A New Critical History of Old English Literature 9780814738559

Anglo-Saxon prose and poetry is, without question, the major literary achievement of the early Middle Ages (c. 700-1100)

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A New Critical History of Old English Literature

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Front Panel of the Franks Casket. Courtes y o f th e British Museum , (see discussion o f Deor, chapte r 12 ) The left sectio n depict s a scene fro m Germani c story : Welan d th e Smit h after h e has killed Kin g Nidhad's son s and mad e cups of their skulls (on e torso lie s behin d hi s feet) . H e seem s t o b e holdin g on e cu p wit h tong s and profferin g th e othe r t o Beaduhild , th e King' s daughter , wh o i s accompanied b y a n attendant . Weland 7s brothe r Egil l (? ) is catchin g bird s with whic h t o make wing s fo r thei r escape . Th e right sectio n represent s the Christia n subject s o f th e Adoratio n o f th e Magi , rune s fo r Magi appearing i n the to p cente r o f th e section . A runic inscriptio n i n alliterativ e verse run s aroun d th e panel. I t bears no relatio n t o either Christia n o r Germanic subjec t i n th e compartments , but says in effect: "Th e ocean cast up th e fish o n the cliff-bank; th e whal e became sa d [or , th e ocea n becam e turbid ] wher e h e swa m agroun d o n the shingle. Whale' s bone/ '

A NE W CRITICA L HISTORY O F OLD E N G L I S H LITERATURE Stanley B. Greenfield an d Daniel G. Calde r With a survey of the Anglo-Latin background by Michael Lapidge


NEW YOR K UNIVERSITY PRES S New York and Londo n Copyright © 1986 by New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Manufactured i n the United State s of Americ a Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Greenfield, Stanle y B. A new critica l history o f old Englis h literature . Bibliography: p. Includes index . 1. Anglo-Saxo n literature—Histor y an d criticism . I. Calder , Danie l Gillmore. II . Title . PR173.G73 198 6 829'.0 9 85-2594 1 ISBN 0-8147-3002-7 (alk. paper ) ISB N 0-8147-3088-4 pbk . New Yor k University Pres s books are printed o n acid-free paper , an d thei r binding material s ar e chosen fo r strength an d durability . 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Book design by K. Venezi o

To Thelma Greenfield and Margaret and Gillmore Colder


Preface t o th e Ne w Editio n i


Acknowledgments x


Preface t o the Origina l Editio n xii


Introduction 1 1. Th e Anglo-Latin Backgroun d 5 2. Th e Alfredian Translation s an d Relate d Ninth-Century Text s 3


3. /Elfric , Wulfstan , an d Othe r Lat e Prose 6


4. Lega l and Scientifi c Pros e 10


5. Som e Remarks o n th e Natur e an d Qualit y of Ol d Englis h Poetr y 12


6. Secula r Heroi c Poetr y 13


7. Th e Christia n Sain t a s Hero 15


8. Chris t a s Poeti c Hero 18


9. Ol d Testamen t Narrativ e Poetr y 20


10. Miscellaneou s Religiou s an d Secula r Poetr y 22


11. Lor e and Wisdo m 25


12. Elegia c Poetry 28


Abbreviations 30


Bibliography 30


Index 36


Preface t o the Ne w Editio n

We gratefull y acknowledg e th e assistanc e give n u s i n preparin g this new, greatl y revise d versio n o f Greenfield' s A Critical History of Old English Literature. Bu t firs t w e shoul d outlin e th e area s o f our separat e tasks : Calder i s responsible fo r th e section s o n Anglo Saxon prose , Greenfiel d fo r th e chapter s o n Anglo-Saxo n poetry . As we note o n the titl e page, Lapidg e has contributed a survey of the Anglo-Latin background . Greenfiel d an d Calde r hav e read eac h other's wor k agai n an d again , an d eac h ha s mad e significan t con tributions to the other's part . Henry A . Kelly read th e chapters on prose an d mad e valuabl e suggestions . Jeannett e Gilkiso n type d most o f the book an d offere d u s cheerful service , as she has ofte n done. Matthe w Mille r an d Joh n Bernhard t pu t i n lon g hour s checking th e man y quotation s an d references , an d t o the m w e als o extend ou r appreciation . Th e staff s o f th e Universit y o f Orego n Library an d th e Universit y Researc h Librar y a t UCL A hav e als o been unfailingl y helpful . W e would especiall y lik e to thank Coli n Jones o f th e Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , wh o ha s give n u s con siderable freedom t o revise and expan d th e first editio n as we saw best. All translation s i n thi s boo k ar e ou r own , excep t tha t thos e o f the Lati n source s an d analogue s o f th e poetr y ar e take n fro m



Calder/Allen 1976 . For a few translation s of Latin background ma terial w e hav e use d (an d cited ) othe r works . Par t o f thi s projec t was underwritten b y research grants from th e Academic Senate of UCLA. For all errors of fact an d blunder s o f style that remain, w e take ful l responsibility . Eugene, Oregon Stanle Los Angeles, California Danie

y B . Greenfiel d l G . Calde r


The map s o f Englan d i n th e tent h centur y an d o f th e earl y king doms o f th e souther n Englis h ar e reproduce d b y permissio n o f Cambridge Universit y Pres s fro m P . H . Blair' s An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England. The Beowulf facsimile i s reproduce d b y per mission o f Th e Earl y English Tex t Society an d th e Trustees o f th e British Library. The photograph o f the Franks Casket (frontispiece ) is reproduce d b y permissio n o f th e Trustee s o f th e Britis h Mu seum fro m a photograp h i n Davi d M . Wilson , Anglo-Saxon Art (Thames an d Hudson , 1984) , illustration 37. Acknowledgments ar e gratefull y mad e t o Souther n Illinoi s Uni versity Press , fo r permissio n t o reprin t translation s fro m Stanle y B. Greenfield, A Readable Beowulf © 1982; and t o D. S. Brewe r Ltd. , for permission t o reprint translation s from Michae l J. B. Allen an d Daniel G . Calder , Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry: The Major Latin Texts in Translation © 1976.

Preface t o the Origina l Editio n

It is a great pleasure t o acknowledge th e aid and comfort afforde d me by various people i n the cours e of writing this Critical History. First, t o Kemp Malone an d Charle s Dunn , fo r recommendin g m e for th e volum e t o th e Genera l Editor , Osca r Cargill , an d t o Mr . Cargill fo r hi s encouragemen t a t variou s stage s o f th e enterprise . Then, t o Jame s E . Cros s an d Doroth y Bethurum , wh o carefull y read th e Introduction an d th e chapters o n th e prose, makin g sug gestions both a s to fact an d styl e that hav e prove d invaluable . To the staff o f the University o f Oregon Librar y for their cooperation , and t o Mrs. Roxann e Er b and Su e Hamilton fo r thei r kindnes s an d diligence i n typin g th e manuscript . I am indebte d mos t o f al l t o Arthur G . Brodeur , Thelm a C . Greenfield , an d Jes s B . Bessinger , Jr., wh o painstakingl y rea d th e entir e manuscript ; thei r tactfu l suggestions hav e spare d m y reader s man y a n unconsciou s ambi guity o f meaning an d man y a graceless phrasing, a s well as spare d me man y a late r blus h a t factua l oversights . Suc h error s o f fac t and difficulties o f style as remain I must acknowledge a s my own. Eugene, Oregon Stanle

y B . Greenfiel d



Anglo-Saxon pros e an d poetr y ar e the majo r literar y achievemen t of th e earl y Middl e Ages . I n n o othe r medieva l vernacula r lan guage doe s suc h a hoar d o f verba l treasure s exis t fo r suc h a n ex tended perio d (c . 700-1100). While some of the Germanic and Celti c nations produce d work s o f hig h art , the y canno t matc h th e en cyclopedic breadt h o f th e Anglo-Saxons , wh o triumphe d i n al most ever y genre . The y inherite d a ric h ora l traditio n fro m thei r Germanic ancestors ; the y absorbe d th e theologica l doctrin e an d rhetoric of their Christian Roma n teachers . Yet they experimente d and create d ne w forms , whil e remainin g tru e t o thi s dua l heri tage. Th e resul t i s a corpu s o f astonishin g variety . W e ar e fortu nate t o possess a s many example s fro m thes e centurie s a s we do ; if we ha d mor e o f wha t mus t hav e bee n a n eve n greate r origina l creation, ou r wonde r woul d gro w i n proportion. 1 The singularit y o f thei r accomplishmen t i s no t onl y t o be mea sured agains t tha t o f neighborin g o r relate d peoples ; i t i s als o noteworthy withi n th e histor y o f Englis h literature . Ol d Englis h prose an d poetr y furnis h a sens e o f dept h an d continuit y i n En glish thought , sinc e th e basi c Christia n traditio n underlie s mos t writing fro m th e sevent h t o th e nineteent h centuries . Microcos m and macrocosm , ubi sunt, consolation , Trinitarianism—thes e ar e some idea s an d motif s tha t Ol d Englis h text s shar e wit h th e work s of writers like Donne, Milton, Arnold , an d Tennyson. Bu t despit e



this communit y o f themati c interest , Ol d Englis h literature , fo r th e most part, stand s alone. While subsequent Englis h prose may sho w some developmen t ou t o f it s Anglo-Saxo n origins , Ol d Englis h poetry present s stylisticall y a unique bod y o f material i n which ora l poetic technique s fus e wit h literar y o r rhetorica l methods . Late r poets, suc h a s Hopkin s an d Pound , ma y hav e imitate d a fe w o f what the y perceived a s the striking qualities of Old Englis h verse , yet thi s form o f flatter y stil l leaves the ancien t pattern s intac t an d unaffected. I n truth , ther e i s no t a grea t dea l o f continuit y fro m the Anglo-Saxo n t o what w e hav e com e t o kno w a s th e "Englis h literary tradition. " Wha t doe s exis t i s ofte n artificia l an d con trived, an d fail s t o evok e th e spiri t o f th e originals . Whe n w e re view what th e Anglo-Saxons di d creat e within a span o f four cen turies, w e mus t concentrat e o n i t more o r less by itself. Some o f th e problem s facin g th e historia n o f thi s literatur e ar e self-evident: th e necessit y o f fillin g i n historica l background ; o f determining ho w muc h cultur e i s "literary, " o r importan t fo r lit erary understanding ; o f assessin g th e relevanc e o f Lati n writing s composed b y Anglo-Saxons ; o f explainin g certai n linguisti c fea tures; an d o f establishin g a proper sequenc e fo r th e presentatio n of th e works. 2 More properl y th e domai n o f th e literar y historia n is commentar y o n poeti c an d pros e styles , o n genre s an d tradi tions, on metrics and prosody , a s well as assessment o f individua l works and authors . Complicatin g th e tas k ar e chronological prob lems with mos t o f the poetry (th e major survivin g manuscripts all date from c . 1000 ) and a good dea l of the prose, th e anonymity of the authors, an d th e grea t amoun t o f borrowing fro m traditio n an d from on e o r tw o name d writers . Since this book is a drastic revision o f an earlie r work, i t will be useful t o detai l th e majo r alteration s whic h w e hav e introduced . First, we have eliminated th e initial chapter o n Anglo-Latin prose , replacing it with Michael Lapidge's genera l surve y o f Anglo-Lati n literature, writte n specificall y fo r thi s revision wit h a n ey e towar d providing a backgroun d fo r Ol d Englis h literature. 3 Second , w e have triple d th e amoun t o f spac e devote d t o Anglo-Saxon prose . This reflects th e growin g scholarshi p o n pros e texts , an d th e sens e that the y ar e importan t i n thei r ow n right , a s well as providing a broad cultura l backdrop fo r th e stud y o f Ol d Englis h poetry . Pros e



has fo r to o lon g bee n th e step-chil d o f Ol d Englis h literar y stud ies. Third , i t ha s bee n ou r intentio n t o encompas s th e whol e o f Anglo-Saxon literature ; man y pros e an d poeti c text s are include d which di d no t mak e a n appearanc e i n th e firs t edition : The Grave, The Rime of King William, the penitentials , an d variou s religiou s tracts, t o name a few . Our intentio n ha s als o been t o incorporat e a s much a s possibl e of th e scholarshi p an d criticis m tha t ha s blossome d i n th e pas t twenty years . Thus the book is three things— a synopsis , a critical reading o f texts , an d a history o f th e criticism . Al l of thi s has ha d to be accomplishe d i n a severel y compresse d fashion , bu t o n oc casion—the reading s o f Caedmon' s Hymn, Mine's homil y "O n th e Lord's Prayer, " o r som e o f th e "Elegies, " fo r example—w e hav e permitted ourselve s mor e scop e fo r treatin g textua l an d interpre tive problems . I n addition , w e hav e trie d t o accoun t fo r som e of the renewed interes t in the history o f the discipline, see n as a history o f tastes , styles , an d attitudes; 4 th e quickenin g o f interes t i n the stud y o f Anglo-Saxo n literatur e i n relatio n t o othe r art s an d sciences;5 the reassignmen t o f authorshi p fo r mor e tha n on e pros e text; and th e explosio n o f Christian-allegorica l an d oral-formulai c studies. To assist readers in this endeavor, w e have added a lengthy bibliography, s o tha t the y migh t kno w what , i n ou r opinion , t o read first , befor e turnin g t o th e definitiv e Greenfield/Robinso n compilation.6 Ou r bibliograph y i s arrange d alphabeticall y b y au thors/editors an d keye d t o abbreviated footnot e references . Perhaps th e stud y o f Ol d Englis h literatur e stil l find s tha t it s primary questio n i s th e sam e on e Alcui n aske d nearl y twelv e hundred year s ago : Quid Hinieldus cum Christo? "Wha t ha s Ingel d to d o wit h Christ? " Thi s famou s remonstrance , mad e i n a lette r written i n 797 to Hygebald, bisho p o f Lindisfarne, concernin g th e monks' fondnes s fo r listenin g t o heroi c song i n th e refector y rathe r than t o spiritua l wisdom , stil l force s u s to consider ho w w e shoul d understand an d describ e tha t extraordinar y corpu s whic h emerge d from th e encounte r betwee n a n unlettere d Germani c triba l aes thetic an d th e remnant s o f th e classica l tradition , itsel f trans formed b y th e Christia n religion . Ol d Englis h literatur e i s a pal impsest, an d fe w period s i n th e histor y o f Englis h literatur e offe r the literary historia n a greater challenge—t o comprehen d an d ap -


predate th e layer s a s the y accumulate d ove r man y centuries , un derstanding it s historica l contex t an d ye t usin g moder n critica l techniques. NOTES 1. O n th e losse s i n th e medieva l period , see Wilso n 1952 . O n extan t materials, se e Ker 1957. On continuity, o r the lack thereof, see Chamber s 1932; Wrenn 1958 ; Wilson 1959. 2. Fo r the history and culture of the OE period, see Stenton 1971 ; Hunter Blair 1956 ; Whitelock 1979 ; Campbell, Jas . 1982 . Al l hav e excellen t bibli ographies, an d Whiteloc k 197 9 not onl y ha s a genera l introductio n bu t comments o n differen t section s and o n specifi c work s translated therein . For furthe r historica l an d cultura l bibliography , se e Bonse r 1957 . Of th e many grammars and introductory texts, we recommend Quirk/Wren n 1958; Cassidy/Ringler 1971 ; Mitchell/Robinson 1982 . The definitive stud y o f OE syntax i s Mitchell 1985 . The standar d dictionar y i s Bosworth/Toller 1882 ; Clark Hall/Meritt i96 0 provides a concise dictionary. A concordance t o all OE pros e an d poetr y i s Healey/Venezk y 1980 . O f previou s historie s o f OE literatur e w e ma y cit e Malon e 1967 ; Anderson, G . 196 6 (with som e reservations); Wrenn 1967 . Calder 198 2 reviews nearl y al l the survey s an d histories of OE literature. 3. I t is, to date, th e only complete history of Anglo-Latin literature, eve n though condensed . Sinc e som e o f th e Anglo-Lati n materia l impinge s o n OE pros e an d som e o f th e poetry , ther e i s inevitabl e overla p betwee n chapter 1 and thos e following . 4. O n th e histor y o f th e discipline , se e Adams , E . 1917 ; Stanley 1975 ; Calder 1979b ; Berkhout/Gatch 1982 . 5. O n th e interrelationship s o f ar t an d literature , se e Leyerl e 1967 ; Schroeder 1974. 6. Se e Greenfield/Robinson 1980 .


The Anglo-Lati n Background

Most survivin g Ol d Englis h literatur e wa s compose d an d trans mitted by Christia n churchmen . Thi s statement probabl y hold s tru e even o f apparently secula r literature , but it is unquestionably tru e of th e obviousl y ecclesiastica l literature : homilies , saints ' lives , translations o f Christian-Lati n texts , ecclesiastica l legislation , prayers. An y literat e person i n th e Anglo-Saxo n perio d woul d hav e been traine d by th e Church , eithe r in a monastery, cathedral , lesse r canonry, o r smal l minster . I f w e ar e properl y t o understan d Ol d English literature, w e must kno w somethin g o f the circumstance s and contex t i n whic h i t wa s composed ; i n short , w e mus t stud y the Anglo-Saxo n church. 1 In Anglo-Saxo n times , th e languag e o f Christianit y wa s Latin . The word o f God per se was transmitte d i n a Latin Bible . The sacraments o f baptism , marriage , an d buria l wer e conducte d i n Latin , as wer e th e Mas s an d othe r churc h ceremonies , suc h a s th e con secration o f a king . I n monasteries , al l part s o f th e Divin e Offic e (that is , th e dail y cycl e o f prayer s an d hymns ) wer e i n Latin ; moreover, monk s wer e oblige d t o spea k th e languag e amon g themselves. Learnin g t o rea d an d writ e necessaril y implie d th e study o f Latin, an d a critical examination o f Old Englis h literatur e should bes t begi n wit h som e reflection s o n th e working s o f th e

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Anglo-Saxon school . Sinc e mos t o f ou r rathe r spars e evidenc e pertains t o monastic schools , w e ma y conside r a typical monasti c education. The young oblat e o r novice wa s receive d int o th e monaster y a t approximately th e ag e of seven . Fro m the outset h e was expecte d to participat e i n th e Divin e Office , eve n thoug h h e woul d no t a t first hav e bee n abl e t o understan d a word . Sinc e th e Offic e con sists almost entirely of psalmody and hymnody, th e beginner would first hav e committe d th e Lati n psalte r t o memory . Hi s teache r would hav e aide d memorizatio n b y mean s o f litera l explanations : hence, presumably , th e complet e Ol d Englis h interlinea r glosse s of Latin texts in many Anglo-Saxon psalters. So too with the hymns. Because the y wer e mostl y compose d i n lat e antiquit y an d pre sented greate r syntactica l difficultie s tha n th e psalms , the y wer e often recas t i n simpl e Lati n pros e an d the n provide d wit h word for-word interlinea r glosses. 2 By the tim e h e ha d committe d t o memor y lon g tract s fro m th e Latin psalte r an d hymnal , th e youn g studen t wa s read y fo r th e rules of Latin grammar. I n the early Anglo-Saxon period the teache r would have relied principally on the Ars Minor of Donatus, a fourth century Lati n grammarian , togethe r wit h variou s Lat e Lati n com mentaries o n Donatus . However , sinc e thes e work s wer e mean t for Latin-speakin g audience s an d di d no t mee t th e need s o f En glish-speaking students , a number o f Anglo-Saxo n scholar s com piled Lati n grammar s o f thei r own : Bonifac e an d Tatwin e i n th e early period, Alcui n and i€lfri c i n the later. 3 At this stage th e stu dent woul d als o have received som e elementary instructio n i n Latin metrics; here again , sinc e th e metrica l treatise s hande d dow n fro m late antiquit y hardl y suffice d fo r speaker s o f a Germani c tongue , Aldhelm, Bede , an d Bonifac e se t abou t composin g elementar y metrical treatise s fo r thei r Anglo-Saxo n students . Th e novice wa s expected t o spea k a s well a s rea d Latin , an d apparentl y learne d to d o s o fro m Lati n "colloquies, " tha t is , mode l dialogue s be tween maste r an d student s concernin g busines s o f th e day , in tended t o impart th e vocabulary necessar y t o discuss daily affairs ; in th e late r perio d >Elfri c an d hi s student , JElihc Bata, compose d such pedagogica l exercise s (se e chapter 3). After th e novic e ha d learne d th e rudiment s o f Lati n gramma r



and meter , h e proceede d t o thos e Lati n text s whic h constitute d the medieva l curriculum , a cours e lastin g som e te n years . Th e novices rea d the text s with minute attention: word fo r word, lin e for line. Probabl y th e master dictated a passage an d the student s transcribed it onto wax tablets; by class on the following da y they had t o lear n th e tex t thoroughly . The y the n erase d th e passag e and replaced i t with th e next. Th e curriculum-texts came in order of difficulty. O f course, thos e studied would have varied from place to place an d fro m tim e t o time; 4 and ou r information fo r AngloSaxon England is incomplete. Nevertheless, w e ma y deduc e fro m survivin g booklists 5 an d manuscripts6 tha t th e Anglo-Saxo n curriculu m include d stud y of the followin g texts—liste d i n orde r o f difficulty : th e Disticha Catonis, a collection o f two-lin e mora l maxim s by an unknown Lat e Latin poet; the Epigrammata o f Prospe r of Aquitaine (die d c. 455), a collection of some 10 6 epigrams, each of which is a metrical version o f a mora l maxi m b y St . Augustine ; th e Evangelia, a hexa metrical version of the gospel narrative of Christ's life by the early fourth-century Spanis h priest Juvencus; the Carmen Paschale of the fifth-century poe t Caeliu s Sedulius , whos e poe m is , lik e Juvencus', an account of Christ's life, but with extensive allegorical and typological amplification ; th e Psychomachia, b y th e fourth-centur y Spanish poe t Prudentius , a n allegorica l accoun t o f th e struggl e between the Virtues and the Vices; the early sixth-century Roman poet Arator's De Actibus Apostolorum, a hexametrical account in two books of the lives of SS. Peter and Paul as told in the biblical Acts of th e Apostles ; an d th e Poema de Mosaicae Historiae Gestis b y Al cimus Avitus o f Vienn e (fl . 500) , a hexametrical versio n o f Gene sis, a s far as the Crossing of th e Red Sea. 7 The curriculu m ma y hav e include d othe r text s a s well . I n particular, Vergil' s Aeneid an d Lucan' s Pharsalia see m t o hav e bee n known throughout th e Anglo-Saxon period, an d in the later part, the Satires of Persius and the De Consolatio Philosophiae of Boethius come t o th e fore . Bu t th e stapl e o f th e curriculu m remaine d th e Christian-Latin poems . Stud y o f thes e poem s woul d hav e deter mined the tastes of the literate Anglo-Saxon and affected th e form of Ol d Englis h literature . Specifi c example s o f suc h influenc e ar e the translatio n o f th e Disticha Catonis int o Ol d English (se e chap-

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ter 3); the collections of maxims in verse (Maxims I and II and Precepts); th e numbe r o f survivin g Christia n allegorie s (The Seafarer, The Phoenix, an d Physiologus); and th e large proportion o f Ol d En glish biblical verse-narrative, includin g all the poems of the Junius manuscript (Genesis B is very largel y based o n Alcimu s Avitus) an d Judith. When th e studen t ha d complete d hi s secondar y educatio n i n curriculum texts , h e pursue d eithe r th e stud y o f th e scientifi c quadrivium (geometry , arithmetic , astronomy , an d harmony) , or , if h e becam e a monk , spen t th e remainde r o f hi s lif e readin g Scripture and th e patristic authorities. Ther e is little evidence tha t the quadriviu m wa s widely studie d i n Anglo-Saxon England , bu t meditation o n th e writing s o f Ambrose , Augustine , Jerome , an d Gregory woul d hav e been th e lifelong occupatio n o f a monk . The larg e bod y o f survivin g Anglo-Lati n composition s prove s that school s flourishe d i n Anglo-Saxo n England . Th e Englis h wer e among th e earlies t non-Latin-speakin g people s i n Europ e wh o ha d to master Latin after thei r conversion t o Christianity, a task whic h they undertoo k wit h grea t zeal . A s a result , man y Anglo-Lati n writings spread throughou t Europ e during the early Middle Ages. Proud o f thei r achievement , th e Anglo-Saxon s ofte n compose d a Latin which i s characterized b y a lavish displa y o f vocabulary de signed t o impress by th e arcane natur e o f it s learning; it abound s in obscure, learned-sounding words , such as archaisms, grecisms, and neologisms . Becaus e thi s vocabular y ofte n derive d fro m cer tain Greek-Lati n glossarie s know n a s Hermeneumata, th e styl e i s usually referre d t o a s "hermeneutic." 8 Thi s recherch e styl e com mended muc h Anglo-Lati n literatur e t o medieva l audiences , bu t also make s i t see m alie n t o moder n literar y taste . Nevertheless , we mus t remembe r tha t th e literat e Anglo-Saxo n expresse d him self i n both Ol d Englis h an d Latin ; if we ar e t o understand prop erly the context o f Old English literature , w e must hav e some notion o f th e rang e an d natur e o f Anglo-Lati n literature. 9 We shal l begi n thi s surve y o f Anglo-Lati n writing s wit h earl y Southumbria (Mercia , Wessex , an d Kent) , befor e movin g o n t o consider Northumbria . W e ma y assum e tha t Lati n school s wer e first establishe d i n Englan d wit h th e arriva l i n 59 7 of Augustin e and th e Roma n monk s dispatche d b y Pope Gregor y th e Great. Th e


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first tas k o f thes e monk s woul d hav e bee n th e trainin g o f a nativ e English clerg y capabl e o f readin g th e Lati n Bibl e an d performin g the Lati n liturgy . The y obviousl y enjoye d som e success , fo r a generation later , i n th e 630s , a bishop o f Eas t Anglia , assiste d b y masters an d teacher s fro m Kent , establishe d a ne w schoo l base d on thi s Kentis h model. 10 An d b y 644 , Ithamar , bisho p o f Roches ter, wa s consecrate d a s th e firs t nativ e bishop , followe d soo n b y the firs t nativ e archbishop , Deusdedi t (655-64) . Unfortunately , Augustine an d hi s companion s appea r t o hav e lef t n o Lati n writ ings, althoug h a gospel-boo k the y brough t t o Englan d ma y stil l survive, an d som e o f th e earlies t Anglo-Saxo n charter s ma y sho w the influenc e o f chancer y document s the y firs t introduce d int o England (se e chapte r 4). 11 The arriva l o f Theodor e o f Tarsu s i n 66 9 an d o f hi s colleague , the Africa n Hadrian , shortl y afte r pu t Lati n learnin g i n Englan d on a mor e secur e basis . Theodor e becam e archbisho p o f Canter bury (669-90 ) an d Hadria n abbo t o f th e monaster y o f SS . Pete r and Pau l (late r St . Augustine's ) nearby . The y establishe d a schoo l in Canterbur y t o whic h student s fro m al l ove r Englan d flocked . Bede describe s i t i n glowin g terms : And because both of them were extremely learned in sacred and secular literature, they attracted a crowd of students into whose minds they daily poured the streams of wholesome learning . They gave their hearers instruction no t onl y i n th e book s o f th e hol y Scriptur e but also in the ar t o f meter , astronomy , an d ecclesiastica l computation . A s evi dence of this , som e of thei r students stil l survive who know Lati n and Greek jus t a s wel l a s their nativ e tongue . Neve r ha d ther e bee n suc h happy time s since the English firs t came to Britain. . . . 12 Very few writing s o f Theodor e (an d non e o f Hadrian ) survive , bu t later glossaries revea l th e impac t an d rang e o f hi s teaching . Thes e preserve hi s explanation s o f variou s biblica l passage s an d othe r texts, an d displa y a n amazin g knowledg e o f earlie r authorities , including man y Gree k patristi c authors otherwis e unknow n i n th e Latin West. 13 Among thos e wh o studie d wit h Theodor e an d Hadria n wa s Aldhetm (die d 709) , wh o ma y justl y b e calle d th e firs t Englis h ma n of letters ; indeed , i t i s doubtfu l whethe r th e Anglo-Saxon s eve r

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produced a ma n o f greate r learnin g o r literar y enterprise . Aid helm wa s born i n Wessex , possibl y aroun d 640 , of a noble famil y with royal connections. H e studie d a t Canterbur y i n th e early 670s, before becomin g abbo t o f Malmesbur y i n 67 3 or 67 4 and eventu ally bisho p o f Sherborn e i n 706 . Th e rang e o f Aldhelm' s Lati n writings is impressive. 14 His prose writings include a collection of ten letter s addresse d t o variou s person s o n a variet y o f subjects : the questio n o f Easte r reckonin g (i n a lette r t o Geraint , kin g o f Dumnonia), the difficulties of metrical and computistical studies (in a lette r t o th e bisho p o f Wessex) , an d th e advantage s o f Englis h over Iris h educatio n (i n letter s t o hi s student s Heahfrit h an d Wihtfrith). H e als o addressed a massive epistle , th e so-calle d Epistola ad Acircium, to King Aldfrith o f Northumbria (685-705) , with whom h e evidentl y enjoye d a clos e relationship . Th e prefac e t o this treatis e contain s a lon g discussio n o f th e allegorica l signifi cance o f th e numbe r 7 ; but tw o distinc t ye t complementar y trea tises o n Lati n metrics , th e De Metris and De Pedum Regulis, make up it s mai n part . Aldhel m wa s perhap s th e earlies t Anglo-Saxo n to attemp t t o explai n th e difficultie s o f metrica l compositio n fo r his students . Th e Epistola ad Acircium als o includes a collection of 100 metrical Enigmata (se e below) , whic h illustrat e th e propertie s of th e hexameter . Aldhelm's longes t an d mos t influentia l wor k wa s a treatis e o n virginity (De Virginitate), addresse d t o Abbess Hildelit h an d a sorority o f nun s a t Barkin g Abbey , nea r London . I n it s openin g chapters Aldhel m follow s severa l patristi c authorities i n recogniz ing three grades o f virginity, thoug h h e departs fro m the m in emphasizing th e stat e o f castitas. In hi s description , thi s stat e per tains t o thos e wh o hav e formerl y bee n married , bu t wh o hav e rejected thei r spouse s in favor o f th e celibate life—the situatio n of some o f th e nun s a t Barking . Followin g thi s length y theoretica l discussion, Aldhel m give s brie f account s o f exemplar y mal e vir gins, i n rough chronologica l order : Old Testament virgin s such a s Elijah; Ne w Testamen t one s suc h a s Joh n th e Baptist ; Christia n martyrs an d confessor s o f th e earl y centuries . A similar lis t of fe male virgins follows thi s catalogue. Aldhel m end s by warning th e nuns agains t th e danger s o f ostentatiou s dress . Apart fro m th e numbe r o f source s whic h Aldhel m dre w upon ,



this treatise's most strikin g feature i s the prose style: long, almos t Joycean, sentence s studde d wit h obscur e vocabulary , interlace d word order , biblica l similes , an d alliteration . Aldhel m wa s appar ently writing in a tradition o f Late Latin continental prose ; he wa s not followin g Iris h models. 15 But whateve r th e sourc e o f inspira tion hi s styl e ha d a n immediat e impac t o n Englis h readers , an d for th e nex t fou r centurie s man y Anglo-Lati n authors , notabl y Boniface an d Byrhtfert h (se e below), modele d thei r pros e o n his . As a Latin poet Aldhelm wa s also an influential innovator. 16 H e appears, for example, to have pioneered a sort of Latin rhythmica l verse called continuou s octosyllables . He has left on e lengthy poe m in thi s vers e form ; i t describe s th e cataclysmi c effect s o f a might y storm on a small church somewher e i n southwest England . I n addition, h e was th e firs t medieva l Lati n poet wh o was not a nativ e speaker o f Lati n t o b e face d wit h th e difficul t tas k o f composin g extensive quantitativ e verse . Lati n quantitative vers e combine s lon g and shor t syllable s i n a manner utterl y distinc t fro m Ol d Englis h verse, whic h consist s o f stress-pattern s an d alliteration . A n earl y medieval poe t wh o di d no t spea k Lati n woul d hav e ha d t o lear n the quantit y o f Lati n syllable s painstakingly , an d th e proces s o f combining the m (no t t o mentio n th e infinit e complexitie s o f hia tus, elision , an d th e rest ) would hav e presented formidabl e prob lems. I t i s a mar k o f Aldhelm' s achievemen t tha t h e wa s abl e t o master s o foreign a medium. 17 Aldhelm's survivin g corpu s o f quantitativ e Lati n vers e consist s of severa l works . First , ther e i s a collectio n o f tituli, whic h wer e intended fo r th e dedicatio n o f variou s churche s an d altars . Thes e tituli (or Carmina Ecclesiastica) throw considerable light on the for m and structur e o f earl y Anglo-Saxo n churches . On e o f the m (no . V), ostensibl y commemoratin g a serie s o f altar s dedicate d t o th e twelve apostles, i n fact give s brief account s of how an d wher e eac h apostle me t hi s end. Th e poem i s an interestin g forerunne r o f th e Old Englis h Fates of the Apostles (se e chapter 7) . Aldhelm's longes t poem, th e Carmen de Virginitate, is a metrica l counterpar t t o hi s earlier pros e version . I n composin g suc h a vers e counterpart , Aldhelm create d a n opus geminatum or "twi n work, " thu s contin uing an ancien t tradition. 18 In particular h e here imitated th e Lat e Latin poet Caelius Sedulius, who composed a prose treatis e to ac-

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company hi s earlie r Carmen Paschale. Aldhelm' s Carmen de Virginitate is not, however, a slavish versification o f the earlier prose work. He condense d drasticall y th e theoretica l discussio n o f virginity , made a number o f additions and deletion s to the catalogues of exemplary virgins , an d adde d a final sectio n describin g a n allegori cal battl e betwee n th e Vice s an d Virtues , whic h seem s t o b e in debted t o Prudentius' Psychomachia. Perhaps Aldhelm' s mos t influentia l poeti c wor k wa s th e collection o f Enigmata inserte d i n th e Epistola ad Acircium. Like the Lat e Latin poe t Symphosius , Aldhel m wrot e 10 0 enigmata. I n vie w o f the seriousnes s o f Aldhelm's theme , th e ter m shoul d probabl y b e rendered "Mysteries " rathe r tha n "Riddles, " fo r Aldhel m se t ou t to revea l th e hidde n link s betwee n al l creation—animat e an d in animate—and by means of an intricate web of interlocking theme s and metaphor s t o lea d th e reade r t o contemplat e God' s Creatio n afresh. Drawin g hi s subject s mainl y fro m Pliny , Isidore , an d hi s own observatio n o f nature , Aldhel m wov e the m togethe r i n th e final enigma, whic h i s "Creation" itself . These Enigmata wer e widely rea d i n earl y medieva l Europe , in spiring man y imitators . Tatwine , a Mercian schola r wh o subse quently becam e archbisho p o f Canterbur y (731-4) , compose d fort y such enigmata. 19 They reflec t th e hig h seriousnes s o f Aldhelm' s collection an d contai n subtl e rumination s o n Go d an d o n man' s means o f comprehendin g Hi s creation—th e whol e unite d b y a vast acrostic which embrace s all forty items . Another Anglo-Latin poe t (very probabl y a Southumbria n a s well) , name d Eusebius , com pleted Tatwine' s collectio n b y addin g a further sixt y enigmata. 2® Bu t these lac k th e intellectua l subtlet y o f Aldhelm's an d Tatwine's , an d many are simply uninspired versification s o f subjects from th e Latin Physiologus (Bestiary). Aldhelm's Enigmata also influenced Ol d English poets : several o f the m wer e translate d int o Anglo-Saxon. Th e Lorica (no. XXXIII)—Breastplate—wa s earl y translate d int o th e Northumbrian dialec t an d survive s a s th e so-calle d Leiden Riddle. A vers e translation o f th e fina l enigma, "Creation " (no . C), is foun d among th e Ol d Englis h riddle s i n th e Exete r Book , a collection of some 90 riddles which may hav e been assemble d o n the model of Aldhelm's grou p o f 10 0 (see chapter 11) . Aldhelm wa s th e most importan t an d influentia l Southumbria n



author o f the early period, bu t h e was not a n isolated figure . On e of hi s students , th e poe t TEthilwald , compose d fou r poem s usin g continuous octosyllable s i n imitatio n o f hi s teacher' s Carmen Rhythmicum.21 Anothe r scholar , wh o wa s apparentl y Aldhelm' s colleague o r student , compose d th e fascinatin g Liber Monstrorum, a pros e wor k consistin g o f thre e books , o n monsters , beasts , an d serpents respectively. 22 Wherea s Aldhelm' s Enigmata trea t o f th e natural worl d i n it s norma l manifestations , th e Liber Monstrorum concerns itsel f wit h unnatura l monstrosities—giants , Harpies , an d Minotaurs, amon g others . Th e Liber Monstrorum include s a chap ter o n a n extraordinaril y tal l man (henc e a monster) calle d Hyge lac (1.2); this is probably the earliest reference i n an English sourc e to Hygelac, th e Geatis h kin g and Beowulf' s uncle . Returning t o the Mercia n schola r Tatwine, w e note tha t h e als o compiled a n elementar y Ars Grammatical on e furthe r reflectio n of th e earl y Anglo-Saxo n concer n wit h pedagog y an d th e prob lems of teaching Latin gramma r a s a foreign language . Fro m Mercia to o cam e th e Feli x (otherwis e unknown ) wh o compose d th e Vita S. Guthlaci (c . 740) , a verbos e an d occasionall y difficul t ac count o f the Mercian noblema n Guthlac , wh o abandoned th e world and became , o n th e mode l o f St . Anton y i n Egypt , a lonel y an chorite in th e fens nea r present-da y Crowland . Ther e h e waged a lifelong struggl e agains t devilis h apparitions. 24 Felix' s wor k wa s one o f th e earlies t Southumbria n saints ' lives. 25 The elaborate Lati n prose resemble s Aldhelm's , an d th e work influence d Ol d Englis h literature: i t wa s translate d int o vernacula r prose , serve d a s th e certain sourc e o f on e poe m i n th e Exete r Boo k (Guthlac B) , an d may have inspired anothe r (Guthlac A). As Lati n cultur e becam e firml y establishe d i n Southumbria n monasteries durin g th e lat e sevent h century , som e zealou s En glish Christian s bega n t o turn thei r attentio n t o the stil l pagan in habitants o f Germany ; an d fro m thi s tim e onward s ther e wa s in creasing intercours e betwee n Southumbri a an d th e people s o f Germany an d Friesland. 26 Th e greates t o f thes e Southumbria n missionaries wa s Boniface , whos e activitie s i n Hess e an d Thurin gia earne d hi m th e titl e "Apostl e o f Germany." 27 Bor n nea r Exe ter (c . 675) with th e Englis h nam e Wynfrith , h e spen t hi s adolescence studyin g Lati n unde r on e Wynberh t a t th e monaster y o f

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Nursling (Hants.) . T o these earl y years, presumably , belong s th e composition o f hi s elementary Ars Grammatical Boniface' s Ars is distinguished by being the first Latin grammar to include full conjugations o f al l classes o f Lati n verbs—such usefu l informatio n ha d been take n fo r grante d b y th e Lat e Lati n grammarians . H e als o wrote a collection of twenty metrical enigmata, eac h in the form of an acrostic , treatin g th e Vice s an d Virtues. 29 Althoug h h e coul d have ha d a distinguishe d caree r a s a grammaria n an d scholar , Boniface chos e t o pursu e missionar y wor k overseas ; h e lef t En gland foreve r i n 719. While attempting t o extend th e influence o f the church in Friesland, h e was martyred, a t Dokkum, i n 754. A large body of correspondence chronicle s Boniface's continental career in detail. Assemble d afte r hi s death by a close followe r who remain s anonymous, thi s collection includes letters by Boniface himself , a s well a s by a circle of correspondent s i n England, and b y th e variou s pope s wit h who m Bonifac e ha d dealings. 30 These letter s thro w muc h ligh t o n th e natur e o f th e intellectua l contacts between Boniface and his English well-wishers, i n particular o n th e passag e o f book s betwee n Englis h house s an d Boni face i n Germany . The y revea l clearl y th e surprisingl y hig h stan dard of literacy among otherwise unknown clergy of the time. Many of Boniface' s letter s implor e suppor t fo r hi s mission—throug h prayers, books , o r helpers; and man y helper s fro m Southumbri a did trave l t o German y t o assist him . The y hav e lef t trace s in th e record of Anglo-Latin literature. A number of letters by Lul, Boniface's successo r a s archbisho p o f Main z an d a former studen t at Malmesbury, ar e preserved in the corpus of Bonifatian correspondence. Another English follower, on e Willibald, compose d a lengthy life of th e sain t (th e Vita S. Bonifatii), probabl y a t Mainz between 754 and 768. Another saint' s life fro m the orbit of the Bonifatian mission is the eccentric Vita SS. Willibaldi et Wynnebaldi, writte n by an English nu n o f Heidenhei m name d Hygeburg . Willibal d an d Wynnebald wer e brothers from Wessex ; Willibald (no t t o be confused wit h Boniface' s hagiographer ) becam e bisho p o f Eichstatt , and Wynnebald , abbo t o f Heidenheim . Hygeburg' s vita, com posed i n a highly elaborat e an d unusua l prose , provide s a fascinating accoun t o f a journey mad e b y Willibald t o the Hol y Land


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and the eastern Mediterranean in the years 723-9. This work may fairly be described as the earliest travel-book from an English pen. 31 Through the agency of the Bonifatian mission, then, many AngloLatin works—notably the writings of Aldhelm and glossaries such as that known as the "Leiden Glossary"—were transmitte d to the Continent. Th e "Leiden Glossary" is of particular importance, because its Latin-Old English lists preserve som e of the earliest surviving Ol d English vocabulary; it was copied a t St. Galle n c. 800. In Northumbri a somewha t differen t circumstance s obtained . Paulinus' early mission me t with initial succes s in the conversio n of King Edwin (627); but this was short-lived, and by the mid-seventh centur y th e onl y activ e cente r o f learnin g i n th e nort h wa s Whitby, unde r the direction of the energetic Abbess Hild. 32 As at Canterbury before the advent of Theodore and Hadrian, help had to be sought from outside England ; but whereas the Southumbrians turned to Rome, the Northumbrians turned to Ireland and Iona. The stor y o f Aida n an d hi s Iris h monk s a t Lindisfarn e i s wel l known. Through them, Irish learning was brought to England. Late seventh-century manuscript s from Northumbria sho w its impress in bot h scrip t an d decoration , an d Anglo-Lati n literatur e fro m Northumbria als o bears the stamp of Irish influence. A number o f lat e seventh- o r early eighth-century Lati n saints' lives surviv e t o indicat e tha t Northumbri a enjoye d a hig h stan dard o f Lati n training . Th e anonymou s Vita S. Gregorii, a life o f Pope Gregory the Great, was produced at Whitby (680-704). This is one of the most idiosyncratic and engaging of all the Anglo-Latin vitae, and contain s a version o f th e famou s stor y o f Gregor y an d the Englis h slav e boys, a s well a s numerous (an d spurious ) miracles involvin g th e grea t pope . A t Lindisfarne , betwee n 69 9 and 705, a n anonymou s mon k produce d th e Vita S. Cuthberti, a de tailed and loving account of the holy life and miracles of St. Cuthbert (died 687), who, althoug h an Englishman, live d his austerely religious lif e afte r th e manne r o f a n Irish hermit. A mon k o f Ripon, customaril y referre d t o a s "Eddius " Stephanus , compose d (710-20?) th e Vita S. Wilfridi, a lif e o f th e indefatigabl e Bisho p Wilfrid (died 709). The work is in effect an apologia for Wilfrid, who, during th e cours e o f a storm y career , wa s expelle d man y time s from variou s Northumbria n see s b y severa l king s an d ecclesias -

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tical councils , an d wh o invariabl y sough t papa l endorsemen t fo r his position . Th e Vita S. Wilfridi presents a vivid bu t partisa n ac count o f thes e struggles . Soo n afte r th e deat h o f Abbo t Ceolfrit h (716), a n anonymou s mon k a t Wearmouth-Jarro w wrot e th e Vita S. Ceolfridi; thi s brie f wor k give s a valuable glimps e o f th e origi n and spiritua l lif e o f th e monaster y Ceolfrit h helpe d t o found. 33 For more tha n a century Wearmouth-Jarro w outshon e al l othe r Northumbrian monasterie s a s a result of the learning and fam e of its mos t celebrate d monk , th e Venerabl e Bed e (672/3-735). M W e know littl e of Bede's life besid e wha t h e himsel f tell s us in an au tobiographical chapter a t the end o f his Historia Ecclesiastica (V.24): that h e wa s delivere d a s a n oblat e t o Wearmouth-Jarro w age d seven, tha t h e studie d unde r Benedic t Bisco p an d Ceolfrit h an d was successivel y ordaine d deaco n an d priest , an d tha t otherwis e he spen t hi s entire life in tha t monaster y studyin g th e Scriptures , teaching, an d writing . Th e rang e o f Bede' s learnin g wa s im mense, a s was th e exten t o f his writing; 35 he embraced grammar , hagiography, natura l science , computu s (se e below), history , biblical exegesis , an d poetr y a s hi s intellectua l province . Bu t al l hi s diverse work s ar e marke d b y on e characteristic—clarit y o f expo sition. Bed e was a teacher par excellence, an d h e devoted hi s greatest energ y t o th e instructio n o f hi s monasti c pupils . On e o f th e most movin g text s t o have com e dow n t o us fro m th e Lati n Mid dle Age s i s th e accoun t o f Bede' s las t day s b y hi s studen t Cuth bert, th e Epistola Cuthberti de Obitu Bedae. 36 Her e w e se e Bede , bedridden an d terminall y ill , expoundin g t o his circl e of disciple s the Gospe l o f St . John an d explainin g th e deficiencie s o f Isidore' s De Natura Rerum on th e pretex t tha t " I canno t hav e m y childre n learning wha t i s no t true , an d losin g thei r labo r o n thi s whe n I am gone." 37 This sentiment animate s nearly al l of Bede's writing. Three didacti c work s se t of f Bede' s concer n wit h pedagog y t o advantage: a treatis e o n correc t Lati n spellin g (De Orthographia), one o n metric s (De Arte Metrica) an d on e o n elementar y cosmol ogy (De Natura Rerwn). 3S Bede drew th e first fro m a wide range of grammatical authorities , bu t organize d i t in alphabetica l orde r fo r ease o f consultation . S o to o th e De Arte Metrica: her e Bed e con sulted man y Lat e Lati n grammarians , bu t too k car e t o substitut e examples fro m Christia n Lati n poet s (especiall y thos e discusse d


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above a s "curriculu m authors" ) wher e th e earlie r grammarian s ha d cited classica l Lati n authors . I n thi s way Bed e made hi s work mor e appropriate fo r Christia n teachin g an d mor e accessible t o the stu dents wh o wer e readin g thei r wa y throug h th e medieva l curricu lum. H e als o added a n appendi x (De Schematibus et Tropis) in whic h he described th e numerous rhetorica l figure s an d illustrate d the m with biblical examples. Becaus e of its clarity and utility , Bede' s De Arte Metrica became th e principal textbook o n Latin metrics in th e early Middl e Ages . Equall y popula r wa s th e brie f De Natura Rerum. I n thi s work , probabl y on e o f hi s earliest , Bed e assemble d passages—mostly fro m Isidor e and Pliny—o n such subject s a s the elements, th e firmament , th e motio n o f th e planets, an d eclipses . A notabl e featur e o f th e De Natura, a s i t i s preserve d i n som e manuscripts, i s a serie s o f source-mark s b y whic h Bed e scrupu lously identifie d hi s sources . Another aspec t o f Bede' s pedagog y wa s hi s concern wit h com putus, o r what w e might call ecclesiastical arithmetic. A subject of almost intolerabl e complexity , i t consist s o f mathematica l rule s an d procedures fo r calculatin g th e date s o f th e movabl e feast s o f th e Christian year . Th e date of Easter was the most important o f these , not onl y becaus e o f it s central plac e in Christia n history , bu t als o because othe r date s depende d upo n it . B y Bede' s time , variou s procedures were in circulation, an d in his view, many of them wer e dangerously wrong . H e se t ou t t o demolis h th e erroneou s one s and t o expoun d th e principle s upo n whic h t o bas e correc t ones . He wrot e tw o treatises : a short , earl y work , De Temporibus (703) , and th e mor e expansiv e De Temporum Ratione (725); 39 apparentl y his student s foun d th e earl y wor k to o condensed. Medieva l com putists al l ove r Europ e rea d De Temporum Ratione, an d i t survive s in hundreds of manuscripts. In many ways it is still the most helpfu l exposition o f thi s difficul t subject . Biblical exegesis , however , mad e u p th e bul k o f Bede' s literar y output. H e compiled commentarie s o n th e followin g book s o f th e Old Testament: Genesis, part of Exodus (chapters XXIV-XXX = De Tabernaculo), part s of Samuel and Kings , parts of Chronicles (= De Templo Salomonis), Ezr a an d Nehemiah , Tobit , Proverbs , Son g of Songs an d th e mino r prophe t Habakkuk ; o f th e Ne w Testamen t he wrot e commentarie s o n th e gospel s o f Mar k an d Luke , tw o

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treatises on th e Acts of the Apostles, a collection o f patristic opinions o n th e Paulin e Epistles , an d commentarie s o n th e seve n Catholic Epistles an d o n Revelation. 40 In these commentarie s Bed e was mostly concerne d t o assembl e and sif t th e opinions o f earlier Churc h Father s rather tha n t o venture hi s own ; som e o f hi s exegetica l works—fo r example , In Genesim and th e Collectaneum o n th e Pauline Epistles—ar e little more than cento s o f quotation s fro m patristi c sources . B y nature Bed e favors philologica l and historica l exposition an d avoid s the wilde r excesses of allegorical interpretation. H e prefers t o interpret a biblical tex t literally , an d wil l onl y attemp t t o extrac t a n allegorica l interpretation whe n h e feel s justifie d i n s o doin g b y recours e t o other biblica l texts . A typica l instanc e occur s nea r th e beginnin g of Boo k I of In Ezram et Nehemiam; Bed e say s h e di d no t arriv e a t the mystical interpretation o f Kin g Cyrus as the Savior "b y his own interpretation (ex nostra coniectura) bu t throug h th e clea r state ments o f th e prophe t Isaiah." 41 Normall y Bed e concentrate s o n explaining th e meanin g o f Hebre w an d Gree k term s (basin g him self o n Jerome' s treatise s o n Hebre w names) , identifyin g biblica l persons an d places , an d explainin g historica l reference s an d allu sions. On e o f Bede' s matur e works , th e Retractatio o r "Revision " of hi s earlie r Expositio o n th e Act s o f th e Apostle s (c . 709) , bes t exemplifies thes e characteristics . I n th e late r wor k Bed e clarifie d numerous point s o f ambiguit y whic h ha d earlie r elude d him , b y recourse t o a Gree k tex t o f th e Act s (th e actua l manuscrip t use d by Bed e survive s i n Oxford , Bodleia n Library , Lau d Grec . 35) , and hence h e wa s i n a positio n t o compar e Jerome' s Vulgat e transla tion wit h th e Gree k original . I n short , Bede' s biblical commentar ies provided wha t migh t be called philologica l an d historica l commentary; h e wishe d t o clarif y th e meanin g o f th e Bibl e fo r hi s students. Bu t this desire gave his commentaries wider appea l an d some surviv e i n hundreds o f copies . Bede's smal l corpu s o f Lati n poetr y als o deserve s mention. 42 Among hi s work s h e liste d a boo k o f epigram s an d a boo k o f hymns. Thes e hav e no t bee n preserve d entire , bu t remnant s o f each exist, enoug h t o indicate tha t Bede , like Aldhelm, compose d tituli for th e dedicatio n o f churches . H e als o composed, a s a supplement t o the Ol d Hymnal , a series o f hymn s fo r differen t litur -



gical feasts in the iambic dimeter of Ambrosian hymns. In the Historia Ecclesiastica h e include d tw o o f hi s poems , on e o n St . ^thelthryth, th e othe r a n epitap h fo r Bisho p Wilfrid . These , to gether with his metrical Vita S. Cuthberti, sho w hi m to have been thoroughly steepe d i n Vergi l an d th e Christian-Lati n poets , an d to have been a more competent Latin versifier tha n Aldhelm. Perhaps h e als o compose d th e lon g moralizin g poe m o n th e Da y of Judgment (De Die ludicii), which was widely read during the Middle Ages an d was translate d int o Old Englis h (Judgment Day II— see chapte r 10 ) a t a tim e nea r th e milleniu m whe n me n wer e thinking hard of the Judgment t o come. Bede was also active as a hagiographer.43 His interest in this most widely practise d of all early medieval literar y genres manifests itself i n th e extensiv e readin g progra m whic h la y behind hi s revi sion o f th e Hieronymia n Martyrology. Unhappily, Bede' s ow n Martyrology does not survive in complete and unadulterated form. In the metrical Vita S. Cuthberti, hi s earliest essay in hagiography, Bede provide d a hexametrical versio n o f th e anonymou s Lindis farne Vita S. Cuthberti. Bed e knew the tradition of prose and verse paraphrase, an d in his poetic version of Cuthbert's life, h e seem s to have modelled himsel f o n Arator's verse rendering of the Acts of the Apostles. Lik e Arator, Bede gives a prose summary of each event in Cuthbert's life, an d then, in the accompanying verse, expands o n it s theologica l an d mora l significance . Hi s vers e vita, therefore, i s not a close or literal rendition of the anonymous vita. Bede showed himsel f intereste d in the relationship between verse and prose on other occasions. H e produced a prose version of the life o f St . Felix , th e patro n sain t o f Nola , whic h ha d earlie r been treated in verse by the Late Latin poet Paulinus of Nola. Anofhe r work of hagiography which Bede lists, but which has hitherto been presumed lost , i s the Passio S. Anastasii, a n account o f a seventhcentury Persia n martyr . Bed e though t tha t i t ha d bee n badl y translated fro m th e Greek and h e attempte d t o correct it. Th e recent discovery of Bede's corrected version should throw new light on his knowledge o f Greek and his hagiographical methods . Bede's pros e Vita S. Cuthberti (c . 721 ) remain s hi s best-know n essay i n hagiography. Her e Bed e show s tha t he understoo d wel l the aim s o f th e hagiographer . Hi s principa l source , th e anopy -

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mous Lindisfarn e Vita S. Cuthberti onc e again , wa s writte n b y a member o f th e communit y i n whic h Cuthber t ha d lived , an d i t is full o f personal reminiscences and incidenta l details . Such matter s may be o f grea t interes t t o moder n historians , bu t Bed e sa w tha t they wer e inappropriat e i n a saint' s vita. The hagiographe r mus t demonstrate tha t th e sain t i n questio n wa s a vessel o f God' s grace , residing only temporarily in a human frame , bu t eternally a member o f th e communit y o f God' s saints , wh o ma y interced e o n be half o f thos e wh o pra y t o him . Thu s i t matter s littl e whether th e saint's human for m wa s tall or short, hair y or smooth, o r whethe r he wa s bor n a t Lichfiel d o r Lastingham ; wha t doe s matte r i s hi s efficacy a s a vessel o f divin e virtus and hi s abilit y t o demonstrat e this powe r throug h virtutes o r miracles . Bed e systematicall y se t ou t to recast the earlier anonymous vita of Cuthbert, eliminatin g all its local detail and drawing attention, i n many homiletic additions, t o the saint' s eterna l virtues . Shor n o f loca l detail, Bede' s prose Vita S. Cuthberti appealed t o an internationa l medieva l audience . While Bede' s pedagogical , exegetical , an d hagiographica l writ ings wer e extensive , i t i s as a historian tha t h e i s best know n to day.44 Indeed, withou t Bede' s historical works , ou r knowledg e of early Anglo-Saxo n Englan d woul d b e minimal . Bede' s scholarl y interest i n computu s le d naturall y t o a n interes t i n chronolog y an d in th e age s o f th e world . H e wrot e a brief lette r t o on e Plegwin e on th e Si x Ages o f th e World , an d appende d t o his De Temporum Ratione a broader treatmen t o f th e sam e subject . Thi s appendix i s a chronicl e i n it s ow n right , referre d t o a s th e Chronica Maiora, 45 since in his treatment o f the sixth or present ag e Bede brought hi s account fro m th e first yea r of Christ's life up t o the death o f Ceolfrith (716) , abbot of Wearmouth-Jarrow. I n compiling these Chronica Maiora, Bed e dre w o n a variet y o f historica l sources , notabl y the chronicle s o f Jerome , wit h continuations , an d Rufinus ' Lati n translation o f th e Gree k historia n Eusebius ' Ecclesiastical History. Bede's work o n thes e Chronica Maiora wa s preparator y t o his ultimate historica l enterprise . Als o preparatory wa s th e brief Historia Abbatum (725-30),46 a n accoun t o f th e foundatio n o f Bede' s ow n monastery a t Wearmouth-Jarrow, an d o f its two principal abbots , Benedict Bisco p and Ceolfrith . But i t i s Bede' s Ecclesiastical History (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis



Anglorum)47 whic h ha s secure d hi s reputatio n fo r twelv e centu ries. Thi s work , writte n a t th e en d o f hi s scholarl y career , i s universally regarde d a s a masterpiec e o f historica l composition . Bede' s immediate mode l appear s t o have been th e Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, althoug h h e als o kne w othe r Lat e Lati n historica l writ ings, suc h a s Orosiu s (se e chapte r 3) . However , rathe r tha n at tempt a universal histor y like theirs, Bede decided t o limit his scope to the Englis h people , followin g th e exampl e o f th e Historia Francorum b y Gregor y o f Tours . Bede' s Historia Ecclesiastica i s divide d into fiv e roughl y equa l books , an d extend s fro m Juliu s Caesar' s attempted invasio n o f Britai n i n 6 0 B.C. t o A.D . 731 , the yea r i n which Bed e finishe d hi s work . Eac h o f th e book s ha s a n individ ual focus: the background t o the Augustinian missio n (I) , Gregory the Grea t and th e Augustinia n mission , a s far a s Paulinus' retur n from Northumbri a (II) , th e subsequen t growt h o f th e Northum brian Churc h unde r Iris h influenc e (III) , Archbishop Theodor e an d Cuthbert (IV) , and th e present stat e of the Church in England (V). But into this broad historica l framework Bed e inserted a n impres sive variety of papal and episcopa l correspondence , acta of churc h councils, anecdotes , metrica l epitaphs , an d man y poeti c quota tions. H e recount s a t lengt h th e vision s o f hol y men—Furs a an d Dryhthelm, fo r example—an d frequentl y depart s fro m hi s narra tive t o recor d miracles . Th e whol e wor k i s unifie d mainl y b y it s general concern with th e growth o f the Church in England. Ye t in spite o f it s seemin g lac k o f coheren t organization , i t make s com pelling reading. 48 Bed e ha s tol d man y o f th e storie s s o wel l tha t they hav e become a permanent par t o f our literar y heritage . Wh o has neve r hear d th e tal e o f Pop e Gregor y an d th e Englis h slave boys (II . 1)? O r th e compariso n o f man' s lif e t o th e passag e o f a sparrow in and ou t of a hall on a wintry night (II . 13)? Or the stor y of th e illiterat e peasan t Caedmo n an d hi s miraculou s gif t o f po etry (IV.24(22]) ? Lik e severa l o f Bede' s works , th e Historia Ecclesiastica survive s i n hundred s o f manuscripts , an d wa s on e o f th e Latin texts translated int o Old Englis h a t the time of King Alfred' s revival o f learnin g i n th e lat e ninth centur y (se e chapter 2) . In what may have been his last work, th e Epistola ad Ecgberhtum, Bede wrot e t o Ecgberht , archbisho p o f Yor k (732-66 ) an d on e of his forme r students , instructin g hi m o n a bishop's dutie s an d o n

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the nee d t o stud y Latin . Ecgberh t apparentl y too k thi s advic e t o heart, fo r h e penne d a brief Dialogus Ecclesiastice Institutionis, a series of questions an d answer s o n th e relationship o f secular t o ecclesiastical la w i n matter s suc h a s th e givin g o f oath s an d th e commission o f capita l crimes . A penitentia l ha s als o bee n trans mitted unde r Ecgberht' s nam e an d i t ma y b e a n authenti c work . These tw o items 49 reveal tha t Ecgberh t wa s concerned wit h eccle siastical disciplin e i n hi s archdiocese ; bu t w e als o kno w tha t h e was a conscientious teacher . His successor , ^Elberh t (767-78) , continue d hi s tas k o f buildin g up York as a center of learning. O n severa l occasions he made trip s abroad i n searc h o f book s an d amasse d on e o f th e fines t librarie s in Europe . N o writing s o f ^Elberh t survive , bu t w e kno w abou t his teachin g an d librar y fro m a length y poe m b y hi s mos t illus trious student , Alcuin . I n hi s Versus de Patribus, Regibus et Sanctis Euboricensis Ecclesiae (On the Bishops, King s and Saint s of York), 50 Alcuin describe d th e progres s o f th e Christia n Churc h i n Nor thumbria, wit h particula r attentio n t o Deir a an d th e se e o f York , from it s beginnings u p t o ^lberht's death , tw o years afte r hi s retirement, i n 780 . Fo r th e earlie r perio d Alcui n depende d mainl y on Bede's History and metrica l Vita S. Cuthberti; for th e latter part , especially th e account s o f Ecgberh t an d ^Elberht , Alcui n relie d o n his personal experience . Th e later section s thu s contain a glowing description o f ^lberht's teaching , an d o f th e library he assemble d (which wa s subsequentl y bequeathe d t o Alcuin) , an d a n impas sioned lamen t o n hi s death . Alcuin (die d 804 ) was bor n nea r Yor k an d receive d hi s school ing there; 51 h e woul d hav e bee n ove r fort y a t th e tim e o f ^El berht's death . Fo r Eanbald, hi s colleague an d i^lberht' s episcopa l successor, h e travelled t o Rome to fetch th e pallium. On his return in 781 he met the emperor Charlemagne a t Parma. This encounte r proved o f immens e consequenc e fo r Carolingia n learning : Char lemagne invited Alcui n to take charge of his palace school. Alcuin accepted th e invitation, wit h th e result tha t h e left Englan d i n 782 and, excep t fo r a visi t i n 78 6 an d a sta y o f thre e year s (790-3) , spent th e remainde r o f hi s lif e o n th e Continent . H e serve d a s master o f Charlemagne' s palac e schoo l and towar d th e end o f his life (796-804 ) as abbot o f th e wealth y monaster y a t Tours.


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During th e year s o f hi s continenta l sojour n Alcuin produce d a vast corpus of Latin writings: 52 poems, letters , schoo l texts, biblical exegeses, theologica l treatises , an d hagiography. Wit h few exceptions, possibly including the poem on York, none of his works was produced in England; they therefore throw only indirect light on Lati n learnin g i n eighth-centur y Northumbria . O f particula r interest to students of Ol d English literature are some of Alcuin' s Latin poems53 and his treatise De Virtutibus et Vitiis. Alcuin' s poems encompass a larg e arra y o f subjects . Man y o f the m ar e merel y functional, suc h as epitaphs and inscriptions, but in some there is an intense, persona l ton e o f reflectio n o n th e joy s an d beauty — but als o th e inevitabl e transience—o f thi s earthl y lif e (e.g. , nos . IX, XI, XXIII , an d LV-LVI) . Thes e poem s ar e reminiscen t o f th e Old Englis h elegies , especiall y The Wanderer an d The Seafarer (se e chapter 12) . Th e treatis e De Virtutibus et Vitiis, a layman's hand book compiled from numerous sources , including Isidore and some pseudo-Augustinian homilies , wa s use d b y ^lfri c i n hi s Catholic Homilies and translated into Old English in the tenth century (se e chapter 3). The remainder of Alcuin's writings have perhaps less direct relevance t o late r Ol d Englis h literature , bu t thei r importanc e fo r Carolingian learnin g i s inestimable . A s Charlemagne' s principa l advisor o n matter s ecclesiastical , liturgical , an d educational , Al cuin was th e architec t o f th e "Carolingia n Renaissance. " W e can easily trace Alcuin's involvement i n Carolingian learning throug h the large collection of his letters: 230 survive from the time he spent on the Continent, abou t 200 of which dat e from the period of his abbacy.54 Alcui n probabl y als o drafte d th e circula r letter s issue d by Charlemagne whic h se t out th e emperor's program for educational renewa l an d standardization . I n addition , Alcui n wrot e treatises on grammar (Ars Grammatica), rhetori c (De Rhetorica), an d orthography (De Orthographia). H e may even have been responsi ble fo r establishin g th e standar d orthograph y an d pronunciatio n of medieva l Lati n which obtained throughou t th e Middle Ages. 55 His brief treatis e o n dialecti c (De Dialectica) ha s bee n see n a s th e earliest medieva l attemp t t o assimilat e th e principle s o f Aristote lian logic. 56 Alcuin's theologica l writing s includ e th e De Virtutibus et Vitiis,

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as well as a treatise De Animae Ratione (also used by JEliric), an d a longer wor k o n Trinitaria n theology , De Trinitate. A s Charle magne's spokesma n o n matter s ecclesiastical , Alcui n wa s respon sible fo r a numbe r o f dogmati c treatise s agains t th e heres y o f Adoptianism (whic h hel d tha t Chris t wa s no t th e tru e bu t onl y the adoptiv e so n o f God) , a subjec t o f intens e debat e i n th e lat e eighth century . H e wrote a n accoun t o f a relative, th e Anglo-Saxo n missionary t o Friesland , Willibror d (Vita S. Willibrordi); thi s h e cas t in bot h pros e an d vers e afte r th e model s o f Aldhel m an d Bede . To Alcuin als o belon g th e vitae of St . Martin , th e patro n sain t of Tours, St. Vedastus, patro n sain t of Saint-Vaast, an d St . Richariu s of Saint-Riquier. 57 His exegetical commentaries cove r Genesis, th e Song o f Songs , Ecclesiastes , th e Gospe l o f John , an d Revelatio n (unfinished). Alcui n had a great reputation fo r biblical scholarshi p among hi s contemporaries, an d h e was accordingl y aske d t o produce a revised versio n o f Jerome's Vulgate, since many errors ha d crept int o th e tex t a s a result o f scriba l lapses an d th e vagarie s of manuscript transmission . Hi s revision involve d eliminatio n o f er rors i n punctuation , grammar , an d orthography , an d hi s "cor rected" text henceforth becam e standard. 58 In this undertaking, a s in all his endeavors, Alcuin' s mai n concer n wa s with correctness , consistency, an d order . The impac t o f Alcuin' s skil l a s teache r an d schola r i s reflecte d in the writings of his pupils, amon g the m som e of the most influ ential an d learne d me n o f th e nex t generation , me n suc h a s Hra banus Maurus, abbo t o f Fulda, an d Hildebold , archbisho p o f Cologne. Two o f Alcuin' s Englis h student s wh o ha d followe d th e master t o th e Continen t hav e lef t writing s o f thei r own : Hwita , better known a s Candidus, an d Frithugils. 59 Alcuin also remaine d in contact with his former pupil s at York, som e of whom sen t hi m (for correction? ) a length y poe m o n th e lif e an d miracle s o f St . Nynia, a n early missionary o f Whithorn (th e Miracula S. Nyniae).60 Little more than a pastiche of quotations from th e curriculum poets, this exercise may have been written a t York in the late eighth cen tury. Anothe r Northumbria n Lati n poe m compose d a t roughl y thi s time was the so-called De Abbatibus by one i^thilwulf.61 This poem details the foundation an d abbot s of an unidentifie d monasti c cell of Lindisfarne . Lik e Alcuin's poe m o n th e saint s o f York, i t treat s


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events i n chronologica l order , an d close s wit h a n intimat e visio n of the cell's brethren, pas t and present , al l reunited in heaven. Fro m a reference t o a bishop o f Lindisfarne , th e poe m ma y be dated t o 803-21.

Lindisfarne wa s sacke d b y th e Viking s in 793 : this disaster—la mented b y Alcui n i n a long , elegia c poe m (no . II)—wa s th e har binger o f a century o f Vikin g activity. A s a result o f thei r attacks , the fortune s o f th e Englis h churc h i n th e nint h centur y wer e a t a low ebb . Th e Viking s ar e unlikel y t o have bee n th e sol e caus e of the decline , bu t t o judge fro m survivin g specimens , i t appears tha t very fe w manuscript s wer e copie d durin g tha t century . Further , no Lati n literatur e wa s writte n betwee n ^Ethilwulf' s poe m an d th e revival o f learnin g initiate d b y Kin g Alfred . I n a famou s passag e from th e Prefac e t o hi s Englis h translatio n o f Gregory' s Regula Pastoralis Th e Pastora l Care, ' Alfre d note d tha t o n hi s accessio n in 871 there was not a single man sout h of the Humber who coul d understand divin e service s i n Latin , o r translat e fro m Lati n int o English. Alfred' s statemen t receive s strikin g confirmatio n fro m a series of original charters issued a t Canterbury i n th e 860s, whic h reveal that th e principal scrib e there was an old man nearl y blind , who could scarcel y see to correct the appalling grammatical error s he committed. 62 Alfre d too k decisiv e measure s t o correc t thi s sit uation (se e chapter 2) . Additionally, man y books were brought t o England fro m th e Continen t a t thi s time , an d thu s bega n th e gradual restockin g o f Anglo-Saxo n librarie s tha t ha d bee n de pleted durin g th e nint h century . The educationa l reviva l begu n b y Alfre d continue d unde r hi s successors, hi s so n Edwar d th e Elde r (899-924 ) and hi s grandso n i^Ethelstan (924-39) . They too were concerned wit h obtaining a literate clerg y an d wit h providin g endowment s o f monasterie s t o make suc h literac y possible; they also maintained th e flow o f books and scholars into England fro m th e Continent. A s evidence of thi s revival, w e fin d durin g ^Ethelstan' s reig n a number o f Lati n poem s from variou s centers , som e o f the m apparentl y compose d b y for eign clerics. 63 One suc h continenta l schola r ma y hav e bee n Frith egod, wh o compose d hi s Breviloquium Vitae Wilfredi at Canterbur y during th e decad e 948-58; M b y an y reckonin g thi s i s on e o f th e most difficul t medieva l Lati n poems . Archbisho p Od a o f Canter -

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bury (die d 958 ) had acquire d St . Wilfrid' s relic s fro m Ripo n dur ing a n expeditio n t o th e nort h i n 948 ; to celebrat e hi s acquisitio n he commissioned Frithego d t o make a hexametrical versio n of th e Vita S. Wilfridi by "Eddius " Stephanu s (se e above) . Od a himsel f provided a pros e prefac e i n appropriatel y difficul t Lati n prose . Frithegod's poe m i s a masterpiec e o f th e "hermeneutic " style , bristling wit h archaisms , grecisms , an d neologism s i n suc h pro fusion tha t man y line s cannot b e understood eve n wit h th e guid ance of th e pros e vita. In a simila r vein , bu t late r i n th e century , th e layma n i^Ethel weard produce d hi s Chronicon (978-88) , a Lati n pros e translatio n of a (lost ) versio n o f th e Anglo-Saxo n Chronicles . Lik e Frithe god's, th e Lati n o f ^thelweard i s almost impenetrable, clotte d wit h glossary word s o f al l sort s an d couche d i n incoheren t Lati n syn tax. I f w e believ e th e prefac e tha t th e wor k i s by a layman , the n it i s a mos t astonishin g production. 65 Thes e tw o work s se t th e standard fo r Lati n styl e in verse and pros e fo r th e late Anglo-Saxon period. The y attes t clearl y t o th e reviva l o f learnin g i n th e tent h century, bu t illustrat e that , i n its extreme form, learnin g could become pretentious an d arcane . The Benedictin e refor m movemen t provide d th e impetu s fo r th e great burgeoning o f English learning and literature—i n bot h Lati n and th e vernacular—durin g th e secon d hal f o f th e tent h centur y (see als o chapte r 3) . I n certai n respect s th e Englis h movemen t reenacted th e Carolingia n refor m o f ecclesiastica l disciplin e initi ated b y Loui s th e Piou s (die d 840 ) an d hi s ecclesiastica l advisor , Benedict of Aniane. The capitula of an episcopal synod held by Louis and Benedic t a t Aache n i n 817 , togethe r wit h suc h relate d docu ments a s th e Memoriale qualiter ( a detaile d expositio n o f a monk' s daily duties) , lai d dow n th e guideline s fo r th e Englis h reform ; the y were frequentl y copie d i n tenth-centur y England . But th e Englis h movemen t wa s als o inspire d b y mor e recen t contact wit h th e Continent . Th e three chief proponent s o f the English movement—Dunstan , ^thelwol d an d Oswald—eac h ha d close link s wit h th e Continent , Dunsta n havin g spen t tim e a t St . Peter's i n Ghen t an d Oswal d havin g ha d a perio d o f stud y a t Fleury. i€thelwold , too , ha d wishe d t o stud y a t Fleury , bu t ha d been prevente d b y roya l intervention. 66 Monk s fro m Ghen t an d


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Fleury supervise d th e compilatio n o f th e Regularis Concordia; thi s document, th e monasti c customar y [collectio n o f laws ] designe d to regulate Benedictin e lif e in England, wa s issued after an ecclesiastical synod convened by King Edgar, perhaps in 973. If i^Ethelwold drafte d th e text , a s seem s likely , i t was Dunstan , th e archbishop of Canterbury, wh o inspired it. 67 The beginnin g o f th e monasti c movemen t i n Englan d i s con ventionally date d to 940, the year in which Dunstan assumed th e abbacy o f Glastonbury . A n anonymou s Anglo-Saxo n mon k .B . wrote his biography, th e Vita S. Dunstani, betwee n 995 and 1005; from i t we lear n tha t Dunsta n wa s a scholar o f outstandin g abil ity.68 H e compose d a number o f Lati n poems, an d hi s handwrit ing ma y possibl y b e see n i n severa l survivin g manuscripts . Bu t Dunstan was primarily effective a s an administrator, an d his long tenure of the archbishopric of Canterbury (960-88) saw the implementation o f man y o f th e ideas cherished by the English reform ers. ^thelwold's achievements surpassed those of Dunstan. He had studied briefly wit h Dunsta n a t Glastonbury an d subsequentl y ha d restored th e ruine d monaster y o f Abingdon ; i n 96 3 h e wa s ap pointed bishop of Winchester, an d he ruled that see with indefatigable energ y unti l hi s deat h i n 984. ^Ethelwold' s greates t effort s were put to increasing the prestige and revenues of the Old Minster (the cathedral church) at Winchester. H e had been tutor to King Edgar, an d throug h thi s persona l connectio n obtaine d endow ments fo r Wincheste r an d fo r othe r monasterie s a s fa r afiel d a s the fenland, suc h as Thorney and Peterborough. H e undertook to rebuild th e cathedra l a t Winchester o n a scale the n unsurpasse d by any other church in Europe,69 and arranged for the translation, in 971, of St. Swithun's relics to a lavish shrine in the Old Minster itself. St . Swithu n ha d bee n a n obscur e ninth-centur y bisho p o f Winchester. I n orde r t o recor d thi s translatio n an d th e miracle s which followe d it , a Frankish monk a t Winchester name d Lantfre d wrote—probably a t ^Ethelwold's instigation— a length y pros e account entitled th e Translatio et Miracula S. Swithuni. 70 In addition to these activities, 2*Ethelwold was also a scholar and teacher o f note. 71 H e ha s lef t fe w Lati n writings , bu t issue d a painstakingly accurate English translation of the Benedictine Rule.

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His concer n wit h accurac y an d consistenc y i n translatio n wa s a n important facto r i n th e establishmen t o f wha t ha s bee n calle d Standard Ol d English . Hi s pedagogical excellenc e is also reflecte d in th e student s h e trained . Godeman , fo r example , wh o subse quently becam e abbo t o f Thorney , compose d a poe m i n ^thel wold's prais e whic h serve s a s a prefac e t o th e famou s "Benedic tional o f St . ^thelwold, " th e mos t lavishl y illuminate d extan t manuscript fro m th e lat e Anglo-Saxo n period. 72 Anothe r studen t of Aithelwol d wa s Wulfsta n th e Canto r (no t t o b e confuse d wit h Wulfstan th e homilist). A number o f his Latin writings have come down t o us, includin g a prose Vita S. JEthelwoldi, compose d shortl y after th e translation o f iEthelwold's remain s in 996, and a lengthy hexametrical version , th e Narratio Metrica de S. Swithuno, o f Lantfred's pros e accoun t o f St . Swithun' s miracles , probabl y fin ished i n th e sam e year. 73 This poe m reveal s Wulfsta n a s perhap s the mos t accomplishe d Lati n metricis t whic h Anglo-Saxo n Eng land produced. A s precentor at Winchester, Wulfsta n ma y also have composed variou s trope s fo r feast s celebrate d there , an d h e ma y have bee n partl y responsibl e fo r on e o f th e famou s "Wincheste r Tropers"—two lavis h manuscript s containin g tropes , tha t is , mu sical embellishments t o the chant s o f th e Mass . yElfric, too , wa s on e o f ^thelwold's student s a t Winchester , an d we ma y suspec t tha t ^Ifri c learne d muc h o f hi s concer n fo r ac curacy and clea r exposition fro m hi s more flamboyant teacher . Bes t known fo r hi s Ol d Englis h writing s (se e chapter 3) , Mine wa s also a distinguishe d Lati n scholar. 74 I n hi s concer n fo r clarit y h e re pudiated th e fashionabl e "hermeneutic " styl e affecte d b y Lantfre d and Wulfstan—and presumabl y by ^thelwold. Thu s he produce d simple prose abbreviations of both Lantfred's Translatio et Miracula S. Swithuni an d Wulfstan' s Vita S. JEthelwoldi. Hi s pedagogica l concerns le d hi m t o compile a Latin grammar, th e first suc h wor k in a Europea n vernacular . Th e larg e numbe r o f manuscript s whic h preserve i t attes t t o it s utility . Anothe r teachin g boo k i s hi s brie f Colloquium, o r manual o f Latin conversation. Brilliantl y cast in th e form o f a serie s o f dialogue s betwee n variou s artisan s an d th e teacher, thes e dialogue s enable d th e student s t o lear n basi c vo cabulary necessar y fo r everyda y affairs . Th e extensiv e Ol d Eng lish gloss proves the success of i€lfric's Colloquium; and one of ^El-



fric's students , name d (confusingly ) /Elfri c Bata , brough t ou t i n th e early eleventh centur y a n expande d redactio n o f hi s master's work , as well a s tw o furthe r colloquia. Thes e text s introduc e student s t o more comple x Lati n vocabular y an d giv e a fascinating glimps e of the working s o f a n Anglo-Saxo n school. 75 Such variet y o f literar y activities underscores th e vitality and effectiveness o f ^Ethelwold's school at Winchester . O f particula r interes t i n this connection i s a group o f lighthearted poem s fro m /Ethelwold' s school , consistin g of a vigorous debate between a pedantic master and a class of highspirited students. 76 The third proponen t o f the English refor m movement , Oswald , bishop o f Worceste r an d Yor k (die d 992) , i s no t know n t o hav e left an y writings , thoug h h e wa s certainl y literate , an d ha d bee n a studen t o f Frithego d o f Canterbury . However , Oswal d ex pended muc h energ y i n establishin g monasteries , an d principa l among thes e wa s th e fenlan d hous e o f Ramse y (founde d c . 970). It wa s t o Ramse y tha t th e grea t Frankis h schola r Abb o o f Fleur y came a t Oswald' s invitatio n durin g th e perio d 985-7 , whe n Ab bo's persona l fortune s a t Fleur y wer e a t a low ebb . The impact of this exceptionall y learne d ma n o n Englis h education , particularl y in th e field s o f scientifi c an d computistica l studies , wa s enor mous.77 Abb o compose d tw o work s fo r hi s student s a t Ramsey : the Passio S. Eadmundi, an accoun t o f th e martyrdo m o f th e Eas t Anglian kin g Eadmund , kille d b y Viking s i n 869—a n accoun t soo n rendered int o Ol d Englis h b y ^Elfric—an d a serie s o f Quaestiones Grammaticales, mainl y o n question s o f Lati n scansion. 78 Some impression o f the range of Abbo's teaching may be gleaned from th e works o f hi s English pupil , Byrhtfert h o f Ramsey, a major schola r an d literar y figur e o f th e lat e Anglo-Saxon period . Lit tle is known o f Byrhtferth's life , sav e that he was a monk (o r novice?) at Ramsey during Abbo's brief stay , and seem s to have spen t the remainde r o f hi s day s there . Hi s writing s consis t o f compu tistical, hagiographical , an d historica l works . I n th e spher e o f computus,79 h e assemble d a collectio n o f writing s (993? ) o n thi s subject, includin g thos e o f Bede , t o serve as a computistical com monplace book ; t o it he adde d a preface o r epilogus describin g hi s scholarly intentions . Byrhtferth' s autograp h o f th e commonplac e book doe s no t survive , bu t w e hav e a t leas t on e accurat e cop y of

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it preserved i n an earl y twelfth-centur y manuscrip t i n Oxford , St . John's Colleg e 17 . Near th e beginnin g o f thi s commonplac e boo k is a series of computistical text s which was perhaps assemble d b y Abbo an d whic h se t ou t th e principle s o n whic h th e stud y o f computus wa s based . I n orde r t o mak e thes e material s readil y comprehensible t o hi s students , Byrhtfert h compose d (1008-11 ) a n introduction o r Enchiridion, partl y i n Lati n an d partl y i n Ol d En glish (se e chapter 4). As hagiographer, Byrhtfert h wrot e tw o saints ' lives. 80 The firs t of thes e (995-1005 ) i s th e length y Vita S. Oswaldi, the lif e o f Os wald o f Worceste r an d York , an d founde r o f Ramsey . Thi s vita contains firsthan d account s o f severa l majo r event s tha t occurre d during Byrhtferth' s lifetime , suc h a s th e murde r o f Kin g Edwar d the Martyr in 978 and th e death o f Byrhtnoth, th e latter commem orated i n th e Ol d Englis h poe m The Battle of Maldon (see chapte r 6); the vita is a n importan t sourc e fo r tenth-centur y Anglo-Saxo n history. A t th e invitatio n o f th e monk s o f Evesham , Byrhtfert h subsequently wrot e th e Vita S. Ecgwini (1014-20); Ecgwine, an earl y eighth-century bishop of Worcester, wa s the founder o f Evesham . Both thes e vitae reveal tha t Byrhtfert h wa s deepl y influence d b y Aldhelm's pros e style : lik e othe r composition s o f th e time , the y abound i n obscure , learned-boundin g vocabulary , especiall y gre cisms an d neologisms . Th e sam e stylisti c tendenc y appear s i n Byrhtferth's historica l writing. 81 A s wit h Bede , Byrhtferth' s inter est i n computu s le d t o a n interes t i n chronology , an d thu s h e compiled a miscellan y o f historica l materials . Thi s collectio n in cluded excerpt s fro m Bede , Asser , an d a n importan t bu t other wise unknow n se t o f annal s apparentl y pu t togethe r a t Yor k i n the late eighth century . Thes e annals provide ou r main sourc e fo r this perio d o f Northumbria n history . Byrhtferth' s historica l mis cellany i s preserve d anonymousl y i n th e twelfth-centur y Historia Regum, which passe s unde r th e nam e o f Symeo n o f Durham. Bu t because o f hi s unmistakabl e Lati n pros e style—wit h it s predilec tion for learne d word s an d numerology—th e wor k is unquestion ably his . I n sum , thes e variou s writing s revea l Byrhtfert h a s a ma n of substantial , i f idiosyncratic, learning . Byrhtferth wa s a nativ e produc t o f Anglo-Saxo n schooling ,


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though h e wa s traine d b y a continenta l master . Throughou t it s history, Anglo-Saxo n learnin g owe d muc h t o Europea n teachers . But the presenc e i n Englan d o f foreig n scholar s was perhap s neve r so marked a s during th e eleventh century. 82 Even before th e Nor man Conquest , th e reig n o f Edwar d th e Confesso r (1042-66) , himself a produc t o f continenta l education , wa s characterize d b y numbers o f foreig n ecclesiastic s activ e in England ; thes e me n lef t an indelibl e impres s o n Englis h learning . On e suc h man , a n anonymous Flemis h monk , compose d (1040-2 ) the Encomium Emmae,S3 a histor y o f th e Danis h conques t o f Englan d an d it s after math unde r Svein n an d the n Cnu t (1016-35) , and a laudatory ac count o f Emma , Cnut' s queen . Th e Encomium i s written i n a highl y accomplished rhymin g Latin prose, th e first suc h prose to be written in England sinc e Lantfred; i t abounds in reminiscences of Vergil, Lucan, an d Sallust . Som e years later, i n 106 5 or 1066 , another anonymous Flemin g composed a life o f Edward th e Confessor (Vita JEdwardi Regis): 84 this work resemble s its predecessor i n its use of rhyming prose , thoug h i t also includes long passages of verse. Like the earlie r work , i t contain s a n encomiu m o f th e queen , i n thi s case Edward th e Confessor' s queen , Edith . We know th e name s o f two Flemish monk s wh o wer e active in England a s hagiographer s a t thi s time , eac h o f who m ha s som e claim to be considered th e author of the Vita JEdwardi: Folcard an d Goscelin. Folcard , a monk o f Saint-Bertin, acte d a s abbot of Thor ney fo r nearl y twent y year s (1067-85 ) an d durin g thi s tim e com posed vitae of St . Joh n o f Beverle y an d o f St . Botulf. 85 Goscelin , also a mon k o f Saint-Bertin , cam e t o Englan d i n 105 8 in th e ser vice o f Herman , bisho p o f Salisbury . Fo r th e nex t fort y years , Goscelin wa s activ e a s a professiona l hagiographer , writin g live s of saint s apparentl y o n commissio n fro m variou s houses . Whil e living i n Wessex , h e wrot e saints ' live s fo r Wilto n an d Winches ter; the n afte r Herman' s deat h (1078 ) he worke d fo r variou s Eas t Anglian houses , an d finally , i n th e las t decad e o f th e elevent h century, seem s t o hav e reside d a t St . Augustine's , Canterbury , where h e composed a good numbe r o f vitae of Canterbury saints . His literary estate is large indeed, bu t has never been properl y assessed, collected , o r edited. 86

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These Flemings were no t th e only hagiographer s activ e in eleventh-century England : fro m approximatel y th e sam e period , w e have vitae of St . Kenelm , a n earl y ninth-centur y Mercian martyr ; of St . Indract , a n Iris h missionar y martyre d nea r Glastonbury ; of St. Neot, a Cornish sain t whose relics were translated t o Huntingdonshire in the late tenth century ; and o f St. Rumwold, a prodigy who preached th e gospel and the n die d a t the young ag e of thre e days.87 More saints ' lives no doubt remai n t o be discovered; elev enth-century Anglo-Latin literature is the period least investigate d by modern research . The Norma n Conques t ha d a s profound a n effec t o n th e tradi tion o f Anglo-Lati n literatur e a s it di d o n th e literatur e writte n i n the vernacular. Th e Latin learning cultivated s o vigorously by Anglo-Saxons di d no t lon g surviv e it . I n th e year s followin g 1066 , native bishop s an d abbot s wer e replace d b y Normans , an d thes e repudiated th e learning and traditio n o f their predecessors. I n the post-Conquest period , fo r example , man y pre-Conques t Anglo Latin saints' vitae were rewritten s o as to eliminate the flamboyan t phrasing an d obscur e vocabulary . Willia m o f Malmesbur y wa s particularly scathin g abou t th e Latinit y o f Frithego d an d ^thel weard. Th e writing s o f Aldhelm , copie d an d studie d s o inten sively i n th e pre-Conques t period , wer e hencefort h neglected . I n lieu o f Anglo-Lati n authors , a new Norma n curriculu m wa s instituted, an d Lati n literatur e produce d i n Englan d afte r th e Con quest reflect s th e stud y o f differen t stylisti c models—i n poetry , th e "New School " o f Lati n poet s fro m th e Loir e valle y (suc h a s Hil debert, Marbod , an d Baudri ) wit h thei r rhyming , leonin e hexa meters; in prose , th e influenc e o f Cicer o is felt i n Englan d fo r th e first time . With the exception of Bede's works, most pre-Conques t Anglo-Latin literatur e wa s forgotten . Bu t durin g th e fou r centu ries whic h separat e Aldhel m fro m th e Norma n Conquest , Eng land produce d som e o f th e mos t articulat e an d learne d me n o f Europe, me n lik e Aldhelm, Bede , an d Alcuin , wh o ma y justly b e claimed a s th e preceptor s o f th e earl y Middl e Ages . Thes e men , and th e scholarl y traditio n whic h traine d them , deserv e ou r re newed attention , no t onl y a s backgroun d fo r Ol d Englis h litera ture, bu t als o for th e interest the y hav e in thei r ow n right .


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NOTES 1. Se e Deanesl y 1961 ; Godfre y 1962 . Fo r th e earl y period , se e Mayr Harting 1972 ; for th e late r period , se e Knowle s 1963 . 2. Gneus s 1968 , pp . 194-206 , 265-413 . 3. Se e La w 1982 , esp . pp . 53-80 . 4. Se e Curtiu s 1953 , pp . 48-54 ; Glauch e 1970 . 5. Se e Lapidg e 1985 , pp . 33-89 . 6. O n manuscripts , se e Gneus s 1981 ; on manuscript s o f curriculu m au thors an d th e wa y the y wer e studied , se e Lapidg e i982d ; se e als o Wie land 1983 . 7. Disticha Catonis, ed . i n Duf f 1934 , trans , i n Chase , W . 1922 . Se e als o Cox 1972 . Prospe r ed . i n PL 51, 498-532 ; Juvencus ed . i n Hueme r 1891 ; Caelius Seduliu s ed . Hueme r 1885 , trans , i n Sigerso n 1922 ; Prudentiu s ed. an d trans , i n Thomso n 1949 ; Arator ed. i n McKinla y 1951; Avitus ed . in Peipe r 1883 . 8. Se e Lapidg e 1975a . 9. Th e earlies t extan t Lati n writin g fro m th e A- S perio d (earl y sixt h century?) i s th e historiographica l De Excidio Britanniae (On th e Fal l of Brit ain), b y a Romanized Britis h clergyma n calle d Gildas : a lamentation ove r Britain's vicissitudes fro m Roma n time s t o his own , Gildas ' account i s th e closest insula r contemporar y descriptio n o f th e arriva l an d firs t two hundred-years' activitie s o f th e Germani c people s destine d t o inheri t th e island. Sinc e i t was writte n b y a Briton, th e wor k i s not, o f course , Anglo Latin. O n Anglo-Lati n literature , se e Bolto n 1967 ; Lapidg e 1981a . Th e complete histor y o f Anglo-Lati n literatur e remain s t o b e written . 10. Bede , Historia Ecclesiastica III . 18 ; see Jones , P . 1928 . 11. Th e gospel-boo k i s M S CCC C 286 ; se e Wormald , F . 1948 . O n th e charters, se e Leviso n 1946 , pp . 174-233 ; Chaplais 1973 . A theologica l wor k has bee n attribute d t o Augustin e b y Machielse n 1961 . 12. Bede , Historia Ecclesiastica IV. 2 , trans , b y Colgrave/Mynor s 1969 , PP- 333-5 13. O n Theodore' s writings , se e Brooks , N . 1984 ; on th e penitentia l at tributed t o him , se e Frantze n 1983a , pp . 61-9 ; o n Theodore' s expositio n of th e Bible , se e Bischof f 1976 , pp . 75-7. 14. Ed . i n Ehwal d 1919 , trans , i n Lapidge/Herre n 197 9 an d Lapidge / Rosier 1985 . 15. Se e Winterbotto m 1977 . 16. Se e Lapidge/Rosie r 1985 . 17. Se e Lapidg e 1979a . 18. Se e Godma n 1981 . 19. Ed . i n Glori e 1968 , pp . 165-208 . 20. Ed . i n Glori e 1968 , pp . 209-71 . 21. Ed . i n Ehwal d 1919 , pp . 528-37 . 22. Ed . Porsi a 1976 ; on th e A- S origi n o f thi s work , se e Lapidg e 1982a .

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23. Ed . D e Marc o 1968 ; se e als o La w 1982 , pp . 64-7 , an d 1983 , pp .


24. Ed . Colgrav e 1956. 25. Th e typical saint's life trace s the saint's early days and vocatio n wit h conventional symboli c incidents, his path t o the ascetic life, and his trials; as he gains experience an d judgment , h e performs miracle s and physica l healings, an d late r ha s th e gif t o f prophecy ; finall y ther e i s th e deat h warning, farewel l t o th e disciples , an d miracle s a t th e tomb . Se e Kurt z 1926 and Colgrav e 1959. 26. Se e Levison 1946 . 27. Se e Reuter 1980 ; the standard accoun t o f Boniface i s Schieffer 1972 ; see also Wallace-Hadrill 1971a . 28. Ed . Gebauer/Lofsted t 1980 . 29. Ed . i n Glori e 1968 , pp. 273-343. 30. Th e Bonifatia n correspondenc e ed . i n Tangl 1916 ; selections trans , by Kylie 191 1 and Emerto n 1940 . 31. Willibal d ed . i n Leviso n 1905 , pp. 1-57 ; Hygebur g ed . i n Holder Egger 1887 , pp . 80-117 ; o n thi s work , see als o Gottschalle r 1973 . Willibald's vita and part s o f Hygeburg's wor k trans , b y Talbot 1954. 32. Se e Hunter Blai r 1985. 33. O n Northumbria n hagiography , se e Jones, C. 1947 . Vita S. Gregorii ed. Colgrav e 1968 ; anonymous Vita S. Cuthberti ed. i n Colgrave 1940 , pp. 59-139; "Eddius " Stephanus , Vita S. Wilfridi ed . Colgrav e 1927 ; see als o Kirby 1983 . Anonymous Vita S. Ceolfridi ed . i n Plumme r 1896 , pp. 388 404. 34. O n Bede , se e Thompson 1935 ; Hunter Blai r 1970 ; Bonner 1976. 35. O n Bede' s learning , se e Laistne r 193 5 an d Meyvaer t 1976 . Th e standard collecte d editio n o f Bede' s writings is that in PL 90-95; this edition is slowly being replace d b y more scholarly editions in the serie s CCSL 118-123 ( t e n volume s publishe d t o date); see Jones, CJet al. 1955. 36. Ed . i n Colgrave/Mynor s 1969 , pp. 580-7 . 37. Colgrave/Mynor s 1969 , p. 583. 38. Al l thre e work s ed . Jones , CJet al. 1955 , vol. 123A . O n De Orthographia, se e Dionisotti 1982 ; on De Arte Metrica, se e Palmer 1959; for a trans, of the Appendix t o the latter, o n figures an d tropes , see Tanenhaus 1962. 39. Bot h works ed . Jones, C . 1943 . Jones's lengthy introductio n t o this book i s stil l th e bes t o n medieva l computus ; text , bu t no t th e introduc tion, rpr . i n CCSL 123 B 1977. 40. Bede' s exegetica l work s (exceptin g onl y th e Explanatio Apocalypsis, which i s ed . i n PL 93, 129-206 ) hav e eithe r bee n issue d o r ar e abou t t o appear in CCSL 118-121. On Bede's exegetical methods, see Jenkins 1935. 41. CCSL 119A, p. 244. 42. O n Bede' s boo k o f epigrams , see Lapidg e 1975b . Probabl e rem nants o f th e boo k o f hymn s ed . i n Fraipon t 1955 , pp . 407-38 ; see als o

THE ANGLO-LATIN BACKGROUND [ 35 ] Gneuss 1968 , pp. 53-4. The poem De Die ludicii ed. in Fraipont 1955, pp. 439-44; see also Whitbread 1944. 43. O n Bede's Martyrologium, se e Quenti n 1908 , pp. 17-119 . The metrical Vita S. Cuthberti ed . b y Jaager 1935 . The Vita S. Felicis ed . i n PL 94 , 789-98; se e als o Macka y 1976 . O n th e Passio S. Anastasii, se e Franklin / Meyvaert 1982. The prose Vita S. Cuthberti ed. in Colgrave 1940, pp. 142307; trans, in Webb/Farmer 1983, pp. 41-102. 44. O n Bede as historian, se e Levison 1935 ; Jones, C. 1947 , pp. 80-93; Ray 1976; and various articles by Hunter Blair in Lapidge/Hunter Blair 1984. 45. Ed . Mommsen 1898 ; rpr. CCSL 123 B 1977. 46. Ed . i n Plumme r 1896 , pp . 364-87 ; trans . Webb/Farme r 1983 , pp . 185-208. 47. Ed . Plumme r 1896 ; trans. Colgrave/Mynor s 196 9 and Sherley-Price 195548. Fo r a critical analysis of the HE, suggestin g that Bede has tight control of hi s narrative and owes som e deb t to Gildas (see n. 9 , above) , se e Hanning 1966 , pp. 63-90. 49. Dialogus ed. in Haddan/Stubbs 1869 , vol. 3, pp. 403-13; Penitential, pp. 416-31 . On the Penitential, se e Frantzen 1983a, pp. 70-7. 50. Ed . Godman 1982. 51. Ther e ar e genera l studie s o f Alcui n b y Gaskoi n 190 4 and Ducket t 1951. Neither is satisfactory . 52. Ed . i n PL 100-101 (Migne' s editio n i s a reprin t o f a n earl y eigh teenth-century edition ; in many cases the texts reprinted by Migne have been surperseded). 53. Ed . in Dummler 1881 , pp. 160-351. 54. Ed . i n Dummle r 1895 , pp . 18-481 ; a selection o f hi s letter s trans, by Allott 1974. ^. Se e Wright, R . 1982 , pp. 104-22 . 56. Se e Marenbon 1981 , pp. 30-2. 57. Se e Deug-Su 1983. 58. Se e Loewe 1969 , pp. 133-40 . 59. O n Candidus , se e Marenbo n 1981 , pp . 38-6 2 an d Ineichen-Ede r 1981. O n Frithugil s (whos e nam e i s usuall y give n i n corrupte d for m a s Fredegis vel sim.), see Marenbo n 1981 , pp. 62-6 . Frithugils ' letter De Nihilo et Tenebris ed . i n Dummler 1895, PP- 55 2-560. Miracula S. Nyniae ed. i n Strecke r 1923 , pp . 943-61 , trans , i n MacQueen 1961. 61. Ed . Campbell, A . 1967 . 62. Se e Brooks, N . 1984 , pp. 170-4 . 63. Se e Lapidge 1981b. 64. Ed . i n Campbell , A . 1950 , pp . 4-62 ; see also , Lapidg e 1975a , pp . 78-81; Brooks, N. 1984 , pp. 228-31. 65. Ed . Campbell, A . 1962a . Se e also Winterbottom 1967 . Some notion

[ 36] A


of th e difficulty o f jEthelweard's Lati n as it has been transmitte d ma y be gained fro m th e commentar y o n a shor t passag e o f th e Chronicon i n Keynes/Lapidge 1983 , pp. 334-8. 66. O n th e monastic reform i n England , see Knowles 1963. 67. Ed . Symon s 1953. 68. Vita S. Dunstani ed. i n Stubb s 1874 ; see als o Brooks , N . 1984 , pp . 245-6. O n Dunstan' s Lati n poetry , se e Lapidg e 1975a , pp . 95-7 , 108-1 1 and Lapidg e 1980 . O n Dunstan' s handwriting , see Hun t 1961 ; and o n Dunstan's administrativ e achievement s i n general , se e Brooks , N . 1984 , PP- 243-53. 69. Se e Biddle 1975 ; Sheerin 1978 . 70. Ed . Sauvag e 1885. 71. O n iEthelwold's possibl e Latin writings , se e Lapidge 1975a , pp. 8890; on his work as an English translator , se e Gretsch 1974 ; on his involvement i n the developmen t o f Standard Ol d English , se e Gneuss 1972. 72. Godeman' s poe m ed . i n Lapidg e 1975a , pp . 105-6 ; o n th e manu script, se e Wormald, F . 1959. 73. O n Wulfstan' s Lati n writings , se e Gneus s 1968 , pp. 246-8 . Wulf stan's Vita S. JEthelwoldi ed . i n Winterbotto m 1972 , pp . 33-63 , trans . Brearley/Goodfellow 1982 . Th e Narratio Metrica de S. Swithuno ed . i n Campbell, A . 1950 , pp. 65-177 . Se e also Planchar t 1977 , vol. 1 , pp . 27 3374. JElfric's Vita S. JEthelwoldi ed. in Winterbottom 1972 , pp. 17-29 ; the Grammar and Glossary ed . Zupitz a 1880 ; the Colloquium ed . Garmonswa y 1978. J3. Th e colloquies of JEUhc Bat a ed. i n Stevenson, W . 1929 , pp. 27-7 4 (nos. IV-V) ; Bata' s expande d an d revise d versio n o f ^lfric' s Colloquium ed. i n Stevenson, pp . 75-10 2 (no. VI). 76. Se e Lapidge 1972. jy. Se e Lutz 1977 ; van d e Vyver 1935. 78. Passio S. Eadmundi ed . i n Winterbotto m 1972 , pp . 67-87 ; Quaestiones Grammaticales ed . Guerreau-Jalaber t 1982 . 79. O n Byrhtfert h a s computist, se e Forsey 1928 ; Enchiridion ed . Craw ford 1929 ; see also Baker 1982. 80. Vita S. Oswaldi ed. i n Raine 1879, vol. 1 , pp. 399-475; Vita S. Ecgivini ed. in Giles 1854, pp. 349-96. On the attribution of these two vitae (which are transmitte d anonymousl y i n manuscript ) t o Byrhtferth , see Lapidg e 1975a, pp. 90- 4 and Lapidg e 1979b . 81. Byrhtferth' s historica l work s ed . i n Arnol d 1885 , vol. 2 , pp . 3-91. See Lapidge 1982b ; Hart 1982. 82. Se e Barlow 1979 ; Grierson 1941. 83. Ed . Campbell , A . 1949. 84. Ed . Barlo w 1962. 85. O n Folcard , see Barlo w 1962 , pp. li-lix . Vita S. Botulfi ed . i n Acta


37 ]

Sanctorum, Iun. , 3 , pp . 402-3 . Vita S. Iohannis Episcopi Eboracensis ed . i n Raine 1879 , v °l- * / PP - 239-60 . 86. O n Goscelin , se e Barlo w 1962 , pp. xlv-l i an d 91-111 . Th e principa l editions o f work s by Goscelin ar e as follows: Esposit o 1913 ; Wilmart 1938 , pp. 5-101 , an d 265-307 ; Talbo t 1955 ; Talbot 1959 . Se e als o Wilmar t 193 4 and Rollaso n 1982 , pp . 60-7 . Sy. St . Kenelm : se e vo n Antropof f 1965 ; St. Indract : see Lapidg e 1982c ; St. Neot : se e Dumville/Lapidg e 1985 ; St . Rumwold : se e Acta Sanctorum, Nov., 1 , pp . 682-90 .


The Alfredia n Translation s and Relate d Ninth-Century Text s

The histor y o f earl y Englis h pros e i s a recor d o f unprecedente d decisions t o compose i n th e vernacular. I n man y sphere s o f intellectual, religious , an d practica l life , th e English , unlik e thei r con temporaries o n th e Continent, chos e their native tongu e as the fa vored instrumen t o f expression. Englan d ha d a code o f laws early in th e sevent h century , an d i t wa s writte n i n th e Englis h o f tha t day. Bede' s eighth-centur y translatio n o f th e Gospe l o f St . John , now unfortunatel y lost , wa s th e firs t renderin g o f th e Ne w Tes tament into a post-classical Europea n languag e after Ulfilas' s fourth century Gothi c version . I n th e tent h centur y JElihc produced th e first Lati n gramma r usin g a vernacula r languag e (se e chapter s i and 3) . Man y mor e example s coul d b e cited , fo r th e traditio n o f native compositio n wa s deepl y imbedde d i n Englis h cultur e fro m the seventh t o the eleventh centuries . Perhap s England's isolatio n intensified thi s attachment t o Anglo-Saxon, bu t whateve r th e cause, the fac t remain s tha t England , almos t alon e i n th e earl y Middl e Ages, create d a national pros e literature o f astonishing scop e an d variety. Thi s traditio n forme d a t leas t th e partia l bas e o n whic h later Englis h pros e built. 1


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Alfred, kin g of Wesse x fro m 87 1 ~99,2 played th e central rol e in creating thi s literature . Mor e tha n on e historia n an d literar y criti c have called hi m simply : the father o f English prose. 3 His achievement i s all the mor e remarkable whe n se t in its historical context . Grandson o f th e powerfu l Ecgberh t o f Wesse x (802-39)—wh o re turned fro m exil e in Charlemagne' s real m t o establis h th e south western kingdo m o f Wesse x a s th e dominan t forc e i n ninth-cen tury England—Alfre d face d overwhelmin g hardship s throughou t his life. Hi s grandfather ma y have strengthened th e hand o f Wessex against th e eighth-century hegemon y o f Mercia, bu t h e left t o the nex t fou r generation s th e proble m o f stavin g of f th e Vikings . When Alfre d reache d th e thron e i n 871 , Wessex alon e o f al l th e English kingdom s remaine d unconquere d b y th e Danes , an d it s survival wa s b y n o mean s assured . Alfre d spen t hi s reig n con stantly devisin g defensiv e strategie s t o secur e th e peac e an d in tegrity o f hi s kingdo m agains t a hord e ben t o n conquerin g th e whole country an d forcin g i t under paga n Danis h rule. 4 About thi s man , who m Stento n designate s "th e mos t effectiv e ruler wh o ha d appeare d i n wester n Europ e sinc e th e deat h o f Charlemagne," 5 w e kno w a reasonabl e amount . Eve n whe n w e dismiss th e late r medieva l an d Renaissanc e legend s whic h gre w up aroun d him , a fair pictur e emerges . H e wa s born a t Wantage , a roya l village in Berkshire , i n th e year 849 . He die d a t th e age of fifty. Hi s father , ^thelwulf , wh o rule d fro m Ecgberht' s deat h i n 839 to 858, defended Wesse x wel l agains t Danis h an d Wels h ma rauders an d allie d hi s hous e wit h Merci a b y givin g hi s daughte r Ethels with a s a "peace-weaver" i n marriag e t o its king, Burgred . According t o Asser , Alfred' s biographer , ^Ethelwul f an d hi s wif e Osburh cherishe d Alfre d "mor e tha n al l hi s brothers." 6 Alfre d visited Rom e twice , th e firs t tim e i n 85 3 when h e wa s onl y fou r or five years old, an d agai n in 855 accompanied b y his father. Un der th e yea r 853 , th e Parke r M S o f th e Anglo-Saxo n Chronicle s records Alfred's visi t to the court o f Pope Leo IV, and report s tha t the pope "hallowe d hi m as king." As the youngest o f six children and th e last of five sons, it seems improbable that the pope woul d so consecrat e him . A lette r o f th e pop e reveal s tha t i n fac t h e "decorated hi m a s a spiritua l so n wit h th e dignit y o f th e belt an d vestments o f the consulate." 7 Some see in such confusion s a later

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attempt by Alfre d t o slant histor y an d influenc e hi s biographer fo r political (thoug h honorable ) ends ; other s den y an y suc h propa gandists motive . Bu t ther e i s evidenc e tha t Alfre d wishe d t o stres s the parallel s betwee n himsel f an d Charlemagn e an d s o creat e a n "empire" tha t coul d withstan d th e ravage s o f th e Dane s an d pro vide a lasting traditio n o f letters. 8 Many o f th e well-know n storie s abou t Alfre d ar e paten t myths : the burnin g o f th e cakes , hi s appearanc e behin d th e Danis h line s in th e guis e o f a minstrel, hi s "ingloriou s youth, " hi s foundin g o f both th e Roya l Nav y an d th e Universit y o f Oxford . Bu t eve n without thes e romanti c encrustations , Alfre d remain s a magnifi cent figure . Muc h lik e Hrothga r an d Beowulf , Alfre d becam e kin g only afte r severa l olde r brother s o r nephew s ha d died . H e ha d served lon g an d bravel y i n th e Danis h war s unde r thei r leader ship an d whe n hi s las t remainin g brother , ^Ethelred , die d i n 871, Alfred secundarius ascended th e throne . Nearl y annihilate d b y th e Danes, h e wa s force d t o retreat wit h a small troo p t o th e islan d o f Athelney i n th e wester n marshes . Fro m ther e h e reconstitute d a n army whic h wa s eventuall y t o defea t th e Viking s unde r Kin g Guthrum i n 878 . Guthru m agree d t o accept Christianity , an d Alfre d was hi s sponso r a t th e baptism . Althoug h h e wa s neve r fre e fro m predatory attacks , Alfre d no w rule d ove r al l Englan d sout h o f th e Humber. Th e Dane s occupie d th e norther n an d easter n section s of th e islan d (late r calle d th e Danelaw ) unde r a treat y establishe d between Alfre d an d Guthru m sometim e i n th e year s 886-90 . Most o f ou r knowledg e abou t Alfre d a s a perso n come s fro m Asser's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Alfredi. 9 I t i s th e firs t biograph y o f an Englis h layman , an d als o a literary an d historica l curiosity . As ser was a Welsh monk , summoned , a s he himsel f tell s us, b y Alfre d to hel p educat e him . Th e Life wa s undoubtedl y writte n fo r a Wels h audience an d intended , perhaps , t o convince th e Welsh t o put asid e their ancien t hostilitie s toward s th e Englis h an d joi n thei r fello w Christians agains t th e heathe n Danes . I n compiling hi s work , As ser relie d o n tw o sources—annal s fro m th e Anglo-Saxo n Chroni cles (whic h h e ofte n misunderstood , sinc e Wes t Saxo n wa s no t Asser's nativ e tongue ) an d hi s ow n persona l knowledg e o f Kin g Alfred. Th e resul t ha s struc k man y a s bizarre , wit h it s juxtaposi tion o f a bar e annalisti c styl e an d a full , digressiv e narration .


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However barbarous his Latin, Asse r did hav e a precise idea o f his plan. Hi s work fuse s th e two genres of historical writing into one— the annal s an d chronicle s illustrat e th e ficklenes s o f worldl y af fairs, an d th e saints ' live s an d martyrologie s depic t figure s wh o are outside temporal history. 10 Asser thus placed Alfred bot h withi n and beyon d time ; he sa w hi m a s king an d saint . Einhard's Life of Charlemagne wa s th e mos t importan t influenc e on Asser , thoug h othe r Carolingia n work s suc h a s th e anony mous Life of Alcuin also mad e thei r imprint. 11 Ye t th e difference s between Einhard' s biograph y an d th e (perhap s unfinished ) Wes t Saxon Life should no t be overlooked. Asse r composed hi s work in 893 while Alfred wa s stil l alive; Charlemagne wa s over fifty whe n Einhard joine d hi s court an d h e di d no t writ e th e Vita until thirt y years later . Th e Life of Charlemagne ha s a monumenta l character , whereas Asser' s humble r piec e reveals a personal vie w o f th e king , despite it s hagiographica l aura. 12 Asser , fo r example , detail s th e mysterious illnes s whic h cam e upo n Alfre d a t hi s weddin g feast : "Certainly i t was not know n t o any of those who were present o n that occasion , no r t o thos e u p t o th e presen t da y wh o hav e in quired ho w suc h a n illnes s coul d aris e and—wors t o f all , alas!— could continu e s o many year s withou t remission , fro m hi s twen tieth yea r u p t o his fortiet h an d beyond." 13 Asser's portrai t o f Alfre d show s a man possesse d b y th e desir e for a libera l education . Denie d th e prope r trainin g whe n h e wa s of an ag e to learn, Alfre d cam e to know Lati n late in life. H e seem s to hav e bee n devote d t o Anglo-Saxo n poetry—th e famou s anec dote o f hi s memorizin g a whole boo k o f nativ e poem s t o win th e codex fro m hi s mothe r woul d attes t t o that . Ye t i t wa s no t unti l the kin g "firs t bega n throug h divin e inspiratio n t o read [Latin ] and to translate a t the sam e time , al l on one and th e sam e day" 14 tha t he began hi s Handbook or Enchiridion. I n thi s Handbook, whic h ha s not survived , Alfre d ha d Asse r recor d th e "man y variou s flower s of Holy Scripture, with whic h he crams full th e cells of his heart." 15 Alfred's predilectio n fo r th e realms of though t an d letter s led hi m to inaugurate a radical pla n t o educate hi s people. Inspire d agai n by certai n element s i n th e Carolingia n reviva l o f th e lat e eight h and earl y nint h centuries , Alfred' s schem e wa s nonetheles s quit e different. H e wa s no t merel y intereste d i n spreadin g th e circl e of

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Latin erudition , bu t instea d envisione d a syste m tha t woul d mak e all fre e me n o f hi s kingdo m literat e i n Englis h an d als o rais e the leve l o f Lati n literac y o f hi s clergy . Thi s instructio n i n bot h languages—Latin an d English—wa s a n extraordinar y ne w pat h t o have chosen. 16 Like Charlemagne , Alfre d turne d t o othe r countrie s fo r teach ers. A s th e kin g remark s i n th e Preface to hi s translatio n o f Gre gory's Pastoral Care, learning i n Englan d ha s s o decline d that : we have t o get the m [wisdo m an d learning ] fro m abroad , i f we woul d have them [a t all]. So completely ha d i t [knowledge ] fallen awa y amon g Englishmen tha t [whe n I ascende d t o th e kingdom ] ther e wer e ver y few on thi s side of the Humber wh o could understan d thei r service s in English, o r even translat e a letter [aerendgewrit] fro m Lati n into English; and I think tha t ther e wer e not man y beyon d th e Humber. 17 From Franc e cam e Grimbald , whos e piet y earne d hi m sainthood , and fro m Saxon y John , who m Alfre d establishe d a s abbo t o f hi s new monaster y a t Athelne y i n th e Somerse t fens , sit e o f hi s re treat i n hi s darkes t hour . Asse r (late r bisho p o f Sherborne ) wa s among thos e foreigner s brough t t o th e cour t i n Wessex , alon g wit h four Mercians : Plegmund , wh o becam e archbisho p o f Canterbur y in 890 , Waerferth , bisho p o f Worcester , an d th e priest s ^Ethelsta n and Werwulf . Thes e wer e th e me n who m Alfre d gathere d t o as sist hi m i n hi s ambitiou s project . While th e work s survivin g fro m th e Alfredia n perio d ma y no t be th e entir e corpu s o f vernacula r text s produced, 1 8 thos e whic h do surviv e wer e obviousl y chose n wit h grea t care . Th e earlies t o f the translations , Waerferth' s versio n o f Gregory' s Dialogues, don e at Alfred' s behes t sometim e betwee n hi s accessio n t o th e thron e and th e earl y 890s, 19 ha s a brie f prefac e b y th e king , i n whic h h e states tha t "fro m tim e t o tim e w e shoul d subdu e an d ben d ou r minds t o th e divin e an d spiritua l la w i n th e mids t o f thi s earthl y misery." 2 0 H e the n add s tha t h e sough t "trust y friends " t o trans late th e wor k fo r him , s o tha t " I throug h thi s admonitio n an d lov e being strengthene d i n m y mind , ma y no w an d the n contemplat e the heavenl y thing s i n th e mids t o f thes e earthl y troubles. " I n Waerferth's translation , intende d fo r Alfred' s ow n persona l us e an d


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consolation, th e kin g n o doub t caugh t th e paralle l betwee n hi s position a s leade r o f a war-tor n real m an d Gregory' s a s pontiff , caught in a web of depressin g secula r affairs. Th e work itself i s a succession o f miracl e storie s tol d b y Gregor y t o hi s deacon , in cluding an entire book devoted to the virtues and miraculous deeds of St . Benedict , th e founde r o f Wester n monasticism . Th e trans lation adhere s quit e strictl y t o th e Lati n an d i s a literal (thoug h not error-free) rendering. A revision of Waerferth's late ninth-century text was made by an anonymous translator some one hundred or on e hundre d an d fift y year s later . Th e tw o version s offe r a unique opportunity t o trace the development o f the language and style of Ol d English prose over a crucial spa n in Anglo-Saxon letters. Th e later version is a more controlled translation , bot h clearer and tighter in composition. 21 Alfred's choice for the first of his own translations was a classic work by Pope Gregory. 22 Bed e had recommende d th e Pastoral Care to Ecgberh t o f Yor k i n hi s Epistl e o f 734 , Alcui n ha d recom mended it to Eanbald of Yor k in 796, and on the Continent Hincmar of Rheim s insisted tha t hi s bishops hol d copie s durin g thei r consecration. Gregor y compose d th e Cura Pastoralis (o r Liber Regulae Pastoralis) i n the late sixth century after John of Ravenna, on e of his archbishops, ha d publicly rebuked him for his reluctance to assume th e burden s o f th e papacy. 23 Gregory' s wor k i s a n ex tended treatise on the qualities required of a bishop, the many types of character a bishop will encounter in his pastoral work, an d the ways h e shoul d trea t th e varietie s o f mankind . Subtl e i n it s psy chology, war m i n its human e understandin g o f th e mod e o f applying Christian morals, th e book i s a teaching manual—Gregor y called teaching (i.e., spiritua l direction) "the art of all arts." In the manuscripts i t i s usuall y divide d int o fou r sections : (1 ) th e mo tives which attrac t men t o the office, (2 ) a description o f the ideal bishop/ruler, (3 ) the actual "car e of souls " in the world, an d (4) a brief concludin g chapte r o n "spiritua l recollection, " combined wit h a warning against pride. Bot h Gregory's original and Alfred's English versio n ar e often describe d a s mediocr e an d tediou s works, 24 but such comment s betray a lack of sympath y fo r a text that medieval Christians found o f grea t significance. Gregory' s work had





applications reachin g fa r beyon d th e narro w confine s o f a bish op's duties, for it also spoke directly to the problems faced b y secular rulers . This wide r applicabilit y wa s no t los t o n Kin g Alfred . Whil e h e ordered copie s o f th e wor k t o g o t o al l Englis h bishop s fo r thei r use an d instruction , h e coul d no t hav e helpe d makin g th e con nection betwee n th e seve n rule s Gregor y lai d dow n fo r bishop s and th e ideals for whic h h e himself strove. 25 That Alfred sa w thi s relation i s implied i n hi s decision t o compose a Preface t o the work , a forewor d whic h wa s t o serv e no t onl y a s a specifi c se t o f in structions fo r th e dispositio n an d us e o f thi s singula r piece , bu t also as a n introductio n t o his whol e progra m o f spiritua l an d ed ucational reform . I n thi s remarkable document , mentione d abov e in connectio n wit h th e deca y o f learning , Alfre d embarke d o n something entirel y new . Her e h e struggled , a s Huppe writes , "t o create a n Englis h pros e styl e responsiv e t o intellectua l de mands." 26 Apart fro m lamentin g th e stat e o f learning i n his kingdom, an d outlinin g a restorative scheme , Alfre d fashione d a n in dependent Englis h prose , usin g som e o f th e technique s o f classica l rhetoric, bu t n o direc t model . Hi s selectio n o f work s t o be trans lated, h e says , wil l include "thos e whic h ar e mos t usefu l fo r me n to know," Englishe d becaus e fe w ca n stil l rea d Latin . H e worrie s about thi s decisio n momentarily , bu t the n conclude s tha t th e his tory of Christian letter s is the sequenc e of turning "originals " into "copies," fro m Hebre w throug h Greek , the n throug h Lati n t o English. Hi s metho d o f translation—"sometime s wor d b y word , sometimes sens e fo r sense"—cam e ou t o f a venerabl e tradition . Gregory an d Jerom e ha d describe d thei r translation s similarl y i n Latin, an d Asse r als o use d th e phras e t o describ e Waerferth' s translation o f Gregory . The Preface itself reveal s a n abilit y t o employ classica l rhetorica l figures wit h ease . Hupp e see s th e stron g influenc e o f Ol d Eng ish poeti c technique s her e a s well , particularl y i n th e us e o f en lacement an d progression . Alfred' s forma l schem e illustrate s a reliance o n th e earl y papa l epistl e wit h it s fiv e subdivisions : (1) Protocol, o r Salutation , (2 ) Arenga o r Proem , (3 ) Narration o r Statement, (4 ) Dispositio n o r Petition , an d (5 ) Fina l Claus e o r


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Codicil.27 Balance d an d elaboratel y structured , Alfred' s Preface is a long-pondered an d highl y wrough t piec e o f prose , al l th e mor e extraordinary becaus e i t seem s t o hav e bee n create d i n a stylisti c vacuum. Morrish believe s tha t th e documen t shoul d no t b e considere d a "preface" a t all , bu t "a n independen t lette r whic h stand s befor e the translatio n somethin g lik e a covering form-letter." 28 Whateve r its genre , thi s introductio n manifest s Alfred' s constan t concerns , those whic h wer e t o for m th e basi s bot h o f hi s selection s an d interpretations o f work s t o come later . Alfre d di d no t wish merel y to promote literac y and education ; the corpu s o f translations , wit h the Pastoral Care as th e firs t installment , wa s mean t t o inculcat e wisdom i n th e soul s o f hi s ow n "flock. " Pau l Szarmac h write s persuasively tha t "Alfred' s Preface t o th e Pastoral Care is a funda mental statemen t abou t Christia n cultur e tha t receive s it s ful l meaning whe n rea d i n th e ligh t o f th e Augustinia n distinctio n be tween sapientia an d scientia," 29 tha t is , betwee n divin e wisdo m an d earthly knowledge . Thi s wisdo m i s God-given , an d i n tw o late r works, hi s translation s o f Boethiu s an d Augustine' s Soliloquies, Alfred wa s t o identif y i t "no t onl y wit h th e highes t good , bu t wit h God." 30 The translatio n o f th e Cura Pastoralis, datin g fro m somewher e between 89 0 an d 895, 31 resemble s th e "Mercian " translation s o f Waerferth an d th e Ol d Englis h Bed e (se e below ) i n it s relativ e closeness t o th e original . Th e wor k survive s i n tw o contemporar y manuscripts, althoug h on e wa s twic e badl y burne d an d i s read able onl y i n a seventeenth-centur y transcriptio n b y Junius . The ful l ninth-century tex t i s a majo r sourc e fo r ou r knowledg e o f Earl y West Saxon. 32 Alfre d follow s Gregory' s orde r faithfull y an d omit s very little , bu t h e doe s no t tr y to duplicat e Gregory' s logic , hi s elaborate figurae, o r hi s ters e an d compac t statements . Compli cated Lati n synta x dissolve s int o a serie s o f shor t Englis h clauses , and singl e Lati n word s ofte n tur n int o alliteratin g Englis h dou blets. Alfred' s purpos e wa s t o insur e tha t hi s reader s understoo d the meanin g clearly , eve n a t th e expens e o f litera l accuracy. 33 A section o f th e warnin g agains t unlearne d teacher s illustrate s som e of thes e traits :

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Fordxm hi swx mid on ofermettum and mid upahxfennesse becumad to dxre are dxre hirdelecan gemenne, hi ne magon medumlice denian pa denunga, and dxre eadmodnesse lareowas bion.M

(Since with pride and vainglory they come to the honor of pastoral care, they cannot worthily fulfil l thei r ministry and be teachers of humility. ) The rendering ha s ofte n bee n pejorativel y describe d as : "clumsy, " "slavish," an d "mediocre. " Bu t i n it s fidelit y t o th e sens e o f Gre gory's boo k an d i n it s sincer e attemp t t o conve y thi s t o a n unlet tered Englis h audience , i t seem s a worth y prologu e t o Alfred' s educational plan . Though th e chronolog y o f Alfred' s work s i s uncertain , man y scholars reaso n tha t sometim e afte r completin g hi s versio n o f th e Pastoral Care, Alfred turne d t o hi s philosophica l translations , thos e of Boethius ' Consolation of Philosophy an d St . Augustine' s So/fZo quies. Boethius ' Lati n wor k wa s writte n i n 524 , whil e th e author , presumably a n orthodo x Catholic , wa s i n prison , accuse d o f trea son b y th e Ostrogot h Kin g Theodoric , a n Aria n "heretic. " Afte r nine month s o f isolatio n an d uncertainty , Boethiu s wa s torture d and savagel y executed . H e quickl y becam e on e o f th e martyr s fo r the faith . Unde r th e nam e St . Severinu s h e i s include d i n th e en cyclopedic Bollandis t collectio n o f saints ' lives, th e Acta Sanctorum. To Boethius , scio n o f a n artistocrati c famil y an d a highl y place d figure i n Theodoric' s court , hi s sudde n tur n o f fortun e seeme d a t first inexplicable . Th e De Consolatione Philosophiae was hi s rea soned answe r t o undeserve d misfortune. 35 Its philosoph y i s imbue d wit h neo-Platonis m overlai d wit h lat e classical Stoicism . Unlik e hi s polemica l theologica l treatises , th e Consolation studiously avoid s an y specifi c Christia n reference , bu t it draw s o n Greek philosoph y i n a wa y tha t i s wholl y compatibl e with Christianity . Ye t in its stronge r emphasi s o n a personal God , it deviate s fro m neo-Platonism . Th e Consolation of Philosophy fit s under severa l differen t literar y headings : consolation Platoni c dia logue, priso n literature , personificatio n allegory , Menippea n sat ire (th e alternatio n o f pros e an d verse) , an d theodicy . I t was a s a theodicy tha t th e wor k ha d it s mos t powerfu l effect : Boethius ' at tempt t o "justify " God' s way s t o man proceed s b y means o f a dialogue betwee n a n allegorica l Lad y Philosophy , wh o appear s i n


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Boethius' cell , an d th e author . Lad y Philosoph y review s th e va garies of Fortune and the false, unstabl e happiness tha t the fickl e goddess brings. It moves on through a discussion of the nature of good an d evi l (whic h Boethiu s believe s doe s no t exis t a s such) , God's perfect orderin g of th e universe, Hi s omniscience an d man's free will, and Providence and Fate, to a Platonic conclusion which locates the sourc e of tru e felicity i n the one, true , and immutable Good. Despite th e absence of specific Christia n doctrine, th e Consolation became one of the most popular books in the later Middle Ages. Wel l ove r fou r hundre d manuscript s survive . Som e critic s have claime d tha t th e treatis e influence d Anglo-Saxo n poetry , Beowulf, The Wanderer, an d Deor especially, thoug h thi s cannot be proved.37 Alfred ha d n o nativ e preceden t fo r hi s interes t i n th e Consolation. Malcolm Godde n remind s u s tha t th e wor k "seem s t o hav e been littl e known , i f a t all , amon g th e Anglo-Saxon s befor e th e time of Alfred . . . [and] it may well hav e been the king's Welsh adviser Asse r wh o introduce d hi m t o th e text." 38 Bu t onc e ac quainted wit h it , Alfre d foun d man y parallel s between Boethius ' predicament and his own situation . Thi s translation has justly been called Alfred's "mos t personal" work.39 Alfred had faced both the vicissitudes o f wa r and wrackin g bodily pai n an d coul d wel l un derstand how the experience of life leads to doubting God's goodness and power. In shar p contras t t o Waerferth' s Dialogues, an d eve n hi s ow n Pastoral Care, Alfred' s Boethiu s is a radical adaptation of the Latin original. H e change d th e fiv e book s o f Lati n prose wit h alternat ing metra into forty-two chapters of Old English prose, with a proem and epilogue ; later , fro m thi s prose , h e mad e anothe r version , translating al l bu t nin e o f th e Boethia n meter s int o vers e (se e chapter 10). He omitted large chunks, collapsed material, added a great deal o f hi s own , an d nearl y abandone d th e fina l book—o n divine Providenc e an d man' s fre e will—altogether . Tw o relate d explanations for Alfred's extreme revisions have enjoyed currency among scholars . Th e first hold s tha t the simpl e Englis h king was not intellectuall y capabl e o f dealin g wit h th e Consolation's com plexities; this notion derives from William of Malmesbury's statement tha t Asser explaine d th e sens e o f Boethius ' tex t in "cleare r

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words" t o Alfred , wh o the n turne d i t int o English . Th e secon d attempts t o account fo r th e many divergence s by reference t o one or anothe r o f th e Lati n commentarie s o n Boethius. 40 Debat e ha s centered o n whether a commentary b y Remigiu s o f Auxerre , on e by an anonymou s autho r o f St. Gall, or even an unknown on e by Asser migh t hav e bee n th e documen t Alfre d consulted. 41 Witti g has challenged thi s line of inquiry an d argue d tha t Alfred di d no t depend o n an y Lati n commentary . H e maintain s tha t th e differ ences between Alfre d an d Boethiu s ar e th e resul t o f th e commo n Christian backgroun d Alfre d share d wit h th e commentators , o r perhaps simpl y o f th e king's ow n concerns. 42 Critics now gran t mor e willingly tha t Alfre d ha d bot h a specifi c purpose an d clea r visio n i n makin g hi s man y alterations . Whil e he ma y no t hav e bee n perfectl y successfu l a t graftin g hi s view s onto Boethius, he can be acquitted o f the charge of ineptitude. H e saw i n th e Boethia n Goo d th e Christia n God , an d hi s whole per spective was filtere d throug h th e writing s o f Augustin e an d Gre gory:43 se waeg is God. He ma y hav e replace d th e logi c o f philo sophical speculatio n wit h a zealou s Christia n dogmatism , bu t h e did s o deliberately. Th e emphasis Alfre d thu s achieve d wa s mor e on man' s almos t terrifyin g freedo m t o act tha n o n God' s ordere d and universa l control. 44 Alfred' s versio n concentrate d o n earthl y activity and th e operation o f the human mind ; he was more inter ested i n Christia n psycholog y tha n i n th e nearl y mathematica l clarity of Boethius' metaphysics. I t is not that Alfred rejecte d Boe thius' ideas , bu t tha t h e ofte n presente d the m i n a n emotiona l fashion. Everywhere Alfre d personalize s hi s materia l b y th e additio n o f illustrations, comments , metaphors , an d similes . I n Alfred' s Christian universe , reference s t o God , Christ , Christians , angels , and th e devil abound. Th e hymn t o the universal obedience of the Creation t o th e Creator , fo r example , remind s Alfre d o f th e out standing exceptio n o f th e rebelliou s angels ; and hi s expanded re telling o f th e Orpheu s an d Eurydic e story , foun d i n Boethiu s III, meter 12, makes the moral allegory explicitly Christian. For the pious Alfred, Orpheu s represent s th e peniten t turnin g towar d th e ligh t who look s back at hi s old sin s and s o forfeits al l he ha d hope d t o gain. Th e tw o centra l characters , Lad y Philosoph y an d Boethius ,


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are changed int o Wisdom and (frequently ) Mind , an d th e encoun ter betwee n the m ofte n drift s toward s a n interio r dialogue . Wis dom, th e lofties t o f al l the virtues , incorporatin g withi n itsel f th e four cardina l virtues of Prudence, Temperance , Courage , and Justice, i s ultimatel y equate d wit h God . An d Min d i s le d fro m de spair t o fait h an d heroi c resignation , a proces s quit e differen t fro m Boethius' progress fro m a resentful incomprehensio n t o a jubilant understanding. Alfre d an d Boethiu s began , i n fact , wit h widel y varying dramati c situations . I n th e Latin , Boethiu s canno t under stand ho w Go d ca n permi t him , a goo d an d jus t man , t o b e s o unjustly accused ; i n th e Ol d English , Boethiu s i s "guilty " o f th e charge tha t h e conspire d agains t Theodoric , bu t h e i s tormente d by the question o f why Go d permit s th e evil king to triumph. Fo r Boethius th e centra l issu e i s th e natur e o f orde r an d justice ; fo r Alfred i t is the questio n o f power an d goodness . The king's "realistic " worldview cause d a n occasiona l roug h fi t between hi s adaptation an d th e Boethian original . Thus Boethius ' confident assertio n tha t evil does not exist brings the Alfredian in sistence tha t nonetheles s evi l men indee d d o wicked things . An d Boethius' stron g Platonis m wit h it s antimaterialis m i s (awk wardly) balanced b y Alfred's insistenc e tha t th e thing s o f th e worl d are to be used for goo d ends. Alfred's dutie s as king are frequentl y reflected. I n a famou s passag e h e ha s Min d say , " O Philosophy , lo, yo u kno w tha t I never greatl y too k pleasur e i n gree d an d th e possession o f earthl y power , no r yearne d a t al l fo r thi s earthl y kingdom, bu t I desired instrument s an d material s to carry out th e work I was commanded t o do, which was that I should virtuousl y and fittingly guid e and tak e care of the authority committed t o me." The king' s "materia l an d instrument s o f rule, " Min d continues , "are tha t h e hav e hi s land wel l peopled, . . . [and ] men o f prayer , men o f war , an d me n o f work, " togethe r wit h "lan d t o dwel l in , gifts, weapons , meat , ale , clothing." 45 In the worldly kingdom, of course, al l mus t b e rule d b y Wisdo m i n a servic e whic h i s free dom, no t slavery . A s Alfre d avers , Go d create d angel s an d me n so the y coul d freel y serv e Him , fo r wha t profi t woul d b e gaine d "if ther e were a very powerful kin g and h e had n o free me n in all his kingdom , bu t al l wer e slaves?" 46 Alfred's notio n o f freedom , as ha s ofte n bee n observed , ha d non e o f th e metaphysica l com -

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plexity o f Boethius' . Hi s truncate d versio n o f Boo k V , i n whic h Boethius explain s th e relationshi p o f Divin e Foreknowledg e an d man's freedom, become s a n Augustinian assertion , albei t a simpl e one, tha t man is free. Alfre d ma y thereb y escap e th e determinis m that i s alway s presen t a s a submerged threa t t o Boethius ' system , but in the proces s h e als o radically simplifie s th e idea. H e replace s Boethius' intricat e discussio n o f necessit y wit h th e famou s simil e of th e whee l o f destiny : Just as on the axle of a wagon the wheels turn and the axle stands still and ye t bear s al l th e wago n an d control s al l th e motion , s o tha t th e wheel turn s aroun d an d th e nav e nex t t o the axle move s mor e firml y and securely than the rim does. S o the axle is the highest good, whic h we call God; and the best men move next to God, just as the nave moves next to the axle . . . [The simile continues, comparin g the middle sort of me n t o th e spokes, on e en d i n th e nave , an d th e othe r in th e rim, now thinkin g o f thi s lif e below , no w lookin g upwar d towar d th e Divine, etc.] 47 Finally, Alfre d himsel f emerge s fro m thi s wor k a s a highl y mora l and attractiv e person . H e i s hi s ow n bes t apologis t wit h Min d speaking fo r him : " I hav e wante d t o liv e honorabl y whil e I wa s alive, an d afte r m y life t o leav e t o thos e me n wh o com e afte r m e my memor y i n good works." 48 The fusion o f Germani c and Chris tian element s i n thi s movin g passag e i s reflecte d agai n b y hi s well known substitutio n i n Boethius ' ubi sunt lament : "Wher e no w ar e the bones o f Fabricius? " which becomes, "Wher e now ar e the bone s of th e famou s an d wis e goldsmith , Weland?" 49 Both Alfre d an d Boethiu s wer e creators , i n thei r separat e con texts, o f a philosophica l language . I t ma y b e difficul t t o conceiv e of a n intellectual worl d i n whic h th e word s philosophia, fatum, an d fortuna di d no t exist , bu t Boethiu s coine d them . Alfre d foun d th e same semanti c vacuu m whe n h e wa s force d t o tur n thes e Lati n terms int o Englis h equivalents . Conventiona l wisdo m ha s i t tha t Boethius achieve d fa r greate r succes s tha n Alfred . Wher e Boe thius expresse d abstrac t relationships , genera l laws , an d indefi nite statement s wit h ease , Alfre d relie d o n particula r instances , similes, an d circumstantia l detail . Boethius ' styl e i s nomina l an d abstract, Alfred' s i s verba l an d concrete , a contras t no t unex -


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pected give n thei r ver y differen t orientation s towar d th e world s of thought and action. Alfre d consistentl y simplifie d th e hypotactic sentence s o f hi s sourc e an d turne d the m int o paratacti c con structions. Bu t thes e ne w rendering s d o no t lac k balanc e an d structure, no r richness of expression, a s we se e in this passage: Swa eac pa mennisce mod bid underetan and aweged of his stede fonnehitse wind strongra geswinca astyrod odde se ren ungemetlices ymbhogan.50 (So too, man's soul is undermined and moved from its place when the wind of sore hardship beats it or the rain of great care.) Alfred made his translation more than either a "word by word, or sense b y sense " versio n o f th e Consolation; h e mad e i t a fine lit erary and philosophical documen t in its own right. Scholars assum e tha t Alfred' s fre e adaptatio n o f Augustine' s Soliloquies followe d closel y upo n th e translatio n o f Boethius, 51 for this work develops in predictable ways out of the Consolation. Th e sporadic interiorit y o f th e Consolation no w become s th e all-em bracing internal debat e of th e Soliloquies. I t has all the qualities of a matur e piece , on e i n whic h Alfre d no t onl y adapte d hi s mai n source wit h eve n greate r freedom , bu t also on e i n which h e created a n amalgam ou t o f widel y divers e texts , persona l ancedote , and speculation. No t all the sources of this effort hav e been identified, bu t Alfre d di d dra w upo n Augustine' s De Videndo Deo, Gregory's Dialogues, Moralia, Cura Pastoralis, an d Homily on Luke, and Jerome' s translatio n o f th e Bibl e (th e Vulgate ) an d hi s Commentary on Luke—in additio n t o the Soliloquies. It wa s a s on e o f hi s las t endeavor s tha t Alfre d turne d t o thi s early and incomplete dialogu e by Augustine, on e compose d during his Christianae vitae otium ("Christia n retirement" ) a t Cassiciacum in th e winte r o f 386-7. 52 Writte n shortl y before Augustine' s long-postponed baptism , th e Soliloquies i s a passionat e inne r searching fo r wisdom, a quest which coul d only be ended throug h acceptance o f Catholic authority. Th e catechumen Augustine ha d not yet purged all of his Academic Skepticism nor his neo-Platonism by the time he wrote th e Soliloquies; later in his life h e was to return t o it , a s wel l a s t o othe r earl y writings , an d "reconsider " the error s o f logi c an d doctrin e the y contained . Bu t such hetero-

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doxy pose d n o proble m fo r Alfred , who , onc e again , substitute d clear Christia n dogm a fo r muc h o f Augustine' s classica l meta physics. Alfred's Soliloquies survives in a twelfth-century manuscript , th e first o f th e tw o codice s boun d togethe r i n Cotto n Vitelliu s A.x v (see chapte r 6). 53 No medieva l commentator—no t Asser , i^Ethel weard, no r eve n Willia m o f Malmesbury—mention s it , bu t i t i s assigned t o Alfre d i n th e sol e manuscript . Th e man y similaritie s in subject an d styl e between th e Soliloquies, th e Boethius , an d th e Pastoral Care, reaffir m a n Alfredian authorship . Her e too, the king added a Preface t o hi s translation , on e i n whic h h e develope d a complex extende d metaphor. 54 Alfre d depict s hi s life' s work , th e pursuit o f wisdo m an d hi s translatio n o f books , a s a journey int o the fores t t o gathe r woo d fro m th e fines t tree s fo r th e makin g of tools and hi s "rare house," a "transitory cottage by the road whil e [he is] on this world-pilgrimage." He sees himself a s a "wayfarer " (homo viator) yearning fo r hi s "everlastin g home." 55 H e exhort s others wh o are capable and "wh o hav e many wagons " t o go into that fores t an d collec t beams wherewith t o build "man y a fair wall, to set up man y a peerless house , an d t o build a fair town " wher e they ma y dwel l happil y an d easil y i n winter an d i n summer , "a s I have no t ye t done." 56 Alfre d recognize s tha t hi s gran d schem e for hi s unstable natio n ha s only just begun, an d h e urges his subjects to continue thei r pursui t o f both tempora l an d spiritua l wis dom. Thi s las t Preface echoe s an d realize s th e hope s Alfre d ha d expressed fo r a reviva l o f Englis h learnin g i n hi s Preface t o Gre gory's Pastoral Care. Augustine's dialogue , a n exchang e betwee n himsel f an d Rea son in tw o books, i s a difficult text . I n this attempt t o know God , and t o affir m Hi s an d th e soul' s immortality , Augustin e encoun tered n o smal l amoun t o f frustration ; h e lef t th e work unfinishe d and refer s Reaso n t o anothe r o f hi s works— De Videndo Deo (On Seeing God) —for a n answe r t o his questions abou t wha t me n kno w after death . Alfred , wit h hi s passion fo r knowledg e an d hi s belief in the temporal efficacy o f wisdom, wa s apparently unsatisfie d b y Augustine's inconclusiv e ending . An d s o he turne d t o De Videndo Deo (an d othe r texts ) t o mak e a thir d book , describin g th e lif e of the sou l afte r death—th e goo d sou l i n glor y an d th e wicke d



damned, accordin g to the merits of each while the y inhabited bodie s on thi s earth . H e als o include d argument s fo r th e eterna l valu e o f wisdom attaine d o n eart h i n th e growt h o f th e intellect , an d it s contribution t o happines s i n heaven . In thes e thre e book s Alfre d become s progressivel y mor e de tached from his prototype, unti l in the short third segment he seem s almost t o b e writin g o n hi s own , an d hi s characterizatio n o f th e whole a s a gatherin g o f bloom s o r flower s i s a distinctiv e medie val touc h no t a t all suggeste d b y Augustine' s auster e dialogue . Ou t of a desire fo r historica l neatness , som e scholar s hav e trie d t o as sociate thi s chrestomathy , a s th e genr e i s called , wit h th e Enchiridion, o r Handbook, the genesi s o f whic h Asse r records . Bu t suc h an attemp t i s base d solel y o n sentimen t an d th e Soliloquies canno t be thi s los t miscellany . Muc h o f Augustine' s intricat e epistemo logical debat e remain s i n Alfred' s version , a s th e thirty-three-year old characte r "Augustine " struggle s fo r answer s abou t th e natur e of God , th e soul , an d goodness . Bu t on e als o recognize s typica l Alfredian touches—hi s fondnes s fo r concret e example s manifest s itself everywher e i n th e Soliloquies. Among thes e ar e hi s elabora tion, i n Augustine' s lon g praye r t o Go d nea r th e opening , o f th e passage o n God' s rul e throug h a cyclica l alternation . Augustin e talks abou t th e season s an d th e stars , bu t Alfre d add s th e sea s and th e rivers , an d the n comment s tha t som e thing s i n thei r cy cles becom e no t exactl y wha t the y were : Ac cumad odre for hy, swa swa leaf on treowum; and aepla, (and) gears, and wyrtan, and treowu foraldiad and forseriad; and cumad odder, grenu wexad, and gearwad, and ripad, for pat hy eft onginnad searian.57 (But others come in their place, as leaves on trees; and apples, and grass, and plants and trees grow ol d and become ser e and others come, wa x green, an d bloom, an d ripen; wherefore the y in turn begin to wither.) There i s als o th e cleverl y wrough t metapho r containe d i n thi s pic ture o f th e shi p (man ) anchore d i n hi s virtues : Therefore you nee d t o look rightl y wit h th e eyes o f th e min d t o God, just as the ship' s anchor-cabl e i s stretche d i n a straight directio n fro m the ship to the anchor, an d faste n th e eyes of your mind o n God, just as the anchor is fastened i n the earth. 58

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Other instance s includ e th e descriptio n o f th e ship' s maste r (th e mind) steerin g th e storm-tosse d vesse l throug h t o cal m weather , the desire for wisdom compared t o the passion for kissing "on th e bare body, " mankind' s variou s way s o f findin g trut h likene d t o the man y road s t o th e king' s palac e (wisdom) , an d th e seein g of wisdom wit h th e mind' s eye s portraye d a s the climbin g o f a sea cliff b y ladder. These images establish th e Soliloquies as an authen tic Alfredian creation. 59 Also attributed t o Alfred ar e the ninth-century prose psalms (nos. 1-50) containe d i n th e uniqu e manuscrip t o f th e Pari s Psalter. 60 William o f Malmesbur y record s tha t Alfred' s deat h interrupte d hi s translation o f the Psalter. Thoug h thi s evidence alone does not establish Alfred' s authorship , investigation s int o th e vocabulary , phraseology, an d synta x of th e pros e psalm s revea l s o many sim ilarities between them , th e Boethius, and th e Pastoral Care that th e case for Alfre d a s their translato r seem s plausible. 61 From th e Anglo-Saxon perspective , thi s pros e versio n o f th e psalm s ma y als o have bee n a complet e translation , fo r i t wa s commo n practic e t o divide the Psalter a s a whole into three sections of fifty. 62 Alfred' s choice of the first grou p was especially appropriate t o his own cir cumstances, fo r the y contai n Kin g David's lamentation s i n th e fac e of oppression b y hostil e foreigner s an d hi s declarations o f the nee d for learnin g an d fait h i n God. 63 Alfred, i f indeed h e i s the author , translate d th e psalm s fro m a Latin tex t base d o n th e Roma n Psalter , occasionall y consultin g glosses derive d fro m th e Gallica n Psalter. 64 Hi s rendering s var y from reasonabl y clos e translatio n t o expansions incorporatin g ex egetical commentary. H e employed n o single treatise on the psalms, though severa l wer e available , includin g th e Exegesis ascribe d t o Bede. To each o f th e psalm s (excep t Ps. 1) Alfred prefixe d a shor t explanatory "Introduction, " givin g th e historica l occasio n fo r th e verse an d eithe r a threefol d o r a fourfol d interpretation . Thes e "Introductions" ar e modelle d o n th e Lati n titulus, which outline s the circumstance s o f composition , an d th e argumentum (an exe getical term) , whic h describe s th e psalm' s mai n theme . Fo r thi s arrangement, Alfre d depende d upo n a n Iris h model , althoug h h e made extensiv e modifications. 65 H e seem s t o hav e conceive d hi s psalm translation s a s a combinatio n o f tex t an d glos s which woul d


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give th e uninforme d reade r all he neede d t o know o n a first en counter wit h suc h obscur e lyrics . I n themselve s the y ar e important creations, makin g th e abstract concrete, a s was Alfred's habit , and ofte n mor e successfu l i n thei r literar y effec t tha n thei r Latin counterparts.66 Three historical works are closely associate d wit h Alfred's pla n for intellectual refor m in his kingdom. Togethe r they cover , i n one fashion o r another, th e histor y o f th e worl d u p t o Alfred' s ow n time a s i t wa s conceive d b y me n o f th e earl y Middl e Ages . Th e first, Paulu s Orosius ' Historiarum adversum Paganos Libri Septetn (Seven Books of History against the Pagans), wa s long included among the king's own translations; William of Malmesbury identifies it as Alfredian. Bu t definitive argument s have placed it outside th e accepted canon. 67 Augustine commissioned Orosiu s (c. 385-420), an Iberian priest, t o write the work as a historical supplemen t t o his own theological tract, The City of God. I n this "universal" or "compendious" history Orosius provided an overview of world history from the creation of Adam to the year of its composition (417-8) . His polemi c aime d t o answe r th e charge s tha t th e sac k o f Rom e resulted from the acceptance of Christianity; throughout the Seven Books he rails against the pagans and accentuates the greater evils of pre-Christia n times . Despit e hi s admiratio n fo r Augustine , however, Orosius ' history is not an illustration of th e philosoph y of history expressed i n The City of God. There , Augustine insiste d that ma n woul d b e presumptuou s t o preten d h e coul d decod e God's plan in the unfolding of history; but Orosius thought of Rome as God's new-chosen natio n and maintained tha t the imperial city, now united to the Church, was progressing triumphantly towar d the Last Judgment.68 The Old English Orosius, date d sometime between 889 and 899, is much more of a paraphrase tha n a strict translation. I t reduces Orosius' seven book s (o f 23 6 chapters) t o six (of 8 4 sections); the cutting i s especiall y sever e i n Book s 5 and 6 . Th e translators , o r translator, als o add much original material, an d at times the final product bears only a slight resemblance t o the Latin text. 69 These extensive alterations have more than a quantitative effect; th e entire perspectiv e o n worl d histor y i s likewis e changed . Th e Ol d English autho r seem s les s intereste d i n Orosius ' polemica l side ,

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and eve n find s suc h ancien t Roman s a s Scipi o (Africanu s Major ) and Julius Caesa r praiseworthy. 70 H e may accept , indee d empha size, Orosius ' belie f tha t histor y reveal s God' s purpose : th e fou r universal empire s hav e bee n Babylon , Macedon , Carthage , an d Rome—the las t pavin g th e wa y fo r th e universa l Church . Bu t h e does no t g o ou t o f hi s wa y t o fin d example s o f paga n barbarity , and h e judiciousl y omit s al l Orosius ' reference s t o th e heinous ness of th e Germanic tribes . Orosius' histor y begin s wit h a geographica l survey , an d th e translator follow s his tripartite division of the world into Asia, Europe, an d Afric a (als o calle d th e "second " Europe) . Th e accoun t of Europ e call s forth a ninth-century descriptio n o f Norther n Eu rope an d Scandinavia , whic h lead s i n tur n t o th e insertio n o f th e famous voyage s o f th e Norwegia n Ohther e an d th e Anglia n (o r Danish) Wulfstan . The y ha d visite d Alfred' s cour t an d reporte d respectively o n thei r journeys int o the White and Balti c Seas. The two se a captains ' voyage s ar e first-rat e narrative . Fro m Ohther e we learn about th e far Nort h an d abou t th e existence and subsist ence of the Lapp s (Finns) , o f whale and walru s huntin g (th e walruses bein g highl y value d fo r th e ver y fin e "bon e [ivory ] in thei r teeth"), an d o f friendl y an d hostil e inhabitant s o f th e Arcti c waste. From Wulfstan w e hear a tale of the Estonians' strange burial custom: o f thei r "refrigerating ' o f th e dea d ma n fo r a s lon g a s si x months, of the feasting an d carousing around th e bier, of the fina l cremation of the body, of the placing of the man's treasure at spaced distances fro m th e village, an d o f th e hors e rac e which follow s t o sweep u p tha t treasure . Th e stor y conclude s wit h th e laconi c remark tha t "fo r tha t reaso n swif t horse s are very dea r there. " These first-hand report s ar e couche d i n a n economica l an d suggestiv e prose; as R. W. Chambers comments , i n the spac e of two or three pages, we ge t a shrew d ide a o f th e traveller' s [Ohthere's ] character : th e mix ture of curiosit y an d mor e practical end s which prompte d hi s explora tion; th e cautio n whic h le d hi m t o sto p it ; a cautio n whic h als o pre vented hi m dwellin g o n th e man y tale s whic h h e hear d o f th e land s beyond, "bu t whic h h e knew no t th e trut h o f it, fo r he sa w it not him self/'71


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We can credit th e me n themselve s fo r thes e persona l accounts , bu t the sources of the other geographica l additions are obscure. Som e argue tha t th e translato r use d a mappa mundi, the traditiona l ma p of th e classica l geographe r depictin g th e "whol e earth" ; bu t thi s cannot b e prove d an d th e Ol d Englis h write r ma y wel l hav e ha d access t o a glosse d Lati n manuscrip t o r a commentar y o n Oro sius.72 Most o f th e addition s involv e explanation s fo r names , events , and custom s tha t woul d hav e been unfamilia r t o an Anglo-Saxo n audience, an d ofte n ancien t habit s appea r i n Anglo-Saxo n dress : Roman cohort s ar e wha t "w e no w cal l truman ['troops']," an d a certain Roma n maide n devotin g hersel f t o Dian a "i s sai d t o hav e been a nun." Th e translatio n i s littered wit h misinterpretation s an d mistakes o f variou s kinds , but man y ar e no t withou t interest . Fo r example, th e translatio n o f th e passag e describin g th e firs t ele phants brough t agains t th e Roman s b y Pyrrhu s contain s th e sen tence, "H e [Minutius , a Roman ] venture d unde r a n elephan t s o that h e stabbe d i t in the navel. " The Lati n read s t o the effect tha t "With his sword h e sliced off th e beast's trunk stretche d ou t against him." Ther e wa s obviousl y som e confusio n i n th e Anglo-Saxo n translator's min d abou t th e unusua l Lati n tnanus fo r "trunk " an d about elephantin e physiognomy. 73 The style of the Old Englis h Orosius is much mor e paratactic than that o f Alfred' s atteste d translations , resemblin g instea d th e na tive historica l pros e o f th e Anglo-Saxo n Chronicles. 74 Bu t th e wor k possesses a rhyth m an d a balance tha t easil y allo w th e translato r to change role s from recorde r o f histor y t o moralizing orator. 75 On e well-known addition , th e lamen t o f Babylon , show s a fine us e of prosopopoeia (personification ) an d hyperbole : "No w tha t I am thu s fallen an d passe d away , lo , yo u ca n perceiv e an d understan d i n me that you hav e nothing fast o r strong in your possession whic h can endure." 76 This is a fitting emble m fo r a n Anglo-Saxon work . A further ite m o f interes t i n thi s unusua l translation : fo r th e his torian o f th e language , th e Tollemache (o r Lauderdale) M S is on e of the three basic sources of our knowledge of Early West Saxon. 77 Although bot h JEMric an d Willia m o f Malmesbur y identifie d Alfred a s th e translato r o f Bede' s Ecclesiastical History, most schol -

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ars hav e fo r som e tim e discounte d thi s attribution. 78 Th e stron g presence of Mercian dialect points to another author, on e perhap s connected wit h th e Mercia n grou p o f scholar s Alfre d gathere d a t his court. 79 Stylistically, th e Old English Bede most closely resem bles Waerferth' s translatio n o f Gregory' s Dialogues, wit h it s over literalness and it s excessive use of tautology—doublets translatin g single Latin words; 80 but Waerferth himsel f canno t have produce d the work. Bed e completed hi s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum in 73 1 and i t ha s remaine d a monumen t t o eighth-centur y Nor thumbrian scholarshi p (se e chapte r 1) . Fo r Bede , Anglo-Saxo n history reveale d tha t th e Englis h wer e God' s ne w "chosen " na tion, electe d t o replace th e sin-staine d Briton s in th e promise d lan d of Britain. 81 Th e adapto r o f Bede' s wor k kep t thi s racia l perspec tive, althoug h h e narrowe d it , thereb y makin g th e histor y eve n more parochial. This new Bede is thoroughly "English " history; it omits mos t detail s whic h d o no t contribut e t o th e recor d o f th e Anglo-Saxons and th e demonstration o f their superior orthodoxy . Over one-quarte r o f th e Lati n origina l i s missing: papal letters , poems in honor o f saints, and th e long sections on the Easter controversy. Presumabl y epistolar y document s woul d no t interes t a wider lay audience, an d th e date of Easter was no longer an issu e during Alfred' s time . I n a pros e tha t i s somewha t torture d an d hardly idiomatic, but still at times inspired, th e Old English translator concentrate d o n th e miraculou s sid e o f Bede' s History: the accounts o f th e religiou s conversio n o f th e English , al l the saints ' miracles excep t one , an d th e comin g o f th e divin e gif t o f poetr y to Caedmon. H e made his selections judiciously and i n an orderl y fashion—he kne w wha t h e wante d t o create . Bu t Bede' s interes t in precision , hi s car e fo r th e authenticit y o f sources , an d hi s re spect fo r authorit y ar e no t present , no r i s his concern wit h geog raphy, chronology , o r etymology . Bed e wa s abov e al l a patristi c writer, stil l passionatel y involve d wit h th e doctrina l dispute s o f the earl y Church; 82 th e translato r wa s a more plainly chauvinisti c writer. H e had , however , somethin g o f a poetic turn o f mind, ex hibited i n a rich poeti c vocabular y an d i n metaphori c creativity . His retelling of the conversion o f Edwin is far more concrete in its images tha n Bede' s coo l and abstrac t Latin : he transforms , fo r in stance, th e bal d paruissimo spatio 'i n th e littles t space ' o f th e spar -



row simil e int o an eagan bryhtm 'i n th e twinklin g o f a n eye' . Th e translation canno t b e date d precisely , thoug h externa l evidenc e suggests tha t it was don e i n th e sam e decad e a s th e othe r Alfredian pieces. It has alway s bee n temptin g t o vie w th e Anglo-Saxo n Chroni cles not onl y a s a part of th e large r Alfredian plan , bu t als o a s a specific conclusio n t o th e historica l works . Alon g wit h th e Oro sius an d th e Bede , the y woul d creat e a useful trilogy , providin g Alfred's subjects with all they needed t o know of ancient, British, and Englis h history . Bu t thes e sentimenta l notion s d o no t stan d scrutiny. First , any connection of the Chronicles with Alfred's court is highly dubious ; they have , a s Stenton point s out , "th e character of privat e work." 83 Stento n postulate s tha t som e Wes t Saxo n nobleman, i n imitation o f th e King , commissione d thei r compilation an d the n ha d the m distributed. 84 Few accep t Plummer' s enthusiastic ascription of the originals to Alfred himself; eve n fewe r would subscrib e t o the idea tha t Alfred intende d the m as nationalistic propaganda t o unite hi s kingdo m agains t th e Danes. 85 But it is no t unlikel y tha t th e king' s ow n progra m ma y hav e create d the milieu which made them possible . The Anglo-Saxo n Chronicle s ar e set s o f annalisti c writing s stretching from the time of Julius Caesar to (in the case of the Peterborough Chronicle ) 1154 , * e Y ear infamou s Kin g Stephen died. In the lat e 880 s o r early 890s , a t least tw o Wes t Saxo n compiler s produced th e prototype , whic h wa s the n distribute d throughou t the kingdom. 86 Subsequen t bulletin s wer e dispatche d fo r inclu sion, no t all of which were incorporated into every version. Loca l additions wer e als o frequent . Consequently , th e Chronicle s de veloped ou t o f th e commo n stoc k i n quite divergen t ways . Non e of th e extan t seve n versions , whic h for m fou r distinc t groups , i s closer to the prototype than two removes, and much late copying, interpolation, an d collatio n o f text s occurred. 87 I t i s thu s erro neous t o spea k o f a unitary Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, fo r th e recen sions differ s o markedly. On paleographic , stylistic , an d historica l grounds , th e comple tion date for the prototype has been variously set at 890, 891, and 892.88 Th e oldes t manuscript , th e Parker , o r Winchester M S (the "A" version o f th e editions) , i s writte n i n on e lat e ninth-centur y

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or early tenth-century han d nearl y up t o the end o f the 891 entry. Presumably, thi s recensio n dre w upo n a n earlie r Wes t Saxo n se t of annal s (perhap s i n Latin) , a s well a s upo n th e epitom e a t th e end o f Bede' s Ecclesiastical History, an epitom e o f a n unidentifie d "universal" history , som e genealogies , an d severa l classica l sources.89 Influence d b y th e grea t Frankis h collection s o f annals , this initial compilation mus t hav e required extensiv e research an d could no t hav e been complete d withi n a short period . Since annalistic writing grew ou t o f the practice of jotting dow n brief notice s in th e table s used t o calculate th e dat e o f Easter , th e style o f th e firs t bloc k i s terse , objective , an d colorless : "671 : In this year there was the great mortality o f birds"; "777: In this year Cynewulf an d Off a fough t aroun d Benson , an d Off a capture d th e village"; "806 : In thi s yea r ther e wa s an eclips e o f th e moo n o n 1 September. An d Eardwulf, kin g of Northumbria, wa s driven fro m his kingdom, an d Eanberht , bisho p of Hexham, passe d away. " The syntax i s mainl y coordinat e an d ther e i s n o sens e o f caus e an d effect, o f motivation, o r of personality. Earl y commentators on the Chronicles foun d thi s styl e rudimentar y an d hopelessl y crude , bu t Cecily Clar k ha s demonstrate d tha t thi s artificia l manne r wa s de liberately cultivated . No t al l ninth-century pros e i s written i n thi s way, an d th e fac t tha t th e firs t Chronicl e purposel y adopt s thi s style indicates th e compilers ' desir e t o underscore th e trut h o f thei r entries throug h a vehicle deeme d stylisticall y appropriate. 90 Agains t this nearly formulai c mode , th e expansiv e an d dramati c narrativ e of th e Cynewulf-Cynehear d feu d (anna l 755) stands ou t i n hig h relief. Clearly an interpolation, th e story is detailed i n a prose tha t suggests a n ora l traditio n o r a n eve n earlie r writte n source. 91 Resembling th e structur e an d etho s o f th e late r Icelandi c sagas , thi s brief episod e depict s with politica l overtones th e irresolvable con flicts betwee n comitatus loyalt y an d bloo d relationships . Alfred's wars against the Danes after the resumption of hostilities (893-6) ar e writte n i n a differen t han d an d constitut e th e "firs t continuation." Stylisticall y the y als o reflec t a chang e i n perspec tive. The y ar e longer , fuller , an d sho w a marked increas e in sub ordinate constructions . Som e rhetorica l patternin g als o appears , giving the effect o f an interpretative repor t rather tha n of a factua l account. Onc e thes e stylisti c possibilities hav e been admitted, th e


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Chronicles mov e eve n furthe r i n thi s "literary " direction , thoug h they neve r entirel y abando n th e origina l voice : th e "E " Chroni cle's versio n o f th e Conques t "recapture s th e lapidar y dignit y o f the earlies t annals." 92 But before thi s event, biase d reportin g an d an emotiona l styl e develope d significantly . Strikin g example s ar e the "D " and "E " renditions o f the difficulties Edwar d th e Confes sor had i n 105 1 with Go d wine an d hi s son s over Eustac e o f Boulogne (Edward's brother-in-law) and th e actions of his men in Dover. Both text s ar e "norther n recensions " til l 1031 , but afte r tha t dat e the tw o par t company : "D " continue s t o b e norther n (probabl y compiled a t York) , and "E " seems t o hav e foun d it s way t o Can terbury. A s a result , th e "D " tex t show s a decide d partisanshi p for Edward , whil e th e "E " i s mor e favorabl y dispose d t o God wine, wh o hel d th e earldo m o f Kent, Sussex , an d Wessex . I n spit e of thes e factiona l loyalties , Englis h nationalis m comes t o th e for e in bot h accounts, 93 a nationalis m emphasize d i n si x poem s in serted i n th e Chronicle s (se e chapter s 6 and 10) . The presenc e of these poem s indicate s furthe r th e heterogeneit y o f taste s and style s incorporated i n th e Chronicle s b y thei r man y contributor y hand s over tw o and a half centuries . One las t wor k ma y b e mentione d a s possibl y connecte d wit h the Alfredia n circle—th e Ol d Englis h Martyrology , o f whic h fiv e fragments survive. 94 Thi s collectio n fro m th e secon d hal f o f th e ninth centur y ma y hav e bee n translate d fro m a n earlie r Lati n martyrology, o r i t ma y hav e bee n a tex t compose d originall y i n Old Englis h usin g a variety o f Lati n sources. 95 Giinter Kotzo r ha s shown tha t th e Ol d Englis h Martyrology i s quit e independen t o f the entir e Lati n martyrologica l tradition , remainin g distinc t eve n from th e firs t o f th e narrativ e o r "historical " martyrologies , tha t compiled b y Bede. 96 The Old Englis h exempla r dre w upo n longe r hagiographical texts , homilies , liturgica l texts , an d literar y work s such a s Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Felix of Crowland's Vita Guthlaci, Eddiu s Stephanus' Vita \Nilfridi, an d th e Irishman Adamnan' s De Locis Sanctis. Other Iris h religiou s writing s see m t o li e behin d certain detail s tha t d o no t appea r i n mor e conventiona l speci mens.97 Mos t unusua l ar e th e section s narratin g th e si x day s o f creation, th e sign s an d portent s markin g Christ' s birth , Hi s de scent int o hell , Hi s ascension , an d th e Pentecost , a s wel l a s en -

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tries fo r Rogatio n Days , an d th e consecratio n o f St . Michael' s church. The dialec t o f th e Ol d Englis h tex t i s clearl y Mercian , thoug h the translatio n ma y hav e been carrie d ou t a s part o f Alfred's plans . Possibly on e o f Alfred' s importe d Mercia n scholar s wa s respon sible for it . Man y Englis h saint s are represented, bu t Mercia n saint s are especiall y plentiful : Cha d o f Lichfiel d an d hi s brothe r Cedd , Guthlac of Crowlan d an d hi s siste r Pega , an d Abbo t Hygebal d o f Lindsey.98 Both the Martyrology and th e Mercian Life of St. Chad (c . 850) have been describe d a s forerunner s o f th e alliterativ e pros e whic h flourished i n the late tenth and earl y eleventh centurie s (see chapter 3). " Th e Life of St. Chad i s extan t onl y i n th e twelfth-centur y MS Hatto n 116 , transcribe d i n Worcester , th e las t importan t stronghold o f Anglo-Saxo n learnin g an d cultur e i n Norma n En gland.100 Ultimatel y translate d fro m th e accoun t o f th e bisho p of Mercia from 669-7 2 in Bede's History, this homily uses certain ha giographical stereotypes , an d take s it s introductor y an d conclud ing lines from Sulpiciu s Severus ' Life of St. Martin. A fina l twelfth-centur y wor k shoul d b e mentione d an d re moved fro m th e Alfredian canon . Th e Proverbs of Alfred are a later compilation ascribe d t o th e kin g who , lik e Solomo n i n religiou s tradition, embodie d th e high idea l of wisdom. Th e proverbs see m to be draw n fro m Ol d Testamen t Book s of Wisdo m an d th e pop ular Lati n Distichs of Cato (se e chapters 1 and 3). 101 The vigorous activit y o f translatio n an d vernacula r writin g i n th e latter par t o f th e nint h century , associate d wit h Alfred' s nam e i n one way or another, suggest s the king's right t o the title "the fathe r of English prose." This prose, a s represented i n the Hatton M S of the Pastoral Care, th e Parke r M S of th e Chronicles , an d th e Tolle mache M S o f th e Orosius—al l contemporaneou s o r early-tenth century—has bee n use d t o establis h Earl y Wes t Saxo n a s "stan dard" Ol d Englis h for man y an Old English grammar. 102 But valid objections hav e been raise d t o accepting Alfred's Wes t Saxon as a norm fo r Ol d English . Alfred' s dialec t i s anything bu t "pure " West Saxon—the earlie r politica l ascendanc y o f Mercia , alon g wit h th e amanuenses fro m variou s locale s employe d b y Alfred , ma y i n par t



account fo r th e admixtur e o f Anglia n form s i n Alfred' s language . Further, Alfre d wa s n o grammarian , unlik e hi s literar y heir ^Elfric a centur y later ; and man y linguist s prefe r ^Elfric' s languag e (Lat e West Saxon ) a s th e nor m fo r th e stud y o f th e language. 103 Ther e were, o f course , translation s int o Englis h befor e Alfred' s time : Bed e undertook several , thoug h non e o f the m survives , an d hi s effort s were no t a s programmati c a s Alfred's . Th e grea t king' s importa tion o f man y Mercia n scholars , however , doe s no t necessaril y mea n that a Mercia n "school " o f translatio n existe d earlie r i n th e nint h century. Th e Martyrology an d Chad seem t o com e fro m Mercia , a s do Waerferth' s translatio n o f Gregory' s Dialogues, an d th e Tanne r MS of th e Ol d Englis h Bede . Mercia n original s ma y li e behind suc h pieces a s th e pros e Guthlac, The Blickling Homilies, an d th e pros e texts in th e Beowulf MS.104 But we nee d no t posi t a whole Mercia n school o f translatio n suc h a s Alfre d late r created. A s importan t a s Alfred's Mercia n scholar s wer e fo r th e implementatio n o f hi s gran d program, the y d o no t see m t o hav e ha d an y significan t literar y influence o n Alfred' s translations ; fo r th e Mercia n text s manifes t great difference s i n dialect , vocabulary , an d styl e fro m thos e tha t are definitely associate d wit h Alfred . Particularl y noticeabl e i n th e former i s a consciousl y rhythmi c phrasin g an d extensiv e us e o f alliteration, a style tha t was t o find it s most refine d us e i n the work s of /EUhc an d Wulfstan . NOTES 1. Chamber s 1932, pp. lviii-lix. Chamber s here responds to the many who insiste d tha t O E prose wa s a rude an d isolate d phenomenon . Bu t see Wilso n 1959 , wh o question s Chambers ' conclusions . Se e als o Gor don, I . A. 1966 . For a discussion of OE prose studies, se e Gatch 1976. 2. Fo r a recent summary o f Alfred's career , se e th e "Introduction " to Keynes/Lapidge 1983 . This book, whic h contain s translation s o f Asser' s Life of the king, o f extracts from the king's writings, and of other sources pertinent t o Alfred's reign , als o provides a useful bibliography . 3. Se e Chambers 1932 , p. lvi ; Stenton 1971 , p. 270. 4. Barracloug h 197 6 reminds u s tha t i t wa s onl y Englan d whic h th e Danes attempted t o subdue as a whole (p . 124). 5. Stento n 1971 , p. 269. 6. Keynes/Lapidg e 1983 , p. 74; for the Latin text, se e Stevenson 1904. Portions o f Asser' s Life ar e als o translate d i n Whiteloc k 1979 , pp . 289 303.

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7. Davi s 1971 , p. 176 ; see also Whitelock 1979 , pp. 879-80. 8. Se e Nelson , J . 1967 ; Brooke 1970 ; Davis 1971 . Cf. Whiteloc k 1979 , p. 123 , and especiall y Whiteloc k 1978. 9. Th e only MS of Assess Life known t o modern times , Brit. Lib. Cott. Otho A . xii , burned i n th e fir e o f 173 1 (see chapter 6) ; Stevenson 190 4 is based o n Archbishop Parker' s transcripts (no t his edition of 1574 ) and o n extracts recorde d b y Florenc e o f Worcester , Simeo n o f Durham , an d th e compiler of the Annals of St. Neots. On the authenticity of Asser's Life, se e Whitelock 1968a ; see also Gransden 1974 , pp. 46-53 and Keynes/Lapidg e x 8 9 3/ PP - 50-110. Schiit t 1957 , p. 219. 11. Brook e 1970 , p. 232 ; Keynes/Lapidge 1983 , p. 55. 12. Se e Schiitt 1957 , pp. 212-8. 13. Keynes/Lapidg e 1983 , pp. 88-9 . 14. Ibid. , p . 99. 15. Ibid. , p . 100 .

16. Bulloug h 1972 , p. 460. 17. Text : Sweet 1871 , p. 3. 18. Whiteloc k 1979 , p. 92. 19. Se e Yerkes 1982 , p. 9; Yerkes 1985. 20. Text : Hecht 1900 , p. 1 . 21. Se e Yerkes 197 9 and 1982 . 22. Ther e is some question about the chronology of Alfred's works , since all postdat e Asser' s Life or a t leas t ar e no t mentione d therein—se e An derson, G . 1966 , p. 264 ; also Bromwic h 1950 , p. 302 . Fo r tex t an d trans lation o f the O E Pastoral Care, see Sweet 1871 . A more modern editio n of one manuscrip t i s Carlso n 197 5 (Part I) ; Part I I completed b y Hallander / et ah (see Carlson 1978) . On textua l transmission an d authority , se e Sisam, K. 1953, pp. 140-7 . For sympathetic critica l treatment o f this and mos t of the Alfredia n translations , see Duckett 1956 , pp. 14 2 ff.; Whiteloc k 1966 . The MSS have been reproduce d i n Ke r 1956 . See also Clement 1985. 23. Se e Potter 1947 , p. 114. 24. See , for example , Brown , W . 1969 , p. 684. 25. Se e Duckett 1956 , p. 133 ; Wallace-Hadrill 1971b , pp. 141-5 1 stresses the importance o f Alfred's rol e as king in all his works. 26. Hupp e 1978 , p. 119 . The classical study of the Preface is Klaeber 1923; see also Gneuss 1986. 27. Hupp e 1978 , p. 120. 28. Se e Morrish 1985. 29. Szarmac h 1980 , pp. 80-1 . But cf. Shippe y 1979 , who doe s no t believe Alfre d intende d anythin g s o "over-pious " (p . 353) . See also Orto n 1983b, who claim s that th e syntactic indirectness i n the Preface may ste m from Alfred' s belie f tha t som e of his bishops were to blame for th e decay of learning . 30. Batel y 1980a , p. 8.


65 ]

31. Se e ibid. , p . 5 ; Whitelock 1966 , p . 74 . 32. Se e Sisam , K . 1953 , p . 140 . Se e als o Swee t 1871 , pp. xix-xlii . 33. Se e Brown , W . 1969 , p . 679 . 34. Text : Sweet 1871 , p . 26 . 35. Fo r material o n Boethius , se e Patc h 1935 ; Chad wick, H . 1981 ; Gibson 1981 . Fo r a modern translation , se e Green , R . 1962 . 36. Cros s 1961b . 37. Se e Marklan d 1968 ; Whitbread 1970 ; Bolton 1971 ; Kiernan 1978 ; but see Rope r 1962 , wh o discount s suc h influence . 38. Godde n 1981 , p . 419 . 39. Sedgefiel d 1899 , p . vii . Tw o MSS , a fragment , an d a seventeenth century transcriptio n b y Juniu s survive : Bodleia n 18 0 i s o f twelfth-cen tury origi n an d i s entirel y i n prose ; Cotto n Oth o A . v i i s a n early-tenth century cop y an d contain s th e O E Meters (se e chapte r 10) . Sedgefield' s edition i s a composite o f th e tw o MSS , an d wa s translate d b y hi m i n 1900 . 40. Th e semina l articl e i s Scheps s 1895 . 41. Se e Schmid t 1934 ; Otten 1964 ; Donaghey 1964 ; Courcelle 1967 , pp . 241-97. 42. Witti g 1983 , p . 166 . 43. Se e Otte n 1964 , p . 281 . 44. Thi s i s th e majo r thesi s o f Payne , F . 1968 . Bu t Payne' s idea s hav e received som e shar p rebuttals: see Propp e 1973 ; Fischer 1979 ; Bolton 1985 . 45. Text : Sedgefiel d 1899 , p . 40 . 46. Text : ibid., p . 142 . 47. Text : ibid., p . 129 . 48. Text : ibid., p . 41 . 49. Text : ibid., p . 46 . 50. Se e Otte n 1964 , p . 287 ; text: Sedgefiel d 1899 , P - 2 751. Se e Whiteloc k 1966 , pp . 73-7. 52. Se e Brown , P . 1969 , pp . 115-27 ; Ducket t 1956 , pp . 155-7 . 53. Ed. , wit h a Lati n text , i n Hargrov e 1902 ; trans , i n Hargrov e 1904 . For other editions , se e Endte r 1922 ; Carnicelli 1969 . 54. Se e Potte r 1949 . ^. O n thi s them e i n medieva l thought , se e Ladne r 1967 . 56. Text : Carnicell i 1969 , pp . 47-8 . 57. Text : ibid., p . 53 . 58. Text : ibid., pp . 61-2 . 59. Se e Waterhous e 1985 ; Gatch 1985 . 60. Th e eleventh-centur y tex t is Paris, Bibliothequ e Nationale , M S latin 8824. Th e tex t o f th e pros e psalm s ha s bee n edite d b y Bright/Ramsa y 1907 ; however, thi s editio n i s no t reliable . Th e entir e Paris Psalter has bee n re produced i n Colgrav e 1958 . 61. Se e Sisam , C./K . 1958 ; Bromwich 1950 ; Bately 1982 . 62. Whiteloc k 1966 , p . ji. 63. Keynes/Lapidg e 1983 , p . 32 .

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64. Wit h the tenth-centur y Benedictin e reform , th e Gallican Psalter, use d in Franc e an d Ireland , graduall y supplante d th e Roma n i n Englis h churches. Th e change , however , wa s no t complete ; see , fo r example, th e Eadwine Psalter, c . 1150 . 65. Se e O'Neil l 1981 . 66. Se e Batel y 1980a , pp . 14-5 . 67. Se e Liggin s 1970 . Thi s opinio n i s share d b y Batel y 1980b , pp . lxxiii lxxxvii. Bately' s editio n i s base d o n th e Lauderdal e MS ; the olde r editio n by Swee t 188 3 has th e Lati n original . Boswort h 185 9 is based o n th e Cot ton M S and contain s a translation , a s doe s Thorp e 1873 . 68. Fo r a n examinatio n o f Orosius ' plac e i n th e developmen t o f a Christian philosoph y o f history , se e Hannin g 1966 , pp . 37-43 . 69. Se e Liggin s 1985 , wh o argue s fo r mor e tha n on e translator . 70. Se e Whiteloc k 1966 , pp . 90-1 . 71. Chamber s 1932 , p . lx . O n th e navigationa l problem s involve d i n Ohthere's voyage , se e Binn s 1961 ; note, p . 43 , gives furthe r bibliography . Geographical problem s ar e discussed b y Ekblo m i960 ; Derolez 1971; Korhammer 1985 . 72. Se e Lindersk i 1964 ; Bately 1980b , p . lxvii . 73. Text : Bately 1980b , p . 84 , line s 18-9 . Fo r further examples , se e Pot ter 1953. 74. Potte r 1939 , p . 49 ; see als o Liggin s 1985 . 75. Batel y 1980b , p . ciii . 76. Text : ibid., p . 44 . 77. Reproduce d i n Campbell , A . 1953 . 78. JElihc (Catholic Homilies II, 116-8 ) an d Willia m o f Malmesbur y (De Gestis Regum Anglorum); bu t Alfred' s reputatio n ma y hav e bee n respon sible fo r the attribution , jus t as it was fo r the ascriptio n t o him o f th e late r Proverbs of Alfred. Some scholar s stil l argue tha t Alfre d wa s th e translator : see Kuh n 194 7 and 1972a . 79. Mille r 1890 , edito r o f th e standar d tex t wit h translation , wa s th e first t o poin t ou t th e work' s Mercia n qualities ; another editio n o f th e tex t alone i s b y Schippe r 1899 . O n th e dialect , se e va n Draa t 1916 ; Campbell , J. 1951 ; Vleeskruyer 1953 . 80. Se e Whiteloc k 196 2 and 1966 , pp . 77-8 ; se e als o Fr y 1985 . 81. Se e Hannin g 1966 , pp . 63-90 . 82. Se e Bonne r 1973 . 83. Stento n 1971 , pp . 692-3 . 84. Stento n 1925 . 85. Davi s 1971 ; but se e Whiteloc k 1978 . 86. Batel y 1978 , p . 129 . 87. Ed . an d trans , i n Thorpe 1861 . The mos t usefu l editio n i s Plumme r 1892. Fo r separat e edition s o f th e differen t MSS , se e Whiteloc k 1961 , p . xxv; th e portion s u p t o 104 2 are als o translate d i n Whiteloc k 1979 . I n ad-


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dition, se e Garmonswa y 1953 . Fo r a general commentary , se e Gransde n 1974, pp. 29-41 . 88. Se e Whitelock 1979 ; Bately 1978; and Keynes/Lapidge 1983 , pp. 278989. Fo r the sources, see Plummer 1892, pp. cxiv ff.; Garmonswa y 1953, pp. xliii-xliv ; Bately 1978 and 1979 ; see also Waterhouse 1980. 90. Se e Clark, C . 1971 ; on the style and changes in source, se e Waterhouse 1980. 91. O n the possibility of an oral prose saga, see Wright, C. 1939 ; Wrenn 1940. Whiteloc k 196 1 describe s th e pros e a s "archaic " (p . xxii) ; Towers 1963 describes it as "vigorous and living." For general interpretations of the Cynewulf-Cynehear d episode , se e Waterhous e 1969 ; Turville-Petr e 1974; McTurk 1981. 92. Clark , C. 1971 , p. 234. 93. Se e Chambers 1932. 94. Ed . Kotzor 1981; see also Sisam, C . 1953. 95. Se e Cross 1985a and 1985b for evidence of the OE writer's expertise in Latin. 96. Se e Kotzor 1985. 97. Se e Cross 1977 ; 1981; 1982 . 98. Se e Sisam, C. 1953. 99. Se e Funke 1962b. 100. Ed . Vleeskruyer 1953; this includes the parallel texts of the Tanner MS of th e OE Bede and the Moore MS of the Latin Bede. 101. Ed . Arngart 1942 ; see also Arngart 1951. 102. E . g., Moore/Knot t 1955. 103. E . g., Quirk/Wren n 1958. See also Wrenn 1933, pp. 65-88; Gneuss 1972. 104. Menne r 1949, pp. 56-64; Vleeskruyer 1953, esp. pp. 39-71; Funke 1962b. For some reservations about Vleeskruyer's Mercian and early-dating enthusiasm, se e Sisam, C . 1955.


^Elfric, Wulfstan , and Othe r Lat e Pros e

Alfred's immediat e politica l heir s consolidate d an d expande d hi s territorial gains , bu t thoug h the y mad e gift s t o th e Churc h an d tried t o maintai n th e standard s o f literac y Alfre d ha d envisioned , their succes s wa s les s dramati c tha n hi s (se e chapte r 1) . Edwar d the Elde r (d . 924 ) unite d th e whol e kingdo m a s fa r nort h a s th e Humber unde r hi s rule , thoug h i t cost hi m unceasin g vigilanc e an d campaigning t o d o so , firs t agains t som e o f hi s ow n rebelliou s subjects an d the n agains t th e Danes . Edward' s so n ^thelsta n (d. 939 ) wo n th e greates t Englis h victor y o f th e centur y whe n h e defeated a combine d forc e o f Scot s an d Dane s a t th e Battl e o f "Brunanburh" i n 937 . Bu t monasterie s observin g th e Benedictin e Rule scarcel y existed—Alfred' s ow n foundatio n a t Athelne y van ished fo r wan t o f recruits . Entrie s i n th e Chronicle s becam e ver y thin and , wit h th e exceptio n o f The Battle of Brunanburh, no out standing piece s o f Anglo-Saxo n literatur e ca n b e assigne d t o thi s time. 1 I t was no t til l th e peacefu l reig n o f Edga r (959-75) , Alfred' s great-grandson, tha t religiou s refor m lai d th e foundatio n fo r a cultural renascence , a quickenin g tha t produce d a t leas t tw o out standing scholar s an d writer s i n th e vernacular , JElihc, mon k o f Cerne (o r Cernel ) an d Abbo t o f Eynsha m (c . 995-c . 1012), 2 an d Wulfstan, archbisho p o f Yor k an d bisho p o f Worceste r (d . 1023) .



To this same period als o belong works of literature (se e chapter 1) and ar t o f th e highes t quality : th e "Winchester " styl e i n manu script illumination , sculptur e i n ivory , an d meta l work al l out shone continenta l production. 3 An d i n thi s period , too , nearl y al l the Anglo-Saxo n poetr y extan t toda y wa s collecte d an d tran scribed. The monasti c (o r "Benedictine" ) refor m o f th e late r tent h cen tury wa s lon g overdue . Sinc e th e "golde n age " o f Wearmouth Jarrow an d Yor k ha d departe d wit h th e onslaugh t o f th e Danis h invasions a t the end o f th e eight h century , th e moral and cultura l force o f regula r monasti c disciplin e ha d languishe d i n England. 4 The exten t t o whic h spiritua l dissolutio n ha d se t i n ma y b e see n in iElfric' s perhap s somewha t exaggerate d accoun t o f condition s at Winchester i n 963: "At tha t tim e in th e Old Minster , wher e th e bishop's seat is situated, ther e were clerics living badly, possesse d by pride, arrogance , an d wantonnes s t o such an exten t tha t som e of the m refuse d t o celebrat e mas s i n thei r turn ; the y repudiate d the wive s who m the y ha d take n unlawfull y an d marrie d others , and continuall y devote d themselve s t o glutton y an d drunken ness." 5 Th e Benedictin e reviva l bega n i n Franc e (se e chapte r 1) , but th e appointmen t o f Dunsta n a s abbo t o f Glastonbur y (c . 940) conventionally mark s it s star t i n England. 6 Wit h th e accessio n o f Edgar an d hi s raisin g o f Dunsta n t o th e pos t o f archbisho p o f Canterbury i n 960 , th e monasti c reviva l wa s firml y established . Besides Dunca n (d . 988) , tw o othe r Englis h monk s wer e promi nent in this new perio d o f reform: ^thelwold, abbo t of Abingdo n and bisho p o f Winchester (d . 984) , who had bee n a pupil o f Dun stan's, an d Oswald , bisho p o f Worceste r an d archbisho p o f Yor k (d. 992) , a membe r o f a n aristocrati c Danis h family . Whil e Dun stan may have provided th e initial impetus for the reform, th e most powerful personalit y i n thi s trinit y wa s /Ethelwold. A man o f extreme discipline an d austerity—h e drov e th e dissolut e canons ou t of Wincheste r cathedra l an d replace d the m wit h hi s monks—h e was a forcefu l organize r wh o lai d th e groundwor k fo r th e devel opment o f lat e Ol d Englis h pros e an d perhap s establishe d Wes t Saxon a s th e standar d literar y dialect. 7 Latin vitae of al l thre e founder s o f th e Benedictin e refor m wer e composed shortl y afte r thei r deaths . Tw o vitae of /Ethelwol d sur -

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vive, on e writte n b y Wulfstan , precento r a t Winchester , i n 996 , and on e b y ^Elfric i n 100 6 (see chapte r 1). 8 ^Elfric's i s the shorter , sparer Life, an d i t is evidently a n abbreviatio n o f Wulfstan' s longer , stylistically elaborat e version . Th e hallmark s o f hagiograph y ar e evident i n thes e tw o works : Aithelwold's mothe r ha s a propheti c dream o f a golde n eagl e issuin g fro m he r mouth , a drea m o f th e saint who was to become the standard-bearer o f God's army. Mir acles ar e attribute d t o i^thelwold fro m th e tim e o f hi s infanc y t o the period afte r hi s death. On e shoul d especiall y note in this "un realistic" context on e factua l detail : ^thelwold i s felled b y a pos t during hi s inspectio n o f a buildin g unde r construction . Thi s par t of hi s activit y wa s o f majo r importanc e fo r th e ful l restoratio n o f monastic life in England, an d hi s rescue is providential. A n anon ymous Anglo-Saxon priest , wh o identified himsel f onl y as .B . and who claime d t o hav e witnesse d th e event s h e recorded , com posed a n accoun t o f Dunstan's life . Writte n i n a n obscur e an d ar tificial styl e typical of late tenth- and earl y eleventh-century Latin , this vita (c. 1000 ) dwells mor e o n Dunstan' s sanctit y tha n o n hi s actions as an ecclesiastica l reformer. 9 A second earl y Life (c. 100512), by Adelard, a monk o f Ghent, increase s th e amount o f miraculous detail . St . Oswal d i s commemorate d i n a Life written b y Byrhtferth o f Ramse y betwee n 99 5 and 1005. 10 As i n th e Lives o f St. Dunstan , th e wonder-workin g aspect s o f Oswald' s caree r re ceive the greatest attention, thoug h thi s Life remains an importan t source fo r informatio n o n th e stat e o f monasti c affair s jus t befor e the revival ; it exhibits th e trait s o f Byrhtferth' s florid an d verbos e style (se e chapter 1) . One o f th e firs t problem s fo r th e refor m movemen t wa s t o en sure uniform liturgica l and disciplinar y practices ; diversity in suc h matters ha d becom e widesprea d becaus e th e numbe r o f monas teries ha d increase d rapidl y a s a resul t o f Kin g Edgar' s persona l commitment t o th e caus e an d hi s man y gift s o f land. Thu s abou t 973 a Synoda l Counci l wa s hel d a t Winchester. 11 Thi s Counci l issued a Lati n customar y know n a s th e Regularis Concordia 'Th e Agreement Concernin g th e Rule' (see also chapter 1) . Intended a s a supplemen t t o the Benedictin e Rule, it had a profound effec t o n the English churc h and it s liturgy. 12 Although draw n mainl y fro m European sources—representative s fro m th e reforme d monaster -



ies o f Ghen t an d Fleury-sur-Loir e wer e presen t a t th e Council — the Regularis Concordia contain s som e uniquely Englis h references : for example , Edgar' s suppor t o f th e monk s i s rewarde d b y re minders tha t the y shoul d pra y constantl y fo r th e king . ^Ethelwold i s usually credite d wit h th e majo r rol e in compilin g the Concordia. Bu t at least two works in Old English came from hi s pen. H e translate d th e Benedictin e Rule into a clea r an d rhetori cally heightened Anglo-Saxon . Two versions exist, on e for monk s and on e for nuns , both showin g that ^thelwold wa s conscious of the need fo r a detailed explanatio n o f St. Benedict' s order s t o un lettered novices. 13 A fragmen t i n Ol d Englis h describin g Edgar' s reestablishment o f th e monasterie s i s als o attribute d t o ^thel wold.14 Closel y connecte d wit h thes e ^thelwoldian translation s ar e the Lambet h Psalte r gloss , th e glosse s t o th e Expositio Hymnorum and th e Ol d Englis h translatio n o f th e Rule of Chrodegang. 15 Th e fragmentary Life of Machutus, which relate s th e miracle s o f a Breton sain t wh o wa s a discipl e o f St . Brendan , ma y als o b e con nected t o this "Winchester " school. 16 While th e ful l flowerin g o f th e Benedictin e reviva l cam e i n th e works o f i^Elfric an d Wulfstan , i t would b e misleading t o suppos e that the y were th e only writers o f vernacular prose in the late tenth and earl y elevent h centuries . I n fac t ^Elfri c an d Wulfsta n ar e preceded b y a significan t bod y o f prose , comprisin g mainl y anony mous homilie s an d homileti c fragments , a fe w saints ' lives , an d some penitentia l texts . Man y o f th e survivin g homilie s fro m thi s period appea r i n more than on e manuscript an d overla p with on e another.17 Two good-size d collection s (homiliaries ) ar e o f specia l importance—the Blickling an d th e Vercelli Homilies. 18 The y repre sent the synthetic tradition o f vernacular preaching before th e watershed o f th e monasti c revival , althoug h tha t rebirt h ma y hav e inspired thei r transcription . The date s o f thes e tw o homiliarie s ar e hard t o set . A n interna l reference t o 971 (Homily X I on "Hol y Thursday" ) i n th e Blicklin g collection set s a terminus post quern for th e compilation o f the man uscript; scholar s dat e th e Vercell i code x a t th e tur n o f th e tent h and th e elevent h centuries . Gatc h believe s tha t bot h codice s ar e "at leas t a generatio n earlie r tha n ^Elfric' s earlies t publicatio n o f his work around 990." 19 Each collection draws on antecedent ver -

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nacular homiliarie s whic h coul d hav e bee n extan t eve n i n pre Alfredian times , an d i t shoul d b e note d tha t th e Lati n traditio n behind th e anonymou s homilie s i s th e Gallican-Celti c traditio n which prevaile d o n the Continent before th e Carolingian reforms . This ascetic strai n als o provide d th e spiritua l background fo r muc h of Ol d Englis h religiou s poetry . However , th e late r homilie s o f i^lfric an d Wulfstan ar e more dependent o n reformed Carolingia n materials.20 The Blickling Homilies (name d afte r th e forme r residenc e o f th e manuscript in Blickling Hall, Norfolk) consis t of eighteen homilie s and a fragment , arranged , wit h tw o exceptions , t o follo w th e Temporale, tha t par t o f th e breviary o r missa l which contain s th e daily office s i n th e orde r o f th e ecclesiastica l year . Th e homilie s begin with "Th e Annunciation o f Sain t Maryland includ e th e important Sundays , Lent , an d Rogatio n Days , bu t th e cycl e i s no t complete. Th e las t fiv e ful l homilie s ar e vitae, treating, mos t im portantly, th e death s o f Pete r an d Pau l afte r thei r encounte r wit h Simon Magus , th e miracle s o f St . Martin , an d th e lif e o f St . An drew, a narrativ e whic h parallel s th e poeti c Andreas. These live s follow th e order of the Sanctorale, tha t part of the breviary or missal which contain s th e office s prope r fo r saints ' days . Both theologica l an d literar y criticis m hav e ofte n characterize d all th e anonymou s homilie s a s crude ; bu t althoug h the y dra w heavily upon fragment s o f Latin originals, they do create coherent orations. An d whil e th e Blicklin g collectio n ma y no t b e entirel y consistent i n it s theology , particularl y i n it s explanation s o f wha t happens t o th e sou l betwee n deat h an d th e Las t Judgment , i t nevertheless reveal s a n informe d ide a o f confessio n an d pe nance.21 As Dalbey has shown, th e compiler had a special interest in gathering homilie s that stres s gentleness an d compassion : the y are parenetic (tha t is, hortatory) in tone , rather tha n ster n an d di dactic. Whil e thei r emphasi s i s o n repentance , i t i s als o o n th e possibility o f livin g a virtuou s Christia n lif e an d achievin g re demption. T o this en d th e variou s author s i n th e Blicklin g grou p devote considerabl e attentio n t o stylisti c effect s whic h wil l mak e their pleading s psychologicall y effective . Thes e homilie s ma y b e theologically conservative , bu t the y ar e no t withou t som e intelli -



gent awarenes s o f th e huma n predicamen t see n fro m a benevo lent Christia n perspective. 22 Although som e o f th e Blicklin g text s begi n wit h a referenc e t o the Gospe l pericop e (readin g o f th e day' s mass) , the y d o no t pro ceed wit h a n exegesi s o f tha t biblical selection , a procedure Ailfri c favored i n man y o f hi s homilies . Instead , the y remai n discursiv e exhortations.23 A stron g millenaria l sens e pervade s them ; on e monitory sermo n Morri s entitle s "Th e En d o f th e Worl d i s Near. " And they , lik e mos t anonymou s homilies , ar e ric h compendi a o f common Christia n topoi, man y o f the m draw n fro m th e Apocry pha. 24 Fro m th e Apocalyps e o f Thoma s com e th e sign s o f th e im pending Judgmen t fo r eac h o f th e precedin g si x days ; the ubi sunt motif appear s i n severa l homilies ; i n Homil y X th e "dr y bone s speak," warnin g th e livin g o f th e transitorines s o f life ; an d th e conflict betwee n sou l an d bod y occur s repeatedly. 25 Mos t famou s is th e seventeent h selection , o n th e "Dedicatio n o f St . Michael' s Church," becaus e i t incorporate s a portio n o f th e Visio Pauli which is remarkabl y simila r t o th e descriptio n o f th e haunte d mer e i n Beowulf: As St. Paul was looking towards the earth's northern region, from where all water s flow down , h e sa w ther e abov e th e wate r a certain hoar y stone; and north of th e stone ha d grown very rimy groves. An d there were dark mists, and under the stone was the dwelling place of water beasts and monsters. And hanging on the cliff in the icy groves he saw many blac k soul s boun d b y thei r hands ; and devil s i n th e likenes s of vile creature s wer e grippin g the m lik e greed y wolves . An d th e wate r was black down beneath th e cliff. An d between th e cliff an d the water were about twelv e miles ; and when th e twig s broke, the n dow n wen t the souls who hung on th e twigs, an d the water beasts seized them. 26 In general , th e theolog y o f th e Blickling Homilies is sobe r an d cau tious, no t give n t o th e miraculous . Th e pros e ofte n ha s a lyrica l quality an d i s usuall y mor e metaphorica l tha n an y o f it s sources : Christ, fo r instance , i s calle d se goldbloma 'th e golden-blossom. ' However, a s w e shal l see , i t doe s no t rise t o Wulfstan' s impas sioned heights , no r doe s i t posses s th e rationa l clarit y o f ^Elfric' s writings.

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The homilie s i n th e Vercelli Book ar e intermingle d wit h th e Ol d English Christia n epic s Elene and Andreas and othe r poems , in cluding th e exquisit e Dream of the Rood. Ther e ar e twenty-thre e homiletic pieces in the collection 27 for suc h Church seasons or feast s as Lent , Rogationtide , Goo d Friday , an d Epiphany , bu t thes e ar e not arrange d i n an y orde r whic h correspond s t o th e Temporale . Many feast s hav e n o homilies , an d som e ar e represente d b y tw o or more. Unlik e th e Blicklin g series, the y d o not serv e a liturgical purpose, bu t see m t o hav e bee n collecte d b y someon e i n a mo nastic settin g t o illustrat e hi s persona l interes t i n penitentia l an d eschatological theme s an d t o glorif y th e asceti c wa y o f life. 28 Al l the piece s are thu s unifie d b y thes e concerns . Th e emphasis her e is als o o n provokin g a n emotiona l respons e i n th e audienc e (o r reader), bu t th e Vercelli Homilies d o no t sho w th e sam e compas sion a s thei r Blicklin g counterparts. Instea d th e compile r selecte d sermons with a harsher and mor e strident tone, pieces that woul d indeed strik e genuine terro r int o th e hearts o f hi s listeners. Many o f th e Vercell i text s ar e a typ e o f sermo n know n a s th e Kompilationspredigt, tha t is , a collectio n o f religiou s theme s fo r a hortatory purpose. 29 And most o f these fall into the particular genr e called "concentri c homilies, " which , a s Szarmac h illustrates , fea ture som e centra l narrative , dramatic , o r expositor y sectio n sur rounded a t the beginning and en d wit h generally conventional topoi.30 Given hi s inclination, th e collector provides monitory homilie s on themes like the Eight Capital Sins (ehta heafodleahtras in Homily XX), derived mainl y fro m Alcuin' s Liber de Virtutibus et Vitiis, and the Last Judgment. A s in th e Blickling Homilies, ther e is some confusion i n eschatological doctrines , fo r both rel y more on authorit y than o n logica l analysi s o f source s an d traditions . Interestingly , the millenaria n urgenc y whic h s o strongly characterize s th e Blickling Homilies i s no t presen t here . Man y o f th e subject s w e note d in Blickling reappear, however , bu t th e horror s o f death occup y a far greate r spac e in the Vercelli series. The topos of the conflict be tween th e sou l and th e body receive s specia l attentio n an d devel opment: Homil y I V is the "mos t full y develope d descriptio n o f th e actual judgmen t o f th e sou l a t th e Las t Da y tha t w e hav e i n Ol d English."31 Extensiv e description s o f inferna l punishment s abound ; so much s o that th e homilists' interest i n the colorful an d th e dra-



matic often leave s th e reade r wit h a n impression o f crassnes s o r moral insensitivity—or eve n o f lapse s i n taste. 32 Yet the sens e of a prose verging on poetry is to be remarked. 33 Besides the poetic saints' lives of Elene and Andreas (se e chapter 7), the Vercelli Book also contains some hagiography in prose: a life of St . Marti n and a homily o n th e lif e o f St . Guthlac . Th e latter, actually chapter s fou r an d fiv e o f th e Ol d Englis h translatio n o f Felix of Crowland's Vita Guthlaci,34 concludes th e whole codex. The penitential natur e o f th e homilie s i s reflected i n other vernacular documents—includin g handbook s o f penanc e o r "peni tentials," variou s liturgica l text s (amon g the m instruction s fo r confessors), prayer s fo r penitents , an d rite s o f publi c penance. 35 These divers e item s deriv e fro m continenta l sources , themselve s based o n seventh - an d eighth-centur y Iris h and English peniten tials. The most significant i s the "Pseudo-Egbert Penitential," which divides int o th e "Confessional " (o r Scrift Boc) an d th e "Peniten tial."36 A third text, "Th e Handbook fo r the Use of a Confessor," represents the tenth-century culminatio n o f such collections. 37 As Frantzen writes , "th e thre e vernacula r handbook s sho w increas ing mastery o f th e for m of th e penitential, movin g fro m th e relative disorde r of th e 'Scrif t Boc ' to the simplicity an d clarity of the 'Handbook'."38 Suc h penitential material s were far more plentiful in England than in Europe, and they served as important source s for i^Elfric and Wulfstan. Abbot i€lfric, th e greatest prose writer of the Anglo-Saxon period, received hi s firs t instruction s i n Lati n fro m a n ignoran t countr y priest. In the early 970s ^Elfric went to Winchester and studied there at the Old Minster under j^Ethelwold. His own writings began after his move to the monastery at Cernel in 987; he ended his religious career as Abbot of Eynsham. Sometim e between 989 and 995, JE1fric wrote hi s firs t works , th e tw o serie s of Catholic Homilies. 39 To this period, which concludes with a third series of homilies on the Lives of Saints, als o belong his Grammar, Glossary, an d Colloquy for the oblates in monasteries, hi s version of Bede's De Temporibus Anni (see chapte r 4 ) an d hi s contribution s t o th e so-calle d Old English Heptateuch. ^Elfric's Catholic Homilies ar e a unique achievemen t i n medieva l

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Europe. N o othe r autho r o r countr y produce d suc h a n extende d collection o f vernacular , exegetica l homilie s arrange d accordin g t o the liturgica l year. 40 The y stan d a s a magnificen t prologu e t o JElfric's whol e progra m o f religiou s educatio n i n bot h Lati n an d Ol d English, JElfhc labored t o strengthe n hi s peopl e throug h learnin g against th e horror s an d temptation s o f th e chao s produce d b y th e renewed Vikin g attack s i n th e lat e tent h century , attack s tha t wer e to lea d t o th e Danis h conques t o f Englan d i n th e eleventh . Th e political situatio n h e face d strongl y resemble d tha t unde r whic h Alfred ha d struggled , an d th e homilis t ma y eve n hav e base d th e idea o f hi s educationa l schem e o n th e king's . Hi s work s revea l a knowledge o f mos t o f Alfred' s translation s an d h e himsel f mad e reference t o them . A digressio n i n th e mid-Len t homil y fro m th e Lives of Saints echoes som e o f th e king' s laments : Well ma y w e thin k ho w wel l i t fare d wit h u s whe n thi s islan d wa s dwelling i n peace , an d th e monasti c order s wer e hel d i n honor , an d laymen were ready against their enemies, so that our word spread widely throughout th e earth . Ho w wa s i t the n afterwar d whe n me n cas t of f monastic life an d hel d God' s service s i n contempt, bu t tha t pestilenc e and hunger came upon us, and afterward th e heathen army held us in contempt?41 Finally, i n usin g th e vernacula r a s a medium fo r theolog y an d th e discussion o f religiou s doctrine , h e clearl y followe d th e Alfredia n precedent.42 Bu t ^Elfri c extende d th e scop e o f th e undertakin g an d systematized it . H e gav e hi s enterpris e a much mor e religiou s fo cus, perhap s becaus e h e wa s als o concerne d t o hel p thos e i n th e present clerg y wh o di d no t kno w Lati n wel l enoug h t o under stand th e basi c point s o f Christia n theology—th e swee p o f Chris tian histor y embracin g th e Creation , Fall , Redemption , an d Las t Judgment. The tw o serie s o f Catholic Homilies and th e collectio n o f th e Lives of Saints may b e discusse d togethe r fo r a t least tw o reasons . First , they wer e viewe d b y JEliric a s somethin g o f a continuum, whereb y he firs t mad e accessibl e i n Englis h a n accoun t o f an d commentar y on th e majo r tenet s o f Christianity , includin g th e Scriptures , th e origins an d sprea d o f Christianity , an d th e storie s o f it s martyrs . Many o f th e "homilies " ar e actuall y saints ' live s an d man y o f th e


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hagiographic piece s incorporat e homilies . Second , the y revea l a development i n ^lfric' s celebrate d style . Thes e thre e serie s con sist o f approximatel y fort y sermon s each , an d fo r th e Catholic Homilies th e firs t serve s a s a n introductor y discourse : CH I, "O n the Beginnin g o f Creation, " CH II , "O n th e Testimonie s o f th e Prophets"; for the Lives of Saints, the "Memory of the Saints" seems similarly intended, althoug h thi s spel 'homily ' comes well into th e middle o f th e series . JElihc gave hi s sources : mainl y Gregor y th e Great , Augustine , Jerome, an d Bede—thoug h h e ma y hav e foun d th e homilie s o f these forerunner s convenientl y collecte d i n som e versio n o f th e popular homiliar y o f Paul the Deacon. 43 But ^Elfric, thoug h n o innovative philosophe r o r theologian , wa s als o n o mer e translator , despite hi s characterization o f himself a s such: he expanded, con densed, clarified , an d embroidere d i n the light of his specific pur pose t o expound t o his countrymen th e universa l truth s o f Christianity. Orthodox y wa s hi s mai n concern . ^Elfri c gav e eac h o f th e series a Latin and a n English preface, an d i n the Anglo-Saxon on e to the first volum e of the Catholic Homilies he outlined hi s rationale for hi s ambitious undertaking : Then i t came t o my mind , I trust throug h God' s grace , tha t I would turn thi s boo k fro m th e Lati n languag e int o th e Englis h tongue ; no t from confidenc e o f grea t learning , bu t becaus e I have see n an d hear d much heres y [or folly ] i n man y Englis h books , whic h unlearne d me n in their simplicit y esteeme d a s great wisdom. 44

JEUhc was undoubtedl y her e referrin g t o many o f th e apocrypha l selections i n th e Blickling an d Vercelli Homilies. H e wa s extremel y conservative an d carefu l i n hi s teachings, neve r assertin g a s dogm a (for instanc e th e Assumptio n o f th e Virgin—se e Blickling Homily XIII) anything tha t h e questioned . And , compare d wit h tha t o f th e two anonymou s anthologies , ^Elfric' s eschatolog y i s considerabl y more advanced . B y understanding tha t th e historica l Churc h par ticipates i n th e eterna l orde r o f God' s kingdom , h e wa s abl e t o avoid th e confusion whic h pervades thei r speculation s on the soul' s fate betwee n deat h an d Judgment. 45 Bu t not al l of /Elfric's belief s were uncontroversial : h e preache d th e Eucharisti c doctrin e o f Ratramnus tha t th e brea d an d win e wer e mystically symboli c of th e

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body an d bloo d o f Christ , a vie w tha t wa s t o b e condemned , ul timately, a t th e Syno d o f Vercell i i n 105 0 in favo r o f th e doctrin e of transubstantiation . I t is one of th e ironies o f histor y tha t i^Elfri c later becam e th e favorit e o f Protestan t reformer s i n th e Renais sance precisely becaus e o f thi s "heretical " stance. 46 The Firs t Serie s o f Catholic Homilies i s largely scriptura l an d ex egetical i n content , whil e th e Secon d i s mor e legendary , les s di dactic, an d mor e concerne d wit h th e developmen t o f Christianit y in England. Godde n ha s demonstrate d tha t in the First Series JElfric speak s directl y t o the lay congregation, usin g th e preacher onl y as his voice, whereas in the Second Serie s he provides a collection of homiletic material designed fo r the preachers themselves. 47 These homilies were distributed fo r deliver y in churches—probably dur ing the Prone , tha t sectio n o f th e Mass following th e Gospe l whic h developed i n Carolingian time s as an appropriate interlud e fo r catechetical instruction. 48 Th e Lives of Saints, however , seem s t o hav e been intende d primaril y fo r a readin g audience . Thi s serie s con tains th e passion s an d live s o f thos e saint s who m th e monk s themselves honor by special services, 49 not those celebrated i n th e general Sanctorale . Like Alfre d befor e him , JElihc translated no t "wor d fo r word , but sens e fo r sense." 50 An d lik e th e poets , h e use d Ol d Englis h social, political, an d lega l terms to portray biblical relationships an d even the smallest features of daily life. He used simile s from sphere s of huma n activity , a s ha d Alfred , thoug h hi s source s wer e mor e likely the Fathers tha n "life. " Hi s style is characterized b y the absence of comple x metaphors an d a n insisten t simplict y of diction , yet h e coul d compar e th e joys in heaven ove r the conversion o f a sinner t o "th e greate r lov e which a chieftain feel s i n battle for th e soldier who after fligh t boldly [degenlice] overcomes his adversary, than fo r hi m who never too k t o flight, no r yet in any conflic t per formed an y dee d o f valor Idegenlices]." 51 For a rich poetic language, ^Elfri c substitute d allegor y an d clas sification. Usuall y hi s allegor y involve s th e simpl e dichotom y o f the litera l an d th e spiritua l (t>aet anfealde andgit as oppose d t o fraet gastlice andgit). 52 So th e eight h da y o f Christ' s life , o n whic h H e was circumcised , signifie s th e eight h ag e o f thi s world , i n whic h we will arise from death , cu t of f fro m ever y corruption. 53 Bu t JE\-



fric could als o give more complex, i f standard, interpretations . I n an Easter sermon from the Second Serie s he explains the crossing of the Red Sea on a fourfold leve l of meaning: literally, th e crossing o f th e Israelites from servitud e t o the promised land ; allegorically, th e passage o f Chris t from "middle-earth " to the heavenl y Father; tropologically, th e movin g i n thi s presen t lif e fro m si n t o virtue; and anagogically, th e crossing in the next life after our resurrection t o eterna l lif e i n Christ. 54 Classificatio n abounds : ther e are the two forms of the Holy Ghost, th e three laws of the world, the four beasts of the Evangelists, the six ages of this present world, the eigh t capita l sins , an d th e te n order s of angels , t o list only a few. Variou s sorts of wordplay substitut e fo r intricate metaphors, and onomastic interpretations ar e of specia l interest to iElfric. His sermon s ar e indee d a web o f subtl e repetition s an d varia tions on words, phrases, and sounds—conscious literary acts. 55 Out of this web he creates a remarkable style, on e which encapsulates his allegorica l perspectiv e an d establishe s a correspondenc e be tween doctrine and expression. Homil y XIX in the First Series, De Dominica Oratione, offer s a fine exampl e of ^Elfric's technique. 56 This catechetical homil y o n the Lord' s Prayer divides th e Prayer's seven petitions int o tw o categories—th e firs t thre e ar e begu n b y u s i n this world, but they will last eternally; the second fou r begin and end in this life. Eac h of these petitions is explained and moralized within the pedagogical context of what makes men either children of God or of the devil. Towards the end of the homily ^Elfric makes an important doctrinal point, and in reviewing the progress of the piece w e com e t o realize tha t thi s ide a ha s governed hi s stylisti c choices from the outset: He does not say in that prayer, "M y Father . . . , " but He says, "Our Father". . . . I n that is revealed how greatly God loves unity and concord amon g Hi s people . Accordin g t o God' s boo k al l Christia n me n should b e unite d a s if the y wer e on e man : therefore, wo e t o the man who breaks that unity apart. 57

The moralization s ^lfri c ha s derive d fro m eac h o f th e prayer' s seven petition s ar e no t jus t exhortation s t o d o good . Fo r iElfric, action i n thi s worl d an d it s mora l consequence s lea d t o meta physical propositions . H e see s th e Christian endeavo r in abstract

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terms: t o reduc e (o r elevate ) th e diversit y o f sinfu l huma n life t o unity. Th e proces s ha s thre e steps—fro m complet e separateness , which i s a dangerou s stat e (min), throug h commonalit y an d mu tality (ure, gemxnlice), t o unity (annysse). This progres s require s a n absolute transformatio n o f being , an d th e styl e o f ,/Elfric' s homil y embodies an d reenact s tha t transformation . JEliric's style no t onl y depicts a correspondence betwee n th e cosmi c an d th e earthly, 58 i t also strive s t o transmut e th e subluna r int o th e divine . T o us e a n alchemical metaphor : ^lfric attempt s t o turn base word s int o doc trinal gold . Si n i s division , an d redemption , therefore , i s th e pro cess b y whic h thi s divisio n i s mad e perfec t unity , ^lfri c effect s this unit y throug h hi s style , an d thu s h e make s hi s styl e redemp tive. I t is th e ac t b y whic h unit y i s bot h portraye d an d achieved . Returning t o th e beginnin g o f th e homily , w e se e ho w thi s doc trine an d it s stylisti c enactment s work . Afte r i^Elfri c describe s th e gospel settin g o f th e Prayer , an d quote s it , h e writes : God Feeder JElmihtig haefd serine Sunu gecyndelice and menige gewiscendlice. Crist is Godes Sunu, swa past se Faeder hine gestrynde of him sylfum, butan aelcere meder. Naefd se Feeder naenne lichatnan, ne he on da wisan his Beam ne gestrynde pe menn dod: ac his Wisdom, pe he mid ealle gesceafta geworhte, se is his Sunu, se is aefre of dam Faeder, and mid pam Faeder, God of Gode, ealswa mihtig swa se Faeder. We men sind Godes beam, fordon pe he us geworhte.59

(God, the Father Almighty, ha s one Son naturally, an d many by adoption. Christ is God's Son, in that the Father begot Him of Himself without any mother. The Father has no body, no r did He beget His Son in the wa y tha t me n do : but Hi s Wisdom , wit h whic h H e wrough t al l creatures, i s Hi s Son , wh o i s eve r o f th e Fathe r and wit h th e Father, God o f God , a s might y a s th e Father . W e me n ar e childre n o f God , because he made us.) The on e an d th e man y ar e a n importan t consideratio n fro m th e start, wit h accompanying , paradoxica l notion s o f community . Chris t is God' s one natural So n an d goo d Christian s ar e hi s son s adop tively—children alienated , bu t brough t bac k int o unio n wit h th e Father b y othe r tha n natura l means . An d i n th e long , balance d sentence whic h follows , ^Elfri c explain s wha t h e mean s b y "nat ural" generation , which , fro m a huma n poin t o f view , i s no t nat -


8l ]

ural a t all . Th e sentenc e break s clearl y i n two : ac is th e fulcrum . In th e firs t par t th e orde r i s Father/Son , th e statemen t negative , the topi c huma n creation , th e verb s activ e an d transitive , an d th e perspective temporal . I n th e secon d part , al l is reversed: th e orde r is So n (Wisdom)/Father , th e statemen t positive , th e topi c spiritua l creation, th e ver b "t o b e " i s ontological , an d th e perspectiv e eter nal. Chiasmu s i s prominent, wit h th e secon d claus e reversin g an d so "uncreating " th e first , whic h describe s huma n creation . An d the them e o f unit y an d divisio n i s restated , bu t i n a negativ e par adox. Particularit y i s associate d wit h th e bod y an d thu s i s no t a n attribute o f divinity ; divinit y doe s no t act , bu t is, an d s o ca n creat e all an d b e all . Th e quotatio n end s wit h a balance d retur n t o th e topic sentence : i n contras t t o God' s on e Son , w e ar e God' s man y sons. If we examin e othe r section s o f thi s homily , w e se e tha t ^Elfric' s concerns remai n th e same , thoug h hi s strategie s becom e mor e complex. Thi s become s eviden t i n a longer , mor e intricat e por tion: Witodlice se man pe deofle geefenlaecd, se bid deofies beam, na purh gecyne odde purh gesceapenysse, ac durh pa geefenleecunge and yfele geearnunga. And se man 6e Gode gecwemd, he bid Godes beam, na gecyndelice, ac purh gesceapenysse and durh gode geearnunga. . . . Fordi nu ealle cristene men, aegder ge rice ge heane, ge aedelborene ge unaedelborene, and se hlaford, and se deowa, ealle hi sind gebrodra, and ealle hi habbad aenne Faeder on heofonum. Nis se welega na betera on disum naman ponne se dear fa. Eallswa bealdlice mot se deowa clypigan God him to Faeder ealswa se cyning. Ealle we sind gelice aetforan Gode. . . . 60

(Truly th e ma n wh o imitate s th e devi l i s a chil d o f th e devil , no t b y nature no r b y creation , bu t b y tha t imitatio n an d (b y his ) evi l merits . And th e man wh o makes himself acceptabl e t o God i s God's child, no t naturally, but by creation and (b y his) good merits . . . . Now therefor e all Christian men , whethe r hig h o r low, nobl e or ignoble, and th e lor d and th e slave , ar e all brothers, an d hav e al l one Father in heaven. Th e wealthy ma n i s no t bette r o n tha t accoun t tha n th e needy . Th e slav e may cal l Go d hi s fathe r a s boldl y a s th e king . W e ar e al l alik e befor e God.) Here w e notic e tha t tw o singula r men—on e th e devil's , on e God's — are stylisticall y almos t identical . Littl e i n th e orderin g o f word s

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distinguishes on e from th e other. Th e substitution o f gesceapenysse 'creation' fo r geefenleecunge 'imitation ' an d goo d fo r evi l i s all — however important—tha t separate s them. Bu t the paragraph doe s not leav e u s there . Fo r w e mov e fro m se man (whether sinne r o r good Christian) to all. And ^Elfric's syntacti c strategies likewise alter: they g o from antithetica l balanc e t o a series o f connected, cu mulative phrases , thu s mirrorin g th e sens e o f th e Christia n com munity, th e ealle cristene men being described . Th e entir e effec t i s much mor e significan t tha n simpl y repetitio n wit h variation . Th e concatenation o f ealle 's, merging wit h th e tw o ealswa's an d the n recurring transforme d i n th e direc t statemen t ealle we sind, is a forceful reenactmen t of the themes Mine ha s in mind. Go d is unity, the aenne Feeder; w e ar e manifold , bu t w e ca n b e brough t int o a collective body , transforme d int o a onenes s befor e God . Th e im portant issu e her e i s not th e doctrin e per se; wha t JElihc says is a standard Christia n notion . Wha t is most impressive ar e the stylistic choices by whic h Mtric convey s tha t doctrine , th e various way s he makes the style enact th e meaning. An d with regard t o the Lives of Saints, Tandy ha s show n a similar process at work. I n the "Lif e of St . Eugenia " h e prove s tha t pagan s an d Christian s ar e distin guished b y a different us e of verbal aspect. Th e former ar e "char acterized a s active , punctual , imperative , nondurative ; th e latte r are virtually nontemporal, al l their actions having moral goals and contexts." He concludes tha t thes e pattern s creat e a subtle narra tive structure, delineatin g th e opposin g character s an d markin g ou t the spiritua l value s o f th e narrative. 61 Thus JElihc's style i s mor e than rational , clear , balanced, an d logical . While these term s ma y accurately describ e it s surface , the y d o not tak e int o account tha t for JElihc even th e grammatica l forms , th e placemen t o f clauses , and th e rhythmi c patternin g o f words ar e a devotional exercise . The technica l question s concernin g i^Elfric' s styl e hav e receive d much attention . I n these three serie s of homilies he moves from a prose heightene d occasionall y b y alliteratio n an d othe r rhetorica l effects t o an almos t regularl y metrica l style—th e shif t come s in th e middle o f th e Secon d Serie s an d i s complet e b y th e tim e o f th e Lives of Saints. Th e latter are so rhythmical and alliterative that earlier critics disputed whethe r the y wer e no t mean t t o be poetry; Skea t printed man y o f th e Lives, or portion s o f them , a s such , an d Jos t



reverted t o thi s practic e i n hi s editio n o f Wulfstan' s Institutes of Polity (se e below) . ^Elfri c coul d hav e derive d thi s styl e fro m olde r prose writing s i n English—i t occur s t o som e exten t i n th e Alfre dian translations . Bu t som e hav e wondere d whethe r thi s distinc tive mod e whic h i^Elfri c perfecte d wa s no t hi s consciou s imitatio n of th e contemporar y rhyme d Lati n pros e (suc h a s tha t practise d by hi s Wincheste r colleague , Lantfred : se e chapte r 1) , wit h a substitution o f alliteratio n fo r th e rhym e an d eve n a n attemp t t o cap ture Latin rhythm, particularl y the cursus, the rhythmical fina l claus e in medieva l Lati n pros e whos e thre e type s ha d tw o stresse s an d a fixe d numbe r o f unstresse d syllables . Th e alliterative measur e o f Old Englis h poetr y mus t als o hav e mad e a stron g impressio n o n this sensitiv e stylist' s mind . Whatever th e exac t mixtur e o f influences , mos t scholar s no w agree tha t the predominan t forc e behind ,/Elfric's rhythmical pros e was hi s nativ e Englis h heritage—wit h som e Lati n colorin g i n rhe torical effects. 62 Th e pros e i s characterize d b y a certai n loosenes s in rhyth m an d grea t freedo m i n th e rule s fo r alliteratio n an d it s relation t o th e stres s pattern s o f th e line . I t i s a n ordere d pros e rather tha n a debase d poetry , bu t on e ca n hea r fain t echoe s o f classical Ol d Englis h poetr y behin d it . Her e i s a brief exampl e fro m Mine's "Lif e o f St . Oswald , Kin g an d Martyr" : Hwaet pa oswold cyning his cynedom geheold hlisfullice for worulde and mid micclum geleafan and on eallum deedum his drihten arwurdode od past he ofslagen weard for his folces ware on pam nigodan geare pe he rices geweold pa pa he sylf waes on ylde eahta and prittig geara. 63

(Lo, then Oswald the king held his kingdom, gloriously before the world and wit h grea t faith , an d i n al l hi s deed s honore d hi s Lord , unti l h e was slai n in defence o f his people , i n the ninth year that he ruled th e kingdom, whe n he himself wa s thirty-eight years old.) Throughout hi s activ e career , ^Elfri c continue d t o revis e an d ex pand thes e homilies , an d man y differen t version s o f the m exist . However, i t i s stil l debatabl e whethe r ^Elfri c intende d eventuall y to produc e a complete se t o f homilie s fo r th e Temporale. 64 JElihc is usuall y considere d th e firs t importan t translato r o f th e

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Bible int o English, 65 bu t hi s effort s ar e no t al l o f on e piece . The y fall int o thre e categories : (1 ) Paraphrase s an d epitome s o f severa l books o f th e Bible. Thes e includ e hi s homiletic epitom e o n th e Boo k of Jo b (CH II . XXXV) , an d a serie s o f paraphrase s fro m th e Ol d Testament—Kings, th e Maccabee s (LS XVIII and XXV) , Esther , Judith, Judges , an d Joshua . i^Elfric' s techniqu e her e i s customaril y one o f radica l compression . (2 ) Translation s o f individua l pas sages. Thes e compris e mainl y hi s rendering s o f th e gospe l peri copes an d othe r biblica l passage s i n hi s homilies . Her e /Elihc ca n be terme d "faithful " t o th e biblica l source , thoug h h e ofte n al tered an d simplifie d t o fi t th e context . (3 ) A n extende d litera l translation o f part s o f Genesi s (1-3 , 6-9 , 11-24 ) anc ^ Number s (13 26). /Elfri c undertoo k thes e project s wit h som e hesitation , thoug h he ha d precedent s t o follow : traditio n hel d tha t Bed e translate d the Gospe l o f St . John , an d ther e existe d mid-tenth-centur y ver sions o f th e Gospel s i n Wes t Saxon. 66 H e nevertheles s fel t reluc tant t o tur n God' s sacre d wor d int o English . H e commente d o n this subjec t mor e tha n once—i n a closin g praye r a t th e en d o f Catholic Homilies II, a t th e clos e o f th e Lati n Prefac e t o th e Lives of Saints, an d i n th e Prefac e t o hi s translatio n o f Genesis . The Genesi s translatio n forms , naturally , th e firs t par t o f wha t has bee n calle d th e Ol d Englis h Heptateuch (s o designate d b y Thwaite, it s firs t editor , i n 1698) ; it consists o f a translation o f an d a commentary o n th e Pentateuch , Joshua , an d Judges. 67 To JElihc had onc e bee n attribute d th e entir e work , bu t hi s contribution s now see m mor e limited . I n the Prefac e h e agree s to translate wha t his powerfu l patro n ^thelwear d ha d requested , tha t portio n o f Genesis u p t o th e sectio n o n Isaac . Anothe r man , JElfric notes, had alread y complete d th e boo k fro m ther e t o th e end. 68 H e i s genuinely afrai d o f translatin g th e Ol d Testament , becaus e h e fear s that gif sum dysig man pas hoc rset odde rsedan gehyrp, past he wille wenan paet he mote lybban nu on paere niwan ae, swa swa pa ealdan fxderas leofodon pa on pxre tide, xr pan pe seo ealde ae gesett waere, oppe swa swa men leofodon under Moyses a?. 69 (if some foolis h ma n read s thi s book, o r hears it read, tha t he wil l thin k he ma y liv e no w unde r th e ne w la w a s th e ancien t father s live d i n tha t



time before the old law was established, or as men lived under Moses' law). Polygamy an d th e marriage of priests are the specific items whic h cause iElfric alarm , bu t hi s larger concer n i s his audience's inabil ity t o comprehend th e spiritual meaning underlyin g th e "naked, " i.e., litera l narrativ e (nacedan gerecednisse). 70 Muc h o f th e Preface , therefore, i s devoted t o an explanatio n o f th e spiritua l interpreta tion of the Bible, a clear and basi c elucidation fo r which i^lfric ha s justly bee n praised . Following Jerome's dictat e tha t i n Holy Scriptur e eve n th e ver y order o f th e word s i s a myster y no t t o b e tampere d with , yElfri c warns tha t h e di d no t dar e chang e th e endebyrdnysse 'order , ar rangement/ eve n thoug h Englis h an d Lati n do not have the sam e idiom.71 ^lfric wa s so conservative o n this point tha t he was willing t o translat e a n occasionall y incomprehensibl e passag e fro m Jerome's Lati n (itsel f base d o n a n impenetrabl e Hebrew ) int o a "nonsense" Old English in order to keep the deep spiritual mean ing intact, somethin g h e ha d avoide d i n hi s loose r homileti c par aphrases.72 Th e Genesi s remains , i n fact , ^Elfric' s onl y litera l translation, althoug h eve n her e h e omitte d "catalogs " an d ab struse passages . Contemporary allusion s als o intrud e upo n JElihc's version s o f biblical history. At the end of his paraphrase o f Judges, which treat s mainly o f Samson, ^Elfri c update s hi s material by expounding th e figural meanin g o f Samson, commentin g o n th e consuls and Cae sars of Rome , especially o n Constantin e an d th e elder and younge r Theodosius, an d concludin g wit h a paea n o f prais e fo r Alfred , ^Ethelstan, an d Edgar , th e thre e "victorious " kings of Wessex . Another wor k on the Bible, alternately calle d the Letter to Sigeweard and On the Old and New Testament, i s an epitom e o f the entir e Scriptures clearl y compose d fo r a n untutore d man , summarizin g the major event s in sacred history under th e six ages of the world— the sevent h bein g continuou s wit h thes e si x age s bu t concerne d with th e departe d souls , an d th e eight h bein g "th e on e everlast ing day afte r ou r resurrection." 73 I t should als o be noted tha t JEU fric treate d th e si x day s o f creatio n a t greate r lengt h i n hi s adap tation o f St . Basil' s Hexameron. 74

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Three works , th e Grammar, Glossary, an d Colloquy, for m a spe cial grou p o f ./Elfric' s writings . The y ar e pedagogica l efforts , cre ated t o hel p th e oblate s a t Eynsha m lear n t o speak , write , an d dispute i n Latin . /Elfric' s Grammar, whil e no t th e firs t gramma r written i n England , wa s nonetheles s th e firs t i n an y Europea n vernacular languag e (se e chapte r 1) . Prefacing, a s usual , b y bot h Latin and English , ^Elfric states in the English Preface tha t he turne d to th e Grammar afte r completin g th e eight y Catholic Homilies. Hi s purpose i s to educat e monk s i n th e teaching s o f th e Church , an d his ton e onc e agai n i s recognizably Alfredian : so that holy learning may not grow cold or cease, as it had happene d among the English for a few years now, so that no English priest could compose o r interpret a letter i n Latin, unti l Archbishop Dunsta n an d Bishop ^thelwold agai n established tha t learning in monastic life.75 His Grammar draw s upo n th e standar d work s o f tw o Lati n gram marians—the Ars Grammatica (Maior) an d Ars Minor of Donatu s (fl . 350) an d th e Institutiones Grammaticae o f Priscia n (fl . 510) . I t i s a thorough treatmen t o f the Lati n language, wit h muc h attentio n als o paid t o ^Elfric's nativ e English . Havin g n o models , yElfri c face d a difficult tas k i n translatin g technica l terms . Man y h e simpl y car ried ove r fro m Lati n ("case, " "part") . However , h e als o created a large numbe r o f caiques , loa n translation s whic h wer e exac t ren derings of the Latin. None o f these terms has survived, an d som e must hav e bee n tongu e twister s eve n i n /Elfric' s ow n time : interjectio becomes betwuxaworpennys 'between-throwing / subjunctivus becomes underdeodendlic 'under-joining/ 76 A Glossary o f severa l hundred words—an d probabl y b y JEliric —is appende d t o seve n of th e extan t manuscript s o f th e Grammar. Arranged topicall y (heaven, angels , earth, sea , man , birds, fish, animals , plants, etc.) rather than alphabetically , th e Glossary stresses words in everyda y use, a fact whic h agai n underscores th e pedagogical natur e of JE1~ fric's endeavors . The Colloquy is , perhaps , th e mos t famou s pros e tex t fro m th e Anglo-Saxon period ; most students becom e acquainted wit h it early in thei r stud y o f th e language . Th e continuou s Ol d Englis h glos s found i n on e o f th e fou r complet e manuscript s i s not , however ,



^Elfric's, bu t presumabl y th e wor k o f a cleric a generation o r tw o later. Writte n a s a supplement t o the Latin Grammar and Glossary, the Colloquy exhibits th e "direc t method " o f language instruction . It i s th e mos t engagin g an d literaril y effectiv e exampl e o f a typ e of medieva l dialogu e tha t "becam e th e drudg e o f monasti c peda gogues, an d i n th e rol e of a literary Cinderell a laboure d i n obscu rity i n monasti c classroom s t o hel p boy s wit h thei r lessons." 77 The realism of this work ha s often bee n noted , a s has its inclusive picture o f th e socia l strat a o f Anglo-Saxo n England . A shor t extrac t conveys th e idea : [Master]: "What do you say, plowman? How do you carry out your work?" [Plowman]: "Oh, dear lord, I work very hard. I go out at dawn driving the oxen to the field, an d yoke them to the plow. There is no winter so severe that I dare hide at home—for fea r of my lord. But after th e oxen have been yoked , an d th e shar e an d coulte r fastene d t o the plow , I must plow a full acre or more every day." 78 It must b e emphasize d tha t th e "occupations " i n th e Colloquy are mere "roles " in a fictive situatio n t o introduce certain kinds of vocabulary, an d no t a reflection o f a broad basis of education amon g the classe s o f Anglo-Saxon society. 79 Less note d ha s bee n it s fin e organizatio n an d structure , dra matic i n effect , wit h it s pairin g an d contrasting , fo r example , o f the king's bold hunter an d th e independent, timi d fisherman wh o would rathe r catch fish h e can kill than hun t those (whales) which can destro y hi m an d hi s companions ; an d wit h it s lively disputa tion towar d th e end about which occupation is the most essential . i€lfric's wor k is a good illustration o f how even the most unprom ising material , fro m a modern poin t o f view , ca n becom e "litera ture" i n th e hand s o f a master . Finally, JElihc compose d a numbe r o f important , mostl y pas toral letter s a t variou s time s throughou t hi s life . Th e Letter for Wulfsige outlines th e dutie s o f the clergy, whic h includ e suc h top ics a s th e requiremen t o f celibac y an d instruction s abou t th e Eu charist.80 The Letter to Wulfgeat, writte n t o a prominent landowne r who had bee n strippe d o f his honors and estate s by the king, gives

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a brief summar y o f the Christian vie w of history and the n advise s Wulfgeat t o "agree with thine adversary" (Matthe w 5:25). 81 In th e Letter to Sigefyrd, which consist s o f a lis t o f examples , Ailfri c re turns t o the questio n o f clerica l celibacy. 82 The Letters for Wulfstan were compose d i n respons e t o a reques t fro m Wulfstan , arch bishop o f York. 83 Again o n clerica l duties , the y wer e firs t writte n in Latin , bu t translated , upo n Wulfstan' s request , int o Ol d En glish a year later . Th e letter s dea l with familia r subjects : th e age s of th e world , th e histor y o f th e earl y Church , th e priest' s dutie s and obligations , direction s fo r th e orde r o f th e Mas s (i n genera l and o n specifi c occasions) , exposition s o f th e Te n Command ments an d th e eigh t capita l sins . A version o f th e secon d lette r i s actually Wulfstan' s rewritin g o f i€lfric' s original , an d th e stylisti c alterations ar e o f specia l interest . Although Humphre y Wanle y mad e th e identificatio n o f Arch bishop Wulfsta n wit h th e Lati n nom de plume "Lupus" ver y earl y in th e eighteent h century, 84 Wulfstan' s reputatio n ha s grow n a t a much slowe r pace than tha t of ^Elfric. I n part thi s may be because Wulfstan's writing s are not so encyclopedic; or, it may be because Wulfstan frequentl y use d ^lfri c fo r sourc e material . Th e arch bishop absorbed, adapted , an d rewrot e man y o f the abbot's com positions. Ye t th e interest s an d style s o f thes e tw o majo r Anglo Saxon prose writers could no t be more different. I n contrast to the private, speculative , an d intellectua l ^lfric , Wulfsta n stand s ou t as a n energeti c publi c ma n imbue d wit h a crusading spirit . H e i s appropriately describe d a s both a homilist and statesman, 85 for h e composed a s many laws, both secula r and ecclesiastical , a s he did sermons (se e chapter 4). Wulfstan firs t appear s i n th e historica l record s a s bisho p o f London fro m 96 6 to 1002 ; from 100 2 to hi s deat h i n 102 3 he wa s archbishop o f Yor k an d bisho p o f Worcester , thoug h h e relin quished th e latter see in 1016, or, perhaps, appointe d a suffragan . While he was at York, he instituted reform s i n the northern Church , which ha d suffere d severel y fro m Danis h depredations , an d probably helpe d rebuil d th e Yor k librar y b y encouragin g th e col lection of manuscripts. Though ther e is no record o f his belonging to an y o f th e eleventh-centur y monasti c houses , Wulfsta n wa s a



Benedictine. H e die d a t York , bu t wa s burie d a t Ely , a s th e on e medieval accoun t o f hi s life , th e twelfth-centur y Historia Eliensis, informs us. 86 During hi s tenur e a s bisho p o f Londo n h e establishe d hi s rep utation a s a preacher , probabl y wit h hi s eschatologica l sermons , five text s on the coming of Antichrist. Th e approach o f the millennium an d th e incursion s o f th e Dane s gav e rise t o a rash o f suc h works—as w e sa w i n th e Blickling Homilies. Wulfsta n relate d th e end o f worl d histor y t o the political an d socia l evils of his day. I n so doing, h e reveal s a passionate desir e t o maintain Christia n or thodoxy against th e works of treacherous ministers , s o that at time s he give s th e impressio n o f strainin g t o imitate th e voic e and ton e of a n Ol d Testamen t prophet . Hi s approach i s hortatory an d top ical, an d hi s sermon s minimiz e doctrina l an d intellectua l con cerns. Wulfsta n als o seems uninterested i n th e historica l an d per sonal detail s about th e Antichrist t o be found i n his source—Adso' s Libellus Antichristi. Instead h e shift s th e focu s t o a mor e legalisti c perspective. His use of sources is likewise radical, for he strips them down t o the barest outline. But, as Gatch remarks , "h e invest s [thi s scheme] wit h a sens e o f urgenc y o f mora l o r lega l rigoris m i n a time o f grea t danger." 87 Afte r thes e fiv e earl y sermons , Wulfsta n dropped th e Antichris t them e an d mad e onl y generalize d refer ences t o the Last Judgment i n later works. With his famous Sermo Lupi ad Anglos he returne d t o discus s th e Antichrist , bu t b y tha t time a good dea l o f othe r wor k ha d intervened . Wulfstan's secon d perio d produce d th e Canons of Edgar and si x catechetical sermon s o n th e Christia n Life . Whil e the sermon s in clude two that hav e been translated fro m ^Elfric , i t must be stresse d that Wulfstan' s ultimat e purpos e an d /Elfric' s ar e i n n o wa y re lated. Wulfsta n mad e n o connectio n betwee n hi s preachin g text s and eithe r th e Temporal e o r th e Sanctorale . Hi s sermon s ar e fe w in numbe r an d wer e writte n fo r th e clerg y t o us e whe n the y fel t the greates t need—withou t referenc e t o a liturgical setting . Wulf stan sa w Baptis m a s th e centra l sacramen t o f th e Christia n reli gion, an d thre e version s o f a sermo n o n Baptis m occu r i n thi s group. Other s includ e exposition s o f the Creed, th e Pate r Noster , the Gift s o f th e Hol y Spirit , an d a n exhortatio n o n th e Christia n life. Th e final sermon , a rendering o f JEMnc's wor k on Fals e Gods

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(De Falsis Diis), inveigh s agains t bot h th e classica l pantheo n an d their equivalent s amon g th e Scandinavians . Bu t it is in th e Canons of Edgar tha t Wulfsta n create d on e o f hi s mos t powerfu l ha rangues agains t paganism : 16. And it is right that every priest eagerly teach Christianity and completely suppress everything [connected with] heathendom; and that he forbid worshi p o f (or at) wells, necromancy , an d auguries, an d spells , and tree-worship , an d stone-worship , an d th e devil' s craf t whic h on e performs when on e drags a child through the earth. 88 The Canons of Edgar is " a documen t designe d t o comba t th e im morality an d lazines s o f th e secula r clerg y an d t o giv e the m prac tical guidanc e o n th e carryin g ou t o f thei r duties." 89 Becaus e h e believed tha t wit h th e reform s accompanyin g th e Benedictin e re vival th e regular clergy wer e no w reasonabl y unde r control , Wulf stan turne d hi s attentio n t o th e secular clergy. The y ha d improve d little sinc e th e day s whe n ^Ethelwol d ha d forcibl y remove d the m from th e Ol d Minste r a t Winchester . Wulfstan' s inspiratio n fo r th e Canons may wel l hav e com e fro m ,/Elfric' s Pastoral Letters, thoug h he relie d o n severa l continenta l text s a s well . Two othe r grouping s complet e Wulfstan' s twenty-on e sermons , Archiepiscopal Function s an d Evi l Days . I n thi s fina l section , th e Sermo Lupi ad Anglos 'Sermo n o f th e Wol f t o th e English ' find s it s appropriate place . Fiv e manuscript s o f thi s sermo n survive , re vealing thre e significan t versions . Earlie r editor s ha d suppose d tha t the briefest tex t represented th e first draft , an d tha t the fulles t tex t represented th e last . Bu t i t seem s likel y tha t th e longes t version , rubricated Quando Dani Maxime Persecuti Sunt Eos Quod Fuit Anno Millesimo .XIIII. 'when th e Dane s greatl y persecute d the m whic h was i n th e yea r 1014 / stand s closes t t o Wulfstan' s origina l com position. I t wa s preache d i n th e troublesom e time s betwee n ^Ethelred's expulsio n i n 101 3 an d hi s deat h i n 1016 , probabl y i n the yea r given . Th e textua l histor y o f th e sermo n is , then , on e o f excision, an d th e shorte r version s lac k th e reference s t o th e Dan ish attacks , sinc e thes e woul d n o longe r b e relevan t afte r Cnut' s accession t o th e throne. 90 Returning t o th e them e o f th e Antichrist , Wulfsta n her e reveal s a chang e i n perspective . N o longe r doe s h e vie w th e tribulatio n



of th e las t day s a s simpl y a punishmen t fo r sin , bu t instea d h e sees th e retributiv e proces s dynamically . Holli s define s thi s a s fol lows: "Antichrist' s reig n i s presente d no t a s th e ultimat e horro r foreshadowed b y manifol d tribulation s bu t a s th e clima x o f a progressive growt h o f affliction s whic h i s proportionat e t o th e in creasing quantit y o f sin." 91 Th e pulpi t orato r i s nowher e mor e thunderous tha n i n thi s denunciation o f th e English fo r such sins , sins whic h ha d occasione d th e Danis h "persecutions. " Towar d th e end o f hi s sermon , Wulfsta n make s specifi c referenc e t o Gildas ' earlier excoriatio n o f th e Briton s fo r thei r justifie d punishmen t a t the hand s o f th e Anglo-Saxons . Th e actua l sourc e o f th e referenc e is Alcuin , wh o ha d use d i t t o poin t th e sam e mora l t o th e monk s at Lindisfarn e afte r th e Vikin g raid s o f 793. 92 Wulfsta n begins : Leofan men, gecnawad pset sod is: deos worold is on ofste, and hit nealaecd pant ende, and py hit is on worolde aa swa leng swa wyrse; and swa hit sceal nyde for folces synnan ser Antecristes tocyme yfelian swype, and hum hit wyrd paenne egeslic and grimlic wide on worolde. 93

(Beloved men , kno w wha t i s true : this worl d i s i n haste, an d it s en d approaches; and therefor e thing s g o fro m ba d t o wors e i n th e world , and s o it must o f necessit y greatl y deteriorat e becaus e o f th e people' s sins before th e coming of Antichrist, an d indeed i t will the n be dreadful and terrible far and wide throughout th e world.) He repeatedl y call s attentio n t o treacher y an d disloyalt y a s th e cardinal sins : "Ther e ha s bee n littl e loyalt y amon g men , thoug h they spok e fai r enough"; "Fo r now fo r many years , a s i t may seem , there hav e bee n man y injustice s i n thi s countr y an d fickle loyal ties amon g me n everywhere" ; "No r ha d anyon e ha d loya l inten tions towar d anothe r a s justly h e should , bu t almost everyon e ha s deceived an d injure d anothe r b y wor d o r deed" ; "Fo r here i n th e country, ther e ar e grea t disloyaltie s bot h i n matte r o f Churc h an d State . . . [h e proceed s t o giv e examples , includin g th e deat h o f Edward th e Marty r an d th e expulsio n o f i^Ethelred]" ; "Man y ar e forsworn an d greatl y perjured , an d pledge s ar e broken agai n an d again." H e paint s a brutally realisti c picture : "An d ofte n te n o r a dozen, on e afte r another , insul t disgracefull y th e thane' s wife , an d sometimes hi s daughte r o r nea r kinswoman , whil e h e look s on ,

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he wh o considere d himsel f brav e an d might y an d stron g enoug h before tha t happened. " Whil e Wulfstan usuall y eschewe d thi s kin d of detail, in this context it clearly serves his overriding moral pur pose.94 Whatever hi s task, WulfStan' s metho d o f composition wa s always careful an d painstaking : he selecte d quotation s fro m Lati n authorities o n th e topic , the n translate d an d expande d the m int o his ow n creation . Th e hallmark s o f hi s styl e ar e s o readily identi fiable, tha t th e presenc e o f an y on e i s nearl y sufficien t t o assig n the work t o him. 95 Wulfstan indulge s in many kinds of figures o f sound, especiall y alliteration an d rhyme , bu t figure s o f thought , suc h a s metapho r and simile , ar e almos t entirel y absent . H e work s wit h a varie d palette o f acoustica l colors ; yet non e o f th e shar p images , th e an alogical interpretation s o f Scripture , o r th e realisti c detai l whic h appealed t o ^lfric, hav e importanc e fo r him . Hi s work i s characterized b y a greater dependenc e o n parallelis m o f wor d an d claus e than /Elfric's , a s well as an ironi c point o f view—perhaps no t un expected i n suc h a moralist . An d on e authenti c mar k o f hi s writ ing i s a paus e tha t comes i n th e progressio n o f a sermon , mos t often i n th e secon d half , t o reflec t upo n som e ethica l o r religiou s truth. Th e form o f this pause is usually a rhetorical question o r an exclamation. Wulfsta n reveal s definit e preference s i n vocabulary , favoring, fo r example, the ON lagu ove r the OE ee law / an d dryhten 'Lord' wher e ^lfric ha s haelend 'Savior. ' H e is fond o f intensifyin g compounds mad e wit h worold or freod—woroldscamu 'great dis grace'—and h e has a stock of adverbial phrases which concentrat e the forc e o f his passionate oratory— ealles to swype 'all too greatly. ' Wulfstan als o had acquaintanc e wit h th e classica l idea o f levels of style, th e classical (and Augustinian ) divisio n o f rhetoric into low, middle, an d hig h i n orde r t o teach , deligh t an d move. 96 His ser mons sho w a conscious manipulatio n o f stylisti c levels fo r differ ent ends , an d h e i s as capabale o f composin g i n an appropriatel y low o r plai n styl e (Homilie s I I and IV ) as h e i s in th e hig h o r impassioned styl e (Homilie s V and XX ) for whic h h e is renowned. 97 His us e o f paire d opposite s illustrate s bot h hi s binar y vie w o f the world an d als o the rhythmic structur e o f his prose. A passage from th e Sermo ad Anglos demonstrates thi s clearly :



ac waes here ond hunger, bryne ond blodgite on gewelhwylcum ende oft ond gelome; ond us stalu ond cwalu, stric ond steorfa, orfcwealm ond uncodu, hoi ond hete ond riper areaflac derede swide pearle . . . 98

(but there has been devastatio n an d hunger , burnin g and bloodshe d i n every distric t agai n an d again ; an d stealin g an d murder , seditio n an d pestilence, murrai n an d disease , malic e and hat e and robber y by plun derers hav e harme d u s very badly. ) Wulfstan's prosodi c device s ar e easil y discernibl e here , an d hav e been define d b y Mcintos h a s " a continuou s serie s o f two-stres s phrases relate d i n structur e t o th e classica l half-line , an d severel y restricted i n somewha t th e sam e fashio n t o certai n rhythmica l patterns." 9 9 Hi s lin e i s tighte r an d shorte r tha n /Elfric's , some thing whic h emerge s a t onc e whe n comparison s ar e made . A se lection fro m i^Elfric' s De Falsis Diis, an d Wulfstan' s rewritin g o f i t for his sermon , wil l brin g ou t variou s o f thes e differences : ^Elfric: An man wees eardiendel on pam ilande CretaJI Saturnus gehaten,/ swiSlic and weelhreowjl swa paet he abat hys sunaj pa pa hi geborene waeronjland unfsederlice macodel heora flsesc him to mete.11 He laefde swapeahl aenne to life,11 peah pe he abitel his gebrodra on aer. 10°

(There wa s a ma n dwellin g o n th e Islan d Crete , calle d Saturn , crue l and bloodthirsty , s o tha t h e at e hi s son s a s soo n a s the y wer e born , and i n an unfatherl y wa y mad e thei r flesh hi s meat ; he left , neverthe less, on e alive , thoug h h e ha d befor e eate n hi s brothers. ) Wulfstan: An man wses on geardagumll eardiende on pam iglandel pe Creata hattell se wees Saturnus gehaten;// ond se wses swa waelhreowll paet he fordydell his agene beam// ealle butan anumllond unfaederlice macodel/ heora lif to lyre// sona on geogode.ll He laefde swapeah uneadell aenne to life,// peah de he fordydell pa brodra elles. im

(There was a man in days of yore, dwelling on the island whic h is called Crete, wh o wa s calle d Saturn ; an d h e wa s s o bloodthirsty tha t h e de stroyed hi s ow n childre n al l excep t one , an d i n a n unfatherl y wa y

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brought thei r lif e t o los s straightwa y i n youth . H e left , however , un willingly on e alive, thoug h h e had otherwis e destroye d th e brothers. ) The marking s o f th e abov e passage s attemp t t o indicat e th e dif ference i n breat h groups , phrasing , an d alliterativ e pattern s i n th e two writers : ^lfric's phrasin g i s longer , an d it s tw o halve s ar e ofte n bound b y alliteration , wherea s Wulfstan' s ar e shorte r (two-stress ) with alliteratio n predominantl y withi n th e two-stres s phrasings . Wulfstan's characteristi c softenin g o f realisti c detai l appears , moreover, i n th e handlin g o f Saturn' s eatin g o f hi s children . On e should note , though , tha t th e intensifyin g adjective s an d adverb s are no t presen t i n thi s passage . The differenc e betwee n ^Elfric' s an d Wulfstan' s rhythm s an d Alfred's ma y b e see n b y viewin g th e abov e line s sid e b y sid e wit h this brie f portio n fro m Alfred' s Soliloquies: Gyf 5u enigne godne heorde haebbe, pe wel cunne healdan fyeet jpeet du gestreone and him befeeste, sceawa hyne me. Gyf pu ponne nanne swa geradne naebbe, sec hyne od pu hyne finde. 102

(If you hav e an y goo d steward , wh o ca n kee p well tha t whic h yo u acquire an d entrus t t o him , sho w hi m t o me . I f yo u hav e non e s o pru dent, loo k fo r hi m unti l yo u fin d him. ) Alliteration an d phrasin g i n th e Alfredia n sentence s hav e no t bee n marked; the y ca n b e parse d rhythmicall y i n severa l ways . Bu t th e style exhibit s a simplicit y an d periodicit y tha t i s mos t attractive . Of Wulfstan' s othe r mino r works , th e pros e portion s o f The Benedictine Office ar e o f som e significance . Th e Office i s non-liturgi cal, intende d onl y fo r teachin g purposes , wit h introductor y ma terial fro m Hrabanu s Maurus , th e Carolingia n expositor , an d metrical paraphrase s i n th e nativ e Caedmonia n traditio n (se e chapter 9) . Ur e believe s tha t Wulfsta n rewrot e a n existin g vernac ular text , whic h h e postulate s wa s ^Elfric' s translation; 103 bu t th e attribution o f suc h a hypothetica l tex t t o ^lfri c i s dubious , an d much stil l remain s t o b e clarifie d abou t thei r literar y relation ship. 104 Wulfstan's las t wor k i s als o hi s greates t accomplishmen t i n th e field o f politica l theory . Th e Institutes of Polity i s th e mos t com -


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plete vernacula r statemen t o n th e organizatio n o f Christia n soci ety to his time. An exampl e of estates literature, i t survives in thre e main manuscripts , indicatin g a firs t ( 7 Polity) form an d a greatl y expanded revisio n (II Polity). The Institutes defines th e duties of all classes o f men , thoug h i t does no t includ e th e specifi c la y obliga tions o f thegns , ceorlas, an d slave s excep t a s the y imping e upo n their religious duties. Beginning with the responsibilities of the king, Wulfstan move s t o th e doctrin e o f th e thre e support s o f th e throne—preachers, workers , an d warriors— a divisio n h e too k fro m ^Elfric's Letter to Sigeweard an d whic h ha d earlie r appeare d i n Alfred's Boethius . H e the n consider s th e dutie s o f thos e i n au thority, startin g wit h th e highes t ecclesiastics , an d movin g t o secular governmen t wher e h e discusse s suc h person s a s earls , reeves, judges, an d lawyers . B y definin g th e limit s o f power , Wulfsta n tries t o clarify th e interrelationshi p o f th e Churc h an d th e secula r state. Th e wor k contain s stron g statement s abou t th e dutie s o f secular leader s and a lament abou t th e decay of honesty sinc e th e death o f Edgar, bu t fo r th e main part Polity deals with th e Churc h and it s expectation o f protectio n an d reverenc e fro m al l Christia n men.105 Probabl y als o b y Wulfstan , a t leas t a s a rewriting , i s th e Rectitudines Singularum Personarum an d it s second par t Gerefa. 106 If the attributio n i s correct , th e wor k woul d nicel y complemen t th e Institutes, fo r i t treat s th e la y dutie s o f tenant s o f a grea t fie f t o their temporal lord and i n more detail the reeve's manorial duties . As archbishop o f Yor k an d bisho p o f Worcester , Wulfsta n woul d have had direc t and intimat e knowledge of the operations of large estates an d h e woul d hav e bee n especiall y concerne d wit h thei r proper management . The Norma n Conques t greatl y curbe d th e influenc e whic h ^Elfric an d Wulfsta n migh t hav e ha d o n th e developmen t o f Englis h theology an d pros e style . Whil e thei r rigorou s approac h t o source s and thei r absolut e commitmen t t o orthodox y contribute d t o th e work o f later , mor e systemati c theologians, 107 and whil e thei r na tive style s di d no t completel y disappear , thei r lastin g effec t wa s minimal. Thi s doe s not , however , lesse n thei r importanc e a s th e two mos t eminen t writer s o f pros e i n any vernacula r befor e th e twelfth century .

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At thi s point , mentio n shoul d b e mad e o f som e othe r religiou s texts—glossed psalter s an d othe r biblica l translations . Fourtee n glossed psalter s appeare d betwee n 97 5 and 1075 , six of them base d primarily o n th e Gallica n tex t an d eigh t o n th e Roman. 108 O f lin guistic interes t especially , a s exhibitin g th e late r tenth-centur y Northumbrian dialect , i s the gloss of the famous lat e seventh-cen tury Lindisfarne Gospels made b y Aldred o f Chester-le-Street . Wit h iElfric's biblical translations, the anonymous translations of the other books o f th e Heptateuch , th e Wes t Saxo n Gospels , an d Bede' s (lost?) version o f the Gospel of St. John, thes e comprise th e majo r scriptual texts rendered int o prose in the native tongue during th e Anglo-Saxon period . A translatio n o f th e Gospe l o f Nicodemus , which detail s Christ's Harrowing o f Hell, appeared i n the early or mid-eleventh century ; a renderin g o f th e Visio Pauli, in th e nint h century.109 Perhaps th e mos t interestin g featur e o f th e classica l perio d i n Old Englis h pros e i s the introductio n o f Orienta l theme s an d sto ries i n translations . O f th e work s showin g Easter n influence , b y far th e mos t attractive is the Ol d Englis h version o f th e Greek-Lati n romance Apollonius of Tyre. 110 Thi s translatio n survive s i n on e manuscript, th e mid-eleventh-centur y CCC C M S 201, along wit h some o f Wulfstan' s homilies , an d presumabl y wa s compose d i n the first quarte r o f that century. Th e story's continuing popularit y is attested t o by the many earlier manuscripts o f the Latin text , by two Middle English versions (one of which is John Gower's, in his Confessio Amantis), and o f cours e b y Shakespeare' s Pericles, Prince of Tyre. The hero endures adventure s typica l of the romance hero: his wooin g o f th e tyran t Antiochus ' daughte r an d hi s solvin g of the inces t riddl e tha t make s hi m a n exil e fro m hi s ow n land ; hi s shipwreck an d regainin g o f fortune; th e "death" o f his wife at sea after givin g birt h t o a girl ; hi s daughter' s late r adventure s i n a brothel, wit h he r chastit y miraculousl y preserved ; an d th e fina l reunion o f Apollonius , Arcestrat e (no w a priestes s o f Diana ) an d daughter Thasia . Bu t th e tal e i s more tha n a romance-adventure ; and th e Ol d Englis h version—th e centra l par t seem s unfortu nately to be missing—translates th e Latin characters with sensitiv ity and understandin g and th e human relationship s with a humor


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unique i n Ol d Englis h pros e literature . A s a sample , w e ma y ob serve th e passag e wher e firs t Apollonius , no w frien d t o Arces trates an d tuto r t o hi s daughter , an d the n th e king , wh o i s con fronted b y thre e suitor s fo r Arcestrate' s hand , perceiv e fro m th e young girl' s lette r tha t sh e love s Apollonius . Th e kin g ask s Apol lonius i f h e understand s who m hi s daughte r mean s b y he r state ment tha t sh e love s "th e shipwrecke d man" : Apollonius cwsed: "Du goda cyning, gifpin willa bid, ic hine wat." Da geseah se cyngc paet Apollonius mid rosan rude wees eal oferbraeded, pa ongeat he pone cwyde and pus cwaed to him: "Blissa, blissa, Apolloni, for dam de min dohtor gewilnad pees de min willa is. Ne maeg sodlice on pillicon pingon nan pine gewurdan buton Godes willan." Arcestrates beseah to dam prym cnihtum and cwsed: "Sod is paet ic eow aer seede paet ge ne comon on gedafenlicre tide mynre dohtor to biddanne, ac ponne heo maeg hi fram hyre lare geaemtigan, ponne saende ic eow word." Da gewaendon hie ham mid pissere andsware. 111

(Apollonius said : "Yo u goo d king , i f i t i s you r desire , I kno w him. " When th e kin g sa w tha t Apolloniu s wa s al l suffuse d wit h th e rednes s of th e rose , h e understoo d th e word s [hi s daughte r ha d written ] an d so said t o him: "Rejoice, Apollonius , because my daughter desire s tha t which i s my desire. Trul y nothing i n suc h matter s can take place with out God' s will. " Arcestrate s turne d t o th e thre e youn g nobleme n an d said: "I t i s true wha t I said t o you earlier , tha t yo u hav e no t com e at a suitable tim e t o as k fo r m y daughter' s hand] , bu t whe n sh e ca n fre e herself fro m he r studies , the n I shal l sen d wor d t o you. " The n the y went hom e wit h thi s answer. ) The smoot h Ol d Englis h prose , s o suitabl e fo r narrativ e an d s o different fro m anythin g b y Alfred , /Elfric , o r Wulfstan , i s a glimps e of a nativ e styl e tha t migh t hav e develope d i f Englis h ha d no t bee n replaced b y Frenc h afte r th e Norma n Conquest . W e ma y notic e particularly th e wordpla y o n pin willa, min dohtor gewilnad, min willa, and Godes willan, an d th e humo r (i n th e implici t identificatio n o f the lar with th e lareow —of th e studie s wit h th e instructor ) i n th e king's dismissa l o f th e thre e suitors ; neithe r o f thes e felicitie s i s present i n th e Latin . Bu t i n spit e o f thes e verba l pleasures , th e Apollonius share s wit h othe r Anglo-Saxo n romance s a marke d ret icence abou t sexua l matter s whic h thei r Lati n source s ca n trea t di rectly an d i n som e detail . I t ha s eve n bee n suggeste d tha t th e Ol d

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English versio n i s complet e a s w e hav e it , th e translato r havin g deliberately suppresse d materia l whic h woul d hav e offende d hi s Christian audience. 112 The interest o f the Anglo-Saxons i n th e strang e and marvelous , and especiall y i n Orienta l wonders, 113 manifeste d itsel f i n thre e additional pros e texts : th e Prose Solomon and Saturn, The Wonders of the East, an d The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle. These works appear i n M S Cotton Vitelliu s A . xv . Th e collectio n consist s o f tw o parts, an d th e las t tw o works , alon g wit h a Life of St. Christopher,114 are part o f th e second , o r Beowulf codex. These three text s are in th e sam e han d (c . 1000 ) that transcribe d th e firs t 193 9 lines of th e Ol d Englis h epic . Sisa m has argued 115 tha t th e Beowulf codex was compile d a s a boo k abou t monsters—a n Englis h Liber tnonstrorum—though thi s suggestio n ha s no t me t wit h universa l ac ceptance. I n hi s view , St. Christopher, a lat e accretio n (c . 950 ) t o the earlie r works , foun d it s place in th e collectio n b y virtu e o f its presentation o f th e sain t a s a giant—twelv e fathom s tal l in th e Ol d English a s compare d t o twelv e cubit s i n th e Latin ; bu t "fathom " and "cubit " ma y refe r t o th e sam e measuremen t an d St . Christo pher ma y be only a slightly exaggerate d figure . The Wonders of the East is foun d additionall y i n M S Tiberiu s B . v . (c . 1000) , wher e each section is preceded by the Latin text; 116 illustrations in oil colors adorn thi s manuscript . Thi s descriptio n o f marvel s trace s it s an cestry t o a compilatio n mad e i n Englan d probabl y i n th e eight h century, thoug h th e Old Englis h version o f the fictitious Lati n Letter of Fermes t o th e Empero r Hadria n ma y b e n o earlie r tha n th e first quarte r o f th e tent h century , an d o f Mercia n provenience . Th e author ma y als o hav e know n The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle. Among th e wonder s indiscriminatel y detaile d i s a n accoun t o f hirsute wome n thirtee n fee t tall , wit h boars ' tusks , asses ' teeth , and oxen' s tails , wh o ar e th e colo r o f marbl e an d wh o posses s eleven feet . Alexande r destroye d them . Alexander's Easter n conquest s becam e popularize d i n th e Mid dle Age s throug h Juliu s Valerius ' Lati n translatio n (an d throug h the Epitome o f thi s translation ) o f th e Gree k Pseudo-Callisthenes . The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle, as it is called, i s a fictitious epis tle in whic h Alexande r purportedl y greet s hi s mentor fro m India , reciting the many wonder s h e has encountered o n his military ex-


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peditions t o th e East : the magnificen t palaces , elephants , water monsters, two-heade d snakes , flying mice as big as pigeons, threehorned rhinoceros , hair y people wh o liv e o n whales, talkin g trees, and a ten-foot bisho p thre e hundre d year s old , t o cit e a few ex amples. Among th e mor e straightforwar d narrativ e account s ar e th e campaigns agains t Dariu s an d Porrus . O f greates t interes t t o the Old Englis h translato r i s a passage i n whic h Alexande r recount s with relis h hi s meeting , disguise d a s a servant , wit h th e tyran t Porrus, and of his tricking Porrus by telling him that his "master" Alexander i s s o ol d tha t h e canno t war m himsel f anywher e sav e by the fire—a narrative visitation that has analogues in William of Malmesbury's accounts of King Alfred's similar visit to the Danish camp an d o f th e Dan e Anlaf s t o iSithelred's befor e th e Battl e of "Brunanburh." The Old English translator abruptly concludes his version afte r th e prophec y o f Alexander' s earl y deat h b y th e speaking tree , thoug h th e Lati n continues wit h more o f th e marvels encountered by the Greek potentate. The Letter does not measure up to the Old English Apollonius, being heavy and ponderous in it s somewha t shak y translatio n an d i n it s excessiv e us e o f doublets fo r singl e Lati n words . Bot h i n styl e an d i n spiri t thi s translation ma y wel l g o bac k t o th e late ninth century , thoug h it is commo n t o spea k o f i t an d th e othe r "Oriental " piece s a s appearing o n th e scen e onl y a s the Anglo-Saxo n perio d dre w t o its close.117 The Prose Solomon and Saturn—there is also a poetic version (see chapter 11)—i s part of th e mid-twelfth-century manuscrip t whic h was boun d wit h th e Beowulf codex sometim e i n th e sixteent h o r seventeenth century. 118 Among other pieces, this manuscript contains Alfred's translation of Augustine's Soliloquies (see chapter 2). The Prose Solomon and Saturn i s a catechistic dialogue, dependent , it would seem , o n th e sam e source(s ) whic h late r resulted i n th e Middle English version known as The Maister of Oxford's Catechism. It falls int o th e genr e o f th e Lati n Joca monachorum, o f whic h ex amples exis t i n man y languages , an d consist s o f exchange s be tween tw o disputants , representin g Easter n an d Wester n wis dom. Question s are asked by Saturnus, and answered by Solomon. Of the total of fifty-nine questions , twenty are common to another

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Old Englis h question-and-answe r series , Adrian and Ritheus. 119 Subjects covere d ar e manifold an d diverse : the creatio n o f man an d the universe , th e lif e (an d weigh t an d height ) o f Adam , th e na ture o f flower s an d o f th e stars . Th e arcan e an d th e trivia l mak e frequent appearances ; w e learn , fo r instance , tha t St . Pete r wa s the firs t ma n t o tal k wit h a do g an d tha t stone s ar e no t fruitfu l because Abel' s blood fel l o n a stone whe n h e wa s kille d b y Cain . These lists consist o f a miscellaneous body o f biblical, rabbinic , an d apocryphal lore , a goo d par t o f whic h ha d filtere d throug h Iris h tradition befor e reappearin g i n Ol d English . A s witnesse s t o as pects o f medieva l popular—an d heterodox—religiou s culture , the y are of grea t value . The somewhat esoteri c biblical and scientifi c lor e represented i n such dialogue s ha d a complemen t i n collection s o f popula r prov erbial wisdom , th e tw o mos t importan t bein g th e Diets (or Distichs) of Cato and th e Durham Proverbs. Th e ol d Englis h Diets, 120 which translat e sixty-eigh t o f th e collectio n o f Lati n proverb s dat ing bac k t o th e thir d o r fourt h century , concer n themselve s wit h such gnomi c item s a s th e seizin g o f opportunit y b y th e forelock , the guardin g agains t prais e goin g t o one' s head , th e teachin g o f one's so n a trade i f on e canno t leav e him wealth , an d th e accept ing o f responsiblit y fo r one' s ow n poo r judgmen t rathe r tha n blaming fortune. Despit e th e obviousness of much o f the content , the translation s themselve s ar e cleve r variations o n th e Latin , ofte n exhibiting a sophisticate d sens e o f rhetorica l possibilit y i n Anglo Saxon. Th e Durham Proverbs,121 a n eleventh-centur y collectio n o f forty-six Lati n an d Anglo-Saxo n apothegms , sho w som e depen dence upo n th e Distichs; but o n th e whol e th e source s an d ag e of the maxims vary within wid e limits. They bridge the gap betwee n the oldes t Anglo-Saxo n gnomi c verse s an d late r Middl e Englis h specimens. Mos t o f th e Ol d Englis h line s ar e alliterativ e an d ap proach vers e form , thoug h som e d o not . Reminiscence s o f Ol d English poetry occur , particularl y hint s of The Wanderer. The y employ som e o f th e formula s o f th e Cotton and Exeter Gnomes, the sceal an d by\> formula s especially : " A ma n shall not b e to o soo n afraid, no r to o soon pleased" : " A frien d avail s whether fa r o r near , but is the nearer more useful." A few o f these proverbs reveal more of a sense of humor tha n th e gnomes: "Those do not quarrel wh o


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are no t together, " and , "I t i s fa r fro m well , sai d h e wh o hear d wailing i n hell. " These , then , ar e som e o f th e las t word s fro m a genuine Anglo-Saxo n culture , excep t fo r th e lat e law s an d scien tific texts—whic h bea r scrutin y i n and o f themselves . NOTES 1. Se e Gneus s 1972 , p . 69 ; thi s assumes , o f course , tha t Beowulf wa s not writte n durin g thi s perio d (se e chapte r 6) . 2. O n j^Elfric' s dates , se e Clemoe s 1959b . 3. Se e th e essay s o n tenth-centur y cultur e i n Parson s 1975 . 4. Se e Knowle s 1963 , pp . 24 , 31-6 . Fo r a vie w tha t th e Churc h itself , as distinc t fro m monasticism , wa s firml y roote d i n th e Englis h socia l or der, an d o f not-inconsequen t mora l forc e i n thes e times , se e Fishe r 1952 . A genera l politica l accoun t o f th e reviva l ca n b e foun d i n Staffor d 1978 . 5. Text : Winterbotto m 1972 , pp . 22-3 . A paralle l dissolutio n ha d oc curred o n th e Continent ; th e Englis h clerg y wer e no t alon e i n thei r iniq uity. 6. Se e Ducket t 1955 . A facsimil e o f Dunstan' s Glastonbur y classboo k has bee n edite d b y Hun t 1961 ; it contain s th e well-know n pictur e o f Dun stan kneelin g a t Christ' s feet , a drawing perhap s b y th e sain t himself . Se e further chapte r 1 . 7. Gneus s 1972 . Se e furthe r chapte r 1 . 8. Bot h ed . i n Winterbotto m 1972 ; Wulfstan' s Life trans , i n Brear ley/Goodfellow 1982 ; JElihc's Life trans , i n Ge m 1912 , pp . 166-80 ; Whi telock 1979 , pp . 903-11 . 9. Ed . i n Stubb s 1874 ; portions trans , i n Whiteloc k 1979 , pp . 897-903 . 10. Ed . i n Rain e 1879 ; portions trans , i n Whiteloc k 1979 , pp. 911-7 . Fo r the identificatio n o f Byrhtfert h a s th e author , se e Lapidg e 1975a , pp . 90 511. Th e dat e i s conjectural ; fo r a discussio n o f thi s question , se e Sy mons 1975 . 12. Fo r th e Lati n tex t an d Englis h translatio n o f th e Concordia, se e Sy mons 1953 . 13. Ed . Schroe r 1885 . Se e als o Bulloug h 1972 ; Gretsc h 197 3 an d 1974 ; Oetgen 1975 . 14. Ed . i n Cockayn e 1864 , vol . 3 , pp . 433-44 ; a portio n i s trans , i n Whitelock 1979 , PP - 9 2 0 _ 3 - F ° r attribution , se e Whiteloc k 1970 . 15. Se e Gneus s 1972 ; ed. i n Napie r 1916 . 16. Ed . Yerke s 1984 . 17. Se e table s i n Scrag g 1979 , pp . 270-7 ; Gatc h 1965 , pp . 119-2 2 fo r Blickling Homilies and pp . 138-4 2 fo r Vercelli Homilies. Importan t edition s of th e uncollecte d anonymou s homilie s ar e Assman n 1889 ; Belfou r 1909 ; Bazire/Cross 1982 ; Fadda 1977 ; Napier 1883 ; Tristram 1970 .

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18. Blickling Homilies ed . Morri s 1874 ; fo r a facsimil e edition , se e Wil lard i960 . Vercelli Homilies ed . Forste r 1932 ; Szarmach 1981b ; for a facsim ile edition , se e Sisam , C . 1976 . 19. Gatc h 1977 , p . 8 ; se e als o Menne r 194 9 an d Vleeskruye r 1953 , pp . 38 ff . 20. Se e Gatc h 1977 , pp . 120-8 . Fo r a discussio n o f th e influenc e o f Caesarius o f Arie s o n thes e an d othe r homileti c texts , includin g JEUric, see Traher n 1976 . 21. Se e Gatc h 1965 , pp . 124-36 ; an d Frantze n 1983a , pp . 152-7 . 22. Se e Dalbe y 1969 , 1973 , 1978 , 1980 ; and Letso n 1978 . 23. Letso n 1979a . 24. Fo r som e remark s o n th e apocalypti c O E literature , se e Forste r 195 5 and Gatc h 1964 . Althoug h th e Gospe l o f Nicodemus , whic h narrate s th e Harrowing o f Hell , ha s bee n though t t o exer t a stron g influenc e o n An glo-Saxon texts , Campbell , J . 198 2 argue s tha t earl y Englis h author s de pended entirel y o n biblica l an d patristi c source s fo r thei r knowledg e o f this centra l even t i n Christia n history . 25. Se e Cros s 195 6 an d 1957 . 26. Text : Morri s 1874 , pp . 209-11 . 27. Th e Vercell i M S wa s deposite d i n Vercelli , Italy , probabl y i n th e eleventh century , wher e i t remain s t o thi s day ; fo r conjecture s abou t it s arrival i n thi s norther n Italia n town , se e Sisam , K . 1953 , pp . 116- 8 an d Boenig 1980 . Scrag g 197 3 identifie s th e M S a s a Kentis h compilation . 28. Gatc h 1965 , pp . 136-65 . 29. Szarmac h 1978 , p . 241 . 30. Szarmac h 1981a , pp . 104-5 . F ° r a discussio n o f th e influenc e o f th e catechetical narratio, th e recitatio n o f redemptiv e history , o n homileti c lit erature, se e Da y 1974 . 31. Willar d 1935 , p . 982 ; see als o Gatc h 1964^ . 384-8 . 32. Gatc h 1965 , pp . 15 8 ff . 33. Se e Szarmac h 197 8 and Letso n 1978 . 34. Felix' s Vita ed . an d trans , b y Colgrav e 1956 , trans , i n Jones , C . 1947 ; see furthe r chapte r 1 . Th e O E pros e i s edite d b y Gonse r 1909 ; se e als o Roberts 1985 . 35. Frantze n 1983b , p . 23 ; see als o Frantze n 1983a . 36. Ed . Rait h 193 3 and Spindle r 1934 . 37. Ed . i n Fowler , R . 1965 . Fo r translatio n o f th e O E penitentials , se e McNeill/Gamer 1938 , pp . 179-248 . 38. Frantze n 1983b , p . 55 . 39. Scholar s d o no t agre e o n th e exac t dates : se e Clemoe s 1959 b an d Godden 1979 . Th e standar d editio n o f th e Catholic Homilies is Thorp e 1844 , although Godde n 197 9 replace s Thorpe' s secon d volume . Fo r a facsimil e of th e Firs t Series , se e Eliason/Clemoe s 1966 . Genera l studie s o f ^Elfric' s life an d writing s ar e Whit e 1898 ; Dubois 1943 ; Clemoes 1966 ; Hurt 1972. 40. Se e Gatc h 1978 .


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41. Ed . Skea t 1881 ; quotation fro m vol . 1 , p . 294 . Homilie s XXIII , XXIIIB, XXX, an d XXXII I i n Skea t wer e no t compose d b y ^Elfric , an d XXXVI I i s not fro m th e mai n M S an d ma y no t hav e bee n intende d a s par t o f th e collection. Thre e fina l items , Interrogationes Sigewulfi, De Falsis Deis, an d De Duodecim Abusivis, hav e bee n los t fro m th e M S an d wer e no t printe d by Skeat . The y d o surviv e i n othe r MS S (se e Godde n 1980 , p . 208 , n . 10) . 42. Se e Godde n 1978 . 43. Se e Smetan a 195 9 an d 1961 ; see als o Cros s 1961a . Fathe r Smetan a observes tha t ^Elfri c doe s no t maintai n a strict distinctio n betwee n sermon (a discourse o n a dogmatic o r moral issu e fo r instructional purposes ) an d homily ( a commentar y an d exegesi s o n scriptua l text) . O f th e eighty-fiv e actual homilie s i n th e CH, h e furthe r observes , fifty-si x ma y properl y b e termed exegetical ; twelve ar e topical sermon s an d expande d Gospe l texts ; seventeen ar e saints ' lives . 44. Text : Thorpe 1844 , vol . i , p . 2 . 45. Se e Gatc h 1977 , pp . 66-104 . 46. Se e Leinbaug h 1982 . 47. Godde n 1973 . 48. Se e Gatc h 1977 , pp . 37-8 . 49. Se e th e Lati n Prefac e i n Skea t 1881 , vol . 1 , p . 2 . 50. Lati n Prefac e t o CH I ; Thorpe 1844 , vol . 1 , p . 1 . 51. Text : Thorpe 1844 , vol . 1 , p . 343 . 52. Se e Clemoe s 1966 , pp . 18 8 ff . 53. Thorp e 1844 , vol . 1 , p . 98 . 54. Thorp e 1844 , vol . 2 , p . 282 . See Schel p i960 ; on th e fourfol d metho d of interpretation , se e Smalle y 1983 ; Huppe 1959 ; Robertson, D . 1951 . 55. Se e Clemoe s 1966 , p . 182 . Pop e 196 7 (vol . 1 , pp . 105-36 ) give s a n extended technica l descriptio n o f ^Elfric' s rhythmica l prose . 56. Thorp e 1844 , vol . 1 , pp . 258-74 . ^j. Text : ibid. , p . 272 . 58. Se e Clemoe s 1970 . 59. Text : Thorpe 1844 , vol - * / PP - 258-60 . 60. Text : ibid. , p . 260 . Thi s sam e them e als o appear s i n th e poe m Vainglory; see chapte r 11 , n. 37 . 61. Tand y 1978 , p . 199 . Se e als o Clark , C . 1968 ; Waterhouse 1976 , 1978 , and 1982 ; Moloney 198 2 ( a repl y t o Waterhous e 1976) ; Gaites 1982 . 62. Fo r the vie w tha t fiLliric was influence d b y Lati n rhymed prose , se e Gerould 1924 ; for th e vie w tha t h e wa s influence d b y O E poetry, se e Be thurum 1932a . Vleeskruye r 195 3 stresse s th e us e o f OE poeti c formula s and alliteratio n a s th e basi s o f al l OE pros e style . Pop e 196 7 an d Lip p 1969 favo r th e nativ e influence . Fo r further discussio n o f thes e an d othe r aspects o f ^Elfric' s style , se e Nichol s 1971 ; Middleton 1973 ; Kuh n 1972 b and 1973 . A stud y o f MMnc's vocabulary , wit h som e remark s o n it s rela tion t o style , i s Godde n 1980 ; see als o Cros s 1969a . 63. Text : Skea t 1881 , vol. 2 , p . 134 .

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64. Se e Clemoes 1959 b and Pop e 196 7 for opposin g views . 65. Fo r a summar y o f i€lfric' s wor k a s a biblica l translator , se e Hur t 1972, pp. 84-103. 66. Fo r texts of th e West Saxo n Gospels, se e Griinberg 1967. 67. Ed . Crawfor d 1922 . 68. Ther e has been a great deal of controversy about the "anonymous " author o f th e non-iElfricia n part s o f th e translation . Clemoe s 197 4 proposed tha t Byrhtfert h wa s responsible fo r thes e section s and als o for th e Pseudo-Egbert Penitential; thoug h h e doe s no t believ e tha t ^lfric' s refer ence t o "anothe r man " i s o f an y importanc e fo r th e compilatio n o f th e Hexateuch. (N o single MS contains the seven texts which make up Thwaites' Heptateuch; Cotton Claudiu s B. iv contains only the five books of the Pentateuch plu s Joshua, an d thu s is referred t o as the Hexateuch.) Baker 1980 refutes Clemoes , bu t admit s tha t al l three text s ma y hav e been product s "of Ramse y Abbey , o r some nearby center " (p . 32). 69. Text : Crawford 1922 , p. 76. 70. Ibid. , p . yy. 71. Ibid. , p . 79. 72. Se e Minkoff 1976 . On th e differen t meaning s o f ^lfric's "refusals " to translate mor e from th e Bible and thei r rhetorical antecedents , see Nichols 1968. 73. Text : Crawfor d 1922 , p . 70 . I t ha s lon g bee n assume d tha t ^Elfri c was indebted t o Augustine's De Doctrina Christiana. Bu t see Reinsma 1977, who question s whethe r th e Anglo-Saxon s wer e directl y acquainte d wit h this famous work . 74. Ed . Crawfor d 1921 . 75. Text : Zupitza 1880 , p. 3. 76. Se e Williams, E. 1958. yy. Garmonswa y 1959 , p. 249. 78. Text : Garmonsway 1978 , p. 20. 79. Se e Anderson, E . 1974. 80. Fo r genera l summarie s o f th e pastora l letters , se e Hur t 1972 , pp . 36-40. The Letter for Wulfsige is ed. i n Fehr 1914 , pp. 1-34 . 81. Ed . i n Assmann 1889 , pp. 1-12 . 82. Ed . ibid., pp . 13-23 . 83. Ed . i n Fehr 1914 , pp. 3 5 ff . 84. Wanle y 1705 , pp. 14 0 ff; quote d i n Bethurum 1957 , p. 25. 85. Whiteloc k 1942 ; see also Bethurum 1966 . 86. Wulfsta n th e homileti c write r (Wulfsta n I I of York) , shoul d no t b e confused wit h St . Wulfstan , a late r bisho p o f Worceste r (Wulfsta n I I of Worcester, d . 1095 ) and th e las t o f th e Anglo-Saxo n bishop s i n Norma n England. 87. Gatc h 1977 , pp. 102-16 ; quotation p . 108. 88. Text : Fowler, R . 1972 , p. 5.


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89. Ibid. , p . 1 . 90. Die n 1975 . 91. Holli s 1977 , p . 178 . 92. Alcuin' s On the Sack of the Monastery at Lindisfarne i s trans , i n Calder/Allen 1976 , pp . 141-6 . 93. Text : Bethurum 1957 , p . 267 . A separat e editio n wit h a valuable in troduction an d commentar y i s Whiteloc k 1963 ; trans, i n Whiteloc k 1979 , pp. 929-34 . 94. See Jurovics 1978. 95. See Jost 1950, esp. pp. 110-68. 96. Se e Bethuru m 1957 , pp . 87-98 ; Bethuru m 1966 , pp . 229-35 ; Whi telock 1963 , pp . 17-28 . 97. Hollowel l 1977 . 98. Text : Bethuru m 1957 , pp . 262-3 ; o n "paire d opposites " i n Wulf stan, se e Cumming s 1980 . 99. Se e Mcintosh 1950 . For expansion and modification, se e Funke 1962a . Jost 195 9 edit s majo r portion s o f th e Institutes i n two-stres s line s t o giv e reality t o Mcintosh's findings ; hi s decisio n ha s no t me t wit h universa l ac ceptance. Hollowel l 198 2 ha s calle d Mcintosh' s whol e theor y int o ques tion. 100. Text : Pope 1967 , vol . 2 , p . 682 . 101. Text : Bethuru m 1957 , p . 222 . 102. Text : Carnicell i 1969 , p . 49 . 103. Ur e 1957 . 104. Se e Clemoe s i960 . 105. Bethuru m 1966 , pp . 227-8 . 106. Bethuru m 1963 ; ed. i n Lieberman n 1903 , vol . 1 , pp . 444-5 5 wit h notes i n vol . 3 , pp . 244-55 . 107. Gatc h 1977 , pp . 127-8 . 108. Fo r editions o f these , se e Rosie r 1962 , pp . xii-xiii . 109. O n biblica l materials , se e Morrel l 196 5 an d Fowler , D . 1976 . Th e Gospel o f Nicodemus , ed . Crawfor d 1927 ; see also Campbell, J . 1982 . Th e OE translatio n o f th e Visio Pauli, ed . Heale y 1978 . 110. Ed . Goolde n 1958 ; see als o Rait h 1956 . 111. Text : Goolde n 1958 , pp . 33-4 . 112. Se e Donne r 1972 ; Kobayashi 1979 . 113. Non-Orienta l interes t i n monster s ma y be foun d i n Beowulf and i n the eighth-centur y Lati n Liber monstrorum, whic h wa s compile d i n En gland; se e chapte r 1 . Th e wor k ha s bee n ascribe d (wrongly ) t o Aldhelm ; see Kell y 1971 , esp . p . 321 , an d Lapidg e 1982a . 114. Ed . Rypin s 1924 . 115. Sisam , K . 1953 , pp . 65-96 . 116. Knapp e 190 6 collates bot h OE text s an d th e Latin . Fo r facsimiles , see Jame s 1929 .

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117. Se e Sisam, K . 1953 , p. 63. 118. Ed . i n Cross/Hil l 1982 ; ed. wit h Italia n trans , i n Cilluffo 1981 . See also Cilluffo 1980 . 119. Ed . in Cross/Hil l 1982. 120. Distichs ed . Co x 1972. 121. Proverbs ed . Arngar t 1981.


Legal an d Scientific Pros e

While littl e o f th e pros e w e hav e examine d i s intentionally "liter ary," ther e i s ye t a separat e corpu s o f text s whic h mus t b e pu t into it s ow n categor y calle d "practical. " A greater amoun t o f thi s kind o f pros e i n th e vernacula r survive s fro m Anglo-Saxo n En gland tha n fro m an y other Western Europea n country . Shortl y afte r Augustine's conversio n o f Kent , ^Ethelberh t (560-617) , a newl y baptized Christia n king , bega n th e lon g traditio n o f lega l writin g in English . ,/Ethelberht' s Law s antedate b y more tha n fiv e hundre d years simila r code s i n continenta l Germani c languages . Bu t hi s decrees (602-3?) are not only the first lega l documents usin g a native tongue, the y are also the first piec e of extant Old English prose. Thus the corpus of Anglo-Saxon laws , stretching from thes e brief, early seventh-centur y doom s t o th e extensiv e code s o f ^Ethelre d and Cnu t compile d b y Wulfsta n i n th e elevent h century , ma y il lustrate the development o f Anglo-Saxon prose style in miniature. To approach th e Ol d Englis h law s only in a chronological fash ion is , however , t o falsif y th e actua l records ; for th e severa l text s do not alway s come down t o us in manuscripts contemporar y wit h the promulgatio n o f th e law s themselves . Fo r example , Alfred' s Laws were committe d t o vellum no t lon g after thei r creation , bu t his code is also the single witness for th e earlier Laws of Ine, king

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of Wesse x fro m 688-725 ; an d ^Ethelberht' s Laws , somewha t re vised an d "modernized, " surviv e onl y i n th e earl y twelfth-cen tury Norma n code x know n a s th e Textus Roffensis. 1 A prope r stud y of th e laws , then , mus t addres s bot h th e developmen t o f th e lega l and stylisti c tradition s an d th e us e succeedin g generation s mad e of earlier compilations . Fo r th e Anglo-Saxo n kin g di d no t s o muc h frame ne w law s a s declar e one s tha t alread y existed ; h e wa s th e conveyer an d interprete r o f th e receive d code s an d custom s t o hi s own time . Th e entir e bod y o f Anglo-Saxo n la w thu s became , t o some extent , a n aggregat e tha t coul d b e presse d int o servic e a t a later date. 2 The Germani c lega l cod e wa s originall y oral ; th e impuls e t o writ e down part s o f th e la w resulte d fro m th e Lati n influenc e followin g the conversio n o f Englan d t o Christianit y i n th e sevent h century . Certain qualitie s o f a n ora l styl e stil l remai n i n th e writte n texts — alliteration, assonance , parallelism—whic h sho w a n affinit y be tween th e speakin g o f th e la w an d th e recitatio n o f poetry . Unde r the influenc e o f th e homileti c style , thes e qualitie s becam e mor e marked a s th e centurie s progressed . Bu t th e earlies t entrie s ar e cur t and elliptical. 3 Decree s 4 an d 5 o f ^thelberht' s Law s giv e a sens e of thi s ters e manner : Gif frigman cynige stele, IX gylde forgylde. Gif in cyniges tune man mannan ofslea, L still' gebete.

(If a freema n shoul d ro b th e king , h e mus t pa y bac k nine-fold . I f on e man shoul d sla y another i n th e king's enclosure , h e mus t pa y 5 0 shillings in compensation.) 4 Before les s tha n a centur y passed , a fulle r styl e emerge s i n th e Kentish Law s o f Hlother e an d Eadri c (673-85?) ; and b y th e en d o f the sevent h centur y th e Law s o f Wihtre d (695 ) hav e bot h a pro logue an d a mor e comple x syntax : Gif paes geweorpe gesijxundne mannan ofer pis gemot, past he unriht hsemed genime ofer cyngaes bebod ond biscopes ond boca dom, se fraztgebetehis dryhtne C sell' an aid reht.

(If after thi s meeting, any nobleborn ma n chooses to enter into an illicit union despit e th e command o f the king and th e bishop and th e decre e


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of th e books , h e mus t pa y hi s lor d 10 0 shillings according t o ancien t law.)5 The chie f tas k o f th e ne w code s wa s t o integrat e th e bod y o f cus tomary la w wit h th e dictate s o f th e Christia n religion . I n thi s re spect, th e Law s o f Alfre d ar e th e firs t grea t achievemen t o f Anglo Saxon jurisprudence . The y joi n a detaile d serie s o f compensation s for variou s offense s t o a n overridin g vie w o f th e la w a s God' s eternal ordinance . Quotin g extensivel y fro m Moses , Alfre d trace s the law' s progres s throug h th e Apostle s an d th e Churc h synods . His ow n cod e i s thu s generall y base d o n Hebraic , Roman , an d Germanic precedent s an d specificall y dependen t o n th e existin g ones o f Kent , Mercia , an d Wessex . H e conclude s th e Introductio n so: Now I , Kin g Alfred, hav e gathere d togethe r thes e law s and I have or dered tha t man y o f thos e whic h ou r ancestor s obeye d shoul d b e writ ten out—those whic h seeme d goo d t o me. But many—those which di d not seem good— I have rejected b y the advice of my councillors; and i n other case s I have ordere d change s t o be made. I dared no t be so bold as t o se t dow n man y o f my ow n i n writing , fo r I did no t kno w whic h of these would pleas e thos e who came after me . But of those laws dating from th e time of Ine, my kinsman, o r of Offa, kin g of the Mercians, or o f ./Ethelberht , th e firs t [king ] t o b e baptise d amon g th e English , I gathered togethe r her e suc h a s seeme d t o m e best , an d th e other s I rejected.6 This passag e reveal s th e conservativ e sens e o f la w a s a n ancien t and continuin g force , a s wel l a s Alfred' s dynasti c ambitions . Th e code itsel f i s a mode l o f Christia n lega l philosophy . Alfred' s suc cessors, Edward , ^ t h e l s t a n , Edmund , an d Edgar , als o lef t collec tions o f varyin g importance , thos e o f ^Ethelsta n an d Edga r bein g the mos t significant . The y dea l wit h problem s connecte d wit h th e settling o f th e Danela w an d a numbe r o f matter s concernin g ob ligations t o th e Church . The fusio n o f ecclesiastica l an d secula r la w reache d it s highes t state i n th e man y lega l piece s composed , compiled , o r supervise d by Wulfstan . Hi s easil y recognizabl e homileti c styl e ca n b e spot ted i n a numbe r o f text s writte n i n th e earl y elevent h century . H e authored th e "Law s o f Edward " an d th e "Law s o f Guthrum, " as -

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cribing the m t o thos e earlie r ruler s s o a s t o increas e th e laws ' au thority, an d h e wa s responsibl e fo r al l th e late r edict s (V-X ) o f ,/Ethelred's trouble d reign . Hi s belief , passionatel y held , tha t cor ruption in a kingdom bring s God's retribution , le d hi m t o legislat e in such a way tha t "sin s an d crime s [were ] dealt with indifferentl y and [were ] equall y offensiv e t o th e Churc h an d t o th e State." 7 H e became th e chie f lega l advise r t o Cnut , th e Danis h kin g o f En gland (1016-35) , an d evidentl y wa s i n charg e o f th e creatio n o f I and I I Cnut—th e culminatio n o f Anglo-Saxo n law . Fo r afte r th e chaos o f ^ithelred' s reign , Wulfsta n trie d t o reestablis h th e law s of th e Wes t Saxo n kings , especiall y thos e o f Edgar . Muc h o f wha t he ha d writte n fo r ^thelred h e incorporated int o them , increasin g the specificit y o f punishment s fo r a great man y misdemeanors , bu t evincing a humane concer n fo r merc y a s wel l a s justice : he warn s that capital punishmen t shoul d no t b e impose d fo r minor breaches. A singl e exampl e wil l demonstrat e Wulfstan' s rhythmi c homi letic styl e a s i t reappear s i n hi s lega l draft s (se e chapte r 3) . Th e opening section s o f Cnut' s cod e o f 101 8 revea l Wulfstan' s prefer ence, a s Kennedy remarks , fo r the genera l ove r th e particula r an d the statemen t o f larg e principle s ove r an y specifi c explanatio n o f their practica l application ; the y ar e exhortation s t o conduc t live s of Christia n virtue : Ponne is paet aerest paet witan geraeddan. past hi ofer ealle odre fringeserine god aefre wurdodon. ond aenne cristendom anraedlice healdan. ond cnut cyngc. lufian. mid rihtan. ond mid trywdan. ond eadgares lagan, geornlice folgian. And hig gecwaedan paet hi furdor on aemtan smeagan woldan. peode pearfe mid godes filste. swa hi betst mihton. Nu wille we swutelian. hwaet us maeg to raede for gode. ond for worlde. gime se pe wille. Uton swide georne fram sinnan acirran. ond ure misdaeda geornlice betan. ond aenne god rihtlice lufian ond wurdian. ond aenne cristendom anraedlice healdan. ond aelcne haedendom georne forbugan, (First, th e councillor s decree d that , abov e al l other other things , the y would alway s hono r on e Go d an d resolutel y hol d on e Christia n faith , and rightly an d wit h loyalt y lov e Kin g Cnut , an d zealousl y observ e th e laws o f Edgar . And the y declare d tha t the y woul d furthe r conside r a t leisure , wit h God's help , th e people' s needs , a s bes t the y could .


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Now we wish t o reveal what ma y be for ou r benefit i n divine and worldly matters, let him who will, take heed. Let u s tur n ver y zealousl y fro m sins , an d earnestl y aton e fo r ou r misdeeds, and rightlylove and honor one God, and resolutely hold one Christian faith, and zealously turn away from every heathen practice.)8 One might not e tha t th e code begins with hig gecwaedan, 'the y de clared/ illustratin g a s lat e a s th e earl y elevent h centur y th e ora l basis of Anglo-Saxon law. 9 A number o f anonymous code s also seem t o be Wulfstan's work ; others, includin g a set o f laws for Northumbria n priest s (1020-3) , which draw s heavil y o n Wulfstan' s earlie r Canons of Edgar (see chapter 3) , are connected wit h hi s circle. Yet not al l the lega l ma terials from th e Anglo-Saxon er a need b e classified a s royal codes. In addition t o the serial decrees left b y kings, there also exist trea ties (Alfre d an d Guthrum) , variou s ordinances , a se t o f instruc tions fo r conductin g th e "ordeal, " an d th e procedur e t o b e fol lowed i n th e betrothal o f a woman. 10 The code s o f th e earl y Englis h king s wer e no t mean t t o b e in clusive; they di d no t represent th e full body of law as it was know n and enforced . King s issue d law s whe n certai n aspect s o f Anglo Saxon socia l organization—eithe r secula r o r religious—neede d special emphasis, clarification, o r restatement. Muc h of Anglo-Saxon law, then , ha s not com e down t o us, particularl y no t throug h th e medium o f th e roya l codes . Bu t th e nearl y 2,00 0 legal an d quasi legal documents whic h d o survive and whic h pass under th e general rubric of "charters " provide a more detailed pictur e of AngloSaxon la w i n action . The ter m "charter " i s a confusing one , an d i s often use d t o refer t o any documen t tha t ha d a legal purpose—land-charters, wills , leases, manumission s (freein g o f slaves) , writs , notitiae, declarations, o r talu, i.e., narrativ e account s givin g th e histor y o f estate s or of litigations. 11 A stricter classificatio n i s that provide d b y Dbr othy Whitelock : "Charter s ca n b e . . . divide d int o tw o classes , royal an d private , an d th e firs t o f thes e group s subdivide d int o the 'diploma ' an d th e 'writ'." 12 Th e solem n roya l diplom a i s th e original o f al l suc h lega l document s i n England , an d wa s evi dently importe d fro m th e Continen t b y ecclesiastic s wh o wishe d

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to provide a means o f assuring titl e to thei r lands . Som e scholar s would dat e the introduction o f the diploma into England fro m th e arrival of the earliest missionaries; others maintain that , whil e certainly ecclesiastica l i n origin , i t stem s fro m th e lat e sevent h cen tury, th e period o f Theodore and Wilfrid. 13 Throughou t it s history in Anglo-Saxo n time s th e diplom a remaine d a n exclusivel y Lati n document, an d diploma s in English , wit h on e possible ninth-cen tury exception, ar e translations. Most of them surviv e in later medieval cartularies , book s o f charter s recopie d b y monk s t o pre serve thei r right s t o specifi c estates . Charter s ar e evidentiar y items , and the y recor d th e ne w creatio n o r th e voluntar y transfe r o f "bookland," a much-debate d term , bu t on e whic h probabl y de scribes lan d fre e o f roya l due s an d capabl e o f bein g alienate d b y the possessor . Th e earlies t survivin g charte r i n contemporar y for m is one date d 67 9 and issue d b y Hlothhere o f Kent . Much controvers y ha s raged a s to whether th e Anglo-Saxo n di ploma o r charte r wa s writte n b y scribe s employed b y th e kin g in a "roya l secretariat, " o r whethe r th e beneficiary , usuall y a reli gious establishment , wa s responsible fo r producin g it. 14 Whoeve r drafted thes e Lati n instruments, the y are important i n the histor y of Ol d Englis h literatur e becaus e the y influence d other , vernacu lar documents , suc h a s lease s an d wills . The y wer e modele d o n the late Roman private deed, an d thei r form, wit h som e variation, was established fro m th e outset . The y consisted o f an invocation , a proe m praisin g God , a dispositiv e section , immunit y an d res ervation clauses, blessing and sanctio n (anathema) , boundary an d dating clauses , witnes s lis t an d endorsement. 15 B y the tent h cen tury, boundar y clause s were always written i n English . Diplomas surviv e fro m th e entir e Anglo-Saxo n period , thoug h the mid-tenth centur y seem s to have been the era of their greates t circulation. Whil e no t replaced , the y wer e supersede d b y a les s formal documen t compose d entirel y i n English—th e writ . Th e Anglo-Saxon writ , whic h develope d independentl y fro m th e di ploma, wa s patterne d o n epistolar y models . I t i s " a lette r o n ad ministrative business t o which a seal was appended, an d th e protocol (or opening clauses) of which named th e sender o f the letter and th e perso n o r person s t o who m i t wa s addresse d an d con tained a greeting." 16 Fro m Alfred' s mentionin g o f a n aerendgewrit


11 3 ]

and insegel a 'writ ' an d 'seal ' i n hi s translatio n o f Augustine' s Soliloquies (and th e forme r als o i n th e Pastoral Care), we ca n tel l tha t writs wer e i n commo n us e b y th e lat e nint h century ; bu t th e firs t surviving genuin e one s dat e fro m ^Ethelred' s reign . Th e grea t ma jority, however , ar e fro m th e tim e o f Edwar d th e Confessor . Whil e the wri t share s som e feature s wit h th e diploma , o n th e whol e i t differs markedl y fro m tha t earlie r deed . I t was intende d t o be rea d by a roya l emissar y i n a public assembly , an d it s genera l structur e follows thi s outline : protocol , mai n announcement , prohibitio n clauses, perhap s a statemen t o f th e religiou s motive , an d occa sionally a sanctio n o r pena l clause . I t ha s certai n stylisti c trait s o f other lat e tenth - an d earl y eleventh-centur y prose : th e two-stres s pattern, an d a relianc e o n alliteration , assonance , an d rhyme . Eleventh-century writ s ar e especiall y ric h i n th e variet y o f thei r formulaic linkings : i n thei r us e o f tw o differen t word s alliteratin g (sacu and socu, mid lande ond mid leese 'feud an d right, ' 'wit h lan d and wit h pasture') , o f tw o contrastin g word s alliteratin g (binnan byrig ond butan 'withi n th e cit y an d without') , o f rhym e (be lande and be strande 1?y land an d b y strand') , an d o f assonanc e (mid maede ond mid leese 'with mea d an d wit h pasture') . A simpl e wri t fro m /Ethelred's trouble d reig n wil l giv e a n exampl e o f thi s indigenou s Anglo-Saxon creation : JEpelred kinc grete mine [beres] ond mine eorles. ond ealla mine peinas of pam sciram peer mine preostas on Pales mynstre habbad land inne freondlice. Ond ic cype eow pset ic wille pset hig beon heora saca ond heora socna weorda aeiper ge binnan burh ond butan. Ond swa godera laga wyrpe nu swa ful ond swa ford swa hig betste waeron on aeniges kinges daege. Oppe on aeniges beres on eallum pingan.

(King i^Ethelred send s friendly greeting s t o my bishops an d m y earl s and al l my thegn s o f th e shires where m y priests in Paul' s minster hav e land. An d I make known t o you tha t I will that they be entitled t o their sake and thei r soke, both within the borough an d without , an d entitle d now t o a s goo d laws—a s full y an d completely—a s eve r the y wer e i n all things i n th e day s of any kin g o r bishop.) 17 The Lati n diplom a wa s mor e elaborat e an d mor e solem n tha n th e writ, bu t th e latter' s sea l o f authenticatio n an d it s direc t addres s to responsibl e individual s mad e i t emerg e a s th e mor e popula r an d

[ 11 4 ]




convenient o f th e two . I t was th e wri t whic h th e Norman s adopte d when the y bega n t o administe r affair s i n England , probabl y be cause thi s uniquel y Englis h documen t ha d prove n itsel f mos t ef ficient an d business-like. 18 Wills i n Ol d Englis h see m t o g o bac k a t leas t t o th e firs t hal f o f the nint h century. 19 Certainl y b y th e en d o f tha t centur y the y wer e common, Kin g Alfred' s bein g th e mos t famou s example . Hi s i s o f particular interes t fo r it s lon g talu, o r narrative , whic h precede s the wil l itsel f an d whic h detail s th e stor y o f ho w Alfre d cam e t o own th e land s h e include s i n hi s testament . Th e narrativ e refer s to th e death s o f Alfred' s olde r brothers , th e histor y o f hi s inheri tance, an d th e disruptio n cause d b y th e Danis h invasions ; i t als o describes a cour t hearin g hel d t o judg e th e authenticit y o f a pre vious will . Th e wil l prope r signal s it s beginnin g b y restatin g th e name o f it s maker : Ic JElfred Westseaxena cingc mid Godes gyfe ond mid pisse gewitnesse, gecwede hu ic ymbe min yrfe wille tefter minum deege. JErest ic an Eadwearde minum yldran suna pees landes set . . .

(I Alfred, Kin g of the West Saxons, with God's grace and with these witnesses, declar e wha t I wish don e concernin g m y inheritanc e afte r my lifetime. First , I [give] to Edward, my elder son, the land at . . .) 20 Like othe r Anglo-Saxo n lega l documents , will s wer e mainl y ev identiary—testaments t o a promis e mad e b y th e make r i n th e presence o f witnesses . An d lik e th e diploma , th e wil l wa s eccle siastical i n origin : "i t was no t onl y develope d unde r clerica l influ ence fo r th e materia l benefi t o f Anglo-Saxo n churche s an d con vents, bu t i t wa s ultimatel y brough t . . . withi n th e scop e o f th e jurisdiction o f ecclesiastica l courts." 21 Will s assume d divers e forms : some opene d wit h a solem n invocatio n reminiscen t o f th e di ploma; som e bega n i n th e manne r o f writs ; other s simpl y state d that "thi s i s th e wil l o f X. " However variou s i n pattern , nearl y al l of the m contai n a notification o f th e circumstance, a disposition o f the property , an d a sanctio n mean t t o bin d th e survivor s t o th e will's terms . Fro m a moder n poin t o f view , th e mos t distinctiv e legal aspec t o f th e Anglo-Saxo n wil l i s it s contractua l nature . Dis positions wer e neithe r gratuitou s no r unilateral ; i n keepin g wit h


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Germanic customar y law , the y require d counter-gift s o r counter performances. Thi s contractual basis of Anglo-Saxon law provide s a ke y t o many aspect s o f thei r lif e an d society ; it may eve n affec t a poet' s attitud e towar d hi s ow n creation s (se e discussio n o f Cy newulf's epilogu e t o The Ascension i n chapte r 8) . Whatever th e provenance o f a specific lega l form, th e diplomas, writs, leases, manumissions, an d will s carry, t o some degree, tha t sense o f ceremonia l languag e tha t officia l article s alway s do . I t i s only in the purely narrativ e example s that we find a n Old Englis h prose a t leas t partiall y fre e fro m lega l formulas . Her e i n transla tion i s an especiall y vivi d exampl e fro m th e lat e Anglo-Saxon pe riod: A HEREFORDSHIRE LAWSUIT It is shown i n this documen t tha t a shire-meeting wa s held a t Aylton in the time of King Cnut. There Bishop i^Ethelstan and Alderman Ranig sat, and Edwin, the alderman's son, and Leofwine, Wulfsige' s so n and Thurkil th e White. An d Tofig th e Proud cam e ther e on the king's errand, and Bryning the sheriff wa s there and i^Egelweard of Frome and Leofwine o f Frome and Godric of Stoke and all the thegns of Herefordshire. Then Edwin, Eanneawn's son, came travelling to the meeting and there spoke against his mother concerning a certain piece of land, which was Wellingto n an d Cradley. The n the bishop aske d wh o was to an swer for his mother. Then answered Thurkil the White and said he was, if he knew the claim. When he did not know the claim, then three men were chosen from the meeting [to go] to the place where she was—and that was at Fawley. The y wer e Leofwin e o f Frome and ^Egelsign the Red and Thinsig th e seaman, an d when thos e thre e cam e to her they asked wha t clai m sh e had concerning th e lands whic h he r son spoke for. She then said that she had no land which in any way belonged to him, an d she was very angr y agains t he r son, and summoned her kinswoman Leofflaed , Thurkil' s wife, an d before the m all spoke to her in thi s way : "Her e sit s Leofflaed , m y kinswoman, t o whom, after my death, I grant my land, my gold, m y clothing and my raiment, an d all I possess." And after that she said to the thegns: "Behave like thegns, and clearl y proclai m m y message t o the meeting befor e al l the good men, and make it known to them to whom I have granted my land and all my possessions, an d never a thing to my own son, and ask them to be witnesse s t o this."And the y di d so; they rod e t o the meeting and told al l the good me n about the charge tha t she had laid upon them . Then Thurkil the White stood up in the meeting and asked all the thegns to giv e hi s wife th e lands unencumbere d whic h he r kinswoman had

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granted her , an d the y di d so . Then , wit h th e consen t an d knowledg e of al l th e people , Thurki l rod e t o St . iEthelbert' s minster , an d ha d i t recorded i n a gospel book. 22

The grea t variet y o f Anglo-Saxo n lega l instrument s ha s bee n amply serve d b y moder n scholarship . Whe n w e tur n t o th e pe riod's scientifi c prose , however, w e find a different situation . Per haps in no other are a o f Anglo-Saxon studie s ha s th e denigrator y attitude o f pas t scholar s hel d o n s o tenaciously . Whil e w e ac knowledge tha t thes e text s d o no t resembl e wha t w e woul d cal l "scientific" today , stil l they constitute a large corpus of writings— far beyon d anythin g produce d contemporaneousl y o n th e Conti nent. Fo r heuristi c purpose s w e classif y a s scientifi c an y Anglo Saxon text which attempts either to describe or to control the world. Validity is not a n appropriat e criterio n t o apply, bu t th e mere fac t that Anglo-Saxo n scienc e is in man y way s rudimentar y an d awk ward doe s not mea n i t is contemptible . The mos t significan t bod y o f survivin g scientifi c pros e i s medical, o r magico-medical , a s i t i s ofte n characterized. 23 Indee d w e can dra w n o clea r line between a purely rationa l scienc e an d a ritualistic magi c i n th e documents . Empiricis m blend s wit h praye r and incantatio n a t every turn ; recipes for herba l medicament s become charms an d spell s in seamles s units . Fou r majo r collection s of medieva l prescription s hav e com e dow n t o us : th e Lxcboc 'Leechbook' associate d wit h Bald ; Lacnunga 'Healings / 'Cures' ; th e Peri Didaxeon 'Concernin g Schools of Medicine'; and th e Herbarium Apuleii, which i s completed b y a treatise o n betony (a n especiall y prized herb ) an d som e recipe s fro m pseudo-Dioscorides . Al l o f these medica l anthologie s concer n themselve s wit h plan t reme dies, bu t anima l remedie s follo w th e Herbarium i n th e translatio n of th e Medicina de Quadrupedibus attribute d t o Sextus Placitus. 24 Criticism o f thes e piece s a s scientifi c endeavor s ha s bee n les s than generous ; they have usually been describe d a s the final deg radation o f rationa l classica l medicin e int o superstition . Mos t commentators have claimed tha t these compilations were not meant for th e Anglo-Saxo n medica l practitioner , bu t wer e mainl y exer cises in literary copying. The listing of many plants grown only in southern Mediterranea n area s became stron g evidence in suppor t of thi s view. 25 Bu t Talbo t defend s th e Anglo-Saxo n medica l trea -


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tises agains t th e charg e o f irrationality ; h e maintain s tha t the y ar e in fact quit e sophisticate d fo r thei r time an d tha t they perpetuate d the classica l tradition s o f medicin e i n a far more responsibl e man ner than ha d hithert o bee n allowed. 26 An d Voigt s assert s tha t th e Anglo-Saxon work s o n herba l medicin e hav e bee n ignorantl y ma ligned. Sh e show s tha t th e text s wer e use d an d improve d b y suc ceeding generation s o f practisin g leeche s (o r doctors) ; tha t man y of th e recipe s hav e bee n foun d effective ; an d tha t i n th e milde r climate o f Anglo-Saxo n Englan d i t would hav e bee n bot h possibl e and probabl e fo r souther n plant s t o be cultivate d i n monasti c gar dens. 27 The oldes t o f thes e manual s i s Bald' s Laecboc, i n thre e books , s o called becaus e a colopho n nea r th e en d o f Boo k I I state s tha t th e leech Bal d i s th e owne r o f th e book. 28 Th e uniqu e manuscrip t i s dated fro m th e mid-tent h century , bu t w e hav e reaso n t o believ e that th e origina l gatherin g o f th e material s wa s don e i n Alfred' s time. Nea r th e en d o f Boo k I I a numbe r o f prescription s ar e sai d to hav e bee n ordere d give n t o Kin g Alfre d b y Elias , Patriarc h o f Jerusalem fro m abou t 87 9 t o 907—an d w e kno w fro m contempo rary source s tha t Alfre d receive d gift s fro m Elia s an d ma y hav e had othe r communication s wit h him . Th e firs t thirt y chapter s o f Book I give prescription s fo r infection s o f th e bod y i n descendin g order, fro m hea d t o feet; the res t o f th e chapter s dea l wit h variou s ailments, on e whol e chapte r bein g devote d t o bloodletting . Boo k II is mor e learne d tha n I , containin g symptom s an d diagnose s a s well a s prescription s fo r interna l disorders . Boo k III , largel y re peating th e first , contain s man y mor e charm s o r magi c incanta tions, includin g Christia n invocation s (o n these , se e chapte r 11) . The Lxcboc is a plain but elegan t remnan t o f Anglo-Saxo n culture . Intended fo r practica l use , i t doe s no t contai n a grea t dea l o f lit erary interest . Bu t on e o f it s mos t famou s passages— a wr y med ical comment—deserve s quoting : Wid naedran slite: gif he beget and yt rinde sio pe cymd of neorxna wonge, ne derad him nan atter. fronnecwxp se pe pas boc wrat pxt hio wxre torbegete. (Chap , xlv) (Against an adder's bite: If he finds and eats the rind which comes out of paradise , n o poiso n wil l har m him . H e wh o wrot e thi s boo k sai d that it was hard to get.)

[ ll 8] A


Lacnunga also survives in a unique manuscript, on e from th e mideleventh century. 29 Whil e a few passage s paralle l th e Lxcboc, Lacnunga is a rambling collection of about two hundred prescriptions , remedies, an d charm s derive d fro m Greek , Roman , Byzantine , Celtic, an d Teutoni c sources ; it stand s a t a much greate r distanc e from it s classical antecedents tha n th e Laecboc. Althoug h th e wor k contains a goo d admixtur e o f Lati n Christianity , th e predomi nance o f paga n Germani c materia l ha s earne d thi s wor k muc h scorn. Lacnunga beautifull y illustrate s th e fou r Germani c idea s o n the caus e o f disease : fro m 1 ) flying venoms, 2 ) the evi l nines , 3 ) the worm , an d 4 ) the powe r o f elf-shot . I f Anglo-Saxon medicin e can in any way be called magico-medicine, then th e Lacnunga would provide the best example. I t is also the repository o f several of th e most well-know n poeti c charms (se e chapter 11) . The singl e manuscrip t o f Peri Didaxeon ma y b e as late a s 1200 30 and ther e is considerable debat e as to whether its language is Late Old Englis h o r Earl y Middl e English . I t represent s th e mor e ra tional aspect o f Anglo-Saxon medicin e an d derive s from th e sam e fundamental text s a s the Lxcboc, althoug h th e section s chose n d o not correspon d wit h thos e o f th e Alfredian work . In contras t t o the precedin g thre e items , th e Ol d Englis h trans lation o f th e Herbarium o f pseudo-Apuleiu s survive s i n fou r man uscripts, includin g th e brilliantly illustrate d Cotto n Vitelliu s C. iii, dating fro m sometim e shortl y afte r 1050. 31 The collection, usuall y known a s th e Anglo-Saxon Herbal, contains description s o f 13 2 plants; another 3 3 from Dioscoride s ar e appended . Th e herbs ar e described individuall y an d the n followe d b y th e variou s medica l uses t o whic h the y ca n b e put . Thi s contrast s wit h th e orde r i n the Medicina de Quadrupedibis, whic h place s th e diseas e firs t an d then recommend s a n anima l cure . A fairly larg e numbe r o f indi vidual recipe s an d charm s exis t i n od d fragments , bu t th e collec tions mentione d contai n th e majorit y o f Anglo-Saxo n medica l lore . They embody—th e Lxcboc in particular—"som e o f th e bes t medi cal literature availabl e t o the Wes t a t tha t time." 32 In connectio n wit h thes e medica l treatises , w e migh t mentio n the existence of the Ol d Englis h Lapidary (early eleventh century) . A scientifi c wor k i n th e broades t sense , i t i s th e earlies t know n vernacular lapidar y o f Western Europe . Derive d fro m Isidor e an d


11 9 ]

Bede, i t describes th e twelv e apocalypti c stones , an d i s notable fo r the absenc e o f magica l propertie s attribute d t o th e gems . Th e las t stone, Agate , is , however , sai d t o avail agains t poiso n an d dust. 33 Two Ol d Englis h work s o n tim e an d natur e offe r a somewha t different perspectiv e o n Anglo-Saxo n science , ^lfric' s De Temporibus Anni, 34 writte n afte r th e compilatio n o f hi s Catholic Homilies sometime betwee n 99 2 an d 1012, 35 i s a brie f serie s o f extract s o n the sun , th e moon , th e progres s o f th e year , an d th e calculatio n of th e dat e o f Easte r draw n mainl y fro m Bede' s thre e scientifi c works: De Temporum Ratione, De Temporibus, and De Natura Rerum (see chapte r 1) . While JElihc knew th e works o f Bed e well , h e ha d little patienc e wit h Bede' s idea s o f scientifi c experiment , ^lfric' s treatise i s doctrinaire ; h e see s scienc e a s essentiall y a branc h o f theology. A longer—an d mor e idiosyncrati c work , on e whic h use s JElfric's De Temporibus as a source—i s th e Enchiridion (or Manual o r Handboc) by Byrhtfert h o f Ramsey , writte n i n 1011. 36 Th e Enchiridion wa s compose d b y thi s Benedictin e mon k t o teac h hi s (ofte n inattentive) student s abou t th e computus, th e astronomica l scienc e that gre w u p aroun d th e ecclesiastica l calendar. 37 Byrhtferth' s wor k is a melang e o f Lati n an d Ol d English , varyin g abou t equall y a t the start , movin g almos t exclusivel y t o th e vernacula r i n th e mid dle, an d returnin g t o Lati n agai n a t th e end . Th e hallmark s o f th e monk's flamboyan t Lati n style ar e present, eve n i n the Anglo-Saxo n portions. An y clea r principles o f organizatio n ar e har d t o discern , though th e Enchiridion i s divide d int o fou r parts . Par t I begins wit h a prologu e whic h describe s th e sola r an d luna r year s an d th e Ro man calendar . Further int o Par t I, a n excursu s o n th e materia l un derlying Byrhtferth' s "Diagra m o f th e Physica l an d Physiologica l Fours" interrupt s th e calendrica l discussion . Reflectin g th e lat e Ol d English vie w o f ma n a s th e microcos m o f th e macrocosm, 38 hi s "Diagram" i s a n exampl e o f diagrammatica l representatio n o f al legorical concepts—Byrhtferth' s majo r contributio n t o th e histor y of Wester n ideas . Her e h e make s somethin g o f a n attemp t a t a cosmic philosoph y base d o n science . Par t II treats the month s an d the seasons ; i t als o contain s a n excursu s o n poetica l meter . Par t III splits int o tw o sections , on e dealin g wit h th e calculatio n o f th e date o f Easter , an d th e othe r wit h rule s o f gramma r an d literar y

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composition. Thi s shor t dissertatio n o n "figures " Byrhtfert h translated fro m th e first par t of Bede's De Schematibus et Tropis. H e supplies seventee n schemata o r "figure s o f words"—th e firs t suc h treatment o f figure s i n th e Englis h language. 39 Part I V consists of a lon g discourse o n numbe r symbolism , th e systemati c treatmen t of whic h i s remarkably original. 40 While it would b e a n exaggera tion to compare hi s achievement favorabl y wit h Bede's , neverthe less hi s wor k contain s a body o f knowledge no t unworth y o f th e last perio d o f Anglo-Saxo n culture . NOTES 1. Fo r a facsimile, se e Sawyer 1957 . The great editio n o f the A-S laws is Liebermann 1903 . Convenient digest s and translations can be found in Thorpe 1840 ; Attenborough 1922 ; Robertson, A . 1925; Whitelock 1979 , PP 357-478. For a bibliography o n the law and legal prose in general durin g the Middle Ages, see Alford/Seniff 1984 . 2. Hel m 1963 , p. 111; Richards 1985. 3. Bethuru m 1932b . 4. Text : Attenborough 1922 , p. 4 . 5. Text : ibid., p. 24 . 6. Text : ibid., p. 62 . 7. Bethuru m 1966 , p. 224 . 8. Text : Kennedy, A . 1983, p. 72; for Kennedy's remark , above , see p. 67. 9. Wormald , P . 1978, pp. 48ff. 10. Se e Whitelock 1979. 11. Se e Carlton 1970 , p. 18; Harmer 1914 , p. vi . 12. Whiteloc k 1979 , p. 376; her essay o n the charters is the best intro duction t o the subject. Se e also Robertson, A . 1939 . 13. Se e Stenton 1955 , p. 31 . 14. Fo r a summary of the arguments, se e Keynes 1980 , pp. 14-83. 15. Keyne s 1980 , p. xiv; see also Stenton 1955 , p. 33. 16. Harme r 1952 , p. 1. 17. Text : ibid., p . 241 . 18. Barracloug h 1976 , p. 140 . 19. Whiteloc k 1968b , p. 19 . 20. Text : Harmer 1914 , p. 17. See also Keynes/Lapidge 1983 , pp. 173 8 and 313-26. 21. Hazeltin e in Whitelock 1930 , p. xii . 22. Text : Robertson, A . 1939, pp. 150-2. 23. Se e Grattan/Singer 1952 ; see also Grendon 190 9 and Storms 1948.


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24. Al l thes e text s ar e i n Vol . 1 of th e three-volum e compilatio n don e by Cockayn e 1864 . A separat e editio n o f th e Herbarium and Medicina De Quadrupedibus is D e Vrien d 1984 . 25. Se e especiall y Grattan/Singe r 1952 , pp . 3-9 4 an d Bonse r 1963 , pp . 3~3326. Talbo t 1967 , pp . 9-23 . 27. Voigt s 1979 ; see als o Camero n 1982 . 28. Ed . i n Vol. 2 of Cockayn e 1864 ; for a facsimile, se e Wright , C . 1955 . See als o Camero n 198 3 and Meane y 1984 . 29. Ed . i n Vol . 3 o f Cockayn e 1864 , pp . 1-80 ; als o i n Grattan/Singe r 1952. 30. Ed . i n Vol . 3 o f Cockayn e 1864 , pp . 81-145 . 31. Ed . i n Vol . 1 o f Cockayn e 1864 , pp . 1-325 , includin g th e contin uation fro m Dioscorides . 32. Talbo t 1967 , p . 19 . 33. Ed . i n Evans/Serjeantso n 1933 , pp . 13-5 ; als o i n Kitso n 1978 , pp . 32-334. Ed . Hene l 1942 . 35. Clemoe s 1959b , p . 34 . 36. Ed . Crawfor d 1929 ; see als o Hene l 194 2 and 1943 . 37. Bake r 1982 , p . 124 . Se e als o Hene l 193 4 fo r a n editio n o f a n O E prose Menologiu m (o r calendar ) fro m M S Harle y 3271 , collate d wit h M S CCCC 422 , p . 48 . 38. Se e Cros s 1963 . 39. Se e Murph y 1970 . 40. Se e Har t 197 2 and Bulloug h 1972 .


Some Remark s o n th e Nature an d Qualit y of Ol d Englis h Poetr y

Old English , Ol d Icelandic , Ol d Saxon , an d Ol d Hig h Germa n po etry al l deriv e fro m a commo n vers e for m stil l clearl y discernibl e behind th e separat e development s o f th e survivin g poeti c cor pora. 1 Tha t for m i s keye d t o a dominan t linguisti c fact : th e Ger manic fixin g o f stres s upo n th e initia l syllabl e o f a word , exclusiv e of mos t prefixes . A concomitan t o f suc h stres s wa s th e tendenc y to ai d continuit y o f discourse—no t t o mentio n continuit y o f he reditary lineage—b y th e us e o f alliteration , o r initia l rhyme . I t i s these tw o features , intensified , tha t contribute d t o th e stabilize d Germanic vers e pattern , on e w e fin d a s earl y a s th e fourth - o r fifth century runi c declaratio n o f prid e i n craftsmanshi p inscribe d o n the golde n hor n o f Gallehus: 2 Ek HlewagastiR HoltijaR horna

(I, Hlewagast, Holt' s son , mad


e [this ] horn. )

Difference i n th e vers e form s o f th e individua l Germani c lan guages ma y b e attribute d to , amon g othe r things , differin g de -


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grees o f retentio n o f initia l stress , wit h consequen t los s o f o r increase in the number of short syllables in the poetic line. The earliest Icelandic poetry, wit h its tightly packed line , exhibits the result of strong initia l stress , th e looser Ol d Saxon an d Ol d High Germa n lines the result of weakened initia l stress. Old English poetry seem s to stand somewher e betwee n thes e alliterativ e vers e extremes. 3 The Germani c poeti c line, a s the Gallehus inscriptio n suggests , consists o f tw o half-lines, o r verses , divide d b y a caesura , wit h two majo r stresses , o r lifts, i n each verse : Ek HlewagastiR HoltijaR hSrna tawido. 4 The a-verse, o r on-vers e a s it i s sometime s called , may hav e it s tw o lift s alliterating , a s i n th e inscription , o r onl y one; but the important consideratio n i s the binding of the b-verse, or off-verse, t o its antecedent half-lin e b y alliteration o f its first lift . The numbe r o f wea k o r secondar y stresse s (dips ) i n eac h o f the two fee t (measures ) o f the half-line i s variable withi n certai n lim its; there is even the possibility of anacrusis, that is, of dips befor e the first measur e begins. 5 In Old English poetry th e accepted pat tern of alliteration demande d tha t an initial consonant alliterate with itself, whateve r th e following vowe l or consonant, excep t that the paired consonant s sc, sp, and st could alliterat e onl y eac h wit h itself. A vowe l commonl y alliterate d wit h an y othe r vowel , les s commonly wit h itself . Verse-bindin g alliteratio n wa s recognize d only as it coincided wit h major stresses ; and such stres s was most likely to fall upon noun s an d adjectives. Th e phonetic quantity of syllables was also significant , lift s normall y bein g reserve d fo r lon g syllables, thoug h ligh t verses , wit h th e stress o n shor t syllables , were permissibl e i n the first foot ; an d resolution o f two short syl lables wa s .common, a s i n lin e 2425 a o f Beowulf, wher e w e fin d BiowUlf tnadelade. 6 Occasionall y w e fin d verses , especiall y a-verses , that see m t o have onl y on e stressed syllable , a s in The Wanderer, XX




line 11a : paet bip in eorle;7 and ther e ar e others tha t ar e hypermetric, wit h mor e tha n tw o stresses, a s in Beowulf, lin e 1168a : firfkst X. L X


X o

set ecga gelacum. The recognitio n o f stress an d alliteration i n Old English poetr y is one thing; the actual reading of the verses is another.9 Basically, there ar e two schools of thought o n the latter: the isochronous and the nonisochronous . Eduar d Siever s formulate d th e latter, wit h his hypothesis o f five basi c kinds o f poetic verse s containin g a t least

[ 12 4 ]




four syllable s and consistin g of two feet with a major stres s in each. He base d hi s categorie s upo n observabl e lift-di p patterns , cate gories whic h eve n dissident s fro m hi s theor y refe r to : Typ e A : Ixl lx\ Typ e B : xl/xl; Typ e C : xlllx; Typ e D : eithe r 1/lxx or 1/lxx; Typ e E: Ixxl 1 .10 Eve n in these basic patterns, withou t introducing allowabl e extr a dips , ther e i s obviou s inequalit y o f duration betwee n som e fee t i n th e vers e unles s on e goe s t o ex aggerated length s t o draw ou t o r hurry throug h th e fee t i n th e D and E types. This difficulty le d t o various assaults o n Sievers ' hy pothesis, and th e resort t o musical analogy of equal time per mea sure. Joh n Pop e i n particular , wit h hi s brillian t theorizin g abou t the us e o f th e har p a s a musica l "rest " t o ek e ou t measure s no t superficially conformin g t o th e Ys time h e postulate s fo r norma l and th e Y 4 time fo r hypermetri c verses , revolutionize d ou r idea s about Ol d Englis h meter. 11 A . J . Bliss , however , ha s attacke d is ochronous theorie s a s unwarrante d imposition s upo n a n er a un familiar wit h th e concept , suggestin g a somewha t modifie d Siev ers position. 12 A number o f othe r hypothese s abou t Ol d Englis h metrics hav e bee n advanced , bu t thei r subtletie s ar e beyon d th e scope o f thi s volume. 13 Whether th e har p (o r lyre) wa s a formal accompanimen t t o th e recitation of the oldest English verse is unclear. I n Widsith, 11 . 1035, th e fictitiou s sco p (o r singer ) wh o i s th e person a declare s tha t "We two , Soilin g an d I , wit h clea r voice/delivered son g before ou r liege-lord,/loud to the harp the voice resounded"; in Beowulf, 11. 8990, th e poe t describe s th e soun d o f revelr y i n th e hal l Heoro t a s "There wa s th e soun d o f th e harp,/clea r th e son g o f th e scop" ; and Bede' s stor y o f Caedmo n (se e chapte r 10 ) informs u s o f th e illiterate cowherd' s embarrassmen t whe n h e sa w th e harp , tha t should accompan y hi s ow n verse-making , approac h hi m a t th e dinner table . Oplan d woul d distinguis h suc h accompanie d per formances a s songs, differentiating the m fro m poems. 14 I f th e har p was actuall y use d t o accompan y vers e recitation , lyri c o r narra tive, was it plucked onl y during "rests" ? How was the instrumen t played—with finger s o r wit h a plectrum ? Despit e suc h uncer tainty, som e admirable attempts to reconstruct the harp or lyre have been mad e o n th e basi s o f th e Sutto n Ho o an d Taplo w Barro w fragments.15


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In additio n t o investigatin g th e rhythmi c an d phonemi c princi ples an d practice s o f Ol d Englis h poetry, 16 scholar s hav e devote d considerable attentio n t o th e natur e o f it s dictio n an d t o aspect s of it s style . Despit e th e limite d numbe r o f extan t writing s i n Ol d English, i t seem s certai n tha t poetr y utilize d no t onl y th e lan guage of prose, but also a specialized vocabular y of its own. 17 Some archaic word s evidentl y acquire d poeti c statu s b y thei r perpetua tion only in verse: mece 'sword' an d gud 'battle' are two such words. But more important wer e metaphoric , especiall y metonymic , word s like ceol 'keel ' fo r 'ship ' an d lind 'linden-wood' fo r 'shield. ' Th e poets als o invente d compound s o r combination s o f basi c noun s plus limiting genitives to designate periphrastically person s o r objects by one of thei r attributes. Suc h compounds as hdedstapa 'heath stepper' fo r th e referen t 'stag ' an d garbeam 'spear-tree ' fo r 'war rior,' an d yda ful 'cu p o f waves ' fo r 'sea / illustrat e thi s las t con cept. Thes e compound s an d combination s ar e usuall y referre d t o as kennings, though i t i s perhap s bette r t o distinguis h th e firs t a s a kent heiti (pi . kend heiti) —a mor e direc t periphrasi s identifyin g th e referent wit h somethin g i t is (the sta g is, of course , a 'stepper') — and th e las t tw o a s tru e kennings, wherein th e referen t i s identi fied wit h somethin g i t i s not, except i n a very specia l metaphori c sense: a warrio r i s no t a 'tree ' excep t a s both stan d tall , straight , and unshrinkin g unde r blows ; nor i s the se a literall y a 'cup.' 18 The Ol d Englis h poet s utilize d thei r word-hoar d formulaically . Originally of oral composition, Anglo-Saxo n poetry was fashione d from a stoc k o f vers e o r verse-pai r formula s an d formulai c sys tems; that is, from stylize d syntacticall y related collocations of words in regular rhythmic patterns. 19 The poet could fin d amon g his for mulaic resource s almos t an y semanti c value s h e neede d fo r th e immediate sens e o r ornamentatio n o f th e poe m h e wa s creating . Conveniently, h e coul d substitut e individua l word s withi n th e grammatical an d rhythmi c pattern s eithe r fo r contextua l o r allit erative purposes. 20 Thus we fin d th e Beowulf poet a t 1. 2765a talking about gold on grunde and again , i n 1 . 3167a, abou t gold on greote. In th e forme r th e "ground " o r "earth " occur s i n a contex t con demning gol d a s overpowerin g men' s souls , eve n whe n buried ; in th e latter , th e mor e specifi c "dust " suggest s Beowulf' s grav e barrow, i n whic h th e useless gold h e gained i n killing the drago n

[ 12 6 ] A


is bein g reburie d wit h th e hero . O r w e fin d th e exile d Ada m i n Genesis A, 1 . 930a , dugedum bedaeled 'deprive d o f joys ' an d Sata n similarly deprive d i n Christ and Satan, 1 . 121a; whil e th e Wandere r is edle bidxled 'deprive d o f nativ e land ' i n The Wanderer, 1 . 20b, an d Adam an d Ev e hav e cause d mankin d t o b e edle bescierede 'cu t of f from nativ e land ' (Paradise ) i n Christ I, 1 . 32b. Thes e formula s an d formulaic system s were , moreover , usefu l i n combinatio n t o pre sent fixe d themes , suc h a s tha t o f th e beast s o f battle , whic h ap pears i n twelv e passage s i n nin e poems , o r tha t o f exile , whic h appears no t onl y i n th e "elegies " bu t i n som e unexpecte d con texts. 21 W e ca n readil y recogniz e th e convenienc e o f thes e sys tems fo r ora l composition , bu t th e formulaic-themati c habi t als o carried ove r int o writte n composition , an d wa s easil y absorbe d int o sophisticated rhetorica l device s learne d fro m Lati n poet s an d rhe toricians. 22 We migh t expec t tha t a poetr y s o constructed , s o formulated , would becom e dul l an d conventiona l i n th e pejorativ e sens e o f th e term; an d s o i t di d i n th e hand s o f lesse r poet s (se e commen t o n Death of Edgar in chapte r 10) . Yet the bette r scop s use d thei r stock s of words , formulas , formulai c systems , an d theme s individualist ically. 23 On e o f th e method s whereb y th e Ol d Englis h poet s achieved originalit y wa s coinin g compounds , a s th e Beowulf poet' s immense wealt h o f apparentl y new-minte d compoun d word s at tests. I n a large r way , originalit y i n th e us e o f formula s an d theme s depended upo n th e degre e o f tensio n create d betwee n th e tradi tional association s evoke d b y thes e stylization s an d th e uniqu e applicability the y ha d i n thei r specifi c contexts. 24 Th e Beowulf poet, for example , hoard s th e "beas t o f battle " theme , no t usin g i t i n the traditiona l wa y i n scene s describin g battles , bu t reservin g i t uniquely an d climacticall y fo r th e en d o f th e Messenger' s speec h prophesying doo m t o al l o f th e dea d hero' s peopl e (se e chapte r 6). 25 O r th e poet , workin g o n th e degre e o f expectanc y se t u p b y the traditiona l collocations , o r b y hi s ow n creatio n o f habitua l pat terns withi n hi s poem , coul d deliberatel y exten d o r frustrat e tha t expectancy i n severa l ways. 2 6 I n The Wanderer, fo r example , th e opening lin e temporaril y suspend s th e conventiona l associatio n o f "wretchedness" an d "lone-dwelling " (earm anhaga i s th e tradi tional pattern ) whe n th e poe t says : Oft him anhaga are gebidep 'Often


\TJ ]

the lone-dwelle r experience s mercy / suggestin g b y th e syntacti c and alliterative-metrica l patter n th e possibilit y tha t God' s merc y may be extended t o an exile , a key idea tha t is brought t o a resolution i n th e poem' s concludin g lines . I t is not til l line 2b that th e traditional collocatio n with wretchedness i s made through th e ad jective modcearig 'weary in spirit.' In a somewhat different wa y the poet coul d achiev e semanti c linkin g vi a th e metrica l patter n de spite an absenc e of syntactic dependency, a s when th e Beowulf poet comments o f th e Dane s tha t Swylc wxs peaw hyra, hxpenra hyht; helle gemundon in modsefan, Metod hie ne cupon. . . . (11

. i78b-8o)

(Such was their custom, the hope of heathens: it was hell that governed in their thoughts, not knowing God. . . . ) Here th e hop e o f heathen s i s equated , throug h alliteration s an d stress, wit h hell , thei r ultimat e destination. 27 This brief samplin g o f th e possibilitie s o f individualit y withi n th e Old Englis h formulai c conventio n verge s on th e subjec t o f style. 28 Of variou s Anglo-Saxo n stylisti c elements , non e ha s receive d mor e attention tha n th e devic e calle d variation} 9 This device may be see n at it s simples t i n suc h a line a s Beowulf madelode, beam Ecgdeowes, where 'so n o f Ecgtheow' varies th e noun Beowulf. Mor e complexl y (and arguably ) w e fin d i t in th e openin g line s of th e epic: Hwaet, we Gar-Dena in geardagum, peodcyninga prym gefrunon, hu pa aepelingas ellen fremedon. (Indeed, we have heard of the Spear-Danes' glory, and their kings', in days gone by, how princes displayed their courage then.) Here bot h peodcyninga prym an d th e followin g line-claus e ar e var iational object s o f th e ver b gefrunon. Variation, then , ma y b e de fined a s a double o r multiple statemen t o f th e sam e ide a withi n a clause o r in contiguous clause s (an d sentences) , eac h restatemen t

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suggesting throug h it s choic e o f word s eithe r a genera l o r mor e specific quality , o r a differen t attribute , o f tha t concept ; an d suc h statements may , a s i n th e firs t example , o r may not , a s i n th e sec ond, b e grammaticall y parallel. 30 Th e importanc e o f thi s stylisti c device i n Ol d Englis h poetry , it s potentialitie s an d limitations , hav e been well-summarize d b y Brodeur : Variation is . . . the chie f characteristi c o f th e poeti c mod e o f expression. . . . [It] restrains the pace of Ol d English poetic narrative, give s to dialogu e o r monologue it s leisurel y o r stately character , raise s int o high relie f thos e concept s whic h th e poe t wishe s t o emphasize , an d permits him to exhibit the object of his thought in all its aspects. Bu t it could b e a dangerou s instrumen t i n th e hand s o f a n inferio r poet : it could impar t o n th e on e han d a n effec t o f shee r redundancy , o n th e other an unpleasing jerkiness of pace; it could stiffen th e flow of style, and clog the stream of thought. 31 One interestin g illustratio n o f th e effectivenes s tha t coul d b e achieved throug h variatio n i s i n line s 1 2 ^ - 3 1 o f Beowulf, wher e King Hrothga r lament s Grendel' s ravages : Meere peoden, aepeling aergod, unblide sxt, polode drydswyd, pegnsorge dreah. (The illustrious prince, deservin g good, sa t dejected, the mighty lord mourned th e loss of thanes. ) These line s presen t bot h substantiv e an d verba l variation . Th e latter moves from understatement (unblide sxt) t o strong statement of suffer ing i n jpolode t o a n intensiv e kin d o f specifi c sufferin g i n 'h e suffere d sorrow fo r his thanes. ' Yet concurrently, th e variation s fo r 'Hrothgar ' intensify fro m 'famou s prince ' t o 'princ e good-of-old ' (o r 'immeasurably good') to 'the very powerful one' , drydswyd being all the more notable for its being an adjective used substantially. 32 The th and d sound s i n thi s passag e furthe r contribut e t o its emo tional intensity .


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The soun d patter n i n th e abov e passag e seem s n o mor e tha n ornamental; bu t Anglo-Saxo n poet s coul d als o "play " soun d meaningfully agains t sense , a s i n th e famou s "Swan " riddle (em phasis added) : Hreegl min swigad ponne ic hrusan trede, oppe pa wic huge, oppe wado drefe. . . . Fraetwe mine swogad hlude ond swinsiad, torhte singad, ponne ic getenge ne beom flode ond foldan, ferende gxst.

(My garment is still when I settle on earth, or abide at home or beat the waters. .. . M y adornments sound loudl y and make melody, brightly sin g when I am not touching water and land, [am ] a wide-faring spirit. ) In this lovely poe m th e soun d similarit y of swigad and swogad (along with swinsiad) pla y agains t thei r contrar y meanings , emphasizin g the riddle' s centra l paradox : th e swan' s feather s ar e silen t whe n the bir d i s no t flying, bu t mak e musi c whe n i t i s i n flight . Tha t hr&gl/hrusan ar e th e alliteratin g syllable s i n th e firs t line , an d hlude the non-alliteratin g secon d stres s i n it s line , contribute s furthe r t o the poem' s soun d richness. 33 Th e variatio n "brightl y sings " sug gests th e fusio n o f sigh t an d soun d i n a synestheti c image, 34 an d the paralle l synta x o f th e ponne clauses , wit h thei r differences , provides a kin d o f envelop e rhetorica l patter n fo r th e poe m a s wel l as illustrate s th e "play " o f synta x an d sense. 35 Other facet s o f Ol d Englis h poeti c styl e hav e receive d critica l attention. Th e scop s see m t o hav e use d paronomasi a an d "etymo logical" wordpla y mor e widel y tha n previousl y thought. 36 Inter lace patterns , suc h a s thos e foun d i n Anglo-Saxo n seventh - an d eighth-century art , hav e bee n connecte d wit h th e nonrepresenta tional impuls e o f th e Ol d Englis h literar y aesthetic. 37 Matter s o f style, i t ha s bee n argued , shoul d b e considere d i n th e editin g o f poetic texts. 38 A t th e sam e time , w e hav e bee n mad e awar e ho w precarious i s ou r knowledg e o f Ol d Englis h linguisti c an d seman -

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tic "facts, " fact s upo n whic h w e bas e stylisti c an d interpretiv e studies.39 We shall encounte r thes e matter s agai n an d agai n i n th e individ ual poem s discusse d i n th e followin g chapters. 40 But before turn ing t o specifics , i t migh t b e bes t t o sa y a fe w word s her e abou t the dating of Old Englis h poetry , abou t th e poetic subject matter s and genres , an d abou t th e manuscript s containin g th e poems . Almost al l o f th e survivin g Ol d Englis h poetr y ha s bee n pre served i n four manuscripts , know n a s the Beowulf MS (Cotton Vitellius A.xv), th e Exete r Book, th e Junius MS (Junius 11) , and th e Vercelli MS. 41 The first thre e resid e in England—i n th e Britis h Library, th e Chapte r Librar y o f Exete r Cathedral , an d th e Bodleia n Library a t Oxfor d Universit y respectively ; th e fourt h (a s state d earlier) someho w crosse d th e Alp s durin g th e Middl e Age s an d ended u p i n th e Cathedra l Librar y a t Vercelli , Italy , wher e i t re mains to this day. All four manuscript s date from aroun d th e year 1000; their dialec t is mainly Lat e West Saxon, th e language o f JElfric, wit h a n admixtur e o f Anglia n an d Northumbria n form s tha t undoubtedly survive d a s par t o f th e commo n poeti c vocabular y from th e earlie r centuries. 42 The date s o f compositio n o f th e poem s in thes e manuscripts , whethe r o f ora l o r writte n provenience , cannot b e determine d wit h precision . Amo s ha s shown , fo r ex ample, tha t fe w linguisti c criteria—especiall y syntactic , grammat ical, and stylisti c ones—used fo r dating literary texts are reliable. 43 It mus t b e stressed , moreover , tha t ther e i s stron g critica l dis agreement abou t th e datin g o f individua l poems . Th e elegies, fo r example, hav e bee n locate d i n ever y centur y fro m th e sevent h t o the tent h b y one critic or another. An d Beowulf has both earl y an d late dating enthusiasts. 44 The fou r Ol d Englis h manuscript s collections , an d othe r man uscripts containin g on e t o several poems, offe r a variety o f poeti c genres, fro m lyri c throug h epi c an d allegory , fro m riddle s t o di dactic verse. Some of the poems are exclusively secular in though t and content, other s are devotionally o r doctrinally oriented. Som e have thei r root s i n Germani c paga n antiquity , som e i n Christia n Latinity.45 Mostly, a s we shal l see , ther e wa s a fusion, bot h idea tionally an d stylistically . Becaus e o f th e difficult y o f dating , an d


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for other reasons, i t has seemed best in the following chapter s to consider th e poem s accordin g t o subjec t matter . W e shal l begi n with the secular hero, proceed to the Christian saint, then to poems about Chris t himself , poem s abou t Ol d Testament figures , vers e dealing with miscellaneou s Christia n and secular subjects, lor e and wisdom in verse, an d finally elegia c poetry. NOTES 1. O n prosodi c term s use d i n discussion s o f O E poetry, se e Burchfiel d 19742. O n runes , se e chapte r 11 . 3. O n th e importanc e o f linguisti c feature s i n th e patternin g o f th e po etic line , se e Lehmann , W . 1956 . 4. 1 indicate s a long , heavil y stresse d syllable , : o r x a secondaril y stressed lon g o r shor t syllabl e respectively , an d x an unstresse d syllable . Resolved stress , wher e a short stresse d syllabl e i s rhythmicall y yoke d wit h a followin g unstresse d one , i s marke d -"x . A lon g syllabl e contain s eithe r a lon g vowe l o r diphthong , o r a shor t vowe l o r diphthon g close d b y a final consonan t o r by tw o media l consonant s immediatel y following ; oth erwise, th e syllabl e i s short . Thu s God 'God/ god 'good, ' and th e firs t syl lable o f godes (gen . sg. ) ar e long , bu t th e firs t syllabl e o f Godes 'God's' i s short. 5. Se e Cabl e 197 1 o n constraint s o n anacrusis . 6. Se e not e 4 . 7. Fo r som e observation s o n A 3 verses , a s the y ar e called , se e Stanle y 19748. O n th e origi n an d structur e o f thes e expande d verses , se e Blis s 1972. 9. Se e Cabl e 1984 . 10. Se e Siever s 1893 . A cogen t outlin e o f Sievers ' mai n point s i s i n Cassidy/Ringler 1971 , pp . 274-88 ; se e als o Pop e 1981a , pp . 105-16 . 11. Pop e 1966 ; see als o Pop e 1981a , pp . 116-38 . 12. Blis s 1967 . 13. Fo r bibliography o n O E prosody , se e Greenfield/Robinso n 1980 , pp . 103-9 a n d 195~6 ; further Renoir/Hernande z 1982 , pp . 47-58 . 14. Oplan d 1980 , wh o als o discusse s possibl e distinction s betwee n scop, gleoman, wodbora, and leodwyrhta —OE term s for singers and narrators ; see further Hollowel l 1978 . 15. Amon g th e artifact s unearthe d i n th e roya l buria l moun d a t Sutto n Hoo i n southeaster n Suffolk , England , i n 193 9 were th e remain s o f a smal l harp o r lyre . Fo r discussio n o f thi s instrument' s natur e an d it s possibl e use i n connectio n wit h th e recitatio n o f O E poetry , see , i n additio n t o Opland 1980 , Bessinge r 195 8 an d 1967 ; se e als o Wren n 1962 . Th e defini -

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tive wor k o n Sutto n Ho o i s Bruce-Mitfor d 1975 ; se e als o Bruce-Mitfor d 1979. O n th e relationshi p o f Beowulf to Sutto n Hoo , se e Chamber s 1959 , pp. 508-23 . 16. Fo r a possibl e relationshi p betwee n O E alliterativ e mete r an d th e A-S worl d view , se e Clemoe s 1970 . 17. O n it s prosai c vocabulary , se e Stanle y 1971 . 18. O n th e kenning , se e Marquard t 1938 ; Gardner , T . 196 9 an d 1972 . On poeti c diction , includin g th e kenning , se e Brodeu r 1959 , pp . 1-38 ; se e also Stanle y 195 5 and Whallo n 1969 . 19. Th e semina l articl e o n O E formula s i s Magou n 1953 ; on formulai c systems, se e Fr y 196 7 and 1968b . 20. Se e Cassid y 196 5 o n th e poet' s freedo m an d syntacti c formulas . 21. O n th e beasts-of-battl e theme , se e Magou n 1955b ; on exile , Green field 1955 . Among othe r themes whic h hav e bee n identifie d ar e "th e her o on th e beach" (Crowne i960 ) and "th e traveller recognizes hi s goal " (Clark, G. 1965) . O n formulai c theme s an d type-scenes , se e Fr y 1968a . Se e fur ther Fole y 1976a . 22. Grea t controvers y ha s rage d ove r th e ora l vs . writte n provenienc e of extan t O E poetry—se e chapte r 6 , n . 5 . A n annotate d bibliograph y o n oral-formulaic scholarshi p i s Fole y 1983b . O n th e us e o f Lati n rhetorica l figures i n O E poetry , se e Campbell , J . 196 5 an d 1978 . 23. Se e Fole y 1983a . 24. Greenfiel d 1955 . 25. Bonjou r 1962 , pp . 135-49 . 26. Se e Quir k 196 3 and Greenfiel d 1972 , pp . 30-59 . 27. Quir k 1963 , p . 159 . 28. Fo r a surve y o f studie s o f O E style , se e Calde r 1979b . 29. Se e Paetze l 1913 ; Brodeur 1959 , pp . 39-70 ; Greenfiel d 1972 , pp . 60 83; Robinson 1979b . 30. Paetze l 191 3 an d Robinso n 1979 b fee l syntacti c parallelis m i s nec essary fo r tru e variation ; Brodeur 195 9 and Lesli e 195 9 do not . 31. Brodeu r 1959 , p . 39 . 32. Greenfiel d 1972 , p . jy, o n th e us e o f variatio n t o achiev e shift s i n perspective, se e pp . 68-72 . Robinso n 1979 b suggests othe r way s in whic h OE poetry use d "artfu l synonymy " (e.g. , t o clarify a metaphor) and exact repetition t o achiev e nuance s o f meaning , relatin g th e latte r especiall y t o other echoi c pattern s i n th e poetry ; se e furthe r Robinso n 1985 . 33. O n th e pla y o f soun d an d sense , se e Greenfiel d 1972 , pp . 84-108 . 34. Cf . Robinso n 1970 , wh o caution s u s abou t lexicographers ' tenden cies t o eliminat e th e possibilitie s o f suc h image s b y thei r reductiv e defi nitions. 35. O n "envelope " an d othe r large r rhetorica l pattern s i n O E poetry , the semina l wor k i s Bartlet t 1935 . Variou s essay s b y Hieat t (se e Bibliog -


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raphy) explore further the envelope patter n in individual poems . O n synta x and sense , se e Greenfiel d 1972 , pp . 109-32 . 36. Fran k 1972 ; se e als o item s b y Robinso n i n th e Bibliography , espe cially Robinso n 1975 . 37. Leyerl e 196 7 and Schroede r 1974 . 38. Lesli e 1979 . 39. Se e Mitchel l 197 5 an d Stanle y 1979 . 40. Fo r other survey s o f O E verse, se e Kennedy , C . 194 3 and Shippe y 1972. Som e wide-rangin g discussion s o f th e poetr y fro m particula r critical stances ar e Hupp e 1959 , Isaac s 1968 , Lee , A . A . 1972 . A collectio n o f pre viously publishe d essentia l article s o n th e poetr y i s Bessinger/Kahr l 1968 . 41. Th e name s give n t o the Exete r and Vercell i MS S need n o comment . On Cotto n Vitelliu s A.xv , se e chapte r 6 . Th e Juniu s M S (Juniu s 11 ) i s named fo r th e Dutc h schola r Franciscu s Junius , wh o i n 165 4 firs t pub lished th e poem s i t contains ; i t wa s als o know n a s th e Caedmo n MS — see chapte r 9 . Facsimil e edition s o f th e fou r are , respectively , Malon e 1963 ; Chambers/ef al. 1933 ; Gollanc z 1927 ; Forste r 1913 . Th e poeti c corpu s i s edited i n si x volume s i n ASPR . A concordanc e t o th e poetr y base d o n ASPR i s Bessinger/Smit h 1978 . Th e Exete r Boo k ha s bee n edite d b y Gol lancz/Mackie 1895 , wit h facin g translations . Pros e translation s o f mos t o f the poem s wil l b e foun d i n Bradle y 1982 ; see als o Gordon , R . 1954 . Edi tions of individua l poems , an d som e translations , ar e cited i n notes t o th e following chapters . 42. O n th e dialec t o f th e poeti c vocabulary , se e Sisam , K . 1953 , chap ter 8. 43. Amo s 1980 . 44. Se e chapte r 6 , n . 6 . 45. Fo r Germanic an d Celti c analogues, se e Calder/et al. 1983 ; for Lati n analogues, se e Calder/Alle n 1976 . O n th e excesse s i n th e searc h fo r Ger manic paga n roots , se e Stanle y 1975 .


Secular Heroi c Poetry

Old Englis h poetr y ampl y demonstrate s tha t th e fun d o f commo n narrative materia l associate d wit h th e Teutoni c Migratio n Perio d (fourth t o sixt h centuries ) survive d i n th e song s o f th e Germani c tribes wh o settle d i n Britain . Throug h allusion s t o thes e storie s an d their characters , poem s lik e Widsith an d Deor attest t o th e vitalit y that tale s abou t continenta l heroe s lik e Ermanaric, Theodoric , an d Ingeld mus t hav e ha d i n th e earl y Englis h ora l tradition , i n song s now los t t o us . Perhap s mor e importan t fo r Ol d Englis h poetr y a s a whol e tha n th e particula r Migratio n Perio d figure s wer e th e spiri t and cod e o f conduc t the y embodied , fo r thes e wer e t o endur e o r be resurrecte d i n th e poetr y dow n t o th e Norma n Conquest . Thi s heroic spiri t manifeste d itsel f mos t strongl y i n th e desir e fo r fam e and glory , no w an d afte r death . Th e cod e o f conduc t stresse d th e reciprocal obligation s o f lor d an d thegns : protectio n an d gener osity o n th e par t o f th e former , loyalt y an d servic e o n tha t o f th e latter—a mutualit y tha t wa s th e cor e o f th e comitatus relationshi p described a s earl y a s A.D . 9 8 by th e Lati n historia n Tacitu s i n hi s Germania, and incorporate d a s lat e a s th e tent h centur y i n th e Ol d English poe m o n a historica l militar y defea t o f 991 , The Battle of Maldon. Interestingl y enough , thi s spirit an d code , suitabl y trans formed, foun d accommodatio n i n Ol d Englis h poeti c paraphrase s


Cotton Vitelliu s A.XV , fol . 129 ' LI. 1--2 1 o f Beowulf

1*Z 1

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of Ol d Testamen t narrative , i n saints ' lives , an d i n th e figur e o f Christ Himself . For the momen t ou r concer n i s with th e Germani c secula r her o as he appear s i n Ol d Englis h poetry ; and preeminen t stand s Beowulf. Thoug h h e ha s hi s analogue s i n suc h Scandinavia n heroe s as BoSvar r Bjark i an d Gretti r th e Strong, 1 Beowul f i s uniqu e an d gives hi s nam e t o moder n edition s o f th e Ol d Englis h epic . Hi s origins, along with thos e of the monsters he fights, ar e to be foun d in folktal e an d legen d mor e tha n i n heroi c story. 2 Bu t in th e An glo-Saxon poet' s hand s Beowul f ha s becom e epicall y propor tioned lik e the Homeric and Vergilia n heroe s o f a n earlie r age , an d been give n a historica l settin g (th e firs t quarte r o f th e sixt h cen tury) involvin g hi m wit h th e fate s o f tw o dynasties , th e Danis h Scyldings an d Geatis h Hrethlings. 3 Ther e ma y hav e bee n Ger manic paga n song s o r lay s abou t Beowulf , bu t th e onl y for m i n which th e stor y i s extant , i n Britis h Librar y M S Cotton Vitelliu s A. xv, was clearly the work of a Christian poet. The extent to which Christianity permeate s th e poem , th e poet' s relativ e debt s t o th e art o f th e Germani c sco p an d Lati n Christia n letters , an d th e va lidity o f Christia n allegorica l o r mythi c interpretations , ar e ques tions whic h hav e been widel y debated. 4 Bu t whatever th e critica l stance, Beowulf is universally recognized as the richest jewel in the treasure-hoard o f Anglo-Saxon poetry . Before w e discus s th e poe m itself , som e accoun t o f it s histor y and manuscrip t transmissio n ma y serv e t o indicat e th e still-pre carious state of our knowledge about the poem's composition an d the peril s Anglo-Saxo n manuscript s face d throug h th e centuries . Critics dispute th e method an d th e date of Beowulf s composition . Those who pursue oral-formulaic studies , comparing Beowulf with the res t o f Ol d Englis h poetr y an d wit h Greek , Yugoslavian , an d even Bant u poetry , hav e bee n unabl e t o prov e tha t Beowulf—or any othe r Englis h poem—i s o f ora l provenience. 5 Th e earl y con sensus o n dating , tha t Beowulf a poe m o f Mercia n o r Northum brian origin , wa s fixe d i n it s presen t for m b y th e eight h centur y and the n transmitte d throug h on e o r mor e scriba l copies t o it s present manuscript , ha s crumbled . Variou s linguistic , historical , and esthetic arguments sugges t dates of composition from th e late eighth throug h th e earl y elevent h century. 6 If , however , a manu -


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script existe d i n th e eight h century , i t mus t hav e someho w sur vived th e late r Danis h invasion s t o have bee n copie d int o th e extant codex . An d th e languag e o f Beowulf is tha t sam e Lat e Wes t Saxon koine, or artificia l literar y dialect , tha t include s som e An glian an d othe r non-Wes t Saxo n forms , i n whic h th e othe r thre e chief codice s of Ol d Englis h poetr y ar e also written . The manuscript i s transcribed i n two hands: the first copyist di d the thre e pros e piece s precedin g Beowulf (see chapte r 3 ) and Beowulf up t o lin e 1939 ; the secon d copie d ou t th e remainde r o f th e epic, a s well a s the fragmentar y poe m Judith. In th e cours e o f th e centuries, th e code x survive d th e sixteenth-centur y dissolutio n o f the monastaries, 7 became bound i n the earl y seventeent h centur y with the twelfth-century manuscrip t containin g Alfred's Soliloquies (see chapter 2) , and cam e to rest o n th e firs t shel f beneat h th e bus t of th e Empero r Vitelliu s i n th e famou s librar y o f th e antiquaria n Sir Robert Cotton (d . 1631) . Fate kindly spared i t when i n 1731 fire swept th e librar y an d destroye d o r badl y mutilate d man y o f th e Cottonian collection , thoug h th e scorchin g i t receive d cause d som e deterioration aroun d th e edge s o f th e vellu m leave s an d som e fading an d crumblin g elsewhere . Fortunately , th e Icelande r Gri mur Thorkeli n ha d procure d tw o copies o f th e tex t whil e h e wa s in Englan d (c . 1786-7) , on e mad e b y a n unknow n copyis t wh o knew n o Ol d Englis h (Thorkeli n Transcrip t "A") , an d on e b y himself (Thorkeli n Transcrip t "B"), 8 befor e furthe r deterioratio n occurred. Whatever th e disagreement s abou t detail s an d th e interpreta tion o f small passages and larg e sections, or about ultimat e poeti c unity an d significatio, th e narrativ e movemen t o f th e 3,182-lin e Beowulf is clear enough. I t pits the "marvelous" hero, who has the strength o f thirty men and mor e than ordinary endurance in aquatic feats,9 agains t tw o troll-lik e descendant s o f Cain , th e monster s Grendel and hi s mother, an d finall y agains t a fire-breathing dragon . The setting o f the firs t tw o interrelated engagement s i s Denmark . Beowulf, nephe w t o Kin g Hygela c o f th e Geats , a nation existin g then i n wha t i s now southeaster n Sweden , sail s across th e se a t o offer hi s aid t o the Danish Kin g Hrothgar. Th e cannibalistic Gren del, roused t o fury b y the sounds of joy and Th e Song of Creation in th e hal l Heorot , ha s nightly ravage d Hrothgar' s hal l for twelv e

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years. Afte r Beowul f meet s thre e verba l challenges—b y th e Dan ish coastguard , b y th e hal l warden , Wulfgar , an d climacticall y b y Unferth th e pyle, 10 confrontation s i n whic h h e display s hi s quick ness o f min d an d self-assurance—h e fight s Grende l han d t o han d in Heorot's dar k night. Th e hero's physical prowes s i s equal t o his impressive appearanc e an d verba l acumen. 11 Grende l i s force d t o flee, despairin g o f life , havin g lef t hi s ar m a s "life-ransom " i n Beowulf's grasp . Th e followin g night , unexpectedly , Grendel' s mother materializes t o avenge he r son, devourin g Hrothgar' s dea rest counselor , ^Eschere . A t Hrothgar' s plea , Beowul f agree s t o avenge ^Eschere's death ; this time he mus t see k ou t his antagonis t in he r underwate r lair . I n a memorabl e passage , simila r t o on e i n Blickling Homily XVI I (se e chapte r 3) , Hrothga r describe s th e lak e or mere i n whic h sh e lurks : They live in land unknown, on wolf-haunted hills , windy headlands , perilous fen-paths wher e the mountain stream plunges down into the headlands' mists, flows beneath th e earth. I t is not far from here in miles to where the mere stands; frost-bound groves , wood s firmly rooted , lean over it, shadowing its waters. There one can see a fearful wonde r every night: fire on the flood. No man breathes so wise as to know its bottom. Though th e heath-stalker, th e full-horned hart , put to flight an d far pursued by hounds, may seek th e woods, soone r will he yield his life up on the shore than leap in to save his head—hardly a pleasant place! (11 . i^jb-j2) 13 In th e ensuin g battl e beneat h th e water , strengt h o f ar m i s no t enough t o assur e th e her o victory ; no r doe s th e peerles s swor d Hrunting, len t hi m b y a chastene d Unferth , avail . Onl y a n ol d sword, th e wor k o f giants , whic h th e her o spie s o n th e wal l o f th e monster's cave , enable s hi m t o kil l Grendel' s mother , thu s finall y cleansing th e Danis h kingdo m o f th e externa l evi l manifeste d i n these descendant s o f Cain . The thir d confrontatio n take s plac e i n Beowulf' s ol d age . Kin g


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of the Geat s for fifty years , th e hero must no w aveng e a dragon' s fiery ravagin g of his homeland an d hi s own throne , a catastroph e occasioned b y a thief' s stealin g a cu p fro m th e hoar d th e drago n had guarde d fo r thre e hundre d years . No t withou t foreboding , Beowulf challenge s the monster a t the entrance t o its barrow, an d battle ensues . T o kil l th e dragon , th e her o ultimatel y need s th e aid of his retainer an d kinsman , Wiglaf ; but eve n with tha t aid h e receives hi s deat h wound . H e i s give n a hero' s funera l pyre ; hi s ashes, alon g wit h th e dragon' s hard-wo n hoard , ar e place d i n a splendid tumulu s ato p a seasid e cliff ; an d twelv e chieftain s rid e around Beowulf' s Barrow , lamenting and praising their fallen lord . Such a bare outline of the major actio n tells little about the poem's magnificence. Eve n so , we have tried t o suggest somethin g of th e poet's structura l sens e i n th e "movements " o f th e thre e contests : in the differin g nature s an d motivation s o f the antagonists ; in th e progressive difficultie s Beowul f ha s conquerin g hi s foes; in th e shif t of locale s fro m th e huma n confine s o f Heoro t t o th e submerge d cavern an d t o th e barro w o n th e headland. 12 Parallelin g thes e movements i s a sens e o f th e hero' s progressiv e isolation : i n th e Grendel figh t hi s retainer s dra w thei r sword s attemptin g t o hel p their leader—the y fai l becaus e Grendel' s ski n i s charmed agains t weapons; in the second contest thi s band ca n only sit and wai t o n the mere' s shore ; and i n th e drago n figh t Beowul f s comitatus, wit h the exception o f Wiglaf, abandons hi m t o the ultimate isolation of death. Thi s las t variatio n embodie s th e them e o f loyalt y vs . dis loyalty tha t pervade s th e poem' s ethos . A s th e ethica l nor m w e have Beowulf's fealt y t o his uncle and lord, Hygelac , in his refusa l to accept the crown after th e king is killed in Friesland; and a s one of severa l contrast s th e poe t suggest s laten t treacher y i n Heoro t through th e characte r o f Unferth , wh o ha s kille d hi s kinsme n i n battle, and throug h Hrothulf , Hrothgar' s nephew an d co-ruler, wh o will usurp th e Danis h throne. 13 The poem's complexit y an d richnes s may perhaps be best sum marized b y th e notio n o f contrast. Contrast s an d parallels , inter facing i n the poem, unif y th e larger structural elements, characte r presentations, themes , an d eve n th e mos t detaile d stylisti c mat ters. Thi s unifying techniqu e allows the poet to introduce th e man y apparent digressions , whethe r the y be legendary—as the y largel y

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are i n th e firs t par t o f th e poem—o r historical—a s i n th e second . And i t permits the Christian an d pagan elements to coexist mean ingfully withi n th e poem' s framework. 14 The tw o majo r structura l division s (11.1-219 9 an d 2200-3182 ) provide an overal l contrast between yout h an d age : with yout h i n Part I is connecte d th e idea l o f th e perfec t retainer , exhibite d i n Beowulf's strength s o f mind , body , an d character , an d hi s con ception o f servic e t o bot h Hrothga r (wh o ha d onc e aide d Beo wulf's fathe r Ecgtheow ) an d hi s ow n lord , Hygelac; with ol d ag e in Par t I I i s represente d th e idea l o f th e Germani c king , a s Beo wulf attempt s no t onl y t o protect hi s peopl e but t o provide the m with treasure . Critic s hav e disagreed , however , abou t Beowulf' s "perfection." A fe w hav e see n th e youn g warrio r a s brash , ma turing only after h e has killed Grendel's mother. 15 Many more have seen Kin g Beowul f "flawed " i n hi s eagernes s fo r treasure , over reliance o n hi s ow n strength , an d imprudenc e i n fightin g th e dragon; they se e him thus exemplifying th e degeneration an d sin ful prid e whic h Hrothga r ha d warne d hi m agains t i n hi s sermo n after hi s conques t o f Grendel' s mothe r (11 . 1735 ff.). Other s hav e seen Kin g Beowul f a s admirabl e b y th e secula r standard s o f th e heroic world , bu t fallin g shor t fro m th e poet' s Christia n perspec tive, subjec t t o th e curs e an d damnatio n lai d upo n th e dragon' s hoard b y thos e prince s wh o ha d firs t burie d it. 16 The structura l contras t o f yout h an d ag e i s als o relate d t o suc cess an d failur e and , i n a widenin g sense , t o th e ris e an d fal l o f nations.17 I n Par t I , th e ris e o f th e Scyldin g dynast y i n Denmar k introduces th e story proper, an d the n th e glor y of Hrothgar's hal l and cour t a t its opulent pea k i s set scenicall y befor e ou r ear s an d eyes: th e Germani c aur a o f singing , feasting , an d drinking , gift giving an d magnanimit y o f spirit . Th e man y allusion s t o an d "digressions" o n storie s fro m th e whol e real m o f Germani a sug gest the panorama o f heroic life. I n Part II, the focus is on the en d of th e Geatis h nation , o n barrow rathe r tha n hall . Th e panoram a now i s historica l rathe r tha n legendary , unfoldin g i n flashback s by th e poe t himself , the n b y Beowulf , an d finall y b y Wiglaf' s messenger. W e discove r th e progressiv e eliminatio n o f Kin g Hrethel's sons : th e eldes t accidentall y slai n b y bowsho t a t hi s brother Haethcyn's hands, Haethcyn killed in attacking the Swedes,


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and th e las t brother , Hygelac , humble d i n Frieslan d whe n h e "asked fo r woe" ; the n Hygelac' s so n Heardre d kille d b y th e Swedes. Beowulf , th e las t survivo r o f th e dynasty , i s childless. 18 The messenge r prophesie s th e fina l defea t an d dispersa l o f th e Geats: No warrior shal l wea r ornament i n memory , no r maide n aid he r beauty wit h brigh t necklaces , but sa d o f mind, strippe d o f gold, the y shal l walk o n foreig n ground , no t onc e but often , now tha t ou r leade r ha s lai d dow n laughter , joy, an d mirth . Therefor e man y a spear , morning-cold, shal l be grasped i n hand s and raise d o n high; no soun d o f the har p shall wak e warriors , bu t th e dark raven , eager fo r doome d men , shal l spea k much , tellin g the eagle ho w h e fare d a t eatin g when h e plundere d th e slain wit h th e wolf. (11 . 3015D-27)


The ris e an d fal l o f nation s i s emphasized furthe r i n th e contras t between th e tone s o f th e poem' s tw o parts . Th e heroi c dominate s Part I , wit h th e evocatio n o f "th e goo d king, " th e resolutio n wit h which Beowul f face s Wyr d o r Fate , an d i n Beowulf' s advic e t o Hrothgar upo n ^Eschere' s deat h tha t It is better to avenge one' s frien d tha n mour n to o much . Each of us must on e da y reac h th e en d of worldly life ; let him wh o can wi n glory before h e dies : that live s on after him , whe n h e lifeles s lies . (11 . 138^-9 ) The elegia c dominate s th e secon d part : ther e i s th e eleg y o f th e last survivo r (11 . 2247 ff. ) wh o burie d th e hoar d th e drago n find s and guards ; Kin g Hrethel' s lamen t fo r hi s son , Herebeald , an d th e elegy o f th e ol d ma n whos e so n hang s o n th e gallows ; th e fina l lamentation aroun d Beowulf' s funera l mound . The large r contrast s ar e modifie d b y suc h matter s a s Scyld' s ar rival an d shi p burial , a prologu e t o the whol e poe m (11 . 1-52), whic h contains both th e heroi c and elegia c within itsel f an d afford s a large r

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parallel t o th e buria l o f Beowul f a t th e poem' s conclusion ; seed s of downfall i n the Danish dynast y sow n in significant allusion s t o future treacher y an d th e burnin g o f Heorot ; ag e i n th e figur e o f King Hrothga r himself ; an d th e helplessnes s o f th e Danes , thei r futile prayer s t o th e gastbona 'soul-slayer ' (o r devil ) unde r th e at tacks o f Grendel . Further , ther e i s th e historical allusio n i n Par t I to the death o f Hygelac, made at the moment Quee n Wealhtheo w bestows upo n Beowul f th e valuabl e necklac e which , th e allusio n points out , Hygela c wil l b e wearin g whe n killed. 20 Suc h move ment bac k an d fort h i n tim e fro m th e historica l presen t o f th e poem's action—t o mythi c an d legendar y past , t o historica l futur e unknown t o th e poem' s characters , t o th e poet' s ow n day , t o eschatological adumbrations—i s a prominen t featur e o f th e poem' s narrative style. 21 While tragic overtones qualif y th e heroi c tempe r of Par t I , heroi c action s recounte d qualif y th e elegia c i n Par t II . Wiglaf's behavio r i n comin g t o Beowulf' s rescu e i s a pointe d ex ample, bu t thoug h hi s ai d i s no t to o littl e i t i s to o late , servin g only t o heighten th e central theme— lif is Idene 'lif e is transitory.' 22 The failures o f heroic society in Beowulf have le d som e critics t o perceive th e Christia n poe t a s suggestin g flaw s in , an d limit s to , not onl y th e hero , bu t th e socia l fabri c itself . On e see s th e poe t condemning tha t societ y becaus e i t lack s Christ' s redeemin g grace ; another criticize s th e socioeconomi c foundatio n o f gift-giving , be cause i t lead s t o war s o f plunde r an d create s socia l instability. 23 Nevertheless, th e poe t seem s t o emphasiz e throug h gnomi c wis dom a continuit y i n God' s governanc e o f man' s lif e an d action s from geardagum 'day s o f yore ' t o pyssum windagum 'these day s of strife,' a reasonable recognition by a Christian poet that no secular age o r societ y ha s a monopol y o n imperfectibility . Th e heroi c ideals —loyalty, courage , generosity—ma y no t alway s be achieved ; but th e poem's perspective seem s more universal tha n specificall y Christian, suggestin g i t is life which ha s its limits rather tha n her oism o r th e heroi c world. 24 Perspective, continuity , an d large r structura l contrast s hav e thei r counterparts in smaller details of the poem: character contrasts, as in Hrothgar' s scop' s allusion s t o Sigemun d (good ) an d Heremo d (bad) i n hi s improvise d la y abou t Beowulf' s conques t o f Grendel ; the niggardly , wicke d Thryt h versu s th e liberal , gentl e Hgy d o f


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the Offa-Thryth digression . Ther e are, furthermore, symboli c contrasts, goo d an d evi l findin g thei r correspondence s i n ligh t an d darkness, joy and sorrow. 25 And, o n the most detailed stylistic level, we fin d suc h moment s a s tha t i n whic h Beowul f comes , th e morning afte r th e celebratio n o f Grendel' s death , t o as k whethe r Hrothgar ha s spen t th e nigh t pleasantly . "Ne frin pu defter sxluml Sorh is geniwod/Denigum leodum. Dead is JEschere," replies th e king. ('Ask no t o f joy ! Sorro w i s renewed/amon g th e Danes . Dea d i s Ashere/) Th e oppositio n o f jo y an d sorro w i s suggeste d b y th e syntactic brea k a t th e caesura , ye t th e alliterativ e connectio n o f saelum an d sorh underlie s th e confluenc e o f th e emotions. 26 Simi larly, whe n Grende l stalk s Heorot : Com on wanre niht/scridan sceadugenga. Sceotend swaefon 'Ou t o f dar k night/swep t death' s shadow forward. Th e warders slept, ' th e moving Grendel and th e sleeping warrior s ar e effectively contraste d throug h syntacti c sev erance an d chiasti c us e o f th e verbs , ye t ironicall y associate d b y the alliterativ e an d metrica l pattern. 27 These are but sample s o f the range o f the Beowulf poet's accom plishments i n drawin g together , b y what ha s been calle d th e "in terlace pattern" fro m it s resemblance t o Anglo-Saxon art , th e man y disparate element s o f hi s poe m int o on e o f th e triumph s o f En glish poetry. 28 On e furthe r exampl e o f structura l interlac e i s o f particular interest . The Finn Episode (11 . 1068-1159), a sample of the entertainmen t provided b y th e sco p in Heoro t afte r th e defea t o f Grendel , i s a n excellent traged y i n itself , focusin g a s i t doe s o n th e conflictin g claims imposed upo n Hengest : t o revenge hi s dead leade r Hnaef , on th e on e hand , an d t o kee p th e peac e h e ha s bee n force d b y circumstance t o make with Hnaef's slayer , Kin g Finn of Friesland , on th e other. 29 Th e fina l resolution , wit h Henges t an d th e Dane s slaughtering Fin n an d hi s retainer s i n thei r hal l t o exact revenge , is presente d b y Hrothgar' s sco p a s a Danish victory , an d o n thi s level alon e woul d hav e its raison d'etre in th e contex t o f Beowulf. 30 But the Episode contributes more subtly to the overall unity of the poem. Fo r thoug h th e sco p concentrate s o n Hengest , th e Beowulf poet himsel f give s anothe r perspectiv e throug h Hildeburh' s wretchedness: he r los s o f brothe r (Hnaef) , son , an d finall y o f husband (Finn) , s o tha t thi s stor y reflect s th e heroic-elegia c pat -

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tern in miniature. O n another level, the theme o f treachery i s emphasized a t the beginning, in the litotical comment that Hildebur h had "littl e reaso n t o spea k well o f th e loyalt y o f th e Jute s (o r giants)";31 and th e them e o f treachery run s throughou t th e piece, to b e echoe d afte r th e sco p finishe s hi s song , whe n th e poe t al ludes to the future treacher y i n Heorot itself. The Episode also reveals th e failur e o f huma n effort s t o achiev e peacefu l compro mise, anothe r recurren t theme ; an d th e unenviabl e positio n o f Queen Hildebur h ha s it s immediat e paralle l i n Quee n Wealh theow, whos e so n wil l los e th e thron e t o th e usurpin g nephe w Hrothulf, an d a mor e distan t paralle l i n Wealhtheow' s daughte r Freawaru, whos e futur e sufferin g Beowul f wil l prophes y i n hi s report t o Hygelac. Finally, th e Finn Episod e is balanced b y that of Ingeld i n Beowulf' s report , fo r th e forme r treat s o f pas t triump h within the framework o f disaster, whil e the latter foretells disaste r within th e framework o f triumph . W e know fro m Widsith that In geld, thoug h h e probably burned Heorot , wa s defeated b y Hrothgar an d Hrothulf. 32 I n thi s balance d presentatio n o f pas t an d fu ture, w e see an additiona l wa y th e poet has gained epi c scope fo r the folktale contest s that ar e the narrative basis upon whic h h e s o expertly built. 33 The Finn Episod e in Beowulf presents a part o f wha t mus t hav e been a series of storie s about th e Danish-Frisian conflict . Anothe r segment i s preserve d i n th e fragmentar y Fight at Finnsburh, no w extant onl y in Hickes' s transcription , th e manuscript havin g bee n subsequently lost. 34 Onl y som e forty-seve n line s o f thi s probabl y early ora l poe m remain , line s whic h recoun t a previou s stag e i n the hostilities, when th e Frisians began thei r attack o n Hnaef. Fro m what ca n b e piece d togethe r fro m Fragmen t an d Episode , Hnae f and hi s band o f sixty Danes had bee n visiting Hnaefs siste r Quee n Hildeburh an d he r husban d Kin g Fin n when , throug h treacher y by som e par t o f Finn' s retainers, 35 Hnaefs part y wa s attacke d i n the hall . Th e Fragment' s beginnin g i s missing , bu t clearl y a sen tinel fo r th e Dane s spot s moonligh t (o r torchlight ) glitterin g o n swords a s th e treacherou s attac k i s abou t t o b e launched . Th e Danes, after positionin g warriors at the two doors, hold ou t agains t the besiegers for fiv e day s without losin g a man. A s the Fragmen t ends, a Dane (som e sa y a Frisian) is wounded severel y an d quer -


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ied b y Hnae f (o r Finn?) 36 a s t o ho w wel l th e warrior s ar e surviv ing thei r wounds . Fro m th e Episod e w e kno w tha t i n th e contin uation o f th e battl e Hnae f die d an d wa s succeede d b y Hengest , who ultimatel y mad e a truce with Fin n when bot h forces wer e de cimated. The emphasi s an d styl e o f th e Fragmen t diffe r considerabl y fro m those o f th e Episode , an d fro m th e epi c Beowulf. The Fight at Finnsburh i s n o curtaile d epic , bu t a bona fid e lay, a brief narrativ e with compresse d descriptio n an d rapi d conversation. 37 Perhap s th e fragmentary poe m opene d wit h th e sentry' s questio n abou t th e meaning o f th e ligh t h e sees , fo r Hnae f replies : Not day dawns eastward, no r dragon flies, nor are this hall's horned gables burning; but they bring forth bright arms, war-birds sing, the grey-coat howls, 38 wood war-spear hisses, shield answers thrown shaft . No w shine s the moon breaking from clouds: now woefu l deed s burst forth, incite d by this folk's enmity. (11 . 3-9 ) The narrativ e progresse s i n a serie s o f then announcements, jerk ing th e movemen t alon g powerfull y a s th e poe t commend s th e small ban d fo r thei r courag e an d devotio n i n repayin g thei r lead er's generosit y i n mor e propitiou s days . Althoug h th e Fight i s mainly value d fo r th e ligh t i t throw s o n th e Episod e i n Beowulf, i t is nonetheles s a movin g accoun t o f stark , unvarnishe d heroi c ac tion i n th e bes t spiri t o f ancien t Germani c poetry , suc h a la y a s might wel l hav e move d th e audienc e i n a Germanic chieftain's hall . Among othe r fragment s shore d agains t th e ruin s o f extan t Ger manic heroi c poetr y ar e tw o manuscrip t leaves , discovere d i n i86 0 in th e Roya l Librar y o f Copenhagen , containin g portion s o f th e Walter o f Aquitain e story . Th e legen d itself , varie d i n it s surviv ing form s i n differen t languages, 39 recount s th e histor y o f Hagen , Walter, an d Hildegun d (-gyth) , hostage s a t th e cour t o f Attil a th e Hun. Whe n Gunthe r becomes th e Burgundia n kin g and refuse s t o continue payment s fo r hi s countryma n Hagen , th e latte r escapes , as d o th e betrothe d Walte r an d Hildegund . Loade d wit h treasur e taken fro m Attila , th e lover s ar e accoste d o n thei r wa y t o safet y by Gunther , covetou s o f th e treasure , an d hi s unwillin g vassa l

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Hagen, wh o ha d becom e a brother-in-arms t o Walter i n the Hun nish court . Th e Burgundian s attac k Walter ; and , protecte d i n a narrow defile , h e defeat s the m on e b y on e til l only Gunthe r an d Hagen, wh o ha s hithert o refuse d t o fight , remain . I n th e Lati n Waltharius, th e conflict end s after Gunthe r and Hagen, finally draw n into th e figh t b y Gunther' s sham e an d b y the earlie r deat h o f hi s own nephew , attac k Walte r i n th e open . Eac h o f th e heroe s i s maimed bu t no t kille d i n th e encounter , an d the y ar e reconciled . The fragments , consistin g o f sixty-od d line s whic h moder n ed itors entitle Waldere* 0 include thre e speeche s evidentl y connecte d with the final combat . Onl y the speaker of lines 11 ff. o f Fragmen t II, i n whic h th e Burgundia n kin g i s taunted , ha s bee n identifie d (Waldere); an d ther e i s n o agreemen t ove r th e attributio n o f th e other tw o speeches . Tha t o f Fragmen t I , urgin g Walder e o n t o combat, i s most likel y Hildegyth's ; the firs t speec h o f Fragment I I (U. 1-10), praising a sword, ha s been assigned t o Hildegyth, Hagen , and Guthher e (Gunther) . Uncertainty als o exists as to the order of the fragments. 41 Th e relationship o f Waldere to the Latin epic Waltharius has likewis e bee n a problem , thoug h th e consensu s no w sees th e Anglo-Saxon line s as the remnants o f an earlie r indepen dent version , sinc e th e poe m i s mor e heroi c tha n th e Lati n an d Hildegyth i s mor e importan t tha n th e Lati n Hildegund. 42 Eve n th e nature o f th e origina l poe m ha s bee n calle d int o question : wa s i t an epic , o r a shorter lay ? It is a pity tha t w e d o no t posses s mor e of Waldere; wha t survive s i s largel y interestin g onl y a s i t relates , however puzzlingly , t o th e Walte r sag a a s a whole, an d a s i t exemplifies commo n trait s o f Anglo-Saxo n heroi c conduc t an d po etic style. Of muc h greate r interes t amon g earl y vers e reflectin g th e Ger manic heroic tradition i s the allusive Widsith, a poetic tour de force. The text is preserved onl y in th e tenth-centur y Exete r Book MS. 43 The la y o r epi c material i s embodied i n thre e thulas o r mnemoni c poetic lists , whic h compris e th e mai n bod y o f th e poem , aroun d and throug h whic h i s wove n th e lyric-narrativ e "history " o f th e fictitious Widsit h 'Far-journey(er), ' a sco p o r poet-singe r b y trade. 44 "Widsith spok e up , unlocke d hi s word-hoard, " th e poe t begins . He the n interpose s som e eigh t line s t o characteriz e hi s widely traveled her o as one wit h som e statu s among hi s native tribe , th e


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Myrgings—his firs t tri p abroa d wa s wit h th e lad y Ealhhil d t o th e court o f Ermanaric , a historicall y atteste d figur e o f th e Migratio n Period.45 The fictitious Widsit h the n speak s fo r himsel f i n line s 10 134, describin g a caree r o f trave l whos e geographica l an d chro nological boundarie s ar e realisticall y impossible. 46 I n th e firs t thul a Widsith say s h e ha s hear d abou t man y grea t rulers : " A rule d B " is th e normativ e vers e patter n here . Th e sco p emphasize s thei r power, th e establishment an d keepin g of a prosperous realm, culminating i n prais e fo r th e prowes s o f th e Anglia n rule r Off a an d for th e lon g peac e betwee n Hrothul f an d Hrothga r afte r the y de feated Ingel d (se e Beowulf, above) . I n line s 50-6 , h e talk s abou t his persona l affair s i n a somewha t elegia c strain, bu t end s stress ing th e reward s h e achieve d b y hi s singing . I n th e secon d thul a Widsith mention s th e various tribes he had bee n with, rather tha n rulers he has heard about: the normative vers e pattern i s "With Ctribe I was." In this section he praises the liberality of the Burgun dian King Guthhere and th e Lombard ^lfwine (Alboin) , but mos t highly Ermanaric' s gif t o f a precious ring , a treasure whic h h e the n gave t o hi s ow n lord , th e Myrgin g Eadgils , i n retur n fo r th e re granting o f hi s ancestral estate ; he als o lauds Ealhhild' s simila r gift , for whic h h e acclaime d he r i n son g throughou t man y lands . Th e third thula' s basic verse pattern i s "So-and-so sought I, " where onc e again Widsit h stresse s th e importanc e o f thos e wh o gai n glor y i n battle an d swa y ove r men , a s Go d grant s the m suc h powe r an d rule. The poet resumes speakin g at line 135 in a nine-line epilogu e paralleling th e nine-lin e prologue . No w th e poet' s concer n i s no t with th e individual, idealize d scop , Widsith, bu t with all gleemen who wande r th e eart h til l the y fin d discriminatin g an d generou s lords, thos e who wish t o win fame o n earth throug h poeti c praise for thei r nobl e deeds , "til l all pass away,/ligh t an d lif e together. " Though man y details of Widsith are problematic, the larger for m and structur e see m clea r enough . Th e poet' s intention , an d th e Anglo-Saxon audience' s response , ar e not . Th e emphasi s o n kings ' liberality in rewarding scops ' endeavors ha s suggeste d t o some tha t Widsith wa s a "begging" poem , a real scop's ple a for patronage. 47 One criti c see s tw o mora l vision s juxtapose d i n th e poet' s an d i n the scop' s voices, with th e poet' s voic e undercutting hi s fictitiou s character's "gidd y enthusias m fo r earthl y rulers, " an d thu s im -

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plying th e highe r valu e o f th e heavenl y kingdom. 48 Stil l anothe r believes th e poe m celebrate s th e powe r o f poetr y itself , th e thre e thulas corresponding t o the functions o f poetry as didactic, exper iential, an d immortalizing. 49 Howeve r th e poe m wa s interprete d in Anglo-Saxon times , it can stil l stimulate ou r human , o r at leas t scholarly, imaginations . Although Deor, lik e Widsith, employs a fictitious sco p a s narra tor an d als o allude s t o Germani c heroi c story , sinc e it s ton e i s overridingly elegiac , w e shal l conside r i t in chapter 12 . Two poem s of th e tent h century , however , deserv e consideratio n here , for , though the y d o no t concer n themselve s wit h Germani c story , the y nevertheless reflect th e continuing vitality of the secular heroic ethos in the late r literature. Thes e are the tw o historical pieces , The Battie of Brunanburh and The Battle ofMaldon. The former i s a chronicle poem; tha t is , it appears i n fou r o f th e manuscript s o f th e Anglo Saxon Chronicle s a s th e entr y fo r 937—ther e ar e fiv e othe r suc h poems (se e chapter 10) . The latter i s extant onl y in a transcript (c. 1724) made b y David Casley , becaus e th e manuscript (whic h als o included th e uniqu e tex t o f Asser' s Life of Alfred—see chapter 2 ) perished i n th e Cottonia n fire. 50 Brunanburh i s a panegyri c o n th e herois m o f Kin g ^Ethelstan an d his younge r brothe r Eadmund , wh o wa s bu t sixtee n a t th e tim e of th e battl e celebrated . Thes e grandson s o f Alfre d th e Grea t de feated an d pu t t o fligh t nea r Brunanbur h th e combine d force s o f King Constantin e I I o f Scotland , Kin g Eugeniu s (Owen ) o f th e Strathclyde Britons , an d Anla f (Olaf) , so n o f th e Vikin g kin g o f Dublin. Th e precis e locatio n o f th e histori c battl e sit e i s a matte r of conjecture. 51 T o the lat e Ol d Englis h poe t thi s victor y wa s th e most gloriou s occasio n i n Englis h histor y since from th e east Angles and Saxons came over here, sought out Britain across the broad seas, proud war-forgers subdue d th e Welsh folk, brave warriors seized and won the land. (11 . 6^-73 ) The poe m i s a tissu e o f heroi c formulai c cliche , themes , an d stylistic variation: Her JEthelstan cyning, eorla drihtenjbeorna beahgifa


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. . . 'I n thi s yea r Kin g ^Ethelstan, lor d o f earls,/ring-give r t o men / it begins, echoin g th e dictio n o f a typical annal i n the Chronicles . And towar d th e end i t introduces th e conventional "beast s of battle" t o who m th e victoriou s Englis h leav e th e bloodstaine d field . Yet stylisticall y th e poe t ca n produc e som e strikin g effects . H e seems t o use synesthesi a i n line 12 : feld dennode/secga swate 'th e fiel d resounded wit h warriors ' blood'; 52 an d h e can make multiple var iation sugges t th e movemen t o f battl e (11 . 48-51). H e ca n us e a cluster o f weapon s image s "t o associat e th e skil l wit h whic h a weapon i s wielded t o the skil l with whic h i t was welded, t o equat e carving ornament s wit h carvin g u p battl e formations , shields , o r bodies." 53 Conventiona l heroi c epithet s an d stylisti c mannerism s are infused wit h a nationalistic fervor . Th e poet describe s th e En glish slaughte r o f th e invader s since the sun, that glorious star, rose up and glided across the earth (bright candle of God, eternal Lord), till that noble creature sank to rest. (11 . i3b~7a ) This passage , whos e "since " claus e parallel s th e fina l line s (69b 73) cited above , hint s a t "progressio n an d circularity / kinesis an d stasis, in historical events, s o that th e victory of the royal brother s in A.D . 93 7 is give n a retrospectiv e qualit y associate d wit h thei r forebears and , simultaneously , a glorious , eve n celestia l dignit y associated wit h th e sun." 54 Thi s panoramic swee p ma y no t brin g us face to face with individual heroes like Beowulf an d Hnaef , bu t it reflects th e heroi c virtues embodie d i n thei r actions . Maldon i s in the mor e sceni c style of th e older epics , and it s heroes-in-defeat, especiall y Ealdorma n Byrhtnoth , see m t o have historic reality. Man y earlier scholars felt tha t the poet must hav e been an eyewitnes s t o th e battle , o r a t leas t tha t h e wa s givin g a n ac curate accoun t o f th e Englis h defea t b y Vikin g invaders , a defea t laconically reporte d a s follow s i n th e "A " versio n o f th e Chroni cles for 99 3 [ = 991]: In this year Ola f cam e with 9 3 ships t o Folkestone, an d ravage d roun d about it , an d the n fro m ther e wen t t o Sandwich, an d s o from ther e t o

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Ipswich, an d overra n i t all, an d s o to Maldon. An d Ealdorma n Bryhtnoth came against them ther e with his army and fought agains t them; and they killed the ealdorman there and gained control of the field. 55 But Bessinge r caution s agains t "equatio n o f poeti c verisimilitud e to historical verity"; 56 and thoug h th e historicit y o f certai n aspect s need no t b e denied , unde r th e poet' s handlin g o f traditiona l he roic formula s Maldon's historica l heroes-in-defea t merg e wit h leg endary ones. 57 Their conduct reflect s th e heroi c cod e embodie d i n the ol d Germani c comitatus a s describe d b y Tacitus : obedience , loyalty, fortitude , self-sacrific e i n repaymen t fo r th e lord' s prio r generosity 58 —with th e additio n o f th e Christia n virtue s o f trust ing i n Go d an d submittin g t o Hi s will. 59 Unfortunately, th e beginnin g an d endin g o f th e Battle of Maldon (now onl y 32 5 lines ) ar e missing , thoug h i t seem s unlikel y tha t much ha s bee n los t a t eithe r point . Th e poe m present s th e En glish arm y o r fyrd, specificall y tha t o f Esse x unde r th e leadershi p of th e ol d eorl Byrhtnoth, takin g u p defensiv e position s alon g th e bank o f th e Pant a (no w calle d th e Blackwater) agains t th e Vikings , who ar e o n a n islan d i n th e estuar y (th e nearb y tow n o f Maldo n is no t actuall y name d i n th e extan t poem) . A Vikin g messenge r calls acros s th e wate r askin g fo r a payment o f tribut e i n exchang e for peace , a n exchang e th e Englis h leade r spiritedl y refuses . Whe n the invader s tr y t o reac h th e mainlan d b y th e onl y availabl e foot access, a causewa y o r bridge , accessibl e whe n th e tid e ebbs , Byrhtnoth's me n easil y withstan d them . Resortin g t o decei t (lytegian), th e Viking s the n as k tha t the y b e allowe d t o cros s th e causeway unmoleste d t o engag e i n ful l combat ; an d for ofermode 'excessive pride, ' th e poe t says , th e eorl accede s t o thi s request . His actio n leads , wit h th e inevitabilit y o f tragedy , t o th e movin g denouement. Thoug h wounde d b y a Viking spear, Byrhtnot h drive s his ow n throug h th e nec k o f hi s assailan t an d pierce s anothe r through th e heart . Bu t whe n h e (prematurely ) exult s fo r "th e day' s work th e Lor d ha d grante d him " (11 . i46b-8) , h e i s fatall y struc k down. Hi s deat h prove s to o muc h fo r som e o f hi s truste d retain ers: Godric , forgettin g hi s lord' s gift s o f "man y a horse," mount s Byrhtnoth's steed , al l other s havin g bee n previousl y drive n awa y to th e nearb y woods , an d flee s wit h hi s tw o brother s t o the safet y


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of those woods. Other s follow, thinkin g it is Byrhtnoth whom they see i n flight. The Englis h arm y is thu s divided , it s doom sealed . But the heart of th e poem lies in the hearts of those who remain, in their loyalty exhorting themselves and each other to avenge their lord and/or die with hi m (11 . 202-325). On e b y one the y fall . Th e final exhortation , b y the old retainer Byrhtwold, sum s up the heroic mode fo r all readers of Ol d English literature: "Hige sceal pe heardra, heorte pe cenre, mod sceal pe mare, pe ure mxgen lytlad." (11 . 312-3 )

("Mind must be firmer, heart the keener, courage the greater, as our might fails".) In its fragmente d form , th e poe m end s wit h anothe r Godri c (not the coward, th e poet stresses) dyin g valiantly. The poet' s attitude s towar d hi s subjec t an d characters , espe cially towar d Byrhtnoth , hav e bee n th e subjec t o f som e heate d scholarly argument . I s ofermod, a word elsewher e i n Ol d Englis h used onl y in religious contexts with a pejorative sense , "magnifi cent, perhaps , bu t certainly wrong, " purely adversative a s in the Christian superbia, o r magnificen t an d right? 60 Som e hav e sug gested tha t Byrhtnoth' s behavio r reflect s th e patter n o f a saint' s life; others hav e vigorously rejecte d suc h a notion. 61 On e criti c can interpret the theme as the poet setting "the noble desire for honor against th e bas e impuls e towar d survival" ; anothe r ca n se e th e heroic in the poem a s delusive fantasy , wit h th e poet advocatin g "careful though t an d moderat e actio n rathe r than marvellou s feat s performed i n impetuous haste , an d since [th e poem] places great emphasis o n th e destruction o f war , on e may interpret it as antiheroic."62 Bu t the antiheroi c vie w seem s mor e a modern projec tion onto the poem tha n an Anglo-Saxon attitude in it: Byrhtnoth's heroism is not diminished by his ofermod or by his hubris . . . . Th e poet makes a moral comment o n Byrhtnoth's decision to allow the Vikings too much land, and he makes another, through his structure, a s th e traged y o f a man cut dow n a t th e momen t o f hi s triumph. But ultimately the audience is called upon to admire the hero, commanding, fighting , an d dying bravely with God on his lips. . . .

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Loyalty i s th e poet' s theme , an d i n thei r devotio n t o thei r leader th e men who died at Maldon were victorious. 63 Though th e poe t ma y no t hav e use d Ol d English metrica l type s with grea t versatility, no r hi s poeti c dictio n an d formula s wit h grea t originality o r imagination , an d thoug h h e use d considerabl e for mulaic repetition , h e nevertheles s produce d a spirited an d esthet ically effectiv e poem . I n his structura l patterning , fo r example , h e carefully manipulate s th e orderin g an d lengt h o f th e speeche s th e loyal retainer s giv e afte r Byrhtnot h ha s died , suggestin g ran k an d significance. First , th e ealdorman' s kinsma n ^Elfwin e ha s thirtee n lines o f direc t discourse ; the n Offa , hi s officer , speak s th e sam e number o f lines ; then th e warrio r Leofsun u ha s seve n an d a half, and th e ceorl Dunnere onl y two . Edwar d th e tal l ha s tw o line s o f indirect discours e following , an d afte r Off a an d other s hav e bee n slain, Oswol d an d Eadwol d likewis e hav e tw o line s o f indirec t speech. Finall y th e ol d companion , Byrhtwold mapelode, bord hafenode 'Byrhtwold spoke , raise d hi s shield' ; an d h e i s give n eigh t lines, includin g th e tw o quote d above. 64 Byrhtnoth's earl y ironi c respons e t o th e Vikin g messenge r i s a powerful displa y o f styl e an d language : "Gehyrst pu, sxlida, hwxt pis folc seged? Hi willad eow to gafole garas syllan, xtrynne ord and ealde swurd, pa heregeatu pe eow xt hilde ne deah. Brimmanna boda, abeod eft ongean, sege pinum leodum miccle lapre spell, pdet her stynt unforcud eorl mid his werode, pe wile gealgean epel pysne, JEpelredes eard, ealdres mines folc and foldan. Feallan sceolon hxpene xt hilde. To heanlic me pinced pxt ge mid urum sceattum to scype gangon unbefohtene, nu ge pus feor hider on urne eard in becomon. Ne sceole ge swa softe sine gegangan: us sceal ord and ecg xr geseman, grim gudplega, xr [w]e gofol syllon." (11 . 45-61 ) ("Hear you , Viking , wha t thi s fol k responds ? As tribut e the y wis h t o sen d yo u spears ,


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deadly darts and ancestral swords, armor to tax and test your mettle. Sea-men's messenger, mak e this reply, tell your people mor e distasteful news : that here stands a noble earl with his troop, who will defend thi s homeland dear, Ethelred's—my ow n lord's—dominion, his folk and their homes. Heathen s shall fall in battle. Too shameful woul d i t be for you to take ship with our treasures unfought for , no w tha t you have s o far made entry here in our dominion. Not so softly wo n th e wealth you seek: the sword's point and blade, fierc e battle-play, must arbitrate ere we pay tribute.") Part o f thi s speec h directl y echoes , wit h a difference, th e messen ger's. Fo r example, th e Viking says , "Eaw betere islpxt ge pisne garraes mid gafole forgyldon" (11. 3ib-2)—'i t wil l b e bette r fo r yo u tha t yo u buy of f thi s spear-rus h wit h tribute.'Byrhtnoth' s lin e 4 6 give s a chiastic twis t t o garraes-gafole in gafole-garas, a s well a s plays of f th e sound o f th e compoun d games agains t th e simple x garas. 65 The pu n in Byrhtnoth' s us e o f th e word heregeatu i n line 48—the word mean s both 'wa r equipment ' an d a 'ta x (heriot ) du e t o a lord o n th e deat h of hi s tenant'—i s doubl y ironic . Elsewhere , th e poet' s callin g th e Vikings waelwulfas 'slaughter-wolves' whe n the y finall y cros s th e Panta (1 . 95) i s noteworthy , sinc e a few line s furthe r o n th e rave n and eagle , "beast s o f battle, " ar e mentioned , bu t no t thei r grey coated fores t companion , th e wolf , wh o seem s t o hav e bee n "hu manized" i n th e de-"humanized " invaders . Maldon i s a poe m worth y o f it s epi c precursors . Thoug h b y th e late tent h century , o r earl y eleventh , ealdorme n lik e Byrhtnot h certainly di d no t liv e i n th e manne r o f earlie r triba l chieftains , a n English poe t coul d stil l fin d th e ol d etho s an d mod e wort h incor porating int o a traditional vers e narrativ e t o make a historic defea t into a poetic victory . Tha t h e coul d hav e don e s o withou t th e he roic spirit' s stil l havin g som e resonanc e fo r hi s lat e Anglo-Saxo n audience i s doubtful , whethe r h e wishe d t o applaud o r depreciat e it. Anglo-Saxo n paraphrase s o f th e Ol d Testament , suc h a s th e earlier "Caedmonian " poetry an d th e lat e Judith, poetic saints ' lives, and eve n th e poeti c depiction s o f Chris t Himself contai n element s

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of th e heroic : that these poem s wer e copie d int o manuscripts dur ing th e lat e tent h centur y suggest s a positive rathe r tha n a nega tive resonance . NOTES 1. Bjark i appears in the Norse saga of Hrolf Kraki: for trans., see Jones, G. 1961 , pp. 221-318 ; for trans, o f Grettissaga, se e Fox/Palsso n 1974 . For bibliography of translations of Old Norse sagas, se e Fry 1980a. O n Celtic analogues, se e Puhve l 1979 . O n th e "Bear' s Son Tale " and it s relation ship t o Beowulf, se e Panze r 1910 . Fo r general essay s o n th e hero in medieval literature, se e Jones, G. 1972 ; Huppe 1975 ; Swanton 1977. 2. Se e Niles 1983 , chapter 1. 3. O n Beowulf as epic tragedy, se e Greenfiel d 1962 . On heroic aspects, see Chadwick , H . M . 1912 , esp . chapte r 15 . O n Vergilia n parallels , se e Haber 1931 ; Andersson 1976 , chapte r 4. Fo r historical an d nonhistorica l elements an d translatio n o f analogues , se e Chamber s 1959 ; Garmonsway/Simpson 1968 . A judicious accoun t o f Beowulf s relatio n t o history , religion, an d culture is Robinson 1984. 4. Chernis s 197 2 and Niles 1983 , chapters 2 and 3, se e a heavier deb t to Germanic than to Christian tradition; Goldsmith 197 0 sees the reverse, and read s th e poe m allegorically ; Lee , A . A . 1972 , chapte r 4 , read s th e poem mythically. A n essay summarizin g Beowulf criticism is Short 1980a. Specialized Beowulf bibliographies are Fry 1969; Short 1980b. 5. Fo r arguments in favor of oral composition, se e Magoun 1953 ; Creed 1959; Lord i960 . Fo r arguments against , se e Schaa r 1956 ; Brodeur 1959; Benson 1966 ; Watts 1969 ; Russom 1978a . Oplan d 198 0 make s compari sons with South African ora l poetry. Fo r a Beowulf concordance, se e Bessinger/Smith 1969. 6. O n the dating of Beowulf, se e Chase, C . 1981 ; also Kiernan 1981 and Lapidge 1982a . On the poem's audience, se e Whitelock 1951. 7. Th e sixteenth-century A-S antiquary Laurence Nowell apparentl y had something t o do with th e MS at this time: his name appears on the firs t page of th e Beowulf codex. 8. Thes e transcripts, plus Zupitza's facsimile edition and ultra-violet light readings, hav e bee n invaluabl e i n establishin g th e poem' s presen t text . For facsimiles of th e Thorkelin transcripts, se e Malone 1951 ; of the Nowell Codex, Malon e 1963 ; of Beowulf, Zupitz a 1959 . A study of Thorkelin's actual workin g o n th e transcript s i s Kierna n 1983 . Som e edition s o f th e poem are Wyatt/Chambers 1920 ; Klaeber 1950; Dobbie 1953 (see ASPR 4); Wrenn/Bolton 1973 ; Heyne/vo n Schauber t 1958 . Translation s fro m Beowulf in thi s History ar e fro m Greenfiel d 1982a ; a brief surve y o f Beowulf translations is Short 1984.

SECULAR HEROIC POETRY [ 155 ] 9. Se e Greenfield 1982b . 10. O n th e controvers y ove r Unferth—th e for m an d meanin g o f hi s name, the meaning of pyle, and his role in the poem—see Greenfield 1972, pp. 101- 7 and Clover 1980. 11. O n the theme of sapientia etfortitudo, se e Kaske 1958; on action-agent identification, se e Clemoes 1979. 12. Cf . Calde r 1972a. 13. No t al l critics accept thes e suggestion s o f treachery : see Sisam , K. 1965; Niles 1983. 14. Cf . Bonjou r 1950. A reading stressing contrasts and irony is Irving 1968. On the Cain-descended Grendel-kin , se e Osbor n 1978a ; Mellinkoff 1979. O n th e contras t betwee n th e drago n an d th e Grendel-kin , se e Haarder 1975, pp. 152-6 , 109-18 . O n dragons in general, se e Brown , A. 1980. 15. Se e Renoir 1978a. 16. A seminal essay for viewing King Beowulf negatively is Leyerle 1965; for a summary of such negative views, see Short 1980a. For positive views, see Niles 1983 , chapter 13 ; also Greenfield 1985 . Hrothgar's "sermon " is a locus for allegorical interpretations. 17. Se e Tolkien 1936. 18. Se e Greenfield 1963a . 19. O n the "beast s of battle" theme—eagle, raven , wolf—se e Bonjou r 1957; for other themes and motifs, se e Short 1980a. 20. Th e historicity of this incident (521) is attested by Gregory of Tours in his Liber Historiae Francorum; o n thi s and other references t o Hygelac, see Chambers 1959 , pp. 2-4, 381- 7 and Garmonsway/Simpson 1968 , pp. 112-5. 21. Cf . Nile s 1983 , pp. 179-96 . 22. Fo r proposed unifyin g theme s (no t th e sam e a s th e theme-motif s mentioned i n n. 19) , see Short 1980a, pp. 8-9 . 23. Se e Hanning 197 4 and Berger/Leicester 1974. 24. Se e Greenfield 197 6 and 1985. 25. Cf . Wright , H . 1957 . 26. Thi s connectio n i s difficul t t o mak e i n Moder n English ; o n suc h difficulties o f translation, se e Renoir 1978b, and cf. Greenfiel d 1979 . 27. Cf . Quir k 1963 ; Greenfield 1967 ; Dieterich 1983. 28. Se e Leyerl e 1967 ; further, Nicholso n 1980 . No t al l inconsistencie s in th e poe m ca n b e harmonized : Magou n 195 8 an d 196 3 suggest s tha t Beowulf is a pastiche of three separate poems; Sisam, K. 1965 sees the poem as loosely unifie d i n the person of the hero, having "enoug h high qualities withou t th e clai m t o structura l elegance " (p . 66) . Mos t critics, how ever, defen d it s structural unit y (and elegance)—e.g., Brodeu r 1970. 29. Th e theme of conflicting loyaltie s was first proposed by Ayres 1917, challenged by Fry 1974b, pp. 5-25 , an d reasserted by Moore 1976.

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30. Fo r a symbolic-litera l reading , se e Vickre y 1977 . 31. Th e OE term eotenas has usually been taken as 'Jutes/ referrin g eithe r to th e Frisian s o r t o a triba l ban d servin g wit h th e Frisian s unde r Kin g Finn; but Kask e 1967 a argue s tha t th e ter m mus t mea n 'giants / an d i s a hostile eipthe t fo r the Frisians . Tolkien/Blis s 198 2 suggests tha t 'Jutes ' wer e serving bot h Hnae f an d Finn . 32. Fr y 1974 b summarize s interpretation s o f th e Fin n Episode . Ca margo 198 1 suggest s furthe r interrelationship s betwee n th e Episod e an d its context . O n Wealhtheow , se e Damic o 1984 . Fo r opposin g view s o n the Ingel d Episode , se e Malon e 195 9 and Brodeu r 1959 , pp . 157-81 . 33. Othe r kind s o f balanc e hav e bee n proposed—se e Shor t 1980a , pp . 7-8. O n th e pitfall s o f interpretation , se e Shippe y 1978 . O n th e poet' s compositional methods , se e Brodeu r 195 9 an d Bonjou r 1962 . Chickerin g 1977 weighs argument s over the poem's gestalt and individual cruxes . Book length interpretation s ar e provided b y Irvin g 1968 ; Goldsmith 1970 ; Niles 1983. 34. Hicke s 1703 . Tex t ed . i n mos t edition s o f Beowulf and i n ASP R 6 ; separately b y Fr y 1974b . Se e als o Hill , J . 1983 . 35. Se e Tolkien/Blis s 1982 . 36. Se e Greenfiel d 1972 , pp . 45-51 . 37. O n stylisti c an d vers e difference s betwee n OE epic an d lay, se e Campbell, A . 1962b ; o n difference s betwee n Episod e an d Fragment , se e Fry 1974b , pp . 25-9 . 38. O n th e "beast s o f battle, " se e n . 19 ; grey-coat is th e wolf . 39. Fo r ed. an d trans , o f thes e M S survivals, se e Magoun/Smyse r 1950 . 40. Ed . i n ASP R 6 ; separatel y b y Norma n 1949 ; Schwa b 1967 ; Zetter sten 1979 . Se e als o Hill , J . 1983 . 41. Se e Carrol l 1952 ; Eis i960 ; and editions . 42. Cf . Schwa b 1979 . 43. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; separatel y b y Chamber s 191 2 an d Malon e 1962b . See als o Hill , J . 1983 . Mos t scholar s dat e th e poe m lat e sevent h century ; but se e Reynold s 195 3 and Langenfel t 1959 , wh o dat e i t tent h century . 44. Critic s usuall y refe r t o thi s poet-singe r b y th e O E ter m scop; Anderson, L . 190 3 uses th e ter m t o cover variousl y designate d poet-singers . On distinction s betwee n scop, gleoman, leodwyrhta, an d wodbora, se e Hol lowell 197 8 and 1980 ; Opland 1980 . 45. O n legend s abou t Ermanaric , se e Brad y 1943 . 46. Fo r Icelandic and Celti c analogues t o this kind of figure, se e Schlauc h 1931. 47. Se e Frenc h 1945 ; Meindl 1964 ; Eliason 1966 . 48. Fr y 1980b ; but se e Cree d 1975 , esp . p . 384 . 49. Rollma n 1982 . 50. Bot h poems ar e ed. i n ASP R 6; Brunanburh separatel y b y Campbell , A. 1938 , Maldon separatel y b y Scrag g 1981 . Thoma s Hearn e ha d printe d


157 ]

Maldon i n pros e for m i n 1726 ; his printing forme d th e basis o f earl y edi tions, sinc e Casley' s transcrip t remaine d los t til l N . R . Ke r discovered i t in M S Rawlinson B . 203 in th e earl y 1930s . Th e transcrip t wa s formerl y believed t o b e b y Joh n Elphinston(e)—bu t se e Roger s 1985 . Gordon , E . 1937 was th e first editio n t o use th e transcript . 51. Th e thirteenth-centur y Egill's Saga describe s a tenth-centur y battl e between ^Ethelsta n an d a forc e o f Nors e an d Scot s a t Vinheidr, probably to be identified wit h Brunanburh . Thi s identification doe s not hel p locate the site , however ; se e furthe r Pag e 1982. 52. Se e Robinson 1970 , pp. 106- 7 anc * Berkhout 1974 . 53. Lawle r 1973 , p. 55. 54. Greenfiel d 1972 , p. 78 ; see also Bolton 1968. 55. Text : Plumme r 1892 , vol . 1 , p . 126 . O n th e error s i n thi s entry — among other s i t is marked a s 993—se e Scragg 1981 , p. 10 . Most scholar s would dat e the poem shortly after th e battle, but McKinnell 1975 and Blake 1978 argue fo r a date as late as 1020-3. 56. Bessinge r 1962 , p. 31. 5j. Se e Irving 1961. 58. Th e closest literary parallel containin g th e idea o f dying with one' s lord seem s t o b e th e Bjarkamdl —extant mainl y i n th e twelfth-centur y summary o f Sax o Grammaticus. I t ha s bee n suggeste d a s th e sourc e fo r the poet's inspiration , an d thu s th e poe m exhibit s a deliberate antiquari anism rathe r tha n a n ongoing live tradition—see Phillpotts 192 9 and Woolf 1976. 59. Othe r account s o f th e Englis h defea t a t Maldon , wit h embellish ments o f th e marvelous , ar e i n Byrhtfert h o f Ramsey' s Vita Oswaldi (c . 1000) and i n the Liber Eliensis (c . 1170)—se e Gneuss 1976a . 60. Argument s fo r a positive sens e are Elliott 196 2 and Clark , G . 1968. Cross 197 4 an d Gneus s 1976 b argu e fo r a pejorativ e meeting . Th e quo tation i s from Tolkie n 1953 , p. 15. 61. Fo r th e former , se e Blak e 1965 ; for th e latter , Cros s 1965 . Doan e 1978b argues that "th e mod e o f action i s secular . . . but its end i s sacramental" (p . 55). 62. Clark , G . 1968 , p. 58; Stuart 1982 , p. 137—cf . Swanton 1968 . 63. Scrag g 1981, pp. 39-40. For similar but not identical views, see Clark, G. 197 9 and Robinso n 1979a . 64. O n formulai c introduction s t o th e speeche s i n th e poem , se e Greenfield 1972 , pp. 55-8. 65. Fo r stylistic analysis of other part s o f the passage, se e Shippey 1972, pp. 108-12 ; see further Robinso n 1976 .


The Christia n Sain t as Her o

For many year s scholar s and critic s oversimplified th e relation between th e Germanic secular hero and th e Anglo-Saxon "epic " saint. Because religious writers adopted Ol d English poetic diction, thei r Christian heroe s an d heroine s seeme d ill-fitte d i n th e borrowe d robes (o r armor) o f thei r secula r counterparts , especiall y sinc e thei r spiritual battle s agains t evi l an d th e force s o f Sata n demand , fo r the mos t part , a kin d o f passiv e resistance . O n th e Ol d Englis h saints' lives , therefore , eve n sensitiv e critic s pronounced advers e judgments, findin g the m poeticall y inferio r an d doctrinall y na ive.1 Bu t th e Anglo-Saxo n writer s ma y hav e ha d patristi c a s wel l as scriptura l preceden t fo r thei r us e o f martia l imager y i n th e fig ure o f th e miles Christi. To a grea t exten t the y self-consciousl y adapted this imagery fo r thei r purposes an d subordinate d tha t associated wit h th e secula r hero. 2 Eve n mor e important , th e Ol d English poeti c saints ' live s ar e no t jus t Christia n theme s decke d out i n th e trapping s o f secula r heroi c poetry , bu t typologica l o r figural construct s i n th e bes t traditio n o f medieva l hagiography. 3 The individual saint' s lif e is a pattern o f Christ's. It s moral or topological teachin g lead s t o wha t Ear l call s a n "iconographic " o r flat style , fo r ideologicall y an d stylisticall y i t eschews realis m an d thus need s t o be interprete d i n it s own generi c terms. 4 Each "life, "


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however, has its own distinctive properties; and even Cynewulf's, though having stylistic traits that mark them as his, are "a radical exercise i n perspectiv e an d . . . traditiona l formula s t o creat e a singular work of poetic art." 5 Andreas, a late ninth-century (? ) poetic version o f th e life o f St. Andrew, illustrate s the complexities involved in assessing an Old English poetic saint's life. Thi s 1722-line text, inscribed in the Vercelli Book , i s base d o n a nonextant Lati n recension o f th e Gree k apocryphal Acts of St. Andrew and St. Matthew.6 It narrates the stoiy of Andrew' s journe y t o Mermedoni a t o fre e hi s fello w apostl e Matthew fro m th e cannibalisti c Anthropophagi . Andrew' s se a voyage with a band of "thegns," the rescue from man-eating fiends, and othe r feature s o f th e stor y ar e reminiscent o f Beowulf' s mission to Denmark. Certai n locutions, strikingl y resembling some in Beowulf, see m awkward and even ungrammatical in their contexts in Andreas, suggesting direc t an d ill-advise d "plagiarism. " Bu t Andrew's journe y is a fact o f th e Gree k an d Lati n accounts; and the nature o f composition by theme an d formula i s such tha t the Andreas poe t ma y simpl y hav e chose n hi s formula s o n occasio n neither wisely nor too well.7 Even where there are more extended resemblances t o Ol d Englis h heroi c o r elegia c situation s i n gen eral, on e canno t assum e th e undilute d influenc e o f thos e situa tions. Fo r example , a poignan t passag e i n whic h Andrew' s fol lowers refus e t o b e pu t ashor e despit e th e rigor s an d terror s o f their ocean voyage, does reflec t th e comitatus arrangement: "Where shall we tur n to, lacking our lord, sad in heart and without sustenance , wounded wit h sins if we desert you? We shall be loathed in every land, despised by the people when brave men deliberate in council as to which of them has always served his lord best in war when on the battle-plain hand and shield, har d pressed by hacking swords, endured great distress in hostile strife." (11 . 405-14 )

But the opening elegiac question, thoug h characteristically AngloSaxon in its turn of phrase ("Hwider hweorfad we hlafordlease . . ." )

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is based upo n it s Latin-Gree k apocrypha l origina l an d ha s scrip tural echoes. 8 Still , th e battl e vocabular y hardl y correlate s objec tively with thei r circumstances; and wha t i s most noteworthy abou t Andrew's martia l prowes s i n th e poe m i s hi s patienc e i n adver sity. The Andreas poet may well be the least successful amon g th e composers o f Ol d Englis h poeti c live s i n avoidin g vocabular y di rectly associate d wit h secula r heroi c diction : tha t diction , Joyc e Hill comments, "inevitabl y arouse s the wrong set of expectations wit h the resul t that , whe n inactio n follows , . . . w e experienc e a stron g sense of incongruity." Bu t whether Andreas, "for al l its vigor . . . [is] naive an d unsatisfactor y a s a Christia n poem," 9 remain s de batable. That Andreas is not equa l t o Beowulf as poetry i s hardly surpris ing—little i n all of Englis h literatur e is . Nevertheless, Andreas i s a fine poem . Th e poe t establishe s th e cannibalisti c scen e o n th e island where Matthew's lot is ordained (11 . 14-39): the devilish Mermedonians ea t the flesh an d drin k th e blood o f all foreigners wh o come t o thei r land , firs t puttin g ou t thei r eye s ('head-gems' ) an d giving them a potion tha t make s them lose their sense s and graz e on ha y an d grass . B y line 16 0 Matthew i s take n 'i n th e fray. ' In carcerated, blinded , compelle d t o behav e lik e a dum b beast , h e still bows t o God's wil l and love s Him . Go d heed s hi s praye r fo r mercy, sendin g a sun-like 'toke n o f glory' into his cell, healing hi s wounds, an d promisin g t o send Andre w t o rescue him before th e time his hellfuse 'hell-bent' foe s have scheduled hi m for their feast . In addition t o the physica l settin g and motivatio n fo r th e story , the poe t her e ha s introduce d themes , figura l images , an d para doxical contrasts tha t h e wil l develop further. Fo r one, a physica l blindness throug h whic h on e can stil l see God's light versus spir itual blindness which leads to damnation; closely connected i s the theme o f bondag e versu s freedom . A perverted Eucharisti c ritua l is indicated—Go d call s th e Mermedonian s sylfdetan 'self-eaters.' 10 And i n his imitatio Christi Andrew is given a hellish setting to harrow. Th e actio n continue s wit h God' s callin g upo n Andre w i n Achaia t o rescu e Matthew . Andrew' s dismaye d repl y i s a tissu e of Anglo-Saxon formula s an d kenning s appropriat e t o the theme s of exile and sea-voyaging , replet e wit h variation :



"Hu mxg ic, dryhten min, ofer deop gelad fore gefretnman on feorne weg swa hrxdlice, heofona scyppend, wuldres waldend, swa du worde becwist? Dxt mxg engel pin ead geferan, halig of heofenum; con him holma begang, sealte saestreamas ond swanrade, warodfaruda gewinn ond waeterbrogan, wegas ofer widland. Ne synt me zvinas cude, eorlas eljpeodige, ne faderxnigeswat hdeleda gehygdo, ne me herestrseta ofer cald W3eter cude sindon." (11 . 190-201 )

("How ca n I , my Lord, o n a far cours e over th e deep water fin d m y wa y so quickly, Creato r o f heaven , Master o f glory , a s you command ? Your holy ange l from heave n ca n do tha t more easily: he knows th e ocean's realm , the sal t sea-currents wher e th e swa n rides , the soun d an d terro r o f pounding surf , paths i n far-flun g lands . N o friends kno w m e among thos e aliens , nor a m I familia r with men' s thought s there , no r known t o me ar e the coursing ways over th e cold water." ) There i s exces s here , bu t i t suggest s th e enormit y o f th e tas k An drew see s befor e him . Th e differenc e fro m th e closes t Lati n ver sion i s striking : "I a m ready , Lord . I pray you , d o no t be angr y wit h you r servan t i f I dare t o spea k a wor d i n th e ear s o f m y Lord . Ho w ca n I accomplis h this i n thre e days , whe n i t wil l tak e m e thre e day s t o get there ? For , Lord, yo u kno w al l things , an d yo u kno w I am a ma n o f fles h an d I don't kno w th e way. So , Lord, i f it is your will , sen d you r ange l there ; he can quickly cross over the sea and speedil y rescue your apostle Matthew fro m prison." 11 Among othe r differences , ther e i s a kin d o f psychologica l realis m in th e Ol d Englis h Andrew' s adde d sentence , whic h simultane ously provide s a rhetorica l envelop e fo r hi s speech : "Ho w ca n I do it ? Your ange l can . There' s n o on e ther e wh o know s m e . " Tha t

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sentence i s a retrospective rationalizatio n fo r wha t is , of course, a denial o f his Lord's command; ther e is no " I am ready, Lord " here. That denial, tripl y emphasized b y the anaphoric ne series, is a sin more grievou s (a s God wil l later poin t out ) tha n hi s not recogniz ing Go d a s hi s Helmsma n whe n h e doe s mak e th e shi p journey . It prefigures , too , th e Jews ' denia l o f Christ' s miracle s an d min istry, relate d a t lengt h b y Andre w i n hi s conversatio n wit h th e Helmsman; and , i n a reverse configuration, th e Mermedonians fi nally accept Christ . Th e formulaic term s fo r th e se a in th e passag e move an d var y fro m emphasi s o n th e "depths " t o "space " t o "terror," wit h th e clima x o f th e "cold " o r threatenin g an d fata l water.12 Thi s las t formula , ofer cald wxter, i s thrus t bac k a t An drew by God: you shall go on this errand, "ond on cald waeter/brecan ofer beedweg" (11 . 223b~4a) 'an d o n th e cold water/churn acros s th e sea'; i t appear s a thir d tim e describin g Chris t an d hi s angel s a s sailors wh o driv e thei r shi p "upo n th e col d water " (1 . 253a). Finally, i n somewha t differen t for m i n 1 . 310a—ofer cald cleofu —the Helmsman tempt s Andrew befor e givin g him an d hi s thegns passage o n th e ship , wit h word s t o the effec t "Ho w coul d yo u thin k of takin g suc h a journey ove r col d cliff s withou t mone y o r provi sions?" Muc h mor e coul d b e observe d abou t th e Andreas poet's artistry i n suc h matters, 13 bu t w e mus t retur n t o it s large r the matic, structural , an d figura l features . Not unti l afte r th e journey, whe n Andre w recognize s tha t Chris t had bee n hi s Captain , doe s H e explai n tha t Andrew' s missio n i s not onl y t o fre e Matthe w bu t als o t o conver t th e Mermedonians . In th e Latin , this mission i s give n a t th e outset . Further , h e wil l have to imitate Christ's passion o n the Cross (11 . 950-76). Andre w now full y accept s hi s lot . Afte r rescuin g Matthe w an d th e othe r prisoners, wh o disappea r unde r a cloud cove r reminiscent o f tha t in Exodus, 14 Andre w suffer s hi s passio n fo r mor e tha n thre e days , ultimately 'fighting ' an d puttin g t o flight th e devi l himself. Thoug h his body ha s been broken , hi s hair torn out , an d hi s blood spille d over th e pathways , Go d heal s all , an d flowerin g Edeni c grove s spring u p i n th e track s o f hi s blood . Th e narrativ e an d themati c climax comes when Andre w loose s the watery floo d fro m th e ston e column, a "baptism " whic h soo n convert s th e Mermedonians .


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Andrew the n resurrect s th e youn g cannibal s wh o wer e drowned , though no t th e fourtee n worst. 15 Structurally th e poe m ha s man y virtues , howeve r muc h som e of the m inher e i n th e origina l Acts. Fo r example , th e firs t par t fo cuses o n Andrew' s tal k wit h th e Helmsman , i n whic h th e sain t answers th e Pilot' s question s abou t Christ' s lif e o n eart h (ironi cally no t knowin g t o Who m h e i s talking ) whil e th e roug h sea s counterpoint th e calmnes s o f thi s discourse ; th e secon d par t bal ances th e firs t b y pittin g Andre w agains t Sata n an d hi s cohorts , where Andrew' s patienc e an d cal m unde r torture s counterpoin t the furiou s ragin g o f th e Mermedonian s an d th e devil . I n the firs t part Andre w relate s ho w Go d commande d th e Temple' s ston e image t o spea k an d conver t th e Jews, and , failin g thi s conversion , to trave l t o Canaa n an d brin g peopl e elsewher e t o se e th e Light ; in th e secon d par t th e water s o f th e ston e colum n a t las t conver t the cannibals . Ear l comments o n th e figura l natur e o f th e stor y o f "the livin g stone" : If w e se e thi s stor y i n it s context , w e se e tha t i t i s th e capston e o f a long argumen t abou t th e Jews' refusal t o recognize Christ . Th e whole episode fit s int o ou r poe m becaus e Andrew' s missio n itsel f i s a subfulfillment o f Christ' s missio n t o th e Jews; and withi n th e typologica l framework o f th e poem the conversion o f th e Mermedonians i s a prefiguration o f the final gathering of the Jews into the faith. The relationship o f th e allegor y o f th e livin g ston e t o th e conversio n o f th e Mermedonians is strengthened by Andrew's use of the stone at the end of the poem. As Christ addresses the start of the Temple wall, s o Andrew addresses th e start o f th e Old Law; both stones bear witness to Christ, and as stubbornly as the Jews disbelieved the evidence before their eyes, the Mermedonians haste n to accept it. 16 Andreas i s indee d neithe r a naiv e Christia n poe m no r withou t lit erary merit . Of les s merit , bu t more carefully crafte d an d ric h in expressive irony than critic s lon g thought , i s th e shor t poe m usuall y couple d wit h it, th e Fates of the Apostles. 17 Thoug h thi s piec e follow s Andreas i n the Vercell i Boo k an d wa s onc e believe d t o b e par t o f tha t Chris -

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tian epic , i t i s no w considere d o n stylisti c an d othe r ground s a separate poem . The Fates, i n fact , bear s th e runic signatur e o f Cynewulf ; and i t is to this one Anglo-Saxon poe t wh o lef t hi s name o n fou r poem s that w e no w turn . Thi s name , spelle d "Cynewulf/ ' appear s nea r the end o f Juliana and Elene; spelled withou t th e e, it is woven int o the conclusio n o f Christ II and th e Fates. 18 Althoug h othe r poem s were lon g though t t o be par t o f th e Cynewul f canon , th e stylisti c studies o f S . K . Da s and Clae s Schaa r convincingl y demonstrate d that only the four "signed " poems can be so attributed.19 The Dream of the Rood, Guthlac B, an d Christ I bea r certai n stylisti c resem blances t o thes e poems , bu t ther e ar e als o enoug h difference s t o suggest tha t althoug h thei r author s ma y hav e been influence d b y Cynewulf, the y coul d no t hav e been Cynewulf ; Christ 111, Phoenix, Guthlac A, an d Andreas, other poem s onc e considere d Cynewul fian, see m definitel y outsid e th e canonica l pale . O f th e signe d poems, thre e ar e martyrologica l i n nature ; th e fourth , Christ II, is a specia l expositio n o f a devotional subject , th e Ascensio n o f Chris t (see chapter 8). But who was Cynewulf? Apar t from th e signatures and th e fou r poems, w e kno w nothing . I t wa s onc e fashionabl e t o thin k tha t the "autobiographical " line s toward th e end o f Elene might be taken as a litera l confession . I n thes e line s th e poe t professe s t o spea k of himsel f a s havin g le d a sinfu l lif e unti l Go d throug h Hi s grac e had enlightene d hi m an d conferre d upo n hi m th e gif t o f song . Th e conventionality o f th e topoi or motif s therein , however , ten d t o discount th e elemen t o f persona l revelation. 20 Attempt s t o iden tify th e poe t wit h Cenwulf , Abbo t o f Peterboroug h (d . 1006) , Cynewulf, bisho p o f Lindisfarn e (d . abou t 782) , an d Cynwulf , a priest o f Dunwic h (fl . 803) , hav e prove d inconclusive . Neverthe less, fro m th e subjec t matte r tha t h e chose , fro m hi s style , fro m the dialec t rhyme s i n Elene tha t underli e th e Lat e Wes t Saxo n of the manuscripts , an d fro m th e tw o spelling s o f hi s runi c name , certain deduction s ca n be made. Cynewulf wa s undoubtedly a literate man wh o lived in the firs t hal f o f the ninth century , a cleric, whose native dialect was Anglian (probabl y Wes t Mercian). Not a great scholar, h e nonetheless kne w Lati n well; he ha d knowledg e of th e Bible , th e liturgy , an d ecclesiastica l literature , o f doctrin e


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and dogma : bu t hi s "attitud e towar d patristi c exegesi s an d th e bod y of Lati n commentar y seem s mor e a n acceptanc e o f a perspectiv e than a devotio n t o a rigid scheme . . . ." 21 Hi s wor k reflect s a lon g tradition o f Lati n Christia n poetr y fuse d wit h th e vernacula r for mulaic vers e system. 22 Unlike th e Andreas poet , Cynewul f wa s no t dominate d b y th e traditional heroi c conception , thoug h h e certainl y utilize d it , par ticularly i n Elene; nor di d h e hav e th e tast e fo r violenc e an d th e fantastic whic h tha t autho r had . Thoug h h e compose d th e famou s sea-voyage metapho r a t th e en d o f Christ II an d elaborate d upo n Elene's se a voyag e beyon d hi s Lati n source , h e wa s no t muc h give n to natur e o r sceni c descriptio n suc h a s delighte d th e Andreas an d Beowulf poets. Wherea s th e Beowulf poet deal s wit h narrativ e fact s and thei r immediat e development , Cynewul f wrap s hi s narratio in abstractions; h e subdue s th e sens e o f martia l vigo r (excep t i n Elene) and emphasize s th e spiritua l conflic t betwee n th e eternall y op posed force s o f goo d an d evil . Hi s poeti c mission , lik e tha t o f th e apostles i n Fates and Christ II, wa s clearl y evangelical . Stylistically , he linger s throug h a n abundanc e o f clause s upo n th e impressio n of eac h separat e idea , an d i s generall y reflectiv e i n hi s reconsider ation o f concepts . H e i s fond o f grammatica l chiasmu s an d o f soun d patterns, bot h o f whic h h e use s t o lin k hi s sequentia l thoughts . He ha s a n architectoni c sens e o f structur e which , throug h juxta position an d mirror-imagin g o f disparates , imbue s hi s poem s wit h sometimes subtle , sometime s heav y irony. 23 The differenc e betwee n th e heroi c moo d o f Andreas an d th e Cy newulfian reflectiv e mod e ma y b e see n b y comparin g th e epic-for mulaic introductio n o f th e forme r wit h tha t o f Fates: Indeed, w e hav e hear d i n distan t day s of twelve stalwar t me n beneat h th e stars , thegns o f th e Prince . Their powe r an d glor y did no t fai l i n battle when banner s clashe d after the y wen t thei r ow n way s as God , heaven's hig h King , himsel f prescribe d thei r lots. These wer e famou s me n throughou t thi s earth , bold leader s o f th e peopl e and brav e in th e stres s of war, whe n shiel d an d han d defended helme t o n battlefields , fate-measured plains . (Andreas, 11 . 1-11a )

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Indeed, I made this song travel-sor e and sick at heart, her e gathered widel y how nobl e ones mad e known their courage: twelve they were, brigh t and glorious, in deeds illustrious, dea r in life to the Lord who chose them ; lauded were the might and fame of th e Prince's thegns— no little glory gained throughou t thi s world. Their lots led this holy band to where they were destined t o preach the Gospel, expound it to men. (Fates, 11 . i - n a ) Even i n translation , th e differenc e i s obvious : th e first-perso n opening o f th e latter i s elegia c i n tone , an d th e emphasi s i s upo n the fame , praise , an d glor y o f th e twelv e i n abstrac t term s rathe r than a s concomitant s o f warfare. 24 Whil e Andreas, afte r it s heroi c beginning, focuse s i n tur n upon Matthe w an d Andrew , Fates briefly enumerates ho w eac h o f th e twelv e me t hi s death ; the n th e poe t returns t o th e elegia c mood , askin g fo r prayer s fo r himsel f whe n he mus t mak e hi s lon g journe y (i.e. , die) . I n riddl e fashion , h e says tha t a shrew d ma n ca n discove r wh o wrot e thi s poem : h e entwines hi s runi c signature—i n th e orde r F , W , U , L , C , Y , N — into a general reflectio n o f th e transitorines s o f life . Wha t th e wor d meanings o f all the runi c character s ar e i n contex t ha s bee n muc h debated, 25 bu t i t i s clea r ther e i s a pu n o n th e F-run e (= feoh 'wealth'). I t "stand s last, " th e poe t says , indicatin g tha t F is th e last letter of hi s anagrammatic nam e an d that , whil e i t outlasts man , wealth i s ephemeral . Ther e follow s anothe r solicitatio n o f prayer s for th e poet , an d a fina l hym n t o heaven' s everlastin g glor y an d joy. This 122-lin e poem ha s richly repaid th e close scrutin y critic s hav e given it. 26 Throug h hi s openin g line s an d doubl e epilogu e Cyne wulf establishe s a n analogica l relationshi p betwee n th e apostle s and himself , betwee n thei r preachin g an d hi s art , a t th e sam e tim e creating a n ironi c distanc e betwee n thei r pas t heroi c death s an d heavenly rewards , an d hi s fearfu l lon e journey . Lexical , syntactic , and soun d parallel s an d mirro r image s poin t u p thi s analogica l conjunction an d disjunction . Fo r example , 11 . no,-2oa: pxr cyning engla clsenum glided/lean unhwilen 'wher e th e Kin g o f angel s gild s


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the pure/wit h eterna l reward ' reflect s bac k upo n 11 . i o i b - 2 : aefter tohweorfanl Ixne lices frxtewa efne swa lagu toglided 'afterward s wil l separate/the body' s fleeting ornament s eve n a s wate r glide s away. ' Calder comments : [T]hese ornament s an d wealt h tha t glide awa y ar e reversed i n heave n as Chris t gilds (th e word' s association s wit h wealt h ar e clearl y in tended) th e pur e wit h eterna l reward ; the eterna l reward s (lean) sup plant th e fleeting (Ixne) ornament s o f th e body . Inverte d wor d order , repetition, and variation first create a symmetrical analogy between the two section s an d the n revea l th e awesom e contras t tha t exists withi n this symmetry; th e world o f ma n and tim e remains absolutely distinc t from God and eternity. 27 Even Cynewul f s breakin g apar t o f hi s nam e i n givin g hi s runi c signature ma y reflec t hi s spiritua l anguish . Yates ma y no t b e a grea t poem, bu t i t i s wel l crafted . The apostle s a s saintl y heroe s receiv e n o mor e tha n catalo g treatment i n th e Fates. Juliana an d Elene, on th e othe r hand , g o a t length int o th e spiritua l struggle s o f femal e saints. 28 As poetry , Juliana i s th e leas t impressiv e o f th e Cynewul f group , it s dictio n bein g rather prosai c an d repetitive , it s synta x rathe r loose . Fo r thi s rea son i t ha s bee n considere d (b y differen t critics ) th e firs t an d th e last o f hi s fou r signe d poems, 29 thoug h certaint y abou t th e chro nology continue s t o elud e us . Juliana, preserved i n th e Exete r Book , consist s o f 73 1 line s a s i t stands, bu t tw o passage s ar e missing , betwee n line s 288-9 , an d between 558-9 . Th e poe m i s clearl y base d o n a Lati n pros e Life , perhaps th e on e printe d i n th e Bollandis t Acta Sanctorum for Feb ruary 16 . Befor e Cynewulf s time , Julian a ha d mad e he r appear ance i n severa l martyrologies , notabl y th e on e ascribe d t o Bede . Various redaction s o f he r Lif e appea r i n othe r medieva l lan guages, bu t Cynewulf s i s th e earlies t extan t vernacula r version . Her "passion " follow s a typical hagiographica l route . I n th e reig n of Maximianu s (308-14) , th e young Juliana had been betrothe d b y her fathe r Affricanu s t o Eleusius , a senato r an d prefect . Bu t th e girl, havin g bee n converte d t o Christianit y an d wishin g t o pre serve he r chastit y a s a brid e o f Christ , demande d tha t he r suito r be baptize d an d forsak e hi s fals e gods . Fo r her temerity , he r fathe r

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turned he r ove r t o Eleusius, wh o ha d he r scourged , hun g b y th e hair fro m a tre e an d beate n fo r si x hours , cas t int o prison , en gulfed i n flame, spitte d o n a sword wheel , an d immerse d i n molten lead . Cheerfull y an d withou t bodil y har m th e sain t endure d all, until sh e received th e palm o f martyrdom b y beheading . Cynewulf's treatmen t o f hi s materia l deserve s respect . Thoug h the subjec t ma y b e a poo r on e t o moder n taste , th e poe t doe s a workmanlike job with it, changing, condensing, an d expanding t o concentrate on the great spiritual struggle that is both his theological center and poeti c concern. The Latin Vita opens with a simple factual statement : "I n th e day s o f th e Empero r Maximianus , a persecutor o f the Christian religion, there was a senator in the city of Nicodemia name d Eleusius . He was a friend o f th e emperor an d was betrothe d t o a gir l fro m a nobl e famil y name d Juliana. " Cy newulf, however , begin s wit h a 25V2-line expansion, ironicall y establishing the counter-themes h e will oppose in the saint's perso n and figure : the wealth an d breadth o f the emperor's worldly kingdom an d o f hi s thegn' s (Heliseus' ) dominion , idol-worship , an d the persecutio n o f Christia n saints. 30 Thoug h th e last-mentione d foreshadows Juliana' s specific passion, it s obverse is to be her discursive "persecution " an d routin g o f th e devi l who come s to temp t her. Th e vanit y o f th e worl d wil l b e show n b y th e "wealth " o f conversions th e sain t obtain s a s God' s powe r exalt s he r an d b y the deprivatio n o f treasure s i n th e dryht of hell , whic h Heliseu s joins a t his death. 31 In term s o f character , th e Lati n Julian a i s a t th e beginnin g somewhat deceitful , demandin g firs t tha t Heliseu s becom e a prefect befor e sh e wil l marr y hi m an d then , whe n h e gain s th e pre fecture, changin g he r groun d t o deman d hi s conversion . Cyne wulf whiten s he r characte r b y omittin g th e firs t request . A t th e same tim e h e blacken s Heliseus ' portrai t b y transformin g hi s somewhat toleran t attitud e towar d Christianit y int o a zeal i n th e service o f devil-inspire d idols . Hi s zea l matche s Juliana' s fervi d Christianity; an d thu s Cynewul f set s the stag e for th e conflict . The struggl e tha t ensue s canno t b e rea d realistically . Fo r on e thing, Juliana' s attitude , i n he r initia l rejectio n o f Heliseus ' mar riage bid, suggest s a prior knowledg e o f her comin g torture :


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"Never can you prepare so much pain of vile torments through violent hate that you will turn me from these words/' (11 . 55-7) Her dramati c perspectiv e a s a n alread y canonize d saint , an d th e narrative on e o f he r becomin g such , ar e thu s superimposed ; sh e may als o b e a figure o f ecclesia sufferin g an d triumphin g ove r he r worldly tormentors. 32 He r imitatio Christi seem s specificall y re flected i n a t leas t tw o ways : (1 ) th e punishment s he r fathe r an d suitor inflict o n he r have thei r parallels i n Christ's Passion ; for Af fricanus interrogates , beats , an d hand s Julian a ove r t o Heliseu s fo r judgment, whil e Heliseu s ha s he r scourge d agai n an d hun g o n a high cros s fo r si x hours ; an d (2 ) he r bestin g o f th e devi l i n he r prison cel l resemble s th e Harrowin g o f Hell. 33 Ther e i s als o a sug gestion tha t Affricanus-Heliseus-devi l ar e ironicall y oppose d a s father, prospectiv e son-in-law , an d unhol y spiri t to the Hol y Trin ity. 34 Cynewulf expand s considerabl y th e rol e o f th e devi l who , i n th e guise o f a n angel, attempt s t o make th e sain t avoid futur e torture s by forsakin g God . Thi s spiritua l counterpar t o f Heliseu s i s himsel f forced t o revea l hi s tru e natur e whe n Juliana , appealin g fo r God' s help, i s tol d t o seiz e hi m an d deman d wha t sh e woul d know . I n a lon g recitatio n th e devi l admit s th e torment s an d persecution s he ha s inflicte d o n mankin d sinc e th e beginning , torture s whic h parallel o n a mass scal e thos e th e huma n antagonis t inflict s o n th e saint. Th e devil' s quic k collaps e an d betraya l o f his lord contrast s with her steadfas t fait h unde r muc h greate r duress . Th e devil' s depressed feeling s an d lamentations , i n th e fashio n o f a n elegia c exile, als o contras t wit h th e ton e an d spiri t o f th e patien t an d ex ultant Juliana. Cynewul f s expansion upo n hi s sourc e i n th e exili c fashion an d i n hi s us e o f a subdue d bu t poten t martia l imager y (perhaps suggeste d b y Ephesian s vi . 11-17 ) ma y bes t b e see n i n lines 382-4093 , crystallizin g th e conflic t betwee n goo d an d evil . The Lati n ha s th e devi l sa y a t on e point : "But if one of them [those he tempts] can overcome us, and withdraws from his idle thoughts, begin s t o pray, t o listen to Holy Scriptures and to receive th e Divin e Mystery , headlon g w e fle e fro m him. Fo r where

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Christians receive the Divine Mystery, a t that very hour we retreat from them. W e care only about the ruination o f me n wh o liv e well. An d if we see them do anything good, we afflict the m with bitter thoughts so they may follow ou r wishes." The Ol d Englis h devi l says : "When I find som e bold and battle-fierc e champion of God firm against the storm of arrows, who will not flee fa r thence from war but in wisdom raises the holy shield, spiritua l armor, against me—who will not betray God but strong in prayer will take his stand firmly with the troops—then I must far thence depart dejected, deprive d of joys, in the flames' grip to bemoan my grief: that I could not overcome him in war by my strength; but sadly I must seek another, a weaker warrior less bold where banners clash together, whom I can tempt with my enticement, impede in war. Thoug h he may purpose some good in spirit, I am straightway ready to read his innermost thoughts, to find ho w hi s mind is fortified , its entrance barred; I breach the wall's gate through iniquity: when th e tower's pierced and entry-way lies open, the n first I send by the flight of arrows bitter, wicked thought s into his breast, inflaming variou s fleshly sparks , so that it seems to him far better to indulge in sins, th e body's lusts, than in the praise of God." 35 Heliseus an d hi s thegn s drow n o n th e "swanroad " an d descen d to hell , wher e the y ar e eve r t o b e deprive d o f beer-drinkin g an d the receivin g o f treasures ; i n contrast , th e saint' s bod y i s fittingl y buried withi n th e cit y b y a large crowd . The poe t end s o n th e not e o f hi s ow n salvation , weavin g hi s runic signatur e int o a generalized reflectio n o f man' s destiny . Here , unlike i n th e Fates, he stresse s requita l o f deed s o n th e Judgmen t


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Day rathe r tha n the transienc e o f life . An d h e utilize s th e letter s of his name uniquely in groups: the first two being CYN and EWU, the thir d LF . There ha s been considerabl e controvers y ove r ho w those rune s are meant t o be read. On e commentator simply doe s not translate them. 36 But if we tak e them in their context—wher e Cynewulf i s stressin g th e separation o f th e "deares t o f all, " tha t "united pair " (body and soul) whose "relationship " will be "severed" at his death (11. 697-8)—we ca n read each of the three runic groups as standing for Cynewulf himself , hi s own name torn apart through hi s sins , i n contras t t o th e Trinity-in-Unit y (11 . 726-7), Whose grac e h e craves. 37 Suc h a readin g consort s wel l no t onl y with th e unholy/Hol y Trinit y conflic t i n th e poem , bu t also wit h the observation that "Cynewulf clearl y intends that he himself [i n the epilogue] shoul d fi t midwa y betwee n th e poles o f the cosmic scheme [sain t vs. devil ] he has wrought from th e bare legend." 38 The structur e o f th e epilogu e reinforce s thi s sens e o f a triple di vision: (1 ) 11 . 695b~7i8a, whic h includ e th e runi c signature , ar e enveloped in a prayer to Juliana to help him in his great need: "/s me pearf micel/paet seo halge me helpe gefremme . . . pxt me seo halge wid pone hystan Cyninglgepingige; mec pdes pearf monap" ' "I have great nee d tha t th e hol y on e hel p m e . . . that th e hol y on e in tercede for me with the highest King; need so moves me" '; (2) 11. 7i8b-29a ar e a prayer t o ever y ma n wh o recite s th e poe m t o remember him by name and to pray to God to help him in pa frecnan tid 'in that dangerous hour' ; and (3 ) 11. 729b~3i en d the poem with a prayer to the God of Hosts Himself that we—all of us—may fin d him merciful on pa maeran tid 'in that glorious time.' Juliana i s Cynewulf' s fora y int o narratin g a saint's martyrdom : Elene i s a n epi c celebratio n o f a n apocrypha l even t i n Christia n history. Th e 1321-lin e poem is preserved i n the Vercelli Book; the ultimate source is the Acta Cyriaci, a version of which may be found in the Acta Sanctorum fo r May 4. Cynewulf's model was undoubtedly a Latin prose recension , th e closest parallel being in St. Gall MS 225.39 The legend combines the story of the finding of the true Cross o n Ma y 3 wit h tha t o f th e anti-Christia n Je w Judas , wh o finally repents , i s converted, an d rename d Cyriacus . Sectio n on e describes the vision of the Cross which came to the Emperor Constantine as his small force lay encamped waiting for battle against

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the Huns . Thi s scen e len t itsel f naturall y t o epic-formulai c dilata tion, a s did th e subsequen t se a voyage o f hi s mother Quee n Elen e (Helen) t o discove r th e Cross . Cynewulf's poe m proceed s throug h a serie s o f revelations , oute r miracles bein g matche d b y inne r illuminations . On e ma y see , i n fact, th e struggl e betwee n goo d an d evi l tha t preoccupie d Cyne wulf her e presente d thematicall y a s a contras t betwee n ligh t an d darkness, bot h o n a physica l an d a spiritual level. 40 Th e narrativ e opens i n th e sixt h yea r o f Constantine' s reign—th e poe m kalei doscopes th e event s o f 306 , 312 , an d 32 2 whe n th e Frank s threat ened th e empire, whe n Constantin e receive d hi s vision of th e Cross, and whe n h e achieve d thi s martia l victory . Almos t immediatel y we fin d ourselve s i n a n epi c environment . Constantin e i s a Ger manic chieftain , an d th e traditiona l beast s o f battl e clamo r fo r thei r prey, th e wol f an d eagl e followin g th e Huns , th e rave n th e Ro mans. A t thi s literal an d figurativ e darkes t hour for the paga n em peror, h e i s grante d th e splendi d visio n o f th e Cross , dispellin g the vei l o f darknes s wit h it s radianc e (11 . 69-98). Rejoicing , Con stantine ha s a replica o f th e visionar y Cros s made an d carrie d int o the fight , a n engagemen t describe d i n th e conventiona l formula s of th e attac k o n th e shiel d wall . The beasts o f battl e ar e close r now , all togethe r behin d th e Romans , wh o triumphantl y pursu e thei r routed foe s i n a manne r no r dissimila r t o th e pursui t depicte d i n Brunanburh: The trumpets sang loud in the host to the raven's delight; the dewy-winged eagl e watched th e trial of cruel-minded warriors ; the wolf waile d at the forest's edge : battle-fear arose. There shields loudly crashed and men were crushed, hard blow answered blow and foe felled fo e when once arrows wound among them all. . . . . The n headlong fled the host of Huns when th e Holy Tree was raised aloft as the Roman king, fighting hard , commanded. . . . Then that army exulted in their hearts, pursued th e foreigners fro m first daw n till evening came: ash-made arrows flew,


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battle-adders bitin g hard th e back s of hostile foes . O f tha t Hunnis h forc e few remaine d t o find thei r homes again. (11 . 10^-43 ) After Constantine' s conversio n t o Christianit y a s a resul t o f hi s victory, 41 h e send s hi s mothe r Elen e t o searc h ou t th e Cross . Cy newulf s famou s sea-voyag e passag e follows , wit h it s man y im ages o f "sea-horses " breastin g th e waves— a passag e tha t ha s n o counterpart i n th e Latin . Arrivin g i n Jerusalem , Elen e trie s t o as certain fro m th e Jews th e locatio n o f th e burie d Cros s (11 . 276-708, fitts [Sections ] 4- 8 i n th e MS) . He r firs t speech , t o 3,00 0 assem bled Jews , call s attentio n t o th e darkness-ligh t dichotom y an d ini tiates th e them e o f th e transferenc e o f powe r fro m th e forme r chosen rac e t o th e new 4 2 —themes whic h are present i n th e Latin : "I have readil y recognize d through mysti c sayings of sag e prophet s in God' s books that you i n day s o f yor e were precious t o the Princ e of Glory , dear t o the Lor d an d bol d i n you r deeds . Indeed yo u unwisel y spurne d tha t wisdom , perversely, whe n yo u revile d Hi m wh o thought t o free yo u fro m fier y torment , from damnatio n an d needfu l bondage , through Hi s power an d glory . Yo u spat you r filt h upon tha t fac e whic h lifte d th e veil of blindness fro m you r eyes , brought the m ligh t anew throug h hi s noble spittl e


But blind i n spirit , yo u though t t o blend lies with th e truth , th e ligh t wit h darkness , envy with honor . . . . . . . . Tha t bright powe r you dare d condemn , an d dwel t i n erro r with dar k thought s unti l this very day/ ' (11 . 288-312 )

The mourning , fearfu l Jew s selec t 1,00 0 o f thei r mos t learne d me n to confron t th e queen ; thi s tim e Elen e ask s fo r informatio n b y in voking learnin g herself , citin g David , Isaiah , an d Moses . O f th e thousand, 500 ar e no w chosen , who m th e quee n excoriate s i n a short, pith y speech . I n counci l b y themselves , (thoug h evidentl y

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Elene knows what they are saying, from a remark she later makes, 664b-6), th e Jews focus upon one man, Judas, who knows through his father' s teachin g th e answe r Elen e wants. Picture d unhistori cally, bot h i n th e Lati n and th e poem , a s th e brother o f th e protomartyr Stephen, h e knows the truth about the Cross and Christianity bu t i s unwillin g t o embrac e the m o r t o satisf y Elene' s questioning les t th e Hebrews ' migh t dwindle , a s hi s fathe r pre dicted. I n informin g th e counci l o f Jew s abou t th e Cross , Juda s contrasts th e darknes s o f Chris t i n th e grav e fo r thre e day s an d His resurrectio n a s "Ligh t o f al l light. " H e als o mention s Saul' s stoning o f Stephe n an d hi s subsequen t conversio n t o St . Paul , a foreshadowing o f Judas' s own hardheartedness toward Elene and later conversion to Bishop Cyriacus. At the end of the council, the Jews, threatene d b y the queen with deat h by fire, offe r Juda s up as thei r knowledgeabl e scapegoat . Elen e ask s hi m t o choos e be tween lif e an d death . Who , h e asks , starvin g i n th e wilderness , would choos e a stone rathe r than bread? But he will no t yield t o her heart's desire for knowledge o f th e Cross' s location, an d Elene has hi m cas t in a pit, chained , t o starve until h e "see s th e light " and repents. 43 In line s 70 8 ff. Juda s take s Elene' s me n t o Calvary , wher e h e prays fo r a miracle t o revea l th e exac t spo t wher e th e Cros s lie s buried. Smok e arises , Juda s digs , an d twent y fee t dee p h e find s three crosses . Anothe r miracle , th e raisin g o f on e fro m th e dea d at th e nint h hou r o f th e day , identifie s th e tru e Cross . Al l els e having faile d t o kee p th e tru e Ligh t i n darkness , th e devi l dra matically appears , prophesyin g th e martyrdo m o f Juda s under , presumably, Julia n the Apostate. Bu t Judas bests the devil in this "flyting," promisin g tha t th e devi l himsel f wil l b e cas t dow n b y the "brightest of beacons" into eternal damnation. 44 Of interest in the remainder o f th e poe m is the searc h for and discovery o f th e nails fro m th e Cross , a miracle whic h convert s th e Jews i n bot h the Lati n an d th e poem . Elen e i s advise d t o shap e the m int o a bridle for her son's horse by a wise counsellor, wh o reintroduce s the martial note of the "vision" scene when he states that thereby Constantine shall have luck in battle, victory in war and peace everywhere,


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fortune in hard strife, h e who shall lead that bridled horse where battle-brave ones, splendid warriors , bear shield and sword amid the press of spears . (11 . n8ib-6a) 45 With Elene' s departur e (ther e i s a finit i n th e M S a t th e en d o f fitt xiv) , th e poe m prope r ends . Ther e follow s anothe r "autobio graphical" passage , i n whic h Cynewul f use s heavil y rhyme d verse s for hi s "personal " situatio n (11 . 1236-513), t o stres s tha t Go d "un locked th e art of poetry " in him, a n art which h e ha s use d joyfull y and willingl y i n thi s worl d (cf . en d o f th e discussio n o f th e Ascension in chapte r 8) . The n come s th e passag e wit h hi s runi c signa ture: Until the n th e ma n ha d alway s bee n buffeted wit h surgin g cares , (h e was like) a drowsing torc h [C] , although h e had received treasure s in the mead-hall, apple-shape d gold. The (disused) bow [Y] , his companion in need [N] , mourned, suffere d oppressiv e sorrow , a n anxious secret, where formerly the horse [E] had measured for him the mile-paths, galloped proudly, decke d with wire ornaments. Joy [W] is diminished, and pleasure , afte r th e passin g o f years ; youth i s gone , th e glor y o f old. Manl y strengt h [U ] was once the pleasure of youth. No w th e former days have departed after the passage of time, the joys of life gone, just as the flood [L ] ebbs away, th e rushing tides. Wealth [F ] is transitory to every man beneath the heaven. (11 . 12560-703 ) By usin g run e name s i n thi s fashion , Cynewul f present s " a co herent pictur e o f th e da y o f judgmen t wit h it s inheren t contras t between man' s earlie r stat e an d th e elementa l upheava l o f doomsday itself , whil e a t th e sam e tim e weavin g int o th e narra tive th e rune s tha t spel l hi s name , s o tha t prayer s migh t b e of fered fo r hi s salvation." 46 Th e appropriatenes s o f thi s runi c pas sage t o the poe m a s a whole i s particularly noteworthy : th e heroi c imagery o f th e mea d hal l an d th e battl e hors e recal l th e Constan tine episode, th e "flood " hint s at the se a voyage o f Elene , an d th e suggestion o f th e Judgmen t Da y reflect s variou s reference s t o eternal punishment s mad e b y speaker s throughout . Thi s rele vance ha s prompte d man y critic s t o fin d a threefol d structur e i n the poem , wit h thre e conversion s (Constantine , Judas , Cynewulf ) related i n thre e narrativ e mode s (historical , dramatic , confes sional). 47

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The achronologica l conversio n o f th e Jew s a t th e discover y o f the nail s prepare s fo r th e intens e focu s o n th e Judgmen t Da y a t the poem' s end , fo r tha t conversio n wa s a standar d sig n o f th e approach o f th e Apocalypse. Th e poem fittingl y conclude s wit h a threefold divisio n o f th e adjudged soul s int o th e faithful , th e sin ful, an d th e accurse d transgressors : th e thir d grou p wil l b e cas t down fro m th e fierc e fir e int o th e depth s o f hell , whil e th e firs t two groups , i n th e uppe r an d middl e reache s o f th e purgatoria l flame, wil l be cleansed an d com e into everlastin g bliss. The struggle betwee n goo d an d evi l that we have see n i n th e thre e Cynewulf poems , th e Fates, Juliana, an d Elene, i s presente d a t a more elemental and unsophisticate d leve l in Guthlac A, th e first of two consecutiv e poem s i n th e Exete r Boo k o n th e nativ e Englis h saint (c . 674-714). 48 Here th e narrativ e focuse s o n th e conflic t be tween devil s and th e hero, th e latter abetted b y angels and finall y by the apostle Bartholomew. Th e body of the poem concerns itself with th e attempts o f the devils in the (Crowland) wastes to regain their unblissfu l seats , th e beorgsepel, o f whic h Guthla c ha s de prived the m i n his eremiti c zeal. The y mak e a number o f threats , but th e poet focuses o n two: (1) a temptation t o vainglory, i n which the devil s sho w Guthla c th e corruptio n o f youth i n th e monaster ies (11 . 412 ff.), an d (2 ) a threa t o f tortur e an d damnation , whe n they carr y hi m t o hell' s gate s (11 . 557 ff.).49 Th e sain t resist s th e first b y observing , i n effect , tha t eve n i n monasterie s yout h wil l be served , an d i s not necessaril y unsalvageable . Guthla c himself , when young , ha d followe d worldl y pursuit s an d pleasures . H e counters th e secon d b y placin g hi s trus t i n God , remindin g th e devils o f thei r ow n rebellio n an d falseness , an d declarin g thei r permanent damnation . God' s messenger , St . Bartholomew , the n orders th e devils to return th e saint unharmed t o his beorg, an d in something o f a n idyllic , an d probabl y symbolic , passag e (11 . 733b ff.), Guthla c is welcomed "home " by the birds and beast s of the fores t wasteland . Th e Lif e the n come s t o a n en d quickly , de scribing ho w angel s le d Guthlac' s sou l int o th e eterna l joy s o f heaven. Guthlac A receive s scan t notic e i n mos t survey s o f Ol d Englis h poetry,50 but despit e its lack of poetic charm and repetitiveness , it


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does hav e a unit y an d coherence. 51 Se t i n a n agin g world , whe n God's laws are fading (11 . 37-47; 54-8), it presents an aging hero 52 who demonstrates by his words and deed s what we may call "Holy Living." Fro m beginnin g t o en d th e poe m emphasize s th e vir tuous individua l vs . th e sinfu l crowd , earthl y transien t joy s vs . heavenly permanen t ones , ineffectual word s vs. significant word s and deeds. I n addition, angelology-demonolog y play s a role, wit h the struggl e o f a good an d ba d ange l ove r Guthlac' s earthl y con duct (th e latter finall y route d b y God' s command ) foreshadowin g the majo r conflic t an d resolution. 53 Most importan t i s the central ity o f th e beorg: th e wor d ca n mea n 'hill , mountain ' o r 'barrow , tumulus'; and it s meaning in Guthlac A has been much disputed. 54 Perhaps th e poe t use d i t i n bot h senses , t o signif y th e buria l o f the ol d (th e physical ) an d th e growt h o f th e ne w (th e spiritual) . Burial mound s are , afte r all , hills , an d the y becom e i n tim e over grown wit h vegetation . No t onl y i s th e beorg th e geographi c cen ter o f conflic t betwee n th e sain t an d th e devils , bu t i n th e cours e of th e poe m i t also comes t o symbolize th e life o f the goo d Chris tian.55 Further , a s i t appear s progressivel y mor e desirable , les s fearful an d treacherou s a s th e bytla (11. 148, 783) or 'builder ' con quers threat s an d temptations , th e dedicate d an d burgeonin g beorg prefigures th e New Jerusalem, t o which al l blissful soul s will tur n after thei r going hence (11 . 811-end). This ending is foreshadowe d in th e Prologue , wher e w e ar e show n a n ange l greetin g a de parted goo d sou l and assurin g it of a safe journey to the Heavenl y City. According t o th e testimon y o f th e poe m itself , Guthlac A wa s composed withi n th e livin g memor y o f th e Englis h saint , wh o die d in 714-5 . Th e questio n o f it s sourc e i n ora l traditio n o r a writte n Life focuse s upo n it s relatio n t o Feli x o f Crowland' s pros e Vita, c. 730-4 0 (se e chapter s 1 and 3) . Th e relationshi p i s muc h dis puted; mos t moder n scholar s feel ther e is none. 56 But the 561-line Guthlac B definitel y depend s upo n th e Vita, mainl y it s fiftiet h chapter.57 Thi s secon d Guthla c poe m i s quit e differen t fro m it s predecessor, emphasizin g tim e rathe r tha n place , "Hol y Dying " rather tha n "Hol y Living, " th e Fal l an d Redemptio n rathe r tha n saintly apotheosis. 58 Th e poe m begin s wit h a lon g prologu e re counting death's entrance into the world throug h Adam and Eve' s

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transgressions: "neve r since/ ' say s th e poet , "coul d an y ma n es cape th e bitte r drin k tha t Ev e gav e Adam " (11 . 868-9).59 The nar rative the n focuse s o n Guthlac , passin g quickl y ove r hi s lif e an d reputation, hi s succo r t o beasts an d people , t o concentrate o n hi s fatal illnes s an d dying . Hol y a s his life ha s been, h e must bo w t o the decre e ou r progenitor s brough t abou t b y thei r deed s (11 . 96775). Th e poculum mortis 'cup o f death , bitte r drink ' imag e i s re peated an d develope d i n 11 . 980-913, fusing th e individual saint' s fate wit h tha t o f Ada m an d Eve. Th e figur e the n modulate s int o that o f death' s doo r opening , the n int o Deat h a s a wiga wdelgifre 'slaughter-greedy warrior ' an d a n enge anhoga ' a crue l solitary ' wh o rushes upo n Guthla c gifrum grapum 'with greed y grasps / some what a s Grendel attack s his victims. 60 The central sections of the poem ar e mainly a dialogue betwee n the dyin g sain t an d hi s servan t (unname d i n th e poem , Becce l in the Vita). Guthlac, thoug h sorel y afflicted b y his illness, comfort s his sorrowin g attendant-thegn : B e not sad-hearted ; I am goin g t o my heavenl y rewar d becaus e I have don e wel l o n earth . A t thi s point th e poet emphasize s tha t th e time is Easter, whe n Chris t ros e from deat h an d harrowe d hell . Simultaneously , Guthla c rise s fro m his be d o f pai n an d preache s th e Lord' s mysterie s t o hi s servan t so wondrously tha t th e words see m an angel' s rather tha n a mortal's: th e sain t i s thus identifie d wit h th e rise n Christ . Once agai n th e poe t revert s t o th e figur e o f Deat h a s th e rav aging warrior , bot h shootin g arrow s a t hi s victi m an d unlockin g the "treasure-hoar d o f lif e wit h treacherou s keys. " Guthlac' s ser vant, a sorrowin g exil e figure , beseeche s hi s maste r t o speak . Guthlac reminds hi m o f his compact wit h him , an d order s him t o tell hi s siste r (name d Peg a i n th e Vita) of hi s death , an d reques t her t o bur y hi s body . Th e servan t the n question s Guthla c abou t the mysteriou s visito r th e sain t ha s ha d thes e man y years , abou t whom h e ha d bee n tol d nothing ; and Guthla c reveals tha t h e ha s had a guardian angel . Onc e more th e sain t sink s back, exhauste d from hi s grea t struggl e wit h death . I n anticipatio n o f hi s soul' s translation, a great light shines over men's dwellings. Death' s last effort i s to "sting" Guthlac with "death-darts " wddstrddum (1 . 1286a); but Death' s "victory " is , o f course , paradoxicall y Guthlac' s who , refreshed wit h th e Eucharist , open s th e "gem s o f hi s head " on e


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last tim e an d send s fort h hi s spiri t "beautifie d b y it s deed s int o the jo y o f glory " (1 . 1304) . Th e transfiguratio n i s accompanie d b y light, melody , an d swee t fragrance s (11 . 1308-24). 61 The poem doe s no t en d o n thi s note, however . A s wit h Christ' s death (cf . The Dream of the Rood), th e eart h itsel f shudders ; an d Guthlac's disciple , sorrowing , flee s t o a shi p t o see k th e saint' s sister wit h hi s late-lamente d master' s message . Lik e othe r Ol d English poeti c exile s (se e chapte r 12) , h e use s traditiona l gnomes : "Courage is best for him who confront s too often hi s lord's demise, lament s that separation decreed by time and fate: well h e knows who must feel it, sorrowing in soul; he knows earth holds his kind gold-lord, an d he must grieving thence depart depressed." (11 . 1348-543 ) Perhaps, a s Olse n suggests , thi s ending—though w e canno t be sur e it is th e ending , sinc e a gatherin g ha s bee n los t i n th e manu script—indicates a cycli c patter n i n man' s life , wit h Becce l repre senting, i n hi s ye t unredeeme d stat e o f sorro w an d lac k o f under standing, th e nee d fo r ever y ma n wh o wishe s salvatio n t o reenac t not onl y th e Fal l but th e Redemption. 62 Guthlac A an d B are differen t no t onl y i n sources , content , sym bolic modes, an d structures , but in diction, metrical , an d syntacti c patterns.63 Nevertheless , th e Exete r Boo k scrib e evidentl y fel t the y complemented eac h other , eve n a s th e Christ poem s mak e some thing o f a "fit." 64 I n them , too , w e shal l fin d a mixture o f th e he roic vernacula r an d Christia n traditions , bu t a greate r orientatio n toward contemplatio n i n th e treatment s o f thei r subjects . NOTES 1. E.g. , "I t is best . . . t o enjo y Andreas a s a good story , withou t to o much solemnity of judgment either from the religious or literary point of view"—Woolf 1966 , p. 53. 2. Se e Hill, J. 1981. Some argue that poetic context often indicates that the heroi c formula s ha d los t thei r origina l referentia l an d connotativ e force—see Chernis s 197 2 and Schneider, C . 1978.

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3. Se e Hill , T . 196 9 an d note s throughou t thi s chapter . 4. Ear l 1975 ; see als o Bridge s 198 4 an d Bjor k 1985 , wh o trea t th e prob lem o f genr e a t length . 5. Calde r 1981 , p. 144. Cf . Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 176-8 . 6. Ed . i n ASP R 2 ; separately b y Brooks , K . 1961 . There ar e tw o O E pros e versions o f th e Life, on e i n th e Blickling Homilies, on e i n M S CCC C 198 — see chapte r 3 . 7. O n simila r locutions , se e Brooks , K . 1961 , pp. xxiv-xxv . Shippe y 1972 , pp. 92- 6 argue s tha t th e resemblance s ar e th e produc t o f a genera l for mularity i n O E verse ; Stanle y 1966a , pp . 110- 4 finds tha t Andreas bor rowed directl y bu t clumsil y fro m Beowulf. Brodeur 1968 , pp . 98-10 5 see s Andreas influence d b y Beowulf bu t stylisticall y fin e i n it s ow n ways ; cf . Hamilton 1975 . Th e uncertaint y abou t th e extan t Beowulf s dat e o f com position (se e chapte r 6 , n . 6 ) complicates th e issu e o f "borrowing " o r "in fluence"; o f cours e a n eve n earlie r versio n o f Beowulf may hav e existed . 8. Se e Wals h 1981 . 9. Hill , J . 1981 , pp . 72-3 ; cf . Chernis s 1972 , pp . 171-93 . Irvin g 198 3 finds th e heroi c i n Andreas no t a t al l incongruous . 10. Ear l 1980 , p . 79 ; se e furthe r Boeni g 1980 . O n "diet " imager y a s a sign o f spiritua l hunger , se e Hamilto n 1972 . O n figura l narrativ e i n Andreas, se e Hill , T . 1969 . O n th e Harrowin g o f Hel l typolog y i n th e poem , see Hieat t 1976 . 11. Thi s an d translation s o f othe r Lati n source s an d analogue s throughout th e volum e ar e take n fro m Calder/Alle n 1976 . 12. Se e Brooks , K . 1961 , Glossary, o n thi s meanin g o f cald. 13. Se e Irvin g 1983 . 14. Fo r explanatio n o f thi s sudde n disappearance , se e Ear l 1980 , pp . 88-9. 15. O n Andreas' s us e o f suc h theme s a s conversio n an d baptism , se e Walsh 197 7 and 1981 . 16. Ear l 1980 , p . 85 . 17. Fo r editions , se e n . 6 . 18. Thoug h ther e wa s grea t scholarl y interes t i n A- S studie s fro m th e sixteenth centur y on , ironicall y enoug h Cynewul f s runi c "identity " wa s not discovere d unti l th e poem s an d poeti c manuscript s bega n t o b e ed ited i n th e 1840s . Becaus e o f damag e t o th e Vercell i MS , th e runi c signa ture i n th e Fates was no t foun d unti l 1888 . Se e Calde r 1981 , pp. 12-5 . 19. Da s 1942 ; Schaar 1949 . 20. Se e Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 17-9 . 21. Calde r 1981 , p. 26 . 22. Th e semina l essa y fo r moder n studie s o f Cynewul f i s Sisam, K . 1932 . On dating , dialect , an d othe r textua l matters , se e Grado n 1958 , pp. 9-15 , 21-3. Fo r som e difference s o f opinio n o n thes e matters , se e Storm s 1956 ; Rogers 1971 .



23. Se e Da s 1942 , chapte r 2 ; Schaa r 1949 , pp . 323-6 ; Calde r 1981 ; Anderson, E . 1983 . Th e las t tw o provid e analyse s o f th e whol e Cynewul f canon; Anderso n contain s a n extensiv e bibliogrpahy , includin g disserta tions. 24. Fo r analysi s o f th e openin g passage s o f Andreas, Elene, Guthlac A and B, se e Bridge s 1979 . 25. Se e Elliot t 1953 b an d Pag e 1973 , pp. 105-7 . 26. Se e Bore n 1969 ; Hieat t 1974 ; Fres e 1975 ; Howlet t 1975 ; Ric e 1977 ; Calder 1981 , pp. 29-41 , 144-8 ; Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 68-83 . 27. Calde r 1981 , p. 39 . 28. O n wome n i n O E literature , se e Hanse n 1976 ; Nitzsch e 1981 . Fel l 1984 uses th e literature , amon g othe r evidence , t o provid e a n accoun t o f women's role s i n A- S England . 29. Se e respectivel y Elliot t 1953 b an d Wool f 1955a . Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; separately b y Strun k 1904 , whic h contain s th e Lati n Vita, an d b y Wool f 1955a . 30. Se e furthe r Calde r 1981 , pp. 82-4 . 31. Se e Lee , A . A . 1972 , pp . 99-103 . 32. Se e Witti g 197 5 an d Calde r 1981 , pp. 79 , 86 . 33. Witti g 1975 , pp . 42-7 . 34. Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 94-7 . 35. Schneider , C . 197 8 feel s tha t i n Juliana Cynewul f associate s tradi tional heroi c vocabular y (a s i n thi s passage ) wit h th e devi l an d evi l men , whereas th e dictio n h e applie s t o th e sain t i s quit e unheroic ; cf . Chernis s 1972, pp . 194-207 . Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 90-2 , find s thi s dichotom y to o simplistic. 36. Pag e 1973 , pp . 210-2 . 37. Sisam , K . 1953 , pp. 21- 2 make s thi s suggestion , bu t withou t relat ing th e separatio n o f th e nam e t o it s context . 38. Calde r 1981 , p. 102 ; see als o Fres e 1975 , pp . 315-9 . 39. Th e poe m i s ed . i n ASP R 2 an d Coo k 1919 ; separatel y b y Grado n 1958. 40. Cf . Stepsis/Ran d 1969 . 41. O n Constantine' s figurativ e rol e an d unifyin g presence , se e Wha tley 1981 . 42. O n th e translatio imperii, se e Anderson , E . 1983 , pp . 121-6 . 43. Hill , T . 197 1 see s Elen e a s a figur e o f th e Churc h Militan t an d Ju das a s Synagogue , thei r "contest " bein g on e betwee n th e Ol d La w an d the New , betwee n th e lette r an d th e spirit . Anderson , E . 1983 , pp . 160 j ^ see s Cynewul f s theology embracin g firs t penitence , the n desir e fo r God . On th e "brea d an d stone " imagery , se e Whatle y 197 5 and Hill , T . 1980a . 44. O n th e "devil' s rights " theory , se e Anderson , E . 1983 , pp. 134-45 . 45. Anderson , E . 1983 , pp . 103-2 5 find s a dichotomou s symmetrica l structure i n th e fit t divisions ; other s se e a tripartit e structure—se e below . 46. Elliot t 1953a , p . 56 ; th e translatio n o f thi s difficul t passag e i s El -

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liott's. Cf . Pag e 1973 , pp . 207-8 . Cynewul f doe s no t explicitl y as k other s to pra y fo r hi m here , i n contras t t o hi s request s i n th e epilogue s t o Fates and Juliana. 47. Se e Campbell , J . 197 2 and Fis h 1975 . 48. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; separately (wit h Guthlac B) by Robert s 1979 . A con tains 81 8 lines, thoug h a foli o o f abou t 7 0 lines i s missin g betwee n 11 . 3689. Earlie r scholars considere d th e Prologue , 11 . 1-29, t o be th e en d o f Christ III (see chapte r 8) ; but se e Robert s 1979 , pp . 30-1 ; Calder 1975 , pp . 66-9 ; Shook 1961 . 49. Cf . Hill , T . 1979 . I f ther e i s a thir d temptatio n i n 11 . 266 ff. , wher e the devil s as k Guthla c ho w h e expect s t o liv e i n th e wasteland , hungr y and thirsty , ther e migh t b e a patter n o f Christ' s temptation s i n th e wil derness. 50. Pearsal l 1977 , pp . 43-4 4 dismisse s i t i n tw o sentences . 51. Fo r an extende d analysis , se e Olse n 1981 . 52. Se e Hill , T . 1981 . 53. Th e poe m i s no t quit e a psychomachia, thoug h th e devil s see m t o b e something o f a projection o f Guthlac' s doubt s an d fears ; see Calde r 1975 . 54. Olse n 1981 , pp . 34- 5 provide s a brief summar y o f th e controversy . 55. Se e Shoo k i96 0 an d Wentersdor f 1978 ; for a different reading , se e Reichardt 1974 . 56. Robert s 1979 , pp . 19-2 9 thoroughl y discusse s th e problem . Vita: ed. and trans , b y Colgrav e 1956 . 57. O n sourc e relationships , se e Robert s 1979 , pp . 36-43 . Chapte r 5 0 of th e Vita is trans , i n Calder/Alle n 1976 . 58. Se e Calde r 197 5 an d Olse n 1981 . 59. Al l edition s numbe r th e line s o f th e tw o Guthla c poem s consecu tively, despit e recognitio n tha t the y ar e b y differen t author s an d fro m different tim e periods ; but se e n . 64 . 60. Se e Rosie r 1970a . 61. Se e Calde r 1972b . 62. Se e Olse n 1981 , pp . 69-109 , wh o see s Guthlac B as doctrinall y base d on th e Orosia n vie w o f history . O n Orosius , se e chapte r 2 . 63. O n thes e differences , se e Robert s 1979 , pp . 48-6 3 an d 1971 ; Calder 1975. 64. Olse n 1981 , pp . 111-3 9 argue s tha t fo r th e Exete r Boo k scrib e an d his audienc e ther e wer e three poems: Guthlac A, B, and a composite Guthlac, the las t presentin g i n it s overall configuratio n " a balance o f opposin g but relate d themes : saintl y apotheosi s an d huma n grief , th e other-worldl y view o f huma n histor y an d th e huma n view , an d jo y an d sorrow " (p . 133)-


Christ a s Poetic Her o

Christ as hero—in various aspects, fro m His co-eternality with God the Father, through His descent as Savior, to His Second Comin g as Judge of mankind—make s severa l appearance s in Old Englis h poetry. Three of these are in the rather different poem s which open the Exete r Book , depictin g Hi s Advent , Ascension , an d Secon d Coming. Thoug h Cook considered thes e poems a unified triptyc h (Christ) b y Cynewulf , whos e runi c signatur e come s nea r th e en d of the Ascension (Christ ll), 1 modern scholars separate them on stylistic grounds. 2 Paleographi c evidenc e likewis e point s i n thi s di rection;3 but a few critic s have invoke d iconographi c o r liturgical rationales fo r an "intentional " yokin g o f th e poems , eve n i f the y are by different authors. 4 Still, the y are best considered and treated individually. The Advent (Christ I) consists of twelve lyrics ranging from 21 to 73 lines in length (the first, beheade d in manuscript transmission, has onl y 1 7 lines), fo r a total o f 43 9 lines. 5 Whethe r othe r lyric s preceded th e firs t i s ope n t o question. Th e antiphons chante d i n the office durin g the Advent season , specificall y betwee n December 17 and 23, provide sources for all but the eleventh lyric. Originally there were but seven antiphons, calle d the "Grea t O's" because the y begi n wit h th e apostrophi c O (O E Eala): o f thes e th e

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poet use d fou r i n hi s lyrica l themati c variation s (Lyric s I , II , V , and VI) . Early in the Middle Ages other antiphons were modelle d on the Great O's: and the Advent poet based his Lyrics III, IV, VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI I on thes e Additiona l o r Monastic O's. 6 The Great O's consist of an invocation t o Christ: Wisdom, Lord , Root o f Jesse, Ke y o f David , Sun , Kin g of nations , Emmanuel ; an d of a petition : com e t o teac h us , redee m us , delive r us , etc . Th e Additional O' s may or may not be addressed t o Christ: those which are not, replac e the petition with som e doctrinal statement o r paradox. Fo r example , th e antiphona l sourc e o f Lyri c IX , addresse d to Mary , read s " O Lad y o f th e world , bor n fro m a kingl y seed , Christ ha s no w com e forth fro m you r wom b lik e th e groo m fro m the bridal chamber; H e lies in a manger who also rules the stars." The Advent poet' s us e o f suc h antiphona l materia l i s masterful . Though som e hav e questione d th e structura l unit y o f th e twelv e lyrics, suggestin g tha t onl y a loose association throug h source s an d subject bind s the m together , a numbe r o f feature s see m t o indi cate the poet' s sens e o f a tight cohesion. 7 He has , indeed , wove n a finely texture d tapestr y o f religious concepts and images , rich in figures an d diction ; or , t o chang e th e analogy , h e ha s compose d a poeti c equivalent o f Bach' s B-Mino r Mass. Despite it s decapitation, th e first lyri c is clearly based o n O Rex

gentium et desideratus earum, lapisque angularis qui fads utraque unum: veni, et salva hominem quern de limo formasti ' O Kin g o f th e Nation s

and th e On e the y lon g fo r an d th e cornerstone ; yo u wh o mak e both thing s one , com e and sav e man who m yo u fashione d ou t of clay'. Th e poet chos e t o develop th e lapis angularis image, conflat ing i t wit h tha t o f Ps . 117:22 : "th e ston e whic h th e builder s re jected ha s become th e head o f the corner." H e further introduce d patristic overtone s fro m St . Paul' s interpretatio n o f tha t psal m i n Ephesians 2:20-22. Unde r hi s pe n th e rejecte d ston e bring s to gether th e wall s (Gentile s an d Jews? ) an d become s th e hea d o f a great hal l (th e founding o f th e universa l Church): 8 . . . t o the King. You are the wall-stone the workers once rejected fro m th e work. Well it suits you now to be head of that great hall


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5 an d dra w togethe r th e wide walls , flint unbreakable, i n fir m embrace , so throughout earth' s citie s all who se e may marve l endlessly. Lor d o f glory , true and brigh t wit h victory , revea l 10 no w you r skil l mysterious, makin g wall straight joi n wit h wall . No w tha t wor k need s the Craftsma n an d th e Kin g Himself t o come and the n repai r wha t no w i s ruined : house unde r hig h roof . H e shaped th e whole body , 15 limb s from clay ; now mus t th e Lord o f lif e free fro m th e wrathfu l tha t wretche d band , helpless one s fro m fear , a s H e often has . The intricacie s o f thi s lyric , eve n apar t fro m it s concatenatio n o f images an d idea s wit h th e res t o f th e poem , ar e suc h tha t on e "ma y marvel endlessly. " Th e poe t refrain s fro m explainin g th e wall-stone , the walls , th e hea d o f th e grea t hall , th e hous e i n disrepair ; bu t the typologica l significanc e o f th e Churc h a s th e spiritua l bod y o f Christ, an d o f humanity' s sinfu l condition , emerg e fro m th e ar chitectural image s eve n i f w e ar e unawar e o f Paulin e o r othe r pa tristic interpretation s whic h poin t t o thos e meanings . Lin e 13 , ond ponne gebete nu gebrosnad is, suggest s no t onl y makin g physica l re pair, bu t als o makin g amend s o r atonement , an d thu s perhap s al ludes t o th e Crucifixion ; gebrosnad 'ruined ' ha s overtone s o f "de cay," portendin g th e en d o f th e individua l sinner' s body . Tha t hra 'body' i s als o th e hus under hrofe 'house unde r roof—alliterativel y linked acros s th e caesur a an d syntacti c brea k o f 1 . 14 . Burli n re marks: The individual bod y o f ma n i s not t o be dissociated fro m th e figur e o f the Church . . . . [T]h e centra l imag e o f buildin g an d reconstructio n applies equall y t o each , fo r th e ultimat e significanc e o f on e i s insepa rable from tha t o f the other. Th e reduplication o f figural referent s i s an illusion whic h th e typologica l imaginatio n dispels , fo r it , lik e th e Re deemer, 'faci t utraqu e unum.' 9 In Lyri c I , th e poe t use s tim e a s h e doe s throughou t th e Advent, alternating betwee n biblica l past , histori c present , an d eterna l present. Th e las t verse , "a s H e ofte n has, " indicate s tha t Chris t repeatedly save s mankin d i n a perpetua l advent . Th e referenc e t o

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Christ a s Craftsma n an d Kin g briefl y suggest s th e co-eternit y o f the So n wit h th e Father , a them e mor e full y develope d later. 10 The epithet "Lor d o f life " i s reserve d fo r th e clima x o f th e lyric , allit erating wit h Hi s creation , th e "limb s fro m clay. " Th e directnes s of th e Lati n antiphon' s petition , veni et salva, i s onl y obliquel y ex pressed i n 11 . 11-1 2 an d 15-16 : "No w tha t wor k need s . . . t o come" an d "no w mus t th e Lor d o f life free . . . . " No t til l Lyri c VI, a t th e poem' s center , doe s th e veni o f th e antipho n becom e a direct cum (1 . 149 ) i n th e mouth s o f th e patriarch s waitin g i n hell . Such detailed , ye t stil l no t exhaustive , analysi s o f al l th e Advent lyrics canno t b e attempte d here , bu t w e ma y glanc e briefl y a t a few. Th e secon d i s based o n O Clavis David: "O Key o f Davi d an d Scepter o f th e hous e o f Israel ; yo u wh o ope n an d n o on e closes ; you wh o clos e an d n o on e opens ; come an d lea d ou t th e prisone r from th e prison-house , wher e h e sit s in darkness an d th e shado w of death. " I t begins: O you Ruler and you rightfu l King, He who guards the locks and opens life, heaven's path , t o the blessed, bu t bars him whose wor k fails from that fair desired way. 11 Moving fro m th e ke y imag e t o tha t o f th e prison , th e poe t elabo rates thereon , weavin g togethe r th e concept s o f life , lord , an d ligh t with th e ide a o f unlocking . Th e firs t hal f o f th e lyri c ends wit h a n historical referenc e t o th e expulsio n fro m Eden : "mak e u s worth y whom h e admitte d t o the heavenl y glory/whe n w e abjectl y ha d t o turn/to thi s narro w land , deprive d o f ou r homeland " (11 . 30-2) . The edel 'homeland' o f whic h th e sinne r speak s i s both th e earthl y Eden an d th e heavenl y heritag e w e los t throug h Ada m an d Eve' s sin, an d th e promis e o f "admission " allude s t o God' s statemen t in Genesi s 3:1 5 tha t Eve' s see d shal l bruis e th e serpent' s head , a typological foreshadowin g o f th e Redemption . Thi s referenc e i n turn lead s int o a poetic exaltatio n o f th e virgi n birt h a s th e mean s by whic h th e promise d Redemptio n wa s fulfille d an d b y whic h the ligh t o f knowledge , throug h th e sproutin g o f spiritua l seeds / gifts, opene d th e priso n o f spiritua l ignoranc e (11 . 33-49). After a 21-line invocatio n t o the heavenl y an d earthl y Jerusale m


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in Lyri c III , Lyri c I V presents a dialogu e betwee n Mar y an d th e citizens of Salem; the latter ask Mary to explain how sh e was able to conceiv e an d remai n a virgin . Mar y replie s tha t thi s parado x must remai n a mystery , bu t tha t b y it , Eve' s si n ha s bee n ab solved. Lyri c VII , th e Passus, is anothe r dialogue , base d o n th e conventional "Doubtin g o f Mary " motif . I t ha s attracte d muc h critical attention , partl y fo r it s pseudo-psychologica l realis m an d partly fo r th e difficulty o f fixing it s speech boundaries. 12 One rea sonable definitio n o f thes e boundarie s take s th e firs t line s (164 74a), beginning "Eala Joseph min," a s a speech o f Mary's. I n it sh e expresses her grief tha t Joseph will reject her love, concluding "Go d can easily/hea l th e grievou s sorro w o f m y heart,/comfor t th e dis consolate." Joseph's reply begins "Eala fxmne geongjrmegd Maria"; he say s h e ha s foun d n o faul t wit h he r eve n thoug h trouble d b y her "virgin " pregnancy . H e is a prideful man , tor n an d hurt , an d in a dilemm a a s t o whethe r h e shoul d delive r Mary , who m h e loves, t o death b y stoning , o r concea l th e crime , livin g himself a s a perjure r (11 . i74b-94a) . Mary' s fina l speech , mad e i n he r ful l knowledge o f th e ryhtgeryno 'rightfu l mystery, ' reveal s tha t mys tery t o Joseph; Joseph, sh e says , wil l be acknowledged Hi s fathe r in th e worldl y way , whil e prophec y i s simultaneousl y fulfilled . Despite th e vas t difference s betwee n thi s "human " Lyri c and th e "architectural" Lyri c I , on e ca n se e a patterne d repetition : rejec tion o f a "cornerstone, " th e rejecte d reunitin g th e "walls " (Gen tiles-Jews/Old Law-Ne w Law) , an d th e "mysteriou s skilTV'rightfu l mystery" whic h "repairs " and bring s salvation . Mary make s he r fina l Advent appearanc e i n Lyri c IX , whic h i s based o n O mundi Domina. Her e sh e is no longer th e earthl y lad y but th e Quee n o f Heaven, th e Bride of Christ. Linke d t o Ezekiel's (Isaiah's, i n the poem ) visio n o f th e "close d gate, " sh e is also th e wealldor (1 . 328) through whic h Chris t journeyed ou t t o this earth . At the sam e time Mary is paradoxically mos t humanized, fo r "No w we bea m a t th e Chil d upo n you r breast, " th e petitioner s exclai m (1. 341), in th e poem' s onl y suc h mother-chil d image . Lyri c X then moves fa r bac k "chronologically, " invokin g Chris t a s coeterna l splendor wit h th e Fathe r befor e eve n th e angel s wer e created , an d apostrophizing th e thir d membe r o f th e Hol y Trinity . W e recog nize ou r outcas t stat e an d oppressio n b y accurse d hellis h spirit s

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as th e resul t sylfra gewill 'of ou r ow n will ' (1 . 362b). I n a final pe tition, mankin d ask s th e Kin g o f me n tha t H e Cym nu (1 . 372b), endow u s wit h th e gif t o f salvation , s o tha t hencefort h w e ma y forever fulfil l pinne willan 'You r will' (1 . 377b). Lyric XI tells us "t o join th e angeli c choru s o f praise. " Lyri c XI I is a 24-lin e coda— a quiet recapitulation o f the poem's central themes, ending with th e "excellent counsel " fo r ever y ma n t o prais e Go d i n deed s an d words, s o that God will bestow Hi s gift o f everlasting life and joy. Some of the binding forces amon g the twelve lyrics are revealed in the abov e summary . Mary' s "progress " i s one suc h force . Var ious architectural an d light/darknes s figure s weav e i n and out , a s do suc h motif s a s th e coexistenc e o f Fathe r an d Son , man' s in ability t o understan d God' s mysteries , man' s miser y an d nee d o f grace, th e doctrin e o f th e Trinity , an d th e cal l t o prais e God . I n addition, th e recurrenc e o f exil e image s create s a narrativ e sub structure, takin g us chronologically fro m th e expulsion fro m Ede n (Lyric II) down throug h th e poet's own tim e of man's spiritua l exile and nee d for grace (Lyric X), a grace which will bring us to that unknown edel, the Heavenl y Ede n (1 . 436). 13 The Advent clearl y shows a beautiful confluenc e o f Christia n doctrin e and configura tion wit h Ol d Englis h poeti c techniques . Bu t it s mod e an d man ner ar e quit e differen t fro m th e equall y powerfu l poe m tha t fol lows it in th e Exete r Book . The Ascension (Christ II), 11. 440-866 of Christ, 14 is by Cynewulf, a s the runi c signatur e i n 11 . y^ySoyb indicates ; and i t bears th e un mistakable stam p o f thi s poet's ruminativ e o r reflective style . The poem's majo r sourc e i s th e las t thre e section s (9-11 ) o f Gregor y the Great' s 29t h homil y o n th e Gospels , bu t i t als o incorporate s material fro m Bede' s Ascensio n Hymn , portion s o f Scriptur e (mainly Psal m 23 , Matthew 28:16-20 , Luke 24:36-53, and Act s 1:1 14), som e patristi c texts , an d iconographi c representations. 15 Cy newulf's poeti c visio n focuse s o n God' s gift s t o men , no t onl y through Hi s Ascension, bu t als o throug h th e Incarnatio n an d othe r "leaps" (se e below). These gifts assur e God's continuing presenc e among mankind , an d Hi s guidanc e an d protectio n fo r thos e wh o use thes e talent s well in accord wit h Hi s distribution o f them . Ma n has a n obligatio n t o so use the m fo r hi s "soul' s need, " sinc e deed s


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performed whil e he lives will be judged severel y whe n H e come s again.16 What prompt s Cynewul f s poeti c meditatio n i s th e questio n Gregory ask s in his homily as t o why th e angels appeare d i n whit e at the Ascension, bu t not so dressed a t the Nativity. Cynewul f ex horts a n "illustriou s man " t o see k "throug h hi s mind' s wisdom " to know wh y thi s was so. Where Gregory proceeds directly t o answer his question i n abstract term s of the humbling of Divinity o n the latte r occasio n an d th e exaltatio n o f humanit y o n th e former , the poe t set s th e proble m asid e fo r th e momen t an d present s th e scene o f th e Ascension , wit h Chris t a s sincgiefa 'treasure-giver ' (1. 460a) summoning hi s jpegna gedryht 'ban d o f thegns,' (1 . 457b) 17 to Bethany; there, in direct discourse, He tells them t o go out amon g the heathe n an d preac h th e savin g word. Then , amids t a troop of radiant angels , H e rise s throug h th e temple' s roo f whil e th e dis ciples remai n behin d lamentin g Hi s departure . The y ar e admon ished b y tw o o f th e angel s no t t o stan d ther e i n a circle: they ca n clearly se e th e tru e Lor d ascendin g int o th e heavens ; but H e wil l return, th e angels warn, wit h a great army to judge all men's deed s (through 1 . 526). After contrastin g the sorrowing apostles, who return to the earthly Jerusalem, wit h th e joy of the angels at Christ' s return t o th e heavenl y city , Cynewul f finall y comes bac k t o par t of th e openin g conundrum : writing s say , an d tha t i s well said , tha t angels cam e i n white , radiant , brightl y clothe d a t th e Ascensio n as befitted tha t blissfu l occasio n whe n th e folca feorhgiefa 'th e peo ple's life-giver ' (1 . 556a) cam e t o Hi s hig h seat . No t til l nea r th e end, however , doe s Cynewulf , agai n wit h a referenc e t o books , suggest th e othe r hal f o f Gregory' s answer : ho w a t firs t eadmod 'humbly' th e rmegna goldhord 'Treasur y o f virtues ' descende d int o a virgin' s womb . Cynewul f exploit s th e meanin g o f th e verb , astigan, meanin g bot h 'ascend ' an d 'descend, ' t o equat e Christ' s Advent an d Ascension. 18 Bu t othe r doctrina l materia l an d medi tational flight s com e between thes e "answers " t o the initia l ques tion. A leaf i s missing fro m th e manuscrip t i n th e middl e o f 1 . 556,19 and th e tex t continue s wit h a n angeli c herald' s accoun t o f th e Harrowing o f Hel l a s Chris t wait s fo r heaven' s gate s t o ope n (11. 556b-85). That ascent i s followe d b y a reference t o Christ' s hider-

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cyme 'hither-coming ' (descen t int o th e Incarnation ) a s th e mean s by whic h H e hals eft forgeaf 'gave i n tur n salvation ' t o mankind , s o that ma n no w ha s th e freedo m t o choos e hi s path . Indeed , h e must choose hell's infamy o r heaven' s glory , the brightest ligh t or th e balefu l night , majestic fullnes s o r murky dullness , joys with th e Fathe r o r noise wit h fiends , grief wit h devil s or glory with angels , life or death a s his fre e wil l elects while flesh an d spiri t i n fas t embrac e dwell in th e world. (11 . 59i-8a) 20 After furthe r manifestation s o f th e ascent-descen t motif , Cyne wulf elaborate s o n God' s gift s t o men , goin g fa r beyon d th e spir itual endowment s Gregor y mention s i n hi s homily . Agai n w e hav e a rhetoricall y amplifie d passage , thi s tim e wit h tw o five-par t an aphoric swm-series, on e o n th e spiritua l o r intellectual gifts , th e othe r on physica l endowments : To one H e send s wis e eloquence , memory an d a mouth t o utte r noble understanding: h e can sin g and tel l all things wel l wit h suc h wisdo m in hi s heart. On e ca n play th e har p skillfully, loudl y strik e th e string s before a gathering. On e can gras p the divin e law. On e can learn th e stars ' course, th e wide creation. On e ca n writ e speeches gracefully . T o one He give s success in war, whe n archer s sen d showers o f dart s ove r the shiel d wall , flying arrows . On e ca n fearlessl y drive his ship over th e salty sea , stir up th e foam . On e ca n climb the steep , high tree . On e ca n mak e a tempered sword , a weapon. On e knows th e wide-ope n plains , far-reaching paths . (11 . 664-8ia) 21 The passag e end s wit h th e commen t tha t Go d will no t giv e al l gift s of th e spiri t t o an y on e perso n les t h e becom e presumptuous .


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Continuing hi s meditatio n o n Gregory' s homily , Cynewul f ex pounds o n th e su n and th e moon, th e former symbolizin g th e Lord, the latte r th e Churc h which , strengthene d b y Hi s Ascension , ha s been abl e t o endur e oppressio n i n thi s world . The n follow s th e characterization o f Christ' s ministr y a s si x symboli c "leaps, " base d on Solomon' s statement : "Behold , H e come s leapin g upo n th e mountains an d springin g acros s th e hills" (Canticles 2:8) . Gregor y mentions onl y fiv e "leaps" : th e Incarnation , th e Nativity , th e Crucifixion, th e Depositio n an d Burial , an d th e Ascension ; Cyne wulf adds , betwee n th e las t two, th e Harrowin g o f Hell. 22 The Ascension suggests tha t w e hav e n o nee d t o be sorrowin g a s th e dis ciples di d o n th e occasio n o f th e sixt h leap , fo r God' s gift s no w include no t onl y th e physica l one s o f thi s transien t life bu t als o the spiritua l salvatio n o f thos e wh o ha d bee n boun d i n Hel l an d our ow n redemption , i f w e hav e th e wisdo m t o meditate an d un derstand. Th e "illustriou s man " addressed a t the beginning o f th e poem thu s become s i n effec t "eac h o f [my ] belove d ones " who m the poe t exhort s i n 11 . 814 ff . t o thin k o f hi s soul' s welfare . In the midst o f hi s concluding peroration , Cynewulf , a s he doe s most particularl y i n Elene, turns t o th e Judgmen t Da y motif , wit h his runi c signatur e emphasizin g God' s righteou s punishmen t o f sinners an d th e transitorines s o f th e time-and-tid e boun d wealt h of thi s world. 23 Th e poe m conclude s wit h th e grea t sea-voyag e metaphor, a spiritua l enlargemen t upo n th e stoc k poeti c meta phor, onl y hinte d a t in Gregory' s "Althoug h you r sou l ma y hav e floated hithe r an d thithe r with th e confusio n o f thing s s o far , no w fasten th e ancho r o f you r hop e i n th e eterna l homeland" : Now i t is as if we sail with the tide, across the cold water of the wide sea in our ships, ou r sea-steeds, urgin g on pro wed vessels. Perilou s the current, tempestuous th e waves we toss on here in this frail world, windy th e seas upon the deep. Difficul t tha t course before we ha d sailed safely to land over the rough sea-ridge. Hel p arrived when God's Spirit-Son piloted u s to salvation's port and gave us grace to perceive where, ove r the ship's side,

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we can surely secure our sea-steeds, our old ocean-stallions, fas t at anchor. (11 . 850-63 ) We ma y not e 1 . 860b : ond us giefe sealde, a formul a use d earlie r i n 1. 660b in connection wit h th e mos t elaborat e statemen t o f th e "gift s of men " theme . Thoug h Go d ha s give n u s man y gifts , fro m th e natural one s o f foo d an d de w an d rain , o f th e su n an d th e moo n (11. 604-na) , t o th e individua l spiritua l an d physica l one s de scribed i n 11 . 664-8ia , hi s greates t gif t i s thi s last , t o b e abl e t o recognize wher e th e tru e por t o f salvatio n lies . An d w e ma y als o note tha t th e ver y las t vers e o f th e poe m (1 . 866b): pa he heofonum astag, usuall y translate d "whe n H e ascende d t o heaven, " i s highl y ambiguous (cf . 1 . 737b: pa he to heofonum astag, wher e th e to clearly signals th e Ascension) ; th e las t vers e coul d a s wel l b e interprete d as "whe n H e from heave n descended, " tha t is , int o th e Incarna tion. Sinc e th e poem' s Ascent-Descen t moti f ha s dwel t o n bot h Christ's hidercyme and goin g henc e a s givin g u s th e mean s t o sal vation, i t is no t unreasonabl e t o se e th e doubl e referenc e here. 24 The Ascension's styl e i s quit e differen t fro m tha t o f th e Advent. Anderson make s a nice distinctio n betwee n th e two : "Illumination" is supported in the Advent Lyrics by the use of semantic depth and dense texture as characteristics of diction, and by the use of interweaving rhetorica l pattern s such as chiasmus, sometime s combined with wordplay. I n contrast with the Advent Lyrics, the straightforward expositio n o f event s an d ideas in Ascension i s supporte d b y a "reflective" style , characterize d b y themati c repetitio n an d confirma tion o f ideas , b y sequentializin g rhetorica l pattern s suc h a s anaphor a and parallelism, by higher frequency of phonological repetition, and by the us e o f envelop e pattern s tha t identif y individua l unit s o f though t without detractin g fro m th e large form a s the basic structura l concep tion.25 But Cynewulf' s style , especiall y hi s us e o f th e runi c signatures , illustrates somethin g mor e abou t thi s poet : a self-consciousnes s about hi s craf t an d hi s creations , a self-consciousnes s see n i n hi s Elene epilogue i n particular . Wit h hi s emphasi s o n Chris t th e gift giver i n th e Ascension, it is no t har d t o imagine Cynewul f viewin g his poem s a s hi s "contractual " offerin g t o God , eve n a s heroi c gift giving betwee n lor d an d retaine r wa s a contractual arrangement ,


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one stil l manifestin g itsel f i n lat e Anglo-Saxo n Christia n will s (se e chapter 4) . Ma n mus t no t onl y use his God-give n talen t well , bu t is obligate d t o give a quid pro quo. I t seem s no t unlikel y tha t Cyne wulf's quid, in hi s eyes , wa s hi s poetry . The fina l par t o f th e Christ triptych , Christ III, consist s o f 79 8 line s on th e Judgmen t Day. 26 Fro m ou r moder n perspective , i t ma y b e less satisfyin g tha n th e Advent o r th e Ascension. Bu t thoug h utiliz ing man y sources—a n alphabeti c hym n attribute d t o Bede , mate rial fro m Gregor y th e Great , Augustine , Caesariu s o f Aries , an d other Christia n writer s o n th e grea t them e o f Judgment—i t never theless blend s visio n imager y o n th e on e han d an d narrativ e voic e on th e other . Thes e synthesiz e respectivel y th e eterna l an d inter nal revelatio n o f th e Secon d Comin g wit h th e tempora l an d exter nal accoun t o f event s traditionall y accompanyin g tha t apocalypti c event—a synthesi s thematicall y centere d aroun d a cal l t o imme diate penanc e i n th e reader. 27 The poe m open s wit h th e swif t terro r o f th e world' s end : Then a t midnight th e might y Lord' s great da y shal l forcefull y gri p with fea r all earth's inhabitant s an d tha t fai r creation itself , just a s an assassin , a bold thie f wh o thread s th e shadow s of th e dark night , suddenl y assail s care-less me n caugh t fas t i n thei r sleep , wickedly attack s mortals unaware . (11 . 868-74 ) The angel s trumpe t thei r cal l t o Judgment , an d wit h Christ' s ap pearance th e poe t sound s a majo r them e o f hi s poem : tha t H e ap pears eadgum and earmum ungelice 'differentl y t o th e blesse d an d the wretched ' (1 . 909). T o th e former , a gloriou s sight , t o th e lat ter, a fearfu l one . Ther e follow s a n accoun t o f th e devastatio n o f the univers e a s th e refleshe d soul s ris e t o Judgmen t (throug h 1. 1080) . A lon g passag e o n th e Cros s an d Crucifixio n focuse s th e sinners' attentio n o n Christ' s darkes t hour , whe n th e dum b uni verse sympathize d bu t th e sinner s remaine d unmove d b y th e bloody event . Th e poe t the n describe s th e reward s o f th e virtuou s and th e punishmen t o f transgressor s a t th e Judgment , an d ex -

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horts hi s reader s now to repent , t o searc h ou t thei r sin s b y th e eye s within sinc e th e "gem s o f th e head " ar e useles s fo r discoverin g that inne r evi l whic h wil l b e al l to o clearl y visibl e then (at the Las t Judgment). Th e focu s the n switche s t o Chris t i n tha t futur e time , in whic h H e welcome s th e blesse d t o heave n an d remind s th e wicked o f th e lov e H e showe d the m throug h th e Incarnatio n an d Crucifixion. I n a poignant passag e Chris t rebuke s th e latte r for thei r willful neglec t o f Hi s Passion , fo r th e greate r sufferin g the y hav e caused Hi m throug h th e cros s o f thei r sins : "Why did you hang me on your hands' cross more heavily tha n I hung of old? Your sin's cross, which crucifies m e now against my will, seem s worse, mor e bitter, than that other which I ascended by My will when your misery grieved My heart so, whe n I drew you out of Hell, where you would dwel l ever afterwards. In the world I was poor that you might be wealthy in heaven, in your land I was abased tha t you might be blessed in mine." (11. 1487-96 ) After Chris t doom s th e wicke d t o hel l an d it s horrors , th e poe m concludes o n a rhapsodic not e describin g th e bliss o f th e save d i n the heavenl y paradis e wher e "ther e i s neithe r hunge r no r thirst,/sleep no r terribl e sickness , no r sun' s heat,/no r col d no r care. . . . " (11 . 1660-2) . Two othe r poem s o n Judgmen t Da y wil l b e considere d i n chapte r 10, sinc e the y d o no t focu s o n Christ . Bu t Christ i s prominent , b y the natur e o f Hi s Passion , i n The Dream of the Rood, perhap s th e finest Ol d Englis h religiou s poem. 28 Thi s 156-lin e lyrica l narrativ e in adoratio n o f th e Cros s survive s i n th e Vercell i Book , an d par t of i t appear s i n Northumbria n runi c inscriptio n o n th e east - an d west-face margin s o f th e lat e seventh - o r earl y eighth-centur y Ruth well Cros s i n Dumfriesshire, Scotland . Tw o line s reminiscen t of th e poe m als o appea r o n th e late-tent h centur y Brussel s Cross. 29 The relatio n betwee n th e Ruthwel l inscriptio n an d th e Vercell i tex t is no t clear , bu t scholar s assum e tha t th e forme r condense s a n


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original Anglia n poe m (c . 700) , preserve d i n Wes t Saxo n tenth century for m i n th e latter . Th e mos t likel y plac e an d tim e o f th e poem's compositio n i s Kin g Aldfrith' s Northumbri a (685-704). ^ Though som e hav e fel t tha t 11 . 78 ff . wer e s o differen t i n styl e a s to b e th e wor k o f a late r redactor , th e Dream is coheren t an d uni fied, compac t an d intens e i n it s emotiona l effect . Listen! I will tell the sweetest dream which came to me in middle of the night when all who speak rest in peaceful sleep . It seemed I saw th e most stately tree stretched aloft, envelope d i n light— the brightest cross. Covere d with gold was all that sign. . . . Stately that victory-Cross, an d I sin-stained, wounded by sins. I saw th e wondrous tree glorified b y its garments, gold-adorne d shining joyously: jewels had clothed illustriously th e tree of the Lord. Yet I could perceiv e seeping throug h that gold former wretched strife , wher e it before bled on its right side. I trembled wit h sorrows, at the fair sight I was afraid. I saw tha t sign transformed i n garments and hues: now flushe d wit h moisture, drenched with flowing blood , an d now adorned with treasure. (11. 1-73 , 13-23 )

This beginning , wit h it s possibl e allusio n t o th e Las t Judgment , with it s imag e o f th e double-visage d Cros s gemme d an d blood drenched, an d wit h it s fearful , sin-staine d persona , i s a symboli c prelude t o th e poem' s majo r interlockin g subject s an d themes : Christ's sufferin g an d triump h throug h Hi s Crucifixion ; th e abasement an d exaltatio n o f th e Cros s itself ; th e persona' s penit ence an d hop e fo r heavenl y blis s throug h hi s worshi p o f th e Cross. 31 I n line s 28-12 1 th e poe t use s th e rhetorica l devic e o f prosopopoeia t o hav e th e Cros s itsel f describ e th e Crucifixio n fro m it s particular poin t o f view. 32 Speakin g i n riddle fashio n (se e chapte r 11), th e Cros s succinctl y narrate s it s origi n a s a tre e an d tell s o f its bein g felled , shape d int o a rood , an d fastene d o n a hil l a s a gallows fo r criminals . Then :

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"I saw mankind' s Lor d rush willfully : h e wishe d t o climb me. Standing there , I dared no t bend o r break against God' s word, thoug h I saw th e groun d quake and tremble . Easil y I could have felle d al l foes, yet I stood firm. " (11 . 33b-8 ) This advanc e o f Chris t upo n th e Cros s i s no t th e usua l depictio n of Chris t carryin g th e Cros s t o Calvary , bu t i t ha s traditiona l sanc tion. I t show s Chris t freel y willin g Hi s ow n Crucifixion , height ening thi s "leap's " heroi c an d voluntar y nature . Strippin g Him self fo r battle—agai n a n unusua l feature , bu t on e withi n patristi c tradition—Christ mount s th e Cross , a n admirabl e symbo l o f Hi s divinity an d o f th e earlie r Middl e Age' s conceptio n o f th e Re demption. The Cros s continues : "I quaked whe n th e Her o elapsed me , yet dared no t bend o r fall t o earth: for I had t o stand fast . A rood wa s I reared: I raised th e King, Heaven's might y Lord ; nor dare d I bow low . They pierced m e with dar k nails ; on m e the wound s ar e plain , visible hostile scars . I dared hur t n o one. They mocked u s both together . I was drenche d wit h bloo d poured fro m th e Man's sid e when He' d sen t Hi s spirit forth . Much crue l and painfu l I experienced on tha t hill: I saw th e Go d o f host s dreadfully stretched ; darknes s ha d covered wit h cloud s the Ruler' s corpse , the shinin g splendor : a black shado w overcast th e sky . Al l creation wept , bewailed th e King' s death : Chris t wa s on th e Cross." (11 . 42-56 ) Crist w&s on rode: th e breathtakin g accoun t o f th e Crucifixio n end s on thi s simpl y state d ye t highl y emotiona l note . Th e Cros s ha s presented itsel f a s a loya l retaine r i n th e epi c mode , wit h th e ironi c reversal tha t i t mus t acquiesc e an d eve n assis t i n it s Lord' s death , unable throug h Hi s ow n comman d t o ai d o r aveng e Him . I n it s trembling an d suffering , th e Cros s ha s als o take n upo n itsel f Christ's Passion . Thu s i t ha s becom e a surrogat e fo r Christ , rep resenting tha t othe r aspec t o f th e Crucifixio n whic h wa s t o pre -


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dominate i n th e doctrin e an d ar t o f th e late r Middl e Ages , Hi s hu manity. By presenting a Chris t heroicall y ascendin g th e Cros s an d a Cros s undergoing Hi s huma n Passion , th e poe t threade d hi s wa y amon g the Christologica l dispute s o f th e sevent h an d eight h centurie s about th e parado x o f th e Savior' s dua l nature . Thi s tensio n be tween Hi s divinit y an d humanit y i s highlighte d stylisticall y i n th e following passag e wher e th e Cros s describe s th e depositio n an d burial: 'They carrie d awa y almighty God , raised Hi m fro m tha t heav y torment . Me n left m e ther e standing spattere d wit h blood , badl y wounde d wit h darts . They laid dow n th e weary-limbed One , stoo d an d watche d at th e head of Heaven's Lord ; a while He rested there , weary fro m tha t grea t struggle . The n fro m brigh t ston e they hewe d Hi m a tomb in view o f His slayer , set therei n th e Lor d o f victories." (11 . 6ob~7a ) In thes e hypermetri c line s picturin g Christ' s deat h a t th e " h a n d s " of Hi s slaye r (th e Cross ) variousl y a s a sleep , a catharsi s o f ex haustion, a release , an d a temporar y rest , th e poe t use s th e par adoxical communicatio idiomatum, wherei n Divinit y i s mortalized : "carried away, " "lai d down, " "watched, " "se t therein. " Wool f comments o n thi s devic e an d it s doctrina l an d aestheti c signifi cance: In th e thirt y line s o f dramati c descriptio n o f th e Crucifixio n . . . ther e are te n example s o f th e communicatio idiomatum, an d eac h on e stimu lates a shock a t th e paradox. . . . The habit o f variation i n Anglo-Saxo n poetic styl e an d th e richnes s o f synonym s i n Anglo-Saxo n poeti c dic tion assis t th e poe t i n eac h instanc e t o us e a fres h wor d o r phras e t o emphasize som e attribut e o f God , Hi s rule, majesty , omnipotence . . . . The theologica l poin t tha t th e Chris t wh o endure d th e Crucifixio n i s fully Go d an d full y ma n i s thus perfectl y made . . . . 33 The visionar y Cros s no w briefl y describe s it s ow n "death " an d "burial" an d subsequen t inventio n (cf . Elene), decoration wit h gol d and silver , an d exaltatio n abov e al l othe r "trees, " eve n a s Mar y was honore d b y Go d abov e al l women . Fro m bein g th e hardes t o f

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punishments, i t has become th e vitae via for al l who fear i t (11. 7094). I n line s 95-12 1 it exhort s th e Dreame r t o reveal hi s visio n t o others, t o mak e know n tha t i t i s th e tru e Cros s o n whic h Al mighty Go d suffere d fo r mankind' s man y sin s and Adam' s deed s of old . O n i t He taste d death , bu t aros e an d ascende d t o heaven , whence H e wil l com e agai n o n Judgmen t Da y t o judg e eac h ac cording t o hi s deed s o n earth . H e wil l as k the n wh o ha s taste d death fo r Him , an d onl y h e wh o "bear s th e Cros s i n hi s breast " (has been peniten t an d mad e restitution? ) wil l be saved . In th e poem' s closin g frame , 11 . 122-56, th e person a firs t pre sents the result of his vision: his own "conversion " t o life throug h the Cross. What formerly wa s the bana 'slayer ' of the Lord is now, ironically enough , th e Dreamer' s mundbyrd 'protector. ' Lik e othe r Old Englis h exile s (se e chapte r 12) , th e person a ha s fe w friend s left aliv e an d long s fo r th e da y whe n th e Cros s h e sa w her e o n earth wil l fetc h hi m t o partak e o f th e heavenl y banque t o f joys , thus completin g his transformation. Th e poe m conclude s o n th e triumphant note s o f Christ' s Harrowin g o f Hel l an d Hi s Ascen sion. Analysis o f The Dream of the Rood reveals a richnes s an d com plexity i n bot h conten t an d style . Centra l i s th e fusio n o f God Christ's divin e an d huma n attribute s an d th e verbal identificatio n of Cross , Christ , an d Dreamer. 34 A smal l illustratio n o f thi s den sity: i n 1 . 14a , th e Dreamer , a s h e watche s th e Cross , [waes] forwunded mid wommum 'was badl y wounde d b y sins' ; in 1 . 62b, th e Cross says , afte r th e deposition , eall ic wees mid straelum forwundod T was ver y badl y wounde d wit h dart s (i.e. , nails). ' Th e identifi cation o f Cros s an d Dreamer , an d b y extensio n Christ' s human ity, i s achieve d no t onl y stylisticall y b y th e verba l an d syntacti c parallelism, bu t als o figurativel y throug h th e implici t equatio n o f the Dreamer' s sin s wit h th e nail s crucifyin g Chris t (se e th e dis cussion of Christ HI for explicit equation of mankind's sins and th e Crucifixion). Further , th e nail s ar e calle d 'darts ' o r 'spears / sug gesting th e heroi c battl e mod e i n a passag e whic h utilize s inten sively th e Christia n communicatio idiomatum. Tha t The Dream of the Rood strikes u s a s fine r tha n othe r Anglo-Saxo n religiou s poem s may ow e somethin g t o it s lyrica l combinatio n o f narrativ e an d


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drama, and , despit e it s penitentia l "program, " t o th e absenc e o f homiletic exhortation. 35 In th e late r Middl e Age s th e Crucifixio n wa s picture d predomi nantly i n term s o f Christ' s huma n sufferin g an d Hi s divin e triump h was reserve d fo r th e Harrowin g o f Hel l motif , illustrate d b y th e conclusion o f The Dream of the Rood. I n Old Englis h poetr y thi s motif finds independen t expressio n i n th e Exeter' s Book' s Descent into Hell.36 Th e Descent (calle d th e Harrowing of Hell in som e editions , though th e poe m doe s no t cove r th e releas e o f th e patriarchs ) i s a 137-line piec e o f uncertai n date . Th e moti f o f th e Descen t an d Harrowing goe s bac k t o th e apocrypha l Gospe l o f Nicodemus , translated i n th e mid-elevent h centur y int o Ol d Englis h pros e (se e chapter 3); but surprisingl y neithe r th e Ol d Englis h poe m no r oth ers in th e corpu s whic h us e th e motif , no r any pros e works , see m to hav e know n thi s Gospel. 37 The poe m begin s narrativel y wit h th e visi t o f th e sorrowin g Marys t o Christ' s tomb . Th e poe t stresse s thei r knowledg e o f Hi s burial, thei r expectatio n o f th e permanenc e o f Hi s entombment . But, "quit e anothe r thing/thes e wome n kne w whe n the y turne d back again " (11 . i5b-6b) . Followin g a brief descriptio n o f Christ' s Resurrection (11 . 17-233) , th e scen e abruptl y switche s t o John th e Baptist i n hell , laughingl y tellin g it s inhabitant s abou t his expec tation tha t o n thi s da y (Easter ) hi s kinsman , "th e victoriou s So n of God, " wil l visi t the m (11 . 23b-32) . Christ' s conques t o f hel l i s presented heroically , emphasizin g th e eas e wit h which , withou t men o r weapons, H e wa s abl e t o gai n entry : Mankind's Lor d moved swiftl y o n His way, heaven's Guardia n would destro y hell' s walls: the fiercest o f all kings wished t o crush and to plunder that city's power. To battle He brought no helmet-bearers, nor would H e lead armed warriors to the fortress-gates; but its locks fell open, it s bolts drew back. The King rode in. (11 . 33-40 ) The patriarch s an d al l othe r soul s i n hel l thron g t o se e Him . Joh n perceives tha t H e ha s indee d com e an d addresse s Hi m i n a lon g

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speech (11 . 59 ff.) which runs to the end of the poem. 38 In his speech John apostrophize s Gabriel , Mary , Jerusalem , an d th e Rive r Jor dan i n a manner simila r t o the liturgicall y inspire d lyric s of Christ I,39 an d conclude s b y implorin g Chris t t o sho w "us " merc y an d cast the wate r o f baptism ove r "all city-dwellers, even as you and John in the Jordan with baptism nobly inspired all this world; thanks be to God forever." (11 . 13^-7 ) The Descent into Hell combines narrative an d lyri c modes i n celebrating this "leap's " importance fo r mankind's salvation , linkin g typologically th e patriarchs and other s in hell with al l living men . From certain knowledge of death in the "expectation" of the Marys, the poe m move s t o th e conques t o f darknes s b y ligh t i n John' s perception o f Christ' s victor y a t hell' s gate s (11 . 52-53), t o a univ ersalized praye r fo r th e beginnin g o f lif e eterna l fo r al l mankin d through baptism . Christ' s heroi c savin g powe r i s revealed no t onl y in Hi s actio n an d John' s apostrophe , bu t i n th e man y variationa l changes run g o n Hi s nature : H e i s designated i n John's fina l im ploration (11 . 107 ff.) a s "our Savior " (twice), "Lord Christ, " "Cre ator o f men, " "Lor d Go d o f victory, " "Rule r o f nations, " "pow erful Lord, " "bes t o f (all ) kings (twice,) " "Go d o f hosts " (thrice) , "joy of nobles," "beloved Prince. " The final epithet, uniqu e in the poem, i s Meotud 'Measurer.' Thoug h th e poem abruptl y shift s fo cus in its course, i t is not withou t it s own aestheti c power. 40 The Harrowin g o f Hel l moti f receive s fulle r expressio n i n th e 729-line poem tha t conclude s th e Junius MS, Christ and Satan.41 Par t I, 11 . 1-365, consists of a series of plaints by Satan after hi s unsuccessful revol t agains t God-Christ , plaint s intersperse d wit h hom iletic exhortations to choose Christ and a radiant Heaven, th e "green street" u p t o th e angels , b y eschewin g sins . Par t II , 11 . 366-662, centers o n th e Harrowing , bu t als o introduce s account s o f th e Resurrection, Ascension , an d Las t Judgment , wit h brie f sermon izing after th e firs t two . Par t III , 11 . 663-729, give s an abbreviate d (there i s a sizable ga p in th e MS ) but dramati c version o f Christ' s Temptation i n th e Wilderness. 42 Th e differen t content s o f thes e


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sections, th e varyin g styles , an d th e unchronologica l placin g o f th e Temptation hav e led som e scholars to believe that separate poem s have been her e conjoine d withou t muc h aestheti c sense ; but oth ers have argue d fo r th e themati c and structura l unit y o f th e whole . One see s th e poe m focusin g o n "th e incommensurat e migh t o f God." Anothe r see s th e homileti c techniqu e o f exemplum-exhor tation—in Par t III exemplum alone—providin g th e structural prin ciple fo r "th e dua l them e o f th e developmen t an d revelatio n o f the characte r o f Christ , an d th e implication s o f thi s revelatio n fo r man's mora l life. " Stil l anothe r see s th e centra l them e a s a n op position betwee n a "descending " Christ , whos e caritas lead s t o exaltation, an d a would-be "ascending " Satan , whos e cupiditas lead s to abasement. 43 In Par t I th e poe t establishe s Christ' s powe r b y equatin g Hi m with Go d th e Fathe r i n th e proces s o f Creation . The n Satan , a wretched figur e taunte d b y hi s ow n followers , reveal s hi s nega tive capabilit y a s h e lament s hi s foll y i n revol t an d th e torment s of his fiery, windy , dragon-guarde d abode . He sounds very muc h like an exile d thegn : "Her e i s no glor y o f blessed ones,/Wine-hal l of the proud, no r joy of the world,/nor thron g of angels. . . . " (11 . 92b~4a); "So must I , abased wretch , mov e more widely,/travel ex ile-paths deprive d o f glory,/parte d fro m joys . . . . " (11 . ii9~2ia) . Like mankind's sins , he cannot b e hid, h e laments—even i n hell' s wide hal l wit h it s mingled hea t an d cold . Images o f ligh t an d darknes s pla y agains t eac h othe r through out Par t I , bu t ar e eve n mor e apparen t i n th e Harrowin g panel . There, Chris t appear s a t hell' s door s "i n a fair light " an d release s the prisoners. Ev e must plea d t o be saved, an d doe s so in a speec h in whic h sh e accept s responsibilit y fo r eatin g th e brigh t bu t deadl y apple. Touchingly , sh e reache s he r han d towar d Christ , appeal ing t o Hi m fo r Mary' s sake : "Lo , you , Lord , wer e bor n fro m m y daughter/on middle-eart h a s a hel p t o man./No w i t i s clea r yo u are Go d Himself,/eterna l Autho r o f al l creation" (11 . 437-40). Chris t quickly releases Ev e and condemn s Sata n to chains and darkness . After th e jus t procee d t o Heaven , Chris t speak s t o Hi s follower s about th e creation , man' s disobedience , an d Hi s descen t t o eart h and Crucifixio n (11 . 469-511). Th e poe t the n tell s o f th e Resurrec tion, Christ' s fort y day s o n earth , Hi s Ascension , an d th e Las t

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Judgment, wher e th e wicke d ar e sen t t o hell' s darknes s an d th e saved rejoic e i n heaven' s radiance. 44 Christ's powe r t o sav e mankin d i n Par t II counterpoints Satan' s powerlessness t o exal t himsel f i n Par t I . Bu t th e ful l exten t o f Sa tan's abjec t miser y i s see n i n Par t III , wher e th e poe t briefl y bu t magnificently take s u s bac k t o Christ' s rejectio n o f th e tempter' s offer t o allow Hi m t o rul e thi s worl d and , uniquely , th e rodera rice 'kingdom o f heaven. ' I n respons e Chris t says : "Depart, accursed , t o the pit of torment: for you, prou d Satan, punishmen t and not at all God's realm stands ready. I command you, b y virtue of My might, that you bring no hope t o those in hell, but you might tell them the greatest grief: that you met the Measurer of all things, mankind's King. Ge t you behind me! Know too, accursed, how wide and broad is hell's mournful hall : measure it by hand! Begin with the bottom, the n go so you may feel it s whole circumference : first measure from above to the abyss and how broad the black mist may be; then you will see more clearly that you strove with God, whe n you have measured by hand the height and depth of inmost hell, that grim grave-house. G o quickly to work, so that before tw o hours have flown by you will have measured you r destined home." 45 (11 . 693-709 ) And Sata n sink s int o hel l t o commenc e hi s measuring , an d "I t seemed t o hi m the n tha t fro m ther e (th e pit)/t o th e door s o f hel l were a hundred thousand/miles . . . . " Wit h th e curs e o f hi s ow n fiends o n hi s head , "Lo , thu s li e no w i n evil ! Formerl y yo u di d not wis h fo r good, " th e poe m abruptl y ends . Christ and Satan is generall y viewe d a s havin g bee n compose d i n the earl y nint h century. 46 I n thi s chapte r an d th e last , w e hav e discussed Ol d Englis h poem s o f th e nint h an d tent h centurie s dealing wit h Chris t an d Hi s saint s a s th e heroe s o f narrativ e an d lyric. W e hav e observe d th e fusio n o r overlappin g o f secula r he -


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roic concept s an d Christia n traditio n i n a poeti c styl e tha t fuse s native Anglo-Saxo n an d Lati n rhetorica l techniques . Cynewul f figured prominentl y a s th e on e Anglo-Saxo n poe t whos e nam e w e have in this connection, an d thoug h onl y four poem s bear his runic signature, severa l others, as we have noted, hav e been viewe d b y stylistic critics as Cynewulfian i n manner: Dream of the Rood, Guthlac B , and Christ I. Christ and Satan probably stand s betwee n th e Cynewulfian an d th e earlie r "Caedmonian " poem s i n th e Juniu s MS. These poems , alon g with th e late r Genesis B and Judith, form a grou p whic h hav e Ol d Testamen t figure s a s thei r heroe s an d heroines. The y ar e th e subjec t o f th e next chapter . NOTES 1. Coo k 1909 . 2. Se e Da s 194 2 and Schaa r 1949 . 3. Se e ASP R 3 , pp . xxv-vi , thoug h th e editor s ar e inconclusive, givin g the thre e poem s consecutiv e lin e numbers . Se e als o Phili p 1940 . 4. Mildenberge r 1948 ; Chase , C . 1974 ; Fres e 1975 . Fo r summar y re marks o n th e unit y debate , se e Calde r 1981 , pp. 42-4 . 5. Ed . separatel y b y Campbell , J . 1959 , wit h translation . Burli n 196 8 contains tex t an d translatio n accompanyin g a n extende d commentary . 6. Se e Burger t 1921 ; and Burli n 1968 , pp . 38-45 ; Ranki n 1985 . 7. Campbell , J . 195 9 takes th e forme r view ; Anderson, E . 1983 , pp. 504, th e latter . 8. Se e Burli n 1968 , pp . 56-9 . Thi s boo k offer s a clea r expositio n o f ty pological figuratio n an d a running commentar y o n eac h o f th e lyrics . 9. Burli n 1968 , p . 65 . 10. Se e Las s 196 6 an d Cros s 1964 . 11. Fo r textual criticis m o f thi s passag e an d other s i n Lyri c II, se e Pop e 1981b. 12. Se e Burli n 1968 , pp . 119-25 ; Foley 1975 ; Anderson, E . 1979 . 13. Greenfiel d 1953 . O n themati c unity , se e furthe r Parol i 1979 ; An derson, E . 1983 , pp . 50-64 . 14. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Cook 1909 . 15. Clemoe s 1971 . 16. O n th e "gift s o f men " them e i n O E poetry, se e Cros s 1962 ; Anderson, E . 1983 , pp. 28-44 . O n Cynewul f s extensive us e o f i t in Christ II and the possibl e relatio n o f th e them e t o th e "unity " o f th e Christ poems , se e Chase, C . 1974 . Fo r fulle r discussio n o f thi s theme , se e chapte r 11 . O n "soul's need, " se e Ric e 1977 . 17. O n heroi c vocabular y i n th e poem , se e Clemoe s 1971 , pp . 294-6 ;

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Cherniss 1972 , pp . 221- 6 argue s tha t th e heroi c connotation s o f tha t vo cabulary ar e her e minimal . 18. Calde r 1981 , p . 67 . O n background s o f th e Descent-Ascen t moti f and it s us e i n th e poem , se e Brown , G . 1974 . 19. Se e Pop e 1969 , wh o clarifie s th e situatio n b y analyzin g th e passag e in term s o f Bede' s Ascension Hymn, whic h Cynewul f i s utilizin g here . 20. O n rhetorica l ornamentatio n i n thi s passage , se e Clemoe s 1970 , pp . 11-3. 21. Se e note s 16 , 20 . 22. O n th e "Harrowing " moti f i n th e poem , se e Campbell , J . 1982 , pp . M5-723. Fo r interpretive problem s wit h th e runi c signature , se e Elliot t 1953a ; Page 1973 , pp . 208-10 ; Fres e 1975 , pp . 327-34 . 24. Se e Adams , R . 197 4 o n th e centralit y o f th e Ascension-Adven t in teraction. Fo r detaile d analysi s o f th e poem , se e Calde r 1981 , pp . 42-74 ; see als o Letso n 1980 . 25. Anderson , E . 1983 , p . 67 . 26. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Cook 1909 . 27. Se e Hill , T . 1973 ; Kuznets/Gree n 1976 ; Chase , C . L . 1980 . A n ex tensive analysi s o f th e poe m i s Cai e 1976 , pp . 160-4 , 173-225 ; a brief ap preciation o f i t is Shepherd 1966 , pp . 19-22 . Fo r the alphabetic hymn , se e Cook 1909 , pp . 17 1 ff . 28. Ed . i n ASP R 2 ; separately b y Dickins/Ros s 195 4 and Swanto n 1970 . 29. Fo r descriptio n an d commen t o n th e R C itself, se e Swanto n 1970 , pp. 9-38 . Bot h R C an d B C inscription s ed . i n ASP R 6 . Fo r "reconstruc tion" an d trans , o f th e R C inscription, se e Howlet t 1976a . 30. Braswel l 1978 . 31. O n Dream and Christ III, se e Payne , R . 197 5 and Chase , C . L . 1980 ; on th e parado x o f Christ' s Being , se e Wool f 195 8 and Swanto n 1970 , pp . 42-58. Flemin g 196 6 emphasize s th e poem' s eschatologica l an d peniten tial elements; Burro w 1959 , th e persona' s "progress " from sinne r t o saved ; Leiter 1967, the interlocking transformation s o f Christ , Cross , and Dreamer . On Cros s iconology , se e Swanto n (a s above ) an d Schwa b 1978 . O n litur gical influence , se e Patc h 191 9 and 6 Carragai n 1982 . 32. O n prosopopoeia an d th e Dream, se e Schlauc h 1940 . 33. Wool f 1958 , pp . 151-2 . 34. Se e n . 31 ; further, Hieat t 1971 . Fo r a n interpretiv e analysi s o f th e poem's syntax , se e Pasternac k 1984 . For an appreciativ e commentar y an d sensitive poeti c translation , se e Gardner , H . 1970 . 35. Gatc h 196 5 is undoubtedl y right i n seein g th e Vercell i corpus , bot h homilies an d poems , a s a collectio n intende d t o inspir e repentance ; se e further chapte r 3 . 36. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Shippey 1976 , wit h facin g translation .


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37. Se e Campbell , J . 198 2 fo r a n accoun t o f th e moti f an d it s variou s appearances i n O E literature. 38. L . 135a , Swylce git Johannis 'eve n a s yo u two , John (an d Christ) / causes problems. Som e critics emend th e git or assume th e speake r o f 11. 59-137 is Adam. Other s see 11. 134-7 as t n e persona' s voice, speaking fo r all mankin d (Conne r 1980) , o r th e combine d universa l voice s o f John , persona, an d mankin d (Tras k 1971 ; Campbell, J. 1982 , pp. 150-3) . Kaske 1976 views git as comprising John an d th e baptismal water . 39. Conne r 198 0 attempts t o link Descent directly t o the Light and Baptismal service s o f Holy Saturday rites . 40. Fo r literary analysis, se e Shippey 1976 , pp. 36-43 . 41. Ed . i n ASP R 1 ; separately b y Club b 1925 ; Finnegan 1977 ; (on mi crofiche in ) Sleeth 1982. 42. N o specifi c sourc e ha s bee n identified—se e Finnega n 1977 , p . 3 7 for it s "inspiration. " 43. Se e respectively Huppe 1959 , pp. 227-31; Finnegan 1977 ; Sleeth 1982. 44. Se e Campbell, J. 1982 , pp. 153-8 . 45. Hill , T . 198 2 comments o n wordpla y her e betwee n Christ' s appel lation Meotod 'Measurer ' an d Hi s comman d t o Sata n t o metan 'measure' hell with hi s hands . 46. Sleet h 198 2 places it as late as 850.


Old Testamen t Narrative Poetr y

Christ and Satan, recorde d b y thre e differen t scribes , occupie s th e second "book " of th e Junius 1 1 MS; the tw o poems tha t constitut e Genesis, a s wel l a s th e Exodus and th e Daniel, al l i n th e han d o f one scribe , mak e u p th e first . I n additio n t o th e poems , th e M S contains forty-eigh t illustration s depictin g scene s fro m Genesis, though the y ar e no t alway s faithful t o th e poeti c text. 1 Scholar s long fel t tha t this manuscript containe d poem s writte n by th e fame d Caedmon himself , sinc e Bede' s accoun t (HE 4:24) tell s how , afte r miraculously receivin g th e gif t o f song , th e humbl e cowher d com posed piou s verses : He sang firs t about the creation and about the origin of mankind, an d all that story of Genesis . . . ; in turn about the exodus of the Israelites from th e land o f th e Egyptians an d about the entrance into the promised land; and about many other stories of the Holy Scripture. . . . But scholarshi p no w recognize s differen t author s fo r th e severa l poems, an d firml y reject s attributio n o f an y extan t poem s t o Caedmon sav e fo r th e Hymn (se e chapte r 10) . The firs t o f th e "Caedmonian " poem s i n th e Juniu s M S runs t o 2935 lines, divide d b y th e scribe int o forty-one fitts , bu t line s 235 -


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851 are i n origi n an d styl e a separat e poe m o n th e Fal l o f Man . Lines 1-23 4 an d 852-293 5 are usually take n together a s The Earlier Genesis, o r Genesis A, an d date d aroun d 700 ; the inserte d portion , fitted sequentiall y bu t awkwardl y int o th e narrative , i s known a s The Later Genesis, o r Genesis B, and date d mid-nint h century. 2 Th e former follow s th e biblica l accoun t o f th e Firs t Boo k o f Mose s through 22:13—*h e sacrific e o f Isaac—wit h expansions , omis sions, an d change s o f variou s kinds , perhap s th e mos t notabl e change bein g th e additio n o f th e apocrypha l Fal l o f th e Angels . There is evidently a lacuna i n the manuscript afte r th e creation of the se a o n the third da y (1 . 168), 3 at which poin t th e text jumps t o the creation o f Eve. More than hal f th e extant lines are devoted t o Abraham. Earlier1 commentators viewe d th e nature , quality , an d meanin g of Genesis A reductively ; the y pointe d t o th e Teutonizin g o f th e biblical story , notin g th e "addition " o f heroi c formula s (cf . wit h "Saints' Lives, " chapter 7) . But since Huppe's semina l essay , man y critics hav e foun d a figurativ e o r allegorica l signification , i n th e manner o f Bede's Commentary on Genesis. Hupp e propose s a unity for th e narrativ e base d upo n man' s nee d t o prais e God . H e see s the poe t developin g those portion s o f th e biblica l stor y whic h trac e figurativel y th e salva tion and damnation o f mankind , firs t symbolize d i n the actions of expelling Ada m and Ev e from Paradise . . . . It is on Abraham, a s a figurative character, tha t the poet chiefly concentrates . . . . The sacrific e of Isaac represents the fulfillment o f God's promise to Abraham of the birth of Christ and the Redemption of mankind. 4

Huppe overstates the figurative cas e for details of the poem, how ever, a s even thos e who accept his critical premise acknowledge. 5 For example, Go d doe s not , i n Genesis A, promis e Abraha m "th e birth o f Chris t an d th e Redemptio n o f mankind" ; rather , h e promises hi m a son by Sarah, who m al l men shal l call "Isaac"; By spirit's might I will giv e that man My divine grace, abundance o f friend s for his benefit; My blessing and special favor shall he receive,

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My love and delight. Fro m that leader shall come a great people, brav e princes, who will be keepers of the kindgom, worldly kings famous far and wide. (11 . 2330-7 ) Though th e grac e bestowe d i s divine , th e blessing s ar e surel y lit eral and secula r (e.g. , "worldly kings") , no t figurative . Secula r he roic value s als o see m buil t int o th e accoun t o f th e battl e betwee n the norther n king s wh o fough t an d defeate d th e souther n king s of Sodo m an d Gomorrah , an d int o th e descriptio n o f Abraham' s ensuing rescu e o f hi s nephe w Lot , take n captiv e i n tha t conflict . In the forme r battl e scene , fo r example, th e dewy-feathere d rave n sings i n expectatio n o f carnage , an d There was hard fighting, exchange of deadly spears, th e din of war and loud shouts of battle. From their sheaths warriors drew with hands ring-adorned swords, strong in their edges. (11 . 198^-933 ) In Abraham' s rescu e operation , hi s warrior s surpris e th e enem y by attackin g a t night : In the (enemy's) cam p was noise of shields and shafts, th e death of shooters and the shock o f arrows; sharp spears bit grievously beneath the men's garments, and the enemies fell, fo e after foe, where laughing they had led away booty as comrades in arms. . . . Abraham gave them war as tribute—not twiste d gold— for his brother's son: he struck and killed the foe in the fighting. (11 . 2o6ib~72a ) Whether th e mos t devou t o r th e mos t learne d Christia n i n an y Anglo-Saxon audienc e woul d hav e conceive d Abraha m her e no t as a secula r warrio r but a s "a n idea l o f Christia n living " i s doubt ful. Criticism o f Genesis A ha s no t onl y move d awa y fro m Huppe' s detailed figurativ e paraphrase , bu t i t ha s als o produce d litera l


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interpretations. Boyd , fo r instance , see s th e predominatin g theme s of the poem a s "wealth an d freondscipe," an d th e narrative " a ver sion of history o n which th e poet has superimposed a framewor k of mora l value s whic h i s restricted t o a purel y secula r concep t o f propriety an d nobility" ; Brockman believes the Cain and Abe l episode had, fo r the poet's audience, a "more concretely secular, so cial meaning " tha n a n exegetica l one. 6 O n a purel y litera l level , Genesis A contrast s thos e wh o obe y an d thos e wh o disobe y God . The firs t fitt , 11 . 1-81, i s illustrative : i t begin s wit h th e narrator' s stateihent tha t i t i s righ t t o prais e an d lov e Go d fo r Hi s eterna l power a s Kin g ove r th e heavenl y throne s (11 . i-8a)7 ; i t nex t de scribes th e joy of th e angel s obedien t t o and lovin g their Lor d (11. 8b-2i); the n follow s Lucifer' s revol t for oferhygde 'fo r pride ' an d God's exiling the rebellious angels, depriving them o f joys (11 . 22jj)'f an d i t conclude s wit h peac e an d jo y reestablishe d i n heave n among th e angeli c dugud 'host , trie d retainers ' wit h thei r drihten 'Lord.' Th e poet clearl y makes good us e o f his native stylisti c medium, includin g "envelope " patterns , wor d collocations , an d wordplay.8 Al l th e subsequen t episode s an d fitt s emplo y simila r stylistic pattern s an d themes—suc h a s reward s fo r th e faithfu l an d exile fo r th e disobedient . Abraham' s willingnes s t o sacrific e Isaa c is literall y consonan t wit h Germani c notion s o f loyalt y an d obe dience an d provide s a fittin g conclusion . Nevertheless , patristi c commentary doe s permeate th e wor k i n many ways. 9 Sixteen time s the wor d nergend 'Savior ' refer s t o God; and, a t least fo r thos e fa miliar wit h exegesis , th e biblica l Genesi s itsel f ha d accumulate d typological meaning s fo r it s Ol d Testamen t figure s an d actions . Yet this poet , unlik e th e creato r o f Exodus, mad e n o specia l effor t to ensur e tha t hi s audienc e woul d recogniz e suc h features . Eve n nergend seem s t o be a common (i f anachronistic) choic e o f epithe t for a n Ol d Englis h Christia n writer . Inserted i n th e mids t o f Genesis A i s a poe m o n th e temptatio n and fal l o f Ada m an d Eve , a poem tha t ha s ofte n bee n compare d with Paradise Lost. There ha s bee n som e speculatio n tha t Milto n may hav e know n Genesis B through hi s acquaintanc e wit h Juniu s (see chapte r 5 , not e 41) , wh o ha d th e manuscrip t i n London . A s early as 187 5 Sievers advanced th e hypothesi s tha t thi s portion of Genesis wa s a translatio n o f a n Ol d Saxo n (Lo w German ) poem ;

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and hi s theor y wa s triumphantl y confirme d i n 189 4 wit h th e dis covery o f a n Ol d Saxo n fragmen t i n th e Vatica n Librar y corre sponding t o line s 790-816. 10 Sinc e th e Saxo n poe m clearl y date s from th e mid-nint h century , th e Ol d Englis h translatio n o f i t (probably mad e b y a continenta l Saxo n i n England) 11 canno t b e placed an y earlier . Genesis B opens i n th e middl e o f a speech b y Go d t o Ada m an d Eve, i n whic h H e i s tellin g the m t o enjo y th e fruit s o f Paradise , but no t t o tast e thos e o f th e forbidde n tree . A lon g flashbac k fol lows, recountin g th e Creatio n an d Fal l o f th e Angels . Sata n her e is simila r t o th e prou d an d rebelliou s tyrant-her o o f Paradise Lost, a conceptio n o f characte r tha t bot h th e Ol d Englis h poe t an d Mil ton ma y ow e t o th e fifth-centur y Poematum de Mosaicae Historiae Gestis Libri Quinque o f Avitus. 12 I n raisin g hi s standar d o f defi ance, Sata n says , "I have great strength to establish a more stately throne, a higher in heaven. Wh y serve His will, yield Him homage? I can be God as well as He. Strong comrades, stout-hearte d warriors , stand by me, loyal to me in battle. Fo r their lord those brave men have chosen me ; with such champions can one plan and bring it about. The y are my bosom friends, true in their thoughts; in truth I can be their lord, rule in this realm. Thus it seems not right to me to grovel before God for any favors: no longer will I be His follower." (11 . 2800-91 ) Even i n defea t h e i s th e undaunte d Germani c warrior , no t th e la menting exil e o f Christ and Satan; 13 boun d i n iro n bands i n hel l a s he is , h e hurl s word s i f no t spears : "Alas! if I could use my hands and be without for only an hour, for a winter's hour, the n I with this host— but iron bands bind me securely, chains ride hard upon me." (11 . 368b~7oa ) Ironically, h e urge s th e comitatus-theg n bon d a s reason fo r one o f his falle n comrade s (obviousl y unbound ) t o ai d hi m b y escapin g


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into the upper world; there he can seduce Adam and Eve into disobeying God . Thu s mankind wil l b e prevente d fro m gainin g th e rebellious angels' now los t heritage, an d Satan and his cohorts will have their revenge o n God. With th e acceptanc e o f thi s tas k b y a n unname d subordinate , the Ol d Saxo n poe t move s fro m apocrypha l stor y t o biblica l ac count; but ther e ar e severa l modifications , apar t fro m th e initia l substitution of th e devil's disciple as tempter, tha t are unusual and significant. Fo r one thing , th e tempter tries Adam first, tellin g him that it is God's command tha t he eat of th e fruit fro m the forbidden tree , her e picture d a s evi l an d ugly— a tre e of death , no t o f knowledge. Ada m rejects the temptation, sayin g that he does not understand th e message , an d tha t th e messenge r i s unlik e an y angel he ha s ever seen . Furthermore , Ada m says, th e messenge r bears n o sig n o f God' s favor , an d Go d ca n comman d Ada m di rectly from on high—He need s n o ministering angel. Angered , th e devil turn s t o Eve (who m th e Lord made, th e poet tell s us , wit h a "weaker mind" [11. 59ob-ia]) wit h the story that Adam has forfeited God' s favor by rejecting His command t o eat the fruit; that Eve ca n regai n Hi s favo r b y playin g th e bette r part , eatin g an d persuading Adam to eat; and that he is indeed God's messenger . He concludes, wit h som e irony, " I am not like a devil." Eve succumbs, eats , and sees a vision of heaven, grante d her by the devil, which she takes for a token of the truth. With the devil's prompting, sh e thereupon urges Adam all the long day to that dark deed. The dee d done , th e appl e eaten , th e devi l gloat s an d return s t o hell. Ada m an d Ev e recogniz e thei r error , repent , an d pra y fo r punishment; there i s no hin t that they refuse t o acknowledge thei r guilt, a s i n biblica l an d Augustinia n version s o f th e Fall , no r d o they seek t o blame God. Critics find an additional modification o f the biblical story in the poem: the appearanc e o f th e fien d a s an angel o f ligh t in his deception o f Ada m an d Eve. 14 Man y details—th e angeli c disguise , the poet' s descriptio n o f Eve , th e "handwor k o f God, " a s bot h deceived (11 . 626-30, 699-703 , 821-3 ) an d loya l (1 . 708), an d fur ther Adam an d Eve' s insistence o n a "sign" from God (11 . 540-1, 653, 713-4, 773b-4)—lea d t o the conclusion that the poet was not stressing man' s mora l disobedienc e bu t th e deceptio n o f inno -

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cence by malevolence an d fraud. 15 Ther e are forces o f destructio n that lur k behin d huma n choice s an d actions , howeve r goo d thei r motivations. While the poet depicted Ev e sympathetically—and i n doing so contrasted Satan' s fall through prid e with Adam and Eve' s fall throug h deception 16—he di d no t portra y he r a s innocent . I n various ways , h e alerte d hi s audienc e t o he r mora l guil t o r culp able ignorance. 17 Whethe r w e se e Ev e as wholl y o r partl y guilty , we mus t recogniz e a subversio n o f hierarchica l order , wherei n reason yields, as it should no t do, to sense. And ther e is probably a typologica l relationshi p betwee n th e tw o falls : th e concept s o f Promethean overreachin g an d subverte d hierarch y wor k togethe r in this poem, muc h as the triumph an d passio n of Christ and Cros s do in The Dream of the Rood.18 We cannot be certain, o f course, tha t the origina l Saxo n o r Englis h audienc e woul d hav e understoo d th e poem i n thi s way . Bu t surel y the y wer e a t leas t minimall y awar e of its fusion o f Germani c poeti c form, dramati c irony , an d heroi c concepts with th e Christia n ide a tha t disloyalt y t o God entail s th e loss of Paradis e an d al l that woe . The literal-allegorical questio n pose d b y Genesis arise s als o ove r th e interpretation o f th e followin g poe m i n th e Juniu s MS , th e 590 line Exodus. 19 This is in many way s the most difficult o f the Caed monian poems , an d perhap s o f al l Ol d Englis h poems . I t add s a great dea l t o it s mai n source , Exodu s 12.29-30 , 13.17-14.31 . It s style i s rather spasmodic ; ther e ar e man y unusua l metaphors ; lacunae exist in the manuscript; unrealistic details appear in the midst of realistically portrayed scenes ; there is a digression o n Noah an d Abraham i n th e midst of the Red Sea crossing; and man y individ ual words offe r interpretativ e problems . Further, ther e is the overall "strategy" t o consider : whethe r th e poe m "offer s it s messag e of human salvatio n largel y i n heroi c terms , term s perhap s quit e un familiar o r uncongenia l t o Lati n exegetes, " or , whethe r th e exo dus itsel f "i s being describe d i n term s appropriat e t o th e journe y of all Christians throug h thi s life to the heavenly home." 20 In either case, Exodus is one of the most stirring and exciting of Old English poems. It begins epicall y i n a comple x passage : Hwxt, we feor and neah gefrigen habbad 'Lo, we have heard fa r an d near' ; and i t continues,


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with possibl e doubl e reference , b y praisin g Moses ' law s (th e Commandments/the Pentateuch) , whic h offer th e reward o f heavenly life fo r th e blessed afte r th e "difficul t journey " (o f thi s life/o f the Israelit e exodus ) an d endurin g counse l fo r thos e presentl y alive—"Let hi m hea r wh o will! " (11 . 1-7). Th e poe t the n depict s Moses as a folk leade r an d battl e champion, wis e and dea r t o God; he give s a brie f previe w o f Moses ' victor y ove r th e Egyptians , "God's adversaries, " an d tell s (unbiblically ) ho w Go d ha d earlie r revealed t o Moses the stor y o f Creation an d Hi s own nam e (11 . 829). Now the poem moves quickly to the tenth plague, the slayin g of th e Egyptians ' firstbor n sons , an d th e releas e o f th e Israelites . Moses leads his people forward unde r th e protection o f a pillar of cloud tha t shield s the m fro m th e ho t Ethiopia n su n b y da y an d a pillar o f fir e tha t stave s of f th e terror s o f th e night . Th e Israelite s encamp b y th e Re d Se a o n th e fourt h nigh t an d lear n tha t th e Egyptian hos t pursue s them . A t thi s poin t ther e i s a ga p i n th e manuscript (1 . 141) . Wit h th e resumptio n o f th e narrative , th e Egyptians ar e approachin g th e encampment . I n th e followin g passage (11 . 154-2043), th e poe t show s considerabl e sceni c skill in his use of the "cinematographic" technique of shifting poin t of view between th e oppose d force s a s the y converge. 21 First he show s th e terrified Hebrew s a s they watch th e approach o f the "shinin g troo p of horsemen," wit h th e "beast s of battle" expecting carrion. The n he view s th e scen e fro m th e sid e o f th e advancin g cavalry , wit h its kin g i n brigh t armor . A brief parenthetica l glanc e bac k a t th e entrapped Hebrew s (11 . i78b~9), an d the n a lon g descriptio n o f the number , organization , an d determinatio n o f th e Egyptian s t o gain vengeance on the slayers of their brothers (the firstborn). Agai n the "camera " swing s back t o the Israelites , a s their fea r rise s to a crescendo i n th e soun d o f wailing ; th e enem y i s resolut e a s th e gap betwee n th e force s narrows , til l suddenl y God' s ange l inter venes, an d scatter s th e foe s i n th e nigh t (11 . 204b~7). At daw n Mose s summon s hi s peopl e together , bid s the m or ganize thei r armies , an d als o t o tak e hear t an d trus t i n th e Lord . He describe s th e miracl e h e performe d a s he struc k th e water s of the Re d Se a wit h hi s ro d an d th e wave s parte d i n rampart s o n each sid e o f th e no w reveale d ancien t se a bottom . Curiously , th e poet doe s not give an account o f the objective actio n itself. As the

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tribes cross, the poet comments that they all had "one father" (i.e., Abraham), a reference which leads to a brief account of Noah and the flood an d to a longer one of Abraham and the sacrifice of Isaac. At the end of an account of God's covenant with Abraham, ther e is another large gap in the manuscript, an d the narrative resumes with the already trapped Egyptians trying in vain to flee th e closing wall s o f water . Th e drownin g o f th e hos t i s emphasize d rei teratively an d somewha t confusedly , reflecting , consciousl y o r unconsciously, th e Egyptians ' panic . A t th e en d o f thi s passag e (1. 515), the poet briefly touches on Moses' preaching to the Israelites on th e seashore . The n he introduces a homiletic sectio n contrasting transitory earthly joys and heaven's bliss, returns to Moses' address, an d finall y describe s th e Israelite s despoilin g th e dea d Egyptians of Joseph's wealth. That th e crossin g o f th e Re d Se a hel d allegorica l meanin g fo r biblical commentators is well known; we saw in chapter 3 that JElfric, i n th e earl y tent h century , reproduce d a n exegetica l treat ment o f it . Th e allegorica l possibilit y fo r Exodus give s sens e an d depth t o the apparentl y naiv e nautica l imager y applie d t o the Israelites a s the y march towar d th e Promise d Lan d an d alon g th e bottom o f th e Re d Sea . Whil e th e metaphor s ma y b e par t of th e native Anglo-Saxon heroi c apparatus with which the poem is liberally furnished , the y ca n als o poin t t o th e standar d Christia n interpretation o f th e se a voyage , a representation o f man' s journey a s a n exile t o his spiritua l hom e i n heaven 22 (cf . Cynewulf' s extended simil e a t the en d o f Christ II and interpretation s o f The Seafarer). Typologica l foreshadowin g seem s encourage d b y th e wording whic h describe s Moses ' binding o f "God' s adversaries " and hi s freein g o f th e Israelite s i n th e earl y par t o f th e poem : a foreshadowing o f Christ' s Harrowin g o f Hell . Luca s suggest s something mor e abou t ho w th e word s wor k i n unusua l colloca tions to imply allegorical connections : In lines 88b-9oa the 'sails' (a metaphor for the pillars of cloud and fire) are called lyftwundor leoht 'bright miracles of the air', a phrase more appropriate to the pillar in another metaphorical guise, as the Cross. . . . Thus the allegorical interpretation of the Israelites following the pillar as Christians . . . following the Cross is implied. This allegorical interpretation i s specificall y linked , a s th e mentio n o f 'sails ' has already


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suggested, t o nautica l imagery . I n line s 8ob-87 a th e Israelites , else where calle d "sea-men ' . . . , ar e seen a s on board a ship, wit h mast , cross-bar an d rigging , a clea r allusio n t o th e patristi c commonplac e (though not from the exegesis of the exodus) of the Ship of the Church together wit h th e Mas t o f th e Cross . Th e riggin g o f th e shi p merge s into a tent (85) , a n allusion t o th e Tabernacle o f th e Tent of th e Presence o f th e Lor d wher e Go d manifeste d hi s presenc e t o th e Israelite s (86~7a). Juxtaposition o f thes e tw o concepts, 'Ship ' and 'Tent' , i s possible because i n allegorical exegesi s bot h represente d th e Church , th e family of all Christians. 23 For all suc h exegetica l reading , Luca s doe s no t se e th e poe m a s a consistent allegory , bu t a s a "chai n o f associate d notion s rathe r than a full y develope d structura l element. " Th e "allegorica l di mension," a s h e call s it , ha s attracte d man y critics , wh o fin d th e poem revolve s aroun d th e Sacramen t o f Baptism. 24 Other s con centrate o n th e detail s o f typologica l equations , suc h a s th e ref erence t o th e encampmen t a t Etha m a s bein g "a n allusio n t o th e gathering o f th e churc h fro m th e gentiles." 25 Th e significanc e o f the "Patriarcha l Digression " i n th e mids t o f th e Re d Se a crossin g has bee n muc h discussed , an d it s relevanc e fo r Exodus fairly wel l established, whethe r literall y i n term s o f covenant s o r typologi cally. I t i s skillfull y introduce d an d poeticall y effective ; th e Noa h and Abraha m episode s ar e thematicall y an d imagisticall y consis tent wit h th e Exodus proper; an d the y shar e wit h th e mai n stor y Christological an d sacramenta l typologies. 26 Critics wh o ar e allegoricall y incline d ofte n fin d a n explici t cal l for exegetica l reading s i n th e poet' s commen t tha t "i f life' s inter preter, th e body' s guardia n brigh t i n th e breast , wishe s t o unloc k this ampl e goo d wit h th e key s o f th e Spiri t [i.e. , th e Hol y Spirit] , the myster y wil l b e mad e clear " (11 . 52 3 ff.) . The y tak e th e run 'mystery' a s a referenc e t o th e poet' s ow n text , an d fin d sanctio n therein fo r suc h readings. 27 Thi s ma y b e so ; bu t th e poe t seem s to b e referrin g t o spiritua l interpretatio n o f th e Te n Command ments, t o whic h h e ha s jus t allude d i n 11 . 520-2: "Stil l me n fin d in th e writing s ever y la w whic h Go d commande d the m [th e Isra elites] i n tru e word s o n tha t journey." 28 Allegorical o r not , Exodus everywhere exhibit s a n epi c ton e an d grandeur i n it s accoun t o f th e flight a s a battl e betwee n armies .

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For instance , whe n th e trib e o f Simeo n enter s th e no w expose d path a t th e botto m o f th e sea : Next th e son s of Simeon wen t fort h in powerful bands , troo p after bol d troop ; a thir d might y host , banner s flyin g over dew-tipped spears , the y pressed forwar d duly arrayed . Tumultuou s da y broke over waters, God' s bright beaco n sea-morning splendid . Th e host moved on . (11 . 340-6 ) Even th e overwhelmin g o f th e Egyptian s b y th e closin g wall s o f water i s viewe d i n martia l terms : the water y slope s were spattered wit h blood , the se a spewe d gore ; an uproa r spli t the waves , the water fille d wit h weapons , poure d fort h death . The Egyptians turne d bac k in thei r tracks, fled in fear perceivin g thei r peril: they woul d see k thei r homes, sic k of th e battle, their boasting humbled . High-towerin g wave s darkened ove r them . Non e o f tha t arm y arrived home , fo r fat e fro m behin d engulfed the m i n waves. Where pathway s onc e stood , the se a no w raged . (11 . 449-593) 29 The afflictors , God' s adversaries , hav e becom e th e afflicted ; th e treasurehoard (bot h th e Israelites , metaphorically , an d Joseph' s treasure, literally ) ha s bee n plundered. 3 0 Whethe r th e poem' s the matic unit y lie s i n th e ritua l o f baptism , o r th e hel p o f God , th e keeping o f covenants , o r salvatio n b y fait h an d obedience , canno t be firml y established . Nevertheless , th e poem' s intensit y an d vigo r have powe r t o engag e us . Daniel, th e las t piec e o f Boo k I of Juniu s 11 , does no t presen t th e same hermeneuti c complexitie s a s Exodus. 31 Althoug h base d upo n the Vulgat e Danie l 1-5 , th e 764-lin e Ol d Englis h poe m seem s t o concentrate o n Nebuchadnezza r an d o n th e thre e youth s Han naniah, Azariah , an d Mishae l an d thei r miraculou s salvatio n i n th e fiery furnac e (11 . 1-485). Unlik e hi s Vulgat e counterpart , Danie l a s seer an d prophe t i s no t eve n mentione d whe n th e Babylonia n kin g


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seeks ou t youn g scholar s fro m amon g th e no w enslave d Jew s fo r training a s hi s counsellors . H e appear s onl y afte r th e king' s firs t dream, whe n th e Chaldea n wis e me n hav e faile d t o tel l th e mon arch th e disturbin g drea m h e canno t recal l (1 . 149b). Moreover , thi s dream i s no t narrate d i n it s litera l detail s no r i n Daniel' s expla nation, a s i t i s i n th e Vulgate . I t i s quickl y passe d over , wit h a transition indicatin g th e untouchabilit y o f Nebuchadnezzar' s heart , to ge t t o th e buildin g o f th e ido l o n th e plai n o f Dura , th e prelud e to th e furnac e episode . Onl y afte r th e king' s temporar y conver sion t o goodnes s a s a resul t o f th e three-youths ' miracle , an d hi s backsliding int o insolence , doe s Danie l pla y muc h o f a role . Th e second dream , abou t th e wondrou s tree , i s told i n detail , a s i s th e prophet's interpretation . Her e th e poe m follow s th e Vulgat e fairl y closely, recountin g th e king' s exil e an d return , Belshazzar' s ulti mate inheritanc e o f th e kingdo m an d it s treasures , hi s feast , an d the handwritin g o n th e wall . Th e poe m end s abruptly—o r incom pletely—in th e mids t o f Daniel' s denunciator y explicatio n o f th e writing (se e not e 37) . Apart fro m th e questionabl e ending , ther e ar e tw o relate d structural problems : (1 ) th e salvatio n o f th e thre e youth s i s tol d twice; an d (2 ) th e "Son g o f Azarias, " supplicatin g Go d fo r deliv erance (11 . 279-332), come s after the firs t accoun t o f deliveranc e (11. 271-8). Suc h anomalie s sugges t interpolation . Farrell , however , would absolv e th e Ol d Englis h poe t o f structura l blundering—an d the poe m o f interpolation—b y observin g tha t o n th e firs t coun t there i s a somewha t simila r repetitio n i n th e Vulgat e (3:19-2 4 an d 3:47-51), an d o n th e secon d tha t th e Churc h Fathers , i n thei r interpretation o f Daniel , obviousl y fel t tha t th e biblica l tex t itsel f indicates supplicatio n afte r thei r deliverance. 32 However , th e Vul gate say s only , i n Danie l 3:24 , "An d the y walke d i n th e mids t o f the flame, praisin g Go d an d blessin g th e Lord" ; no t unti l after Azariah's praye r (3:49-50) , doe s th e ange l actuall y descen d int o the furnac e an d driv e th e flame s away . Th e structura l proble m posed b y th e "Song " i n bot h th e Vulgat e an d th e Ol d Englis h poe m is obviate d i f on e see s it , lik e th e prais e son g o f th e thre e childre n after th e (second ) deliverance , a s communa l rathe r tha n personal , a praye r fo r th e salvatio n o f th e Jew s a s a nation. 33 The omission s an d addition s i n th e poem , an d it s shif t o f focu s

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away fro m Danie l t o Nebuchadnezzar , sugges t tha t thematicall y Daniel is a warnin g agains t prid e i n time s o f prosperity. 34 Th e opening lines , referrin g interestingl y enoug h t o th e exodus , de scribe th e Jews ' flourishin g whil e the y obeye d God' s laws , shar ing treasur e an d conquerin g othe r nations , until at feasting pride invaded them, and drunken thoughts led to devilish deeds. (11 . 17-8 ) Their decimation , downfall , an d captivit y i n Babylo n follo w thei r abandonment o f th e law and God . The y set the stage for the "wolfhearted" Nebuchadnezzar' s pride , hi s refusa l t o acknowledg e Go d despite th e miracl e h e see s i n th e fier y furnace , an d hi s seven year exile with beasts. Th e climax of pride and insolence , feastin g and drunkenness , divorc e from God , comes with Belshazzar's defilement o f th e Jews' hol y vessels ; even Nebuchadnezzar , wh o ha d seized thos e treasures , wa s no t tha t evil , Danie l explains . Bel shazzar's punishmen t wil l thus be more severe—tota l destructio n of hi s Chaldea n nation . O n a figurative level , w e ca n se e th e op position betwee n th e Augustinia n "tw o cities, " Jerusalem 'th e hig h city' (1 . 38) an d th e devilis h Babylon , betwee n th e believin g He brew youth s an d th e heathe n Chaldeans. 35 Thoug h Daniel may display a "gracelessness" at times, 36 it nevertheless exhibit s a balance between it s beginning and end, a sense of climax, and a strong moral themati c development . I t ha s take n a lon g tim e fo r i t t o achieve critical recognition a s an effective Anglo-Saxo n poem ; but it is not unworthy t o follow Genesis and Exodus in the Junius man uscript.37 The song s o f Azaria h an d th e thre e childre n exis t i n anothe r version, i n th e Exete r Book , betwee n Guthlac B and The Phoenix. 38 This 191-lin e poe m consist s mainl y o f Azariah' s praye r (11 . 1-48), an account o f the flame's dispersa l (11 . 48-72), and th e song of th e three youths (11 . 73~i79b); it concludes briefly wit h Nebuchadnez zar biddin g th e youth s t o com e fort h fro m th e furnace , an d wit h the poet' s commen t tha t thei r triump h ove r si n an d fir e wa s through thei r hearts ' lov e an d wisdoms ' prudence . Beginnin g al most wor d fo r wor d lik e it s counterpar t i n Daniel, Azarias develops the prayers at some length an d wit h a number o f differences .


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This i s particularl y tru e o f th e prais e son g o f th e thre e youths , which is twice the length o f the Daniel version. Thi s song empha sizes the nature and functio n o f the Lord's creatures who are called on to bless Him; the seas' and rivers ' benefits t o men and th e habitation the y provid e for thei r amazin g denizens ; and th e heavenl y reward fo r thos e wh o ar e meritorious. 39 Additionally , th e praye r of th e thre e youth s i s mor e explicitl y Christian . Whil e th e Daniel poet does have the three bless "the Lord of every nation, th e Father Almighty,/the tru e So n o f th e Creator , Savio r o f souls/Helpe r o f men, an d you , Hol y Spirit " (11 . 400-2; cf. Az. 155-7) , the ^ e youth s in Azarias invoke blessings o n "Chris t King " (1 . 103) and as k mas s priests t o bles s Hi m (1 . 149); an d th e poe t himsel f say s "Chris t shielded them " (1 . 165). Further, unlik e th e tri o in Daniel an d th e Vulgate, th e youths in Azarias make their prayer personal , endin g with prais e fo r God' s havin g sen t Hi s angel t o protect the m fro m fire an d foes . Finally , i t i s a retaine r o f Nebuchadnezzar , a terri fied eorl, rather tha n th e kin g himself , wh o view s th e miracl e i n the furnace , an d report s it to his lord in the hall. 40 This reworkin g of th e Vulgat e materia l thu s ha s som e interest i n its own right . The litera l humblin g o f insolen t an d drunke n pride , an d th e fig urative defeat o f the devil through faith , theme s we saw in Daniel, are also present i n th e Ol d Englis h Judith. This 349-line poem fol lows Beowulf in M S Cotto n Vitelliu s A.xv , an d i s writte n i n th e same hand a s that of the second scrib e who copied the epic. 41 Earlier attribute d t o Caedmo n b y som e scholar s an d t o Cynewul f o r a late r ninth-centur y poe t b y others , an d considere d o f Anglia n provenience, i t is now place d i n the late tenth centur y an d though t to be of West Saxon origin. 42 Based mainly on the apocryphal Ol d Testament Judith 12:10-15:1, 43 the Ol d Englis h poe m seem s influ enced b y patristic tradition an d b y Latin and Englis h saints ' lives. Judith i s a martia l Christia n saint , lik e Julian a an d Elen e befor e her; sh e eve n pray s fo r guidanc e an d ai d t o th e Trinit y (1 . 86a). Her fait h i n God' s grac e i s stresse d throughou t th e poem ; a t th e end th e poe t moralize s o n he r conques t ove r Holoferne s an d th e earthly rewar d sh e receive s fro m he r nation—Holofernes ' sword , helmet, armor , an d treasures—treatin g thi s recompens e a s bu t a prelude t o the greate r rewar d sh e will receive in heaven .

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The beginnin g o f Judith i s missing . Whe n th e narrativ e com mences i n th e extan t poem , a t 1 . yb, wit h th e epi c formul a Gefrxgen ic T hav e h e a r d / w e ar e i n th e mids t o f Holofernes ' feas t o n th e "fourth day. " Unlik e th e mor e decorou s bee r feast s o f Beowulf, thi s is a riotou s occasion : Care-less and proud , al l his comrades i n wo e set to the feast, fille d cu p after cu p wit h wine — bold arme d warriors . Ther e frequently dee p bowl s were borne alon g the benches, brimful pitcher s and goblet s t o guests in th e hall . Doomed the y drank , famous shield-warriors , thoug h th e feared an d might y lord o f men di d no t kno w that : Holofernes , gold-friend t o men givin g good cheer . He laughed an d roare d loudly , rage d an d ranted , till men fa r of f coul d easil y hea r how tha t stern-hearte d ma n storme d an d yelled , proud i n hi s cups encouraged al l thos e jostling o n benches t o drink an d enjoy . So all the da y lon g th e evil on e poured th e wine int o his retinue: the fierc e treasure-dispense r poure d the m s o much that the y la y in a swoon a s if slain by death , drained o f thei r senses . S o their lord commande d those hall-guests b e served, til l the hastening nigh t closed darkl y upo n them . (11 . 15-343 ) After Judit h i s led t o Holofernes ' tent , wher e th e lecher-tyran t lie s in a swoon , sh e pray s Go d fo r help . Sh e draw s Holoferne s b y th e hair int o a positio n suitabl e fo r he r blood y vengeance , an d wit h two stroke s o f hi s swor d cut s throug h hi s neck . Judit h an d he r servant retur n t o Bethuli a wit h Holofernes ' head , an d sh e an nounces he r triump h t o th e Hebrews . M y succes s augur s you r victory, sh e says , an d bid s th e arm y mak e hast e t o attac k th e no w leaderless Assyrians . Th e ensuin g battl e i s a vigorou s epi c expan sion o f th e Vulgate , includin g th e Germani c "beast s o f battle " theme. 4 4 I n fact , ther e i s no such battl e i n th e Vulgate , sinc e ther e the Assyrian s fin d Holoferne s dea d an d fle e befor e th e Hebrew s leave thei r cit y t o pursu e them ; bu t i n th e Ol d Englis h th e discov ery o f th e dea d leade r i s mad e th e clima x o f th e militar y engage ment tha t ha d begu n a t daw n an d proceede d al l mornin g long .


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This narrativ e reorganizatio n help s glorif y th e Jew s who , victo rious like those in Exodus, despoi l th e heathens o f their armor an d treasure. Th e Christia n poe t make s symboli c us e o f thi s treasur e trove t o extol th e greate r treasur e o f heaven . The large r problem s o f interpretin g Judith revolve aroun d tw o not unrelate d features : (1 ) th e amoun t o f materia l missin g a t th e beginning, an d (2 ) the poet' s simplificatio n o f hi s Vulgat e tex t i n characterization an d omissio n o f prope r names . A s example s o f the latter , Ozias , on e o f th e tw o Bethulia n rulers , wh o greet s Judith o n he r retur n i n th e Vulgate , i s not mentioned : ther e i s only the splendi d welcomin g crowd . An d th e episod e involvin g th e renegade Achior , summone d b y th e biblical heroine, i s altogethe r omitted b y the Anglo-Saxon poet . O n th e score of the decapitate d text: Is the poe m basicall y complet e a s we have it , wit h bu t a fe w lines decollated, an d thu s a religious lay akin to the secula r Finnsburh Fragment an d Maldon? Or i s i t a fragmen t o f a large r reli gious epi c o f som e 130 0 to 140 0 lines, whic h include d reworkin g of earlie r section s o f th e Vulgate ? O n th e secon d score : D o th e poet's modification s an d transformation s o f his Vulgate sourc e ar gue fo r th e poem' s unit y an d coherenc e prett y muc h a s it stands , or vice versa? And d o they mak e a literal or an allegorica l readin g of th e poe m mor e probable ? The firs t questio n arise s no t onl y becaus e ther e i s mor e i n th e Book of Judith tha n th e Old Englis h poe m preserves , bu t becaus e fitt o r sectio n number s i n th e M S margin begi n wit h X , a t 1 . 15, which seems to indicate a loss of almost nine fitts. Bu t Daniel comprises onl y chapter s 1- 5 o f th e Vulgat e text , w e hav e seen , an d Exodus concentrates o n a single event an d it s consequences. A s to the fit t numbering , Wool f contend s tha t i t i s n o indicatio n o f authorial numbering, sinc e the Junius 1 1 poems Genesis, Exodus, an d Daniel, thoug h clearl y b y differen t poets , hav e seriati m fit t mark ings fro m I to LV. 45 Chamberlain, however , find s Judith quit e dif ferent fro m th e Junius poems, and argue s that that MS is a special case of an editor's or lector's intentions. He suggests that it is "more reasonable t o expec t i n Judith the separat e numberin g tha t ap pears i n Beowulf, Eleyie, an d Christ and Satan"—and s o w e mor e likely have only about a fourth o f the poem. 46 In any case, consid ering th e averag e lengt h o f th e thre e complet e fitt s (107 , 118, and

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113 lines), about 10 0 lines, an d no t just " a few, " ar e missing. Eve n though thi s las t observatio n remove s th e unit y whic h adherent s of the short poem theor y have seen established b y verbal parallel s at beginning an d en d o f the extan t text , Chamberlai n concede s tha t "the Judith poe t coul d certainl y hav e adde d a n excellen t 10 0 lines that woul d no t hav e jeopardize d th e presen t unity , bu t i n fact , improved it." 47 H e nevertheles s no t onl y argue s fo r a n origina l long poe m o n th e basi s o f fit t number s an d th e poet' s modifica tions of th e Vulgate text, but for a literal, nonexegetical readin g of the poe m a s a religious an d politica l exemplu m o f courage , faith , and nobilit y fo r a lat e tenth-centur y audienc e harasse d b y th e growing incursion s o f th e heathe n Danes . Chamberlain's litera l interpretation i s an argument agains t suc h allegorical reading s o f Judith a s those by Huppe an d Campbell , i n which th e poe m i s viewe d a s th e Father s interprete d th e biblica l heroine, typologicall y a s Ecclesia o r th e Churc h i n it s victory ove r the devil , an d tropologicall y a s th e monasti c virtu e o f chastity. 48 Pringle advance s th e attractiv e readin g tha t Judith embodies both the allegorica l an d th e political , eve n a s JEUhc i n hi s homil y o n Judith made explici t th e heroine' s figurativ e meanin g o f chastity , and i n his Letter to Sigeweard saw her a s "an exampl e to your ow n men tha t yo u shoul d defen d you r countr y wit h weapon s agains t an invadin g army." 49 Whatever th e origina l lengt h o f Judith, and howeve r w e inter pret it, th e poem i s aesthetically forceful . I n addition t o aspects of style an d techniqu e alread y indicated , th e poe t use s th e sam e o r similar epithet s fo r a n ironi c contrastin g o f Goo d an d Evil ; e.g. , Judith ha s th e greates t nee d fo r th e grac e Jpxs hehstan Deman, \>xt he hie wid J)3es hehstan brogan/gefriodde 'o f th e highes t Judge , tha t he shoul d protec t he r agains t th e greates t terro r (i.e. , Holo fernes)', 11 . 4~5a; an d th e poe t call s Go d pearlmod deoden gumena 'mighty Princ e o f men ' (1 . 66a), while Judith, i n he r praye r t o th e Trinity, label s Holoferne s b y exactl y th e sam e ter m (1 . 91a). 50 The poem als o has a high proportio n o f end-rimes—highe r tha n i n an y other Ol d Englis h poe m sav e fo r th e tour de force o f th e Riming Poem (se e chapte r 12)—an d man y expande d o r hypermetric lines. 51 Some examples may be seen in the passage translated above , where 11. 16-21 and 30-3 4 are hypermetric and 1 . 23b has rime in the Old


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English (hlynede ond dynede). Th e poe t play s wit h soun d patterns , as in 11 . 15a, Hie da to dam symle, whic h begin s th e passag e i n nor mal vers e an d 22b , on gytesalum, wher e norma l vers e resume s afte r the firs t hypermetri c section . Ther e i s th e fin e iron y i n 11 . 29-323, where Holoferne s pour s s o muc h win e into his warrior s tha t the y are draine d out of their senses , lyin g i n a simulacrum o f th e deat h they wil l eventuall y achieve . An d iron y appear s i n suc h a detai l as th e poet' s expansio n o n th e Vulgate' s conopeum 'bedcurtain ' around th e lecher' s be d int o a golde n "fly-net " wit h a one-wa y transparency, whos e connotation s sugges t Holofernes ' ironi c en trapment i n th e ne t o f hi s ow n inne r evil. 52 Such poeti c virtuosit y indicate s tha t Ol d Englis h poetry , lik e it s prose, wa s no t decaden t towar d th e en d o f th e Anglo-Saxo n pe riod. A s th e lat e tenth-centur y Maldon reflect s th e earlie r secula r ethos i n a brillian t us e o f th e conventiona l poeti c techniques , s o the tenth-centur y Judith, wit h perhap s a greate r experimentatio n in it s verse , reflect s th e earlie r glorificatio n o f religiou s herois m o f both th e Caedmonia n an d th e Cynewulfia n schools .

NOTES 1. Fo r reproduction s o f th e eleventh-centur y illustrations , se e Ken nedy, C . 191 6 as well as the facsimile edition, Gollancz 1927 . Five further drawings hav e bee n discovere d b y th e us e o f ultraviole t light—se e Ohl gren 1972a . For commentary on the illustrations and their relationship to the poem, se e Ohlgren 1972b and 1975; Raw 1976. Kennedy, C. 1916 contains a prose translatio n o f th e whol e Junius MS. O n MS unity, an d for bibliography, se e n. 3 7 below. 2. Ed . i n ASP R 1 ; Genesis A ed. separatel y b y Doane 1978a ; Genesis B, by Timmer 1954 . O n th e question o f "thre e poems o r one?" and of dating, se e Irvin g 1959. 3. Al l line numbers are those of ASPR 1. 4. Hupp e 1959 , pp. 131-216 ; quotation, pp . 206-7 . Cf . Shepher d 196 6 who, citing Bede's and Alcuin's similar use of Genesis, says, "Plainly this was considered th e proper place to end. In Isaac is foreshadowed Christ , whose wor k shoul d und o all that followed th e revolt of Lucifer " (p. 30). Others comment on the syntactic and dictional ambiguity of 1. 2887b, Wudu beer sunu— either 'the s[S]on carried the wood [Cross] ' or 'the Cross bore the Son'—see Creed 1967a , p. 80.

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5. Thu s Doan e 1978a , p . 43 , wh o nevertheles s see s th e poet' s modifi cations o f hi s biblica l sourc e a s primaril y influence d b y patristi c commen tary. 6. Boy d 1982 , pp . 236-7 ; Brockma n 1974 . 7. Cf . Caedmon's Hymn, chapte r 10 . Thi s openin g probabl y reflect s th e Preface t o th e Cano n o f th e Mass—se e Miche l 1947 . 8. O n rhetorica l pattern s an d wor d collocations , se e Hieat t 1980a ; als o Gardner, J . 1975 , pp . 18-32 . O n wordplay , se e Fran k 1972 , pp . 211-6 . Lee, A . A . 1972 , pp . 17-4 1 emphasize s th e conceptua l dualit y o f a secu lar/heavenly dryht o r comitatus. 9. Fo r example , i n th e onomasti c pu n o f th e epithe t // seed-bearing ,/ fo r Seth, 1 . 1145a—see Robinso n 1968 , pp . 29-30 . 10. Siever s 1875 . Fo r hi s late r view s o n th e structur e o f Genesis, se e Sievers 1929 ; but se e furthe r Irvin g 1959 . 11. Se e Timme r 195 4 and Cape k 1971 . 12. Ther e ha s bee n a questio n a s t o whethe r th e source s o f th e O E poem's inspiratio n wer e literary , lik e Avitus ' poem , o r th e theologica l tradition o f th e Jewis h Apocryph a an d Christia n exegesis , lik e Gregory' s Moralia—see Evan s 196 3 on th e former , Wool f 196 3 on th e latter . 13. O n th e figur e o f Sata n a s a combinatio n o f Germani c an d first-phas e patristic account s o f th e devil , se e Wool f 1953 . Cherniss 1972 , pp . 151-7 0 stresses th e secula r heroi c aspect s o f th e poem . 14. Th e firs t editio n o f thi s Critical History suggeste d tha t th e fien d re mains a serpen t throughou t th e temptation—1 . 491 a indicate s h e as sumed a wyrm's shap e i n temptin g Adam , an d 11 . 589-903 sa y tha t th e wyrmes gepeaht th e serpent' s counsel ' worke d withi n Eve—givin g adde d ironic thrus t t o Eve' s failur e t o penetrat e th e deception . Critic s hav e ig nored thi s suggestion , dismissin g 1 . 491a a s a momentar y "confusion " o n the poet' s part , an d convenientl y overlookin g 11 . 589-903. Bu t th e onl y ground fo r th e "angel-of-light " disguis e in the text i s Eve' s statemen t after eating th e fruit . Sinc e he r visio n o f heaven , whic h sh e describe s t o Ada m in 11 . 666b ff. , i s a n illusio n provide d b y th e fiend , wh y shoul d he r de scription o f th e fien d i n 11 . 656b-7a a s "thi s beautifu l messenger , God' s good angel " b e an y mor e "real" ? 15. Cf . Evan s 1963 . 16. O n verba l contrasts , repetitions , an d irony , se e Britto n 1974 . Fo r a psychological analysi s o f Satan' s self-deception , se e Renoi r 1967 ; on Eve' s psychology, Klinc k 1979 . 17. Se e Wool f 196 3 and Finnega n 1976 . Vickre y 196 9 suggest s tha t th e A-S audience woul d hav e recognize d Eve' s visio n o f God' s thron e i n th e south an d eas t a s ironicall y indicativ e o f th e Las t Judgment: "th e rea l poin t of th e visio n [is ] tha t throug h disobedienc e i s th e wa y t o Judgment " (P- 99) 18. Hill , T . 1975 .


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19. E d i n ASP R 1 ; separately b y Irvin g 195 3 (with textua l correction s i n 1972 an d supplemen t t o th e Introductio n i n 1974 ) an d Luca s 1977 . Th e poem i s o f Anglia n origin , probabl y Northumbrian ; it s dat e o f composi tion, probabl y eight h century . 20. Respectively , Irvin g 1974 , p . 22 0 an d Luca s 1977 , p . 46 . 21. Cf . Renoi r 1962 , o n Judith. 22. Se e Cross/Tucke r i960 . 23. Luca s 1977 , pp . 46-7 . 24. Se e Green , B . 1981 . Ear l 197 0 provide s th e fulles t allegorica l read ing. 25. Helde r 1975 , p . 10 . 26. Haue r 1981 , pp. 89-90 . 27. Se e Marti n 1982 . 28. Cf . Luca s 1977 , note s t o 11 . 520-2, 523-6 ; als o Shippe y 1972 , pp . 142-3. Th e latte r find s Exodus an d th e othe r Juniu s M S poem s "resistan t to allegorica l o r figurativ e readings " (p . 153) . 29. Th e poe t i s keenl y attune d t o th e ironi c interrelationshi p o f soun d and sense : in 1. 458, for example , h e play s wsege 'wave' against wegas 'ways'; 11. 455b-6a ar e synesthetic ; an d i n 1 . 451b wxl —in th e compoun d wxlmist (trans, a s "poure d fort h death " bu t literall y 'slaughter-mist')—i s probabl y meant t o sugges t it s nea r homony m wdel 'a dee p poo l o r gulf / sinc e i t alliterates wit h wxter i n th e a-verse . 30. Se e Hill , T . 1980 b an d Vickre y 1972 a an d 1972b . 31. Ed . i n ASP R 1 ; separately (wit h Azarias —see below ) b y Farrel l 1974 . 32. Farrel l 1967 . Sol o 197 3 woul d eliminat e bot h problem s b y syntacti c interpretation an d seein g a shif t i n poin t o f view . 33. Bjor k 1980 , p p . 223-6 . 34. Cai e 1978 . The mos t notabl e additio n i s that o f a rxswa 'counsellor / who advise s th e kin g t o releas e th e thre e youths ; i t i s h e wh o recognize s the miracl e a s a demonstratio n o f th e tru e God' s power . 35. Se e Sol o 1973 , pp. 358-64 . Finnega n 198 4 suggest s that , fo r a tim e in th e poem , Babylo n i s a typ e o f th e heavenl y Jerusale m (p . 195) , an d that th e poe m demonstrate s "man' s curiou s incapacit y t o maintai n fait h with God " an d God' s repeate d grantin g t o ma n o f opportunit y fo r sal vation (p . 211) . 36. Shippe y 1972 , p . 147 . 37. Fo r suggestion s abou t th e "imaginativ e unity " o f th e entir e MS , se e Caie 197 8 and Hal l 1976 . Cai e 197 9 provides a ful l bibliograph y o n Juniu s 11 dow n throug h Luca s 1977 . Luca s 197 9 argue s tha t som e 4 8 line s ar e missing fro m Daniel. 38. Th e poe m i s know n a s Azarias; ed . i n ASP R 3 and Farrel l 1974 . Far rell argue s tha t i t wa s intende d a s a conclusio n t o Guthlac B. 39. Se e Farrel l 1974 , p . 3 8 wh o observe s tha t non e o f thes e emphase s are i n th e Lati n o r i n th e O E Daniel.

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40. Fo r analysis of the ar t of Azarias, stressin g th e lord-retainer theme , see Kirkland/Modlin 1972 . 41. Ed . i n ASP R 4; separately b y Timmer 1961. 42. Bu t se e Wenisc h 1982 , wh o resurrect s th e theor y o f Anglia n pro venience. 43. Fo r the Vulgate text , se e Timmer 1961 , pp. 14-6 . 44. O n th e cinematographi c techniqu e o f thi s scene, see Renoir 1962. 45. Wool f 1955b . 46. Chamberlai n 1975 ; p. 139 . H e observe s tha t "th e secon d scrib e of the Nowel l Code x show s tha t h e i s a faithfu l copyis t . . . [and ] migh t wish t o leav e a n accurat e impressio n abou t th e poem' s origina l length " (p. 141 , n. 22) . Bu t th e argumen t assume s th e scrib e wa s copyin g fro m an independen t transcriptio n o f Judith, and no t from a n "anthology " lik e MS Junius 11 . If th e latte r wer e th e case, however , an d especiall y i f tha t "anthology" were already decapitated, th e faithful scrib e might well have copied extan t fit t numbers . 47. Chamberlai n 1975 , p. 137 . The possibility of so many missing line s should mak e critics chary of finding th e precise kind of structural balanc e that Doubleda y 197 1 suggests. 48. Hupp e 1970 , 114-88 ; Campbell, J. 1971 . See also Hermann 1976 . 49. Pringl e 1975 , p. 87. 50. O n dictio n an d variation , see Brodeur 1968 , pp. 105-9 . Kaske 1982 calls attention t o the heroi c ideal o f sapientia et fortitudo in th e poet' s pre sentation o f Judith . 51. Cf . Hieat t 1980b . 52. Berkhout/Doubleda y 1973 .


Miscellaneous Religiou s and Secula r Poetr y

In th e presen t chapte r w e shal l conside r poem s tha t d o no t prop erly fal l int o th e generi c categorie s o f th e fina l tw o chapters , "Lor e and Wisdom " an d "Elegia c Poetry. " A numbe r o f shor t poems , as wel l a s th e longe r Phoenix, wil l com e unde r scrutiny , man y o f historical rathe r tha n intrinsi c literar y interest . Bu t on e o f th e shortest poem s combine s literar y powe r an d historica l signifi cance: i t lie s a t th e hear t o f th e fusio n betwee n nativ e Anglo-Saxo n and Latin-Christia n tradition s i n th e Ol d Englis h period . Thi s poe m is, o f course , th e nine-lin e Hymn o f Caedmon—th e onl y authenti c extant wor k o f th e firs t Englis h Christia n poet . Bede's account , i n th e Historia Ecclesiastica (HE), o f th e miracl e of poeti c compositio n grante d th e unlettere d cowher d shoul d b e quoted a t length : In th e monaster y o f thi s abbess [Hild ] there wa s a certain brothe r spe cially distinguishe d b y th e divin e grace , i n tha t h e use d t o compos e songs suited t o religion and piety . . . . By his songs the minds of man y were ofte n fire d wit h contemp t o f th e worl d an d wit h desir e fo r th e heavenly life . . . . [H] e di d no t lear n tha t ar t o f singin g fro m men , nor [wa s he ] taugh t b y man , bu t h e receive d freel y b y divin e ai d th e gift o f singing . . . . [H] e ha d live d i n th e secula r habi t unti l h e wa s well advance d i n years , an d ha d neve r learn t anythin g o f versifying ;

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and fo r thi s reaso n sometime s a t a n entertainment , whe n i t wa s re solved fo r th e sak e of merriment tha t al l should sin g in turn , i f he sa w the har p approachin g him , h e woul d ris e fro m th e feas t [th e O E ver sion adds "i n shame" ] and g o out an d retur n home . When h e di d thi s on on e occasion , an d havin g lef t th e hous e wher e the entertainmen t was , ha d gon e t o the stabl e o f th e cattl e whic h ha d been committe d t o his charge tha t night , an d ther e a t th e prope r tim e had compose d himsel f t o rest , ther e appeare d t o hi m someon e i n hi s sleep, an d greetin g hi m an d callin g hi m b y hi s name , h e said : "Caed mon, sin g m e something." Bu t he replied : " I cannot sing ; and fo r thi s reason I lef t th e entertainmen t an d cam e awa y here , becaus e I coul d not sing. " The n h e wh o wa s speakin g t o hi m replied : "Nevertheless , you mus t sin g to me." "What, " h e said, "mus t I sing?" And th e othe r said: "Sing me of the beginning of creation." On receiving this answer , he at onc e began t o sing in praise of God th e Creator, verse s which h e had neve r heard , o f whic h thi s i s th e sense : [Bed e her e give s a Lati n paraphrase o f the poem and apologize s for the loss of beauty and gran deur i n th e paraphrase—se e belo w fo r th e O E and Latin. ] Awakenin g from hi s sleep , h e remembere d al l tha t h e ha d sun g whe n sleeping , and soo n adde d mor e word s i n th e sam e manne r i n son g worth y o f God. [Havin g recounte d hi s gift t o the reeve thi s next morning , Caed mon was brought before Hild ; and after provin g his new-found power s by turning a passage of Scripture or doctrine recited t o him into poetr y overnight, h e wa s joine d t o th e brethren. ] An d rememberin g al l tha t he coul d lear n b y listenin g [fro m th e scriptura l storie s rea d t o hi m b y the brothers], and like , a s it were, a clean anima l chewin g th e cud , h e turned i t into most harmonious song , and, sweetl y singin g it, he mad e his teacher s i n thei r tur n hi s hearers . [Th e O E versio n add s tha t hi s teachers wrot e dow n hi s songs.] 1 In th e Lati n text , a s th e abov e translatio n indicates , Bed e say s that h e i s givin g onl y th e sensus o f Caedmon' s Ol d Englis h Hymn. But th e Ol d Englis h poe m itsel f mus t quickl y hav e becom e pop ular i n th e religiou s houses , fo r version s o f i t ar e preserve d i n twenty-one manuscripts : fiv e i n Caedmon' s nativ e Northumbria n dialect, i n manuscript s o f th e Lati n tex t o f th e HE; eleve n i n th e West Saxo n dialec t i n manuscript s o f th e Lati n text ; an d fiv e i n West Saxo n i n text s o f th e lat e ninth-centur y Ol d Englis h trans lation o f th e HE. Thes e manuscript s dat e fro m th e earl y Moor e MS o f 73 7 t o th e lat e fifteenth-centur y Pari s MS. 2 T o giv e som e notion o f dialectia l differences , w e cit e belo w bot h th e Moor e M S version (Northumbrian ) an d th e Tanne r 1 0 MS (Wes t Saxon) , fol -


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lowed b y a litera l translation ; then , fo r compariso n wit h Bede' s paraphrase, th e Lati n "sensus" i n th e HE: Nu scylun hergan hefaenricaes uard metudxs maecti end his modgidanc uerc uuldurfadur sue he uundra gihuaes eci dryctin or astelidx he aerist scop aelda barnu heben til hrofe haleg scepen. tha middungeard moncynnxs uard eci dryctin defter tiadde fir urn fold" frea allmectig. Nu sculon herigean heofonrices weard meotodes meahte 7 his modgepanc weorc wuldorfseder swa he wundra gehwdes ece drihten or onstealde. he eerest sceop eordan bearnii 3 heofon to hrofe halig scyppend. pa middangeard moncynnes weard ece drihten defter teode fir urn foldan frea xlmihtig.

(Now le t u s prais e th e Keepe r o f th e heavenl y kingdom , th e migh t of the Creator and Hi s thought, th e works of the glorious Father, ho w He of eac h o f wonders , eterna l Lord , establishe d th e beginning . H e firs t created fo r the sons of men [Nthn.]/fo r th e children of earth [WS ] heaven as a roof, th e hol y Shaper ; the n middle-eart h th e Keepe r o f mankind , eternal Lord , afterward s mad e fo r men , [made ] the earth , th e Lor d al mighty.) Nunc laudare debemus auctorem regni caelestis potentiam creatoris et consilium illius facta patris gloriae auomodo ille cum sit aeternus deus omnium miraculorum auctor extitit qui primo filiis hominum caelum pro culmine tecti dehinc terram custos humanigeneris omnipotens creavit 4

This seemingl y simpl e poe m i n prais e o f Go d pose s a t leas t fou r interrelated problems , al l of whic h imping e i n on e wa y o r anothe r upon large r interpretiv e matters . Sinc e th e Hymn i s short , i t ma y be instructiv e t o g o int o som e detai l abou t thes e problems , a s a case stud y o f th e difficultie s involve d i n establishin g definitiv e interpretations o f Ol d Englis h poems . One proble m concern s question s o f synta x an d meaning ; i n cit -

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ing th e Ol d English , w e refer t o the Wes t Saxo n forms : (1 ) is "th e works o f th e gloriou s Father " par t o f th e object o f th e verb praise, or is it the subject , i n apposition wit h the missing but understoo d we: "No w ough t we , th e creatures of the Father of glory, t o praise . . ."? 5 (2) does teode, 1 . 8, mea n 'made ' o r 'adorned'? 6 (3 ) are ftrum and foldan, 1 . 9a, a syntactic unit meaning 'for th e men o f earth / and thu s a variatio n i n th e Wes t Saxo n versio n o f 1 . 5b, 'fo r th e children o f earth ' (thoug h i t woul d not have bee n suc h i n Caed mon's origina l Northumbrian , 'th e son s o f men') ; o r i s th e litera l translation give n abov e the correct one? 7 A second proble m i s the nature o f th e miracl e Bed e sa w i n Caedmon' s visio n an d perfor mance: Was it the gift o f traditional poetic language, "aristocratic " and heroic , t o a n illiterat e fo r th e expressio n o f Christia n ideas ? Insight int o Scripture , alon g wit h th e gif t o f language? Th e gift of memory? The fact tha t Go d chose someone "unsullie d b y the trivial qualities o f pre-Christia n vers e an d a complete novic e i n com position" t o heral d " a clea n brea k wit h th e heathe n pas t symbol ized b y al l previous poetry"? 8 A thir d proble m concern s th e natur e o f th e poem' s composi tion: di d Caedmon , wit h hi s "gift, " adap t ora l formula s o r for mulaic system s h e ha d hear d i n th e "trivial " paga n song s t o th e expression o f Christia n thoughts , o r di d h e onl y us e th e nativ e alliterative meter an d stylisti c technique o f variation a s the vehicl e for a vocabular y gleane d fro m "Genesis , Psal m 146 , an d th e Ni cene and Apostles ' Creeds , whic h eve n a n illiterate layma n coul d have know n orally"? 9 I n connectio n wit h thi s problem , w e shoul d remember tha t Caedmo n compose d abou t th e yea r 670 , an d hi s Hymn—apart possibly fro m som e Charms , segment s o f Widsith an d the like—i s the earlies t extan t poem , secula r o r religious , tha t w e possess. Further , i t wa s compose d les s tha n on e hundre d year s after Augustine' s Christianizin g missio n lande d i n Englan d an d only abou t fift y year s afte r th e conversio n o f th e Northumbria n King Edwin a t York . The fourth o f the interrelated problems—an d on e not often dis cussed—is wh y Bed e chos e not t o giv e Caedmon' s Ol d Englis h poem i n th e original , especiall y i f h e sa w a miracl e o f languag e involved i n its composition. A s Orton notes , "th e fac t tha t [Bede ] apologizes s o profusely fo r hi s paraphrase a s a poor substitute fo r


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the original indicates both his sense of its authenticity and als o his intention no t t o recor d it. " Sinc e th e paraphras e seem s deliber ately t o circumvent—by omission s an d b y conceptual an d syntac tic changes—th e poeti c variation s o f th e Ol d Englis h poem , i t i s possible that , i n orde r t o stres s th e ne w orde r o f Christia n ver nacular poetr y Caedmo n initiated , an d it s divorce from th e paga n past, Bed e chose not t o cite the Old Englis h poe m t o avoid callin g attention t o the Hymn's root s i n th e secula r tradition. 10 The large r interpretiv e matter s relate d i n th e hermeneuti c circle 11 concern th e poem' s doctrine , structure , an d stylisti c movement . Most critics agree that the theology of the poem is Trinitarian, an d that heofonrices weard i n lin e 1 refers t o th e Father ; bu t whic h o f the thre e followin g terms , if any, refer t o the Son and Hol y Ghos t has bee n variousl y argue d o r take n o n faith. 12 Tha t 11 . 1-4 prais e God's creation of the "ideas " of things in their eternal aspects an d 11. 5-9 th e creatio n o f this world fo r men , an d tha t th e epithet s heofonrices weard an d moncynnes weard ar e thu s appropriatel y place d in the poem' s structure , see m clear enough. Bu t is the chronolog ical sequence i n the secon d par t tripartite—"first, " "then, " "after wards"—to accor d wit h th e vie w of thi s part a s creation o f heaven , creation o f earth, an d adornmen t o f earth, o r is it bipartite, a simple creation o f heaven an d the n eart h (wit h defter being just a variation o f pa, an d no adornment)? Caedmo n use s nin e epithet s fo r God i n nin e lines , thoug h no t on e in each line. Bu t is there reall y the stylisti c an d structura l balanc e i n thei r arrangemen t an d th e numerological possibilitie s fo r interpretatio n tha t Schwa b pro claims? Are ther e reall y close parallels t o "praise" sections of Beowulf, as Bessinge r suggests ? Howeve r w e rea d th e Hymn —in it s details, it s doctrine , it s subtletie s o f expression ; i n it s relatio n t o oral Germanic poetr y an d Christia n parallels ; in referenc e t o Bede' s statements abou t it s creatio n an d hi s Lati n paraphrase—w e ca n even toda y fee l it s affective power . Since Caedmon' s Hymn bear s a t leas t som e resemblanc e t o var ious of th e psalm s involvin g th e prais e o f th e Lord , i t may be appropriate t o consider nex t th e Ol d Englis h metrica l translation s of the psalms . A translation o f al l the canticles into Old Englis h sur vives i n th e beautifu l bu t mutilate d mid-eleventh-centur y Paris

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Psalter.13 Th e Lati n tex t i s o n th e verso , th e Anglo-Saxo n o n th e recto, wit h th e firs t fift y psalm s writte n i n West Saxo n pros e an d often attribute d t o Alfred , whil e psalm s 51-15 0 ar e writte n i n verse.14 Th e metrica l translatio n wa s probabl y mad e i n th e tent h century a s par t o f th e Benedictin e refor m (se e chapter s 1 and 3) . These verse s ar e no t ver y distinguishe d a s poetry : mete r an d al literation, howeve r regular , ar e mechanica l an d uninspired , com mon adjective s an d adverb s a s wel l a s unusua l word s ar e over worked a s verse fillers, an d th e traditional poetic vocabulary find s little place therein. 15 Fragments o f th e metrica l psalter , undoubtedl y transcribe d fro m the origina l o f th e Pari s MS, also appear i n M S Junius 121 , and a lengthy poeti c paraphras e o f Psal m 5 0 (Vulgate)—which appear s as pros e i n th e Paris Psalter—is foun d i n M S Cotto n Vespasia n D.vi.16 Psalm 50, a 157-line poem in a mixed West Saxon and Ken tish dialect, probabl y also has a connection with th e tenth-centur y monastic revival ; bu t it s translato r wa s mor e o f a poe t tha n th e Paris versifier . Hi s poeti c paraphrase , i n abou t a six-to-on e rati o of Ol d Englis h t o its Latin original, employ s man y o f th e conven tional formula s an d th e techniqu e o f variation t o good i f not star tling effect . Afte r a thirty-lin e introduction , followin g th e lin e of patristic exegesi s o f th e psal m a s David's repentance fo r hi s affai r with Bathsheba , th e poe t expand s upo n eac h Lati n verse , an d concludes wit h a brie f epilogu e i n whic h h e pray s tha t h e an d others, lik e David , ma y receiv e God' s forgiveness . I n th e sam e manuscript i s th e 43-lin e Kentish Hymn, a conflatio n an d para phrase o f th e Te Deum and Gloria, presentin g rathe r a n expositio n on th e Trinit y tha n a praye r fo r intercessio n an d a confessio n o f faith.17 There are also Fragments of Psalms whic h ar e part o f the Benedictine Office compile d b y Wulfsta n (se e chapte r 3). 18 Further i n th e Office ar e th e Gloria I, th e Lord's Prayer 111, an d th e Creed. 19 Lik e Psalm 50, the Gloria I quotes each phrase o f its Latin text, her e th e Gloria patri, an d the n poeticall y expand s upo n it s original ; th e opening extende d paraphras e o f th e on e wor d Gloria wil l illus trate: Thy glory an d prais e be widely sprea d among all nations, Th y grace and will ,


Thy might an d merc y an d al l heart's love , peace for th e righteous; and Th y judgment b e glorified i n th e world, a s Thou cans t rul e all earthly migh t an d th e heavenly , wind an d clouds . Thou rules t al l rightly. (Gloria

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I, 11. 1-7 )

The Lord's Prayer III follow s th e sam e patter n a s th e Gloria I, bu t is muc h les s expansiv e i n it s versifyin g o f th e Pater noster; it pro vides a clear , straightforwar d paraphras e o f th e Lati n liturgica l text . The Creed, on th e othe r hand , resemble s th e Gloria I in it s length y paraphrase o f th e Credo. I t i s almos t stanzai c i n form : o f th e firs t five sections , fou r ar e o f eigh t line s each ; an d th e secon d section , which expatiate s upo n th e onl y So n an d give s prominenc e t o th e Annunication, i s exactl y twic e a s long . Lik e th e othe r poem s o f the Office, the Creed seems alread y t o hav e bee n i n circulatio n whe n Wulfstan dre w upo n i t fo r hi s compilation. 20 Another tex t o f th e Gloria I, substantiall y th e same , appear s i n MS CCC C 201 ; it i s precede d ther e b y anothe r versio n o f th e Lord' s Prayer, know n a s Lord's Prayer II. 21 Th e latte r i s simila r t o th e for mer i n technique , buildin g u p it s expansio n o f th e Lati n tex t phras e by phrase , bearin g touche s o f th e liturg y an d scriptura l matter , owing littl e t o earlie r vers e vocabular y bu t comfortabl e i n it s us e of earlie r metrica l patterns . Bot h poem s ar e almos t surel y b y th e same author , bu t th e Lord's Prayer 11 differ s sufficientl y i n style , length, an d subjec t matte r t o warran t ou r considerin g i t a n inde pendent poe m fro m it s namesak e i n th e Office. 22 The tw o poem s precedin g th e Lord's Prayer 11 in th e Corpu s Christi Colleg e Cambridg e M S ar e know n a s An Exhortation to Christian Living an d A Summons to Prayer 23 Th e forme r i s a n 82 line poem , homileti c i n tone , urgin g th e reade r o r listene r t o ab stain fro m si n an d t o perfor m goo d deeds , especiall y almsgiving , so tha t hi s sou l ma y b e secure d agains t th e comin g Judgmen t Day . It i s no t a ver y distinguishe d piec e o f poetry , bein g a loos e collo cation o f urging s an d usin g som e o f th e conventiona l formula s rather mechanically . Bu t i t contain s som e concept s an d verse s wit h parallels i n The Seafarer (se e chapte r 12 ) which ma y hel p thro w som e light o n tha t elegy. 24 A Summons to Prayer i s a 31-lin e macaroni c poem, th e firs t half-lin e o f eac h ful l vers e bein g i n Ol d English , the secon d i n Lati n (cf . th e endin g o f Phoenix). 25 I t i s a cal l t o re pentance throug h praye r t o Go d th e Creator , t o Hi s Son , t o Mar y

[ 23 4 I




(who receive s th e greates t attention) , an d finall y t o al l th e saint s that they intercede for mercy for "th y soul" from th e "great Judge." Whitbread, followin g Forster , suggest s tha t Exhortation an d Summons were adde d b y th e compile r o f th e Cambridg e M S t o Judgment Day II (Be Domes Daege), s o that the five poems , including th e following Lord's Prayer II an d Gloria I, woul d for m a penitentia l sequence movin g fro m contritio n an d confessio n t o absolutio n an d prayer.26 The almos t stanzai c for m o f th e Junius M S 121 Creed make s i t resemble the Seasons for Fasting, a poetic calendar o f sorts on the observance o f fasts. 27 Thi s poe m wa s discovere d i n 193 4 by Robi n Flower in the sixteenth-centur y transcrip t o f MS Cotton Oth o B.xi made b y Laurenc e Nowell . I t consist s o f som e 23 0 lines divide d into stanzas of eight lines each, sav e for the fourth, whic h has six, the fifteenth , whic h ha s nine , an d a n incomplet e las t stanza . Th e first fe w stanza s dea l wit h th e Jews , thei r observanc e o f Moses ' Law and thei r fasts, afte r whic h the poet discusses the four Embe r fasts, urgin g hi s audienc e t o follo w th e custo m establishe d b y Gregory rathe r tha n continenta l recommendations ; tha t is , the y should observ e the Ember fasts in March in the first wee k of Lent, in Jun e i n th e wee k afte r Pentecos t Sunday , i n Septembe r i n th e week befor e th e equinox , an d i n th e wee k befor e Christmas . Th e poet the n devote s severa l stanza s t o th e forty-da y Lente n fast . Th e age-old proble m o f sinfu l priests—w e recal l Bede's , Guthlac As an d JE\fhcfs wrestling with it—crops up in stanzas 25 ff. Th e last thre e stanzas presen t a vigorou s portrai t o f th e sinfu l priest s who , in stead o f observin g th e fast , hurr y afte r mas s t o th e tapste r an d persuade hi m i t is no si n t o serv e oyster s an d win e befor e noon , rationalizing a s they si t and tippl e tha t i t is permissible t o refres h oneself afte r mass . Althoug h no t remarkabl e a s poetry, thi s probably lat e tenth-centur y piec e i s notable fo r it s experimentation wit h the alliterativ e mete r i n stanzai c form ; an d i t doe s reveal a logical and orderl y structure , a knowledg e o f it s subject , an d a n emo tional sensitivit y i n its depictio n o f th e sacerdota l sinners . Seasons for Fasting onl y impinge s upo n th e concep t o f th e cal endar. Mor e clearl y i n tha t genr e i s the poeti c Menologium which , like severa l Lati n poeti c martyrologie s an d th e Ol d Englis h pros e Menologium whic h resemble s it , give s a chronologica l accoun t o f


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the Christia n year. 28 Simultaneously, i t puts th e liturgical fact s into the perspectiv e o f th e natura l year. 29 Th e 231-lin e poe m i s pre served i n MS Cotton Tiberius B.i, on e o f th e manuscripts recording the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles; it seems to have been viewed by the scrib e a s a prologu e t o th e Chronicles , thoug h i t wa s origi nally a n independen t piece . Th e poet' s source s wer e th e ecclesi astical calendar s i n missals an d othe r liturgical books; the dat e is uncertain, probabl y late tenth-century . Three mino r religiou s piece s ar e A Prayer, Thureth, an d Aidhelm.30 The las t i s uniqu e i n it s irregula r macaroni c compositio n and in its inclusion of Greek as well as Latin words; its seventee n lines prais e th e grea t Canterbur y religiou s write r (se e chapte r 1), and ar e fittingly preserve d i n a manuscript o f hi s prose De Laude Virginitatis. Thureth, extan t in MS Cotton Claudius A.iii, i s eleven lines long ; i t represent s a halgungboc 'coronatio n liturgy ' a s in terceding for Thureth (Thored), who commissioned its making. A Prayer, extan t in MS Cotton Julius A.ii and in part in MS Lambeth Palace 427, is a 79-line poem in which the speaker rather tearfully and melodramatically beats his breast, acknowledging over and over his smallnes s a s compared t o the Lord' s greatness and asking Him for grace for his soul. 31 Man's sou l come s of f muc h bette r poetically i n th e longe r Soul and Body I and II, preserved i n th e Vercell i an d Exete r Books respectively.32 Th e forme r i s a mor e extende d poem , 16 6 line s i n length, thoug h it s endin g i s missing . I t presents firs t th e speec h of a damned sou l t o its decayin g bod y an d a description o f tha t body's disintegration tha t is unparalleled in English literature; then, at line 127, it turns to the speech of a saved soul to its former earthly habitation. The Exeter poem contains only the first address, in 121 lines; i t i s substantiall y th e sam e a s it s Vercell i counterpart , bu t with numerous variants. Orton, examining the two manuscript versions in detail, argue s (1) that the Vercelli tex t section o n th e saved sou l was a later addition to an original poe m represented b y the Exeter text and the first part of Vercelli, by an author who "drew directly on patterns of structure and expression in Vi/E for his own contribution"; and (2) that th e tw o text s derive fro m a n earlier written composition , with E being closer to the original tha n V. 33 The sou l an d bod y topos 34 runs throughou t medieva l literatur e

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and ha s certai n obviou s affinitie s wit h th e Doomsda y them e (se e chapter 3 and als o below). I t take s tw o forms : th e addres s an d th e debate. I n th e former , th e dea d bod y lies , unanswering , a s th e soul castigate s o r (mor e rarely ) blesses i t for it s deeds whil e living ; in th e latter , a dialogu e ensues . Thoug h th e Ol d Englis h poe m i s only a monologue , an d thu s technicall y a n address , th e silenc e o f the bod y i s no t onl y necessitate d b y it s awfu l condition , bu t the matically eloquent. 35 Firs t th e poe t comment s tha t a ma n ha d bet ter ponde r hi s soul' s stat e befor e thei r separatio n b y death ; h e the n says tha t th e sou l mus t visi t it s bod y weekl y fo r thre e hundre d years, unles s th e worl d end s sooner . Whe n th e damne d sou l speaks, i t reproache s th e bod y fo r makin g i t suffe r i n it s earthl y housing a s wel l a s now , an d foretell s thei r furthe r punishmen t o n Judgment Day . Wit h som e gri m satisfactio n i t vilifie s it s forme r dwelling i n anaphori c parallels : Now yo u ar e no more prized a s companio n by any ma n alive , by mother o r fathe r or any kinsman , tha n th e dar k rave n since I journeyed ou t alon e from yo u through Hi s hand b y whom I first wa s sent . Now re d jewels cannot remov e you hence , nor gold no r silve r no r an y of your goods ; but her e your bones , despoiled , mus t abid e ripped fro m thei r sinews , an d I your sou l against my will must ofte n see k you , with word s revil e you, a s you waste d me . (11. 49-59 of th e Exeter text ) When th e sou l departs , th e poe t graphicall y describe s th e body , helpless t o answer: wit h clove n head , disjointe d hands , distende d jaws, severe d palate , sucke d sinews , gnawed-throug h neck , an d slit tongue. An d h e furthe r show s th e decomposin g worm s a t work , with thei r leade r Gifer, 36 wh o firs t descend s int o th e grave : He slit s the tongu e an d bore s throug h th e teet h and eat s through th e eye s up i n th e hea d and fo r othe r worm s open s th e wa y to an abundan t feast . (11 . 114-73 )


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The Exete r poe m conclude s wit h a brie f exordiu m parallelin g it s opening one , bu t thi s tim e suggestin g tha t th e wis e ma n shoul d give seriou s though t t o hi s body's fate. 37 The damne d soul' s denunciatio n o f it s bod y make s livin g fles h creep. Soul and Body J's additiona l portraya l o f th e righteou s soul' s words o f consolatio n t o its decayin g bod y whil e i t await s resur rection i s palli d b y comparison. 38 N o specifi c sourc e ha s bee n dis covered fo r thi s tenth-centur y (? ) poem , bu t ther e i s probabl y som e connection wit h th e Boo k o f Jo b an d wit h Doomsda y homileti c material; an d on e o f th e Vercell i homilie s contain s remark s o n a similar them e (se e chapte r 3) . A les s overtl y didacti c poe m o n th e body' s fat e i s The Grave, composed sometim e i n th e centur y afte r th e Norma n Conques t an d consequently no t alway s accepte d a s par t o f th e Ol d Englis h po etic corpus. 39 Extan t i n th e twelfth-centur y M S Bodle y 343 , it con sists o f 2 3 line s plu s thre e additiona l one s i n a late r thirteenth century hand . Unlik e Soul and Body, thi s poe m i s no t concerne d with th e Judgmen t Day , onl y wit h th e body' s earthl y restin g place , which i t describe s i n a sustaine d metapho r a s a house : "buil t be fore yo u wer e born, " a lo w hous e sans door , i n whic h "yo u wil l be lon g locked " (onl y "Deat h ha s th e key") , a n abod e wher e "n o friend will journe y t o se e you " o r as k yo u "ho w tha t hous e please s you"—for, i t concludes , "yo u ar e loathsom e an d unlovel y t o view. " The Grave i s no t withou t poeti c power , utilizin g parallelism , an tithesis, an d othe r Lati n trope s t o goo d effect. 40 The Domesda y topos i s evident, however , i n th e tw o poem s calle d Judgment Day I an d II which , lik e Christ HI (se e chapte r 9) , us e i t "as a vehicl e t o conve y a mora l truth : tha t th e momen t o f apoca lypse o r 'revelation ' an d th e judgmen t o f ma n o n eac h dee d i s ever present, an d tha t man' s dom 'glory ' i s establishe d b y a lifetim e o f such favourabl e judgments." 4 1 Judgment Day I i s a n exhortativ e homiletic poe m (lat e eighth - o r earl y ninth-century? ) o f 11 9 line s preserved i n th e Exete r Book. 42 I t depict s th e en d o f th e worl d an d the sufferin g o f th e damne d repetitively , a s if t o exemplify th e poet' s statement: "Therefor e ever shal l I teac h th e peopl e tha t the y glo rify o n hig h God' s praise " (11 . 46-8a). Beginnin g wit h th e simpl e announcement, Daet gelimpan sceal 'tha t mus t befall, ' th e poe t intro duces th e Apocalyps e wit h a n unbiblica l floo d tha t wil l submerg e

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the world. 43 H e the n proceed s t o th e apocalypti c fire , whic h h e merges wit h th e fire s o f hel l i n whic h greedy , hard-hearte d me n shall burn. T o avoid thos e fires, th e individual mus t meditat e upo n his sins in this present life , th e initial step in penance. Thos e wh o do so and fre e themselve s fro m vic e will live forever i n the splen did mansio n th e Lor d o f victory wil l build. Th e poet employ s im ages o f journeying , transience , an d "unaware " feasting , image s more strikingl y use d i n the elegie s (se e chapter 12) , especially The Seafarer. H e conclude s b y adjurin g hi s audienc e t o "repea t wha t this says : it will become clear tha t I cannot preven t tha t even t un der the heavens, but it must happe n thu s [ac hit Jyus gelimpan sceal] to everyone, a burning flame ove r all the bright homes . Afte r tha t flame life wil l be permanent: h e wh o think s properl y wil l posses s wealth i n glory." 44 Judgment Day II (Be Domes Ddege) is much more esteemed b y critics tha n it s Exete r Boo k counterpart . I t i s preserve d i n th e elev enth-century M S CCC C 201 , an importan t manuscrip t recor d o f minor poetica l text s o f th e late r Anglo-Saxo n period , whic h als o contains the OE Apollonius of Tyre and a nucleus of Wulfstan hom ilies (se e chapte r 3). 45 This poe m i s a clos e expande d translation , 306 compared wit h 15 7 lines originally , o f th e Lati n hexametrica l De Die fudicii, attribute d b y the rubrics to Bede, though fel t by some scholars t o b e b y Alcuin. 46 I t i s a lat e work , probabl y lat e tenth century, whic h substitute s en d rhym e fo r alliteratio n i n a few line s and eve n combine s the two poetic techniques severa l times; it also reveals th e influenc e o f th e sou l an d bod y topos i n it s speaker' s penitential exhortation s t o hi s fles h t o forsak e it s earthl y attach ments: Why, flesh, d o you li e in filth, fille d wit h sins , weighed dow n b y crimes? Why d o you no t cleans e your grievou s sin s with a gush o f tears ? Why no t pra y fo r poultic e an d plaste r for yourself , life' s physi c fro m life' s Lord ? (11 . 77-81 ) Or: Ah, flesh, wha t d o you do ? What feas t o n now ? What ca n weepin g hel p i n tha t time' s need ?


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Woe to you now who serve s this world and lives here happy in wantonness, goading yourself wit h luxury's sharp spurs! (11 . 176-80 ) The firs t o f thes e passage s contain s tw o dominan t images : thos e of flowin g wate r an d o f medica l leechcraft . Th e forme r i s enun ciated i n th e poem' s openin g lines , i n a notable expansio n o n th e Latin source : Latin: While I sat sa d an d alon e unde r th e coverin g o f a shady tree , amon g the flowing grasse s o f th e fertil e earth , wit h th e branche s echoin g o n every side from the wind's breath, I was suddenly disturbed by a bitter lament. I sang thes e mournfu l song s because m y mind was sa d whe n I remembered th e sins I had committed. JD II: Lo! I sat alone within a grove covered by the deep woods' canopy, where water-streams melodiously ran amid the meadow, al l as I say. There pleasant plants flourished an d blossomed luxuriantly o n that peerless plain, and the trees moved and made melod y through the wind's force, an d the sky was churned and my wretched spiri t was all disturbed. Then suddenly fearfu l an d sad, I poured fort h in song these fearsom e verses, all as you declared, 47 recalled my sins. . . (11 . 1-12 ) The garden imag e i n thes e line s ha s been give n variou s allegorica l interpretations: Hupp e see s i t as th e Garde n o f Eden , wit h th e Tre e being tha t o f Knowledg e an d th e speake r a figure o f falle n Ada m hiding i n it s shad e t o escap e God' s wrath ; Hoffman a s " a kind o f earthly Paradise—i n a good sense—wit h suggestio n o f th e water s of grac e an d th e Tre e o f Life . . . . a n allegorica l representatio n o f the Churc h o n earth" ; Cai e a s th e hortus conclusus of th e Son g o f Solomon, th e Churc h i n thi s worl d (th e monaster y i n particular) , and anagogicall y a s th e pure , Christia n soul—bu t a t th e sam e tim e as a n "amoral " plac e wher e ma n ca n mak e a hel l fo r himself , i f he live s lustfull y an d leisurely , o r a heaven , i f h e penitentl y re -

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members thi s world' s transience. 48 Howeve r w e wis h t o under stand it s significance , th e Ol d Englis h poem' s earthl y garden , un like Bede's , ha s a n initia l seductiv e security . I t suggest s th e hiddenness o f sin s whic h mus t b e now reveale d t o Go d throug h such a n outpourin g fro m th e tea r ducts 49 a s th e person a call s fo r in 11 . 26 ff. Th e water streams, whic h th e poe t adds t o his original , foreshadow th e cleansin g effec t o f thes e penitentia l tear s tha t th e poet evoke s agai n an d again . In 11 . 45 ff. , th e person a link s penitentia l weepin g t o th e reve lation o f sins ' wound s t o th e "heavenl y Leech , wh o alon e ca n hea l with virtu e th e erran t spirit. " H e the n use s th e exampl e o f Dis mas, th e repentan t thie f o n th e cross , a s a paradig m fo r sinners ' salvation. Lik e th e poe t o f Christ III, that o f Judgment Day II emphasizes th e nee d fo r inne r probin g o f si n an d fo r repentanc e now, since o n Judgmen t Da y all wil l b e revealed . Th e terror s o f th e damned i n hel l ar e eve n mor e powerfull y portraye d i n thi s poe m than in th e former ; an d a n interestin g passag e show s abstraction s of vice , lik e thos e i n th e late r moralit y plays , glidin g awa y a t th e end o f th e world : Then drunkenness shal l disappear, an d feasting, and play and laughter depart together, and lust shall likewise pass from here, and stinginess steal far away, vice vanish, an d each vanity then shall guilty glide into the dark, and wretched, enfeeble d slot h shall flee, slinking backwards slack with slumber. (11 . 234-41)


The poe m end s o n th e usua l themati c not e o f eschatologica l po etry, wit h th e blis s o f th e blesse d i n heaven , bu t i t ha s th e un usual feature , adapte d fro m Bede' s poem , o f th e Virgi n Mar y leading tha t white-clothe d ban d "throug h th e lovel y brigh t king dom/of th e gloriou s Father " (11 . 296-7). Thi s scen e als o suggest s a garden image , a heavenl y on e t o counterpoin t th e earthl y on e o f the beginning , wit h "re d heap s o f roses " (martyrs? ) an d whit e virgins "hun g wit h blossoms. " Comments o n tw o othe r poem s wil l complet e ou r discussio n o f miscellaneous religiou s verse : Physiologus and The Phoenix. Unlike


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the poems discussed s o far, the y are explicitly allegorical. Both are extant in the Exeter Book. The former 51 deal s with the broad theme s of salvatio n an d damnation . I t describe s th e trait s an d action s of birds and animals—these d o not necessarily bear any resemblanc e to natura l history—an d the n didacticall y explicate s thei r signifi cation i n term s o f God , Christ , mankind , o r th e devil . Th e phy siologus-bestiary genr e ha s a lon g history , goin g back t o Alexan dria i n pre-Christia n times . It s great popularit y i n th e Middl e Age s is attested b y th e man y Europea n an d non-Europea n translation s in which i t is preserved . The Ol d Englis h poe m consist s o f seventy-fou r line s o n th e Panther, eighty-nin e o n th e Whale , an d a fragmente d sixtee n o n a bir d whos e identit y ha s bee n questioned , bu t whic h i s usuall y identified a s th e Partridge . Th e ga p betwee n th e firs t lin e o f th e last section , whic h end s foli o 97 , an d th e remainin g fiftee n line s beginning foli o 98 , occasioned muc h controvers y i n th e late nine teenth an d earl y twentieth centuries . Was the poem a fragment o f a larg e cycl e (continenta l version s o f th e Physiologus ca n amoun t to fift y "stories") / wit h severa l leave s missin g fro m th e manu script, o r wa s i t a short-cycl e type , i n whic h th e Panther , Whale , and Partridg e wer e ofte n associated ? Krap p an d Dobbi e remov e all doub t tha t th e Ol d Englis h versio n i s a short-cycl e Physiolo gus, wit h onl y on e lea f missin g fro m th e manuscript. 52 Apar t fro m the evidenc e o f th e manuscrip t gatherings , th e poe m a s it stand s shows a structural unity: it begins with a generalization applicabl e to al l beast s an d birds , embracin g earth , water , an d air , befor e narrowing it s focu s t o one representative o f each category ; it continues wit h th e wor d "further " use d a s a transitio n betwee n sec tions; and th e wor d Finit at th e en d o f "Partridge " explicitl y call s attention t o the completio n o f th e poem. 53 The "Panther " sectio n characterize s tha t beas t a s on e gentl e an d kind t o al l sav e th e dragon , wit h a coat o f man y colors . Afte r h e has eaten hi s fill, h e sleeps in a cave for three days, arising on th e third wit h a wondrous-soundin g roa r an d wit h suc h a fragranc e emanating fro m hi s mouth tha t me n an d beast s all hasten t o him. Then follow s th e significatio: th e Panthe r i s God-Christ, gentl e t o all bu t Satan ; an d hi s slee p an d wakin g ar e Hi s Deat h an d Res urrection. Thos e wh o hurr y t o th e fragranc e ar e th e righteous, performing goo d deed s fo r thei r salvation .

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The "Whale" sectio n depict s that beast (originall y an asp-turtle ) as he appears t o mariners: like a rough roc k or a mass of seawee d on dune s nea r th e shore . Sea-wear y sailor s ar e deceive d int o be lieving him an island, and the y moor on him and build a fire. Whe n they feel most secure, "rejoicin g i n fair weather," th e crafty whal e suddenly plunge s t o th e depths , drownin g th e sailor s "i n th e hall s of death. " Significantly , thi s i s th e devil' s deceptiv e way , lurin g men t o pride and wicke d deeds , the n draggin g the m of f t o hell. 54 The Whal e ha s anothe r trick : whe n hungry , h e open s wid e hi s jaws, fro m whic h issue s a swee t smel l tha t attract s littl e fis h t o their doom. Her e is a parallel to the fleshly joys whereby th e devil entices me n t o hell. 5 5 The deliberate contras t i n Physiologus, a s in most bestiaries , betwee n th e swee t smel l of Panther-Chris t draw ing men t o good deed s an d salvatio n an d tha t o f whale-devil lur ing me n t o fleshl y lust s an d damnatio n emphasize s th e polarit y of Goo d an d Evi l that i s central t o the poem. 56 We canno t tel l muc h abou t th e poeti c representatio n o f "Par tridge" because i n it s fragmentary conditio n w e hav e onl y on e lin e on the physical bird; in fact, ou r identification o f the bird as a partridge stem s fro m th e similarit y in its allegorical representation o f the parenta l relationshi p betwee n Go d an d ma n t o th e corre sponding explication in the ninth-century Ber n Physiologus, i n which there i s also the larger parallel associatio n o f Panther, Whale , an d Partridge. On e criti c has argued tha t its form i s homiletic and tha t its thre e sections , respectivel y concerne d wit h earth , hell , an d heaven, ar e primaril y typological , tropological , an d anagogica l i n their allegorica l significations. 57 The allegorica l natur e o f th e Ol d Englis h Physiologus i s some what simpl e an d it s poetry, fo r th e mos t part , mediocre . Bu t Anglo-Saxon literatur e produced a n outstandin g poeti c example of thi s genre in the radiantly comple x Phoenix. Thi s poem move s beyon d the customar y equatio n o f stor y o r fabl e wit h mora l o r spiritua l truths: it achieves a symbolic density tha t onl y the best of its kind reveal. The Phoenix is found o n folios ^b-tyb o f the Exeter Book. 58 Once counted amon g Cynewulf' s poems , it is no longer considered his , though it may contain som e trace of the Cynewulfian styl e as well as tha t o f th e Andreas poet. 59 It s dat e o f composition , lik e tha t of


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most Ol d Englis h poems , i s uncertain, perhap s th e lat e ninth cen tury. O f it s 67 7 lines, th e firs t 38 0 closel y follow , thoug h the y ex pand upon , th e fourth-centur y Lati n poe m De Ave Phoenice, at tributed t o Lactantius . Th e remainin g lines , whic h furnis h a n explicit allegory , woul d see m t o b e th e poet' s own , thoug h the y obviously incorporat e biblica l materia l an d probabl y exegetica l writings o n th e Resurrection . Fo r thi s fabl e abou t th e mythica l bir d which renew s it s lif e throug h immolatio n len t itsel f readil y t o th e Christian doctrin e o f resurrectio n throug h an d afte r th e flame s o f Judgment Day . Th e moti f itsel f i s o f Orienta l origi n and , i n it s handling b y Lactantius , connecte d wit h th e worshi p o f th e sun . In th e openin g sectio n o f th e eigh t part s int o whic h th e manu script divide s th e poem , w e fin d a descriptio n o f th e Earthl y Par adise presente d i n negative s an d positives , wit h rhym e an d near rhyme; fo r instance : That is a fair plain, where green forest s stretch their limbs. There neither rain nor snow nor frost's breath nor fire's blazing death nor hail's pounding fal l nor hoarfrost's pall nor sun's quick heating nor cold congealin g nor warm weather nor winter shower harms its plenty, bu t the plain remains ever flourishing: tha t finest lan d stands full-blown wit h blossoms. (11 . 13-213 ) The landscap e i s Lactantian , bu t wit h echoe s o f Genesis , Ezekiel , and Revelation . Whe n th e Phoeni x i s presented i n th e secon d sec tion, i t i s associate d wit h th e sun : i t bathe s twelv e time s dail y i n the col d stream s o f Paradis e befor e th e su n rises , an d then , risin g swiftly int o th e air , offer s it s adoratio n i n son g an d caro l t o God' s bright token . Thi s routin e continue s fo r 100 0 years, whe n th e bird , grown old , flie s westwar d t o a woo d i n Syria , attende d fo r a whil e by a concourse o f birds . Bu t seeking seclusion , th e Phoeni x drive s away it s attendant s an d build s it s nes t ato p a lofty tre e name d afte r itself. There , i n Sectio n 3 , th e bird' s "solarium " i s kindle d b y th e sun; and nest , bird , an d th e swee t herb s th e anhaga 'lone-dweller' has gathere d ar e consume d togethe r o n th e pyre . I n th e coole d ashes, however , a n apple' s likenes s appears ; fro m i t emerge s a

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wondrously fai r worm , whic h grow s int o a fledgling Phoenix . Th e renewed bir d eat s nothin g bu t honeyde w til l (Sectio n 4 ) i t seek s again th e terrestria l Eden , onc e mor e attende d b y flocks o f bird s singing hosannahs . Bu t agai n th e bird s mus t retire , thi s tim e whe n the Phoeni x reache s th e idea l lan d (Sectio n 5) ; an d th e self-con tainment o f th e bird , an d it s lac k o f fea r o f death , ar e praise d a s the paraphras e o f th e Lactantia n poe m run s it s course . The Anglo-Saxo n poet' s interpretatio n o f th e fabl e commence s in th e middl e o f Sectio n 5 , mitigatin g th e divisio n betwee n "cor tex" an d "nucleus " o f hi s poem : The almighty Princ e of men grante d hi m [th e Phoenix ] that h e shoul d b e just a s beautifu l again, a s fine-feathered a s he wa s before, thoug h th e fir e ha d consume d him . So after miser y eac h blessed ma n chooses his way throug h death' s dar k wo e to eternal life , afte r earthl y day s enjoys God' s gifts i n joys continual ; and endlessl y i n glory will he dwell as just rewar d fo r hi s past deeds . (11 . 377-85 ) Here i s th e centra l allegory , th e paralle l betwee n th e Phoenix' s re birth throug h fir e an d th e resurrectio n o f al l goo d Christians . A s part o f thi s equation , th e swee t herb s th e ol d bir d gather s becom e the goo d deed s me n d o o n eart h (11 . 465 ff.). Bu t th e allegor y ha s other dimensions . Th e bird' s departur e fro m th e Earthl y Paradis e is, earl y i n th e "interpretive " part , equate d wit h th e exil e o f Ada m and Ev e fo r eatin g th e forbidde n frui t (11 . 400-4). Toward s th e end , the poe t compare s th e Phoeni x wit h Christ—imagisticall y i n 11 . 591 ff. an d explicitl y i n 11 . 646b~9. I n 11 . 548b ff. h e use s th e figur e of Jo b who , lik e th e Phoenix , i s certai n i n hi s faith , knowin g h e will ris e agai n t o enjo y happines s wit h th e Lor d (Jo b 29:18) . Th e poem's textur e i s furthe r enriche d b y th e incorporatio n i n th e fa ble o f a n extende d harvest-and-sowin g imag e (11 . 243 ff.), whic h suggests tha t resurrectio n i s a natura l phenomenon , a familia r process o f nature , a s wel l a s a mysteriou s an d uniqu e even t lik e the renewa l o f th e mythica l Phoeni x o r a biblica l asseveratio n lik e Job's. Moreover , th e bir d i s anthropomorphize d b y term s fro m th e


24 5 ]

heroic vocabulary , thu s helpin g t o identif y it s lif e wit h tha t o f man , which i t symbolize s i n it s life , death , an d resurrection . Although Cros s read s th e Phoenix a s a four-leve l allegory , th e text appear s t o resis t suc h a reading. 60 Th e variou s strand s seem , rather, mor e interlace d wit h a visio n o f heavenl y beaut y t o pro duce a symboli c visio n wherei n "th e worl d o f grac e . . . mirror s the ar t o f Go d t o man , s o tha t ma n ma y b e redeeme d throug h th e art o f hi s ow n work s an d days , arriving , crowne d a t last , i n th e city o f art , whic h i s heave n itself/' 61 The Phoenix i s a splendi d piec e o f literatur e i n it s entirety , thoug h often onl y th e Lactantia n fabl e receive s attention . O f th e remain ing poem s t o b e surveye d i n thi s chapter , no t s o muc h ca n b e said . As a bridg e betwee n th e religiou s poem s an d th e fe w secula r poems, w e hav e th e philosophical-religiou s Meters of Boethius an d a fe w metrica l preface s an d epilogues . Th e Meters ar e preserve d only i n M S Cotto n Oth o A.vi , damage d i n th e Cottonia n fir e o f 1731, an d i n a transcrip t mad e b y Juniu s befor e th e damag e wa s incurred (M S Junius 12). 62 They ar e a poetic paraphras e o f th e ear lier Ol d Englis h pros e translation , no t o f th e Lati n original ; lik e that translation , the y ma y o n goo d ground s b e attribute d t o Kin g Alfred himsel f (se e chapte r 2). 63 As poetr y the y ar e no t especiall y noteworthy, employin g man y filler s o r ta g verses ; bu t compari sons wit h thei r pros e originals , analyse s o f thei r formularit y an d originality, sugges t tha t a t times , a t least , the y tighte n th e concep tually o f th e piec e an d revea l a n "unexpectedl y subtl e us e o f con notations o r pla y o n soun d patterns." 6 4 T o giv e a smal l ide a o f the prose/poeti c relationship , a s wel l a s tha t t o Boethius ' Consolation, w e translat e th e firs t par t o f th e Ol d Englis h Meter 4 , Boe thius' praye r t o th e Creato r (Bk . I , m . 5) , alon g wit h th e Anglo Saxon pros e version , an d quot e Green' s translation 65 o f th e Lati n original: OE: O Yo u Creato r o f th e bright stars , of heaven an d earth : on You r high thron e You reign eternally , an d swiftl y Yo u tur n the whol e heaven , an d throug h You r holy migh t

[ 24 6 ] A


You constrain th e star s t o obey You . Likewise th e su n dispel s th e shadow s of th e dar k night s throug h You r might . With he r pal e light th e moo n temper s the bright star s through th e powe r o f Your might , at time s also deprives th e su n of it s bright light , whe n i t comes abou t that the y get s o near by necessity . AS Prose: O You Creator o f heave n an d earth , Yo u who rule on Your eternal seat , You tur n th e heave n o n it s swif t course , an d Yo u mak e th e star s obedient t o You , an d Yo u mak e th e su n dispe l th e shadow s o f th e dar k night wit h he r bright light. Likewis e does the moon wit h he r pale light that dim s th e brigh t star s i n heaven , an d sometime s deprive s th e su n of its light whe n i t comes between u s and it . Latin:

Creator of the star-filled universe , seate d upo n your eternal throne You move th e heaven s i n thei r swif t orbits . Yo u hol d th e star s i n thei r as signed paths , s o that sometime s th e shining moon i s full i n the light of her brothe r su n an d hide s th e lesse r stars ; sometimes , neare r th e su n she wanes an d lose s her glory . We not e tha t bot h th e Ol d Englis h pros e an d vers e chang e th e paling o f th e moo n fro m it s proximit y t o th e su n t o a n eclipse ; that th e Lati n "star-fille d universe " become s "heave n an d earth " in th e pros e an d tha t th e Meter include s stars , heaven , an d earth ; and tha t th e severa l b-verse s abou t "God' s might " i n th e Meter are obviousl y vers e fillers . A greate r transformatio n ma y b e see n by comparin g 11 . 1-8 o f Meter ij wit h a translation 66 o f it s Lati n equivalent, Boo k iv , m . 4 : OE: Why mus t yo u eve r with unrighteou s hat e disturb you r mind , eve n a s the sea-flood' s waves agitate th e ice-col d sea , move before th e wind? Why do you faul t your fate , whic h ha s no fatal power ? Why can yo u no t abid e for bitte r deat h which th e Lor d shape d fo r you b y nature , towards whic h H e hastens you no w eac h day ?


24 7 ]


Why do you whip yourselves to frenzy, an d ever seek your fate by selfdestruction? I f yo u loo k fo r death , sh e stand s nearb y o f he r ow n ac cord; she does not restrain her swift horses . The se a imag e i s Alfred's ; an d i n hi s employmen t o f th e poeti c vocabulary an d formulas , a s wel l a s o f th e alliterativ e line , th e kin g forged hi s Meters i n th e nativ e poeti c tradition , despit e th e intract ability o f muc h o f th e Consolation's subject matter . The metrica l preface s an d epilogue s ma y b e treate d mor e briefly . There exis t a verse Prefac e an d a verse Epilogu e t o Alfred's trans lation o f th e Pastoral Care (see chapte r 2) , i n th e ninth-centur y M S Hatton 20 , sen t b y Alfred' s orde r t o Waerferth , bisho p o f Worces ter, a s wel l a s i n tw o o r thre e othe r manuscripts. 67 I n th e 16-lin e Metrical Preface, Gregory's work , personified , speak s briefl y o f it s original compositio n i n Rome , it s transmissio n b y Augustin e t o th e English, an d Alfred' s translatio n an d despatchin g o f i t to his bish ops "becaus e som e o f them , wh o leas t kno w Latin , neede d it. " This Preface ha s no t receive d critica l attention . Th e 30-lin e Metrical Epilogue, utilizing a n extende d bu t consisten t wate r image t o refe r to the content s o f th e Pastoral Care as th e living waters fro m whic h readers ma y drin k i f thei r container s ar e fxst, ha s bee n mor e for tunate. 68 Ther e i s als o a 27-line vers e Prefac e t o Waerferth's trans lation o f Gregory' s Dialogues preserved i n M S Cotto n Oth o C.i, 69 and a 10-lin e Epilogu e t o th e Ol d Englis h translatio n o f Bede' s Historia Ecclesiastica (th e Metrical Epilogue to MS 41, CCCC).


Ro -

binson ha s discusse d thi s in its immediate manuscrip t context . H e sees th e scribe' s praye r i n thi s colophon—fo r hi s reader s t o "sup port wit h kindl y powe r th e scrib e wh o wrot e thi s boo k wit h hi s two hand s s o tha t h e migh t complet e ye t man y [mor e copies ] wit h his hand s accordin g t o hi s lord' s desire"—a s mergin g th e scribe' s voice wit h tha t o f Bede , wh o ha d himsel f serve d a s a scribe. 71 Seven secula r piece s remai n t o be mentioned . Fiv e of them , foun d in fou r o f th e manuscript s o f th e Anglo-Saxo n Chronicles , alon g with Brunanburh (se e chapte r 6) , ar e therefor e referre d t o a s Chronicle poems. 72 The y are , lik e tha t heroi c poe m celebratin g jEthelstan's victor y o f 937 , concerne d wit h nationa l history , bu t

[ 24 8 ] A


none o f the m compare s wit h i t in poeti c quality . The Capture of the Five Boroughs commemorate s Kin g Edmund' s victor y ove r th e Norsemen i n 942 , b y whic h h e liberate d th e borough s fro m Vi king rule . The Coronation of Edgar (973 ) describe s th e ceremon y performed b y Dunsta n an d Oswal d a t Bat h when , fourtee n year s after hi s accession , Kin g Edga r decide d t o b e officiall y anointed . The Death of Edgar, rathe r tha n dealin g wit h a singl e event , treat s of fiv e importan t happening s i n th e yea r 975. 73 On e o f these , th e expulsion o f Oslac , ear l o f Northumbria , illustrate s th e mechani cal pilin g u p o f th e olde r poeti c formula s wit h littl e regar d fo r specificity o f meaning : And pa weard eac adrxfed deormod hxled, Oslac, of earde ofer yda gewealc, ofer ganotes bxd, gamolfeax hxled, wis and wordsnotor, ofer wxtera ge tring, ofer hwxles edel, hama bereafod. (11 . 24-8 )

(And ther e wa s also driven th e brave-hearted warrior , Oslac, fro m hi s dwelling, ove r th e rolling of waves, over th e sea-mew' s bath , grey-haire d warrior , wise and cleve r wit h words , ove r th e concourse o f waters, over th e whale' s home , deprive d o f [his ] homes. ) Despite thi s overaccumulatio n o f formulas , th e las t lin e i s effec tive i n it s contras t o f hom e wit h homelessness . The Death of Alfred (1036), onl y partiall y i n verse , recount s th e imprisonmen t an d murder o f Princ e Alfred , /Ethelred' s son , a t th e hand s o f Ear l Godwine; an d The Death of Edward (1065 ) eulogize s Edwar d th e Confessor fo r abou t thirt y lines , endin g wit h a brie f mentio n o f his allege d beques t o f th e crow n t o Harold . A sixt h poem , als o i n the Chronicle s (1087) , i s William the Conqueror. 74 Thi s doggere l vers e almost completel y abandon s Ol d Englis h poeti c techniques , usin g rhyme an d greatl y varyin g vers e length s i n it s descriptio n o f Wil liam a s a proud , greedy , mea n man . The sevent h poem , an d last , i s chronologicall y th e lates t o f al l extant Anglo-Saxo n poems . I t i s i n th e traditio n o f th e encomium urbis o r 'prais e o f th e city / a standar d rhetorica l exercis e o f th e Middle Ages , a n exampl e bein g th e Lati n poe m o f Alcuin' s o n

MISCELLANEOUS RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR POETRY [ 249 ] York. 75 The 21-lin e Ol d Englis h poe m De Situ Dunelmi, o r Durham, is i n tw o parts : i t begin s wit h a descriptio n o f th e famou s city , it s stones, it s fish-fille d river , an d it s animal-fille d forest ; the n i t give s an accoun t o f th e famou s me n whos e relic s res t therein : St . Cuth bert, Bede , Bisho p Aidan , Kin g Oswald , an d others . Th e poe m was compose d betwee n 1104-9 , bu t i s surprisingl y regula r i n it s use o f th e olde r vocabular y an d meter. 76 Thu s i n Durham, a poe m in prais e o f a cit y an d o f th e saint s wh o slee p ther e awaitin g Doomsday, compose d mor e tha n fiv e centurie s afte r th e illus trious Caedmo n ha d uttere d hi s hym n i n prais e o f th e Creator , the Anglo-Saxo n poeti c traditio n foun d it s las t exponent , befor e i t became transforme d i n th e free r Middl e Englis h alliterativ e poem s like Layamon' s Brut an d i n th e late r fourteenth-centur y poem s o f the Alliterativ e Revival .

NOTES 1. Quote d fro m Whiteloc k 1979 , pp. 722-3 . 2. Dobbi e 193 7 edits seventee n o f th e versions ; Humphreys/Ros s 197 5 publishes fou r more . Th e Hymn, i n on e Northumbria n an d on e W S version, ed . als o in ASPR 6; four Northumbria n version s ed . i n Smith 1933. 3. O n th e variant s aelda barnu[m]/eordan bearnulm] —which ar e not confined t o the Northumbrian and WS versions respectively—see Schwab 1983, pp. 14-6 . 4. Quote d fro m th e Moore MS, with th e original scribe's raised points . 5. Howlet t 1974 , p. 7 . Weorc grammatically ca n be nom . o r ace, sg . o r pi.; the Latin facta ca n be nom. o r ace. pi. 6. Hupp e 1959 , pp . 99-130 , Bessinge r 1974 , an d Howlet t 197 4 take i t as th e latte r an d buil d thei r critica l interpretation s i n par t upo n thi s meaning; but ther e i s no har d evidenc e t o suppor t it—se e Schwa b 1983, p. 17 , n. 67. 7. Bede' s paraphras e doe s no t hel p answe r th e question , sinc e Bed e omits th e phras e altogether ; hi s creavit probabl y translate s scop, and h e omits teode. Suc h question s o f synta x an d meanin g ar e complicate d b y the ambiguity a s t o the numbe r o f independent clause s in th e poem . 8. Se e respectivel y Wren n 1946 ; Huppe 1959 , pp . 99-130 ; Frit z 1974 ; Orton 1983a , p . 165. 9. O n th e former , se e Magoun 1955 a and Fr y 1974a ; on th e latter, Blak e 1962 and Howlet t 1974 , p. 10. 10. Cf . Orto n 1983a ; quotation fro m pp . 168-9 . F° r ver Y differen t views , see Howlett 1974 , p. 6 and Schwa b 1983 , pp. 12-4 .

[ 25 O ] A


11. O n circularit y i n interpretin g textua l an d extra-textua l dat a i n th e criticism of OE poems, se e Greenfield 1972 , chapter 1. 12. O n this and the following points , se e all items in previous notes. 13. Ed . Colgrave 1958. 14. O n the prose psalms, see chapter 2; the metrical psalms ed. in ASPR 515. Keefe r 1979 shows that the poet often relied on OE interlinear glosses of th e Lati n Psalms. Diamon d 196 3 feels tha t th e poet use d th e "fillers " artistically; he als o argue s tha t th e dictio n i s a s formulai c a s tha t o f th e older poetry. 16. Ed . i n ASP R 6 . A furthe r fragment , i n th e Eadwine Psalter, whic h parallels the text of th e Paris Psalter 90.16.1-95.2.1, is ed. by Baker 1984. 17. Ed . in ASPR 6. Fo r discussion of sources, se e Shepherd 1952. 18. Ed . in ASPR 6. 19. Ed . in ASPR 6. Texts and discussions also in Ure 1957. On Gloria 1, see furthe r Whitbread 1966b. 20. Cf . Bethuru m 1957 , p. 49 and Whitbread 1962. 21. Ed . in ASPR 6 and Ure 1957, Appendix A. 22. Whitebrea d 1962 , n . 15 . Ur e 195 7 argues fo r LPr 11 an d 111 a s variants o f th e sam e poem . Ther e i s a stil l briefer , workmanlik e metrica l translation, LPr 1, in th e Exete r Book, an d a 3-line Gloria 11 preserve d i n MS Cotton Titus D.xxvii—ed. i n ASPR 3 and 6 respectively. 23. Bot h ed. i n ASPR 6. 24. Greenfiel d 1981 . Whitbread 195 1 feels there is little trace of the older poetic vocabulary in Exhortation. O n textual problems, see Whitbread 1949. Two pros e adaptation s exist , on e i n Pseudo-Wulfsta n Homil y XX X (Napier's numbering), th e other in Vercelli Homily XXI. 25. Ed . i n ASPR 6. O n the macaroni c hymn traditio n in medieval English literature, se e Wehrle 1933 , pp. 1-14 . 26. Forste r 1942 ; Whitbread 1957 ; Caie 1976 , pp. 115-6 ; Frantzen 1983a,

pp. 180-1 .

27. Ed . i n ASP R 6 , separatel y b y Grimald i 1981 , wit h Italia n transla tion. Fo r commentary, se e Sisam , K . 1953 , pp . 45-60 . O n technica l cal endrical matters , se e Henel 1934. 28. Ed . in ASPR 6; see also Rositzke 1940 , pp. 3-11. Malone 196 9 provides a trans. O n the prose Menologium, se e Henel 1934. 29. Henni g 1952. 30. Ed . in ASPR 6. 31. Fo r commentar y o n th e poe m Aldhelm, particularl y o n it s us e o f Greek words, see Whitbread 1976, which also contains a translation. Raw 1978, pp. 123- 6 provides a brief analysis of A Prayer. 32. Ed . in ASPR 2 and 3; also Willard 1935. Shippey 1976 edits the longer Vercelli text, wit h facing translation. 33. Orto n 1979a , 1979b . Willar d 193 5 had see n V as th e sourc e fo r E;


25 1 ]

and Gyger 1969 had suggeste d tha t differences betwee n th e two texts were the result o f oral transmission . 34. Shippe y 1976 , pp. 29-3 6 provides a summary o f th e history of thi s topos. 35. Ferguso n 1970 . 36. Se e Kurtz 1929. 37. Ferguso n 197 0 an d Orto n 1979 a cal l attentio n t o th e circula r o r symmetrical structur e o f Soul and Body II. Bot h fin d i t poeticall y a s wel l as doctrinall y effective ; bu t Bradle y 1982 , pp. 358- 9 savagely denounce s it on both scores . 38. Thoug h Smetana 196 7 claims it has "real poetic power/' Orto n 1979a, pp. 451- 7 make s detaile d argumen t t o th e contrary . O n doctrina l prob lems in th e poem , se e Shippey 197 6 and Frantze n 1982 . 39. No t in ASPR. For text see Short 1976a ; Anderson, G . 1966 , p. 188 9 provides translation . 40. Se e Short 1976a ; see also Dudley 191 3 and Marino , C . 1981. 41. Cai e 1976 , p . 4 ; furthe r o n th e Doomsda y theme , see Whitbrea d 1967. 42. Ed . i n ASP R 3; Shippey 1976 , with facin g translation . 43. A flood i s not one of the Christian medieva l signs of doom, thoug h in Matthe w 24:37- 9 Christ compares Doomsda y t o Noah's flood . Perhap s the poe t wa s influence d b y Germanic apocalypti c tradition . Cai e 1976 , pp. 99-101, suggest s th e wate r i s purgatorial , lik e tha t o f baptism . O n th e signs of doom , se e Caie's Appendix . 44. Fo r analyse s o f Judgement Day I, see Cai e 1976 , pp . 95-11 4 an d Shippey 1976 , pp. 43-6 . 45. O n th e "sequence " o f penitentia l poem s whic h begin s wit h Judgment Day II, see n. 26 , above. 46. O E and Lati n texts ed. i n Lohe 190 7 (with German translation ) an d Lumby 187 6 (with Englis h translation) ; the O E text alon e ed. i n ASPR 6. For compariso n o f O E an d Lati n texts , an d critica l analyses , see Whit bread 1966 a and Cai e 1976 , pp. 115-59 ; see also Hoffman 1968 . 47. Thi s verse , lik e 1 . 4b's "al l a s I say, " ar e clearl y no t i n th e Latin . Despite som e far-fetche d conjecture s abou t th e referen t o f you in 1 . 12a, Whitbread 1966a , p. 64 8 is undoubtedly correc t in seein g it reflecting th e Latin epilogue' s 1 . 158, where Bed e addresses Bisho p Acca: "I have composed thes e verse s just as you commanded." Th e epilogu e i s otherwis e omitted i n the O E poem. 48. Hupp e 1959 , pp. 80-93 ; Hoffman 1968 , p. 177 ; Caie 1976, pp. 12 0 ff. and 158-9 . 49. Translator s tak e th e wor d aeddran, 1 . 26a , a s eithe r "veins " o r "fountains"; th e Lati n has "eyes." The OE word literall y means " a chan nel for liquids, " and a translation "tea r ducts " makes more sens e here . 50. Th e poe t use s man y rhetorica l tropes ; thes e an d othe r aspect s o f

[ 25 2 ] A


the poem's technique remain largely unexplored, despit e the analyses cited above. 51. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; se e als o Coo k 1919 . Fo r a vers e translation , se e Cook/Pitman 1921. 52. ASP R 3, pp. 1-li . 53. Se e Cordasco 194 9 and Letso n 1979b . 54. Th e M E Bestiary contain s a simila r descriptio n o f "Cethegrande. " Milton draws on the sam e tradition fo r hi s simile comparing Sata n t o Leviathan i n Paradise Lost I, 11 . 200 ff . 55. Th e ope n jaw s o f hel l ar e commo n i n medieva l pictoria l represen tations—see th e illuminations i n th e Junius M S facsimile, Gollanc z 1927. 56. Cf . Campbell , T . 1978 , wh o find s a relationshi p betwee n th e O E poem an d Paul' s Epistl e t o the Ephesians . yj. Letso n 1979b . 58. Ed . i n ASP R 3; see also Cook 1919 . Separately b y Blake 1964. 59. Se e chapter 7 and Hietsc h 1955. 60. Cros s 1967 ; argued agains t b y Greenfield 1972 , pp. 140- 5 and Let son 1979b , pp. 17-8 ; Heffernan 198 2 finds Maria n symbolis m i n som e of the imagery. Fo r a typological reading , se e Kantrowitz 1964. 61. Calde r 1972c , p . 181 . Stevick 198 0 provides a readin g i n term s o f mathematical proportion s an d numbe r symbolism . 62. Ed . i n ASPR 5. 63. Se e Sisam, K . 1953 , pp. 293-7 . 64. Monni n 1979 , p. 360 . See also Metcalf 197 3 and Conle e 1970. 65. Green , R . 1962 , pp. 14-5 . 66. Ibid. , p . 88. 67. Ed . i n ASPR 6; texts and metrica l translatio n i n Hame r 1970. 68. Se e Cross 1969b, which contains a prose translation; also Isaacs 1968, PP 83-969. Ed . i n ASPR 6; separately b y Yerkes 1980. 70. Ed . in ASPR 6. 71. Robinso n 1980 ; translation quote d fro m pp . 19-20 . 72. Al l ed. i n ASPR 6. 73. Isaac s 1968 , pp. 89-9 3 s e e s t n e poe m a s a "series o f way s and im ages for expressin g death. " 74. Ed . i n Fowler , R . 1966 ; not i n ASPR . Fo r comments , se e Whitin g 1949. 75. Se e Schlauch 1941 . The O E poems ed. i n ASPR 6. 76. Howlet t 1976 b finds th e poem' s structur e conformin g t o the Golde n Section.


Lore an d Wisdom

From poem s celebratin g Go d an d Hi s handiwor k an d ma n i n hi s chronicle o f years , w e tur n t o vers e mor e didacti c i n purpose , t o verse emphasizin g secula r an d Christia n lor e an d wisdom . Suc h wisdom literatur e i s "devoted . . . t o rules fo r conduc t o r contro l of the environmen t o r to information abou t natur e an d men " an d intended t o "sugges t a schem e o f lif e . . . t o ensur e it s continu ance, . . . t o control life by some kind o f order." 1 I n a largely un lettered societ y lik e the Anglo-Saxon , suc h "rules " are apt t o tak e a somewha t aphoristi c form . Thu s runes , charms , gnome s an d proverbs, riddles , an d som e mor e pointedl y homileti c Christia n poems compris e th e bul k o f th e poetr y t o b e considere d i n thi s chapter. Earlier we mentioned th e use of runes i n Germanic, an d partic ularly i n Ol d English , poetr y (se e chapte r 5) : th e inscriptio n o n the Golde n Hor n o f Gallehus , th e runi c signature s o f Cynewulf , the inscriptio n o n th e Ruthwel l Cros s containin g verse s foun d als o in The Dream of the Rood. A s thes e illustration s suggest , rune s wer e employed t o identify th e maker (an d sometime s the owner) of instruments o f pleasur e an d warfare , t o signify th e poe t wh o wishe d to have prayer s sai d fo r hi s soul' s salvation , o r to inscribe a monument. The y migh t als o be used t o convey a message o f on e sor t

[ 25 4 ]




or another , a s i n th e Riddles an d The Husband's Message; but the y also had a magico-religiou s function . Th e wor d rune (OE run) mean s "mystery" o r "secret" ; an d fro m th e tim e o f adoptio n o f th e fujpark (OE fuiwrc), o r runi c alphabet , b y Germani c tribes , possibl y from Nort h Itali c model s (c . 250-15 0 B.C.?) , th e formalize d non cursive scrip t ofte n serve d ritualisti c purposes. 2 The Germani c runi c alphabe t consiste d o f twenty-fou r letters , headed b y thos e whic h giv e i t it s name : )f (f) Pi (u) p (th ) ^ (a ) J ^ (r) < (k) . Th e Ol d Englis h runi c alphabe t probabl y entere d Englan d in Eas t Angli a wit h th e Anglo-Saxo n invaders , sprea d t o th e southwest an d i n th e sevent h centur y t o th e north , wher e i t flour ished. 3 Th e Anglo-Saxon s modifie d th e form s o f th e letter s some what—for example , p becam e ^ , r becam e P , < becam e h — a n d they adde d nin e mor e letter s fo r a tota l representin g thirty-thre e phonetic sounds . Th e rune s ha d names , a s thei r us e i n Cyne wulf's signature s demonstrates . I n larg e par t thes e ar e take n fro m the Germani c worl d o f god s an d men , th e worl d o f natura l pow ers, an d treasure d possessions . Th e firs t si x Ol d Englis h rune s ha d the name s feoh 'wealth / ur 'aurochs , wil d ox, ' porn 'thorn ' (re placing Gmc . *purisaz 'giant' ? o r fro m *puranaz 'thorn'?) , os 'mouth/god', rad 'riding,' an d cen 'torch. ' The 94-lin e Rune Poem, preserve d onl y i n Hickes' s Thesaurus transcript o f 1705 , sinc e th e manuscrip t perishe d i n th e Cottonia n fire, furnishe s u s wit h a poeticize d alphabe t o f twenty-nin e char acters. 4 Th e stanza s var y i n length , bu t eac h describe s wha t i s named b y th e correspondin g runi c letter . W e illustrat e b y trans lating th e verse s fo r th e firs t si x runes , an d fo r th e last : Wealth i s welcome t o those i n thi s world ; yet every ma n mus t spen d i t freel y if he would gai n glor y fro m th e Lord . Aurochs i s awesome an d over-horned , a fierce beas t wh o fight s wit h it s horns, a known moor-treader ; that' s a mighty one . Thorn i s a very shar p thing : to each than e who grasp s it , pain , th e greatest roughnes s to every ma n wh o lie s among them . Mouth is the means by which al l men speak, 5 the pro p o f wisdom welcom e t o the wise,

LORE AND WISDOM [ 255 ] hope and happiness t o every man. Riding is no risk to the reveller in the hall, but hard on him who sits astride the stout steed mil e after mile. Torch i s to the living told by its flame; shining and bright it burns most ofte n inside where princes sit at ease


Grave is gruesome to great and small when flesh inexorabl y starts to fail, the pale body cool, choos e the cold earth as its bedfellow: life' s blossoms fade , joys turn away, al l covenants betray. (11 . 1-18 , 90-94 ) The mnemonic , informative , an d hortator y natur e o f th e Rune Poem is eviden t i n th e translate d stanzas . So , w e hope , ar e som e o f th e poetic qualities—suc h a s th e tripl e alliteratio n i n th e firs t lin e o f each stanza , th e humo r i n th e "riding " stanza , an d th e parallel ism an d homoeoteleuto n (similarit y o f inflectiona l ending : fade, away, betray reflect th e O E gedreosap, gewitap, geswicap) i n th e last . The poe m als o employ s a numbe r o f "heroic " formula s an d ken nings, suc h a s meere morstapa, 1. 6a (cf . Beowulf I. 203a, rmere mearcstapa, o f Grendel) , an d "gannet' s bath " fo r th e se a i n 1 . 79 a (cf . Beowulf 1861b). An d thoug h th e Christia n poe t wa s restricte d b y the orde r imposed b y th e runi c alphabet , h e manage s t o come ful l circle, wit h th e 4-line stanz a 2 0 mediating bot h i n length an d idea tionally betwee n th e firs t an d th e last : Man i n his mirth is dear to his kinsman; yet each must someday betray the other, since the Lord intends by His sentence to give th e wretched body back to earth. (11 . 59-62).


Akin t o th e rune s i n thei r magica l propertie s ar e th e charms . The oldes t relic s o f Germani c literature , despit e thei r Christiani zation i n thei r Ol d Englis h forms , th e charm s ar e openl y rathe r than secretivel y magic . Thei r magi c stem s fro m thre e elements : a source i n crxft 'cunning , knowledge ' an d msegen 'power/ a n op erational forc e tha t i s nonphysical , an d a ritua l whos e threefol d purpose i s t o secur e th e power , transmi t i t t o th e desire d sit e o f

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operations, an d utiliz e i t effectively . "Th e rhetori c o f charm, " Northrop Fry e observes , "i s dissociativ e an d incantatory : i t set s u p a patter n o f soun d s o comple x an d repetitiv e tha t th e ordinar y processes o f respons e ar e short-circuited . Refrain , rhyme , alliter ation, assonance , pun , antithesis : ever y repetitiv e devic e know n to rhetori c i s calle d int o play." 7 Bald's Leechbook an d Lacnunga (see chapte r 4) , togethe r wit h thre e other volumes , contai n th e text s o f th e twelv e extan t Ol d Englis h metrical charms : "Fo r Unfruitfu l Land, " th e "Nin e Herb s Charm, " "Against a Dwarf, " "Fo r a Sudde n Stitch, " "Fo r Los s o r Thef t o f Cattle" (thre e charms) , "Fo r Delaye d Birth, " "Fo r Water-El f Dis ease," "Fo r a Swar m o f Bees, " " A Journe y Charm, " an d "Agains t a Wen." 8 Something o f th e natur e an d characte r o f th e charm s ma y b e seen i n on e intende d t o kee p bee s fro m swarmin g (ASP R 6 , no . 8; Storms , no . 1) : [Against bees swarming , tak e earth, cas t it with you r righ t hand unde r you r righ t foo t an d say: ] I catch i t under foot , I have foun d it . Lo, eart h ha s power agains t al l creatures, and agains t malic e and agains t neglect , and agains t th e might y tongu e o f ma n [i.e. , an evi l spell]. [Whereupon cas t sand ove r them , whe n the y swarm , an d say: ] Settle down, victory-women , sin k t o earth, never be wild an d fl y t o the woods . Be as mindful o f m y welfar e as is each ma n o f eating and home . Part on e state s th e speaker' s knowledg e o f th e powe r residin g i n earth an d o f hi s contro l ove r th e eart h h e throw s unde r foo t an d thus "catches. " Th e repetitiv e formul a i n th e las t two-and-a-hal f lines emphasize s th e powe r i n word s themselves . I n th e secon d part, th e speake r applie s hi s powe r a t th e prope r moment , whe n the bee s star t t o swarm , castin g san d whic h forms , a s i t were , a magic circl e i n th e air , a t th e sam e tim e cajolin g the * bees wit h a "circle" o f words . Th e imag e o f th e "victory-women " ha s some times bee n take n a s a reli c o f th e paga n Valkyries , bu t mor e likel y it i s a simpl e metapho r suggeste d b y analog y o f th e bee' s stin g with th e "sting " o f a victoriou s sword .


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In a longe r an d mor e comple x charm , Wid Faerstice "Fo r a Sud den Stitch " o r "Agains t Rheumatism " (ASP R 6 , no . 4 ; Storms, no . 2), ther e i s another referenc e t o "might y women" ; bu t her e i t is t o female spirit s tha t wer e though t t o caus e th e disease . Again , som e have see n a n allusio n t o Valkyries . Th e whol e char m i s agains t evil spirits , wh o hav e "sho t spears " int o th e sic k person ; th e con jurer wil l answe r fir e wit h fire . A pros e statemen t t o boi l certai n herbs i n butte r (int o which , a t th e en d o f th e charm , a knif e wil l be plunge d fo r applyin g th e salv e t o th e patient ) precede s th e charm. The n a n introductio n reminiscen t o f epi c opening s begin s abruptly: 9 Loud the y were , lo , loud, whe n the y rod e over th e mound , fierce an d resolut e whe n the y rod e over th e land . Shield yoursel f no w t o escape thi s evil: out, littl e spear, i f you b e in here . Then come s th e mentio n o f th e "might y women, " wh o plo t ho w to us e thei r mxgen o r supernatura l strength , sendin g "screamin g darts," whic h th e speake r say s h e wil l requit e i n kind ; an d h e re peats th e "out , littl e spear , i f you b e i n here " formula . A referenc e to a smit h makin g a "littl e knife " follows , an d agai n th e incanta toiy refrain ; the n "si x smith s mad e slaughterou s spears,/out , spear , not i n spear! " Th e referent s an d allusion s i n thi s firs t par t hav e occasioned muc h debate , a s ha s it s structura l relatio n t o th e "re medial" secon d part , a t th e en d o f whic h th e speake r incants : If it were sho t o f /Esir, o r shot o f elves, or shot o f witch, I will help you now . This your cur e fo r sho t o f -/Esir, thi s your cure for sho t o f elves, This your cur e fo r sho t o f witch , I will help you . Fly there t o the mountainto p [i.e. , the "shot" ] Be hale! May th e Lor d hel p you! [i.e., the patient ] That th e "riders " wh o ge t thei r nefariou s powe r fro m th e buria l mound, th e might y women , an d th e smith s o f th e firs t par t ar e t o be equate d wit h th e god s (/Esir) , witches , an d elve s o f th e secon d makes a n attractiv e readin g tha t resolve s man y o f th e difficultie s posed b y thi s charm , bot h a s magi c an d a s poetry. 10 Wid Faerstice seem s primaril y paga n despit e it s Christia n end -

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ing. Christianit y i n th e charm s ma y perhap s bes t b e see n i n th e eleventh-century tex t o f /Ecerbot "Fo r Unfruitfu l Land " o r "Fiel d Ceremonies" (ASP R 6, no . 1 ; Storms, no . 8) . The firs t par t (11 . 1 48) consists o f ceremonies honorin g th e sun ; yet fo r al l its "rules " of turnin g t o the eas t and bowin g nine times , it includes sayin g a Pater noster, fou r masses , th e name s of the four Gospelers , a praye r to Mary, th e litany, an d a Sanctus. Th e second par t (11 . 49-87) is a ceremony i n hono r o f Mothe r Earth , wit h a n apostroph e t o a mysterious Erce, bu t wit h a n immediat e cal l upo n th e Christia n God: Erce, Erce Erce, mother of earth, May the Almighty, eternal Lord, grant you fields sprouting with grain and fruitful , ever increasing and flourishing, tall shafts of corn and shimmering crops, and broad barley crops, and glistening white wheat crops, and all the crops of the earth. The above is to be chanted a s the seed s are placed o n th e body of the plough ; furthe r incantatio n i s calle d fo r a s on e cut s th e firs t furrow, an d agai n whe n on e place s a bake d loa f o f man y flour s under it. The charm ends with a Pater noster said thrice. Niles suggests ther e i s n o nee d t o substitut e paga n element s fo r Christia n ones t o understand thi s charm: it is, rather, "a n expressio n o f th e piety an d anxiet y o f eleventh-centur y Christia n Englishmen " who , having faced famine , invok e assistance from "th e Go d of the Covenant, patro n o f agriculture, the One who . . . . 'ha s control over both time s and seasons ' (Beowulf 1610-11a)."11 Other Ol d Englis h metrica l charm s hav e receive d interestin g critical readings, suc h a s " A Journey Charm, " whic h ha s been see n as a supplicatio n throughou t life' s "journey " fo r protectio n agains t earthly evils. 12 And th e charm s hav e receive d appreciativ e analy sis fo r thei r variou s poeti c techniques : thei r employmen t o f for mulas, variations , kennings , metrica l patterns , an d th e like. 13 The charms ' practica l value , thei r wisdom , wa s obviousl y ver y specialized, unlik e that of the gnomes or maxims, which provide d generalized reflection s o n th e propertie s naturall y inheren t i n


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creatures and objects, o r offered u p mora l guides fo r large socioreligious areas of human endeavor. Like the charms, however, these sententious bits of wisdom have a long pedigree, and we may observe parallel s i n man y differen t languages , fro m th e Ol d Testament Boo k o f Proverb s t o th e Gree k Hesio d t o the Ol d Icelandi c Hdvamdl.14 Strand s o f gnomi c wisdo m ar e found throughou t Ol d English poetr y encase d i n lyri c o r narrativ e form , i n th e elegie s and in Beowulf in particular. 15 But there are two distinctive heter ogeneous collection s of apothegms, on e in the Exeter Book, know n as Maxims I, and a shorter one, Maxims II, i n MS Cotton Tiberius B.i, followin g th e Menologium (se e chapte r 10 ) and preceding on e of the texts of th e Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. 16 Attempts hav e been made t o fin d paga n an d Christia n strat a in these collections , bu t their ninth- or tenth-century author s were undoubtedly cleric s who fused, howeve r awkwardly , ancien t an d mor e contemporaneou s aphoristic lore. The Exete r Gnome s (Maxims I) come t o 20 6 lines, divide d int o three sections ; thos e ma y represen t work s o f thre e differen t au thors, o r perhaps the divisions are merely scribal. Maxims I A begins a s a riddling matc h or dialogue, th e poe t stressin g tha t perceptive me n shoul d exchang e thei r aphorisms: "Questio n m e wit h wise words; do not let your understanding spiri t be hidden." Then the poet proceeds to share his wisdom with us; 11. i8b-36 give some idea o f his substance and technique: The wise man shall hold meeting with the wise. Thei r minds are alike: always they settle disputes, preac h peace, which evil men earlier disturbed. Counsel goe s with wisdom, justic e with the wise, the good must be with good. Tw o are mates: woman and man shall bear in this world children through birth. A tree shall on earth lose its leaves, it s branches mourn forlorn. The dying shall depart, th e doomed die, struggling ever y day to his parting from the earth. Only the Ruler knows where th e dead one arrives when h e leaves this realm. 17 The new-born increase when death comes early: therefore ther e are so many men on earth;

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mankind woul d sprea d measurelessl y if this world's Make r di d no t diminis h them . Foolish is he who know s no t hi s Lord; death ofte n come s unexpected . Wise men car e for thei r souls , keeping trut h wit h justice . Are thes e loosel y collocate d maxims , o r i s ther e som e controllin g structure? On e criti c find s th e severa l member s connecte d b y as sociation o f ideas , throug h meanin g an d throug h sound. 18 Th e en d of on e gnom e ma y sugges t th e next , o r a centra l them e ma y ru n through a numbe r o f maxims , o r bot h method s ma y b e combined . In th e abov e passage , w e ma y se e ho w th e them e o f th e wis e ma n runs throug h severa l verse s an d the n leads , throug h th e associa tion o f on e goo d ma n wit h another , t o th e concep t o f a furthe r grouping o f two , wif e an d husband ; an d thi s i n tur n t o thei r chil dren, an d t o death . Th e tre e gnom e i s perhap s a vivi d imag e fo r parents mournin g th e deat h o f children , a them e pursue d i n th e following verses , wit h thei r Malthusia n insight . A t th e en d o f th e passage, ther e i s a gnomi c antithesi s abou t foll y an d wisdo m vis a-vis salvation , a philosophica l aphoris m whic h als o occur s i n The Seafarer. Maxims I A ha s othe r strikin g images . Ther e ar e cliff s holdin g back storm-drive n waves , bot h feelin g th e wind , seemingl y asso ciated wit h th e stron g min d necessar y t o "steer " one' s life . Thi s is followe d b y a simile : "a s th e se a i s calm/whe n th e win d doe s not sti r it,/s o people s ar e peacefu l whe n the y hav e com e t o terms " (11. 54-6). Th e whol e poe m reveal s a sens e o f structure . Afte r hi s introduction, th e poe t tell s u s firs t t o prais e God , becaus e i n th e beginning H e gav e u s lif e an d transitor y joys , whic h H e wil l as k us t o repa y Him . A t th e end , afte r maxim s abou t a king' s sover eignty, warriors ' duty , a woman' s prope r plac e a t he r ow n table , and fealt y an d th e receivin g o f treasure , th e poe t say s tha t w e wil l have t o repa y th e on e [One ] wh o gav e u s thes e favors . Th e poe t thus create s a kin d o f envelop e pattern . Maxims I B and C have les s forc e an d unity . B begins wit h "nat ural" gnome s abou t fros t freezing , fir e burnin g wood , ic e formin g a bridg e an d lockin g u p th e earth' s reproductiv e powers— a bind ing Go d alon e loosens . I t contain s a n oft-quote d passag e o n th e joyous welcom e th e Frisia n wif e give s he r sailo r husban d o n hi s


26 l ]

return, whic h lead s int o a n admonitio n t o women t o remai n faith ful. B ends wit h a contras t betwee n Woden , wh o mad e idols , an d the tru e God , wh o mad e heaven . A s par t o f th e wisdo m proffere d in C , w e fin d th e philosophical-elegia c them e o f man' s solitarines s in th e world : how 7 th e exil e mus t tak e wolve s a s companions , comrades wh o wil l tea r hi m t o pieces . Ye t h e wh o ca n sin g an d play th e har p i s les s lonel y tha n others , an d i t i s bette r fo r a ma n to hav e a brothe r t o hel p hi m i n th e hunt , i n battle , an d i n pas time hour s ove r th e chessboard . C ends, afte r a section o n murde r and violenc e tha t starte d wit h Cain' s killin g Abel, o n a heroic note, 19 telling ho w th e shiel d mus t b e a t th e ready , th e spear-poin t o n the shaft , courag e i n a brav e man , bu t "eve r fo r th e faint-hearte d shall b e th e leas t treasure. " Shippey' s summar y commen t o n bot h Maxims I and II is apt , especiall y fo r th e former : The centra l tenet s . . . see m t o b e tha t misfortun e i s inevitable , bu t that wise men find way s of guarding against it, mitigating it, in the last resort acceptin g it . I n thi s prudentia l proces s socia l control s ar e give n high importance . Fo r a modern reade r th e poems' char m ofte n derive s from thei r unfamiliar blen d of the bold and th e canny, th e physical an d the abstract, th e banal an d th e suggestive. 20 One proble m i n understandin g th e Maxims i s determinin g th e specific meaning s o f th e reiterate d sceal o r scyle. I n som e case s th e verb seem s t o hav e th e forc e o f mora l obligation , fitness , o r pro priety; i n other s i t merel y suggest s wha t i s characteristic , custom ary, o r inherent ; i n other s i t ha s a "sens e o f certaint y whic h cur rent dialecta l varietie s o f th e futur e (wit h will) brin g out . . . ." 2 1 This proble m i s especially acut e i n th e 66-lin e Maxims II; 11. 14-19 3 will illustrate : Good companion s shal l encourag e the young princ e in battle and i n ring-giving . Courage shal l be in a warrior. Swor d shal l se e battle against helmet . Th e hawk, thoug h wild , shall dwel l o n th e glove . The wol f shal l live in a grove, a wretched solitary . All thre e possibilitie s o f meanin g fo r "shall " exis t i n thes e verses , but th e parallelis m an d syntacti c regularit y whic h extend s throug h

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1. 54 a "create s th e expectatio n o f a concomitan t semanti c consis tency i n th e meanin g o f sceal in eac h o f it s occurrences." 22 Beginning wit h a scazZ-gnome , " A kin g shal l rul e a kingdom, " the poe m move s t o a statemen t tha t "Cities , th e skillfu l wor k o f giants, . . . ar e visibl e fro m afar, " an d throug h a serie s o f bid 'is' statements abou t th e superlativenes s o f suc h phenomen a a s wind , thunder, fate , seasons , truth , treasure , an d th e wisdo m o f ag e an d experience. Afte r th e lon g lis t o f sceaZ-gnome s tha t begi n a t 1 . 14 , the poe m conclude s wit h th e statement s tha t the future stat e is hidden and secret. The Lord alone, the saving Father, knows (it) . None comes again hither under the roofs who can say here in truth to men what sort of thin g is God's domain, the seats of the blessed, wher e He Himself dwells . This fina l suggestio n abou t th e limitation s o f man' s knowledg e an d wisdom give s Maxims II its specia l unity . I n th e beginnin g i t wa s implied tha t me n ca n se e "fro m afar " th e work s o f man , th e visibilia of thi s world ; th e centra l par t display s th e specific s o f man' s experience an d wisdom ; th e en d state s th e impossibility o f knowl edge o f th e nex t world . Sinc e th e poe m precede s a text of th e An glo-Saxon Chronicle s i n th e Cotto n MS , perhap s "th e compile r sa w a kind o f propriet y i n prefacing a n ambitious intellectua l endeavo r such a s th e Chronicle[s] with Maxims II, a poe m o n th e limitation s of knowledge." 23 Similar t o th e gnome s an d th e proverb s i n thei r expositio n o f wisdom throug h formulai c repetitio n ar e tw o mor e pointedl y Christian poem s o f th e Exete r Book , The Gifts of Men an d The Fortunes (o r Fates) of Men. 24 Bot h emplo y th e anaphori c sum 'one' pattern t o displa y th e variou s craft s an d destinie s tha t Go d i n Hi s wisdom distribute s t o men . Cynewul f use d th e "gifts " them e i n Christ II (see chapte r 8, n . 16) . The ultimat e Christia n sourc e is th e parable o f th e talent s i n Matthe w 25:14-30 ; perhap s th e mor e im mediate on e wa s a ke y phras e i n Gregory' s Homilia IX in Evangelia: Alius . . . tamen didicit artem qua pascitur. I n his In Natale Unius Confessoris JEltric translate d thi s a s Sum . . . leornode swa-peah sumne crxft pe hine afet 'One learned , however , a craf t whic h fe d him' —


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the concep t lendin g itsel f b y eas y extensio n t o th e variou s craft s that "feed " men. 25 Bu t th e them e a s expresse d i n Gifts empha sizes aristocrati c talent s analogou s t o thos e foun d i n Ol d Nors e Eddie poetry, rathe r than practical or spiritual ones, and th e poe m undoubtedly represent s a fusio n o f Christia n an d Germani c con cepts.26 Th e poe t begin s b y statin g tha t Go d give s som e kin d o f natural endowmen t t o ever y ma n les t h e becom e depressed ; nevertheless, H e wil l gran t n o ma n to o muc h les t h e becom e ar rogant (11 . 1-29). Th e bod y o f th e poe m enumerate s som e fort y secular an d ecclesiastica l talent s (11 . 30-85; 86-97): among th e for mer ar e suc h divers e occupation s a s gem-working , carpentry , minstrelsy, scholarship , an d soldiering , an d suc h natura l apti tudes an d capacitie s a s beaut y o f form , swiftnes s o f foot , agilit y in swimming , an d wittines s a t wine-taking ; amon g th e latte r ar e the discernmen t t o choos e th e grac e o f Go d abov e worldl y trea sures, fondness fo r fighting th e devil, capability as a Church func tionary, an d skil l i n th e art s o f th e scriptorium . Th e poe m con cludes (11 . 97-113 ) wit h reiteratio n o f God' s wisdo m i n no t overendowing an y on e individual , an d wit h a cal l t o prais e Hi m and Hi s bounty. 27 Although The Fortunes of Men has a structural outlin e simila r t o that o f Gifts, it is a superior poem . It s enumeration o f th e evi l fate s and goo d fortune s whic h overtak e and ar e allotted to men is more graphic an d detailed . Further , it s introductio n seem s mor e inte gral t o th e poe m a s a whole , settin g fort h succinctl y th e huma n ritual of begetting, birth, an d rearin g offspring, whic h leads to the challenging remar k tha t "Go d alon e know s wha t th e year s wil l bring t o th e growin g boy. " Thi s observation i n tur n i s develope d in the central portion. First the poem vividly portrays the evil destinies o f men : th e wolf-devoured , th e hunger-wasted , th e storm wrecked, th e spear-slain, th e sightless, the limb-injured. Th e poet describes a t greate r lengt h on e wh o fall s fro m a hig h tre e i n th e forest, sailin g throug h th e ai r lik e a bird , ye t featherless , t o lose his lif e a t th e roots; 28 one wh o swing s o n th e gallows , wher e th e raven plucks out his eyes and h e is powerless to ward of f th e out rage; on e who , becomin g drunk , canno t hol d hi s tongu e an d thereby lose s hi s life . Bu t anothe r shal l pas s fro m adversit y t o prosperity; an d here , aroun d 1 . 64, th e poe t shift s gears . I n de -

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scribing th e goo d fortune s Go d distribute s t o men , h e pick s u p the "gifts " theme . Th e them e receive s quit e differen t treatmen t i n Gifts an d Fortunes, a s th e correspondin g description s o f th e apti tude fo r harpin g reveal : One with hi s hands ca n play the harp , has skill to stir the gle e wood deftly . (Gifts, 11 . 49-50 ) One shal l with hi s harp a t his lord' s feet sit , receivin g gifts an d treasure , and eve r rapidly swee p th e strings , let the leaping plectru m loudl y sound , the nail make melody; he has great zeal . (Fortunes, 11 . 80-4 ) But thoug h th e poe t o f Fortunes ha s perhap s swerve d fro m hi s original intentio n o f depictin g th e destinie s o f men , h e draw s bot h the gift s an d fate s theme s togethe r i n hi s conclusio n (11 . 93-8): In this wondrous wa y th e Lor d o f host s shaped an d bestowe d th e crafts o f me n throughout thi s world, an d rule d th e fortune s of eac h o f mankind upo n thi s earth . So now le t each ma n sa y thank s t o Him for al l He in His mercy ordain s fo r men. 29 Gifts an d Fortunes ar e concerne d wit h th e path s me n follo w i n this world . Th e famou s shor t poe m know n a s Bede's Death Song deals directl y wit h th e preparatio n ma n make s fo r hi s eterna l des tiny: Before th e fateful journey, 30 n o on e will be wiser tha n knowin g th e nee d to ponder befor e hi s departur e what t o his soul o f good o r evil after th e death-day wil l be adjudged . There i s a n enigmati c qualit y t o thi s one-sentenc e poem , wit h it s compellingly balance d before . . . before . . . after sequence . I t i s preserved i n Northumbria n an d Wes t Saxo n version s i n som e thirty-three manuscript s o f th e Epistola Cuthberti de Obitu Bedae. 31 The "death-day " seem s t o refe r bot h t o the individual' s dyin g an d


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to the Day of Judgment. Th e acme of wisdom, th e poem suggests , is the renunciation o f all wisdom sav e that which conduces to good, since on e wil l finally b e judged a s good o r evil , an d henc e save d or damned, no t by what on e know s but b y what on e has don e of good and evi l in this world. 32 This "limitation o f knowledge" ma y be compare d wit h tha t i n Maxims II, wher e goo d struggle s wit h evil, the wise man consider s the strife in this world, an d th e criminal hang s fo r hi s wicke d deeds . Whethe r Bed e was simpl y quot ing a poem h e kne w (Caedmon's?) , o r whether h e compose d th e Death Song as he la y dying, i s not clea r from Cuthbert' s letter ; bu t most scholar s accep t th e attributio n t o Bede himself. Ther e is , fro m the moder n perspectiv e a t least , a certain iron y i n th e though t tha t the eighth-centur y schola r par excellence should a t the end hav e s o depreciated hi s ow n worldl y wisdom ; bu t suc h depreciatio n wa s a topos i n th e Middl e Ages. Wisdom o f a more didacti c sor t appear s i n severa l othe r mino r poems, mos t o f the m recorde d i n th e Exete r Book . On e piece is a 94-line poe m calle d variousl y Precepts, A Father's Counsel, or A Father's Instructions to his Son.33 The poe m follow s th e traditio n of the "instructio n genre " i n it s structur e an d i n it s us e o f impera tives (thirty-on e i n all) , antitheticall y balancin g i n it s sections—an d at time s it s lines—goo d an d ba d behaviors , alon g wit h thei r cor responding reward s an d consequences. 34 Bu t i t present s a rathe r uninspired serie s of admonitions. Ten times a father deliver s himself o f platitude s abou t no t committin g crimes , no t associatin g wit h evil companions, guardin g agains t th e deadl y sins , learning wha t is fitting t o be learned , an d othe r suc h commo n advice . Th e sev enth sectio n i s mor e gnomi c tha n perceptual , lackin g a n impera tive; an d th e ninth , wit h onl y on e injunction , bemoan s th e de cline i n observanc e o f spiritua l law. 35 Thoug h a paralle l wit h th e Ten Commandment s seem s indicate d i n th e poem , onl y th e firs t injunction actuall y correspond s t o any part of th e Decalogue: honor thy fathe r an d mother . The 84-line Vainglory 36 concentrates on the one admonitory them e of its modern title . It begins with a n "autobiographical " introduc tion, stating that a poet long ago was instructed b y a book-learned sage how t o distinguish God' s ow n so n [Son? ] from a sinful man . This opening leads to a picture of the babble in the wine-hall, wher e

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voice compete s wit h voic e "eve n a s mind s ar e unalike/ ' Th e vainglorious perso n i s the n described : envious , boasting , deceiv ing, drinking , quarrelling . Th e devil's arrow s pierce hi s defenses , and h e i n tur n hygegar leted,lscurum sceotep lets fly hi s mind spear,/shoots wit h shower s (o f maliciou s barbs) ' (11 . 34b~5a). Now , says th e poet , yo u hav e been enable d t o recognize suc h a one a s a son of the devil "enclose d i n flesh," whos e sou l "is destined fo r hell an d worthles s t o God " (11 . 46b~5o)—i.e., th e antithesi s o f "God's ow n son[Son],/th e welcom e gues t i n th e dwellings " (11 . 5b6a; cf. 11 . 80b-1a, wher e Chris t is more surel y th e immediate referent). Th e sourc e o f man' s presumptio n i s the n trace d t o th e re bellious angels (11 . 57 ff); an d th e conclusion contrast s th e humbl e with the proud an d thei r respective eternal rewards. Like Precepts, this poe m ha s it s antithetical balance ; but unlik e tha t poem , i t almost totall y avoid s admonition ; i t uses heroi c formulas combine d with Christia n metaphors , i s ric h i n compound s an d hapax legomena, and pose s mor e interpretiv e problems. 37 Shippe y suggest s that it s ai m i s th e sam e a s tha t o f Precepts: "t o arous e a sens e of danger, t o mak e on e awar e o f th e mutua l exclusivenes s an d in tolerance o f goo d an d evil , s o muc h s o tha t on e wil l approac h cautiously an y actio n o r decision t o be taken i n life." 38 The Order of the World, or Wonders of Creation, a poe m o f 10 2 lines,

follows Maxims I i n th e Exete r Book. 39 I n a n "autobiographical " introduction simila r t o tha t o f Vainglory, th e poe t ask s hi s audi ence, a fus hdele 'ma n read y [t o absorb knowledge?]' , whethe r h e is desirou s o f conversin g wit h a much-travelle d stranger , o f ask ing him, a "wise seer/poet, " t o tell about th e wonders o f creation . The poe t continue s wit h a commen t tha t i t i s throug h powe r o f the word-hoar d tha t me n wh o hav e contemplate d thi s "we b o f mysteries" pass on their knowledge. Ye t one must learn, too , that God's powe r passet h man' s understanding , an d giv e thank s tha t the eterna l Kin g will grant u s t o ascend t o heaven i f we obe y Hi s commands (11 . 1-36). Th e bod y o f th e poe m i s a herespel 'eulogy ' of God' s creatio n an d Hi s ordering o f th e worl d s o that al l thing s keep thei r place , fulfillin g Hi s eterna l commands . Th e dail y cours e of th e su n receive s length y treatmen t a s a symbo l o f thi s order . That par t o f it s brigh t journe y w e observ e woul d see m t o b e a n image o f th e knowledge w e can obtain . Yet , th e poe t cautions ,


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there lives no man so wise that can know by his own power whence it comes, how that gold-bright sun goes through the depth into the dark under the waters' surge, or what land-dweller can enjoy the light after i t departs over the sea (11 . 76-81 ) —a limitation , again , o n huma n knowledge . Th e poe t return s t o the stabilit y o f th e element s unde r God' s commands , "withi n th e power o f His bonds by which heave n and eart h may be raised up. " He end s th e bod y o f hi s poe m wit h a glance at th e eterna l glory , feasting, an d joy of the blessed, and concludes with a five-line coda , an exhortatio n t o forsake vai n desires , fleetin g joys , an d vices , an d travel t o th e "bette r kingdom. " Ther e i s a symmetr y t o Order of the World that consort s wel l wit h it s subject ; an d i f ou r interpre tation is correct, th e sun-symbol unifies th e basic ideas: the glorie s of Creation , it s orde r an d stability , th e "brightness " ye t limita tions o f huma n knowledge , an d th e possibilit y throug h keepin g God's command s o f man' s ascen t int o heaven. 40 The 20-line Homiletic Fragment ll Al i s seemingly addresse d b y way of consolatio n t o on e i n distress . H e receive s th e wisdo m that , though th e affair s o f th e worl d no w see m uncertai n an d ma n be trays man , ther e i s on e faith , on e livin g God , on e baptism , on e Father everlasting , on e Lor d o f th e people , Wh o created thi s earth , its blessings an d joys . Contrasted wit h thi s present Sixt h Age, wit h its possibilit y o f redemption , i s tha t o f th e tree-screened , dark ness-covered worl d o f unredeeme d ma n befor e Christ' s Adven t (11. 12-4). In the beginning th e addressee is gnomically adjured t o bind fas t th e thought s o f hi s heart , t o guar d hi s hordlocan 'treas ure-chamber'; a t th e en d th e poe t refer s t o th e Nativity , t o th e dwelling o f th e Hol y Spiri t i n th e hordfate 'treasur e chest ' o f th e Virgin. Ofte n considere d fragmentary , th e poe m i s complete , a s this thematic and verba l linkin g suggests. 42 The 47-line Homiletic Fragment 1, extant i n the Vercelli Book, 43 is also concerne d abou t evi l an d thi s world' s mora l decline ; bu t i t focuses attentio n o n calumniator s i n a "homily " which take s Psal m 28:3 for it s text : "Dra w m e no t awa y wit h th e wicked , an d wit h the workers of iniquity, whic h spea k peace to their neighbors, bu t mischief i s in thei r hearts. " Th e psal m itsel f i s paraphrased i n 11.

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9-15a. Isaac s demonstrate s tha t th e poem—a t leas t th e firs t thirt y lines—is unifie d verball y aroun d th e metapho r o f th e bee , wh o has hone y i n it s mout h bu t a poisonou s stin g i n it s tai l (11 . 19b 23); s o smooth-talkin g me n promis e trut h wit h fai r words , hav e in thei r promise s hunigsmaeccas 'taste s o f honey / bu t i n thei r heart s a secre t woun d throug h th e devil' s craf t (11 . 24-30). M Th e poe m ends wit h th e usua l homileti c exhortatio n t o conside r ho w w e ma y gain heaven' s ligh t an d hel p fo r ou r soul s t o dwell wit h th e angel s when Go d destroy s earthl y life . At th e en d o f th e lat e twelft h centur y M S 1 i. 1.33 , Universit y Library, Cambridge , ther e i s a collectio n o f mora l an d religiou s metrical apothegm s calle d b y it s firs t edito r Instructions for Christians.45 I t consist s o f 26 4 line s i n 4 1 vers e paragraphs . Typica l o f its substanc e ar e 11 . 4-9, whic h sa y tha t ther e ar e fou r thing s nec essary t o gai n eterna l life : man' s labor , th e monk' s prayer , learn ing th e Law , an d fasting ; ther e i s als o th e typica l vanit y them e o f 11. 36-8: It is vanity whic h yo u vie w here , and al l you se e here, i t is like shadows; it will all depart lik e the dar k shower . The nine-lin e Exete r M S poe m Almsgiving 46 i s structure d aroun d Ecclesiasticus 3:33 : "jus t a s wate r extinguishe s fire , s o almsgivin g extinguishes sin." 4 7 Bu t i t combine s thi s wit h a n openin g para phrase o f Psal m 40' s "Blesse d i s h e wh o consider s th e poor, " a conclusion furthe r echoin g th e psalm' s "Lor d . . . heal m y soul, " and a n organizatio n base d o n th e patristi c traditio n i n whic h considered almsgiving, a s contraste d wit h th e habitual , i s blessed bot h on eart h an d i n heaven. 48 Suc h almsgivin g wil l no t onl y sav e one' s own soul , th e poe m suggests , bu t i s "(1 ) a mean s o f releasin g soul s from purgatory , an d (2 ) a quasi-sacramenta l analogu e o f bap tism." I t demonstrate s i n additio n tha t th e repehydig wer 'ma n righteous o f mind ' o f 1 . 2 continue s "th e redemptiv e wor k o f th e repust ealra cyninga" 'th e mos t righteou s o f al l kings ' (o f th e Descent into Hell). 49 One fina l shor t religiou s "wisdom " piec e t o b e mentione d her e is th e eight-lin e Pharaoh, whic h follow s Almsgiving i n th e Exete r


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MS. 50 I t i s a kin d o f riddle-dialogu e i n th e genr e o f th e pros e Solomon and Saturn an d Adrian and Ritheus (se e chapte r 3) : th e ques tioner ask s ho w man y warrior s ther e wer e i n Pharaoh' s arm y whe n they pursue d th e Israelites . An d th e responden t replies , ' T m no t sure, bu t ther e wer e 600 chariots whe n the y wer e drowned. " Per haps th e audienc e wa s suppose d t o kno w tha t eac h chario t con tained thre e men , an d tha t answer , a s i n th e loca Monachorum, wa s 1800;51 o r perhap s th e poe t wa s bein g faintl y ironi c i n askin g abou t the numbe r o f men , pursuing , an d answerin g wit h th e numbe r o f chariots, drowning . Our discussio n o f gnomi c wisdo m ha s le d u s dow n a pat h t o homiletic vers e o f n o grea t poeti c distinction . Bu t i f w e retur n t o our startin g point , w e ca n tak e anothe r directio n an d com e thereb y to th e Ol d Englis h Riddles; for th e compresse d observation s o f na ture an d characteristi c behavio r tha t constitut e gnomi c utteranc e are bu t a twis t an d tur n o f presentatio n fro m th e riddl e genre . There, too , w e fin d representation s o f natura l phenomen a (storm , sun, fire , iceberg ) an d o f th e proprietie s o f civilize d conduct . Som e lines i n th e Exete r Maxims abou t th e lord' s lady' s dut y t o tende r the mea d cu p firs t t o her husban d hav e a counterpart i n th e "Horn " riddle's "Sometime s a ring-adorne d maide n fill s m y bosom. " Bu t the riddles elaborat e metaphoricall y upo n thei r subject s wit h th e deliberate ambiguitie s tha t ar e thei r generi c essence . Riddle s ar e psychologically clos e t o th e charms , ye t i n concep t an d metho d the obverse : wherea s th e char m take s u s "int o th e mythologica l universe o f traditiona l name s an d mysteriou s powers, " th e riddl e "seems rathe r t o tak e u s int o th e actua l worl d explore d b y sens e experience, wher e th e ey e i s overwhelmingl y prominent , an d th e reason." 5 2 Riddling i s a n ancien t art , findin g a plac e i n man y a narrativ e action. Th e inces t riddl e becam e somethin g o f a plot-motivatin g force i n th e Greek-Latin-Ol d Englis h romanc e o f Apollonius of Tyre (see chapte r 3) . Oedipus ' solvin g o f th e riddl e o f th e Sphin x ulti mately le d t o tha t Gree k hero' s tragedy . Samson' s riddl e t o th e Philistines, "Ou t o f th e eate r cam e fort h meat , an d ou t o f th e stron g came fort h sweetness " (Judge s 14:12-4) , playe d it s rol e i n th e hostilities betwee n Samso n an d hi s enemies . Bu t th e Ol d Englis h

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riddles exis t fo r shee r intellectua l stimulatio n an d titillation , eve n as the y impar t thei r wisdom—an d i n man y case s ar e excellen t poems. The y ar e preserve d i n th e Exete r Boo k i n thre e groups : nos. 1-59 ; a second versio n o f no. 30 and Riddle 60 (the latter considered b y som e critic s t o b e par t o f The Husband's Message [se e chapter 12]) ; and nos . 61-95. 53 Many o f the last group, occupyin g the latte r par t o f th e manuscript , unfortunatel y hav e bee n dam aged b y th e actio n o f som e corrosiv e agent . Further , i t i s impossible t o tel l whethe r ther e wer e originall y 10 0 riddles i n imitatio n of th e centur y o f three-lin e hexamete r JEnigmata o f Symphosiu s (an unknow n Lati n autho r o f c . fift h century) , th e 10 0 JEnigmata of th e seventy-centur y Aldhel m (whic h rang e i n length fro m fou r to eighty-three hexamete r lines) , an d th e combine d 10 0 riddles of Tatwine (archbisho p o f Canterbur y i n 731 ) an d Eusebiu s (Hwaetberht, abbo t o f Wearmouth, 716-C.45 , and frien d o f Bede?). 54 It is clear , however , tha t th e Lati n enigma s di d exer t som e influ ence on th e Old Englis h vernacula r collection, sinc e Riddles 47, 60 , and # 5 ("Bookworm/Moth, " "Reed-pen, " an d "Fis h an d River" ) are indebte d t o Symphosius , an d 35 and 40 ("Coat o f Mail " an d "Creation") ar e reworking s o f th e lorica an d creatura enigma s o f Aldhelm.55 Bu t sometimes tha t influenc e ha s been overstated . The Riddles are a heterogeneou s collectio n o f vers e o n secula r and Christia n subjects , reflectin g bot h ora l or popular and literar y or learne d traditions . Althoug h a t on e tim e th e whole grou p wa s assigned t o Cynewul f o n th e basi s o f a misreadin g o f th e elegia c Wulf and Eadwacer a s "Th e Firs t Riddle " (se e chapte r 12) , th e va riety of technique, subjec t matter , an d ton e argues for multiplicit y of authorship an d a range i n dat e o f compositio n (eight h t o tent h centuries?). Th e solution s t o th e riddle s i n man y case s ar e ques tionable, sinc e the Ol d Englis h manuscript , unlik e the Latin ones, does no t identif y th e answers. 56 Amon g th e subject s treated , i n no discernibl e order , ar e domesti c equipmen t lik e th e loo m an d churn, agricultura l implement s lik e th e rak e an d plow , variou s birds, animals , an d natura l phenomena , item s o f foo d an d drink , artifacts connecte d wit h th e pen , th e sword , an d priestl y cloth , and eve n suc h a n anomal y a s a one-eye d selle r o f garlic . A t on e extreme i n manne r o f presentatio n i s th e lyric , whic h b y it s ob viousness place s greater emphasis upo n it s thematic developmen t


XJ\ ]

than upo n an y residua l ambiguity . Foremos t i n thi s categor y ar e the "Storm " Riddles, nos . 1 and 2-3—th e las t tw o ar e almos t uni versally take n a s on e riddle , an d a numbe r o f critic s tak e al l thre e as a unity , solvin g "Wind " o r "th e Powe r o f Nature." 5 7 Th e firs t (or firs t part ) depict s a stor m o n land ; th e seventy-tw o line s o f no . 2-3 describ e a serie s o f stor m o r win d operations : (a ) beneath th e sea, (b ) beneat h th e lan d (earthquake) , (c ) o n th e surfac e o f th e sea, an d (d ) o n land . Segmen t (c ) offer s a strikin g pictur e o f a shipwreck a s th e wave s rise , fall , an d smas h upo n th e rocks : There th e shi p resound s with it s sea-guests' cries ; the stee p ston e cliff s calmly awai t th e cras h o f waters, the thrashin g waves , when th e towerin g thron g crowds u p th e slopes . Ther e th e shi p mus t fac e a cruel battle i f the se a bears it off i n tha t fierc e hou r wit h it s freight o f souls , so that i t will have lost contro l of its fate i n tha t fighting , rid e foamin g on th e backs of breakers. The "Storm " o r "Wind " Riddles ar e learned , fusin g a knowledg e of Graeco-Roma n cosmolog y an d medieva l Christia n scienc e (Isi dore o f Seville , Bede). 58 A t th e othe r extrem e o f presentatio n w e find severa l kind s o f riddle s whos e kernel s ar e mor e lik e ken nings. 5 9 Th e aphoristi c Christia n "Chalice " (no . 48 ) i s on e kind : I heard a ring speak withou t tongu e brightly o n men' s behalf , thoug h i t ha d neither a stout voic e nor stron g words . Silently tha t treasur e spok e fo r men : "Save me , O Savior of souls. " May me n perceiv e th e mystery , the re d gold' s incantation , wisel y trus t their soul s t o God, a s th e ring said . The obscen e double entendre o f th e "Ornamente d Shirt " (no . 61 ) i s quite a differen t type: 6 0 Often a lovely lady locke d m e in a chest: sometimes sh e too k m e ou t

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with he r hand s an d gav e me to her lord , her graciou s master, a s commanded . Then h e stuc k his head int o my center , forced i t upward wher e it was confined . If he who received m e had strength , adorned a s I was something roug h wa s du e to fill me. No w gues s what I mean. A subtler , mor e metaphysica l double entendre and punnin g hav e bee n analyzed i n th e "Moth/Bookworm " Riddle (no . 47) , a six-lin e riddle base d o n Symphosius ' three-lin e Tinea, i n whic h w e ar e tol d that th e subjec t eat s word s bu t i s non e th e wise r fo r swallowin g them: th e poet' s "pun s mak e th e poe m self-referentia l i n a com plex an d sophisticate d way , forcin g th e word s themselve s t o dis play th e simultaneou s realit y an d insubstantialit y o f language." 6 1 In stil l a differen t vei n i s th e paradoxica l "Anchor " (no . 16) : Often I must figh t wit h wav e and wind , strive against bot h whe n I seek th e eart h shrouded b y sea : that lan d i s strange t o me. I am stron g i n strif e i f I stay at rest ; if I fail, the y hav e mor e force tha n I , and tearin g m e apart pu t m e to flight : they woul d plunde r wha t I must defend . I withstand the m i f my tail stands fas t and th e stone s ca n stoutly hol d m e firm i n place. Find ou t wha t I am called . In for m an d formul a th e Riddles als o var y considerably . Som e use rune s rathe r straightforwardl y t o spel l ou t thei r objects ' names : others us e rune s cryptographically. 62 Som e us e th e openin g for mula " I sa w . . . " an d conclud e wit h "Sa y ho w i t i s called" ; oth ers begi n " I a m . . . " an d en d wit h "Tel l wha t m y nam e is. " On e of th e finest , "Horn " (no . 14) , employ s a n anaphori c hwilum 'sometimes'-series t o characteriz e th e wide-rangin g use s o f th e in strument: 63 I was a warrior's weapon; now a youn g gallant cover s me with gol d an d silver , with filigree . Sometime s men kis s me; sometimes m y voice calls forth clos e friend s


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to battle; sometimes a horse bears m e across the land; . . . . As a fina l illustratio n o f th e wisdo m encapsulate d i n th e Riddles, of thei r humor , thei r seriousness , thei r Puckis h quality , w e cit e the followin g (no . 11) : My garment's gray , bu t brigh t ornaments , red an d gleaming , bedec k tha t robe . I mislead th e muddled an d urg e th e foolis h to contrary ways ; others I keep from a useful course . I know no t why , made s o foolish, thei r minds betrayed , led astra y i n deed, the y exto l my crooked way s t o everyone. Wo e to the m when the y lead o n hig h thei r deares t hopes , their souls , i f they hav e no t ceased thei r folly . The solutio n t o thi s riddl e woul d see m t o b e a cu p o r beake r o f wine—in aenigmate Veritas. Wisdom an d trut h o f greate r religio-philosophica l dept h ar e th e substance o f th e tw o poetica l dialogue s o f Solomon and Saturn. 6* These ninth - o r tenth-centur y poems—presumabl y base d o n a n undetermined Lati n source—surviv e i n fragmentar y for m i n tw o manuscripts: CCC C 42 2 (M S A) , whic h contain s Poe m I , a pros e dialogue, an d Poe m II ; and CCC C 4 1 (MS B), which contain s line s 1-93 o f Poe m I writte n i n th e margin s o f thre e page s o f th e Ol d English translatio n o f Bede' s Ecclesiastical History. The dialogue s offe r a strang e combinatio n o f Oriental , Germanic , an d Christia n lore ; they emplo y runes , gnomes , an d riddles , an d hav e som e prop erties o f th e charms . The y thu s mak e a suitabl e conclusio n t o thi s chapter o n lor e an d wisdom . The Solomon and Saturn poem s an d th e pros e "continuation " o f Poem I i n M S A shoul d no t b e confuse d wit h th e pros e piec e o f the sam e nam e (se e chapte r 3) . Al l th e Englis h works , i t i s true , have th e uniqu e Satur n (i n th e poem s represente d a s a princ e o f the Chaldeans ) a s Solomon' s opponen t i n debate , wherea s th e late r Latin an d continenta l vernacula r version s hav e th e nam e Marcolf . The Ol d Englis h pros e i s catechisti c i n natur e an d th e poems , es pecially II , ar e mor e far-reachin g i n thei r substanc e an d mor e

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squarely i n th e dialogu e genre . Satur n i s th e embodimen t o f pa gan wisdom , whil e Solomon , a s a typ e o f Christ , represent s Christian wisdom . Still , h e preserve s som e o f hi s Hebraic-Arabi c character o f magicia n an d subdue r o f demons ; a s th e latter , h e further resemble s Christ . Solomon' s magica l propensitie s ar e mor e pronounced i n I . Ther e th e kin g expound s o n th e virtue s o f th e Pater noster: h e describe s th e manne r i n whic h eac h lette r o f th e Lord's Prayer , personifie d a s a n angeli c warrior , overcome s th e devil. P, for example , ha s a long ro d t o scourg e th e devi l (11 . 902a), and T stabs at the devil's tongue, twists his throat, an d smashe s in hi s cheek s (11 . 94-5). 65 Thi s uniqu e presentatio n o f th e Pater noster suggest s th e pagan-Christia n exorcis t rite s o f th e charms ; th e magical associatio n i s reinforced o n a more clearl y paga n leve l by the manuscrip t us e o f th e Germani c runi c character s fo r eac h let ter o f th e Lord' s Prayer , an d o n a mor e Christia n leve l b y refer ence t o th e Pater noster a s "palm-twigged, " th e pal m bein g a tra ditional medieva l symbo l fo r victor y ove r th e devil. 66 Poem II , probabl y th e earlie r o f th e tw o poems—an d infinitel y the superior—follow s th e separat e an d distinct , exaggerate d an d allegorized pros e treatmen t o f th e contentio n betwee n th e devi l and th e hypostasized o r personified Pater noster itself (rathe r tha n its letters). It s contestants ar e trul y engage d i n dialogue , an d Sat urn i s no t onl y th e recipien t o f instructio n bu t a propounde r o f difficult riddle s i n hi s ow n right , a worthy , i f inferior , opponen t to th e grea t Solomon . Nea r th e beginning , Solomo n i s th e ques tioner, askin g Satur n t o tel l hi m abou t "th e lan d wher e n o ma n can se t foot" ; th e latte r replie s wit h wha t i s know n a s th e Weallende Wulf 'raging Wolf passage , abou t a hero who killed twenty five dragon s ther e befor e h e himsel f wa s killed. Tha t lan d i s no w desolate, cannot be reached b y water, air , or land, an d i s the source of all poisonous creatures . Yet, Saturn ends , Wolf's "brightl y pol ished swor d stil l shines, and ove r the graves its hilt gleams." This is followe d b y a riddle-lik e sectio n o n books , thei r powe r t o im part wisdo m t o thei r use r (Satur n says) , salvatio n t o thos e wh o love the m (Solomo n says) . Then th e kin g ha s a long passag e sat isfying Saturn' s curiosit y abou t th e Vasa Mortis (literally, "recep tacle[s] of death") , a demonic bird i n the center o f the Philistines ' land, whic h Solomo n ha d boun d i n chain s t o preven t it s terror -


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izing th e Philistines . Anothe r riddle-like question fro m Satur n abou t "that wonde r tha t travel s throughou t th e world,/move s inexora bly, beat s a t foundations,/raise s tear s o f sorrow " (11 . 283-43) an d Solomon discourse s o n th e "answer, " ol d age . Structurally , thes e four section s ma y b e considere d Par t I: 67 they see m t o mov e fro m heroic-mythic origins , t o intellectual-spiritual wisdom , t o shaman istic contro l o f demoni c terror , t o th e inevitabilit y o f worldl y death . The concludin g line s abou t ol d ag e sa y "sh e overcome s th e wolf,/she outlast s th e stones , sh e conquer s steel,/sh e bite s throug h iron wit h rust , sh e wil l d o likewis e t o us " (11 . 290^-301). Part I I contains a numbe r o f comment s an d gnomi c wisdo m tha t suggest Maxims, Fortunes and othe r poem s alread y considered . A t one poin t Saturn' s gnomi c speec h (11 . 30 3 ff. ) tha t "Nigh t i s th e darkest o f weathers , nee d i s th e hardes t o f fates,/Sorro w i s th e heaviest o f burdens , slee p i s most lik e death, " provokes fro m Sol omon th e famou s lines : A little while the leaves are green; then they fade and brown, fall to the earth and perish, pas s and turn into dust. Thus then fall thos e who formerly long committed crimes, remain in wickedness, hoard rich treasure, . . . . ^ The larg e issu e o f fat e an d man' s destin y receiv e thei r du e i n thi s part, culminatin g i n Solomon' s retur n t o "myth " in a n accoun t o f Lucifer's revol t an d fall , an d a statemen t tha t ever y ma n ha s abou t him a goo d an d ba d ange l strugglin g fo r hi s sou l (cf . Guthlac A, chapter 7 , n . 53). 69 We quot e i n translatio n on e furthe r passage . Beginnin g wit h a section suggestiv e o f Fortunes 10-14, Solomo n say s tha t a mothe r cannot contro l he r son' s destiny , bu t mus t wee p therefore : when he sets forth young, he has wild hopes, a restless heart, mind full o f cares; frequently h e errs, wretched, joyless, beref t o f honor. Sometimes depressed h e paces a hall, lives far from his people; his only lord often look s away from this luckless man. (11 . 378b-84 )

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The moti f o f th e transitor y natur e o f earthl y splendor , s o vividl y depicted i n th e lytle hwile leof beod grene passag e (thoug h th e com parison i s specificall y wit h sinner s wh o hoar d treasure) , an d th e formulaically expresse d them e o f exil e i n th e mother-so n lines , ar e but par t o f th e ric h patter n o f wisdo m an d knowledg e exhibite d in th e contentio o f Solomon and Saturn II —a poe m which , "b y it s human dram a an d combinatio n o f detai l an d myster y create(s ) a n impression o f profundit y beyon d an y o f th e othe r didacti c poems." 7 0 Bu t th e moti f an d them e ar e centrall y significan t i n An glo-Saxon elegia c poetr y th e concer n o f ou r fina l chapte r i n thi s critical history .

NOTES 1. Bloomfiel d 1968 , p. 17. 2. Th e origin s o f th e Germani c runi c alphabe t ar e muc h debated . Fo r general discussion , se e Elliot t 1959 . Fo r Englis h rune s i n particular , se e Page 1973 . On Englis h M S runes, th e sourc e o f ou r runic-Roma n equiv alents and mai n evidenc e fo r A- S rune names , se e Derolez 1954 ; see also Schneider, K . 1956. 3. Pag e 1973 , p. 32. 4. Ed . in ASPR 6; Shippey 1976 , with facing translation . Ed . separatel y by Halsall 1981 , with Norwegian an d Icelandi c analogues; contains facin g translations o f all . Halsal l date s an d localize s th e poe m a s tenth-centur y West Saxon . 5. Mos t scholar s interpret "mouth " here , as a replacement o f os (Gmc . *ansuz) 'god ' b y the Latin homonym os 'mouth'; but th e context support s also an allusio n t o Odinn/Odin, th e Germanic god o f eloquence an d wis dom. Thi s possibility of wordplay als o exists in th e following stanza , sinc e an OE homonym for rad 'riding' means 'modulation o f tone/ (i.e . 'a boast'), a meanin g als o suitabl e t o context : "Rad is eas y fo r eac h o f warrior s i n the hall. " O n suc h wordplay , se e Hal l 1977 . On th e poem' s functio n o f uniting an d relating "homophonou s variant s o f th e [rune ] name s wher e they were perceive d t o exist," se e Hamp 1976 , p. 144. 6. Th e ver b (ge)swican 'betray ' occur s i n thi s stanz a an d th e las t (se e above); but Ti r ' a guidin g planet , star , o r constellation, usefu l i n naviga tion' (stanz a 17 ; Halsall, p . 137 ) nxfre swicep 'neve r fails. ' 7. Fry e 1976, p. 126 ; for comparison an d contrast of charms and riddles in genera l (includin g OE) , see pp. 123-47 . 8. Ed . i n ASP R 6 ; se e als o Storm s 1948 , with facin g translations , an d Grattan/Singer 1952 . 9. Thi s opening ha s been describe d a s one which call s attention t o the


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charm a s a "dramati c verba l performanc e i n whic h th e ver y ac t o f sayin g creates it s ow n magic"—Chickerin g 1971 , p. 87 . 10. Se e Haue r 1977 . Chickering 197 1 feels tha t claim s o f unit y an d equa l literary powe r fo r th e secon d par t o f th e char m ar e "overingenious"—p . 104. Se e als o Westo n 1985 . 11. Nile s 1980a , p . 55 . 12. Stuar t 1981 . For bibliograph y o f th e charms , se e Lendinar a 1978 . 13. Se e Vaughan-Sterlin g 1983 . Nelson , M . 1984 b analyze s verbal-ac t fusion i n th e structure s o f "Fo r a Swar m o f Bees, " "Fo r Unfruitfu l Land, " and " A Journe y Charm. " 14. Barle y 197 2 make s a distinctio n betwee n proverb an d maxim: th e former i s particula r bu t metaphorical , th e latte r genera l bu t literal . 15. O n O E poetr y an d wisdo m literature , se e Bloomfiel d 1968 ; Shippe y 1972, pp . 67-8 ; Shippe y 1976 . 16. Ed . i n ASP R 3 an d 6 respectively ; i n Shippe y 1976 , wit h facin g translations. Shippey' s introductio n cover s O E gnomi c poetr y i n general , as wel l a s th e Maxims poems ; se e als o Williams , B . 1914 . Fo r bibliogra phy, se e Lendinar a 1977 . 17. Thi s lin e i s problematic : th e translatio n "dea d one " fo r O E cwealm 'death, pestilence ' woul d b e unique ; bu t i t seem s t o mak e mor e sense . 18. Dawso n 1962 . Nelson , M . 1984 a find s Maxims I controlle d b y th e idea o f sharin g knowledge . 19. Se e Taylo r 196 9 on "heroi c ritual " i n th e Maxims. 20. Shippe y 1976 , p . 18 . 21. Henr y 1966 , p . 103 . Fo r a fine r discriminatio n i n th e rang e o f meanings fro m "i s typically " t o "ought, " se e Nelson , M . 1984a . 22. Greenfield/Ever t 1975 ; quotation, p . 345 . Th e followin g analysi s i s based o n thi s essay ; fo r othe r analyses , se e Lendinar a 1971; Shippey 1976 , pp. 13-5 ; Barley 1977 . 23. Greenfield/Ever t 1975 , p . 354 ; cf. Bollar d 1973 . A smalle r collectio n of popula r wisdom , th e Durham Proverbs, ha s bee n surveye d i n chapte r 3. Tw o brie f Latin-Englis h proverb s an d th e two-lin e A Proverb from Winfrid's Time ar e ed . i n ASP R 6 . 24. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; th e latte r als o i n Shippe y 1976 , wit h facin g trans lation. 25. Se e Cros s 1962. 26. O n th e Germani c paradigms , se e Russo m 1978b ; o n th e fusion , Anderson, E . 1983 , pp. 31-3 . 27. O n th e possibl e influenc e o f Gregory' s pedagogi c theor y i n hi s Pastoral Care, se e Shor t 1976b . 28. Effort s t o explai n thi s image , alon g wit h tha t o f tre e climbin g i n Christ II, 11 . 678b~9a, hav e no t bee n successful : fo r summary , se e Isaac s *97529. O n th e poem' s unit y an d artistry , se e Shippe y 1976 , pp . 10- 1 an d Dammers 1976 .

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30. Th e "fatefu l journey " o r "sudde n danger " (th e O E wor d i s ambig uous) is , o f course , "death. " 31. Th e authorative discussion s o f th e MSS of Cuthbert's lette r on Bede' s death ar e Dobbie 193 7 and Humphreys/Ros s 1975 ; the coun t o f thirty-thre e is b y Twome y 1983 . Th e O E poe m i s ed . i n ASP R 6 and Smit h 1933 . 32. Cf . Hupp e 1959 , pp . 78-9 . O n th e ambiguou s synta x o f godes ond yfles (1 . 4b) vis-a-vi s "Symeo n o f Durham's " twelfth-centur y Lati n trans lation o f th e Death Song, and fo r a "penitential " readin g o f th e poem , se e Twomey 1983 . Chickering 197 6 provides a reading agains t th e Epistola fro m several perspectives : psychological , theological , an d literary . Schwa b 197 2 gives a numerical/tectonic an d symboli c analysis . 33. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Shippey 1976 , wit h facin g translation . 34. Se e Hanse n 1981 . 35. Shippe y 1976 , p . 12 8 note s a stron g monasti c flavo r an d suggest s the poe t ma y hav e bee n a membe r o f a late r tenth-centur y Benedictin e reformed house . 36. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Huppe 1970 ; Shippey 1976—th e latte r tw o wit h fac ing translations . 37. O n patristi c psycholog y i n th e poem , se e Rega n 1970 . Hupp e 1970 , pp. 8-26 suggest s an influence of the psalms. The antithesis between God' s son an d th e devil' s als o appears i n ^Elfric's homily o n th e Lord' s Prayer — see chapte r 3 , n . 56 . 38. Shippe y 1976 , p . 9 . 39. Ed . i n ASP R 3 ; Huppe 1970 , wit h facin g translation . 40. O n sources , an d fo r critica l analyses , se e Hupp e 1970 , pp . 34-6 1 and Cros s 1972 , pp . 75-82 . Isaac s 1968 , pp . 71-8 2 woul d se e th e poe m as on e abou t th e creatio n o f poetry . 41. Ed . i n ASP R 3 . 42. Se e Witti g 196 9 o n th e poem' s unit y an d influenc e upo n i t o f th e Epistle t o th e Ephesians . 43. Ed . i n ASP R 2 . 44. Isaac s 1968 , pp . 99-106 . 45. Rosie r 1964a ; ed. als o b y Grimald i 1979 , wit h Italia n translation . 46. Ed . i n ASP R 3 . 47. Thi s sourc e wa s firs t observe d b y Whitbrea d 1945 , wh o provide s text, translation , notes , an d commentary . 48. Traher n 1969 . 49. Berkhou t 1972 . 50. Ed . i n ASP R 3 . Se e als o Whitbrea d 1946 , wh o provide s text , trans lation, notes , an d commentary . 51. Se e Traher n 1970 . 52. Fr y 1976 , p . 141 ; see als o Williamso n 1982 , pp . 25-41 . 53. Ed . i n ASP R 3 , whos e numberin g w e follow ; separatel y b y Wil liamson 1977 . Fo r translations o f al l th e riddles , se e Williamso n 198 2 an d

LORE AND WISDOM [ 279 ] Baum 1963 ; Crossley-Holland 197 9 translates mos t o f them . Fo r bibliography, se e Lendinar a 197 6 and Williamson 1977 , pp. 467-82. 54. Fo r Symphosius, se e Oh l 1928 ; for Aldhelm, se e Pitma n 1925 ; for Tatwine-Eusebius, se e De Marco 1968. On the Anglo-Latin xnigmata, se e chapter 1. 55. Aldhelm' s Lorica riddl e wa s als o translate d int o Northumbria n i n the latter half of the eighth century—see the Leiden Riddle, ed . i n ASPR 6 and Smit h 1933 . For textual reading s an d discussion , se e Gerritse n 196 9 and Parkes 1972. For critical comment, se e Anderson, G . 1967 . 56. Th e wide range of solutions to some riddles is astonishing; e.g. Riddle 28 has bee n solve d a s Hor n o f Yew , Win e Cask , Tortoise-Lyre , Damas cened Sword , John Barleycorrn; and Riddle 39 as Speech, Dream , Death , Time, Moon, Cloud, Day. A convenient collation of solutions is Fry 1981. yj. Williamso n 197 7 and Campbell, J . 197 5 respectively. Se e also Nelson, M . 1974 , p. 433 on the unity of the three. Foley 1976 b takes no. 1 b y itself a s "Apocalyptic Storm." 58. Se e Erhardt-Siebold 194 9 and Williamson 1977 , pp. 130-3. 59. O n the relation between kennings and riddles, se e Stewart 1979. 60. O n double entendre i n th e riddles , se e Stewar t 198 3 an d Gleissne r 1984, the latter especially on the obscene riddles. 61. Robinso n 1975 , p. 362. Russom 197 7 analyzes the riddle as a statement about mortality; both h e and Marino, M . 197 8 make pleas for paying greater attention to the literary quality of individual riddles. See chapter 5 for an analysis of the "Swan"riddle. 62. Se e Eliason 1952. 63. Se e Nelson, M . 197 4 on rhetorical devices in the Riddles. 64. Ed . in ASPR 6, with continuous numbering; so also in the separate edition o f Menne r 1941 . Shippey 197 6 edits Poe m II with facin g transla tion. 65. "Th e poet' s tex t ma y b e represente d a s follows : Pater nos(ter), qui (es) (in) c(ae)Kis): (sancti)f(icetur) (no)m(en) (tuwn). (A)d(veniat) (re)g(num) (tuum). (Fiat voluntas tua, sicut in caelo, et in terra.) (Panem nostrum) (quotidianum) (da) (no)b(is) h(odie). Th e letters in parenthesis are those which have already occurred earlier in the prayer and are hence not repeated by the poet; after hodie only letters already used ar e found"—Menner 1941 , pp. 36-7. O f th e nineteen letter s that should appear , onl y sixteen are foun d in the MS. 66. Se e further Kellermann/Haas 1982 , pp. 387-93. 67. Se e Dan e 198 0 o n th e "controlle d dialecti c progressio n o f argu ment"—p. 600 . O n possible source s of th e weallende wulf and vasa mortis passages, se e Menner 1941 , pp. 59-62. 68. O n this passage, se e Hill, T . 1970. 69. Se e further Kellermann/Haas 1982 , pp. 393-9. 70. Shippe y 1976 , p. 25.


Elegiac Poetr y

In th e cours e o f thi s histor y w e hav e ha d occasio n t o notic e th e pervasiveness o f th e elegia c a s wel l a s th e heroi c i n Ol d Englis h poetry. Thu s th e epi c Beowulf reveals in its larger patternin g bot h moods; Andrew' s disciple s i n Andreas mour n elegiacall y whe n tol d they ma y be put ashor e without thei r chieftain; s o do Christ's fol lowers o n thei r leader' s ascensio n i n Cynewulf' s poem ; th e devi l in Juliana and Sata n in Christ and Satan lament thei r state s of exile; and poems of wisdom incorporate passages in the same spirit. We began ou r surve y o f th e poetr y wit h vers e predominantl y heroi c in mood ; w e conclud e wit h thos e poems , an d som e passage s fro m Beowulf, whic h hav e been calle d elegies. 1 The nine (ten? ) poems t o be considered ar e all extant in the Exeter Book : The Ruin, The Wanderer, The Seafarer, Resignation (A and B?), The Riming Poem, Wulf and Eadwacer, The Wife's Lament, The Husband's Message, and Deor —the titles, o f course , ar e thos e o f modern editors. 2 Thoug h labelle d elegies, the y ar e neithe r i n th e classical mol d o f bein g compose d i n a specifi c mete r no r i n th e post-Renaissance sens e o f bein g lamentation s fo r th e los s o f spe cific person s o r communites . Scholar s hav e attempte d t o charac terize an d defin e thi s perceive d Ol d Englis h genre . On e fre quently quote d say s tha t th e poem s "cal l attentio n i n varyin g degrees t o th e transitor y natur e o f th e pleasure s o f thi s world "


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and ar e "relativel y shor t reflectiv e o r dramati c poemfs ] embody ing a contrasting pattern o f loss and consolation , ostensibl y base d upon a specific personal experience or observation and expressin g an attitud e toward s tha t experience." 3 O n th e othe r hand , an other suggest s tha t the y migh t bette r b e though t o f a s "wisdo m literature," being "plante d withou t an y mar k o f distinction" in " a very considerabl e bloc k o f admonitory , reflectiv e vers e . . . fro m which the y diffe r onl y throug h thei r deliberat e illusion s o f per sonality."4 Bu t th e poem s ar e reall y a heterogeneou s lot , requir ing some stretching t o fit these Procrustean characterizations , an d being distribute d mor e widel y i n th e Exete r Boo k tha n Shippe y indicates. I n fac t differen t genre s hav e bee n propose d fo r the m singly or as parts of small groups. For example, The Ruin has been seen as an encomium urbis; The Wanderer as a consolatio, o r togethe r with The Seafarer as a planctus, o r with th e latter and Resignation a s a penitentia l poem ; Wulf and Eadwacer a s a riddle. 5 If thes e lyric s indeed constitut e a genre in Old Englis h literature, they do so "by force o f ou r present , rathe r tha n determinat e historical , perspec tive; tha t is , b y ou r 'feel ' fo r the m a s a grou p possessin g certai n features i n common." 6 Perhap s w e should tak e the description of the Exete r Boo k in th e lis t o f Leofric' s donation s t o Exete r Cathe dral a t it s word : .i. mycel englisc hoc be gehwilcum pingum on leodwisan geworht 'a larg e boo k abou t variou s subject s compose d i n verse/ an d sto p trying to impose our perspectives of generic commonality upo n them. 7 Bu t thi s doe s not mean tha t comparison s among them , o r t o othe r poem s i n th e MS , o r t o othe r work s i n the Anglo-Saxo n corpus , ar e frivolou s o r useless ; o r tha t Celtic , Norse, an d Lati n analogue s an d similaritie s i n patristi c commen tary o r Scripture shoul d b e ignored. 8 We begin ou r surve y wit h th e 49-lin e Ruin, whos e line s 12- 8 an d 42 ff. wer e damage d b y th e sam e destructiv e agen t tha t obliter ated s o much o f th e Riddles. 9 The Ruin differs fro m th e othe r "ele gies" b y havin g n o first-perso n speaker . Th e poet instea d speak s throughout. H e begin s wit h a panorami c vie w o f th e ruin s o f a nameless city , usuall y accepte d a s Bath, thoug h th e scen e may be an imaginativ e amalga m o f various locales: 10

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Wondrous this wall-stone; wasted by fate, buildings crumbled; the work of giants decays. Roofs have collapsed, i n ruin the towers, the high gate unbarred, hoar-fros t on mortar, ramparts gaping: all rent, spent , undermined by age. (11 . i-6a ) The rulers and builders ar e similarly lon g sinc e destroyed ; but once , the poe t continues , thi s was a fair city, fille d wit h bathhouses an d sounds o f revelry . The n pestilenc e came , th e peopl e perished , tile s parted fro m th e buildings ' frames , unti l onl y ruins remained on the plain, fragments, wher e formerl y man y a man cheerful an d sparkling in all his splendor, proud and wine-flushed flourishe d i n armor; he gazed on treasure, silver , preciou s stones, on wealth, o n land, o n this wondrous jewel: the bright city of the broad kingdom. (11 . 310-7 ) The en d o f th e poem , o r what ca n be deciphere d o f it , call s t o th e mind's ey e th e ho t bath s a s the y functione d i n th e city' s prime . The vanishe d splendo r becomes , i n th e poet' s treatment , a symbol o f huma n impermanence . A s such , i t has obviou s affinit y with the ruined halls of Urien and Cynddylan lamented by the Ol d Welsh poet s Llywarc h He n an d Heledd , an d wit h tha t i n Venan tius Fortunatus ' sixth-centur y Lati n poe m De Excidio Thoringae. The Ruin's specifi c quality , however , inhere s i n it s us e o f alter nation betwee n th e presen t devastatio n an d pas t beauty, betwee n the dea d builder s an d ruler s an d th e once-breathin g an d struttin g warriors; and i n it s climax , whic h narrow s i n focu s fro m th e "broa d kingdom" t o th e city' s pride , it s circula r baths . A s th e tw o pas sages abov e suggest , compresse d an d separat e image s describ e th e decaying present , wherea s a mor e sweepin g syntacti c movemen t conveys th e reconstructe d glorie s o f th e past. 11 Th e poe t neithe r sentimentalizes no r moralizes : h e present s hi s pictur e disinterest edly, thoug h hi s poeti c recreatio n o f th e prosperous cit y furnishe s a kin d o f consolatio n fo r Fate' s destructiv e embrace. 12 The 115-lin e Wanderer is a muc h mor e comple x poem. 13 I t en compasses th e exil e theme , th e rui n theme , an d th e ubi sunt motif 14


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in a fram e o f Christia n attitude s an d values . Th e thre e topoi oc cupy successivel y th e majo r segment s o f th e poem' s body , line s 8-110, whic h i s th e purporte d speec h o f a homeless exil e o r wan derer, a theg n wh o ha s los t hi s lor d an d kinsmen . Th e poe t be gins wit h a Christian commentar y o n th e fat e o f an d prospect s fo r an exile : Often th e exile finds God' s favor, His mercy, thoug h weary in mind and heart on the ocean lanes he long had to stir with his hands the ice-cold sea, follow exile' s path: Fate takes its course. Lines 8 ff. launc h int o th e eardstapa's 'earth-stepper's' monologue : "Often alone at dawn of day I had to mourn my cares—no man now live s to whom I dare make known my deepest thoughts and feelings. I know fo r a fact that nobility of soul demand s that a man bind fast his feelings, guard well his thoughts, whateve r he may think." The gnomi c moo d o f th e las t sentenc e continue s a s th e speake r recounts hi s los s o f lor d an d vai n effort s t o secur e another . I n a well-known passag e h e tell s ho w a n exil e dream s o f forme r days : "When sorrow and sleep together catch the care-worn exile in their toils, in his mind he seems to clasp and kiss his own dea r lord, and on his knee lay hand and head in fealty, a s when in by-gone days throne-gifts cam e his way." (11 . 39-44 ) But eve n thi s consolatio n i s bu t momentary , fo r "straightway th e friendless ma n awakes, sees the dark waves dance before him, sea-birds bathing, spreadin g their feathers, frost and snow fallin g fast, mingle d with hail." (11 . 45-8 )

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This self-centere d tal e o f exil e broaden s i n scop e a s th e speake r places himsel f i n th e perspectiv e o f th e evanescenc e o f al l worldl y joys, recallin g ho w suddenl y warrior s ha d "give n u p th e hall " (i.e. , died). Her e h e utilize s th e rui n theme : "The wise man must see how awesom e it will be when the wealth of all this world stand s waste, as now in many areas of this earth walls stand swept by winds of place and time, bound with frost, th e buildings deep in snow. The wine-halls crumble, ruler s decay, deprived o f joys, th e proud host joins them beside th e wall/ 7 (11 . 73~8oa ) In th e thir d par t o f hi s monologue , th e sens e o f destructio n lead s the speake r t o postulat e a wis e ma n who , understandin g th e re morselessness o f Fate , utter s th e ubi sunt lamen t an d end s wit h an apocalypti c visio n o f th e worl d becom e wasteland: 15 "Where the horse? where th e hero? where he who lavished treasure ? Where the seats of feasting? where the sound o f hall-joys? Alas bright cup! Alas brave warrior! Alas prince's power! How tim e has passed, darkened into night, a s it had never been!" Leaving hi s snottor on mode 'wise i n mind ' speake r sundor xt rune 'apart in meditation' (1 . 111), th e poe t himsel f the n concludes wit h a gnomic-homileti c exhortatio n t o fin d tru e securit y wit h th e Fathe r in heaven. 16 The introductor y an d concludin g frame s ech o eac h othe r i n thei r references t o God's mercy , Hi s ar (11. lb, 114b) . The former merel y states tha t suc h merc y i s ofte n grante d a n exile , an d leave s ope n the possibilit y o f earthl y amelioratio n o f hi s lot ; th e latte r expli citly call s fo r seekin g tha t merc y i n heaven . I n th e forme r th e ep ithet fo r Go d i s Metud 'Measurer, ' i n th e latte r Faeder 'Father. ' Suc h parallelism an d progressio n i s matche d i n th e bod y o f th e poe m as th e speake r move s fro m describin g hi s persona l difficulties , an d attempts t o fin d ne w accommodatio n i n th e world , t o hi s recog nition o f earthl y transience . (Unles s on e take s th e las t fiv e line s a s part o f th e eardstapa's speech , th e speake r doe s no t achiev e th e


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Christian understandin g o f salvatio n whic h th e poe m a s a whol e acknowledges.) Adjective s denotin g a n unhapp y stat e o f min d cluster i n th e early part , thos e denotin g wisdo m i n the later. Var ious term s fo r "hall, " th e locu s o f warmth , friendship , th e cotnitatus, reflect th e exile's former hop e o f finding a new lord ; the external forbiddin g "wall " symbolize s hi s mor e matur e observations . Rhetorically, antithesi s an d correlative s predominat e i n th e firs t section o f th e monologue, polysyndeto n an d anaphor a i n the second, an d exclamation s i n th e third . Thes e stylisti c strategie s har monize well with th e respective emphase s o f the three parts: "th e attempts t o bin d an d hol d fas t t o huma n tie s an d pleasures ; th e discovery b y reflectio n o f th e negativ e an d dissolubl e natur e o f human lif e an d it s Ozymandia n grandeur , an d th e somewha t apocalyptic fina l vie w tha t onwended wyrda gesceaft weoruld under heofonum 'Fate' s decre e change s th e worl d beneat h th e heavens ' a. 1 0 7 ) . "


The idea tha t The Wanderer is a penitential poem 18 will not bea r scrutiny; ther e i s simpl y n o mentio n o f repentanc e anywher e i n it. Tha t i t contain s element s o f th e planctus o r consolatio seem s a more reasonabl e conjecture , thoug h i t i s doubfu l whethe r Boe thius' Consolation of Philosophy was a specific influenc e upo n it. 19 It is doubtful , too , tha t th e exil e topos o f th e firs t par t i s t o b e rea d as a Christian allegor y o f man' s earthl y existenc e a s an exil e fro m Eden, thoug h th e se a imag e ma y sugges t th e "mare vitae, a per vasive metapho r fo r th e arbitrar y turmoi l o f morta l life." 20 Sea voyaging plays a more importan t rol e in The Seafarer, however , an d critics hav e bee n mor e receptiv e t o allegorica l interpretations o f The Wanderer's "companio n piece. " The Ruin, as we have observed, ha s no first-person speaker ; an d The Wanderer's monologu e i s stil l tie d t o th e poet' s ow n voic e a t beginning an d end . The Seafarer an d th e othe r elegies , however , are cu t loos e fro m th e authoria l voice , bein g spoke n wholl y b y a fictitious "I, " an d fo r thi s reason , amon g others , hav e provoke d even greater controvers y about thei r speakers, actions , and mean ings. Th e 124-lin e Seafarer, 21 wit h it s syntactic and conceptua l dis junctions, it s "personal " an d "homiletic " halves, and it s interpre tive cruxes , ha s bee n particularl y a locus of critica l disagreement . Lines i-64 a ostensibl y presen t th e narrator' s litera l accoun t o f

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his pas t suffering s o n th e sea , whic h someho w therefore (for pon) prompt hi m t o desir e settin g fort h o n anothe r voyage. 22 Th e per sona graphicall y describe s hi s pas t experiences : I can sing a true song about myself, tell my travails, ho w i n days of toil I often suffere d distressfu l times , lodged bitter sorrows within my breast, navigated man y halls of care, awful rollin g waves, wher e anxiety often seize d m e at night-watch in ship's prow when tossin g by the cliffs. Wit h cold were my feet oppressed , by frost bound in cold fetters, wher e thos e cares sighed hot around my heart; hunger within tore the mind sea-weary. (11 . i-i2a ) In contras t t o th e "wanderer, " wh o twic e invoke s "on e wh o knows," on e wh o ha s experience d simila r sorro w an d los s (11 . 29b ff. , 37 b ff.) , th e "seafarer " thric e contrast s hi s lo t wit h tha t o f the prosperou s ma n o n land , on e wh o doe s not kno w ho w th e speaker ha d t o dwel l i n exile o r what h e suffere d ther e (11 . 12b ff. , 29b ff. , 55-7) . H e reinforce s hi s sens e o f desolatio n an d isolatio n by reference s t o seabird s a s hi s onl y companion s an d sourc e o f joy (11 . i9b-26). Afte r th e secon d allusio n t o the land-dweller wh o cannot believ e wha t th e speake r ha s endured , an d a descriptio n of th e eart h bound b y darkness , snow , frost , an d hai l (11 . 29-333), he say s for pon hi s spiri t urge s hi m t o a sea-journey , "t o see k fa r hence th e hom e o f foreigners/exiles " (11 . 33b-8).23 Another for pon introduces a n impersona l passag e expressin g ever y man' s (an d b y implication th e speaker's ) trepidation s abou t th e outcom e o f a sea journey (11 . 39-47). Bu t the blossoming worl d and sad-voice d cucko o (harbinger o f summer ) urg e o n th e on e wh o contemplate s travel ing fa r o n th e flood-wave s (11 . 48-563). For pon agai n introduce s the "I": For pon now m y heart and spirit, passin g beyond m y breast, burst s upon the sea, turns widely ove r the whale's terrain to its far corners, comes back to me


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full of fierce longing: the lone-flier cries, urges my heart upon the whale-path to dare the sea, fo r dearer to me are the Lord's joys than this earthly life, dead and transient. (11 . 58-66a) 24 Thus th e "seafaring " portio n o f th e poe m passe s ove r int o th e homiletic. Wha t follow s i s essentiall y eschatologica l i n nature . First , an acknowledgemen t o f th e inevitabilit y o f death ; an d for pon for each man the praise of thos e who live after is best memorial, praise he can earn before h e departs by taking arms against enemies, by noble deeds against the devil, so that people afterwards wil l praise him, and his fame will ever live on high with angels, glor y in life eternal, bliss among the Hosts. (11 . 72-8oa ) Then a comment o n th e declin e o f earthl y splendor : There are now no kings or emperors or givers of gold as once there were when the y gave themselves t o glory and were monuments o f magnificence . All this host has perished, an d their bliss; the weaker live on and hold the world, grind out small lives in grief. Glor y fails, the splendor of earth ages and fades, as does every man on middle-earth. (11 . 82-90)


Next a reminde r tha t gol d canno t hel p th e sinfu l soul , tha t God' s power i s terribl e an d real , tha t deat h come s unexpected . Finall y stress o n th e necessit y t o recogniz e an d striv e t o reac h ou r tru e home i n heaven . Like the speake r i n The Wanderer, the person a o f The Seafarer develops i n hi s outloo k a s the poe m progresses : from a n attitutde o f despair an d sufferin g a s h e "relives " hi s forme r seafarin g exis tence, h e move s t o a stat e i n whic h h e desire s furthe r travel , bu t of a differen t kind , t o a n unknow n distan t shore . Still , h e ha s fear s

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about such a journey, bu t when he thinks about the joys of God, all doubts and hesitations vanish; for in the mirror of eternit y h e recognizes the mutability of all earthly happiness and, unlike the "wanderer," in the sound of the sea he has heard the message of Christian salvation . Th e momentous "se a change" begs for som e kind of resolution. We can take the proposed sea-journey literally, seeing i n i t an ascetic resolve t o forsake th e thing s o f thi s worl d for a peregrinatio pro amore Dei? 6 or we can take it as an allegory of man's passage t o the land from whence h e was exiled in the Fall of Adam , th e heavenl y patria, and hi s earl y voyagin g a s a n allegory for man's life on earth, as in the sea-voyage simile at the end of Christ II (see chapter 8). Or we ca n read it both ways. 27 The poem bristles with many other interpretive cruxes, partially because of its deliberate ambiguity. Bu t in that ambiguity lies much of it s poeti c fascination. 28 Th e sam e word s i n differen t contexts , for example, poin t u p th e contras t between th e joys o f comrade ship in this world and in heaven (11. 78-90), and between a man's earthly lor d an d th e Lor d (11. 39-43). O r double meaning s resid e in the single use of a word or phrase, as possibly in the "home of foreigners/exiles," or as in the lovely Groves take blossoms, cities beautify, fields brighten, the fair world hastens on; all these admonish one ready in mind to depart. . . . (11 . 48-518 ) Here th e hastenin g o f th e worl d look s tw o ways : t o th e cyclica l movement int o springtim e tha t is a call t o travel , an d t o th e degeneration o f th e worl d movin g towar d th e millenium , a n additional reaso n fo r th e "seafarer's " embarkatio n o n hi s literal allegorical journey to the lasting security of heaven. 29 The 118-lin e poe m calle d Resignation i n ASP R 3 has frequentl y been compared with The Seafarer and The Wanderer, sinc e in its latter part it uses the exile theme in a fashion simila r to theirs. 30 But Bliss and Frantzen have demonstrate d tha t a leaf i s missing from the Exeter Book after line 69, and that the two parts are so dissimilar in thought , syntax , an d dictio n a s t o mak e i t extremel y un likely the y belong t o the sam e poem ; they therefor e designat e 11.


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1-69 Resignation A an d 11 . 70-118 Resignation B. 31 The forme r i s clearly a prayer , an d migh t hav e bee n considere d wit h th e poe m so calle d i n chapte r 10 ; but sinc e A an d B have subsequentl y re ceived critica l treatment a s a scribal, if not authorial , elegia c unity, 32 we shall survey both poem s here. (I t is of course possible that th e missing line s wer e stil l par t o f on e an d th e sam e poem ; stylisti c and conceptua l disjunctions, w e have seen , ar e not uncommon i n Old Englis h poetry.) 33 Resignation A i s th e first-perso n supplicatio n o f a self-accusin g sinner, wh o asks God t o have merc y on him , t o save his soul fro m devils who would , i f they could , lea d i t on a "hateful journey " t o hell. Th e speake r doe s no t see m t o b e a t death' s door , sinc e h e asks God t o show hi m how t o observe His will so that, thoug h h e has obeye d Go d mor e weakl y tha n h e shoul d have , hi s sou l ma y come to heaven (11 . 10-21). The poem uses many epithets for God— almost on e ever y tw o lines—an d i s quite repetitive i n diction an d thought. I t contain s a numbe r o f conjunctiv e verse s o f n o grea t distinction: 1. 2b: pu gesceope heofon ond eorpan 'You created heave n and earth' ; 1 . 5a: micel ond manigfeald 'grea t an d manifold' ; 1 . 7a: ond min word ond min weorc 'and my words and my deeds.' 34 Hardly an appealin g poem , i t nevertheles s ha s som e forc e a s a versifie d prayer. Resignation B is a narrativ e monologu e i n whic h th e speake r tell s about hi s punishment b y God fo r hi s sins, som e of which h e can not perceive . Wretched , friendless , an d destitute , h e i s sa d an d sick a t heart . H e woul d tak e ship , bu t canno t affor d t o purchas e a boat . "Th e fores t ma y grow , awai t it s destiny,/pu t fort h twigs " (11. io6~7a , Malmber g ed.) , bu t th e speake r canno t lov e anyone . His only hope for amelioration lies after thi s life in God; with stoi c resignation h e mus t meanwhil e bea r th e fate h e cannot change . The poem resemble s The Seafarer in severa l ways. First , th e "I, " even thoug h stil l clearl y i n hi s nativ e land , think s o f hi s punish ments before me n in this world a s a kind o f exile he can no longe r endure (11 . 86b-98a). 35 Second, th e "I " wishes, o n accoun t o f hi s present sufferings , t o tak e a n exil e journey, on e whic h seem s t o be envisage d a s bot h a litera l peregrinatio pro amore Dei (11. 99b105) and a metaphoric on e t o th e heavenl y patria (11 . 73~7a, 11b 4). Third , th e "forest-growing " passag e i s no t unlik e th e spring -

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time on e i n The Seafarer. Bu t th e speake r doe s no t recogniz e th e transience o f thi s world , no r achiev e th e wisdo m o f eithe r th e "wanderer" or the "seafarer. " H e is froze n i n th e wretched her e and now of his internal exile, howeve r much he has prepared his spirit for the long journey "home " (11. 7i~7a).36 The speaker of Resignation B seems always to have suffered th e slings and arrows of outrageous fortune, th e "seafarer" always to have led a life of hardship. On the contrary, th e "I" of the 87-line Riming Poem indicate s that , lik e th e "wanderer, " h e onc e pros pered in the world. 37 Now, however , "wha t had been precious in the day flees in the night" (11. 44b-5a). There are five main stages in th e progres s o f th e poem : (1 ) to 1. 42, th e forme r pleasure s of rank and riches are detailed: feasts, horses , ships , company , mu sic, an d ultimatel y powe r a s lord and protector , a s distributo r of treasure; (2) but the speaker' s ver y largesse seem s t o have le d t o unspecified trouble , an d in 11. 43-54 he indicates vexations of mind as he contemplates men's loss of courage, joys, and desires; (3) in 11. 55-69 he contemplates th e slackness of the world in more general terms ; (4) in 11 . 70-9, returnin g t o a first-person account , h e recognizes th e inevitabilit y o f th e grave , th e fat e o f hi s body; (5) in 11 . 80-7 h e stresse s th e goo d man' s awarenes s o f th e pat h of righteousness, an d exhorts his audience to hasten thereon to eternal bliss.38 The Riming Poem is a tour de force in which the first verse or half line no t onl y alliterate s wit h th e secon d i n the usua l Ol d Englis h metrical pattern , bu t rhyme s wit h it . Further , pair s o f lines fre quently have the same rhyme scheme, an d even four consecutiv e lines rhyme in two sections: 11. 13-6, 51-4. This metrical display is intensified b y homoeoteleuton: thus the verses in 11. 29-37 a ^ enc * with -ade. Becaus e of the compression of thought enjoined by this scheme, th e meaning of details is not always as clear, despit e the clarity of th e poem's themati c structure. 39 The sudden reversal of fortune afte r 1. 42 is prepared for by ambiguous diction , i n which "bad" senses o f words see m t o lie just beneath thei r "good" surface meanings in immediate context ; even th e beginning, "T o me He loaned life, Wh o revealed this light," anticipates the end, where in heave n th e save d "wil l se e th e tru e God , an d eve r rejoic e i n peace."40 Suc h anticipations , th e frequenc y o f asyndeti c para -


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taxis, th e us e o f an 'alone' as a verse unt o itsel f i n th e clima x of the description of worms eating the dead body (1 . 77, "until there is just the bone, alone"), the parallelism of the microcosm of man in his decline an d the macrocosm of th e world in its degeneracy, the riddle-like qualit y o f th e openin g an d the homiletic natur e of the conclusion—all these help the poet achieve an esthetic density and complexity commensurat e wit h tha t of th e verse for m he attempted.41 The poems s o fa r considered i n thi s chapter treat of huma n misfortunes as concomitants of temporal existence. Th e next three deal instead wit h pattern s o f concor d an d discor d i n the relation s between me n and women—at leas t insofar as the majority of critics have rea d them . Tw o o f these , i f adjectiva l ending s an d contex t are any guides, hav e first-person wome n speakers . They seem to be impassioned lament s about the personal separations from their beloveds, an d might thus be genetically classified alon g with similar medieval lyric s i n othe r language s a s Frauenlieder. 42 Bot h are obscure, yet somehow haunting . Th e 19-line Wulf and Eadwacer was early mis-take n a s "Th e Firs t Riddle " becaus e o f it s enigmati c quality an d becaus e i t immediatel y precede s th e firs t grou p o f Riddles.43 It had best be presented in "a" complete translation: It's like a gift given my people; they'll take care of him if he comes to them. It is differrent with us! Wulf's on an isle, I on another; 5 that island's secure, guarded by fens. Deadly-fierce men dwell in that isle; they'll take care of him if he comes to them. It is different with us! For my Wulf's far-journeys I waited with hope: 10 when weather was rainy and I wept, when the battle-bold man embraced me, I took some pleasure, but it pained me too. Wulf, my Wulf, wanting you, your rare arrivals, have made me ill— 15 a sorrowing heart, not hunger for food. Do you hear, Eadwacer? our poor whelp Wulf bears to the woods,

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It's easy to sever what never was seamed: our song together. The difficulties of interpretation are obvious. One commonly held reading i s tha t Wulf , a n outlaw , i s th e speaker' s lover , an d Ead wacer i s he r deteste d husband ; th e "whelp " i s th e latter' s child , which Wul f i s carrying away , thu s destroyin g th e mis-mate d "lov e fruit." Som e hav e take n Wul f t o b e th e husband , outlawed , an d Eadwacer he r jailor , wh o ha s force d hi s intention s upo n her ; th e "whelp" ma y b e Wulf's . Th e situatio n seem s s o specific , despit e its lack of clarity, that many critics attempted t o base the poem o n Germanic story, th e Signy-Sigmund la y and th e Wolfdietrich B saga being th e leadin g candidates . Bu t al l suc h proposal s fal l shor t i n some wa y o f matchin g th e detail s o f th e Ol d Englis h poem . Th e situational difficult y i s compounded , a s al l critic s recognize , b y dictional ambiguity; 44 an d i t i s perhap s wise r t o follo w Renoir' s "non-interpretational" lead , acceptin g th e narrative obscurit y an d focusing instead , o n th e more obvious themati c patterns o f unio n and separation , sufferin g an d hostility. 45 In any case , par t o f th e poem's appea l lie s in its obscurity . Som e of i t i s i n th e themati c patterning , bu t muc h o f i t reside s i n th e style: i n th e refrain ; i n th e patheti c fallac y o f rain y weathe r an d weeping; in the shift s i n syntax and lin e lengths; in its unmetrica l and plaintiv e Wulf min Wulf (I.13). The othe r poe m wit h a female speake r i s th e 53-lin e The Wife's Lament.46 As with Wulf and Eadwacer, th e specificit y o f detail s ha s prompted suggestion s o f legendary plo t sources, among them th e Constance saga , th e Crescenti a tale , and th e Ol d Iris h Liadain and Curithir; bu t agai n non e o f the m wil l quit e do . Unlik e Wulf and Eadwacer, thi s poe m i s no t a n apostroph e t o th e absen t lover , though i t share s man y o f tha t lyric' s features . Th e wife , lik e th e "seafarer," wil l tel l a tru e tal e abou t he r sufferings , "neve r mor e than now. " First , he r husband-lor d departe d ove r th e seas , an d she suffered "dawn-care " as to where he might be. His departur e was th e resul t o f hi s kinsmen' s schemin g t o separat e them . Bu t he had ordered her to folgad secan 'take refuge-exile' i n an oak grove, perhaps a heathen sanctuary , becaus e sh e ha d fe w friend s i n hi s


29 3 ]

land. 47 Sh e recall s her e ho w wel l sh e an d he r husban d wer e matched, th e oath s the y ha d swor n neve r t o part ; but that is now changed , utterly gone, a s if our union had never been. I must far and near suffer fro m the feud o f my beloved. (11 . 23b-6 ) In her oa k grov e sh e writhe s wit h longing : Valleys are veiled in gloom, hill s veer up, bitter asylum covered wit h briars, a land without joys; often m y lord's leaving terrified me . Lover s on earth live happily at rest together, while I at dawn drag myself alon g under this oak tree throughout thes e caverns, where I must sit a summer-long day, where I can bemoan my miseries, my many cares, because I can never still the restlessness o f my heart's grief, nor all the longings thi s life's decreed . (11 . 30-41 ) The las t section , 11 . 42-53, offer s a knott y proble m o f interpreta tion. I t is partly gnomi c an d partl y a reflection o n th e concomitan t fate o f he r husband : i f outwardl y fortunate , nevertheles s bearin g within a sorrowin g spirit ; i f outwardl y unfortunate , sa y i n a des olate sea-surrounde d hall , h e wil l remembe r a happie r dwelling , even a s she does i n he r abod e o f sorrow. 48 Th e speake r conclude s gnomically: Woe to that one who lives for the beloved in longing. The emphasi s i n The Wife's Lament is upo n th e speaker' s miser able stat e o f mind , th e contras t betwee n happines s i n lov e an d the frustratio n o f separation . Th e poe m abound s i n word s fo r misery, sorrow , enduring , longing , trials , an d tribulations . Th e location o f th e wife' s abod e i n wha t seem s t o b e a barro w o r tu -

[ 29 4 I




mulus, th e images o f briars and water, ad d t o the atmosphere o f desolation an d isolation . Parallel s o f phrasin g furthe r ai d i n th e pathetic futilit y o f mood : fo r instance , th e wif e says , 1 . 12b, tha t her lord's kinsmen secretl y plotte d fraethytodaelden unc 'that they would separat e us ' and later , i n 1 . 22, tha t he r husband an d sh e had vowe d paet unc ne gedaelde netnne dead ana 'that nothin g sav e death would eve r part us.' 49 Of all the Exeter Book "elegies," The Wife's Lament i s mos t devoi d o f consolator y hope : ther e i s n o Christian Go d whos e ultimat e merc y ca n b e relie d on , no r an y pleasure i n th e remembranc e o f thing s past . Onl y a stoi c forti tude, froze n in time present, 50 can cope with the intense personal anguish. The Husband's Message, o n the contrary, is the least elegiac of the "elegies."51 Ye t it does hav e in common wit h mos t o f th e other s the exil e them e an d a pattern o f contras t betwee n pas t an d pre sent; only i n thi s case it is the presen t whic h i s th e better. I t has often bee n paire d wit h The Wife's Lament, a s the othe r side o f th e coin, s o t o speak. 52 Her e a messenger carryin g a rune-incised piec e of wood—or the personified beam itself—deliver s a husband's call to his wife t o join him over the sea. Thi s prince or king had been driven int o exil e b y a feud, bu t no w ha s overcom e hi s miseries ; he ca n promis e hi s wif e tha t the y wil l onc e mor e b e abl e t o distribute treasure from th e high seat , for , say s the messenger : now that man has conquered woes; he lacks nothing he wants, not horses or treasures or hall-joys, nor any of the world's noblest wealth, prince's daughter, save possessing you, as you two promised with pledge of old. I hear .S.R. together swearing with .EA.W. and M. by oath declaring that he will keep the faith and compact, and fully while he lives perform what you two often vowed in days of old. (11 . 4^-54 ) We may mention a few o f the difficulties tha t inhere in the text of this 54-line poem. I n the first place, it follows a piece generally considered to be Riddle 60 ("Reed-pen"); but some have preferred to view th e riddl e a s a prologue t o or part of The Husband's Mes-


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sage, taking i t as a piece o f woo d whic h speak s o f it s origin s before it , itself , "delivers " the husband' s summons. 53 The runes in the oath at the end of the poem—the .S.R.,.EA.W. , an d M. of the translation above—ar e no t clea r in themselve s o r in context. 54 An d holes i n th e manuscrip t hav e effectivel y destroye d lines , words , and letters. Howeve r w e wis h t o negotiate thes e problems , ther e seems t o b e a not e o f cautiou s optimis m tha t run s throug h thi s dramatic lyri c a s th e messenge r trie s t o convinc e th e lady—an d evidently, fo r some unspecified reason , sh e needs convincing 55— that her husband is indeed true and will honor the old vows they swore togethe r as well a s his new ones. 56 It is wit h a return t o th e combinatio n o f heroi c an d elegia c tha t we brin g thi s critical histor y t o an end. Th e 42-line Deor, wit h it s allusions to Germanic heroic story, is in some respects like Widsith (see chapter 6), even to having a fictitious sco p as its persona.57 Like Wulf and Eadwacer, i t has a refrain: pees ofereode, pisses siva rmeg 'tha t passed away, [and ] so will this/ Th e passing away of th e specifi c misfortunes allude d t o in th e irregular-lengt h stanza s ma y mea n that improvement occurre d an d wil l occur , aki n to th e upturn of Fortune's wheel ; o r i t ma y mea n tha t th e sorrow s (an d joys ) o f this world are transitory because the y are of this world. In the latter case, th e poe m come s clos e i n meanin g t o The Wanderer an d The Seafarer. Of th e seve n stanzas—som e se e onl y six , sinc e ther e i s n o refrain afte r th e "sixth"—th e firs t fiv e allud e t o specifi c character s and/or stories fro m th e real m of Germani c legend: Weland's captivity by Nithhad; the captive smith's revenge upon the king's sons and daughter, Beadohild; 58 the love of Maethhild and Geat; Theodoric's exile ; an d Ermanaric' s tyranny . Th e sixt h i s a gnomic reflection on the "gifts of men," on the wise Lord's granting of mercy to some and a portion of woes t o others. The last stanza provide s the fictious elegia c framework fo r the whole poem: About myself I will say this much, that once I was the Heodening's scop, dear to my lord. Deor was my name. For many years I was held with honor in my master's heart, till Heorrenda,

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that song-crafty man , usurped those rights which the leader of men had given me. That passed away, an d so will this." (11 . 35-42 ) Like th e othe r "elegies, " Deor poses man y individua l cruxe s a s well a s problems o f overal l interpretation . Wh o are Maethhild an d Geat? Is Theodoric th e Got h o r the Frank ? What ar e the structura l connections betwee n th e legendary stanzas ? To what precisel y d o the that and this of th e refrain , especiall y i n th e las t stanza , refer ? There i s disagreement abou t eve n th e emotiona l center s o f th e in dividual stanzas . A n exampl e o f th e last : th e firs t stanza , abou t Weland's suffering , ha s bee n see n b y on e criti c a s emphasizin g physical miseries , b y anothe r "th e spiritua l horro r o f th e situa tion," and b y a third the smith' s "triump h ove r adversity throug h his resolution o f min d an d skil l in artifice." 59 I n terms of it s meaning a s a whol e an d it s generi c associations , Deor has bee n take n as a charm, a begging poem , an d a wisdom poe m suggestin g "th e ability o f th e min d t o contro l itsel f an d resis t it s surroundings." 60 It has als o frequentl y bee n take n a s a n Anglo-Saxo n Consolation of Philosophy, eve n directl y indebte d t o Alfred' s Ol d Englis h trans lation o f Boethius. 61 I f th e Alfredia n influenc e i s true , w e a t leas t have a terminu s a quo for thi s elusiv e bu t affectiv e poem . The fina l piece s t o b e mentione d ar e tw o "se t passages " i n Beowulf. In "Th e Lamen t o f th e Las t Survivor " i n Par t I I of th e epic , the speake r contrast s hi s nation' s forme r day s o f earthl y wealt h and glor y wit h th e present : al l ar e dea d sav e him . H e mus t no w bury i n th e eart h th e useles s treasur e tha t wa s onc e hi s people' s joy; it is th e treasur e th e drago n wil l find , th e sourc e o f Beowulf' s tragedy: "Hold now, earth , what warriors cannot, the wealth of heroes! Lo! it was yours before goo d men obtained it from you. Through war, drea d and evil death has claimed my people: each one has passed from life, from joy in the hall. I have no one to carry sword or clean the costly plated cup: the company is gone. The hard, gold-ornamented helme t must lose its plates; the polishers slee p


29 7 ]

whose task it was to shine the war-mask; so too the war-coat, whic h once endured the bite of swords over crashing shields, decays with the man. No r can ring-mail travel far and wide with the war-lord, by heroes' sides. N o harp-joy sound s from unplucked strings , no good hawk swing s through the hall, n o swift hors e stamps his feet in the courtyard: baleful deat h has come and swept fa r off man y living men!" (11 . 2247-67 ) The secon d passag e als o occur s i n Par t II, in the mids t o f th e hero' s account o f Geatis h histor y a s h e prepare s t o fac e th e drago n (11. 243 5 ff.). Beowul f suggest s Kin g Hrethel' s sorro w i n hi s in ability t o tak e reveng e upo n hi s so n Haethcy n fo r hi s accidenta l killing of hi s eldest brother . H e doe s s o by comparing th e ol d king' s plight t o tha t of a father mournin g hi s so n who swing s o n th e gal lows, a fate which likewis e canno t be avenged. Oddl y fo r the con text, h e picture s th e fathe r viewin g th e desolat e ruin s o f hi s son' s erstwhile establishment , wher e "Sorrowful, h e sees in his son's dwellin g the empty wine-hall, wast e and cheerless, where winds only rest: riders, warriors, sleep in their graves; no harp resounds, no mirth fills the courts as formerly." (11 . 2455-9 ) The rui n topos evidently ha d a metaphoric qualit y tha t made i t applicable no t onl y i n poem s lik e The Ruin an d The Wanderer, but i n elegiac vers e i n whic h i t wa s literall y uncalle d for. 62 The poem s an d passage s discusse d i n thi s chapte r hav e cap tured th e attentio n an d move d th e heart s o f generation s o f read ers. The y illustrat e th e mana residing i n th e conventiona l Ol d En glish formula s an d themes . Adapte d t o differen t poeti c situations , they coul d b e mad e eve r fres h b y th e tongue s an d pen s o f thos e to who m God , i n hi s gift s t o men , ha d grante d th e powe r o f po etic son g amon g th e Anglo-Saxons . This critica l histor y has , w e hope , presente d convincin g evidenc e for th e statur e o f ou r earlies t Englis h literar y heritage . I n it s spe -

[ 29 8 ] A


cial fusio n o f Christia n an d paga n material s an d attitudes , i n it s aesthetic technique s s o differen t fro m those , of late r ages , i t re veals its particular nature as a body of literature. Though that nature is not ours, w e ca n still understand an d respond t o it through the efforts of those historical, textual , and literary critics who have opened door s and windows fo r its illumination. NOTES 1. O n the elegiac mood in OE poetry, see Timmer 1942. 2. Ed . in ASPR 3; most also separately as a group in Kershaw 1922 and Sieper 1915 , with Englis h an d German translation s respectively . Othe r editions mentioned below; there are many translations. Fo r study of the poems as a genre, see Greenfield 196 6 and Green, M. 1983a. 3. Greenfiel d 1966 , p. 143 . 4. Shippe y 1972 , p. 67 . 5. Fo r a summary of the critical history of the "elegies," see Green, M. 1983a, pp. 11-28, which does not, however , conside r The Riming Poem, 6. Greenfiel d 1972 , p. 135. See Klinck 198 4 on structural similarities in the OE genre. 7. Th e fac t that the Exeter scribe, or his exemplar, bega n the compilation with the Christ poems , followe d b y Guthlac, ma y show som e recognition o f "appropriateness." On the other hand, th e wide separatio n of the tw o explicit allegories , Phoenix an d Physiologus, an d the division of the riddle s int o severa l groups , do no t give on e confidence tha t MS placement is an infallible guide to generic similitude. 8. O n Celtic links , se e Pilch 196 4 and Henry 1966 . Harri s 1983 , comparing Ol d Norse an d OE "elegies," claims a historical "Commo n Germanic heroi c elegy " as the ancestor o f both; he suggests a progression from specificit y "towar d generalizatio n an d finally allegory " i n the O E group, wit h Wulf and Eadwacer bein g th e earliest stage , The Seafarer th e latest (p. 49) . 9. Ed . Leslie 1961. 10. Othe r location s suggeste d ar e Chester an d Hadrian's Wall . I f Roman Bath was the inspirational site , as seems most likely, archaeologica l evidence indicate s th e early eight h centur y a s time o f composition: see Leslie 1961 ; Hotchner 1939; Wentersdorf 1977 . 11. Fo r elaboration on such contrasts, se e Greenfield 1966 , pp. 121-2; Calder 1971a; Renoir 1983. The poet is very conscious of sounds: e.g., 11 . 4b and 5b in the OE are hrim on lime and scorene gedrorene. 12. Johnso n 1980 argues that the detached perspective is consonant with reading the poem as a "body-city" riddle. Some have seen the poefs stance as Christian and adversative, takin g the city to represent Babylon or the

ELEGIAC POETRY [ 299 ] City of Man—see respectively Keenan 1966 and Doubleday 1972b. Others have taken the poem as an encomium urbis, lik e Durham (see chapter 11)— see Lee, A.T. 197 3 and Howlett 1976b. 13. Ed . separatel y b y Lesli e 196 6 and Dunning/Blis s 1969 ; the forme r dates the poem eighth century, th e latter tenth. 14. O n the exile theme in OE poetry, se e Greenfield 1955 ; on ubi sunt, see Cross 1956. 15. O n the apocalyptic in the poem, se e Green, M. 1975. 16. Thi s outline of structure and movement is based on Greenfield 1951. Nineteenth-century criticis m ha d disintegrate d th e poe m (an d its "companion piece " The Seafarer) int o Christia n an d paga n strata ; bu t sinc e Lawrence 190 2 most readers have found it unified and the product of the cloister—an exceptio n i s Hollowel l 1983 . Agreemen t o n th e numbe r o f "voices" and on speech boundaries has, however , bee n less than unanimous. Fo r som e o f thi s controversy , se e Hupp e 1943 ; Lumiansky 1950 ; Pope 1965 ; Greenfield 1969—a s well a s other references throughou t thi s commentary. 17. Greenfiel d 1966 , p. 152; see pp. 14 7 ff. fo r stylistic analysis. Further on imagery, se e Rosier 1964b and Clark S./Wasserman 1979 . 18. Stanle y 195 5 and Henry 1966 , pp. 161-75 . 19. Se e Cross 1961b; Doubleday 1972a ; Woolf 1975. 20. Osbor n 1978b , p . 1 . Th e allegorica l readin g i s Smither s 1957 ; for strictures, se e Calder 1971b. 21. Ed . separately by Gordon, I . L. i960. 22. Th e connective for pon, which normally means "therefore" or "because," and whic h appear s severa l times , ha s been variousl y construe d as "truly," "indeed," and "yet." The suffering/desire parado x or disjunction led nineteenth-century critics to postulate a dialogue between an old and a young sailor . Pop e 196 5 finds tw o dramati c voices; Pope 197 4 retracts this theory. 23. A n importan t crux , elpeodigra eard: doe s i t mea n simpl y a litera l journey to foreign shores, or is it a reference to heaven, the true home of fallen man as an exile in this world? Or does it mean both? Smithers 1957 first advanced th e "heaven " reading. Vickre y 1982 , pp. 72-4 suggests eard here can be the sea itself. 24. O n th e imag e o f th e min d a s a lone-flier, se e Clemoe s 1969 ; also Salmon i96 0 and Diekstr a 1971 . Some tak e the lone-flier t o be a seabird or the cuckoo—so Gordon, I . L. i960 , pp. 41-2. 25. O n th e macrocosm-microcos m relatio n betwee n th e fadin g worl d and degenerating man, see Cross 1962. Horgan 1979 argues that the poem is based on Psalm 49 (48), and "is an indictment of the traditional value s of Germanic civilization" (p. 49). 26. Se e Whitelock 1950. 27. Man y allegorical readings have been made: see e.g., Anderson , O.

[ 30 0 ] A


1937 and Smithers 1957. Leslie 1983 sees the earlier voyage as a voluntary exile for the soul's salvation, both "realistically" and metaphorically; Holton 198 2 suggests tha t the se a o f th e firs t voyag e i s a metaphor fo r lack of grace , postlapsaria n sin , chaos ; cf . Vickre y 1982 . O n difference s be tween the earlier and later voyages, se e Osborn 1978b . Calder 1971b distinguishes between th e allegorical mod e of The Seafarer and the themati c one of The Wanderer. 28. Se e Greenfield 1954 . 29. Fo r the literal-metaphorical seasona l cycle in the poem, and a reading as psychological illumination and religious conversion, see Greenfiel d 1981. 30. Se e Stanley 195 5 and Henry 1966. 31. Bliss/Frantze n 1976. Ed. separately as two poems by Malmberg 1979, but with continuous line numbering. 32. Nelson , M . 1983. 33. Se e discussion of The Seafarer; Pasternac k 1984. 34. Fo r other stylistic features, se e Malmberg 1979 , pp. 4-5 . 35. Malmber g 197 9 suggests i t is "possibl e t o regard th e speake r as a kind o f interna l exil e wit h n o contac t wit h thos e aroun d him " (p . 7) . Bliss/Frantzen 197 6 deny the speaker is exiled; but the diction throughout this passag e i s ric h i n exil e imagery . The y furthe r fin d Resignation B so different fro m The Seafarer as to preclude mutual illumination (p . 402). 36. Nelson , M . 1983 , p. 14 4 sees hi s inabilit y t o "move " the resul t of the sin of fear. 37. Ed . separately by Macrae-Gibson 1983 ; see also Lehmann, R. 1970. Both contain translations . Th e forme r date s th e poem a s mid-tenth century. 38. Cf . Smither s 1957, part 2, pp. 8-9. Howlet t 1978a finds a symmetry corresponding t o the Golden Section. 39. Macrae-Gibso n 197 3 denies obscurity in the details; but the numerous extended note s here and in his 1983 edition would argue otherwise. 40. Se e Macrae-Gibson 197 3 and 1983. 41. O n microcosm-macrocosm , se e Cros s 1962 ; on th e riddl e quality , Lehmann, R. 1970. 42. Se e Malon e 1962a . Th e tw o poem s hav e muc h i n commo n situa tionally and in mood; see further next note. 43. A riddl e theor y ha s bee n resurrecte d b y Anderson , J . 1983 , wh o would take the poem, along with the immediately preceding Soul and Body II and Deor, a s a tripartite "firs t riddle. " The Wife's Lament, i t shoul d be noted, immediately follows th e first group of riddles. 44. Bake r 1981 tries to disentangle unnecessary ambiguities created by loose reading s from deliberately artful ones . A case in point of the latter may be apecgan 'tak e care of i n 11. 2 and 7: it can mean either "t o feed" or "to kill."


3O I ]

45. Renoi r 1965. A convenient revie w of interpretation s may be foun d in Frese 1983 , who suggest s th e speake r i s a mother bewailing he r son; see als o Osbor n 1983 . I f th e poem' s situatio n i s a sexua l one , perhap s Wulf, th e "battle-bol d man, " an d Eadwace r ar e on e an d th e sam e per son. Th e outlawe d love r Wulf, persona non grata t o the speaker' s peopl e and equally in danger from the fierce men on his island refuge (they would "take care of" hi m in one sense , sh e in another), ha s only rarely visited her. Whe n h e had , a s i n th e scenari o o f 11 . 9-11, th e precariousnes s o f the moment mad e i t painful a s well a s pleasurable. Addressin g Wul f a s Eadwacer 'watchfu l o f happiness, ' sh e ask s hi m (in absentia) t o conside r that he carrie s their easily destroye d happiness , represente d i n th e metaphors of the whelp and the song, i n his wanderings. Cf . Jense n 1979. 46. Ed . by Leslie 1961. 47. Wentersdor f 198 1 aruges for this sequence of events. 48. Thes e lines have also been take n as a curse on the husband o r on a third party responsible fo r her position, o r as a wish that her husband might experience the same kind of fate as she. 49. Fo r th e Germani c contex t o f sorrowin g women , se e Renoi r 1975 , who also gives a brief summar y of interpretations o f the poem's speake r as "a dead woman, a live man, a sorceress-elect, a mistreated wife, a minor heathen deity, and an allegorical voice yearning for the union of Christ and the Church" (p. 236) ; see furthe r Wentersdorf 1981 , n. 1 . On formal aspects, se e Stevic k i96 0 an d Greenfiel d 1966 , pp . 165-9 . Renoi r 197 7 analyzes the emotional impact of the poem. 50. Green , M. 1983b. 51. Ed . by Leslie 1961. 52. Fo r efforts t o lin k th e poem s vi a Germani c story , se e Lesli e 1961, pp. 1 0 and 20 . Howlet t 1978 b sees the m a s a lyric diptych, on e elegiac , the other consolatory. 53. O n th e proble m o f th e speaker , se e Orto n 1981 ; though h e sepa rates Riddle 60 from The Husband's Message, h e argues that the messenge r is the piece of wood. Lesli e 1961, pp. 13- 4 and Greenfield 1966 , pp. 16971 argue for a human messenger. Lesli e 196 8 makes the case for the riddle's integrity—se e als o Williamso n 1977 , pp . 315-8 . Kask e 1967 b takes the riddle as part of th e lyric. 54. Se e Leslie 1961, pp. 15- 8 and Elliott 1955. One common reading of them is "heave n (Sigel-Rad 'sun-path') , eart h (Eard-Wyn 'earth-joy') , an d man (Monn)." 55. Renoi r 198 1 feels ther e i s no t muc h likelihoo d o f a happy answe r (pp. 74-6) . 56. Kask e 1967 b reads th e poe m a s a speech o f th e Cross ; Greenfiel d 1972, pp. 145-53 argues against this reading. Goldsmith 1975 sees the poem spoken by a reed pen representing Hol y Writ, callin g the addressee t o a Christian life.

[ 30 2 ] A


yj. Ed . separately by Malone 1966. 58. O f interest in connection with the Weland story is the scene carved on th e lef t fron t pane l o f th e whalebon e caske t o f earl y Northumbria n provenience presented to the British Museum in 1867 by Sir Augustus W. Franks. This scene is reproduced a s the frontispiece t o this volume. Th e Franks Caske t contain s severa l othe r scene s an d tw o set s o f runi c alliterative verse inscriptions—ed . i n ASPR 6. Se e Elliott 195 9 for interpretations and bibliography; further Becker 1972; Osborn 1974; Derolez 1981. 59. Se e respectively Mande l 1977 , pp. 2-3; Tuggle 1977 , p. 238 ; Boren 1975, p. 268. Despite such disagreement, thes e three essays among them provide a good assessment of the poet's art; see also Greenfield 1966 , pp. 160-3 anc * Shippey 1972 , pp. 75-8. 60. Se e respectivel y Bloomfiel d 1964 ; Eliason 196 6 and 1969 ; Shippey 1972, p . 78 . Condre n 198 1 would se e th e poem proclaimin g art' s power over adversity. 61. S o Kiernan 1978. Markland 1968 first proposed this connection; see also Bolton 1971. 62. Cf . Stanle y 1955.


ABR American Benedictine Review ae altenglisch — ags angelsachsisch — AION Annali Istituto Universitario Orientate, Napoli AnM Annuale Mediaevale Archiv Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen Arv Arv: Journal of Scandinavian Folklore A-S Anglo-Saxo n ASE Anglo-Saxon England ASPR Th e Anglo-Saxo n Poeti c Records , eds . G . P . Krap p an d E . V . K. Dobbi e BaP Bibliothe k de r ag s Pros a BGdSL Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur CCCC Corpu s Christ i College , Cambridg e CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina ChR Chaucer Review CL Comparative Literature CM Communication Monographs CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum ed(s). editor(s) , edited , editio n EEMF Earl y Englis h Manuscript s i n Facsimil e EETS Earl y Englis h Tex t Societ y EETS,ss Earl y Englis h Tex t Society , Supplementar y Serie s EGS English and Germanic Studies EHR English Historical Review ELH ELH: Journal of English Literary History ELN English Language Notes ES English Studies



E&S Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association JEGP Journal of English and Germanic Philology JAF Journal of American Folklore JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History KHVL Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundets i Lund LeedsSE Leeds Studies in English MJE Medium JEvum ME Middl e Englis h MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica Migne se e PL MLN Modern Language Notes MLQ Modern Language Quarterly MLR Modern Language Review MP Modern Philology MS(S) M(m)anuscript(s ) MS Mediaeval Studies NDEJ Notre Dame English Journal Neophil Neophilologus NM Neuphilologische Mitteilungen N&Q Notes and Queries OE Ol d Englis h OEN Old English Newsletter ON Ol d Nors e PBA Proceedings of the British Academy PL Patrologia Latina, ed. Mign e PLL Papers on Language and Literature PMLA PMLA: Publications of the Modern Language Association of America PQ Philological Quarterly QJS Quarterly Journal of Speech Rb Revue benedictine RES Review of English Studies R(r)ev. R(r)evise d Rpr. Reprinte d SM Studi Medievali SN Studia Neophilologica SP Studies in Philology TPS Transactions of the Philological Society

trans. translator(s)

, translate d

TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society TSL Tennessee Studies in Literature TSLL Texas Studies in Literature and Language UTQ University of Toronto Quarterly W-S West-Saxo n YES Yearbook of English Studies YSE Yal e Studie s i n Englis h

Bibliography of Works Cite d

The followin g bibliograph y i s i n alphabetica l order ; i t i s no t di vided int o subjects . Fo r a list o f item s concernin g an y individua l work o r period, chec k th e footnot e reference s i n the main text . I n many cases , subtitle s o f books hav e been omitted . Adams, E . 191 7 Adams, R . 197 4 Alford/Seniff 198 4 Allott 197 4 Amos 198 0 Anderson, E . 197 4 Anderson, E . 197 9 Anderson, E . 198 3

Adams, Eleano r N . OE Scholarship in England from 1566-1800. YS E 55 . Ne w Have n 1917 . Rpr . Ham den, Conn : Archo n Books , 1970 . Adams, Richar d W . "Christ U: Cynewulfian Heilsgeschichte." ELN 12 (1974), 73-9 . Alford, Joh n A . an d Denni s P . Seniff . Literature and Law in the Middle Ages. Ne w Yor k an d London : Garland, 1984 . Allott, Stephen . Alcuin of York. York : Willia m Ses sions, 1974 . Amos, Ashle y C . Linguistic Means of Determining the Dates of OE Literary Texts. Cambridge , Mass. : Th e Medieval Academ y o f America , 1980 . Anderson, Ear l R . "Socia l Idealis m i n ^Elfric' s Colloquy." ASE 3 (1974) , 153-62 . . 'Th e Speec h Boundarie s i n Adven t Lyri c VII. " Neophil 63 (1979) , 611-8 . . Cynewulf: Structure, Style and Theme in His Poetry. Rutherford , N . J. , Londo n an d Toronto : Fair leigh Dickinso n Universit y Press/Associate d Uni versity Presses , 1983 .

[ 30 6 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Y O F WORKS CITED Anderson, G . 196 6 Anderson, G . 1967 Anderson, } . 1983 Anderson, L . 1903 Anderson, O . 193 7 Andersson 197 6 Arngart 194 2 Arngart 195 1 Arngart 198 1 Arnold 188 5 ASPR 1 2

3 4 5 6 Assmann 188 9

Attenborough 192 2 Atwood/Hill 196 9 Ay res 1917 Baker 1980

Anderson, George K. The Literature of the Anglo-Saxons. Rev. ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966. . "Aldhelm and the Leiden Riddle." In Creed 1967b, pp. 167-76 . Anderson, Jame s E . "Deor, Wulf and Eadwacer, The Soul's Address: How and Where the OE Exeter Book Riddles Begin." In Green, M . 1983a , pp. 204-30. Anderson, Lewi s F . The A-S Scop. Toronto: Toront o University Library , th e Librarian, 1903. Anderson (late r Arngart) , Olaf . 'Th e Seafarer : A n Interpretation." KHVL Arsberattelse 1 . Lund : C . W . K. Gleerup, 1937-8 . Andersson, Theodor e M . Early Epic Scenery: Homer, Virgil, and the Medieval Legacy. Ithac a an d London: Cornell Universit y Press , 1976. Arngart, O. , ed . The Proverbs of Alfred. 2 vols. Lund : C. W. K. Gleerup, 194 2 and 1955. . "Th e Distich s o f Cat o an d th e Proverb s o f Alfred." KHVL Arsberattelse (1951-2), 95-118. , ed . "Th e Durham Proverbs. " Speculum 56 (1981), 288-300.

Arnold, Thomas , ed . Symeonis Monachi Opera. 2 vols. Rolls Series 75. London: Longman an d Co. , 1885. The Junius Manuscript, ed . G . P . Krapp . New York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1931. The Vercelli Book, ed . G . P. Krapp. New York: Columbia University Press , 1932. The Exeter Book, ed . G. P. Krapp and E . V. K. Dobbie. New York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1936. Beowulf and Judith, ed . E.V.K. Dobbie . New York: Columbia Universit y Press , 1953. The Paris Psalter and the Meters of Boethius, ed . G . P . Krapp. New York: Columbia Universit y Press, 1932. The A-S Minor Poems, ed . E. V. K. Dobbie. New York: Columbia Universit y Press , 1942. Assmann, Bruno , ed. Ags Homilien und Heiligenleben. BaP 3 . Kassel : G. H . Wigland , 1889 . Rpr . wit h a supplementary intro . b y Pete r Clemoes . Darm stadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft , 1964 . Attenborough, Frederic k L. , ed . The Laws of the Earliest English Kings. Cambridge: Cambridg e Univer sity Press, 1922. Atwood, E . Bagb y an d A . A . Hill . Studies in Language, Literature, and Culture of the Middle Ages and Later. Austin : University o f Texas Press, 1969. Ay res, Harr y M . "Th e Traged y o f Henges t i n Beowulf." JEGP 1 6 (1917), 282-95. Baker, Peter S. "The OE Canon of Byrhtferth o f Ramsey." Speculum 55 (1980), 22-37.

BIBLIOGRAPHY O F WORK S CITE D [ Baker 198 1 Baker 198 2 Baker 198 4 Barley 197 2 Barley 197 7 Barlow 196 2 Barlow 197 9 Barraclough 197 6

Bartlett 193 5 Bately 197 8 Bately 197 9 Bately 1980 a Bately 1980 b Bately 198 2 Baum 196 3 Bazire/Cross 198 2 Becker 197 2 Belfour 190 9 Benson 196 6 Berger/Leicester 197 4

30 7 ]

. "Th e Ambiguit y o f Wulfand Eadwacer." I n Wit tig 1981 , p p. 39-51 . . "Byrhtferth' s Enchiridion an d th e Computu s i n Oxford, S t John' s Colleg e 17. " ASE 1 0 (1982), 123 42. , ed . " A Little-Know n Varian t Tex t o f th e O E Metrical Psalms. " Speculum 5 9 (1984) , 263-81 . Barley, N . F . " A Structura l Approac h t o th e Prover b and Maxim , wit h Specia l Referenc e t o th e A- S Cor p u s . " Proverbium 2 0 (1972), 737-50 . . "Structur e i n th e Cotto n Gnomes. " NM 7 8 (1977)' 244-9 Barlow, Frank , ed . Vita /Edwardi Regis. London : Nel son an d Sons , 1962 . . The English Church 1000-1066. 2n d ed . London : Longman Group , 1979 . Barraclough, Geoffrey . The Crucible of Europe: The Ninth and Tenth Centuries in European History. Berkele y an d Los Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1976. Bartlett, Adelin e C . The Larger Rhetorical Patterns in A-S Poetry. Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1935. Rpr . AM S Press , 1966 . Bately, Jane t M . "Th e Compilatio n o f The A-S Chronicle, 60 BC t o A D 890 : Vocabulary a s Evidence. " PBA 64 (198 0 for 1978) , 93-129 . . "Bed e an d th e A- S Chronicle." I n King/Steven s 1979, vol . 1 , p p . 233-54 . . The Literary Prose of King Alfred's Reign: Translation or Transformation? London : King' s College , University o f London , 1980 . , ed . The OE Orosius. EETS , s s 6 . Londo n 1980 . . "Lexica l Evidenc e fo r th e Authorshi p o f th e Prose Psalm s i n th e Pari s Psalter. " ASE 1 0 (1982) , 69-95. Baum, Paul l F. , trans . A-S Riddles of the Exeter Book. Durham, NC : Duk e Universit y Press , 1963 . Bazire, Joyc e an d Jame s E . Cross , eds . Eleven OE Rogationtide Homilies. Toronto , Buffalo , an d London : University o f Toront o Press , 1982 . Becker, Alfred . Franks Casket: Zu den Bildern und Inschriften des Runenkastchens von Auzon. Regensburg : H. Carl , 1972 . Belfour, Algerno n O. , ed . Twelfth-Century Homilies in MS Bodley 343. I. Text and Translation. EET S 137 . London 1909 . Rpr . 1962 . Benson, Larr y D . "Th e Literar y Characte r o f A- S For mulaic Poetry. " PMLA 8 1 (1966) , 334-41 . Berger, Harry , Jr . an d H . Marshal l Leicester , Jr . "So -


Berkhout 197 2 Berkhout1974 Berkhout/Doubleday 197 3 Berkhout/Gatch 198 2 Bessinger 195 8 Bessinger 196 2 Bessinger 196 7 Bessinger 197 4 Bessinger/Creed 196 5

Bessinger/Kahrl 196 8 Bessinger/Smith 196 9 Bessinger/Smith 197 8 Bessinger/Yeager 198 4 Bethurum 1932 a Bethurum 1932 b Bethurum 195 7 Bethurum 196 3 Bethurum 196 6 Biddle 197 5 Binns 196 1 Bischoff 197 6

Y O F WORK S CITE D cial Structur e a s Doom : Th e Limit s o f Herois m i n Beowulf." I n Burlin/Irvin g 1974 , pp . 37-79 . Berkhout, Car l T . "Som e Note s o n th e O E Almsgiving." ELN 10 (1972-3), 81-5 . . "Feld dennade —Again." ELN 11 (1974) , 161-2 . and James F . Doubleday . "Th e Ne t i n Judith 46b 54a." N M 7 4 (1973) , 630-4 . and Milto n McC . Gatch , eds . AS Scholarship: The First Three Centuries. Boston : G . K . Hall , 1982 . Bessinger, Jes s B. , Jr . "Beowulf and th e Har p a t Sut ton Hoo. " UTQ 2 7 (1958) , 148-68 . . "Maldon an d th e Oldfsdrdpa: An Historica l Ca veat." CL 14 (1962) , 23-35 . . "Th e Sutto n Ho o Harp-Replic a an d O E Musical Verse." I n Creed 1967b , pp . 3-26 . . "Homag e t o Caedmo n an d Others : A Beowul fian Prais e Song. " I n Burlin/Irvin g 1974 , pp . 9 1 106. and Rober t P . Creed , eds . Franciplegius: Medieval and Linguistic Studies in Honor of Francis Peabody Magoun, Jr. Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1965. and Stanle y J . Kahrl, eds . Essential Articles for the Study of OE Poetry. Hamden , Conn : Archo n Books , 1968. and Phili p H . Smith , Jr. , eds . A Concordance to Beowulf. Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1969 . . A Concordance to The A-S Poetic Records. Ithac a and London : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1978 . and Rober t F . Yeager , eds . Approaches to Teaching Beowulf. Ne w York : Moder n Languag e Associ ation o f America , 1984 . Bethurum, Dorothy . "Th e For m o f JEUhc's Lives of Saints." SP 29 (1932) , 515-33 . . "Stylisti c Feature s o f th e O E Laws. " MLR 27 (1932), 263-79 . , ed . The Homilies ofWulfstan. Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1957 . . "Episcopa l Magnificenc e i n th e Elevent h Cen tury." I n Greenfiel d 1963b , pp . 162-70 . . "Wulfstan. " I n Stanley 1966b , pp . 210-46 . Biddle, Martin . "Felix Urbs Winthonia: Winchester i n the Ag e o f Monasti c Reform. " I n Parsons 1975 , pp . 123-40. Binns, A . L . "Ohtherian a VI : Ohthere' s Norther n Voyage." EGS 7 (1961) , 43-52 . Bischoff, Bernhard . "Turning-Point s i n th e History of Latin Exegesi s i n th e Earl y Middl e Ages. " I n Biblical Studies: The Medieval Irish Contribution, ed . Mar -


Bjork 198 0 Bjork 198 5 Blair Blake 196 2 Blake 196 4 Blake 196 5 Blake 197 8 Bliss 196 7 Bliss 197 2 Bliss/Frantzen 197 6 Bloomfield 196 4 Bloomfield 196 8 Boenig 198 0 Bollard 197 3 Bolton 196 7 Bolton 196 8 Bolton 197 1 Bolton 198 5 Bonjour 195 0 Bonjour 195 7 Bonjour 196 2 Bonner 197 3 Bonner 197 6

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tin McNamara . Dublin : Dominica n Publications , 1976, pp . 74-164 Bjork, Rober t E . "Oppresse d Hebrew s an d th e Son g of Azaria s i n th e O E Daniel." SP yy (1980) , 213-26 . . The OE Verse Saints' Lives: A Study in Direct Discourse and the Iconography of Style. Toronto , Buffalo , and London : Universit y o f Toront o Press , 1985 . See Hunte r Blair . Blake, N . F . "Caedmon's Hymn." N&Q 20 7 [n.s . 9 ] (1962), 243-6 . , ed . The Phoenix. Manchester : Mancheste r Uni versity Press , 1964 . . "The Battle of Maldon." Neophil 4 9 (1965) , 332 45. 'Th e Genesi s o f The Battle of Maldon." ASE 7 (1978), 119-29 . Bliss, Ala n J . The Metre of Beowulf. Rev . ed . Oxford : Blackwell, 1967 . . 'Th e Origi n an d Structur e o f th e O E Hyper metric Line. " N&Q 21 7 [n.s . 19 ] (1972), 242-8 . and Alle n J . Frantzen . "Th e Integrit y o f Resignation." RES 27 (1976) , 385-402 . Bloomfield, Morton . "Th e For m o f Deor." PMLA 7 9 (1964), 534-41 . "Understandin g O E Poetry. " AnM 9 (1968) , 5 25Boenig, Rober t E . "Andreas, Th e Eucharist , an d Ver celli." JEGP 79 (1980) , 313-31 . Bollard, J . K . "Th e Cotto n Maxims. " Neophil yy (1973) , 179-87. Bolton, Whitne y F . A History of Anglo-Latin Literature 597-1066: I. $9y-y40. Princeton : Princeto n Uni versity Press , 1967 . . " 'Variation ' i n The Battle of Brunanburh." RES 19 (1968), 363-72 . . "Boethius , Alfred , an d Deor Again. " M P 6 9 (1971-2), 222-7 . . "Ho w Boethia n i s Alfred' s Boethius? " I n Szar mach 1985 , pp . 153-68 . Bonjour, Adrien . The Digressions in Beowulf. Oxford: Blackwell, 1950 . . "Beowulf and th e Beast s o f Battle. " PMLA 7 2 (i957)/ 563-73 - Rpr . with add . commen t i n Bonjou r 1962. . Twelve Beowulf Papers: 1940-1960, with Additional Comments. Neuchatel: Facult e de s lettres , 1962 . Bonner, Gerald . "Bed e an d Medieva l Civilization. " ASE 2 (1973) , 71-90 . , ed . Famulus Christi. London : S.P.C.K. , 1976 .

[ 3 1 0 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Bonser 195 7 Bonser1963 Boren 196 9 Boren 197 5 Bosworth 185 9 Bosworth/Toller 188 2

Boyd 198 2 Bradley 198 2 Brady 194 3 Braswell 197 8 Brearley/Goodfellow 198 2 Bridges 197 9 Bridges 198 4 Bright/Ramsay 190 7 Britton 197 4 Brockman 197 4 Brodeur 195 9 Brodeur 196 8

Brodeur 197 0

Y O F WORK S CITE D Bonser, Wilfrid . An AS and Celtic Bibliography (4501087). 2 vols. Oxford : Blackwell , 195 7 . The Medical Background of AS England: A Study in History, Psychology, and Folklore. London : Th e Wellcome Historica l Medica l Library , 1963 . Boren, Jame s L . "For m an d Meanin g i n Cynewulf' s Fates of the Apostles." PLL 5 (1969) , 115-22 . . 'Th e Desig n o f th e O E Deor." I n Nichol son/Frese 1975 , pp . 264-76 . Bosworth, Joseph , ed . King Alfred's AS Version of the Compendious History of the World by Orosius. Lon don: Longman , Brown , Gree n an d Longmans , 1859 . , ed . An AS Dictionary. Oxford : Oxfor d Univer sity Press , 1882 . Wit h a Supplement b y Toller . Ox ford: Clarendo n Press , 1921 . Enlarged Addenda and Corrigenda to the Supplement b y Alistai r Campbell . Oxford: Clarendo n Press , 1972 . Boyd, Nina . "Doctrin e an d Criticism : A Revaluatio n of Genesis A." NM 8 3 (1982) , 230-8 . Bradley, S . A . J. , trans . AS Poetry. London , Mel bourne, an d Toronto : J. M . Den t an d Sons , 1982 . Brady, Caroline . The Legends of Ermanaric. Berkele y an d Los Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1943 . Braswell, Bruc e K . "The Dream of the Rood and Aid helm o n Sacre d Prosopopoeia. " MS 4 0 (1978), 461 7Brearley, D . an d M . Goodfellow , trans . "Wulfstan' s Life o f St . Ethelwold : A Translatio n wit h Notes. " Revue de VUniversite d'Ottawa 5 2 (1985) , 377-407 . Bridges, Margaret. "Exordia l Traditio n an d Poeti c In dividuality i n Fiv e O E Hagiographica l Poems. " ES 60 (1979) / 36i-79 . Generic Contrast in OE Hagiographical Poetry. Co penhagen: Rosenkild e an d Bagger , 1984 . Bright, Jame s W . an d Rober t L . Ramsay , eds . Liber Psalmorum: The WS Psalms. Bosto n an d London : D. C. Heat h an d Co. , 1907 . Britton, G . C . "Repetitio n an d Contrast in the OE Later Genesis." Neophil 58 (1974) , 66-73 . Brockman, Benne t A . " 'Heroic' an d 'Christian ' i n Genesis A: Th e Evidenc e o f th e Cai n an d Abe l Epi sode." MLQ 3 5 (1974) , 115-28 . Brodeur, Arthu r G . The Art of Beowulf. Berkele y an d Los Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1959 . . " A Stud y o f Dictio n an d Styl e i n Thre e A- S Narrative Poems. " I n Nordica et Anglica: Studies in Honour of Stefdn Einarsson, ed . A . H . Orrick . Th e Hague an d Paris : Mouton, 1968 , pp . 98-114 . . "Beowulf: One Poe m o r Three? " I n Medieval Lit-


Bromwich 195 0 Brooke 197 0

Brooks, K . 196 1 Brooks, N . 198 4 Brown, A . 198 0 Brown, G . 197 4 Brown, P . 196 9 Brown, W . 196 9 Brown/Foote 196 3 Bruce-Mitford 197 5 Bruce-Mitford 197 9 Bullough 197 2

Burchfield 197 4 Burgert 192 1 Burlin 196 8 Burlin/Irving 197 4 Burrow 195 9

31 1 ]

erature and Folklore Studies: Essays in Honour of Francis Lee Utley, eds . Jerom e Mande l an d Bruc e A . Ro senberg. Ne w Brunswick : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1970, pp . 3-26 . Bromwich, J. I'a. /r Who was th e Translator of th e Pros e Portion o f th e Pari s Psalter?' ' I n Fox/Dickin s 1950 , pp. 289-303 . Brooke, Christophe r N . L . "Historica l Writin g i n En gland betwee n 850-1150/ ' I n La Storiografia Altomedievale, Settimane d i studi o de l centr o italian o d i studi sull'alt o medioev o 1 7 (1970), 223-47 . Brooks, Kennet h R. , ed . Andreas and the Fates of the Apostles. Oxford : Clarendo n Press , 1961 . Brooks, Nicholas . The Early History of the Church of Canterbury. Leicester : Leiceste r Universit y Press , 1984. Brown, Ala n K . "Th e Firedrak e i n Beowulf." Neophil 64 (1980) , 439-60 . Brown, Georg e H. 'Th e Descent-Ascen t Moti f i n Christ II of Cynewulf. " JEGP 73 (1974) , 1-12 . Brown, Peter . Augustine of Hippo: A Biography. Berke ley an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1969. Brown, Willia m H . "Metho d an d Styl e i n th e O E Pastoral Care." JEGP 68 (1969) , 666-84 . Brown, Arthu r an d Pete r Foote , eds . Early English and Norse Studies. London : Methue n an d Co. , 1963 . Bruce-Mitford, Ruper t L . S . The Sutton-Hoo Ship Burial. 3 vols , i n 4 . London : Britis h Museu m Publica tions, 1975-83 . , et al. The Sutton-Hoo Ship Burial: Reflections after Thirty Years. York : William Session , 1979 . Bullough, D . A . "Th e Educationa l Traditio n i n Eng land fro m Alfre d t o i€lfric : Teachin g Utriusque Linguae." I n La Scuola nell'Occidente Latino dell'Alto Medioevo, Settimane d i studio del centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioev o 1 9 (1972), 453-94 / 547-54 . Burchfield, Rober t W . "Th e Prosodi c Terminolog y o f A-S Scholars. " I n Burlin/Irvin g 1974 , pp . 171-202 . Burgert, Edward . The Dependence of Part I of Cynewulf fs Christ upon the Antiphonary. Washington , D.C. : Catholic Universit y o f America , 1921 . Burlin, Rober t B . The OE Advent: A Typological Commentary. YS E 168 . Ne w Have n an d Londo n 1968 . and Edwar d B . Irving , Jr. , eds . OE Studies in Honour of John C. Pope. Toront o an d Buffalo : Uni versity o f Toront o Press , 1974 . Burrow, Joh n A . "A n Approac h t o The Dream of the Rood." Neophil 43 (1959) , 123-33 .

[ 3 1 2 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Cable 197 1 Cable 1984 Caie 1976 Caie 1978 Caie 1979 Calder 1971a Calder 1971 b Calder 1972 a Calder 1972 b Calder 1972 c Calder 197 5 Calder 1979 a Calder 1979 b Calder 198 1 Calder 198 2

Calder/Allen 197 6

Calder/ef al. 1983

Camargo 198 1 Cameron 198 2 Cameron 198 3 Campbell, A . 1938 Campbell, A . 1949

Y O F WORKS CITE D Cable, Thomas . "Constraint s o n Anacrusi s i n O E Meter." MP 6 9 (1971-2), 97-104 . . "O E Prosody. " I n Bessinger/Yeage r 1984 , p p. 173-8. Caie, Graha m D . The Judgment Day Theme in OE Poetry. Copenhagen : Nova , 1976 . . "Th e OE Daniel: A Warnin g Agains t Pride. " ES 59 (1978) , 1-9 . Bibliography of Junius XI MS. Copenhagen : De partment o f English , Universit y o f Copenhagen , 1979. Calder, Danie l G . "Perspectiv e an d Movemen t i n The Ruin." NM 7 2 (1971), 442-5 . . "Settin g and Mode in The Seafarer and The Wanderer." NM 7 2 (1971), 264-75 . . "Settin g an d Ethos : The Pattern o f Measur e an d Limit i n Beowulf." SP 69 (1972), 21-37 . . "Them e an d Strategy i n Guthlac B." PLL 8 (1972), 227-42. . "Th e Vision of Paradise: A Symbolic Readin g of the O E Phoenix." ASE 1 (1972), 167-81 . . "Guthlac A an d Guthlac B: Som e Discrimina tions." I n Nicholson/Fres e 1975 , pp. 65-80 . , ed . OE Poetry: Essays on Style. Berkele y an d Los Angeles: Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1979. . "Th e Stud y o f Styl e i n O E Poetry : A Historica l Introduction." I n Calde r 1979a , p p . 1-65 . . Cynewulf. Boston : Twayne , 1981. . "Historie s an d Survey s o f O E Literature : A Chronological Review. " ASE 1 0 (1982), 201-44 . and M . J . B . Allen, trans . Sources and Analogues of OE Poetry: The Major Latin Sources in Translation. Cambridge an d Totowa, NJ : D. S. Brewer/Rowma n and Littlefield , 1976 . , R . E . Bjork , P . K . Ford , an d D . F . Melia, trans . Sources and Analogues of OE Poetry 11: The Major Germanic and Celtic Texts in Translation. Cambridg e an d Totowa, NJ : D. S. Brewer/Barne s an d Noble , 1983. Camargo, Martin . "Th e Fin n Episod e an d th e Trag edy o f Revenge i n Beowulf." I n Wittig 1981 , pp. 12034Cameron, M . L . "The Sources o f Medical Knowledg e in A- S England." ASE 1 1 (1982), 135-55 . . "Bald' s leechbook: Its Source s an d Thei r Us e in its Compilation. " ASE 1 2 (1983), 153-82 . Campbell, Alistair , ed . The Battle of Brunanburh. Lon don: W . Heinemann , 1938 . , ed . Encomium Emmae Reginae. Camde n 3r d ser. London: Roya l Historica l Society , 1949 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY O F WORK S CITE D [ Campbell, A . 195 0 Campbell, A . 195 3 Campbell, A . 1962 a Campbell, A . 1962 b

Campbell, A . 196 7 Campbell, J . 195 1 Campbell, J . 1959 Campbell, J . 1965 Campbell, ] . 1971 Campbell, J. 1972 Campbell, J. 1975 Campbell, J. 1978

Campbell, J . 198 2 Campbell, Jas . 198 2 Campbell, T . 197 8 Capek 197 1 Carlson 197 5 Carlson 197 8

Carlton 197 0

31 3 ]

, ed . Frithegodi Monachi Breviloquium Vitae Beati Wilfredi et Wulfstani Cantoris Narratio Metrica de Sancto Swithuno. Zurich : Thesauri Mundi , 1950 . ——, ed . The Tollemache Orosius. EEM F 3 . Copen hagen: Rosenkild e an d Bagger , 1953 . ed. The Chronicle of /Ethelweard. London : Nelso n and Co. , 1962 . . 'Th e Ol d Englis h Epi c Style. " I n English and Medieval Studies: Presented to J. R. R. Tolkien on the Occasion of his joth Birthday, eds . N . Davi s an d C . L. Wrenn . London : Georg e Alle n an d Unwin , 1962 , pp. 13-26 . , ed . JEthelwulf De Abbatibus. Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1967 . Campbell, Jackso n J . "Th e Dialec t Vocabular y o f th e OE Bede. " JEGP 50 (1951) , 349-72 . , ed . The Advent Lyrics of the Exeter Book. Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1959 . . "Learne d Rhetori c i n O E Poetry. " MP 6 3 (1965 6), 189-201 . . "Schemati c Techniqu e i n Judith." ELH 38 (1971) , 155-72. . "Cynewulf' s Multipl e Revelations. " Medievalia et Humanistica 3 (1972) , 257-77. . " A Certai n Power. " Neophil 59 (1975) , 128-38 . . "Adaptation s o f Classica l Rhetori c i n O E Liter ature." In Medieval Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Medieval Rhetoric, ed . J . J . Murphy . Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1978 , pp . 173-97 . . "T o Hell an d Back : Latin Tradition an d Literar y Use o f th e 'Descensu s a d Inferos ' i n OE. " Viator 13 (1982), 107-58 . Campbell, James , ed . The Anglo-Saxons. Ithaca : Cor nell Universit y Press , 1982 . Campbell, Thoma s P . "Themati c Unit y i n th e O E Physiologus." Archiv 21 5 (1978) , 73-9 . Capek, Michae l J . "Th e Nationalit y o f a Translator : Some Note s o n th e Synta x o f Genesis B." Neophil 55 (1971), 89-96 . Carlson, Ingvar , ed . The Pastoral Care Edited from British Museum MS Cotton Otho B. ii, Par t I . Stockhol m Studies i n Englis h 3 4 (1975) . , ed . The Pastoral Care Edited from British Library MS Cotton Otho B. ii, Par t II, complete d b y Lars-G . Hallander, wit h Mattia s Lofvenber g an d Alari k Ry nell. Stockhol m Studie s i n Englis h 4 8 (1978) . Carlton, Charles . Descriptive Syntax of the OE Charters. The Hague : Mouton , 1970 .



Carniceili 196 9

Carroll 195 2 Cassidy 196 5 Cassidy/Ringler 197 1

CCSL De Marc o 196 8 Fraipont 195 5 Gebauer/Lofstedt 198 0 Glorie 196 8 Jones, Q.let al. 195 5

Chadwick, H . 198 1 Chadwick, H . M . 191 2 Chamberlain 197 5 Chambers 191 2 Chambers 193 2 Chambers 195 9 Chambers/ef al. 193 3 Chaplais 197 3

Chase, C . 197 4

Carniceili, Thoma s A. , ed . King Alfred's Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies. Cambridge , Mass : Harvar d University Press , 1969 . Carroll, Benjami n H . "A n Essa y o n th e Walthe r Leg end." Florida State Univ. Studies 5 (1952) , 123-79 . Cassidy, Frederi c G . "Ho w Fre e wa s th e A- S Scop? " In Bessinger/Cree d 1965 , p p. 75-85 . and Richar d N . Ringler , eds . Bright's OE Grammar and Reader. 3r d ed . Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t and Winston , 1971 . De Marco, Maria , ed . Ars Tatvini. Vol . 133 . Turnhout : Typographi Brepols , 1968 . Fraipont, J. , ed . Bedae Venerabilis Opera: Pars IV . Opera Rhythmica. Vol . 122 . Turnhout: Typograph i Bre pols, 1955 . Gebauer, G . J . an d Beng t Lofstedt , eds . Bonifati (Vnfreth) Ars Grammatica. Vol . 133B . Tourhout : Ty pographi Brepols , 1980 . Glorie, F. , ed . Collectiones Aenigmatum Merovingicae Aetatis. Vol . 133 . Turnhout : Typograph i Brepols , 1968. Jones, C . W. , et al. eds . Bedae opera. Vols . 118-2 3 (eventually comprisin g 1 0 vols.) . Turnhout : Typo graphi Brepols , 1955- . Chadwick, Henry . Boethius: The Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology and Philosophy. Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1981 . Chadwick, Hecto r M . The Heroic Age. Cambridge Cambridge Universit y Press , 1912 . Chamberlain, David . 'Judith: A Fragmentar y an d Po litical Poem. " I n Nicholson/Fres e 1975 , pp. 135-59 . Chambers, Raymon d W. , ed . Widsith: A Study in OE Heroic Legend. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1912 . . On the Continuity of English Prose from Alfred to More and His School. EETS 191A . Londo n 1932 . . Beowulf. An Introduction to the Study of the Poem. 3rd ed . Wit h supplemen t b y C . L . Wrenn . Cam bridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1959 . , Ma x Forster , an d Robi n Flower , eds . The Exeter Book of OE Poetry. Bradford : P . Lund , Humphrie s and Co. , 1933 . Chaplais, P . "Wh o Introduce d Charter s int o En gland? Th e Cas e fo r Augustine. " I n Prisca Munimenta, ed . F . Ranger . London : Universit y o f Lon don Press , 1973 , pp . 88-107 . Chase, Colin . "God' s Presenc e Throug h Grac e a s th e


Chase, C . 198 1 Chase, C . L . 198 0 Chase, W . 192 2 Cherniss 197 2 Chickering 197 1 Chickering 197 6 Chickering 197 7 Cilluffo 198 0 Cilluffo 198 1

Clark, C . 196 8 Clark, C . 197 1 Clark, G . 196 5 Clark, G . 196 8 Clark, G . 197 9 Clark Hall/Merit t i96 0 Clark, S./Wasserma n 197 9 Clement 198 5 Clemoes 1959 a Clemoes 1959 b Clemoes i96 0

31 5 ]

Theme o f Cynewulf' s Christ II an d th e Relation ship o f thi s Them e t o Christ I an d Christ III" ASE 3 (1974) , 87-101 . , ed . The Dating of Beowulf. Toronto , Buffalo , an d London: Universit y o f Toront o Press , 1981 . Chase, Christophe r L. "Christ III, The Dream of the Rood, and Earl y Christia n Passio n Piety. " Viator 1 1 (1980), 11-33. Chase, Waylan d J. , ed . an d trans . The Distichs ofCato. Madison: Universit y o f Wisconsi n Press , 1922 . Cherniss, Michae l D . lngeld and Christ. Th e Hague : Mouton, 1972 . Chickering, Howel l D . "Th e Literar y Magi c o f 'Wi 5 Faerstice'." Viator 2 (1971), 83-104 . . "Som e Context s fo r Bede' s Death-Song." PMLA 91 (1976) , 91-100 . , ed . an d trans . Beowulf: A Dual-Language Edition. Garden City , NY : Ancho r Press/Doubleday , 1977 . Cilluffo, Gilda . "I I dialogo i n pros a Salomone e Saturno del M S CCC C 422. " AION, Filologi a germanic a 2 3 (1980), 121-46 . , ed . an d trans. , II Salomone e Saturno in prosa del MS CCCC 422, wit h appendi x b y Patrizi a Lendi nara. Quadern i d i filologi a germanic a 2 . Palerm o 1981. Clark, Cecily . "JElhic an d Abbo. " ES 4 9 (1968), 30-6 . . "Th e Narrativ e Mod e o f The A-S Chronicle be fore th e Conquest. " I n Clemoes/Hughe s 1971 , pp . 215-35Clark, George . "Th e Travelle r Recognize s hi s Goal : A Theme i n A- S Poetry. " JEGP 64 (1965) , 645-59 . . "The Battle of Maldon: A Heroi c Poem. " Speculum 43 (1968) , 52-71 . . "Th e Her o o f Maldon: Vi r Piu s e t Strenuus. " Speculum 5 4 (1979) , 257-82 . Clark Hall , J . R. , ed . A Concise A-S Dictionary. 4t h ed . with supplemen t b y H . D . Meritt . Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , i960 . Clark, Su e L . an d Julia n N . Wasserman . "Th e Im agery o f The Wanderer." Neophil 63 (1979) , 291-6 . Clement, Richar d W . "Th e Productio n o f th e Pastoral Care: King Alfre d an d Hi s Helpers. " I n Szarmac h 1985, pp . 129-52 . Clemoes, P . A . M. , ed . The Anglo-Saxons: Studies in Some Aspects of Their History and Culture Presented to Bruce Dickins. London : Bowe s an d Bowes , 1959 . . "Th e Chronolog y o f ^Elfric's Work. " I n Cle moes 1959a , pp . 212-47 . . "Th e O E Benedictin e Office , CCC C M S 190 , an d


Clemoes 196 6 Clemoes 196 9 Clemoes 197 0 Clemoes 197 1 Clemoes 197 4

Clemoes 197 9 Clemoes/Hughes 197 1

Clover 198 0 Clubb 192 5 Cockayne 186 4

Colgrave 192 7 Colgrave 194 0 Colgrave 195 6 Colgrave 195 8 Colgrave 195 9 Colgrave 196 8 Colgrave/Mynors 196 9 Condren 198 1 Conlee 197 0

Y O F WORK S CITE D the Relation s betwee n JElfric and Wulfstan : a Re consideration." Anglia 7 8 (1960) , 265-83 . . 'TElfric. " I n Stanle y 1966b , pp . 176-209 . . ''Mens absentia cogitans i n The Seafarer and The Wanderer." In Pearsall/Waldro n 1969 , pp . 62-77 . . Rhythm and Cosmic Order in OE Christian Literature: An Inaugural Lecture. Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press , 1970 . . "Cynewulf' s Imag e o f th e Ascension. " I n Cle moes/Hughes 1971 , pp . 293-304 . . "Th e Compositio n o f th e O E Text. " I n The OE Illustrated Hexateuch, eds. C . R . Dodwel l an d Pete r Clemoes. EEM F 18 . Copenhagen : Rosenkild e an d Bagger, 1974 , pp . 42-53 . . "Actio n i n Beowulf and Ou r Perceptio n o f It. " In Calde r 1979a , pp . 147-68 . and Kathlee n Hughes , eds . England before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Whitelock. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1971 . Clover, Caro l J . "Th e Germani c Contex t o f th e Un ferj> Episode. " Speculum 55 (1980) , 444-68 . Clubb, Merre l D. , ed . Christ and Satan: An OE Poem. YSE 70 . Ne w Have n 1925 . Rpr . Hamden , Conn : Archon Books , 1972 . Cockayne, Thoma s O. , ed . Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England. 3 vols. London : He r Maj esty's Stationar y Office , 1864-6 . Rpr . Krau s Re print, 1965 . Colgrave, Bertram , ed . The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1927 . , ed . Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert. Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , 1940 . , ed . Felix's Life of Saint Guthlac. Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , 1956 . , ed . The Paris Psalter. EEM F 8. Copenhagen : Ro senkilde an d Bagger , 1958 . . "Th e Earliest Saints' Lives Written in England. " PBA 44 (1959) , 35-60 . , ed . The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great. Law rence, Kansas : Universit y o f Kansa s Press , 1968 . and R . A . B . Mynors , eds . an d trans . Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Oxford: Clar endon Press , 1969 . Condren, Edwar d I . "Deor' s Artisti c Triumph. " I n Wittig 1981 , pp . 62-76 . Conlee, Joh n W . " A Not e o n Vers e Compositio n i n the Meters of Boethius." NM 7 1 (1970), 576-85 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY O F WORK S CITE D [ Conner 198 0 Cook 190 9

Cook 191 9 Cook/Pitman 192 1 Cordasco 194 9 Courcelle 196 7 Cox 197 2 Crawford 192 1 Crawford 192 2 Crawford 192 7 Crawford 192 9 Creed 195 9 Creed 1967 a Creed 1967 b Creed 197 5 Cross 195 6 Cross 195 7 Cross 1961 a Cross 1961 b Cross 196 2

31 7 ]

Conner, Patric k W . 'Th e Liturg y an d th e O E 'De scent int o Hell'. " JEGP 79 (1980) , 179-91 . Cook, Alber t S. , ed . The Christ of Cynewulf. 2nd ed . Boston: Gin n an d Co. , 1909 . Rpr . wit h Preface by J . C . Pope . Hamden , Conn : Archo n Books , 1964. , ed . The OE Elene, Phoenix, and Physiologus. Ne w Haven: Yal e Universit y Press , 1919 . , ed . The OE Physiologus, Text and Prose Translation. Verse Translation by James Hall Pitman. Ne w Haven: Yal e Universit y Press , 1921 . Cordasco, Francesco . "Th e O E Physiologus: Its Prob lems." MLQ 1 0 (1949), 351-5 . Courcelle, Pierr e P . La Consolation de philosophie dans la tradition litteraire. Paris : Etude s augustinennes , 1967. Cox, Rober t S. ; ed . "Th e OE Diets of Cato. " Anglia 90 (1972), 1-42 .

Crawford, Samue l J. , ed . Exameron Anglice, or the OE Hexameron. BaP 10 . Hamburg : Henr i Grand , 1921 . . The OE Version of the Heptateuch, /Elfric's Treatise on the Old and New Testament and his Preface to Genesis. EET S 160 . Londo n 1922 . , ed . The Gospel of Nicodemus. Edinburgh : I . B . Hutchen, 1927 . , ed . Byrhtferth's Manual (A. D. 1011). EET S 177 . London 1929 . Creed, Rober t P . "Th e Makin g o f a n A- S Poem. " ELH 26 (1959) , 445-54 . Rpr . i n Bessinger/Kahr l 1968 , pp . 363-73. "Th e Ar t o f th e Singer : Three O E Tellings o f th e Offering o f Isaac. " I n Cree d 1967b , pp . 69-92 . , ed . OE Poetry: Fifteen Essays. Providence: Brow n University Press , 1967 . . "Widsith' s Journe y Throug h Germani c Tradi tion." I n Nicholson/Fres e 1975 , pp . 376-87 . Cross, Jame s E . " 'Ubi Sunt ' Passage s i n Ol d En glish—Sources an d Relationships. " Vetenskaps-Societetens i Lund, Arsbok (1956), pp . 25-44 . . "Th e Dr y Bone s Speak — A Theme i n Som e O E Homilies." JEGP 56 (1957) , 434-9 . . "y^Elfri c and th e Medieval Homiliary—Objectio n and Contribution. " Scripta Minora Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum Lundensis 1961-2, no . 4 . . "O n th e Genr e o f The Wanderer." Neophil 4 5 (1961), 63-75. Rpr . i n Bessinger/Kahrl 1968 , pp . 515 32.

. "Th e O E Poeti c Them e o f 'Th e Gift s o f Men'. " Neophil 46 (1962) , 66-70 .

[ 3 * 8 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Cross 1963 Cross 1964 Cross 1965 Cross 1967 Cross 1969a

Cross 1969b Cross 1972 Cross 1974

Cross 1977 Cross 1981

Cross 1982 Cross 1985 a Cross 1985 b Cross/Hill 198 2 Cross/Tucker i96 0 Crossley-Holland 197 9 Crowne i96 0

CSEL Huemer 188 5 Huemer 198 1 McKinlay 195 1

Cummings 198 0

Y O F WORK S CITE D . "Aspect s o f Microcos m an d Macrocos m i n O E Literature." I n Greenfiel d 1963b , pp . 1-22 . . 'Th e 'Coeterna l Beam ' i n th e O E Advent Poe m (Christ I) 11. 104-129. " Neophil 47 (1964) , 72-81 . . "Oswal d an d Byrhtnoth : A Christia n Sain t an d a Her o wh o i s Christian. " ES 46 (1965) , 93-109 . . "Th e Conceptio n o f th e O E Phoenix." In Cree d 1967b, pp . 129-52 . . 'TElfric—Mainl y o n Memor y an d Creativ e Method i n Two Catholic Homilies." SN 41 (1969), 135 55-—. "Th e Metrica l Epilogu e t o th e O E Versio n o f Gregory's Cura Pastoralis." NM 7 0 (1969) , 381-6 . . "Th e Literat e A-S—O n Source s an d Dissemi nations." PEA 5 8 (1972) , 67-100 . . "Mainl y o n Philolog y an d th e Interpretativ e Criticism o f Maldon." In Burlin/Irving 1974 , pp . 235 53. "Tw o Saint s i n th e OE Martyrology ." NM 7 8 (1977), 101-7 . . "Th e Influenc e o f Iris h Texts an d Tradition s o n the OE Martyrology." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Acad. 81C (1981) , 173-92 . . "Saints ' Live s i n OE : Lati n Manuscript s an d Vernacular Accounts : th e OE Martyrology." Peritia 1 (1982), 38-62 . . "Th e Latinit y o f th e Ninth-Centur y O E Martyrologist." I n Szarmach 1985 , pp . 275-99 . . "O n th e Librar y o f th e O E Martyrologist. " I n Lapidge/Gneuss 1985 , pp . 227-49 . and Thoma s D . Hill , eds . The Prose Solomon and Saturn and Adrian and Ritheus. Toronto , Buffal o an d London: Universit y o f Toront o Press , 1982 . and Susi e I . Tucker . "Allegorica l Traditio n an d the O E Exodus." Neophil 44 (i960) , 122-7 . Crossley-Holland, Kevin , trans . The Exeter Book Riddles. Harmondsworth : Pengui n Books , 1979 . Crowne, Davi d K . "Th e Her o o n th e Beach : A n Ex ample o f Compositio n b y Them e i n A- S Poetry. " NM 6 1 (i960) , 362-72 . Huemer, Johann , ed . Sedulii Opera Omnia. Vol . 10 . Vienna: C . Gerol d an d Son , 1885 . , ed . Gai Vetti Aquilini luvenci: Evangeliorum Liber Quattuor. Vol . 24 . Vienna : F . Tempsky , 1891 . McKinlay, Arthu r P. , ed . Aratoris Subdiaconi De Actibus Apostolorum. Vol . 72 . Vienna : Hoelder-Pichler Tempsky, 1951 . Cummings, Michael . "Paire d Opposite s i n Wulf -


Curtius 195 3

Dalbey 196 9 Dalbey 197 3 Dalbey 197 8 Dalbey 198 0 Damico 198 4 Dammers 197 6 Dane 198 0 Das 194 2 Davis 197 1 Dawson 196 2 Day 197 4 Deanesly 196 1 De Marc o 196 8 Derolez 195 4 Derolez 197 1 Derolez 198 1 Deug-Su 198 3 De Vrien d 198 4 Diamond 196 3 Dickins/Ross 195 4 Diekstra 197 1

31 9 ]

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Elliott 1953 a Elliott 1953 b Elliott 195 5 Elliott 195 9 Elliott 196 2 Emerton 194 0 Endter 192 2 Erhardt-Siebold 194 9 Esposito 191 3 Evans 196 3 Evans/Serjeantson 193 3

32 1 ]

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[ 3 3 8 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Leslie 195 9

Leslie 196 1 Leslie 196 6 Leslie 196 8 Leslie 197 9 Leslie 198 3 Letson 197 8 Letson 1979 a Letson 1979 b Letson 198 0 Levison 190 5 Levison 193 5 Levison 194 6 Leyerle 196 5 Leyerle 196 7 Liebermann 190 3 Liggins 197 0 Liggins 198 5 Linderski 196 4 Lipp 196 9 Loewe 196 9

Lone 190 7

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33 9 ]

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Malone 196 9 Mandel 197 7 Marenbon 198 1 Marino, C . 198 1 Marino, M . 197 8 Markland 196 8 Marquardt 193 8 Martin 198 2 Mayr-Harting 197 2 Meaney 198 4 Meindl 196 4 Mellinkoff 197 9

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34 1 ]

Menner, Rober t J. , ed . The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn. Ne w York : Th e Moder n Languag e Association o f America , 1941 . . "Th e Anglia n Vocabular y o f th e Blickling Homilies/' I n Kirby/Wool f 1949 , pp . 56-64 . Metcalf, Alla n A . Poetic Diction in the OE Meters of Boethius. Th e Hagu e an d Paris : Mouton , 1973 . Meyvaert, Paul . "Bed e th e Scholar. " I n Bonne r 1976 , pp. 40-69 .

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[ 3 4 2 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Mitchell 197 5 Mitchell 198 5 Mitchell/Robinson 198 2 Moloney 198 2 Mommsen 189 8 Monnin 197 9 Moore 197 6 Moore/Knott 195 5 Morrell 196 5 Morris 187 4 Morrish 198 5 Murphy 197 0 Napier 188 3

Napier 191 6

Nelson, J . 196 7 Nelson, M . 197 4 Nelson, M . 198 3 Nelson, M . 1984 a Nelson, M . 1984 b Nichols 196 8

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BIBLIOGRAPHY O F WORK S CITE D [ Nichols 197 1 Nicholson 198 0 Nicholson/Frese 197 5 Niles 1980 a Niles 1980 b Niles 198 3 Nitzsche 198 1 Norman 194 9 6 Carrag£i n 198 2 Oetgen 197 5 Ohl 192 8 Ohlgren 1972 a Ohlgren 1972 b Ohlgren 197 5 Olsen 198 1 O'Neill 198 1 Opland 198 0 Orton 1979 a Orton 1979 b Orton 198 1

34 3 ]

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[ 3 4 4 1 BIBLIOGRAPH Y O F WORK S CITE D Orton 1983 a Orton 1983 b Osborn 197 4 Osbom 1978 a Osborn 1978 b Osborn 198 3 Otten 196 4 Paetzel 191 3 Page 197 3 Page 1982 Palmer 1959 Panzer 1910 Parkes 1972

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22 (1979) / 2 0 9 - 3 4 .

Pasternack 1984 Patch 1919 Patch 1935 Payne, F. 1968

Payne, R. 1975 Pearsall 197 7 Pearsall/Waldron 196 9

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Plummer 189 6 Pope 196 5 Pope 196 6 Pope 196 7 Pope 196 9 Pope 197 4 Pope 1981 a Pope 1981 b Porsia 197 6 Potter 193 9 Potter 194 7 Potter 194 9 Potter 195 3 Pringle 197 5 Proppe 197 3

34 5 ]

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[ 3 4 6 ] BIBLIOGRAPH Puhvel 197 9 Quentin 190 8 Quirk 196 3 Quirk/Wrenn 195 8 Raine 187 9 Raith 193 3

Raith 195 6 Rankin 198 5 Raw 197 6 Raw 197 8 Ray 197 6 Regan 197 0 Reichardt 197 4 Reinsma 197 7 Renoir 196 2 Renior 196 5 Renoir 196 7 Renoir 197 5 Renoir 197 7 Renoir 1978 a

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Robinson 1968 Robinson 1970 Robinson 1975 Robinson 1976 Robinson 1979a

34 7 ]

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Roberts, Jane. " A Metrical Examination of the Poems Guthlac A and Guthlac B." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 71C (1971), 91-137. , ed . The Guthlac Poems of the Exeter Book. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1979. . "Th e OE Prose Translation of Felix's Vita sancti Guthlaci." I n Szarmach 1985, pp. 363-79. Robertson, Agne s J., ed . The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I. Cambridge : Cam bridge University Press, 1925. , ed . A-S Charters. Cambridge : Cambridg e Uni versity Press, 1939. Robertson, D . W . "Th e Doctrine of Charity in Medieval Literary Gardens: A Topical Approach through Symbolism an d Allegory." Speculum 2 6 (1951), 2449-

Robinson, Fred . C . "Som e Use s o f Name-meaning s in OE Poetry." NM 69 (1968), 161-71. . "Lexicograph y an d Literar y Criticism : A Ca veat." In Rosier 1970b, pp. 99-110. . "Artfu l Ambiguitie s i n th e O E 'Book-Moth ' Riddle." In Nicholson/Frese 1975 , pp. 355-62. . "Som e Aspect s o f th e Maldon Poet' s Artistry." JEGP 75 (1976) , 25-40. . "God , Death , an d Loyalty i n The Battle of Maldon." I n /. R. R. Tolkien, Scholar and Storyteller, eds . M. Salu and R. T. Farrell. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press , 1979 , pp. 76-98.

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Sheerin 197 8 Shepherd 195 2 Shepherd 196 6 Sherley-Price 195 5 Shippey 197 2 Shippey 197 6 Shippey 197 8 Shippey 197 9 Shook i96 0 Shook 196 1 Short 1976 a Short 1976 b Short 1980 a

Dream o f th e Rood/ ' I n Philologische Studien: Gedenkschrift fur Richard Kienast, eds . U . Schwa b an d E. Stutz . Heidelberg : Car l Winter , 1978 , pp . 1 3 1 92. . "Nochmal s zu m ag s Waldere nebe n de m Waltharius." BGdSL 10 1 (1979)/ 229-51 , 347-68 . . ' T h e Miracle s o f Caedmon. " ES 6 4 (1983) , 1 Scragg, D . G . ' T h e Compilatio n o f th e Vercell i Book/ ' ASE 2 (1973) , 189-207 . . "Th e Corpu s o f Vernacula r Homilie s an d Pros e Saints' Live s befor e JEliric." ASE, 8 (1979) , 223-77 . , ed . The Battle of Maldon. Manchester : Manches ter Universit y Press , 1981 . Sedgefield, Walte r J. , ed . King Alfred's OE Version of Boethius De Consolatione Philosophiae. Oxford: Clar endon Press , 1899 ; trans . 1900 . Rpr . Darmstadt : Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft , 1968 . Sheerin, D . J . "Th e Dedicatio n o f th e Ol d Minster , Winchester, i n 980. " Rb 8 8 (1978) , 261-73 . Shepherd, Geoffrey . "Th e Source s o f th e O E Kentish Hymn." MLN 6 7 (1952) , 395-7 . . "Scriptura l Poetry. " I n Stanle y 1966b , pp . 1-36 . Sherley-Price, L . Bede: A History of the English Church and People. Harmondsworth : Pengui n Books , 1955 . Rpr. an d rev . 1965 . Shippey, T . A . OE Verse. London : Hutchinso n an d Co., 1972 . , ed . Poems of Wisdom and Learning in OE. Cam bridge an d Totowa , NJ : D. S . Brewer/Rowma n an d Littlefield, 1976 . . Beowulf. London: Edwar d Arnold , 1978 . . "Wealt h an d Wisdo m i n Kin g Alfred' s Preface to th e O E Pastoral Care." EHR 9 4 (1979) , 346-55 . Shook, Laurenc e K . "Th e Buria l Moun d i n Guthlac A." MP 5 8 (1960-1) , 1 - 1 0 .

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Smalley 198 3 Smetana 195 9 Smetana 196 1 Smetana 196 7 Smith 193 3 Smithers 195 7 Solo 197 3

35 1 ]

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Twomey 198 3 Ure 195 7 van d e Vyve r 193 5 van Drat t 191 6 Vaughan-Sterling 198 3 Vickrey 196 9 Vickrey 1972 a Vickrey 1972 b Vickrey 197 7 Vickrey 198 2 Vleeskruyer 195 3 Voigts 197 9 von Antropof f 196 5 Wallace-Hadrill 1971 a Wallace-Hadrill 1971 b Walsh 197 7 Walsh 198 1 Wanley 170 5

35 5 ]

Trask, Richar d M . "The Descent into Hell o f th e Exete r Book." NM 7 2 (1971) , 419-35 . Tristram, Hildegar d L . C , ed . Vier ae Predigten aus der heterodoxen Tradition. Freiburg : Albert-Ludwig s Universitat, 1970 . Tuggle, Thoma s T . "Th e Structur e o f Deor." SP 7 4 (1977), 229-42 . Turville-Petre, Joan . "Th e Narrativ e Styl e i n OE. " I n Iceland and the Medieval World: Studies in Honour of Ian Maxwell, eds . G . Turville-Petr e an d J . S . Mar tin. Melbourne : n.p. , 1974 , pp . 116-25 . Twomey, Michae l W . "O n Readin g Bede's Death Song." NM 8 4 (1983) , 171-81 . Ure, Jame s M. , ed . The Benedictine Office: An OE Text. Edinburgh: Edinburg h Universit y Press , 1957 . van d e Vyver , A . "Le s oeuvre s inedite s d'Abbo n d e Fleury." Rb 47 (1935) , 123-69 . van Draat , P . Fijn . "Th e Authorshi p o f th e O E Bede : A Stud y o f Rhythm. " Anglia 3 9 (1916) , 319-46 . Vaughan-Sterling, Judit h A . ' T h e A- S Metrical Charms: Poetry a s Ritual. " JEGP 82 (1983) , 186-200 . Vickrey, Joh n F . "Th e Visio n o f Ev e i n Genesis B." Speculum 4 4 (1969) , 86-102 . . "Exodus an d th e Battl e i n th e Sea. " Traditio 2 8 (1972), 119-40 . . "Exodus an d th e Treasur e o f Pharaoh. " ASE 1 (1972), 159-65 . . "Th e Narrativ e Structur e o f Hengest' s Reveng e in Beowulf." ASE 6 (1977) , 91-103 . . "Som e Hypothese s Concernin g The Seafarer, Lines 1-47. " Archiv 21 9 (1982) , 57-77 . Vlesskruyer, R. , ed . The Life of St. Chad. Amsterdam : North Holland , 1953 . Voigts, Lind a E . "A- S Plant Remedie s an d th e Anglo Saxons." Isis 7 0 (1979), 250-68 . von Antropoff , R . Die Entwicklung der Kenelm-Legende. Bonn: Universita t Bonn , 1965 . Wallace-Hadrill, J . M . " A Backgroun d t o St . Boni face's Mission. " I n Clemoes/Hughe s 1971 , pp. 3 5 48. . Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent. Oxford : Clarendo n Press , 1971 . Walsh, Mari e M . "Th e Baptisma l Floo d i n th e O E 'Andreas': Liturgica l an d Typologica l Depths. " Traditio 33 (1977 ) 137-58 . . "St . Andre w i n A- S England : th e Evolutio n o f an Apocrypha l Hero. " AnM 2 0 (1981) , 97-122 . Wanley, Humphrey . Librorum Veterum Septentrional-


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35 7 ]

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Wormald, Francis . The Miniatures in the Gospels of St. Augustine. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1948. . The Benedictional of St. Ethelwold. London: Fabe r and Faber , 1959 . Wormald, Patrick . "jEthelre d th e Lawmaker." I n Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. Davi d Hill . Oxford : Britis h Archaeologica l Reports, 1978 , pp . 47-80 . Wrenn, Charle s L . "Standar d OE. " TPS (1933) , 6 5 88. . " A Sag a o f th e Anglo-Saxons. " History 25 (1940 1), 208-15 . . "Th e Poetr y o f Caedmon. " PBA 32 (1946), 277 95. Rpr . i n Bessinger/Kahr l 1968 , pp . 407-27 . . "O n th e Continuit y o f Englis h Poetry. " Anglia 76 (1958) , 41-59 . . "Tw o A- S Harps. " CL 1 4 (1962), 118-28 . . A Study of OE Literature. London : Harrap , 1967 ; New York : W. W . Norton , 1968 . , ed . Beowulf with the Finnesburg Fragment. 3r d ed. , rev. b y Whitne y F . Bolton . Ne w York : St . Martin' s Press, 1973 . Wright, Cyri l E . The Cultivation of Saga in A-S England. Edinburgh: Olive r an d Boyd , 1939 . , ed . Bald's Leechbook. EEM F 5. Copenhagen : Ro senkilde an d Bagger , 1955 . Wright, Herber t G . "Goo d an d Evil ; Ligh t an d Dark ness; Joy an d Sorro w i n Beowulf." RES 8 (1957) , 1 11.

Wright, Roger . Late Latin and Early Romance in Spain and Carolingian France. Liverpool : Cairns , 1982 . Wyatt, Alfre d J. , ed . Beowulf with the Finnsburg Frag-


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ment. Rev. b y R . W . Chambers . 2n d ed . Cam bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920. Yerkes, David . The Two Versions of Wserferth's Translation of Gregory's Dialogues: An OE Thesaurus. To ronto, Buffalo , an d London: University of Toronto Press, 1979. , ed . "Th e Ful l Tex t o f th e Metrica l Prefac e t o Wserferth's Translatio n o f Gregory/ ' Speculum 55 (1980), 505-13. Syntax and Style in OE: A Comparison of the Two Versions of Wserferth's Translation of Gregory's Dialogues. Binghamton , NY : Center fo r Medieva l an d Early Renaissance Studies , 1982. — - , ed . The OE Life of Machutus. Toronto , Buffalo , and London: University o f Toronto Press, 1984. . 'Th e Translation of Gregory's Dialogues and its Revision: Textua l History , Provenance , Author ship." In Szarmach 1985, pp. 335-43. Zettersten, Arne , ed . Waldere. Mancheste r an d Ne w York: Manchester University Press/Barnes and Noble, 1979. Zupitza, Julius, ed. JElfric's Grammar und Glossar. Ber lin: Weidmann , 1880 . Rpr . wit h a prefac e b y H . Gneuss. Berlin : Weidmann, 1966. . Beowulf: Autotypes of the Unique Cotton MS Vitellius A. xv. 2nd ed. wit h introductory not e by Norman Davis. EET S 245. London 1959.


THIS INDE X i s designe d t o cove r full y Anglo-Lati n an d Ol d Englis h author s an d works mentione d i n th e tex t and footnotes . I n other respects , i t is highly selective ; it contains n o reference s t o moder n scholar s mentione d eithe r i n tex t or footnotes . It does no t cove r th e Bibliography . Abbo o f Fleury , 29-30 ; Passio S. Eadmundi, 29 ; Quaestiones Grammaticales,


Acta Cyriaci, 171- 4 Acta Sanctorum, 46, 168-7 0 Adamnan: De Locis Sanctis, 6 1 Adelard o f Ghent: Life of St. Dunstan, 7 0 Adoptionism (heresy) , 2 4 Adoration o f th e Magi , i i Adrian and Ritheus, 100 , 26 9 Adso: Libellus Antichristi, 8 9 Advent antiphons , 183- 8 Advent Lyrics. See Christ I y^Elberht, Archbisho p o f York , 2 2 iElfric 6 , 24 , 28-9 , 38 , 37, 63 , 68 , 69 , 71 , 72, 73 , 75-88 , 89 , 95 , 97 ; style, 79-83 , 92-4; adaptatio n o f St . Basil' s Hexameron, 85; biblical translations , 84-5 , 96; Catholic Homilies, 23, 75-82 , 84 , 86, 119; Colloquium, 28-9 , 73, 86-7 ; Glossary, 75, 86, 87 ; Grammar, 75, 86 , 87 ; transla tion o f Gregor y o n Gospels , 262 ; part in O E Heptateuch, 75, 84 ; homil y o n Judith, 222 ; Letter to Sigeweard (On the Old and New Testament), 85 , 222 ; Lives of Saints, 75, 76-83 , 84 ; "On th e Lord' s Prayer," 3, 79-82, 278 ; Pastoral Letters, 87-8, 90 , 95 ; translatio n o f Bede , De Temporibus Anni, 75, 119 ; pros e ab breviation o f Lantfred' s Translatio, 28,

of WulfStan' s Vita S. /Ethelwoldi, 28 , 69-70 iElfric Bata , 6 , 2 9 iEthelberht, kin g o f Kent : Law s of , 106 7, 10 9 ^Ethelred, brothe r o f Alfred , 4 0 i€thelred, King , 90 , 91 , 107 , 110 , 11 3 >€thelstan, kin g o f Wessex , 25 , 68 , 85 , 109, 148-9 , 157 , 24 7 i€thelstan, priest , 4 2 y^Ethelswith, siste r o f Alfred , 3 9 iEthelthryth, St. , 1 9 y^thelweard, 26 , 32 , 52 ; Chronicon, 26 i^Ethelwold, bisho p o f Winchester , 26-9 , 69-71, 73, 86 , 90 ; translato r o f Bene dictine Rule, 27, "Benedictional, " 28 y^Ethelwulf, kin g o f Wessex , 3 9 ^Ethilwald, studen t o f Aldhelm , 1 3 i€thilwulf: De Abbatibus, 24- 5 Aidan, 15 , 24 9 Alcuin, 3 , 6 , 22-5 , 32 , 43 , 223 , 238 ; De Animae Ratione, 24 ; Ars Grammatica, 23 ; De Dialectica, 23; hagiography an d ex egetical works, 24 ; "On th e Sack of th e Monastery a t Lindisfarne," 25 , 91 ; De Orthographia, 23 ; De Rhetorica, 23 ; De Trinitate, 24 ; Versus de Patribus, Regibus et Sanctis Euboricensis Ecclesiae (poem o n York) , 22 , 23 , 24 , 248-9 ; De

[ 3 6 2 ] INDE


Alcuin (continued ) Virtutibus et Vitiis, 23 , 74 ; Vita S. Willibrordi, 24 Aldfrith, kin g o f Northumbria , 10 , 19 5 Aldhelm, 6 , 9-13 , 15 , 19 , 24, 30 , 32 ; Letters, 10 ; metrica l an d computistica l studies, 10 ; style , 11 ; Carmen Rhythmicum, 13 ; /Enigmata, 10 , 12 , 270 ; Epistola ad Acircium, 10 , 12 ; Loricw, 12 ; De Mean's, 10 ; D e Pedum Regulis, 10 ; De Virginitate (De Laude Virginitatis (prose), 10 , 12 , 235 : (poem), 11-12 ; tituli (Carmina Ecclesiastica), 11 Aldhelm, 23 5 Aldred o f Chester-le-Street , 9 6 Alexander th e Great , 9 8 Alfred th e Great , 39-63 , 68 , 72 , 76 , 78 , 83, 85 , 86 , 97 , 111 , 112 , 117 ; revival of learning, 21 , 25 , 42 , 44 , passim ; Will , 114; Anglo-Saxo n Chronicles , 26 , 40 , 57, 59-61 , 68 , 148-50 , 235 , 247-8 , 259 , 262; "Cynewulf-Cynehear d feud, " 60 ; translation o f Augustine' s Soliloquies, 45, 46 , 51-4 , 94 , 113 , 137 ; translatio n of Bede' s Historia Ecclesiastica, 45 , yj9, 273 ; translatio n o f Boethius ' Consolation of Philosophy, 45, 46-51 , 52 , 54,. 95, 24 5 (see also Meters of Boethius); Handbook o r Enchiridion, 41, 53 ; Law s 107, 109 ; Martyrology, 61-2 , 63 ; translation o f Orosius ' History, 55-7 , 59 ; "Voyages o f Ohther e an d Wulfstan, " 56-7; translatio n o f Gregory' s Pastoral Care, 25, 42 , 43-6, 47 , 52 , 54 , 113 , 247; translation o f Pros e Psalm s o f Pari s Psalter, 54-5 , 23 2 Allegory, 8 , 10 , 18 , 48, 78-9 , 85, 119 , 130, 136, 155 , 207-2 6 passim , 239 , 241-5 , 299-300 Alliteration, i n poetry , 122-3 , H3* 2 32> 255-6, 290 ; in prose , 63 , 82-3, 93-6, 11 3 Almsgiving, 26 8 Ambrose, St. , 8 , 1 9 Analogues, 133 , 136 , 154 , 156 , 28 1 Anaphora, 162 , 190 , 262-4 , 272-3 , 28 5 Andreas (poem) , 72 , 74 , 75, 159-66 , 242 ; relationship t o Beowulf, 159 , 18 0 Andreas (prose), 18 0 Andrew, St. , 7 2

Anglo-Latin literature , 2 , 5-37 , 238-40 ; style 8 , 32 : "hermeneutic style, " 8, 26 , 28, 3 0 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. See Alfre d th e Great, Anglo-Saxo n Chronicle s Anglo-Saxon church , 5 Anglo-Saxon curriculu m texts , 7 , 16- 7 Anglo-Saxon Herbal. See Herbarium Apuleii Anglo-Saxon school . See Monastic edu cation Antony, St. , 1 3 Apollonius of Tyre, 96-8 , 99 , 238 , 26 9 Arator: De Actibus Apostolorum, 7 , 1 9 Aristotle, 23 , 9 8 Arnold, Matthew , 1 Ascension. See Christ II (Ascension) Asser, 30 , 39 , 44 , 47 , 48 , 52 ; De Vita et Rebus Gestis Alfredi, 40-1 , 14 8 Augustine, missionar y t o Britain , 8 , 21 , 107, 23 0 Augustine, St . (o f Hippo) , 7 , 8 , 44 , 48 , 50, 77, 92 , 193 , 247 ; City of God, 55; Soliloquies: see Alfred th e Great , trans lation o f Augustine' s Soliloquies; De Videndo Deo, 51 , 5 2 Avitus, Alcimus : Poema(tum) de Mosaicae Historiae Gestis, 7 , 8 , 21 0 Azarias, 218- 9 .B., Anglo-Saxo n monk : Vita S. Dunstani, 27 , 7 0 Bald: Leechbook, 116-8 , 25 6 Barking Abbey , 1 0 Basil, St. : Hexameron. See i€lfric, adap tation o f St . Basil' s Hexameron Battle of Brunanburh, 68, 148-9 , 172 , 24 7 Battle of Maldon, 30, 134 , 148 , 149-54 , 221 > 223 Baudri, 3 2 Bede, 6 , 16-22 , 24 , 29 , 30 , 32 , 43, 63, 77, 234, 249 , 271 ; alphabeti c hymn , 193 , 204; De Arte Metrica, 16-7 ; Ascensio n hymn, 188 , 204 ; Chronica Maiora, 2 0 (see also De Temporum Ratione; De Die Judicii, 19 , 238-40 ; epigram s an d hymns, 18-9 ; Epistola ad Ecgberhtum, 21; exegetical works , 17-8 , 54, 207, 223; Life of St. Felix of Nola, 19 ; poems, 18 9; translation o f Gospel o f St. John, 38,

INDEX [ 84, 96 ; Historia Abbatum, 20 ; Historia Ecclesiastica, 16 , 19 , 20-1 , 22, yj, 60 , 61, 62, 206 , 227-31 ; Martyrology, 19 , 61 ; De Natura Rerum, 16-7 , 119 ; De Orthographia, 16 ; Passi o S . Anastasia, 19 ; D e Schematibus et Tropis, 17 , 120 ; De Temporibus, 17 , 75 , 119 ; De Temporum Ratione, 17 , 20 , 119 ; V7t a S . Cuthberti (poem), 19 , 2 2

Bate's Deaf/ i Song, 264- 5 Be Domes D ^ e . See Judgment Day II Benedict, St. , 43 , 7 1 Benedict o f Aniane , 2 6 Benedict Biscop , 16 , 2 0 Benedictine reform , 26-9 , 68-71 , 90 , 23 2 Benedictine Office. See Wulfstan Benedictine Rule, 68 , 70- 1 Beowulf, 47 , 73 , 98 , 124 , 125 , 126-7 , 12 &' 136-44, 165 , 220 , 255 , 258 , 259 , 280 , 296-7; relationship to Andreas, 159, 180. See also Finn Episode ; Ingel d Episod e Bestiary (Middle English) , 25 2 Bible, book s of : Chronicles , 17 ; Daniel , 216-7, 219 ; Ecclesiastes , 24 ; Ecclesias ticus, 268 ; Esther, 84 ; Exodus, 17 , 213; Ezekiel, 243 ; Ezra, 17 ; Genesis, 7 , 17 , 24, 84 , 85 , 186 , 207 , 243 ; Habakkuk , 17; Job, 84, 244 ; Joshua, 84 ; Judges, 84, 85, 269 ; Judith, 84 , 219 , 221-3 ; KmgS/ 17, 84 ; Maccabees, 84 ; Nehemiah, 17 ; Numbers, 84 ; Proverbs , 17 , 259 ; Psalms, 54 , 184 , 188 , 232 , 267-8 , 299 ; Samuel, 17 ; Song of Songs, 17 , 24, 239; Tobit, 17 ; Wisdom, book s of , 62 ; Acts of th e Apostles , 7 , 18 , 19 ; Ephesians, 184; Epistles , 18 ; John, 38 , 84 ; Luke , 17, 188 ; Mark , 17 ; Matthew , 88 , 188 ; Revelation, 18 , 24 , 243 ; Apocalypse o f Thomas, 73 ; Acts o f St . Andre w an d St. Matthew , 159-63 ; Gospel o f Nico demus, 96 , 199 ; Visio Pauli, 73 , 9 6 Bjarkamdl, 157 Blickling Homilies, 63 , 71-4 , yj, 89 , 138 , 180

Boethius: De Consolatione Philosophiae, 7 , 46-7, 245-7 , 2 ^5, 296 . See also Alfre d the Great , translatio n o f Boethius ' Consolation of Philosophy; Meters of Boethius

36 3 ]

Boniface, 6 , 11 , 13-4 , 15 ; "Apostl e o f Germany/' 13 ; letters, 14 ; Ars Grammatica, 14 ; Enigmata, 1 4 Botulf, St. , 3 1 Brendan, St. , 7 1 "Brunanburh," battl e an d sit e of , 68 , 148, 15 7 Brunanburh. See Battle of Brunanburh Brussels Cross , 19 4 Burgred, kin g o f Mercia , 3 9 Byrhtferth o f Ramsey , n , 29-31 , 119-20 ; "annals," 30 ; Enchiridion (Manual, Handbook), 30, 119-20 ; Vita S. Ecgwini, 30; Vita S. Oswaldi, 30 , 70 , 15 7 Byrhtnoth, 30 ; see also Battle of Maldon Caedmon, 21 , 58, 94, 124 , 206, 219 , 227 31, 249 ; Hymn, 3 , 206 , 224 , 227-31 ; manuscripts of , 22 8 Caedmonian poems , 153 , 20 6 ff . Caesar, Julius , 21 , 56 , 5 9 Caesarius o f Aries , 19 3 Calendar, 234- 5 Candidus, 2 4 Canterbury, 9 , 10 , 12 , 15 , 25, 26 , 27 , 29 , 31, 42 , 61 , 69 , 235 , 27 0 Capture of the Five Boroughs, 248 Carolingian background , 22-3 , 26 , 41-2 ,


Casley, David, 148 , 157 Cedd o f Lichfield , 6 2 Ceolfrith, 16 , 2 0 Chad o f Lichfield , 6 2 Charlemagne, 22-4 , 39-4 1 Charms, 230 , 2^3-8, 274 ; vis-a-vi s riddles, 26 9 Charters, diplomas , wills , 111-6 , 19 3 Chiasmus 81 , 14 3 Christ ( = Christ I-IIl), 179 , 183 , 19 3 Christ I (Advent Lyrics), 126 , 164 , 183-8 , 192, 200 , 20 3

Christ 11 (Ascension), 115 , 164 , 183 , 188 93, 214 , 262 , 280 , 28 8 Christ HI, 164, 193-4 , 198 , 23 7 Christ and Satan, 126, 200-3, 2 °6/ 210 , 221, 280 Christopher, St. , 9 8 Christ's "leaps, " 188 , 191 , 19 6

[ 3 6 4 ] INDE


Eadric, kin g o f Kent : Law s of , 10 8 E(a)dmund, kin g o f Wessex , 29 , 109 , 148, 24 8 Eadwine Psalter, 25 0 Eanbald, archbisho p o f York , 22 , 4 3 Eanberht, bisho p o f Hexham , 6 0 Eardwulf, kin g o f Northumbria , 6 0 107, 110-1 1 Easter, datin g of , 10 , 17 , 58 , 6o , 11 9 Collocations, 125-7 , 2 0 9 ' 2 1 4 / 2 2 4 Ecgberht, kin g o f Wessex , 3 9 Colloquies, 6 ; see also Mine, Colloquium Ecgberht, archbisho p o f York , 21-2 , 43: Cotnitatus, 134-5 , 150 , 159-60 , 196 , 209 , Dialogus Ecclesiastice Institutionis, 22 ; 210 penitential, 22 , j^ Communicatio idiomatum, 197 , 19 8 Ecgwine, St. , bisho p o f Worcester , 3 0 Computus, 10 , 20 , 29-30 , 119-2 0 "Eddius." See Stephanu s Continuity o f Englis h literature , 1- 2 Edgar, King , 27 , 68-71 , 85 , 95, 109 , 110 , Coronation of Edgar, 248 Cotton Librar y fire , 137 , 148 , 245 , 25 4 111, 24 8 Cotton Vitelliu s A.xv . See Manuscripts, Education. See Monastic educatio n Edward th e Confessor , 31 , 61, 113 , 24 8 Cotton Vitelliu s A.x v Edward th e Elder , 25 , 68 , 109 , 11 4 Creed, 232-3 , 23 4 Edward th e Martyr , King , 30 , 9 1 Cuthbert, frien d o f Bede : Epistola CuthEdwin, kin g o f Northumbria , 15 , 58, 23 0 berti de Obitu Bedae, 16, 264- 5 Einhard: Life of Charlemagne, 4 1 Cuthbert, St. , 15-6 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 249 Cynewulf, 115 , 159, 164-76 , 188-93 , 2 0 3 ' Elegiac poetry , 3 , 23 , 126 , 130 , 141-2 , 159, 259 , 261 , 276, 280-9 7 214, 219 , 253 , 254 , 262 , 270 ; see also Christ II; Elene; Fates of the Apostles; Ju- Elene, 74 , 75 , 164 , 167 , 171-6 , 191 , 192 , 221 liana Elias, patriarc h o f Jerusalem , 11 7 Cynewulfian poems , 164 , 22 3 Elphinston(e), John , 15 7 Ely, 8 9 Danelaw, 40 , 10 9 Emma, Queen , 3 1 Danes. See Vikings Encomium Emmae, 31 Daniel, 206 , 216-9 , 2 2 1 Encomium urbis, 248-9 , 28 1 Death of Alfred, 248 Envelope pattern , 129 , 132-3 , 161-2 , 192 , Death of Edgar, 126, 24 8 209, 26 0 Death of Edward, 248 Epic an d lay , 145 , 146 , 156 , 22 1 Deor, 47, 134 , 148 , 280 , 295- 6 Epistola Cuthberti de Obitu Bedae. See Descent into Hell, 199-20 0 Cuthbert, frien d o f Bed e Deusdedit, archbisho p o f Canterbury , 9 Ermanaric, 134 , 147 , 29 5 Diplomas. See Charters, diplomas , will s Eschatological poems . See Christ III; Disticha Catonis (Latin) , 7 , 62 ; (Ol d En Judgment Day I; Judgment Day II; Soul glish), 7 , 10 0 and Body I; Soul and Body II Divine office , 5- 6 Donatus: Ar s Grammatic a (Maior), 86 ; Eusebius, Gree k historian : Ecclesiastical Ars Minor, 6 , 8 6 History, 20 , 2 1 Donne, John , 1 Eusebius, Anglo-Lati n poet : Enigmata, 12, 27 0 Dream of the Rood, 74 , 164 , 179 , 194-9 , 203, 212 , 25 3 Eustace o f Boulogne , 6 1 Dunstan, St. , archbisho p o f Canter Exegesis. See Allegory ; Figura l image s bury, 26-7 , 69-70 , 86 , 24 8 and narrativ e Durham (De Situ Dunelmi), 248- 9 Exeter Book . See Manuscripts , Exete r Durham Proverbs, 100 , 27 7 Book Chronicle poems , 247-8 . See also Battle of Brunanburh Chronicles. See Alfre d th e Great , An glo-Saxon Chronicle s Cicero, 3 2 Cnut, King , 31 , 90 , 107 , 110 ; Law s of ,

INDEX [ Exeter Riddles. See Riddles Exhortation to Christian Living, 233-4 ; prose adaptation s of , 25 0 Exodus, 206, 209 , 212-6 , 218 , 22 1 Expositio Hymnorum, 7 1 Fates of the Apostles, 11 , 163-7 , 1 7°/ 1 7^f 180 Father's Counsel. See Precepts Father's Instruction to his Son. See Precepts Felix o f Crowland : Vita S. Guthlaci, 13 , 61, 75> *77-% Felix o f Nola , St. , 1 9 Fight at Finnsburh, 144-5, 22 1 Figural image s an d narrative , 158 , 160 , 163, 180 , 181 , 207-2 6 passi m Finn Episod e (i n Beowulf), 143- 4 Fleury, 26-7 , 29 , 7 1 Folcard: Vitae of St . John of Beverle y an d of St . Borulf , 3 1 Formulas an d formulai c systems , 125-7 , 148, 150-2 , 159-61 , 162 , 165 , 207 , 220 , 245, 248 , 255 , 258 , 266 , 276 Forrunatus, Venantius : De Excidio Thoringae, 282 Fortunes (Fates) of Men, 262-4 , 27 5 Fragments of Psalms, 23 2 Frankish annals , 6 0 Franks Casket , ii , 30 2 Frauenlieder, 291- 4 Frithegod, 26 , 29 , 32 ; Breviloquium Vitae Wilfredi, 25-6, 2 9 futhark, 25 4 Genesis ( = Genesis A an d B), 206-12, 218, 221

Genesis A, 126 , 207- 9 Genesis B, 8 , 203 , 207 , 209-1 2 Geraint, kin g o f Dumnonia , 1 0 Germanic vers e pattern , 122- 4 Gifts of Men, 262- 4 Gifts t o (of ) men . See Themes, motifs , topoi Gildas: De Excidio Britanniae, 33, 9 1 Glastonbury, 27 , 31 , 6 9 Gloria I, 232-3 , 23 4 Gloria II, 25 0 Glosses, 6 , 28 , 7 1

36 5 ]

Gnomes, 179 , 258-62 ; Exete r an d Cot ton Gnomes, see Maxims I; Maxims II Godeman, abbo t o f Thorney , 2 8 Godwine, Earl , 61 , 24 8 Golden Hor n o f Gallehus , 122-3 , 2 53 Golden Section , 252 , 30 0 Goscelin, 3 1 Gospel o f Nicodemus . See Bible, book s of, Gospe l o f Nicodemu s Gospel of Nicodemus (Old English) , 9 6 Gower, John : Confessio Amantis, 9 6 Grave, 3 , 23 7 Greek, 8-9 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 26 , 44, 46 , 96 , 98, 118, 23 5 Gregory, Pope , 8 , 15 , 21 , 44, 48, 77, 188 91, 193 , 234 ; Dialogues (Latin), 51 , O E translation of , 42-3 ; Homilies on the Gospels, 51 , 188-91 , 262 ; Moralia, 51 , 224; Cura (Regula) Pastoralis, 25 , 43-4 , 51, 52 , 27 7 Gregory o f Tours : Historia Francorum, 21 , 155 Grimbold, 4 2 Guthlac (OE prose) , 6 3 Guthlac A, 13 , 164 , 176-7 , 179 , 23 4 Guthlac B, 13 , 164 , 177-9 , 203 , 218 , 225 ; and Orosius , 18 2 Guthlac, St. , 13 , 62 , 7^, 17 7 Guthrum, King , 40 , 109 , 11 1 Hadrian, abbo t o f SS . Pete r and Paul , 9 , Hagiography. See Saints' live s "Handbook fo r th e Us e o f a Confes sor," 7^ Harp, playin g an d us e of , 12 4 Harrowing o f Hell . See Themes, motifs , topoi Harrowing of Hell. See Descent into Hell Hdvamdl, 259 Heahfrith, 1 0 Hebrew, 18 , 44 , 8 5 Heledd, 28 2 Herbarium Apuleii, 116 , 11 8 Herman, bisho p o f Salisbury , 3 1 Hermeneumata, 8 Heroic ideals , 134 , 140 , 142 , 150-3 , 208 , 226; see also Comitatus Heroic poetry , 134-57 , 158-22 5 passi m Hickes's Thesaurus, 144, 25 4

[ 3 6 6 ] INDE


Hild, abbes s o f Whitby , 15 , 227- 8 Hildebert, 3 2 Hildebold, archbisho p o f Cologne , 2 4 Hildelith, abbes s o f Barking , 1 0 Hincmar o f Rheims , 4 3 Historia (Liber) Eliensis, 89, 15 7 Hlothere, kin g of Kent : Laws of, 108,11 2 Homiletic Fragment I, 267- 8 Homiletic Fragment II, 267 Homilies, 5 , 71-83 . See also JEttnc; Blickling Homilies; Vercelli Homilies; Wulf stan, archbisho p o f York , sermon s Homily, definitio n of , 10 3 homoeoteleuton, 255 , 29 0 Hopkins, Gerar d Manley , 2 Husband's Message, 254 , 270 , 280 , 294- 5 Hwita. See Candidus Hygebald, abbo t o f Lindsey , 6 2 Hygebald, bisho p o f Lindisfarne , 3 Hygeburg: Vita SS. Willibaldi et Wynnebaldi, 1 4 Hymnody, 6 , 18- 9 Icelandic sagas , 60 , 15 4 Imitatio Christi, 158 , 160 , 162 , 16 9 Indract, St. , 3 2 Ine, kin g o f Wessex : Law s of , 107 , 10 9 Ingeld, 3 , 13 4 Ingeld Episod e (i n Beowulf), 14 4 Instructions for Christians, 26 8 Interlace, 129 , 143- 4 loca Monachorum, 99, 26 9 Iona, 1 5 Irish, 10 , 11 , 21 , 32 , 54 , 6 1 , j$

Isadore o f Seville , 12 , 17 , 23 , 271 ; De Natura Rerum, 1 6 Ithamar, bisho p o f Rochester , 9

Jarrow. See Wearmouth-Jarrow Jerome, St. , 8 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 24 , 44, 51 , 77, 85; Commentary on Luke, 51 Jerusalem, 11 7 Joca Monachorum. See loca Monachorum John o f Beverley , St. , 3 1 John o f Ravenna , 4 3 John o f Saxony , 4 2 Joyce, James , 1 1 Judgment Day . See Themes, motifs , topoi, Judgment Da y

Judgment Day I, 237- 8 Judgment Day 11 (Be Domes Daeg), 191 , 237, 238-4 0 Judith, 8, 153 , 203 , 219-2 3 Juliana, 164, 167-71 , 176 , 28 0 Juliana, i n Acta Sanctorum, 168-7 0 Junius, Franciscus , 133 , 20 9 Junius manuscript . See Manuscripts , Junius 1 1 Juvencus: Evangelia, 7 Kenelm, St. , 3 2 kenning, 125 , 160-61 , 254 , 258 ; relatio n to riddle , 27 9 Kent, 8 , 9 , 61 , 108 , 109 , 11 2 kent heiti, 12 5 Kentish Hymn, 23 2 Lacnunga, 116, 118 , 25 6 Lactantius; De Ave Phoenice, 243-4 Lambeth Psalter , 7 1 Lantfred, 27 , 28 , 31 , 83 ; Translatio et Miracula S. Swithuni, 27 , 2 8 Lapidary, 11 8 Latin-English Proverbs , 27 7 Latin grammars , 6-7 , 13 , 14 , 23 , 28 , 29 , 38, 8 6 Laws, 38 , 107-1 6 Lay. See Epic an d la y Layamon's Brut, 24 9 "Leiden Glossary, " 1 5 Leiden Riddle, 12 , 27 9 Leo IV , Pope , 3 9 Letter of Alexander to Aristotle, 98- 9 Letter of Fermes, 98 Liber Monstrorum, 13 , 9 8 Life of Alcuin, 4 1 Life of Machutus, 7 1 Life of St. Chad, 62-3 Life of St. Christopher, 98 Lindisfarne, 3 , 15 , 19 , 20 , 24-5 , 91 , 9 6 Lindisfarne Gospels, 96 Llywarch Hen , 28 2 Lord's Prayer I, 25 0 Lord's Prayer II, 233, 23 4 Lord's Prayer III, 232-3 Louis th e Pious , 2 6 Lucan, 31 ; Pharsalia, 7

INDEX [ Lul, archbisho p o f Mainz , 1 4 Lyre. See Harp, playin g an d us e o f Macaronic verse , 233 , 25 0 Maister of Oxford's Catechism, 99 Maldon. See Battle of Maldon Malmesbury, 10 , 14 , 3 2 Manuscripts 2 , 130 , 133 , 136-7 , 247 ; Bodley 180 , 65; Bodley 343, 237; CCCC 41, 273 , CCC C 198 , 180 ; CCC C 201 , 96, 233 , 238 ; CCC C 286 , 33 ; CCC C 422, 121 , 273 ; Cotton Claudiu s A . iii , 235; Cotto n Juliu s A.ii , 235 ; Cotto n Otho A.vi , 65 , 245 ; Cotton Oth o A.xii , 64; Cotto n Oth o B.xvi , transcrip t of , 234; Cotton Oth o C.i , 247 ; Cotton Ti berius B.i , 235 , 259 ; Cotto n Tiberiu s B.v, 98; Cotto n Titu s D.xxvii , 250 ; Cotton Vespasia n D.vi , 232 ; Cotto n Vitellius C.iii , 118 ; Cotto n Vitelliu s A.xv, 52 , 98 , 99 , 130 , 135-7 , 2 1 9 ' 221 ~ 2; Exeter Book, 13 , 130 , 146 , 167 , 176 , 179, 183 , 199 , 218, 235-7, 2 4 1 ' M 2* 2 59' 262, 265 , 268-9 , 280-1 , 288 , 298 ; Har ley 3271 , 121 ; Hatton 20 , 247 ; Hatto n 116, 62 ; Juniu s i i , 8 , 130 , 200 , 206 , 212, 216 , 221 , 225-6 , 252 : illustration s in, 206 , 223 : unity of , 225 ; Junius 12 , 245; Junius 121 , 232 ; Lambeth Palac e 427, 235 ; Moor e MS , 228-30 ; Oxford , Bodleian Library , Lau d Grec . 35 , 18 ; Oxford, St . John's College 17 , 30; Paris MS, 228 ; Parke r MS , 39 , 59-60 ; Tan ner 1 0 MS , 228-30 ; Textus Roffensis, 108; Tollemache (Lauderdale ) MS , yj; Vercelli Book , 71 , 130 , 159 , 163 , 171 , 180, 194 , 204 , 235-7 , 2 ^7/ M S Ii.I.33 , Univ. Library , Cambridge , 26 8 Marbod, 3 2 Martin o f Tours , St. , 24 , 62 , 72 , 7^ hAartyrology (Ol d English) . See Alfred th e Great, Martyrology Maurus, Hrabanus , abbo t o f Fulda , 24 , 94 Maxims. See Gnomes Maxims I, 8 , 100 , 259-61 , 269 , 27 5 Maxims II, 8, 100 , 259 , 261-2 , 265 , 27 5 Medical works , 116-9 ; see a ^so Charms ; Metrical charm s

36 7 ]

Memoriale qualiter, 2 6 Menologium (poetic), 234-5 , 2 59' (prose), 234, 25 0 Mercia, 8 , 12 , 13 , 32 , 39 , 42 , 45 , 58 , 62 3/ 98 / 10 9 Meters of Boethius, 245-7 Metrical charms , 256- 8 Metrical Epilogue to MS 41, CCCC, 24 7 Metrical Epilogue to the Pastoral Care, 24 7 Metrical Preface to Gregory's Dialogues, 24 7 Metrical Preface to the Pastoral Care, 24 7 Metrical psalms , 231- 2 Michael, St. , 7 3 Migration Period , 134 , 14 7 Miles Christi, 15 8 Milton, John, 1 ; Paradise Lost, 209-10, 25 2 Miracula S. Nyniae, 2 4 Monastic education , 5- 9 Neo-Platonism, 46-7 , 49 , 5 1 Neot, St. , 3 2 Norman Conquest , 31-2 , 95 , 97 , 11 4 Northumbria, 8 , 10 , 15 , 16 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24, 30 , 58 , 60 , 96 , 11 0 Nowell, Laurence , 154 , 23 4 Nowell Codex . See Manuscripts, Cotto n Vitellius A.x v Nynia, St. , 2 4 Oda, archbisho p o f Canterbury , 25- 6 Offa, kin g o f Mercia , 60 , 10 9 Old Englis h meter , 11 , 123-4 , 13 1 Old Saxo n Genesis, 209-1 1 Opus geminatum, 11-2 , 19-20 , 2 4 Oral composition , 125-6 , 13 6 Order of the World, 266-7 Oriental influences . See Themes , mo tifs, topoi Orosius, Pauls , 21 ; Historiarum adversum Paganos, see Alfred th e Grea t Osburh, Kin g Alfred' s mother , 3 9 Oslac, ear l o f Northumbria , 24 8 Oswald, bisho p o f Worceste r an d arch bishop o f York , 26-9 , 30 , 69-71 , 24 8 Oswald, kin g o f Northumbria , 83 , 24 9 Oxford, Universit y of , 4 0 Paganism, 9 0 Pallium, 2 2

[ 36 8 ] INDE


"Panther." See Physiologus Paris Psalter, 54, 231- 2 "Partridge." See Physiologus Paul th e Deacon : Homiliary, 77 Paulinus, Nothumbria n missionary , 15 , 21

Paulinus o f Nola , 1 9 Pega, 62 , 17 8 Penitential poems , 204 , 233-4 , 237-4 0 Penitentials, 3 , 22 , 7 5 Peri Didaxeon, 116 , 11 8 Persius: Satires, 7 Pharaoh, 268-9 Phoenix, 8, 164 , 218 , 227 , 233 , 240 , 242 5 Physiologus (Ol d English) , 8 , 240-2 ; (Latin), 1 2 Placitus, Sextus : Medicina de Quadrupedibus, 116 , 11 8

Plegmund, archbisho p o f Canterbury , 42 Plegwine, 2 0 Pliny, 12 , 1 7 Poetic diction , 125-9 , 148-9 / 152-3 , 158 , 160-2, 230 , 266 , 27 2 Poetic genres , 13 0 Poetic texts , datin g of , 130 , 154 ; manuscripts containing , 13 0 Pound, Ezra , 2 Prayer, 235 Precepts, 8, 265 , 26 6 Priscian: Institutiones Grammaticae, 8 6 Prone, 7 8 Prosospopoeia, 19 5 Prosper o f Aquitaine : Epigrammata, 7 Proverb from Winfrid's Time, 27 7 Proverbs (apothegms) , 100-1 , 268 ; dis tinguished fro m maxim s (gnomes) , 277; see also Gnome s Proverbs of Alfred, 6 2 Prudentius: Psychomachia, 7 , 1 2 Psalm $0, 23 2 Psalmody, 6 Psalters, 6 , 54-5 , 9 6 Pseudo-Augustine, 2 3 Pseudo-Callisthenes, 9 8 Pseudo-Dioscorides, 11 6 Pseudo-Egbert Penitential . See Ecgberht, archbishop o f Yor k

Quadrivium, 8 Quantitative vers e (Latin) , 1 1 Ramsey, 29 , 30 , 70 , 11 9 Ratramnus, 77 Regularis Concordia , 27 , 70- 1 Remigius o f Auxerre , 4 8 Resignation A an d B, 280 , 281 , 288-9 0 Rhetoric an d rhetorica l devices , 17 , 81 , 92, 126-9 , 1 3 2 "3/ 161-2 , 190 , 195 , 197 8, 203 , 204 , 209 , 224 , 248 , 256 , 279 , 285, 29 0 Richarius o f Saint-Riquier , St. , 2 4 Riddles, 130 , 195 , 269-73 Riddles (Exete r Book) , 254 , 269-73 , 281 , 291; "Anchor, " 272 ; "Bookworm / Moth," 270, 272; "Chalice," 271; "Coat of Mail, " 270 ; "Creation, " 270 ; "Fis h and River, " 270 ; "Horn, " 269 , 272-3 ; "Ornamented Shirt, " 271-2 ; "Reed pen," 270 , 294-5 ; "Storm/ ' 271 ; "Swan," 129 ; "Wine, " 273 ; Riddle 28 and 39, 279 . See also Leiden Riddle Rime, 222 , 29 0 Rime of King William, 3 , 24 8 Riming Poem, 2.2.2., 280 , 290- 1 Rome, 15 , 22 , 39 , 55- 7 Rufinus: Lati n translatio n o f Eusebius ' Ecclesiastical History, 2 0 Ruin, 280 , 281-2 , 285 , 29 7 Rule of Chrodegang, 7 1 Rumwold, St. , 3 2 Rune Poem, 254- 5 Runes, 166 , 170-1 , 175 , 188 , 253-5 , 272 , 274 Ruthwell Cross , 194-5 , 2 53 Saints' lives , 5 , 14-6 , 19-20 , 22 , 24 , 27 , 28, 30-2 , 34, 61-2 , 70-1, 75, 76-83 , 153, 158-82, 219 ; typical life , 34 . Fo r sepa rate lives , se e Life of. . . ; Vita . . . ; individual author s Sallust, 3 1 Sanctorale, 72 , 78 , 8 9 Saxo Grammaticus , 15 7 Scientific prose , 116-2 0 Scipio (Africanu s Major) , 5 6 Scop, 124 , 131 , 146-8 , 156 , 295-6 ; othe r


36 9 ]

Tennyson, Alfred , Lord , 1 terms fo r singer s an d narrators , 131 , Themes, motifs , topoi, 126 , 155 , 159-60 , 156 164, 209 ; specific: beast s o f battle , 126 , Seafarer, 8, 23 , 214 , 233 , 238 , 260 , 280 , 132, 153 , 155 , 172 , 213 , 220 ; consola 285-8, 289-90 , 29 5 tion, 1 , 281 , 285 , 29 6 (see also Boe Seasons for Fasting, 23 4 thius: De Consolatione Philosophiae); Sedulius, Caelius : Carmen Paschale, 7 , 11 Descent-Ascent, 189-90 , 204 ; eigh t 2 capital sins , 74 , 79, 88; exile, 126 , 160 Sermon, definitio n of , 10 3 i, 169-70 , 178-9 , 198 , 282-9 7 passim ; Severinus, St. , See Boethius gifts t o (of ) men , 188-93 , 262-4 , 295 ; Severus, Sulpicius : Life of St. Martin, 6 2 Harrowing o f Hell , 160 , 169 , 189 , 191 , Shakespeare, William : Pericles, Prince of 199-202, 204 , 214 ; hero o n th e beach , Tyre, 9 6 132; Judgment Day , 175-6 , 191 , 193-5, Simon Magus , 7 2 200-2, 236 , 237-8 , 264-5 ; microcosm Skepticism, 5 1 macrocosm, 1 , 119 , 291 , 299 , 300 ; Solomon and Saturn (poetic) , 273-6 ; Orientalism, 96-100 , 273-6 ; ruin , 281 (prose), 98 , 99 , 269 ; (pros e ''contin 5, 297 ; samentia et fortitudo, 155 , 226 ; uation" o f Poe m I) , 27 3 Six Age s o f th e World , 20 , 79 , 85 , 88 ; Soul and Body I (Vercelli), 235- 7 soul an d body , 74 , 235-7 ; transience , Soul and Body II (Exeter), 235- 7 191, 275-6 , 280-9 1 passim ; travelle r Sound an d sense , 129 , 22 5 recognizes hi s goal , 132 ; Trinitarian Southumbria, 8 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 4 0 ism, 1 , 188 , 231 ; ubi sunt, 1 , 50 , 282- 5 Standard Ol d English , 28 , 62-3 , 6 9 Theodore o f Tarsus , archbisho p o f Stanzaic for m i n poems , 234 , 295- 6 Canterbury, 9 , 15 , 21 , 11 2 Stephen, King , 5 9 Theodoric, kin g o f th e Ostrogoths , 46 , Stephanus, "Eddius" : Vita S. Wilfridi, 1549, 134 , 295- 6 6, 26 , 6 1 Thorkelin, Grimur , 13 7 Stoicism,, 4 6 Thula, 146- 7 Style, 2 , 8 , 11 , 32, 72-3 , 75, 125-30 , 143 , Thureth, 235 149, 152-3 , 165 , 166-7 , ^ 3 / 188 , 198 , pyle, 138 , 15 5 203, 209 , 212 ; hermeneutic style , 8 , 26 , 28; iconographic style , 15 8 ff . See also Typology, 158 , 180 , 185-8 , 203 , 209 , 214 5,252 iClfric; Alfre d th e Great ; Anglo-Lati n literature Ulfila, 3 8 Summons to Prayer, 233- 4 Sussex, 6 1 Sutton Hoo , 131- 2 Vainglory, 265- 6 Valerius, Julius , 9 8 Sveinn, King , 3 1 Variation, 127-8 , 149 , 226 , 25 8 Swithun, St. , 27, 2 8 Vedastus o f Saint-Vaast , St. , 2 4 "Symeon o f Durham 7': Historia Regum, 30, 278 . See also Byrhtferth o f Ramse y Vercelli Book . See Manuscripts, Vercell i Symphosius, 12 , 27 0 Book Vercelli Homilies, 71 , 74-5 , 77, 20 4 Synesthesia, 129 , 14 9 Vergil, 19 , 31 ; Aeneid 7 Synod o f Vercelli , 7 8 Vikings, 25 , 29 , 30 , 39-40 , 59 , 60, 68 , 69, Synod o f Winchester , 70- 1 70, 88-9 , 90-1 , n o , 114 , 148-5 3 Tacitus: Germania, 134, 15 0 Vita /Edwardi Regis, 3 1 Tatwine, 6 , 12 , 13 , 270 ; Ars Grammatica, Vita S. Cuthberti (anonymous), 15 , 19 , 20; 13; Enigmata, 1 2 see also Bede Temporale, 72 , 74 , 83 , 8 9 Vita S. Gregorii, 1 5

[ 3 7 ° ] INDE


Waerferth, bisho p o f Worcester , 42 , 45 , 58, 247 ; translatio n o f Gregory' s Dialogues, 42-3, 44 , 45 , 47 , 58 , 6 3 Waldere, 146 Walter o f Aquitaine , 145- 6 Waltharius, 14 6 Wanderer, 23 , 47 , 100 , 126-7 , 2 8o, 281 , 282-5, 287 , 288 , 295 , 29 7 Wanley, Humphrey , 88 Wearmouth-Jarrow, 16 , 20 , 6 9 Weland th e Smith , ii , 50 , 295 , 30 2 Werwulf, priest , 4 2 Wessex, 8 , 10 , 14 , 31 , 39, 42, 61, 85, 108 , 109

West Saxo n (peopl e an d language) , 40 , 41, 45 , yj, 59 , 63 , 84 , 110 , 114 , 130 , 228-30 West-Saxon psalms . See Alfred th e Grea t "Whale/' See Physiologus Whitby, 1 5 Widsith, 124 , 134 , 146-8 , 230 , 29 5 Wife's Lament, 280, 291 , 292- 4 Wihtfrith, 1 0 Wihtred, kin g o f Kent : Law s of , 10 8 Wilfrid, St. , bisho p o f Ripo n an d o f York, 15-6 , 19 , 26 , 11 2 William the Conqueror. See Rime of King William William o f Malmesbury , 32 , 47-8 , 52 , 54, 55,57 Willibald, bisho p o f Eichstatt , 14- 5 Willibald: Vit a S . Bonifati , 1 4 Willibrord, 2 4

Wills. See Charters, diplomas , will s Winchester, 27-9 , 31 , 69-71 , y^, 83 , 90 , 95; "Winchester " style , 6 9 "Winchester Tropers, " 2 8 Wisdom literature , 253-79 , 280- 1 Wonders of Creation. See Order of the World Wonders of the East, 98 Worcester, 29 , 30 , 42 , 62 , 68 , 69 , 8 8 Wordplay, 97 , 129 , 152-3 , 192 , 209 , 223 , 224, 271-2 , 276 , 29 0 Writs. See Charters, diplomas , will s Wulf and Eadwacer, 270, 280 , 281 , 291-2 , 295 Wulfstan, archbisho p o f York , 28 , 63, 68, 7L 72 , 73 / 75 / 88-95 / 9^ 97 / ™7> 2 3»; Benedictine Office, 94, 232-3 ; Canons of Edgar, 89, 90, 111 ; Gerefa, 95 ; Institutes of Polity, 83 , 94-5 ; Laws , 109-11 ; Rectitudines Singularum Personarum, 95 ; sermons, 89-94 ; catechetical sermons , 89-90; eschatologica l sermons , 89 , Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, 89 , 90-3 ; style , 92-4, 110- 1

Wulfstan th e Cantor , 28 ; Narratio Metrica de S. Swithuno, 28 ; Vita S. JEthelwoldi, 28 , 69-7 0 Wynberht, 1 3 Wynfrith. See Boniface Wynnebald, abbo t o f Heidenheim , 1 4 York, 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 29 , 30 , 43 , 61 , 68 , 69, 88 , 95 ; see also Alcui n (poe m o n York)

The early kingdoms o f th e souther n Englis h

England i n th e tent h centur y