Xenophon: Anabasis Books I-VII 0674991001, 9780674991002

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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. EDITED BY

G. P. GOOLD,

PH.D.

FORMER EDITORS

t T. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. t W. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D.

t E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. t L. A. POST, L.H.D.

E. H. WARMINGTON,

M.A., F.R.HIST.SOC.

XENOPHON III

ANABASIS BOOKS

I-VII

90

XENOPHON IN SEVEN VOLUMES III ')

!

ANABASIS BOOKS I-VII WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY

CARLETON L. BROWNSON COLLEGE OF TIlE OITY OF NEW YORK

'.,, , ··f

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD MOMLXXX

American ISBN 0-674-99100'-1 British ISBN 0 434 99090 6 First printed 1922 Reprinted 1932, 1947, 1961, 1968, 1980

CONTENTS PAGE

ANABASISIN'l'RODUCTION

vii

MANUSCRIPTS AN D EDITIONS

xv

:BOOK 1

1

BOOK II

103

BOOK III .

175

:BOOK IV

255

BOOK V

347

BOOK VI .

435

BOOK VII

511

INDEX TO ANABASIS

627

MAP-THE MARCH OF THE TEN THOUSAND .

At end

Printed in Great Britain by Fletcher & Son, Norwich

v

INTRODUCTION XENOPHl)N'S Anabasis 1 is the story of the expedition which Cyrus the Younger 2 led against his brother Artaxerxes II., king of Persia, in the hope of gaining for himself the Persian throne; of the retreat. to the Euxine Sea, after the death of Cyrus,. of the" Ten Thousand" Greeks who had made part of his army; and of their ultimate return to western Asia Minor. Cyrus. undertook his ill-fated expedition in 401 B.C. Before that time he had played a somewhat prominent part in Greek history. Toward the close of the great struggle for supremacy between Athens and Sparta, which lasted from 431 to 404 B.C. and is known as the Peloponnesian War, the Spartans had concluded an alliance with Tissaphernes, Persian satrap of Lydia and Ionia and 1 The verb aval3alvt=,v, lU. "to go Up,'J was used of any journey from the sea coast to the higher lands of the interior, but more especially of the famous route from the Greek coast of Asia l\linor to the Persian capital, Snsa. Hence the noun i1.vd/3auIS-" Anabasis." It will be seen that the title properly belongs only to the first part of Xenophon's story. I Usually so called to distinguish hird", fromeyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian Empire.

vii

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

commander-in-chief of all the Persian forces of western Asia Minor. Tissaphernes hoped that with the help of the Spartans he might regain control of the Greek cities on the Asiatic coast which had formerly been under Persian rule, but were now included in the Athenian Empire; the Spartans, on their side, were to receive subsidies from him for the support of their fleet. Tissaphernes, however, was a double-dealer by nature; furthermore, hc was persuaded by the Athenian Alcihiades that it was to the interest of Persia that neither Greek belligerent should triumph, but that both should exhaust them~ selves by continued warfare. Accordingly he soon ~educed and finally cut off altogether the stipulated grants of money to the Spartans. ~'hen the latter protested to the then reigning king of Persia, Darius 11., against this breach of fai t.h , the king commissioned Cyrus, the younger of his two sons, as satrap of Lydia, Greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia, and military commander of all western Asia Minor.' Thus Cyrus practically superseded Tissaphernes, who was divested of his military authority and retained only the lesser part-10nia-"-of his former satrapy. Cyrus entered upon his important offices in 407 B.C., when he was but seventeen years of age. He had been instructed by Darius to give whole-hearted support to the Spartans, whose fortunes seemed to be then at their lowest ebb. In the performance of

this task he showed himself able, zealous, and straightforward. The aid which he rendered to the Spartans was certainly a most important, perhaps an essential, factor in bringing about their final triumph over the Athenians. Shortly before the conclusion of the Peloponnesian War, i.e. in 405 B.C., Cyrus was called away from his post in Asia Minor to be present at the death-bed of his father.1 But his participation in the war had given him opportunity to learn the immense superiority of the Greek soldier and Greek methods of warfare over the Persian soldier and Persian warfare, and to establish relations of friendship with many officers of the Peloponnesian forces; further_ more, the termination of the war in 404 B.C., after it had lasted more than a qualter of a century, released from military service thousands of men who knew no other calling and had no desire to turn to peaceful pursuits. These circumstances explain not only why Cyrus wished, but how he was able, to enlist Greeks for the great enterprise upon which he soon afterwards embarked, viz. his attempt to dethrone his brother Artaxerxes. The only reason for this attempt which Xenophon offers in the Anabasis 2 was the resentment and humiliation which Cyrus felt in consequence of his arrest by Artaxerxes at the time when the latter, 'lssuming the royal power upon the death of Darius

1

viii

AnabaBi8 J

I.

i. 2.

I

A "abasis, I. i. 2.

·1.i.4.

ix

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

(405 B.C.), was led by the false 1 accusation of Tissaphernes to believe that Cyrus was plotting against him. We learn from other sources that Cyrus had expected to be designated by Darius as heir to the throne, partly because he was the favourite son of the queen,2 and still more because he was" born in the purple," i.e. after the accession of Darius, while Artaxerxes was not. In fact, it was for precisely these reasons that Xerxes, eighty years before, had been chosen king of Persia to the exclusion of an older brother. ' Xenophon was an eye-witness of the events which he describes in the Anabasis. He had joined the expedition, "not as general or captain or private," 3 but upon the solicitation of his friend Proxenus, who was one of the Greek generals in Cyrus' sel'Vice. At this time Xenophon was probably somewhat less than thirty years of age. Despite his comparative youth, and despite the fact that he was an Athenian in an army of Peloponnesians,4 he was destined to play the leading part in the famous retreat of the Ten Thousand, a part which he describes with simple directness and unaffected modesty. The time of the composition of the Anabasis ,has been a subject for dispute. It can hardly be doubted

that the narrative was based upon full notes which Xenophon must have taken during the progress of the events which it covers; and the natural assumption that it would have been reduced to final form wllile these events were still fresh in the thoughts of the writer and his countrymen is supported by internal evidence, viz. characteristics of style which appear to mark the Anabasis as one of Xenophon's earlier works. On the other hand, an autobiographical digression in the fifth book 1 was probably composed as late as 370 B.C.; and secondly, when Xenophon alludes to the expedition of Cyrus in a passage 2 of his Hellenica which was written c. 380 B.C., he refers his reader for fuller information to a history of the expedition by "Themistogenes the Syracusan," thus implying, apparently, that his own Anabasis was not at that time in existence. A reasonable way of reconciling these conflicting indications has been found in the view that Xenophon's A nabas;s was written, in very nearly its present form, soon after the author returned to Greece from Asia iii. 394 B.C., but was not published until c. 370 B.C. It is held that Xenophon may well have wished to delay until his later years the publication of a work in which he himself figured so prominently. . The march of the Ten Thousand Greeks from Sardis to the gates of Babylon, and thence back to the Greek coast of the Euxine Sea, was an historical

1 That Xenophon BO regarded it is made clear by his use of the verb 1Jta/laAAfi (I. i. 3, Bee translation). 2 A nfJ,basi:~, I. i. 4. s A nal}a8i.~, III. i. 4. • cpo I. i. 6 and the roll of the Greek generals, r. i. 9-ii. 3. Cyrus' previous associations, it will be remembered, had been with PeloponnoBians ollly.

X

I V.

iii. 7-13.

• rn. i. 2. xi

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

event of the first importance. Defeating with scarcely an effort Persian forces many times their number, and accomplishing a safe return despite all the efforts of Artaxerxes to hinder them, they revealed to all men the utter weakness of the immense, much vaunted, and much dreaded Persian Empire. Greek statesmen and commanders were not slow to read the lesson. In the words of Francis Bacon 1: "This young scholar or philosopher [Xenophon], after all the captains were murdered in parley by treason, conducted these ten thousand foot through the heart of all the king's high countries, from Babylon to Graccia, in safety, to the astonishment of the world and the encomagement of the Grecians in time succeeding to make invasion upon the kings of Persia, as was afterwards purposed by Jason the Thessalian, attempted by Agesilaus the Spartan, and achieved by Alexander the Macedonian, all upon the ground of the act of that young scholar." While the march of the Ten Thousand revealed to the Greeks the weakness of the Persians, Xenophon's account of it reveals to us most clearly the fine qualities of these Greek so~diers of fortune-their courage and endurance, piety and humanity, independence and reasonableness. True soldiers in their readiness to meet danger and hardship, they were still free Greeks, who could be governed only with their own consent and who insisted upon being heard

and consulted in matters of common interest. They have been truly called" a marching democracy,"" a roving commonwealth," "deliberating and acting, fighting and voting; an epitome of Athens set adrift in the centre of Asia." One hardly needs other evidence of the strength, the character, and the temper of a people who.;e "mercenary" troops were men like these. The Anabasis is valuable, furthermore, for the .information it yields regarding the art of war among the Greeks, and as a real contribution to military science. Xenophon was, or became in the course of the retreat, an exceedingly able strategist and tactician, approaching each problem in the spirit of a scholar and thinker and then translating his reasoned solution into terms of military method, always resourceful in meeting new situations with new tactics, and never fettered by the lore of accepted practice. The influence of his original and inventive genius upon later Greek warfare was profound. That inflnence has lasted down to our own time. A modern student 1 of military science writes: "The soldier of greatest use to us preceding Alexander was unquestionably Xenophon .... It is he who has shown the world 'what should be the tactics of retreat, how to command a rear-guard. More tactical originality has come from the Anabasis than from any dozen other books..•. After the lapse

"The Advancement oj Learning,

. xii

I;

vii. 30.

1

Col. Theodore A. Dodge, Alexander, pp. 101 fr.

xiii

INTRODUCTION of twenty-three centuries, there is no better military text-book than the Anabasis." Finally, the simplicity and grace, the charm and vividuess with which Xenophon's story is told give it a high place among narratives of travel and adventure. Taine has even said of the Anabasis that" the beauty of the style transcends the interest of the stoI'Y." Certainly, Xenophon's reputation as a man of letters depends in no small degree upon the Anabasis.

MANUSORIPTS AND EDITIONS I.-MANUSCRIPTS The extant MSS. of the Anabasis fall into two groups. The first, or superior, group includes :O. Parisinus 1640, written in the year 1320, but from an original of the latter part of the ninth century. Many additions and changes, by a later hand and usually for the worse, are found in this MS. In the present edition 0, designates the earlier hand and O. the later. ll. Parisinns 1641, of the fifteenth century. A. Vatiranus 987, later than B. E. Et,onensis, of the fifteenth century. o is far the best of all the MSS. It was clearly the Bonrce from which B, A, and E Were copied. The best MSS. of the second, or inferior, group are D. Bodleianus (lib. Oanon. 39), of the fifteenth century. V. Vindobonensis 95, of the fifteenth century. 2.-EDITIONS OF THE ANABASIS 1 The Anabasis has been so long and so universally employed as a text-book for beginners in Greek that almost numberless editions of the work have been published, It must suffice to mention a very few:

(a) A nnotated Editions. REHDANTZ-OARNUTH: Berlin (vVeidmann). VOLLBRECHT, W.: Leipzig (Teuhner). GOODWIN AND WHITE: Boston (Ginn). MATHER AND HEWITT: New York (American Book Oo.).

xiv

1 For important editions of the complete works of Xenophon .ee Hellenica, Vol. I., of this series, p. xiii.

xv

MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS (b) Oritical Edition•. DrNDoRF, L. : Leipzig and Oxford. COBET, C. G. : Leyden.

HUG, A. : Leipzig. GEMOLL, W.: Leipzig (editio major). MARCHANT, E. C.: Oxford. The text of the present edition is selective, the critical . notes calling attention to important variations from the' texts of Marchant and Gemoll. Recent work inCludes the following: Ed. Maior. C. Hude. Leipzig, 1931. Text and French translation (Bude), P. Masqueray. Paris, 1930-31. Translation by R. Warner. Penguin Classics. 1949.

XENOPHON THE ANABASIS OF CYRUS BOOK I

xvi

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4

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3-1

again to his province. Now when Cyrus had thus returned, after his danger and disgrace, he set about planning that he might never again be in the power of his brother, but, if possible, might be king in his stead. He had, in the first place, the support of Parysatis, his mother, for she loved him better than the son who was king, Artaxerxes. Again, when any of the King's court came to visit him, he treated them all in such a way that when he sent them back they were more devoted to him than to the King. He also took care that the barbarians 1 of his own province should be capable soldiers and should feel kind ly toward him. Lastly, as regards his Greek force, he proceeded to collect it with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the King as completely unprepared as possible. It was in the following way, then, that he gathered this force: In the first place, he sent orders to the commanders of all the garrisons he had in the cities to enlist as many Peloponnesian soldiers of the best sort as they severally could, on the plea that Tissaphernes had designs upon their cities. For, in fact, the Ionian cities had Originally belonged to Tissaphernes, by gift of the King,2 but at. that time all of them ex'cept Miletus had revolted and gone over to Cyrus. The people of Miletus also were planning to do the vel'y same thing, namely, to go over to Cyrus, but Tissaphernes, finding out about it.in time, put some of them to death and banished others. Cyrus thereupon took the exiles under his protection, collected an army, and laid siege to Miletus both by land and by sea, and endeavoured to restore the exiles to their were not Greeks. In general, then, it meant" foreigners" ; in most cases in tho Anabasis (as here) it could be translated " Persians." 2' See'Introd. p. viii.

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1.7-10

city; and this, again, made him another pretext for gathering an army. Meanwhile he sent to the King and urged, on the ground that he was his brother, that these Ionian cities should be given to him instea'd of remaining under the rule of Tissaphernes, and his mother co-operated with him in this. The result was that the King failed to perceive the plot against hims~lf, but believed that Cyrus was spending money on hIS troops because he was at war with Tissaphernes. Consequently he was not at all displeased at their being at war, the less so because Cyms regularly remitted to the King the tribute which came in from the cities he chanced to have that belonged to Tissaphernes. Still another army was being collected for him in the Chersonesewhich is opposite Abydus, in thefollowing manner: Clearchus 1 was a Lacedaemonian exile; Cyrus, making his acquaintance, Came to admire him, and. gave him ten thousand darics. 2 And Clearchus, takmg the gold, collected an army by means of this money, and using the Chersonese as a base of operations, proceeded to make war upon the Thracians who dwell beyond the Hellespont, thereby aiding the Greeks. s Consequently, the Hellespontine cities of their own free will sent Clearchus contributions of money for the support of his troops. So it was that this army also was being secretly maintained for .. Cyrus. Again, Aristippus the Thessalian chanced to be a friend of Cyrus, and since he was hard pressed by his of gold to £1 2,. 2id. or $5.40, but in purchasing power to a much larger sum. ' • i.e. the Greeks on the European side of the Hellespont, who suffered from the incursions of their Thracian neigh· bours.

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II. 16-20

confident in facing the enemy. For then you were unacquainted with them, you saw that their numbers were beyond counting, and you nevertheless dared, with all the spirit of your fathers, to charge upon them; but now, when you have already made actual trial of them and find that they have no desire, even though they are IJlallY times your number, to await your attack, what reason can remain for your being afraid of them? " Again, do not til ppose that you are the worse off because the followers of Ariaeus, who were formerly marshalled with us, have now deserted us. For they are even greater cowaJ'ds than the men we defeated; at any rate they took to flight before them,! leaving US to shift for ourselves. And when we find men who are ready to set the example of flight, it is far better to see them drawn up with the enemy than on. our own side. "But if anyone of yon is despondent because we are without horsemen while the enemy have plenty at hand, let him reflect that your ten thousand horsemen are nothing more than ten thousand men; for nobody ever lost his life in battle from the bite or kick of a horse, but it is the men who do whatever is done in battles. Moreover, we are on a far surer foundation than your horsemen: they are hanging on their horses' backs, afraid not only of us, but also of falling off; while we, standing upon the ground, shan strike with far greater force if '1nyone comes upon us and shall be far more likely to hit whomsoever we aim at. In one point alone your hOI'semen have the advantage-flight is safer for them than it is for us. Suppose, however, that you 1 cpo I. ix. 3I-x. 1. 20

5

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II. 20-23

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do not lack confidence about the fighting, but are troubled because you are no longer to have Tissaphernes to guide you or the King to provide a market. If this be the case, I ask you to consider whether it is better to have Tissaphernes for a guide, the man who is manifestly plotting against us, or such people as we may ourselves capture and may order to serve as guides, men who will know that if ~hey make any mistake in aught that concerns us, they will be making a mistake in that which concerns their own lives and limbs. And as for provisions, is it the better plan to buy from the market which these barharians have provided-small measures for large prices, when we have no money left, either-or to appropriate for ourselves, in case we are victorious, and to use as large a measure as each one of us pleases? "But in these points, let us say, you realize that our present situation is better; you believe, however, that the rivers are a difficulty, and you think you were immensely deceived when you crossed them; 1 theu consider whether this is not really a surpassingly foolish thing that the barbarians have done. 2 For all rivers, even though they be impassable at a distance from their sources, become passable, without even wetting your knees, as you approach toward the sources. "But assume that the rivers will not afford us a crossit.tg and that we shall find no one to guide us; even m that case we ought not to be despondent.

e g. the Tigris (u. iv. 13-2~). in leading the Greeks acroSB (i.e. to the eastern bank of) the Tigris. For,- Xenophon argues (Bee below), the

Greeks will now be compelled to march to the source of the river in order to cross, and hence will be living on the country so much the longer .. time.

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23

ANABASIS, III.

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ANABASIS, III.

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For we know that the Mysians,1 whom we should not admit to be better men than oursel ves, inhabit many large and prosperous cities in the Killg's territory, we know that the same is true of the Pisidians,l and as for the Lycaonians 1 we even saw with our own eyes that they had seized the strongholds in the plains and were reaping for themselves the lands of these Persians; so, in our case, my own view would be that we ought not yet to let it be seen that we have set out for home; we ought, rather, to be making our arrangements as if we intended to settle here. For I know that to the Mysians the King would not only give plenty of guides, but plenty of hostages, to guarantee a safe conduct for them out of his country; in fact, he would build a road for them, even if they wanted to take their departure in four-horse chariots. And I know that he would be thrice glad to do the same for us, if he saw that we were preparing to stay here. I really fear, however, that if we once learn to live in idleness and luxury, and to consort with the tall and beautiful women and maidens of these Medes and Persians, we may, like the lotus-eaters,2 forget our homeward way, Therefore, I think it is right and proper that our first endeavour should be to return to our kindred and friends in Greece, and to point out to the Greeks that it is by their own choice that they are poor; for they could bring here the people who are now living a'hard life at home, and could see them in the enjoyment of riches. " It is really a plain fact, gentlemen, that all these

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1 Peoples of Asia Minor who were in almost constant rebellion against Persian authority; cpo esp. I. ii, 19, II. v. 13. I An allusion to Ody.sty, ix. 94 If,

20 9

27

XENOPHON

ANABASIS, III. II. 26-30

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good things belong to those who have the strength to possess them; but I must go on to another point, how we can march most safely and, if we have to fight, can fight to the best advantage. In the first place, then," Xenophon proceeded, "I think we should burn up the wagons which we have, so that our cattle may not be our captains, but we can take whatever route may be best for the army. Secondly, we should burn up our tents also; for these, again, are a bother to carry, and no help at all either for fighting or for obtaining provisions. Furthermore, Jet us abandon all our other superfluous baggage, keeping only such articles as we use for war, or in eating and drinking, in order that we may have the largest possible number of men under arms and the least number carrying baggage. For when men are conquered, you are aware that all their possessions become the property of others; but if we are victorious, we may regard the enemy as our packbearers. "It J'emains for me to mention the one matter which I believe is really of the greatest importance. You observe that our enemies did not muster lip courage to begin hostilities against us until they had seized our generals; for they believed that so long as we had our commanders and were obedient to them, we were able to worst them in war, but when they had got possession of our· commanders, they believed that the want of leadership and of discipline would be the ruin of us. Therefore our present commanders must show themselves far more vigilant than their predecessors, and the men in the ranks must be far. more orderly and more obedient to their

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III,

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distance j and a long pursuit, far away from the main Greek army, Was not possible. Again, the barbarian horsemen even while they were in flight would inflict wounds by shooting behind them from their horses j and whatever distance the Greeks might at any time cover in their pursuit, all that distance they were obliged to fall back fighting. The result was that during the whole day they travelled not more than twenty-five stadia. They did arrive, however, towards evening at the villages. l Here again there was despondency. And Cheirisophus and the eldest of the generals found fault with Xenophon for leaving the main body of the army to undertake a pursuit, and thus endangering himself without being able, for all that, to do the enemy any harm. When Xenophon heard their words, he replied that they were right in finding fanlt with him, and that the outcome bore witness of itself for their view, "But," he continued, "I was compelled to pursue when I saw that by keeping our places we were suffering severely and were still nnable to strike a blow ourselves. As to what happened, however, when we did pursue, you are quite right: we were no better able to inflict harm upon the enemy, and it was only with the utmost difficulty that we effected our own withdrawal. Let us thank the gods, therefore, that they came, not with a large force, but with a handful, so that without doing ns any great damage they have revealed our needs. For at present the enemy can shoot arrows and sling stones so far that neither our Cretan bowmen nor our javelin-men can reach them in reply j and when we pursue them, a long chase, 1

i. e. those mentioned in ii. 34. 221

XENOPHON

ANABASIS, III.

III. 15-20

away from our main body, is out of the question, and in a short chase no foot-soldier, even if he is swift, can overtake another foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. Hence, if we should propose to put an end to the possibility of their harming us on our march, we need slingers ourselves at once, and horsemen also. Now I am told that there are Rhodians 1 in our army, that most of them understand the use of the sling, and that their missile carries no less than twice as far as those from the Persian slings. For the latter have only a short range because the stones that are used in them are as large as the hand can hold; the Rhodians, however, are versed also in the art of slinging leaden bullets. If, therefore, we should ascertain who among them possess slings, and should not only pay these people for their slings, but likewise pay anyone who is willing to plait new ones, and if, furthermore, we should devise some sort of exemption for the man who will volunteer to serve as a slinger at his appointed post, it may be that men will come forward who will be capable of helping us. Again, I observe that there are horses in the army-a few at my own quarters, others that made part of Clearchus' troop and. were left behind,2 and many others that have been taken from the enemy and are used as pack-animals. If, then, we should pick out all these horses, replacing them with mules, and should equip them for cavalry, it may be that this cavalry also will cause some annoyance to the enemy when they are in flight." These proposals also were 1 Rhodian slingers were hardly less famous than Cretan bowmen. • i. e. when Clearchus' troopers deserted to the King (II. ii. 7). 223

ANABASIS, III.

XENOPHON

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34 2

VIII. 23-27

hospitality. They likewise took part in negotiations with the Greeks in behalf of the near-by Colchians, who dwelt for the most part on the plain, and from these people also the Greeks received hospitable gifts of oxen. After this they made ready the sacrifice which they had vowed; 1 and a sufficient number of oxen had come to them so that they could pay their thankoff~rings to Zeus for deliverance, to Heracles for \l'Uldl\nce, and ~o th.e o~her gods according as they had vowed. 1 hey mstltuted also athletic games on the mountain side, just where they were encamped; an~ they chose Dracontius, a Spartan, who had been exIled from home as a boy because he had accidentally killed another boy with the stroke of a dagger, to look out for a race-course and to act as manager of the games. When, accordingly, the sacrifice had been completed, they turned over the hides 2 to Dracontius and bade him lead the way to the place he had fixed upon for his race-course. He pointed out the precise spot where they chanced to be standing, and said, "This hill is superb for running, wherever you please." "How, then," they said " can men I wrest e on ground so hard and overgrown' as this is?" And he replied, "The one that is thrown will get hurt a bit more." The events were a stadium r.ace 3 for boys, most of them belonging to the captives, a long race,. in which more than sixty Cretans took part, wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium ; 5 and it made a fine spectacle; for • The O&luxos seems to have varied from six to twenty. four stadia. • A combination of boxing and wrestling. 343

XENOPHON

ANABASIS, IV.

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344

VIII. 27-28

there were a great many entries and, inasmuch as the comrades of the contestants were looking on, there waS a great deal of rivalry. There were horseraces also, and the riders had to drive their horses down the steep slope, turn them around on the shore, and bring them back again to the altar.! And on the way down most of the horses rolled over and over, while on the way up, against the exceedingly steep incline, they found it hard to keep on at a walk; so there was much shouting and laughter and cheering.

345

BOOK V

BOOK V

E 2

1. 1 'E!C o~ 'TOVTOV ~VVeA-OOV'Te 7raVTa