Winnebago Grammar 9780231899673

Table of contents :
FOREWORD
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. PHONOLOGY
II. MORPHOLOGY
TEXT
NOTES FOR TEXT

Citation preview

Winnebago Grammar

WILLIAM

LIPKIND

MORNINGSIDE

HEIGHTS

KING'S

CROWN

1945

• HEW

PRESS

YORK

Copyright 1945 by WILLIAM LIPKIND Printed in the United States of America

KINGiS CROWS PRESS is a division of Columbia University Press organized for the purpose of making certain scholarly material available at minimum cost. Toward that end, the publishers have adopt ' every reasonable economy except such as would interfere with a legible format. The work is presented substantially as submitted by the author, without the usual editorial attention of Columbia University Press.

Lithoprinted in U . S . A .

EDWARDS A N N

BROTHERS,

ARBOR,

1945

M I C H I G A N

INC

FOREWORD The field work upon which this study is based was done during the summer of 1936 and made possible by a Rockefeller gift. My greatest debt is to Franz Boas for my training for the work, the selection of the project, and advice and guidance during the preparation of this study. I wish also to thank Professor George Herzog of Columbia University for valuable suggestions in regard to phonetics. The published texts of Paul Radin I found valuable in the beginning of my analysis. As soon as I reached the field I concentrated on conversational Winnebago. My warmest gratitude goes to the residents of Winnebago, Nebraska, who did much to make my stay there pleasant -- even during a protracted drought -- and particularly to the Mission of the Dutch Reformed Church which was my home. Finally I must repeat what has been said by so many field workers before me, I will never forget the kindnesses I received at the hands of my Winnebago hosts. My principal informant, Mrs. Marguerite Hittle, was a model for me of patience, precision and the taking of pains. My other collaborators are too numerous to mention because I shamelessly drew upon every Winnebago I had the pleasure of meeting. William Lipkind

Owing to the exigencies to read proof or supervise I wish particularly careful for the

proofreading

of the war the author uas the publication

of this

to thank Paula Jacobs for her and able suggestions

in its

unable material. interest, preparation

press. M.C.L.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

P H O N O L O G Y . . . . MORPHOLOGY TEXT.

.

NOTES FOR TEXT.

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.

.

I. PHONOLOGY CONSONANTS stops

1. son. labial dental alveolar palatal glottal

b

g

surd

affricatives

asp,

gl.

F t

P*

p' t'

k

k'

k.'

son. surd

c

j

asp.

gl.

c'

continuants labial dental alveolar palatal velar breath

son.

surd

gl.

z z

s s

s' s'

g

h h

nas.

s.-v.

trill

m n

w

r

2. All the consonantal phonemes are symbolized above. A few departures from phonemic transcription seem to facilitate textreading and have the added advantage of conformity with the orthography of Radin's texts and the notes in the Handbook of American Indian languages. Thus, several additional symbols are used: n, a nasal otherwise identical with r; j, a palatal semi-vowel discussed below under vocalic changes; q, a velar nasal sometimes heard after nasalized vowels. Also, the terminal consonant of stems is represented as it sounds. With stops and the affricate it is sonant before vowels, surd ber fore consonants, and aspirate in final position. With spirants, it is sonant before vowels and otherwise surd. Similarly initial aspirates become surd when preceded by spirants. This does not affect the phonemic independence of these sounds in initial or medial position in a stem. 3. The aspirates are less strongly aspirated and the sonants more strongly voiced than English similars. J is somewhat more voiced than in ^elly, z than in ajsure. cj_ is less aspirated than in chair. s is quite like English sh. fi is a little less forcible than in German machen. r and n are made by a single rapid flap of the tip of the tongue against the alveolar ridge.

2

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

There is great variability in the point of contact of the sounds tabled as dental and alveolar. Their position is modified by neighboring sounds and tends to differ markedly with individual speakers. Glottalization is very light and the glottal stop almost imperceptible. All initial vowels are articulated with a slight glottal attack; this has been omitted from transcription as irrelevant to a structural analysis. Where the glottal stop is recorded it has, in composition, the effect of glottalizing preceding consonants. The glottal release occurs later after spirants than after stops. ^. The following table shows all the consonantal clusters that occur within stems and affixes. initial consonant

second consonant c

c k s é ñ

k ck

s

á

ks

ks

sk se sk 6c ñk

t

J kj

st

These combinations are common in initial position but never occur terminally. A number of other combinations are formed by the Juxtaposition of stems and affixes, bw, gw, Jw, zw, zw, gw, ss, pn, kt, cn, pc have been observed and others are doubtless possible. The use of the sonant in the combinations with w shows that w is felt as of vocalic force in phonetic contact. Triconsonantal clusters are avoided. VOWELS 5. As in most languages the quality of the vowel depends on its phonetic environment. Subtle differences are disregarded but the distinction between the closed and open position of the vowel is indicated by the use of a separate symbol for each, as it has been found impossible to reduce this marked differentiation of sound to rule. The following table shows all the vowels with two sets of symbols, one for closed and the other open position. pure oral

closed a i lj)

e u

.open a I o

9 i>

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR closed 3. i a

nasalized

open a r a

6. Where two Towels are brought together there may be a glide or contraction or Independence, depending on the compactness of composition or rapidity of utterance. Where the vowels are not kept separate intervocalic h disappears. Examples: nf hu2u' water pour in ntjiu tank pronounced with the vowels independent or with a glide and nasalization running on to the u or with the I remaining only as a slight palatalization of the n. s§p hi23' hSrena s§bi'23 hSre'ng s§bi 'j©ren3

black one it is it is a black one

Contractions are avoided where they may tend to confuse. The following table shows the contractions most commonly found. first vowel a e i u u a T

a a e

e e

second vowel e i w u S t w

u

a

e i

n u

e 1 w u

a

u a

T

T

Sometimes even these combinations contract differently. For instance, although e very commonly results from the combination of e and yet in the case of some words, such as iigi'2s from 2(.gS' + hiii', the i is dominant. The nasalization of one member tends to pervade all combinations except those involving e. This apparently not fully regulated treatment of vowel combination, with its considerable freedom of choice for the speaker, applies only to what may be called casual combinations. The conjunction of affixes results in fixed combinations. These are best dealt with in the sections concerned with each affix but a few examples are in place here.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

4

Examples: wa + hy wa + hi ha + g i ra + g i

> >

>

WW wi hai rai

hi + ha hr + hi hi. + ha

> > >

hira wi ya

THE SYLLABLE 7. Morphological elements are the basis of the syllable. When such an element has more than one syllable, the tendency is to divide it so that each syllable begins with a consonant or a pair of consonants. The syllable may consist of a vowel, consonant and vowel, two consonants and a vowel, consonant vowel and consonant, or two consonants vowel and consonant. The commonest unit is consonant and vowel. DURATION 8. The length of consonants has no grammatical significance. The length of vowels is largely a matter of accent, accented vowels being ordinarily about twice as long as others. The obscure vowel introduced to separate contiguous consonants that may not be combined is roughly half as long as a short vowel. Similar to this is the situation in those disyllabic Btems which are cognate with Dakota monosyllables, such as sara (Teton sla) and p'Ara (Teton bla); when not bearing the accent these take the time of one short syllable. When an accent falls on a part of a verbal complex with little meaning content, such as the declarative suffix ¿ a ' n g , lengthening of the terminal vowel of .the verbal stem will frequently occur. Also, nonaccented vowels that are the product of contraction are often long. Syllables are frequently lengthened for rhetorical effect. This is observed most strikingly in exclamations where vowels are drawn out to enormous length, often with a wide movement in pitch. A long nu is substituted for terminal declarative suffix nS when talking to someone at a distance or trying to capture the attention of a careless listener. The final vowel of imperatives is lengthened to express a more forcible command. Very like our own practice is the drawling of vowels to convey such emotional effects as laziness, slowness and the like. Of considerable importance in the analysis of words is the lengthening of vowels resulting from the composition of sterna. When the first stem, which generally contains the substantive meaning, is monosyllabic and too close to an accent to bear a subsidiary accent, its vowel is lengthened. This is apparently

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

5

similar to the lengthening of the stem vowel before 'ng, mentioned above, and its function is clearly to preserve the prominence of an important unit of meaning in a compound. Examples: a:hu' wing (arm + leg) ni:Sw'c Missouri river (water + riled) c a:STi]'MuiC gray ground squirrel (deer + fat + gray) p t:'0' mend (good + make) When a quantitative situation of this sort is observed in unanalysable or only partly analysable words, it points out the possibility of composition. Examples: ha;hg' night (hSmp* -light + rahe'-go) hu:t]wa' elk Tlqgu'k' whetstone (Tru'-stone + zuk'-wear fine) raa:hl'i]c' milkweed (ma-ground) ACCENT 9. Accent is an affair of rhythm and only tenuously related to grammatical processes. Every word is stressed at least once ami, when there are several stresses, the general tendency is toward alternation of stresses with the greatest weight on the last. No stems were found differentiated solely by accent. The accent of a stem shifts as affixes are added or other stems compounded with it but the changes cannot be reduced to rule. The desire to render especially meaningful or emphatic parts of a verbal complex salient is undoubtedly influential here, as in the duration phenomena discussed above, but other tendencies, rhythmic or phonetic or even, perhaps, grammatical, complicate the situation. What may be an important clue to the accentual maze is the position of the accent in the imperative. There the accent falls on the penult both in bisyllabic stems and monosyllables beginning with a glottalized consonant," otherwise on the ultima. Those stems that accent the ultima place the stress in the declarative on the suffix gans; the others on the stem itself. Examples: rare' Bare' k'a're

eat stab run sit

t'a're ruSure' stem stem

rue' p* ofi

die shell

waru:c3a'ma wap'o:H3s'na nPwa'qkgana mlna'kgana

he ate stabbed he ran he sat

.ID q

warujare' wap'ogare' nTSwi'qgare mlna'gare

go bury dig

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

6

The obscure vowel which separates terminal stem consonants from the imperative suffix above is not counted as a syllable. Prefixes do not affect the accent. PHONETIC PROCESSES 10. Most verb stems and a few suffixes ending in e change the e to a before the following suffixes: -a'ngga -gi.nl' -haqk', je, nsk -hire'

and already positional—lying, standing, sitting third person plural

-na -ni -re -re -wi

should, could, would negative imperative subordinating plural

This change also occurs when the stem is followed by another of the same type. But for this and the considerable number of stems ending in e that do not behave in this manner the process would seem grammatical rather than strictly phonetic in character. Examples: -a'nSga ra'nSga he went and (-re go > -ra) wagi'ranoga they danced and (wagi' to dance: -hire' third person plural > -hira) hit 'at 'a'nSga he talked and (hit'St'e' to talk > hit'at'a) ru:sa'nlkp'I'rtaja'naga one side of your body is good and (rw body; sa'nlk' side; p'l good; ra- second person pronoun; -je positional standing > -ja) -gi.nl' haHa'gmt'nS I've already buried it (ha- first person; He to bury > Ha) gibora'g inl'ni it has fallen already (¿ibere' to fall > stbara) -harjk', -je, -nak' waga'kge she meant (wage' to mean > waga; -haqk' appears also in this form without nasalization; -¿e quotative) tira'jenS it is gr. wing (tire' to grow > tira) t'a'n3kian3 he is dead (t'e to die > t'a) wa:nSk'unt he must be saying (we to say > wa) -hife' huhai'renS they were on the way (huhe' to come > huha) warai'renS they worked (ware' to work > wara) t'ai'renS they died (t'e to die > t'a)

-na

tanS'nS I could go (te to go > ta) huk'awan3'gS so that he could come in (hwk'fiwe' > huk'awa)

come in

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR k'arana'ni

he should go home (k'Sre'

7 to go back > k'ara)

-ni k'SnT2u'j ani'ns it isn't raining (k'S- negative; nI2u' to rain; -je positional standing > -ja) haqk'©' 2e:ska'nTnS it isn't so (haqk'g' negative; 2e:ske to be thus > 2e:ska) haqk'g' ta:nlksne'ns I will not go (te I go > ta) -re imperative k'a're dig (k'e to dig > k'a) warare' work (ware' to work > wara) Hare' bury (He to bury > Ha) -re subordinating k' i 'rikja 'nar§' that is to come (k'iri' to return; -kjane future suffix > -knana) nlgi'p'aKun'kjana're which I am going to pour for you (ni- second person object; gi- dative; p'aHu'qk' I pour; -kja'ne future suffix > -kjana) -wi nagu'hwwa'winarfa' hai'Hawina we've passed by the road we should have taken (nagu' road; hwwe' go in > huwa; -wi plural; -na should; -ra subordinating; haiHa' to pass by) hlrtu'k'airtawi'ni they covered us (hi- first person object; ruk'a' cover: -hire' third person plural > -hira) other stems of the same type ajirSga' when he starts talking (e to speak >a; jire' to start) wara'rene he went to work (ware'to work > wara; re to go) The following sterna change e to a: bue'e' c'awe' e gic'e' hawe ' hige' hêrêhi're hire' hit 'e't 'e huk'ê'we hunase' hwk'i't'e huhe' htske' k'e k'êre '

break off go toward say skim suffer ask put in place of think speak come in shut talk to come thus open a carcass go home

näqgi 're nïhe' rac 'e ' rawe' rue'e ruike' re âtbsre' tire' wage' ware' we He k'e t'e

to be frightened continue bite off carry in mouth break off untie go fall move mean work grind bury dig die

8

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Also the following suffixes: -je -hire' -k'e

positional standing third person plural often

-kje -kja'ne -ske

intentive future dubitative

This process is subject to many exceptions. Any of the above stems may occur unchanged although they are much more frequently encountered with the change. In addition, the following stems never change final e: gi2e' hap 'e' hik' ¡.ruse' hiwage' kje p'e ra£e' ru 'e'

break up «ait be tangled be plentiful revenge drip fish out with mouth open a bundle

rut 'e' ruwe' ruie' ruge' ske ¿'e ge K'e

hurt pluck undo take out, of water be clean drip jeer drip

The above lists are not exhaustive and many derivatives and forma with other prefixes have been omitted. However, a sufficient number have been collected to show that no phonetic distinction can be made between those, stems that change the vowel and those that do not. A comparison with the Ponca and Mandan change from e to a and the Teton change from a to e strengthens the probability that this process was in origin grammatical and a correlate of suffixation. 11. r changes to n whenever it follows a nasalized vowel. Examples: maqSuria feather (maijSu; -fa definite article) hlrtu's we took it (hi- dual subject pronoun; rus to take) ru:k't'r!e roast (rw-'k'I' to roast; -re imperative) nap'a'ul'rte they make baskets (nap'a basket; 'u to make; -hire third person plural) 12. After a nasalized vowel the plural suffix wi is nasalized. Examples: naijiT'wlrie' stand (nanil' to stand: wi plural; -re imperative) tacka'wl we drink (tacka/ I drink; -wi plural) wagina'wi we intertwine (wagina' to intertwine; -wi plural)

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

9

13. After the prefix hi the h of the prepositional prefixes ha and hw changes to r. Examples:

h i r a w a ' j a push with ( h i - with; h a w a j i ' push) hiraw6'gu blow with ( h i - with; hawSgu' blow on) p ' g j i r o t ' 5 ' kindling ( p ' e c ' f i r e ; h i - with; hw- in; t ' O c a s t ) naji.rawe' be easy on (nac' h e a r t ; h i - with; hawe' s u f f e r ) h i r a k ' S ' w § r a the s i x t h ( h i - with; hak'g'wg s i x ; - r a d e f i nite article)

1**. The suffixes -gl, -pp., -gajS, -gtnl', -gi'zl, -ge lose their _g_ after k'. Examples:

t u f t u ' r u k ' t i i if I accomplish i t (tufiu'ruk* I accomplish it; -gi'2i if) hanu'ijgama'qk'a I lying t h e r e (hanu'qk' I l i e ; -msqk' f i r s t person of the p o s i t i o n a l -haqk' l y i n g ; - g a subordinating s u f f i x which forms verbal nouns) h m u k c ' S ' k ' a my s o n ' s w i f e (hi.nukc'6'k' s o n ' s wife; - g a used a f t e r names and terms of r e l a t i o n s h i p in r e f e r e n c e ) wugi-'tSk'tnl' a f t e r he got angry (wwgi'tSk* to get angry; -g(.nl' after) n a n g ' k ' a j s ' he i s already sleeping (na t o sleep; - n i k ' p o s i t i o n a l s i t t i n g ; - g a j S already)

15. When an element beginning with i is added, to one ending in a consonant, in a closely compounded word, i changes to a. Examples:

r a p s S ' ' § t h a t beaver ( r a p ' beaver; ¿©''6 t h a t ) m l a ' n a k g l k j e ' at l e a s t 1*11 s i t (mla'nak' I s i t ; - 2 i at l e a s t ; - k j e f u t u r e imperative) wap'o'figg he stabbed (wap'o'ft to stab; -ie quotative) t u w s ' i j k i e i i would I could p u l l i t down (tuwS'ijk I p u l l down; -te'ii optative) After s the consonant z is assimilated.

Examples:

wacki'sS he sawed ( w a c k t ' s to saw; -26 quotative) r u g a ' s S he t o r e ( r u g a ' s t o tear; -26 quotative)

But vacki'sse and ruga'sse are also heard. The assimilation of s after s may beet be observed in the frequently encountered use of the declarative suffix aana after stems ending in £. Some speakers always drop the s, others only in rapid speech. The appearance of only the uncontracted form in Radin's texts and the insistence of two informants that only this form is

10

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

correct (although the other was heard in their speech) tend to indicate that this may tie a very recent phonetic development. 16. n is often palatalized when it occurs before X followed by a palatal consonant. This is exceedingly common in very rapid speech. Examples: c'inl'k* small house (c'i house; -nlk" diminutive) wagina'nigg' piece of rope (wagina' rope; ru'gg piece) haqkS' tanl'kjane I will not go (-haqkS' negative; ta I go; -nl negative; -kjane future) nal'naganu'nlgg alt-hough he's fallen asleep (na to sleep, hina'k* to flop down in a sitting position; -nu'nTgg subordinating disjunctive) 17. Rather unusual phonetic phenomena attend the use of the future suffix -kjane. In the first place, after a stem ending in a consonant the vowel j. is inserted instead of the very short a which is generally used to separate consonants that cannot form a combination. Further, an alternative and even more unusual form is possible. The is introduced into the final syllable of the verb and the final consonant of the verb, which now follows, enters into combination with the initial consonants of the suffix, k disappearing and J being transformed into c, c' or t. Examples: rac'o'p' mina'k' waru'c." ruga's wap'oR

to chew rac'obi'kjane' or rac'oi'pjane' ta sit mina'gikjane' or minaT'k,jane' to eat ,waruj l'kjane' or warui'c ane' to tear rugazi'kjane' or rugai'stane' to stab wap *og 1'kjane' or wap'oi'Hcane'

18. When a stem ending in a stop is followed by n, the usual practice is to use the sonant form of the stop and to insert the obscure vowel between the consonants. In rapid speech, however, n is heard directly after the medial form of the stop without vocalic interval. Examples: hinuknl'qgara the girls for the more usual (hinugani'gara, hinu'k' woman; -nlk* diminutive; -ra definite article) haggpna'kiana it is growing for the more usual (hag§bana'k3ana, hagg{5' to grow; -nak' positional sitting; -S3na declarative) 19. A few very common words sometimes appear, particularly in rapid speech, in very contracted forms.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

11

Examples: nlkjaT'qk' (-jsqk* zigis'

a

child real;

for

-ink'

squirrel

indefinite

article)

nlkjs'qgsntk',

-ruk'

diminutive;

diminutive) for

zi:

g(.'2a,

zik'

squirrel;

(-hi25'

II. MORPHOLOGY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 20. Position is the chief source of grammatical relations. There is no clear limit between Juxtaposition and composition; contiguity in most cases results in phonetic modification. Clauses are thus firmly welded together with the particles that indicate the broadest syntactic relationships placed at the end. A email number of prefixes and suffixes serve for a great variety of grammatical functions. Some words have apparent infixes but there is evidence that such forms may be the result of composition. Reduplication is still in caramon use although other methods of expressing continuation, repetition and distribution are perhaps as frequent. There are many examples still remaining in the vocabulary of a now obsolete procesB of representing intensity by consonantal variation. GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES 21. Nominal stems are distinguished from verbal stems although nouns may bear most of the verbal affixes, and many of them with slight modification of form may serve as verbs. Plurality of the noun is suggested by a suffix to the verb which attaches the idea of plurality of the whole sentence without indicating the plural elements precisely. A classification of nouns according to form is implied by the use of verbal auxiliaries which describe the position of. the subject as standing, sitting or lying. There are three sets of possessive pronouns, one restricted to kinship terms and another, which resembles it closely, to animals. Subjective and objective pronouns are distinct. The former are used as the subjects of active verbs, the latter as the objects of transitive verbs and the subjects of verbs expressing a state or condition. Only the first person, the second person, the inclusive dual and the third person plural are specified. The indirect object, the reflexive object and the object possessed by the subject are indicated with great exactness by additional prefixes placed after the pronominal prefixes . Demonstratives seem to designate at least four positions but these are not clearly distinct. The positional auxiliaries are used with demonstratives.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

13

Suffixation is used to express tense, mode, number, aspect, definiteness, subordination, and a variety of adverbial ideas. The prefixes are pronominal, locative and instrumental. Complex verbal ideas are largely expressed by composition, and seme stems, such as to come, to go, to try, to make, to cause, to become, etc., are ueed in this way so frequently that they may be regarded as auxiliaries. COMPOSITION OF STEMS 22. Compound nouns are formed by the combination of noun and noun, noun and neutral verb, and noun and active verb. Examples:

Noun and Noun

hiSca:su' eye i:nl' saliva ma:'i' spring na:ha' bark

hiSca face; su seed i mouth; n! water ma ground; i mouth na tree; ha skin

Noun and Neutral Verb nl:3wc' Missouri river naisa'qk' maple c'a:it'qliuc' gray ground squirrel c'a:ska' sheep

ni water; ¿uc' riled na tree; saijk' tasteless c'a deer; ST fat; Hue' gray c'a deer; ska white

Noun and Active Verb hampgu' dawn sa'k 6r6 war-bundle k'w'gawana' barrel p'fi'j irut 'u' kindling

hamp' light, gu to come sa reed; kg're to stand k'uk' box; hawana' to roll p'Sc* fire; hi with; hw in; t 'u to cast

Compound verbs, both active and neutral are formed by the composition of noun and verb, and verb and verb. Examples:

Noun and Verb

wa:zl' to suckle ma:ria'c" to make an appointment na'mbiruga'c' to sacrifice BuSa'ra to be bare

was breast; hi to suck ma ground; rac' to name namp' hand; hi with; ruga'c* to spread Ku skin; Sa'ra bare

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAS

14

Verb and Verb t'ure' to discard t'u to cast; re to go manlgu' to walk toward here man! to walk; gu to come p'i'u' to mend p"*T good; 13 to do Uijc'ebi' to finish u to do; c'ep* new; hi to make t g'hip'T vulnerable t'Shi' to kill; p'T good Very complex compounds are frequently formed. Examples: hamba'j askSHcI broad daylight hamp' day; haja' to see; ske clear; McT intensitive ruhambot'S'k'Irta' the killing outright rw body; hamp" whole; hw- nominalizer; t'Shi' to kill; k'i reflexive; -ra definite article A study of these compounds, when, as in the examples given above, they are not too complex or broken down phonetically, shows that their formation follows the ordinary syntactic patterms. When a compound noun is formed out of nominal stems, the last stem has the substantive meaning and preceding stems are qualificatory. In a compound noun resulting from noun and verb combination the noun is first and the verbal modifiers of meaning follow, as in the normal subordinate clause. A compound verb, if a compound of noun and verb, is organized as it would be if the noun were object of the verb. If a compound of two verbs or more the last verb determines whether the compound is active or neutral. There is only one respect in which compounds differ from the ordinary products of Juxtaposition: their meaning is fixed and more limited. Juxtaposed elements have a wider variety of possible meanings and depend on context and vocal emphasis for their more precise definition. THE VERB Verbal Complex 23. The moat common order of elements in the verbal complex is: locative, pronoun, Instrumental, stem and suffixes. There are, however, a number of departures from this order. The inclusive dual subject hi- and the inclusive dual object wg'rigaalways occupy first position in the complex. The third person plural object wa also precedes the locative but is placed after hi-. On the other hand, the other subjective and objective pronouns follow the instrumentale nfi-, a&-, by- and ta-.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

15

Locatlye Prefixes 2b. There are three prefixes, ha-, hai- and hi-, which are generally locative or directional in meaning tut also have less easily described meanings of adverbial character. In same cases a stem is not found without one or another of these prefixes and it is impossible to isolate the significance of the prefix. (a) ha- can usually be translated "on." Examples: nuqk' to lie ¿(.bare' to fall waKu' to pour t'amp' to jump

hanu'qk' to lie on hag (.bare' to fall on. hawahu' to pour on hat'a'rap' to jump upon

(b) ha- can usually be translated "in" or "into." Examples: na to sleep t'g to die t'amp' to jump mlna'k' to sit

hwna' to sleep in hwt'S' to die in hwt'Smp' to jump into hwmina'k' to sit in

(c) hi- can most often be translated "with." Examples: ruti' to pull 'u to do nawa' to sing haqte' to dream

hiruti' to pull with hi'u' to do with hinawa' to sing about hihaijte' to dream about

In some of the verbs never found without a locative it is possible to see the influence of the locative meaning; others are altogether unanalyzable. Examples: hwwafia'wa to push into (but hawafia'wa to push) hawaja' to push huwaski 'qk' to pack hwwaro' to swing huja' to wear on the foot (may be from ja standing positional) huc'a' to wear on the legs hap'e' to wait for hip'S'rSs to think (may be from p'S'rSs clear) huwSgu' to blow hwrugu'c* to look at hurup'a'na to smell

16

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

There are a number of instances of two locatives used together. In most of these one of the prefixes is inseparable from the stem but in some cases both prefixes are separable. Examples: hirok'u' to use hirasa' together hiraru'c'ap' together hiro'it'u fireplace hiruni'k* to follow hirwwe' to track najirawe' to be easy on hiraru'k'a to cover with

hi- hok'u' to give hi- hasa' to fasten hi- haruc'a'p" to get hold of hi- hw; gi- indirect object; t u cast hi- hwni'k' to run along hi-; huwe' to go in nàc' heart; hi-; hawe' suffer hi-; haruk'a' to cover

These prefixes have a variety of other uses, same of them difficult to understand. (a) ha- is used with the third person plural of verbs of notion. Examples: hagu'ire they came harai 're they went hahuhai're they came harahai're they went haji're they arrived hahi're they arrived

gu he came (starting) re he went (starting) huhe' he came (on the way) rahe'he he went (on the way ji' he arrived (coming) hi he arrived (going)

(b) hd- is used to namlnalize verbs and generally can be translated "the place where" or "the time when" when so used. Examples: humla'nagara the place where I sat hi,)-; mlna'k' with first person pronoun ha inserted; -ra definite article hut'6' the place to die, time to die ha-; t'§ to die hwagi' dance, dancing-place hw-; waSi' to dance huru'T' dozen hw-; ru'I' to buy (c) hi- is prefixed to kinship terms, forms ordinals and adverbs, and, preceded by the nominalizer wa-, forms terms denoting instruments.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAS Examples: hic'ui'k'S grandfather hitg'k* mother's brother hic'uwT' father's sister

in address c'w'k'a in address te'ga in address, c'u'wi

hinumbera' the second hijubara' the fourth

hi-; nump* two; -ra definite article hi - ; jwp' four; -ra

higkg' also hi2i' at least hiskS' like

suffix -Ske also suffix -2i at least dubitative suffix -ske

wiru'c' fork

wa- nominalizer; hi-; rue' to eat wa-; hi-; k'e to dig wa-; hi-; ware' to work

wik'S' spade wirS' something to work with

Modal Prefix 25. The prefix wa-, which probably means "something" or "thing" (the word for "something" is vazs' - wa- + hi za the indefinite article), is used to make transitive verbs intransitive and to form nouns out of active and neutral verbs. Examples: waru'c' to eat wat'e' to kill we to say wa'u' to be

rue' to eat it t'e to kill him e to say it 0 to make it

waga'fi paper watS'fi bladder wwra'k' story wac'6'k' virgin wail' fat waskS' dish

gaH to plan t^K to urinate hurS'k' to tell c'S'k" new fat ske clean

wa- is placed before the locative prefixes and* forms close combinations with them. It assimilates ha-, and forms mo- and wl- with hu- and hi-. The pronominal prefixes take the same order with regard to wa as with the locative prefixes. Instrumental Prefixes 26. The meaning of verbal stems is modified by the use of eight prefixes which indicate the instrument by which an action is performed or define the character of the action with

17

18

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

respect to direction of motion. This process is no onger entirely free: there are many stems vhich cannot he used, without the instrumentais. (a) nâ-, by the use of the foot. Examples. na^i'ii to break najl'mp' to tilt nakiu' to spill naftca'k* to kick nalU'tip' to pound nasi' to upset, to stretch feet out naji'k* to scrape, to straighten legs out naftu'fi to break something brittle nawZ'S to pinch hwnazt'p' to squash something smeary hynalU'ri to squash

nat'e' to hurt naBu'ruk' to accomplish naica' to release naga' to scratch as a chicken does . nak'S's to scratch nak'o'k" to tap nati' to climb nast'k' to run ahead of naji's to outrun nai]2T' to stand hanaja' to push hwnaja' to drive in hwnaKo'rok' to go through

(b) ag-, vith the knife, by cutting. Examples: mak'u'nuk* to cut maqie'ng to cut to nothing mailt'ri to squash maja'S to blister mawI'S to pinch mat'e' to hurt mazi.'p' to smear maha'p' to open, to make a hole maj(.'k' to stretch maj Imp' to bend mak'S's to^scrape mac'e' to cut a piece off

mac'ki's to sever majo'fi to burst maKo'ro to peel mafiu'ruk' to accomplish marjii/p* to whittle makSa'p' to cut in half mac'o'p* to cut in small pieces map'S're to slice thin ma^o'ga to cut thick maqiu' to whittle map'op'o'K to cut holes in

fc) va-, by pressure, by pushing avay from the body. Examples: wagi'g to break wak'u'nuk' to break off with a saw waKi'ri to smash

waâ t 'p to knock down wap'o'H to stab waéa'ra to wear off waga's to tear

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR waist'p* to mash wat 'e to hurt waha'p' to punch a hole waKu'K to break something brittle waga' to raise wak'i's to scrape wajt'mp' to tilt waha' to wear clothes till threadbare

19

wafiu' to spill waio'roc' to pry out wajt's to push away waski' to sting waie' to break down waka' to scour hawaj a' to push huwaskT'ijk' to pack wahu'ruk to accomplish huwaru' to swing

(d.) gi-, by striking. Examples: giss'k' to kill, to knock unconscious gik'u'nuk' to chop, to hammer off gizt'p' to stir something soft giht'ri to mash gtc'kt's to cut with a scythe gifiu'K to break something brittle giwi'qk' to knock down, chop down gi2e' to break up gista'k' to dent gik'a' to scour

gijo'K to break something pulpy gik a to knock over gisS'we to quiet a trembling thing gijt'mp' to tilt gisu' to upset gip'S're to hammer thin giia'ca to cut bare gigku' to clear off giKo'ro to strip off giha' to wear out giwl'g to strike an edge gisS'p' to beat out a fire giie'na to knock to smithereens gic'ka' to try, to dig for giga's to tear

(e) ra-, with the mouth. Examples: rasts'k' to dent rac'kt's to cut rafiu'H to break something brittle ragt'g to break rac'e' to bite off ragt'k' to chew to fragments rati' to pul], rawe' to carry raKa'ta to spit out rast'ri ^ o vomit rac'o'g' to chew rari'c to bend

rawlg to pinch rai'ai'a' to tickle raike' to untie rawaK to break a thread raga's to tear, to make a fauxpas rac ka' to taste rac'ka' to drink rasu' to seed rajt'k' to stretch ra.t'e' to hurt razt'p' to mouth something soft rage' to fish out

20

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR (f) ru-, with the hand, by pulling toward the 'body.

Examples: ruwl'g to pinch rug'aS'a' to tickle rati' to pull ruwa'qk' to pull down ruHu'ruc* to accomplish ruge' to undo, to take to pieces ru^ke' to untie rut'e' to hurt ruwa'H to break a string rusi'ri to squeeze out rusu' to shell rutto'ro to peel ruftu'H to break something brittle

ruwe' to pluck, to pick ruzt'p* to get fingers in something soft or sticky ruhi'ri to get fingers in something not so soft ruc'e' to break off a hunk rukäa'p* to break in half ru'e' to take out ruäip' to take down ruga'k' to break a splinter off rujt'k' to stretch rusu'wu to feel something grainy, to get lumps out ruc'a'k' to sew

(g) ta-, with fire, with heat. Examples: taKu' to burn tac'Sp* to burn up tat '§'k' to wilt taHS're to fry tagic' to over-roast tazi'c' to sizzle taHfi'we to overcome, to overheat talU'nl to burn to embers talli'ri to melt metal, to cook something thick tac'o'woS to cook to a crisp, to shrivel taka'c' hot

taho'bare cooked to a turn tasS'p' blacken taga's to tear tafio'ro to peel tap'i'ris to shrivel up tawu's to dry tasa' to fade ta^S'p to tan taso'fi to make a frying sound tafta'c* to burst while cooking tajo'k" to cook till tender taksi's to harden ta^cu'c' to warm

(h) bw-, by shooting, by blowing, by great force. Examples: buSi'S to break bwga's to burst bwhu'K to break something brittle bwt'e' to hurt bwski' to sting bustG'k' to dent

bwio'roc* to pry out, blow out buit'p" to knock down bwc'i'wiS to strike a glancing blow, to hit the edge of the target bwlU'ri to mash bwlU'tip' to pound

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR buáa'ns to miss bwzi'p to mash buk'S's to blow clean bwk'é'we to fall violently buáa'ra to blow bare bwk'u'nuk' to break bus'a's'a to ticklfe

21

bwha'p* to bore a hole bwta' to punch with the fist busa'k' to knock down buha' to rot buc'u'qgkunl to blow to pieces busS'rtk* to shoot off an edge bwHu' to squirt

27. When an action occurs of its ovn accord or the cause is unknown or if, for any reason, it is desirable not to specify the agent, it is expressed by using the verbal stem without instrumentals in the third person plural form. Examples: jo'gire it' is broken -jofi to break; -ire third plural ga'zire it is torn -gas to tear This is treated as a neutral verb taking the objective personal pronouns. The third person plural form indicates that the pronouns cannot be regarded as objects. Examples: hlit'iire I am broken hi first person; to break; -ire third plural ¿titrai're they are broken to br6ak; -ire third plural An obsolescent prefix nS- is still sometimes used when the meaning is very forcibly-"of its own accord." Examples: najo'ft to b„urst (a boil) nap'a'raS to burst (a balloon) nafio'ro to peel (a scab) naga'k* to break off (a splinter) nallu'H to break (something brittle) naK'^'c' to get loose nagke' to untie nawa'fi to tear (a string) naijS to ferment Verb Classes 28. Two classes of verbs are found: (a) those prefixing all the ordinary pronouns and (b) those prefixing e for the second person subject.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

22

PRONOUNS First Class 29. Two kinds of stems are distinguished by the use of different subject pronouns: (a) verba expressing an activity and (b) neutral verbs which express a state or condition and take as subjects the pronouns otherwise used as the objects of active verbs. The pronominal subjects and objects of active verbs are: subjective First person Second person Inclusive dual

harahi-

objective hlnl wSqga-

The general pluralizing suffix vi is used to indicate the plural of all these forms. There is no third person singular pronoun; wherever no pronominal subject or, in the case of a transitive verb, no pronominal object is expressed, a third person subject and object is inferred. In the plural the third person subject is marked by the suffix -ire both for active and neutral verbs, and the object of transitive verbs by the prefix wa-. It seems likely that these forms are of later development than the other personal pronouns: an unspecified third person plural consisting of the verb stem and the suffix -wi may be UBed instead. With transitive verbs where both pronominal subject and object are required the object is put before the subject. The only exception is the Inclusive dual subject which invariably precedes all other prefixes. The first person subject is assimilated after pronominal objects and affects the accent. Examples: Active stem fie to bury haKe' I bury him rafie' thou buriest him Ke he buries him hifte' thou and I bury him haKawi' we (they and I) bury him

raKawi' you bury him Hai're or fiawi' they bury him hTfiawi' we (you and I) bury him ni'fie I bury thee wa'*ie I bury them hlriaKe' thou buriest me waraKe' thou buriest them

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

23

Neutral stem s 'ak ' old hlë'a'k"1 am old niá'a'k* thou art old á'ak* he is old wáijgaá ' a'k' thou and I are old

hlá'a'gwi we old niá'a'gwi you á'a'gire they waqgaá ' a'gwi old

(they and I) are are old are old we (you and I) are

Second Class 30. A number of verbs beginning with w, r, g, n, h, J, or t' indicate the first and second persons by modifications which with V representing the first vowel of the stem, are shown on the following table : w First person Second person Third person Inclusive dual

p'v svwv wv hlwv

r tv ávrv rv hïnv

n

h

hanv svnv nv hïnv

ha ' V s 'v 'v hi ' v

hv sv hv hïhv

g k'v skv gv hlgv

J

t'

c'v écv Jv hi jv

c'v lev t'v hlt'v

Verbs in w añd r are very numerous as all stems bearing the instrumental prefixes wa, ra and ru belong to this class. Plurals are formed as in verbs of the first class. Examples: te I go S§re' thou goest re he goes hine' thou and I go tuica' I stop gurugca' thou stoppest ru^ca' he stops hirfugca' thou and I stop tac'ka' I taste garac'ka' thou tastest rac'ka' he tastes hirtac'ka' thou and I taste p'aii' I dance Hawaii' thou dancest wagi' he dances hiwaii' thou and I dance p'ap'o'fi I stab gawap'o'K thou stabbest wap'o'K he stabs hiwap'o'K thou and I stab

tawi' we (they and I) go áarawi' you go rai're they go hîrtawi' we (you and I) go

24

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Verbs in n and. ' are common and, as the table shows, differ from first class verbs only in the second person. Examples: ha'u' I do i'u thou dost 'u he does hl'u' thou and I do

ha'uwi' we g'uwi' you u'lrie they hl'uwi' we

(they andl) do do do (you and I) do

ha'I' I survive, turn into i'l thou livest 'I he lives hl'I' thou and I live mia'nak' I sit raiii'nak' thou sittest mlna'k' he sits hlrainS'k' thou and I sit ha'ni I have haglni' thou hast hanl' he has hlnl' thou and I have Verbs in h and g are rare and almost always occur in doubly conjugated compound verbs. Examples: huhe' I come on the way guge' thou coraest huhe' he comes hlhuhe' thou and I come k'u I come start gku thou comest gu he comes higu' thou and I come k'uhe' I come back on the way Skuge' thou comest back guhe' he comes back hlguhe' thou and I come back Slightly varying from this group is the verb e to say: Examples: hihe' I say hihawi' we (they and I) say ht£e' thou sayest htiawi' you say ai're they say e he says hl'e' thou and I say hi'awi' we (you and I) say

25

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Of the last group in J^ and t]_ the only examples found are the verts given "below. Examples: hac'a' I see ha^ca thou seest haja' he sees hlja' you and I see

e e l die êce thou diest t 'e he dies hlt'e' thou and I die

The auxiliary for the Bitting position -ngk*' belongs to the second group of second class verts and is identical in forms with the verb mlnS'k' "to sit" given above minus the prefix ml. The auxiliary for the lying position hgrfc* has unusual forms : -mlijk I lie -ga'waqk' thou liest -heqk' he lies -hsijk' thou and I lie

-haha'qk" we (they and I) lie -haga'waijk' you lie -haha'qk they lie -haha'ijk' we (you and I) lie

The suffix -wi may be added to all the plural forms. Ho ambiguity is created by the similar forms as the verb which precedes the auxiliary bears the ordinary pronouns. Second class verbs prefix tlje same pronominal objects as the first class. Examples: nip'ap'o'fl I stab thee hl5ca' thou seest me wac'a' I see them CONTRACTIONS WITH PREFIXES 31. Contractions of the pronouns occur with a number of prefixes . (a) Verbs with the prefix ha contract: ha-haFirst person subject hl-haInclusive dual First person object ha-hlThird person plural object wa-ha wârçga-ha Inclusive dual object Examples : ha't'ump' I lay on harat'u'mp' thou layest on hat'u'rap' he lays on hit'u'rap' thou and I lay on wa't'urag' he lays them on wangat'u'mp' he lays us on

into into into into into

ha hi- or ha:hlwa'wänga-

ha'te I chop harate' thou choppest hate' he chops ha:te' thou and I chop

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

26

(b) Verbs with the prefix h^ contract: First person subject Inclusive dual subject First person object Inclusive dual object Third person plural object

hw--hahï--hwhw's he, instead of me, took it (e; c'a instead; hi- first person object; gi- indirect object; rus to take) ne:c'a'hana' I slept, instead (ne; c'5 instead; ha- first person subjective; na to sleep) ne'éanàj (.wi' we only came (ne; ¿ana only; ha- first person subject; ji to come; -wi plural) e'éanl hére' he is the only one (e; éans only; hére' to be)

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

30

INFIXED PRONOUNS 35. A number of verta of more than one syllable, that cannot be shown to be compounds, insert the pronoun after the first syllable. The resulting forms are the same as pronominal forms with the locatives and the instrumentals mS and na. It is striking that in more than half of the verbs of this type collected the first syllable is ha, hu, wa, m2, or nS. But there is no hint in the meaning of the verbs or the character of their remaining syllables that would justify treating ha, hoi, wa, m3. and na in these cases as prefixes. A more exhaustive collection and comparison of stems may ultimately result in the full analysis of these verbs. A tentative hypothesis is that some of them are the result of composition and others of mistaking the first syllable for a prefix. Comparison with Dakota cognates* strongly suggests the latter possibility in some cases. The following verbs of this type were found: First class 'aqc'u to unload 'aqc'k'a'nsk' to take out of water nape' to wait (Dakota ap'e') hawe' to suffer hepii' to sneeze (Dakota pga) huns'k' to help lift or walk, to run along hofU'wi to cough (Dakota hofipa') nap'Z' wear around the neck (Dakota nap'I') naKku' to hear (Dakota nafi'u') naSe' to take away nacu' to hold an armload Neutral verb tuk'Swihi to be hungry nawa' to sing (Dakota Iowa' does not infix) nlha' to breathe (Dakota niya' does not infix) nl'a'mp' to live (ni living is a common element in compounds) nuwa'qk' to run (Dakota Tya'ka takes double pronouns) nuwa'waqk' to be shy, nervous nuKa'wa to hide (Dakota naft'ma') rugu' to want rwgi' to forbid ruk'I' to roast (Dakota c'ok'I') watogl to pout in anger (Dakota ofi! 'ya to pout in disappointment) umiR' to be used to * Dakota cognates supplied by Professor Franz Boas.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

31

Second class hunl' to hunt hwwggu to blow hwrugu'c' to look at hurup'a'na to smell (Dakota m.na it gives off an odor) manu' to steal (Dakota manu') raanl' to walk (Dakota mani') manuni to wander off, get lost (Dakota nuni' does not infix) mTni'k' to sit ware' to work

Both first and second class pronoun in second person W T ' to adorn oneself na'i' to try

Double conjugation nagi're to be frightened

(narfa'gisgre' thou art frightened)

POSSESSION 36. Several types of personal possession are discriminated by somewhat different treatment of three classes of words: the kinship terms, words denoting animals and all other nouns. (a) With kinship terms the causative suffix hi as conjugated for the various persons and the subordinating suffixes -ra or -ga are suffixed after the term. The forms are as follows: hara or ga raga hira or ra hlhi'ra

ray thy his thine and

ray

hawi'ra rawi'ga hi'rSra hlhiwi'ra

our (exclusive) your their our (inclusive)

All terms having the prefix hi- take the first person hara and the few terms without it take ga for the first person. Examples: nani'ga my mother c'uwlq'^a my father's sister h tsu'i]k hara my younger brother tunu'hara my elder sister hie'qjlhiwi'ra our father (inclusive)

Ob) With stems denoting animals the element nl (possibly the item meaning "living" found in compounds) ia suffixed before the causative hi and the subordinating suffix. The form, are as follows: niha'ra my nlhi'ra his nilla'ra or .11'hira thine and my nirta'ga thy nlha'wira our (exclusive)

32 nîrta wira or nîrtaiga

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

nlhi'réra nlhi'wira

your

their our (inclusive)

The verb nlhl' "to own" is used with animal objects. The substantive formed from this verb wanlhl/ has the meaning "slave." Examples: ¿u'qganiha'ra my dog wl'ijganirta'wira your duck c'enlhi'ra his cattle su'qgsniha' I have a dog (c) With all other nouns the possessive is indicated by suffixing the second class verb hanl "to own" and the subordinating suffix -ra. Examples: c'i'hanlrta' my house c' i 'ha^Iruila' thy house c'ihanl' I have a house (d) The preceding forms are appended to nouns like relative clauses. With verbal stems that have been nominalized possession is expressed by prefixing the pronouns in the regular way. The stem c 1 "house" was selected for the last examples because it is also a verbal stem "to dwell." Nominalized by the prefix ho)- it forms: wac'i'ra my house horac'i'ra thy house huc'i'ra his house (literally 'in-dwell-the') hu'c'ira thine and my house VERBAL SUFFIXES 37. A considerable number of elements are added to verbal stems to modify their meaning with respect to tense, mode, number, definiteness, subordination, and a variety of adverbial ideas. These particles, when a guess at their origin is possible, seem to derive largely from the demonstratives and the articles, the same sources which furnish a good deal of the material out of which the greatest number of adverbs are constructed. For convenience in exposition they have been divided into three classes: (a) final suffixes, those that take last position in a verbal complex which may serve as a complete statement; (b) adverbial suffixes, those that are ordinarily found in intermediate positions; and (c) subordinating suffixes, those that take last position in a subordinate clause.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAK

33

FINAL SUFFIXES 3 8 . The final suffixes are chiefly modal in character. With the exception of the interrogative, which has no suffix, and a few truncated statements, mostly of an exclamatory nature, all sentences are completed "by one of these suffixes. 39. Declarative -ng or -sans. Statements made of the speaker's own knowledge are completed by the suffixes na after vowels and san§ after consonants. These are by far the commonest sentence terminations and serve as little more than stops. Examples: wa'jara sepSa'na the boat was black (wac* boat; ra definite article; sep" black; -gani) narta' tira'jena the tree is growing (na tree; -ra definite article; tire' to,raove; je standing positional; -na) wa^i'rSkjsne'ni e'gi waru'j irSkjane'na they are going to dance and eat (wagi' to dance; -ire third plural; -kjane future; -na; e'gi and, then; waruc" to eat; -ire third plural; -kjane future; -na) waiina'gi na'wanana if he danced I would sing (waSi' to dance; -na conditional; -gi subordinating; nawa' to sing with hafirst person assimilated; -na conditional; -na) 1*0. Emphatic -nu. In calling to people at a distance or in trying to capture the attention of careless listeners, the suffix -nw, usually long drawn out, is used instead of -na. Examples: haKe'nw: I buried it I tell you (ha- first person; Ke to bury; -nui) k'Sre'nu he's gone (in response to the shouted question, where is he"?) (kSre' to go; -nu') Ul. Emphatic -zare". This suffix throws emphasis on the whole sentence, as distinguished from the devices, discussed in section ¿k, for throwing emphasis on the subject and those, that will be discussed below in sections 63 and 6k, for throwing emphasis on the verb. Examples: nagarS' he did sleep (whatever you say) (na to sleep, -2arS') ha'u'qgarg' I did it (and it's done with) (ha- first person; u to do; -iarg') k2. Imperative -re. The suffix -re is added to the stem to form the imperative. The final vowel varies from e to e to e:,

34

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

increasing in closure and length with the forcibility of the command. The accentual situation in the imperative is discussed in section 9, page 5, where examples will tie found. lf-3. Quotative zê. This suffix is appended to all hearsay information. Examples : haja'iê he saw him (ha.ja' to see; -îê) giri'gnâkâê it was coilei (gin'K to coil; nik' sitting positional; -tê after consonants -éê) we'iê he said nî'rîugit 'i'mpéê he jumped back into the water (ni water; -ra definite article; hw- into; gi to arrive going back; t'imp' to jump; -tê) All the above examples are from a story which the narrator has heard but not witnessed. When direct discourse is reported, the declarative suffix -re is used. For example, from the same tale: we'2ê hâhâ' c'ok'a' iegû'ni he said, 'Now, grandfather, it is done' (we to say; -2ê; hâhâ exclamation; c'ok'a' grandfather; 2egu finished; -nl) Mt-. Optative -zezl. The optative mode is expressed by the suffix -zezl. Examples: nâKkû'îrîê2e'2i would they could hear (nâKkû' to hear; -ire third plural; -ie£i) mïâ'nàkée'gi 0, that I might sit (mlns'k' to sit; ha- first person infixed; -¿eii changes to -ieii after a consonant) zezl may be derived from the combination of the demonstratlve zê'ê and -zl "at least." (See section 61, page'39.)The following examples suggest the possibility: waj8ra'2e2i the boat at least (wac' boat; -ra definite article; iê'ê that; -ii at least) 2e'2ip'aâi'nânà at least I could dance (¿ê'ê that; waâi' to dance; -nâ conditional; -ni declarative) p'aât'ie'ii 0, that I might dance • Dubitative. A number of suffixes indicating doubt will be treated here because they can, and most frequently do, serve as final suffixes, although they may appear in intermediate positions. The suffixes -s'are, -gPnt, and -akffnT are all used to imply that the statement to which they are appended Is doubtful. Of the three, -a'are implies the greatest degree of doubt and -skOnf thé least.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

35

Examples: wana'k'ytu he must be saying (we to say; -nsk' sitting positional; -gun!) na's'arS maybe he's asleep (na to sleep; -s'arfe; c'i'26r§s'a're it may be a house (c ' i house; -hiia' indefinite article; h§re' to be; -s'ar§) t'a'naqk'unl they may be flying (t'a to fly; -naqk' sitting positional plural; -gun!)war§'£kunl he probably is working (ware' to work) These suffixes and. the conditional -n£ and what is apparently the suffix -ske "also" have a tendency to form long combinations in speech. The longer the combination the greater the degree of doubt implied. Examples: k'Sr'ikfinsgunl he must have gone home (k'tlre' to go home; -ike, -na, -gun!) k'arana'nlikgns'guntikS's'arg, etc. without any preferred order so long as it sounds good, means — he must have gone home (k'Sre' plus an assortment of -na, -ike, -gunl, -s'ar§) There will be examples below of these suffixes appearing before subordinating suffixes with no differences in function. k6. Interrogative. Although it does not have a suffix, discussion of the interrogative seems in place here. The interrogative is indicated vocally by a wide movement of pitch mostly on the long-drawn-out last accented syllable of the stem. The dubitative s'are is frequently added to the stem. The posit i o n a l , the future suffix -kjane, the conditional suffix -na, and other temporal and modal suffixes, which ordinarily cannot take last position in a complete statement, may he added to the stem. Where the stem appears without suffixes, the accent shifts to the first syllable. Examples: wa'ruc' did he eat? (waru'c' to eat) waru'jansk' is he eating"? (-nsk* sitting positional) waruj i 'kjane will he eat"? (-kjane future) ra'ni would he go"? (re to go; -na conditional) nl2u'jes'ar§ is it raining? (nl2u' to rain; -je standing positional; -s'ar§ dubitative) The movement of pitch Is most often falling but in forms with -nS there is a rise of roughly a fourth.

36

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES 1+7. The suffixes that are placed 'between the stem and either the final or subordinating suffix have been termed adverbial because most of them are of that character. U8. Intentive -kje. This suffix indicates a future act or condition which is to result from the will of the speaker or agent, 6r from other compelling forces in the speaker's purview. It is sometimes used as a mild or polite imperative. Examples: nakje'na he shall sleep (na to sleep; -kje; declarative -na) rutikje'gg so that he can pull (rut t' to pull; -kje; -gS causal) hak'§r§kje'2eske'na I have to go home (ha- first person; k'Sre to go home; -kje; 2§'@ demonstrative; hiske' like; -na declarative)

k-9. Future -kjane. This suffix, probably derived from kje, designates the future. The peculiar phonetic modifications which accompany its use have been discussed in section 48. Examples: yap'§'r§zanih§'kjanenS I will remember (hip'S'rSs to know with ha- first person inserted; ha- first person; nihe' to continue; -kjane; -na) wagi'rSkjane'na they are going to dance (waSi' to dance; -ire third person; -kjane; -ni)

50. Customary -sung. The suffix -aOnU denotes customary action and may be translated "usually" when referring to the present and "used to" when referring to the past. Examples: k'i:'uT'riggunu'na they used to gamble (k'i:'u to gamble; -ire third plural; -gunu; -na) rugaga'zirggimu'na they usually destroy (ruga's to tear reduplicated; -ire third plural; -gunu; -ne) hana'^unu'na I usually sleep (ha- third person; -na to sleep; -iunu; -na)

51. Continual -s'a. The regular repetition of an action or condition is expressed by the suffix -s'a. Examples: haj ai 'rSs 'a26 again and again they used to see (haja' to see; -ire third plural; -s'a; -iS quotative) c (jra'ranaks'a'26 blue moving around from time to time (c'w

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

37

blue; re to go reduplicated; -nik' sitting positional; -s'e; quotative) nas'a'gi when he goes to sleep, regularly (na to sleep; -s'a; -gi subordinating) 52. Conditional -n5. This suffix has an extremely wide range of meanings. While most often used to express the idea that a future action is uncertain or hypothetical or dependent upon a contingency which is stated in a conditional clause or understood, it may also express ideas of a hortatory or obligatory or compulsory nature. Examples: ha'una'gi k'arana'na if I should do it he would go home (hafirst person; "u to do; -na; -gi subordinating; k'gre' to go home; -na; -na) e'jah(.wi.'gi haji'ranana if we went they would come (e'ja there; ha- first person assimilated; hi to go; -gi subordinating; ha- with third plural of verbs of motion; j i to arrive; -ire third plural; -na: na) haj i 'rana'hir§2§' he thought they might come (hajirana as above ; hire' to think; 2§ quotative) warana'na he should work (ware' to work; -na; -na) depending on context this might mean "he ought to work" or "he must work" or "he can work" 53. Negative -nl. The negative is formed by the suffix -nl and the prefix k*"e- or preceding word hSq k' e'. Examples: haqk'g' nliu'janl'na it isn't raining (ni2u' to rain; je standing positional; -nl; -hi) haqk'§ nlZu'nigi if it does not rain (-gi subordinating) k g'ieska'nlna it isn't so (k'S- negative; this; hiske' like; -ni; -na) The prefix k' enl- and the suffix -nl forta a negative which may he translated "not yet" in sentences and "before" in subordinate clauses. Examples: k'enla'jini before I came (k'eni- not yet; ha- first person; ji to arrive; -nl) k'eni'warujani'na he hasn't eaten yet (k'eni-; waruc' to eat; -nl; -ns) 5^. Plural -wi, -ire. The suffix -wi attaches the idea of plurality to the entire clause. Subject, direct object, indi-

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

38

rect object, all or any of these, may be plural, and it Is left to the context to Indicate which. The suffix -Ire specifies the third person plural. Examples: hlrfap'g'rSzwina you know us, thou knowest us, ye know me (hifi rst person object; ra- second person subject; hip'§'r§s to know; -wi plural; -na) hiriagiha'wina you bury for us, thou buriest for us, you bury for me (hi- first person object; ra- second person subject; gi- indirect object; He to bury; -wi; -na) 55. Dubitative -ske. This suffix adds a quality of uncertainty to the stem. With the prefix hi- it forms the neutral verb ht ske" "to "be similar to" or "thus"; this is the most valuable hint of its meaning as it is very difficult to translate. Examples: jagwa'mlnigirS'skanak'u' while he was sitting on he didn't know what (jagu' what; ha- on; mlna'k' to sit; hire' to think; -ske changes to -ska; -nik' sitting positional with 'u to do forms the subordinator "while") jagwa'wa'uIrigskS for no reason at all (jagu' what; hawa'u on account of; hire' to think; -ske) 56. -niske. This is apparently formed out of the negative suffix -ni and -ske. It imparts a quality of vagueness to the stem it follows: Examples: c 'wnlske'iS it was sort of blue (c'w blue; -niske: -26 quotat ive) Koru'niske'na he was kind of snoring (Koru' to snore; -niske; -na) 57. -ege. This suffix indicates a future possibility which is contrary to the wish of the speaker or agent.' Examples: waruj§'ge he might eat (but I don't want hire to) (waruc' to eat; -§g§) hi'§re'gir6gg' because he thought they might find him (hi'e' to find; -ire third plural; §gg; hire' to think; -ge causal) 5 8 . -ske. This indicates that the action performed was uune in addition to some other, whether mentioned or understood. It

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

39

can be translated "also" but "also" qualifies the verbal meaning only. Examples: wa£i '£k§re'ni they also danced third plural; -ni) naike'ni he also slept

(waSi' to dance; -ike; -ire

59- -reske. Preceded by the element re, which may be the demonstrative adjective, -ske forms the suffix meaning "even." Examples: nawa'rf§3ke'reni they even sang (nawa to sing; -r§£ke; -ire third plural: -na) t'§hakjaner§£ke'ni I will even kill (t'e dead; ha first person of causative hi; -kjane future; -rSike; -ni) 60. -c a. This indicates that the action of the verb stem is done instead of some other action. Examples: hanac'atekjane'ni I'll go to sleep instead (ha- first person; na to sleep; -c a; te first person of re to go; -kjane future; -na) wareci'ni he worked instead (ware' to work; -c'a; -na) 61. -zl. This may be translated "at least." Examples: rac'ka'2ira having at least drunk (rac'ka' to drink; -¿i; -ra subordinating) mla'nikgikje'ni at least I'll sit (raina'k' to sit with -ha first person inserted; -2i; -kje intentive; -na) 62. -k'e. This can be translated "often." Examples: maijiu'k'SSununi he often whittles (maqsu to whittle; -k'e; -gunu customary; -ni) haqk'S' waru'c'kan 1 'ni he seldom eats (haqk'g negative, waru'c' to eat; -k'e; ni negative; -na) 6 3 . -ficl. This suffix can moat often be translated "very." It intensifies the meaning of the stem it follows: Examples: p'lqficl'ni it is very good (p'l good; -KcT; -ni) huwa'rSKc! 'riena they were enjoyed (literally, they went in deeply) (huwe' to go in; re to go; -KcT; -ire third plural; -na)

40

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

6b. -gere. This suffix throve emphasis on the verb. The implication usually is that the action was performed against opposition. Examples : nâge'renâ he did sleep (nâ to sleep; -gère; -na) wahac'ke'reni I did eat (wahac* first person of waru'c' to eat; -gère; nâ) 65. -gml. This suffix can be rendered "already." It indicates that the action of the stem has been completed in the past. Examples : wwk'û'gLnî'na he has already given it to them (wa- third person plural object; hwk'C to give; - g m T ; -ni) haKa'g inï'nâ I've already buried it (ha- first person; Ke to bury; -ginî; -na) SUBORDINATING SUFFIXES 66. In this group the strongest traces of derivation from the demonstratives and the articles are found. There seems to be ground for the supposition that the central idea in the formation of subordinate clauses ia the nominalization of verbal concepts. 67. Temporal -ra. The action in the subordinate clause formed by -ra occurs immediately before the action in the main clause. It can often be translated by a past participle or by treating the two clauses as coordinate, -ra also forms an agentive. There seems to be little reason for not identifying it with the definite article. Examples : waiu'nlâhi'rêra having gone hunting (waii something; hunt' to look for; ha- with third plural of verbs of motion; hi to go; -ire third plural; -ra) c'ina'gêjahi'ra when I went to town (c'inâ'k* town; -eja post-position; ha first person assimilated; hi to go; -ra) nâ'p'â'ûï 'rîêra they made baskets and (nâp'â basket; 'u to make; -ire third plural; -ra) nâ'qtêra' the wood-chopper (nâ wood; hate' to chop; -ra) wanâgi'ïiêra the one who buries the corpse (wanigi' corpse; Ke to bury; -ra) 68. -re. This suffix is much more limited in its scope than -ra although it clearly stems from a similar type of source,

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

41

the demonstrative suffix -re. It forme clauses that qualify nouns. Examples: wani'k' t'era'rg the bird that you killed (wanl'k' bird; t'e dead; ra- second person of causative hi; -re) na'gtiiz9r§' the wood I took (na tree; tus first person of rus to take; -re) p'e'cwac" k'i'rikja'narS' train that is to come (p'ec fire; wac' boat; k'tri' to come back; -kjsne future; -re) 69. -ga. This suffix forms subordinate clauses which, if not connected causally with the principal clause, are yet associated in the sense of accompanying actions. It is almost invariably followed by the customary suffix -sOnu in the principal clause. In addition, it forms an agentive of the same sort as -ra. It appears to be derived from either the demonstrative suffix -ga or the article -ga used with names. Examples: e'jahiwi'ga haj if§3unu'ni when we go there, they usually come (e'ja there; ha- first person assimilated; hi to go; -wi plural; -ga; ha- with plural of verbs of motion; ji to arrive; -ire third plural; -gunu customary; -nl) na'giwarjga' when I sing for him (nawa' to sing with ha- first person assimilated and gi- indirect object infixed; -ga) hiil't'6ga' when someone dies (hi2a' indefinite article; t'e to die; -ga) wat'Shi'jega the killer (wa- intransitivizer; t'ehi' to kill; -je positional standing; -ga) 70. Causal -ge. Causal subordination is indicated by this suffix. It sometimes appears in the longer form -gej m l without any apparent differentiation of meaning. Preceded by conditional -nS or hortatory -kje, it forms purpose clauses. Examples: manu'gS because he stole (manu' to steal; -g§) hiwuskS'jml because I was dry (hi- first person objective; wus dry; -ggj m i ) warekje'gS so as to work (ware' to work; -kje intentive; nani'gg so that he might sleep (na to sleep; -na conditional; -ge) k SrSkjg'gS so that he can go home (k gre' to go home: -kje hortatory; -g§)

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAS

42

71. Conditional -gi. This suffix Indicates the contingency on which a future event in the main clause depends. In the past it forms contrary to fact conditions. An alternative form -gizl is used in the same way tut in addition seems to function occasionally as an oral stop. When preceded by the demonstrative -re, -gl forma purely temporal clauses. In conditional clauses -nS and kje frequently appear before -gl. Examples: Se'skShi'gi if he does so (26'§ demonstrative pronoun; hiske like: hi causative; -gi) tuftu'ruk' Lii if I accomplish it (tuKu'ruk* first person of ruKu'ruk* to accomplish; -gi2i) k'§ni2u'nlgi' if it doesn't rain (k'S- negative; nl2u' to rain; nl negative; -gi) hlt'u'il§gi if he leaves me (hi- first person object; t'u to cast; re to go; -gi) waha'jana'gwiri§|5i' while we were eating (waha'c* first person of waru'c to eat: ha- first person; nek* sitting positional; -wi plural; -regi) tana'gi if I should go (te first person of re; -na conditional; -gi) 72. Temporal -gaja. -gaja indicates the priority of the action in the subordinate clause and may be translated "after." It consists, apparently of the subordinating suffix -ga and the standing positional J5. Occasionally it seems to function merely as an oral stop: its meaning is obviously compatible with*the movement of a continuous narrative style and possibly may be translated in such use as "and then." -gaja is also used as a final suffix for rhetorical questions and truisms. Examples: wahajwi'gaja' after we had eaten (wa- intransitivizer; hac* first person of rue* to eat; -wi plural; -gaja after) e'jahiwi'gaja' after we got there (e'ja there; ha- first person assimilated; hi to go; -wi plural; -ga,ja after) ha'mbara p'TqRci'gaja' nice day, isn't it? (hamp day; -ra definite article; p'l good; -fici intensitive; -gaja) wi'ra wa'qgargginak'aja' the moon is up above (wi moon; -rra definite article; wa'qgar§gi above; -nak* sitting positional: -gaja) 73. Temporal -Ml. An action or state in a subordinate clause which is synchrpnous with the action in the main clause is expressed by the suffixation of the appropriate positional and

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

43

the element -'g, probably from the verb "to do." The suffix -regl, discussed in section 71» is somewhat less frequentlyused in the same way. Examples : wawac'ki'sj â'û while he was sawing (wa- intransitivizer; wainstrumental; c'kis to cut; -jâ positional standing; -'5) nâni'garegi while he was sleeping (nâ to sleep; nak' positional sitting; -regi) wâqgi'Zâ c* i 'rurugu'c jâ'û a man looking at the house (wârçk man; h(.2à' indefinite article; c'i house; hwruguc' to look at; -jà positional standing; -'u) nâ'wânâk'u while I was singing (ha- first person_assimilated in nâwâ' to sing; -nak* positional sitting; -'u) 7^. Disjunctive -nCmngê. This is the common disjunctive suffix and has the force of "although" or "but." Examples : tak'a'cj5nûnti]gê although it is hot (tak'a'c' hot; -jâ positional standing; -nùnîqgê) waru'janûnlqgê he ate but — (wa- intransitivizer; rue' to eat; -nûnïqgê) 75. -htskê. This suffix can be translated "even if" or "even though." It is derived from the adverbial suffix -ske (see sections 58 and 59). It may be preceded by -gl and -nâ. Examples : k|êre'âkê ) k'êrêgi'ikê ) even if he went home k'aranâï'ékê ) (k'êre' to go back; -gi; -nâ; -hiâkê) nâï'âkê even though he sleDt (nâ to sleep; -hiâkê) 7 6 . Conjunctive -angga. This-is the most common connective and is .used to connect nouns as well as verbs. It is distinctly verbal in character, however, and when used to connect nouns will be preceded by the copulative hère / . Examples : waéi'ranâga they danced and — (waii' to dance; -ire third plural; -anâga) hit'at'a'nâga he talked and — (hit'êt'e' to talk; -anâga) zazac'ke'iêrea'niga a grasshopper and — (zaza'c'kê grasshopper; -hLia' indefinite article; hère' to be; -anaga)

44

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

The adverb nZge'ske means "or" and "or else" and -angga acts as the connective, mge'ake is probably nige "a piece" with the suffix -hiske. Examples: maijlU'wia'ganaga' nlge'SkS it is cloudy or — (raaqlU'wi cloudy; -ak positional lying; -anaga) ta'naga nlge'skS I go or — (te first person of re to go; -anaga) SOqgi'2§rea'nSga ntge'gkg a dog or — (Suqk' dog; h72a indefinite article; h§re' to be; -anaga) VERBS OF GOING AND COMING 77. The actions of coming and going are subdivided into three positions, starting, arriving, and being on the way. The stems for starting and arriving are distinct; the verbs for being on the way are formed by adding the element -he to the stems for starting. In addition, there is a form, which closely resembles a reflexive, for each of the above verbs, with the added implication that the place toward which the coming or going is directed was previously visited. The following table shows all these verbs:

start arrive be on the way

come

go

hu ji huhe'

re hi rahe'

come back gu "k'tri' guhe'

go back k' ere' gi k' arahe'

These verbs are combined in pairs to form a considerable number of verbs with travel meanings. Some of these are: j ire' to pass by k'trik'gre' to pass by going back hire' to go by jik'Sre' to go quickly rehi' to go quickly 7 8 . Verbs of coming and going have a special prefix yawa- to express the ideas "from" and "to." This may be derived from the stem we, found only in combination, which means roughly "to go along." This prefix sometimes appears as hwwa, which may be the verb haiwe' "to go in." Examples: c'ina'gara wawa'tenS I go to town (c'ina'k* town; -ra definite article; wawa-; te first person of re to go; -ni declarative)

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

45

wawarehi'ni he sent it away from him (wawa-; re to go; hi causative; -ni declarative) hwwa'huhi'áé he sent it towards (huwa-; hu to come: hi causative; -íé quotative) VERBAL AUXILIARIES 79. A fev verbs are never used independently but are always added to other verbs to modify their meaning. Among these are the causative hi (see section 31, part (g), for pronominal forms), which can be appended after any active or neutral verb and has the meaning "to cause to" or "to make"; and the causative gtgl', a regular first class verb, which functions similarly but has the meaning "to make" in the sense of forcing and, in addition, the possible meaning "to permit" or "to allow." Examples: c'whi'ni he made it blue (c'u blue; hi causative; -ni declarative waáihi'ni he caused him to dance (waái to dance; hi causative; -ni declarative) ruácig (.g i 'ni he made him stop (ruáci' to stop; gig i causative; -ni) 'ua'qgtgi 'ni I compel him ('5 to do; ha- first person; gigi'; ni) k'ibahi'ni he doubted (k'i- reflexive; ba to have no confidence in; hi causative; -ni) naiijg igi're let me sleep (na to sleep; hi- first person objective; g-tgi'; -re imperative) 80. Continuous action, past and present, and present state or condition, are auxiliaries, the first class verb je or JS. for the standing position, and the second class verbs hgqk or hak' for lying or running and ngk' for the sitting position (see section 30 for slightly irregular pronominal forms). Unlike the causatives, in this case, both the principal verb and the auxiliaries take pronouns. The positionals beside their verbal function are also used with demonstratives (see section 93)• Long things are talked of as lying, tall or upright things as standing, and other things as sitting. Clouds "lie," rain "stands," the sun and moon "sit." The classification does not altogether follow from the character of the action: sleeping, for example, usually is spoken of in the sitting position. It may be said generally that the sitting position is strongly favored and most often used. An amusing instance of inconsistency is the word mini'kaSwS / ngsre "those of you sitting here in a lying position."

46

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Examples: c.it§''§ hinu'gworu'c'agia' wa'una'kgana this room is a woman's sewing-room (c'i house; t§'§ this; hinu'k' woman; wa- intransitivizer; hu- in; ruc'i'k' to sew; -hi2a' indefinite article: wa- intransitivizer; 'u to do; -nak' positional sitting; -Sena declarative) narta' tira'jena the tree is growing (na tree; -ra definite article; tire' to move; -je standing positional; na declarative) wa'i]kpe26 wa'uaq'k'unl who is it? (waqk* man; p'eie who; waintransitivizer; 'u to do; -haqk* positional lying; —gunl dubitative) BEDOPLI CATION 8l. Reduplication of verbal stems is used to express repetitive and distributive IdeaB. All monosyllabic stems that end in vowels are doubled: c ' LC ' i' to 1ive here and there K'SH'S' earring rac'kac'ka' to keep tasting rutiti' to keep pulling fikufiku' scaly naftki'fiki to brush lightly against with the foot again and again zizi' yellow in spots

stem c'i to live stem stem stem stem stem

Re to drip -c'ka to try -ti to move -ftku to take off layers -Kki to touch

stem zi yellow

BisyllaMc stems with, repeated stem vowel are treated in the same way: ¿araSa'ra bare here and there k'trik't'ri to keep coming back KoryKo'ru to keep snoring gilUriKi'ri to mash to bits rustrisi'ri to keep squeezing out p'orup'o'rw round

stem -Sa'ra to make bare stem k'l'ri to come back stem Ko'rw to snore stem -Hi'ri to get into something soft stem -si'ri to squeeze out stem p'o'rw round

Stems ending in a consonant drop the final consonant: rugaga's to tear to pieces g'aga'k" to cry repeatedly ruksuksu'qc' to rock

stem -gas to cut. stem gak* to cry stem -ksuqc' to move

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR hirac'a'c'ag to chatter pgo'pguc' fine rurus to take again and again ruru'c' to nibble at ohis and that k'grSk'S'reg spotted

47

stem -c'aS to click stem -pgoc" to make fine stem rus to take stem rue' to eat stem -k'§'r§3 to make designs

SOUKD SYMBOLISM 82. There are many indications in the vocabulary of a now obsolete process of representing the intensity of an action or condition by consonantal variation. There are two series: s, s, fi; and z, z, g; which seem to express three stages of intensity. The following examples have been found: -sa'wa to melt -ga'wa to soften -fta'wa to moisten -skTrjk* to wring out moisture -iklqk' to draw out color or essence -Kklqk' to- draw out fluid -su'wu to feel a grainy thing -¿u'wu to make itchy or to scratch -Ku'wu to crunch, to make a crackling sound -soK to make a frying sound -goK to make a bubbling sbund -KoK to make a sound like the breaking of something brittle, thin-crusted and hollow -p'irt's to wrinkle -p'iri'g to curl -p'irt'H to curl in large curls -sa'ns to fall out -ia'na to drop -Ite'na to collapse -rtc* to bend -rig to bend in a wide bend -riR to coil -k'§s to scrape bare -k'gft to scrape -si'ri to squeeze out -lU'ri to squash

48

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR -ga'ra to make bare -fta'ra to strip -giso' to cut off strips of leather -io to whittle, to break off thin strips slijc" tail ¿Iijc' buttocks -gku to take off kernels of corn -ftku to take off layers -jas to make a snapping sound -jag to make a knocking sound buja'g marbles -j aft to splash ruja'ft thunder-clap hiwasu'ruk' to push through so it appears on other side wagu'ruk' to push back foreskin -ski to pinch -ftki to touch lightly -c'as to make a small metallic sound -c'aS to make a clicking sound -g'g to extract fruit-juice ¿'6 to leak -ft'6 to drip ski bitter sku sweet, salty hwwagki' unripe ftki taste like sunburnt potato or bile naqs light disagreeable odor as of mice naqg to ferment nai]H heavy disagreeable odor as of urine nat'i's to swell -t' (.3 to make round nat' i. 'ft to shrink -'ag to open -'aft to split -Sl'nl to shed sparks -fil'nl to knock off coals to make better blaze -sa'rafi to clatter -Sa'raft to thud -ksap' to bring to consciousness -kgep' to break open -k'6'rSS to make figures or designs ruk'g'rSft to tattoo Sue' hazy, roily ftwc' gray

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR -zap -tap -gap -zuk -2uk -guk

49

t o make a rough t e a r to peel t o remove a l a y e r to stretch t o wear f i n e t o push or p u l l through a tube or eye

zi yellow ii brown gi l i g h t brown -zip -é^p -zak -gak

t o p r e s s something s o f t and s t i c k y t o p r e s s something s o f t to s p l i t partly t o break o f f a s p l i n t e r

ruza c* t o make spindly -2ac t o spread out at top l i k e a bucket -Sac t o taper l i k e a t r e e h i - 2 1 ' q c ' to muss -glqc* to fray, to fringe THE NOUN 83. Nominal stems are clearly distinguished from verbal sterna. Although verbal stems may be nominalized in a number of different ways (see sections 2k, 25, 67» 69) the closest approach to the verbalization of a noun is by suffixation of the verbal auxiliary k ' i from k ' l - the reflexive prefix combining with the causative hi which may be translated "to act like." Examples: . wa't]k*i t o act l i k e a man S u ' i j k ' i to act l i k e a dog a ' k 1 to serve as an arm NOMINAL SUFFIXES 81)-. Definite a r t i c l e . The definite a r t i c l e is the s u f f i x -r&. Examples : s i ' r a the foot h u ' j a r a the acorn ma'qgara the 'garden nâ'rta the t r e e 85. Indefinite a r t i c l e . The s u f f i x -hiza is the indefinite article.

50

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Examples: rabi'2a a beaver wak'al'qii a snake iCqgi'ia a dog maqiu'lZa' a feather 86. The Indefinite article may be suffixed after the definite article to express the idea "some --or other." Examples: hinugarai'2s some woman or other razarai 'ia some name or other k'ugarai'2a some box or other 87. -ga. When referring to individuals by name or by kinship term or to animal characters in tales, this suffix is added as a mark of respect. It is never used in address. Examples: jaj t'ga father k'u'nuga proper name for eldest son mac'wiu'c ka red-grizzly-bear surname k'ec'a'qgega turtle tale character 88. Diminutive. The suffix -ntk acts as a diminutive. Examples: c'ina'k* small house hinuganl'k' girl sinl'k' small foot maqganl'k' small field 89« There are several common noun-terminations which may be . old suffixes no longer free. (a) -kaik may be an old diminutive Examples: ksu'kstk' small na'ksik' twig na tree hu'kstk* hazel-nut hu stem wiju'kstk* weasel siju'k' cat jaja'qksik* mink man!'k'aksik' coyote kiSeksuksik* crab apple kie apple wic'a'waksik" small squash wic'a'wa squash (b) -tok' seems to be an augmentative.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Examples: c'eto'k' big buffalo huqc'to'k" big bear (c) A very large number of nouns, mostly names of animals and plants, have the termination -k' e or -k*. In some cases the etymology of the rest of the word Is clear, -k'e may be the adverbial suffix discussed In section 62. Em,Triples: wak'§' raccoon gu'nikS skunk maha'nak'S pocket-gopher (ma ground; Kl'ni to collapse) wijugwamanu'k'g mouse (wiju'k* cat; wa- intransitivizer; manu' to steal waSe'rSk'S fox wak'anlgkS frog hic'kS' egg nac kS' heart (appears in composition as nac') Suqc'kS' testicles hlqgke' basswood wagk§' poplar nahw'gk§ box-elder wazip'a'raskg white cedar (wazi' pine; p'a'ras flat) ra'fikS weed hazaSub'kg red raspherry (has berry; 5uc' red) hap' unu^ 'u 'nuKk§ gooseberry huc'aqk § cranberry waruiu'c'kg red corn zaza'c'kS grasshopper

(zaza'c* spindly)

zik* squirrel guk* badger haqk* ground-hog c'uzi.'k" bullhead naijzi'k' pike hezi'k' bee (he horn; zi yellow) hiwizo'k' chicken-hawk hinanS'k' field-mouse wic'a'wak' muskrat tu^i'nak' otter (d) A few words show an old feminine suffix -wl. hinu'k* "woman" is more commonly added now.

52

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

Examples: c'e'wl cow (only used by old people) wawl' young she-bear hinang'gewl female field-mouse 90. Locative -eja. The adverb e'Ja "there" is suffixed to nouns when they are used in locative and directional phrases. Examples: nl3w'j§ja to the Missouri p'ajS'ja in the timber tec'g'jgja on the shore of the lake muskS'ja on the clean ground

nliu'c* the Missouri river p'ac' timber te lake; c'ec' edge ma ground; hw- in; ske clean

91. -egl. The advert e'gl "here" forms similar adverbial phrases. Examples: c'ina'garegi in town hâhS'gi tonight mâilê'gi to the earth wa'qgaregi above

cini'k' town: -ra definite article hâhe' night ma ground; -ra definite article wâqk' top; -ra definite article

92. Many of the verbal suffixes may be used with nouns. Some of them require the verbal assistance of the copula here'. Examples: maqc'ku'nalia a could-be-bow (maqc'ku' bow; -na conditional; -hi.25 indefinite article) c'iiOnu'rta the used-to-be house (c'i house; -gunu customary; -ra definite article) waguje'gSrSkja'nSra the moccasins-to-be (waguj§ moccasin; h§re' to be; -kjane future; -ra definite article) naftcl' real wood (na wood; -tic! intensitive) c'i'iSr§s'a'r6 a house perhaps(c'i house; -htia indefinite article; hgre' to be; -s'arg dubitative) DEMONSTRATIVES 93 • Demonstrative pronouns, te''e and m e " e are interchangeable and refer to what is near the speaker, ze" e indicates what is near the person addressed and ga''a what is near the person spoken of or else simply far off. e refers to something mentioned before. 9b. Demonstrative adjectives. All the pronouns except e are used after nouns and especially when the reference is strongly

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

S3

demonstrative. More frequently, however, the suffixes -re "this" and -ga "that," both preceded by the appropriate positionals, will-serve as demonstrative adjectives. The forms are: -jartg this standing -nagarS this sitting -haqgarS this lying

-jega that standing -nsk'a that sitting -haijk'a that lying

These suffixes added to verb stems, most often to the verbs mlng'k' "to sit," mink' "to lie" and nSrizi" "to stand," form a set of words which function like independent personal pronouns, being used as subject or object or vocatively. Both the verb and the positional take personal pronouns. As the forms are somewhat irregular the set for the sitting position will be given: mïâ'nigana'garê I sit, here sitting mîéa'nàkâana'garê thou mina 'gana 'garé he hlmïna'gana'garé thou and I

mïâ-'nig ana'garé or mîâ'nagana'gwirê we exclusive mlia'nagaâ3n3'garé or nnéa'nâgaéanagwi 'rê you raina'ganâ'qgarê or raina'ganigwi'rê they hlmîna'ganâ'rçgarê or hïmîna'ganigwi'rê we inclusive

Identical forms with the above exist for -ga. For the lying position the regular first class verb mTrik' is followed by the irregular second class positional -hgplc' (see section 30 for forms). For the standing position both the verb nBrizI' and the positional (-J& before -re and -Je before -ga) are regular first class verbs. 95. Demonstrative adverbs. These are formed by suffixing -gl and -Ja to the demonstrative pronouns and to several other elements that cannot be identified. The following list contains all that have been found: e'gi here place specified or understood rae'gi here near speaker te'gi interchangeable with rae'gi higi' here in its place gagi' there unspecified place to a side gugi' gi there beyond the person addressed or some specified object cwtS'gi there this side of the person addressed or some specified object gegi' there place near person addressed which has been mentioned e'ja there place mentioned or understood

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

54

te'ja there near the person addressed hija' there in its place gai'ja there near the person spoken of

gwja')

gw'ja) there gaja')

distant or out of sight

Another group is formed by adding -Ira to all above with the idea of motion in the direction indicated. This suffix may he the verb hi "to go" plus the definite article. A few examples will make this form clear: megi'ra here nearer to the speaker ¿ejai'ra there nearer the person addressed guiigi'ra there farther beyond the person addressed cut§gi'ra there farther from person addressed in the direction of the speaker

The word htjal'ra, thus formed, is of special interest. It is suffixed to adjectives to form the comparative and to nouns with the meaning "more." hiske' "like" is suffixed to the demonstratives to form a number of adverbs that can be translated "like this" or "thus." The following have been found: me'ske, te'ake, ze'ske, ga'ske, me'zeske, te'zeske, ze'zeske, ga zeske. The suffix -nSga forms a similar group meaning "this much" or "that much": menS'ga, tena'ga, zenS'ga, gare'ga, mezenS'ga, etc. The suffix -nahS forms another group of adverbs meaning "this many times" or "that often": men3'ha, etc. INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS AND ADVERBS 96. There are several pronouns and adverbs used in initial position to introduce interrogative sentences or subordinate clauses. The following have been found: p'eiS who jagu' what jaskS' how jaji' when j agu' 'u why hac'S', hac'lqja, hac'al'qja

where, whither

janaga how much, how many jane'ha how often, how many times

All of the above combine with the intensive -ficT and with

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

55

the adverb hlgO'. A few examples will show the kind of word that results: p'e'iigu' whoever, anyone p'egg'ficl who in the world jagu'igu whatever, anything jagu'licl what in the world There is an alternative form in which hlgp" precedes the interrogative word with no difference in meaning. NUMERALS 97. The cardinal numbers are as follows: 7 8 9 10 11 12

- áagu'wT - haruwi'i]k' - hiíaqk'i'c'Oqákú'nl - k'àrép'a'nâïàâ - hiálqk'i'raáana - nü'rabaáana

The ordinals are formed "by prefixing hi- or wi- to the cardinal numbers. There is one exception: c urn'na "first." The definite article -ra is always suffixed. hinumbara' or winu'mbara the second hitanl'rfa or wita'nlila the third The suffix -hS after the cardinal numbers indicates the number of times. "Once" is exceptional: hagak' 1'rahS. nuraba'ha twice

tani'ha thrice

The suffix -k'e indicates the total number when placed after the ordinal numbers. I is used after final consonants before the suffix. hinumb (.'k'S the two of them hita'nlk'g the three of them The suffix -wi after the cardinal numbers indicates part of a larger group, t is again used interconsonantally but this time it does not sonantize the terminal consonant. nump'i'wi two of them tant.'wT three of them INTERJECTIONS 98. The following interjections are used: hwhwa: ' hehehia: hohuhwa:

sadness, regret weariness, relaxation man weariness, relaxation

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

56 hwiS, htS

Damn! at a minor annoyance or an unreasonable request wonder, surprise, awe man k ora:' k'otS: ' listen! man nlk'atS: ' try and get me to do it! in answer to a request woman psiu, psu phew! at an unpleasant odor haa indicating attention with falling pitch on the echoed vowel hu:, hahw: ' hear! hear! audience indicating approval u:i]sk§' speaker hesitating for a word wana: ' wonder, surprise woman ntk'a:' wonder, surprise woman tuwi:' ouch! ana,;' ouch: aru:' ouch! hi' ig is that so! ha: is that so! long drawn out with a wide pitch movement he: he: at something pleasing si: to drive a dog away S: to drive a cat away or chickens wa what? Si: say there! wi:ta:' of all the nerve! woman wirak'i:' surprise woman hagw:' disgust c'ia'' scolding skiri'k' to express disapproval or teasing hagaga'aske'is Alas! has it ever happened thus? Where the sex of the speaker Is not given, both men and women use the exclamation. All the interjections with long final vowel are also uttered at a somewhat lower pitch with short final vowel abruptly cut off by a glottal stop. WORD ORDER 99. The normal order of words in the sentence is subject, indirect object, object, verb. The verb is generally the final element in the sentence. Occasionally the subject is put last for emphasis but the object almost invariably precedes the verb. Subordinate clauses precede the main clause ordinarily. The normal order of words in an adjective clause is object, subject, verb. In adverbial clauses it is subject, object, verb.

WINNEBAGO GRAMMAR

57

Departures from normal order are not infrequent. Undoubtedly there are principles of emphasis involved here but these could not be reduced to rule. In ritual text the order of words departs widely from the conversational norm.

TEXT* hia'qj ihtwi'ra 1

jagu'2

our father

hamina'qgire'skanak'u'3

what

while

sitting

on he didn't

know

hip'grgsj i'nakgg.4

e'gi 5

h