 9.14). This type has same design and shape produced in Jingdezhen and Dehua. Dehua pieces seem to be more common from this site. These were excavated from mid 18th century cultural layer.

9 Ceramics from Nagasaki: A Link to Manila Galleon Trade

Fig. 9.11 Blue and white bowl with Yongzhen reign mark of Jingdezhen Kiln

Fig. 9.12 Blue and white bowl with floral design of Jingdezhen product

Fig. 9.13 Blue and white bowl with 梵 (Fan) letter of Fujian product

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Fig. 9.14 Blue and white Dehua dish from Nagasaki

Blue and white Jingdezhen landscape cups with handles were excavated from 1780 cultural layer (Fig. 9.15). These were exported to Europe in large quantity together with saucers. However, in Tojin-yashiki there are no saucers that are found with these cups. Therefore, it is most likely that the Chinese sold these cups without saucers in Nagasaki. This type of cup is not commonly found in Mexico. By analyzing part of the excavated ceramics from Nagasaki, especially from Kozencho and Tojin-yashiki, Kozencho have some specific types of ceramics imported from the Zhangzhou Kilns and hence can be considered that Nagasaki was strongly linked with Fujian. This was not the case in Manila Galleon Trade in the late 16th century to the first half of the 17th century. Most types that are found in Zócalo area are of Jingdezhen production (Miyata 2017a, b). From Tojin-yashiki, which was constructed in 1689, many Jingdezhen wares were found though Fujian wares especially Dehua wares were also quite abundant. Most of the Fujian wares match with those excavated from Zócalo area. This means that Fujianese merchants were not aiming at specific market but were selling whatever the Kiln produced. It was probably the same in the case of Jingdezhen. Only one exception, the difference between tea and coffee cups and chocolate cups can be distinguished. From Nagasaki, no chocolate cups were found. Instead, many tea cups or coffee cups with handles were found. Chocolate cups were exclusively produced for Latin American market and the Chinese knew the usage as well.

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Fig. 9.15 Blue and white landscape cup with handles of Jingdezhen Kiln

9.3

Fujianese Merchants Who Connected Nagasaki, Manila with Fujian

Nagasaki as a port city in the modern period did not seem to have direct relation with the Manila Galleon Trade during first few decades. However it is true that many folding screens, lacquer wares and other art crafts were sent to Acapulco via Manila. Who brought all these products to Manila? When we see the ceramic excavated from Nagasaki and from Mexico, it seems that the excavated Fujianese ceramics from both sites match these blue and white bowls and plates with flower basket motif. This means that Fujianese productions were gaining their weight in the trade and were exported to many other consumption sites especially after Qing Dynasty abolished the trade ban in 1684. It was the Fujianese merchants who brought the ceramics into Nagasaki and Manila and possibly traded goods between Nagasaki and Manila during the 17th and 18th century. Then, the goods were transshipped to Acapulco (Chia 2006).

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Fujianese merchants were moving around East and Southeast Asia circulating products. Nagasaki and Manila were for sure within this circle and the goods were flowing from Nagasaki to Manila or Fujian and visa versa. Ceramics and other goods were imported from China by the Fujianese merchants to Nagasaki. Many Japanese products were shipped from Nagasaki to Manila or Nagasaki to China by the Fujianese merchants, especially from the late 17th century onwards. The key to Nagasaki’s being the link to Manila Galleon Trade was the Fujianese merchants who connected Nagasaki, Manila with Fujian, and that is why we find so many Fujian wares in Nagasaki. If it were not for Fujianese merchants there must be more quantity and types of Jingdezhen wares comparing to Fujian wares in Nagasaki. It was most probably that the Fujianese merchants brought Japanese products to Manila and sold them to the Mexican merchants in Manila and exported to New Spain which eventually were distributed to the whole Latin American.

References Chia, L. (2006) The butcher, the baker, and the carpenter: Chinese Sojourners in the Spanish Philippines and their impact on Southern Fujian (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries). Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 49(4), Maritime Diasporas in the Indian Ocean and East and Southeast Asia, 509–534. Kuwayama, G. (1997). Chinese ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Hawaii University Press. Miyata, E. (2017a). Portuguese intervention in the Manila Galleon Trade. Archaeo Press. Miyata, E. (2017b). Manila Galleon Trade-Chugokutoji no Taiheiyoukouekiken. Keio Gijukudaigaku Shuppankai. Ohashi, K. (2004). A study of the Ceramic trade at the Tirtayasa Site, Banten, Indonesia: The Strategic Point through the Ocean Silk Road. Bulletin of the Research Center for Silk Roadology, 20. Reid, A. (1993). Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680: Expansion and Crisis (Vol. 2). Yale University Press. Rinaldi, M. (1990). Kraak Porcelain, a moment in the history of trade. Bamboo Publishing.

Cataogues The BinhThuan Shipwreck, Christie’s Australia, 2004. The Fort San SebastianWreck: A 16th century Portuguese Wreck off the Island of Mozanbique, Christie’s Amsterdam, 2004. Nossa Senhora dos Mártires, The Last Voyage, Verbo, 1998. Saga of San Diego, National Museum of the Philippines, 1993.

Chapter 10

Searching for the San Francisco (1609), a Manila Galleon Sunk off the Japanese Coast Jun Kimura

The shipwrecks of Manila galleons are focal points relating to seaports of Spanish colonies in Asian-Pacific regions and are an important part of the maritime landscape of the Manila-Acapulco trade. Study of the Manila-Acapulco trading networks is a subject of growing archaeological interest, pursued by scholars in the Pacific Rim countries (Robert 2016; Wu 2016). This applies especially to archaeological study of ceramic exports from Japan, as illustrated in the dissemination of Arita porcelain to the Americas by galleon shipping (Nogami 2013). Japan has historically been in a fringe position in the galleon trading network but geographically located along the eastbound sailing routes. Historical evidence suggests that there was official consideration of the possibility of Japan’s active involvements in the galleon trade by establishing a seaport some where on the Japanese coast for the return galleons. It was part of important diplomatic exchanges that occurred between the rulers of the two countries—Ieyasu Tokugawa of Japan and Felipe III of Spain—before the wrecking of the San Francisco. The San Francisco, an Acapulco-bound galleon, is reported to have been sunk in 1609 near modern Onjuku town, Chiba Prefecture (Fig. 10.1). Historical accounts associated with the wrecking event have been translated and studied by scholars in Japan and Spain (Gil 1991; Uchimany 1993; Murakami 1966). Even though quite a few historical records are available about the loss of this ship, almost no archaeological material from the wreck has been found. We have a hypothesis regarding survivors’ landing place, but the searching for the galleon in shallow waters was not successful in detecting physical remains of the shipwreck. Since 2016 a maritime archaeological project has begun to clarify the detailed wrecking processes of the San Francisco and identify the wreck’s position. This chapter describes the outline of the project, the aim of which is to conduct an archaeological search with remote sensing survey J. Kimura (&) Department of Maritime Civilizations, School of Marine Science and Technology, Tokai University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_10

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Fig. 10.1 Location of Onjuku in Chiba of Japan

equipment to locate the possible remains of the San Francisco in the offshore waters based on the results of remote sensing surveys and an underwater archaeological search.

10.1

Galleon Voyage in Asia and Japan’s Involvement

Manila developed as a trading post in relation to East Asian and Southeast Asian ports, and as a gateway for them to export goods to the Americas and European markets. The first European pioneering study of the Manila galleons by William Lytle Schurz applauded the extensive commercial activities of the Spanish and their relations with Asian countries (Schurz 1939). More recently, environmental historians’ research has focused on the risk faced by the Spanish galleons, evidenced by the substantial losses incurred due to storms and typhoons (Warren 2012). There was substantial risk for returning galleons departing for Acapulco by catching the Kuroshio Current with the

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summer monsoons. The return trip relied heavily on the seasonal pattern of the current, which is most powerful during summer. However, this is also the most active season for typhoons in the northeast of the Pacific Ocean. The Manila-Acapulco return galleons had to head north before the start of the typhoon season or between storms in order to catch the southern monsoon winds along the route of the current, but the timing of typhoon formation was often unpredictable. The northward voyage to the latitude around the Boso Peninsula of Japan was a long trip, and its route was almost along the typhoon belt stretching up to the Japanese archipelago. The first record of a Manila galleon wrecked in Japanese waters involves the San Felipe, which left Manila in mid-July in 1596 and was wrecked after two months near Tosa (modern Kochi) in southern Japan. The event is well documented, including the breaking up of the hull and confiscation of the cargoes under the orders of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the ruler of Japan at the time. This coincided with a turbulent period in Japanese history with the incursion of Christianity into Japan, and the incident revived Hideyoshi’s antipathy toward the religion. Ieyasu Tokugawa, who united Japan in 1600, showed a more tolerant policy toward foreigners shipwrecked on the Japanese coast. In 1600 the storm-damaged Dutch ship Liefde limped into Usuki Bay in modern Oita Prefecture after an unpleasant long voyage across the Pacific. Of the twenty-four survivors, the English sailor William Adams is the most prominent figure due to his distinctive career; he later became an advisor to Ieyasu Tokugawa because of his expertise. What Adams achieved during his appointment included the construction of European-style sailing ships by order of Iyeyasu Tokugawa. They were the first western-style wooden ships ever constructed in Japanese maritime history. This historical milestone relieved the desperate situation of the Spanish survivors of the San Francisco, consequently they could return to Acapulco by crossing the Pacific in an Adams ship named the San Buenaventura.

10.2

Loss of the San Francisco

The loss of the San Francisco in 1609 stimulated the idea of establishing a supply seaport where galleons could call before taking the oceanic current. Negotiations were initiated by Rodrigo de Viveroy Aberrucia, who was a survivor of the ship and also left his accounts. On board were more than three hundred crew and passengers, including Vivero, who had formerly served as the governor of the Philippines. Vivero’s accounts of the wrecking in Relación y noticiadel Reino del Japón is an important source of information about the event and described the fair treatment of the survivors by the Japanese rulers—the accounts consist of two manuscripts (Gil 1991; Uchimany 2016). Three institutes, the British Library (originally in the British Museum), Real academia de la Historia in Madrid, and Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey in Mexico, achieved the copies of the manuscripts. For an archaeological search, the records of the San Francisco and the description of its wrecking in his accounts are the primary historical source

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to be reviewed. The Vivero’s accounts have been studied by many scholars, with particular focus on details about his stay in Japan and its impact on the diplomatic relationship between Japan and Spain (Gil 1991; Murakami 1966). The accounts do not provide the details of the San Francisco, including its construction and cargo manifests, have not yet been fully identified. Presumably it was in the style of the early Manila galleons, the hull possibly built in the manner of Portuguese shipwrights, as indicated by the hull remains of the San Diego (1600) found in Philippines waters (Fish 2011). The early Manila galleon shipbuilding industry has not been fully examined, but the general view is that Cavite was a major shipyard in the Philippines in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The local shipbuilders constructed various types of ships, which ranged in size from 300 to 1000 ton (Robert 2016). The San Francisco could carry as much as 1000 ton of cargo, according to Vivero’s account; another source indicates that its capacity was approximately 300 ton. Furthermore, the limited evidence indicates that the hull was relatively well built, but the ship had a problem with its rudder that caused some difficulties with its steering. Apart from the copies of Vivero’s account, the project has also reviewed an official wreck report of the San Francisco, Relación de la pérdida de la naocapitana which is achieved in Archivo General de Indias (Gil 2015). It is a handwriting manuscript in the other documents, including letters from the Viceroyalty of New Spain to the Spanish King with a date of October 20th, 1610. The author, place, and the date of the report are really known; however, it could be produced by a survivor of the San Francisco who managed to return to Mexico almost a year later after the wrecking event (Fushimi 2019). The part of the historical documents recount the hazardous voyage of the San Francisco. The wreck report is the most important primary source to understand how the San Francisco was sunken. Moreover, based on the existing study of the two copies of Vivero’s account in Chap. 44 in the Abisos y proyectos para el buengovierno de la monarch, the voyage and wrecking of the San Francisco can be summarized as follows: The galleon fleet was commanded by Juan de Ezquerra, who was already over seventy years old and close to retirement. The fleet, consisting of the almiranta (flagship) San Antonio, the Santa Ana (the name of the San Andres del Peru appears in the wreck report, not the Santa Ana as recorded in the Vivero’s accounts), and the San Francisco, set sail from Cavite on July 25, 1609. All three ships encountered storms around the islands of Los Ladrones (the Northern Mariana Islands) on August 10, and only the San Antonio (or the San Andrés del Peru) was able to complete the voyage and reach Acapulco. The Santa Ana, commended by Sebastian de Aguilar, managed to limp to Bungo (modern Oita Prefecture) but was almost entirely destroyed. Vivero emphasized that the storm they experienced during the sixty-five-day voyage after the ship left Cavite was the most powerful cyclone he had encountered in his life. The storm entailed a number of incidents, including hitting a reef and sustaining damage that may well have been a factor in the subsequent sinking of the San Francisco. The water leaking has been problem since they left the Philippines. During the storm, the bow sprit was damaged and sailors under the command of

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Juan Cevicos had to cut the main mast, and leaking became a serious problem, which led to the decision to try to drift to the coast of Japan. They thought the ship was sailing northward somewhere off the southernmost end of Japan (likely modern Noshimazaki at the end of Boso Peninsula in Chiba). However, a miscalculation of the latitude meant the actual position of the ship was at least one degree farther north, around 33.5°N. They came in sight of land at the distance of a quarter leagues around 10:00 in the evening on September 30, 1609, the ship suddenly struck a reef about two leagues from the shore near Yubanda (likely modern Iwawada in Onjuku town, in Chiba). Vivero and other crew retreated to the stern section. Eventually the hull was broken up, and the bow sank. Fortunately, quite a number of people survived on the wreckage. Although fifty-six people drowned, some could swim, while others clung to floating timbers, and a few were on the remaining part of the stern of the San Francisco. By the morning the survivors had managed to get to land; they thought they had landed on an inhabited island rather than the mainland of Japan. A few sailors shortly found rice paddy fields not far inland, and local people appeared. The survivors found that the villagers were from the hamlet of Yubanda (known as Iwawada in Japan), located about one and a half leagues away. All the survivors seem to have been taken to the village. It did not take long for Vivero to be recognized as an ex-capitania general de Filipinas, and later he was granted an audience with Ieyasu Tokugawa. This meeting followed their previous written exchanges conducted during the two years Vivero was governor of the Philippines. During their meeting in Japan there were diplomatic negotiations that established a new trading relationship between Spain and Japan. The San Buenaventura, which had not been used after its construction under William Adams’s guidance, was given to the survivors to sail back to Spain. After almost one year Vivero left Japan on August 1, 1610, and anchored at Acapulco on November 13, 1610.

10.3

Impacts of the Wreck Event and Material Evidence

As noted, the unexpected loss of the San Francisco led to the successful voyage of the San Buenaventura to Spain. The ship is recognized as the first Japanese-built vessel ever to cross the Pacific Ocean. Onboard were twenty-three Japanese, who were officially the first Japanese to arrive in America. The ultimate fate of the San Buenaventura is not entirely known, but she made the westbound trip to Cavite and thus crossed the Pacific twice (Gil 1991). Further records of the San Buenaventura are worth pursuing in future. A Spanish return delegation commanded by Sebastián Vizcaino visited Japan with the aim of investigating the commercial prospects for mining metals in the country. In 1611 the viceroy of Mexico sent Sebastián Vizcaino to Japan. Vizcaino brought a number of gifts to present to Ieyasu Tokugawa from Felipe III of Spain, which are now in the museum of Mt. Kuno Toshogu, dedicated to the memory of Ieyasu Tokugawa. One gift was a clock, which is still in the museum collection

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Fig. 10.2 Clock of Ieyasu. Courtesy of Mt. Kuno Toshogu

(Fig. 10.2). It is important as a cultural and historical asset and as the oldest western clock that has survived in Japan. The internal mechanism remains the most intact among those of clocks from the seventeenth century. Despite the fact that the records about the loss of the San Francisco have been well examined and the impacts of the sunken ship have been evaluated, archaeological evidence of the shipwreck is extremely limited. Vivero’s historical accounts indicate that some of the cargoes of the San Francisco, such as textiles and beeswax, reached the shore and the local villagers pillaged the cargoes that washed ashore. A very early investigation attempting to identify possible salvaged cargoes in Onjuku took place in the nineteenth-century Meiji Period; it was reported that apart from a metal pot and ceramics of unknown origin, no wreck artifacts were found in the town. A 2006 study confirmed that any remains of the cargoes no longer existed in the modern Onjuku town of Iwawada (Kimura and Sasaki 2006). During the 2006 study, the author inspected roof beams inside one of the oldest houses in Onjuku that were said to be timbers salvaged from the wreckage that drifted to shore from the San Francisco. No clear evidence was noted in relation to such provenience. The wood species identification on a specimen cut from one of the beams shows that the wood is a Japanese native species (Kimura and Sasaki 2006). In 2009 as part of the 400th anniversary of the rescue of the crew of the San Francisco, the municipal office of Onjuku investigated whether any artifacts of the

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ship were still possessed by residents in the town. However, nothing was found. Today in Onjuku the local people still appreciate the connections to the historic shipwreck, which is shown in the erection of the Mexico and Spanish Commemorative Tower in town. Modern Tajiri beach, said to have been the landing place of the survivors, is now a designated historic site.

10.4

Archaeological Search for the San Francisco

In 2016 a maritime archaeological project began with the aim of locating the exact position of the San Francisco and evaluating any material evidence on the shore and underwater around the area where the ship is said to have sunk. The underwater archaeological investigation includes remote sensing surveys and diving searches with a metal detector specifically trying to locate any metal artifacts from the shipwreck. There are no records about any salvage of large metal objects from the shipwreck, such as anchors or cannons. The bronze cannons and iron anchors found on the wreck of the San Diego in the Philippines and at the Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1638) in Saipan show the potential for the survival of the ferrous and other metal objects on Manila galleons. Considering these examples in the case of the San Francisco, it is possible that the corroded objects might remain in situ on the seabed. The state of preservation of such artifacts is also related to the sediment conditions of the seabed. The seabed sediment off the beach of Tajiri, the proposed landing place of the survivors, consists mostly of exposed bedrock. The coast of modern Onjuku town is exposed to high energy from swells and waves, as seen along the coastal cliffs that extend northward (Fig. 10.3).

Fig. 10.3 Onjuku along the coastal cliffs extending northward in Chiba of Japan

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Tajiri beach is said to be the landing place of the survivors of the San Francisco. The study area for the underwater archaeological search is based on what is written in Vivero’s historical accounts, which provide some clues as to the possible location of the San Francisco: – The damaged ship hit a reef and the hull collapsed and was washed away, apart from a portion of the stern. – There are two major sources to address controversial wreck position: (a). the wreck report Relación de la pérdida de la naocapitana which indicates approximately a quarter leagues from the shore, (b). the Viveros’ accounts indicates about six to eight kilometers (two leagues in Spanish units) from the shore. – There were more than three hundred survivors who clung to the hull remains and reached the shore. The proposed study area off the coast of Tajiri is a grid of 6  6 km, which covers relatively shallow waters ranging in a depth from 3 to 50 m, within 10 km from the shore. Within the study area there are a few reefs projecting from the seabed. Two seasons of seabed topography recording with a multi-beam sonar were conducted in 2016 and 2017. The survey was carried out in a total of fourteen days and recorded an area of approximately 3.5  2.1 km2. The multi-beam sonar recording revealed the complex seabed topography with a number of valleys (Fig. 10.4). In 2016 a preliminary diving search was conducted in an area

Fig. 10.4 The multi-beam sonar recording the seabed topography of Tajiri

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composed of several reefs in shallow waters, potentially hazardous for sailing, selected by examining the seabed topography data. The rocks of the valleys were extensively covered by large kelp (Ecklonia cava). The low visibility in the waters as well as the strong surface current and surge at the bottom restricted the effectiveness of the diving survey with a metal detector. The kelp and water conditions prevented us from conducting efficient circular and straight-line searches. The coarse sand fills the valleys, in which the underwater metal detector helped us to locate corroded ferrous objects beneath the surface of the sand. Later these were identified as a metal pipe, plates and rivets associated with the British-built ship MV Rubens, which sank in the area in the 1950s. In 2017, following the completion of the seabed topography recording, a remote sensing survey with a cesium-vapor marine magnetometer was conducted to detect possible ferrous remains on the seabed. It has been presumed that in the shallow waters near the shore there would be more anomalies related to the wreckage of the MV Rubens and other modern iron objects, such as artificial reefs. The 2017–2018 survey season was prior to an offshore reef approximately six kilometers from the coast, known as Mashione (Fig. 10.4). The detailed seabed topography data have revealed that two large standing rocks compose the offshore reef. The linear transects of the marine magnetometer surveys consisted of forty lines in a north-south direction and forty lines perpendicular to these in an east-west direction, twenty meters apart, covering 1.4  1.2 km2. A few anomalies were detected that appear not to be related to seabed topography changes and sediments. A diving search was conducted on some of the anomalies, but apart from the detection of modern debris, clear evidence of ferrous remains related to the San Francisco was not identified on the seabed. At the area of one of the anomalies on the south side of the reef at a depth of about forty meters, a volcanic stone, has an oval shape, was found. The surface of the stone is covered by marine organisms such as barnacles. Its weight is about 2.8 kg and the diameter measures 13 mm. It is a volcanic stone identified as andesite, with inclusions of pyroxene, peridotite, and feldspar. The fine-grained nature and volcanic origin of the stone does not match the local geology of Onjuku, but it is highly disputable if the stone is related to the San Francisco (Fig. 10.5). Fig. 10.5 Oval shaped volcanic stone from the study area at Onjuku in Chiba of Japan

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Discussion

The underwater remote sensing survey and diving search have examined whether either the shallow waters or the offshore water around a reef Mashione could be the hazardous area which caused the wreck of the San Francisco, as depicted in the historical records. The hypothetical location of the wreck is still considered to be in the relatively shallow waters near coast, according to the description of the wreck report. On the other hand, diving in the area has been extensive by Ama divers gathering abalone, algae, and turban shellfish from the rocky seabed, and during the heyday of Ama fishing in the 1970s, more than four hundred Ama had been diving in the waters concerned. No reliable reports have emerged about any findings of artifacts, despite interviews with elder Ama divers as well as with village residents. The marine geophysics survey has identified anomalies in the shallow water areas. The coastal currents and waves are high in the shallow waters and presumably pushed wreck material into the sandy bottoms of the valleys, and this was confirmed by the buried wreckage of the MV Rubens during an underwater metal detector search. The sand sedimentation rate is relatively high at the bottom of the valleys, and the fragments of the wreckage could be covered by the thick layer of coarse sand. Further underwater archaeological survey at the sandy areas and offshore around the Mashione reef is needed, with the aim of finding artifacts from the San Francisco. All anomalies possibly related to the ferrous remains of the shipwreck need to be assessed. To determine the contexts and extent of the site, non-destructive underwater investigation by divers and remotely operated vehicles will be conducted. The highest point of the reef is less than 14 m high, meaning it is not entirely plausible to argue that the ship was heavily damaged by hitting the reef —the draft of galleon’ shull was not deep enough. Hence further investigation is needed for logical explanation of the site formation processes.

10.6

Conclusion

The Manila-Acapulco trade brought the Pacific Ocean into a trade network, no longer a frontier ocean, by linking seaports extensively along the Pacific Rim coasts. The sea lanes relying on powerful currents and seasonal winds sustained the network between the most distant ports in Northern Hemisphere. The voyage in the summer typhoon season, however, was extremely hazardous, in particular when sailing northward up to the latitude of the Boso Peninsula. The loss of Spanish galleons was considerable in the Manila-Acapulco trade. The incident of the San Francisco in 1609 led to a new stage in the diplomatic relationship between the rulers in Japan and Spain at the time, as examined by many historians. It was the period when a new maritime policy related to the Manila galleon trade was

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negotiated, including the possible establishment of a supply seaport for the return galleon traders. Scientific investigation of the San Francisco has not been attempted until recently. The underwater archaeological survey started with the aim of answering a query as to why no physical material from the shipwreck survives. This chapter presents a new survey approach to develop a hypothesis on the location of the wreckage offshore. From an archaeological viewpoint, the evaluation of the potentially hazardous reef was conducted by using marine geophysics survey equipment and by implementing a diving search in deep water. The survey has successfully revealed the complex topography of the seabed and its valleys, and led to the understanding of site formation processes of the wreck site of the San Francisco. Further archaeological survey is worth conducting with a focus on the detection of other artifacts, including the ferrous and other metal objects from the shipwreck. The archaeological outcomes will contribute to understanding of the port history of the Philippines and Mexico and will be the important part of the study of the extensive trading network between Asian and Latin American regions. Acknowledgements The project is funded by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science. I would like to recognize the support provided by Windy Network in recording the seabed topography. I wish to thank Bob Sheppard, Ian McCann, and Sheldon Clyde for their contribution to the underwater archaeological search.

References Fish, S. (2011). The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The treasure ships of the Pacific with an annotated list of the Transpacific Galleons, 1565–1815. Central Milton Keynes: Authoro House. Fushimi, T. (2019). Some considerations on the Spanish written sources about the shipwreck of the Nao “San Francisco.” Archaeological study of the San Francisco and Manila Galleon, Tokai University Press (in print). Gil, J. (1991). Hidarogos Y Samurai: Espana Y Japon En Los Siglos XVI Y XVII. Madrid: Alianza Editorial S. A. [in Spanish with Japanese translation]. Gil, J. (2015). Don Rodrigo de Vivero. Un criollo en Filipinas y Japón. en El Mar del Sur en la historia. Ciencia, Expansion, representacion y poder en elpacif ico (Vol 4, pp. 65–158). Santiago de Chile: Centro de Investigaciones Diego Barros Arana/Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez. Kimura, J., & Sasaki, R. (2006). A brief report about surveying the Manila Galleon San Franisco Sunken off Onjuku, Chiba. Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies, 2, 78–87. Murakami, N. (1966). Don Roderigo Nihon kenbunroku Vizcaino Kingin Tanken Hokoku. Tokyo: Sonansha. [In Japanese.]. Nogami, T. (2013). Gareon Boeki to Hizenjiki. Toyotoji (Oriental Ceramics) (Vol 42, pp. 141–176). Robert, J. (2016). On a Manila Galleon of the 16th Century: A Nautical perspective. In Wu Chunming (Ed.), Early navigation in the Asia-Pacific region (pp. 103–113). Singapore: Springer. Schurz, W. L. (1939). The Manila Galleon. New York: E. P. Dutton. Uchimany, E. A. (2016). Relación y avisos del reinode Japón y la Nueva Españain, Pasta blanda.

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Uchimany, E. A. (1993). Vida y tiempos de don Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberruza, Conde del Valle de Orizaba, 1564–1636. In J.T. Nanbei Gakujutsu Chosa Purojeckuto (Ed.) Nihon kenbunroku (pp. 91–116). [in Spanish with Japanese translation]. Warren, J. F. (2012). Weather, history and empire: The Typhoon factor and the Manila Galleon trade, 1565–1815. In G. Wade & L. Tana (Eds.), Anthony Reid and the study of the Southeast Asian Past (pp. 183–220). Singapore: ISEAS Publishing. Wu, C. (Ed.). (2016). Early navigation in the Asia-Pacific region: A maritime archaeological perspective. Singapore: Springer.

Part III

Bound for Acapulco: The Archaeology of the Pacific and America as the Galleon Navigation Record

Chapter 11

The Development of Humåtak Village: The Life-Line of the Acapulco-Manila Galleon Trade Joe Quinata

The Manila Galleon Trade Route was the first and most powerful economic global trade missions in the Pacific between Spain and the Philippines. The beginning of a 250-year long trade was under the command of Felipe de Salcedo, and navigated by Andrés de Urdaneta, the San Pablo was the first Spanish galleon to successfully return from Manila across the Pacific carrying mainly spices. From 1565 to 1815, Spanish galleons sailed the Pacific Ocean between Acapulco in New Spain (now Mexico) and Manila in the Philippine islands (Fig. 11.1). The Mariana Islands, known at that time as Las Islas de Los Ladrones, became the provisioning station between New Spain (now Mexico) and Asia. CHamoru traders from Guam bartered food, water, and other provisions in exchange for iron goods from Spanish trade vessels. The CHamorus would paddle their canoes out to the ships, choosing to conduct their business away from their islands.

11.1

Humåtak Village: Manila Galleon Port

In 1565, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi sailed into the village of Humåtak (Umatac) and claimed Guam for Spain and subsequently, the village became the main port for Spain’s galleons sailing from Acapulco, New Spain (Mexico) in route to the Philippines (Fig. 11.2). Between 1680 and 1810, the development of Humåtak Village began with the first fortification built, the Bateria de Nuestra Senora Del Carmen, followed by Fort Santo Angel (1756) at the entrance of the bay on top of a large rock out-crop. The third structure, Fort San Jose was built around 1805 on a hill located north of the village and thereafter in 1810, Fort Nuestra Senora de la Soledad or Fort Soledad was built. J. Quinata (&) Guam Preservation Trust, Hagåtña, GU, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_11

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Fig. 11.1 The sea route of Manila Galleon navigation

Fig. 11.2 The landscape of the Humåtak port

In 1690, Spanish Governor Damian de Esplana commissioned the construction of the Governor’s summer palace for his residence while he waited for the galleons to bring subsidies and goods for the government and Catholic mission.

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Cultural Exchange and Encounter

The Manila Galleons not only transported trading goods, but also people who brought with them their cultures from back home. Soldiers, missionaries, traders and skilled laborers traveled to the Mariana Islands between Mexico and the Philippines by way of the galleon trade route. Cultural exchanges took place as extended stays became frequent. In 1668, Jesuit missionary Father Diego Luis de San Vitores secured funding and royal support to establish the first Catholic mission in the Marianas. New political and social systems were introduced after a forceful displacement of the CHamorus from their villages on the northern islands to Guam (known as the reducción), in order to control the indigenous inhabitants of the Mariana Islands. Spanish gobernadors (governors) administered the islands, gobenadorcillos (“little governors”), and Spanish, Filipino and Mexican soldiers kept the peace. The Catholic Church became the center of village life replacing the traditional practices of ancestral worship. No longer allowed to construct or sail their magnificent and agile outrigger canoes, the CHamorus continued to fish, but also cultivate new food items like corn on their lanchos or ranches located on their ancestral lands outside the main villages. Architectural building styles changed as stone forts, bridges and houses made from a technique known as mampostería were built around the island, and roads were constructed connecting the different villages to the administrative center in the Capitol of Hagåtña (Fig. 11.3). The intermarriage of Chamorro women with men from Spain, the Philippines and Mexico also impacted the islanders’ customs, traditions, language and social organization. The power of matrilineal clans was diminished and replaced with patrilineal lines of inheritance while lands were taken by the Spanish government for public use. Traditional spiritualists known as makahna, lost their influence over Christian belief, but re-emerged as herbal healers called suruhanu and suruhana. Ancestral

Fig. 11.3 New architectural building after Spanish encountering

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worship in reverence of their ancestral skulls was discouraged and replaced with Catholic icons and beliefs. Although changes imposed on the CHamoru people by Spain did not force them to completely abandon their ways, they held on to their cultural values of respect, cooperation, and reciprocity, maintaining the importance of their social and familial relationships. CHamoru women were the keepers of the culture and held significant power in CHamoru society.

11.3

The Demise of the Manila Galleon Trade

By 1813, uprisings in Acapulco caused Spain to lose control of Mexico, which affected the movement of the Manila galleons. Alternate routes and private ships were used to transport mail and cargo. The Marianas, however, were not on these new trade routes and became more isolated from the rest of the world. In 1815, the last galleons to pass through the Mariana Islands were the Ray Fernando and the Magallanes. There was no financial subsidy sent to the Mariana Islands to support the colony or the Catholic mission. In 1820s, American whaling ships began regular stops in Guam for water and provisions, rebuilding the economy and replacing the once powerful Manila Galleons. New people, new ideas, new customs, and new influences were once again faced by the resilient CHamoru people.

11.4

Conclusion: Our History Our Legacy

The galleon trade was not just a one-way stream of goods and beliefs; it also meant a steady stream of products and ideas from Asia to Spain and its colonies … [and provides] a metaphor of the meeting of the East and the West. This cannot be better symbolized than by the Spanish-speaking Filipinos and CHamorus or the silk-clad Spaniards in Mexico and Spain. The Spanish colonies in the Philippines, Mexico and the Marianas reflected mixed populations, mixed cultures and mixed social norms which evolved on their own to form unique peoples with various mannerisms and speech harking back to their Asian-Pacific-European roots. Dr. Robert Underwood, CHamoru Scholar

The CHamoru people embrace their history with Spain as a legacy that was passed down from generations past. The CHamoru people sang Spanish songs, adapted to Spanish food recipes, and learned the Spanish lifestyle. We pass on the history as we move forward to make the best better for our people on Guam.

Chapter 12

Clues to Internationalism in the Manila Galleon Wreck of the Late 1570s in Baja California Edward Von der Porten

Mexican–American expeditions have been investigating a Manila galleon shipwreck on the western shore of the Baja California peninsula since 1999. The ship most likely is the San Juanillo of 1578. The remains of the ship’s hull, cargo, weaponry, and personal possessions provide insights into the sources of the material remains and the trade patterns which brought them together at that very early period of the Manila galleon trade.

12.1

Introduction

Our shipwreck expeditions began in an international way. Japanese–American scholar George Kuwayama, curator of Asian Art at the Los Angeles Museum of Art, wrote the book Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico (1997), which describes Chinese porcelains which went from the Fair at Acapulco, Mexico, to many Spanish sites in the New World. In his book, which was published in the summer of 1997, are four pages of figures of porcelain sherds with the attribution, “Excavated from an unpublished site off the California Coast” (Fig. 12.1). These figures led us to the finders, a group of Alta California beachcombers, and, through them, to the site of the wreck. Judging from the porcelain figures, these finds marked the remains of an eastbound Manila galleon dated to the late sixteenth century. An American scholar of sixteenth-century ship construction, Raymond Aker, provided us with the best reconstruction of such a galleon1 (Fig. 12.2). She was

1

Raymond Aker’s plans were published in Von der Porten (2008).

E. Von der Porten (&) San Francisco, USA © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_12

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Fig. 12.1 George Kuwayama’s (1997) book on Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico

Fig. 12.2 Raymond Aker’s reconstruction of a sixteenth-century galleon

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Fig. 12.3 The investigation of the remote site on the west coast of Baja California in 1999

about thirty meters long, had a cargo capacity of four or five hundred tons, carried six sails which drove her across the ocean at an average speed of three nautical miles (5 km) per hour, and was crewed by a mixed group of perhaps a hundred men: Spaniards, Mexicans, Filipinos, and perhaps other nationalities, as suggested by the artifacts on board. In June of 1999, our team of specialists in many subjects was led to the very remote site on the west coast of Baja California by the beachcombers. We approached by sea in small Zodiac boats (Fig. 12.3), landed on an unnamed beach, and began to explore a desert shore characterized by low dunes, sand flats covered with millions of shells, and high dunes up to fifteen meters tall, with sand flats among them (Fig. 12.4). In all those environments, for a distance of 11 km, there are porcelain sherds (Fig. 12.5).

12.2

Chronology

Dating the porcelains proved to be fairly easy because Clarance Shangraw, the Senior Curator of the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, and I had created a chart of Kraak plate rim designs based on dated shipwreck finds some years earlier. This chart turned into a chronology from the late 1570s through the 1640s.2 Our porcelain finds in the desert placed the shipwreck into the mid- through late-1570s.

2

Kraak Plate Design Sequence. See Von der Porten (2016) and Shangraw and Von der Porten (1997).

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Fig. 12.4 The desert shore with low dunes and sand flats covered with shells

Fig. 12.5 Porcelain sherds were covered by 10 cm of blowing sand in four days

In time, documentary studies gave us the name of the most likely ship, the San Juanillo, or lesser San Juan, lost without trace after sailing from Manila in the summer of 1578 under Captain Juan de Ribera.3

12.3

Iberia and the Spanish Colonies

Metal detector work gave us the wide variety of finds which made it possible to identify many of the sources for the cargo, weaponry, and outfitting of the galleon in this first decade of the Manila galleon trade, whose first successful voyages with Chinese cargos had occurred in 1573. These sources include Spain itself, and its European trade networks. We found sheets of lead with the remains of iron tack heads (Fig. 12.6). Only Spanish and Portuguese ships used lead sheathing with iron fastenings below the waterlines of

3

de Morga (1971, p. 62).

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Fig. 12.6 A sheet of lead with iron tack heads is characteristic of Spanish and Portuguese long-range trading ships

their long-range trading ships to keep the teredo navalis, or shipworm, out of the timbers and to keep seaweed and barnacles from attaching themselves to the hull and slowing it down.4 Spanish-colonial coins are marked with the sources of the silver that drove the trans-Pacific trade and soon became the world’s money system. The ones we find are heavily encrusted with sand and patination products (Fig. 12.7). They range from one one-real piece, through six two-reales and two four-reales, to one eight-reales, also known as a Peso, Piece of Eight, Taler, and eventually Dollar. The Piece of Eight weighs approximately one ounce, or 28 g. Our finds can be identified as belonging to the second coinage design of Spanish King Philip II, which went into production in Mexico City in 1572 and in Potosi, Upper Peru, in 15745 (Fig. 12.8). They are all from the new design, which can be explained by Gresham’s Law, which says that people keep “good” coins and spend “bad” coins. In this case, crewmen kept the most modern coins for use when they returned to Mexico from the Philippines, but they had spent the older coins and silver bars to buy Asian goods in the Philippines. So far, we can read four of the ten coins we have found. Others await conservation. One four-real and two two-reales are from the Mexico City mint with the official’s mark “O.” The piece of eight is from 4

The lead sheathing has not yet been analyzed and published. The key coin catalog for identifying Spanish-colonial coins is Calbeto de Grau (1970). Much detailed information about the New World mines, silver production, the Mexico City and Potosi mints, minting techniques, and the coins is in Craig (2000).

5

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Fig. 12.7 Spanish-colonial coins heavily encrusted with sand and patination products (Courtesy of the Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuática, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia [SAS-INAH])

Fig. 12.8 The piece of eight weighs approximately 1 ounce, or 28 g identified as production in Mexico City in 1572 and in Potosi, Upper Peru, in 1574 (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Potosi. The coins give us the information that the shipwreck could not have occurred before 1575, because we must allow a year for the travel of the Potosi coin from its minting through Lima, Callao, Acapulco, and Manila before being lost on the Baja California beach. Two navigating instruments have been found. The ship’s boat’s sounding lead is a European form which could have been cast just about anywhere the Spaniards were active—even aboard the galleon itself6 (Fig. 12.9). A small “splash” or

6

Comparable sounding leads are described in Gardiner (2005, pp. 277–279).

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Fig. 12.9 European form sounding lead from the site

Fig. 12.10 This small “splash”, or dribble, of lead from the site

dribble of lead appears to have been made by pouring the left-over lead from a crucible onto a hard surface after casting lead shot or other lead objects (Fig. 12.10). The lead is poured out to save it for future use. This “splash” suggests that lead casting was done on the galleon, presumably by the armorer. The compass gimbals are practically identical to the five other ones known from English and Basque shipwrecks and a Dutch explorers’ site dating from 1545 through 15967 (Fig. 12.11). Their similarity suggests that they may have been made in one place, likely Antwerp or Amsterdam, and were trade items within the European nautical world. Because some of the other compasses had wood preserved, it was possible to have replicas made of it and of the sounding lead (Fig. 12.12). 7 The details of the compass gimbals are in Von der Porten’s “The Compass Gimbals.” The standard source for sixteenth-century navigation techniques is Waters (1958). For compasses, see pp. 20–30. Another history is Gurney (2004). The Mary Rose’s compasses are described in Gardiner (2005, pp. 267–271). The San Juan’s compass is described in Grenier et al. (2007, vol. 4, pp. 150–151). The Nova Zembla compass is described in Braat et al. (1998, pp. 161–163).

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Fig. 12.11 Compass gimbals similar to the five other ones of English, Basque and Dutch shipwrecks dating from 1545 through 1596

Fig. 12.12 Compass and sounding lead replicas

Little weaponry has been discovered, most of it small lead shot. The sources of lead shot are difficult to identify unless trace-element studies can determine where the lead was mined. The largest shot, 22 mm in diameter, seemed unexceptional and unidentifiable until the corrosion area on one side was examined closely. When tapped, sand fell out of a cubical hole (Fig. 12.13). It turned out to be an iron-core lead shot from which the iron had rusted away. This form of shot was common in sixteenth-century Europe.8 A fragment of pottery is Iberian: part of a base, very likely from a plato, a shallow bowl, or possibly a cup, identified as Orange Micaceous ware, a type

8

The lead shot from the Mary Rose, including iron-core shot, are described in Hildred (2011, Part One, pp. 348–358).

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Fig. 12.13 Iron-core lead shot was a common type in sixteenth-century Europe (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Fig. 12.14 Pottery fragment identified as western Iberian type

common to western Iberia, particularly Portugal, but also found on Spanish sites circa 1550–16509 (Fig. 12.14). Presumably, it was a personal possession of a crewman. Iberian “olive jars” trace their descent from the amphorae of classical antiquity. While barrels were in widespread use in European ships, Spaniards still used some of these olive jars. We have found only one neck and three wall sherds in the

The sherd is described and identified in “The Iberian Earthenware Sherd” by Dr. Marco Meniketti.

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Fig. 12.15 Iberian “olive jars” descend from the classical amphorae which Spaniards still used in their trade

wreck10 (Fig. 12.15). None the less, they, and the Iberian pottery, represent remarkable journeys from Seville to Mexico or Panama, overland to the Pacific Ocean, to Acapulco, then to Manila, and back across the ocean. In the Pacific, the Spaniards quickly switched to Chinese and Southeast Asian Martaban jars, which replaced barrels and other Spanish containers.

12.4

Southeast Asia

Some objects seemed simple to identify. Wax is often mentioned in Manila galleon cargos because the New World has no indigenous wax-making bees, so Philippine beeswax for candles and many other uses was carried by the galleons (Fig. 12.16). However, when two samples were analyzed for their pollens, it turned out that the wax came from Indonesia, indicating that not enough beeswax was produced in the Philippines to satisfy trade needs.11 Whether all the waxes in our cargo came from the same source is not yet known. The great majority of the stoneware Martaban jars in the cargo come from three of the usual four sources (Fig. 12.17). There is a gray-paste south Chinese ware decorated with applied dragons; there are two similar types from Bang Rachan,

10

The standard text is Marken (1994). The olive-jar neck from Baja California was found in November 2016 and has not yet been published. 11 The pollen analysis is described in Laura White and Staci Willis’s “The Pollens in the Beeswax.”

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Fig. 12.16 Beeswax remains on the site

Fig. 12.17 Stoneware Martaban jar fragment from the site

Thailand, and one type from Martaban, Burma. Only the Vietnamese kilns are not represented in this wreck.12 There are another ten or so storage-jar types represented in small numbers by uninformative sherds in our collection, but none have been traced to their sources.

The stonewares are described in John Schlagheck’s “The Oriental Stonewares.”

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China and Overseas Chinese

Chinese porcelains form the greatest part of our collection, numbering 1862 out of 2666 artifacts. There are 123 distinct types. These have been reported on in several conferences and publications13 and are dealt with in detail in the forthcoming book, The Ming Porcelains from the Manila Galleon Wreck found in Baja California.14 Some of them illustrate well-defined trade patterns in the late sixteenth century. The Baja California galleon cargo includes early Zhangzhou wares, which often were traded to Southeast Asia (Fig. 12.18). All the finds are of the loosely-painted style, so that style can be clearly dated to the 1570s. An unusual example of crossing scholarly boundaries is a spoonbill painted on a large Zhangzhou ware dish (Fig. 12.19). An expert in Oriental birds identified it and noted that it is extinct in Mainland China now but still exists in Taiwan. Clearly, it was seen on the mainland in the sixteenth century: a revelation to the bird scholar. Many of the porcelains from Jindezhen were suitable for many of the Southeast Asian trades, so they do not tell us much about their usual destinations. Some are of remarkably poor quality, notably the large number of phoenix plates (Fig. 12.20).

Fig. 12.18 Zhangzhou ceramic ware

13

The most comprehensive earlier publications are the author’s monographs on the porcelains from the site (Von der Porten 2011, 2012). The ship was identified as the San Felipe until new documentary evidence led to her identification as the San Juanillo of 1578. 14 Book by Edward Von der Porten. All the porcelains described below are published in this book.

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Fig. 12.19 Zhangzhou ceramic ware featuring a black-faced spoonbill bird

Fig. 12.20 Jindezhen ceramic ware phoenix plate

In contrast, many are of much higher quality. A notable find is an incompletely fired plate (Fig. 12.21) which suggests that imperfect products may have been shipped overseas rather than discarded. The market for a bowl depicting a Chinese folk tale seems obvious: overseas Chinese (Fig. 12.22). A formal landscape—the garden of Xi Wang Mu, the Queen Mother of the Western Paradise—with fences, a stylized peach tree, and a peony flower, is the setting for two monkeys: one mischievously leaping into the air to distract the gods while his comrade surreptitiously climbs the tree to steal the peaches of immortality. What appear to be wasps’ nests hang from the tree limbs on either side, possibly as a deterrent to those who would steal the peaches.

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Fig. 12.21 Jindezhen ceramic wares with high quality (left), and incompletely fired plate (right) Fig. 12.22 Bowl with a pattern of Xi Wang Mu (西王母, the Queen Mother of the Western Paradise)

12.6

Long-Term Internationalism

Landscape bowls, whose design had only recently been transferred from scroll painting to porcelains in the 1570s, have a remarkable history (Fig. 12.23). These are the earliest fully dated examples of a pattern that was copied, degraded, revived, modified, and copied again for two centuries, until it was codified by an English potter in the late eighteenth century and copied around the world until our own day. It is now called “Blue Willow.”

12.7

The Japan Trade

One of the revelations of this cargo is porcelain types which confidently can be ascribed to the Chinese trade with Japan. Many are polychrome bowls and plates, some rather garish, others naturalistic (Figs. 12.24 and 12.25). A few plates

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Fig. 12.23 Landscape bowls transferring the design from scroll painting to porcelains

Figs. 12.24–12.26 Porcelain wares made for export trade with Japan

combine blue-on-white and polychrome painting (Fig. 12.26). Some blue-on-white porcelains also are Japan-market wares, such as a dish depicting a fishpond with a netting background (Fig. 12.27) and a notably finely painted small bowl with an asymmetric naturalistic bamboo design (Fig. 12.28).

12.8

European Trade

Paneled wares, often called Kraak wares, became the standard trade wares to Spaniards and Portuguese, then Dutch and English, from the 1580s through the 1640s. The few examples in this cargo illustrate the beginnings of this design sequence. There are examples with one-line dividers on heavily potted bowls (Fig. 12.29) and others with two-line dividers on thinly potted and molded bowls which fully conform to the definition of Kraak ware (Figs. 12.30 and 12.31). Finds of small and sometimes fragmentary Chinese metal objects can be tied to the European trades. A fragment of brass mounting suggests that it might have

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Figs. 12.27, 12.28 Porcelain designs for Japanese markets

Figs. 12.29–12.31 Kraak wares with different designs

come from one of the items of Chinese furniture mentioned in the European accounts of the Manila trade15 (Fig. 12.32). Other metal objects can be ascribed to the enameled boxes which also are listed in the ships’ inventories. A brass plate’s hinge section had been sheared off during the shipwreck, (Fig. 12.33) while a decorative brass plaque still has its mounting tacks (Fig. 12.34). A bronze securing pin with two brass rings (Fig. 12.35) also appears to belong to a box, as do two brass keys (Fig. 12.36). Two Chinese bronze mirrors must have been exotics to the Europeans, who had silvered glass mirrors (Fig. 12.37). The purpose of a thin bronze disc is unknown (Fig. 12.38). Is it a simple mirror with a center hole substituting for the hole in the knob in standard mirrors? The brass lock plate from a Chinese or Southeast-Asian matchlock firearm may be a left-over from the 1574 Chinese pirate attack on Manila, but we will never 15

Some of the small metal objects have not yet been analyzed and published because many of them were found recently.

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Fig. 12.32 Small metal object of Chinese design (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Figs. 12.33, 12.34 Small metal object of Chinese design (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Figs. 12.35, 12.36 Bronze securing pin and brass key (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

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Figs. 12.37, 12.38 Chinese bronze mirror and disc (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Fig. 12.39 Brass lock plate from a Chinese or Southeast-Asian matchlock firearm

know16 (Fig. 12.39). Using low-grade weaponry to arm the east-bound galleons would have made sense when good-quality weapons were kept in the Philippines for the defenses of Manila. Cloisonné represents an uncommon element in the Chinese trade with the Spaniards, probably because it did not bring a large-enough profit at the Fair at Acapulco (Fig. 12.40). The same considerations may have caused the disappearance of the polychrome porcelains from the trade.

The lock plate and one of the lead balls are described in Peter Von der Porten’s “The Matchlock Lock Plate and Lead Ball.”

16

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Fig. 12.40 Cloisonné was an uncommon element in the Chinese–Spanish trade (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Fig. 12.41 A sherd of a polychrome sculpture (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

12.9

Enigmas

As in most archaeology, there are tantalizing fragments which only more finds may explain some day. A single sherd of a polychrome sculpture gives only a hint of the figure of which it once was a part, and of the trade for which it was designed (Fig. 12.41). Calligraphy bowls are enigmas. Most of them are so casually painted as to be unreadable. Of twenty-two examples, only one has a few clearly painted characters (Fig. 12.42). To whom were they intended to appeal? Certainly not to literate customers. In the context of the European trade, they illustrate the experimental nature of the 1570s Manila galleon cargos, which contain wares completely unsuited for the new trade but which must have been accepted as exotics by the Spaniards for a few years.

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Fig. 12.42 Calligraphy bowls with a few clearly painted characters

Fig. 12.43 Chinese bronze coin (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

To date, we do not know the market for one of the most unusual plates, the one with “gentlemen’s purses” design with its Chinese, Buddhist and Muslim elements. There is a lone Chinese bronze coin (Fig. 12.43). Was it the decoration of a basket or other container? A souvenir? Or a hint of a Chinese crewman? Does the presence of a Buddhist “singing” prayer bowl suggest a Chinese crewman, or is it another exotic item in the early trade (Fig. 12.44)? The same question could be asked about the bronze Buddhist guardian male lion with his paw on an openwork ball and an open fanged mouth (Fig. 12.45). It sits on the cover of an incense burner. Incense smoke would have rolled out of the lion’s mouth.

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Fig. 12.44 Buddhist “singing” prayer bowl (Courtesy of SAS-INAH)

Fig. 12.45 Bronze Buddhist guardian male lion

12.10

The Years to Come

Each year, we look out from the beach on to the site of the San Juanillo’s tragedy (Fig. 12.46). It remains a lonely place. In these sands lie the remains of our “ghost galleon,” which sailed onto the Baja California shore with a dying crew, lay intact for a year or more, and was finally destroyed by a rare storm. These findings have enabled us to reconstruct part of the crew’s story and have given us a remarkable view of world-wide commercial ties in the 1570s, the earliest decade of the trans-Pacific Manila galleon trade. We look forward to many more years of fruitful research on our “Galleon in the Dunes.”

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Fig. 12.46 An artist’s depiction of the “ghost galleon” San Juanillo (Courtesy of Gordon Miller)

References Braat, J., Gawronski, J. H. G., Kist, J. B., van de Put, A. E. D. M., & Sigmond, J. P. (1998). Behouden uit het Behouden Huis (Catalog of the finds from the 1596 Barents expedition in Nova Zembla). Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw. Calbeto de Grau, G. (1970). Compendio de las Piezas de Ocho Reales (2 Vols.). San Juan, Puerto Rico: Ediciones Juan Ponce de Leon. Craig, A. K. (2000). Spanish Colonial silver coins in the Florida Collection. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. de Morga, A. (1971). Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. (J. S. Cummins, Trans., Ed.). Cambridge: Published for the Hakluyt Society, at the University Press. Gardiner, Julie. (2005). Before the mast: Life and death aboard the Mary Rose. Portsmouth: The Mary Rose Trust Ltd. Grenier, R., Bernier, M.-A., & Stevens, W. (2007). The underwater archaeology of Red Bay (5 Vols.). Ottawa: Parks Canada. Gurney, A. (2004). Compass. New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company. Hildred, A. (2011). Weapons of wars: The armaments of the Mary Rose. Portsmouth: The Mary Rose Trust Ltd. Kuwayama, G. (1997). Chinese ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Marken, M. (1994). Pottery from Spanish Shipwrecks 1500–1800. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Meniketti, M. (Forthcoming). The Iberian Earthenware Sherd. Chapter for a forthcoming book about the Baja California finds. Schlagheck, J. (Fothcoming). The oriental stonewares. Chapter for a forthcoming book about the Baja California finds. Shangraw, C., & Von der Porten, E. P. (1997). Kraak plate design sequence, 1550–1655. San Francisco: Drake Navigators Guild. This chronology was revised in 2007 to ca. 1570–1655. Von der Porten, E. (2008). An early Manila Galleon. Ships in Scale, XX:1, 44–58, and XX:2 (March/April 2008), 51–54.

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Von der Porten, E. (2011). The early Wanli Ming porcelains from the Baja California Shipwreck identified as the 1576 Manila Galleon San Felipe. San Francisco. Note that the ship was identified as the San Felipe until new documentation proved otherwise. Von der Porten, E. (2012). The early Wanli Ming porcelains from the Baja California Shipwreck identified as the 1576 Manila Galleon San Felipe. A Supplement. San Francisco. Von der Porten, E. (2016). Sixteenth-century Manila Galleon Cargos on the American West Coast and A Kraak Plate Chronology. In C. Wu (Ed.), Early navigation in Asia-Pacific Region—A maritime archaeological perspective. Berlin: Springer. Von der Porten, E. (Forthcoming). The compass gimbals. Chapter for a forthcoming book about the Baja California finds. Von der Porten, E. (Forthcoming). With Analysis of the Marks by Sheila Keppel and Descriptions of the Porcelain Industry by Dr. Li Min and Ellen Hsieh. The Ming Porcelains from the Manila Galleon Wreck found in Baja California. Forthcoming from the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City. Von der Porten, P. (Forthcoming). The Matchlock Lock Plate and Lead Ball. Chapter for a forthcoming book about the Baja California finds. Waters, D. W. (1958). The art of navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times. London: Hollis and Carter. White, L., & Willis, S. (Eds.). (Forthcoming). The pollens in the Beeswax. Chapter for a forthcoming book about the Baja California finds.

Chapter 13

Archaeological Distribution of Chinese Porcelain in Mexico Patricia Fournier and Roberto Junco Sanchez

Columbus dream to arrive in China did not come true until Magellan crossed the Pacific Ocean and arrived in Southeast Asia connecting the American Continent with the ancient routes of the maritime Silk Road. Later several expeditions crossed the ocean but could not get back through the Pacific. In 1565 the Legazpi expedition managed to return to New Spain (modern Mexico) and by 1574 started the Manila Galleon trade route which lasted for more than 240 years. New Spain began importing great quantities of Asian goods like spices, silks and porcelain objects. Porcelain became a desired object and even local ceramics emulated the blue and white traditional color. This chapter deals with the distribution of Chinese porcelains recovered in archaeological excavations and surveys in several Mexican sites, attesting the wide distribution of porcelain objects. Most Chinese porcelain vessels, ornaments, and sculptures have been found in Mexico City and Acapulco. Our work demonstrates that Chinese wares were traded and used in urban and rural settings all over New Spain, as symbols of status and global taste.

P. Fournier (&) Escuela Nacional de Antropología E Historia (ENAH), Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), Mexico City, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] R. Junco Sanchez Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuática (SAS), Instituto Nacional de Antropología E Historia (INAH), Mexico City, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_13

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Historical Background

Spain as a colonizing entity was a mercantilist power, based on the geopolitical hegemony that started developing as a result of the union of the crowns of Castile and Aragon, and the impulse of the Catholic Kings based on the discoveries and colonization of most of the territories of contemporary Latin America, as well as the subsequent expansion towards Asia promoted under the Habsburg dynasty (Schwartz 2012: 148–149, 161). Spain pursued institutional establishments in complex, economically and politically developed precolonial regions, characterized by urban settlements with high demographic density, state level social organizations, and hierarchical economies relying on coercive labor systems. In the case of Mexico, pre-Columbian developments met the conditions required by the mercantilist goal to extract resources using an indigenous dependent labor force without modifying deeply previous economic structures (Lange et al. 2006: 1418). Mercantilism depended to a large extent on the government’s direct intervention in the economy with a colonial domination over the possessions of the Crown, to achieve its supremacy and enrichment, which would strengthen the army, at the same time through restrictions in commercial trade to promote and protect domestic production in Spain; in fact, the colonies had to sell certain goods exclusively to the metropolis and acquire many goods only from the Iberian Peninsula (Frieden 2012: 18). Political authorities used the state to establish trade restrictions and finance extra-market institutions to obtain rents for certain groups and deny privileges to others (Lange et al. 2006: 1416). By its nature, mercantilism aligns the economic and state elites, concentrating resources in few hands. Consequently, the mercantilist economic model fostered the development of a rigid hierarchical society in which the majority of the population depended on a small elite. In fact, the consumption of luxury goods was part of the ideological and social binder that cemented the social hierarchical structures and the production of surpluses, in addition to the fact that long-distance trade of merchandise united the elites of the world system and was an essential component of the world economy that developed within the framework of mercantilism (Frank 1990: 183). The Colonial Period in Mexico is generally dated from the fall of the urban center of Tenochtitlan (the contemporary historical district and its vicinity in Mexico City) at the core of the Aztec Empire to Hernan Cortes in 1521, to independence from Spain in 1821. In reality, that conquest did not fully happen until much later in other areas of Mexico. Mexico City however, with its large population to be exploited and its established complex political system including an extensive trade and tribute organization, was an ideal location to become the center of the viceroyalty of New Spain under the Spanish monarchy for the next 300 years. New Spain was exploited primarily for the benefit of the Spanish Empire, eventually providing more than half the yearly taxes taken in by the Spanish monarchy. Its exports, however, were limited to the few materials in which Spain had any interest. Perhaps most important was silver from mines in Hidalgo, near

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Pachuca and Real del Monte, and in Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, and Guanajuato (e.g. Brown 2012; Garner 1988), all of which made its way through the center of New Spain at the capital of the viceroyalty erected atop the Aztec urban center in Mexico City. The mining of silver was a major interest of the Spanish, once they realized the New World was not paved in gold (Brown 2012; Boorstein Couturier 2003). Silver mining in the Spanish Empire in the New World, funded new enterprises and conquests in Asia, and drew economies of the Americas, Europe, and Asia into a wide global maritime network. That is to say that the foundations for the consolidation of the modern world system were established: in fact, Spain and its colonies experienced the effects of both the cultural and economic logic of the Chinese world system, in which transpacific trade had an important role, since Europeans inserted themselves into a broad and complex pre-existing commercial network in Asia (Brown 2012: 11–14). The silver extracted in the Spanish colonies paid for goods produced in China and shipped from Manila to Acapulco in New Spain (Brook 2008: 161–162); the estimate is that 20% of the silver mined in New Spain was destined for the acquisition of Asian commodities, with a total of 50% of all the precious metal mined in the Spanish colonies (Clunas 2004: 131–132). In 1521 while Cortes was conquering the Aztecs, Ferdinand Magellan sailing westward across the Pacific, discovered what would become the Mariana Islands and the Philippines and claimed them for Spain (Díaz-Trechuelo 2001: 53; Sala-Boza 2008: 244–245). After a successful return route eastward back to the New World was established in 1565, trade was set up around 1574 (Ministerio de Fomento 1877: 297) that could avoid the need for Spanish ships to travel west, having to stop at ports of the Middle East and Africa that were under the control of other European kingdoms, or risk encountering pirates on those established westerly routes back to Europe (Galvin 1999: 33, 39; Gruber 2012: 424–425). This maritime route became official during the period when Emperor Wanli of the Ming dynasty reigned in China, precisely the time when the marks on the bases of porcelain vessels were extremely relevant to guaranteeing the protection of creativity and originality in the production of objects (Schäfer 2011: 252). In those times, the main ports for foreign trade were located mostly in the province of Fujian, Zhangzhou, which was also an important producer of export porcelain, Quanzhou and Fuzhou, as well as Ningbo, harbor of the province of Zhejiang (Tan 2007; Wen-Chin 1988: 150). Based on reports sent from Manila to the Spanish Crown, by the late sixteenth century the Spaniards foolishly thought they could eventually conquer militarily and spiritually China, as soon as they had the opportunity. The missives recorded that it was the most fabulous kingdom in terms of goods: silks, cottons, musk, honey and wax, jewelry, different kinds of wood of great value, and perfumes, all a result of the human industry of so many ingenious and hardworking people well governed (Colin 1900–1902: 438–444). In fact, the great kingdom of China was undoubtedly the most extensive, most populated, most centralized, complex and organized empire in the world at the time of European expansion to Asia (Ollé 2002: 10).

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The hugely lucrative Manila Galleon trade carried quantities of silver from Mexico and Peru westward to Manila where Chinese traders brought silk, spices, ivory, lacquerware, and porcelain, among other things, for exchange in a trade controlled by Spain from about 1582 when Acapulco was officially designated as the port of entry for the Galleon, until 1810 (Schurz 1939; Fournier 2014: 558), although the viceroyalty of Peru was involved in this trade until 1604, when the Crown revoked its trade privileges (Suárez 2015: 103; Schurz 1918: 391). Only two ports in Mexico were initially open to foreign trade, other than with Spain, the port of Acapulco on the west and Veracruz on the east. The Manila Galleon transported 300–560 ton of Asian goods, with a value originally limited to 250,000 pesos but that eventually was up to 500,000 pesos—however, shipping in excess was a common practice, and two cases dating to the eighteenth century illustrate that norms were seldom respected, since these galleons transported up to 2000 ton; Asian goods were offloaded at Acapulco and crossed overland through Mexico City on their way to the port of Veracruz where the so-called Spanish treasure ships carried trade goods as well as more quantities of silver to Spain, including cochineal —a dyestuff highly prized in Europe, and tanned hides. One of the other valuable commodities sent back to Spain was Chinese porcelain, represented by tableware and ornamental objects (Castellanos Escudier 2007: 90; Cushner 1960: 546, 548; Pleguezuelo 2003: 140). Trade through the Galleon contributed to the accumulation of capital among New Spain merchants. The distribution of precious metals was made from the capital of the viceroyalty as the heart of all commercial transactions, where the most affluent people of the colony lived. Urban and rural differences were marked by access to imported and local consumer goods, and both silver and gold were used to promote the constitution of a colonial aristocracy in the cities, that is to say of individuals who longed to have luxury goods and elegant objects that they incorporated into their daily lives, including ceramics that were used in dining rooms and other chambers or spaces of their homes, and which ostentatiously displayed in public to show their privileged social standing as symbols of status (Henry 1991: 10). In some cases, pieces of Chinese porcelain were purchased for display as prized possessions, which were seldom used as tableware or food containers, and instead were shown in display showcases or shelves in the residences of the elite (Pierson 2012: 18; Prieto 1976: 198). While the Manila Galleon trade continued, politics were changing in Spain. The death of Charles II without progeny led to the Bourbon takeover of the throne. Philip V had grown up in France, and the ascent did have the effect of opening up Spanish trade to France, at least, among European countries (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 363, 362–368). In 1765, Charles III abolished the trade monopoly and different ports in Spain and the New World were allowed to take part in commercial activities abroad. From 1776 to 1785 warships were involved in direct trade between Spain via Cadiz and Manila, in 1778 the king signed the free trade regulation, by 1785 the Royal Company of Philippines had the commercial monopoly sailing from Spain via the Cape of Good Hope or Cape Horn to Manila,

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and in New Spain the port of San Blas formally became part of the Manila Galleon trade route (Castellanos Escudier 2007: 99, 100–101). Bourbon reforms granted Spanish ports the rights to trade with other world Spanish ports, not just those in Spain (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 363, 362–368). Without an effective militia or any way to truly control trade any longer, the system broke down in the sense that trade began to take place among many of the New World colonies, British and American as well as French as they began to produce an abundance of resources. From the beginning of the seventeenth century Spanish intercolonial trade was restricted to avoid competition with Spanish commercial endeavors and to protect Iberian production of goods (Martínez López-Cano 2006: 109; Russell 2010: 88). Though trade was considered contraband if not carried on Spanish ships, Spanish control was effectively lost. In 1810 New Spain began a full war for independence, and by 1821 Mexico had reached full independence from Spain. With the availability of European ceramics, and once the new nation had broken the imperial yokes, the Manila Galleon lost economic and commercial relevance in the new nation. In Mexico, the upper class was embracing new notions of progress and style and applying them to material life, and French porcelains became substitutes for Chinese vessels as luxury commodities.

13.2

Chinese Porcelain in Mexico as a Research Topic

The distribution of Chinese porcelain objects in New Spain may be viewed from an archaeological perspective as a flood that covered most of this viceroyalty that became part of the Spanish seaborne empire in 1521. Archaeological excavations often reveal evidence of an intensive trade in Asian goods, most of all fine porcelain vessels. This commerce was possible after rich silver mines were exploited and silver was coined in “pesos”; silver became the commodity that made possible an intensive trade with China. By the 1550s, with the discovery of rich silver ores in northern New Spain, especially those in Zacatecas, the Camino Real was slowly established and more territories reaching north to Santa Fe in the province of New Mexico, were discovered and colonized. The road was also called “El Camino de la Plata” (the Silver Road) because it connected mining towns with Mexico City. It passed through Querétaro, San Luis de la Paz, San Felipe (today San Felipe Torres Mochas), and Zacatecas; later the route went to New Mexico passing through Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, Fresnillo, Sombrerete, Nombre de Dios, Durango, Parral, and El Paso del Norte (e.g. Fournier 1999). From Acapulco, Asian porcelains were distributed all over New Spain using mule trains that passed though Puebla and eventually to the most important port located in the Gulf of Mexico, Veracruz, where Asian and local goods were shipped to Spain and placed into the Empire’s markets.

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The commercial ties between New Spain and Asia were often considered by historians in simple terms of a mechanism for Spain to obtain exotic and luxurious goods, highly appreciated and consumed by the elites. However, our research presents an image of wider consumption trends all over Mexico of both fine and coarse porcelain vessels, usually in urban centers but also in rural settings. Despite several works by art historians mentioning Chinese porcelain objects such as Meiping vases and table wares of the armorial or heraldic porcelain style (e.g. Bonta de la Pezuela 2008) forming part of museum or private collections today, perhaps the first mention of archaeological discoveries of porcelain shards in Mexico must be credited to the American scholar Goggin (1968) during his work at the Agustinian Huejotzingo monastery, close to the city of Puebla. In addition, the construction of a subway system in Mexico City started an interest in colonial ceramics, including Chinese porcelains. López Cervantes (1976–1977) who studied the salvage archaeology collections, registered and briefly described Asian shards, was the first Mexican archaeologist based at the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) to make reference to this important kind of ceramics. From 1980 on, Patricia Fournier spent a great deal of time organizing a large collection of Chinese porcelains from the former convent of San Jerónimo, located in downtown Mexico City; by 1985 she finished her bachelor’s thesis in archaeology, widely distributed among colleagues interested in imported ceramics, and by 1990 she published a major study of Asian wares, including for the first time stoneware jars (Fournier 1990). This book laid the foundations all over Latin America and the Caribbean to study Chinese ceramics in depth, to sort them by style, dynasties, and reigns, and to build typological and well-defined chronological frameworks, required in archaeological investigations as a comparative basis. After this ground-breaking research, archaeologists have been classifying these wares and many descriptive studies have been produced, although most simply mention the presence of Chinese porcelains in archaeological collections, with no additional or serious analyses (e.g. Nebot García 2010; Hernández Pons 2000; Velasquez et al. 2015b). However, some specific investigations have contributed to a better understanding of trade networks (Bracamontes Guriérrez 2010; Fournier and Bracamontes 2010; Junco 2006; Junco and Fournier 2008), smuggling (Junco 2006), prices of porcelain as status goods (Fournier 1997), inquiries into the design patterns in blue on white Chinese vessels from stylistic and symbolic perspectives (Fournier 2013; Terreros Espinosa 2012). Additionally, the influence of Asian designs on majolica made in New Spain has been explored, both for vessels and tiles (Castillo Cárdenas 2013, 2015). Nowadays, the study of Chinese porcelains in Mexico is a vibrant and thriving research topic, especially after archaeologists began studying the Manila Galleon trade route, shipwreck collections, and most important, the recent excavations close to the fortress of San Diego at the Pacific port of Acapulco are revealing a wide variety of Asian porcelains and stonewares that arrived in New Spain.

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Our goal is to present an overview of the archaeological evidence that attests to the distribution of Chinese porcelains from the late 1500s to the early 1800s, when New Spain became an independent nation. This spatial distribution of ceramic shards reflects the commerce and consumption of Asian wares as “fragments of globalization” (e.g. Li 2014). Shipwreck assemblages no matter how fascinating they are as time capsules, are not considered in detail in this study since our main interest focus on consumption trends; underwater collections evidence trade but the ceramic materials did not reach consumers since they were lost when the ships sank, albeit the cargo was destined for the market and eventually for its use by consumers. One problem we faced is that historical archaeology in Mexico has been largely neglected by the government institution in charge of the archaeological heritage: the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH). After 1972, a law that protects this heritage was implemented and since then most research projects have focused on pre-Columbian sites. Urban investigations usually detect historical components but the architectural features tend to be the main focus, so colonial ceramic collections do not receive the same attention as collections of pre-Hispanic wares (e.g. Fournier and Velasquez 2014). The law has forced archaeologist to include in their reports any post-conquest material culture that was found. But the level of interest and of expertise of those who study colonial artifact assemblages are not comparable to those dedicated, for example, to the Aztec or Maya and their majestic cultural achievements, such as monumental architectural, sculpture, tombs, offerings, and polychrome earthen wares. Thus we found only brief mentions of Chinese porcelains and a tendency to mix French porcelains with Asian shards. As a result, we decided to present the information available on a distribution map (Fig. 13.1) and to provide a list of sites, except when detailed information was included in archaeological reports and publications. Archaeological data are available from numerous excavations conducted in urban centers, mostly from Mexico City, a few examples from Puebla, and so far one published study from Oaxaca, one for Cuernavaca and another for Veracruz that includes several localities in this port; all were carried out by archaeologist working for the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia. These include salvage operations and the stabilization of colonial buildings (e.g. Charlton and Fournier 1993: 213). In the case of rural settings, data are extremely limited. All the sites and regions where Asian wares were found, were connected through a complex system of roads that radiated from the metropolitan capital to the newly created provincial capitals and principal seaports (e.g. Brown and Fournier 2014). As aforementioned, the most thorough study was carried out by Fournier (1990), based on a collection of more than 18,000 fragments of Asian tablewares, ornamental vessels and sculptures found during the excavations of the former convent of San Jerónimo, founded in 1585. This is probably the largest sample ever studied in Latin America. All vessels and fragments were recovered from architectural fills

Fig. 13.1 Map with the distribution of Chinese porcelain found in Mexico

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Fig. 13.2 Wucai style lids, Wanli period, from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City. Photo Patricia Fournier

and are not associated definitively with the life style of the nuns. However, based on formation processes of archaeological contexts in the lacustrine Valley of Mexico, we believe that they represent general consumption trends in the capital of New Spain from the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century. The vast array of samples from the Late Ming and the Qing dynasties can be somewhat overwhelming. Kraak porcelain dishes, plates, bowls, and small boxes among other vessel forms is abundant. Wucai meiping vases, lids (Fig. 13.2), bowls and cups are also common. Zhangzhou (previously known as Swatow or simply provincial porcelain) with blue on white and polychrome bowls, dishes and plates were identified (Fig. 13.3). The so-called transitional style is represented by blue on white dishes, plates, bowls, and cups (Fig. 13.4), as are all the polychromes and the familles of the Qing dynasty. Finely-made blue on white plates, dishes, bowls, cups, bottles and meiping vases are common. Armorial polychrome porcelain, albeit scarce, is also part of the sample, as are a few examples of Qing shards with decoration in the Nankin and Canton styles (Fig. 13.5) dating from the late seventeenth century to the early nineteenth century (e.g. Madsen and White 2011) and a small porcelain sculpture of a famille verte “Foo Dog”. In the central highlands, an interesting collection of shards from surveys was recovered at several rural ranches and haciendas (cattle and agricultural landed estates of significant size, whose owners were known as hacendados) in the Otumba Valley. Our thorough study illustrates how not so far from urban sites, people had access to porcelains of different styles, albeit in small quantities. We identified Kraak blue on white, wucai (dating to the Wanli period); Dehua or Blanc de Chine (cups with applied reliefs of twigs and prunus flowers); Qing dynasty blue on white samples, probably dating to the Kangxi period; Qianlong period blue on white; a few shards of the famille verte (1662–1730) (Fig. 13.6); and some of the armorial style or Chine de Commande, dating to the Qianlong period (Fournier and Otis Charlton 2015: 52–53).

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Fig. 13.3 Zhangzhou dishes and plates with overglaze enameled designs from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City. Photo Patricia Fournier

Fig. 13.4 Transitional period blue on white cups and bowls from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City. Photo Patricia Fournier

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Fig. 13.5 Canton pattern, blue on white plate rim, c. 1785–1821, from the San Jerónimo Convent in Mexico City. Photo Patricia Fournier

Fig. 13.6 Kangxi “famille verte” plate rim, from the Otumba area. Photo: Patricia Fournier

As in many cases, at a probable hamlet in Xaltocan two shards of Chinese porcelain were found, but no details are provided (Rodríguez-Alegría et al. 2013: 401). Pachuca, a mining town, presents the same problem: a brief mention that sixteenth to seventeenth century porcelains found during the excavation at a downtown area (Abascal 1978: 197). About 55 km southwest of Pachuca, at a former Franciscan monastery in Tepeji del Rio, state of Hidalgo, a few fragments of Kangxi period blue on white bowls and plates were found (Castro Saucedo and Castro Saucedo 2011: 293). Based on excavations in Puebla, the most important urban center in the highlands after Mexico City, Kraak porcelain is part of the assemblages and Qing

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dynasty samples are also mentioned (Allende Carrera 1999; Cedillo Ortega 1998; Hernández Sánchez and Reynoso 1999). Connors MacQuade (2005: 49) also notes that Asian porcelains are listed in probate inventories. Nearby, in Cholula (Sáenz Serdio 2004: 119–120), Kraak and Kangxi period porcelains were registered in excavations. In the case of Cuernavaca, where Hernán Cortés –conqueror of Mexico, settled during a short period of time, the excavations at his palace and close to it, in the downtown area, recovered 103 shards of Chinese porcelains from the late sixteenth to the late eighteenth century (Fournier and Charlton 2011: 149). Styles include Wanli blue on white and provincial porcelain dating to the same period. A few fragments of late Ming wucai or kinrande vessels were identified. So far there have been a limited number of archaeologists interested in colonial ceramics in western Mexico, and INAH has been ruled by architects who hinder archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, in Pátzcuaro, in modern Michoacán, our surveys at an eighteenth century residence uncovered Wanli period blue on white shards (Fournier and Guerrero Rivero 2014: 321–322). Historical sources provide additional information to comprehend the distribution of Asian wares far from the capital of New Spain. About 100 km northeast of Pátzcuaro, useful information is derived from probate inventories dating to seventeenth century about a wealthy hacienda owner who died in 1688 at his residence located in Acámbaro, a rich agricultural area; his possessions included Chinese porcelain jars with silver ornaments, several large and expensive meiping vases, a sumptuous bowl, a large platter, and four small Foo Dogs (worth 1 peso per piece) “to drive away the negative powers of evil” (Curiel 2015: 112, 114, 115, 116, 119). Some 50 km northeast of Pátzcuaro, at the city of Valladolid (modern Morelia), historical records and inventories of all earthly possessions of a well-to-do merchant list Chinese porcelain plates and bowls, as well as French porcelains (“Saxon wares” a label employed in the 1700s to refer to European hard paste porcelain) and British fine stoneware (flintware) (e.g. Silva Mandujano 2014: 41), and interesting assortment of goods most probably common in elegant mansions dating to the late eighteenth to the early nineteenth century when Asian wares were slowly replaced by European wares. Veracruz, the port of entry of European goods and a city with unfavorable weather as a result of the humidity and lack of fresh water, unhealthy for settlers, was mainly a port of call, and a defensive post against pirates and foreign invasions, a shanty town until the middle of the eighteenth century. So far, Kraak porcelain has been identified (Hernández Aranda 2017). Recent underwater archaeology survey by the Roberto Junco at the Bajo Hornos Reef, has found 5 pieces of porcelain including two shards of Kangxi bowls. The fortress city of Campeche, located south of Veracruz on the Gulf of Mexico and on the southern fringe of New Spain, was a major source of tropical woods and dye stuffs. The city was founded by the conqueror Francisco de Montejo as San Francisco de Campeche in 1540. Qing porcelain, with no further details, was excavated in the contemporary downtown sector (Velasquez et al. 2015b: 64, 101). At a hacienda site, excavations uncovered a few shards of porcelain dated after

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1700, with no additional details (Velasquez et al. 2015a: 41). In Potonchán, Campeche, Kraak porcelains were excavated (Chávez Jiménez 2007: 232). Excavations in Merida, the most important urban center in Yucatán, founded by Montejo in 1542, also uncovered a few fragments of Kraak porcelain (Burgos Villanueva 1995: 73). Siller and Abundis Canales (1985) carried out excavations at the residence of Montejo, built in 1549, and located at the historical district of Mérida. Montejo’s descendants owned the property until 1828; from then on, the building was remodeled and modified by a series of owners (Román Kalisch 2008: 18–19). Based on our on-going studies of the ceramic collections, several polychrome Chine de Commande shards with European patterns are part of the archaeological assemblage. In southern New Spain, Asian wares have been found at excavations at the former monastery of Santo Domingo in Oaxaca, the colonial city of Antequera, where Kraak and Qing vessels are reported (Gómez Serafín 1994). For the Soconusco area, rich in resources, especially cacao, based on probate inventories Gasco (1992: 85) lists eighteenth century examples. Further south, territories that were part of New Spain but eventually became another kingdom under Spanish rule, include the old capital of Guatemala, the city of Antigua Guatemala founded in 1543. Excavations at the former monastery of Santo Domingo uncovered deposits with Kraak porcelain, Ming vessels, Qing dynasty wares (until the Qianlong period), famille verte, and Imari examples (Kuwayama and Pasinski 2002; Pasinski 2004). Historical archaeology in Zacatecas has a long way to go. This northern city originally was a mining town. Throughout the colonial period, silver metal extraction at the Zacatecas mines and neighboring haciendas proliferated, and the region became one of the most important mining districts in New Spain. Our surveys at the former refining hacienda of Panuco recovered Wanli period and Qing dynasty blue on white small fragments (Fournier and Blackman 2010: 331–332). In the case of Colima, located on the Pacific coast, at Manzanillo and according to a probate inventory from 1580, Chinese porcelains were important heirlooms (Romero de Solís 2005: 252). The port of San Blas, in Nayarit, also on the Pacific, was founded in 1531 in the Matanchén bay and relocated nearby in 1768 as a naval base and shipyard. With the Bourbon free trade regulation, San Blas became part of the Manila Galleon route and a port where the vessels landed to get supplies on their way to Acapulco, and to unload contraband. The Matanchel and San Blas bays, and the ruins of an eighteenth century customs architectural complex were surveyed by Juan J. G. Bracamontes Gutiérrez as part of his doctoral dissertation (Bracamontes 2013). He found one Wanli blue on white shard, several fragments of the peach and fungus style from the late eighteenth century, and a few Nankin style and Canton plate shards, dating to the Qianlong (1736–1795), Jianqing (1796–1820), and Daoguang (1821–1850) periods (Fournier and Bracamontes 2010). Further north close to the coast, the town of Sinaloa (today de Leyva) was established in the late 1500s. Excavations at the ruins of the Jesuit church there uncovered a few Wanli period blue on white bowls and plates, and some examples

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of Qing armorial polychrome plate shards (Santos Ramírez 2014: 141). At a small ranch site in the area, blue on white porcelain and Dehua fragments were found (Vicente López 2015: 104, 109, 158). In the desert of Sonora-Arizona ranches, missions and forts were founded in the late seventeenth century. Our studies of collections from several sites, including Presidio Fronteras, illustrate the wide variety of porcelains that were available at the northwestern fringes of New Spain. We were able to identify blue on white vessels of the Qing dynasty dating to the eighteenth century, kinrande style fragments, café au lait (Batavian brown), pink and famille verte samples (Fournier 1989a: 33–36), Chihuahua, part of the northern province of Nueva Vizcaya during the colonial period, is a vast area mostly covered by deserts, but rich ores were found that led to the foundation of mining districts. One of those districts has Parral as its core; the results of archaeological excavations were poorly reported, simply mentioning the presence of Chinese porcelains with no details provided (Hernández Pons 2000). However, probate inventories list Chinese porcelains as part of the goods the wealthy people living in Parral owned. Qing dynasty vessels are listed among their precious possessions, and in one case the description is so thorough in the document that we were able to identify polychrome vessels of the Qianlong period (Fournier 1989b, 1997; Fournier and Zavala 2014). Also, at a ranch site known as Casa de Huesos that was supposedly abandoned before 1680 as a result of an Indian revolt, a Kangxi period blue on white fragment was found dating to the eighteenth century (Brown and Fournier 2008). After the discoveries of Don Juan de Oñate north of Chihuahua in what used to be terra incognita for the Spaniards, the first settlement and capital of the Province of New Mexico was founded in San Gabriel del Yunque in 1599 but it was abandoned in 1610, when Santa Fe became the new capital. Kinrande style porcelain was found in San Gabriel del Yunque; at the Palace of the Governors in Santa Fe, excavations uncovered Kraak, transitional, and famille verte porcelains (Shulsky 1994). From a small ranch site (LA-20000), transitional porcelain has been reported (Trigg 2005: 113). South of Santa Fe, at a camp site known as Paraje de San Diego located by the Royal Road, we identified famille verte porcelain (Fournier 1999). Since 1999 work has been carried out in the Baja California Peninsula on the Pacific coast on what is believed to be a Manila Galleon wrecked in the late sixteen century. A collection of over 1700 shards has been collected along 11 km of beach by the INAH’s Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuática (SAS) (Junco 2011). The project: Galeón de Manila, Baja California, directed by Dr. Junco and Edward Von der Porten, is interesting as the collection represents one specific year of the transpacific commerce of porcelain. A detailed catalogue of the collection is currently being prepared in digital format. This assemblage includes several plates of the type denominated phoenix, bowls with flying dragon motifs, and many examples of painted bowls among others, similar to ceramics found in underwater excavations of the wreck of the Nan’ao 1 junk from Fukien (Liu 2016: 197). The most interesting recent Oriental ceramics project is currently on-going in the Port of Acapulco. Project Proyecto de Arqueología Marítima del Puerto de

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Acapulco (PAMPA), led by Dr. Junco, is currently excavating at the Fortress of San Diego and at the infrastructure projects initiated by the local government in downtown Acapulco, as well as undertaking underwater excavations in the bay. The project began in 2016 with the excavation of a trash pit along the outer wall of the Fort of San Diego by Junco, Manzanilla and Estrada (the book with the results up to this day is being compiled at the moment for publishing). After a week, digging a 2 m by 1 m trench, a significant amount of Chinese porcelain shards along with Asian stoneware, majolica from several parts of Mexico, English ceramics, glass, bone, metal and other archaeological materials, it was clear Acapulco had great potential for historical archaeology and studies regarding the Asian commerce for which the harbor had been officially appointed by Spain in the sixteenth century. The Chinese ceramic fragments from this excavation have no stratigraphic value as all objects from different periods were mingled together. However, it was possible to identify porcelain from the Ming dynasty, from the Wan Li period to late eighteenth to early nineteenth century Chine de Commande wares among which an armorial shard presented the monogram of Ferdinand VII, the last Spanish king to rule over New Spain until its independence in 1821. Several pieces of seventeenth century Kraak porcelain are represented, plates decorated with landscapes characteristic of Canton and Nanking patterns, as well as two spoons dating to the nineteenth century. Thus started the project and the next field season in 2017 was carried out with the participation of undergraduate students from the University of Zacatecas. Three excavation units were undertaken in the Fort, one close to the first test pit, the other two in different parts. The results of this were similar in distribution of materials but with less quantities save for the one close to the initial test pit which yielded large amounts and also other objects such as two silver half real coins of the late Bourbon period and lead shots. Nonetheless, the most interesting part of the field season was the encounter of a ditch in the downtown area of Acapulco excavated by municipal authorities for a large pipe to supply fresh water. The ditch was 14 m in length and 1 m and a half in width by 2 m deep running along the west side of the Cathedral. From the deposits thousands of shards emerged in no precise stratigraphic context, probably due to previous interventions for the installation of electric, telephone and sewer lines. The collection of over 5000 shards of Asian ceramics currently being studied has opened a window on to the types carried by the Manila Galleon to New Spain throughout the Colonial period, and the not so well known nineteenth century commerce of the port. Large quantities of Kraak wares were recorded. Specifically the form and style referred to as “crow cup”. Another large group consisted of the earlier plates decorated with deer in a park or forest setting (Fig. 13.7), which interestingly started in the early part of the Manila Galleon route in the 1570s with great quality Jingdezhen examples to very rough early seventeenth century Fukien pieces. Also, some Dehua figures and cups, Sancai figures, wucai pieces, and Batavian brown cups (café au lait), were recorded. Work where ditches have been dug to accommodate service lines have yielded more materials of similar or identical characteristics. So far, underwater excavated

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Fig. 13.7 Ming period Wanli (c. 1570–1580) “Deer in the Park” plate, Jingdezheng blue and white porcelain plate from the excavation at downtown Acapulco. Photo Roberto Junco

materials have yielded European ceramics of the nineteenth century. But further work in the bay should locate the colonial period materials in coming field seasons planned for 2019 and 2020.

13.4

Final Comments

During the Colonial period, prosperous people who lived in cities used imported ceramics from China as luxury goods; at rural settings, rancheros, hacendados or their administrators were able to afford some of these goods. International commerce granted access to these items for those who could afford expensive table wares and ornaments. Even cheaply manufactured and aesthetically inferior wares were shipped to New Spain, to the delight of consumers who were obsessed with exotic Asian porcelains (e.g. Junker 1994: 241). Thus, the articulation of rural agricultural and mining semi-peripheral areas to the modern world economy of merchant capitalism was successful. Compared to core urban centers, in rural settings far from the capital of New Spain, living conditions were austere. If we compare typological and form variability of rural assemblages to those from Mexico City, austerity characterizes all peripheral areas. Nevertheless, imported ceramics were employed as prestige markers and served as display items of social position and cosmopolitan tastes. Asian porcelains represent a wide range of stylistic taxonomic units. In Mexico City as capital of the most important domain of Spain in the New World, there is a wider variability than elsewhere in New Spain. In rural sites, the findings appear to be mixed, and no restorable or reconstructible vessels are found, evidence of post-depositional site disturbances. The interesting point to all this being the

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presence of Asian porcelains, albeit in tiny quantities, in what are in most of these cases ranches, hamlets, and haciendas located far from the capital. Porcelains were expensive and highly prized, and no doubt scarce in the countryside, but yet appear in both indigenous and non-indigenous households. Probably at rural settlements as well as at cities, people used material culture to negotiate power and status relationships like urban elites did. Notwithstanding the wide spread archaeological distribution of Asian wares in Mexico, based on the collections from the convent of San Jerónimo in Mexico City, we must emphasize that late Ming vessels and ornaments are more abundant, particularly those of the Wanli period and to a lesser extent Tianqi and Chongzhen period vessels, especially when compared to those of the Qing dynasty. Considering that in China the commodities made in or traded from New Spain in general were not desired except for silver, the aforementioned archaeological materials predate the supposed economic crisis of the seventeenth century, which according to recent studies implied the investment of this precious metal within the viceroyalty and the consequent decline in the shipment of silver to Spain as well as a lower intensity of trade with Asia. Both for San Jerónimo and for collections already published or that we have studied, at least 50% of the shards correspond to porcelain dating to the Wanli period and, these archaeological samples illustrate transformations in the economic processes of the world system (e.g. de Vries 2009). To some extent, for almost 240 years, Chinese porcelain was a common element in New Spanish homes, mostly where wealthy people resided. According to the economic and purchasing power of the families, they were able to acquire good or poor quality porcelain objects; the finest distinguished the nobility and the elites, that is those who in the social pyramid held an honorable place, according to the canons of a society based on hierarchies (Curiel 2007; Machuca 2012: 95). Asian objects were common in the residences not only of the elite, but also in the homes of merchants, rich miners, royal officers, and the aristocracy. In 1572, Henry Hawks, a British merchant who lived in Mexico for 5 years, reported that porcelain dishes and cups shipped from Manila to Acapulco were precious and scarce, “so fine that every man that may have a piece of them, will give the weight of silver for it” (García-Abásolo 1982: 71). On the scale of prices, if we compare the cost of a Chinese porcelain object with ceramics made in New Spain, first Asian wares were usually listed in store inventories, probate inventories and even dowries as valued pieces; based on historical documents, pots made by indigenous artisans had an insignificant cost, while Asian vessels had considerably higher prices (Bonta de la Pezuela 2008; Castillo Cárdenas 2013; Fournier 1997). According to the records of imports and exports, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the price per box of Spanish majolica was two to three times more expensive than Puebla majolica, and the price per box of Chinese porcelain was approximately ten times that of Puebla majolica, while the price per box of European porcelain, most probably French, was three and a half to nine times more expensive than Puebla majolica (Fournier 1997: 54). Nevertheless, some members

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of the indigenous elites who emulated consumer behaviors of those of European descent, copied their tastes for Asian commodities and owned porcelain table sets (Machuca 2012: 95). Beyond the cost, it must be emphasized that to reinforce the identity of the individuals and the construction of the subject by purchasing and consuming certain kinds of goods to which other people did not have access, the individuals generated new social needs. Consequently, the identities of social groups were expressed in the possession of various objects. Asian commodities and in our case Chinese porcelains as part of the material culture constituted social products, bearers of meanings and knowledge that contributed to create society through the actions of individuals and to structure the actions of the subjects in their everyday life. Thus, this kind of material culture mediates human action and, consequently, porcelain objects were manipulated and negotiated in social relations (Dellino-Musgrave 2006). Asian commodities had great impact in Europe and in Spanish domains such as New Spain because of their aesthetic values, since they came from distant lands where beautiful things were produced, objects worthy of possessing and to incorporate into everyday life. They also represented nexuses with a wide world that was within reach and, for some, of their purchasing power, indicators of the fortune of their users and worthy of exhibiting in the homes of the economically favored. In fact, porcelain pieces that were usually expensive symbolized a positive relationship with the orb (Brook 2008: 82). These ceramics were a form of exchange both cultural and economic that allowed the subjects to experience another culture and realize that it existed, in a process that developed the notions of self-identity and the otherness (Pierson 2012: 12). We may conclude that Asian goods were symbols of status and global taste. Our archaeological evidence reflects conspicuous consumption of well-to-do people or of those who pretended to be affluent, and to a lesser extent of all members of the society of New Spain, deeply divided by rank, social class, blood purity, and skin color.

References Abascal, R. (1978). Restos prehispánicos en la Plaza Independencia, Pachuca, Hgo. In Historiografía Hidalguense II, Teotlalpan, Memorias del Segundo Simposio (pp. 193–201). México: Centro Hidalguense de Investigaciones Históricas, A.C., FONAPAS, num. 10, 11 and 12. Mexico: Pachuca, Hgo. Allende Carrera, A. (1999). Informe técnico de excavación y análisis de materiales del Rescate Arqueológico en la Parroquia del Santo Ángel Custodio de Analco. Unpublished report. Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Archivo de la Coordinación Nacional de Arqueología. Bonta de la Pezuela, M. (2008). Porcelana china de exportación para el mercado novohispano: la colección del Museo del Virreinato. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

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Chapter 14

The Chinese Porcelain from the Port of San Blas, Mexico Roberto Junco Sanchez, Guadalupe Pinzón and Etsuko Miyata

This paper presents preliminary work carried out by the Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuática of INAH (SAS-INAH), Universidad Nacional de Antropología e História (UNAM), and Rikkyo University, to study Chinese Porcelain from the port of San Blas in Nayarit, Mexico. An archaeological inspection of the Port of San Blas carried out in August 2016 and 2017 by SAS-INAH, yielded a collection of Chinese porcelain shards related to the transpacific commerce. The history of San Blas in the Pacific coast of Mexico is interesting because officially it was an active and important port for just a few years of the 18th century. Furthermore, it was also a stop for the Manila Galleon route while navigating from Manila in the Philippines to its final port in Acapulco. The kinds of porcelain recovered beyond the expected concordance with the dates of the emplacement make it noteworthy that San Blas was active beyond the period in the 18th century when it was an official Maritime Department of New Spain.

14.1

History of San Blas

Throughout the eighteenth century, various changes developed around the maritime-commercial activities in the Pacific area of New Spain, and especially in the second part of the century when those changes led to include the northern littoral R. Junco Sanchez (&) National Institute of Anthropology and History (SAS-INAH), Mexico, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] G. Pinzón Universidad Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM), Mexico, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] E. Miyata Keio University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_14

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mercantile practices of the viceroyalty. This was the result of the political, military, naval and economic restructuring that the Bourbon kings gradually implemented in the Spanish empire, which also touched the colonial port facilities, and was reflected in actions such as the creation of the Havana shipyard in Cuba, the search of bays where ships could also be built (such as Alvarado and Coatzacoalcos in Mexico), the restructuring of the port fortresses (Veracruz, Campeche, and Acapulco also in Mexico) and the foundation of the Maritime Department of San Blas (Lynch 1991: 88–116; Walker 1979: 131; Valdéz 2011: 198–218). This last establishment, created in 1768 by order of the king´s Visitador José de Gálvez, had as its first purpose to become the point from which navigations to the North Pacific were coordinated. From that place, the explorations, and the defense of the coastlines of the Western and Northwestern American continent were organized to face the Russian and English advances that appeared in the area. In addition, the place would be the point of contact and regular supply for the new settlements in Alta California as well as the missions of Baja California from which the Jesuits had been expelled the year before. As a maritime department, the functions of San Blas in principle were strictly military and for that reason, commercial transactions were prohibited in the port. However, due to various causes, this situation had to change and to a large extent, this was due to the transpacific navigations of the Manila Galleons. Since the 16th century, New Spain was the only viceroyalty that was allowed to maintain commercial relations with the Philippines (Junco and Fournier 2008). These were initially established to help support the Philippine settlement and thus not depend solely on the silver that was annually sent from Mexico. However, the great demand and taste that was developed by the Asian genres in the American markets made constant and increased the supply to Acapulco, the only port with the license to receive the galleons (Yuste 2007: 45–47). This situation was maintained until the second part of the eighteenth century, but after the founding of San Blas it gradually changed. In principle, the Manila Galleons were not allowed to stop at the Maritime Department, but they started doing so from the 1780s requesting repairs to the ships. This happened because San Blas had a shipyard where some of the ships with which North American continent was explored were built, as well as carpenters, caulkers and other specialized employees for such work; On the other hand, Acapulco lacked this, the personnel and even the supplies that were required to repair and prepare the galleons for their return to the Philippines. In addition, the Maritime Department was on the way of the transpacific route, so it was soon considered that after the harsh Pacific crossing of the galleons, and the stop they began to make in San Jose del Cabo, Baja California, since the 1720s, if the galleons suffered structural damage it was better to do repairs in San Blas before arriving in Acapulco. The problem that this situation generated was that the officers of the ships offered to pay for repairs with the sale of some of the goods brought on board, which legally was not allowed because it was considered that if San Blas included commercial activities it would deviate from its main exploration functions and defense, in addition to the fact, that there was no customs official of the Royal Treasury that could monitor the discharges and the sale of goods. On the other

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hand, the authorities of New Spain and the merchants of the Consulate of Merchants of Mexico argued that this arrival would lend itself to contraband, especially with the main product of the northern regions, which was silver (Cárdenas de la Peña 1968: 129). In spite of all this, the certain thing was that this practice was nothing new. The merchandises taken to the Jesuit missions in Baja California from the cities of Guadalajara and Tepic (through Matanchel near San Blas) were basic products such as food or necessary tools in California, Sonora, and Sinaloa, but gradually those merchandises also included manufactured goods, establishing incipient exchanges that often were not registered by the local authorities; these deals extended and increased to Alta California after the founding of San Diego and Monterrey, settlements that soon established regular deals with both foreigners who arrived in the American Northwest as well as with the rest of the viceroyalty through San Blas. The booming economy of western New Spain, besides sending more and more cargoes by sea to the northern settlements, also led to a demand to receive Asian goods directly and not have to wait for them to arrive by land from Acapulco; for that reason, the merchants of Guadalajara pressed so that San Blas could work as a commercial port and stop of the Manila Galleons (Trejo 1999: 54). On the other hand, the presence of other European powers that was spreading throughout the Pacific, forced San Blas to also participate in the exchanges between New Spain and the Philippines. When war broke out between Spain and England in 1779, some ships of the Maritime Department were sent to accompany and protect the Manila Galleon (1780) as well as to send correspondence to the Philippine authorities (1779, 1783 and 1785). This situation generated the problem that the ships returned loaded with Asian goods that the officers and crew were carrying; This situation forced authorities to deal with these shipments, which theoretically should not be traded in the Maritime Department, so in principle they were sent to Guadalajara because there were customs officials; nevertheless, this growing practice forced to regulate the situation in the port itself (Pinzón Ríos 2011a, b: 337–359). In addition to the above, and in the framework of the commercial opening of various port of the Spanish empire in 1789, it was ordered that all major and minor ports of New Spain be open to long distance commerce, and thus, San Blas began to operate as a commercial port (Olveda 2006: 143). At the same time that these transformations were generated, the transpacific route began to have competition because in 1765 direct commercial relations were established between the Philippines and Spain through the Cape of Good Hope which in 1785 allowed for the creation of the Philippine Trade Company, which among its functions could bring Asian goods to different ports, of the American territory with the exception of Acapulco, that remained the only place authorized to receive the Manila Galleons (Olveda 2006: 143; Alfonso and Shaw 2013: 307– 339). This situation made it possible for San Blas to receive Asian goods more frequently. These links gradually increased and were generally coordinated by the merchants of Guadalajara and Tepic who received the shipments and distributed them to the West and even to the Northern mining regions, whose money paid for such shipments (Ibarra 2000: 117). During the occupation of Acapulco by the

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Mexican independence forces commanded by José María Morelos, San Blas became for a short time, the headquarters of the Manila Galleons trade and when they disappeared in 1815, the port continued receiving private ships that kept it connected to the Asian markets, until later, it lost relevance due to the growth of other port settlements such as Mazatlan, Guaymas and San Francisco.

14.2

The Porcelain Collection from Archaeological Work at San Blas

SAS-INAH has been working towards, an archaeology of Manila Galleons since 1999. This comprises the study of all places and materials related to the transpacific trade among other topics (Junco 2011). During 2016 and 2017 Archaeologists from the SAS-INAH, visited San Blas, and conducted a series of field surveys at the Contaduria complex, which resulted in a small collection of Chinese porcelain, that together with a dozen sherds collected by archaeologist Bracamontes (Fournier and Bracamontes 2010) for his Master degree dissertation, resulted in a joint collection of 287 sherds. Other materials such as English ceramics and Mexican majolica were documented and currently being studied. The Contaduria is the main defensive part of the port, on top of a mountain overlooking the river that makes the port. The complex comprises a church dedicated to the Virgin of El Rosario, a hospital, several houses in stone of which some of the walls remain. During the survey, archaeological materials were collected and its relative position was taken with GPS. In the lab, the archaeological materials were separated into groups of which one was Chinese ceramics. The survey is a preliminary attempt to dimension and begin an archaeological project in the port with an archaeological maritime focus, excavating both on land and underwater. In regard to the porcelain that makes the collection from San Blas, the quantity and types of Chinese ceramics are limited. This is not to say that future archaeological work will enlarge the collection considerably and give more insights into the life and commerce of the port. To this day, the most common type of Chinese Porcelain in the collection is landscapes, a type which later developed as the “willow pattern” type. They are dishes produced in Jingdezhen and appear in various parts of the world in the 18th century. The second most numerous type, is the blue and white Jingdezhen, and thirdly the most common type are bowls painted in red over the glaze. The remains are what we call “Guanzai” with varieties in the shapes. The types that can be classified vary from the mid-seventeenth to the nineteenth. It means that there was some kind of movement of the Asian genres since before the establishment of San Blas as a Maritime Department. 1. The earliest type present in the San Blas collection is “Kraak”. The term “Kraak” describes ceramics of various shapes with eight to ten horizontal panels dividing motifs with dots, flowers, tassels, representing drawings of

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deer, insects, flowers in the center. This fragment can be dated to the first half of the 17th century (Fig. 14.1) Celadon dish with black and white pigment over the glaze. This type is a large plate with flowers in the center. It is called “mochibanade” in Japan and was appreciated for the tea ceremony. It can be dated first half of the 17th century. The provenance is Zhangzhou, Fujian (Fig. 14.2) Polychrome bowls. The majority are painted over the glaze in red, dated to the middle of the 17th century at the latest. The red is a bit dark typical in the late Wanli period (Fig. 14.3) A blue and white plate from Jingdezhen. The drawing is well defined with the cobalt washed down; it can be dated to the mid 17th century, generally called “transitional wares” and were exported in large quantities to Holland during the 1640s to possibly 1660s. We can see good examples in the shipwreck of Hatcher Cargo that sank in 1640s (Fig. 14.4) A bowl of blue and white with the drawing of a Phoenix with the style of “pencil drawing”. This type appears in some excavations in Asia and is dated to the mid-17th century until the second half of the century (Fig. 14.5)

Fig. 14.1 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.2 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

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Fig. 14.3 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.4 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.5 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

6. A bowl of blue and white with a flower design in the center and motif of a leaf or a type of mark in the base that is typical in the Qing Dynasty especially in the late 17th century. The bowl has a high and raised base (Fig. 14.6) 7. A part of a blue and white plate with leaf motifs (flower spray) inside. This was produced in Zhangzhou. At its base, it has a mark written in cobalt that cannot

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Fig. 14.6 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

be read. There are not many cases of Zhangzhou sherds with marks. However, when there is a mark, it is not clear. This means that the artisans who painted did not know what they were writing. This type falls chronologically at the end of 17th century and lasts until the 18th century (Fig. 14.7) 8. A bowl of blue and white, which has a flower pattern and curved lines. This type was manufactured in Fujian, most likely in Zhangzhou. It is commonly excavated in many parts of Asia and other countries and was produced in large quantities. It can be dated to the second half of the 17th century and lasts until the 18th century (Fig. 14.8) 9. A plate of blue and white, with motifs of circles and points. In fact, these circles are a part of flowers. This type was produced in Jingdezhen from the late 17th century to the 18th century. They are excavated in many parts of Asia, such as Banten (Java) (Fig. 14.9) 10. Large plates of blue and white, with a geometric design on the edge. These are the most abundant type among the porcelains found in San Blas. In the center, it

Fig. 14.7 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

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Fig. 14.8 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.9 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

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has a landscape. They are prototypes or perhaps, older than the type called “willow pattern” in England in the 18th century. Some of these are earlier and fall in the late 17th century to the middle of the 18th century (Fig. 14.10) Chocolate cup with motives painted in red. The provenance of this type is from Dehua, as can be seen from the paste and pigment. Dehua as a ceramics kiln began to produce cups of chocolate in the eighteenth century (Fig. 14.11) Spoon of blue and white, with a linear pattern. The dating of this spoon is from the mid 18th century (1760–70s) and is similar to those found in large quantity in the Chinese district of Nagasaki (Fig. 14.12) A plate of blue and white with the stylized Chinese character 「寿」 (meaning “luck” or “congratulations”). Its stylized version is called in English “key frets”. This type was produced in great quantity and can be found in many excavations in Asia. From the paste and dark cobalt, it is possible that it was produced in Zhangzhou (Fig. 14.13) A bowl of blue and white, with motifs of houses and towers. The base is flat and raised. This type was normally used as an inkwell and has a very narrow mouth. However, this piece has a drawing of tassels inside. This piece would

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Fig. 14.10 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.11 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.12 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

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Fig. 14.13 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

have been a straight raised bowl produced in Zhangzhou or Guangdong. It was produced at the end of the 17th century until the 18th century and the same drawing appears in many forms such as ginger jars (Fig. 14.14) 15. Plate piece of blue and white. Along with this piece, we found a bottle and lids with Western motifs that fall in the middle of the 18th century until the beginning of the 19th century. They are dishes with designs with blue, red and gold. There are three handles discovered in San Blas and are a few parts of small cups for tea or coffee (Fig. 14.15) 16. A fragment painted in red, a part of a bowl dating from the end of the 18th century to the 19th century. This pigment of red is called “Bull blood” and appears among imperial pieces during the Qing Dynasty. However, not all pieces with red color mean they are imperials pieces but it is undoubtedly an extraordinary piece of export porcelain (Fig. 14.16)

Fig. 14.14 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

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Fig. 14.15 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.16 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

17. A mouth of a celadon bottle. The inside of the mouth is painted brown. It was probably produced in an oven in southern China in the 18th century (Fig. 14.17).

14.3

Conclusion

Most of the porcelains found in San Blas are from the 1740s to 1780s and fits perfectly with the duration of the Maritime Department. 113 pieces are clearly from Jingdezhen, 16 pieces are from Zhangzhou and 2 from Dehua. This percentage between Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou is not so surprising when we look at the

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Fig. 14.17 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

Fig. 14.18 Chinese porcelain shards collected from archaeological work at San Blas

percentage of ceramics found in Mexico City (Miyata 2016). However, the amount of cups of Dehua is very little for the 18th century because in Mexico City there are a good number of cups and figurines from Dehua. Another observation is the westernization of ceramics. Dishes with Western motifs, polychrome called “Guanzai” that were fired in Jingdezhen unpainted and transported to Guangdong Port to be painted with Western motifs. Furthermore, a large dish that is an old prototype of “willow pattern” and part of a dish with steam openings (Fig. 14.18) were exclusively for export to Latin America and Europe. On the contrary, it is interesting that there is a Chinese spoon among all San Blas ceramics. These spoons began to appear in the port cities of Asia such as Nagasaki from the 18th century and are of various origins. In San Blas, we find one of Zhangzhou which the use in New Spain is not very clear. Pieces of Kraak, some chocolate cups and other blue and white, are from the 17th century and do not fall in the period when San Blas operated as a Maritime

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Department. Thus, it is possible to say that the geographic emplacement of San Blas favored that Manila Galleons stopped and exchanged goods before arriving at Acapulco to avoid the payment of taxes as well as to trade for fresh food. Further work will be undertaken in San Blas in the near future (Barajas 2006). The archaeological potential of this port is enormous. This work intends to contribute to the study of the distribution of Chinese ceramics in New Spain and also to understand the history of San Blas itself.

References Alfonso, M., & Shaw, C. M. (2013). La ruta del Cabo y el comercio español con Filipinas. In Bernabeu, S., & Shaw, C. M. (Eds.), Un océano de seda y plata: el universo económico del Galeón de Manila. Sevilla: CSIC. Barajas, D. T. (2006). El puerto de San Blas, el contrabando y el inicio de la internacionalización del comercio en el Pacífico noroeste. Tzintzun. Revista de Estudios Históricos, 44, 11–36. Julio-diciembre. Cárdenas de la Peña, E. (1968). San Blas de Nayarit. Secretaria de Marina, México. Fournier, P., & Bracamontes, J. (2010). Matanchel, San Blas y el comercio transpacificoen Nueva Galici: perspectivas desde la arqueolo´giahisotrica. In Chen, L. (hsiao-ChuanChen), & Saladino García, A. (Eds.), La Nueva Nao: De Formosa a America Latina. Interacción cultural entre Asia y America: reflexiones en torno al bicentenario de las Independencias Latinoamericanas, Universidad de Tamkang, Taipei. Ibarra, A. (2000). La organización regional del mercado interno novohispano. La economía colonial de Guadalajara 1770–1804. BUAP, UNAM, México. Junco, R. (2011). The archaeology of manila galleons. In Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Manila. Junco, R., & Fournier, P. (2008). Del Celeste Imperio a la Nueva España: importación, distribución y consumo de la loza de la China del periodo Ming tardío en el México virreinal. In Chen, L. (Hsiao-Chuan Chen), & Saladino García, A. (Eds.), La Nueva Nao: De Formosa a América Latina. Intercambios culturales, económicos y políticos entre vecinos distantes, Universidad de Tamkang, Taipei. Lynch, J. (1991). El siglo XVIII. Crítica, Barcelona: Historia de España. Miyata, E. (2016). Portuguese intervention in the Manila galleon trade. Cambridge: Arqueopress. Olveda, J. (2006). Guadalajara. Abasto, religión y empresarios, Zapopan. El Colegio de Jalisco, Guadalajara. Pinzón Ríos, G. (2011). Nuevas realidades y nuevos derroteros. Los contactos marítimos entre San Blas y las Islas del Poniente. In Miguel Luque Talaván y Martha Manchado (Eds.), Fronteras del mundo hispánico: Filipinas en el contexto de las regiones liminares novohispanas. Córdoba: Universidad de Córdoba. Pinzón Ríos, G. (2011). Acciones y reacciones en los puertos del Mar del Sur. Desarollo portuartio del Pacifcio novohispano (1713–1789). Instituto Mora. Trejo, D. (1999). Espacio y economía en la península de California 1785-1860. México: UABCS. Valdéz, I. (2011). Poder naval y modernización del Estado: política de construcción naval española (siglos XVI-XVIII). México: UNAM. Walker, G. (1979). Política española y comercio colonial 1700–1789. España: Ariel. Yuste, C. (2007). Emporios transpacíficos. Comerciantes mexicanos en Manila 1710–1815. México: UNAM.

Chapter 15

A Study of the Chinese Influence on Mexican Ceramics Karime Castillo and Patricia Fournier

For more than two centuries the Manila Galleon arrived in New Spain loaded with oriental merchandise. As they passed through New Spain, from Acapulco to Veracruz, on their way to Spain, many of these products remained in the cities and towns located on the route, providing the elite with luxury goods that were to influence the local crafts. Chinese porcelain became one of the most important sources of inspiration for the majolica potters of New Spain. This chapter focuses on the influence of Chinese porcelain in colonial Mexican majolica with a particular emphasis on ornament understood as a term that articulates both surface and decorative motifs. By analyzing the unique ways in which Chinese ornaments were adopted and adapted by colonial potters into a style of their own, this work explores the cross-cultural circulation of ornamental elements in the majolica of New Spain, how these elements reflect the insertion of majolica in the global networks of the Early Modern world, and will emphasize the way in which some of these elements were abstracted to the point that they became part of the traditional repertoire of what today is considered traditional Mexican majolica.

15.1

Introduction

Throughout most of the colonial period Chinese porcelain travelled in the Manila Galleon towards New Spain. This fine ceramic became one of the most important sources of inspiration for the ornaments of the majolica produced in colonial K. Castillo (&) UCLA-Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Los Angeles, USA e-mail: [email protected] P. Fournier Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH), Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), Mexico City, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 C. Wu et al. (eds.), Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-32-9248-2_15

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Mexico. According to Trilling (2003: 28), the development of ornament is a process that takes place over a long period of years and involves changes in taste, economic fluctuations, discoveries of new materials and techniques, revivals, and multiple culture contacts and influences resulting from trade, migrations, and conquests. This process is readily evident in colonial Mexican majolica, which was born out of an entangled mesh in which Islamic, European, Oriental, and Indigenous ornaments were merged together. This chapter focuses on the influence of Chinese porcelain in colonial Mexican majolica with a particular emphasis in ornament understood as a term that articulates both surface and the decorative motifs that appear on it (Hay 2016: 62). By analyzing the unique ways in which Chinese ornaments were adopted and adapted by colonial potters into a style of their own this work explores the cross-cultural circulation of ornamental elements in the majolica of New Spain, emphasizing how some of these elements were abstracted to the point that they became part of the traditional repertoire of what today is considered traditional Mexican majolica.

15.2

The Manila Galleon Trade

For more than two centuries, the Manila Galleon traveled between the port of Acapulco in New Spain and the city of Manila in the Philippines, transporting valuable merchandise meant to satisfy the demand of luxury goods and precious metals that became so important in the Early Modern world. In 1521, the same year of the fall of Tenochtitlan, capital of the Aztec empire, Ferdinand Magellan landed in the Philippines, establishing a westward route that linked the Americas with Asia. It was not until 1565 that the eastward route was discovered by Andrés de Urdaneta, opening up the way for the formalized annual round trip of the Manila Galleon in 1587 (Fournier and Charlton 2015: 45–46; Junco and Fournier 2008: 5; Fournier 2014: 558; Kuwayama 1997: 11; Legarda 1955: 345; Schurz 1985: 181). The establishment of this maritime route inserted the Spanish empire into a complex commercial network that had existed in Asia for centuries (Finlay 1998: 152, 161; Little 1996: 47; Skowronek 1998: 48), and provided Spain and its colonies with direct access to a myriad of exotic objects, many of which became symbols of high status, elegance, and opulence; these included silk and other luxury fabrics, ivory, lacquer, and porcelain (Fournier and Bracamontes 2010: 339; Junco and Fournier 2008: 3). The silver extracted from the mines of Mexico and Peru made it possible for the transpacific commerce to flourish under Spanish control from about 1573, when the first galleon full of Asian products arrived in the coast of New Spain, until 1815, when the annual voyage was suppressed and the last Manila Galleon made its last trip westward (Fournier and Bracamontes 2010: 339, 347; Fournier and Charlton 2015: 46; Kuwayama 1997: 11, 13). Acapulco was named the official port of entry of the Manila Galleon in 1582, but before arriving to its final destination, the galleon stopped at San Blas, Nayarit, where it left some merchandise to be distributed in Tepic and Guadalajara, and

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during the eighteenth century it also stopped at Monterrey, California on its way to Acapulco (Schurz 1985: 299; Carrera Stampa 1953: 330). Every year, the arrival of the Manila Galleon was followed by a fair that lasted between twenty days and two months, usually during January and February. Merchants from all parts of the viceroyalty congregated at this fair to buy the products brought by the galleon. From Acapulco, the products were taken on the backs of mules and donkeys to the port of Veracruz, where they would be shipped to Spain (Carrera Stampa 1953: 330). As they travelled from Acapulco to Veracruz, on their way to Spain, many of these products remained in the cities and towns located on the route, providing the elite with luxury goods that were to influence the local crafts (Carswell 2000: 142; Connors McQuade 1999: 91; Pleguezuelo 2007: 31). Of the different products that crossed the Pacific Ocean from Asia to New Spain, porcelain stands out because of its long-lasting impact on the colonial ceramic industry. Porcelain, with its hard translucent body, had fascinated the Middle East and Europe for centuries, inspiring innovations such as the development of tin glazes that provided the earthenware vessels with an opaque white surface (Fournier 1990: 130; Gavin 2003: 2). A strong tradition of tin-glazed pottery, also known as majolica, developed in Spain during the eight hundred years of Muslim occupation, and was imported to the Americas, both as a product and as a technology, early in the colonial period (Gavin 2003: 6). The majolica of New Spain was deeply influenced by the porcelain brought in the Manila Galleons and this influence became so ingrained into the local technology that it can still be seen in the majolica produced in Mexico today.

15.3

Chinese Porcelain in New Spain

The type of porcelain that was most abundantly imported into colonial Mexico was the Blue on White porcelain produced during the reign of Wan-Li (1573–1620) at the end of the Ming dynasty, the transition period (1620–1683), and the first half of the Qing dynasty, under the reign of K’ang-hsi (1666–1722) (Fournier 1990: 269; Lister and Lister 2001: 83). While Blue on White porcelain predominates, other varieties have also been found in archaeological excavations in Mexico (e.g., Corona Paredes et al. 2000; Fournier 1990, 1997; Fournier and Bracamontes 2010; Gómez Serafin 1994; González Rul 1988; Junco and Fournier 2008; Martínez Olvera 2016; Reynoso Ramos 2004; Terreros and Morales 2011), including export porcelain of the famille vert, famille rose, and famille noir, porcelain in Japanese Imari style, as well as armorial porcelain or Chine de Commande depicting the coat of arms of a family, historical scenes, or religious emblems (Fournier 1990: 159). Two types of blue on white export porcelain made their way to New Spain during the Colonial period, Kraak and Zhangzhou wares (Junco and Fournier 2008: 12–13), the last one formerly known as Swatow porcelain (Canepa 2006; Tan 2007). Kraak porcelain, which was made in the late Ming Dynasty and until around 1640 at provincial kilns in Jingdezhen, was preferred by Portuguese and Dutch

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merchants and is characterized for showing a great variability in quality and having innovative designs, some of which shared some stylistic features with Hispano-Moresque wares. These features include the presence of a central motif surrounded by panels featuring different designs in them (Canepa 2008: 17, 28, 48; Kuwayama 1997: 17). Zhangzhou export blue on white porcelain made in the Fujian province was meant to supply China’s old customers in Asia and seems to have been sent to New Spain at the end of the Ming dynasty and during the Qing dynasty. It was generally coarser than the porcelain made at the imperial kilns and is characterized by its rough finish, often showing sand adhered to the bottom of the pieces, and by having bold, spontaneous designs arranged in panels (Kuwayama 1997: 18; Tan 2007: 14–15).

15.4

Ceramic Production in Colonial Mexico

Majolica, a tin-glazed ceramic, was introduced into Mexico by the Spaniards in the Early Colonial period. This type of pottery requires two firing processes, one to create the ceramic body, and another to adhere the lead-based glaze to the body of the vessel. Soon after the conquest of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan, pottery workshops producing majolica were established in Puebla and Mexico City, where Spanish potters made the ceramic with which they were familiar at home. Spanish majolica was itself enmeshed in a complex network of influences that included the Islamic ceramic tradition, Chinese porcelain, and the Italian majolica of the Renaissance (Lister and Lister 2001: 21), which in turn permeated the emerging majolica tradition that was developing in the New World. From the beginning, Colonial Mexican majolica was integrated into the global networks of the Early Modern world not only in terms of its decoration, but also in its materiality. Many of the oxides needed for its production were scarce or unavailable in the Americas, such were the cases of tin and cobalt, which were brought from Europe (Pleguezuelo 2007: 28; Lister and Lister 2001: 81). In New Spain, porcelain and other Asian goods that were transported in the Manila Galleon became associated with wealth and a high social status. For the elite of New Spain it was important to demonstrate their honor, prestige, and wealth through material culture and an appropriate behavior (Zárate Toscano 2005: 325). Porcelain represented a link with faraway lands that were inaccessible for the majority and its high price compared to other ceramic wares ensured that only a small part of the population could afford it, thus becoming a marker of prestige and status (Castillo Cárdenas 2013: 50–53; Fournier 2013: 69; Fournier and Charlton 2015: 47–48; Slack 2012: 106). This motivated the emulation of porcelain by the Spanish potters producing tin-glazed majolica in colonial Mexico (Lister and Lister 1972: 22).

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Chinese Influence on Colonial Mexican Ceramics

The porcelain that arrived to New Spain in the Manila Galleons became a predominant model for colonial potters, particularly for those in the city of Puebla (Gavin 2003: 9), where the potters’ guild established in their ordinances that the finest grade of ceramics should be done in imitation to Chinese porcelain (Cervantes 1939: 29). In 1630, the Jesuit Bernabé Cobo reported that around this time the potters in Puebla were making majolica imitations of Chinese porcelain with designs that closely resembled Asian wares (Connors McQuade 2005: 110). Chinese influence can be seen in the adoption of oriental shapes, in the preference for blue on white decoration, as well as in the abundance of Chinese motifs that begin to permeate colonial majolica (Ruiz Gutiérrez 2010: 336). The ceramic type that best reflects the influence of Chinese porcelain is that known as Puebla Blue on White, which has been dated between 1700 and 1850. This ceramic type is characterized by its blue on white decoration, sometimes using two different shades of blue, depicting a variety of ornamental designs which include many Chinese-inspired motifs and designs (Deagan 1987: 29; Goggin 1968: 194; Müller 1981: 10, 24). Of the vessel shapes that were copied from Chinese porcelain, those that predominate in majolica include the Chinese cup, which became known in Mexico as pozuelo or pocillo (Fig. 15.1a); the hemispherical bowl with a foot ring, called tazón in Spanish (Fig. 15.1b); the pear-shaped bottle (Fig. 15.1c); and the meiping vase or tibor (Fig. 15.1d), which was often made in very large sizes and was used both as container and decorative vessel (Kuwayama 1997: 25; Slack 2012: 121). While the popularity of the cup or pozuelo and the pear-shaped bottle declined after the colonial period, the hemispherical bowl and the meiping vase/tibor have remained some of the most common Mexican majolica shapes and are still popular today. However, it is in the ornament of the vessels that Chinese influence is more readily evident. The word ornament is used by art historians to refer to a particular

Fig. 15.1 Primary vessel shapes copied from Chinese porcelain in New Spain. a Cup, pozuelo, orpocillo; b bowl or tazón; c pear-shaped bottle; d meiping vase or tibor. Adapted from Macintosh (1986: 12–13)

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way of covering a surface that involves motifs and rhythm placed within a limit or frame (Hay 2016: 62); in the case of ceramics the limit or frame is imposed by the shape of the vessel. This definition of ornament emphasizes the fact that ornament does not refer solely to decorative motifs but instead to the whole surface, which plays a particularly important role in ceramics. Colonial potters were deeply inspired by the aesthetic qualities of porcelain. Its smooth and shiny surface, covered with a myriad of exciting ornamental motifs organized in unique harmonious ways, fascinated both vice regal potters and consumers. The potters of New Spain did not have the raw materials needed to try to replicate the kaolinitic white ceramic body that European potters were actively attempting to reproduce (Finlay 1998: 174–175); but the fineness of porcelain vessels did inspire them to make thinner vessels and improve the opaque white glaze by incrementing the amount of tin used to achieve a similar sleek surface (Pirouz-Moussavi 2009: 143). However, they did not attempt to reproduce the soft bluish-white hue that characterizes Chinese porcelain (Lister and Lister 2001: 84). In terms of compositional design, colonial potters actively adopted the way in which decorative patterns are arranged into different panels (Fig. 15.2), the exterior designs on bowls, as well as the diametrical lines or bands which are commonly seen in dishes and bowls of blue on white porcelain from the Ming and Qing dynasties (Fournier 2001: 55). Interestingly, paneled border decoration may have its origin in Persian metalwork and ceramics, which influenced the Chinese porcelain catered to Middle Eastern customers during the Yuan dynasty (Canepa 2008: 31). The potters of New Spain also adopted the compositional resource known as cloud contour. In Chinese porcelain, this traditional framing device normally appears on the shoulder of jars in sets of four placed at right-angles to each other, though the number can vary (Macintosh 1986: 160), but colonial potters adopted it in a more flexible manner. In the majolica of New Spain cloud contours can be extremely

Fig. 15.2 Composition in panels. a Mexican majolica (Juárez 70, Mexico City); b Chinese porcelain (Juárez 70, Mexico City)

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large, they can appear as elongated medallions, or combined with other decorative elements (Cortina 1997: 54). Many repetitive decorative patterns common in Chinese porcelain were also imitated. These included the lotus panels, a variety of ocean waves, ruyi heads, and diaper patterns in different shapes. But it is on the ornamental motifs that we would like to center our attention. A single porcelain object usually contains several motifs (Fig. 15.3), each one with a specific symbolism and sometimes the same element can signify different things depending on slight variations in its features, such as the number of claws on a dragon (Macintosh 1986: 153; Rinaldi 1989: 102; Wilson 1990: 286). The profusion of elements represented indicates that the overall meaning of a decorative program in a porcelain vessel can be quite complex. People in China would have been familiar with the meaning of these motifs and the decoration of a vessel can often indicate its intended use (Macintosh 1986: 153). Deer, representing longevity and prosperity, normally come in pairs or groups of five in Chinese porcelain and were often represented alongside the sacred mushroom Lingzhi (Fig. 15.4b) (Canepa 2008: 33; Macintosh 1986: 153; Rinaldi 1989: 79). In colonial majolica, a single deer can appear as a central element surrounded by generic vegetation (Fig. 15.4a). Horses are a symbol of perseverance and speed in porcelain (Macintosh 1986: 128); while not often depicted in majolica, they sometimes appear with a rider or pulling a carriage. Ducks, the symbol of marital happiness and faithfulness, were frequently depicted in export porcelain along with the motif of a bird on a rock (Macintosh 1986: 153; Rinaldi 1989: 83, 101). The last motif, typical of Chinese porcelain, was greatly simplified and both figures lost their details (Lister and Lister 2001: 92). While the symbolism of the different animals and the conventions of their representation got lost, the Chinese practice of placing

Fig. 15.3 Porcelain found in the San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City, showing different decorative motifs

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Fig. 15.4 Animal designs. a Mexican majolica (details of different vessel forms); b Chinese porcelain (San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City)

animals in the midst of dense foliage did get copied in majolica (Curiel 1994: 207; Lister and Lister 2001: 98). Plants and flowers in porcelain are represented in a very precise and detailed manner, making it possible to distinguish different varieties, each one with a very particular meaning (Fig. 15.5b). Examples include the lotus, associated with marital happiness and creative power; the peony, which represented affection, wealth, femininity, and happiness; and the chrysanthemum, linked to the lunar calendar, autumn, and joviality (Macintosh 1986: 155; Rinaldi 1989: 100). In majolica, flowers and other plants were greatly simplified when copied from porcelain (Fig. 15.5a). Since their individual meaning was not known by colonial potters, their details could be spared, and thus, they became generic flower motifs devoid of the characteristics that would allow the viewer to identify specific species (Lister and Lister 2001: 97, 111). Something similar happened with fruits. The peach, representing longevity, gradually evolved in Chinese porcelain into the sunflower motif (Macintosh 1986: 155; Rinaldi 1989: 100). When it got transferred to majolica, it did so as a flower, rather than as a fruit. Colonial potters also transformed certain ornamental motifs into more familiar creatures or elements. The phoenix, a symbol of immortality, harvest, the empress, and the warmth of the sun in Chinese porcelain (Macintosh 1986: 155), began to resemble more and more a bird with a long tail, but it should be noted that the convention of representing a bird in flight, as it often appears in majolica, comes from Asia (Lister and Lister 2001: 92, 103). The crane, symbol of longevity, loyalty, and spring in porcelain, which usually was depicted standing on a rock (Macintosh 1986: 153), would be represented in majolica standing on or by a nopal, a type of cactus plant that can be easily found in many parts of Mexico (Connors McQuade 1999: 92; Lister and Lister 2001: 86, 110).

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Fig. 15.5 Flower designs. a Mexican majolica (watercolors of majolica sherds from Templo Mayor, Mexico City); b Chinese porcelain (San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City)

When whole scenes were imitated, such as landscapes with Chinese buildings, fences, and rocks, the tendency in majolica was to simplify the different elements and to adapt them so that they would acquire a westernized appearance. Chinese buildings, while sometimes reduced to a few lines (Lister and Lister 2001: 115), would generally preserve an oriental taste, but in some cases they acquired a more European look. Some buildings have a domed roof and a bell tower resembling a church, while others have a gabled roof. The motif of fence and rock became widely popular in New Spain, but it was simplified into silhouettes of color where the rocks were often transformed into giant sunflowers (Curiel 1994: 207; Cortina 2002: 54). Interestingly, when porcelain scenes where characters were represented were copied in majolica, the Chinese characters would often be deliberately represented as foreigners, marked by stereotypical elements such as a ponytail or a parasol. Another popular scene in porcelain that was often copied in majolica was the theme of children at play (Cortina 2002: 54; Lister and Lister 2001: 92). Chinese porcelain often includes religious motifs from Buddhism and Daoism in its decoration. Some examples of religious motifs represented in the porcelain that made their way to New Spain include the Eight Precious Things, the Eight Buddhist Emblems or Eight Treasures, the Eight Immortals, the Eight Daoist Emblems, the Eight Horses of Wang Mu, and the Eight Trigrams (Fournier 2013: 72–75; Junco and Fournier 2008: 11; Terreros 2012: 55–56). When these motifs were copied in majolica, they were distorted into decorative floral motifs intertwined with ribbons and framed in panels because for the potters of New Spain the meaning of these elements was irrelevant compared to their fine aesthetic qualities (Fournier 2013: 75). A good example is the motif known as Artemisia leaf (Fig. 15.6b) which was copied in the central field of some majolica dishes (Fig. 15.6a).

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Fig. 15.6 Artemisia leaf motif. a Mexican majolica (watercolor of a majolica sherd from Templo Mayor, Mexico City); b Chinese porcelain (San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City)

Motifs that had no particular appeal for the local society were rarely copied (Lister and Lister 2001: 85). This was the case of the dragon, a creature associated with the stars, the sun, great men, rain and thunder, good harvest, and depending on the number of claws it could represent the emperor or a member of the nobility (Macintosh 1986: 153; Rinaldi 1989: 102; Wilson 1990: 286). While extremely popular in Asia, dragons are rarely represented in the majolica of New Spain. One of the scant examples appears on a majolica tile from the Franz Mayer Museum collection (Castillo Cárdenas 2015: 37). For the potters of New Spain, understanding the meaning behind the motifs they were copying was irrelevant and when they imitated the decoration of Chinese porcelain, they were not worried about copying with precision the whole ornamental program. As long as the overall visual effect of the majolica piece conveyed an Asian impression, the goal of emulation was considered accomplished. Colonial potters integrated the motifs of Chinese porcelain into majolica, adapting them according to their own aesthetic ideas, but retaining their oriental flair. Chinese ornament integrated so well into colonial majolica that some of its elements persisted until the early nineteenth century even as new styles became popular (Cortina 1997: 84).

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Discussion

The majolica of New Spain that imitates Chinese porcelain shows that certain motifs were extracted from their original context and appropriated by colonial potters, who freely modified them into elements that responded to vice regal taste and used them indiscriminately in combination with elements of Moorish, European, and local provenance. In colonial majolica it is not unusual to find characters dressed in European garments in the middle of a scene full of oriental motifs. The ease with which these motifs were transformed and integrated into novel designs suggests that ornament has a certain degree of independence which allows it to transgress cultural, temporal, and geographical boundaries. The ornamental motifs on Chinese ceramics, which were originally charged with meaning and functioned within a specific context, were able to cross these boundaries when they became part of the repertoire of colonial Mexican majolica. The ease with which they were adapted and adopted to a different media full of multicultural influences brings into question the notion proposed by Trilling (2003: 27) that ornament is culturally bound. In the case of certain motifs, such as the dragon, the statement seems to hold true. As mentioned above, the dragon was largely ignored by the potters of New Spain. This fantastical creature was immensely popular in Asian art. Its powerful symbolic associations probably contributed to make it one of the most traditional subjects in the decoration of Chinese porcelain, and it remained closely associated with Chinese culture wherever in Asia it was represented (Wilson 1990: 286, 298–299). What contributed to its popularity in Asian art, may have been exactly what prevented it from being selected as a transferable motif in colonial Mexico. Colonial potters in New Spain probably struggled making sense of a creature that was completely unrelated to the natural world. The phoenix, in contrast, was frequently copied in the majolica of New Spain. While the phoenix was also a fantastic creature, it shared characteristics with birds of long tail such as swallows which are common in central Mexico where majolica was produced, allowing it to thrive and to become one of the most frequently depicted motifs in colonial majolica and one that remains popular today. So while certain elements of ornament may indeed be culture-bound, this is not always the case. It is also important to emphasize what got lost in translation. The Buddhist and Daoist symbols that frequently appear in Chinese porcelain were transformed into mere decorative patterns completely devoid of meaning. When the potters of New Spain imitated Chinese porcelain, they were attempting to transfer the articulation of ornament and surface characteristic of Chinese porcelain into a tin-glazed ceramic technology and their own idiosyncratic preferences. The concept of articulation, proposed by Hay (2016: 65), integrates the notion of joining two things in a coordinated way, with the possibility of arriving to formal coherence. Originally applied to the study of Chinese ceramics, this concept makes it possible to study ornament in its articulated relation with the surface that it covers or supplements. Rather than thinking of ornament as a marginal element, what Derrida (1987: 56) calls the parergon, the whole surface is articulated with the

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shape of the vessel, which in turn simultaneously plays the role of ergon and frame. This framework allows us to take into consideration not only the motifs themselves but also the characteristics of the surface, which in both porcelain and majolica plays a prominent role in defining the aesthetic qualities of the vessels. Porcelain and majolica can be thought of in terms of what Hay (2016: 66) defines as “surface scape,” the articulation of a sensuous surface, which is always topological. This concept emphasizes the division between the optic and haptic qualities of an artwork. When looking at both porcelain and majolica, it is almost impossible to focus solely in the motifs because the texture demands just as much attention as the decoration. The shiny and smooth surface of porcelain highlights the dynamism of its ornamental motifs, playing with their calligraphic character and allowing them to almost slide on the slick glaze. Colonial majolica is characterized by the textural quality of its glossy surface. The dark blue pigment in particular began to show a tendency to have volume, providing the smooth surface with an interesting topography, while possibly also emphasizing the access to sufficient quantities of imported cobalt to produce such volume. In majolica, the topographic character of the surface is highlighted by its shine. While the Asian-inspired motifs remain just as dynamic as they are in porcelain, the haptic experience of the viewer is completely different. Whereas in porcelain the cobalt designs are just as smooth as the glaze that covers them, in majolica the pigment that defines the ornament bulges, distorting the flat surface of the vessel. When texture becomes as important a quality as the decoration depicted on the surface, a door is open for new configurations in which ornamental motifs can move across boundaries because the interaction between them and the surface becomes significant. This may have allowed for processes of transmission, assimilation, and transposition to take place. The dynamism of the ornamental motifs themselves, in both porcelain and majolica, may have also contributed to their transferability. The freedom of the brushstrokes that created them bestows the different iconographic elements with a sense of movement. In both cases the ornamentation of the vessels seems to be animated. The flying phoenix/swallow, with its long tail, appears to soar or descend through the scene; the deer, jumping through the vegetation, can almost make the leaves quiver; and the crane, whether it stands on a rock, a lake, or a cactus could take off at any moment. The artisan appears to have had the intention of emphasizing the phenomena of transition, the image in motion (Michaud 2004: 28). Perhaps this dynamic quality of ornament is what makes the decoration so adaptable and transferable.

15.7

Conclusion

In the majolica of New Spain, ornament transcended geographical, cultural, and temporal boundaries. Colonial potters did not hesitate in taking ornamental motifs from different origins and recombining them into new configurations. The trade networks that characterized the Early Modern world provided them with a myriad

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of elements from which they developed a particular aesthetic character. Ornaments of different origins became mixed together in colonial majolica resulting in a unique style where the interpretation of the various elements remained consistently local. The Chinese influence is strong on Mexican majolica, but the motifs acquired a life of their own that enabled them to sit comfortably amidst European, Islamic, and local elements, as well as by themselves. The phoenix does not need to fly over lotus flowers or rocks, it is not tied to a particular meaning or context, it interacts with the surface and invites the viewer to do the same. More importantly, some of these motifs and compositional arrangements, such as the flying phoenix/long-tailed bird and the crane, became part of the recurrent ornamental vocabulary of colonial majolica and are today considered typical elements of traditional Mexican majolica despite their foreign origins. It is also possible that the extensive dotted decoration that today is ubiquitous in Mexican majolica resulted from an oversimplification of foliage and arabesque motifs taken from both Chinese porcelain (Fig. 15.7) and the Spanish decorative style crowded with dots sometimes called emborronado (Lister and Lister 2001: 85). Indeed, the influence of Chinese porcelain is still readily evident in the majolica produced nowadays using traditional techniques in the states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Guanajuato, and Aguascalientes. Workshops in Puebla such as “Talavera Uriarte” (Fig. 15.8) and “Talavera Celia” produce vessels with designs that show elements that were appropriated centuries ago from Chinese porcelain. Motifs like the phoenix/swallow, the crane, and the dotted decoration continue to be tremendously popular today and constitute essential elements in Mexican majolica, whether traditional or reinterpreted as contemporary artworks.

Fig. 15.7 Chinese porcelain with arabesque motifs (San Jerónimo Convent, Mexico City)

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Fig. 15.8 Artists decorating contemporary Mexican majolica at “Talavera Uriarte,” Puebla, México

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