Apologiae duae: Gozechini epistola ad Walcherum; Burchardi, ut videtur, abbatis Bellevallis apologia de barbis

Citation preview

ogy at Claremont

E MN

Coat

vere

AUR.

NC

x N

p

DE NUS

x

N

"

UHo

MOIS

Xa

T»

x

ame

Ae

A A

D

HAM,

99

eme ie

-

OA

uz

ST

-

(uvaeker af

e aed af

ne

ede | Ken etd E

dom Tia

fev d. Ata

da

cae á

Ed

Ue umo ee

Penta

quE

n.

oA

m

0.0 mi

E

ul dd

This book presented

is to

The Library SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AT CLAREMONT By the

Cooper WEST

Library

FOOTHILL

AT

CLAREMONT,

Fund

COLLEGE

AVENIUXE

CALIFORNIA

CORPVS CHRISTIANORVM Continuatio Mediaeualis

LXII

CORPVS CHRISTIANORVM Continuatio Mediaeualis

JEXIT

APOLOGIAE GOZECHINI

DVAE

EPISTOLA AD WALCHERVM

BVRCHARDI, VT VIDETVR, ABBATIS BELLEVALLIS APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

TURNHOLTI TYPOGRAPHI

BREPOLS EDITORES PONTIFICII MCMLXXXV

APOLOGIAE DVAE Ere. 74 QAq Ub

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERVM foe

BVRCHARDI, VT VIDETVR, ABBATIS BELLEVALLIS APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

EDITED

BY

R.B.C. HUYGENS

With an introduction on beards in the Middle Ages BY

GILES CONSTABLE

TVRNHOLTI TYPOGRAPHI

BREPOLS EDITORES PONTIFICII MCMLXXXV

SVMPTIBVS SVPPEDITANTE SvPREMO BELGARVM MAGISTRATV PVBLICAE INSTITVTIONI ATQVE OPTIMIS ARTIBVS PRAEPOSITO

EDITVM

© Brepols 1985 No part of this work may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERVM

Theology li brary

SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AT CLAREMONT California

INTRODUCTION

A new edition of the schoolmaster Gozechin's Letter to his colleague and former pupil (!) Walcher is a longstanding desideratum, a fact already expressed sixty years ago by Max Manitius.(^) Indeed, in spite of its highly rhetorical style, which often makes difficult reading, the work contains enough interesting passages to make such an edition worthwhile. The text has already been printed four times. The editio princeps was published in 1685 by Mabillon(?); his text was reprinted by L.F.J. de la Barre (*) and again by A. Galland (^), who introduced the division in 40 chapters and whose text was reproduced by Migne in vol. 143 of his Patrologia latina (1882, cols. 885-908). (°) Although Mabillon corrected quite a few obvious errors, he overlooked others and added new ones. In the course of reprinting some of these errors were corrected but others were left and new ones crept in, so that the text so far available was unreliable and not infrequently unintelligible. (7) (x) In the opening phrase, the words fratri et filio in the previous editions are an error for fratri ex filio. (2) Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters Yl, 1923, p. 470-478, at the end of his excellent discussion of the author and his works: "Die Schrift ist kulturhistorisch wichtig und eine neue Ausgabe ware daher zu wünschen." (3) Vetera Analecta YV, p. 360-394. (4) Vetera Analecta, edition in-folio, Paris 1723, p. 437-446. (5) Bibliotheca veterum Patrum antiquorumque Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum XIV, Venice 1781, p. 230-239.

(6) Because most modern literature on the subject quotes the Migne text, I have mentioned in the margin the numbers and the lettered subdivision of the columns of this edition, and maintained between brackets the forty numbers of Galland's (and Migne's) chapters. (7) In my notes on the text, the sign = indicates identity or close resemblance of two or more passages, but may also refer to the notes on these passages. As a rule, only the first reference gives the full documentation. In my critical apparatus, manuscript readings without any further

reference have already been corrected by Mabillon. More important corrections are followed by either his name or that of Galland. A few errors are listed here (see also note 1). In line 252, the manuscript has sine fratre, not sine patre (Galland-Migne) ;297 in turribus, not intrantibus edd. (= Mabillon and all the later editions) ; 402 im peras acephalorum, not viperas (edd.) eccephalorum (Galland-Migne) ; 475 tonitruum, not conservum edd.; 529 incus, not mens edd.; 678 quamlibet sanctus, not quantumlibet sciens edd. ;822 comparsit, not compar sit edd.; 886 Atat, non Constat. On two occasions, the head of otherwise highly

praised Liége suffered sadly in the hands of my predecessors: in 559, its augustum... caput has become angustum in Migne, and in 36r twrrito... vertice has become #rito in all the editions. In two passages, failure to identify the source has again led to nonsense. In 399-400, the phrase (quia bene vivendi locus est ubicumque sis) et si te animus non deficit, equus est etiam salubris (sic!) should be read ...et, si te animus non deficit aequus, est etiam Ulubris

(Horace, Ep. 1, 11, 30),

4

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

The manuscript from which Mabillon printed Gozechin's Letter is still the only one known to exist. Its origin is French. When Mabillon discovered it, it belonged to the Collége SaintJéróme in Dóle (Jura), a well-endowed foundation (1494/1499) of dom Antoine de Roche, grand prior of Cluny, whose arms are seen on f. 1. The manuscript. has never left Dóle since (it is now no. 146 in the Municipal Library)(5) nor has it ever been used again between the editio princeps and the present edition. It consists of two different parts, written towards the middle of the XIIth century and bound together in one volume measuring 23,6 x 16,8 cm. The first part consists of 7 quires (f. 1-56") and contains St. Jerome's chapter on Seneca (De viris inlustribus no. 12) and the Efitaphium Senecae: Cura, labor, meritum... (6)... reddimus, ossa tibi. (?) A collection of his Letters follows, ending abruptly with 58, 4 ?d est ?ussero. ('?) The second part of the manuscript is numbered f. 1-20 (two quires and four folios). Gozechin's Letter is written on f. 1-16", without either a contem-

porary title or a colophon. The remaining folios bear an unidentified text beginning with the words Licet cunctorum poetarum carmina (... (f. 20): Vides autem qua in domo sit ista felicitas). As has already been noted, not only the editions, but the manuscript as well contain many errors, both trivial and serious. Even standing on the shoulders of Mabillon, I am under no illusion that I have eliminated them all, but I do hope this edition will mark a starting-point for new studies. As for the orthography, the text presents nothing which could be considered surprising in a twelfth century copy of an eleventh century text. I only call attention to such "classical" spellings as satyrice (107, but sat?rico, -ci in lines 156 and 537), lymphato (113), loquuntur (410) and sequwntur (412 and 460), mysticis (590, but misticus in line 383) and Babyloniae (656). I have kept preminentia in line 133. Little is known

about the author of the Letter. Gozwin, or

Gozechin (!!), was born shortly after the year 1000, probably in x

and in 526-527: Invidiam placare paras virtute relicta. [XXIV] Contemnere, miser, vel melius proponis... should be: ...virtute relicta ?Contempnere miser! [XXIV] Vel melius proponis, etc. (Horace, Serm. 2, 3, 13-14).

(8) Catalogue Général 13, 1891, p. 413 (unreliable). See Danielle Ducout, Société d'Emulation du Jura, Travaux présentés... en 1977 et 1978 (Lons-le-Saunier 1979), p. 352-354: (II) Le Fonds de Saint-Jéréme. 1 wish to thank Madame Ducout for kindly verifying my notes on the manuscript. (9) Anthologia Latina ed. Riese, I, 2, p. 138, no. 667.

(10) For the combination

of Jerome, Epitaphium and Letters see L.D.

Reynolds, The Medieval Tradition of Seneca’s Letters, Oxford 1965, p. 88-89.

(11) Gozechin(us) is a by-form of Gozwin(us), the name the author uses

in the prologues to his Passio s. Albani (see notes 16 and 17), p. 985, xx and

p. 987, 13.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

5

or near Liége, where he spent part of his early years.(7) He studied in Fulda under abbot Bardo('3), who became archbishop of Mainz in 1031. Before that date Gozechin must have returned to Liége, where we find him among the canons of St Bartholomew's and where he is mentioned (!^) as head of the Cathedral school in 1044 and as chancellor in 1050. So distinguished a position in such an important cultural center points to a highly appreciated scholarly personality, and indeed, Gozechin must have been an outstanding teacher, whose reputation spread well beyond Liége. He was, most certainly, a vigorous defender of old-fashioned school practise, a conservative man in the tradition of Horace's plagosus Orbilius, who did not spare the rod in the education of his pupils (5) — the most promising among whom was Walcher, the future addressee of the Letter. Somewhere around 1058 Gozechin left Liége, accepting a flattering invitation from archbishop Liutpold of Mainz (1051 — December 1059) to come and teach in that city (!$), the aureum regni caput (88). Here he wrote his Passio sancti Albani ('’), and here again he rose to prominence: Jicet... nobilis... Moguntia... liberali me aspergine perfundat et in splendidissima sacri sena(x2) Ut... de his loquar quae partim ipsi vidimus, partim recenter gesta. fideli

relatione didicimus: a diebus (972-1008) domni Notgeri nostrae urbis episcopi... (747-750, cf. also 92 and 219 mater Legia, 103 nostra Belgia, 131-132 Legia nostra, 142-143 nostrum Leogium, 183 Leogium nostrum). The main dates concerning

Gozechin's life and càreer were established long ago by O. Holder-Egger, Gozwin und Gozechin, Domscholaster zu Mainz, in Neues Archiv 13, 1888, p. 11-21,

and S. Balau, Etude critique des sources de l'histoire du pays de Liége, Brussels 1902-1903, p. 172-174. (13) Holder-Egger, /.c., p. 12-13. (14) Balau, Z«., p. 172, note 7. (15) See line 37 and the note on that passage. Cf. Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter Il, 1894, p. 113-114: "Freilich scheint Gozechin ein alter gramlicher Schultyrann gewesen zu sein; die strengste Zucht, den Stock verehrt er über alles, beklagend,

dass ihm in Mainz die Anwendung

verwehrt wurde...” (Wattenbach-Holtzmann (1938-1939)-Schmale (1967), P- 443-444: "ein missmutiger Laudator temporis acti"). (16) Mogontinam preferens gloriam (151-152 and 209-210) ; vel invitatus vel iussus a summis aurei illius saeculi viris veni Mogontiam (217-218). In one of the two prologues to his Passio s. Albani, a work which Holder-Egger (p. 14-15) has established as having been written between 1060 and 1062, Gozechin already considers himself a real citizen of Mainz: Sed forte nobilis Moguncia substomachetur et quod indigenis suis tale quid audendum non reliquerim iure. meritoque causetur. Ad hoc potenti dominae debita humilitate respondeo me, si placet, iam pro

indigena baberi et, si quid valerem, iniuria. alienum videri (ed. Holder-Egger (one of the most distinguished editors of the Monumenta Germaniae

Historica), Scriptores XV, p. 986, 40-43). (17) BHL 200; see note 16 and Manitius, II, p. 471-473 and 476-477; H.

Thomas,

Bemerkungen

zu Datierung,

Gestalt und Gehalt des Annoliedes, in

Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 96, 1977, p. 38 ff.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

6

tus sui corona (the chapter of the Cathedral) nom humili loco michi curulem ponat... (88-91). There is no further record of him after 1074 except for the day of his death (September 28th), which is mentioned in the necrology of the Cathedral of Mainz: IIII Kal. (Oct.) Gunzuuinus prepositus Sancte Marie et magister scolarum Sancti Martina. (9) The name of the man to whom the Letter is addressed is given in the first line as Walcher. He had been Gozechin's favourite pupil (25-27), a gifted boy who occasionally even took over teaching duties during his master's absences (66-71) and who succeeded him in Liége. In spite of all the advantages of his position in Mainz, Gozechin must have frequently expressed his nostalgia for his. dear old Liége, and Walcher had reproached him w£ modo Leogii positus suspirem Mogontiam, modo, Mogontiae satur, animo Leogium recurram (153-154). To this Gozechin replied extensively in the Letter published here. Since Holder-Egger, its date has been fixed between 1060 and 1065. Mention is made of Huzmann (721-725), who in 1075 became bishop of Speyer, but who was apparently still a schoolmaster at the time the Letter

was

written.

But

there

is another

indication,

which

points to the end of the sixties. In his complaint about the worsening times, Gozechin refers to two decades quae iam in miseria defluxerunt (751-752), and further on he makes clear that all the misery really started with the death of the clarissima duo aecclesiae luminaria, the emperor Henry III (October I056) and the archbishop of Mainz Liutpold (December 1059) (773 ff.) - a point which, not surprisingly, he failed to raise in the prologue of the Passio s. Albani, which is addressed to Liutpold's successor Siegfried (1060-1084). The words haec quae am... defluxerunt duo lustra cannot mean less than ten years, so I think we may safely fix the date of the Letter between 1066 and 1070. (18) Jaffé, Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, p. 727 [Ms. Mainz, Stadtbibliothek I 426, s. XI, f. 39"] cf. F. Falk, Die ebemalige Dombibliothek zu Mainz, ibre Entstehung, Verschleppung und Vernichtung, in the 18th Betheft zum Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, Leipsic 1897, p. 1o. - Gozechin's functions in Mainz and

the terminus ante quem of his death are less well attested than is generally concluded on the basis of older literature. He is found as a witness in some charters from the time of archbishop Siegfried (M. Stimming, Mainzer Urkundenbuch, Y, 1932/1972), but only about half their number are genuine; in the others his name and functions must have been copied from older documents: Gozwinus prepositus (1069, no. 323, p. 212), Gozuuinus prepositus (1072, no. 334, p. 230), Gozuuino summo magistro (1073, no. 336, p. 232) and Gozechinus magister (1074, no. 341, p. 238). But no. 324 (p. 215 :1069, Gozwinus prepositus) is a fake (second half of the rath century), and so are nos. 330 (p. 223: 1071, Gozwinus magister et prepositus, faked by the notorious Georg Friedrich Schott, 1737-1823), and 340 (p. 236: 1074, Gozechinus magister, faked

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

7

Although warmly appreciated by Manitius (?), Gozechin's style is less a synthesis than an amalgam of classical and biblical elements. Non quidem meis viribus innitens sed in Spiritu sancto confidens, non de cothurnato turgentium verborum presumens fastu sed viventis aquae refici desiderans haustu: these are the words he uses(?°) to qualify his own writing — in an eloquent illustration of his swollen diction, the verbosity of which often obscures otherwise highly interesting passages. This style was already fully formed in the Passio s. Albani, indeed several instances of striking verbal similarity were used by Holder-Egger to prove that both that work and the Letter were written by the same author. Although Gozechin's Letter is well enough known and its importance fully appreciated (?'), a summing-up of its contents may still be useful. Gozechin was prompted to write his Letter by the arrival of a book written by Walcher, and in his own hand. The work and the handwriting flooded him with memories of the time that Walcher was still a schoolboy and blossoming — not without rod and tears — into Gozechin's most promising pupil (1-24). If only they had all been like Walcher, who hung on his master's lips and who even took over for him from time to time! Sadly, he must do without Walcher's company now: he feels as if he is living in a desert and longs to be back together with him in Liége again, as in the old days (2587). Though wealthy Mainz has been generous to him and has bestowed a highly honourable position on him, it is still Liége

above all which attracts him (88-94). There follows a long and wordy panegyric on the city, in which also the Publicus Mons (Publémont) and especially the Meuse with its floods play an extensive part, and in which the surrounding countryside is praised, but the wine is criticised — not surprisingly, considering Gozechin is an inhabitant of Mainz (94-131). The flower of Gaul, a second Athens, Liége is a centre of literary and theological study which can compare itself with Plato's Academy and Pope Leo's Rome. That is why God's wrath is called down upon all those who would harm the city and why, too, the author's thoughts are constantly in his old city, though he is living at in the 13th century). Even the Heriger magister, considered to have been his successor,

is mentioned

only in another

charter

faked

by Schott

(no. 360,

p. 260: 1081): the first magister to be found in a genuine charter is a certain

Iohannes, but not before 1o9o (no. 376, p. 279). (x9) Geschichte, YI, p. 476. Wattenbach-Holtzmann-Schmale

are more re-

served: "in bewegten Worten, die eine gute klassische Bildung verraten, aber

nicht immer leicht zu deuten sind" (p. 444). (20) Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 9-1x. (zx) Pierre Riché, Ecoles et enseignement dans le Haut Moyen Age, Paris 1979, p- 337, and passim.

8

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

present in Mainz. Walcher had reproached him, as his inconsequence, and had cited in remonstrance from Horace, a poet whose voice can be heard explicitly and implicitly, throughout the Letter. verses are both taken from the Epistles (?): "they

a result, for two verses repeatedly, These two change their

clime, not their mind, who rush across the sea", and "what is at

fault is the mind, which never escapes from itself" (131-158). This is where the actual apology begins, in which the ageing schoolmaster employs all his learning to counter and convince his addressee — a long exposition of the quotations cited, a defence of Gozechin's departure to Mainz and a criticism of the ever-deteriorating morals of the time. Walcher's reproach is not deserved: the author has no other aim in mind than to live the best possible life (7m melius velle proficere: 190, cf. 203-204). Nor had he, by choosing to live in Mainz, wished to express disdain towards Liége: was it not rather an honour that the town had been approached, on his account, by a city so much richer? Indeed, the author had done Liége a service by setting out to spread the knowledge he had acquired there in Mainz (207-225). No, where

one

lives is not important,

the wise man

has no

native country: the important thing is not to move from one place to another without a sound reason (cum ratione loci mutatio: 227). There are numerous classical examples: Teucer, Socrates and other philosophers illustrate that locum vel insessum vel mutatum sapienti nichil obesse, cuius propositum est ubivis locorum in constantia virtutis eundem esse (248-274). But it is not only Antiquity which affords examples. The holy apostles too travelled far and wide, and the clergy is also mentioned in this context, the birds in the sky, the stars in the heavens (274-345). Gozechin then returns to Liége, which is again praised warmly. He could, he adds, hardly halfway through the Letter (391) be even more exhaustive, but the preceding paragraphs should be enough to move Walcher to reject Horace and his clime (cwm caelo suo) and to join Gozechin in replacing him with the Psalms (395-400). Nevertheless, he continues to produce quotations and to raise ‘and feign objections, which he then elaborately proceeds to disprove (401-513). But Walcher does not admit defeat so easily and accuses Gozechin of having chosen the otiwm rather than the negotium. But who would do otherwise nowadays (514-588)? There follows an exposition on how many years one must perform one's duties as a schoolmaster (nichil difficilius sub sole geritur: 596597) and a bitter complaint about the distress of the times. Learning no longer occupies a place of honour, money reigns (22) Ep. x, 1x, 27 and 1, 14, I3, translation

(Loeb Classical Library).

H. Rushton

Fairclough, 1926

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

9

supreme, morals are degenerating, discipline is no longer maintained, the young enjoy too much freedom, and thus it is not surprising that, under such circumstances, fallacies such as those propounded by Berengar of Tours, ?7//e apostolus Satanae (654), flourish (603-720). That is why a number of Gozechin's prominent colleagues have already given up hope and have devoted themselves entirely to theology. Gozechin would like to do the same;

he is old and worn out. Materially, he has nothing

to complain of, but what he lacks are the good old days, and . consequently «on iam meam quam communem defleo miseriam (721-746). Again a stark sketch of the times follows, of the

decline which only began in earnest with the death of Emperor Henry III and that of archbishop Liutpold of Mainz: money sways the law (?), God's word is despised. Learning fares no better. What is there left to expect? God's punishment (747866). If under those circumstances Walcher still wishes to oppose ot2wm and quies and to criticise those who strive for it, he should

suit himself,

but should

not, in that case,

count

on

Gozechin's support. Gozechin himself hopes to be relieved of his duties one day and released, and places his fate in God's hands (867-885). The conclusion of the Letter follows, in which the author once again expresses his warmest friendship for Walcher. In a Pauline-like repetition of the verb salutare he greets him, on behalf of a small number of others, fellow-workers and

pupils. He salutes Walcher from the bottom of his heart and asks him to convey this greeting to all their acquaintances, congenial in spirit: salutatio mea sit ad vos omnes, ut Eo adiuvante in quem credimus pariter simus aeternae vilae consortes (970-972).

(23) Surprisingly enough, Gozechin, who knows Walcher's and his own Horace so well, does not quote Ep. 1, 1, 52-54: vilius argentum est auro, virtutibus aurum. | O cives, cives, quaerenda pecunia primum est | virtus post nummos !

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA. AD WALCHERUM

IO

15

II

(I] Unanimi suo fratri ex filio Walchero frater Gozechinus, in f. 1, 885 A eo quod est esse feliciter coesse. Retractatis multiplicibus, quae michi sepe ad nutum exhibuisti benivolentiae impendiis, multiplex a me tibi, mi karissime, et habetur et refertur gratia nec solum pro dulci, iocunda ac suavi veterum recordatione, sed et profestiva novi muneris exhibitione. Misisti enim michi quem petebam librum, videlicet opera digitorum tuorum, in quo plane ostendis quanti me facias quamque id, quod me velle nosti, non in secundis habeas. Qui utique liber ita innovat cuncta quae michi antehac impendisti karitatis xenia, ac si ea secum gregatim revehens michi sistat presentia. Hunc ergo diu a te expectatum ut primum vidi, ut in manibus accepi et articulos tuos, immo te ipsum in eo agnovi, totus in novam tui 885 B dilectionem penitus exarsi, ac si antehac expertum non dilexissem. Serio vero triumphat animus, quod rudes articulos tuos aliquando ipse manu mea ad scribendum direxerim quodque male tornatos apices ceteraque id genus quae tenera peccat aetas super

20

dorsum tuum cuderim, ut scilicet de arbuscula nostra putans superfluam mergitum et foliorum luxuriem, postmodum de cremento et fructu eius gauderem. Quis enim plantat vineam et de fructu eius non accipit ? Ego vero sepenumero laboris mei dulcem messul fructum in his, quibus a me plantatis et rigatis deus dedit incrementum, a nullo tamen eorum tanta michi affluxit fertilitas,

25

quin semper a te cumulatior michi arrideat bonae frugis ubertas. [II] Et o utinam omnes utriusque auditorii nostri asseclas tales enutrissem,

utinam

vel unum

talem senectutis meae

baculum

inter eos invenire possem! Sed heu, iuxta (quod) divinum per

1 Unanimi = 60.

4 mi karissime = 32(159).

7 ff.Cf.o24 ff.

7/8

Ps. 8, 4: opera digitorum tuorum. 9 in secundis = 56. 13 articulos tuos] Cf. 925-926. totus] Very frequent (40.49.211.362-363.434.515.927.937), also

in the Passo s. Albani (see 893-894, note).

15 serio —

Terence, Andria, prol. 1: animum ad scribendum adpulit.

745.

16 Cf.

16/17 Horace, AP

17 ceteraque id genus — 441: male tornatos ... versus (cf. 884 tornet). 20/21 I Cor. 9, 7: Quis plantat vineam et de 17/18 Cf. 37. 73.418.741. 22/23 (= 9x9) I Cor. 3, 6: Ego plantavi, Apollo rigavit, fructu eius non edit? 24 Aulus Gellius (cf. 423-425, note), Noctes sed deus incrementum. dedit. 25 Atticae 6, xx, 2: bominem nihili rei neque frugis bonae (cf. 949-950). utriusque auditorii nostri (cf. 68 and 594-595: both in Liége and in Mainz. GRE Passio s. Albani, p. 988, 12-13: ab auditorio regularis secreti (see the note on line 27/28 = 404. 26 Tob. 5, 23 and 10, 4: baculum senectutis nostrae. 96-97). 10 antehac] hac zz rasura

primum vidi, z in manibus accepi

13 totus correxi] ut totus (— 40), cf. 12 ut

— 27 quod Galland, «f. §8-§9.

886 A

I2

30

35

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

prophetam conqueritur oraculum, hodie est filios enutrire et exaltare, ipsos autem preter admodum paucos exaltantem se spernere. Viderint autem qui eiusmodi sunt, ne pro contemptu bene monentis patris a Patre | patrum priventur testamento aeternae hereditatis! [III] Tu vero, mi karissime, fac quod cepisti, augmenta in maius et melius quae a me bona accepisti nec a tua unquam desinas remunerabili erga me benignitate, pro qua ab Eo, qui tibi me preposuit, aeterna doneris hereditate. Hoc vero nec novum facis nec preter solitum si te michi tam exhibes benignum, sed et cum adhuc sub scolari fleres ferula eadem michi subservie-

f. 1’, 886 B

887 A

bas benivolentia, et quod de te, ut de ceteris, solus metus sufficeret

extorquere, tu pre caeteris, ut in tali animante conici poterat, 40 magis hoc exhibebas ultronea bonitate, adeo ut totus de nutu oris

45

mei penderes nec quicquam de verbis meis in terram cadere permitteres. Cumque te adhuc puerum ob huiusmodi diligere ceperim et propter alia quaedam signa virtutis in te iam tum eminentia, factum est accessu aetatis ut spem honestiorem in dies de te captarem, considerans vim industriae tuae ad obscuritates lectionum, sagacitatem, vigilantiam, acumen

50

55

alacris ingenii ad

fugas subtilium rerum, adeo ut cum ceteri nostrae cataceseos auditores verba magistri dictis vel scriptis nequiverint aequiperare, tu etiam totum magistrum in te videreris transfundere. Unde et ego cum fratre tuo et cum ceteris amicis, quibuscum oportebat, gloriabar speciale quiddam michi accrescere in areola quam plantabam aromatum, scilicet inter adultos te sapientem puerum. [IV] Ubi vero te adultum propter bonos mores et vitae honestatem gaudebam sedulo mecum esse, quid te gratius, quid te amabilius michi erat? Numquidnam aliquis vel aliquid poterat intervenire, quod te apud me in secundis fecerit esse? Ac multarum quidem rerum atque hominum assiduitas satietatem afferre solet, te vero michi domi forisque coniunctissimum consuetudo ipsa altius

28/30 Is. 1, 2: Filios enutrivi et exaltavi, ipsi autemyspreverunt me. Cf. 85. 29 (= 603 and 786-787) Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 38-39: neque ... preter admodum pauca. 31/32 (cf. 35.285.962.966-967) Hebr. 9, 15: ut morte intercedente, in redemptionem earum praevaricationum quae erant. sub priori testamento, repromissionem accipiant qui vocati sunt aeternae hereditatis. 32. 54: 33 = 9gor-902.19o. 35 aeterna ... hereditate = 31-32. 36 preter solitum] Horace, Carm. 1, 6, 20; Virgil, Georg. 1, 412.

37 Prudentius, Praef.

7-8: Aetas prima crepantibus| flevit sub ferulis (cf. Martial xo, 62, 10: ferulae tristes, sceptra paedagogorum, and 14, 80, r (ferulae) invisae nimium pueris grataeque magistris). Cf. (17-18 and) 618-620 (note), 625-626 and 954. 39 Cf. Horace, Serm. 2, 1, 40: quemquam animantem. 40 totus = 13. 41/42 I Reg. 3, 19: non cecidit ex omnibus verbis eius in terram. 49 totum = 13. 51 gloriabar]

Gf387)

51/52 Cant. 5, 13: areolae aromatum , 6, 1: areolam aromatum.

in secundis — 9.

56

887 B

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM 6o

I3

inserebat, ut cotidie gratior recensiorque habereris. Et merito quidem. Nam te michi in cunctis adeo exhibebas unanimem, ut non solum de successu meo gauderes, verum

nostras adversa concussissent, tu multo acerbius multoque indignius atque ego, cuius intererat, tolerares, eratque iam tum experiri quantum valeas etiam consilio, dum modo profectibus nostris 65 gnaviter annitendo, modo incommodis viriliter obniltendo res nostras sepe in melius reduxisti. Si quando vero ab exterioribus michi non vacabat negociis feriari, tu vices absentis magistri inter auditorii nostri concelliones ita exequebaris, ut quaequae vel legendo vel disputando perplexe intricata vel in theosophicis vel J o in sophisticis occurrissent, ea nodosus ipse sagaciter enodares et de his ambigentibus ad votum satisfaceres. (V] Cum haec et huiusmodi plura ita se habeant, possumne, oro, probitatem, industriam, benignitatem tuam ceteraque id genus bonae et circumspectae vitae munia oblivione transmittere teque, 75 ne si velim quidem, non amare? Ego vero ut prius in te puero preclaram indolem, ita nunc totis amplector visceribus precanam adultae iuventutis tuae maturitatem, nec quicquam magis michi dolet quam quod dulcedinis tuae fructu privatus velut in quadam deserti solitudine michi degere videor, non quia desint frequentis80

85

88; C

et, si quando res

f.2

887 D

simi comites et karissimi assessores, sed eorum nullus aut valde

rarus est in quo caput, immo animum tam molliter reclinem. Proinde, si fas esset et ratio pateretur, continuis pulsem aures precibus divinae pietatis, si forte detur nostras admitti voces intra sacrarium exauditionis, quatinus tandem aliquando eo loci nos componat ubi tua vel aliorum, quibus concrevi vel quos enutrivi, benignitate, qua dum vacabat iocunde fruitus sum, adhuc frui liceat sicut prius, et de vestro convictu gloriari sicut antiquitus. [VI] Licet enim aureum regni caput, nobilis videlicet Moguntia, mellifluis ubertatis suae rivis, quibus undique affluit, liberali me

9 o aspergine perfundat et in splendidissima sacri senatus sui corona

60 unanimem = i. 65 — 498. 68 auditorii nostri = 25. nodosus] Horace, Serm. 2, 3, 70, see the note on line 503. 7 Eg

70 76

precanam] Cf. Horace, Ep. 1, 20, 24, and Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 25: mente cana (... antiquitas). 81 Matth. 8, 20: Filius ... hominis non babet ubi caput reclinet.

84 exauditionis] Cf. II Par. 33, 19. 85 quos enutrivi] Cf. 28-30. — 87 EST: 88 Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 40: nobilis Moguncia, and p. 990, 21: aurea ... felix Moguntia. 90 senatus] Cf. 870-871. 59 recensiorque = recentiorque, cf P.W. Hoogterp, Les Vies des Peres du Jura, in ALMA 9, 1934, p. 217 (ff 201, 1) 68 auditorii correxi coll. 25.594] adiutorii 82 pulsarem edd. Cf. 954-955. 87 convinctu

888 A

I4

95

I05

IIO

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

non humili loco michi curulem ponat, preter omnes tamen, ut pace eius dixerim, angulus ille michi ridet, quem mater Legia, forti virtutum robore nodosa, indigenis suis tam delectabilem quam iocundum exhibet. Ipsa enim, ut nosti, ex occidua sui parte non subitis collium clivis clementer erecta geminoque Publici Montis reflexu, qui in dorso non multum audaci quatuor regularis vitae gestat greges, ipsius, inquam, gemino reflexu molliter sinuata, sicut gallina pullos suos, ita haec filios suos sub alas colligit, fovet et nutrit et ad omne quod civile sit et moribus conducat informat et instruit nec quicquam patitur deesse quod vel copiam regere vel inopiam possit temperare. Allubescit quoque et alluit ad loci munimentum et copiae supplementum non subitis allapsibus bicornis Mosa, fluminibus nostrae Belgiae non immerito preferenda, quae non solum civibus, sed et indigenis terrae piscium copia fluit dapsilis, variis mercium commeatibus habilis omnique prorsus commoditatum genere conducibilis, excepto, ut venia tua satyrice licet sine metro ludam, quod, si quando in convivium deorum cum nubigenis amnibus, fratribus suis, cumque Eolo rege et ventis suis intra palatium Iunonis adsciscitur, dum longis laboribus exhausta, solito uberius Eolo propinante nives vel imbres adhibens inebriata revertitur, collectis influentium sibi

fluviorum copiis velut contracto exercitu per regiones circumcir91 non bumili (cf. 94-95 = 102 and zr9) Horace, Carm. 1, 37, 32: non bumilis mulier. curulem] Cf. 819. 91/92 pace eius] Cf. x36. Horace, Carm. 2, 6, 13-14: Ille terrarum mibi praeter omnes] angulus videt ... 93 Cicero,

Philipp. xo, 8, 16: virtutis robore.

nodosa =

503, note. — Cf. Passio s. Albani,

P- 989, 39: situ jocunda ... delectabilis facie. 94/95 (= 102) Statius, Theb. 6, 260: mollia non subitis augent fastigia clivis. - Cf. 91: non bumili. 96/97 quatuor regularis vitae (= 299.648, cf. 308) ... greges (= 309) : the Benedictine abbey of Saint-Laurent and three collegiate churches: Sainte-Croix, SaintPierre and Saint-Martin. The (secular) canons still observed the Aachen decrees of 813, and so regularis here means both according to the Rule of St. Benedict and to the rule of Aachen. - Cf. Passio s. Albani, P- 990, 3-4 :regularis vitae officinas; 988, 4: apud senatores regularis curiae, and 988, 12-13 :ab auditorio (cf. 25) regularis secreti. 98 Matth. 23, 37: (lerusalem) quoties volui congregare filios tuos quemadmodum gallina congregat pullos s&os sub alas. — 98/99

Cf. I Thess. 2, 7: tanquam si nutrix foveat filios suos.

(4, 2, 15): iam adlubescit primulum

(cf. Martianus

101 Plautus, Miles 1004

Capella 1, 25 and ar:

allubescat). — alluit] Passio s. Albani, p. 989, 36: Haec ... urbs ... Hreni fluentis

alluitur.

102

=

94-95. - allapsibus] Cf. Horace,

Epod. 1, 20.

103

bicornis Mosa] Cf. Ovid, Met. zz, 763: Granico ... bicorni, Virgil, Aen. 8, 727:

Rhenusque bicornis. 106 conducibilis] Frequent in Plautus; cf. Trin. 24-25 (x I, 2-3: utile/et conducibile. 107 satyrice (cf. 156) Cf. 144: rustice. — ludam] Cf. 371. 108 Statius, Theb. 1, 365 : nubigenas e montibus amnes (366) insano tur-

bine raptas ... domos.

Iunonis] Cf. ibidem, 64 ff. exhausti ... amnes.

108/109

Virgil, Aen. 1, 52: rex Aeolus. — palatium

110 (Mosa) exhausta] Cf. Statius, Tbeb. 5, 259:

95 subitis (= 102) correxi] subditis

103 belge

888 B

888 C

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

IIS

IS

ca lymphato cursu debachatur, quaeque sibi obvia proterit et populatur, nocturna piscatorum furta, quae illis inpune cessisse sepe dequesta est, prohibens punit, sata, quae avidi agricolae litoreis virectis, audaci sulco violatis, ubi ipsa vellet meridiari,

I20

insperserant, eluit et prosternit. Nos quoque indignata litoreis aquatilis aulae suae atriis placito vicinius insedisse et calones nostros eam sepius inquietare, domos nostras non supplex ingreditur omnibusque expulsis nichil deprecata violenter hospitatur, et quia sepius ac familiarius inimico sibi numini supplicamus, Larem familiarem discruciatis extrudit omnesque sibi invisi numinis

888 D

reliquias, etiam favillam et cinerem, eluens extinguit,

donec, pacientia nostra vix tandem saciata dum ei non resisti125 mus quia nec valemus, alveum suum vix demum placata repetit et nuda nimis relinquens vestigia in sua se palacia recipit. Habent quoque suburbana nostra undique versum suave olentes ortos olerum et dulce rubentes lucos arborum (sed vineis no- 889 stris Bachus, aliis habilioribus sibi regionibus intendens suprema 130 vitium putamina et paucos inspergens tyrsos, extremam (non) imposuit manum). His et huiusmodi multis commoditatibus Legia nostra ubertim ditata adhuc habet multo potiora hisque longe longeque preminentia, denique ipsa flos Galliae tripertitae et altera Athenae nobiliter liberalium disciplinarum floret studiis et, 135 quod his | prestantius est, egregie pollet observantia divinae [e religionis, adeo, quod pace ecclesiarum dixerim, ut quantum ad litterarum studia nichil de Platonis expetas achademia, quantum vero ad cultum religionis nichil de Leonis desideres Roma. [VII] Inde ergo undique versum Christi bonum spargens odorem,

113 Silius Italicus 1, 459: lymphato cursu. 119 non supplex] Cf. or. 121 inimico sibi numini (cf. 122-123): the Lar (122), associated with fire. 124 Cicero, Cat. x, 1: patientia nostra. Cf. 200. 127 Cf. 139. 129 aliis habilioribus sibi regionibus] Such as the region of Mainz, where this Letter

was written ... On the rather mediocre quality of wine from Liége see F. Rousseau, La Meuse et le pays mosan en Belgique, Namur 1930/Brussels 1977, p. II9. 130 inspergens] Cf. 172.236.732. 130/131 Passio s. Albani, p. 988, 11-12: tu labori nostro supremam impone manum (cf. Virgil, Aen. 7, 572-573 and Cicero, Brutus 33, 126). 132/133 (= 583) Cicero, De finibus 2, 2x, 68 and Ovid, Met. 4, 325 :longe longeque. Also Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 1. 133 Passio 5. Albani, p. 988, 34: tripertitam Galliam. 136 pace ecclesiarum] Cf. 91-92. 137 achademia = 950, and 653. 138 This pope Leo must be Leo Magnus (440-461), not Leo IX who had died (1054) a few years before Gozechin wrote his Letter. 139 (cf. 127) II Cor. 2, 15: Christi bonus odor (also Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 27).

129 Bachus (cf. 113 debachatur) correxi] bachiis ms., brachiis edd. non correxi

130

A

16 I40

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

plurimam ad se gregatim confluam allicit et recipit multitudinem, 889 B quorum nemo adhuc se ei applicuit qui non profecerit in melius, nisi ipse sibi nimis obdormivit. Cum ergo nostrum sit tale Leogium, quicumque ei derogat, quicumque cognitum non amat, ut rustice loquar habeat dei odium. Inde est, karissime, quod

145 continuis huc votis ruo et licet alibi degam, animo tamen hic

150

155

tecum habito. [VIII] At vero forsitan me insimulas levitatis, quasi bene vivendi, immo vacandi et gloriandi queram locum, quod utique est animi vanitantis, acideque redarguis quod velut ex desiderii affectu modo situm, amenitatem, affluentiam et sapientiam tantopere nostri extollam Leogii, cui aliquando Mogontinam preferens gloriam dederim libellum repudii, quodque tanta fluitem animi 889 C inconstantia, ut modo Leogii positus suspirem Mogontiam, modo, Mogontiae satur, animo Leogium recurram. Adhibes quoque tibi patrocinium Flacci ut ulcus, quod tibi videris secare, tanto

asperius satirico sale valeat infricari: caelum, inquis, non animum

mutant qui trans mare currunt, item : in culpa est animus, qui se non effugit unquam. 160

Novi, karissime, te nichil sinistrum contra me moliri, nec iccirco te michi ad resistendum opposui: sed novi canes illos, qui clandestino morsu semper parati sunt alienam vitam discutiendo rodere, suam vero flagitiis obvolutam in ceno viciorum volutare. 889 D Hos michi post tergum derogantes, sub persona tua velut in faciem resistentes michi oppono, his sub tuo nomine, de quo nichil sinistrum suspicor, respondere paro, ut arguta cavillantium invectione displosa dissolutum sit quicquid unquam in me arcus livoris super his iaculatus est, et enervatum quicquid serpentinus odii sibilus amarius in me cavillatus est. Unum autem verbum, et

141 Cf. II Tim. 3, 13: mali ... bomines et seductores proficient in peius.

144

rustice] Cf. 107: satyrice. 147 levitatis] Cf. 177.181.350. 147/148 bene vivendi ... locum = 401-402. 149 animi vanitantis = 181.205. 151/152 = 209-210. 152 (= 222) Matth. 5, 31: /ibellum repudii® — 153 modo ... modo = 812.818. 156 satirico sale (cf. 107) ... infricari] Cf. 350. 156/158 (cf. 230 ff. and 392-393.395) Horace, Ep. 1, 11, 27 (cf. 399-400) and Ep. x, 14, 13 (cf. 240-241). 159 karissime = 4. - nichil sinistrum. = 164-165. 160/161 Passio 5. Albani, p. 987, 31-32: ... hoc tempore acris invidia, pulsans innocentiam, aut obliquo oculo (— 186) aliena commoda limat aut toxicati dentis clandestino morsu venenat. 162 rodere .. 167 livoris] Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 34-35:

Livori videndum vel rodendum aemulis exponere. 162 Cf. Eccli. 12, 13: obvolutus est in peccatis eius. in ceno viciorum = 241. 163/164 sub persona tua ... sub tuo nomine] Cf. 174. 164/165 nichil sinistrum — 159. 148 vivendum corr. m5., Cf. 209.153-1)4.

149 vanitatis. Cf. 787.205. 151 Moguntinam (cf. 88) 166 dispeosa zn rasura corr. ms.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM 170

17

pre omnibus unum, hoc est, |cuius per omnes huius thomi areolas £3" semper meminisse debes, scilicet ut quicquid in hoc velut conflictu laute, lepide, amabiliter dictum sit applices tibi, quicquid vero dure, acide, mordaciter

inspersum

sit adversae

detrahentium

890 A

reputes parti. [IX] Video, frater, video, quisquis es quem sub amici persona 175 michi opposui, quem sub advocati scena figmenti ex adverso dicere feci, video, inquam, quod ancipiti me gladio impetis ac duplici mecum telo congrederis, in altero quidem levitatis inconstantiam arguere paratus, in altero vero pertinaciam in viciis confodere animatus. Attentius ergo videndum est, quia in me 180 subtili criticorum lance uteris, quid ad singula responderi conveniat obiectis. Ergo arguis in me levitatem vanitantis animi, qui velut hac illac fluitans vacare desideret et gloriari, pro eo quod Leogium nostrum tantopere laudaverim meque ibidem cum necessariis meis libenter vivere dixerim. Quod quidem iniuria 185 facere nec aequi bonique dicere videris, sed commoda nostra 890 B obliquo invidiae oculo limare et cinico detractionis morsu venenare contendis. Numnam diversis locis et temporibus melioris vitae rationem colligere, veluti variis litterarum studiis et disciplinarum experientia liquidum scientiae mel stipare, ascribis levitati, 190 num in melius velle proficere deputas vanitati? Numquidnam e diversis locis salubres petuntur et aquae et herbae, quae suapte vi valeant quaeque morbida sanare? Nonne XII sunt horae diei, nonne ordinate dispositum est quid sit agendum mane, quid antemeridianis, quid postmeridianis horis, quid vesperi ? Sed iam, 195 heu, matutinum, in quo erat laeticia, transiit et vesperum, in quo

demorabitur fletus, advenit, iam foswit deus flumina in desertum 890 C et fontes aquarum in sitim, terram fructiferam in salsuginem, et cetera. Et quid de reliquo faciendum est in hac rerum sentina, ubi cunctis quae a patribus ad nos demanarunt et studiis et disciplinis

169 huius thomi areolas] "The pages of the present writing" :Cassiodorus, Comm. in ps. 33, preface (CC 97, p. 293, 4-5) : totam areolam paginae. — thomi =

581-582 and Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 1: per thomos dispersa.

172 inspersum

eet 30) 174 = 163-164. 177 7: 181. — 147 vanitantis animi = 149. 185 Terence, Phorm. 637 (4, 3, 32): si tu aliquam partem aequi bonique dixeris. 185/187 Horace, Ep. 1, 14, 37-38: non istic obliquo oculo (cf. 160-161, note) mea commoda quisquam|limat, mon odio obscuro morsuque venenat (cf. Ep. x, 17, 18: mordacem Cynicum), and Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 38:

cinicum |dentem. 189 Virgil, Georg. 4, 163-164: purissima mella/stipant et liquido distendunt nectare cellas. 190 = 33. 191/192 Cicero, De fato 19 (43): suapte vi et natura. 192 Ioh. zx, 9: Nonne duodecim sunt borae diei?

195/196 Ps. 29, 6: Ad vesperum demorabitur fletus et ad matutinum laetitia. 196/197 Ps. 106, 33-34 (exitus aquarum). 171 lipide corr. ms.

18 200

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

tantopere reclamant mores et tempora ? Num ideo, ut tu desipis,a bonis est desistendum et nundinis insistendum, ut obliti quid deceat, quid non, Itacensis Ulixei viciosum fiamus remigium? Nonne magis oportet quemvis, qui quidem vir fiet, ut semper deteriora vitans id appetat, unde |seipso semper melior fiat? Tam

205 vero abest ut haec sint animi vanitantis, ut sint etiam animi ad

210

21S

postes hostii sapientiae mane vigilantis et hoc de fratre sentire vel dicere sit invidiae et odii malignantis. [X] Quod autem, hostili me 890 D premens telo, dicis, quid michi et Leogio, quod olim insolenter deserens turpi notarim elogio cuique Mogontinam preferens gloriam, hoc ceu vilem reputaverim scoriam? Certe nimis a veritatis tramite aberrasti vel potius totus veritate excidisti! Dicdum queso, tu qui sub ovino vellere lupino rictu latras, uter e duobus alteri prefertur, qui postulat an qui postulatur? Quid respondere hesitas? Num tibi laqueum tendi putas? Ergo taces: satis concedis illum preferri, quem constat ab altero postulari. Dic ergo, numquid elogium intuli Legiae, quando contigit ut propter me rogaretur a se ditiore? Exoptata autem Legia dum vel invitatus vel iussus a summis aurei illius seculi viris veni Mogon- 891 A tiam, numnam matri Legiae feci repulsam ?Numquid eam insolenter sprevi, quam velut matrem benivolentiae amplexibus strictam nunquam deserui? Profecto non, ut cornicaris, dedi ei

225

libellum repudii sed decorem tripudii, non elogii notam sed honoris coronam, quando per os meum eructavit cor eius verbum bonum, quando contuli in thesauros huius affluentiae quod accepi de thesauris illius sapientiae. Nec unquam hodie effugies, etiam si alter fias Protheus, donec veris victus fatearis quod nichil cui-

200 Cicero, Cat. 1, 2: O tempora, o mores (cf. x24) ; Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 201/202 Horace, Ep. 1, 6, 62-63: quid deceat, quid non

23: mores et tempora.

obliti ... (63) remigium vitiosum Ithacensis Ulixei. Otto, Sprichworter der Rümer, no. 1906. video meliora proboque, deteriora Sequor.

203 vir =

419-420, cf.

203/204 Cf. Ovid, Met. 7, 20-21: 205040: 206 Prov. 8, 17 :qui

mane vigilant ad me invenient me. 207/208 ( — 413) Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 23: Quodsi nos ulterius premens arguat ... 208 quid michi et Leogio] Cf.

274.339-340.

209/210 = 151-152. Ez. 22, 18 and 19). 2D totus = 13. dicdum quaeso ... Prudentius, Peristepb. is a variant rictu, cf. CC 126, p. 255). rogatu vel potius iussu.

aurei ... seculi =

210 scoriam] See 388, note

(and 212 Terence, Hecyra 803 (5, 3, 5): x, 98: lupino capta ritu (but there 218 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 5: 736.777, cf. 762; Ovid, Met. 3, 89 ff.

221 Persius 5, 12: nescio quid tecum grave cornicaris inepte. 222/223

tripudii ... honoris] Esther

8, 16: gaudium,

222 —. 152.

bonor et tripudium.

223/224 Ps. 44, 2 (cf. 316-318 and 363) :Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum. 225 Eccli. 1, 26 and 31: in thesauris sapientiae. 225/226 effugies ...

Protheus] Horace, Serm. 2, 3, 71: effugiet tamen baec sceleratus vincula Proteus ;

also Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 30-31: multiformis Protheus vultum mutat.

217 Exoptata conieci] Exortata ms., Exaltata edd.

224 thesauris corr. ms.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

IQ

quam obsit cum ratione loci mutatio, tantum de bono nichil mutetur proposito, quodque sapientem oportet omnes vitae rationes pro loco et tempore metiri nec iuxta leviculum Diogenem 230 omnia in medio haberi. [XI] Quod autem de Flacco tuo ad vicii 891 B notam michi inuris, sive poeticum illud sive philosophicum sit,

satis sui auctoris servit argumento ad id quod astruendum instituit, non tamen ut proposuit ita est necessarium, quia (qui) trans mare currunt sicut caelum, ita mutare possunt et

animum, verbi gratia si quis idiota et insulsus Athenas pergat vel naviget ibique doctrinae sale inspersus stulticiam sapientia commutet. Illud autem sequens, ubi de loci vel caeli mutatione tacuit et animum redarguit, magis facit ad rationem, nichil ad bene vivendum vel prodesse vel obesse loci nisi certa mutationem 240 ratione, quin potius valde culpandus est animus qui se nunquam effugit talem, |qualis iacet in corruptela et ceno viciorum, et per artam moralis disciplinae semitam ad seipsum non confugit talem, qualis effici potest in scola virtutum. At vero non est modo nostri ocii vel operis exquisitius persequi quid de his argumentan245 do elici possit : hoc interim, si placet, relinquamus eis, quorum tota natio, tota ratio garrulitate procaci concertando sophisticis cavillationibus totum discendi vel dicendi ocium operamque insumit. [XII] Habemus autem antiquiora his, quae ad hanc rationem faciunt, argumenta, quibus probetur quod vel patria vel locus 250 aliquis ad bene vivendum sapienti nichil conferat vel auferat, quin potius ipsa sibi virtus ad bonam beatamque vitam usquequa-

235

891 C

que sufficiat. Denique Teucer, inhibito sibi sine fratre reditu, cum

255

260

Salamina patremque aversaretur et a sociis patriam suspirantibus ubinam vellet degere rogaretur: patria, inquit, cuiusque est ubicumque bene est. Quo quid acutius ad hanc qua de agitur vitae rationem dici possit non video, si "bene esse" suo accipiatur modo. Socrates quoque rogatus cuiatem se esse fateretur, mundanum se esse respondit, id est non unius alicuius loci sed incolam et civem esse totius mundi, hoc verbo designans quod ubicumque esset, nichil de virtutis proposito mutans idem esset quodque cum

229 Cicero,

804-805.

Tusc. 5, 36, 103: Leviculus ... noster. Demosthenes.

230 ff. Cf. 154 ff.

231 Cf. 537-538.

230

—

236 inspersus = 130.

237/238 Cf. 157-158. - tacuit] Cf. 398. 239/240 = 302.376. — 240/241 SES TELSSe 241 = 162. 242 Matth. 7, 14: quam ... arta via est quae ducit 245/246 Cicero, De natura 243 scola virtutum] Cf. 276. ad vitam. deorum 2, 29, 74: vestra natio (the Epicureans) ;Plautus, Rudens 311 (2, 2, 6): famelica bominum natio. — natio ... ratio] Cf. 344-345 : ratio ... comparatio. 248 antiquiora = 578-747. 37, 107, partly literally.

234 qui Mabillon

252/267 After Cicero, Tusc. 5, 25 2206270-271255 qua de cf. 606: illas super.

236 stulticiam sapientia Galland] stulticia sapientia

891 D

20

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

omnibus qui in toto mundo ratione uterentur communem vitae municipatum haberet. Philosophi quoque nobilissimi, sicut in veterum monimentis legimus: Xenocrates, Crantor et Crisippus, Aristotiles, Carneades et Panecius aliique innumeri, nullum certae 892 A 265 habitationis locum sibi ad bene vivendum delegerunt, sed semel egressi ad investigandam toto fugientem orbe sapientiam nunquam domum reverterunt. Talis est vita perfecti consummatique sapientis, quem, quoquo res cedat, non in Phalaridis tauro vel carnificina, quem a constantiae gravitate, a propositi rigore, 270 nullus unquam deflectit locus, cui totus mundus ad bene beateque vivendum unus est locus. Sed quorsum ista? Scilicet ut arguens refellatur videatque locum vel insessum vel mutatum sapienti nichil obesse, cuius propositum est ubivis locorum in constantia virtutis eundem esse. [XIII] Sed quid nobis haec peregrina ? Sancti 275 apostoli, quos de mundo elegit qui mundum fecit, primum sub 892 B caelesti magistro in scola veritatis vivae vocis auditu eruditi, dein ut radii veri solis emissi ad illuminandum et ut sal terrae dispersi ad purgandum et condiendum, non patriam vel locum, non agrum vel domum, non quicquam quod mundi esset sibi proprium 280 duxerunt, sed salvandis animabus primo durissimum predicandi laborem etiam in frigore et inedia variisque periculis impende- f.5 runt, dein exemplo magistri, qua caritate maiorem nemo habet, animam suam pro fratribus posuerunt. Omnis autem beata illa posteritas, quae ex hac patrum spirituali generatione descendit, 285 populus scilicet acquisitionis, qui testamento sanguinis Christi in Israheliticam dignitatem adoptatus in genus electum et regale sacerdotium domino eligente successit, omnes, inquam, isti, ean-

dem vitae viam licet sub varia graduum et officiorum distinctione ingressi, quia in terra aliena non quae sua essent, sed quae aliorum 290 laboraverunt, quia non habentes hic manentem

civitatem, futu-

266 Cf. 752-754. 268/269 Cf. Cicero, Tusc. 5, 26, 75: beatam vitam in Phalaridis taurum descensuram, and 27, 78: quamvis carnificinam prius subierint

quam .. 269 quem (= 268) pleonastic, cf. 666. 270/271 = 25. 271 (= 508-509) Jerome, Ep. 125, 4: Quorsum ista? 214, = 3298. 275 Yoh. 15, 19: sed ego elegi vos de mundo. Act. 17, 24: Deus qui fecit mundum. 276 scola veritatis] Cf. 243. 277 veri solis] Cf. 696 and Passio 5. Albani, p. 989, 25: Primus veri solis radius. Matth. 5, 13: Vos estis sal terrae. 282/283 Ioh. 15, 13: maiorem bac dilectionem nemo babet ut animam suam quis ponat pro amicis suis, Y Ioh. 3, 16: et nos debemus pro fratribus animas ponere. 285 I Petr. 2, 9: genus electum, regale sacerdotium ( — 286-287) ... populus adquisitionis. (cf. 31-32 and 966-967) Luc. 22, 20: Hic est calix novum testamentum in sanguine meo (cf. Y Cor. xz, 25; Canon missae, VII: Qui pridie).

286/287 See 285, note.

287 .. inquam] Gozechin's habitual way of

breaking up sentences which are too long: also 306.321.331.351.540.654.667.

778.827.891; Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 7 and 990, zx. 288 = 304 (= 306-307 and 314-315). 289/290 (= 790-791) Phil. 2, 4: mon quae sua sunt singuli

considerantes, sed ea quae aliorum, and 21: omnes ... quae sua sunt quaerunt, non

quae sunt lesu Christi. civitatem.

290 Hebr. 13, 14: Non enim babemus bic manentem

892 C

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

295

300

295

310

21

ram inquisierunt, ideo in veram repromissionis terram filiorum Israel ab Eo, qui ascendens captivam duxit captivitatem, feliciter transmigrati facti sunt ibi cives sanctorum et domestici dei. [XIV] Neque vero arbitreris me, aut ignorantiae cecitate aut oblivionis caligine obrutum, ordinatas christianae miliciae phalangas preterire aut eis petulanti vagantis licentiae arrogantia preiudicium inferre, quae videlicet in turribus novae Iherusalem tam seipsis quam infirmioribus aecclesiae membris armatura dei protegendis excubare iubentur et regularis vitae rationem ceu militaris vigiliae stationem demigrando mutare prohibentur. Novimus enim divinis patrum edictis cautum esse ne quis nisi certa ratione ad alia demigraret, ne quis alienum clericum sollicitaret ; nichilominus etiam scimus libere permissum, si qua aecclesia in diversis graduum et officiorum functionibus minus pleno habeat, ab alia ecclesia, cui talium copia est, non negandum petens accipiat, graduum, inquam, velut si de alia aecclesia sibi petat ordinari episcopum aut presbiterum, officiorum, velut si sibi petat institui regularem prelatum aut litterarum magistrum. Scimus quoque in eisdem spiritualis vitae gregibus alios esse, quibus contemplativae dulcedinis felix placet otium, alios, quibus in lucrandis animabus activae dispensationis euuangelicum iniungitur negotium, quorum alii circuli, alii vectes, alii vectores facti

892 D

893 A

novam testamenti archam portant, donec eam in aeterna sistant

vita in laudem et gloriam omnipotentis dei. Haec est illa graduum et officiorum distinctio et bonorum operum quae in his geruntur splendor, quem videbat propheta in ornatu reginae, quae in vestitu deaurato assistens a dextris sponsi regis fulget circumdata varietate. Hanc eandem distinctionem idem propheta in enigmate speculabatur quando, miratus admirabile nomen domini in uni2320 versa terra, pro eo quod super caelos elevata esset eius magnificentia, | miratus, inquam, filium hominis paulominus ab angelis minoratum et propter passionem mortis in consessu patris gloria 315

et honore coronatum, omnia, inquit, subiecisti sub pedibus eius,

oves, boves, pecora campi, volucres caeli, pisces maris. O beatus ille 291 Hebr. zz, 9: terra repromissionis. captivam duxit captivitatem.

292 Eph. 4, 8: Ascendens in altum

293 Eph. 2, 19: iam non estis hospites et advenae,

sed estis cives sanctorum et domestici dei. 297 Apoc. 3, 12: nomen civitatis dei mei, novae lerusalem. 298 (= 441-442) Eph. 6, 1x1 and 13: armaturam dei. 299 — 96-97. 302 — 239-240 304 (306-307 and 314-315) — 288. 3063 287: 308 regularem] Cf. 96-97. 309 greges — 96-97. 310/312 otium ... negotium] A very frequent pun, cf. 454.493-494.510.714715. 312 circuli ... vectes] Cf. Ex. 37, 13-14. 316/318 Ps. 44, xo (cf. 223224 and 363): Adstitit regina a dextris tuis im vestitu. deaurato, circumdata varietate. 318/319 I Cor. 13, x2: Videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate. 319/320 Ps. 8, 2: Domine dominus noster, quam admirabile est nomen tuum in 32115—1287: universa terra, quoniam elevata est magnificentia tua super caelos. 321/323 Ps. 8, 6: Minuisti eum paulo minus ab angelis, gloria et bonore 324 Horace, Ep. 2, 1: Beatus ille ... 323/324 Ps. 8, 8-9. coronasti eum.

f. 5*, 893 B

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

22 325

qui talia videbat, beata et sanctorum aecclesia, quam et cui et in qua talia previdebat! Ibi enim sub pedibus Christi discretas videbat pias volucres caeli ab his, quae obunco avaritiae rostro, recurvo rapacitatis ungue, mitiores alites in aere devorant, ab his quoque, quae ad hoc innatant aquis, ut in profunda cupiditatum demersae hiacem avaritiae ingluviem rapaci miserorum piscium captura pascant, ab his, inquam, discretae sunt mites illae volucres caeli, quae picturatis bonorum operum vestitae plumis, 893 C habentes etiam virtutum pennas et duplices caritatis alas, quasi columbae volant ad fenestras suas. Ibi etiam sunt stellae caeli,

335

340

345

quas Abraham in promissione accepit : multi plicabo, inquit, semen tuum sicut stellas caeli et velut arenam maris. Hae stellae, puritate vitae lucidissimae, splendent in caelo sanctae ecclesiae, verbis radiantes, exemplis rutilantes. [XV] Sed quid nobis ad volucres caeli, quid nobis ad stellas caeli ? Nos enim sumus miseri pisces maris, nos sumus arena maris, nos fluctibus seculi ut arena contundimur, nos estibus mundanae

incertitudinis ut vagi pisces circumferimur. Et quae est nostri ad pias volucres caeli comparatio ? Quae ad lucidas stellas collatio? Certe ea quae est nichili ad aliquid, si tamen ratio patiatur ut hoc comparatio dici possit. O utinam in aliqua spirituali lacuna procul 893 D a tempestatibus conquiescamus, utinam sub aliquo vivae rupis abscondito delitescamus, ubi venti fortunae vires suas exerere et

350

nos ludibrium suum nequeant facere! Hanc ergo quietis lacunam et vivae rupis latibulum nostram michi eligerem et optarem Legiam, nisi tu tam aspero Flacci tui sale defricares levitatem meam,

355

eligerem, inquam, studiorum nutricem Legiam, fontem

utique subtilium ingeniorum et divinae sapientiae feracem locum, utpote civitatem quam digitus dei multiplici distinxit gratia quaeque sui similes viros dono dei semper est editura. Sed quid 894 A dixi? Quasi ipsa mea laude indigeat et non per se satis emineat! Non enim indiget alicuius laude adumbrari vel in commentitiam effigiem beataelcivitatis alicuius sermone picturari, quia vere viva f.6 civitas est et beatus locus, divinae religionis vivens institutis et v

327 Virgil, Aen. 6, 597: rostroque immanis vultur obunco. 330 hiacem (drag), cf. rapaci and 811 rapacem, 352 feracem, 829 capacibus. 351 — "287, 332 Claudian, Ep. ad Serenam, 3: certavere ferae picturataeque volucres. 333/334 Is. 60, 8: Qui sunt isti qui ut nubes volant et quasi columbae ad fenestras. suas? 335/336 Gen. 22, 17. 339/340 = 208. 344/345 ratio ... comparatio] Cf. 245-246: natio ... ratio. 349 Cf. Virgil, Aen. 1, 167: VIVOQUe ... SAXO.

350 Cf. 156.

353 Ex. 8, 19: digitus dei.

levitatem =

147.

351 inquam =

287.

354/355 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 35: Sed

quid dixi? Quo stultus aberravi (cf. 886) ?

355 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p. 987,

26-27: non ut virtutum eius ... numerositas ... mortali preconio egeat, sed ... 352 feracem e frabricem corr. ms.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM 260

23

legibus. Cum ergo augustum matris et nutricis nostrae caput nive candidius albeat reverendis antiquae sapientiae canis cumque turrito gestet in vertice splendidum diadema divinae religionis, fulgeat quoque auro textis insignium gestorum cicladibus et tota sit desiderabilis, undique virtutum circumamicta varietatibus,

36 VA

sanusne sis si suadeas ut umbram alarum eius non requiram, quod tantidem est ac si hortere ut eam odio habeam ? Numnam ut eius solus potiaris, solus communibus fruare commodis et gaudiis ? Sed

894 B

absit hoc a modestia et probitate tua, absit ut hoc unquam de te,

quem tantisper norim, credat anima mea. Tam vero abest ut a me odio habeatur, ut etiam si prohibear vehementissime diligatur. [XVI] Nec hoc dico quin uber colonia, quam inhabito, paterna michi viscera et materna exhibeat ubera, sed aut tecum ludo aut

opto quod vellem si ita sine honoris preiudicio fieri concedat dei gratia, nec michi debes ad vicium reputare quod apud prestantes viros, dum res ita poposcit, constat non insolitum fuisse. Namque 37 i plena est exemplorum vetustas, plena et modernae aetatis novitas, quanti quamque illustres viri certa ratione loca demutaverint, nec loca ipsa, sed quod inibi moribus eorum oberat devitarint 894 C aut certe ut multis ad salutem prodessent ad alia demigrarint. Abraham quippe et filii eius patriarchae non tot loca mutavissent, 380 non tot puteos aquam vivam querentes fodissent, si in uno aliquo loco cuncta bonae vitae suae congruentia reperissent; lacob quoque, nichilo minus vates quam patriarcha, nunquam in animabus septuaginta, qui misticus numerus est, ad Egiptiam descendisset primo ubertatem, postea servitutem, nisi Chananeam 385 fugeret famem ;Ioseph quoque, licet venditus ab invidis fratribus, bene locum mutavit, qui in tempore angustiae multis ad vitam profuit, qui videlicet vir, primo virga temptationis eruditus et camino tribulationum ad purum excoctus, inde in dominum Egipti excrevit, unde dorsum patientiae sub |oneribus et manus ii (9) 894 D 39 o obedientiae in cophino servituti subegit. [XVII] Possem innumera huiusmodi ad medium deducere, nisi 359/360 Horace, Carm. x, 9, 1: stet nive candidum. Cf. Otto, Spricbwürter der Romer, no. 1231. 361 Prudentius, Psychom. 183: turritum ... caput. 362/363 (cf. 13) Cant. 5, 16: totus desiderabilis. 363 Ps. 44, 15 (cf. 223-224 and 316318) : circumamicta varietatibus. 364 Ps. 16, 8 (and 56, 2): sub (in) umbra alarum tuarum. 366 solus] Cf. 396. 370 (= 580.945, cf. 96x) colonia "town", cf. C. Erdmann, Studien zur Briefliteratur Deutschlands. im elften Jahrhundert, Leipsic 1938, p. 289 (M 32). 371 ludo] Cf. 107. 3734 Cf. Gen. 15, 6: reputatum est ei ad iustitiam. 376 = 239-240. 378 Cf. 386387. 379/380 Gen. 26, 15.18.21-22.25. 381/384 Deut. xo, 22: In septuaginta. animabus descenderunt patres tui in Aegyptum. 385/387 Gen. 37, 17 50, 25 (386-387 Cf. 378). 388 Augustine, In ps. 69, 5, CC 39, p. 935, 15316: passio ... et caminus tribulationis, cf. Eccli. 2, 5: in camino bumiliationis, and Is. 48, 10: in camino paupertatis. Is. 1, 25: excoquam ad purum scoriam tuam (cf.

210). 389/390 Ps. 80, 6-7: testimonium in losepb posuit illud cum exiret de terra Aegypti ... divertit ab oneribus dorsum eius, manus eius in cophino servierunt.

24

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

castigato tibi crederem ista sufficere. His ergo Flacco tuo cum caelo et animo suo castigatius sit responsum quam se copia suggerit, ne de cetero alicuius propositum tam inprovide carpse395 rit. Excute ergo de manibus cum caelo suo Flaccum tuum et psalterium arripe mecum ; quod si non vis, sine rivali solus ama et habe illum, satis autem inexpugnabilium luce rationum superius probatum videtur, tametsi Flaccus tuus taceat, quia bene vivendi locus est ubicumque sis, et, si te animus non deficit aequus, est 895 A 400 etiam Ulubris.

(XVIII] Attamen licet vagando et vacando bene vivendi querere locum e sacrario sapientium in peras acephalorum eliminet regula rationis, tamen permagni refert videre quibuscum diverseris. Non recordaris quid laboranti prophetae divinum dicat oraculum ?

405 Fili, inquit, hominis, increduli et perversores sunt tecum et cum scorpionibus habitas.

Num te preterit genuina scorpionum malitia,

qui non dente mordent, non lingua inficiunt, non ore venenant, sed

tantum nocent cauda ? Hos quippe scorpiones notabat psalmista cum dicebat: detrahentem secreto proximo suo, hunc persequebar, 410 item: qui loquuntur pacem cum proximo, et cetera. Quos quantum ipse omnesque sancti viri semper execrati sint subdendo aperit: da illis secundum opera ipsorum, et cetera quae sequuntur. 895 B [XIX] Ecce iterum me pervicaciter premens adicis: “Numquidnam eidem prophetae mandat idem oraculum locum vel animum 415 fugiendo mutare, ac non potius ad corrigendos perversores et evenenandos scorpiones etiam usque ad sanguinem resistere? Nonne idem propheta vincula, famem, lacum cenosum pertulit ceteraque id genus plura, quae a principio semper piis malignantium perversitas intulit?" Utique, frater, ita est, et tamen non modo hominibus, sed etiam viris supra vires est semper in procinctu esse, nunquam animum ad divinae contemplationis

392 castigato (punished) ... 393 castigatius (concisely). 392/393 and 395 = 156-158. 396 (cf. 366) Horace, AP 444: quin sine rivali teque et tua solus amares. 398 taceat] Cf. 237-238. 399/400 Horace, Ep. 1, 11, 29-30 (cf. 156-157) : petimus bene vivere. Quod petis hic est/est Ülubris, animus si te non defit aequus.

401 vagando ... vacando] Cf. the Rule of St. Benedict 66, x,

critical apparatus. 401/402 — 147-148. 404 = 27-28. 405/406 Ez. 2, 6. 409 Ps. roo, 5. 410 Ps. 27, 3 (cf. 412) :qui loquuntur pacem cum proximo suo, mala autem in cordibus eorum. 412 Ps. 27, 4 (cf. 410) :Da illis secundum opera eorum et secundum nequitiam adinventionum ipsorum. 413 pervicaciter] Cf. 444 and Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 27: Quodsi adbuc pervicaciter agens ... notet ... me... premens = 207-208. 415/416 = 522. 416 Hebr. 12, 4: Nondum ... usque ad sanguinem restitistis. 417 idem propheta] Actually Ier. 38, 6-14. 418 = 1. 419/420 = 203. Note the pun viris supra vires.

393 castigastius

398 tametsi correxi] tamen si

403 pro magni

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

25

dulcedinem remittere, iugiter tumultuosis assultibus percelli, nunquam internae dulcedinis quiete foveri. Nunc iterum antiqui ilius Musonii dicto velut hostili armaris telo, dicens: animum

425 remittere amittere est, et christiano theologi nostri muniris clippeo:

it, 895 C

nunquam bella bonis, nunquam discrimina desunt. Ad haec ego animum inquam in delitias voluptatesque resolvere et posthabitis his, quae ad salutem animae operantur et protegunt, in terrena desideria remittere, vere amittere est; verum animus a seculari-

430 um tumultu, quantum homini vacat, feriatus si nubes curarum, si ventos ymbresque detrahentium linguarum, si tempestates et turbines falsorum fratrum in altum se attollens transcendat et a districto rigore militaris disciplinae remissus in illam placidissimam et lucidissimam divinae contemplationis quietem se totum

435

895 D

resolvat, ita vere non amittitur sed potius retinetur, vel, quod

potissimum est, tunc demum vivere videtur. Quod autem noster ait theologus, semper christiano esse pugnandum, nichil unde vel ausim vel queam diffingere, sed tamen salva virtutis constantia liceat dicere satis superque esse laboris, si aforis in falsis fratribus

440 bella et seditiones cessent, interius vero nostri conatus vires

contra antiqui hostis temptamenta decertent, donec his armatura dei superatis expugnatae donante Christo accipiamus quietem pacis perpetuae. [XX] Adhuc pervicacius agens dicis semper in christianae 445 militiae castris utrumque pugnandi genus sudavisse et Augustinum, Ambrosium, Athanasium innumerosque notae frontis patres et exterius contra apostolos et discipulos Satanae et interius contra spiritualia nequitiae usque ad victoriae coronam fortiter dimicasse. Assentior quidem, frater, his quae tum vere, tum cu-

riose argumentaris, michi tamen non satis recteomnem electorum aecclesiam in hoc pugnae stadio concludere videris. Nam si de fastis et chronicis, immo si deautenticis scripturarum monimentis deo militantium colligas annales, certe tam theoreticis quam practicis, hoc est tam otiosis quam negotiosis, virtutibus eos deo 455 placuisse invenies. Et ut pauca de his in argumentum fidei

423/425 C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, ed. O. Hense, 1905, fr. 52, quoted after Aulus Gellius (cf. 24, note), Noctes Atticae 18, 2, 13(= Macrobius, Sat. 1, 5,

12) : remittere, inquit Musonius, animum quasi amittere est. 425/426 Prosper, Epigram 96, x, Migne, PL 51, 528 A. Cf. 436-437. 432 II Cor. xz, 26: in falsis fratribus; Gal. 2, 4: propter subintroductos falsos fratres.

434 se totum

=

13.

436/437 = 425-426. 439 Plautus, Amph. 168 (1, 1, 16): satis superque. 440 Cf. Luc. 21, 9: proelia et seditiones. 441/442 = 298. 444 Adhuc pervicacius] Cf. 413. 447 = 654. 448 Eph. 6, 12: colluctatio ... contra spiritualia. nequitiae. 451/452 Passio s. Albani, p. 986, 20: de fastis et chronicis. 453 II Tim. 2, 4: Nemo militans deo implicat se negotiis saecularibus. 454 — 310-312. 455 Gen. 39, 16: in argumentum ... fidei.

896 A

26

460

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

compendio perstringam, considera sub umbra legis Iosue, Gedeon, David et coronam |Machabeorum, dein Moysen et Aaron, Helyam et Helyseum et prophetarum chorum, ad summam nota quid Paulus de eisdem antiquis patribus dicat: sanct?, inquit, per fidem vicerunt regna et cetera quae sequuntur usque circwierunt in

foe" 896 B

melotis et in solitudinibus errantes,et tandem omnibus enumeratis

concludit, dicens: et hi omnes testimonio fidei probati invents sunt. His et huiusmodi si diligentiam considerationis adhibeas, videbis certe patriarchas quidem practicae negotiis instantissime occupa465 tos, prophetas vero contemplativae quieti serena mente feriatos. Quomodo enim aliter vel isti salutem gentis suae forti manu propugnarent vel illi serenato mentis oculo beatas visiones viderent? Nec hoc dico quin in utroque ordine fuerint plures utriusque propositi, sed haec tamen ascribitur generalis distinctio utrique ordini. Transacta autem veteris testamenti nocte, in 896 C cuius firmamento memorati patres velut clarissimae lucebant stellae, ubi illuxit dies quam fecit dominus et ortus est sol iustitiae Christus Iesus, vide Barionam Petrum et vas electionis Pau475

lum usque ad martirii coronam in acie perstitisse, Iohannem vero angelicae virginitatis theologum et Lucam evangelii tonitruum, quorum alter primo contra bestiam Domitianum aliosque antichristos fortiter decertavit, dein vero, sopitis earundem bestiarum furoribus, theologiae otio vacans et in ipso divinitatis archano euuangelii (calamum) tinguens in pace consenuit, Lucas

autem cum peripathetico Paulo aliisque euuangelii veredariis primo circumquaque desudavit, dein in theologiae otium se conferens et sacram incarnati Verbi historiam texens beato fine in 896 D pace obdormivit. Vide dehinc quos memoras Augustinos et Ambrosios, ut vere asseris, utroque pugnandi modo in acie 485 feliciter perstitisse, ediverso autem attende Paulos et Antonios aliosque sine numero Christi crucifixos pene ab exteriori| turbine f.8 vixisse feriatos atque etiam ipsa interioris pugnae certamina, adiuvante gratia Christi, post tergum misisse et iam quasi in 480

456/458 Cf. Hebr. 1, 32 (cf. 459-462): enarrantem de Gedeon, Barac, Samson, lepbte, David, Samuel et prophetis. 459/462 Hebr. x1, 33-39 (cf. 456458). 472 I Reg. 20, 27: Cumque illuxisset dies ...; Ps. 117, 24: Haec est dies quam fecit. dominus. Mal. 4, 2: Et orietur vobis timentibus nomen meum sol iustiliae (= 493). 473 Barionam Petrum] Matth. 16, 16-17. (= 529) Act. 9, 15: vas electionis. 474/475 Cf. Apoc. 14, 1-4. 475 Cf. Luc. 9, 5455(?). 476 quorum alter] Iohannes (474). 478 theologiae otio = 481.725. 480 Esth. 8, 1o: epistulae ... missae per veredarios, and 14: veredarii celeres nuntia perferentes. 481 — 478.725. 483 quos memoras] 445-446. 485 Paulos et Antonios] Vitae Patrum (Migne, PL 73 and 74). passim.

456 persteringam 466 post enim rasura unius tantum litterae 468 Nec hoc correxi coll. 370] Nec hec 479 calamum Mabillon, cf. 937 et Passio 5. Albani, p. 987, 44.

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

27

celestibus Ei conregnare, qui dicebat: nostra conversatio in celis

490

est.

[XXI] Nec solum theologi evangelicae lucis irradiati claritate, verum et priores philosophi et heroes quam plurimi gentilibus obvoluti tenebris, nondum exorto sole iustitiae,et negotiosis et 897 À

495

otiosis virtutibus, quas partim naturae beneficio, partim liberalium disciplinarum studio assecuti sunt, vitam suam in illo suo honesto et utili sollertissime exercuerunt, quando alii eorum, vel artis militiae stipendiis devincti vel publicis amministrationibus perfuncti, domi forisque gnaviter agendo, terra marique fortiter pugnando, celebre nomen sibi perpetuo, ut putabatur, propaga-

500 runt, alii vero vel emeritis laboribus nobili otio donati vel etiam in

505

515

otium, quod elegerant odio secularium, se conferentes vel scribendo vel disputando iuxta sibi ac rei publicae consuluerunt. (X XII] Quod si, ut argumentosus es, etiam nunc premissis pugnacius contendis refragari, succenturiatis cincta sententiis aderit ipsa Veritas nec suis desinet partibus suffragari, et ut verius testatius- 89; B que sit quod asseveramus, adducet nobis in presidium fidei de concilio utriusque testamenti personas, de altero quidem Rachelem et Liam, de altero vero Martham et Mariam. Sed quorsum haec omnia ? Profecto ut patenter advertas, sicut premissum est, sem(per) et otiosis et negotiosis virtutibus electos suos deo complacuisse nec alterutram partem unquam alteri preiudicasse, quia sicut acceptat deus quod practice laboratur, ita non excluditur ab eius beneplacito quod suo tempore theoretice sabbatizatur. [XXIII] Papeautem ut nodosus es, frater, ut fungino capite es et totum te tegis! Iam enim putabam te desisse et vel dicentis

489 II Tim. 2, 12: sé sustinebimus, et conregnabimus.

493 —

472.

493/494

=

310-312.

489/490 Phil. 3, 20.

496 honesto et utili] Horace,

Carm. 4, 9, 41: iudex bonestum praetulit utili. Cf. 577. 498 — 65. 500 Cf. 502 Sallust, Cat. 37, 8: rei publicae iuxta ac Sibi consuluisse. 503 The word argumentosus has been taken from the Scholia on Horace, Serm. 2, 3, 69(-70), where Damasippus is discussed (see lines 525526 and 536-537) and from where Gozechin took also the word nodosus (70. 93.514) :Pseudacronis scholia in Horatium vetustiora, ed. Keller, IL, 1904, p. 392 nodosi: argumentosi, and Scholia in Horatium ed. Botschuyver, 1935, p. 323: Nerius et Cicuta iuris periti fuerunt et argumentosi, unde et multa argumenta. et nodositates in iudiciis adinvenerunt. 504 refragari ... 505 suffragari. - Terence, Phorm. 229-230 (x, 4, 52-53) : ego in insidiis hic ero/succenturiatus, siquid defuias. 507/508 Gen. 29, 16 ff. (cf. 695, note) and Ioh. rr. 508/509 = 271. 509 premissum] 454 (cf. 310-312). 514/515 Pap(a)e frequent in both Plautus and Terence. - Plautus, Trin. 851 (4, 2, 9): Pol hic quidem fungino generest : capite se totum tegit. — nodosus = 503, note. 515 totum te = 13. Virgil, Georg. 4, 564: ignobilis oti.

510 semper Mabillon

513 sabbatixatur

28

520

525

535

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

auctoritate vel potius.dictorum gravitate pressum manus Verita- 897 C ti dedisse, et ecce iterum clangis tuba, iterum perstrepis ad arma, iterum excusando impugnas animum qui tantopere |otium am- f281 plectitur et quietem, minitans segnitiem et socordiam, quae sc theoriae amicit pallio, te detracta pelle e latebra quam fovet protracturum in lucem recurrisque ad predictum prophetam, dicens quod corrigendis perversoribus et evenenandis scorpionibus tanto impensius acriusque institisset, quanto furiosius eos ad repugnandum et seipsum discerpendum animatos vidisset. Addis quoque pigritanti stimulum Flacci, quo ille, satirico Damasippi sul personatus commento, in desidiam invehitur, dicens : ?ànvidiam 897 D placare paras virtute relicta? Contempnere miser ! [XXIV] Vel melius proponis fortissimum illud constantiae solamen, quo vas electionis et solidissima incus primitivae in electos persecutionis +manu detergit, dicens: omnes qui volunt in Christo pre vivere persecutionem patiuntur, et non coronabitur nisi qui legitime certaverit. Adhibes quoque preterea certanti scutum divinae protectionis, quo dominus in propheta (contra) perduelles suos confortans dicit: ne timeas a facie eorum, quia ego tecum sum ut eruam te, dicit dominus. (X XV] Fateor quidem, karissime, vera sunt et ea quae decrassa satirici Damasippi profers Minerva, ubi poeticum figmentum philosophicum habet argumentum, vel ea quae de divino producis 898 A oraculo, ubi sine nube figmenti clara patet veritas argumenti:

540 vera, inquam, sunt et omnino idonea, non tamen omnino efficacia

ad persuadendum quando animus irrevocabili tenore ab his diversum eligit propositum. Didicisti enim Tullio docente oratoris officium et finem, officium quidem apte ad persuadendum dicere, finem vero persuadere dictione. Horum ergo alterum optime affers dum apte ad persuadendum dicis, alterum vero minime, quia dum persuadere dictione minime vales, fine excidis. Nosti autem quod tanti extimatur

officium, nisi fine suo, id est effectu, potiatur,

516/517 (= 626-627) Cf. Virgil, Aen. 11, 568: manus feritate dedisset. 522 = 415-416. 525/526 Cf. 503, note. 526/527 Horace, Serm. 2, 3, 13-14; Passio 5. Albani, p. 987, 35-36: mea profecto nichil interest relicta virtute invidiam placare. 529—472. 529/530 incus ... persecutionis] Cf. Act. 7, 58 and 9, x. 530/531 II Tim. 3, x2. 531/532 II Tim. 2, 5: qui certat in agone non coronatur nisi legitime certaverit. 532 Cf. Eccli. 37, 5: contra bostem accipiet scutum. 534/535 Ier. x, 8. 536 Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 18: Fateor

quidem, pater ...

536/537

Damasippi] Cf. 503, note.

Horace,

Serm.

537/538 Cf. 231.

2, 2, 3: crassaque Minerva.

540 — 287.

-

542/544

De inventione x, 6: Officium autem eius facultatis videtur esse dicere adposite ad

persuasionem, finis persuadere dictione.

519 munitans

523 impentius

530 manu] /atet corruptela corrext perduellos corr. ms.

526 peronatus

527 pacas corr. ms.

532 certami ut videtur corr. ms. 545 minime e minine corr. ms.

533 contra

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

29

quanti est satio si nunquam metatur. Proinde apte | de labore f£. 9 dicens officio recte fungeris, sed dum quietem et otium eligenti 55o persuadere non potes, ut supra dictum est fine excidis. Quis enim 898 B hodie otium negotio non preferat, quando si labores in vacuum cadat, si cesses, tantidem valeat ? Quis enim non temperet a labore

ubi, negato etiam eo de quo convenisti denario, minimum laboranti, plurimum conferat otianti? Siquidem otio bene utatur! Quis 555 autem, nisi mente captus, tali pergat tempestate super spinas serere, ubi mala terra, tribulis genuinae perversitatis horrens,

salubrem cultoris manum et bonum verbi semen spernit admittere? Felix utique terra, in qua per verbum hominis seminatur verbum dei, quae celestibus rigata et compluta docentium nubi560 bus centuplum reddit fructum ad horrea domini dei sui. Econtra terra illa ferrea merito caelum habet eneum, quae, accepto semine 898 C non fecundata germine, quicquid spinarum et zizaniorum generat in tempore messis alligatis fasciculis mittitur in ignem aeternum. Denique tali terrae et tali vineae cultoribus non respondenti pater 565 familias meritoiratus per prophetam minatur, dicens: non putabttur nec fodietur et nubibus mandabo ne pluant super eam imbrem, scilicet eos, quos secundum propositum predestinationis previdit damnatum iri hoc verbo secernens ab his, quos prescivit et predestinavit conformes fieri imaginis filii sui. Inde etiam, ut 57 o arbitror, legis lator et prophetarum dominus in suo, de quo tota lex pendet et prophetae, evangelio loquitur, dicens nolite sanctum dave canibus neque margaritas mittatis ante porcos: quo utique verbo dampnandos secrevit a salvandis, ne surdis predicando in 898 D vacuum cadat pia sollicitudo laborantis.

550 laboravi. denario Lucullus 556 bonum

supra] 545-546. 551/552 (= 573-574) Cf. Is. 49, 4: in vacuum 551 ff. Cf. 711-713. 553 Matth. 20, 2: Conventione ... facta ... ex diurno, and 13: nonne ex denario convenisti mecum? 555 Cicero, x7, 53: mente captos. 555/556 Ier. 4, 3: nolite serere super spinas. Cf. Hebr. 6, 8: (terra) proferens ... spinas ac tribulos reproba est. 557 ... semen] Matth. 13, 37-38. 558/559 Ez. 22, 24: terra ... mon

compluta. 560 Luc. 8, 8: (semen) fecit fructum centuplum. 561 Deut. 28, 23: Sit caelum quod supra te est aeneum et terra quam calcas ferrea. 562/563 Matth. 13, 30: in tempore messis dicam messoribus: “Colligite primum zizania et alligate ea in fasciculos. ad comburendum” (25, 41: in ignem aeternum). 565/566 Is. 5, 6. 567/569 Eph. 1, 1x: praedestinati secundum propositum eius; Rom. 8, 28-29: i15 qui secundum propositum vocati sunt sancti. Nam quos praescivit et praedestinavit conformes feri imaginis filii sui ... 570/571 Matth. 22, 40: In his duobus mandatis universa lex pendet et prophetae. 571/572 Matth. 7, 6. 573 (cf. 715) surdis] Cf. Otto, Spricbwürter der Rümer, p. 47 (2) and no. 335 (surdus). 573/574 = 551-552.

570/571 in suo ... in evangelio

574 cadat correxi coll. ssr-sy2] cedat

30 575

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM [XXVI] Iam tandem, karissime, fateris, ut arbitror, me tali

temporis articulo michi otiose exoptasse otium, certe, quod his antiquius ut arbitror, veris victus

tibique et piis omnibus nec frustra nec quippe quando nec honesto nec utili vel est, saluti non respondet negotium. Unde, et |quietis illecebra ductus in nostram

concedis coloniam nec ultra, si sapis, infensor otii contra defenso-

rem insumes querelam. Ut autem pernoveris quod nunc huic thomo maxime in causa est, michi quidem optabile requiro otium, utpote qui longe longeque ultra legitimae missionis metam

899 A

emeritis milito stipendiis, tibi vero, licet adhuc suculento et viridi, 585

et piis omnibus itidem, quia timeo vel certe video quod in laborando frustra volvitis rotam nativitatis. Quare autem frustra, quia superius abunde est expressum, castigatae disputationi idem repetere superfluum est. Nosti preterea quod levitae ex mandato legis a XXV annis et supra iubentur ministrare, a quinquagesimo

590 vero, qui et iubeleus

est et mysticis celeberrimus sacramentis,

custodes vasorum fore. Maturius autem lege militarium sanctionum tirones scribuntur ad militiam, eandem tamen, quam et illi,

595

600

605

legitimae missionis habent metam. Cathedra quoque scolaris magisterii et iuxta metam militaris disciplinae in auditorium cataceseos habet ianuam institutionis, sed longe maturius absol- 899 B vitur exitu necessariae missionis. Cuius laboris tempus, quia nichil difficilius sub sole geritur vel quod magis operarii sui vires exhauriat, a sapientibus prefinitum est septuenne, nisi de cetero is qui preest auctoritate presideat, non labore. Omnes itaque has metas partim tu, karissime, ex toto ego iam dudum, transegimus et adhuc gemimus sub fasce, adhuc in eodem desudamus labore et nulla nobis adhuc arrisit gratia emeriti honoris, quae ex aequo compenset vicem tanti laboris. Non est, preter admodum paucos, qui opus illud retractet, non est qui recogitet: liberales enim disciplinae mimis et histrionibus posthabentur et pene per taber-

N

577 Plautus, Captivi 886 (4, 2, 106) :quippe quando. bonesto ... utili = 496. 578 antiquius = 248. 580 = 370. 581/582 = 169. 583 = 132-133. 586 lac. 3, 6: lingua ... inflammat rotam nativitatis nostrae. 588/603 On this passage see E. Lesne, Les écoles de la fin du VIII* siécle 2 la fin du XII‘, Lille 1940, p. 492 ff. 588/591 Num. 8, 24-26 and 5, 8. Lev. 25, 10: sanctifiabisque annum quinquagesimum ... ipse est enim iubileus (etc.). 594/595 auditorium] Cf. 25. 601 Eccl. 2, 19: in laboribus meis, quibus desudavi. 603 = 29.

ms.

581 quaerebam 598 is] his

590 iubeleus sic 597 dificilius (sic) e dificileus corr. 602 arisit — 605 minus

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

610

615

620

625

630

31

nas mendicare videntur, pecunia illas super philosophatur, Mammona super reges et tetrarchas omnibus dominatur, ad summam omnia virtutis premia feralis possidet avaritia et in regno pecuniae ambitio sua taxat mercimonia. |Et quid de tantillis nobis credamus futurum, ubi lapides sanctuarii dispersi sunt in capite omnium platearum ? Quae vero sperari vel concupisci potest aut dignitatum ministratio aut spiritualium vasorum custodia, ubi non vasa misericordiae preparata in gloriam, sed ubique videntur vasa irae apta in interitum, a vasis craterarum usque ad omne vas musicorum ? [XXVII] Ex eadem itaque toxicata avaritiae radice et ex hoc pestifero zizaniorum semine male orta est et cotidie in peius pullulat exitialis morum et disciplinae iactura, adeo ut in nullo regularis officii regimine liceat uti sollemni maiorum censura vel ferula, sed si tortuosis viciorum amfractibus manum in virga directionis stimulo represseris, continuo pro maioribus quidem aut multitudo similium propugnatrix aut pecunia defensatrix accedat, pro minoribus vero aut immatura libertas aut alatis pedibus fuga liberatrix intercedat. Sed de maioribus silere prestiterit: veritas enim odium parit; at vero hi qui adhuc sub scolari ferula erudiendi essent, quia ignaviae, socordiae et deo suo ventri manus dederunt, dum instrui refugiunt ad gravitatem moralis disciplinae ut levis palea circumferuntur omni vento doctrinae, et iuxta eundem apostolum sanam doctrinam non sustinentes sed ad sua desideria coacervantes sibi magistros prurientes auribus,

899 C

f. xo

899 D

goo A

606 zllas super cf. 255: qua de. 606/607 Horace, Serm. x, 3, 12: reges atque tetrarchas. Cf. 817. 607/609 and 616/646 There is a free rendering of this part of the Letter in Pierre Riché, De /'éducation antique a l'éducation chevaleresque, Paris 1968, p. 108-109. 609/610 Cf. Plautus, Truc. 537 (2, 6,

56): Hoccin mibi ob labores tantos tantillum dari? 610/611 Thren. 4, x: dispersi sunt lapides sanctuarii in capite omnium platearum. 612 Cf. 589-591. 613/614 Rom. 9, 22-23: vasa irae apta in interitum ... vasa misericordiae, quae preparavit in gloriam (cf. 633). 614/615 Is. 22, 24: « vasis craterarum usque ad omne vas musicorum. 617 zizaniorum semine] Matth. 13, 24-30. 618/620 Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 30: nec licet uti maiorum ferulis et disciplina. — GE. 620/621 manum "the crowd" (cf. 622: multitudo similium), Ps. 44, 7: virga directionis virga regni tui. 623/624 Ovid, Fasti 5, 666: alato ... pede. 625 Terence, Andria 67-68 (1, 1, 40-41): mamque boc tempore[ obsequium amicos, veritas odium parit. 625/626 = 37. 626 Phil. 3, 19: quorum deus venter est. 626/627 = 516-517. 628 Iob 21, 18: Erant sicut paleae ante faciem venti; Eph. 4, 14: ut iam non simus parvuli fluctuantes et circumferamur omni vento doctrinae. 629/630 II Tim. 4, 3: sanam doctrinam non sustinebunt, sed ad sua desideria coacervabunt sibi magistros prurientes auribus.

606 illas super] illa ... (sic) super Mabillon, illa ... super philosophantur Galland

(Migne), illa super omnes

philosophos

schichte Deutschlands III (1958), p. 733, n.

habetur Hauck, Kirchenge-

32

63 VA

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

vanis et pestiferis inserviunt vocum vel quaestionum novitatibus, et qui adhuc udum et molle lutum in rota disciplinae artifici pollice et vehementi torno formari deberent in vasa gloriae, abinde in externa fugitando resilientes deformantur in vasa contumeliae. Qui etiam si aliquid extremae vel garrulae cuiusdam scientiae colligant, per eruditoria quasi vagi palantesque nullo contenti discursant; quia de moribus extrema vel nulla questio est, reversi ad suos, excusso ab indomita cervice timoris iugo et

640

disrupto disciplinae |freno, seipsos perdite vivendo, alios fermento malitiae corrumpendo, totos rapiunt in preceps. [XXVIII] Qui-

TACITO

dam vero, facti suae cuiusdam institutionis pseudomagistri, dum

certum ignorant presepe nec in sua, quae non habent, se possunt goo B recipere, hac illac per villas, pagos urbesque circumcursant, novas psalterii, Pauli, Apocalipsis lectiones tradunt, iuventutem novo645 rum cupidam, levitatis pedissecam, disciplinae refugam post se (per»voluptatum declivia trahunt, reverentiam disciplinae, subiectionem obedientiae, observantiam religionis, postremo omnia regularis vitae munia perditissima morum corruptione confundunt. [&XIX] Et ne forte me putes in huiusmodi derogantis 65 o linguae tela dirigere et novorum, immo meliorum suggillationem invidiose texere, non omnino credas verbis meis, crede potius oculis et auribus tuis: vide, si placet, quam sanae doctrinae, quam salubris disciplinae theologi de Turonensi emergant achademia, 9oo C cui presidet ille apostolus Satanae Berengarius, vide, inquam, 655 quam pestilentes, immo letiferi scorpiones et reguli de cavernis erumpant totius nostri temporis Babyloniae, qui heresiarchae, suo musto ebrii et veneno delibuti, de sacris sacrilegas introdu-

631 (= 658.688) I Tim. 6, 20: devitans profanas vocum novitates. 632/633 Persius 3, 23-24: udum et molle lutum es, nunc nunc properandus et acri/fingendus sine fine rota (cf. 882-884). See also Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 32-33: doctiorem videns exspectare pollicem. 633 vasa gloriae] Cf. 613-614. 635/636 Cicero,

Ad Herennium 3, 3, 6: ineptam et garrulam et odiosam sciextiam.

636 Sallust,

Jug. 18, 2: vagi palantes. 639/640 I Cor. s, 8: im fermento malitiae et nequitiae. — G40 Ovid, Met. 12, 339: decidit in praeceps. 642 Horace, Ep. 1, I5, 28: scurra vagus, non qui certum praesepe teneret. 644 (652 ff.) psalterii, Pauli] Cf. J. de Montclos, Lanfranc et Bérenger. La controverse eucharistique du XI‘ siecle, Louvain (Leuven) 1971, (passim but especially) p. 8-10. No work of Berengar on the Apocalypse is known, but a confusion with the commentary of Berengaudus (Migne, PL 17, 843-1058) seems unlikely. 648 — 96-97. 652 = 704-705. 653 achademia = 137. 654 apostolus Satanae = 447. inquam] = 287. 655 Is. xx, 8: in caverna reguli. — 657 Is. 49, 26: quasi musto sanguine suo inebriabuntur.

638 excussa

646 per Mabillon

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

660

33

cunt novitates questionum, ad nichil utiles nisi ad subversionem audientium, quorum sermo ut cancer serpit, quia scientia quae inflat non edificat sed subvertit. [XXX] Isti de rebus sacrosanctis, de celestibus scilicet sacramentis, quae sancti patres, quotiens ad ea se audebat tractatus eorum attollere, videntes ea non solum

665

sermonem, sed etiam humanam superare rationem, et reverenter, ut oportebat, attingebant et, ubi opus erat, habentes clavim David, subtili discretione aperiendi et claudendi, quantum ad sobrietatem sapientibus satis esset ea catholice exponebant, de his, inquam, rebus et sacramentis et novas et peregrinas cudunt a fide intelligentias et ipsa celestia sacramenta, quae in altari

goo D

consecrantur, dicentes umbram esse, non veritatem — quod lingua refugit et auditus perhorrescit — |obnoxia contendunt ventri et fis dut secessui iuxta naturae necessitatem, quae scilicet naturae dominus in federe humanae reconciliationis omnipotentia sua sacramentum fecit et christianae animae escam spiritualem, unde in aeternum vivat, dedit. Isti eundem agnum paschalem, qui eadem 675 sacramenta in seipsum ineffabiliter transformans nobis condidit gor A et consecravit, crudum vel coctum aqua, non assum igni comedunt, et quod eius residuum est (et semper erit, quia nullus 670

unquam 680

685

mortalis, quamlibet sanctus, ad incarnati Verbi archa-

num plena intelligentia in hac vita penetrare potuit aut poterit), igni non comburunt. Isti inprovidam simpliciorum fratrum facilitatem et maxime curiosam discursantium perfugarum levitatem novo quodam docendi lenocinio aucupantes, primo ipsam Scripturarum superficiem quasi planam ad septicolumnem sapientiae domum ostendunt viam et velut rectam ad portum salutis demonstrant semitam, deinde sophisticae disputationis retibus captos et carnalis scientiae acumine hebetatos per captiosos necessariae argumentationis ducunt amfractus, donec extranea et

690

a salute peregrina questionum novitate pulchre ad perniciem instructos una secum demergant in puteum interitus. (XX XI] Tales ergo, quia non advertunt quod non humano aut seculi sensu

658 = 631. 658/659 II Tim. 2, 14: ad nihil enim utile est nisi ad subversionem audientium ... (x7) sermo eorum ut cancer serpit. 659/660 I Cor. 8, 1: Scientia inflat, caritas vero aedifuat. 664/665 Apoc. 3, 7: sanctus et verus qui babet clavem David, qui aperit et nemo claudit, claudit et nemo aperit, cf. Ys. 22, 22. 665/666 Rom. 12, 3: non plus sapere quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad

sobrietatem.

666 ea pleonastic, cf. 269.

667 inquam = 287.

670/671

ventri et secessui] Cf. Matth. 15, 17 and Marc. 7, 19.

683/684 Prov. 9, 1:

sapientia aedificavit sibi domum, excidit columnas septem. 688 = 631. 689 Ps. 54, 24: in puteum interitus.

686 carnalis| Cf. 695.

665 aperiendi Mabillon] habendi

(cf. habentes)

681 discursantium

Mabillon, discusantium ms., discurrentium Galland (= Migne)

velut corr. ms.

690 sensum

684 rectam

gor B

34

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

in dei rebus sit loquendum quodque inventum mel ad sufficientiam,

non

usque

ad nausiam

sit comedendum,

dum

sua

freti

sapientia nimium magestatis profunda scrutantur, oppressi a gloria in errorum profunda precipitantur, et dum inpudenti 695 carnalis sapientiae audatia lippientes oculos animalis hominis, qui non percipit ea quae dei sunt, in verum solem defigere nituntur, ipsius inaccessae lucis radiis repercussi in exteriores errorum tenebras proiciuntur. Isti de divinis sacramentorum | misteriis, fo" semper quidem reverendis nec unquam humano sensu aut ratione gor C attingendis, dum impiis non timent contentionibus inservire nichil sano auditu dignum merentur diffinire, et dum naturae terminos volunt includere et id, quod totius rationalis creaturae rationem superat, humana ratione pergunt concludere, vere in lapidem offensionis et petram scandali inpingunt et de piis sanae 795 doctrinae uberibus pro lacte butirum aut sanguinem exprimere contendunt. Hanc mortiferi docmatis pestem ab aecclesia sua Christus Iesus radicitus evellat, priusquam modicum fermentum totam massam corrumpat. (XX XII] Cum ergo hoc toxico, insuper et multiformi malitiae et nequitiae fermento tota undique fer710 mentetur aecclesia nec usquam pene sinceritatis et veritatis integrum servetur azima cumque nemo pene sit qui contra haec gor D vel ad vera bonae vitae instituta vel laboret ipse vel laborantem debita mercede remuneret, et ob hoc ipsa, quae vix residua est, 715

laborantium paucitas tedio victa a labore temperet, quis negotio non anteponat otium, quis inutili labori et clamori ad surdos non preferat quietem et silentium? Posi, inquit, ori meo custodiam cum consisteret beccator adversum me, obmutui et humiliatus sum et silui a bonis. Et quid huiusmodi humiliatis et a bono silentibus agendum sit Iheremias docet, dicens: sedebit solitarius et tacebit, quia levavit se super se. 695 (cf. 686) II Cor. 1, 12: non in sapientia carnali sed in gratia dei. - Cf. Gen. 29, 17: Lia lippis erat oculis (Rachel decora facie, cf. 507-508). 695/696 I Cor. 2, 14: Animalis ... bomo non percipit ea quae sunt spiritus dei (cf. Matth. 22, 21; Marc. z2, 17 ; Luc. 20, 25).

696 — 277.

697 I Tim. 6, 16: qui solus ...

lucem. inhabitat inaccessibilem. 697/698 Matth. 8, 12 (22, x3 and 25, 30): eicientur in tenebras exteriores. — 703/704 Is. 8, 14: in lapidem ... offensionis et in petram. scandali. 704/705 — 652. 705 Prov. 3o, 33: Qui autem fortiter premit ubera ad eliciendum lac exprimit butyrum et qui vebementer emungit elicit sanguinem. 707 Ez. 17, 9: ut evelleret eam radicitus. 707/708 I Cor. 5, 6 (= Gal. 5, 9): modicum fermentum totam massam corrumpit. 709/711 I Cor. 5, 8: Itaque epulemur non in fermento veteri neque in fermento malitiae et nequiliae, sed in azymis sinceritatis et veritatis. 711/713 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p.

987, 29-30: bodie ... nec more maiorum sua virtuti respondent premia. Cf. 551 f. 714/715 = 310-312. — 715 = 573. 716/718 Ps. 38, 2-3. 719/720

Thren. 3, 28.

693 magestatis cf. for.

— 718 humilitatis

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

725

739

735

35

[XX XIII] Haec omnia sapienter despexit Herimannus Remensis, Drogo Parisiensis, Spirensis Huozemannus, Bavenbergensis Meinhardus et preterea multi et prestantes et precipuae auctoritatis viri, qui, precisis spebus et abdicatis laboribus, studiis valefecerunt et sapienti consilio usi in theologiae otium concesserunt. Ego vero quid facerem ? Cur non idem vitae propositum de cetero eligerem ? Ego vero ac lubens!| Ad hoc enim, et si generalis piorum omnium querela vel causa me non urgeret, singularis tamen vitae meae decursus et rerum mearum proventus me idem eligere satis moneret. Vitae namque. decursus continuo laboris attritu effetas exhaurit, si quae supersunt, corporis vires et prematuras inspergit capiti nives: unde et maturum michi minatur exitium, nisi mature me conferam in quietem et otium. Proventus autem rerum mearum, licet abunde expetendorum affluat copia, tamen maxime desiderabilium aporiatur inopia, eorum utique (quae) de aureo maiorum seculo prius audita

902 A

f. 12

9o2 B

felicioribus nostrae memoriae diebus ipse oculis meis vidi, scilicet

fidem non fictam et veritatem integram, preceptum domini in invicem conservare, iusticiae et equitati nichil anteponere, nichil 740 remittere de gravitate disciplinae et religionis, nichil admittere quod non esset publicae utilitatis et honestatis ceteraque id genus omnia, quae in luteis humanae naturae cratibus aureas possunt mentes edificare et in vasis fictilibus desiderabiles thesauros reponere. Haec sunt quae melioribus nostrae memoriae diebus me videre et his interesse serio gaudebam: nunc vero, quia pene ex 745 toto defecerunt, non tam meam quam communem defleo miseriam. [XXXIV] Et ut antiquiora et ob hoc meliora taceam tempora et (de) his loquar quae partim ipsi vidimus, partim

721/725 On this passage see Erdmann, /.c. (note on line 379), CD: X: 724 Cf. II Mach. 7, 34: noli frustra Meinbard von Bamberg), p. 22, note 2. 727 Terence, Andria 337 (2, 1, 37): 725 — 478.48. extolli vanis spebus. Ego vero ac lubens.

/13/191878!

732 Cf. Horace, Carm. 4, 13, 11-12: te quia

738 I Tim. 1, 736 — 218. rugae] turpant et capitis nives. — inspergit cf. 130. preceptum domini] Matth. 5: de corde puro et conscientia bona et fide non futa. 742 (cf. 907) 7: Al 19, 19: diliges proximum tuum sicut teipsum. 743 II Cor. 4, 7: Habemus autem Prudentius, Cathem. 8, 59: cratem luteam. thesaurum istum in vasis fictilibus, and Prov. 21, 20: thesaurus desiderabilis. Cf.

746 non tam meam quam communem|defleo 745 serio = 15. 904 and 908. 747/148 747 antiquiora = 248. miseriam: rhythmic verse (8 + 7). Eccle. 7, 11: Ne dicas: "Quid putas causae est quod priora tempora meliora fuere quam nunc sunt?”

722 Huoremannus edd. 724 spebus] speciebus correxi, post audita inseruit Mabillon auareo corr. ms. posunt 743 desiderabile 7Á6 cummunem delevi se 748 de Galland

edd. 736 quae 742 aureis corr. ms. 747 post meliora

9o2 C

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

36 750

recenter gesta fideli relatione didicimus: a diebus domni Notgeri nostrae urbis episcopi eorumque pontificum, qui ei contemporales in aecclesia florebant precipui, usque ad haec quae iam in miseria defluxerunt duo lustra, misericordia et veritas, ut ita dicam, obviaverunt sibi, iusticia et pax osculatae sunt; nunc autem (veritas) de terra sublata est et,iusticia in caelum recessit et

755

760

repentino quodam fortunae impetu et monstruosa rerum perturbatione inversa et perversa sunt omnia |et, ut breviter dicam, f. 12" omnino predictis contraria, adeo ut, si quis inter has seculi 902 D

tempestates eodem rationis clavo et eadem via mandatorum quasi celestium ductu siderum velit seipsum et sibi credita regere, ipsa turbinis violentia percussus cogatur ab incepto desistere. Quod quam horribile, quam monstri simile sit, nulli facile explicabile est. Legimus enim nobile illud prioris seculi aurum argento (vel) ceteris inferioris precii metallis sensim et per temporum intervalla degenerasse nec tam subito sui coloris speciem amisis-

765 se; nunc

Duis)

TAS;

autem,

ut premissum

est, monstruosa

et inaudita

quadam rerum perturbatione quasi in momento a suo statu subversa sunt omnia nec pene quisquam est qui proprii ordinis vel officii servet legitima, sed desiderabile illud nostri temporis aurum repentino quodam casu, non ut prius per temporum intervalla, non in argentum vel cetera quantivis precii metalla, sed in stipulam et fenum aut certe in favillam et cinerem omnino redactum est. Ut enim cuncta, quae superius obiectis tuis respondendo dequestus sum, compendioso recolligam epilogo, postquam clarissima duo aecclesiae luminaria, quae nimis sero deus accendit et nimis mature in abscondito faciei suae a conturbatione hominum abscondit, Henricum dico secundum imperatorem et Liutboldum Mogontinae sedis prothopresulem, in quos aurei seculi

752/754 Ps. 84, 11: misericordia et veritas obviaverunt sibi, iustitia et pax osculatae sunt; (12) veritas de terra orta est (cf. 86x) et iustitia de caelo prospexit, cf. Virgil, Georg. 2, 473-474: extrema per illos] iustitia excedens terris vestigia fecit. Cf. 266. 755/7156 «7766. 758 Ps. 118, 32: Viam mandatorum tuorum CUCUTTÍ.

762 ff. Legimus] Ovid, Met. 1, 89-150.

763/764 = 769-770. 766 = legitima mea et iudicia mea servaveris. 12: ligna, faenum, stipulam. 42, 6: in favilla et cinere.

*eculi aurum] Cf. 218.

755-756. 768 III Reg. 9, 4: 5i .. 769/770 = 763-764. TIAL Cor:

Iob 3o, 19: adsimilatus sum favillae et cineri, and 774 Gen. 1, x6: fecitque deus duo luminaria magna.

775/776 Ps. 30, zx: Abscondes eos in abscondito faciei tuae a conturbatione bominum. 776/777 Henry III (the third ruler but the second emperor to bear this name) had died on October sth, 1056, archbishop. Liutpold of Mainz on December 7th, 1059. Ve] =) 2183 752

defluxerant

754 veritas correxi

desistere Galland] resistere 766 pertubatione

usticia

763 vel correxi coll. 770.

759 velut

760

764 degerasse

903 A

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

37

fines cum maxima sui decoris specie devenerunt, haec, inquam,

clarissima duo luminaria post(quam) ab his tenebris ad veram lucem, a qua etiam huc alluxerunt orbi terrae, ut oramus et 903 B optamus assumpta sunt, quidquid divinae religionis, quicquid DIXI aequitatis et iusticiae, quicquid liberalium studiorum, quicquid moralis disciplinae ubique vigebat sicut tunc temporis aecclesia et vario virtutum decore et multiplici liberalium litterarum propa785 gine florebat, cum eis pariter sepulta, immo in caelum recepta sunt, ita ut nichil eorum pene remanserit in terra preter admodum pauca, et haec ut umbra inanis, vestigia. XXXV] Namque inprimis hi, qui in populo dei magistratus et duces locum regiminis occupant, sine respectu dei videntis, sine metu hominis corrigentis 780

790 omnes

95

800

805

pene quae sua sunt quaerunt, non quae communiter et

aliorum, quia non est timor dei ante oculos eorum, et ideo contri- 903 C cio et infelicitas in viis eorum. Et quomodo cognoscent viam pacis qui devorant, inquit, plebem meam ut cibum panis ? Quia vero non est qui hoc requirat, non est qui arguat, pro studiis divinarum scripturarum invaluerunt studia partium, pro gravitate et modestia religionis gloria et gloriatio vanae elationis, et dum diviciis et honoribus gestiunt alter alterum prevenire nec timent profanis mentibus odiis et contentionibus deservire nec quicquam pensi habent, cum tirannidem potius quam regimen exerceant, ad quem exitum, immo exitium talia pervenire debeant. Haec autem magestas et talis potestas si quando sedeat pro tribunali ut subiectorum facta debeat examinare et neglecta in oculo suo trabe de oculo alterius festucam eruere, Avaritia comes in medio asstans declamat querelas, exudat causas, fas et nefas, sacra et profana in medio haberi deplorat, | miserationem iudicum, autoritatem le-

778 Ps. 49, 2: Ex Sion species decoris eius. - inquam — 287.

in aequitate et iustitia (cf. Deut. 9, 5 and Prov. 2, 9). 787 Ovid,

Trist

3, 11, 25: Quid inanem proteris umbram?

782 Sap. 9, 5:

786/787 = 29. Lucan 2, 303:

inanem persequar umbram. 788 Iudith 8, 21: in populo dei. 790/791 — 289-290. 791/793 Ps. 13, 3: Contritio et infelicitas in viis eorum et viam pacis non cognoverunt: non est timor dei ante oculos eorum. (4) Nonne cognoscent omnes qui operantur iniquitatem, qui devorant plebem meam sicut escam panis? 793/794 Cf. Ps. 141, 5: non est qui requirat animam meam , lob 9, 33: non est qui utrumque valeat arguere, and 32, 12: non est qui possit arguere Iob. 796/797 (cf. 844845) Cf. Rom. 12, 1o: honore invicem praevenientes. 801 Matth. 27, 19: Sedente ... illo (= Pilato) pro tribunali (= Yoh. 19, 13: sedit pro tribunali) ; also Passio s. Albani, p. 988, 9-10: pro tribunali sedere. — 802/803 trabe ... festucam] Matth. 7, 3-5 and Luc. 6, 41-42. 804/805 — 230. Ó

779 postquam Mabillon 782 studiurum magestas cf. 693. —— 802 examinari

797 netiment

801

38

8r o

815

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

gum, iura divina et humana implorat, et nisi id quod arguitur in loculos nummati illius qui incessitur fuerit punitum, perturbationem conqueritur fore omnium iuditiorum. Hoc autem tonitruo cunctis terrore perculsis ipsa utrimque susurranti inclinat aurem, utrique parti linguam aptat venalem, utrimque torvum retorquet oculum, utrique promittenti rapacem porrigit manum, et quem modo quod concupivit habentem accusat, modo quod querebat dantem excusat. Perorata vero causa, violentiae et rapacitati ceterisque concurialibus suis media residens de libro suo legit quid sit iustum et eisdem iuratis legibus sibi assentientibus lege nummularia in reum profert iudicium, et tam diu vinculatus tenetur reus donec illum absolvat Mammona deus, quemque modo Labeonem lege Cecilia suffixit cruci, modo Catonem lege monetaria donat curuli. In omni autem concione huius potestatis hoc proponit auctoritas legum, in hoc consentit summa iudiciorum, ut qui non potest solvere de inmenso suo, solvat quod comparsit de dimenso suo, et si non habet unde solvatur, sine

miseratione crucifigatur.

[XX XVI] Inde est quod, cum in nun-

806/807 in loculos] Cf. Horace, Ep. 2, 1, x7: gestit enim nummum in loculos demittere. - nummati illius qui incessitur] Cf. 812: quod concupivit babentem accusat (cf. Horace, Ep. 1, 6, 38: bene nummatum).

5, 92: oculis ... torvis. Mammona] Cf. 606-607.

810/811 Cf. Ovid, Mer. 812. — 153: 816 vinculatus = 878. 817 817/819 Although ostentatiously "learned" in its

wording, the general meaning of this passage cannot

be doubted:

even

a

convicted criminal can achieve everything by means of money. The source is again Horace:

(siquis eum servum ... qui ...) in cruce suffhigat, Labeone insanior

inter| sanos dicatur (Serm. x, 3, 82-83). The ancient commentators (see above, note on 503) were already at a loss as to the possible relationship between a

slave, too severely punished for a minor offence, and (the famous teacher of

Law) Labeo. In fact they gave no further insight by saying the man had been an outspoken critic of the princeps and that by mentioning him in this

context, Horace intended to flatter Augustus (Pseudacronis scholia, ed. Keller, II, 1904, p. 43; Porphyrio, ed. Holder, 1894, p- 245; Scholia ed. Botschuyver,

1935, p. 276. The latter adds: guo dicit etiam insanYorem illum inter sanos computari, qui discretionem peccati non considerat in vindicta). There is a clear parallel between modo Labeonem ... modo Catonem and the earlier antithesis quem modo quod concupivit babentem accusat, modo quod querebat dantem excusat (8xr813). Gozechin must have seen Labeo in a bad light indeed to compare him to Cato in the unfavorable way he does: the same man that Avaritia (803) has just punished severely, she is quite willing to honour as if he were a Cato at the next moment, if he is prepared to pay for it. - A Lex ‘Caecilia’ de repetundis is mentioned by Valerius Maximus (VI (de mutatione morum aut

fortunae), 9, xo). 819 = or. defrudans genium conpersit miser.

807 incesserit edd.

822 Terence, Phorm. 44 (1, 1, xo) :suom

809 perculsi

810 partim — 816 rerum

904 A

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM 825

39

dinis sanctum videmus euuangelium, venales in aecclesia columbas et cathedras vendentium nec longe ab his mensas nummulariorum, quia hodie nec gratis quicquam accipitur nec gratis datur, cum

haec, inquam, videmus, attentius vacamus

904 B

omnes

foro quam choro, cautius usuris quam Scripturis, inpensius mercationi quam religioni, magis inplendis capacibus marsupiis 830 quam assequendis liberalibus studiis, et ommino omissis his, quae euuangelica veritas, apostolica institutio, sanctorum patrum auctoritas aecclesiasticis sanxit disciplinis, secularium desiderio adeo inhiamus, cumulandis divitiis tantisper occupamur, ac si tali precio vitam aeternam mercari mereamur. Quare 835 hoc? Quia tanti quantum habeas sis. Omnis enim res, ut ait quem nosti, virtus, fama, decus, divina humanaque pulchris

divitiis parent, quas qui contraxerit, ille

904 C

clarus erit, fortis, iustus, sapiens, etiam rex 840

et quicquid volet. Cum ergo ex ea, quae malorum omnium radix est, avaritia haec horribilis spinarum silva emergat, facile, immo horribile est videre

hoc spinetum quem fructum ferat. Inde est quod, dum adquirendi immorimur studiis, in conparandis honoribus invicem precurren845 tes, non honore invicem prevenientes, antiqua divinae religionis immutata facie, paterna moralis disciplinae pene in fabulam redacta institutione, frater fratri invidemus, alter alteri mordendo derogamus, invicem accusantes intestina bella movemus,

acutis verborum spiculis fratrum corda confodimus, dolos in corde versantes simulationem in vultu, fallaciam in verbis profe- 904 D rimus et omnino ad iniuriam mandatis dei omnia mandata eius pre pecunia parvi habemus, postremo omnes levitate et morum inconstantia quasi harundo ventis adeo agitamur, ut in quo pridie studiosus vehemens vel certe nimius fueris, postridie ne quidem 855 memineris. Et quid super his speramus futurum ? Certe hoc, ut facto de resticulis flagello omnes |huiusmodi dominus eiciat de f. 14 templo. Valde etiam timendum est triplex illud divinae animad850

824/826 (cf. 855-857) Ioh. 2, 14-15. I, I, 62: quia tanti quantum

habeas sis.

827 — 287.

835 Horace, Serm.

836 quem

nosti - 840 Horace,

Serm. 2, 3, 95-98. 841 Jerome, Ep. 22, 32, 3: radix malorum omnium est avaritia, and 125, 2, 3: radix omnium malorum avaritia (after | Tim. 6, 10: radix omnium malorum est cupiditas). 844 Horace, Ep. 1, 7, 85: inmoritur studiis.

844/845 = 796-797. 848 Sallust, Cat. s, 2: bella intestina. 849/850 Prov. 26, 24: Labiis suis intelligitur inimicus cum in corde tractaverit dolos. 853 Matth. zz, 7: harundinem vento agitatam. 855/857 (cf. 824-826) Ioh. 2, 15-16.

830 omissit imperamus

834 Qare

852 peninia

855 speramus Mabillon]

40

86 o

865

870

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

versionis flagellum, quod per prophetam populo peccatori dominus intendat, dicens: ecce ego inducam super eos gladium, famem et pestem et dispergam eos in omnem ventum. Huius autem flagelli 905 A quosdam quasi ramos et prenuntios videmus sensim de terra oriri, quando paulatim conterit dominus baculum panis et leticiam vini, dum inter christianos audimus geri bella et seditiones, super christianos paganorum crebras incursiones: unde datur conici id quod restat, nisi correctione nostra propicietur deus, non diu dilatum iri. [XXXVII] I nunc, frater, age contra otium et quietem et qui ea hoc tempore concupiscit voca pigrum et socordem (et o utinam, desperatis laborum premiis, ea potiamur optata et salubri quiete, cul non labor succedat, sed gloria accedat in senatu caelestis curiae): si quid, frater, nosti rectius, candidus imperti, si non, h(is)

utere mecum. Quod si generosa magnanimitatis tuae fortitudo adhuc his non adquiescat et eam nichil arduum aggredi pigeat, 905 B alium quam me tibi quere ferentarium, quia hoc tempore in pugna 875 me non habebis socium, vel quere alterum Marium cui opus hoc committas, cui tamen bonis iniciis meliores eventus quam illi Romano tribuas. Ego vero, licet in illo quam ferali tam diutino vinculatus carcere, quantalibet potero effetas vires solabor quiete, et spero quod aliquando tandem exaudiar et longa optatae 880 missionis ducens suspiria si non emeritus, saltem emissus alicui

859/860 Ez. 6, 3: inducam super vos gladium et disperdam (cf. 860, critical apparatus) excelsa vestra; ler. 24, 10: mittam in eis gladium et famem et pestem,

and 49, 32: et dispergam eos in omnem ventum.

861 de terra oriri] Cf. 752-

754, note. 862 Ez. 4, 16: Ecce ego conteram baculum panis. Gf. Is./24; 11: Clamor erit super vino in plateis, deserta est omnis laetitia. 863 II Mach. x4, 6: bella nutriunt et seditiones movent. 865 Lev. 23, 28: ut propitietur vobis dominus deus vester. 870/871 (cf. 9o) Passio s. Albani, p. 988, 4: apud senatores regularis curiae, and p. 988, x9: caelestis curiae senatores. 871/872 Horace, Ep. 1, 6, 67-68: si quid novisti rectius istis[candidus inperti: si nil, his utere mecum. 874 Plautus, Trim. 453 (2, 4, 53): Adfmitatem vobis aliam quaerite, and 455-456 (55-56) :nam illum tibilferentarium esse amicum inventum intellego. 875/877 For Marius as an example of changing fortune, cf.

Juvenal xo, 276-282, and Friedlander’s note on this passage (ed. 1895, p. 480). 878 vinculatus = 816. effetas vires = 731. 879/880 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p. 988, 2: optatam huius curriculi metam.

880 Ovid, Met. x, 656:

suspiria ducis (cf. 2, 774 and xo, 402).

860 dispergam correxi] disperdam 864 pananorum 871/872 his utere correxi] hutere sed h partim erasum ms, utere edd. 874 quem 874/875 hoc tempore in pugna me non correxi] me hoc tempore in pugna

me

non

ms., me

hoc tempore

maruum ms., Martium videtur corr. ms.

edd.

in pugna

non

877 romana

edd.

875

Marium

correxi]

879 tandem e qandem ut

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

41

transscribam mea tristia |regna. Nichil vero in voto meo ponens fms aut voluntati relinquens me lutum suum ex toto committam Figulo meo: ipse me fingat in rota secularis ordinis prout sederit beneplacito

suo, et utcumque

me

eius tornet potentia, nichil

addam nisi sollempne illud obedientiae verbum: frat voluntas tua. (X X XVIII] Atat, frater, quorsum aberravimus, quorsum a recti itineris linea cursum nostrum detorsimus ? Quonam me abduxisti ignarum, ad quae verborum diverticula me traxisti dulcedine tuae caritatis ebrium ? Vide, frater, et diligenter vide, nedum quaedam scripturarum sidera incaute sequimur, in cautes et syrtes adacti Caribdeum incurramus naufragium, vide, inquam, etiam si minus libito; ne dictum sit amplius licito, quia flagelli plaga livorem facit, flagellum linguae comminuit ossa. Proinde iam nunc illuc redeat oratio unde abiit et ad te revertatur, unde prima eius scaturigo

905 C

895 profluxit, et quia a caritate cepit, in caritate desinat. Caritas vero

905 D

885

890

nunquam excidat, sed hic sata et crementata veram sui plenitudinem preripiat in vita eterna. De probitate autem tua, gravitate, modestia et constantia deque ceteris bonae vitae functionibus satis in superioribus dictum sit, de affectione vero tua, benivolengoo tia ceterisque humanitatis officiis neque hic neque ibi satis unquam dici poterit. Hoc tantum tibi imprecer, ut semper in melius et maius proficias, donec ad eam aspires crementi plenitudinem, in qua nullam detrimenti pertimescas. Porro hunc quia desiderabilem thesaurum in fictili vase servas, non otiosum duco 905

si te commonefaciam |ut diligenter adhibeas pervigilis cautelam f. 15", 906 A custodiae. Hoc autem feceris si cunctas tuae civitatis portas, omnes huius luteae domus fenestras custodia humilitatis sub sera et sigillo habeat, si cunctos huius fictilis vasis exitus et aditus virtutum repagulis muniat, ne vel exitus his qui intus servantur

881 Horace, Carm. 3, 4, 46: regnaque tristia, Virgil, Aen. 2, 548: mea tristia

facta. 882/884 Cf. Is. 45, 9: Nunquid dicet lutum figulo suo: “Quid facis... 2" Cf. 632-633. 883/884 Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 17: si quid in me tuo sedeat beneplacito (Eph. 1, 9: secundum beneplacitum eius). 884 tornet] Cf. 16-17. 885 Matth. 6, ro. 886 Cf. 354-355, note. 889/890 quaedam scripturarum sidera] Horace, for instance. 890 incaute ... in cautes. 891 892/893 Eccli. 28, 21: Flagelli plaga livorem facit, plaga autem = 287. 893/894 Cf. Passio s. Albani, p. 987, 7-8: Iamiam ... linguae comminuet 055a. 895/896 I Cor. 13, ad te redeo, ad te, cui totus (cf. 13, note) innitor, respicio. 904 and 908 = 743. 901/902 = 33. 8: Caritas nunquam excidit. 908/909 Cf. Ps. 120, 8: Dominus 907 huius luteae domus] Cf. 742. custodiat introitum tuum et exitum tuum.

883 figula 882 committom corr. ms. perripiat 903 nullum detrimentum edd.

884nichili

896hi

897

42

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

910 vel aditus pateat his qui foris insidiantur, quia si elationis levitate

915

foris effluant ea quae intus bene congesserat operosa manus solliciti laboris, continuo ea aut difficile (aut)nunquam recolligenda disperdet et dissipabit ventus superbiae in perdicionem suae vanitatis, si vero aforis patente aditu maligni irruperint hostes, ea quae plurimo cum labore intus (con)gessisti violenter diripient, nichil reliqui victo preter gehennam facientes. Proinde quicquid gratiarum in te divinitus collatum est, quicquid divini muneris in thesauro conscientiae tuae collectum est, nec michi

906 B

imputetur plantanti et riganti nec tibi, terrae ubertim fructifican920 ti, sed totum referatur ad patrem luminum, a quo est omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum. [XXXIX] Possem quidem uberius et plenius perfectionis tuae munus applaudere, sed propter notam assentationis non patitur gravitas modestiae. Librum autem quem michi scripsisti quem925 que michi scribendo occasionem fecisti, in quo michi articulos

digitorum, oculos et animum, inclinium cervicis, laborem capitis, immo te totum animo meo insinuasti, in exterioribus meis non

935

invenio unde possim ex equo reconpensare vel plurimae benignitatis tuae talionem reddere, sed primo rogarim ab Eo tibi restitui, a quo haec et |omnia quae habes bona accepisti, ut adinvicem f. 16, 906 C huius benivolentiae aureis bonorum operum litteris nomen tuum scribatur in libro vitae, dein non dormitabit nostra erga te prompta devotio, si pro modeste succinctis rebus nostris, quantum utrique nostrum ad honorem conducat, remunerandi subluceat occasio. [XL] Iam tandem his quae dicenda erant, prout negotia patiebantur, explicitis, calamus se totum novo scribae scalpello non Iudaico, sed scolastico more circumcidat et ad te recipiendum,

salutandum, festive habendum non quantum latius sed quanto

940 lautius valet accingat, quia te, quem interius in visceribus Iesu

945

Christi teneo conplexum, aforis non dimittam nisi laute acceptum, sciasque eius dapis te esse debitorem, cuius te nobis festivum exibuisti convivam et assessorem. Saluto te cum paucis, licet sim 906 D cum multis, quia vel pauci sunt indigenae eius quam servo coloniae, qui norint quanta virtutum dote ipdustrium ornaris

913 Soph. 3, 6: Disperdidi gentes et dissipati sunt anguli earum. 919 = 22-23. 920/921 lac. 1, 17: Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a patre. luminum. 924 ff. Cf. 7 ff. 925/926 articulos digitorum] Cf. 13. 927 immo te totum = 13. 931/932 Cf.

Apoc. 13, 8 and 17, 8.

dormiet.

937 se totum

932 Ps. 120, 4 and Is. 5, 27: non dormitabit neque

=

13.

ler. 36, 23: scidit illud scalpello scribae.

940/941 Phil. 1, 8: in visceribus lesu Christi. 943 (= 949.951.957-958, cf. 962.967.969) Cf. Rom. 16, 22 (and passim) :Saluto vos ... 945 — 370. 912 aut Mabillon

929 resstitui

915 congessisti correxi coll. grr.

— 933 sciccinctis

918 the/auro

GOZECHINI EPISTOLA AD WALCHERUM

43

animum, vel pauci sunt boni rerum estimatores, qui sanum de rebus ferant iudicium: si enim te noscerent et de te pro meritis estimarent hi qui multa bona noverunt et oderunt, profecto te amarent. Saluto te cum his cooperatoribus nostris, qui ad bonam frugem instituti de achademia nostra ascenderunt et in locis certe precipuis magisterii cathedram sibi vendicaverunt. Saluto te cum tirunculis nostris qui adhuc in scolari desudant palestra, nobilissimo utique bonae indolis flore, qui ad nutum oris nostri fructum suum meditatur etiam sub ferula, quorum et si nomina tibiscripta 955 legeres, tamen |noticia careas cum faciem ignorares — quo tamen verbo me ipse coarguo, quia si cuiusque noticiam ex facie metiris, nec te ipsum nosti, cum faciem tuam nunquam ipse videris. Saluto te super omnia ea genuina caritate, qua te in cunabulis disciplinae elementario eruditionis lacte nutrivi et ad solidum perfectioris 960 doctrinae cibum usque perduxi, ut de cetero commilito meus in acie et concolonus in labore communiceps michi sis supernae civitatis et coheres aeternae hereditatis. Salutatus ergo saluta ex meo nomine humili fratres meos, non quos caro et sanguis unam michi congeneravit cognationem, sed quos aqua et spiritus in 965 unam mecum regeneravit adoptionem, ut coheredes Christi in regno dei patris testamento sanguinis eius sortem accipiamus aeternae beatitudinis. Saluta ergo patres et dominos, fratres et amicos, patres cura regiminis, dominos dignitate prelationis, fratres in deo patre, amicos in caritate, saluta, inquam, unum970

quemque eorum prout nosti mecum esse vel tecum: salutatio mea sit ad vos omnes, ut Eo adiuvante in quem credimus pariter simus aeternae vitae consortes.

948 Cf. Eccli. 27, 27: multa odivi .. 950

=

137.

^ 949/950 bonam frugem] Cf. 24.

952 Passio s. Albani, p. 985, 35-36: inter duros scolaris

palestrae sudores. 954 ferula] Cf. 37. 959/60 Hebr. 5, 12: facti estis quibus lacte opus sit, non solido cibo. 961 concolonus] Cf. 370. 962 coberes ( — 965) aeternae hereditatis = 31-32. 9641 Ioh. 5, 8: spiritus et aqua (et sanguis, cf. 963.966). 965 Cf. I Petr. 1, 3: regeneravit nos in spem vivam. —— adoptionem] Cf. Eph. 1, 5. - (= 962) Rom. 8, 17: coberedes ... Christi. — 966/967 Cf. 31-32 and 285.

952/953 nobilissimo ... flore correxi] nobilissi951/952 comtirunculis 957 nosti ipsum corr. ms. 955 careres edd. Cf. 82. mum .. florem 963 ante meos erasum est me 972 Amen edd.

907 À £216"

908 A

SAI i ue Du 115i onftdurt dnd pn.

angi.

fime

bos "i ;

p

ie

dud Xy TER

5n MEUS lass

s

FD

‘

ge

BN

Visteri a miati

Peri’

CIT respon e

te Tee

ie faRC SUM

Tae VeL fet

ar

208

S

LETS UM, wc RECTE

wee

À dieood

Qf

ORO

&andgicod

wed "T

He

C Rz

Ct

LOM

1.2110

vcr

"

BA:

ae e. E

x

ud

seks tYo

=

La

Thee

prm aos Jui deopee eee

2

i] i

1r. Ms. British Library Add. 41997, f. x

2. Ms. British Library Add. 41997, f. 95

3. Apologia 3.1253/1267 2 rasiones (x and 3) (nos, non vos) 1 rasio, 1 tonsio (2 and 4) (nos et vos)

CALVI: 3x€C€

I

tonsio

P e

e

\ 3f AY Y o

een Dd 2

NON

CALVE

r* C720

H

a ^U

\ 3

NES eo

‘p 4^

eT 2 Pd L]

N 2 *

:

*:

{ "^

H

j M -—— rasio

227

4. Apologia 3.1418 and 1419/20

rs

Pad e

® Xs

aMe

925 :

r

\ N

; = "ow ow & rasio

^

BURCHARDI, VT VIDETVR, ABBATIS BELLEVALLIS APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

GONTENTS

BEARDS IN HISTORY (pp. 47-56) DL

SACRAMENTUM

MISTERII: The Meaning of Beards (pp.

56-85) I. Literature and Folklore (pp. 56-75)

2. The Bible (pp. 75-85) III. INFORMATIO

130)

MORUM:

The Practice of Beards (pp. 85-

1. The Laity (pp. 85-102) 2. The Clergy (pp. 103-114) 3. Men in Religion (pp. 114-130) IV.

The APOLOGIA DE BARBIS (pp. 130-150) I. Authorship, Date, and Circumstances of Composition (pp. 130-140)

2. Analysis of the Text (pp. 141-149) 3. The Present Edition (p. 150)

INTRODUCTION* I. BEARDS IN HISTORY The social, political, and religious significance of hair, both on the face and on the top of the head, is obvious to most observers of modern society. Long hair, beards, mustaches, and side-burns,

which in the 1950s were still for the most part occasional signs of generational change, social non-conformity, and class distinctions, became in the 1960s one of the most conspicuous symbols *Parts I-III of this introduction are the work of Constable; Part IV is the

joint work of Constable

and Huygens. In citations from the Bible, the

numbering of the Vulgate is followed, with regard to the Psalms and books

of Kings, and the Douai translation is used unless otherwise specified. References to the Apologia are given both to sermo and section, indicated by Roman and Arabic numerals divided by a comma, and to sermo and line(s),

indicated by Arabic numerals divided by a period. In addition to the specific thanks given in individual notes, general thanks are owed by Mr Constable to Professors John Callahan, Alexander Kazhdan (especially for references from Byzantine sources), and Michael McCormick. are used:

The following abbreviations

AASS

Acta sanctorum (Antwerp, 1643 ff.) and 3rd ed. (Paris, 1865 ff.)

BHL

Bibliotheca hagiographica latina (Brussels, 1898-1901)

CC

Corpus christianorum

CC: CM

Corpus christianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis

Corpus iuris canonici Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879)

CSEL

Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum

DACL

Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie (Paris, 1907-53)

DTC

Dictionnaire de théologie catholique (Paris, 1903-50)

Du Cange, Glossarium C.D. du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, ed. G.A.L.

Henschel (Paris, 1840-50) GC

Gallia christiana (Paris, 1715-1865)

Glorieux

P. Glorieux, Pour revaloriser Migne (Lille, 1952)

JE, JK, JL Philip Jaffé, Regesta pontificum. Romanorum, 2nd ed. F. Kaltenbrun-

ner (JK: to 590), P. Ewald (JE: 590-882), and P. Lówenfeld (JL: 882-1198) (Leipzig, 1885-8)

Mansi

Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. J.D. Mansi (Florence-Venice, 1759 ff.)

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae bistorica

PG

Patrologia graeca

PL

Patrologia latina

Stegmüller Repertorium biblicum medii aevi, ed. F. Stegmüller (Madrid, 1950 ff.)

48

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

of political unrest and moral protest.(') Likewise in the past there was a constant change and variety in the form and style of beards and of hair generally. These often reflected simply individual preferences and changes in fashion and perceptions of physical attractiveness, as well as professional and class distinctions, but they nearly always made some sort of either conscious or unconscious statement. Gustave Flaubert, for in-

stance, scorned a fringe beard, growing along the jaw-line, as a mark of the bourgeoisie, though he took pride in his own mustache and was delighted by the name Abu-Chanab (Father of the Mustache) given him in Egypt. (?) Throughout history, each feature of facial hair had its own significance, and how a man cut his hair and shaved his beard is an indication both of how he saw himself and of how he was regarded by others. Anthropologists have long been aware of the importance of hair and beards. There is over a column of references to hair,

though fewer to beards, in the index to Frazer's Golden Bough. (?) Van Gennep in his book on Rites of Passage, which was first published in 1908, stressed the significance of how hair was cut and handled in different societies, especially when it was believed to contain part of the personality. The hair may be buried, burned, saved in a sachet, or placed in a relative's keeping. The rite of cutting the hair or of a tonsure is also used in many different situations: a child's head is shaved to indicate that he is entering in to another stage, that of life; a girl's head is shaved at the moment of marriage to indicate a change from one age group to another; widows cut their hair to break the bond created by marriage, and the rite is reinforced by placing the hair on

(x) In the late 1970s and early 1980s beards became more conventional and lost their character as a mark of protest: see New York Times, 18 April 1982 ("The Beard Fad May be Facing a Blank Future") ;Boston Globe, 16 June 1983 ("These days a beard is just a beard") and x August 1983 ("What does he mean by the Beard ?What is his beard saying ?"'). (2) The Letters of Gustave Flaubert, ed. and tr. Francis Steegmuller (Cambridge, Mass., 1980-82) I, 108 (letter to his mother in 1850) and 186 (letter to

Louise Colet in 1853). Arnold Bennet in a story published in 1905 said that ‘‘a

short, pointed, black beard, exquisitely trimmed, gave him an appearance of staid reliability" ;Balduin Groller, writing at about the same time in Germa-

ny, assumed that to be clean shaven was effeminate. These two examples, of

which many others could be cited, come from Cosmopolitan Crimes, ed. Hugh

Greene (Baltimore, 1972) 77-8, 256. (3) J.G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, 3rd. ed. (London, 1914-5) XII, 182, 296. Most of the references are found in the chapter on taboo.

APOLOGIA DE.BARBIS

49

the tomb; sometimes the same purpose is achieved by cutting the hair of the deceased. (^) Articles on "Magical Hair", "Social Hair", and "Religious Hair" have been published in recent years in The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society, () and many works on anthropology include some discussion of hair. So do a few on ancient religion and on folklore,($) but very little attention has been paid to hair and beards by historians.(") The only general historical

work on beards, now over two hundred years old, is Augustin

Fangé’s Mémoires The only serious aside from a few tieth century is priests. (?)

pour servir à l'histoire de la barbe de l'homme. (8) general work on beards in the Middle Ages, encyclopedia articles, published in the twenan article by Hofmeister on the beards of

(4) Arnold Van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, tr. M.B. Vizedom and G.L. Caffee (Chicago, 1960) 167. (5) See nn. 39 and 44 below. (6) On hair, see Ludwig Sommer, Das Haar in Religion und Aberglauben der Griechen (Diss. Münster West., 1912) and on beards, esp. Hugo Mótefindt, "Zur Geschichte der Barttracht im alten Orient," K//o, 19 (1925) 1-61 and "Studien

über

Geschichte

und

Verbreitung

der Barttracht,"

Amthropos, 22

(1927) 828-64 and 23 (1928) 617-55. (7) See John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality (Chicago, 1981) 76, n. 72: "Most historians ignore the moral and social signifi-

cance attached to facial and body hair in the ancient and medieval world." (8) This work, published at Liége in 1774, has been translated into several languages but is not easy to find. It is characteristically classified under "Belles-Lettres, 2: Dissertations singuliéres, plaisantes et enjouées" in J.-C. Brunet, Manuel de librairie, 5th ed. (Paris, 1860-5) VI, 964, together with

works often described by booksellers as "curiosa". Though inevitably dated, it is a serious work of scholarship and should not be confused with most of the other works on beards and "pogonology'" written in the eighteenth and nineteenth century and cited by Brunet and by Henri Leclercq in the long bibliography to his article on "Barbe" in the DACL, ILz, 491-3.

(9) Philipp Hofmeister, "Der Streit um des Priesters Bart," Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 62 (1943-4) 72-94. The article by Valentin Thalhofer, "Ueber den Bart der Geistlichen," Archiv fur katholisches Kirchenrecht, 10 (N.F. 4; 1863) 93-109 is historical in approach but concerned with the contemporary situation in Bavaria. Among older works, however, special mention should be

made

of the pages devoted

Benedictine

Rule

to beards in the great commentary

by Benedictus

van

Haeften,

S. Benedictus

on the

illustratus sive

disquisitionum monasticarum libri XII (Antwerp, 1644) 531-3, 535-7, and in the learned

and still useful work, first published in 1725, of Louis Thomassin, Ancienne et nouvelle discipline de l'église, ed. M. André (Bar-le-Duc, 1864-7) II, 926 (I, ii, 39-42). Among more specialized works, see Percy Ernst Schramm, "Zur Haar- und Barttracht als Kennzeichen im germanischen Altertum und

50

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Nor did the subject attract much specific attention during the Middle Ages. Burchard of Bellevaux's Apologia de barbis, which is edited in this volume, is the only known work devoted to beards published between the Misopogon of Julian in 353 and J.P. Valerian's Pro sacerdotum barbis in 1531. (1°) A few works on hair and beards were written in Late Antiquity, in particular the Encomium of Hair by Dio Chrysostom and the Encomium of Baldness, written in reply, by Synesius of Cyrene. There is also an anonymous reply to Synesius.(!) These were essentially rhetorical works, written to instruct and amuse, and were less serious and celebrated than the Misopogon, or Beard Hater,

which was written by the Emperor Julian at Antioch shortly before his death and in which he castigated the smooth-shaven Antiochenes who had made fun of his long beard and unkempt hair. (7) Valerian's treatise on the beards of priests was the first of several works written in the early sixteenth century in favor of clerical beards, which Pope Clement VII threatened with shaving. It was a serious work, although polemical in nature, and argued with justice that several of the standard canonical

im Mittelalter," Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik (Schriften der MGH, 13.13; Stuttgart, 1954-6) I, 118-27; Per Gjaerder, "The Beard as an Iconographi-

cal Feature in the Viking Period and the Early Middle Ages," Acta archaeologica (Copenhagen) 35 (1964) 95-114, and, on the hair of the Merovingian kings, Jean Hoyoux,

"Reges criniti. Chevelures,

tonsures

et scalps chez les

Mérovingiens," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 26 (1948) 479-508, and the reply by Averil Cameron, "How Did the Merovingian Kings Wear their Hair?” ibid., 43 (1965) 1203-16; and J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-Haired Kings and other Studies in Frankish History (London, 1962) 156-7, 245-6. (10) For a translation of a brief fourteenth-century Persian work on beards, see Alessandro Bausani, "Il ‘Libro della barba' di ‘Obeid Zakani,” A

Francesco Gabrieli. Studi orientalistici offerti nel sessantesimo compleanno dai suoi colleghi e discepoli (Università di Roma. Studi orientali pubblicati a cura della Scuola Orientale, 5; Rome, 1964) 1-19. It is a humoristic work and is treated by Bausani as an example of classical Persian and Islamic humor. (xr) On these works, and their rhetorical features, see George A. Kennedy, Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (A History of Rhetoric, 3; Princeton,

1983) 36-7. Reference should also be made to the poem on baldness by Hucbald of St Amand (c. 840-930), in MGH, Poetae latini, 1V.1, 265-75. (12) The most recent critical edition of this work, with notes and an Italian translation,

is by C. Prato and D. Micalella

(Testi

e commenti,

5;

Rome, 1979). See also the English translation by Wilmer C. Wright in The Works of the Emperor Julian, Yl (Loeb Classical Library; London-New York, 1913) 420-511, and G.W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (Cambridge, Mass.,

1978) 104-5.

APOLOGIA DE.BARBIS

51

texts concerned with clerical beards had been altered in favor of clerical shaving. (13) Although few medieval writers addressed themselves specifically to hair and beards, they are discussed in a variety of types of works. Alan of Lille, for instance, was

said to have been

"preoccupied with hair in his description of both men and women". (^) In his De planctu naturae Alan described how the effeminate young men of his time cut their hair, trimmed their eye-brows, and set "frequent ambushes with the razor for their sprouting beard", (P) and he praised the god Hymenaeus for the neatness of his hair in all his ages. "Now his chin was sprouting its first down; now a fuller beard fringed it; now it seemed to run wild in a fleece of luxuriant beard; now the severity of the razor corrected the beard's excess." (1°) This and other similar passages from medieval writings show both the interest in hair and beards at that time, and the difficulty of interpretation. Alan combined in his works various attitudes — ancient and medieval, secular and religious — toward hair, which he considered both good and bad. It was beautiful but needed to be controlled. The beard was manly and marked the natural ages of man, but it had to be "corrected" at times by the razor. Although the specific symbolism of hair and beard may be ambiguous, however, their interest and importance is not in doubt. The beard is also of great importance in representations of men in medieval art, () but these are often no easier to inter-

(13) Though Leclercq, in DACL, ILz, 492, gives 1529 as the date of this

work, Fangé, Mémoires, 276, gives 1531 (cf. xi, where he gives 1529) which is

probably correct. The British Library has editions dated 1531, 1533 (when an English translation appeared), 1558, 1639, and 1735. It is not listed among

Valerian's works in Brunet, Manuel, V, 1041-2.

(14) Alan of Lille, The Plaint of Nature, tr. James J. Sheridan (Mediaeval Sources in Translation, 26; Toronto, 1980) 74, n. 4, with references to both the De planctu naturae and the Anticlaudianus. Sheridan attributed Alan's

interest to the role of hair as a covering for the brain in Plato's Tzmaeus, but it also had roots in medieval culture. "The Franks, like all Germans, attached a particular importance to the hair," according to Cameron, in Revue belge, 43,

. 1204. : ne Nikolaus Haring, "Alan of Lille, ‘De Planctu naturae," Studi medievali, 3, S., 19.2 (1978) 861; tr. Sheridan, 187. See also Alan of Lille, Anticlaudianus, VII, 148-53, ed. R. Bossuat (Textes philosophiques du moyen age, I; Paris, 1955) 161.

(x6) De planctu, ed. Haring, 865-6; tr. Sheridan, 197.

Kemmerich, Die frübmittelalterliche Portrátmalerei in Deutschland bis zur Mitte des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1907) 131, where he called the (17) Max

52

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

pret than the written evidénce. In theory it should be possible to write a history of medieval beards purely from iconographical sources, and some scholars have tried to do so, (!5) but this is hard to do in practice, primarily for two reasons. First, the character of the beard, especially in paintings but also in statues, is frequently not clear. The beard in early medieval portraits, according to Ladner, "is normally only a line extending over the face, almost a shadow, in a painterly manner, so that one often cannot distinguish with certainty whether or not there is a beard." (1?) Second, the significance of a beard may be in doubt even when its presence and character are clear. The same person may be shown both with and without a beard, such as Charlemagne. Schramm describes what he calls "the controversy over the emperor's beard". (7°) Artistic, like literary, portrayals were influenced by classical and other models and were designed to display various conventional qualities, like piety, wisdom, strength, dignity, and age, which were often associated with beards. It has indeed been doubted whether there were any portraits in the modern sense, except perhaps on some seals and coins, before the fourteenth century.(?') It is therefore impossible to rely on individual representations of men with

presence or absence of a beard "das erste Portrátmerkmal", together with

hairstyle and the shape of the face and nose: "Wohlverstanden ist dies Merkmal aber in der primitiven Kunst nur angedeutet, also auf den Verstand berechnet, sodass die Konturen des Bartes nicht richtig wiedergegeben werden, sondern nur - wie wir aus Kinder- und Indianerzeichnungen wissen auf die allgemeinen Formen, also Lange oder Kürze das Augenmerk gerichtet ist."

(18) The five pages devoted to the Middle Ages in Mótefindt's article on beards in Anthropos, 23, p. 631-6, are based almost exclusively on iconographi-

cal evidence, about which he himself expresses some doubts (632). (19) G.B. Ladner, I ritratti dei papi nell’antichita e nel medioevo (Monumenti di antichità cristiana, II.4; Vatican City - Rome, 1941-70) I, 137, also II, 66, where he remarked that the short beard on the portrait of Innocent III from old St Peter's is hardly distinguishable from a shadowon the upper lip. See also Percy Ernst Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Kónige in Bildern ihrer Zeit,

I. Bis zur Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts (751-1152) (Leipzig-Berlin, 1928) 2x, n.x. (20) Ibid., 30-1. Portraits of the same man both with and without a beard are found in Sigfrid H. Steinberg and Christine Steinberg-von Pape, Die Bildnisse geistlicher und weltlicher Fürsten und Herren 9y0-1200 (Leipzig-Berlin, 1931) pl. 6-8, rxo-xx. (2r) Klaus Parlasca, Mumienportrats und verwandie Denkmdler (Wiesbaden, 1966) 89, said that "die Bartigkeit vieler Portrátierter beruhe auf rituellen Vorschriften." See, more generally, Hans Karlinger, Die romanische Steinplastik in Altbayern und Salzburg 1050-1260 (Augsburg, 1924) 58, and Herbert Grundmann, Der Cappenberger Barbarossakopf und die Anfange des Stiftes Cappenberg (Miinstersche Forschungen, 12; Cologne-Graz, 1959) 49-50, 62-3, who stressed the literary character of depictions of Frederick Barbarossa.

APOLOGIA DE.BARBIS

53

beards, and iconographical evidence is cited here only when it is known from other sources to correspond to reality, as in the case of Edward the Confessor, or as a reflection of general attitudes towards beards. In the Middle Ages, as today, there were beards and beards, and it is often impossible to say exactly what type of beard is meant by a simple reference to a barba or barbatus, any more than by a line across the face in a portrait. (?) Contemporaries were fully aware of changes in the fashions and the variety of customs with regard to beards. Burchard of Bellevaux in the Apologia, after citing a passage describing the long hair and barba prolixa of the apostle Bartholomew, said, speaking to the lay-brothers of Rosiéres: Considering his ears covered with hair and his long beard, you may ask why your ears are uncovered by a high tonsure and why you do not grow, contrary to the custom of the apostle, long beards. .. If you ask this, I also ask why you do not have women and take them around like the apostles (1 Cor. 9.5), why going through the cornfields you do not pluck the ears in order to rub them and eat, throwing the grains in your mouth (Luke 6.1), or why you do not eat with unwashed hands, as did the apostles (Matt. 15.20). I say unto you because the changes of times require changes of manners, and the significances of the changes and the reasons for the significances are in people and in causes. And since "all things have their season" (Eccl. 3.1), and different things please different people and various things are suited to various people, there is therefore a time for growing the hair and beard and a time for cutting and shaving according to how the variety of people, and the reason for the significance define either for the hidden truth (sacramentum) of the mystery or for the education of manners: (74) Burchard describes, in addition to the long beards of the apostles and holy men and the short beards (which should be four fingers, that is, about an inch and a half or two inches, in length) of the lay-brothers, many other types of beards, including “the military cut and city style”, which he distinguishes from the religious cut of the lay-brothers, (?*) and the beards of Jews, (22) Fangé, Mémoires, 51-2, said, "Rien n'a été plus incertain que l'usage de

la Barbe," stressing that customs varied from time to time and place to place; see also 290, 313. Mótefindt, in K/o, 19, p. 61, and Anthropos, 22, p. 835,

distinguished between shaven and the three types of fringe, full, and Assyrian beards. (23) Apologia, 2.329-46. (24) Ibid., 3.794. See also 2.5 f. on various styles of beards.

54

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

which were said to be under the chin, like goats. (^) In Herrad of Hohenbourg's Hortus deliciarum, which was written in Alsace in the last quarter of the twelfth century, the ladder of virtues shows a hermit with a long beard and long hair at top, followed

by a recluse with a shorter beard, a monk with no beard, a cleric

with a short beard, and a knight with no beard. A beardless priest stands to the side. (75) In other works, such as the Bayeux Tapestry, the tonsure is the only distinguishing mark of clerics, who otherwise resemble laymen.(?) There are references in some sources to curious fashions of shaving, and to the beards of jugglers, idiots, and heretics, (78) but just what

these were, or

even whether they were generally recognizable, is not known. In view of this uncertainty, the terms barba and barbatus are translated here simply as “beard” and “bearded”, covering a variety of different types of beard, including the growth between shaves on men who might have formally been considered

(25) Ibid., 3.310-12. On Jewish beards generally, see Bernhard Blumenkranz, Le juif médiéval au miroir de l'art chrétien (Paris, 1966) passim, esp. 20, where he said that after the reception of the Talmud, from the eleventh century on,

Jews were almost always depicted with long beards and curls, and, for some specific representations in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Meyer Schapiro, The Parma Ildefonsus: A Romanesque Illuminated Manuscript from Cluny and Related Works (New York, 1964); the frontispiece to Petrus Venerabilis 11561956: Studies and Texts Commemorating the Eighth Centenary of his Death, ed. G. Constable

and J. Kritzeck

(Studia Anselmiana, 40; Rome, 1956), showing

Peter the Venerable disputing with the Jews; and Gabrielle Sed-Rajna, "The Paintings of the London Miscellany: British Library Add. MS 11639,” Journal ofJewish Art, 9 (1982) figs. 1-2. The Cistercian abbot Richalm of Schónthal in the early thirteenth century said that he was sometimes called a Jew because of his beard:

Liber revelationum, Y, 29, ed. B. Pez, Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus (Augsburg-Graz, 1721-9) I.2, 417. (26) Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum, ed. Rosalie Green a.o. (Studies of the Warburg Institute, 36; London-Leiden, 1979) Il, pl. 124 (f. 215") ; see I, 1, dating the work between before 1176 and ca. 1196. See Adolf

Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art from the

Early Christian Times to the Thirteenth Century (Studies of the Warburg Institute, 10; London, 1939) 22-6. (27) The Bayeux Tapestry, ed. Frank Stenton a.o., 2nd ed. (London, 1965) figs. 19, 29, and 32. See also the tonsured cleric in lay costume delivering a document to a scribe in monastic costume in MS Tours 291, f. 132", in Edward K. Rand, A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours (The Mediaeval Academy of America, Publication 3; Cambridge, Mass., 1929) II, pl. 198, and I, 202, dating

this manuscript "apparently" in the twelfth century. (28) Marius Férotin, Le Liber ordinum en usage dans l'iglise wisigothique et mozarabe d'Espagne du cinquiéme au onzieme siecle (Monumenta ecclesiae liturgiCa, 5; Paris, 1904) 45, n. 2, citing canon 41 of the Fourth Council of Toledo in 633; and the works cited p. 123, n. 381-2 below. According to Blumenkranz,

Juif médiéval, 33, heretics in the late Middle Ages were sometimes depicted in the same way as Jews but without beards.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

55

beardless. () When Geoffrey of Auxerre said that Bernard of Clairvaux had "a reddish beard, scattered with white toward

the end of his life", he was probably referring not to a permanent beard but to the beard that grew between shaves, which took place seven times a year in a Cistercian monastery in the twelfth century. (#°) There is a great difference between shaving of this sort and the type of daily shaving ad cutem practiced by some men, but all men who shaved or regularly cut their beards close will be referred to here as beardless or as without beard. The long beard of an apostle, as in the A4fo/og?a, holy man, or philosopher was normally called a barba prolixa, which is translated here as a full or long beard.(?') The terms grano and grenones normally meant mustache but may sometimes have been used for whiskers, especially if the mustache grew around the ends of the mouth. Coma, capillus, and crinis are general terms

for hair, the latter commonly

used in the plural, and

tonsura is the general word for hair-cut. It is not always clear to what hair these terms refer. Some scholars have assumed that tonsura always applied to the beard as well as to the hair on the top of the head. (3?) This seems to be true in some sources, (??) but not in others, where tonsura is distinguished from barbirasium. (34) Even in the Apologia, which is specifically concerned with beards rather than with head-hair, the two types of hair are often confused and tonsuva is used in a general sense. (29) Shaving was a slow and painful process in the Middle Ages, and it is not likely that many men shaved frequently. Monks, who were considered shaven, normally shaved between once every two weeks and once every two months: see p. 116-7 below. What little is known about the techniques of shaving also comes from monastic sources. On medieval razors, see Matteo

Della Corte, "Novacula," Ausonia, 9 (1919) 139-60, esp. 155-60, citing examples of medieval razors, which resemble a blunt version of the type of cutthroat razor still used by barbers today. I owe this reference to Professor Jerry Stannard of the University of Kansas. (30) PL, CLXXXV, 303D. According to Jean Leclercq, in the discussion

to his paper, "Comment vivaient les fréres convers," I laici nella "Societas christiana" dei secoli XI e XII. Atti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio,

Mendola, 21-27 agosto 1965 (Pubblicazioni dell'Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Contributi, 3 S., Varia 5; Milan, 1968) 181, this indicated that Bernard had "ure petite barbe, ... une barbiche’’.

(31) See n. 359 below.

(32) Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 77, 80; A. Michel, in DE XVa, 1231.

(33) See the passage from William of Hirsau cited p. 62 (n. 71) below and the canon of the council of Bourges in 1031 cited p. 108 (n. 304) below. In Das Rituale von St Florian aus dem zwilften Jahrhundert, ed. Adolph Franz (Freiburg-im-Br., 1904) zzz, tondere clearly applied to both beard and hair. (34) Peter the Deacon, Disciplina Casinensis, in. Vetus disciplina monastica, ed. M. Herrgott (Paris, 1726) 3: "Nullus tonsuram vel barbirasium faciat absque Decani imperio."

56

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Burchard was concerned with morals more than he was with fashion or with terminology, though he enjoyed making up new words. He therefore looked at beards, and hair generally, "either for the hidden truth of the mystery", as he put it, "or for the education of manners". (?) %

II. SACRAMENTUM

MISTERII: The Meaning of Beards

I. Literature and Folklore

The hidden truth, sacrament, or mystery of beards, as Bur-

chard called it, always lay beneath the surface of appearances in the Middle Ages, but it was often so varied, and sometimes so

strange, as to be obscure even to contemporaries, let alone to later scholars. Almost the only universal and obvious meaning of beards was their association with masculinity, virility, and strength, and even this could, in the metaphorical sense, be applied to women. (3°) "The beard, like the hair, contained the quintessence of the life force.” (?") Its sacrifice, according to Van Gennep, involved two distinct operations: first, cutting it, which

symbolized a separation from the previous world, and second, dedicating and consecrating it, which established a link "to the sacred world and more particularly to a deity or a spirit with whom kinship is in this way established”. (78) Anthropologists tend to divide into two camps in their interpretation of hair and beards. Those who are concerned with the unconscious aspects of human behavior tend to identify hair with power, both in a general and, more frequently, in a specifically sexual sense.(?) Hair-cutting and shaving represent for them a sort of social control, often ritualized at special moments in a man's life, and they may be the equivalent of castration. Those who see symbols and rituals as conscious (35) Apologia 2.345-6; see also 3.435-6 ("quid ad misterium fidei, quid ad mores pertineat") and 3.963-5 ("aliud est proprietatenw misterii considerare et aliud est foris in rebus per omnia similitudines adaptare’’). (36) Richard Onions, The Origins of European Thought about the Body, the

Mind, the Soul, the World, Time and Fate, 2nd. ed. (Cambridge, 1954) 229-33, 530-1, etc. On a metaphorically-bearded barbata, see p. 70, n. 120, below.

(37) Gjaerder, in Acta arch., 35, p. 97; see also Onions, Origins, 130. (38) Van Gennep, Rites, 166-7. On offerings of hair, see Onions, Origins, 98-9, 107-8, 229, 231-2.

(39) E.R. Leach, “Magical Hair,” MAN: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 88 (1958) 147-64; C.R. Hallpike, “Social Hair,” ibid., N.S. 4 (1969) 256-64. On the association of hair with sexual vigor, see Onions, Origins, 232-3, 530-1, and Mótefindt, in Anthropos, 23, p- 653-4, who, like Leach

and others he cites, identified hair with the genitals and specifically with semen.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

57

statements about man and the world, on the other hand, tend to emphasize the treatment of hair in ceremonies of mourning,

punishment, magic, and social inclusion and exclusion. (*°) These two approaches are not mutually exclusive. Hallpike, for example, for whom hair-cutting represents social rather than specifically sexual control, associated it with specific ceremonies, saying that "long hair is associated with being outside society and that the cutting of hair symbolizes re-entering society, or living under a particular disciplinary regime within society". The cropped heads of monks, soldiers, and convicts thus signified for Hallpike that they are under discipline rather than, as some scholars have argued, that they are symbolically castrated. He thus associated the monastic tonsure with the vows of obedience and submission to a superior more than with those of chastity and celibacy. (*!) Rites and ceremonies of this sort are found in many societies and help explain some of the references to hair and beards in the Bible and in classical literature. (?) In the Old Testament, Samson is the classical example of hair as a source of strength (Judges 16.17). "Among the ancients," wrote Jerome in his commentary on Isaiah, "shaving the beard and head was a sign of grief,” (9) as was the wearing of sack-cloth and ashes. “Headsqualidness was an overt sign of desperate woe." (**) More generally, neglect of the beard, either by cutting or not cutting it, depending upon the custom of society, indicated that a man was

(40) Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago, 1966) 171, gave an example of the differing hair cuts among Indian tribes. According to Julian Pitt-Rivers,

The People of the Sierra, 2nd

ed.

(Chicago,

1971) xvi, citing

Schopenhauer but perhaps with tongue in cheek, beards are worn in some cultures in order to conceal the facial expression of men, who lack the “natural talent for dissimulation" of women. (41) Hallpike, in MAN, N.S. 4, p. 260-1. On the hair-cutting of monks, see

Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 536AC, who said that cutting the beard (as a mark of liberty) of monks showed that they were "perpetuos et ultroneos Dei servos," and Onions, Origins, 477-9.

(42) See A. Mau, "Bart," in Real- Enzyklopadie der classischen Altertumswis-

senschaft, ed. A. Pauly, C. Wissowa, and W. Kroll, 5 [IILr], 30-4.

(43) Jerome, In Isaiam, V (ad 15.2), in CC, LXXIII, 176 (PL, XXIV, 173A).

See also Ps-Haimo of Halberstadt (Auxerre ?), In Isaiam, I, 15, in PL, CXVI,

796C : "Consuetudinem antiquorum tangit, qui tempore afflictionis et luctus capita barbasque radebant;" Glorieux, 57, attributing this section to Remi of Auxerre, and Stegmüller, nos. 3083 and 3066. See Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 73-4. (44) J.D.M. Derrett, "Religious Hair," MAN: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, N.S. 8 (1973) 103, n. 3. Hallpike, ibid., N.S. 4, 257-8, compared this with other forms of self-mutilation associated with mourning.

58

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

at odds with himself and society. (*) In Greek society, hair-style was an important aspect of liminality, especially during the period between youth and adulthood, when young men all shared the characteristics of their age group. (*°) The offering of cut hair to a god was a form of thank-offering or dedication through which the god acquired some power over the person whose hair was offered. (*) Hair was regarded as a source of life in Roman society and was cut at the approach of death. The traditional tearing of hair as a sign of grief was "the first offering or sacrifice to the dead" and has been seen by some scholars “as a substitute for blood and human sacrifice". (#8) The beard in particular was a sign of age and physical maturity. It marked the borderline both between boys and men and between men and the gods, who never grew old. Alexander's shaving of his beard, which inaugurated a long period of beardlessness in the Greco-Roman world, (?) may have been inspired by his desire for the appearance of perpetual youth associated with the gods.(?) In ancient Greek society, the growth of a beard marked the end of the stage when a boy might legitimately be the object of sexual advances from an older man. (?!) It was also the distinction between the two major categories of performers, the juniors and the adults, in the Games. (?) The custom of shaving was introduced at Rome probably in the third century B.C. Some men grew beards in later life, however, presumably as a mark of age and dignity; and between Hadrian and Constantine there were periods when the emper(45) In the Bible being without a beard indicated sadness and penance, whereas in Roman society an unshaven beard was a mark of grief: Theodor Mommsen, Rómiscbes Strafrecht (Leipzig, 1899) 39r. (46) Jan Bremmer, "Heroes, Rituals and the Trojan War," Studi storici religiosi, 2 (1978) 24-9, with references to examples in other societies. I am indebted to Dr Bremmer for this and some of the references below. (47) Callimachus, In Delum, vs. 296-9; see Pauly-Wissowa, 5, p. 33, and Sommer, Haar, 21-39, 80. (48) Alfred Rush, Death and Burial in Christian Antijuity (Catholic University of America: Studies in Christian Antiquity, 1; Washington, 1941) 5, n.23,

163, 212.

(49) Pauly-Wissowa, 5, p. ax. (50) F. Buffiére, Eros adolescent. La pédérastie dans la Gréce antique (Paris, 1980) 614, 616, on the gods who had no need to shave. (51) KJ. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (London, 1978) 86-7, 144; Buffiére, Eros, 617: "Les poils et la barbe, apanage du sexe fort, sont la vraie barriére entre la pédérastie et l'homosexualité;" Jan Bremmer, "An Enigmatic Indo-

European Rite: Paederasty," Arethusa, 13 (1980) 289-90: "The paederastic relationship continued only till the boy reached adulthood... Among the Greeks and ancient Germans paederasty belonged to the transitional period into adulthood." (52) Buffiére, Eros, 611-2.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

59

ors, though not apparently all members of the imperial court, wore beards. (?*) Beards thus came into the Christian world with a heavy baggage of pre-historic and classical symbolism, of which the Church Fathers were not unaware. Lactantius in his De opificio Dei wrote,

"It is incredible

how

much

the reason

of beard

(barbae ratio) confers, either for distinguishing the maturity of bodies, or for differentiating the sexes, or for adorning virility and strength." 0^) The beard for Epiphanius was "the proper form of man", and for Clement, the sign of his superiority to woman. (?) In Augustine's De civitate Dei the fact that beards served "not for protection but for manly adornment" was evidence that some things were placed on the body for decoration rather than for use. (?$) These texts helped to establish the basic Christian view of beards, in both East and West, as the natural

mark of manhood, both in a general and in a specifically sexual sense. According to a medieval proverb, “A beard suits a man.” (?") Although a man without a beard, or with only a thin beard, was commonly regarded as weak, unmanly, and sterile in the Middle Ages,(?9) beardlessness was not altogether despised. It retained some of its primitive association with godliness as well as with grief and penance. Angels had no beards, nor did Adam before the Fall, and in medieval folklore the first men had no

beards. Beardlessness was sometimes regarded as the result of (53) Pauly-Wissowa, 5, p. 33-4. (54) Lactantius, De opzficio Dei, VII (11), ed. Samuel Brandt, CSEL, XXVIL1,

27 (PL, VII, 33A). (55) Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses, LXXX

(Contra Massalianos) 7, in PG,

XLII, 765D. For Clement, cited p. 86, see n. 184 below.

(56) Augustine, De civitate Dei, XXII, 24, 4, in CC, XLVIII, 850 (PL, XLI, 791). According to Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, XI, x, 45, ed. W.M. Lindsay

(Oxford, 1911), "Barbam veteres vocant, quod virorum sit, non mulierum;" also XI, z, 147. (57) Hans Walther, Proverbia sententiaeque Latinitatis Medii Aevi, I (Góttingen, 1963) 221, no. 29, cf. no. 32. Orderic Vitalis and Serlo of Séez in the passages cited p. 96, n. 233-4, below, clearly associated beards with lust. (58) According to Hildegard of Bingen, Causae et curae, II, ed. Paul Kaiser (Leipzig, 1903) 75, phlegmatic

men,

who lacked semen, were sterile, weak,

not viriles "nec in barba nec in aliis huiusmodi causis", and had only a

"modicum barbae." Dr Joan Cadden has given me some interesting references to the specifically masculine associations of beards in late medieval medical texts, such as MS Cambridge, Trinity College, O.2.5., f. 132°b, and R.14.45, f.

2o", where men were said to dispose of superfluities through the beard and sweat and women through menstruation.

A woman suffering from menstrual

retention might thus grow a little beard. Castration in men led to a loss of

beard and of courage. A generous growth of lanugo on the cheeks of a young man was considered a sure mark of virility in Walter Map, De nugis curialium,

III, 2, ed. and tr. M.R. James, rev. C.N.L. (Oxford Medieval Texts; Oxford, 1983) 218.

Brooke

and R.A.B.

Mynors

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

60

asceticism, and in the twelfth century shaven priests were said to resemble both angels in their divinity and boys in their innocence and humility. (?) On the whole, however, the capacity to grow a beard was regarded as essential for a man, and even in periods when beards were not commonly worn, there was a tendency to regard close shaving as effeminate and to seek some special justification for classes of men, like monks and clerics, who regularly shaved their beards. (°°) Beards were also regarded, as in Antiquity, as a mark of strength and energy in both a physical and a moral sense. ($!) Augustine in his Enarrationes in Psalmos, which is cited verbatim in the Apologia, wrote that, "The beard signifies strong men;

the beard signifies young,

vigorous, active, quick men.

When therefore we describe such men, we say that a man is bearded.” (**) Bede in his commentary on Esdras said that, "The beard, which is a mark

of the male sex and of age, is

customarily put as an indication of virtue." (9) Shaving was a renunciation of power and independence, as in traditional societies, and an act of submission and obedience. It was also a sign of sexual renunciation. This was sometimes viewed in a bad as well as a good light, and shaving could be seen as a weak and unmanly acceptance of vice, at least in a figurative sense. Aelred of Rievaulx, for example, called the beard both the sign and the beginning of manly virtue. For it is the greatest virtue and manly task to resist the promptings of nature and to turn those urgings, without which existence is impossible, toward the exercise of virtue. For he who accepts those passions and gives in to the service of the vices, will be seen as deprived of all virtue, beardless, and as it were relaxed into a woman. (54) (59) Stith Thompson, ton-London,

Morif-Index of Folk- Literature, 2nd ed. (Blooming-

1975) I, 241, no. Ars97.r, with references

to other examples.

Adam was said to be without a beard in paradise in the Persian treatise cited p- 50, n. xo above. On the significance of the beardlessness of priests and monks, see the works of Rupert of Deutz, Sicard of Cremona, and William Durand cited below, and Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 435E-6C.

(60) Van Haeften, 5. Benedictus, 536CE, gave as one of the reasons for

close shaving (ad cutem) that it made the face resemble those of the eunuchs whose continence was praised by Matthew and St Jerome. (61) See some

of the examples of magic hair cited in Thompson, Motif-

Index, II, 120, 338, nos. D99r, D1831.2.

(62) Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmos, CXXXII, 7, in CC, XL, 1931 (PL, XXXVII, 1733) = Apologia 3.619-21. (63) Bede, In Esdram, Il, 12 (ad 9.3), in CC, CXIXA, 328 (PL, XCI, 875B) = Apologia 3.852-3. See also the passages by Rabanus and Damiani cited p. 79-80, n. 157-8, below.

(64) Aelred of Rievaulx, Serm. 24, in Bibliotheca maxima veterum patrum (Lyons, 1677) XXIII, 6oC, which is more complete than the version of this sermon (numbered 25) in PL, CXCV, 465A.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

61

Beards were also always seen as a sign of age, in both a metaphorical and in a literal sense. Uncut and cut hair, on the head and on the chin, were symbols of the Old and New Testaments and of the ages of law and grace. Ezechiel specifically represented, before and after he shaved his beard at the Lord’s command,

the old and new dispensations and, for Bur-

chard of Bellevaux, the lay-brothers and monks in a Cistercian abbey. (°°) For Alan of Lille, as has been seen, the four ages of Hymenaeus were marked by the first down on his chin, a fuller fringe, a luxuriant fleece, and finally a beard so thick as to require a razor. ($6) A beard set off a boy from a man. William the Conqueror complained that he had to defend Normandy “while still unbearded", that is, when he was a boy.(%) This distinction of age, rather than one of position or function, probably explains why some men are shown with beards and some without in most representations of groups or crowds in medieval art. Between one and six of the apostles, though rarely more, are usually shown without beards; and even in groups of clerics and monks, who were required to shave, a few of the older ones, often including the bishop or abbot, are often shown with beards, probably as a sign of age as well as of rank. Ina document regulating the distribution of wine, mead, and beer among members of the community at Xanten in about I100, a

distinction was drawn between the young and sickly, who were entitled to a larger portion, and those "who shaved their beards and had reached the perfect age, that is, the grade or ministry of the subdiaconate.” (8) Ralph of Flaix in his commentary on Leviticus wrote, "The beard on a man is a sign of the perfect age. Whence the virtue of the saints is often designated by a beard." (89) Some monasteries admitted only men who already had a beard. St Euthemius in the fifth century refused to admit to his laura boys “with female faces", and St Sabas did likewise. (?) A beard was considered a sign of having reached the proper age for admission in some of the reformed monasteries in the West in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when a young man's date Juif médiéval, 17, 19. (65) See n. 331 and n. 472 below, and Blumenkranz, (66) See n. x4 above. (67) Orderic Vitalis, Historia aecclesiastica, VIL, 15, ed. and tr. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford Medieval Texts; Oxford, 1969-80) IV, 84. (68) Friedrich W. Oediger, Die Stiftskirche des bl. Viktor zu Xanten. Das dlteste Totenbuch des Stiftes Xanten (Die Stiftskirche des hl. Viktor zu Xanten, ed. Walter Bader, II, 3; Kevelaer, 1958) 25. (69) Ralph of Flaix, In Leviticum, IX, 5 (ad 13.29), in Bibliotheca maxima, XVII, 135G ; see n. 151 below. (70) See André-Jean Festugiére, Vie de Théodore de Sykéon (Subsidia hagiographica,

48;

Brussels,

1970)

Il, 202,

monasteries where boys were received.

who

also

cites

examples

of early

62

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

of birth was

often unknown.

At Hirsau, for instance, it was

customary not to receive a layman "for conversion into the cloister who is not of such an age that he has enough beard for the order of this tonsure [that is, the cutting of the beard] to be fulfilled". (") Seven skeletons in graves of the eleventh and twelfth centuries at the abbey of Novalese have their hands folded over their chests holding a blade which may be a razor.(?) The reason for this is uncertain, but it may be an indication of their shaven, or monastic, status. (7?) The beard was also a sign of dignity, freedom, and honor. (’*) To cut or pull a man's beard was a grave affront unless it was part of a recognized ceremony. Beards were specifically protected in many of the early Germanic law codes. (^) According to the laws of Alfred, anyone who cut off a man's beard in Anglo-Saxon England had to pay a compensation of twenty shillings, (7°) and in Frederick Barbarossa's Landfried of 1152 it was forbidden either to seize a man by the beard or to tear any hairs from his head or beard. (7) Godfrey of Viterbo described (71) William of Hirsau, Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, 1, 2, in Herrgott, Vetus

disciplina, 380 (PL, CL, 934D). The passage in all probability refers to monks rather than conversi of the new type (lay-brothers), who would have worn beards. (72) I am indebted for this information to Professor Patrick Geary of the University of Florida. On the earlier Germanic practice of burial with sets of comb, razor, scissors, and tweezers, sometimes in miniature, see Hayo Vierck,

"Redwalds Asche. Zum Grabbrauch in Sutton Hoo, Suffolk," Offa 29 (1973) 38.

(73) If the skeletons were of monks (which is uncertain, since some of the burials were of women), they may have entered the abbey late in life, ad succurrendum, and wished to enter the next world carrying a symbol of their conversion,

since monks

(unlike laymen)

were

shaved. The matter needs

further investigation, and this explanation is a guess.

(74) See Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 536AC ; Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Rechts-

alterthtimer, 4th ed. Andreas Heusler and Rudolf Hübner, I (Leipzig, 1899)

201; Hofmeister, in Zs f.Kirchengeschichte, 62, p- 75; Hoyoux, in Rev. belge, 26, P- 494. Thompson, Morzf- Index, V , 182, n. P672, cites examples of pulling the beard as an insult; see also A. Otto, Die Sprichworter und sprichwortlichen

Redensarten der Romer (Leipzig, 1890) 53; Samuel Singer, Sprichworter des Mittelalters (Bern, 1944-7) I, 38-40. (75) Leges Alamannorum, LVM, 27 and 30, in MGH, Leges nationum Germanicarum, Vx, 121-2 in Cod. A; Edictus Rothari, 383, in Leges Langobardorum 643$66, ed. Franz Beyerle (Witzenhausen, 1962) 92; Lex Frisionum, XXII, 17, in MGH, Leges in fol., III, 675. (76) Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church,

I: 71-1204, ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett, and C.N.L. Brooke (Oxford, 1981)

[aT

(77) Die Urkunden

Friedrichs 1. r2-1j$,

ed. Heinrich Appelt, in MGH,

Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae, Xr, 42. Two men holding each other's beards, apparently fighting, is à common subject in Romanesque sculpture, especially on capitals, and represents, according to Zehava Jacoby,

Ira or Discordia.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

63

the rage of Otto I at a knight who dared to lay hands on his beard "without a razor" and who pulled out some hairs. (79) Judicial shaving or decalvation, of which the exact forms probably varied, was a serious punishment, used especially for rebels. The name Calvary was derived by some authors from the cutting of Christ's hair before the crucifixion.(?) In 546 Sandragisilus was both beaten and shaved, "so notable were his crimes"; the hair and beard of Mummolus were torn out before

he was executed in 585; and at the triumphal entry of King Wamba into Toledo in 673 his enemies marched "with cropped heads (decalvatis capitibus), shaven beards, and bare feet". (°°) Still at the end of the eleventh century, the rebel Gossuin of Oisy-le-Verger had his beard cut off, as a sign of shame, before he was released by Count Baldwin of Hainault. ($!) Shaving was used in the East as a punishment for lesser as well as for more serious crimes. The Emperor Theophilus in the ninth century punished a quaestor who had failed in his duties both by cutting and by burning his beard. (2?) William of Tyre gave an amusing example of the importance attached to beards in the East in the story of how the Armenian Gabriel of Malatia was tricked, in 1109, into paying the debts of his son-in-law Baldwin of Edessa, who pretended that he had sworn to cut off his beard if his men were not paid on a particular day. Since it is customary among peoples in the East, both Greeks and other nations, to grow their beards with great care and total sollicitude, and to consider it a very great

(78) Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon, s.a. 936, in MGH, Scriptores in fol., XXII, 235-6. Otto probably did not have a beard, at least in 936, but Godfrey reflects che views of the time of Frederick Barbarossa. (79) Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae, 1, 194, in PL, CLXXII, 6o3B. (8o) Gesta Dagoberti, Y, 6 and 35, in MGH,

Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum,

II, 403, 413, and Regino of Prüm, Chronicon, s.a. 546, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum [50], 28; Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, VII, 38, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, 1.x (rst ed.), 319; Julian of Toledo, Historia Wambae regis, 30, ibid., V, 525 (CC, CXV, 244) ;see Wallace-

Hadrill, Long-Haired Kings, 246. (81) Gislebert of Mons, Chronicon Hanoniense, ed. Léon Vanderkindere (Commission royale d'histoire: Recueil de textes pour servir à l'étude de l'histoire de Belgique; Brussels, 1904) 36. According to Hildebert of Le Mans, Ep. II, 17, in PL, CLXXI, 226B, Count Rotrocus set free his unfaithful

chamberlain Humbert after he was excommunicated "ac ne simulatorie loqui putaretur, abscissos de capite suo capillos matri suae transmisit."

(82) W. Regel, Analecta Byzantino- Russica (St Petersburg, 1891) 40. See also

Albert Vogt, "S. Théophylacte de Nicomédie," Analecta Bollandiana, 50 (1932) 80, and Leo VI, Le livre du préfet, Il, 3 and 5; IV, 9; V, 5; tr. Jules

Nicole (Geneva - Basel, 1894) 29, 32, 35.

64

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

shame and irrevocablé ignominy to have even one hair pulled from the beard with injury, for whatsoever reason, Gabriel was horrified that Baldwin had so lightly pledged, "as if it were something ordinary, that could be separated without shame from a man, a thing [his beard] that should be preserved with such care, the mark of a man, the principal power of a man". He therefore agreed to pay Baldwin's debts on condition that he never again obligate himself in this manner. (55) This story also illustrates the use of beards as pledges and in oaths and expressions of good faith. Men who wish to appear honorable and venerable, said Burchard of Bellevaux,

when they try to defend their intentions and the terms of their arrangements, introduce their beards into their swearing as if out of reverence in order that whatever they affirm by swearing by their beards may be held not unbelievable but holy. A man of this type says, "By this beard, it is so", or “it is not so", or “it will be so", or “it will not be otherwise”.

Some men believe that wisdom so burns and shines in their beards that in their agreements they will shake their beards with determination and twisting it in their hands will call down an anathema of burning, saying, "May the evil flame devour this beard if it is otherwise" or "will be otherwise". (84) Examples of oaths taken and agreements made with a hand on the beard or hair are cited by both Fangé and Grimm, who also gives instances, from the late Middle Ages, of cutting the beard as a sign of commemoration. (?) Three beard-hairs were sometimes included in a seal of a charter "in order that it may remain confirmed and stable". (86) The significance of the gesture of holding one's own beard has been debated by scholars. It clearly indicated, if Burchard is correct, resolution and good faith, and this is consistent with two twelfth-century illustrations to Causa X of Gratian's DecreN

(83) William of Tyre, Chronique, XI, xz, in Recueil des historiens des croisades : Historiens

occidentaux,

1, 470-1,

and

new

ed. by R.B.C.

Huygens

and

H.E.

Mayer, CC: CM, 63, in press; tr. Emily Babcock and A.C. Krey, William of

Tyre, A History of Deeds Done beyond the Sea (Records of Civilization, 35; New York, 1943) I, 479-80. (84) Apologia, 3.700-9.

(85) Fangé, Mémoires, 208-29; Grimm, Recbtsaltertbümer, Y, 203; see also H.

Platelle, "Le probléme du scandale. Les nouvelles modes masculines aux XI*

et XII siécles," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 53 (1975) 1094. (86) Du Cange, Glossarium, s.v. "Barba" (I, 584), citing a charter of maz;

see also s.v. "Pillum" (V, 257), citing a charter of 1181, and Platelle, in Revue

belge, 53, p. 1093.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

65

tum, showing men holding their beards with their right hands while asking for a concession from a bishop. (8’) It may also fit an illustration to Causa XXXVI showing a man, also apparently holding his beard, trying to seduce a woman. (88) A letter from Patriarch Athanasius I of Constantinople in the thirteenth century strongly suggests that grasping the beard was, at least in the East, a gesture of supplication. (®) It was called "a sign of great tension" by Meyer Schapiro, who cited the examples in the Golden Evangeliary of Henry III, where the man being exorcized in Mark 1.23 is shown holding his beard with his right hand and his hair with his left, and in the Parma Ildefonsus, where the heretic Jovinian is shown holding his beard, (??) but these could also be gestures of sincerity or supplication. Gjaerder associated it with the ancient belief that the beard contained the life force and suggested that holding the beard by Biblical figures was "a contemplative gesture which it is only natural to associate with prophets and other wise men". (?!) The so-called philosopher's beard was well known in Antiquity.(??) It has been said that the customary image of St Paul with a long beard may have derived from the bearded representations of Plotinus.(?) The Emperor Julian regarded his beard as a sign that he was above worldly concerns, and the long beard of Edward the Confessor in the Bayeux Tapestry set him off from other men doubtless as a mark of his wisdom and dignity as well as of his age. Nature may have imitated art in : this respect, and men of a certain age and rank, including bishops and abbots, may have grown beards with this association in mind. John of Salisbury commented in his Historia pontificalis that Bishop Henry of Winchester "was more re(87) Anthony Melnikas, Tbe Corpus of tbe Miniatures in tbe Manuscripts of Decretum. Gratiani (Studia Gratiana, 16; Rome, 1975) (II) 360: MSS Arras, Bibl. mun., 492, f. 92", and Amiens, Bibl. mun., 354, f. 123". (88) Ibid., (YII) 1150: MS Amiens, Bibl. mun., 354, f. 259". (89) The Correspondence of Athanasius I, Patriarch of Constantinople, ed. AliceMary Talbot (Dumbarton Oaks Texts, 5; Washington, 1975) 247, Ep. 94, and 423, dating it 1305; see Alexander Kazhdan, "Two Letters of Athanasius I, Patriarch of Constantinople: An Attempt at Reinterpretation," Charanis Studies: Essays in Honor of Peter Charanis, ed. Angeliki Laiou-Thomadakis

(New Brunswick, 1980) 83. (90) Albert Boeckler, Das goldene Evangelienbuch Heinrichs III. (Berlin, 1933) pl. 79; Schapiro, Parma Ildefonsus, fig. 4, see p. 15 and n. 29.

(ox) Gjaerder, in Acta arch., 35, p. 97-8, 110-1, referring especially to the later Middle Ages. (92) Pauly-Wissowa, 5, p. 32: "Dagegen hielten die Philosophen an der Sitte des Vollbarts fest und trugen ihn auch wohl langer, als es früher üblich war." See also Otto, Sprichworter, 53 n.; Fangé, Mémoires, 177-84.

(93) H.P. L'Orange, "Plotinus - Paul" (Odense, 1973) 32-42, esp. 40-1.

(1958), rp. in Likeness and Icon

66

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

spectable than others at the [papal] court, with his long beard and gravity of a philosopher." (?*) St Benedict was commonly represented in the early Middle Ages either beardless or with only a short beard, presumably in recognition of his status as a monk, but after the twelfth century he was increasingly given a beard to show that he was a patrjarch. (?’) The association of hairiness with holiness was also of great antiquity. Holy men, hermits, and recluses regularly had long beards both as a sign of their freedom and unworldliness and as a reward for their sufferings. "In the case of the ascetics,” according to MacDermot, “the growth of hair was a sign that they no longer felt the effects of outer conditions; it was regarded as a divine gift and as the result of their exertions.” (?6) Williams in his book on The Oriental Affinities of the Legend of the Hairy Hermit traced this association back through the bearded prophets of the Old Testament and the Gilgamesh epic and Hindu legend to the tradition of the beast-man, who may originally have been a symbol of fruitfulness and fertility, and the deluge hero. He also emphasized the element of penance, both for lapses of chastity, when the hermit had sinned with a woman, and for sacrificing to the pagan idols, as had many of the early Christian holy men. (??) A long unkempt beard was commonly regarded as a sign of mourning and punishment, in both a religious and a secular sense. The Emperor Julian, whose beard was matted and filled with lice, said, “I look like a man expiating a crime." (?9) Two early eleventh-century papal penitential letters in the collection of Archbishop Wulfstan of York established that penitents should cut their hair no more than twice a year, (??) and accord(94) John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, 4o, ed. and tr. Marjorie Chibnail ([Nelson's] Medieval Texts; London, Edinburgh, a.o., 1956) 79.

(95) Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 183, 533; Fangé, Mémoires, 290-2; Elisabeth Dubler, Das Bild des heiligen Benedikt bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Benediktinisches

Geistesleben,

4; St Ottilien, 1953) 66-72, who

said that "the

patriarch-type" predominated in Italy after the fourtaenth century but was hardly found in Germany before the Baroque period. She regarded the unbearded Benedict as representing a timeless youth and "a youthfulidealized type” (70-1) rather than simply a monk. (96) Violet MacDermot, Tbe Cult of tbe Seer in tbe Ancient Middle East (Berkeley - Los Angeles, 1971) 33. (97) Charles A. Williams, Oriental Affinities of the Legend of the Hairy Anchorite (University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, X, 2, and XI, 4; Urbana, Ill, 1925-7) and The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite

(bid., XVIII, 1-2; Urbana, Ill., 1935). (98) Julian, Misopogon, ed. Prato and Micalella, 8-9, tr. Wright, II, 426-7. (99) Council: and Synods, Lr, 234-5, no. 43, IV, VI. The Pope John who

wrote these letters was probably John XVII (1003) or XVIII (1003-9). They refer to capillos, which may include the beards as well as hair.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

67

ing to Orderic Vitalis, Robert Guiscard, before marching on Rome, swore not to bathe, shave, or cut his hair. Orderic also

recorded that after Evreux was taken by Amaury of Montfort in 1118, the bishop Audoin wandered in exile for a year without shaving, showing in his appearance "his grief at the desolation of his church". (1?) Orderic disapproved of beards except as a sign of penance or distress. "Up to now penitents and prisoners and pilgrims have normally been unshaven, with long beards, and in this way have publicly proclaimed their condition of penitence or captivity or pilgrimage." He cited Bishop Serlo of Séez's explanation, in 1105, that penitents let their hair and beards grow "so that those who in the sight of God inwardly are bristling with sins and are unkempt may walk before men outwardly bristling and unshorn and proclaim by their outward disgrace the baseness of the inner man”. (1?!) According to John Beleth, who taught at Paris in the twelfth century, "Those who perform penance let their hair and beard grow in order to show the abundance of crimes with which the head, that is, the mind

of the sinner, is burdened.” (1?) In the late Middle Ages, penitents with long beards were a familiar sight. (1°) The ancient practice of tearing the hair and beard with grief also survived in the Middle Ages. Agnellus in his history of the church of Ravenna referred to “the grieving people ... tearing out their hair and beards”. (1^) Choniates gives several examples of people pulling out their hair in distress in the East in the twelfth century. (1°) It is not surprising that a symbol of such potency and variety is found in many folk-tales and miracle stories. (1°) The beard of St Amand was said to have continued to grow miraculously after his death, and two nephews of St Judoc continued to wash

(100) Orderic Vitalis, Hist. ecc., VII, 5, ed. Chibnall, IV, 21-2, and XII, 7, ibid., VI, 204. The council of Limoges in 1031 forbade peace-breakers to shave

or cut their hair, presumably as a penance: Mansi, XIX, 542DE. (xor) Orderic Vitalis, Hist. ecc., VIII, xo, ed. Chibnall, IV, 188, and XI, x

ibid., Vl, 64. (102) John Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis offwiis, Add. c. 39, ed. H. Douteil, in CC: CM, XLI, 29. Beleth attributed this sententia to Isidore, but it is not

found among his published works.

(103) See G.G. Meersseman, "I penitenti nei secoli XI e XIL" in I laici, 321 f. (104) Agnellus, Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis, 128, in MGH, Seriptores

rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. VI-IX, 362 (PL, CVI, 693D). (105) Nicetas Choniates, Historia, ed. J.A. Van Dieten (Berlin - New York, 1975 ff.) I, 304; II, 341; IV, 148.

(106) See the many examples cited in Thompson, Motif- Index, esp. II, 120, Door, and, on the magical properties of hair, Leach, in MAN, 88, p. 162, and

Hallpike, in MAN,

N.S. 4, esp. 258-9. See also Fangé, Mémozres, 63-4.

68

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

and shave his dead. body, "which long remained uncorrupted". (17) When the tomb of Edward the Confessor was opened in 1163, his beard was found to be “long and white". ('?*) There are two different stories, respectively in the Vita of Bishop Eagwine of Worcester and in the miracles of St-Benoit-sur-Loire, about

men who swore falsely by their, beards and consequently lost them, one of them permanently. (9?) The beard-hairs and clippings from men who were considered saints were often preserved. (!9) Some hairs from the beard of Bernard of Tiron were used during his lifetime to cure the sick and gave forth a wonderful aroma when he died. (!!) When Godric of Finchale gave some loose hairs from his beard to a Cistercian monk, he told him to keep them carefully because they would some day be of advantage, as they indeed proved to be to himself or to someone else. (!?) The Franciscan John of Vicenza was said by Salimbene to have been offended "that the brothers did not collect the hairs of his beard, so as to keep them as relics”. (15) Folk stories also throw some light on the obscure question of the color of beards, and its symbolism. The Devil and Judas in particular were thought to have red beards, though the earliest iconographical support for this dates from the thirteenth century.(!^) In Irish mythology Jesus Himself was said to have had a red beard.(!^) He is shown in a Cluniac lectionary of

(107) Epitome bistorie ... S. Amandi, 6, in AASS, 6 Feb. (3rd ed.) I, 903D (BHL 344) ;Orderic Vitalis, Hist. ecc., III, ed. Chibnall, II, x58. (108) De translatione sancti Eduardi Confessoris, 12, in AASS, 5 Jan., I, 303; BHL 2427. See Thompson, Motif-Index, II, 419, E182; Fangé, Mémoires, 63-4;

and, for a post-medieval example, Bernal Diaz, The Conquest of New Spain, tr.

J.M. Cohen (Baltimore, 1963) 397, where the hair and beards of dead Spanish E soldiers grew "longer than they were in life". (109) Vita s. Egwini, 6(20), in AASS, xx Jan. (3rd ed.) I, 710-11 (BHL 2432) ; Miracula s. Benedicti, V, 22, in AASS, 2x Mar. (3rd ed.) III, 341F (BHL 1129). (110) Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis, Yl, 68, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, YV, 734. In the Mozarabic ritual des&ibed below, p. 109-10,

the clippings from the first cutting of the beards were caught in a linen

cloth, presumably in the belief that they contained some force or power.

(rx) Bernard of Tiron, Vita, XIII (125), in PL, CLXXII, 1438D ;BHL I251.

(112) Libellus de vita et miraculis s. Godrici, CXXXVI Stevenson (Surtees Society, 20; London, 1847) 263. (x13) Salimbene

de Adam,

(249) ed. Joseph

Chronica, s.a. 1233, in MGH,

Scriptores in fol.,

XXXII, 78. (114) See Thompson, Motif-Index, III, 320, no. G303.4.1.3.1; IV, 207, 436,

nos. J2355,

Kr82r.1;

Gjaerder,

in Acta

arch.,

35, p. 109;

and

esp.

Ruth

Mellinkoff, "Judas's Red Hair and the Jews," Journal ofJewisb Art, 9 (1982) 35,

with a discussion (31-4) of the age-old prejudice against red hair. See also

Map, De nugis, II, 31, ed. James, 206.

(115) Thompson, Morif-Index, V, 451, no. Vaxr.2.x.2.1.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

69

the late eleventh or early twelfth century with a vivid green beard, (!6) but this probably is without significance. Indeed, the variety of colors of hair and beard in representations of the same person in the same manuscript has led some scholars to question whether hair- or beard-color is of any importance. (!!7) The only meaning attached to the color of beards in the Apologia is to yellow and grey, aside from the vanity of some men in the color of their beards. To those men whose beards are white, let them be “whiter

than snow, purer than milk" (Lam. 4.7); to those [whose beards are] red, “more ruddy than the old ivory" (2b:4.); to those whose beards are black, let their soul say, "I am black but I am beautiful" (Cant. r.4); those men have a yellow beard, since it is a moderate

color, who are calmed with

moderate love and are so communal and temperate that they show themselves amiable to all and "conversing without blame" (Phil. 3.6) among their brothers. Lastly, to those whose beards are gray, let them be fully mature, like crops at harvest-time, and "absolute in power" (Wis. 12.17) they should think about the fan and the barn (Matt. 3.12) in the near future. (!!5)

The symbolism of beards was increasingly detached from their physical reality as the Middle Ages advanced,(!?) and they took on meanings that were often inconsistent and sometimes contradictory, as the reader of the Apologia will observe. Bruno of Segni gave an example of this in his commentary on Leviticus, where he argued that men should not shave because they should look like men rather than women and "should imitate the strength of men rather than the softness of women. For which reason we are very rightly accustomed to refer to holy women, who frequently surpass men in strength of spirit,

(116) MS Paris, Bibl. nat., N.a.l. 2246, f. 79", reproduced in Fernand Mercier, Les primitifs francais. La peinture clunysienne en Bourgogne à l'époque romane (Paris, 1931) pl. 99, rox, and, in color, Francois Avril, Xavier Barral i

Altet, a.o., Le monde roman. Le temps des croisades (Paris, 1982) 173, fig. 157. (117) Kemmerich, Portratmalerei, 88-9. (x18) Apologia 3.1184-92; see 1164-5: "in colore albas, nigras, rufas, fulvas,

canas". The omission of brown is curious, and it may be that a/bus means blond and fulvus, brown. Burchard reflected some of the traditional prejudice against red in in 3.457-9, where he said that some men with gray beards would prefer (by implication, even) to look red, and especially in 3.1159-6o, where he said: "Silence, fools; David was gentle and mild and faithful, and

his beard [was] red." The lay-brothers must have suggested that a red beard implied violence and treachery. See Mellinkoff, in J. ofJewish Art, 9, p. 31-4. (x19) See the remark of Peter Comestor on the hair of the Apostles, cited n. 238 below.

70

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

as bearded (barbatas)." A woman may thus be spiritually, though not physically, bearded. This corresponded to the status of clerics, who

shaved

their

beards,

Bruno

said, because

they

wanted to be strong in spirit rather than simply to look strong, that is, bearded. "The beard grows on us internally," he explained, "[and] is shaved externally; for that [interior beard] grows without impediment, whereas this [exterior beard] gives rise to many problems unless it is shaved, and it is grown with beauty only by very idle and vain men.” (??) The concept of internal and external shaving was often applied to beards, of which the hairs were compared to thoughts, and especially to evil thoughts and sins, which grow involuntarily in the mind. Gregory the Great, commenting in the Moralia on how Job "having shaven his head fell down upon the ground and worshipped” (Job 1.20), compared the hairs to “thoughts flowing down from the spirit. .. To shave the head is therefore to cut superfluous thoughts from the mind." Great deeds breed self-confidence, he said, and presumptuous thoughts arise out of the very act of fighting against vice. He applied to this the law of the Nazarites in Numbers 6.5 and 18, who (like Samson) used no razor and let their hair grow. Why did the Nazarites let their hair grow, except to show that thoughts of presumptuous things might grow through a life of great continence? And why was the Nazarite ordered, after his devotion is completed, to shave his head and put the hairs in the sacrificial fire, except to show that we have come to the height of perfection when we conquer exterior vices in such a way that we also cut superfluous thoughts from our mind? (?!)

Isidore of Seville followed Gregory in this interpretation of the law of the Nazarites, who let their hair grow at first and later shaved it, and in his De ecclesiasticis officiis he applied it to the tonsure of priests, whose shaving was visible on their bodies but had its effect on their souls. "By this sign, the vices in religion are cut off, and we strip off the crimes of the body like hairs. This renewal fittingly takes place in the mind, but it is

(120) Bruno of Segni, Im Leviticum, ad 19.267, in PL, CLXIV, 444B; Stegmüller, no. 1844. Bruno died in 1123 and was both bishop of Segni and abbot of Monte Cassino. (121) Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob, II, 52 (82-4), in CC, CXLIII, I09-IO (PL, LXXV, 595B-6C). This idea that a life of continence promotes the growth of presumptuous thoughts (which is found elsewhere in Gregory's

works, as in In librum I Regum, V, 172, in CC, CXLIV, 524-5), symbolized by the hairs of both the head and beard, appears in several writers cited below, including Amalarius, the Excerptiones Egberti, Sicard, and William Durand.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Ga

shown on the head where the mind is known to reside." (22) This passage comes from a chapter which was taken over in its entirety into the canons of the council of Aachen in 816, and also into the De institutione clericorwm of Rabanus Maurus and the Liber adversus Graecos of Eneas of Paris. (!?3) In the section on tonsure in the Liber officialis of Amalarius of Metz, Gregory's views were cited again. "The hairs on the head signify thoughts in the mind. .. We should shave it of superfluous thoughts in order that the eye of our intellect can look at eternal things." Even the hairs in the circle on the lower part of the head, which represent the many necessary and unavoidable thoughts about temporal affairs, should not be allowed to grow too long "lest they should cover the ears of the heart and impede the eyes". Amalarius used Gregory's interpretation of the Nazarite law to explain why clerics let their hair and beards grow "beyond the usual custom in the time of fast". “No one should forbid the pious thoughts that are accustomed to grow in time of abstinence, but we should shave them before they lead our fragility to some dangerous presumption." (74) The idea that hairs represented vices and that cutting them symbolized the renewal of the spirit was therefore a commonplace in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. A layman who was entering the monastery of Lérins in the eleventh century said in a charter that he offered himself to God.

I hand over the superfluous hair of my mind for cutting in sacrifice [and] the hair of my head for shaving as a symbol (figuraliter) so that after I have become a minister of Christ in the cloister of the monastery I may henceforth be able to hold my will in contempt so that, with God's favor, my soul may be watched over by angels in the future life. (1?)

The physical capitis crinis parallels here the allegorical coma mentis, which stood for unnecessary and evil thought. John Beleth applied this idea, following Amalarius, to the beards which priests grew during Lent and shaved in the Easter vigil. (122) Isidore of Seville, De ecclesiasticis officiis, UI, 4, in PL, LXXXIII, 779C80A.

(x23) Council of Aachen, Maurus, aus dem of Paris, (124)

c. 1, in MGH,

Capitularia, 1, 318-9; Rabanus

De institutione clericorum, Y, 3, ed. A. Knoepfler (Veróffentlichungen kirchenhistorischen Seminar München, 5; Munich, 1900) 9-12; Eneas Liber adversus Graecos, 185, in PL, CXXI, 746C-7B. Amalarius of Metz, Liber officialis, YI, 5, 1-7, in Opera liturgica omnia,

ed. J.O. Hanssens, II (Studi e testi, 139; Vatican City, 1948) 210-2. (125) Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Lérins, ed. H. Moris and E. Blanc (Société des lettres, sciences et arts des Alpes Maritimes; Saint-Honorat

de Lérins -

to combine

depono and

Paris, 1883-1905) 17, no. 18. The term obdeponendam, which is translated here "for cutting in sacrifice", is unusual, but it seems

oppono and to mean to cut off as a pledge or sacrifice.

72

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

“The shaving of the, hairs of the beard, which proceed from the superfluous humors of the stomach, just as nails proceed from the superfluous humors of the heart, signified that we must cut off the vices and sins which are superfluous in us." (76) Sicard of Cremona fully discussed the reasons for clerical shaving in his Mitrale, drawing freely on the works of Augustine, Gregory, Amalarius, and Honorius Augustodunensis. The passage, though largely derivative, is worth citing in its entirety as a summary of the prevailing views on the subject in the second half of the twelfth century. (?") After [St] Peter was captured by the Gentiles, his beard was shaved and the hair cut from his head, but he wanted that

which was done to him in scorn to be seen as a mystery either in memory of the Lord's passion or of the morality that ought to be in us. For by the head is understood the mind, which is adorned with thoughts as the head is with hairs [and] which ought to be shaved of superfluous thoughts by the razor of the fear of God, so that it may contemplate celestial things with the naked face of the heart. The circle of hairs is the adornment of the virtues; the hairs are made

equal in a circle because the virtues are perfected in the concord of love, as a cleric should be strong in himself, all smooth and round (Horace, Sat. II, vii, 86), for in figures

nothings agrees better with itself than the circle or harmonizes in every part.(75) The upper part [of the head] is shaved, and a circle [of hair] is left in the lower part in order (126) John Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. H. Douteil, in CC: CM, XLI

A, 215. See Orderic

Vitalis, cited p. 67, n. 101, above, and "Galandi

Regniacensis Libellus Proverbiorum. Le recueil de proverbes glosés du cistercien Galland de Rigny," ed. Jean Chatillon, Revue du Moyen Age latin, 9 (1953) 44, no. 4, saying that, "Capilli autem, id est superflue et minute cogitationes, mentis verticem cotidie occupantes, discretionis vigore velut rasorii acumine incidende sunt, ne cordis oculos vel aures obnubilent." This

work was begun before 1128 and completed 1134/53. (127) Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale, II, x, in PL, CCXIII, 59AD. I have been helped in the translation of this passage, and the idengification of its sources,

by John Callahan, Paul Meyvaert, and Brian Stock.

(128) The foregoing passage, from the beginning, depends upon and in places follows literally, Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae, 1, 195, in PL,

CLXXII, 603BC, and, for the passage from Horace ("fortis [et] in se ipso totus, teres atque rotundus") and following, Augustine, De quantitate animae, 17, in PL, XXXII, 1051; see also Ausonius, Ecloga, III, 5 and Peter Damiani, Liber qui dicitur Dominus vobiscum, 19, and De institutis ordinis eremitorum, 27, in

PL, CXLV, 249C and 360A. On the equation of roundness with perfection, see Jean Leclercq, "Aux sources des sermons sur les Cantiques" (1959), rp. Recueil d'études sur saint Bernard et ses écrits, Y (Storia e letteratura, 92; Rome,

1962) 292, also 333, 351, n. 4, and his introduction to Bernard of Clairvaux, On the Song of Songs, tr. Kilian Walsh and Irene Edmonds, IV (Cistercian Fathers Series, 40; Kalamazoo, 1980) xiv.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

73

that reason may freely contemplate the things that are God's (Matt. 22.21) and the sensual nature (sensualitas) is in harmony and, agreeing with reason, considers the things that are of the world. (7?) The hairs must remain because it is necessary sometimes to think about temporal things, which are necessary to life, so long as they do not impede the ears and eyes, lest secular thoughts draw the ears and eyes of the mind to secular things, which often cover up the words of the sower (Luke 8.5-18) ; (3°) or we bear reproaches on the head in order that we may be seen on our forehead to await the crown of eternal life, which God has promised to those who love Him (James 1.12). We shave our beard in order to look like boys; by imitating their humility and innocence we shall dine with the Lord and enter into the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 18.3), and we shall be equal with the angels, who forever flourish in a youthful age. (?!) But during fasts we let our beards grow in order that we may look like penitents, either that we may not reject the thoughts of actions (activas cogitationes) which are not opposed to God, such as building churches and the like, or because, according to Gregory, we may through a life of great continence signify that thoughts of presumptuous things are growing forth. (13?) Finally, we need not investigate at length the origins of our argument (nostri schema stemmatis), since we know that this teaching is composed by reason. For there are many things of which the present church does not know the originators but approves by custom.

William Durand followed both Beleth and Sicard in his Rationale divinorum officiorum, where he said that priests should shave their beards in order both (as Beleth said) to cut off superfluous vices and sins and (as Sicard said) to look pure and like the angels. "Sometimes during fasts, however, we allow the

hairs to grow, because thoughts which are not contrary to God, (129) This is the only passage, so far as I know, not based on earlier

writers. It is unusual to find sensualitas as the subject of meditari and, later, of

cogitare, functions that are usually reserved for the higher faculties. Ratio could, grammatically, be the subject of both parts of the sentence, but the

sense,

especially

in the light of the

following

sentence,

is that

reason

(symbolized by the upper, shaven part of the head) contemplates holy things

while the senses (symbolized by the circle of hairs below the tonsure) are concerned with worldly things.

(130) This is based on Amalarius, Liber off., YI, 5, 5, ed. Hanssens, II, 2xr. (131) See Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae, I, x95, in PL, CLX XII, 6o3CD. (132) See Gregory the Great, Moralia, Il, 52 (84), in PL, LXXV, 596BC

(CC, CXLIII, x10).

'

74

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

as to build a church, cultivate a field, and the like, which are

customarily done in a time of abstinence, should not be prohibited.” (1) The cutting of St Peter’s hair and beard symbolized for Sicard both the passion of Christ and the morality of humans. In associating tonsure with the passion, he was following Bede, who wrote in his Historia ecclestastica: It is right for those who have taken monastic vows or holy orders to bind themselves for the sake of the Lord with stricter bonds of continence, to wear upon their heads by way of tonsure the likeness of the crown of thorns, which He in His passion bore on His head in order to bear, or rather to bear off and carry right away, the thorns or briars of our sins. (^) The example of Peter was also cited in the ninth century by Ratramnus of Corbie, who said that the denudation (as he called it) of Peter's face showed the purity of the heart, because, “The face of the head signifies the face of the heart," which "should constantly be despoiled of worldly thoughts so that it can look with a pure and sincere vision on the glory of the Lord and be transformed in it by the grace of contemplation.” (^) The tonsure of clerics and monks was commonly compared to the crown of thorns in the central Middle Ages. (13°) It was also seen as marking a pact with God. According to Geoffrey of St Thierry, in an unpublished sermon, "The crown is for us as evidence,

not as a benefit;

(133) William

Durand,

as judgment,

Rationale

divinorum

not as a prize; in

offwiorum,

Yl, 1, 32, ed. V.

d'Avino (Naples, 1859) 75-6. William may have used the same sources as Beleth and Sicard rather than copying them, but the verbal similarities show a close relation. William omits, however, Sicard's first and third reasons for

not shaving in Lent. (134) Bede, Ecclesiastical History of tbe English People, V, 2x, ed. and tr. Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford Medieval Texts; Oxford,

1969) 546-7; see also his Liber de vita et miraculis s. Cughberti, 6, in PL, XCIV, 742C. Both passages Hanssens, II, 527-8.

are

cited

by Amalarius,

Liber off, IV, 39, 1-7, ed.

(135) Ratramnus, Contra Graecorum opposita, IV, 5, in PL, CXXI, 324C. St Peter was often considered the model for tonsure in the Middle Ages and is

sometimes shown in representations of the Apostles as the only one with a tonsure. (136) Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae, Y, 194, in PL, CLXXII, 603B ; Excerptiones Egberti, 153, in Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. B. Thorpe (London, 1840) II, 124; Geoffrey of St Thierry, Serm. 27, in MS Rheims, Bibl. mun., 581, f. 105"b; Die Chronik des Klosters Petershausen, 12, ed.

and tr. Otto Feger (Schwáübische Chroniken der Stauferzeit, 3; Lindau Constance, 1956) 28. See also Durand, Rationale, II, 1, 31, ed. d'Avino, 75, who cited Bede.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

75

punishment, not in joy. For a sign without the office of the sign is nothing other than a jest of the Devil." (7) The tonsure thus symbolized putting off worldly things and stripping the mind of worldly thoughts. (138) In the customary of the regular canons of Springiersbach and Rolduc, which was compiled in the 1120s, the tonsure of both

hair and beard was numbered among the stigmata of Christ, which included not only the visible marks inflicted with pain upon His flesh but also those inflicted without pain by cutting off superfluities like hair. “This [custom] was handed down by the apostles, was observed by apostolic men, and has come down to us .. as if it had run down ‘from the head upon the beard of Aaron, from the beard to the skirt of his garment’ (Ps. 132.2-3).” Those who want to be glorified with Christ must therefore conform to His passion and bear the signs of His splendor. “For who, when he is ready to give his soul for Christ, loves the hair of his body more than Christ? .. But it is not enough to cut off the hair of the head without striving to cut off the vices of the heart.” Both should be done at the proper time and place, and the customary then gave instructions for shaving all members of the community except those excused for reasons of health. It also established the times for shaving and the rules for preparing and distributing the razors on the day before “the common day of shaving”. (13?) 2. The Bible

Several of these writers referred to the beard of Aaron, which was the best known beard in the Bible. The verses in Psalm

132.2-3 describing how the precious ointment ran onto the beard

(137) Geoffrey of St Thierry, Serm. 27, in MS Rheims, Bibl. mun., 58:1, f. 106'b: "Corona nobis est in testimonium non in beneficium, in iudicium non in premium, in supplicium non in gaudium. Signum enim absque officio signi

nichil est aliud quam ludibrium diaboli." I am indebted for this transcription to Robert Sullivan. (138) Giorgio Picasso, "Il sermone inedito di Uberto abate milanese del sec. XII,” Contributi dell'Istituto di storia medioevale, 1. Raccolta. di studi in memoria di Giovanni Soranzo (Pubblicazioni dell'Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore, III: Scienze storiche, 10; Milan, 1968) 341. See Die Chronik des Klosters Petersbausen,

x3, ed. Feger, 28, who

said that secular

clerics

had

smaller

tonsures than monks because they served the active rather than the contemplative life. See also Columban Bock, "Tonsure monastique et tonsure cléricale," Revue de droit canonique, 2 (1952) 373-406. (139) Consuetudines canonicorum regularium Springiersbacenses- Rodenses, 214, ed. S. Weinfurter, in CC: CM, XLVIII, x16. These customs were compiled in the

II20S.

76

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

of Aaron and then, to the skirt of his garment was cited in countless medieval prayers of benediction and consecration. (!^?) They are illustrated in the St Albans Psalter, which shows Christ above, blessing. a group. of figures who may be the apostles, and David below, pointing to both Christ and Aaron, who is shown as a priest with his hand raised in blessing. (!*!) This reflects the common medieval interpretation of this passage, which was thought to link the beard of David described in I Kings 21.13 (which will be discussed later) and the passion of Christ. (1?) In the relevant chapter of Augustine’s commentary on the Psalms, which was incorporated into the Apologia de barbis (III, 18), it was explained, first, that Aaron was the priest who is Christ, our head, from which comes the Holy Spirit, and, second, that the beard signified strong, young, vigorous, active,

and quick men. These were the apostles, upon whom the Holy Spirit (the ointment) ran down from Christ. They dwelt together in unity (a reference to the first verse of Psalm 132) and were persecuted and yet not conquered. (1?) The identification of the beard of Aaron with the apostles was accepted by Prosper of Aquitaine and Cassiodorus, who said that the beard, like the apostles, was a sign of virility and remained fixed under (140) J.M. Neale and R.F. Littledale, A Commentary on tbe Psalms from Primitive and Mediaeval Writers (London, 1874) IV, 257-8: "The symbolical meaning of this verse has prompted the Western use of the Psalm at the

Consecration of Bishops and Benediction of Abbots." See the Mosarabic liturgy cited p. 109-10 below. These verses were widely cited, in various contexts, in the twelfth century: see Bernard, Serm. super Cantica, XIV, 5, in

Opera omnia, ed. J. Leclercq, C.H. Talbot, and H. Rochais (Rome, 1957 ff.) I, 77, stressing that the saving ointment comes from the head (Christ) and does not remain on Aaron's beard, and Walter Map, De nugis, I, 31, ed. James, 124,

also saying that the ointment flowed from the head, not from puddles in the street, and went down from the beard to the clothing.

(14x) Otto Pácht, C.R. Dodwell, and Francis Wormald, The St. Albans Psalter (Albani Psalter) (Studies of the Warburg Institute, 25; London, 1960) 260, pl. 86b.

(142) William of St Thierry, De natura et dignitateqamoris, XIII (38), in PL, CLXXXIV, 403C, conflated the passages in Kings and Psalms, calling the ointment saliva running down in the saintly soul from the head of Christ ;see also VII (19), ibid., 391BC. Guigo II of La Chartreuse, Meditationes, 10, ed.

Edmund

Colledge and James Walsh

(Sources chrétiennes, 163 =

Textes

monastiques d'Occident, 29; Paris, 1970) 180-8, stressed the liquifying of the

elements in the Eucharist by saliva flowing down from the Father: "Nisi enim saliva sapientiae descendens desursum a patre luminum arentem cibum liquefaciat, in vanum laboras." (182). (143) Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, CXXXII, 7-8, in PL, XXXVII, 1733-4 (CC, XL, 1931-2). He pointed out in c. 9 that if the ointment (the Holy Spirit) had not descended from the head (Christ) to the beard (the apostles and martyrs) and the skirt of Aaron's clothing (the church), there would have been no monasteries.

-

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

77

the head, and became the standard interpretation of this passage. (''*) In the twelfth century, Guibert of Nogent said that

the apostles "adhered to the highest head like hairs or a beard”: and Richard of St Victor, that, “The beard, which adheres to the

head and is a sign of virility, means the apostles, who adhered to Christ" Aelred of Rievaulx struck a different but parallel note when he saw the resemblance between the beard and the apostles in the fact that both were gathered around the mouth, either of man,

through which secrets are made

Christ. (145) Medieval commentators

known,

or of

were in less agreement concerning the interpretation of other references to beards in the Bible. The most interesting and controversial, all of which appear in the Apologia, are in the books of Leviticus, Kings, Isaiah, and especially Ezechiel. (6) Some of the most imaginative and, for modern readers, far-fetched interpretations of beards are found in the commentaries on these passages. The first two references to beards in Leviticus deal with cases of leprosy, which was generally considered to mean false doctrine, so that lepers were heretics. (!!) “He who falls from his own knowledge into heresy or blasphemy is understood to have contracted leprosy in the beard," wrote Burchard, who continued, after citing Leviticus 13.31-4 in their entirety, that this (144) Prosper of Aquitaine, In Psalmos, ad CXXXII, 2, in PL, LI, 382A (CC, LXVIIIA, 150) ;Cassiodorus, Expositio in Psalterium, in PL, LXX, 956A (CC, XCVIII, 1207). See also Ps-Rabanus (Garnier of Langres, Rochefort, or St

Victor), Allegoriae im sacram scripturam, in PL, CXII, 873C (Glorieux, 56; Stegmüller, no. 2364) ; Glossa ordinaria (following Augustine), in PL, CXIII, 1053A; Haimo of Halberstadt (Auxerre), In Psalmos, in PL, CXVI, 651A (Glorieux, 52, attributing this section to Anselm of Laon; Stegmüller, nos. 3066, 3083). (145) Guibert of Nogent, De sanctis et eorum pignoribus, I, x, in PL, CLVI, 614B;

Richard

Rievaulx,

of St Victor,

Serm. 7o, in PL, CLXXVII,

Sermones inediti, ed. C.H.

Talbot

1122C; Aelred

(Series scriptorum

of

s. ordinis

Cisterciensis, 1; Rome, 1952) 114; Wolbero of St Pantaleon in Cologne, In Cantica cant., I, in PL, CXCV, 1026C ;Hugh of St Cher, ad Ps. 132.1-2, in Opera

omnia (Venice, 1754) II, 336. See also the references to Bernard and Walter Map in n. 140 above.

(146) These include all the references, apart from one in Esdras, that are discussed in the Apologia (see the appendix on "Beards in the Bible"). The only other passages referring to beards in the Bible are in Jeremiah and Baruch, mentioning the shaven beards respectively of the fourscore men killed by Ishmael and of the priests in Babylon. The first of these was interpreted by Garnier of Rochefort [n. 144 above] in the twelfth century as describing the faith of which these men were shorn: PL, CXII, 873C. (147) Lev. 13.29-34 and 14.8-9. In addition to the commentaries discussed below, see Bede, In Pentateuchum commentarii, in PL, XCI, 316D-7B, and

Bruno of Segni, In Leviticum, ad 13.29-34, in PL, CLXIV, 425CD (and n. 120 above).

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

78

passage "shows figuratively the state of [a man's] thoughts in his hairs and of [his] wisdom in his beard." (8) The greatest difficulty was presented by the prescription to shave "all but the place of the spot" of suspected leprosy.(!?) Rabanus Maurus suggested that the beard was left here because to shave it would be a second judgment. “He did not order the old wound to be shaved, because it is not fittink to condemn now the word in which the error lay when he who sinned has once denied [it]." (5?) Ralph of Flaix saw it as a sign of the former sin on a man whose head and beard were shaved because he was forbidden to discuss doctrine on his own. "The place of the spot should not be shaved in order that the memory of his error should be left in the man." (5!) Rupert of Deutz interpreted the entire passage to mean that suspected cases of heresy should be examined carefully before being judged and said that the prescription to shave all bodily hair in Leviticus 14.9 referred to cutting off “all heretical superstitions”. For it is the perfection of reformation in a man who was a bearded and inveterate heretic if he may return totally to the infancy of innocence [and] when the philosophy and empty falsehood have been put aside ... flourish in Him Who is “the head of the body of the church” (Col. 1.18) by a total deprivation of the body of the flesh, which is the hairs of the head, that is, to shave the former sense of the heart and

the virile beard and the eyebrows of pride with the hairs of the whole body so that the entire new man may enter

in. (152)

The two further prescriptions in Leviticus not to “cut your hair roundwise nor shave your beard” (19.27) nor to “shave their head nor their beard” (21.5) were taken literally by most commentators, who interpreted them in the light of Paul’s condem-

(148) Apologia, 1.137-8 and 155-6. Burchard

again stressed the allegorical

nature of this passage in 3.1208-9: "What is said in Leyiticus about leprosy of the beard was in mystery and not in fact, for no one ever saw a leprous beard.” (149) Lev. 13.33: "radetur homo absque loco maculae". (150) Rabanus, In Leviticum, IV, 3 (ad 13.29-34), in PL, CVIII, 383B. This is probably the source of the identical commentary published under the name of Hesychius

of Jerusalem,

In Leviticum,

in Bibliotheca maxima,

XII, 105F

(Stegmiiller, no. 3290). (151) Ralph of Flaix, In Leviticum,

IX, s, in Bibliotheca maxima,

XVII,

136DE. On this commentary, which was composed about rzrso, see Stegmiiller, no. 7093, and Beryl Smalley, "Ralph of Flaix on Leviticus," Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale, 35 (1968) 35-82. (152) Rupert of Deutz, De Trinitate et operibus eius, YI, 2x and 25 inp PD; CLVII, 808B, 812C-13A (CC: CM, XXII, 880, 885).

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

79

nation of long hair and the patristic views on effeminacy. (75) They were sometimes given a moral interpretation. Anselm of Laon compared shaving the beard to corrupting the perfection of virtue, and Hugh of St Cher said that the beard should be kept as a sign of strength, wisdom, and virtue.(5^) In the Apologia (where 21.5 is not discussed), the apparently contradictory prescriptions to shave and not to shave in 14.9 and 19.27 respectively were both seen as warnings against sin. The first was an injunction to cut off all hairs as signs of pride. "You shave your beard in order not to appear handsome or strong or wise to yourself." The second reference, interpreted spiritually, meant not to have worldly thoughts, since "The hairs of the head are the thoughts of the mind; the world is round, and the earth is named for its roundness; we therefore do not cut our

hair roundwise if we do not conform our thoughts to this world (Rom. 12.2) and we do not shave our beards if we do not deprive our souls of wisdom." (95) The description in 1 Kings 2113 of the feigned madness of King David, whose "spittle ran down upon his beard", was widely seen as a prefiguration of Christ's passion, when the strength of the Word was temporarily covered by the weakness of the flesh. (56) Rabanus developed this point, adapting 1 Corinthians 1.25 to "The foolishness of God is stronger than men,” and saying that David’s beard stood for strength and the saliva running down it for weakness. Christ likewise “covered His strength with the flesh of His weakness, and since externally He was weakened, as appeared in the saliva, yet internally the divine strength, like the beard, was concealed.” (!°’) According to Peter Damiani in his sermon on St Columba, David's feigned madness allegorically foreshadowed God's assumption of flesh. Since the beard is the proper characteristic of man, what is it by mystical understanding but the sign of strength? What [is meant] by saliva, which is very fluid and flowing, but the weakness of the flesh? What is meant by the beard but the strength of divinity ?The beard is therefore covered

(153) Such as Bruno of Segni, Im Leviticum, ad 19.26-7, in PL, CLXIV, "Barbam vero radere non debemus, ut viri potius quam feminae videamur." (154) Glossa ordinaria, ad Lev. 19.26, in PL, CXIII, 352B; Hugh of St Cher, in Opera omnia, I, 120". (155) Apologia, 3.599-611. (156) Bede, In Samuelem prophetam, YI, 9, in PL, XCI, 657A (CC, CXIX, 444B:

202) ; Garnier of Rochefort [n. 144 above], Allegoriae, in PL, CXII, 873C. (157) Rabanus, In Libros IV Regum, I, 21, in PL, CIX, 6oC.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

80

with saliva running down because the strength of divinity was clothed with the fragile veil of the flesh. (9) For these writers David's beard represented the divinity of Christ, but the passage was also given a moral interpretation, as in the Apologia, where it was cited as an example of humility, though Burchard later also associated David's beard with those of Aaron and Christ. (1^?) The two passages relating to beards in 2 Kings were less important. In the first (10.4-5), half the beards and garments of King David's ambassadors were cut off by the Ammonites, and David forbade them to return to Jerusalem until their beards had grown again. (1?) For Rabanus, this represented the corruption by the Devil of certain preachers, who had to wait for the virtues to regrow. (!9!) In the Apologia it was a warning against worldliness,

since the ambassadors

were

"involved

in secular

affairs". Lay-brothers who became similarly involved would be unworthy to return to their abbey "until a sort of beard, that is,

a growth of virtues, is reborn in them by good effort and the grief of penance”. (1) The second passage (19.24), where Mephibosheth came to meet King David with unwashed clothes and feet and an untrimmed beard, was interpreted by Burchard in three different ways. Literally, it was a shameful way to meet a king; allegorically, it is praiseworthy to meet Christ in an unworldly and humble manner; and morally, the unwashed clothes and feet and untrimmed beard of Mephibosheth represented moral perversity, for to have an untrimmed beard is “to presume beyond one’s own powers and strength and to fight against the Almighty”. (1%) Isaiah’s two references to beards were also of no special interest. (1°) In the first he said that the Lord would shave the head, feet, and beard “with a razor that is hired by them that

are beyond the river” and in the second, that the Moabites would have bald heads and shaven beards. Jerome, who was followed by most medieval commentators, saw these as representing, respectively, the loss of strength and virility among the v (158) Peter Damiani, Serm. 66 de sancta Columba, in PL, CXLIV, 884B. For

other interpretations of saliva, see n. 142 above. (159) Apologia, 1.214-34, where Burchard exhorted the lay-brothers to accept derision like saliva flowing down their beards, and 3.1115-8 and 1206-7.

(160) There is an illustration of this episode in MS New York, Pierpont

Morgan Library, M.638, f. 4o", reproduced in Old Testament Miniatures, ed. Sidney Cockerell and John Plummer (New York, n.d.) fig. 248. (161) Rabanus, In Libros IV Regum, Il, 10, in PL, CIX, 97B. (162) Apologia, 2.78-9, 88-9, 109-12. (163) Apologia, 3.533-62. Burchard went on to tell the lay-brothers to trim their beards in order to prevent their growing too long. (164) Isaiah 7.20 and 15.2.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

81

men of Judea and the grief of the Moabites. (1) For Herveus of Bourg-Dieu, however, "every beard shall be shaven" referred not to grief but to a loss of confidence. "In the beard virile strength is indicated. And the beard is shaved when trust in one's own virtue is cut off, and the fragility of one's own infirmity begins to be openly recognized." (166) A moral interpretation was given to both these passages in the Apologia, where the razor was the Devil or “a man through whom He [God] inflicts His anger" on sinners and baldness and beardlessness were indications of virtue or of vice. (1?) The bald and shaven Moabites were thus like the gyrovagues in the Rule of Benedict, "who were shaved and tonsured for turpitude and ignominy [and] who by their tonsure were known to lie to God and by their beardlessness showed themselves to be [as Cicero said] soft and effeminate.” (168) The most complex and difficult of all passages in the Bible relating to beards was Ezechiel 5.1-4, to which Burchard devoted seven whole sections of the second part of the Apologia. () Ezechiel was here instructed by God to take a sharp knife and to shave his head and beard and then to weigh the hairs and divide them into three parts, of which he should burn one by fire, cut up one with a knife, and scatter the other in the wind. He should bind a few into the hem of his cloak, however.

"And thou shalt take of them again and shalt cast them in the midst of the fire and shalt burn them with fire; and out of it

shall come forth a fire into all the house of Israel." The passage was written as a prophecy, and its precise meaning is obscure. It is therefore no wonder that it created serious difficulties for medieval commentators as well as for modern scholars. It was occasionally considered to be, as by Ratramnus and Eneas of Paris in their works against the Greeks, simply an injunction to shave the beard, (7?) but most frequently it was given, as the (165) Jerome, In Isaiam, YII, ad 7.20, and V, ad 15.2, in CC, LXXIII, 108, 176 (PL, XXIV, 115A, 173A) (see n. 43 above); see also Haimo, In Isaiam, I, 7 and rs, in PL, CXVI, 763B, 796C, and Hugh of St Cher, in Opera omnia, IV, ar’, 38'. Aelred of Rievaulx, Serm. 24, commented on this passage in the version printed in Bibliotheca maxima, XXIII, 6oAC (not in PL, CXCV, 464BA). — : lan Herveus of Bourg-Dieu, In Isaiam, III, 15, in PL, CLXXXI, 174CD.

(167) Apologia, 2.135-8, 147-9. (168) Apologia, 2.291-7. (169) Ezechiel was, and still is, regarded as one of the most difficult books in the Bible. When Abelard was put to the test in Laon, it was agreed that he should comment

on “the very obscure prophecies of Ezechiel" :Damien Van

den Eynde, "Les écrits perdus d'Abélard," Antonianum, 37 (1962) 467-8, with references to the Historia calamitatum. (x70) Ratramnus, Contra Graecorum opposita, IV, 5, and Eneas of Paris, Liber

adversus Graecos, 385, both in PL, CXXI, 323C, 746C.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

82

prophet probably intended; an historical interpretation, in which the hairs stood for the Jews, whom God intended to punish for their sins. Jerome in his commentary on this passage pointed out that the Vulgate text differed: from that in the Septuagint, which specified that the hairs should be divided into four rather than three parts. He then applied the text to the history of Jerusalem.

just as the sign of beauty and virility is in the hair and beard, so that a shameful nakedness is seen if they are shaved, and the most distant, and so to speak, dead part of

the entire body is in the hairs of the head and beard, so Jerusalem and its people [are] dead and separated from the living body of God [and] are handed over to famine and pestilence [ie, the fire], slaughter and the sword [ie. the knife], captivity and dispersion [i.e., the wind].

Those few who returned to Jerusalem from captivity were represented by the hairs bound into the hem of Ezechiel’s cloak and then burned again in the later disasters that overcame the city 424) Rabanus followed this historical interpretation but also attempted a mystical one, relating this passage to Job 1.20, where Job shaved his head and fell on the ground and worshipped. Here the head stood for the priesthood and the hairs for the sacraments, according to Rabanus, who said that Ezechiel him-

self in this passage stood for Christ, Who by leaving the kingdom of the Israelites cut off the ornament of its virtue, that is,

shaved his head. Our mediator fell on the ground as with a shaven head, since by leaving Judea while He took away its sacraments from its priesthood, He came to the notice of the Gentiles. For He shaved the hairs from His head, because He took

the sacraments of the law away from its first priesthood, and He fell on the ground, because He gave Himself for the salvation of sinners. (72) For Rupert of Deutz and Garnier of Rochefort in the twelfth century the hairs were the Jews, who, Rupert said, “clung to the God of their fathers in name and profession but did not belong to Him by any link of truth or feeling of love.” The three parts were the people killed in the city and around the city and those who were captured and sold. The people bound into the hem of

(171) Jerome, In Hiezechielem, IL, 5, 1-4, in PL, XXV, 51-2 (CC LXXV, 55). (172) Rabanus, In Ezechielem, IV, 5, in PL, XC, 598D-9C.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS the cloak

were

the survivors, of whom

some

83 were

later de-

stroyed and others escaped by conversion. (173) In the Apologia this passage was interpreted as a description of the triple punishment respectively of unbelievers, the transgressors of God's law and order, and those with corrupt morals. The weighing and division of the hairs indicated that the punishments were designed so as "to adjust the quality of the vengeance to the quantity of the transgression". The incontinent, unclean, base, and foul were punished by fire; schismatics and scandal-makers, by the sword; and the fickle and unstable,

like the gyrovagues to whom Burchard applied the prophecies in Isaiah 15.2, by the wind.

When therefore the prophet is ordered to make clear the mystery of the shaven hairs by the triple judgment of condemnation by burning, cutting, and dispersal, he shows that “many are called" (Matt. 20.16) but judged to condemnation. But when he is ordered to bind a small number of the hairs of the beard and of the head into the hem of his cloak, he shows that "few are chosen" but are preserved for salvation. These are the apostles and disciples, but some even of these, above all Judas, relapsed and were "cast in the midst of the fire .. Inflamed by the passions of cupidity, he stoked the fire of avarice, out of which came forth 'a fire into the house of Israel,

since he made

buy." (4)

haste to sell and all the Jews are eager to

Finally, the great Dominican commentator Hugh of St Cher, who died in 1263, offered three distinct interpretations of this passage, one historical and two moral(!?) According to the historical interpretation, which was based primarily on Jerome, the shaving of the hair and beard showed that, "Both honesty and virility would be removed from Jerusalem, since honesty appears in the hair and virility in the beard. Or it indicates that the strong and noble were about to be cut out of Jerusalem." Hugh continued to follow Jerome, up to the fire that would come forth into the house of Israel, which stood for those Jews and inhabitants of Jerusalem through whom the entire Jewish

(173) Rupert of Deutz, De Trinitate et operibus eius: In Hiezecibelem, Y, 25, in PL, CLXVII, 1450-1 (CC: CM, XXIII, 1678-9) ;Garnier of Rochefort, A/legoriae, in PL, CXII, 873C.

(174) Apologia, Il, 7-13 (cited passages 2.252-5, 380-6, 435-8). (175) Hugh of St Cher, in Opera omnia, V, 23'-4". Since the relevant sections of each interpretation are printed consecutively on each page, next to the Biblical verses in question, it is impossible to distinguish them clearly in the notes.

84

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

people were afflicted. under Antiochus Epiphanes and burned by the Romans. In Hugh’s first moral interpretation, the hairs and beard signified “the powerful men and magnates of the world”, who are shaved when their wealth is dissipated by the fire of lust, the sword of controversy, and the wind of pride. Since Ezechiel stood for Christ, his hairs also signified the clergy. “Wherefore, as a man’s honesty and virility are shaven in the hairs of his head and beard, so the honesty of Christ’s way of life and the virility of good activity should be clear in the clerics and priests,” whose sins in fact disfigure Christ. Fire will destroy lustful clerics; the sword will cut down warlike clerics, “who go

around to tournaments and wars or who circulate in towns at night, as is often the case in Paris”; and the wind will disperse proud clerics. Some ambitious and proud clerics, however, are fixed in high offices, like statues, moving neither their hands to good deeds nor their tongues to preaching. These are the hairs bound into the hem of Ezechiel’s cloak, but they will also burn “because they sink into lust and cupidity as soon as they come into power"; and their subordinates do likewise, spreading the fire into the house of Israel. (U5) In Hugh's second moral interpretation the prophecies were applied to sins and confession. Here the shaving of the head and beard was either an injunction for preachers to show how sin comes between God and evil clerics or an invitation to confession, which acts like a razor, “so that the superfluity of hairs,

that is, of pleasure, may be removed by mortifying the flesh and of wealth by giving alms.” Hairs signify sins in several ways. The hairs of the head may stand for known sins or for sins of thought and misdirected affection, “for the head signifies the mind.” The hairs of the beard, on the other hand, stand for hidden sins or for sins of action and word, since the beard signifies strength. “The hair of the beard is therefore superfluous

strength working for evil. The beard is also around the mouth, where sins of speech are signified by the beard.” These sins, divided into three parts, will be destroyed, by the fire of the Holy Spirit, the sword of the confessing tongue, and the wind of oblivion. A few sins should be remembered, however, like the hairs bound into the hem of the cloak. “For to carry the hairs is to convert former sins into a burden of penance and sadness for oneself.” These also will be offered for burning in the fire of the

(176) The prophecies of Ezechiel were

also applied to the clergy, in a

more summary fashion, by Gerard Iterius, prior of Grandmont at the end of the twelfth century, in De confirmatione, 70, in CC: CM, VIII, 397. He said that

shaving showed that clerics should remove all superfluous vices and thoughts.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

85

Holy Spirit, however, and this example will rouse many people — "all the house of Israel" — to do the same. Hugh of St Cher's extraordinarily rich exegesis of these four verses from Ezechiel form a fitting conclusion for this section. The hairs of the head and beard stand here for honesty, virility, and power, and, by extension, for noble, strong, and powerful

men both in the Church and in secular society. They also signify superfluous wealth and various types of sins, which need to be cut away with a razor. The beard had many other meanings which were not mentioned by Hugh, but he gives an idea both of their variety and of their frequently contradictory nature. In literature, art, and understanding,

as in real life, beards were

seen as good and bad, beautiful and ugly, depending on the circumstances and the attitude of the beholder. III. INFORMATIO

MORUM:

The Practice of Beards

I. The Laity

For Christians in Antiquity and the Middle Ages the single most important normative text concerning hair was the state-

ment by St Paul in 1 Corinthians 11.14 that to let the hair grow (comam nutrire) is a shame for a man and a glory for a. woman. (7) The context of this passage has been explained by Derrett, who related it to the common

view in the East that a

woman's hair was sexually attractive and that she shamed both herself and her husband by uncovering it. A husband, even if a Christian, was entitled to expect from his wife a conventional standard of modesty. (7?) Paul's reference to long hair came at the end of the passage and meant that long hair shamed a man but was glorious on a woman so long as she kept it covered in public. At the time Paul was writing, Derrett said, "Men did not wear long hair (in spite of the unfounded tradition that the apostles wore long hair) and long hair was effeminate and shameful.” (?) (177) Si comam nutriat is translated "if he nourish his hair" in the Douai version, "if a man have long hair" in the King James version, and "flowing locks disgrace a man" in the New English version. The meaning is not in

question, and the term nutrire was used throughout the Middle Ages to mean growing long hair. See Bock, influence of this passage.

in Rev. de droit cam., 2, p. 375, 382, on the :

(178) Derrett, in MAN, N.S. 8, p. 1or-2, who said that St Paul was in effect saying that, "The fact that a married couple are converted to our religion does not mean that both sexes throw off the ancient conventions and proprieties."

(179) Ibid., 102.

86

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Men also did not commonly wear beards. The practice of shaving, or at least of trimming the beard, prevailed in the GrecoRoman world, with occasional vagaries of fashion, from the time

of Alexander probably up until the sixth or early seventh century. Between Hadrian and Constantine, many of the emperors had beards, (18°) as did some, wise and holy men, but they were apparently exceptions. Peter Brown said that the Emperor Julian’s beard was “a pointed reminder, after generations of government by cleanshaven Christian generals, that a Late Antique intellectual was now on the throne”. (!8!) The Antiochenes who made fun of Julian's beard clearly expected men to shave. (182) Shaving at that time, however, did not necessarily mean cutting the beard ad cutem, so that the skin was smooth and no hair showed. The busts of Roman gentlemen, and mummy portraits from Egypt,(!5) show that many men had short beards or at least the bristles that were left by clipping or grew between infrequent shaves. The injunction of Clement of Alexandria that men should grow beards in order to be different from women, (5^) and the opinion of the Church Fathers, cited above, that a beard was the proper mark of a man were probably directed against the smooth skin achieved by daily shaving or by depilation and did not mean that men were expected to have long or full beards. (180) See Leclercq, in DACL, IIx, 481-3. It is hard to gather accurate evidence except from coins, and even these may portray types rather than realities. According to the sixth-century chronicler Malalas, in bk. XII of his Chronographia, ed. L. Dindorf (Bonn, 1831), Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Valerian, Gallienus, Probus, and Numerian had "large", "thick", or "good" beards, whereas he said in bk. XVI that Anastasius shaved his beard frequently, but his sources are unknown and his silence about the beards of

other emperors need not indicate they had none. information to Roger Scott.

I am indebted

for this

(181) Peter Brown, “The Last Pagan Emperor: Robert Browning's The Emperor Julian" (1977), tp. Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley Los Angeles,

1982) 83; see 90 and 102 on Julian’s beard, which was

as well as long.

lousy

N

(182) Julian, Misopogon, ed. Prato and Micalella, 6-7, 24-5, tr. Wright, II,

424-5, 442-3.

(183) See esp. Parlasca, Maumienportráts, 89, on beards. The illustrations in this work show that most men had either no beard or a short beard. The priest of Serapis in the London portrait, which Parlasca dates not later than

the third quarter of the second century, in part on the basis of the beard (89), had a full but not a long beard, possibly on account of his priestly status. Philo (n. 358 below) described the long hair of the followers of Serapis. (184) Clement, Paedagogus, Ill, 3, in PG, VIII, 580C-1B. He also criticized

effeminate hair and behavior here and in III, xr, ibid., 633, 638. See Eva Topping, ‘‘Patriarchal Prejudice and Pride in Greek Christianity :Some Notes on Origins," Journal of Modern Greek Studies, x (1983) 9.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

87

Tertullian in his De cultu feminarum stressed the proper distinction between the sexes and said scornfully "barbam acrius caedere, intervellere, circumradere". In his De spectaculis

he wrote, “He who changes his visage with a razor is unfaithful with regard to his face." (19?) Cyprian likewise criticized “corrupt beards in men" in De lapsis and cited both here and in the Testimoniun ad Quirinum the injunction against shaving in Leviticus. (18°) His use of the term corrupta barba here again suggests that he had in mind a deformation of the beard, as by removing it altogether, rather than simple trimming or cutting. The same is probably true of the references to beards in the Didascalia apostolorum and the Apostolic Constitutions, which were written probably in Syria respectively in the first half of the third century and the second half of the fourth. The Dzdascalia, after prohibiting long hair, said, "And you should not corrupt the traces of your beard or change the natural figure of your face or change it to other than it is and God created it.” (!87) The Syriac version of the text also contains the idea of corrupting the traces of the beard, ('!%*) as do the Apostolic Constitutions,

of which

this section was

based on the Didas-

calia. (9?) Combined with the reference to deforming the nature of the face, this passage seems to have applied to depilation or close shaving, such as Julian described at Antioch in the midfourth century, or perhaps to some special ways of treating the beard. In view of the fact that Christians in Syria at the time these texts were written almost certainly shaved their beards, and would have been regarded as pagans if they had not done so, it is unlikely that these injunctions were intended to prohibit all shaving. Writing in the West at about the same time, (185) Tertullian, De cultu feminarum, Il, 8, 2, in CC, I, 362, and De spectaculis, XXIII, 3, ;b;d., 247. (186) Cyprian, De lapsis, 6 and 3o, in CC, III, 223, 238, and Testimonium ad

Quirinum, IL, 84, ibid., 164. (187) Didascalia et Constitutiones apostolorum, ed. F.X. Funk (Paderborn, 1905) 1o-2 (III, xo-1) :"neque eos componas neque ornes nec tales reddas, ut pulchri sint. Neque corrumpas vestigia barbae tuae nec commutes figuram naturae faciei tuae, nec mutes eam, ita ut alia sit, ac Deus eam creavit." This

text is a reconstruction of a fragmentary Latin translation of the lost Greek original.

(188) R. Hugh Connolly, Didascalia apostolorum : The Syriac Version translated and accompanied by the Verona Latin fragments (Oxford, 1929) 10: "And thou shalt not destroy the hairs of thy beard nor alter the natural form of thy face and change it to other than God created it." Connolly indicates in the notes that literally "destroy" is "corrupt" and "the natural form" is "the form of the nature”. (189) Constitutiones, III, xz, ed. Funk, 13 (PG, I, 566A). Diapbtbeirein means

to corrupt or destroy utterly the hairs of the beard. Combined with "traces" it suggests some special treatment of the beard hairs, more than simply cutting or shaving.

88

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Augustine used the concept of man as the image and glory of God precisely to support his view that men should not cover their heads with hair, (1%) but the alternative he had in mind was doubtless trimming or occasional shaving rather than shaving “to the skin”. (1?!) It is not known exactly when beards again came into fashion in the Mediterranean world. The evidence of coins and seals suggests that they were not generally worn in the East before the beginning of the seventh century.(!?) In the West, they seem to have been worn by the members of many, if not all, of the Germanic tribes, which often had a distinctive style of hair and beard. In the early sixth century Ennodius wrote some verses about Jovinian "who although he had a Gothic beard went about wearing a /acerna" or Roman cloak. "I am amazed that a barbarian face assumes a Roman garb and amazed at the races contrasted in [one] immoderate body.” (193) The law-codes of the Alamans, Lombards, Frisians, and Anglo-Saxons specifi-

cally provided for the protection of beards. (!%*) Isidore of Seville and, later, Paul the Deacon, writing in the eighth century, derived the name of the Lombards from the German "Langbárte". (5) When Cassiodorus in the first half of the sixth cen(190) See n. 3ax below, citing Augustine, De opere monachorum, 31, ed. Je Zycha, in CSEL, XLI, 590-1.

(z9r) See Paulinus of Nola, Ep. 22, 2, ed. W. von Hartel, in CSEL, XXX, 155: "Nos adeant et revisant conservuli et conpallidi nostri, non vestibus

pictis superbi sed horrentibus ciliciis humiles nec chlamyde curtalini sed sagulis palliati nec balteo sed reste succincti nec improba adtonsi capitis fronte criniti sed casta informitate capillum ad cutem caesi et inaequaliter semitonsi et destituta fronte praerasi." (192) See Phaidon Koukoulés, Byzantinon bios kai politismos, IV. (Athens, 1951) 358-6o, who cites some early sources against close shaving, which makes

men resemble women, but mostly cites evidence from the twelfth century. (193) Ennodius, Carm. 182 (2.57), ed. F. Vogel, in MGH, Auctores antiquissimi, VII, 157. There are two variants: “The lowering darkness of [your] face obscures [your] Roman covering; with [its own] shadowy cover the face has cloaked the clothing," and "You show bad taste, ill dressed in noble /acernae,

mixing discordant races in a hostile alliance." I am indebted to Marie Taylor Davis for these translations. On the hair- and beard-styles of the barbarian tribes, see Leclercq, in DACL,

ILr, 486-7, citing Diodorus

Siculus, Caesar,

and Tacitus; the articles of Hoyoux and Cameron, in Revue belge, 26, p. 479508, and 43, p. 1203-16; and Bruno

Krüger, ed., Die Germanen, 1: Von den

Anfangen bis zum 2. Jahrhundert unserer Zeitrechnung, 4th ed. (Berlin, 1983) 344: “Der Bart war das Kennzeichen des ‘Barbaren’.” (194) See n. 75-6 above. (195) Isidore, Etymologiae, IX, 2, 95, ed. Lindsay, n.p.: "Langobardos vulgo fertur nominatos prolixa barba et nunquam tonsa ;" Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, 1, 9, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum, 52-3. Erchempert, Historia Langobardorum Beneventanorum, 4, ibid., 236, said that Charle-

magne made the king of Benevento swear that his Lombard followers would

shave their chins.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

89

tury described a good man as having a happy face “reverend with its long beard", (75) he probably had in mind the philosopher's beard rather than a widespread custom among Romans. The survival of the ancient ceremonies for the first cutting of beards and hair, known as the barbatoria (or depositio barbae) and cafillaturia, (?") until the end of the eighth century, or beginning of the ninth, shows that it was still customary to cut the beard and hair of young men. Paulinus of Nola, who died in 431, referred in his Carmina to "the offerings of the first beard”, (73) and Gregory of Tours mentioned that a barbatoria was celebrated in a convent at Poitiers in 590. (??) There are references to barbatoria, though perhaps as hangovers from earlier sources, in the Lex romana Visigothorum in the mideighth century and the Lex romana raetica curiensis, which also probably dates from the eighth century. (7°) A reminiscence of this may survive in the "moderate .. comptionis libamine" mentioned by Alan of Lille in reference to the hair of Hymenaeus, but the reading /ibamen, meaning an offering of hairs as part of a sacrifice, may in fact be /ibramen, meaning the balance and poise of the hair. (??!) The capillaturia and barbatoria were ceremonies of more than passing importance, since they created a spiritual bond, almost the equivalent of physical kinship, between the cutter and the person whose hair and beard were cut. (^?) From that moment (196) Cassiodorus,

De

anima,

iz in PL, LXX,

r3ooD.

See

E.K.

Rand,

Founders of tbe Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1928) 246, whose translation I follow and who said, "Cassiodorus does not share St Jerome's animosity towards beards.” (197) See n. 47 above. (198) Paulinus of Nola, Carm. XXI, 377-8, ed. W. von Hartel, in CSEL, XXX, 170. (199) Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, X, 16, in MGH, Scriptores rerum

Merovingicarum, \.x (1st ed.) 427. See Pierre Riché, Education and Culture in the Barbarian

West: Sixth through Eighth Century, tr. John Contreni

(Columbia,

S.C., 1976) 233. (200) Lex romana Visigothorum, ed. G.F. Hanel (Leipzig, 1849) 157 (the St Gall epitome of the Theodosian Code, VIII, 4); Lex romana raetica curiensis, VIII, 4, in MGH, Leges in fol., V, 361. On the dates of these codes, see the

Beiheft on Die Rechtsquellen, by Rudolf Buchner, to Wattenbach-Levison, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter. Vorzeit und Karolinger (Weimar,

1953) 10, 38. See also the letter of Emperor Michael II to Louis the Pious in 824, in MGH, Concilia, IL, 479.

(201) Alan of Lille, De planctu naturae, 16, ed. Haring, 865, who prefers

libamen, and tr. Sheridan, 197, following Haring. (202) There is a considerable scholarly literature on this subject, beginning with Du Cange's dissertation 2x ("Des adoptions d'honneur en frére’’) in his

Dissertations ou réflexions sur l'histoire de Saint Louis, published in his Glossarium,

VII, 87-8, who said, after commenting

on the antiquity of the custom, that,

"Dans ces adoptions par la coupe des cheveux, et de la barbe, il se contractait

go

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

forward they stood in the relation of godson and godfather (patrinus) or of adopted son and adopted father (adoptivus pater). The most famous of such relationships was that between Clovis and Alaric, who according to Fredegar became the patirrnus of Clovis simply by touching his beard. (?%) In the Gesta Theoderici regis, however, peace between the two kings was said to have been made in such a way "that since Clovis had not yet cut his beard, Alaric cut it for him, and in this way became his godfather.” (??^) Paul the Deacon said that the patrician of the Romans, Gregory, in about 610 promised a certain Taso "that he would cut his beard as is the custom and make him his son.” (?9?) A more famous instance, also recorded by Paul and involving hair rather than beard, was the adoption of Charles Martel's son Pippin by the Lombard King Liutprand, who by cutting Pippin's hair "became his father and sent him back to his father enriched with many royal gifts.” (°°) The memory of this occa-

une affinité spirituelle." Heinrich Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 1, 2nd ed.

(Leipzig, 1906) 103-4, and II (Leipzig, 1892) 7o, maintained that the capillarzria and barbatoria were parts of a single rite associated with the ceremony of arming a young man; but Paul Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au Moyen Age (Paris, 1902) 405-11, said that they were two separate ceremonies, of which the barbatoria might have been (but probably was not) part of the arming. See also Grimm, Rechtsalterthiimer, I, 201-2; Adolph Franz, Die kirchlichen Benedictionen im Mittelalter (Freiburg-im-Br., 1909) II, 253; Max Pappenheim, "Über künstliche Verwandtschaft im germanischen Rechte,” Savigny- Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung, 29 (1908) 318-9; Margret Wielers, Zwischenstaatliche Beziehungsformen im früben Mittelalter (Pax, Foedus, Amicitia, Fraternitas) (Diss. Miinster West., 1959) 47-59; Karl August Eckhardt,

Studia

Merovingica

(Bibliotheca

rerum

historicarum,

xr; Aalen,

1975) 254-6; and Riché, Education, 233-4. I have not seen the work ofJ.-P. Miller, De adoptione per comam atque barbam (Ulm, 1766), cited by Leclercq, in DACL,

ILr, 492, nor the dissertation

of Wielers,

on which Joseph

Lynch

kindly sent me full notes. (202) Fredegar, Chronica, II, 58, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, Yl,

82. Tangerit here may mean "to cut", as in the ordines cited n. 309 below. (204) Gesta Theoderici regis, 15, ibid., 207. See also Aimoin of Fleury, Historia Francorum, 1, 20, in PL, CXXXIX, 656D, and Rorico, Gesta Francorum, IV , in Historiae Francorum scriptores, ed. A. Duchesne (Paris, 1636-49) I, 812, who said, respectively, that, "Alaricus, iuxta morem antiquorum, barbam Clodovei

tangens, adoptivus ei fieret pater," and "Petiverat enim vir modestus [the

legate of Clovis], ut in tondenda Alaricus.”

barba Clodevei

patrinus eius efficeretur

(205) Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, IV, 38, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum, 132. (206) Ibid., VI, 53, P- 183. For another example, involving the pope, see the so-called “Abrégé Cononien” of the Liber pontificalis, under Benedict II, in Le Liber pontificalis, ed. Louis Duchesne (Paris, 1955-7) I, x22.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

91

sion was preserved by medieval chroniclers down to at least the twelfth century. (??7) These ceremonies probably involved only a symbolic clipping, or in the case of Clovis perhaps only a touching, of the hair and beard, as in some of the ecclesiastical rituals which will be

discussed later, but the evidence of conclusion that most rulers in the shaven or had at most a short beard Carolingians, including Charlemagne, acteristic style in the ninth century,

iconography supports the early Middle Ages were or a mustache. None of the had a beard. (7°) The charwhich appears in seals as

well as in miniatures, was the mustache

with a clean-shaven

chin. “The full beard came into general fashion after the turn of the millenium,” said Schramm. (^?) The three Ottos, who ruled

from 936 until 1002, were regularly portrayed without beards, though toward the end of their reigns both Otto I and Otto II occasionally have beards, probably as a mark of age and dignity rather than of a general change of fashion. (?!9) These iconographical sources are somewhat at variance with the written sources, which include many references to the beards of laymen, especially when they shaved them off to become monks. (?!!) Some of these may have been literary fictions, since to shave one's beard was almost synonymous with becoming a monk, but others were real. Gerald of Aurillac, who died in 909, certainly had a beard, since he shaved it, and wore his hair, in a

manner showing his desire to be a monk, though he remained a

(207) See the accounts, all probably derived from Paul the Deacon but

differing in various respects, in the Chronicon Novaliciense, III, x, in MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum [21], 38; Hariulf, Chronicon Centulense, II, x, ed. F. Lot (Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à

l'enseignement de l'histoire, 17; Paris, 1894) 49 ("ut more fidelium Christia-

norum,

eius capillum primus attonderet, ac pater illi spiritualis existeret") ;

Otto of Freising,

Chronica, V, 16, in MGH,

Seriptores rerum Germanicarum

in

usum scholarum [45], 247(208) Kemmerich, Portratmalerei, 47, 132. Both Thomassin, Discipline, Il, 16, and Fangé, Mémoires, 87-8, recognized that Charlemagne shaved, in spite of

the innumerable representations of him with a full beard. (209) Schramm, Kaiser, 42, 50. The only exception among the illustrations is pl. 3o, showing an eleventh-century portrait of Charles the Bald with a long beard.

See also Ph. Lauer,

"Iconographie

carolingienne.

Vivien et Charle-

magne," Mélanges en bommage à la mémoire de Fr. Martroye (Paris, 1941) 191-205, and pl. 8. (210) Kemmerich, Portrdtmalerei, 95, 133-4; Schramm, Kaiser, 77 and figs. 59, 62, 66, 73-5, 77-8; Adolph Goldschmidt, German Illumination, Y: Carolin-

gian Period [and] II: Ottonian Period (Florence-Paris, 1928) II, pl. z, 8, 24. The story of Otto I’s rage at the knight who pulled his beard (n. 78 above) is from the twelfth century. (2x1) See below p. 115-6.

92

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

layman. (??) The duke of Venice, Pietro Orseolo, who became a monk in the late tenth century, must also have been bearded. "Now take the razor as quickly as possible and remove my beard," he said, according to his biographer, who went on to exhort

the reader to consider the humility of Pietro, “who so

powerful and so famous, untrained until then in the cloister of a monastery, clothed himself in the lowly habit and shaved his beard.” (7/3) Ratherius of Verona said at about the same time that it was easy to recognize a layman by his clothing, beard, and other signs of a lay life. (?!^) There is no clear solution to this disagreement, unless one type of source is preferred to the other. It may be that rulers, to whom most of the iconographical evidence applies, shaved more frequently than their subjects, or were at least portrayed without beards. The lay beards mentioned in the written sources were probably visible but cut or trimmed from time to time, (?!°) rather than being long or uncut. There may also have been professional distinctions with regard to beards. Soldiers, for instance, were regularly shown beardless in illustrations from the ninth through the twelfth century, (7!) whereas peasants

(212) Odo of Cluny, Vita s. Geraldi, Il, 2-3, in Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, ed. M. Marrier and A. Duchesne (Paris, 1614) 89 (BHL 34zr); tr. G. Sitwell, St Odo of Cluny, Life of St Gerald of Aurillac (London, 1958) 135. See p. 115-6 below. (213) Vita Petri Urseoli, xx, in Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon (Venice, 1733-40) VII, 855; BHL 6785. Other examples of shaving the beards of new monks are cited p. 115-6 below.

(214) "Exemplar Ratherii Veronensis ad Petrum Veneticum,” in Miscellanea Cassinese, 1 (1897) pt. 2.3 (Monastica) 17. St Adalbert of Prague grew a beard when he wanted to look like a layman: see p. 112 and n. 321 below. Duke Robert of France was said to have worn his beard outside his chain-mail as a standard in battle in the early tenth century, but this is a later interpolation in

MS

Paris, Bibl. nat., Lat. 5926 of Ademar

of Chabannes,

Chronicon, Ill, 22

(version C*), ed. Jules Chavanon (Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire, 20; Paris, 1897) 142. (215) See the tenth-century laymen depicted with beards in Joachim Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild in der deutschen Buchmalerei, Y. Bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts (800-1100) (Leipzig-Berlin, 1929) fig. 23* (Heto in MS Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek, 176, f. 51") and 63* (Dietrich of Friesland in MS The Hague, Royal Lib., 76 I x, f. 214" and 215‘). (216) See Goldschmidt, I//umination, I, pl. 67 (end of ninth century) and 72 (first half of tenth century), showing beardless soldiers, probably Christians, attacking a city defended by bearded soldiers, probably pagans; the Bayeux Tapestry (p. 95 below); and p. 98 and n. 243 below. This practice was doubtless influenced in the eleventh century by changes in the style of

military headgear: see Duby, in I /aici, 182, and Platelle, in Revue belge, 53, p.

1083. Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 536C-7A, proposed a parallel in this respect

between soldiers and monks: "Hi ergo spiritales milites cum mundo, carne,

et diabolo luctaturi barbam radunt, ne habeant unde possint apprehendi."

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

93

were often shown with beards. Jugglers and entertainers may also have shaved in a special manner. There were undoubtedly also regional and still, perhaps, some tribal differences, though

these may have applied to hair-style more than to beards. The clearest evidence. for this is in the chronicle of Ralph Glaber, who in his description of the marriage of King Robert of France to Constance of Aquitaine in about 1000 complained at the presence in France of conceited men from the south, "stripped of hair from the middle of the head, shaved of beards in the

manner of jugglers”. (?") At about the time Glaber was writing, in the early eleventh century, there seems to have been a significant change of fashion, at least in some parts of Europe. The emperors after Otto III are all depicted with beards, though of varying lengths. (?!9) Henry III especially appears with a long forked beard in his evangeliary, with a short beard on his seals, and with only a mustache in some miniatures, though these may have followed Carolingian models. (??) This change in fashion may account for the statement of Thietmar of Merseburg that Henry II at his coronation in Rome in 1014 was attended by twelve senators, who advanced mistice with staffs and of whom “six [were]

(217) Ralph Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, M, 9 (40), ed. Maurice Prou (Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire, 1, Paris, 1886) 89: "a medio capitis comis nudati, histrionum more barbis rasi." Glaber probably had in mind close shaving, which would produce smooth,

effeminate

skin. A century

earlier, Notker

Balbulus, Gesta Karoli Magni

imperatoris, L, 32, in MGH, Seriptores, N.S. XII, 44, described a certain deacon,

"iuxta consuetudinem cisalpinorum contra naturam pugnare solitus, balneas

intrans, caput suum pressissime radi faciens cutem expoliavit, ungues murca-

vit, capillosque brevissimos quasi ad circinum tornando decurtavit." (218) Kemmerich, Portrdtmalerei, 76-8, 87 on Henry II; Goldschmidt,

Illumination, Il, pl. 57-8, 63-4, 72-5, 78-9. The anti-king Rudolf of Swabia, who died in 1080, is shown bearded in the effigy on his tomb: Hermann Beenken,

Romanische Skulptur in Deutschland (1. und 12. Jahrhundert) (Leipzig, 1924) pl. 22. Count Baldwin IV of Flanders was known as honestae barbae (BelleBarbe): A. Miraeus (Le Mire), Opera diplomatica et historica, ed. J.F. Foppens (Louvain - Brussels, 1723-48) I, 149; Ch. Pfister, Etudes sur le ràigne de Robert le Pieux (996-1031) (Bibliothéque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 64; Paris, 1885) Ixxx, no. 69, and p. 241. (219) Boeckler, Evangelienbuch, pl. 6-7; Kemmerich, Portrdtmalerei, 9x; Schramm, Kaiser, pl. 108-13.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

94

shaved in the beard, the others with a full [beard]" (^?) The significance of this curious ceremony is unknown, but it confirms that at the imperial court in the early eleventh century some men were shaven and others wore beards.

The fashion for full beards did not apparently last very long, and by the middle of the eleventh century the custom of cutting the beard, and even of tlose shaving, was growing, at least in the Empire. (?!) The main evidence for this is found in the works of moralists.(??) Abbot Siegfried of Gorze wrote to Abbot Poppo of Stavelot in 1043 deploring the neglect of the former honest ways of clothing, arms, and riding and describing the introduction of "the shameful custom of the vulgar French .. in the cutting of beards, in the shortening and deforming of clothing, execrable to modest eyes, and many other novelties”,

which, according to Siegfried, would have been forbidden in the days of the Ottos and the Henrys. (??) A few years later Otloh of St Emmeram told a story of the miraculous punishment of a layman who was criticized for shaving by a cleric, saying, “Although you are a layman and should not shave your beard at all (minime rasa), as is the custom of laymen, you, neverthe(220) Thietmar of Merseburg,

Chronicon, VII, 1, ed. Robert Holtzmann, in

MGH, Scriptores, N.S. XI, 396: "quorum VI rasi barba, alii prolixa mistice incedebant cum baculis." These words are written in Thietmar's own hand and appear in the twelfth-century reworking from Corvey with the sole difference that cum baculis comes after prolixa, and ceteri is found in place of alii. The significance of the ceremony is unknown. Michael McCormick has suggested that it may have been modelled on an otherwise-unknown ceremony from the Byzantine court, involving six eunuchs and six bearded men. The mistice may mean either allegorically or (following Byzantine usage, not otherwise known in the West) silently. If it applied to the beards, the senators may not really have been bearded and unbearded. (221) On this subject, see the article of Platelle, in Revue belge, 53, p. 107196, to which I am indebted for several references, though he reaches somewhat different conclusions. (222) These works, including those of Glaber and others cited elsewhere, suggest that the fashion spread from south to north and from west to east. In the Exultet rolls from southern Italy, which are reproduced in Myrtilla Avery, The Exultet Rolls of South Italy, 1: Plates (Princeton - London - The Hague, 1936), most of the men are bearded in pl. CXVII (late tenth century) and only two each, out of eleven and twelve, respectively, in pl. CXL and CXLV

(both 981/7). In the eleventh century, the number of bearded laymen drops to none in pl. XIII-XIV, and two each out of fifteen who can be seen in pl.

XXX

and seventeen in pl. CXXXII, where a few others may have short

beards. In most of the later rolls, there is a mixture of men with and without

beards, which suggests that the fashion for beards may have grown, at least in south Italy, in the twelfth century (see pl. LXVI, LXXI, and CLVII). (223) Wilhelm von Giesebrecht, Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, Yl, 5th ed. (Leipzig, 1885) 718, see 7or on the manuscript and Platelle, in Revue belge,

53, p 1075.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

95

less, spurning the law of God, shave your beard like a cleric." The man then promised that no razor would touch his beard. Later, however, regretting his promise and saying that he had specified a vasorium and not a novacula, he had himself shaved with a novacula. This sophistry gained him nothing, for not long after he was captured and blinded by his enemies. (?*) Also in his Liber de admonitione clericorum et laicorum Otloh advised laymen to avoid "the many trifles introduced into these parts by the coarsest [types of] people from foreign countries in the shape of unaccustomed shaving and strange clothing”. (??°) It is clear that by the second half of the eleventh century many, if not most, men in northern Europe, and especially in France and England, shaved their beards. (?6) William of Malmesbury said that just before the Norman invasion of England Harold sent some spies who reported that all the Norman soldiers were priests, "because they have their entire face, with both lips, shaved, whereas the English left the upper lip uncut, with the hairs ceaselessly flourishing.” (??) William was writing in the twelfth century, but his evidence is confirmed by the Bayeux Tapestry, which shows almost all the Norman soldiers clean shaven and the Anglo-Saxon soldiers with long mustaches. (278) Edward the Confessor alone has a long beard, (??) and the dwarf a pointed beard. (??) Of the other laymen, one agricultural

laborer,

two

shipwrights,

one baker, and one of

William's attendants at Bishop Odo's banquet are shown with

(224) Otloh of St Emmeram, Narratio de miraculo quod nuper accidit cuidam laico, in B. Pez, Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus (Augsburg - Graz, 1721-9) III.2, 399B-400A. (225) Otloh, Liber de admonitione clericorum et laicorum, 9, ibid., 428C. (226) Kemmerich, Portratmalerei, 135, stressed the difficulty of making generalizations about beards between about 1050 and 1150: "Ja, der Verfall war so gross, dass wir kaum über die Barttracht Heinrichs IV. und V. aus den

Miniaturen unterrichtet sind."

(227) William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, III (239), ed. William Stubbs (Rolls Series, 90; London, 1887-90) II, 301, who in II (245) described the

Anglo-Saxons as "crines tonsi, barbas rasi," ;bi., II, 305. See also Matthew Paris, Chronica maiora, prol., ed. H.R. Luard (Rolls Series, 57; London, 1872-

83) I, 540.

(228) Bayeux Tapestry, ed. Stenton, esp. the scenes of the boats (where two out of sixty Norman soldiers have recognizable beards) and of the battle (where two Anglo-Saxon soldiers have beards). (229) Edward the Confessor is the only English king of the eleventh and twelfth centuries shown on his seal with a beard: see F. Saxl, English Sculptures of the Twelfth Century, ed. Hanns Swarzenski (Boston, n.d.) pl. I-II. (230) Dwarfs in folklore often had beards: Thompson, Motif-Index, III, 104, F451.2.3.1, etc. Whether or not Turold actually had one is not known.

96

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

visible beards.(2!) Gerald:of Wales said that in Wales, "The men are accustomed to shave the beard, excepting only the mustache, and they have kept this custom not from recent

[times] but from ancient and far-distant centuries." (???)

The French and Norman moralists at the turn of the twelfth century therefore sang a different song from those in Germany half a century earlier and dirécted their complaints not at shaving but at beards, and especially at long hair. Orderic Vitalis, in the passage cited above, associated beards with penitents, prisoners, and pilgrims and bitterly complained that, "Now almost all our fellow countrymen are crazy and wear little beards, openly proclaiming by such a token that they revel in filthy lusts like stinking goats.” (733) Serlo of Séez in a sermon given before the king in 1105 said that, “Long beards give them the look of billy-goats, whose filthy viciousness is shamefully imitated by the degradations of fornicators and sodomites.” He was referring here primarily to penitents, but he went on to attack those sinners who did not shave their beards “for fear that the short bristles would prick their mistresses when they kiss them, and in their hairiness they make themselves more like Saracens than Christians." (73*) The fashion for beards clearly went with long hair, which was equally attacked by moralists. According to Orderic, a council at Rouen in 1096 decreed, “That no man should grow long hair,” (73°) in accord with the Pauline precept. Eadmer reported in the Historia novorum in Anglia that St Anselm in his Ash Wednesday sermon in 1094 called on young nobles to cut their hair in a masculine style, saying, “Now at this time almost all the courtly youths grew their hair long in the manner of young girls, and, with combed hair and looking around with impious nods, were accustomed to walk about daily with delicate steps [and] with a steady pace.” (3°) Bishop Geoffrey of Amiens refused to take oblations at St Omer in 1106 from men “who were

N

(231) John L. Nevinson, in the intro. to Bayeux Tapestry, ed. Stenton, 74: "The bearded shipwrights in Normandy and several members of the Saxon levies are no doubt considered to be elderly men." (232) Gerald of Wales, Descriptio Kambriae, 11, ed. J.S. Brewer, James F. Dimock, and George Warner (Rolls Series, 21; London, 1861-91) VI, 185. (233) Orderic Vitalis, Hist. ecc., VIII, 10, ed. Chibnall, IV, 188 (see n. ror

above). (234) Ibid., XI, xz, ed. cit., VI, 64-7. (235) Ibid., IX, 3, ed. cit., V, 22. (236) Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, Y, ed. Martin Rule (Rolls Series, 81; London, 1884) 48; see Eadmer’s History of Recent Events in England, tr. Geoffrey Bosanquet (London, 1964) 49, who translates "tenero incessu” as “mincing gait".

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

97

seen with uncut hair .. judging it unworthy to receive the gifts of those who had flowing locks on the neck in the fashion of women." (737) So deep was the prejudice against long hair in the twelfth century that Peter Comestor felt compelled to point out that, "Christ and the apostles are depicted with long hair (criniti), not in fact but in holiness.” (738) For crusaders the difference between having and not having a beard was more than a matter of fashion. (3°) When the crusaders during the siege of Antioch put off shaving and began to grow beards, the bishop of Le Puy urged them to shave, fearing that they might be confused in battle with the enemy "owing to the likeness of their beards", and also to wear crosses around their necks.(?9?) Greek writers, who put a higher value on beards than the Latins, were quick to notice that the Franks shaved. (?*!) Eustathius of Thessalonica, who lived from 1115 to 1195/7, said in his commentary on the passage in Homer where Odysseus met Hermes in the likeness of a young man with the first down on his lip that, "Those who follow the Latin customs do the same, always trying artificially to look as if they are just getting a beard. They therefore torture their beard by constant close shaving and feel dishonored if the beard appears to grow.” (747) »

(237) Godfrey of Amiens,

Vita, II, 29, in AASS, 8 Nov. III, 926B; BHL

573.

(238) Beryl Smalley, "Peter Comestor on the Gospels,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale, 46 (1979) 118-9, remarked, "Twelfth century moralists disapproved of long hair styles for men as effeminate; hence Comestor's proviso that the flowing locks were symbolic." Galland of Rigny, ed. Chatillon, in Rev. Moyen Age lat., 9, p. 43, said that hair should be cut, “ut

neque visum tibi neque auditum impediant". (239) See n. xoo concerning non-shaving as a result of an oath by Robert Guiscard. (240) Guibert of Nogent, Gesta Dei per Francos, V, 1, 7, in PL, CLVI, 753A. A good illustration of a bearded Saracen warrior is found in the twelfth century stucco decoration to the Seljuk palace at Konya, in the Türk ve Islam Eserleri Miizesi. (241) Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen, Y, 120-1. The Greeks disapproved of long

hair, however: see Hans-Georg Beck, "Formes de non-conformisme a Byzance," Académie royale de Belgique: Bulletin de la classe des lettres et des sciences

politiques, 5 S., 65 (1970) 318-9, and Byzantinisches Lesebuch (Munich, 1982) 363-5. (242) Eustathios of Salonika, Commentarii ad Homeri Odysseam, ed. G. Stallbaum (Leipzig, 1825-6) 382, ad Od. 10.277-8. The Byzantine chronicler Nicetas

Choniates,

Historia,

ed. Van

Dieten,

I, 623, also remarked

with

surprise on the shaven beards of the Latins in the early thirteenth century.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

98

In twelfth-century miniatures. almost all soldiers are shown without beards. (243) This may have been in part the result of the difficulty of wearing a beard inside a head-covering of solid metal or of chain mail, but it probably also corresponded to the prevailing fashion of the times. (?**^) Most rulers in the twelfth century had either no beard or only a short beard, like Frederick Barbarossa in the Cappenbetg head. (74°) In the manuscript of Peter of Eboli's Liber ad honorem Augusti, which was written at the end of the century, Richard the Lion-Hearted is shown beardless and Roger II with a beard, perhaps because he had long been dead, since in more contemporary representations he is shown beardless. (24°) According to the Ordo Cencius II, dating from the first half of the twelfth century, the emperors "ought to be shaved" at the time of coronation, when the pope

(243) See n. 216 above, and MS Tours, Bibl. mun., 291, f. 39", in Rand, Manuscripts of Tours, pl. CXCVIII (and I, 202, dating this manuscript apparent-

ly to the twelfth

century);

Melnikas,

Corpus, esp.

(II) 440-1 for early

illustrations to Causa XIII of Gratian ;Walter Cahn, Romanesque Bible Illustra-

tion (Ithaca, N.Y., 1982) figs. 127 (the second Bible of St Martial) and 203 (the Winchester Bible), dating respectively from the beginning of the twelfth century and from 1150/80 (262-3, 276) ; Western Illuminated Manuscripts tbe Property of tbe Jobn Carter Brown Library (Sotheby Catalogue; London, 1981) 57 (the Ottobeuren Gradual and Sacramentary, of ca. 1164, f. 95") ; and, from the end of the century, Peter of Eboli, Lzber ad bonorem Augusti, ed. G.B.

Siracusa (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, 39; Rome, 1905-6) pl. V, XXXVII. (244) It is hard to discover general changes in fashion from either written or iconographical sources alone: J. Othon [Ducourneau], "De l'institution et

des us des convers dans l'ordre de Citeaux (XII* et XIII* siécles)," Saint Bernard et son temps (Association bourguignonne des sociétés savantes:

Congrés de 1927; Dijon, 1928-9) II, 149, n. 2, argued on the basis of the testimony of Orderic Vitalis (who was largely concerned with aristocratic fashion) that beards came into fashion again in the late eleventh century, whereas Mótefindt, in Anthropos, 23, p. 633-4, argued on the basis of iconographical evidence that beards were rare in the twelfth century. See also n. 255. (245) Karlinger, Steinplastik, 46, 80; Grundmann, Cappenberger Barbarossakopf, esp. 54-5 on literary references to Barbarossa's beard. Whether or not the Cappenberg head is an accurate representation of Barbarossa, it reflects

the fashion of the period. Other reliquary heads of the twelfth century have partially shaved, short, curled

beards: see Avril, Monde roman, 232-3, figs. 217-8. Louis VII is apparently unbearded on the seal reproduced in Achille Luchaire, Etudes sur les actes de Louis VII (Paris, 1885) pl. VI. (246) Peter of Eboli, Liber ad bonorem, pl. II, XXXV. In the famous mosaic in the church of the Martorana in Palermo, which dates from 1140/50, Roger is shown with a beard, perhaps because he was made to resemble Christ, but in a capital in the west gallery of the cathedral at Monreale, made in 1175/85, he is beardless: see Avril, Monde roman, 87, 328, figs. 87, 369.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

99

kissed the emperor on his forehead, chin, knees, and mouth. (7) This may have applied even in Byzantium, since the chronicler George Kedrenos, writing in the late eleventh or early twelfth century, said that Heraclius “when he came to the imperial throne, immediately cut off his hair and beard, in the imperial

fashion." (748) It is not known why the custom of cutting and shaving beards spread in the middle of the eleventh century and prevailed throughout the twelfth. Some scholars have associated it with the example of Antiquity,(??) but it seems to have started before classical influences were widely felt, at least in the north,

if indeed they ever were in matters of this sort. It was perceived by contemporaries as a widespread and significant change, however, as the many references to it show. Geoffrey of Vigeois, who died in 1184, commented specifically on the long hair and shaved beards of men at the time he was writing. Formerly (olim), he said, only a few people and nobles wore long hair, as many people and plebeians do now (modo). "They used to cut their hair and have long beards; peasants and soldiers (garsones) now shave them." (??) Alan of Lille, writing a few years later, clearly regarded shaving as a general, though for the most part deplorable, fashion. The conclusion that most laymen shaved or trimmed their beards in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries is confirmed by three interesting pieces of indirect evidence. The first is the sign for a layman in the monastic sign-language described in the customary of Bernard of Cluny, of which there are two versions dating from between 1060 and ro9o. The sign was to hold the chin with the right hand "on account of the beard which that type of man did not shave in ancient times (antiquitus). In later manuscripts and versions of this customary the addition of the words sed modo or sicut modo shows that laymen custom-

(247) Die Ordines für die Weihe und Krünung des Kaisers und der Kaiserin, ed. Elze, in MGH, Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui, YX, 37; see also the

Reinhard

editor's.comment on 223.

(248) George Kedrenos, Historiarum compendium, ed. Y. Bekker, I (Bonn, 1838) 714; see Thomassin, Ancienne discipline, Yl, x4. Kedrenos was probably reflecting the fashion of his own times, since Heraclius, who ruled in the

early seventh century, had a beard (and was probably one of the first Byzantine emperors to be bearded). Michael McCormick suggested that the

final words, which are not easy to translate, may mean "to" rather than "in"

the imperial fashion. (249) Ladner, Ritratti, IL, 40, 64. (250) Geoffrey of Vigeois, Chronica, I, 74, in Ph. Labbe, Nova bibliotheca

manuscriptorum (Paris, 1657) II, 328.

100

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

arily shaved at that time. (2?!) Second, Burchard in the Apologia mentioned the fun that was made of the lay-brothers on account of their beards by laymen who clearly had no beards themselves. “How long their necks are, how round, how thick,” they say;

“how sweet, how smooth it would be to strike a strong blow into this lard and that fat. Woe to those dirty and lousy beards; let the fire burn those that deserve to be burned! Woe to those beards full of vermin; woe to the beards

fouled by saliva flowing down, worthy of spitting and execrations and justly condemned to the fire!” (???) The saying “Barbatum mentum uastant animalia centum", which derived from a poem by Marbod and is found in the florilegium of St Gatien at Tours, compiled about 1175/80, suggests that this strong language may occasionally have been justified. (??) Third, Prior Basil of La Chartreuse decreed in the late twelfth

century that laymen to whom positions, presumably as laybrothers, had been promised, should not "change their clothing nor grow a beard" before they were received into the abbey. (?*) At the time of entry they were clearly without beards. Not all laymen shaved in the twelfth century, however, and there are many references to beards, (??), like those of Gossuin of Oisy-le-Verger and Baldwin of Edessa, which were respectively cut off and pledged. (25) A number of men were named for their beards, like Baldwin

IV Belle-Barbe

of Flanders.

A

(251) Walter Jarecki, Signa loquendi. Die cluniacensischen Signa- Listen eingeleitet und herausgegeben (Saecula spiritalia, 4; Baden-Baden, 1981) 136 (Clun 82) : "Pro signo laici mentum

tene cum dextera propter barbam, quam antiquitus

non raserunt id genus hominum;” see 156 (Boh 80), 214 (Wilh 263), 244 (Vict 77), and 267 (Flor ror). See also Giles Constable, ‘‘‘Famuli’ and ‘Conversi’ at Cluny. A Note on Statute 24 of Peter the Venerable,” Revue bénédictine, 83 (1973) 346. (252) Apologia, 1.228-38; see also 3.159-60, 190, and 453-4 for jokes about beards, some by the lay-brothers themselves. N (253) André Wilmart, "Le florilége de Saint-Gatien [I], Revue bénédictine, 48 (1936) 34, no. 236, citing Marbod's poem "Sordidus et fedus" in J. Werner,

Beitrdge zur Kunde der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 2nd ed.

(Aarau, 1905) 7 f., which I have not seen. See also Walther, Proverbia, I, 221, no. 35. (254) Consuetudines Basilii, 48.9, in Die Altesten Consuetudines der Kartauser, ed. James Hogg (Analecta Cartusiana, 1; Salzburg, 1970) 216. (255) There was a revival of beards in the second half of the twelfth century,

according

to

E. Viollet-le-Duc,

Dictionnaire

raisonné

du mobilier

frangais (Paris, 1874) III, 18x-3 (s.v. "Coiffure"), and Camille Enlart, Manuel d'archéologie frangaise, YII. Le costume (Paris, 1916) 132-3. If so, it was local and temporary, and the evidence for a general revival is unconvincing. (256) See p. 63-4 above.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

IOI

grant to Cluny in 1197 was made by "Jotsaldus vocatus ad barbam," (??7) though it is not certain whether this meant that he really had a beard or that ad barbam, or barbatus, had simply become a family name. Anselm of Canterbury in De casu diaboli maintained that a man who could grow a beard should do so, (7°8) but this may be an echo of traditional condemnations of close shaving. So, probably, was the prohibition by the council of Toulouse in 1119 for a monk, canon, or cleric to wear his hair

or beard “as if [he were] a layman”. (??) The many representations of bearded laymen in art and sculpture (as of the laborers of the months on the Royal Portal at Chartres) may also reflect an ideal rather than reality. Bishop Ernulf of Rochester (1114-24) had a more practical concern, however, when he gave as one of the arguments in favor of intinction that men with long beards and mustaches often dipped the hairs into the liquid when drinking from a cup. (7) Almost a dozen different types of beards and mustaches are described by Burchard at the beginning of the second section of the Apologia, and while some of these are clearly satirical, and others perhaps imaginary, they must have been recognizable to the lay-brothers whom Burchard was addressing. ^9) Among them were what he called, here and elsewhere, "the military beard", "the military form", and "the military cut", though just what this was is unknown, except that according to Burchard it went badly with hair cut above the ears. He also mentioned “the city style (urbana figuratio)', such as cour-

(257) Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, ed. A. Bernard and A. Bruel (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Paris, 1876-1903) V, 727, no. 4371. See n. 218 above on Baldwin. (258) Anselm, De casu diaboli, 16, in Opera omnia, ed. F.S. Schmitt (Edinburgh, 1946-61) I, 261-2. (259) Council of Toulouse (1119), c. 10, in Mansi, XXI, 227E-8A. (260) L. d'Achéry, Spicilegium, ed. E. Baluze and E. Marténe (Paris, 1723) II, 471-2. Ernulf went on to stress the danger of spilling even when the communicants were unbearded. Burchard, in the Apologia, 2.53-4, urged that mustaches should be cut so that "they are not immersed in the cup when drinking;" see also 2.35. (26x) Apologia, 2.5-42, where Burchard refers, among others, to barbae funiculatae (like ropes), corniculatae (in little horns, perhaps like the curls on the Cappenberg head), furcatae (forked), and calamistratae (curled with an

iron, like the hair of women). He also mentioned pointed beards, long beards down

to the stomach,

and

beards

like the tails of kites and

birds; also

pointed (spiculate), long, and fully shaved mustaches. Thick beards, he said elsewhere (3.487-9), were sometimes worn to hide facial deformities.

102

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

tiers and townsmen wore. (©?) He discussed the cutting and trimming of beards, and their treatment with ointments to make them grow and with dye when they began to turn gray. (^9) Though these references show that beards were worn by some men, either out of vanity or, doubtless, also of laziness, trim-

ming and shaving seems to have remained the rule in most parts of Europe for the remainder of the Middle Ages. (?**) In late medieval religious art, indeed, a beard was almost a distinguishing mark of a Jew, and a typical Christian was shown without a beard. (?9) The temporary fashion for full beards that prevailed in Italy in the early fourteenth century was specifically mentioned in a fragmentary Historia romana written in the vernacular: “If anyone with a beard came [referring to the preceding period], he was suspected of being a man of very low estate, unless he was either a Spaniard or a penitent.” (7) The Byzantine historian Chalcocondyles confirmed that in the fifteenth century, “The men of almost all of Italy, as well as of all the western land, shave their beards moderately.” (76) The use here of the term efzezkos shows that Chalcocondyles was not referring to close shaving. Many men would therefore have had short or trimmed beards, or no beards shortly after shaving, but relatively few would have had long or full beards.

(262) Apologia, 2.13-5, 3.793-4. The lay-brothers in the order of Arrouaise were forbidden to cut their beards "in the city fashion”: Constitutiones canonicorum regularium ordinis Arroasiensis, 234d, ed. L. Milis, in CC: CM, XX, 213; see p. 128 below. See also Orderic Vitalis, Hist. ecc., VIII, 22, ed. Chibnall, IV, 268: "Militares viri mores paternos in vestitu et capillorum tonsura

derelinquerunt." (263) Apologia, 3.456-9. (264) Fangé, Mémoires, 89-90, 99. The four saintly knights in statues at Minster, Chartres, and Cappenberg

are all unbearded:

see Herbert Grund-

mann, "Gottfried von Cappenberg" (1959), rp. Ausgewablte Aufsatze, Y. Religióse Bewegungen (Schriften der MGH, 25.1; Stuttgart, 1976) pl. 1-4. Most laymen in paintings of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are without beards. The fashion for beards came in again in the sixteenth and especially the seventeenth century. Brigitte Rezak informs me that on French royal seals a bearded enthroned figure reappeared under Henry II (1547-59). (265) Blumenkranz, Juif médiéval, index s.v. "Barbe". See Melnikas, Corpus, (II) 893, fig. 7, for an illustration to Gratian, Causa XXVIII from MS Vatican, Pal. lat. 622, f. 195", showing a bearded Jew and unbearded Christian.

(266) Historiae romanae fragmenta ab anno Christi MCCCXXVII uique ad MCCCLIV, 9, in L.A. Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae medii aevi (Milan, 173842) III, 307E-roA. The vernacular text, which is translated here, differs in places from the Latin translation or version, as in giving "homo de peniten-

tia" where the Latin has "eremiticae vitae professor". (267) Laonicus Chalcocandyles (Chalcocondyles), Historiarum demonstrationes, ed. Eugen Darkó (Budapest, 1922-7) I, 77.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

103

2. The Clergy During the first centuries of Christian history the clergy were expected to follow the general rule that men should have short hair and a trimmed or shaven beard. ($$) The Pauline precept applied to all men. It was specifically cited when Pope Anicetus decreed in the second century, according to the Liber pontificalis, "that the clergy should not grow long hair". (26) Jerome's description of Jovinian as a goat, "although you shave your beard", which was said by Hofmeister to be "the first sure evidence that a catholic priest was beardless", probably reflected the general rule until at least the fourth century. (??) Clerics did not adopt a distinctive style of hair and beard until the fifth and sixth centuries, (?!) and later this was given a spiritual interpretation by Gregory the Great, Isidore, and Bede. (277) The earliest known specific rule concerning clerical beards was in canon 25 of the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, which date from about 475: "Clericus nec comam nutriat nec barbam radat." Down until modern times this canon was commonly attributed to the Fourth Council of Carthage in 436. (?/?) The first part of this statute clearly derives from Paul's words in 1 Corinthians. The source of the second part is unknown, however, though it

may be related to the exhortation not to mar the beard in the

(268) Fangé, Mémoires, 250, stressed that priests and monks frequently followed the customs and fashion of the region in which they lived; see also 290. (269) Liber pont., ed. Duchesne, I, 134: "ut clerus comam non nutriret, secundum praeceptum apostoli;” see also sbid. III, 73. (270) Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum,

YI, 2x, in PL, XXIII, 330A; see Hofmeis-

ter, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 79. See also the passage by Paulinus of Nola cited n. 191 above. (271) Ph. Gobillot, "Sur la tonsure chrétienne et ses prétendues origines paiennes," Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 26 (1925) 399-454; A. Michel, s.v. "Tonsure",

Toledo clerics. (272) (Bede). (273) tut de

in DTC,

XV.r,

1228-31,

who

said that the Fourth

Council

of

(633) issued the first general prescriptions concerning the tonsure of

See above p. 70-1 (Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville) and 74

Charles Munier, Les Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (Bibliothéque de l'Instidroit canonique de l'Université de Strasbourg, 5; Paris, 1960) 85;

Concilia Galliae A. 314 - A. 506, ed. C. Munier, in CC, CXLVIII, 171. It was

published as c. 44 of the Fourth Council of Carthage (436) in Mansi, III, 955A; PL, LXXXIV, 204A; and other collections of conciliar decrees. See Friedrich Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des canonischen Rechts

im Abendlande, Y (Graz, 1870) 382-94.

104

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Didascalia and Apostolic Constitutions. (7^) No three words in the history of canon law have a more confused history than these. Ostensibly they prohibit clerics to shave and thus stand in contradiction to what was almost certainly the established practice of the clergy, in both East and West, at that time, though they may reflect a relatively recent move toward clerical beards in the East. (?”°) They were therefore unacceptable to many medieval scribes, and also to some modern editors, and at

an early date they were amended to conform with what was presumed to be their true meaning. This was done in one of two ways. In one important group of manuscripts, coming from Italy, France, and Germany between the ninth and eleventh centuries, and almost certainly going back to a pre-ninth century prototype, the mec was changed to sed, so that the text read, “A cleric should not grow long hair but should shave his beard.” (76) An even easier change was simply to drop vadat, which turned the canon into a prohibition of both long hair and beards. It is uncertain when this was first done. According to the editor of the first printed edition, vadat is missing in plura exemplaria, as it is in the so-called Excerptiones of Egbert of York, the Compilatio I, and the Decretals of Gregory IX. It is found, if at all, only in the apparatus of all printed editions of this canon from 1551, when the second edition appeared, down to modern times. (?’’) J.P. Valerian in his defense of sacerdotal (274) See p. 87, nn. 187-9 above. Munier, Statuta, 134, said that, "Il est bien

évident que le rédacteur des Statuta a voulu imiter les traditions orientales, sur ce point. Le canon 25 reprend mot à mot les expressions des Constitutions apostoliques ;" see also 222-3, stressing the eastern origins of this canon,

and of the Statuta generally. His Latin translation of the Constitutiones does not, however, in my view, fully bear out this conclusion.

(275) Munier, ibid., 222-3, considered that "la préférence singuliére manifestée au c. 25 en faveur du port de la barbe" confirmed his view of the eastern origins of the compiler of the Statuta, who "appartenait à un milieu

monastique provencal, fortement influencé par les traditions orientales." (276) Munier, ibid., 84, var. 4 to can. 25. On group j of manuscripts, see ibid., 65, and the variants to can. 25 in Concilia, xx. \ (277) Excerptiones Egberti, 153, ed. Thorpe, II, 124 ("unde canon Affricanus praecipit, ut clericus nec comam nutriat, nec barbam"); Bernard of Pavia, Compilatio prima, Ill, x, 4, in Quinque compilationes antiquae, ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1882) 25; Gregory IX, Decretales, III, x, 5, in Corpus iuris canonici, Il,

448 (with "barbam radat” as a variant). Pierre Crabbe included "radat" in the first edition of this canon, which appeared in 1536, but dropped it in the second, on a relatively slim manuscript base, because it did not conform to his interpretation of the text. He gave both "tondeat" and "radat" as variants but said that the sense was that clerics should grow neither their hair nor

their beards: Munier, Statuta, 16. Among later scholars, all citing the canon in

its altered form, see Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 532D, who suggested that it

was directed against the Eutychians and Massalians, who did not cut their

hair or beard; Fangé, Mémoires, 253, 260; Thalhofer, in Arch. f kath. Kirchenrecbt,

|

—APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

IOS

{

beards, published in 1531, knew that the original text had included radat,(?*) and Van Haeften used it as evidence that clerics in the West in the fifth century wore beards, (777) but these were scholarly voices crying in the wilderness of unwillingness to believe that the canon could have meant what it

said. (78°)

. A similar fate befell canon 3 of the First Council of Barcelona in 540: “Ut nullus clericorum comam nutriat aut barbam radat.” (??!) This was apparently no more acceptable than statute 25 of the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, from which it probably derived. (8?) In the list of tituli of this council found in the famous manuscript Lucca 490, which can be dated from between 787/97 and 816, canon 3 appears as “Nullus clericorum comas nutriat, vel barbam, sed radat." (783) It is possible that the 10, p. 97, saying that it applied only to "barba promissa" ;and Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 78, who in the 1940s still cited the text without "radat". (278) Valerian, Pro sacerdotum barbis, 22 (Paris edition), 107 (Lyon edition). (279) Van Haeften, S. Benedictus, 532D, who after citing the canon in its abbreviated form added "ubi quaedam exemplaria addunt: sed radat, vel tondeat."

More

recently, Koukoulés,

Byzantinon bios, IV, 360, cited the full

text as evidence that Greek priests were forbidden to shave in the fifth century. (280) In the eleventh-century Collectio canonum in V libris, YII, 208, ed. M. Fornasari, in CC: CM, VI, 412, the text was further emended to cover monks: "Clerici nec comam nutriant, sed barbam radant, similiter monachi." (281) Mansi, IX, 09D; PL, LXXXIV, 607C ; Concilios visigóticos e hispano-

romanos, ed. J. Vives a.o. (Espafia cristiana: Textos, 1; Barcelona, 1963) 53. These are all based on the only known manuscript, the Codex Emilianense (MS

El Escorial,

D.ri): see Concilios, intro. viii-ix, and Domingo

Ramos-

Lisson, in Dze Symoden auf der iberischen Halbinsel bis zum Einbruch des Islam (711) (Paderborn - Munich, 1981) 66, and 65-7 generally on this council. (282) See

Since

Maassen,

Barcelona

was

Geschichte,

393, 644;

on the Mediterranean

Ramos-Lisson,

in Synoden, 66.

coast and subject to eastern

influences at this time, it is possible that the canon is independent of the Statuta. Martin of Braga in about 570 included a canon of unknown, possibly

eastern, origin, prohibiting clerics from growing long hair or ministering without a tonsure "with the ears showing": Capitula ex orientalium patrum synodis, c. 66, in Martin of Braga, Opera omnia, ed. Claude W. Barlow (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, 12; New Haven, 1950)

140, see 84-7 on the date and source, and Maassen, Geschichte, 218. (283) Mansi, IX, 109A. As archbishop of Lucca, Mansi had access to this manuscript, on which see the two works of Luigi Schiaparelli, I/ codice

CCCCXC della Biblioteca capitolare di Lucca (Codices ex ecclesiasticis Italiae bybliothecis delecti phototypice expressi, 2; Rome, 1924) and I/ codice 490 della Biblioteca capitolare di Lucca e la scuola scrittoria lucchese (sec. VIII-IX) (Studi e testi, 36; Rome, 1924) 17, on ff. 288'-309" (Canonum sylloge Hispana composita circa a. Goo) written in "scrittura onciale, ma non pura" (53) ; see also pl. 75-6 (f. 307” and 309") and relevant text of the facsimile. See also Maassen, Geschichte, 646 f.

106

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

original text, which is found in only one known manuscript, is corrupt, or that a stop was intended between barbam and vadat,

making the canon say, "That no cleric should grow long hair or a beard;

he should

shave."

Like: Statuta

25, however,

it was

probably amended already before the ninth century, and its meaning changed by the addition of sed. Neither Statuta 25 nor 1 Barcelona 3 is known to have had any influence in its original form. "The Gallo-Romans did not adopt the new style recommended by the Statuta,” according to Munier. (?**) Without the vadat, however, and posing as canon 44 of the Fourth Council of Carthage, it exercised a great influence on later legislation (78°) and was included in many canonical collections of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. (78°) William Durand, whose views on clerical tonsure and shaving have already been discussed, said under the heading “De barba tondenda" in his Pontificale, published in 1293/5, that, “It was decreed in the Council of Carthage that priests should not grow beards.” (787) Canon 20 of the First Council of Agde in 506 was equally important in the long run, though it originally dealt only with hair: “Clerici qui comam nutriunt, ab archidiacono, etiam si noluerint, inviti detundantur.” It went on to say that their clothes and shoes should be suited to a religious life (“nisi quae religionem deceant"). (788) This canon was included in the Decretum of Gratian and in many other twelfth-century canonical collections. (78°) Pope Alexander III gave it importance for beards by including it in a letter to the archbishop of Canterbury in a revised form: "Clerici qui comam nutriunt et barbam etiam

(284) Munier, (285) See the below) ; Coyaca habeant, barbas clericus barbam

Statuta, 223. councils of Bourges (1031), c. 7 (cited p. 108, n. 304, (1050), c. 3, in Mansi, XIX, 787: "semper coronas apertas radant;" and Gerona (1078), c. 7, in Mansi, XX, 519A: "ne vel comam nutriat." Though these do not refer specifically

to the decree of the council of Carthage, the combination of hair and beard

suggests that they ultimately derive from it. (286) See n. 277 above. See also Ivo of Chartres, Decretum, V1, 265, in PL,

CLXI, 5orA ("Clericus nec comam nec barbam nutriat"), which, though textually different, is attributed to the council of Carthage. (287) Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au Moyen Age (Studi e testi, 86-8; Vatican City, 1938-40) III: Le pontifical de Guillaume Durand, 338. (288) PL, LXXXIV,

202. (289)

266B ; Concilia Galliae, 202; see Maassen,

Geschichte,

Gratian, Dist. XXIII, 22, in Corpus iuris canonici, 1, 85, with refer-

ences to other collections. It appears in PL, CVI, 827CD, as c. 4 of the so-

called council of Boniface in ca. 745.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

I07

inviti a suis archidiaconis tondeantur."(??) It is not known whether Alexander added the et barbam himself or used a version in which it already appeared, (?!) but he gave authority to a major prohibition against clerical beards. (???) A third tradition, also originally concerned only with hair, started with the so-called Gregorian decree of the council of Rome in 721, canon 17: "Si quis ex clericis relaxaverit comam, anathema sit." (#3) This was extended to cover monks in canon 8 of the council at Rome in 743: "Si quis clericus aut monachus comam laxare praesumpserit, anathema sit.” (??^) The use in this canon of the terms /axare and relaxare suggests that it may have been designed to require clerics and, later, monks who had long hair to wear it tied up, in a bun, like Greek Orthodox clerics today, rather than to cut it off, and it may reflect Greek

influence in Rome in the eighth century. It was interpreted as a prohibition against long hair, however, and as such exercised considerable influence. (??) Like the canon of Agde, it was also applied to beards. The two versions in the Collectio in V libros, for instance, read, "If any of the clerics, if [they are] Romans, lets down the hair of his head or neglects to cut his beard, let him be anathema," and "If any cleric or monk lets down his hair or presumes not to cut his beard, let him be anathema." (796) Burchard of Bellevaux probably made use of some collection such as this when he said in the Apologza, "That it is decreed for the clergy that if anyone lets his hair or beard grow long, let him be anathema.” (??7) This combined the Gregorian decree (“si quis clericus .. anathema sit") with the Ivonian form of the

(290) Gregory IX, Decretales, YII, 1, 7, in Corpus iuris canonici, IT, 450, listing various manuscripts (especially from Italy in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries) that omit "et barbam". It was cited without "et barbam", probably from Gratian, by the council of Westminster (1175), c. 4, in Councils and Synods, 1.2, 985, no. 168.

(291) The decrees of 721 and 743, cited below, were extended to apply to beards as well as hair already by the eleventh century: see n. 296.

(292) Valerian, Pro sacerdotum barbis, 22, considered this decree and the canon of the council of Carthage as the principal canonical prohibitions of clerical beards, and argued that both were textually corrupt.

(293) Mansi, XII, 264D, giving the variant /axaverit for relaxaverit. (294) Ibid., 384A. (295) The 743 form was cited in 754 in the Responsa of Stephen II, c. 18, in PL, LXXXIX, 1028A (JL 2315). The 721 “Gregorian” form was cited by the council of Mainz (847), c. 15, in MGH, Capitularia, Il, 180, no. 248; Gratian,

Dist.

XXIII,

23,

in Corpus iuris canonici,

1, 85 (with

references

to other

collections) ;and Gregory IX, Decretales, YII, x, 4, ibid., YI, 450. (296) Coll. in V libros, YII, 206-7, in CC: CM, VI, 411, with references to

other collections.

(297) Apologia, 3.1426-7.

108

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

canon of Carthage (‘“.. nec comam nec barbam nutriat"). Other variant versions could probably be found in the canonical collections of the age. Reference should also be made to the Pseudo-Isidorian decretal, attributed to Pope Anicius, who said, writing to the bishops of Gaul, "that according to the apostle clerics should not grow long hair but should shave thé upper head in the form of a circle.” (298) This was included in the canonical collections of both Ivo and Gratian, as well as in other collections, but so far

as is known it was never applied to beards. (???) There were in addition many individual decrees concerning the cutting of both hair and beards. A synod in Ireland in the seventh century, of which the canons were attributed to St Patrick, decreed that a cleric who failed to cut his hair in the

Roman fashion should be scorned by laymen and excluded from the church. (3°) In the Collectio in V libros this was extended by a reference to God's command to Ezechiel to shave his beard and adapted to require all clerics, "from doorkeeper to priest", to cut their hair and beard in the Roman fashion under threat of exclusion "from the company of Christians and the church". (3°!) According to canon 47 of the so-called Canons of Edgar, drawn up in England in 1005/8, a cleric should neither "conceal his tonsure, nor let his hair be wrongly trimmed, nor retain his beard for any time"; and canon 34 of the Northumbrian Priests’ Law of 1008/23 said, "If a priest neglects the shaving of beard or hair, he is to compensate for it.” (3°) It is difficult to be sure whether some of the more general decrees concerning hair and tonsure also apply to beards, such as the canon of the synod of Tribur in 895 prohibiting clerics to let their hair grow (“ut comam nutriat”), of which a variant version reads the hairs of their heads (“ut capillos capitis sui nutriat”). (79%) Canon 7 of the council of Bourges in 1031, however, clearly laid down that all clerics “who minister within the holy church should have an ecclesiastical tonsure, that is, a shaven

beard and a circle on the head.” (3) It is therefore probable that (298) Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae, ed. Paul Hibschius (Leipzig, 1863) 122. (299) Gratian, Dist. XXIII, 21, in Corpus zuris canonici, 1, 85, with references to Ivo and other collections. (300) Arthur Haddan and William Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 1869-78) II.2, 328; see

James F. Kenney,

The Sources for the Early History of Ireland (Records of

Civilization; New York, 1929) I, 245, no. 79. (301) Coll in V libros, Il, 205, in CC: CM,

VI, 4xr. Likewise

in the

Excerptiones Egberti, CLIV, ed. Thorpe, II, 124, clerics were required to cut their

hair and beard more Romano. (302) Councils and Synods, l.x, 330, 459, nos. 48, 63. (303) MGH, Capitularia, Il, 229, no. 252, c. 27, 27a.

(304) Mansi, XIX, 504A.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

109

many of the decrees concerning tonsure, including canon 16 of the Fourth Lateran Council, which required clerics to have “a fitting circle and tonsure", (2°) were intended to apply to beards as well as hair. The requirement for clerics to shave their beards was also reflected in the ritual of the western church in the Middle Ages. The barbatoria of Antiquity was specifically associated by Franz with the ceremonies and prayers for the first cutting of clerical beards that are found in many medieval sacramentaries, beginning with the Gelasian. (??$) The prayer “for beards to be cut” in the Gregorian sacramentary called on God to hear the prayers of His servant "who rejoices in the grace (decore) of youth and is soon to be shorn of its first signs." (?") In the Manuale Ambrostanum God was asked to bless His servant “who offers You the first-fruits of his youth.” (3%) The longest and most interesting of these rituals is in the Spanish Ordo super eum qui barbam tangere cupit, which dates probably from the late seventh or eighth century. (3) After several antiphons and prayers, the blessing here cited Psalm 132, calling on Christ to let the ointment run down from His head onto the beard of His servant. Some hairs which had been waxed with consecrated wax, probably in order to stiffen them, were then put into, or through, a golden ring and were cut, and the clippings were caught in a linen cloth. Mass was then celebrated, and "After

(305) Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. J. Alberigo a.o. (Bologna, 1973) 243. Corona and tonsura would be almost synonymous here unless tonsure was considered to include the beard. (306) Franz, Benedictionen, II, 254 and, generally, 245-52, and Rituale von St Florian, 178. See also Guilhiermoz, Essai, 411, n. 58, citing Greek sources, and

Riché, Education, 234 and n. 383. (307) Das Sacramentarium Gregorianum, ed. Hans Lietzmann (Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen, 213;

see Jean

Deshusses,

Le sacramentaire

3; Münster West., 1958) 127, no. grégorien,

1. Le sacramentaire,

le

supplément d’Aniane (Spicilegium Friburgense, 18; Fribourg, 1971) 340-1, with several variants and, in the notes, reference to other eighth- and ninthcentury sacramentaries ;Andrieu, Pontifical, Y. Le pontifical romain du XII siécle, 124, and II. Le pontifical de la curie romaine au XIII‘ siecle, 328, all with

essentially the same texts. (308) Manuale Ambrosianum e codice saeculi XI, ed. M. Magistretti (Milan, 1905) II, 497, cited by Franz, Benedictionen, II, 254. (309) Férotin, Liber ordinum, 43-6; see Franz, Benedictionen, II, 254-6, and Leclercq, in DACL, II.1, 489-91, reprinting it in its entirety. Tangere in the title

to this ordo means "to cut". See Corpus benedictionum pontificalium, ed. Edmond Moeller,

in CC, CLXII,

barbam tangere cupit."

164, no.

396, for another

"Ordo

super

eum

qui

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

IIO

this, if he is a monk, he should shave his beard.” (3°) This implies that the shaving of a cleric was partial and that of a monk total. : Similar prayers and ceremonies are found in liturgical books throughout the Middle Ages.(?!) The thirteenth-century customs of Eynsham established that the abbot should bless both the tonsure of the novice, if it had not been blessed before, and

also his beard, "if it had never been shaved before, together with the established chapters and collects". (??) The practice seems to have been abandoned, at least in some houses, toward the end of the Middle Ages. According to the fourteenth-century customary of St Augustine at Canterbury,

If he who is admitted has not yet had the first clerical tonsure, it is not customary in modern times for his beard to be blessed, as the ancient custom established. But before it is shaved, his first tonsure should be blessed with anti-

phons, psalms, and collects. (713) The practice of clerical shaving in the western church was a particular source of friction both with Greek Orthodox clerics, who did not shave, (3!4) and with Jews. Florus of Lyons in his Contra Judaeos complained that an apostate deacon, who had become a Jew in Spain, was bearded and married and daily

(310) This account

combines

the instructions

at the beginning, in the

middle, and at the end of the ordo, omitting the liturgical texts. The selected

hairs (granos) were on the right and left and in the middle of the chin, which

excludes the possibility (as Férotin, 43, n. 3, proposes) that the term means mustache. The final words are hard to explain. They imply that only monks were fully shaved. (311) E. Marténe, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, Y, 8, 11, 2nd ed. (Antwerp, 1736-8) II, 142A, 187B-8B :Ordo VIII from Salzburg and Ordo XII from Bec. See also Rituale von St Florian, xx1-2: "effunde, domine, benedictionem

super eum

tuam

et in caput barbamque eius transeat sicut in barbam Aaron ;"

Sacramentarium Fuldense saeculi X, ed. Gregor Richter and Albert Schónfelder

(Quellen und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Abtei und der Diózese Fulda, 9; Fulda, 1912) 359, no. 484; Consuetudines Sphingiersbacenses- Rodenses, 254, in CC: CM, XLVIII, 136. (312) The Customary of the Benedictine Abbey of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, ed. Antonia Gransden (Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, 2; Siegburg, 1963) 30, no. I, 3; see 35, no. II, 3, which shows that the novice was to be shaved whether he was a cleric or a layman. (313) Customary of the Benedictine Monasteries of Saint Augustine, Canterbury, and Saint Peter, Westminster, ed. E.M. Thompson (Henry Bradshaw Society, 23, 27; London, 1902-4) I, 257.

(314) See Thomassin, Ancienne discipline, IL, 26; Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 82-5. It is not known when exactly the Greek clergy began to wear beards. The practice probably reflected the general fashion for beards in the East in the sixth and especially the seventh centuries.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

ind!

blasphemed Christ and His church in the synagogues of Satan.(??) In a letter to the bishops of France in 867, Pope Nicholas I said that the Greeks were critical that “among us, clerics do not refuse to shave their beards.” (3!°) A year later Bishop Eneas of Paris also referred to Greek opposition to clerical shaving both in a letter on the errors of the Greeks and in his Liber adversus Graecos, where he said that the Greeks

"accused the Latins and Romans because they shave their beards”. (?") According to Ratramnus, the Greeks criticized the clergy "not only of the Roman [church] but also of all the western churches of Christ" because they shaved. In defense of the practice he cited the variety of ecclesiastical customs and above all the Pauline prescription concerning long hair, which he also applied to beards, saying that, "Clerics who grow beards should therefore consider .. whether they are not going against the apostolic precept." He also cited the example of the four men who shaved their heads in Acts 21.24. "The clerics of the Roman and almost all the churches of the West, following this custom, shave their beards and tonsure their heads, imitating both those who in the Old Testament were called Nazarenes [i.e., Nazarites] and those who in the New Testament are said to have done the same." Many apostles and disciples, and especially Peter, he said, after a brief explanation of the spiritual significance of tonsure, shaved their beards and heads. "For if it is a sin, or a transgression of divine law, to cut the beard, let them [the Greeks] say why the prophet shaved his beard at the order of the Lord, why the Nazarenes followed this custom, why finally the apostles did not fear this custom.” (?!9) The issue came up again in the eleventh century, when the Greeks led by the Patriarch Cerularios, basing himself on the passage from the Didascalia cited above, accused the Latins of changing the nature of man by shaving their beards. Cardinal Humbert and the papal legates replied by excommunicating the Greek clerics who "grow the hairs of the head and the beard and who would not receive in communion those who cut their hair (315) Florus of Lyons (Ps-Amulo), Liber contra Judaeos, 42, in PL, CXVI, 171C ;see Glorieux, 56, on Florus, who died about 860.

(316) MGH, Epistolae, VI, 603 (JE 2879). (317) Ibid., VI, 174, and PL, CXXI, 747C-8A. This passage is in quotation marks in the printed text, without

any indication of its source, but it seems

to be original to Eneas, unlike the preceding chapter, which he took from

Isidore of Seville (see n. x23 above). (318) Ratramnus, Contra Graecorum opposita, IV, 5, in PL, CXXI, 322A-4D. Among

various interesting points in this text is the reference to the images,

"formed by the art of painters in such a scheme", of Peter with a shaved head and beard (324C).

II2

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

and shaved the beards according to the institution of the Roman church." (???) The custom of clerical shaving was in fact less universal in the western church than some of these writers implied, but the reformers in the eleventh century set out to enforce the canonical decrees on this, as on other, matters. Pope Gregory VII wrote in 1080 to the /wdex Orzoccor of Cagliari:

We trust that Your Prudence has not taken it amiss that we have forced your archbishop James to obey the custom of the holy Roman church, the mother of all churches and especially of yours, in effect, that as the clergy of the whole western church have had the custom of shaving the beard from the very origins of the Christian faith, so he our brother, your archbishop, should also shave. Therefore we also instruct Your Eminence to receive and listen to him as a pastor and spiritual father and with his advice to make and compel all the clergy under your authority to shave their beards. (32°) Shaving the head and beard was by this time considered the distinctive mark of the clerical order in society. When St Adalbert of Prague in the tenth century was discouraged by his failure as a missionary and decided to go among the pagans as a layman, he let his hair and beard grow. (37!) Peter. Damiani complained to Pope Alexander II that many priests were so occupied with worldly affairs that they differed from laymen only in how they shaved (barbirasium), not in how they behaved. (372) Tonsure was the distinguishing mark of clerics in much the same way as the clerical collar is in many Christian denominations today. The spies of King Harold thought that Duke William’s soldiers were priests because they had no beards or mustaches, and in the Bayeux Tapestry tonsure is the only visible difference between laymen and clerics, who wore distincv

(319) Council Cornelius

of Constantinople

(1054), in Mansi,

XIX,

813C, 817D;

Will, Acta et scripta quae de controversiis ecclesiae Graecae et Latinae

saeculo undecimo composita extant (Leipzig - Marburg, 1861) 153-4. 157-8. See Didascalia, III, xz, ed. Funk, 12 n. (cited n. 187 above) and the letter from Peter of Antioch to Cerularios, in PG, CXX, 8ooBC. (320) Gregory VII, Register, VIII, 10, ed. Erich Caspar, in MGH, Epistolae

selectae, II, 529; tr. Ephraim Emerton, The Correspondence of Pope Gregory VII (Records of Civilization; New York, 1932) 164. (321) Bruno, Vita s. Adalberti, 26, in MGH, Scriptores in fol., IV, 609 (BHL 38) ; see the different version cited by Thomassin, Ancienne discipline, Il, 17. (322) Peter Damiani, Ep. I, 15, in PL, CXLIV, 227D; see also Ep. VIII, x

(= Opusc. 30), 3, in PL, CXLV, 529A.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

II3

tive clothing only when performing clerical functions. (373) A madman who attacked a cleric in 1119, "seeing him bearded and without any tonsure or clothing of religion, did not know whether he was a cleric.” (374) The horse of a travelling cleric who refused to pay a toll was kept by the provost of a castle who said that he did not see the tonsure and who wrote to the bishop, "Whoever claims the name of a cleric, should at least show the evidence of a tonsure." (?5) Many clerics still wore beards, however, either temporarily or permanently. They let their beards grow in time of fast, for example, as Sicard of Cremona and William Durand explained, and as a sign of grief or penance, like Bishop Audoin of Evreux. (?6) They also often did not shave when travelling. In a sermon written about 1127 Abelard said that monastic bishops on their way to Rome "put off the monastic religion, so that while travelling they might dare to live more freely in a secular manner under the lay habit" and "giving up the marks of the clericate, they likewise grow their hair and beard.” (?7) Some clerics also wore beards out of preference, or as a mark of age and dignity. John of Salisbury said that Bishop Henry of Winchester's long beard made him look like a philosopher. (778) Almost all the popes and many bishops and abbots in the eleventh and twelfth centuries had some sort of beard. Lucius III (1181-4) is the first pope in this period known to have been clean shaven. (??) Although, therefore, the canonical rules pro-

(323) See p. 54, n. 27, above, citing Bayeux Tapestry, ed. Stenton, figs. 19, 29, 32, esp. the similarity in clothing between Harold and the cleric with Aelfgyva.

According

to Nevinson,

in the intro., 75, "Ecclesiastics,

except

when wearing liturgical dress, can only be distinguished from secular persons by their tonsures." (324) Vita Theogeri abbatis s. Georgii et episcopi Mettensis, II, 28, in MGH, Scriptores in fol., XII, 478; BHL 8109. (325) Léopold Delisle, "Notice sur une 'Summa dictaminis" jadis conservée à Beauvais," Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothéque Nationale,

36 (1898) 191. See also the decree of the council of Toulouse (xr19) cited p. 10r, n. 259, above. Walter Map, De nugis, II, 19, ed. James, 178-80, mentioned a

Scot named Gillescop "id est episcopus" who was so called "non ex officio sed a corona calviciei". (326) See p. 67 and 72-4 above. (327) Abelard, Serm. 33 on John the Baptist, in PL, CLXXVIII, 6o4B. This sermon was composed soon after 1127, according to Damien Van den Eynde, "Le recueil des sermons de Pierre Abélard," Antonianum, 37 (1962) 50-1. (328) See p. 65-6 and n. 94 above. (329) Ladner, Ritratti, II, 40, also 64-6 on Innocent III, who was commonly shown without a beard. Among earlier popes whose portraits survive, almost

all were shown with short beards except Pascal I (I, pl. 14-154), Gregory IV (pl. z5b), and Leo IV (pl. 16a). See also Walter Oakeshott, The Mosaics of Rome from the Third to the Fourteenth Centuries (Greenwich, Conn., 1967) figs.

II4

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

hibiting beards and requiring shaving remained in force, and were indeed re-enacted throughout the Middle Ages, (?*?) they were widely disregarded, especially by the higher clergy. Even long beards seem to have been fashionable at the papal court at the time of the Reformation, since it was the threat of Pope Clement VII to enforce the decrees against beards that provoked Valerian to write his treatise Pro sacerdotwm barbis. 3. Men in Religion

Men who led a life of religion, apart from other men and devoted to God, were commonly regarded in the early Middle Ages as a third order of society, distinct from both the laity and the clergy. With two notable exceptions, which will be discussed below, however, they also were required to obey the apostolic precept concerning long hair. Augustine specifically applied Pauls words to monks in De opere monachorum, where he warned against the view that tonsured sanctity was less admirable (vilior) than hairy holiness and said that although some monks with long hair (crimiti fratres) were honored, this was in spite rather than on account of their hair. The untonsured hair of the Old

Testament

prophets,

he said, stood

in the same

relation to the tonsured hair of Christians as the veil of prophecy, which Christ removed, stood to the Gospel revelation. It is therefore shameful for a man, as the image and glory of God (1 Cor. 4.7), to cover his head with hair. (??!) Augustine's reference to crimiti fratres, and the honor paid to them, shows that there were monks in the fourth century who had long hair and, in all probability, long beards. St Jerome in his letter to the young Gallic monk Rusticus referred scornfully to monks "with girded loins, clean clothing, [and] a full beard", who kept company with women, and urged him, "if you wish to

114, 124, 129, and pl. XXIII. Burchard in the Apologia, 3.806-7, referred to the beard of Gregory the Great and the rota gipsea, which are mentioned in Gregory's Vita by John the Deacon. Paul Meyvaert kindly informs me that this rota was probably a fresco and may have dated from the lifetime of Gregory: Ladner, Ritratti, I, 70, and, on the square nimbus, Ernst Kitzinger,

"Some Reflections on Portraiture in Byzantine Art," Mélanges Georges Ostrogorsky (Recueil de travaux de l'Institut d'Etudes byzantines, 8.1-2; Belgrade,

1963) 188, n. 12, who dated the portrait from the sixth or seventh century. (330) See Marténe, De ritibus, I, 8, 7, ed. cit., YI, 45A, citing a synodal statute of Turin in 1514; Michel, in DTC, XVx, 1231-2; and Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 85-6. (331) Augustine, De opere monachorum, 31, ed.J. Zycha, in CSEL, XLI, 590-1.

On the symbolism of this passage, see Ph. Oppenheim, Symbolik und religivse Wertung des Monchskleides im christlichen Altertum (Theologie des christlichen Ostens: Texte und Untersuchungen, 2; Münster West., 1932) 61-2.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

IIS

be a monk”, to have dirty clothes and to behave differently. (???) In the East, the custom of wearing beards eventually prevailed for monks as well as for clerics, though when it became general is not known. (333) In the West, however, most monks followed the rule of shaving.(??^^) The earliest references to beards in monastic rules are in the Regula coenobialis of Columban, who

died in 615, and in an anonymous seventh-century rule from Tarnat. (7°) Columban prescribed penances for “a deacon whose beard is not cut”, and he may have had only ordained monks in mind, but the rule from Tarnat applied generally to cutting both hair and beard, and this was probably the rule in most religious houses in the seventh century. (33°) The Mosarabic ordo cited above specified that the ordinand should shave his beard after the final mass “if he is a monk”. (??") For a man to cut his hair and beard was synonymous with becoming a monk in the Carolingian period and later. William of Gellone in 806 “put on the apostolic vestment in the shape of a cross after his noble hair [and] venerable beard had been put aside and consecrated to God.” (338) Gerald of Aurillac in the second half of the ninth century was a layman but a monk at heart, according to his biographer Odo of Cluny. He therefore cut his hair and beard in a special way, known only to God and hidden from men. He cut his beard with a razor, which he took around his head and also cut some of his hair, in the manner of a

crown. . He easily found a way wholly to conceal his tonsure. He cut his beard as though it were a nuisance, and

(332) Jerome, Ep. 125 to Rusticus, 6, ed. I. Hilberg, in CSEL, LVI, 124. On Rusticus, a Gallic monk

who may later have become

bishop of Narbonne,

see David Wiesen, St Jerome as a Satirist (Ithaca, N.Y., 1964) 228-9. (333) Marténe, De ritibus, IV, 688C (= De monachorum ritibus, V, 7, 25);

Leclercq, in DACL, ILr, 485-6; cf. Hofmeister, in Zs f.Kirchengeschichte, 62, p.

78.

(334) St Benedict was shown beardless or with a short beard down until

the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and later in some

regions: see Dubler,

Bild, cited n. 95 above. (335) J.-M. Clément, Lexique des anciennes régles monastiques occidentales (Instrumenta patristica, 7A-B; Steenbrugge - The Hague, 1978) I, 106.

(336) Columban, Regula coenobialis, 4, in Sancti Columbani opera, ed. G.S.M. Walker (Scriptores latini Hiberniae, 2; Dublin, 1957) 148; Regula monasterii

Tarnatensis, 4, in PL, LXVI, 979D. Isidore of Seville, Regula monachorum, XII, 4, in PL, LXXXIII, 882C, said that, "Nullus monachorum comam nutrire debet," but it is uncertain whether this included the beard.

(337) See p. 109, n. 309 above. (338) Vita s. Willelmi Gellonensis, Il (23), in AASS, 28 May (3rd ed.) VI, 806F; BHL 8916; see n. 1 on 807E on the consecration of the hair and beard to God.

116

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS since his hairs flowed down from the back of his head, he

hid the crown on top, which he also covered with a cap (tcara). (33?)

The sacrifice by Pietro Orseolo of his beard when he became a monk has already been mentioned, (?*?) and the chronicles, charters, and saints’ lives of the tenthand eleventh centuries include

countless phrases like “comam capitis barbamque detondens", “seculum relinquens comam capitis sui et barbam totondit”, “radens

barbam

monachus

est effectus", and “hoc mundum

derelinquam et tutundat caput et barbam meam". (^!) Bernard of Clairvaux in his famous first letter said that his cousin Robert, when he went to Cluny, was "tonsured, shaved, [and] washed”. (342) Many monastic customaries include references to the times of shaving, (343) of which the frequency is almost an index of monastic regularity and of asceticism. The norm set by the council of Aachen in 816 was that monks should shave about every fifteen days, that is, twenty-four times a year. This is also found in Benedictus Levita and the ninth-century customary of

(339) See n. 212 above. (340) See n. 213 above. (34x) (x) Charter for Cluny of 13 May 949, cited by Mabillon, in Acta sanctorum OSB, VII, 320 (cf. Chartes de Cluny, 1, 698-9, no. 734, where there is

no reference to the beard); (2) charter of ca. 992 in Maximilien Quantin, Cartulaire général de l'Yonne (Auxerre, 1854-60) I, 153, no. 79; (3) description of the entry to monastic life in ror5 of the Lombard king Hartwig, in Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, VII, 24 (17), ed. Holtzmann, 426; (4) the entry into St Vincent of Volturno of Ildecardo in 1028, in Chronicon Vulturnense, ed. Vincenzo Federici (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, 58-60; Rome, 192538) III, 67. See also Vita s. Godehardi, Yl (12), in AASS, 4 May (ard ed.) I, 5uE ("caput et barbam totondit") (BHL 3582); Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Pére de Chartres, ed. B. Guérard (Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Paris, 1840) I, 188, no. 6: ("comam capitis et barbam ...

totundit"). The spellings here and in the text are thage of the charters. On the confusion of tondere and tundere, see Hoyoux, in Revue belge, 26, p. 506.

(342) Bernard, Ep. z, 5, in Opera, ed. Leclercq, VIII, 5. Bartholomew Farne, who

of

died in 1193, was described as "susceptus, rasus, tonsus" in his

Vita, 6, in Symeon

of Durham,

Opera omnia, ed. Thomas

Arnold

(Rolls

Series, 75; London, 1882-5) I, 299.

(343) Gerd Zimmermann, Ordensleben und Lebensstandard. Die Cura corporis

in den Ordensvorschriften

des abendlandischen

Hochmittelalters

(Beitráge zur

Geschichte des alten Mónchtums und des Benediktinerordens, 32; Münster West., 1973) 126-8 (and 420-4 on the sources) ; Maurice Laporte, Aux sources de

la vie cartusienne (La Grande Chartreuse, 1960-7) V, 174-7; and the note to the edition of the statutes of Peter the Venerable in Consuetudines benedictinae variae (Sae. XI - Saec. XIV), ed. Giles Constable (Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, 6; Siegburg, 1975) 68-9. See also Fangé, Mémoires, 292-5.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

DI

St Martial at Limoges. **) The monks at Cluny shaved at least sixteen times a year in the eleventh century and fourteen in the twelfth. This was doubtless considered a sign of their strictness, but the reformed orders shaved even less frequently: the Cistercians only seven times a year, and the Carthusians six, which is about once every two months.(??) The regular canons were somewhat less strict in this respect. They shaved fourteen times a year at St Rufus, eighteen times a year at Sempringham, and every two or three weeks at Springiersbach and Rolduc. (?*6) The number tended to rise in the later Middle Ages, as a result not only of laxness but also of a greater regard for personal hygiene. In the thirteenth century the monks at Bec shaved eighteen times a year; those at Eynsham every two to three weeks; and even the Cistercians increased the number up to twenty-six shaves a year by 1257. (??") There are elaborate rules concerning shaving in the three great eleventh-century customaries from Cluny and in the related customaries of Lanfranc and William of Hirsau. (48) The (344) Initia consuetudinis benedictinae, ed. Kassius Hallinger (Corpus consuetudinum

monasticarum, 1; Siegburg, 1963) 435, 459, 545, 557- Monks are

almost always depicted without beards in Carolingian manuscripts. Alcuin is shaven and tonsured in MS Bamberg, Staatsbibl., Misc. bibl., 1, f. 5", in Cahn, Bible Illustration, 45, fig. 22; Rabanus Maurus has a short beard in one illustration in Prochno, Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild, pl. 14*, but he is clearly

an old man. (345) See references in the works cited n. 343 above. C. Oursel, La miniature du XII siecle 2 l'abbaye de Citeaux (Dijon, 1926) has various illustrations of Cistercians without beards, as does the illustration of the

foundation of the Cistercian order in the thirteenth-century MS Cambridge, University Library, Mm V.331, f. 113". (346) Coutumier du XI° siecle de l'ordre de Saint-Ruf ... en usage à la cathédrale de Maguelone, ed. A. Carrier (de Belleuse) (Etudes et documents sur l'ordre de Saint-Ruf, 8; Sherbrooke, William Dugdale, Monasticon

Bandinel

1950) 89, no. 62; Gilbertine statute 10, in anglicanum, ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis, and B.

(London, 1817-30) VI.2, *xxviii-xxix (after p. 946); Consuetudines

Springiersbacenses- Rodenses, 214-18, in CC: CM, XLVIII, 116, which follow the

customs of Hirsau II, 39, in Herrgott, Vetus disciplina, 528-9 (= PL, CL, 1098C, 1100AC). (347) Consuetudines Beccenses, XVII, ed. M.P. Dickson (Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, 4; Siegburg, 1967) 440; Customary of Eynsbam, XI, 25, ed. Gransden, 124-5, permitting the shaving to be delayed in winter "pro frigoris asperitate". On the Cistercians, see Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville, Ezudes sur

l'état intérieur des abbayes cisterciennes, et principalement de Clairvaux, au XII’ et au XIII* siecle (Paris, 1858) 134, and L. Gougaud, s.v. "Barbe", in Dictionnaire de spiritualité, Y, 1242. (348) Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis (= Consuetudines Farfenses), II, 21, 23, ed. P. Dinter

(Corpus consuetudinum

monasticarum,

1o; Siegburg,

1980) 219, 221, 230-1; Bernard of Cluny, Ordo Cluniacensis sive Consuetudines, Y, 5

and 31, in Herrgott, Vetus disciplina, 147, 215-6; Ulrich of Cluny, Consuetudines Cluniacenses, III, 16, in PL, CXLIX, 759C-60C ;Decreta Lanfranci, 94, ed. David

118

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

razors were kept and sharpened by one or two monks under the supervision of the chamberlain. There was no monastic barber, however, and the actual shaving was done by the monks. “The monks shave and tonsure themselves,” said the Liber tramitts,

and “Each one shaves the other," according to Bernard and Ulrich. (3) “A boy can shave his master, if he is able,” in the Liber tramitis, and at Canterbury, “The juniors under ward shall shave their guardians, and the guardians shall shave their juniors.” At Hirsau, if ten or more novices needed to be tonsured, the novice master might ask for help from some of the senior monks, “and after each of them has cut some hairs from

the heads and beards of each of them, they should wait in the same place until both the priest and each of them has kissed him whom he has tonsured.” The details of these ceremonies are hard to reconstruct, but they involved, both in these monasteries and elsewhere, extensive psalmody. (??) There appears to have been some disagreement in the eleventh century, and perhaps also in the twelfth, over the precise way in which monks should cut their hair. The details are again obscure, but soon after 1072 the monks of Monte Cassino wrote to Abbot Hartwig of Hersfeld and the monks of Germany, in reply to various questions about the observance of the rule, and specifically criticized the tonsure and habit of the monks of Cluny "because they do not please us nor should they properly please anyone who wishes to live according to the rule, for they seem to be entirely contrary to the rule," with which their own tonsure

and habit, the Monte Cassino monks said, was in full

accord. (?!) Differences like this often created strained relations between monks in monasteries all over Europe.

Knowles (Medieval Classics; Edinburgh - London, 1951) 92-3 and (Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, 3; Siegburg, 1967) 76-7; William of Hirsau, Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, 1, 2, and II, 38, in Herrgott, Vetus disciplina, 380-1,

527-8 (= PL, CL, 934BD). For regular canons, see Consyetudines Springiersbacenses- Rodenses, 214, in CC: CM, XLVIII, 116. See Fangé, Mémoires, 295-8.

(349) Bernard and Ulrich also said that the chamberlain supplied razors, "quibus fratres se radunt”’. (350) In illustrations, Cluniac monks are mostly shown shaven, and the abbots sometimes with short beards: see the references given in Rev. bén., 83, p. 346, n. 3, and

Mercier,

Primitifs frangais, pl. 15, showing

two

bearded

abbots (possibly Hugh and Odilo or Maiolus) at Berzé-la-Ville, and Schapiro, Parma

Ildefonsus. William

of Hirsau

is shown

with

a beard

in MS

Stuttgart, Cod. hist. 4? 147, of ca. 1150: Karl Lóffler, Schwabische Buchmalerei in romanischer Zeit (Augsburg, 1928) pl. x. (35x) Die altere Wormser Briefsammlung, ed. Walther Bulst, in MGH, Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, YII, 15, no. x. There is an interesting addition in the apparatus, at d^, concerning the significance of the monastic habit.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

119

Some monks seem to have disregarded the regulations concerning hair altogether. Hugh of St Victor listed among the deficiencies of contemporary monks both their extravagant clothings and their small tonsures and long hair, which he said should be cut off like a foreskin, as a mark of spiritual renewal.(??) This inconsistency in practice is also reflected in the iconographical sources, where the same abbot, perhaps at different ages, is sometimes shown both with and without a beard. (?3) The most interesting evidence in this respect comes from group portraits of communities. The monks at St Augustine of Canterbury in 1090/1120, for instance, are depicted beardless, (?*) whereas those at Mont-St-Michel in the second half of the twelfth century are shown with beards. (??) Whether this represented a real difference, either between communities or in time, or a difference of iconographic tradition is impossible to say,(?9) but it suggests that there was no single standard with regard to shaving in religious communities, even as close as the opposite sides of the English Channel. The most important exception to the general rule requiring monks to shave was with regard to hermits, anchorites, recluses,

and even ascetics living in or close to cenobitical communities. Although not all of these were monks in the strict sense of the term, they were recognized as living a religious life and were often associated with a regular house and considered more or less a member of the community. The connection between long hair and holiness was of great antiquity, (??") and was not exclusively Christian. Pythagoras was called "the long-haired Samian" in (352) Hugh of St Victor, Serm. 49, in (353) Steinberg, Bildmisse, pl. rxo-xr Minden). The illustrations in this work beards. Rupert of Deutz regularly has

PL, CLXXVII, 1038CD. (also pl. 6-7 on Bishop Sigbert of show abbots both with and without

a beard (pl. 22-3, and Kemmerich,

Portrdtmalerei, 106-9), as do the two abbots of Ottobeuren depicted on f. 32"

of the Gradual and Sacramentary (see n. 243 above), which dates from almost exactly the same time as the Apologia. (354) C.R. Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination 1066-1200 (Cambridge, 1954) pl. 22 (Florence, Laurenziana, Plut. 12.17), also 2a ( British Library, Arundel, 155). Yet the scribe Eadwine on pl. 23 (Cambridge, Trinity College, R.17.1, f. 283") is bearded. (355) Millénaire monastique du Mont Saint- Michel, YI. Vie montoise et rayonnement intellectuel, ed. R. Foreville (Paris, 1967) esp. fig. 44, showing the abbot and monks receiving a charter from Duke Richard (MS Avranches, Bibl. mun., 210, f. x9"), and 127 (sbid., f. 23"). (356) The iconographical evidence suggests, without any certainty, that the number of bearded monks grew in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, but this may have been the result of the reformers' stress on longer periods between shaving. See the references in my article in the Rev. bén., 83, p. 346-7, which need to be completed by a fuller survey.

(357) See p. 66 above.

120

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

his Life by Iamblichus, who mentioned among other things the prohibitions against hair-cutting on holy days; Apollonius of Tyana was described by Sidonius Apollinaris as "unkempt, hairy, and bristly amidst the scented foreigners"; and Philo in De vita contemplativa said that the followers of Serapis in the fourth century had hair “like the tails of horses". (5) The early Christian ascetics therefore fitted into an accepted pattern when they were described as having long hair and a barba prolixa, as was common in early monastic texts in both the East and the West. (??) Sulpicius Severus said that Martin of Tours was "crine deformis", (3%) and Daniel the Stylite wore his hair in twelve plaits of four cubits in length and his beard in two plaits of three cubits in length. (9$!) The holy monk Taso, later abbot of St Vincent of Volturno, never washed or used a

razor on his head or beard. (9) It was so common for holy men not to shave that it became a saying in the Middle Ages that wisdom and holiness did not lie in a beard.(?9) "If a beard (358) Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 2, 27, tt. Thomas Taylor (London, 1818) 7, 112; Sidonius, Ep. VIII, 3, 5, in Poems and Letters, tr. W.B. Anderson

(Loeb Classical Library; London-Cambridge, Mass., 1936-65) II, 411; Philo, De vita contemplativa, tr. P. Miquel (Oeuvres de Philon d’Alexandrie, 29; Paris, 1963) 64. Pythagoras and Apollonius were philosophers as well as holy

men, and the two types of beard doubtless overlapped. (359) Rufinus, Historia monachorum, Il, in PL, XXI, 405B; Jerome, Ep. 125, 6 (cited n. 332 above);

Sidonius, Ep. IV, 24, ed. cit. II, 160. See Williams, Das Moóncbsbleid im christlichen Altertum

Affinities, YI, xxo; Ph. Oppenheim,

(Rómische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte, Supplementheft 28; Freiburg-im-Br., 1931) 24-5, citing examples of monks whose long hair formed "a natural cloak"; Louis Gougaud, "Les critiques formulées contre les premiers moines d'Occident," Revue Mabillon,

24 (1934) 160: "La barbe était abondante (barba prolixa), la chevelure inculte (inculta caesaries), généralement courte (coma brevis) ou méme tondne jusqu'à la peau." See also Louis Gougaud, Ermites et reclus (Moines et monastéres, 5; Ligugé, 1928) 21. (360) Sulpicius

Severus,

Vita

s. Martini,

IX,

3, ed. Jacques

Fontaine

(Sources chrétiennes, 133-5; Paris, 1967-9) I, 272; see the commentary in II, 649-50, saying that unkempt hair was a frequent complaint against monks at that time. (361) Life of St Daniel the Stylite, 98, in Three Byzantine Saints, tr. Elizabeth Dawes and Norman H. Baynes (Oxford, 1948) 69. Theodore of Sykeon was visited by a hermit with a long beard, nails, and hair down to his loins: Vie de Théodore de Sykéon, 73, ed. Festugiére, I, 61; II, 64.

(362) Autpert,

Vitae Paldonis,

Tatonis, et Tasonis, 14, in MGH,

Scriptores

rerum Langobardicarum, 553; BHL 6416.

(363) Apologia, 3.689-90: "In barba non iacet sapientia;" see also 2.347-9, where Burchard stressed that bad men as well as good have long beards. See Jakob Werner, Lateinische Sprichwirter und Sinnsprüche des Mittelalters (Samm-

lung mittellateinischer Texte, 5; Heidelberg, 1912) 63, 91, nos. N278, S96; Singer, Sprichworter, I, 105; Thompson, Motif-Index, IV, x15, no. J1463.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

I2I

makes a saint," said Bishop Eugene of Toledo in the seventh century, "nothing is more saintly than a goat.” (3) Not

all holy men

had beards, however, and beardlessness

could also be considered a mark of holiness, especially if it was the result of ascetic practices. (3°) The “scanty beard" of the desert hermit Macharius, who had “hairs only on his lip and on the tip of his chin”, was attributed to “the excess of his asceti'cism" in the Lausiac History of Palladius, and Rufinus in the Historia monachorum said that a hermit named John had a thin beard owing to lack of food and cheerful humors. (3%) Beardlessness later came to be considered: a blemish, at least in northern Europe, and was associated with the mark of Cain,

who was deprived of his beard as a punishment for killing his beardless brother, (3°’) but the tradition of saintly beardlessness was kept alive by these early examples. Some hermits are known to have cut their beards in the early Middle Ages. The recluse Leobard, according to Gregory of Tours, “did not approve, like some people, of abandoned locks of hair and untouched beards and cut his hair and beard at set times.” (?58) Guthlac of Crowland in England was tonsured every twenty days, ?9) and in the tenth century the recluse Hartker of St Gall has a very short beard, no more than would have grown between shaves, in the picture showing him offering his Antiphonary to St Gall. (37°) These men were doubtless in(364) Eugene of Toledo, Carm. 89, in MGH, Auctores antiquissimi, XIV, 266; see Günter Bernt, Das lateinische Epigramm im Übergang von der Spatantike zum früben Mittelalter (Münchener Beitráge zur Mediávistik und RenaissanceForschung, 2; Munich, 1968) 137-46 on Eugene as an epigrammist. Odo of

Cheriton in the thirteenth century wrote a fable in which a goat claims to be holier than the other animals because he has a beard that he has never shaved:

Léopold

Hervieux,

Les fabulistes latins, YV. Eudes de Cheriton et ses

dérivés (Paris, 1896) 223, no. 52. (365) Hofmeister, in Zs f. Kirchengeschichte, 62, p. 78; see also Ladner, Ritratti, Il, 40, on ascetic shaving. On beardlessness, see p. 59-60 above. (366) Palladius, Lausiac History, XVIII, 29, ed. Cuthbert Butler (Texts and Studies, VI, 1-2; Cambridge, 1898-1904) II, 58; tr. W.K. Lowther Clarke (London - New York, 1918) 86; Rufinus, Historia monachorum, I, in PL, XXI,

395A.

(367) Ruth Mellinkoff, The Mark of Cain (Berkeley - Los Angeles, 1982)

57-9 and notes on rz2r. (368) Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae patrum, XX, 3, in MGH, Scriptores rerum

Merovingicarum, Y.2 (1st ed.) 743. (369) Felix, Vita Guthlaci, 35, in Memorials of Saint Guthlac of Crowland, ed. Walter de Gray Birch (Wisbech, 1881) 21; tr. Clinton Albertson, Anglo-Saxon

Saints and Heroes (New York, 1967) 194. In the Guthlac Roll, which dates from the twelfth century and is reproduced in the Memorials, Guthlac is depicted without a beard when he was a soldier, in lay life, and with a short, but trimmed, beard when he was a hermit.

(370) Prochno, Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild, pl. 21a, from MS St Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, 390, f. 6', which dates from 986/1017.

122

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

fluenced by the developing norms of western monasticism, but even in the East thé council 7m Trullo in 692 forbade hermits with long hair to live in towns and ordered them, under pain of having to live in solitudes (where they could presumably wear their hair as they wished), to live among other monks with shorn hair. (?/!) These were exceptions, however, and the common view of medieval hermits, which probably corresponded to the reality, was that they had long beards, as in the Hortus deliciarum, where a hermit with long hair and a long beard appears at the top of the ladder of virtues.(?7) Guido of Anderlac, a tenthcentury hermit whose Vita was written in III2, consciously modelled himself on Anthony and Arsenius. His beard, which was already long, grew so great in the course of a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem "that he was altogether unrecognizable to anyone who had known him previously." (??) According to the Gesta Treverorum, the late eleventh-century reformers who left the world to mortify their flesh and were scornfully referred to as “churchmen (eccleszanos)" were accustomed to grow “a beard as if it were a sign of religion". (?/^) Bishop Geoffrey of Amiens had a vision of St Firmin fully bearded;(??) and Bernard of Tiron and Godric of Finchale (both of whose beards provided wonder-working relics) (*”°) were described respectively as “a hirsute, bearded man” and as “perfectly covered on every side with a fairly long and very shaggy beard”. (?7) Bishop Marbod of Rennes criticized Robert of Arbrissel and his followers on account of their full beards. (378) (37x) Mansi, XI, 954A. (372) Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum, f. 215" (cited n. 26 above) ; see also 225". Hermits and anchorites were regularly depicted with beards in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Burchard described hermits as bearded in the Apologia, 2.313 f., 3.1485-6. See Jean Becquet, "L'érémitisme clérical et laic dans l'ouest de la France," and Etienne Delaruelle, "Les ermites et la spiritualité populaire," both in L’eremitismo in Occidente nei secoli XI e XII. Atti della seconda settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 30 agosto - 6 settembre

1962 (Pubblicazioni dell'Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Contributi, 3 S., Varia 4; Milan, 1965) 194, 223. (373) Guido of Anderlac, Vita, I, 8, in AASS, 12 Sept. (3rd ed.) IV, 43B; BHL 8870. (374) Gesta Treverorum, first add. and cont., 10, in MGH,

VIII, 185.

Serzptores in fol.,

(375) Godfrey of Amiens, Vita, I, 28, in AASS, 8 Nov. III, 916A.

(376) See p. 68, n. rxr-2. (377) Bernard of Tiron, Vita, V(42), in PL, CLXXII, 1393BC ; Godric of Finchale, Vita, C, ed. Stevenson, 212. (378) Marbod of Rennes, Ep. 6, in PL, CLXXI, 1483C, 1485A, and, better,

Johannes von Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, Y. Robert von Arbrissel (Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche, IX, 3; Leipzig, 1903) 186, 188; see also 153.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

123

The evidence is not unequivocal, however, and some of these

accounts may describe a type modelled on the desert fathers rather than on the real hermits of the twelfth century. Robert of Arbrissel must have cut his beard occasionally, because shaving without water was mentioned as one of his ascetic practices by his biographer Baldric of Bourgueil. (??) Hugh of Lacerta had a vision of another notable ascetic, Stephen of Muret, with a shaved tonsure and beard. (3®°) Some reformers in Milan in 1134 were described as roughly dressed and "shaved with unusual shaving”, (3!) and the vir Dei Alberic, who took care of lepers in Jerusalem in the twelfth century, "shaved his head with an uneven tonsure and his beard in such a way that he appeared to be a moron.” (38?) Beards continued to be worn by holy men and would-be holy men in the later Middle Ages. Salimbene referred both to John of Vicenza, who was disappointed when his Franciscan brothers failed to keep the hairs of his beard, and to Segarelli, who grew his hair and beard after looking at pictures of St Francis and the apostles. (^55) Then as now the beard was a sign of protest and unconventionality as well as of holiness and penance. Its symbolism was sometimes exploited by the unscrupulous. Lambert of Ardres, for instance, described a pseudo-pilgrim who took in simple people by his penitential clothing, white hair, and long and snowy beard. (??*) (379) Baldric of Dol, Vita b. Roberti de Arbrissello, II (xx), in PL, CLXII, 1049C ;BHL 7259.

(380) William Dandina of St Savin, Vita b. Hugonis de Lacerta, 49, in PL, CCIV, 1213A ;BHL 4017; see Becquet, in Eremitismo, 194. This scene may be

the subject of the remarkable enamel plaque of ca. 1189 in the Musée de Cluny at Paris, showing Hugh of Lacerta, untonsured and with a long beard, talking with .Stephen of Grandmont, who has a tonsured head and short

beard: Marie-Madeleine Gauthier, Emaux du moyen age occidental (Fribourg, 1972) 98, fig. 52. (381) Landulf of St Paul, Historia Mediolanensis, 59, in MGH, Scriptores in fol. XX,

46. Piero

Zerbi,

"I rapporti

di S. Bernardo

di Chiaravalle

con

i

vescovi e le diocesi d'Italia," Vescovi e diocesi in Italia nel Medioevo (Sec. 1XXIII). Atti del II. Convegno di storia della chiesa in Italia (Roma, 5-9 Sett. 1961) (Italia sacra, 5; Padua, 1964) 255-63, commented on this passage, citing the view that these men may have been Cistercians (who were normally beardless, however) or Humiliati (257, n. 2). (382) Gerard of Nazareth, De conversatione virorum Dei in Terra Sancta morantium, ix, of which sections were preserved in the Historia of the Centuriators of Magdeburg and have been republished and studied by Benjamin Z. Kedar, "Gerard of Nazareth, A Neglected Twelfth-Century Writer in the Latin East. A Contribution to the Intellectual and Monastic History of the Crusader States," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 37 (1983) 55-7 (72,

from ch. 1r). (383) Salimbene, Chronica, s.a. 1233, 1248, in MGH, Scriptores in fol., XXXII, 78, 256. (384) Lambert of Ardres, Historia comitum Ghisnensium, 143, in MGH, Scriptores in fol., XXIV, 634.

124

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

Beards were therefore regarded with a measure of scepticism as well as of admiration. The same was true of the beards of the conversi or laybrothers who were found in some of the reformed religious houses of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and who constitute the second major exception to the rule that monks were required to shave. The precise nature of these convers? has been much discussed by scholars, who have examined in particular the question of when and where the old type of convers?, monks who had entered monasteries as adults and were mostly illiterate and unordained (though they could, and sometimes did, learn their letters and take orders), was replaced by the new type of conversi, who formed a distinct group in the monastery, apart from the ordained or choir monks, and were occupied with special duties, mostly agricultural labor. (??) These new conversi usually wore beards, as much to distinguish them from the ordained monks as to identify them as laymen, most of whom were unbearded at this time, and they were often referred to as conversi barbati, or simply as barbati. Later they were called lay-brothers, but the terms laicus monachus and laicus frater were rarely used at the time. Not all bearded conversi were necessarily conversi of the new type, however, since beards were worn as a sign of age or dignity (?96) as well as of a distinct monastic status, and some monks and conversi of the old type wore beards and were described as barbati. A barbatus in an old black Benedictine house might be a man who was old enough to be admitted to the monastery or to be ordained, or he might be a monk of some age and rank. (9) According to the customary of Bernard, Cluniac officials when they travelled were to be accompanied by "famulos regulares, barbatos scilicet, et idoneos", and deans who were

in charge of manors were forbidden to have with them when travelling "talis famulus, qui sit imberbis vel rasus". (38°) This (385) principal (386) (387)

See Constable, in Rev. bém., 83, p. 326-50, for references to the literature on this subject. s See nn. 68-73 above. The barbati in the customs of Einsiedeln, whom some scholars have

considered to have been the first conversi of the new type, were the older students, who had beards, and not the conversi laici, who are later mentioned in the text: Bruno Albers, Consuetudines monasticae, V (Monte Cassino, 1912)

49, 81; see Ernst Sackur, Die Cluniacenser in ihrer kirchlichen und allgemeinge-

schichtlichen Wirksamkeit bis zur Mitte des elften Jahrhunderts (Halle S., 1892-4) II, 250, n. z, and Kassius Hallinger, "Woher Analecta cisterciensia, 12 (1956) 26, n. 108.

kommen

die Laienbrüder ?"

(388) Bernard of Cluny, Ordo Cluniacensis, I, 2, and 9, in Herrgott, Vetus disciplina, 140, 152; see Constable, in Rev. bén., 83, P- 327, n. 1, on the textual

differences in the unpublished version of this customary. See also Becquet, in I laici, 254.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

125

does not mean that there was a distinct group of lay servants (famuli) who were bearded in Cluniac houses. The rule was clearly designed to avoid any possible appearance of impropriety that might be created by the sight of a monk travelling with an unbearded boy. (3°?) Toward the end of the eleventh century, however, the term

barbati seems to have been increasingly used in some monasteries, especially in southern Germany, for men who had distinct functions and a separate status in the house. Paul of Bernried in his Vita of Gregory VII referred to the fratres barbati who served the tonsured monks, especiallyat Passau, Zell, Hirsau,

and Schaffhausen, during the pontificate of Gregory VII. (???) In the Vita of Ulrich of Zell, who died in 1093, a sinner was said to have come to him "asking to be received into the number of monks who are commonly called barbai?". (3°!) There is a reference in the Vita of Erminold, abbot of Prüfening and a former monk

of Hirsau and abbot of Lorsch, who died in 1121, to “a

certain monk from among those whom we call barbatz”. (3°?) And Abbot Gebehard of Lorsch (1105-7), who later became bishop of Speyer, was criticized in the chronicle of Lorsch for introducing there “the novelties of the customs of Hirsau ... by alien monks and barbati and devils of this sort rather than by [proper] people". A long metrical poem allegedly addressed to Henry V by the monks of Lorsch soon after his accession ridiculed, among other things, the barbati who had beards like goats and were “laymen associated with the monks of Hirsau". (??*) These sources were all written at least a generation after the events they describe, (?*) and they must be taken with a grain of salt on account both of their occasionally polemical character and of their inconsistencies. The barbati were called monks in (389) It thus corresponded to the regulation in the rule of Fontevrault, c. 17, in PL, CLXII, 1080A, that when travelling the abbess or prioress should

take with them "quamlibet de nutriciis vel iuvenibus claustralibus". (390) Paul of Bernried, Vita Gregorii VII, 118, in J.M. Watterich, Pontificum

Romanorum ... vitae ab aequalibus conscriptae (Leipzig, 1862) I, 543; BHL 3652. He mentioned in particular Altmann of Passau, Ulrich of Zell, William of Hirsau, and Siegfried of Schaffhausen.

(391) Ulrich of Zell, Vita, 41, in MGH,

Seriptores in fol., XII, 265; BHL

8370.

; (392) Erminold of Prüfening, Vita, II (25), in MGH, Scriptores in fol., XII, 493; BHL 2615. According to Alfons Zimmermann, Kalendarium benedictinum. Die Heiligen und Seligen des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige (Metten, 19338) I, 50-1, this Vita was composed in 1281.

(393) Codex Lauresbamensis, ed. Karl Glóckner (Darmstadt, 1929) I, 417, 421

(= MGH, Scriptores in fol., XXI, 430, 432); see I, 21, on the date.

(394) The earliest are the Vita of Ulrich of Zell, written about 1120, and the Vita of Gregory VII, of about 1128. The chronicle of Lorsch dates from after 1170 and the Vita of Erminold from 1281.

126

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

the Vitae of Ulrich and Erminold, fratres in the Vita of Gregory VII, and laymen in the poem in the chronicle of Lorsch. But they show that by at least 1120 a distinct group called barbati was thought to have been introduced into several monasteries in southern Germany in the late eleventh century. Their existence in the middle of the twelfth century is confirmed by a passage in the chronicle of Petershausen, which goes down to 1156 and compared the work of conversion by the Hebrews who lived a common life in the Temple to that of the fratres barbati in monasteries at the time the chronicle was written. (39°) Just who these bearded brothers were, and what they did, is unknown. They may have originated as a special group, but more likely they were the same as, or were assimilated at an early date to, the conversi laici who were found in the same region at the same time. The Vita of William of Hirsau, which is of high authority, having been written by one of his own monks soon after his death in 109r, contains an entire chapter devoted to these lay converts. (?5) There is no reference to their beards, but they may have been bearded, as many agricultural laborers were at that time, and thus parallel to if not identical with the barbati, who were specifically associated with Hirsau in both the Vita of Gregory VII and the chronicle of Lorsch. Conversi of the new type were found in many of the reformed religious houses in the middle of the twelfth century, and there are numerous references to their untonsured hair and beards. (??") The affiliation of the conversus who carried a letter hidden in his thick beard from the prior of Ste Barbe to the Empress Mathilda is not known, (298) but Prior Walter of Arrouaise was able to pass as a conversus when he escaped with the relics of St Monica from Genoa in 1162 because he had long hair.(9?) The Cistercian comversi to whom the Apologia was addressed had beards trimmed to a length of two fingers (between one-and-a-half and two inches) and trimmed mustaches, (395) Chronthk des Klosters Petershausen, x6, ed. Fegeg, 30. (396) Heymon of Hirsau, Vita b. Wilhelmi, 23, in PL, CL, 9r4C-5C ; BHL 8919; see Zimmermann, Kalendarium, YI, 406-7.

(397) The date of their first appearance is uncertain, but it was probably

later than some scholars have claimed. Jacques Dubois, "L'institution des convers au XII* siécle. Forme de vie monastique propre aux laics,” in I Jaici,

190, said that they appeared at Citeaux ca. 1120 and became common only in the second half of the century. (398) La chronique de Sainte- Barbe-en- Auge, ed. R.-Norbert Sauvage (Mémoires de l'Académie nationale des Sciences, Arts et Belles-lettres de Caen:

Documents, 1906) 51. (399) Ludo Milis, L'ordre des chanoines réguliers d'Arrouaise ( Rijksuniversiteit

te Gent: Werken uitgegeven door de Faculteit van de Letteren en Wijsbegeerte, 147; Bruges, 1969) I, 498.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

127

in contrast to the clerical monks, who at that time, according to

the Cistercian rules, shaved seven times a year. (*?) The Carthusian customs of Basil, which date from the last quarter of the twelfth century, forbade the conversi to shorten their beards with

fire, tongs, or teeth or to shave

their mustaches

with

razors. (*?!) Prior Gerard Iterius of Grandmont (1188-98) wrote in his De Confirmatione that there was no difference between a cleric and a conversus in religion, profession, or activity "except only in the tonsure of the head of clerics and the growing of a beard of conversi". (4?) And Pope Innocent III in 1198 instructed the Trinitarians that, "In shaving the clerics should follow the order

of St Victor;

the laymen,

however,

should

not shave

their beards, but should allow them to grow moderately (modeste) (995) Because clerical monks in fact sometimes had beards, and conversi trimmed and shaved theirs, the distinction was less

clear than it might have been. In the first half of the thirteenth century, Caesarius of Heisterbach routinely referred to laybrothers as barbati and yet complained that they wandered about the countryside "in the habit and tonsure of religion", deceiving many people. (**) This may account for an apparent change in the customs of Arrouaise with regard to the shaving of lay-brothers. In the manuscript representing the tradi(400) Apologia, 2.44-5 and II, 5 and III, 43. On the measure of a finger, see Ronald E. Zupko, French Weights and Measures before the Revolution (Blooming-

ton - London, 1978) 59. (4or) Consuetudines Basilii, 48.28, ed. Hogg, 218. (402) Gerard Iterius, De confirmatione, 71, in CC: CM, VIII, 397; see also his Explanatio, ibid., 431, where he said that the clerics and comversi had one oratory, one

cloister, one chapter, one refectory, one dormitory, one habit,

and one way of life "nec est aliqua distinctio inter eos nisi ... in tonsura

capitis et barbarum nutrimento," and Explanatio altera, ibid., 473. See Jean Becquet, "La régle de Grandmont," Bulletin de la Société archéologique et

historique du Limousin, 87 (1958) 24. Walter Map, writing at about the same

time, however, said in De nugis curialium, I, 17 and 26, ed. James, 52, 112, that the /aici in the Grandmontine order were concerned with external affairs and

the clerici with internal duties. In the early thirteenth century, Guiot of

Provins criticized the Grandmontine lay-brothers for washing and dressing their beards "por estre belles et lusans": Les euvres de Guiot de Provins, ed. John Orr (Publications

of the University of Manchester:

French

Series, 1;

Manchester, 1915) 58, v. 1543. (403) Antonin de l'Assomption, Les origines de l'ordre de la tris sainte Trinité d'apris les documents (Rome, 1925) 86, no. 3. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, writing in the first half of the thirteenth century, referred to the Templars

and Hospitallers as "ordo ... fratrum barbatorum" s.a. 1113 in his chronicle, in

MGH, Scriptores in fol., XXIII, 820; see Bernard, De laude novae militiae, IV, 7, in Opera, ed. Leclercq, III, 220. (404) Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus miraculorum, V, 62, and VI, 20, ed.

J. Strange (Cologne - Bonn - Brussels, 1851) I, 229, 373.

128

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

tion of the constitutions: before 1233, there are two statutes

"That conversi should not shave their beards nor cut them in the city style" and “That no conversus should have his beard shaved."(*5) In the manuscripts representing the tradition after 1265, however,

the second

of these

decrees

is omitted

altogether and the first reads, "Comversi should shave their beards.” (96) Between 1233 and 1265, therefore, the order changed from prohibiting to requiring the comvers? to shave. There may have been other such changes, but most orders with conversi of the new type maintained the requirement that they have beards. (?) The beards of the conversi in the twelfth century were a mark not only of their non-clerical status and agricultural occupations but also of their rank in the community, which in spite of the laudable sentiments

of Gerard Iterius, who stressed their

equality with the clerics, was normally inferior to that of the ordained monks. (495) Outside the order of Grandmont, indeed, it is doubtful whether the convers: were considered monks at all. The differing terms for bavbati found in the early sources have already been cited. William of Hirsau clearly considered the laici conversi in his abbey to be laymen who were occupied with the external affairs of the house, (*?) and Innocent II in two bulls for Citeaux in 1132 and Pontigny in 1142 explicitly stated that the Cistercian conversi, though bound by their professions, were not monks. (*!°) Peter the Venerable referred to a Carthusian lay-brother as "a comversus not a monk", (*!) and in the Apologia Burchard of Bellevaux referred to the conversi as fratres rather than monachi and said that they were suited for agricultural work rather than the holy offices. The beardless clerics were concerned with the holy offices, he said, while “you

(405) Constitutiones ... ord. Arroasiensis, 234d, 235c, in CC: CM, XX, 213-4. The non in 234d has been erased. See xii-xiii on MS A.

(406) Ibid., 213, no. 234d; see xiii-xv on MSS B, C, D, and E. F, which dates from about 1500 (xv-xvi), has: "Debeant etiam conversi radere barbas suas. (407) Consuetudines et observantiae monasteriorum sancti Mathiae et sancti Maximini Treverensium ab Iobanne Rode abbate conscriptae, ed. P. Becker (Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, 5; Siegburg, 1968) 265, no. CVII (201). (408) This point has been much debated, by monks as well as by scholars: see J. Bonduelle, s.v. "Convers", in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, IV, 566-70,

who pointed out that the tendency in modern monasticism to reduce the difference between the two groups, and even to equate them, has influenced the interpretation of the origins of conversi of the new type. (409) Heymon, Vita b. Wilbelmi, 23, in PL, CL, ox4C. (410) PL, CLXXIX, 123AB, 615B;JL 7537, 8259.

(411) Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, II, 29, in Bibl. Cluniacensis, 1331A.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

129

who have beards have been deputed for ploughs and mattooks (4M) Idungus of Regensburg got around this point in his Dialogus duorum monachorum, which was written about 1155 in the form of a conversation between a Cluniac and a Cistercian monk, by defining a monk as someone living a common life with others. “Those whom we now call fratres," the Cistercian said, “are without doubt cenobitical monks, since they are brothers living in common." (^?) Not many contemporaries accepted this point of view, however, and even those who did said that the conversi

were a type of monk inferior to the clerical monks. (*'^) Social criteria were added to ecclesiastical and functional distinctions as time

went

on, and in some

monasteries

nobles were

not

allowed to become conversi, as they had in the early twelfth century. (*1°) The conversi commonly lived separately and were treated as inferiors in the community. (*'6) Their beards and lack of tonsure thus became a mark of ignominy, setting them off from the clerical monks, who were engaged in liturgical occupations. The lay-brothers of Rosiéres, to whom Burchard addressed the Apologia de barbis, were not alone in feeling sensitive about

(412) Apologia, 2.216-7. Walter Map, De nugis, I, 25, ed. James, 108-10 (see

also 84-6), distinguished the énteriores, claustrales, or fratres in Cistercian houses from the ydiotae forinseci or conversi who were used "ad minimas et viles custodias". (413) Idungus, Dialogus duorum monachorum, III, 42, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, Le

moine ldung et ses deux ouvrages: "Argumentum super quatuor questionibus" et "Dialogus duorum monachorum" (Biblioteca degli "Studi Medievali", 11; Spoleto, 1980) 179, see also II, 37, p. 141. In his Argumentum, XI, ibid., 8o, Idungus argued that all monks, including cenobites and hermits, were either clerical

or lay and that a lay monk who was in no degree of holy orders was customarily called a conversus. (414) On this point, see the sensible conclusions of Dubois, in I /azci, 24852, who said that conversi were monks by one definition and not by another. (415) See, for instance, the example of Amedeus of Clermont, who entered Bonnevaux ca. 1119, and on whom see M.-A. Dimier, "Un témoin tardif peu connu du conflit entre Cisterciens et Clunisiens," in Petrus Venerabilis, 81-94,

and elsewhere. (416) This point is accepted, occasionally somewhat unwillingly, by almost

all serious students of the subject, including Ducourneau, in St Bernard et son Temps, 146-7 ;Clemens van Dijk, "L'instruction et la culture des fréres convers dans les premiers siécles de l'Ordre de Citeaux," Collectanea ordinis Cisterciensium reformatorum, 24 (1962) 247 ("une classe à part et nettement subordonnée"); Philipp Hofmeister, "Die Rechtsverháltnisse der Konversen," Oster-

reichisches Archiv für Kirchenrecht, 13 (1962) 5-6; Leclercq and Dubois, in I laici, 158-9 and 234-5, who stress the separation of the two categories, especially in Cistercian and Carthusian houses.

130

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

their beards or about the alleged slurs cast on them by Burchard, who had a hard time explaining why the conversi wore beards and the clerical monks did not without emphasizing the inferiority of the former and superiority of the latter. He urged the lay-brothers not to be discontent or unstable and not to create scandal or schism, (*") while at the same time saying that they were suited only for agricultural labor. This distinction led to tension in many houses and broke out in open revolt in some. (*!8) Gerard Iterius's emphasis on the equality of the two groups in the order of Grandmont may have been inspired by the specific problems with the lay-brothers of that order. (*'?) In the long run, this distinction, symbolized by the beards and untonsured

hair of the conversi, contributed to the decline of

the institution of lay-brotherhood in the late Middle Ages. (*?)

IV. The APOLOGIA DE BARBIS* I. Authorship, Date, and Circumstances of Composition

The credit for having discovered and printed the Apologia de barbis for the first time belongs to the scholarly bookdealer E. Ph. Goldschmidt, who bought the manuscript in Geneva in 1929. He later sold it to the British Museum (now the British Library), where it is manuscript Add. 41997, (*!) and later published the text, with a short introduction in Latin, in a limited

edition of three hundred and fifty copies printed "on Barcham

(417) Apologia, 2.261-2, 269, 285. (418) Adolf Mettler, "Laienmónche Laienbrüder Conversen, besonders bei den Hirsauern," Wrttembergische Vierteljabrschrift für Landesgeschichte, 4x (1935) 247; Leclercq, in I /azci, 165-7. See also David Knowles, "The Revolt of the Lay Brothers of Sempringham," English Historical Review, 50 (1935) 465-87. (419) Jean Becquet, "La premiére crise de l'ordre de Grandmont," Bulletin de la Société archéologique et bistorique du Limousin, 87 (x960) 283-324, esp. 298-9. (420) James S. Donnelly, The Decline of the Medieval Cistercian Laybrotherhood (Fordham University Studies, History Series, 3; New York, 1949) ; Jean Batany, "Les convers chez quelques moralistes des XII* et XIII* siécles," Citeaux, 20 (1969) 241-59, showing the disrepute into which the conversi fell even in the twelfth century. (*) This part, as mentioned above, is the joint work of Constable and Huygens, who is primarily responsible for the description of the manuscript, the summary of the Apologia, and the account of the present edition.

(42x) Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts 1926-1930 (London, 1959) 1645; see also R[obin] F(lower], "An Apology for Beards,” The British Museum

Quarterly, 4 (1929-30), 109-11, pls. LXIIa (f. x) and b (f. 95), and C.H. Talbot, "A List of Cistercian Manuscripts in Great Britain," Traditio, 8 (1952) 408.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

I3I

Green hand-made paper". (*?) Our knowledge of medieval Latin literature, twelfth-century monasticism, and the history of

beards was thus enriched by a very interesting text and the only known treatise on beards written in the West between the fourth century and the sixteenth. (473) The only information Goldschmidt gave about his discovery was that he found the manuscript "in armariis bibliopolae cuiusdam" in Geneva, some hundred and fifty kilometres south of the original home of the text. There are no clues in the manuscript as to where it originally came from, nor are there any references to its provenience in the records of the British Library, in Goldschmidt's catalogue 23, or in the files of the firm. The Librairie M. Slatkine et fils in Geneva, when tenta-

tively approached for information, was unable to provide any. The history of the manuscript therefore remains a mystery, both in the more distant and in the recent past, and all knowledge about it must be derived from itself. It is a small manuscript, measuring 14 by ro cm, with sixteen (and occasionally fifteen or seventeen) lines on each page. It is not an autograph but a copy written in the second half of the twelfth century. There are several changes, in contemporary hands, and a few additions (especially in III, 10), most of which

are either mistaken or unnecessary. The manuscript consists of six quires (f. 1-48") followed by a binzo (f. 49-54Y) into which two pages (f. 50 and 51) have been inserted, and five more quires (f. 55-94”). Some of the quires are numbered and some have catchwords. (?*^) The last page (f. 95) is a single leaf on which nine heads wearing various types of beards have been drawn in a (422) Burchardus de Bellevaux, Apologia de Barbis, ed. E.Ph. Goldschmidt (Cambridge, 1935) i-x, 1-98. There are two reproductions, one of f. x as a frontispiece, and the other of f. 53", between p. 50 and p. 51, where Goldschmidt remarked, "In margine inferiori huius paginae pictura quaedam,

quae mihi quidem rasorium figurare videtur. Cum haec figura unica in toto codice invenitur procul dubio significationem aliquam habere necesse est, nec in merum ornamentum apposita." This is incorrect. The sign in question is also found, in a less elaborate form, on ff. 13, 41", 45", and 46 and is used whenever the last line of a page contains only one word or syllable. (423) In spite of its interest, comparatively little attention has been paid to the Apologia in the fifty years since its first publication. Paul Grosjean reviewed the first edition in the Analecta Bollandiana, 54 (1936) 226-7, as did Bruno

Griesser, "Apologia de barbis, eine neuentdeckte

Schrift des Abtes

Burchard von Bellevaux," Cistercienser-Chronik, 49 (1937) 4-11, 38-50. See also J.-M. Canivez, in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, X, 1229-30,

and Jean Leclercq, L’amour des lettres et le désir de Dieu (Patis, 1957) 134 (tr. Catherine Misrahi (New York, 1961) 174), commenting esp. on the humorous character of the work. (424) There are catchwords on f. 40", 54", 62", 78", and 94”. The last one is particularly important because of the loss of the following text: see the apparatus to 3.1592.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

132

late but still medieval hand. The foliation is fifteenth century and omits one unnumbered folio between ff. 27 and 28. There are large decorated initials in green, red, and yellow ochre, including foliage, birds, and heads of monsters, on fE:4;:2

7 14,

and 33%. The titles are all in red ink. The title, author, audience, and purpose of the work are all included, for the only time, in the heading on f. 1, before the prologue: "Apologia de barbis ad conversos. Apologia B. abbatis Bellevallis ad fratres de Roseriis ad conservationem barbarum et salutem." After the prologue, the work is divided into three sermones or capitula of unequal length, respectively going from f. 2-14, 14-33", and 33"-94", and divided into nine, fourteen, and fifty-five sections, each with a heading. At the end of III, 12

(3.432-6), the author wrote, "The careful reader of the barbilogia of this barbilogus should observe that it is divided into three chapters, respectively on the cleanness, composition, and nature of beards. In these consideration should also be given to what relates to the mystery of faith [and] what relates to manners," or, as he put it in II, 11(2.345-6), "the hidden truth (sacramentum) of mystery and the education of manners". The text breaks off in the middle of III, 55. The missing section may have dealt with the three Biblical passages on beards which were not discussed elsewhere in the text (see the appendix on "Beards in the Bible"), but it is doubtful whether much is missing, since the final sections of the surviving text deal with beards in the future life. Sections III, 52-5 are on "What will be done about beards and cutting hairs in the future life," "What will be the status

of beards

in that life," "For

whom

beards

will be a

punishment and for whom a glory," and, as a climax, "On the brilliance and glory of beards after this life." The salutation mentions abbot B. of Bellevaux and the converst, who are also called fratres, of Rosiéres. Bellevaux was a Cistercian abbey in the Franche-Comté, in the diocese of Besancon, located between Rioz and Cirey some thirty kilometres north-east of Besancon. It was founded between 1114 and 1120 as the first daughter of Morimond. (^?) Rosiéres was also in the (425) GC, XV, 239 (ca. 1119); Leopold Janauschek, Origines cistercienses (Vienna, 1877) 8; L.H. Cottineau, Répertoire topo- bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés (Macon, 1939-70) I, 334; Jules de Trévillers, Sequania monastica. Dictionnaire des abbayes, prieurés, couvents, colleges et hopitaux conventuels, ermitages de

Franche-Comté et du diocese de Besancon antérieurs a 1790 (Vesoul [1949]) 86-7; Anne-Marie

de Saint-Aubin, "La fondation de l'abbaye de Bellevaux," Mé-

moires de la Société pour l'histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bourguignons, comtois et romands, 15 (1953) 177-80; René Locatelli, "L'implantation cistercienne dans le comté de Bourgogne jusqu'au milieu du XII siécle", Aspects de la vie conventuelle aux XI*- XII* siécles: Actes du s* Congrés de la Société des Historiens médiévistes de l'Enseignement. supérieur public (Saint-Etienne, 7-4 juin 1974) (Cahiers d'histoire, 20.2; Lyon - Grenoble, 1975) 75, 94-5.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

133

medieval diocese of Besancon (now St-Claude), some fifty kilometres south-west of the city, near La Ferté in the canton of Arbois. Its foundation has been dated by different scholars in every year between 1130 and 1135 except 1131. (47°) According to tradition and to most recent authorities it was a daughter of Bellevaux, but it may have been colonized directly from Morimond. The founder, Humbert III of Salins, apparently gave the land to Abbot Pontius of Bellevaux and instructed Archbishop Anseric of Besancon to carry out his wishes. Anseric brought monks directly from Morimond, but the exact relation between the three houses is not certain. (*?7) There are only two names beginning with B in the lists of the known abbots of Bellevaux in the twelfth century: the second abbot Burchard and the third abbot Bernard. (?9) Of these two, Burchard alone is known to have had any literary pretensions. Although only two short works can surely be attributed to him today, his letters and other works are said to have existed in the library at Balerne, his former abbey.(*?) Goldschmidt was (426) GC, XV, 277 (ca. 1130) ; A. Rousset, Dictionnaire géographique, historique et statistique des communes de la Franche-Comté: Département du Jura (Besancon - Lons-le-Saunier, 1853-8) III, 96 (ca. 1130) ; Janauschek, Origines, 28 (ca. 1130) ;Cottineau, Répertoire, YI, 2537 (1133); Trévillers, Seguania, 109 (1132); J. Brelot, "La fondation et le développement des abbayes cisterciennes dans le comté de Bourgogne au XII* siécle," Mémoires de la Société pour l'histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens. pays bourguignons, comtois et romands, 15 (1953) 134 (1135), 138 (1134), 139 (ca. 1130) ;Saint-Aubin, #b7d., 179 (1133) ; Jean-Yves Mariotte, Le comté de Bourgogne sous les Hohenstaufen, 1156-1208 (Cahiers d'études comtoises, 4; Paris, 1963) 76 (ca. 1130). (427) The authors of the Gallia Christiana stated that the monks came from Morimond, as did Rousset, who said (III, 102), "L'abbaye de Rosiéres

... dépendait immédiatement de celle de Morimont." He is followed by Brelot, in Mémoires Soc. bist. du droit, 15, p. 134, 138-9. See also the charter of Archbishop Humbert of Besancon in 1136, recording the foundation of Rosiéres

by Humbert

of Salins and his son Walcherius, in J.B. Guillaume,

Histoire généalogique des sires de Salins au comté de Bourgogne (Besancon, 1757-8) I, preuves 40-42 (and text 109-12). (428) GC, XV, 241. (429) See Gaspard Jongelin, Notitia abbatiarum ordinis Cisterciensis per orbem (Cologne, 1640) IX, ror: ".. eiusdemque, ut opinor, Brocardi epistolas complures et alia opuscula commemorant indices aliquot antiqui librorum Abbatiae Balernensis;" C. de Visch, Bibliotheca scriptorum sacri ordinis Cisterciensis (Cologne, 1656) 56: ".. Huius Burchardi opuscula plura recensent antiqui Catalogi librorum Abbatiae Balernensis, ut scribit Iongelinus in Notitiis suis. Ego tamen Catalogos hos assequi non potui." Benoit Chauvin has kindly confirmed that there is an extract from the archives of Balerne in MS Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, Coll. Baluze, 142, f. 27": "In veteri cata-

logo librorum abbatiae Balernensis sic lego: libri domni Borcardi abbatis, id est Vidi Dominum. Vetus, et Novum. Epistolae ejusdem. Oximellita. Epistola de corde et animo. Et alia plurima opuscula." Neither Balerne nor Bellevaux are included in Edmond Marténe and Ursin Durand, Voyage

134

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

therefore probably justified in attributing the Apologia de barbis to Burchard of Bellevaux. Burchard, who was also called Bo(u)chard, Borchard, and Broc(h)ard, was a former monk, of Clairvaux and the first Cistercian abbot of Balerne. Balerne had been founded as a black Benedictine house, either in the late eleventh or early twelfth century, and became Cistercian probably in 1135 or 1136, though some scholars date the transfer as early as 1132. It was located, like Bellevaux and Rosiéres, in the ancient diocese of Besangon, but to the south, closer to Rosiéres, and west of

Champagnole. (9?) Burchard was abbot from at least May 1138 until November 1157, and probably from 31 May 1136 until the end of 1158 or 1159.(?!) During his abbacy Bernard of Clairvaux wrote him a letter mentioning a work by Burchard, now lost but probably a letter, thanking Bernard for having worked on him and praising him as a planter and cultivator. Burchard must also have asked for help, for Bernard said at the end, “When I come I shall bear your needs in mind as if they were my own.” (*?) This may have been associated with a charter of littéraire de deux religieux. bénédictins (Paris, 1717-24). On Burchard of Bellevaux, in addition to the older works cited in Ulysse Chevalier, Répertoire des sources bistoriques du moyen age. Bio- bibliographie, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1905-7) I, 727,

see G[regor] M{tiller], "Burchard, erster Cistercienser Abt in Balerne," Cistercienser- Chronik, 35 (1923) 145-7; J.-M. Canivez, in Dictionnaire d'bist. et géog. ecc., X, 1229-30; M.-A. Dimier, in Dictionnaire des auteurs cisterciens (1975), 148; Benoit Chauvin, "Une nouvelle liste des abbés de Balerne au XIE* siécle," Citeaux, 22 (1971) 112-5. An article on Burchard by Benoit Chauvin will appear

in vol. III of the Mélanges Dimier. (430) GC, XV, 247 (Cistercian in 1135); Rousset, Dictionnaire, IV, 385 f. (1136); Janauschek, Origines, 41 (1135); Cottineau, Répertoire, I, 248 (1x36); Trévillers, Sequania, 160-1 (1132); Brelot, in Mémoires Soc. hist. du droit, 15, P. 138 (1132) and 139 (1133); Locatelli, in Aspects, 81-2; and esp. Chauvin, in Citeaux, 22, p. 107 (1136). Some material on the history of Balerne is found in the article (in Russian) of V.I. Mazhuga, "Gramoty cistercianskich abbatstv Burgundii i Fransh-Konte (1203-1290) (The Charters of the Cistercian Abbeys of Burgundy and Franche-Comté] Rukopisnye istochniki po istorii Zapadnoi Evropy v archive Leningradskogo otdelenija Instituta istorii SSSR [Manuscript Sources for the History of Western Europe in the Leningrad Section of the Institute of History of the USSR] (Leningrad, 1982) 37-82, who dated its foundation in 1107 and its transfer to the Cistercian order, as a daughter of

Molesme (and thus a sister of Citeaux) in 1136 (46). The date of 1136 for the transfer is confirmed by a charter in the cartulary of Balerne in MS Besancon, Bibl. mun., Coll. Baverel 38, f. xo2. (431) Chauvin, in Citeaux, 22, p. 125.

(432) Bernard, Ep. 146, in Opera, ed. Leclercq, VII, 348-9: "Ignitum eloquium tuum vehementer [= 3.1041] et ignitum illo igne quem dominus misit in terram. Legi illud et concaluit cor meum intra me. ... Si laboravi in

te, uti tu humiliter memoras,

non

me

piget. Aravi in spem profecto perci-

piendi fructus, et spes non confundit. .. Ad ea de quibus questus es, ita respondeo: necessitates tuas ut meas portabo, cum venero."

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

135

28 September 1146 concerning the cession to Balerne by the abbey of Baume of the property of Glénon, at the request and by the intervention of Bernard of Clairvaux. (9?) Bernard also praised Burchard's fiery eloquence. An example of this can be found in the extravagantly worded letter written by Burchard to Bernard's future secretary, Nicholas of Montiéramey, as the time he moved to Clairvaux in 1145 or 1146. (?*) The first few sentences give an idea of the style:

Hac vice prima in simplici stylo recipe me et sine modo ut quadam compositione graduum liceat ascendere ad animal primum pennatum implumi bestiolae. Si testudo est, quomodo loquetur avi pennatae? (9?) Si talpa est, qualiter cum cervo (99) saliet? Si cicada, quomodo citillabit (*7) ad oloris melodiam? Concede, quaeso, ut in simplicitate mea tanquam hebes vetulus accedam ad iuvenem chalibatum ... He then went on, ringing changes on the words novus, novitas, and imnovatus (which occur ten times in one sentence of twentyeight words) and thanking God for the miracle of converting Nicholas from a black into a white monk. The word-play here is entirely consistent with the style of the Apologia, which is filled with puns and plays on words. Nicholas in his reply specifically praised the warmth of Burchard's style, using some of the same terms as Bernard. (?9) He thanked Burchard for his friendship, which only death could end, and he commented on the opening words of Burchard's letter. Postulatis vos recipi a me in simplici stylo, cum ego totus obstupuerim in luce sagittarum vestrarum, in splendore (433) Rousset, Urkunde

Dictionnaire,

IV, 387; Leopold

zur Illustration St. Bernhard

Grill, "Eine

unbekannte

und der Orden von Citeaux,” Citeaux,

20 (1969) 105-7. The charter mentioned

that Burchard

had frequently re-

quested the property, which may account for the intervention of Bernard. On

the later history of Glenon, see the charters of 1191-1209 in the cartulary of Balerne in MS Besancon, Bibl. mun., Coll. Baverel 38, f. 29-31", and Mazhuga, in Rukopisnye istochniki, 54, citing a confirmation of Balerne's possession in 1189.

o

PL, CXCVI, 1605BD. On the date of Nicholas's move to Clairvaux,

see Constable, in Letters of Peter the Venerable, YI, 320, n. 2x.

(435) Cf. Apologia, 2.22. (436) vero Migne, but see the reply below. (437) The only reference to this word, taken from this same passage, is in A. Blaise, Lexicon Latinitatis Medii Aevi (Turnhout, 1975) 183: "faire entendre le cri de la cigale". The meaning of the verb is clear enough, but whether its form is correct is doubtful. (438) PL, CXCVI, 1606A-7A. It is possible that Nicholas drafted, or perhaps even wrote, Bernard's letter, which would account for the similarities between the two letters. Cf. in particular Bernard's "benedixi illi fornaci, de

qua huiusmodi scintillae evolassent" with Nicholas's "de camino fornacis ardentissimae scintillas evolantes".

136

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

fulgurantis chartae vestrae. Tota pagina phalerata est et splendoribus rhetoricis inauratur et fecundissimi sensus sententiarum maiestate scintillant. Alteratis enim verba eadem in eadem pagina et difficillima, sed facillima vobis, subtilitate: colores oratorum in manu vestra cerei sunt, illene ergo implumis est bestiola ..? Numquid ille testudo est, qui ..? Quomodo talpa est, qui ..? An cicada, qui ..? An pennatum animal ego sum? .. Cervusne ego, qui ..? Siccine cygnus VOCOT, Qui ...?

He gave moral interpretations of the tortoise, mole, and cicada,

to which he added the stag and swan for good measure. At the end, before concluding with greetings from Burchard's friends H. and G., he said that he had taken account of Burchard's “two

more secret words" and promised that he would try "to reduce or eliminate what remains, so that there may be nothing in a friend that might offend a friend". This business may well have been the same as that about which Burchard wrote to Bernard,

and both letters probably date from 1145 or 1146. The second known work by Burchard is the concluding chapter to the Vita Prima of Bernard of Clairvaux by William of St Thierry, which Burchard wrote between William's death in 1148/9 (and probably Bernard's death in 1152) and his own move from Balerne in 1157/9. (*?) This is also marked by a certain extravagance of language, since he referred to Bernard many years before his canonization as sanctus, sanctissimus vir, alter Benedictus, and vir Dei. He stressed the long and close friendship that united Bernard and William, to whom Bernard had dedicated the Apologia and De gratia et libero arbitrio. "Scarcely anyone more intimate could be found for communicating the secrets of mutual love [and] for holding conversations about the spiritual mysteries." Burchard left Balerne between 1157 and 1159, probably late in II58 or early in 1159. He went, either immediately or after a pause, to Bellevaux, where he is listed as second abbot and died in April 1163/5. (^?) Nothing is known about why he moved. On N

(439) PL, CLXXXV, 266C-8A; see A.H. Bredero, Etudes sur la "Vita prima" de saint Bernard (Rome, 1960) 2-5, 103, 139. (440) His death is dated XVI kal. mart. (14 February) in "Obituaire de l'abbaye Saint-Paul de Besancon," Mémoires et documents. inédits pour servir à l'histoire de la Franche-Comté, xx (1919) 192, no. 156. The year is given as 1162 or 1163 in the Histoire littéraire de la France, XIII (Paris, 1814) 323; 1163 in GC, XV, 241; 1162/3 in Rousset, Dictionnaire, IV, 388; 163 by Canivez, in Dictionnaire d’hist. et de géog. ecc., X, 1229. Benoit Chauvin, "Un cas exemplaire

de l'esprit cistercien primitif et son évolution: l'abbaye de Balerne et la propriété de l'église de Cognos au XII* siécle," Cieaux, 31 (1980) 157, commenting on the obituary entry, dated Burchard's death 1164/5. The first positive evidence for his presence at Bellevaux is a charter of Archbishopelect Walter of Besancon in 1162 referring to a grant made "in manum domini

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

137

the face of things it is unlikely that the abbot of a daughter of Clairvaux would have moved, at what must have been a rela-

tively advanced age, to a daughter of Morimond. It may have been owing to some difficulties requiring a change of abbot, either at Balerne or at Bellevaux, to where he may have gone as a sort of trouble-shooter, or it may have been a semi-retirement after more than twenty years of service at Balerne. (**!') Almost nothing aside from a few charters is known about Burchard’s years at Bellevaux. They corresponded with the beginning of the schism created by the election of the antipope Victor IV, who was supported by Frederick Barbarossa, in whose domains Bellevaux was located. These were difficult times for the Cistercians in the Franche-Comté, who for the most part remained loyal to Pope Alexander III. (*?) In a document of 1180 in the cartulary of Bellevaux, Bishop Roger of Lausanne said that the monks during the schism "stood constantly for catholic virtue" and that as a result their property was seized and they themselves exposed to exile,(*?) though there is no evidence that any monks were actually expelled from Bellevaux. The charters of the early 1160s in the cartulary are of only routine interest and throw no special light on Burchard's abbacy. (***) Burchard probably wrote the Apologia while he was at Bellevaux in the early 1160s, but this dating cannot be considered certain. (^) The author refers to himself at one point as “proBrochardi abbatis" (GC, XV, instr. 40A): see Saint-Aubin, in Mémoires Soc. hist. du droit, 15, p. 178, who said he may not have moved before then;

Ferdinand Güterbock, "Zur Geschichte Burgunds im Zeitalter Barbarossas," Zeitschrift für schweizerische Geschichte, 17 (1957) 220 (grant at Bellevaux in 1163 “in manu

domni

Borchardi abbatis"); and Chauvin, in Citeaux, 22, p. 113, n.

46 for references to other charters dated 1162/3. (441) Rousset, Dictionnaire, IV, 388, said that Burchard died "à Bellevaux,

ot il s'était retiré depuis peu." Locatelli, in Aspects, 88-9, suggested that Burchard was chosen at Bellevaux owing to his ability as an administrator. (442) Brelot, in Mémoires Soc. hist. du droit, 15, p. 148; Mariotte, Comté de Bourgogne, 87-102, who

said (ror), "De cette relation fragmentaire, il ressort

que le trouble dont l'Eglise souffrit entre 1160 et 1177 fut ressenti de facon

particuliérement aigué dans la province de Besancon." (443) GC, XV, instr. 48-50; see Mariotte, Comté de Bourgogne, 95.

(444) See the charters in MS Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, Collection Moreau, 870-1, f. 386-8 (Archbishop-elect Hubert of Besancon in 1164) and 451-452" (settlement of a tithe-dispute in 1162). (445) The only indication Burchard himself gave of the circumstances of composition is in 3.143-7, where he wrote, "The same day on which I began to write this chapter, I saw and held a beard which was only on the chin and not on the jaws or under the chin. He who was evidence for this type of

beard is named brother Ogerius." Ogerius was not a rare name, but it belonged to no known lay-brother at either Balerne or Bellevaux in the time

of Burchard. The passage sheds some light, however, on Burchard's method of research, which apparently included touching as well as observing the objects of his inquiry.

138

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

pinquus" (1.22) to Rosiéres; which (whether it refers to personal or physical closeness) suits Balerne better than Bellevaux. It is not impossible that the A4fo/ogia was written while Burchard was at Balerne and that a later copyist, knowing that he had moved, referred to him as B. of Bellevaux. There is also the

question of the status of Rosiéres. (44°) If it was a daughter of Bellevaux, it would properly have been visited by the abbot of Bellevaux, but not if it depended directly on Morimond. In either case its relations with Balerne, which was a daughter of Clairvaux, would have been purely sisterly. The Apologia can indeed be read as the work not of a superior addressing his dependents but of an older and somewhat patronizing friend and advisor. Be thisas it may, Burchard had written a letter to the community at Rosiéres in some way criticising the behavior of the lay-brothers and applying to them the warning in Isaiah 9.5 that the "garment mingled with blood shall be burnt and be fuel for the fire". (*) Specifically he had written, "The beards of those men who [though] knowing and prudent raise the storm which ship-wrecks sails shall be burnt and be fuel for the fire" (1.26-8 and 2.448-50). He had also cited the regulations concerning leprosy in the beard in Leviticus (1.176-8) and advised the lay-brothers to behave wisely and prudently in order to avoid having their beards burnt (1.10-4). Although the punishment of cutting off and burning a criminal's beard was not unknown, at least in the East,(^**) Burchard probably did not intend his threat to be taken seriously. His letter clearly gave offense to the lay-brothers at Rosiéres, however, who considered Burchard

"alien from the grace of love" (a gratia dilectionis ... alienum)" which they expected from a friend and neighbor (1.21). They protested that he had insulted both them and their beards.

(446) There is an apparent gap in the series of abbats of Rosiéres between Stephen, who resigned "not long after 1160", and John, who first appeared in

1162, and it is possible that Burchard was in direct charge of the abbey at that time: see GC, XV, 280. If so, this would narrow the date of the Apologia from between 1157/8 and 1164 to between 1160 and 1162. In view of the paucity of documents, however, and the fact that Burchard first expressed his views in a

letter, this is at best a conjecture. (447) Burchard referred to this work in Apologia, rx2 ("illic"), 1.25 ("in litteris de incendio barbarum"), 1177 ("in aliis litteris"), and 2.447-8 ("in aliis litteris"). While the term /itterae in the twelfth century did not necessarily refer to a letter in the modern sense, it was clearly a written work and not

a talk or sermon. These references show that it dealt with some of the same themes as the Apologia. (448) See n. 82 above.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

139

They may have gone further and raised questions about why they were called conversi and wore beards at all. (**?) Burchard therefore wrote the Apologia to make amends, (9?) and, as he explained at the beginning, for the conservation rather than the destruction of the lay-brothers’ beards. He had not condemned them to be burnt, since neither their beards nor

those of other lay-brothers would be burnt if they avoided the crimes deserving such a punishment. He nowhere specified exactly what evil, or guilt, as he also called it, he had in mind, except to say that it imperilled the soul. At various points in the Apologia he criticized lay-brothers for boasting, for living in a disorderly manner (exordinati, inordinate), for incontinence and uncleanness, for creating schism and scandal, and for inconstancy. He also implied that some of them were vain and “alien from religion”, resembling women in caring too assiduously for their beards. There is no reason to believe, however, that any of these were the cause of his first work, which may have been simply a general moral homily urging the lay-brothers to behave if they wanted to avoid having their beards burnt. (?!) The lay-brothers may easily have misunderstood it if its wording was anything like as elaborate and obscure as that of Burchard’s other writings. Both the style and the content of the Apologia have led some scholars to believe that the work was humorous in intent and to suggest that Burchard did not take himself or his audience seriously. (*?) This idea gains some support from Burchard'spropensity for word play and what he probably regarded as puns, as in the first sentence of the work: “Barbilogus forsitan (449) This is suggested by the final sentence of the second sermo (463-6) : “Non itaque deinceps debetis esse scrupulosi vel querelosi questionibus cur dicamini conversi sive quare barbas non radatis, cum ita debere fieri ratione probatum sit et auctoritate." (450) It is not an apology for beards, as some scholars have called it, perhaps remembering the treatise ofJ.P. Valerian, but an apology concerning beards, for himself. (451) It is difficult to believe that even the simplest of the lay-brothers

really thought that Burchard planned to burn their beards, or that Burchard (who was of an allegorical frame of mind) seriously thought that their

' beards would be burned, at least in the present life, whatever their sins. On the doctrine of hell-fire in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, see Allen E.

Bernstein, “Esoteric Theology: William of Auvergne on the Fires of Hell and Purgatory,” Speculum, 57 (1982) 509-31, esp. 521-6. (452) In addition to the works cited n. 423 above, see Leclercq, in I /aici, as "un humoriste cistercien". For Grosjean, in Anal. Boll, 54, 226-7, Burchard was "un homme de lettres qui se

181, where he referred to Burchard

moque

agréablement

de ses lecteurs"

rather than "un auteur

ascétique

sérieux" ;and Canivez, in Dict. d’hist. et géog. ec., X, 1230, spoke of "le genre

plaisant" and "un godt assez douteux" of his work.

140

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

dicar quia de barbis facio sermonem barbisonantem,” and also in his repeated play on the similarity between the words mens (mind) and mentwm (chin). He knew that some readers might find this amusing. ^There will be perhaps those who smile at this barbilogia and who mock me, calling [me] a barbilogus” (3.1110-1). That this sentence appears in a section entitled "An invective against the deriders of the barbilogia or the barbilogus" shows, however, that Burchard did not really intend his readers to be amused, lest they suffer the fate of the unfortunate boys who mocked the baldness of Elisha in 4 Kings 2.23-24. Although Burchard stressed the idea of /udus and tocunditas and enlivened his text with innumerable puns and neologisms, which may either please or annoy both modern and perhaps also medieval readers, and which have made the Apologia a treasure-house for lexicographers, (?35) he certainly intended it to be taken seriously. The Afologia is written in the form of three speeches or sermones ostensibly addressed to the lay-brothers of Rosiéres, who are frequently addressed as fratres, but it is really a single treatise in three chapters of very different length. Its elaborate style, many neologisms, syntactically difficult sentences, and complicated arguments, which occasionally baffle even the attentive reader, exclude the possibility that it was delivered as a serles of sermons even to monks, let alone illiterate laybrothers, who probably knew no Latin. (9^) The work smells of the lamp. It shows much study and reading and reflects considerable original thought. Aside from chapter III, 18, taken verbatim from Augustine (and identified as such), and a few borrowings from Rabanus Maurus and other writers, Burchard seems to have relied largely on himself, and he came up with a number of new interpretations, especially of several notoriously difficult passages from the Old Testament. His object, as Flower said, was to treat beards "from every point of view, theological, moral, social, monastic, sanitary," and in each case to find “a

divine or an ethical application almost for every hair". (9?) The result may impress readers as far-fetched, or even extravagant, but it is a notable example of medieval allegorical reasoning.

(453) See also n. 437 above on his use, in his letter to Nicholas of Montiéramey, of an otherwise unknown word. (454) The two vernacular words bavosos (1.290) and raspagi (3.40) suggested to Goldschmidt, in his edition of the Apologia, 33 n., that French rather than German was spoken in this part of the Franche-Comté. (455) Flower, in British Mus. Quarterly, 4, p. 110.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

I4I

2. Analysis of the Text In view of the complexity and occasional obscurity of the Apologia de barbis, it may be helpful to give a relatively extensive summary of its contents. After the brief prologue, which has already been discussed, the first sermo consists of nine sections and is generally concerned with the cleanness of beards. Burchard started from the opening verses of Psalm 132: "Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity: like the precious ointment from the head that ran down upon the beard, the beard of Aaron, which ran down to the skirt of his garment." (^5) The author hopes that a spiritual ointment may in the same way descend upon the heads of the lay-brothers from Christ, their head, "purging and purifying all your interior senses" (40-1). The beards are soiled, however, by three kinds of vermin, mites, nits, and lice, symbolizing respectively the three

vices of pleasure, dishonesty, and duplicity (72-3). These evils can be cured by the triple ointment of charity out of a pure heart, clear conscience, and unfeigned faith (108-9). This ointment is also effective against the disease of leprosy mentioned in Leviticus 13.30-1, which may infect the beards of those who consider themselves to be wise and who boast of their righteousness and of those whose learning leads them into heresy and blasphemy. If you also, bearded brother, boasting of your age and seniority in religious life, despise your juniors and insult them, prefering your established ways to their very new ones, "go show yourself to the priest" (Matt. 8.4; Luke 5.14), because you have leprosy in your beard (166-70). Burchard then discussed the episode of David in 1 Kings 21.10I5, who fleeing for fear of Saul went to Achish king of Gath and pretended to be mad, letting his spit run down his beard. (?") This foreshadowed Christ, who was spat upon and beaten. Laymen

likewise ridicule, and even

pull and burn, the beards of

religious men (228 f.), who must put up with such humiliating treatment. The time will come when the mockers will recognize their own madness and admit that the sun, "that is, knowledge of the truth", did not rise on them, whereas the bearded reli-

gious were among the elect (250-1). The outer infirmity of the unclean saliva is paralleled by the inner strength of the clean beard (270-1), and if the lay-brothers keep their beards clean they will be safe from burning (303-5). (456) See p. 75-7 above on the interpretation of this passage in the Middle Ages. (457) See p. 79-80 above.

142

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

The second sermo has fourteen sections and is concerned with the composition of beards. In fact the title De comfositione barbarum applies principally to the first section, which contains some interesting information, referred to above, on how some of the twelfth-century dandies wore, trimmed, and took care of their hair, beards, and mustaches, and also on the Cistercian

rules concerning the beards of lay-brothers (43-4).(?9) The following sections revert to exegesis. The first passage dealt with is 2 Kings 10.4-5, where King Hanun of Ammon seized David's servants and sent them away, to their great shame, after having shaved off half their beards and cut off their clothes in the middle, up to their buttocks. David then ordered them not to return to Jerusalem until their beards had regrown. (5?) A comparable situation may arise if monks or laybrothers who are sent out into the world "for the good of obedience" (83) fail in their task and become subject to gossip. They must then remain separated from their community until, after doing good and performing penance, they are again worthy to join their abbot and brothers. Burchard turns in section 5 to the question of why monks shaved their beards and lay-brothers did not. In addition to various spiritual reasons and explanations, he proposes a very practical one. Observe finally that beards are not convenient for the office of the altar, which is ours, but that beards are not inconve-

nient but well suited for agriculture, which is your office. We who come into the holy of holies cut the hairiness of our beards; you who go out to the cultivation of fields show by the wearing of beards that you are for labor. Consider how greatly it would offend the eyes of viewers if bearded men were clothed in albs and chasubles. It would be unsuitable for beards to hang over books and chalices and we [who are] without beards therefore are engaged around the altars and chalices; you who have beards are deputed to ploughs and mattocks (207-17).

This passage prepares the way for an elabotate explanation of a passage in Ezechiel, who prefigured both monks and laybrothers because he at one time had a beard and then shaved it off. The exegesis of Ezechiel 5.1-4 fills over half this sermo and is almost a lesson in medieval Biblical commentary. (^9) Burchard again stresses that he wants to make the beards of the laybrothers safe from fire (378-9) and that they will have nothing (458) See also 3.1486-9. (459) See p. 8o above. (460) See p. 81-5 above, esp. 85 on the interpretation of this passage in the Apologia.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

143

to fear if they love truth and peace and nourish their beards with wisdom rather than "ad confusionem" (456). The third, and by far the longest, sermo falls into two unequal parts, one consisting of sections 1-12 (together almost as long as the entire second sermo) and the other of sections 13-55 (where the text breaks off), constituting a further 1150 lines. This sermo is on the nature of beards, and their different forms, and on

having and not having a beard. Most men have beards, though nature denies them to some, the nulliberbes, and most boys and women do not have beards, though a few do, among them Galla,

who case have thin

appears in the Dialogi of Gregory the Great and whose is discussed in section 5. Of men who have beards, some full beards (pleniberbes or multiberbes) and others have beards (rariberbes or, in the vernacular, raspagi). Some

have side-whiskers, chin-beards, or beards under the chin, which

gives rise to a discussion in section Io of the difference between men and goats, of which both males and females have beards,

thus prefiguring divine and worldly wisdom and the divinity and humanity of Christ. Some beards grow early and quickly (citiberbes), others slowly and late (tardiberbes). Men with beards may lose them through either natural causes (imberbes) or artificial means (eberbes). Burchard discussed and gave examples of all these occurances, (€!) in which wisdom plays with nature. Every game causes laughter, and all laughter is a sign of joy, but the laughter of wise men differs from that of fools. This part is rounded out by a discussion of the good qualities of which the beard is the outward sign. If these are lacking, a beard may be a misleading sign, like the circulus indicating an inn where the weary traveller hopes to, but in fact does not, find wine (424-30). This first part ends with the statement: Take note that it is the same with beards, about which this

barbilogus (that is, he who makes a sermo about beards) has already made a long sermo. And what is a sermo about beards but a barbilogia? The careful reader of the barbilogia of this barbilogus should observe that it is divided into three chapters, respectively on the cleanness, composition, and nature of beards. In these consideration should also be given to what relates to the mystery of faith [and] what relates to manners (430-6). Some scholars have considered this interruption at the end of III, 12 to be a flaw in the composition of the Apologia, (€) but it (46x) In III, 4o, Burchard distinguished beards according to their quantity (large or small, long or short), quality (thick or thin, smooth or rough), shape (uniform, biform, triform), and color (white, black, red, yellow, gray). (462) Such as Goldschmidt, in his edition of the Apologia, 48, and Griesser, in Cist.-Chronik, 49, p. 8.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

144

in fact gives the reader a chance both to absorb what has already been said and to get ready for more, since in section 13 Burchard returns to his discussion, saying, “Not all has been

said about the nature of beards. that may be discovered by careful investigation” (438-9). He then takes up early beards and late beards. Some men whose beards grow early are proud of the fact; others are saddened by this apparent sign of age. Of those whose

beards

grow

late, on the other hand, some

fear

ridicule, and others are pleased that they still look young. Men with early and late beards, and with gray beards, all have their own tricks. Men who grieve for shame that their beards are late are accustomed to rub their chins and jaws with honey and other unguents or even to shave them in order to make the hairs of the beard grow, just as men who are ashamed of gray hairs tint them with red color, since they would prefer to look reddish than gray (455-9). Men who want to look older than they are, and those who want to look younger, disagree over their respective problems, which Burchard discussed in section 15 on the beard as a mark of beauty. Those who regret having no beard have at least the consolation that they thus avoid the trouble, work, and pain of shaving (508-9). Later Burchard again remarked, in the section on the difference between a razor and a forceps (which is used here to mean scissors) (4%) that

We see another point worthy of consideration in this act of cutting, which is that this discipline is known to be easier and smoother when it is done with scissors and to be harder and rougher when a razor is used (1366-8). In the following sections he discussed the beard as a symbol of strength, wisdom, maturity, and religion. He studied the case of

Mephibosheth, the son of Saul, who was lame in both feet and came to meet King David without having washed his feet or trimmed his beard (522 f.). (44) The whole of section 18 is on the beard as a sign of strength, taken from St Augustine’s commentary on the Psalms. Burchard studied at length (879-1106) a text from the Vitae patrum, which was read in the refectory, (^9) about how Abbot Macharius was visited by two young (463) Burchard seems to use forceps in the original sense offorfex, that is, for scissors.

It is translated as tweezers in Leclercq, Amour des lettres, tr. Misrahi, 174, which implies that Burchard had depilation in mind.

(464) See p. 80 above. (465) 3.886-8: "Horum qualis postea fuit vita et conversatio ipse Macharius narrat, et qui vobis recitaverit, fratres, ista ipse narret ut de perfectione illorum vestra proficiat imperfectio."

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

I45

men, of whom one had no beard and the other a beard that was

beginning to grow. The beardless man was troubled by demons in the form of flies, which were driven off by an angel with a flaming sword. Each time he chanted the psalms, a jet of fire came out of his mouth and rose to the heavens. When the man who was bearded chanted the psalms, however, a cord (funiculus) of fire reached from his mouth all the way to heaven. Burchard interpreted this to mean that a beard is a protection against flies, that is, demons, and a sign of perfection in the bearded man, whose words, like monastic psalmody, rose in an unbroken cord to heaven. . Burchard returned in the final sections of this sermo to some of the themes he had discussed before. "Let us now bring the barbilogia back to your beards,” he said, "since it began with them and should end with them" (1106-7). Sections 38 and 39 are on those who make fun of the work and its author and are followed by sections on various types of beards, including their quantity, quality, shape, and color, on tonsuring and shaving, and on scissors and razors, where he again examines, in a very complicated passage, some of the similarities and differences between monks and lay-brothers in this regard. (4%) The final chapters deal with beards in the hereafter. It may be helpful to give, in addition to this summary of the contents of the Apologia, some account of Burchard's method, which is marked by a characteristically medieval propensity for drawing distinctions and seeking levels of meaning. (*’) He seems to have almost instinctively seen things in terms of related yet contrasting categories, drawn from the Bible and other sources. These include both pairs, such as the Old and New Testaments, law and grace, time and eternity, body and spirit, youth and age, old and new, matter and mind, laity and clergy, lay-brothers and monks, women and men, levity and gravity, tilling the soil and tending the altar, and triplets, such as historical / allegorical / moral, lust / dishonesty / duplicity, incontinent / schismatic / fickle, and (with regard to beards) on, under, and beside the chin. These divisions may appear arbitrary to the modern reader, but they were real to Burchard, for whom outer appearances, though they had a reality and significance of their own, always had an inner meaning. He referred any (466) Two particularly complicated pieces of reasoning are explained in the notes to lines 1253/67 and 1418 and 1419/20; see plates 3 and 4. We wish to thank Mr L.D. Couprie of the History of Art Department of Leiden University, for the skill, patience, and accuracy with which he rendered the translation of Burchard’s text in these drawings. (467) It is therefore dangerous to take phrases out of context. What Burchard said on one level may have a different meaning, or be without meaning, on another level.

146

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

number of times to the distinction between exterior and interior, outside and inside, and, with reference especially to the Bible, to literal and mystical, which he also called figurative,

allegorical, or spiritual (*) The entire Apologia is based upon

Burchard's assumption that beards and hair, like clothing, are

an outward and literal indication of inner and spiritual reali-

ties. (46)

k

"It is one thing to consider the character (proprietas) of mystery," he said, "and something else to adjust in all ways the outer similarities in things (foris im rebus per omma similitudines adaptare), and it is foolish and tasteless always to attempt this" (3.963-6). "Some things are in mystery only ; others in fact and in mystery" (3.1195-6). Elsewhere he distinguished between the historical, allegorical, and moral senses of a text (3.1080) and, in mysteries, between thing and thing (as between beard and saliva), between action and action (as between burning, cutting, and scattering in Ezechiel 5.2), between thing and action (as between a beard and cutting it), and between action and thing (as between shaving and a beard). The mystery lay, he said, in the third and fourth categories, the relation between

things and actions and between actions and things (3.1212-30). In his Biblical exegesis, Burchard had a strong sense of the moral meaning of the text and of the relevance to his own times of both books of the Bible. He considered Aaron and David “to be transferred through mystery", and in some way to prefigure and transfigure the lay-brothers at Rosiéres (1.200-3 and 211-3). Ezechiel prefigured both the lay-brothers, when he was bearded, and the monks, after he shaved his beard (2.461-3). One of the best examples of this parallelism is in II, 6, where there are five related pairs: carnalia spirituaha

old man . outer (exterior, foris) |new man inner (interior, intus) .

temporal eternal

The fifth pair, which Burchard related directly to these, was that of the lay-brothers, who were occupied with agriculture and the cultura agrorum, and the monks, who were concerned

with the altar and the sancta sanctorum. Burchard applied this method relentlessly in the Apologia, and especially the distinction between outer and inner with reference to beards, which he looked at from every possible point of view. He even distinguished between “inner” and “outer” beards (1.44-5). The two longest and most elaborate lists of

inner qualities associated with beards are in I, 5, where he said

that beards

signified wisdom,

(468) See 1.155, 3.541, 605. (469) See, among others, 3.836-41.

fortitude, beauty

(decor), and

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

147

strength (vivtus), and in III, 12 and 24, where beards were described as signs of beauty (also called interior pulchritudo), fortitude, wisdom, maturity, and religion. Individual examples of these associations are found throughout the work. (*?) More generally, a beard was a sign of a holy and praiseworthy life (2.86-8). A beard growing on both sides of a face represented patience and consolation (3.371); a modest beard was a mark of humility (3.799-800). Beards also indicated youth and vigor, and in sermo III, 18, taken from Augustine, Burchard said that

the beard signified strong, young, vigorous, active, and quick men. On the face of things, taken literally, this was more flattering to the lay-brothers, who had beards, than to the beardless clerical monks, but Burchard always came back to the inner,

spiritual meaning. Even outer beards, and the qualities associated with them, were not always praiseworthy. Like the innsign at an inn where there was no wine, a beard might be a misleading sign (3.424-30). Bad men have beards as well as good (2.347-9), and also foolish men. "Wisdom does not lie in a beard," Burchard said, citing an old adage, and he admitted that he found "great stupidity in the great beards of some men" (3.687-8). Burchard was himself a clerical monk, who shaved his beard as a mark of his fitness for the sacerdotal office, and he

could hardly have considered a visible beard entirely good. “The beard is a sign of the lay habit and of illiterate simplicity," he said at one point, and went on to cite canon law, ^wherefore

it is decreed that a cleric who grows his hair or beard will be anathema.” (*!) Later he added that, "For many men the beard is an instrument of pride, vanity, and lust" (3.1522-3). While trying to justify the beards of the lay-brothers, therefore, Burchard could never quite get around the fact that they were inferior in status and occupations to the clerical monks. He compared this difference at one point to the transition from law to grace. The law was under a cover and hidden as by a beard; grace however removed the cover of the letter and shaved the covering beard. .. Thus in you, who do not shave your beards, the law is shown;

in us, who

shave our beards, grace is declared (2.163-7).

(470) Decor (1.274) ;wisdom (1.274; 2.78, 319; 3.271, 767) ;maturity (2.78; 3.767) ; virtue (1.268, 274; 2.110; 3.271) ;religion (2.262, 319; 3.476 — faith and morals) ; fortitude (2.320; 3.393). (471) 3.1426-7: "in clero decretum est ut si quis comam vel barbam nutrierit, anathema sit." This combined elements of the so-called Carthaginian canon, as cited by Ivo of Chartres (n. 286 above) and the Gregorian decree of 721 (n. 293 above) ; see p. 107-8 above.

148

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

If this is the tone he took in his first writing, to which the Apologia is the sequal, it is not surprising that the lay-brothers took offence. Both in this passage and later (*””) he compared the lay-brothers to the laity and described their occupations as worldly, temporal, and exterior, in contrast to the spiritual, eternal, and internal concerns of the ordained monks.

The paradox by which beards were seen as a sign both of virtue and of vice is probably more troubling to scholars today than it was to Burchard, and even to most of his readers, who

moved more easily than we do between the different, and sometimes apparently contradictory, worlds of fact and figure, where the same thing could stand for various things, and be embodied with different meanings, at the same time. This may have been one of the difficulties with Burchard's original letter, since the lay-brothers at Rosiéres were doubtless not as allegorically-minded as he was and may have taken his warnings concerning their beards more literally than he intended. Burchard was also in all probability unmoved, and perhaps unaware, of the seamier side of his topic: the smelly, greasy, matted, verminous

beards, with saliva dribbling down them,

which for him all had a spiritual meaning. "Behold how marvellous a mystery," he said, "that the uncleanness of the beards with the saliva running down [them] covers the interior cleanness, that is divine virtue, just like a beard of beauty, virtue,

and wisdom" (1.271-4). Burchard's consistency lay not in his interpretation of individual beards, which might be good or bad, but in his resolute insistence that all beards had an interior, allegorical, and moral

meaning. Basically he was far less interested in the manners, or informatio morum, as he called it, or the external appearances of things, than he was in the sacramentum fidei, mystery, or proprietas misteri, (*?) though in investigating the meaning of beards he in fact provides some valuable information about their practice. It is tempting to apply to Burchard his own words about William of St Thierry: "Scarcely anyone more intimate could be found for communicating the secrets of mutual love [and] for holding conversations about the spiritual mysteries.” ("^) The Apologia could not unreasonably be described as a series of colloquia spiritualium mysteriorum designed to bring the lay-brothers, through the study of their E to a proper understanding of their spiritual position and uties.

(472) 2.37374; 3.1384-5.

(473) See n. 23 and 35 above. (474) See n. 439 above.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

149

Just as from imitating one bearded lay-brother, many bearded lay-brothers may be put in order, so the mystery of one beard may be honored when it is transferred to many beards, and by this the lay-brothers may know why they should be bearded, since they will know without doubt which bearded man they should imitate in having beards (1.118-23). This emphasis on learning from example is a mark of twelfthcentury spirituality. (*^) Burchard also stressed the importance of intention and conscience, (*”°) and he shared the fundamentally optimistic view of many of his contemporaries that in spite of the likeness to animals into which man had fallen as a result of sin, and which was represented by his beard, he could recover the image and likeness to God in which he had been created. (*””) He also showed a characteristic interest in, and respect for, nature, which appears at many points in the Afologta, not only in the sense of the distinctive properties of a thing, as in "de natura barbarum", but also as an indication, much as

the term is used today, of normal and predictable behavior. He referred frequently to the ordo naturae and naturalis and to the consuetus cursus and tus et ordo of nature. (7?) At the beginning of the third sermo (7-8) he praised "the admirable wisdom ... and praiseworthy power" of nature and contrasted it with artifice, saying that zmberbes (men without beards) were ex natura whereas eberbes (men who had plucked out their beards) were ex artificio. Speaking about the bearded woman Galla a few lines later, he said that

The fact that the doctors said she might have a beard "against nature" does not mean that they, who are the observers and defenders of nature, blamed or accused na-

ture; but these doctors doubtless said that it was against nature, that is, against the accustomed course of nature, for

a woman to be bearded (3.102-7). In spite of its extravagance of language, therefore, and its occasional obscurities and even absurdities, the Apologza is in its essence a characteristic example of twelfth-century religious thought and writing. (475) See Caroline Bynum, Docere verbo et exemplo: An Aspect of TwelfthCentury Spirituality (Harvard Theological Studies, 31; Missoula, Mont., 1979). (476) 1.58-9, 108-11; 3.1015-6, 1179-80.

(477) 3.249752.

(478) In his discussion of the beard of David, he called the beard and the saliva respectively a gift and a benefit of nature (z.290-1), but the saliva

running down the beard was "a perturbation of the natural order", since the nature of saliva is to be either swallowed or spat out, not to run down the

beard (1.294-6).

150

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS

3. The Present Edition

Though Goldschmidt deserves the credit for having discovered the Apologia and printing it for the first time, he was not a philologically trained editor, and the help he obtained from others did not compensate for the weakness of his edition, which contains a number of mistakes. The fact that relatively few copies were printed also justifies the appearance of a new and critical edition. Though the text presents no surprises in either morphology or orthography that would not be expected in a manuscript dating from the second half of the twelfth century, a few observations are nevertheless required. The ending -ae is so frequent that the few cases where a simple -e is found in place of -ae or -e cedilla have been tacitly normalized, as have the equally few cases where the -e cedilla was put in by mistake. Querere has been kept along with quaerere, however, and etas along with aetas. Garulitatibus has been preserved (3.1012), but apetitu (2.190) has been corrected to appetitu in accordance with the usage in 2.191, 3.1344 and 1345, and 3.1370. Assimilated and dissimilated forms have been kept as they are found in the manuscript, and also such forms as ?ncombit (3.1389), circunferuntur (2.286), and nundum (2.90; 3.582, 868, 878, 880, 945), together with nondum (3.1253). (*?) The sign — in the notes to the text indicates an identity or close similarity between two or more passages, including the notes to these passages. As a rule, only the first reference gives full documentation.

* (479) In 3.582 and 1253, mundum (nondum) normally means "not yet", not nuper", as in Goldschmidt, 54(19) and 96 in index.

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS AD CONVERSOS

[ET

Apologia B(urchardi) abbatis Bellevallis ad fratres de Roseriis ad conservationem barbarum et salutem.

IO

15

20

25

20

Barbilogus forsitan dicar quia de barbis facio sermonem barbisonantem. Est autem apologeticus iste sermo de barbis vestris, fratres, quoniam accusatus sum apud vos quod in barbas vestras denuntiaverim anathema combustionis. Absit a me ut venerit in mentem meam tam barbara cogitatio, barbas vestras optare |comburi! Non vere locutus est in barbam suam qui male interpretatus est barbarum anathema de barbis vestris: sicut exclusae non sunt barbae nostrorum vel quorumlibet fratrum ab anathemate combustionis si scienter et prudenter fecerint quod illic dictum est, ita barbae vestrae non sunt inclusae sub innodatione concremationis si non feceritis illud malum quod meretur ut transeat per ignem et fiat cibus ignis. Quidquid igitur in litteris de incendio barbarum dictum est, neque ad barbas vestras transferre debetis si innocentes estis neque nostri velaliia suis barbis excludere valent si culpam inciderint quae digna sit pena combustionis. Non itaque noceant michi barbae vestrae, quas opto manere integras et ab incendiis longe remotas. | Nocerent autem michi barbae vestrae, si propter illas me offensum haberetis et a gratia dilectionis faceretis alienum, quem sole(ba)tis habere propinquum antequam de barbis negotium istud nasceretur. Si male locutus sum de barbis et dici non licuit quod de barbis culpor dixisse, desinat crescere barba mea vel ulterius illam radi non oporteat et fiam mulieribus similis barba carens. Quid namque dixi de barbis? Barbae, inquam, illorum fiant in combustionem et cibus ignis, qui scientes et prudentes movent tempestatem quae facit animas. naufragari! Quis hoc audeat reprehendere nisi stultus et imberbis et qui barba caret puerilis ? Quis non acclamet fiat, fiat, si iustius est barbas comburi quam animas periclitari?

I, 3 Cf. III, 430-433.1110-1111.

72190511182;

III; 3492:

11 scien-

12 illic] This letter (cf. 15.19-28.177) seems to ter et prudenter] Cf. 27. 18/19 Cf. II, 15 (cf. 12) Jitteris = 19-28.177. 14 = 26-27. be lost. 26/27) (Ci 14) elsy 9,5: 19/28 = 1215477; Il, 445-450. 378-379. 30 (= II, 451) fiat, fiat] vestimentum ... erit in combustionem et cibus ignis. Iudith zo, 9 and 13, 36 and 15, 12; Ps. 40, 14; 71, 19; 88, 53 and 105, 48.

3 post forsitan rasura 2 litteraI, 1 post abbatis rasura 2 litterarum 29 qui] quia 19 incendiis] urentibus supra adscriptum rum (di)

*

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS I

152

Sermo primus, de mundicia barbarum. |

Quod a tribus vermium generibus debent barbae servari, exemplo barbae Aaron. Capitulum primum. 35

mundae

Volo autem ad conservationem et integritatem barbarum vestrarum, et opto, ut fiat de barbis vestris secundum barbam Aaron, hoc est ut sicut unguentum in capite, quod descendit in barbam, barbam Aaron, illic operatum est mundiciam et purificationem ad misterium barbarum|omnium, ita descendat in barbas

40

45

55

60

fa

vestras a capite vestro Christo Iesu spiritalis unctio, purgans et purificans omnes sensus interiores vestros, in quibus vigor virilis etetas maturitate venerabilis dinoscitur, quae forma non inconvenienter monstratur in barbis. Quidquid autem secundum figuram : exteriorem in barbis agi convenit, non decet vos ignorare si barbas interiores cum barbis exterioribus recte desideratis conferre. Quae sint tria vermium genera in barbis et quo unguento, hoc est quibus mundentur virtutibus. Capitulum II.

50

ee

Ipsi denique scitis quod a tribus vermium generibus barbae debent mundae servari. Quod nisi diligenter fuerit observatum, mox, quod miserum est et horrore pavidum, ab interioribus scaturire cognoscentur lentipedes et spurcissima lendium caterva |et illud tercium genus quod a pede in oculo nomen sibi dicitur sumpsisse. Hoc autem cavetur diligenter in barbis exterioribus, cum interiores barbae mundae atque sincerae custodiuntur. Et id unde fit, nisi per unguentum quod descendit in barbam, barbam Aaron? Non possunt pullulare predicti vermes in barbis quae secundum Aaron barbam unguento tali perunctae sunt. In interiores barbas hoc unguentum descendit, ubi caritas est de corde puro et conscientia bona et fide non ficta. Attendite qualiter hoc unguentum triplici particionis suae virtute triplex vermium genus interimit, ut barbae mundae sint et sincerae. Puritas cordis lentipedes, conscientiae bonitas lendium turmas, fidei veritas illud tercium (genus) quod a pede in | qculo nomen sumit, consumit atque perimit omnino. 32 = UI, 432-435. In.

42 Cf. III, 868.

genus. and foll. I Tim. 1, 59 =

37/38 (= MI, 614-615) Ps. 132, 2. 52 St. Benedict,

52/53 quod ... sumpsisse] The pediculi or peduculi. Cf. 63.92 and 98 (pediculi vermes cutis a pedibus dicti Isidore, Etym. 12, 5, x4). 58/59 5: caritas de corde puro et conscientia bona et fide non ficta (cf. xo8-xm). 267, note. 63 — 52-53.

, 49 observatum Goldschmidt] conservatum

cf. or)

39/40 = 108-

Rule r, 6: tertium ... teterrimum

63 (genus) coll. 52.95-96.98

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS I

153

65 Dedistinctis proprietatibus ipsorum vermium in barbis et coap-

tatione eorundem ad tria vitia. Capitulum III.

70

1/5;

80

8 VA

go

Illud quoque mirabile est et dignam considerationem habet in barbis, quod illa tria vermium genera singulis proprietatibus distinguntur. Primum heret carni et ad pilos non transit, secundum pilis adheret et pilos non deserit, tercium vicissim per utrumque discurrit. Qui hoc ignorant et experti non sunt, barbas habent felices et purificatas. Tria vitia sunt voluptas, inhonestas, duplicitas. Videte qualiter voluptas more lentipedum heret carni et in pilis non habet mansionem, quia foris ad id quod pertinet ad ornatum virilem et decorem et virtutem non vult apparere, sed latere in abditis tenebrarum. Voluptas in lentis|et pigris et otiosis est et in desideriis est omnis otiosus et desideria pigrum occidunt, et haec significatio in lentipedibus est barbas occupantibus. Inhonestas exteriorem honorificentiam dehonestat et quasi pilos barbarum occupat, dum (contra) maturitatis reverentiam vitiositatis (et) superfluitatis suae multimodas conglomerat levitates, quod est fedissimam lendium congeriem conglobari super barbas. Quod pilos non deserit haec miserabilis vitiositas et ad carnem non transit id significationis insinuare videtur, quod illi qui respiciunt in vanitates et insanias falsas sic foris vanis suis superfluitatibus affixi sunt et humanis favoribus adherent obstinationis immobilitate, ut carnis curam penitus negligere videantur.|Sic enim sapientes videri volunt ut philosophari putentur et quasi in barba sapientiae venerationem pretendunt, cum ipsi miseri, viles et inhonesti non nisi lendium multitudinem in barbis

nutrire dinoscantur. Duplicitas tercii vitii locum tenet in barbis, quod a pede in oculo nomen sibi vendicat, eo quod vir duplex animo inconstans est in omnibus viis suis, quemadmodum et hoc vermiculi genus a pilis ad carnem et a carne discurrit ad pilos. 95 Sicut igitur primum et secundum genus vermium immobilia sunt et tercium mobile et ita esse in barbis et pilis evidenter apparet, sic in ipsis vitiis manifeste valet agnosci si cum studio et diligentia percunctetur. Sed quid est a pede in oculo illud tercium genus

76 in abditis] I Reg. 13, 6; Ps. 16, 12; I Macc. 1, 56; abscondita tenebrarum Gora. 84/85 Ps. 39, 5: Beatus ... et non respexit in vanitates et insanias

falsas. 87 Rom. 13, 14: carnis curam. 88 (= 133; II, 356 and III, 331-332 (cf. 691-692.699-700) ;III, 599-600 and I, 275-276) lob 37, 24: omnes qui sibi videntur esse sapientes ;cf. Prov. 26, 5: Responde stulto iuxta stultitiam suam, ne sibi sapiens esse videatur, and 28, xx: sapiens sibi videtur vir dives (pauper autem 92/93 Iac. 1, 8: Vir duplex animo 02g == 652-53. prudens scrutabitur eum). inconstans est in omnibus viis suis. 98 and foll. — 52-53.

69 ad Goldschmidt] a (et) Griesser

80 (contra) coll 128-129, (in) Griesser

81

[5

154

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS I

vermium sumere nomen, quatinus et|idipsum de duplicitatis vitio f. 5" ro possit intelligi et omnis barba digne queat mundari ? Quia pes est instrumentum cui proprium est calcare terram, et oculus sensum et affectum cordis significat, pedem in oculo, hoc est iuxta oculum,

esse quid aliud est quam intentionem vel sensum et affectum cordis a rebus terrenis nunquam levare ? Sed si pes est ad terram, 105 oculi sint ad caelum, et qui eiusmodi est dicat: oculi mei semper ad

dominum. Longe distent a se pes et oculus, et non erit pes in oculo neque duplicitas in animo. Itaque,fratres, ad barbarum mundiciam faciendam non desit vobis unctio de corde puro et conscientia bona et fide non ficta, nam in corde puro non habet locum no voluptas, et inhonestas ad bonam conscientiam non appropinquat nec ad fidem non fictam duplicitas. Qui haec non videt|barbam f. 6 mundam non habet, quoniam unctio in barbam eius non descendit : sicut unguentum quod descendit in barbam, barbam Aaron. Moralis significatio quare barba Aaron m5 inculcatione. Capitulum IIII.

geminata

nominetur

Sed quare barba unius, quae est una sola barba, geminatur sic ut dicatur 7m barbam,barbam, nisi quia misterium barbae unius ad multas transfertur barbas? Et sicut ex imitatione unius conversi barbati multi conversi barbati constituuntur, sic honoretur miste1700 rium barbae unius ad multas translatum barbas, atque per hoc sciant conversi quare debeant esse barbati, cum illis indubitanter notum fuerit quem barbatum ad barbas habendum debeant imitari. Mundentur et unctione unguenti barbae| vestrae, fratres f. 6” carissimi, sicut (per) unguentum quod descendit in barbam illius, 125 barba ipsius mundata est.

De lepra barbae et eius mundatione mistica et quibus signis cognoscatur adesse lepra in barba. Capitulum V. Est denique necessarium hoc unguentum non solum contra predictas turpitudines, sed etiam contra lepram quae barbas solet 130 occupare. Si michi non creditis, Moysen interrogate, immo dominum in Moyse. De his quae inde dicuntur excipimus quod ad vos

101 Cf. Horace, Carm. x, 37, 1-2: nunc pede libero pulsanda tellus. 102/104 St. Benedict, Rule 7, 51: íntimo cordis ... affectu. 105/106 ( — III, 1359) Ps. 24, IS. 108/111 = 39:40; 58-59. 122 quem #.e. Aaron. 130/131 Cf.

Ioh. 8, 45-46: Ego ... si veritatem dico, non creditis mibi ... Si veritatem dico vobis, quare non creditis mibi?

124 (per) Goldschmidt

APOLOGIA DE BARBISI

155

pertinet, fratres. In cuius, inquit, barba germinaverit lepra, videat eum sacerdos. Qui ex eo quod sibi sapiens videtur aut de fortitudinesua probitatem iactat, lepram habet in barba, quoniam in barba 135 sapientia et fortitudo, decor et virtus significantur, idque sacerdos, | qui curam animarum gerit, intueatur et barbam mundare paz curet a lepra. Qui rursus ex scientia sua labitur in heresim aut blasfemiam, in barba lepram contraxisse dinoscitur. Dantur autem ibi signa probationis, ut cognoscatur esse lepra capitis et 140 barbae, cum dicitur: e£ s quidem humilior fuerit locus carne veliqua et capillus flavus solitoque subtilior, contaminabit eos, videlicet sacerdos, quia lepra capitis ac barbae est. Quod est dicere: si intentio cogitationum proprium statum reliquerit ad malumque investigandum fuerit sagatior, condempnetur. Nam sicut lepra in 145 capillis error cogitationum est, ita lepra in barba sagax est ad malum inquisitio, secundum illud: Sapientes sunt ut faciant mala. Ediverso vero signa referuntur quibus probetur quod non sit lepra | capillorum vel barbae, cum illic subiungitur: Sn autem fe viderit et locum maculae equalem vicinae carni et capillum nigrum, 150 recludet eos septem diebus et die septimo intuebitur :si non creverit macula et capillus sui coloris est et locus plagae carni reliquae equals, radetur homo absque loco maculae et includetur septem diebus alus. Si die septimo visa fuerit stetisse plaga 1n loco suo nec humilior carne reliqua, mundabit eum lotisque vestibus mundus 155 erit. Omnis series huius litterae figurative statum cogitationum in capillis et sagacitatis in barba demonstrat, ut videlicet docente spiritu septiformi cognoscatur aut non multum exorbitare a tramite veritatis cum parvus lest error et remanet in capillis et fas barba solitus decor, aut si a veritate turpiter et multum deviatur, 16o ad confusionem gestatur barba et in capitis condempnationem

132/133 Lev. 13, 29: Vir sive mulier in cuius capite vel barba germinaverit lepra, videbit eos sacerdos. 133 = 88. 135 (II, 1530-1531) Iob 12, 13: Apud ipsum est sapientia et fortitudo; Ps. 29, 8: praestitisti decori meo virtutem. Cf. 274 and II, 95. 137/138 in ... blasfemiam] Cf. Ps. Jerome, Ep. 34 de diversis generibus leprarum [B. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana manuscripta III A, 1970, nO. 334, p. 135-137], Migne PL 30, 246 BC: alia lepra in capite, alia oriri perhibetur in barba. Sunt enim haeretici qui deum patrem videntur tantummodo blasphemare ... bi sunt qui lepram in capite portare videntur ... Quae vero lepra in barba portatur, bi sunt qui blasphemare videntur in Filium. 140/142 Lev. 13, 30. 146 Ier. 4, 22. 148 illic] Cf. II, 66.312.416. 148/155 Lev. 13, a134. 157 spiritu septiformi] Cf. Is. rr, 2-3, see III, 1312. 157/158 Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job 24, 53, Migne PL 76, 318 A: Dux autem est impius (cf. lob 34, 18) qui a tramite veritatis exorbitat (= Augustine, De natura et origine animae 1, 19, 34, CSEL 6o, p. 334, 22: a tramite veritatis exorbitat).

155 figurativae

156

165

170

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS I

capilli dependent, quod est et in capillis et in barba lepram habere fedissimam. Quae si perstiterit in feditate sua, sicut inferius denuntiatur ad combustionem totum deputabitur, si vero ad emundationem emendationis reparari decernatur, et rasioni et ablutioni et caput et barba dedicabuntur ut recrescant et novi capilli et nova barba. Tu quoque, frater barbate, si de antiquitate aetatis tuae vel diutina religioni$ conversatione glorians iuniores tuos despicis et illis insultas antiqua tua novissimis illorum preferens, vade et ostende te | sacerdoti, quia lepram habes in barba.

f. 8"

De lepra barbae volatili et vaga et sensu morali. Capitulum VI.

175

Quod si lepra barbae sicut illic dicitur volatilis et vaga fuerit, igni comburenda decernitur barba propter lepram. Hoc est: si sepe confessus aut correptus non emendaveris sed volat et revolat ad te haec turpitudo tua et vaga non persistit in luctu penitentiae, ignem Gehenne tibi denuntiari et paratum esse certus esto. Et hoc est quod in aliis litteris propter huiusmodi lepram barbas in combustionem et fieri cibum ignis denunciavi, non optavi. Quod si in hoc culpam vel lepram me contraxisse cognoscitis et iudicatis, fratres mei carissimi, quando barba mea radetur accipite illam et igni totam |comburite. Tunc enim michi bene erit, si, cum perierit barba, pereat et lepra culpae cum barba.

De barba David et saliva defluente super illam et significatione morali. Capitulum VII. Accidere tamen solet in barbis cuiusdam turpitudinis enormitas, quae foris aspectui feda videtur et iccirco vitanda, sed intus per significationem propter amorem virtutis omnibus barbas habentibus est appetenda. Turpis et despectus habetur inter vos ille, cui super barbam defluere consueverunt ‘salivae, et vos 190 honestatem et mundiciam amantes dicitis: “Absit a nobis ut sic in-

185

N

162 inferius] Lev. 13, 51-52.

168 Ps. 138, 5 : novissima et antiqua ;Matth.

12, 45 (Luc. 11, 26) :novissima ... peiora prioribus. 169 Matth. 8, 4 ( — Luc. 5, 14) : vade, ostende te sacerdoti. 171/173 Lev. 13, 57: lepra volatilis et vaga

debet igne comburi. 173/174 Cf. St. Benedict, Rule 2r, 5: correptus semel et iterum atque tertio si emendare noluerit ..., cf. 23, 2-3; 28, I; 32, 5 and 33, 7-8. 176 Cf. Matth. 5, 22: Gehennae ignis, and 25, 41: ignem aeternum qui paratus

est. diabolo. =I,

287;

certus esto = II, 2x7 (cf. Ill, 1333). 19057;

177 = 15.19-28.

163 totum] omne in quo fuerit inventa (lepra) Levit. 13, JI. cf. HI, 40, app. cr. 190/191 incomposti correxi] imposti

187

169 lebram,

f.9

APOLOGIA DE BARBIS I

195

200

20

VA

2I o

157

1 i

ood

63

GGEDAPT J4

tis

Im

28

AF

x «f

: EL

sug

'

mut

Y5Aa9911 ; rTiat some. enMAS 13 Cc RA m, iu^

AC

TY?

=

VR

eina i

*

“alt= »

hap *

d

Abert 1b: sur ienp

Mpa

g

SCR

airy £s

« 369 Sod Suqniy

romped

eit

Sur M

ats oir

3

riae ym aoelomef

a“

ae dein nu sm n Seats X

CER

:

INDICES INDEX I INDEX II INDEX III

Enumerationem formarum, concordantiam formarum et indicem forma-

rum a tergo ordinatarum inuenies in fasciculo 25 seriei A Instrumentorum lexicologicorum latinorum.

Hoe

rir

Ritt Camila

rai cox

lod de eee ^ ber

£0

"LX.

Deis

!

QOIS, afit M eA

eri Seooogo. OR

DOM

evitretiatt ras usque — OA AUR ie ogxuk may cá Putevedri ime Aommt capas

:

INDEX I References to pages include the notes; references to notes (n.) cover all notes on the page. The following abbreviations are used, when apposite: abp — archbishop; abt — abbot; bp — bishop; card. — cardinal; emp. — emperor;

k. — king; pat. — patriarch. Aachen, council (816) 71, x16 Aaron 75-6, 8o, 141, 146

Abelard 8x n., 113 Achish, k. of Gath z4x Adalbert of Prague, st 92 n., 112 Adam 59, 60 n. Ademar of Chabannes 92 n.

Ademar of Le Puy, bp 97 Aelfgyva 113 n. Aelred of Rievaulx, abt 60, 77, 81 n.

Agde, council (506) 106-7 Agnellus of Ravenna 67 Aimoin of Fleury 90 n. Alamans 88 Alan of Lille 51, 61, 89, 99 Alaric, k. 9o

Alberic of Jerusalem 123 Alberic of Trois-Fontaines 127 n. Alcuin 117 n. Alexander II, pope 112

Alexander III, pope 106-7, 137 Alexander the Great 58 Alfred, k. 62 Altmann of Passau, bp 125 n. Amalarius of Metz 7o n., 71, 72, 73 n.,

74 n.

Amand, st 67

Amaury of Montfort 67 Amedeus of Clermont 129 n. Ammonites 80

Anastasius, emp. 86 n. Anglo-Saxons 62, 88, 95 Anicetus, pope 103 Anicius, pope 108

Anselm of Canterbury, abp 96, xor Anselm of Laon 77 n., 79

Audoin of Evreux, bp 67, 113 Augustine, st 59, 60, 72, 76, 77 n., 88,

114, 140, 144, 147

Ausonius 72 n.

Avignon, St Rufus 117 Babylon 77 n.

Baldric Baldwin Baldwin Baldwin Balerne

of Bourgueil, abp of Dol 123 of Edessa 63-4, 100 IV of Flanders 93 n., 100 of Hainault 63 133-4, 136-8

barba, barbata, barbatus 53-5, 56 n., 101,

124-6; barba prolixa 53, 55, 120 barbatoria 89-91, 109 barbirasium 55, x12 Barcelona, council (540) 105-6 Bartholomew, apostle 53 Bartholomew of Farne 116 n. Basil of La Chartreuse roo, 127 Baume 135 Bayeux Tapestry 54, 65, 92 n., 95-6, 112 beards, in Antiquity 58-9, 65, 88-9; in Assyria 53 n.; in eastern Christen-

dom 63-4, 65, 67, 86, 87, 97, 98-9, IIO-2, 115, 138; in Persia 50 51-3, 61, 62 n., 102, 119, 125; and seals 52, 86 n., 91, 95 ro2 n.; in law codes, 62,

n.; in art On coins n., 98 n., 88-9; in

oaths 64, 68 color 68-9, 102, 143 n., 144, 145; style

53-4, 101-2, 142; types: citiberbes 145; eberbes 143, 149; inberbes 143, 149; multiberbes x43 ;nulliberbes x43 ; pleniberbes 143; rariberbes 143; raspagi 140 n., 145 ;tardiberbes 143 of apostles 53, 6r, 74 n., 123; clerics

Anseric of Besancon, abp 133 Anthony, st 122 Antioch 50, 86, 87, 97 Antiochus Epiphanes 84 Apollonius of Tyana 120 Apostolic Constitutions 87, 104 Arbois 133

24; idiots 54, 123 ;Jews 53-4, 102, 110;

Arrouaise 102 n., 127-8 Arsenius, hermit 122

tercians) 55, 117, 123 n., 126-7, 142;

Athanasius I of Constantinople, pat. 65

54, 103-114; heretics 54, see also Jovinian, Segarelli; hermits 54, 66, 119-

jugglers 54, 93; knights 54, 91-2, 94-5, 100-1; laymen 85-102; lay-brothers 124-30, 141-5 ; monks 54, 6r, 11430, (Carthusians) roo, 117, 127, (Cis-

peasants 92-3, 99; penitents, prison-

234

INDEX I

ers 67, 96; recluses 54, 119; Seljuk — Canterbury, abp 106; Christ Church 118; St Augustine rro, 119 Turks 97 n.; soldiers 92-3, 98, 99, 101 capillaturia 89-91 beardlessness 59-60, 121 capillus 55, 66 n., 72 n., 108 Bec 110 n., 117 Cappenberg 102 n.; see also Frederick Bede, the Venerable 6o, 74, 77 n., 79 n., Barbarossa 103 Caracalla, emp. 86 n. Bellevaux 132-4, 136-8 s Carthage, council (436) 103, 106, 108, Benedict II, pope 9o n.

147 n.

Benedict, st 66, 115 n.; rule of 81 Benedictus Levita 116 Benevento 88 n.

Cassiodorus 76-7, 88-9

Cerularios, pat. 111, x12 n.

Bernard of Cluny 99, 117 n., 118, 124

Chalcocondyles 102 Charlemagne 52, 88 n., 91 Charles the Bald or n. Charles Martel 9o

Bernard of Tiron 68, 122

Chartres ror, 102 n.

Berzé-la-Ville 18 n. Besancon 132-3, 134 Bible: Lev 13.29-34, 61, 77-8, 138, 141; Lev 14.9, 78-9; Lev 19.27, 69, 78-9, 87; Lev 21.5, 78-9, 87; Num 6.5, 70; Num

Choniates, Nicetas 67, 97 n. Christ 76, 80, 82, 84, 98 n., 143; beard of 68; hair of 97; head of monks 141 Cicero 8r Cirey 132

Bernard of Bellevaux, abt 133 Bernard of Clairvaux, abt 55, 72 n., 76 N., 77, n., 116) 127 n-, 134-6

6.18, 70; Jg 16.17, 57 ; 1 Kg 21.1015, 76, 79-80, 141; 2 Kg 10.4-5, 80, 142; 2 Kg

Citeaux

19.24, 80; 4 Kg 2.23-4, 140; Esd 9.3, 6o, 77 n.; Job 1.20, 70, 82; Ps 132.23, 75-7, 109, 141; Eccl. 3, 1, 53; Cant.

Clairvaux 134, 137, 138 Clement VII, pope 50, 114 Clement of Alexandria 59, 86 Clovis 90-1

1.4, 69; Wis. 12.17, 69; Is 7.20, 80-1; Is

9.5, 138; Is 15.2, 77 n. ; Lam. 4.7, 5.1-4, 81-5, 142, Mt 3.12, 69; Mt

57, 80-1, 83 ;Jeremiah 69; Baruch 77 n.; Ez 146; Matthew 6o n.; 8.4, 141; Mt 15.20, 53 ;

Mt 18.3, 73; Mt 20.16, 83; Mt 22.21,

73; Mk x23, 65; Lk 5.14, 141; Lk 53; Lk 8.5318, 73; Acts 2124, Rom 12.2, 79; ICor 4.7, 114 ; 1 Cor 53; 1 Cor 11.14, 85, 103; Phil 3.6, Col 1.18, 78; James 1.12, 73 Boniface, council of (c. 745) 1o6 Bonnevaux 129 n.

6.1, nr; 9.5, 69;

n.

Bourges, council (1031) 55 n., 106 n., 108

Bruno of Segni, card.-bp 69-70, 77 n., 79 n. Burchard of Bellevaux, abt 132-7 ; Apologia de barbis 50, 53-4, 55-6, 60, 61, 64,

126 n., 128, 134 n.; see also

beards (of Cistercians)

Cluny, Cluniacs 68-9, 116, 117, 118, 124-5

Colet, Louise 48 n. Collectio in V libros 107, 108 Columba, st 79 Columban, st 115 coma 55, 71, 85, 107, 108

comb 62 n. Compilatio I 104 Constance of Aquitaine 93 Constantine 58, 86 Constantinople, council (1054) x12 n. conversi 124-30: at Rosiéres 138-9, 146, 148-9

corona 109 n. V Corvey 94 n. Coyaca, council (1050) 106 n. crinis 55, 71, 97, 114, 120

Cyprian, st 87

69, 77, 79-80, 81, 83, 100, ror, 107-8,

126, 128-30, 130-50, (analysis of contents) 141-5

Daniel the Stylite 120 David, k. 69 n., 76, 79-80, 141, 142, 144, 146, 149 n.

Caesar 88 n.

decalvation see shaving

Caesarius of Heisterbach 127 Cain, mark of raz

Devil, beard of 68 Diaz, Bernal 68 n.

Callimachus 58 n.

Didascalia apostolorum 87, 104, xx

INDEXI Dio Chrysostom 50 Diodorus Siculus 88 n.

Eadmer of Canterbury 96 Eagwine of Worcester, bp 68 Edgar, canons of 108 Edward the Confessor 53, 65, 68, 95 Egbert of York, Excerptiones of 70 n., 74 n., 104, 108 n.

Egypt 48

Einsiedeln 124 n. Eneas of Paris, bp 71, 81, 111

England 62, 95; see also Anglo-Saxons Ennodius 88 Epiphanius 59 Erchempert, historian 88 n. Erminold of Priifening, abt 125, 126

Ernulf of Rochester, bp xor

Eugene of Toledo, bp ax Eustathius of Thessalonica 97 Euthemius, st 6z

Eutychians 104 n. Evreux 67

Exultet rolls 94 n. Eynsham rro, 117 Ezechiel, prophet 61, 108, 146 Firmin, st 122

Flaubert, Gustave 48

Florus of Lyons rro-1 Fontevrault 125 n. France 93, 95, 104, 111 Franche-Comté 132, 140 n. ; Cistercians in 137 Francis of Assisi 123

235

Geoffrey of Vigeois 99 Gerald of Aurillac 91-2, 115 Gerald of Wales 96 Gerard of Nazareth 123 n. Gerard Iterius of Grandmont

84 n.,

127, 128, 130

Germany, Germans 66 n., 96, 104, 118,

125-6; beard and hair 5x n., 88; burial practices 62 n.

Gerona, council (1078) 106 n. Gilgamesh 66

Gillescop 113 n. Gislebert of Mons 63 n. Glaber see Ralph Glenon 135 Godfrey of Viterbo 62 Godric of Finchale 68, 122

Gossuin of Oisy-le-Verger 63, 100 Grandmont, Grandmontines 128, 130

grano 55, x1o n. Gratian 64-5, 102 n., 106, 107 n., 108 Gregory I, the Great, pope 7o, 71, 72,

73, 103, II4 N., 143 Gregory IV, pope 113 n. Gregory VII, pope 112, 125, 126 Gregory IX, pope, Decretals of 104,

107 n. Gregory, patrician of the Romans 90 Gregory of Tours 63 n., 89, 121 grenones 55 Guibert of Nogent 77, 97 n. Guido of Anderlac 122 Guigo II of La Chartreuse 76 n. Guiot of Provins 127 n. Guthlac of Crowland raz

Fredegar 9o Frederick Barbarossa 52 n., 62, 63 n.,

98 n., 137; Cappenberg head 98 Frisians 88

Hadrian, emp. 58, 86 Haimo of Halberstadt (Auxerre) 57 n., 77 n., 8r n.

hair 48-51, 56-61, 85, 89, 97 n., 99, 107,

Gabriel of Malatia 63-4 Galla, bearded woman 143, 149 Galland of Rigny 72 n., 97 n. Gallienus, emp. 86 n.

Garnier of Rochefort (Langres, St Victor) 77 n., 79 n., 82 Gebehard of Lorsch, abt 125

Gelasian Sacramentary 109 Geneva 130-1; Librairie M. Slatkine 131 Genoa 126

IO8 n., 115 n., 119-20, 122; see also tonsure Hanun, k. of Ammon 142 Hariulf of St Riquier or n. Harold, k. 95, x12, 113 n. Hartker of St Gall zar Hartwig of Hersfeld, abt x18 Hartwig, k. of the Lombards 116 n.

Geoffrey of Amiens, bp 96-7, 122

Henry I the Fowler, k. 94 Henry II, emp. 94; coronation of 93-4 Henry III, emp. 93, 94; Evangeliary of

Geoffrey of Auxerre 55 Geoffrey of St Thierry, abt 74-5

Henry IV, emp. 95 n.

65

INDEX I

236 Henry V, emp. 95 n., 125

Henry I, k. of England 96 Henry II, k. of France 102 n. Henry of Winchester, bp 65, x13 Heraclius, emp. 99

*

John Beleth 67, 71-2, 73, 74 n-

John John John John

Hermes 97 Herrad of Hohenbourg, abbess, Hortus

deliciarum of 54, x22 Herveus of Bourg-Dieu 81 Hesychius of Jerusalem 78 n. Heymon of Hirsau 126 n., 128 n. Hildebert of Lavardin, bp of Le Mans 63 n.

Hildegard of Bingen 59 n. Hirsau 62, 118, 125, 126

Homer 97 Honorius Axugustodunensis 63 n., 72,

73 n., 74 n.

John, hermit raz John the Baptist 113 n.

*

the Deacon rz4 n. of Rosiéres, abt 138 n. of Salisbury 65, 113 of Vicenza 68, 123

Jotsaldus ad barbam xox Jovinian 65, 88, 103

Judas 83; beard of 68 Judea 82 Judoc, st 67-8 Julian., emp. 50, 65, 66, 86, 87 ; Mzsopo-

gon of 5o Julian of Toledo 63 n. Kedrenos, George 99 Konya 97 n.

Horace 72

Hospitallers 127 n. Hubert of Besancon, abp 137 n.

Hucbald Hugh of Hugh of Hugh of Hugh of Humbert, Humbert Humbert Humbert Humiliati

of St Amand 5o n. Cluny, abt 118 n. Lacerta 123 St Cher 77 n., 79, 8x n., 83-5 St Victor 119 chamberlain 63 n. of Besancon, abp 133 n. of Moyenmoutier, card. xxx III of Salins 133 123 n.

Hymenaeus 51, 61, 89

Lactantius 59

La Ferté 133 Lambert of Ardres 123 Landulf of St Paul 123 n. Lanfranc of Canterbury, abp, customary of 117 Laon 81 n. Lateran, council (1215) 1o9 lay-brothers see conversz Leo IV, pope zz3 n.

Leo VI, emp. 63 n. Leobard, recluse x2x

Lérins 7x

Ireland, synod (7th century) 108

Liber pontificalis 9o n. Liber tramitis x18 Limoges, council (1031) 67 n.; St Martial 117, see also Manuscripts Liutprand, k. go Lombards 88 London, British Library 51 n.; British

Ishmael 77 n. Isidore of Seville 59 n., 67 n., 70-1, 88,

Museum 86 n.; see also Manuscripts Lorsch 125, #6

103, III D., 115 D. Israelites 82 Ivo of Chartres, bp 106 n., 107-8, 147 n.

Louis VII, k. 98 n. Louis IX 89 n. Lucca 105 n. Lucius III, pope 113

James of Cagliari, abp 1x2

Macharius, hermit xax, 144-5

Jerome, st 57, 60 n., 80-1, 82, 83, 89 n.,

Mainz, council (847) 107 n. Maiolus of Cluny, abt x18 n.

Iamblichus 120

Idungus of Regensburg 129 inn-sign (cérculus) 143 Innocent II, pope 128 Innocent III, pope 52 n., 113 n., 127

Italy, Italians 66 n., 102, 104

103, II4, 120 n. Jerusalem 80, 82, 83-4, 122, 123, 142

Malalas, chronicler 86 n.

Job, prophet 7o John XVII, pope 66 n.

Manuale Ambrosianum 109 Manuscripts cited: Amiens, Bibl. mun. 354, 65 n.

John XVIII, pope 66 n.

INDEXI

237

Arras, Bibl. mun. 492, 65 n.

Monte Cassino 70 n., x18

Avranches, Bibl. mun. 210, 119 n. Bamberg, Staatsbibl. Misc. bibl. 1,

Morimond 132-3, 137, 138

II7 D. 38, 134 n., I35 n.

Mummolus 63 mustache 95, xor, 126; see also grano, grenones

Cambridge, Trinity Coll. O.2.5, 59 n.; R.14.45, 59 n.; R.17.1, 119 n.

nature 149

Besancon, Bibl. mun. Coll. Baverel

Münster 102 n.

Cambridge, Univ. Lib. Mm V.3z, II7 D. Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibl. 176, 92 n.

Nazarites 70, 71, xx1 Nicholas I, pope x1

El Escorial D.1.1, 105 n.

Normandy, Normans 61, 95, 96

Florence,

Laurenziana

Plut.

12.17,

II9 n. Golden Evangeliary of Henry III, 65 The Hague, Royal Lib. 76 I z, 92 n.

Nicholas of Montiéramey 135-6, 140 n. Northumbrian Priests’ Law 108 Notker Balbulus 93 n. novacula 95 Novalese 62, 91 n.

London, British Lib., Guthlac Roll tart n.; Arundel 155, 119 n.; Add.

Numerian, emp. 86 n.

11639, 54 n.; Add. 41997, 130-2 Lucca 490, 105

Odilo of Cluny, abt 118 n.

New

York,

Pierpont Morgan

Odo Lib.

M.638, 80 n. Paris; Bibl. nat. Lat. 5926, 92 n.; N.a.l. 2246, 69 n.; Coll. Baluze 142, 133 n.; Coll. Moreau 870-1, 137 n. Parma Ildefonsus 54 n., 65

ex-Providence, J.C. Brown Lib., Ottobeuren Gradual and Sacramentary

of Bayeux,

bp 95-6;

see also

Bayeux Tapestry Odo of Cheriton x2: n. Odo of Cluny, abt 92 n., 115

Odysseus 97 Ogerius, lay-brother 137 n. Orderic Vitalis 59 n., 6x n., 67, 72 n., 96, 98 n., 102 n.

98 n., II9 n.

Orzoccor of Cagliari, judex 112 Otloh of St Emmeram 94-5

Rheims, Bibl. mun. 581, 74 n., 75 n. St Albans Psalter 76 St Martial Bible, second 98 n.

Otto I, emp. 63, 91, 94 Otto II, emp. 91, 94 Otto III, emp., 91, 93, 94

St Gall, Stiftsbibl. 390, 12x

Otto of Freising, bp or n.

Stuttgart, Cod. hist. 4? 147, 118 n.

Tours, Bibl. mun. 291, 54 n., 98 n.

Palermo, church of Martorana 98 n.

Vatican, Pal. lat. 622, 102 n.

Palladius x2x Paris 84; Bibl. nat., see Manuscripts ;

Winchester Bible 98 n. Map, Walter 59 n., 68 n., 76 n., 77 n.,

XI3 091272119 120801 Martbod of Rennes, bp roo, 122 Martin of Braga, bp 105 n. Martin of Tours 120 Massalians 104 n. Mathilda, empress 126

Matthew Paris 95 n. Mephibosheth, son of Saul 80, 144 Michael II, emp. 89 n. Milan 123 Moabites 80-1 Molesme 134 n. Monica, st, relics of 126

Monreale 98 n. Mont-St-Michel 119

Musée de Cluny 123 n. Pascal I, pope 113 n. Passau 125 Patrick, st 108 Paul, st 65, 78-9, 85, 103, III, 114

Paul of Bernried 125 Paul the Deacon 88, 9o, 91 n.

Paulinus of Nola 88 n., 89, 103 n. Petersst 72374, 222

Peter of Antioch 112 n. Peter Comestor 69 n., 97 Peter Damiani 60 n., 72 n., 79, 112

Peter the Deacon 55 n. Peter of Eboli 98 Peter the Venerable of Cluny, abt 54 n., 116 n., 128

INDEX I

238 Petershausen 74 n., 75 n., 126 , Philo of Alexandria 86 n., 120

Sabas, st 61 St-Benoit-sur-Loire 68

Pietro Orseolo 92, 116 Pippin the Short 9o Plato 51 n. Plotinus 65 Poitiers 89 Pontigny 128 Pontius of Bellevaux, abt 133 Poppo of Stavelot 94

St-Claude 133 St Omer 96 ‘St Victor, canons of 127 St Vincent of Volturno 116 n. Ste Barbe 126 Salimbene, chronicler 68, 123 Salzburg 1xo n.

Probus, emp 86 n.

Sandragisilus 63 Saul, k. x41 Schaffhausen 125

Prosper of Aquitaine 76 Pseudo-Isidore 108 Pythagoras 119 Rabanus Maurus 6o n., 71, 78, 79, 80, 82, 117 n., 140; ps-Rabanus see Garnier

of Rochefort Ralph of Flaix 6r, 78 Ralph Glaber 93, 94 n. . Ratherius of Verona, bp 92 Ratramnus of Corbie 74, 81, xr Ravenna 67 razor 51, 55 n., 62 n., 63, 80, 84-5, 92, 95,

IIS, 118 n., 144-5 ;'4Sorium 95

Regino of Prüm 63 n. Remi of Auxerre 57 n. Richalm of Schónthal, abt 54 n. Richard I, k. 98 Richard of Normandy, duke 1x9 n. Richard of St Victor 77 Rioz 132

Robert of Arbrissel 122-3 Robert, cousin of Bernard of Clairvaux 116 Robert of France, duke 92 n. Robert, k. 93 Robert Guiscard 67, 97 n. Roger II, k. 98

Roger of Lausanne, bp 137 Rolduc 75, 117 Rome,

Romans

84, 89, 93, 107, 122;

council (721), 107, 147 n.; council (743), 107; old St Peter's, 52 n. Rorico, chronicler 9o n. Rosiéres 53, 129, 132-4, 138-9, 140, 146, 148

Samson 57, 70

Schopenhauer, Arthur 57 n. scissors 62 n., 144-5 Segarelli 123

Sempringham 117 Septimius Severus, emp. 86 n.

Serapis 86 n., x20 Serlo of Séez, bp 59 n., 67, 96 Shaving 55 n., 109-10, 117-8, 123, 144;

close shaving (ad cutem) 55, 86, 88, 97 ; as punishment (decalvation) 63 ; times of 116-7; see also razor, scissors Sicard of Cremona 6o n., 70 n., 72-3,

74 n., 113 Sidonius Apollinaris 120 Siegfried of Gorze, abt 94 Siegfried of Schaffhausen, abt 125 n.

Sigbert of Minden, bp 119 n. sign-language, monastic 99-100 Spain, Spaniards 68 n., 102, 110; Mosarabic ordo 109, 115 Speyer 125 Springiersbach 75, 117 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua 103-6

Stephen II, pope, Responsa of 107 n. Stephen of Muret (Grandmont) 123 Stephen of Rosiéres, abt 138 n. Sulpicius Severus 120 Symeon of Durham m6 n. Synesius of Cyrene 50 Syria 87 Tacitus 88 n.

Talmud 54 n. tangere 9o n., 109 n.

Rotrocus, count 63 n.

Tarnat 115

Rouen, council (1096) 96 Rudolf of Swabia 93 n.

Taso 90 Taso of St Vincent of Volturno 120 Templars 127 n. Tertullian 87

Rufinus 120 n., rar

Rupert of Deutz 6o n., 78, 82, 119 n. Rusticus, bp of Narbonne ? 114-5

Theodore of Sykeon 120 n.

INDEX I Theodosian Code, St Gall epitome of

Visigoths 89

89 n.

Theophilus, emp., 63 Thietmar of Merseburg 93, 116 n. Toledo 63 ; council (633), 54 n., 103 n. tondere 116 n. tonsura 55, 109 n. tonsure 73 n., 74-5, 103 n., 109, 112-3, 118, 129, 145

Toulouse, council (x19), ror, 113 n. Tours, St Gatien, florilegium of 100 Tribur, synod (895) 108 Trinitarians 127

Trullo, tundere Turin, Turold

230

Victor IV, antipope 137

council in (692) 122 x16 n. synod (1514) 14 n. the dwarf 95 n.

tweezers 62 n.

Walcherius of Salins 133 n. Wales 96 Walter of Arrouaise 126 Walter of Besancon, abp 136 n. Wamba, k. 63 Westminster, council (1175) 107 n. William the Conqueror 61, 112 William Dandina of St Savin 123 n. William Durand 6o n., 70 n., 73-4, 106,

II3 William of Gellone 115 William of Hirsau, customary of 55 n., 62 n., 117, 118 n., 125 n., 126, 128

William of Malmesbury 95 William of St Thierry 76 n., 136, 148 William of Tyre 63

Valerian, emp. 86 n.

Wolbero of St Pantaleon 77 n. women, beards of 59 n. ; metaphorical 56 n., 69-70; see also Galla Wulfstan of York, abp 66

Valerian, J.P., Pro sacerdotum barbis 50I, 104-5, 107 n.., II4, 139 n.

Zell 125

Ulrich of Cluny (Zell) 117 n., 118, 125, 126

INDEX II Brewer, J.S. 96 n. Brooke, C.N.L. 59 n., 62 n.

Achéry, Luc d’ ror n. Alberigo, J. 109 n. Albers, Bruno 124 n.

Brown, Peter 86 Bruel, A. xor n.

Albertson, Clinton rar n.

Anderson, W.B. 120 n. André, M. 49 n. Andrieu, Michel 106 n., 109 n. Antonin de l'Assomption 127 n. Appelt, Heinrich 62 n.

-

Brunet, J.-C. 49 n., 51 n. Brunner, Heinrich 9o n.

Buchner, Rudolf 89 n. Buffiére, F. 58 n.

Arbois de Jubainville, Henri d’ 117 n.

Bulst, Walther 118 n. Butler, Cuthbert 12x n.

Arnold, Thomas 116 n.

Bynum, Caroline 149 n.

Avery, Myrtilla 94 n. Avino, V. d’ 74 n. Avril, Francois 69 n., 98 n.

Cahn, Walter 98 n., 117 n.

Babcock, Emily 64 n. Bader, Walter 6x n. Baluze, Etienne ror n.

Bandinel, Bulkeley 117 n. Barlow, Claude W. 105 n. Barral i Altet, Xavier 69 n. Batany, Jean 130 n. Bausani, Alessandro 50 n. Baynes, Norman H. 120 n. Beck, Hans-Georg 97 n. Becker, P. 128 n. Becquet, Jean 122 n., 123 n., 124 n.,

127.1, 130 n. Beenken, Hermann 93 n. Bekker, I. 99 n. Bernard, A. ror n.

Bernstein, Allen E. 139 n. Bernt, Günter xor n.

Beyerle, Franz 62 n. Birch, Walter de Gray raz n.

Cadden, Joan 59 n. Caley, John 117 n. Callahan, John 47 n., 72 n. Cameron, Averil 50 n., 51 n., 88 n. Canivez, Joseph-Marie 131 n., 134 n., 136 n., 139 n. Carrier de Belleuse, Albert 117 n. Caspar, Erich 112 n.

Chátillon, Jean 72 n., 97 n. Chauvin, Benoit 133 n., 134 n., 136 n.,

137 n. Chavanon, Jules 92 n. Chevalier, Ulysse 134 n. Chibnall, Marjorie 61 n., 66 n., 67 n., 68 n., 96 n., 102 n. Clarke, W.K. Lowther rar n.

Clément, J.-M. 115 n. Cockerell, Sidney 80 n. Cohen, J.M. 68 n. Colgrave, Bertram 74 n. Colledge, Edmund 76 n. Connolly, R. Hugh 87 n.

Blaise, A. 135 n. Blanc, E. 7x n. Blumenkranz, Bernhard 54 n., 6x n., 102 n. Bock, Columban 75 n., 85 n. Boeckler, Albert 65 n., 93 n.

Constable, Giles 47 n., 54 n., 1oo n.,

Bonduelle, J. 128 n.

Crabbe, Pierre 104 n.

IIÓ n., II9 n., 124 N., I30 n., 135 n. Contreni, John 89 n. Cottineau, Laurent H. 132 n., 133 n., 134 n. Couprie, L.D. 145 n.

Bosanquet, Geoffrey 96 n. Bossuat, R. sz n.

Darkó, Eugen 102 n.

Boswell, John 49 n.

Davis, Marie Taylor 88 n.

Bowersock, G.W. 5o n.

Dawes, Elizabeth 120 n. Delaruelle, Etienne 122 n.

Brandt, Samuel 59 n. Bredero, Adriaan H. 136 n. Brelot,J. 133 n., 134 n., 137 n. Bremmer, Jan 58 n. Brett, M. 62 n.

Delisle, Léopold 133 n. Della Corte, Matteo 55 n. Derrett, J.D.M. 57 n., 85

Deshusses, Jean 109 n.

INDEX II Dickson, M.P. 117 n.

241

Dimier, Marie-Anselme 129 n., 134 n. Dimock, James F., 96 n.

Goldschmidt, E.Ph. 130-1, 133-4, 140 n. > 143 N., I50 Gougaud, Louis 117 n., 120 n.

Dindorf, L. 86 n. Dinter, P. 117 n.

Gransden, Antonia rro n., 117 n.

Dodwell, C.R. 76 n., x19 n. Donnelly, James S. 130 n.

Greene, Hugh 48 n.

Douteil, H. 67 n., 72 n.

Dover, K.J. 58 n. Dubler, Elisabeth 66 n., 1x5 n. Dubois, Jacques 126 n., 129 n.

Duby, Georges 92 n. Du Cange, C.D. 47 n., 64 n., 89 n.

Green, Rosalie 54 n. Griesser, Bruno 131 n., 143 n. Grill, Leopold 135 n. Grimm, Jacob 62 n., 64, 9o n.

Groller, Balduin 48 n. Grosjean, Paul 12x n., 139 n. Grundmann, Herbert, 52 n., 98 n., 102 n. Guérard, Benjamin, 116 n. Güterbock, Ferdinand 137 n.

Duchesne, André 9o n., 92 n. Duchesne, Louis 9o n., xo3 n. Ducourneau, J. Othon 98 n., 129 n. Dugdale, William 177 n. Durand, Ursin 133 n.

Guilhiermoz, Paul 9o n., 109 n. Guillaume, M.J.B. 133 n.

Eckhardt, Karl August 9o n. Edmonds, Irene 72 n.

Hanel, G.F. 89 n. Haring, Nikolaus 51 n., 89 n. Hallinger, Kassius 117 n., 124 n.

Ellis, Henry x17 n. Elze, Reinhard 99 n.

Hallpike, C.R. 56 n., 57, 67 n. Hanssens J.O. 71 n., 73 n., 74 n.

Emerton, Ephraim 122 n. Enlart, Camille roo n.

Henschel, G.A.L., 47 n.

Ewald, Paul 47 n.

Herrgott, M. 55 n., 62 n., 117 n., 18 n.,

Fangé, Augustin 49, 5x n., 53 n., 64,

I24 D. Hervieux, Léopold raz n. Heusler, Andreas 62 n.

65 n., 66 n., 67 n., 68 n., or n., 102 n., IO3 N., 104 n., 116 n., 118 n.

Federici, Vincenzo 116 n. Feger, Otto 74 n., 75 n., 126 n. Férotin, Marius 54 n., 109 n., 110 n. Festugiére, André-Jean 61 n., 120 n.

Haddan, Arthur 108 n.

Hartel, W. von 88 n., 89 n.

Hilberg, I. 115 n. Hinschius, Paul xo8 n. Hofmeister, Philipp 49, 55 n., 57 n., 62 n., 103, IOS n., IIO n., 114 N., 115 n., I2I n., 129 n.

Flower, Robin 130 n., 140

Hogg, James zoo n., 127 n.

Fontaine, Jacques 120 n. Foppens, J.F. 93 n. Foreville, Raymonde 119 n. Fornasari, M. 105 n. Franz, Adolph 55 n., 9o n., 109 Frazer, James G. 48

Holtzmann, Robert 94 n., 116 n.

Friedberg, Emil 47 n., 104 n. Funk, F.X. 87 n., 112 n.

Jacoby, Zehava 62 n. Jaffé, Philip 47 n.

Hoyoux, Jean 50 n., 62 n., 88 n., 116 n.

Hübner, Rudolf 62 n. Huygens, R.B.C. 47 n., 64 n., 129 n., 130 n.

James, M.R. 59 n., 68 n., 76 n., 113 n.,

Gauthier, Marie-Madeleine 123 n. Geary, Patrick 62 n.

Giesebrecht, Wilhelm von 94 n. Gjaerder, Per 50 n., 56 n., 65, 68 n.

Glóckner, Karl 125 n.

127 N., 129 n. Leopold 132 n., 133 n., 134 n. Jarecki, Walter roo n. Jongelin, Gaspard 133 n. Janauschek,

Glorieux, Palémon 47 n., 57 n., 77 n.,

III n. Gobillot, Ph. 103 n. Goldschmidt, Adolph oz n., 92 n., 93 n.

Kaiser, Paul 59 n. Kaltenbrunner, F. 47 n. Karlinger, Hans 52 n., 98 n.

242

INDEX II

Katzenellenbogen, Adolf 54 n. , Kazhdan, Alexander 47 n., 65 n.

Kedar, Benjamin Z. 123 n. Kemmerich, Max 5r n., 69 n., 9x n., 93 n., 95 n., 119 n. Kennedy, George A. 50 n. Kenney, James F. xo8 n. Kitzinger, Ernst 114 n. Knoepfler, A. 71 n. Knowles, David 117 n., 130 n. Koukoulés, Phaidon 88 n., 105 n. Krey, A.C. 64 n.

Kritzeck, James 54 n. Kroll, W. 57 n.

Krüger, Bruno 88 n. Labbe, Ph. 99 n. Ladner, G.B. 52, 99 n., 113 n., x14 n.,

I2I n. Laiou-Thomadakis, Angeliki 65 n. Laporte, Maurice x16 n. Lauer, Ph. or n. Leach, E.R. 56 n., 67 n. Leclercq, Henri 49 n., 51 n., 86 n., 88 n.,

Melnikas, Anthony 65 n., 98 n., 102 n. Mercier, Fernand 69 n., 118 n.

Mettler, Adolf 130 n. Meyvaert, Paul 72 n., 114 n. Micalella, D. 50 n., 66 n., 86 n. Michel, A. 55 n., 103 n., 114 n. Milis, Ludo 102 n., 126 n. Miller, J.-P. 9o n. Miquel, P. 120 n. Misrahi, Catherine 131 n., 144 n. Moeller, Edmond 109 n. Métefindt, Hugo 49 n., 52 n., 53 n., 56 n., 98 n. Mommsen, Theodor 58 n. Moris, H. 7x n. Müller, Gregor 134 n. Munier, Charles 103 n., 104 n., 106 Muratori, L.A. 102 n.

Mynors, R.A.B. 59 n., 74 n.

90 n., 109 n., II5 n. Leclercq, Jean 55 n., 72 n., 76 n.,

IIS D., 133 n. ' Mau, A. 57 n. Mayer, Hans E. 64 n. Mazhuga, V.I. 134 n., 135 n. Meersseman, G.G. 67 n. Mellinkoff, Ruth 68 n., 69 n., xax n.

6 n.,

127 N., I29 N., 130 N., I3I N., 134 N., 139 n., 144 n.

Neale, J.M. 76 n. Nevinson, John L. 96 n., 113 n.

Le Mire, A. 93 n. Lévi-Strauss, Claude 57 n.

Nicole, Jules 63 n.

Levison, Wilhelm 89 n. Lietzmann, Hans 109 n. Lindsay, W.M. 59 n., 88 n.

Oakeshott, Walter 113 n.

Littledale, R.F. 76 n.

Oediger, Friedrich W. 6x n.

Onions, Richard 56 n., 57 n. Oppenheim, Ph. 114 n., 120 n.

Locatelli, René 132 n., 134 n., 137 n. Lóffler, Karl x:8 n. Lówenfeld, P. 47 n. L'Orange, H.P. 65 n. Lot, Ferdinand 91 n. Luard, H.R. 95 n. Luchaire, Achille 98 n. Lynch, Joseph 9o n.

Orr, John 127 n.

Maassen, Friedrich 103 n., 105 n., 106 n.

MacDermot, Violet 66 Magistretti, M. 1o9 n.

Pfister, Charles 93 n. Picasso, Giorgio 75 n. Pitt-Rivers, Julian 57 n. Platelle, H. 64 n., 92 n., 94 n. Plummer, John 80 n.

Mansi, J.D. 47 n., 67 n., xor n., 103 n., IOS n., 106 n., 107 n., 108 n., 112 n.,

Prato, C. 50 n., 66 n., 86 n. Prochno, Joachim 92 n., x17 n., rar n.

122 n. Mariotte, Jean-Yves 133 n., 137 n. Marténe, Edmond ror n., rro n., 114 n.,

Prou, Maurice 93 n.

Mabillon, Jean 92 n., x16 n. McCormick, Michael 47 n., 94 n., 99 n.

Otto, A. 62 n., 65 n. Oursel, Charles 117 n. Pácht, Otto 76 n.

Pappenheim, Max 9o n. Parlasca, Klai»s 52 n., 86 n.

Pauly, A. 57 n., 58 n., 59 n., 65 n. Pez, Bernard 54 n., 95 n.

Quantin, Maximilien 16 n.

243

INDEX II Ramos-Lisson, Domingo 105 n.

Rand, Edward K. 54 n., 89 n., 98 n. Regel, W. 63 n. Rezak, Brigitte 102 n. Riché, Pierre 89 n., 90 n., 109 n. Richter, Gregor 110 n. Rochais, H. 76 n. Rousset, A. 133 n., 134 n., 135 n., 126 n., 137 n. Rule, Martin 96 n. Rush, Alfred 58 n.

Thalhofer, Thomassin, IIO N., II2 Thompson,

Valentin 49 n., 104 n. Louis 49 n., 9r n., 99 n., D. E. Maunde rro n.

Thompson, Stith 6o n., 62 n., 67 n., 68 n., 95 n., 120 n.

Thorpe, Benjamin 74 n., 104 n., 108 n. Topping, Eva 86 n.

Trévillers, Jules de 132 n., 134 n. Van den Eynde, Damien 8z n., 115 n.

Vanderkindere, Léon 63 n. Sackur, Ernst 124 n. Saint-Aubin,

Van Dieten, J.A. 67 n., 97 n.

Anne-Marie

de 132 n.,

Van Dijk, Clemens 129 n.

133 n., I37 n. Sauvage, R.-Norbert 126 n. Saxl, Fritz 95 n.

Van Gennep, Arnold 48, 49 n., 56

Schapiro, Meyer 54 n., 65, 118 n.

Vierck, Hayo 62 n.

Schiaparelli, Luigi 105 n.

Viollet-le-Duc, E. roo n.

Schmitt, F.S. ror n. Schónfelder, Albert rro n. Schramm, Percy Ernst 49 n., 52, 91,

Visch, C. de Vives,J. 105 Vogel, F. 88 Vogt, Albert

93 Th, 97 n. Scott, Roger 86 n. Sed-Rajna, Gabrielle 54 n. Sheridan, James J. 51 n., 89 n.

Van Haeften, Benedictus 49 n., 57 n., 6o n., 62 n., 66 n., 92 n., 104 n., 105

133 n. n. n.

63 n.

Walker, G.S.M. 115 n. Wallace-Hadrill, J.M. 50 n., 63 n.

Singer, Samuel 62 n., 120 n.

Walsh, James 76 n.

Siracusa, G.B. 98 n. Sitwell, G. 92 n. Smalley, Beryl 78 n., Sommer, Ludwig 49 Stallbaum, G. 97 n. Stannard, Jerry 55 n. Steegmuller, Francis Stegmüller, Friedrich

Walsh, Kilian 72 n. Walter, Johannes von 122 n.

97 n. n., 58 n. 48 n. 47 n., 57 n., 7o n.,

73205) 78D.

Steinberg, Sigfrid H. 52 n., 119 n. Steinberg-von Pape, Christine 52 n., II9 n. Stenton, Frank M. 54 n., 95 n., 96 n.,

II3 n. Stevenson, Joseph 68 n., 122 n.

Stock, Brian 72 n. Strange,J. 127 n.

Walther, Hans 59 n., xoo n. Warner, George 96 n. Wattenbach, Wilhelm 89 n. Watterich, J.M. 125 n. Weinfurter, S. 75 a. Werner, Jakob 100 n., 120 n. Whitelock, Dorothy 62 n. Wielers, Margret 90 n. Wiesen, David 115 n. Will, Cornelius 122 n. Williams, Charles A. 66, 120 n. Wilmart, André roo n. Wissowa, C. 57 n., 58 n., 59 n., 65 n.

Wormald, Francis 76 n. Wright, Wilmer C. 50 n., 66 n., 86 n.

Stubbs, William 95 n., 108 n.

Sullivan, Robert 75 n. Swarzenski, Hanns 95 n.

Zerbi, Piero, 123 n. Zimmermann, Alfons 125 n., 126 n. Zimmermann,

Talbot, Alice-Mary 65 n. Talbot, Charles H. 76 n., 77 n., 130 n. Taylor, Thomas 120 n.

Gerd 116 n.

Zupko, Ronald E. 127 n.

Zycha,J. 88 n., 114 n.

INDEX III a) Introduction to the Epistola Gozechini: page numbers only b) Latin texts and the notes to these texts: E = Epistola Gozechini,

B =

Burchard, Apologia de barbis

Aachen, decrees (813) E 96/7 Aaron E 457; B 1 ch. rff., see p. 226

Abelard B 3. 704/5 Abraham E 335, 379

Achis rex B x ch. 7, see p. 225 s. Alexis (Vita) B 2. 306/7 Amasa B 3. 923/30 Ambrosius

E 446, 484; B 2. 229; 3. 267/8 Aminadab B 3. 1305 Anon (Hanon) rex Ammanitarum B 2 Ch. 2, 123, 136, see p. 225 s. Antonius E 485

Apocalipsis B 3. 1570, novae lectiones

E 6435/4

s. apostoli E 274/5 Aristotiles E 264 Arsenius B 3. 1126, 1483

Astarot(h) B 2. 322, 350 Athanasius E 446

Athenae E 124, 235 Augustinus E 388, 445, 483; B 1.157/8; 3. 267/8, 478, ch. 18, 1558/9 Avaritia E 8o3ff. Avianus B 2, 22

Babylonia E 656

Bachus (— Bacchus) E 129 Balau (S.) 5 n. 12 and 14

.

Caribdis E 89x Carneades E 264 Cassian B 3. 1316

Cassiodorus E 169 Cato E 818 lex Cecilia E 818 Chananea fames E 384/5 Cicero E 93 (Philipp.), 124, 200 (Cat.), 130/1 (Brutus), 132/3 (De finibus), 191/2 (De fato), 229, 252/67, 268/9 and B 2. 296/7 (Tusc.) ; E 245/6 and B 3. 220 (De natura deorum); E 542/4 (Tullius) (De inv.), 555 (Lucullus), 6535/6 (Ad Herennium) ;B 2. 2906/7 (De off.) circulus (in fronte domus vel tabernae) vini signum B 5. 424/30 Claudian E 332 Conrad of Mure B 3. 424ff. Couprie (L.D.) 145 n. 466 Crantor E 263 Crisippus E 263 Damasippus E 525, 537 Daniel B 3. 753

David E 457, 665; B 3. 1159, 1219, and passim, see p. 225 David of Augsburg B 3. 424ff. Diogenes E 229

Bardo, abbot of Fulda, archbishop of Mainz 5

Diotrepes B 3. 515

Barrabas B 3. 294, 297 Bartolomeus apostolus B 2. 32x

Drogo Parisiensis E 722 Ducout (Mme. D.) 4n. 8

Bede B 3. 829/63 Belgia E 103 Bellevallis B x. x St. Benedict, Rule E 40x; Bx. 52, 102/4, 173/4, 220/1; 2. 77, 78, 103, 112, 226, 247, 291/3 ; 3. 1005, 1316 Berengarius of Tours E 653/4 (644) Berengaudus E 644 Berith B 2. 324 Boethius B 3. 450/1 Booz B 2. 373 Burchardus abbas Bellevallis B x. x

C (littera) B 3 ch. 44, 1348/50, ch. 49 Calvaria B 3. 1414

Domitianus E 476

Edisius B 2. 309, 312

Egiptus E 389y ubertas, servitus 383/4 Einhard B 2. 86 Eolus E 108, 110

Erdmann (C.) E 370, 721/5 Esau B 3. 1131, 1176, 1545/50 Eufemianus B 2. 306, 307 eunuchi B 3. 1462, sive naturales sive artificiales 3. 34, 76/7 Falk (F.) 6 n. 18 Flaccus 8, 9 n. 23; E 155, 230, 350, 392,

395, 398, 525, 836 (quem nosti); (AP) E 16/7, 396 and B 2. 17/8; 3.

INDEX III 235/6, 350 (Oratius) ;(Carm.) E 36, 91, 91/2, 359/60, 496, 732, 881and Bx. ror; (Ep.) E 76, 156/8, 185/7, 201/2,

324, 399/400, 642, 806/7, 844, 871/2;

(Epod.) E 102; (Serm.) E 39, 7o,

225/6, (Scholia 503), 526/7, 536/7, 606/7, 817/9, 835, 836/40

Flavius Iosephus see Iosephus Friedlander (L.) E 875/7

245

Iohannes apostolus E 474/5; B 3. 1218

Iohannes Diaconus B 3. 772/5 Iohannes magister (Mainz) 7 n. 18 Ioseph E 385; B 3. 1227 losephus (Flavius) B 3. 929, 1133 Iosue E 456 Isacar "asinus fortis" B 3. 399, 401 Isidore, Etym. B x. 52/3, 286/7; 3. 463,

607/8, 1392/3 Israel, domus Israel B 2 ch. 13, passim;

Galla B 3 ch. 5, 1124, 1239 Gallia tripertita E 133 s. Gamaliel B 3. 726ff., 780 Garnier of Rochefort B 3. 424ff. Gedeon E 456 Gehenna B 1. 176; 3. 1521 Gellius (A.) E 24, 423/5 Glossa Ordinaria B 3. 829/63 Golias B 3. 1219 Gordianus B 3. 771/5. 802, 1126 Gozechin(us), Gozwin(us) 3-9, pasSim; Er

Greci B r. 261, 263 b. Gregorius (Vita) B 3. 770; (Moralia) B x. 157/8; 3. 267/8, 932/5 ; (in suo Dialogo) B 3. 85/6(-90); (In

ev.) B 3. 1533/5

filii Israel E 291/2; B 3. 1582; Israhelitica dignitas E 286. See also Iudei Iudas B 2. 433 Iudei B 1. 254, 260, 263 ; 2. 415, 425, 438; 3. 294/322; ludaico more E 938. See also Israel Iuno E 109 s. Iustina B 2. 310 Ivo of Chartres B 3. 1180/1 Jaffé (Ph.) 6 n. 18 s. Jerome 4 and n. xo; (Ep.) E 271, 841; B 2. 466; 3. 351/2; (In Danielem) B 2. x4; (In Esaiam) B 2. 305; (Interpr.) B 2/9m2/3695! 185/6, 515, 536/7. - Ps. Jerome B r.

137/8

Griesser (B.) B 3. 829/63

Juvenal E 875/7

H (littera) B 3. 1302

Labeo E 818

Hanon see Anon Helias, Helyas E 457; B 2. 372; 3. 390 Heliseus, Helyseus E 458; B 3. 186, 1114 Henricus (III) imp. 6, 9; E 776 Heriger magister (Mainz) 7 n. 18 Herimannus Remensis E 721

Ladner (G.B.) B 3. 80/7 Lambert (B.) B x. 137/8 Lar familiaris E 122 Leclercq (dom Jean) B 3. 179/80 Legia see Liége Leo (I, Magnus) E 138 Leogium see Liége Lesne (E.) E 588/603 Lia E 508

Hie- see also IheHierico B 2. 7o, ch. 3, passim ; 3. 99, 1118

(H)iezechiel propheta B 2 ch. 7 and 8

(see p. 226), 439, 453

Holder-Egger (O.) 5 n. 12, 13 and 16, 67 Holtzmann (R.) 5 n. 15, 7 n. x9 Horace see Flaccus Huozemannus Spirensis 6; E 722 Iacob E 381; B 3. 280, 1147, 1150, 1175,

1218, 1544/50 Ie- see also Ihe and HieIherusalem (nova) E 297 Indi B 2. 321 Ioab B 3. 927 Iob B r. 297; 2. 306; 3. 1067

Liége (Legia, Leogium) 5, 6; abbey,

churches E 96/7; wine E 129; Publicus Mons E 95; 5n. 12, and E 151, 153,

154, 208, 216-219, 350, 351 (studiorum nutrix etc.). See also Notgerus litterae see C, H, O

Liutboldus (Liutpold, archbishop of

Mainz) 5, 6, 9; E 776/7 Lucan E 787

Lucas E 475, 479

Lucianus, Epistola B 3. 727, 734

Mabillon (dom Jean) 3-4 Machabei E 457

INDEX III

246

361 (Psych.), 742 (Cath.) ; B 3. 157 (Ham.) psalterii novae lectiones E 6435/4

Macharius abbas B 3. 883/903, 955,

977; 985

2

Macrobius E 423/5 Mainz (Mogontia, Moguntia) E 88 (aureum regni caput), 153, 154, 218, 370 (uber colonia), wine 129, gloria 151/2 and 209/xo. See also Liutboldus, Siegfried Mammona

E 606, 817

Manitius (M.) 3, 5 n. 17, 7 Maria E 508 Marius E 875

Martha E 508 Martial E 37 Martianus Capella E xor

medici B 3. 104/5, cf. 28/9 Meinhardus Bavenbergensis E 722/3 Meribaal (= Mifiboset(h) ) B 3. 556,

560, 676/9

Mifiboset(h) filius Saul (= Meribaal) B 3. 522ff. (see p. 225), 676/9 Minerva (crassa) E 536/7 Mogontia, Moguntia see Mainz Montclos (J. de) E 644 Mosa E 103 Moyses E 457; B 1. 130, 131; 3. 1582

Rabanus Maurus B x. 251/71; 2. 106/11;

3. 557. 932/5

«

Rachel E 507 Revelatio s. Stephani B 3. 727

Reynolds (L. D.) 4 n. 1o Riché (P.) 7 n. 21; E 607/9 and 616/46 Roche (dom A. de) 4 Roma E 138; council (721) B 3. 1426/7 Roserie (Rosiéres) B 1. x Rousseau (F.) E 129 Ruth B 2. 374 Salamis E 253 Sallust E 502, 848 (Cat.), 636 (Jug.) Salomon B 3. 337 Samuel B 3. 752, 841 Sanson B 3. 394 Sara B 3. 182, 184 Schmale (F.J.) 5 n. xs, 7 n. 19 Schott (G.F.) 6n.18 © Sedulius B 3. 597/8 Seneca, Letters, Epitaphium 4 and n.xo

Musonius Rufus E 423/5

Septuagint B 3. 267/8 Servius see Virgil

Notgerus, bishop of Liége E 749/50

Siegfried, archbishop of Mainz 6 Silius Italicus E 113

O (littera) B 3 ch. 44, 1359/63, ch. 49 Ogerius frater B 3. 145 Oratius see Flaccus Oreb mons dei B 3. 392 Ovid (Fasti) E 623/4; (Met.) E 103, 132/35, 203/4, 218, 640, 762, 810/1, 880; (Trist.) E 787

Silvestre (H.) B 3. 424ff. s. Simeon (Vita) B 2. 314ff. Socrates E 257

Statius, Thebais E 94/5, 108, 110 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua B 3. 1426/7 s. Stephanus B 3. 629, 633. See also Revelatio : Stimming (M.) 6 n. 18

Panecius E 264

Paulus E 459, 473, 480, novae lectiones

643/4; B 3. 733/4, 1308

Paulus (heremita) E 485 Persius E 221, 632/3

Petrus B 3. 1218, Bariona E 473 Phalaris E 268 Plato E 137

Plautus E 514/5, (Miles) xor, (Trin.) 106, 514/5, 874, (Rudens) 245/6, (Amph.) 439, (Capt.) 577, (Truc.) 609/10 Prosper E 425/6, 4236/7 Protheus E 226 Prudentius E 37 (Praef.), 212 (Perist.),

taberna see circulus Terence E 514Xs, (Andria) 16, 625, 727, (Phorm.) 185, 504/5, 822, (Hec.) 212, (Eun.) B 3. 220 Teucer E 252

Theodulph of Orléans B 3. 179/80 Thomas (H.) 5 n. 17 Tullius see Cicero Turonensis achademia E 653 Ulixes E 202 Ulubrae E 400 (3 n. 7) Valerius Maximus E 817/9

INDEX III Vindemius abbas B 3. 882 vinum see circulus, Liége, Mainz Virgil (Aen.) E 103, 108/9, 130/1, 327, 349, 516/7, 881 ;B 3. 966/7, Servius 5.

90/5; (Georg.) E 36, 189, 500, 752/4 ;

B x. 236/7 Vitae Patrum E 485; B 2. 316/7; 3. 884/6, 891/5, 895/903, 1126/30. See also s. Alexis, b. Gregorius, s. Simeon

247

Walcher(us) 3-9, passim; E 1 Wattenbach (W.) 5 n. 15, 7 n. 19 Wilmart (A.) B 3. 1508/10 Xenocrates E 263 Ysaac B 3. 185, 1227 Ysaias B 2. 370, 374, see p. 226

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Ms. British Library Add. 41997,f. 1. 2. Ms. British Library Add. 41997, t 95. 3. Apologia 3. 1253/67. 4. Apologia 3. 1418 and 1419/20. *

CONSPECTUS MATERIAE Gozechini Epistola ad Walcherum ................ Mes Sa been UIT bs ae ne = Ett e Introduction SLOXEOS 5, el i pine deb e Mors. c Debut Nas SP aes

3-43 3-9 II-43

US ae sie 46-224 UT oco ‘Apologiatdetbarbis: 47-150 Introdüctionecs cate urs iv NSON bot aep E rca NOME Linus eic E I RP CMT I EE I51-224

Beards in the Bible Listot Chapters...

........ P i ian. cru ME. Nd 225-226 eoe o qodase sac VEO. qs .. 227-229

Index I uo dre Te ero «as oso aoe ad 233-230 Index AI eese E CROIRE mE nn 240-243 IndexdlIo cts conten a ae s. Di UAE o o 244-247 Listof Illustrations |... $E ATL REPE 248

Imprimé par les Usines Brepols S.A. - Turnhout (Belgique) Printed in Belgium

D/1985/0095/5

ISBN 2-503-03621-x relié ISBN 2-503-03622-8 broché ISBN 2-503-03000-9 série

ra

4

ft

J

ss

o

74

Apologiae

duae

=

:

—

eee

À—

1985.

(Card

2)

le Haire 2e Beard-—-Religious aspectse Ie Gozechine Epistola ad Walcberume IIe Walchere Epistola ad Walcherume I1IIe Burchard, abbot of Bellevaux, de 11623? Apologia de barbise IVe Constable, Giles. Ve Huygens, Re Be Ce Vie Title: Epistola ad Walcherume Vile Title: Apologia de barbise VIII. Series

Ao¢4arF

CCSC

04 SEP 85

d

12179253

CSTMxc

RI