Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the 'Road North' 9781407301471, 9781407321073

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
EXCAVATIONS AT WILDERSPOOL AND HOLDITCH
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures
List of Plates
List of Tables
ABBREVIATIONS
THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL
Preface
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 2 GENERAL BACKGROUND
Chapter 3 The Genesis of Settlement
Chapter 4 Two and a Half Centuries ofDevelopment
Chapter 5 Industry at Wilderspool
Chapter 6 The End of the Settlement
Chapter 7 Present Possibilities and Future Work
Appendix 1 SMALL FINDS SUMMARY
Appendix 2 Coins
Appendix 3 Pottery
Appendix 4 The Woodworking Plane
Appendix 5 Iron
Appendix 6 Copper alloy
Appendix 7 LEAD
Appendix 8 GLASS
Appendix 9 Bone and Stone
Appendix 10 Slag
Appendix 11 Ceramic Building Material
Bibliography
HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION
PREFACE
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 2 The 1957-61 excavations
Chapter 3 The 1994 Gifford excavations
Chapter 4 The 1997-98 Gifford excavation
Chapter 5 General Conclusions
Bibliography

Citation preview

Wilderspool excavation in progress

During the post-excavation analysis of Roman sites at Wilderspool (Warrington, Cheshire) and Holditch (Staffordshire) it became apparent that there were links between the two sites related to the Roman road network to the west of the Pennines. In addition to a direct physical (road) link the two sites appear to have had similar origins and history, all associated with the northward movement of Roman military supplies. The two sites are therefore presented in this single volume to facilitate the understanding of the links between them. The Wilderspool settlement was initiated with military involvement in the late 1st century AD and was based on an apparently regular layout. The function of the settlement was primarily industrial - especially iron working, although by the 4th century the emphasis had changed from industrial to agricultural.

BAR  449  2007   ROGERS AND GARNER   WILDERSPOOL AND HOLDITCH

Excavating Roman road at Holditch

Gifford Archaeological Monographs Number Two

Wilderspool and Holditch Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ I. R. Rogers and D. J. Garner

The Holditch settlement originated in the late 1st century AD and revealed a military influence, an industrial function (primarily coarseware manufacture) with a later change to an agriculturally-based settlement which continued until the late 3rd century. The evidence from other excavations at both the sites has been reviewed in this volume, together with further comparable sites, as such evidence highlights the nature of the origin, function and interrelationship of the sites along the ‘road north’.

BAR British Series 449 9 781407 301471

B A R

2007

Gifford Archaeological Monographs Number Two

Wilderspool and Holditch Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ I. R. Rogers and D. J. Garner with contributions by H. Cool, G. Dunn, G. Lucas, G. McDonnell, W. Manning, D. Shotter and M. Ward

BAR British Series 449 2007

ISBN 9781407301471 paperback ISBN 9781407321073 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407301471 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

EXCAVATIONS AT WILDERSPOOL AND HOLDITCH

This volume is the essential outcome of several years of post-excavational endeavour. In the course of it, our understanding of the historical contexts of the Roman establishment at Wilderspool developed, broadened and changed. Most influential in this respect were – at the time – the entirely unpremeditated, and fortuitous, developer-funded excavations elsewhere on the related Roman road network in the West Midlands and North West of England. Perhaps foremost among these was the excavation of part of the settlement at Holditch, in Staffordshire, which, we have come to think, was not only similar to Wilderspool in its underlying raisons d’être, but appears also to have had a history – or fate perhaps – that seems to have been closely linked to, and to reflect, the inexorable northward movement of Roman military logistical supply of material in the Claudio/ Neronian to Flavio-Trajanic periods. Furthermore, these inter-settlement links and developments all appear to relate closely, in particular, to the great Roman northward arterial system to the west of the Pennines. With its side-roads and ‘tributaries’, this converged on the Mersey Crossing at Warrington, and in so doing provided a direct, physical, link between the establishments at Wilderspool and Holditch. It has been decided therefore to present the reports on excavations at both places in a single volume, in the hope that the reader will find this beneficial; and also that this will facilitate understanding of each place and the underlying historical contexts. TIM STRICKLAND December 2006

AD

Figure 1: The Wilderspool and Holditch sites in relation to the Roman road network, early 70s



Contents

THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL PREFACE Acknowledgements

3 5

CHAPTER 1:

7

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 2: GENERAL BACKGROUND

9

CHAPTER 3:

THE GENESIS OF SETTLEMENT The Lower Mersey Valley in the 1st century AD: landscape characterisation The Roman Conquest of the Region: an interpretation The Location of the Initial Settlement The Form of the Initial Settlement, early 70s AD The Function of the Initial Settlement Summary Interpretation of the Genesis of the Settlement

16 16 18 20 22 24 25

CHAPTER 4:

TWO AND A HALF CENTURIES OF DEVELOPMENT The Central Zone: excavated evidence Summary Interpretation of the Central Zone The Back Streets Zone: excavated evidence Summary Interpretation of the Back Streets Zone Discussion of Historical Contexts The Loushers Lane Buildings: excavated evidence Summary Interpretation of the Loushers Lane Buildings

27 27 28 28 40 41 41 43 45 45 46 46 47 47 48 49 49 49 49 49 50 50

CHAPTER 6:

THE END OF THE SETTLEMENT

51

CHAPTER 7: APPENDIX 1: APPENDIX 2 APPENDIX 3:

PRESENT POSSIBILITIES AND FUTURE WORK The Attainment of the Research Aims The Surviving Archaeological Resource Topics for Further Study

53 53 53 54

Small Finds Summary Table Coins by D Shotter Pottery by G Lucas

57 69 71

iii

CHAPTER 5 INDUSTRY AT WILDERSPOOL Iron Copper alloy Lead Precious Metals and Jewellery Glass Pottery Ceramic Tiles Wood and the Woodworking Plane Animal Products Textiles Food Processing Fuel Summary Interpretation of the Industrial Settlement

APPENDIX 4: The Woodworking Plane by W Manning APPENDIX 5: Iron APPENDIX 6: Copper Alloy by G Dunn APPENDIX 7: Lead APPENDIX 8: Glass APPENDIX 9: Bone and Stone APPENDIX 10: Slag by G McDonnell APPENDIX 11: Ceramic Building Material

78 82 82 84 84 84 85 86

Bibliography

91 HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION

Preface Acknowledgements

103 105

CHAPTER 1:

INTRODUCTION

107

CHAPTER 2:

THE 1957-61 EXCAVATIONS The Wroxeter Road Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Unzoned Artefactual Summary (1957-61) Summary

108 108 108 108 110 111 111 111 112

CHAPTER 3:

THE 1994 GIFFORD EXCAVATIONS Phase I Phase II (AD 80-120) Phase III (c.AD 120-140) Phase IV (c.AD 140-160) Artefactual Summary (1994) The Small Finds The Pottery A Summary of the Coarse Pottery by Context Phase II and III Phase IV Summary of Phases II-IV Discussion

113 113 113 113 113 115 115 115 117 117 117 117 117

CHAPTER 4: THE 1997-98 GIFFORD EXCAVATIONS Introduction Phase 1 Early Flavian Introduction Stratigraphic Narrative Phase 2 Introduction Stratigraphic Narrative Summary of Phase 2 Phase 3 Introduction Stratigraphic Narrative Summary of Phase 3 PHASE 4 Introduction iv

120 120 120 120 120 121 121 122 123 123 123 123 124 125 125

Stratigraphic Narrative Summary of Phase 4 PHASE 5 Introduction Stratigraphic Narrative Summary of Phase 5 THE ARTEFACTS Iron Stone Lead Fired Clay Pottery The Decorated Samian Ware by M Ward The Coarseware Pottery by D Garner Building Material The Glass by H Cool THE 1998-9 EVALUATIONS

125 126 126 126 126 127 127 127 127 128 128 129 129 131 133 133 137

CHAPTER 5: GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

138

Bibliography

145





List of Figures THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL Figure 1: The Wilderspool and Holditch sites in relation to the Roman road network, early 70s AD Figure 2: General Location, location of Wilderspool within Warrington and excavation areas in relation to the 1967 Ordnance Survey Map, Figure 3: Plan showing the locations and dates of finds and investigations in the area Figure 4: Roman river crossings and later water courses Figure 5: Phase 2 c.AD 90-140 Figure 6: Phase 3 c.AD 140-170 Figure 7: Phase 4 c.AD 170-220 Figure 8: Phase 5 c.AD 220-250 Figure 9: Phase 6 c.AD 250-270 Figure 10: Phase 7 c.AD 270-320 Figure 11: Coarsewares Figure 12: Coarsewares Figure 13: Mortaria Figure 14: Oxfordshire Ware colour-coated flagon dating to after c.AD 240 Figure 15: The Woodworking plane Figures 16-22: Artefacts Figures 23-29: Artefacts

i 8 9 17 30 32 34 35 37 40 72 73 74 75 79 82 83

HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION Figure 1: Site Location Plan Figure 2: Excavated areas in Zones 1-4, shown in relation to the projected lines of the Roman roads Figure 3: Phases 1-4 Figure 4: Fired clay phallus Figure 5: Samian Figure 6: Coarsewares Figure 7: Phase 1 Figure 8: Phase 2 Figure 9: Phase 3 Figure 10: Phase 4 Figure 11: Phase 5 Figure 12: Iron artefacts Figure 13: Stone artefacts 1, 2 and 5 Figure 14: Stone artefacts 3-4 Figure 15: A Lead Weight Figure 16: Hand-built crucible Figure 17: Decorated Samian Figure 18: Coarsewares Figure 19: Coarsewares Figure 20: Floor tile fragment Figure 21: Glass vessels Figure 22: Period II Figure 23: Period III

ii

v

106 109 114 115 116 118 120 122 123 126 127 127 128 128 128 128 129 131 132 133 134 139 140

List of Plates

Front cover: The New Roman Bridge across the Mersey under construction in the early 70s AD, looking south from the area of modern Warrington town centre. By Graham Sumner. Rear cover: Wilderspool. Excavation in progress. The Roman road at Holditch. THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL Plate 1: Thomas May at Wilderspool excavations (1895-1904) Plate 2: General view of John Williams’ excavations in advance of extension to Greenall Whitley brewery 1966-1969 (from north-west looking towards St Thomas’ Church) Plate 3: Lead coffin recovered in 1976 during repairs to the north bank of the Manchester Ship Canal Plate 4: Air photograph showing new supermarket and areas of investigation in 1993 Plate 5: Reconstruction of Wilderspool (viewed from the north looking south) showing King Street and the new Roman bridge across the Mersey under construction during the 70s AD Plate 6: Reconstruction of the western part of the Roman settlement and the waterfront in the early 2nd century (looking south-east) Plate 7: Reconstruction of Wilderspool waterfront in the mid-3rd century (looking south-east) Plate 8: The Roman woodworking plane after conservation

9 12 14 18 21 27 37 80

List of Tables

THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7:

Land-use diagram Coins from the 1993 excavation Chronological distribution of coins from 1993 excavation Coins from all Wilderspool excavations, compared to the assemblages from Walton-le-Dale (103 coins) and Holt (64 coins) Proportion of denarii and sestertii as percentage of coins Incidence of Fabric Groups for the 1993 sites by weight (in grammes), sherd count and eves, with percentage (based on eves) The Ceramic Building Material

29 69 70 70 70 76 87

HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION Table 1: Table 2:

Summary of all Samian forms of vessel by fabric (maximum nos) Summary of all Samian vessels (maximum 57) by date of manufacture

ix

139 139

ABBREVIATIONS

AE

Copper alloy

AR

Silver

BB

Black Burnished Ware

B/G

Blue/Green

c.

circa

CBA

Council for British Archaeology

CPW

Cheshire Plain Ware

D

Diameter

DCMS

Department of Culture, Media and Sport

Eve

Estimated vessel equivalent

Frag(s)

Fragment(s)

GMAU Greater Manchester Archaeological Unit H

Height

L

Length

NGR

National Grid Reference

OD

Ordnance Datum

OS

Ordnance Survey

pers. comm.

personal communication

PSAS

Proceedings of the Society of Antiquities of Scotland

RD

Rim Diameter

SF

Small Find

T

Type

TPQ

Terminus Post Quem

W

Width

Wt

Weight

i

x

THE MERSEY CROSSING: ROMANO-BRITISH WILDERSPOOL I R ROGERS with contributions by G LUCAS, D SHOTTER, G McDONNELL, W MANNING and G DUNN

Preface

The Romano-British settlement at Wilderspool on the south bank of the River Mersey in Warrington is an unusual, enigmatic and fascinating site. The evidence is fragmentary, but an understanding of the site is essential to interpreting the Roman period in North-West England. This report sets out evidence for its history, nature and form. It is primarily a publication of archaeological work carried out by Gifford and Partners in 19913, but also reviews evidence from previous archaeological investigations of the site, and chance discoveries in the vicinity of Wilderspool. The settlement was initiated with military involvement during or shortly after the Roman occupation of the area in the late 1st century AD and based on an apparently regular layout. It is argued that Wilderspool can be identified as the place-name Veratino mentioned in the Ravenna Cosmography, sited at a strategic river crossing in a tribal frontier zone. The function of the settlement was primarily industrial: iron-working was particularly important amongst its industries; there was pottery production in its southern zone in Stockton Heath; and it is suggested that its initial purpose was to supply goods to the Roman army. The periods of greatest activity correspond to the major imperial campaigns in Britain. When Rome ceased to invest in politico-military developments in northern Britain after the Severan campaigns of the early 3rd century, the main industrial area went into intermittent decline. However, Romano-British Wilderspool had a total life-span of two and a half centuries and parts of it continued to be occupied into the 4th century at least. By this time the emphasis had changed from industry to agriculture, and the settlement dwindled and eventually disappeared. A series of satellite agricultural communities developed around the industrial centre, including the probable villa site in the Loushers Lane area and the village of Walton. Some of these communities may have survived the Anglo-Saxon incursions of the 7th and 8th centuries. Many questions about Romano-British Wilderspool remain unanswered. This report therefore ends with some suggested research priorities for the future and some proposals for achieving them.



T J STRICKLAND Director, Gifford as Holditch preface October 2003

ments

AcknowledgE

Gifford wish to extend thanks to the sponsors of the project, the Greenalls Group Plc and William Morrison Supermarkets Plc, in particular to Lord Daresbury, Andrew Thomas, Bill Spiegelburg, Audrey Lloyd-Kitchen, John Longden and Barry Collinson for their considerable support, patience and assistance. The project was carried out with the support of the Planning Authority, Warrington Borough Council and Gifford particularly wish to thank John Earle for his interest and support. During the project, Adrian Tindall, Principal Archaeologist of the Department of Environmental Planning, Cheshire County Council, provided archaeological advice to Warrington Borough Council; without Adrian’s enthusiasm, advice and understanding much less would have been achieved. Gifford also wish to thank Jill Collens and Catrina Appleby of the Cheshire Sites and Monuments Record (Cheshire County Council) for their assistance during background research for the project. The archaeological work took place within a programme of demolition and reconstruction work, carried out under the supervision of Edmund Kirby, Chartered Architects; Gifford wish to thank John Bovill for his positive and supportive attitude during the project. As well as funding the main archaeological project (including evaluation, excavation, post-excavation analysis and publication work) the Greenalls Group also funded publicity for the archaeological project, including site open days, lectures and a permanent display in Wilderspool House. They also funded and published a popular publication by Tim Strickland The Romans at Wilderspool: The Story of the First Industrial Development on the Mersey. Audrey Lloyd-Kitchen of the Greenalls Group was largely responsible for the Greenall’s direction of this aspect of the project. After the main excavation phase was completed, an archaeological watching brief was maintained during the construction of the new William Morrison supermarket on the site. This element of the archaeological work was funded by William Morrison Supermarkets Plc and was undertaken within a construction programme supervised by David Lyons and Associates, Chartered Architects and Planning Consultants. Gifford wish to thank Vic Sephton of William Morrison Supermarkets Plc and Martin Cranage of David Lyons and Associates for their support and assistance. The supermarket construction was designed to preserve Romano-British deposits in situ, and the works required Scheduled Monument Consent, granted by the DCMS. In this respect Gifford wish to thank Gerry Friell of English Heritage for his support, particularly during the Scheduled Monument Consent application process and throughout the fieldwork at Wilderspool. The project was carried out for Gifford under the overall direction of Tim Strickland and was managed throughout the fieldwork and initial post-excavation analysis by Anne Thompson and Ian Rogers. During 20024 Tim Malim undertook the task of the pulling together all the disparate parts of the project and managed the process of finalising the many contributions in order to create this publication. The site work was carried out, under Gifford supervision, by Earthworks Archaeological Services and managed on-site by Will Walker and Barry Turner-Flynn. Gifford wish to thank all the site staff for their hard work. Roger White and students from Liverpool University also assisted with the excavation and Gifford are very grateful for their efforts. Ian Rogers, assisted by Janet Miller, Anthony Martin and Giles Watts undertook stratigraphic analysis of the excavation archives. Anne Thompson, assisted by Ian Rogers, undertook artefact analysis. Background research was undertaken by Ian Rogers, Anne Thompson and Gerry Wait. Ian Rogers prepared the report text, which has subsequently been edited by Tim Strickland, Chris Philpotts and Anne Thompson. Gifford are very grateful to Ian Rogers who continued his involvement with this publication following his emigration to Australia.



A number of external specialists contributed to this report – Gavin Lucas provided the pottery analysis, William Manning analysis of the woodworking plane, David Shotter coin analysis, Gerry McDonnell industrial residue analyisis, Mark Noel (GeoQuest Associates) archaeomagnetic dating, and Yannick Mienville-Debat artefact conservation. Thanks are also due to Glenys Lloyd-Morgan for her initial assessment of the copper alloy small

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ finds and for drawing the military character of some of them to our attention. Sadly, serious and prolonged illness has since prevented Glenys from presenting a written report and so a selection of these finds has been reviewed by Gillian Dunn for this publication. The reconstruction paintings were produced by Graham Sumner, and report illustrations include plans by Gill Reaney and pottery illustrations by Gavin Lucas and Tim Morgan, who also prepared the whetstone drawing. The woodworking plane and other artefact illustrations were prepared by Caroline Malim. Many thanks are owed to Mr Leigh and his successor, Janice Hayes, of Warrington Museum who enabled examination of material from excavations by May, Hinchliffe and Williams and provided photographs from the archives.



Chapter 1  INTRODUCTION

The Romano-British settlement at Wilderspool was situated on the south shore of the River Mersey at Warrington and has been the subject of several programmes of excavation from the late 18th century onwards (Figures 1 and 3). This report constitutes the full publication of the results of the latest excavation work at Wilderspool completed in the 1990s. It is unlikely that any further large-scale excavation work will be undertaken within the area of the main civilian settlement, and therefore this publication will probably be the last opportunity to attempt a period-by-period reconstruction of the whole settlement. This report therefore describes the history, appearance and functions of the whole settlement as revealed by all archaeological excavations and chance discoveries. It presents an interpretation of its wider significance through time, and theories regarding the reasons for its foundation and eventual decline.

its different activities. What industrial and agricultural functions were carried out within it? Were there peaks and troughs in the graph of economic activity there and how might these relate to events in the Roman North-West? Certain interesting questions about the administrative, religious and leisure life of the settlement are unfortunately beyond the capacity of the present evidence to answer. Finally there is the problem of what happened to Romano-British Wilderspool. What changes caused the demise of large areas of the settlement and did this demise occur suddenly or gradually? Did the settlement collapse entirely, or was there an element of continuity into the post-Roman period? This report is divided into a number of sections which relate to these research questions. Chapter 2 describes the archaeological fieldwork carried out at Wilderspool over the last two centuries, the circumstances of archaeological survival within the site, and the potential and limitations of the archaeological evidence. The stratigraphic and artefactual evidence from the 1991-3 excavations is described and discussed in chapters 3 to 5. Chapter 3 describes the genesis of the settlement and discusses the reasons why the Wilderspool site was exploited, in the context of the contemporary landscape and the Roman advance into the region. Chapter 4 describes the sequence of development within three parts of the settlement over two and half centuries of occupation. Chapter 5 discusses the range of industries present in Romano-British Wilderspool. Chapter 6 reviews the possible reasons for the end of the settlement, based on the limited amount of relevant archaeological evidence. Chapter 7 estimates the surviving archaeological resource for the Roman period in the Warrington area and proposes future research priorities and strategies.

The 1991-3 excavations have provided the greatest detail yet of the vertical stratigraphy of the RomanoBritish deposits. The phasing of these excavations therefore provides a chronological framework into which previously excavated and discovered material can be placed. This publication therefore results from a research programme focused on the data generated by the 1991-3 excavations, but also reviews some of the results of previous archaeological work. The research programme addressed a series of questions which underpin the sections which follow. The fundamental reasons for the creation of the Romano-British settlement at Wilderspool are considered. Was there a pre-Roman settlement in the area and was there any degree of continuity into the Roman period? Did the site offer a geographical advantage as the lowest convenient crossing point over the River Mersey, and how did it relate to the development of the Roman road pattern in the region? Was the settlement primarily created as part of the Roman military strategy during the conquest period, or were economic opportunities more important? The nature and functions of the settlement are characterised in terms of its layout and the zoning of



A series of brief appendices describes the range of artefacts discovered. However, the main conclusions of the analyses are presented in the stratigraphic sections of the main text of the report.





Figure 3: Plan showing the locations and dates of finds and investigations in the area

CHAPTER 2  GENERAL BACKGROUND

When the Bridgewater Canal was dug through the Stockton Heath area to the south of Wilderspool in 1770, numerous Roman artefacts were discovered. In 1786-7, Thomas Greenall founded the first brewery at Wilderspool on the south bank of the Mersey. While excavating the foundations for the brewery and for building Wilderspool House, Greenall found coins, metalwork and pottery that he correctly considered to be of Roman origin (Thompson Watkin 1974, 261). In 1801-3 parts of stone buildings and furnaces, pottery and coins were revealed when the Mersey-Irwell Canal (the Old Quay Canal) was cut through Wilderspool. Similar finds occurred on the north and south sides of it, in Stoney Lunt Field in 1811 (including an east-west Roman road) and in Big Cress Brook Field in 1823.

via Wilderspool Causeway and Greenall’s Avenue (Crowe 1947, 8 & 183). The effect of this sequence of 19th-century canal construction was the destruction of large parts of the archaeological remains of the Roman period. Most of what remained was covered with streets and houses, as Warrington expanded into Stockton Heath and Latchford during the 20th century. The first large-scale archaeological investigations at Wilderspool took place between 1895 and 1905, and were undertaken by Thomas May (Plate 1). May excavated an area in Stockton Heath to the south of the Manchester Ship Canal, now known as ‘Roman Road’. This revealed structures along King Street, including pottery kilns and furnaces. He also excavated an area on the north bank of the Ship Canal and a series of slit trenches in the field immediately to its north. This later became a playing field in the 1930s and was partly occupied by the Greenall Social Club’s bowling green. The

Following on from the chance discoveries made by Thomas Greenall and others in the late 18th century, the antiquarian Dr Kendrick assembled a considerable body of evidence relating to the Roman settlement. From the 1830s to 1850s Kendrick identified the line of the main north-to-south Roman road of King Street running through the Wilderspool site, tracing the line of King Street south to Stretton by observation and sample excavation. By examining excavation works for a field boundary, Kendrick also observed another road extending east from King Street in the present location of the north bank of the Manchester Ship Canal. Further discoveries were made in Big Cress Brook Field, Long Bank Field and Town Field between 1857 and the 1870s, including a stone capital and base, a well, iron objects, pottery, and a theatrical or religious clay mask. Part of the settlement to the south of the Old Quay Canal was dug away by a sand quarry in 1867 (Kendrick 1870-1, 159; Grealey 1976, 29-30). From 1887 to 1894 the Manchester Ship Canal was cut through Wilderspool, partly on the line of the Old Quay Canal, removing a large swathe of the central zone of the Romano-British settlement. The only Romano-British features identified during the work were a lead-lined coffin inhumation and a cremation urn found to the east of the main settlement. The Ship Canal was linked to the River Mersey at Walton Locks and a new straight cut was made for the river. A new road from Warrington to Chester ran alongside this, replacing the old route

Plate 1: Thomas May at Wilderspool excavations (1895-1904). 10

Wilderspool: Excavations playing field then became the site of the Greenalls bottling plant in the 1970s and is now occupied by a Morrisons supermarket.

knowledge at the time, must now be regarded with a critical eye. In 1930, substantial fragments of masonry were discovered at Loushers Lane during sewer construction. On investigation, under the supervision of local enthusiast Colonel Brereton Fairclough between 1930 and 1935, these proved to be elements of a room with a hypocaust in a courtyard building with stone foundations. This building complex was reminiscent of a villa, although Brereton also found industrial waste (Grealey 1976, 31-2). Given the later discovery of more modest structures associated with agricultural production nearby, it is likely that the building was the residence and office of the person who held control of the Loushers Lane area, if not the whole settlement. Few records survive from these unpublished excavations and it would appear that no sequence of structures was identified. Thus although 1st- to 3rd-century pottery was recovered, there is no way of determining if the pottery related to the occupation of the building. In the 1950s further evidence of a building or a kiln was found on the Post Office site on the north side of Loushers Lane.

May excavated in the style of his time, using local workmen and the excavations revealed King Street aligned north-to-south. On either side of the street in Stockton Heath and to the north of the Ship Canal on the east side only, May found the stone foundations of substantial buildings. At least one open-fronted workshop was identified and some of the buildings seem to have been associated with industrial processing of one kind or another. There were also pottery kilns and metalworking areas, although May’s identifications of specific workshops and processes are now regarded as unreliable (Thompson 1965, 7386; Tylecote 1962, passim; Tylecote 1986, passim). May also found an east-west street extending along the south bank of the Mersey; and a north-south ditch approximately parallel with King Street, representing a boundary and a back lane. May produced a series of reports which give accounts of his findings (May, 1897; 1900; 1902; 1904; 1905; 1907) and show that he appears to have come rapidly to a very fixed notion of the layout of the settlement based on his limited investigations, not wholly supported by later archaeological work. The method of excavating sites in reverse chronological order had not been developed at the time and therefore May rarely identified a chronological sequence in the features he recorded. He probably also failed to recognise the ephemeral traces of timber buildings, or left them unexcavated beneath the clay floors of the later phases which he uncovered. His interpretations of metal- and glass-working processes were based on casual analysis of industrial residues by glass workers at Pilkington’s in St Helens and therefore cannot now be accepted without question – although his interest in industrial residues was innovative for the time. May certainly identified pottery working in the Stockton Heath excavation area, where he found kilns and waste fragments. In the area to the north of the Ship Canal, May extrapolated from slit-trenches a line of ramparts with King Street immediately to the east. This would be a highly unusual arrangement and is widely accepted as a misinterpretation of building structures to the west of King Street (May 1900, 610; 1902, 2; 1904, 4-9; Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 16).

In 1966-9, in advance of the construction of the bottling plant at Wilderspool Brewery, an extensive open-area excavation was undertaken by John Williams, immediately to the east of May’s main excavation area on King Street (Plate 2). Williams examined a large part of the hinterland area defined by King Street and the two other streets examined by May. This was the first professional excavation at Wilderspool and remains the key piece of work for understanding the Romano-British ground-plan. The topsoil was removed from most of the site by scraping with a drag bucket almost to the surface of the sand subsoil, revealing cut features such as foundation trenches, hearths and pits. The published report of the excavations divided their description into five areas designated A-E (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 18-29). Some levelling of this area had occurred in the 1950s for the construction of a cricket pitch. It had been truncated to such an extent that Williams was only able to identify a few limited areas of stratified deposits, such as gravel and clay surfaces directly over the natural subsoil and negative features which had been cut into the subsoil. This explains a bias in Williams’ results towards structures from early phases, and also towards timber structures based on foundation trenches and post-holes. The levelling also explains why Williams found relatively little evidence of industrial activity compared to May and to the 1993 excavation: the levelling had probably removed most of the upstanding features such as hearths and furnaces, including those in places where May had excavated earlier. This contrasts with a clear bias in

In summary, May very usefully recorded RomanoBritish structures, which have been removed by subsequent development. He also recovered a fascinating and invaluable range of artefacts, which give us much of the information we have. However, his excavation methods and recording were haphazard, and his interpretations, while in many respects perceptive given the level of archaeological 11

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Plate 2: General view of John William’s excavations in advance

Greenall Whitley brewery 19661969 (from north-west of extension to

looking towards

St Thomas’ church). May’s results towards later substantial structures with stone footings and his plentiful evidence of industrial activity. Williams’s two main excavation areas, A and B, were divided by a main north-south drainage ditch, almost certainly the same ditch as the one identified by May, flanked on both sides by metalled pathways.

re-interpreted as a series of boundaries, free-standing structures and small buildings. In Area B Williams’s tentative two phases of buildings and associated yards have been re-cast as a longer sequence of yards and roadways. In Area C Williams examined part of the area near the east-west aligned street by the Mersey, previously investigated by May. Here clay and cobbled surfaces and a clay-lined pit were found, presumably of the same phase as the features found by May, but overlying a layer of black charcoalrich soil two feet (0.61m) deep, which in turn overlay foundation trenches similar to those in Areas A and B. This is likely to have been a similar demolition deposit to that found in the 1993 excavation sequence and suggests that these features belonged to phases relatively late in the sequence. The structural features in Areas D and E probably relate to several phases of the buildings along the east side of King Street, which May found in their latest and most substantial forms (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 18-29).

Only in limited locations were stratified deposits earlier than the post-medieval plough-soil identified. While these deposits contained Romano-British artefacts, they were entirely featureless (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 25). These results contrast with the 1993 excavation, which revealed Romano-British deposits 0.2 to 0.4m thick surviving beneath the plough-soil across the site. This difference in the archaeological survival in the 1960s and 1990s excavation areas explains the different conclusions drawn here regarding the date of the decline and cessation of the settlement from those drawn previously (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 30 & 172).

In 1974-6 further excavations took place in an area to the east of the site of the hypocaust building at Loushers Lane. These were undertaken initially by members of the Warrington Local History Society and students from Manchester University, subsequently under the direction of John Hinchliffe. Here all deposits had been truncated by ploughing to the surface of the natural subsoil. The cut features had very similar fills and were assigned to interpretative phases extending from the late 1st to the 3rd centuries on the basis of common alignments, or where the pottery in the fills suggested that they had been open contemporaneously. These features represented a sequence of fenced enclosures fronting onto both sides of a lane extending toward the courtyard building investigated in the 1930s. These enclosures

Evidence was revealed for timber-framed buildings with some associated with industrial processes, including iron-working. Williams interpreted these buildings as being of the late 1st or early 2nd century AD (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 30). Reappraisal of this work in the light of the results of the 1993 excavation suggests that in Williams’ areas too there was once a complex structural sequence, removed by ploughing before his excavation, and that some of the structures may have been of 3rd-century date (Chapter 4). In Area A, the features assigned by Williams to Phase 1, and interpreted as yards associated with the foundations of a nave-and-aisle building, probably belonged to a succession of inter-cutting features. Similarly, Williams’ large Phase 2 building has been 12

Wilderspool: Excavations the brewery. On the basis of the evaluation results, the new supermarket and car park were designed to rest on the existing concrete slab floor of the bottling plant. This left part of the line of the new access road as the only part of the development which would affect surviving archaeological deposits (Gifford, 1992a and 1992b; Rogers, 1993). In 1993 an excavation was undertaken on the line of the new access road to the north-east of Williams’s excavation area. It revealed the truncated remains of four Romano-British fenced building plots, fronting onto an alley aligned north-south, parallel with King Street. These plots contained deposits and cut features relating to a succession of timberframed buildings, with associated yards, hearths and furnaces. The structures dated mainly to the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD, but there was plentiful evidence of occupation in the vicinity dating to the late 1st century and some indications of activity during the 4th century.

Plate 3: Lead coffin recovered in 1976 during Manchester Ship Canal (courtesy J Hinchliffe).

repairs to the north bank of the

contained roundhouses in the earlier phases of occupation and rectangular buildings in the later phases. Some industrial residues were found, and carbonised cereal grain was also discovered, suggesting that agricultural processing had also occurred in this area. Parts of decorated sandstone columns were found, presumably from the courtyard building (Grealey 1976, 34 & 36; Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 100-119).

Some excavation was also undertaken in the vicinity of the former Greenall Social Club’s bowling green to the west of Williams’s excavation area, but this merely demonstrated that the levelling of the green had substantially removed archaeologically significant features. Excavation also occurred in advance of the extension to the east side of Wilderspool House and the construction of a boundary wall around it. After the completion of the main excavation, a watching brief was maintained during the construction of the supermarket further to the west, in areas previously investigated by May and Williams (Plate 4).

During Hinchliffe’s excavation in 1976, the chance discovery of a Romano-British lead-lined coffin burial (Plate 3) in the north bank of the Manchester Ship Canal, about 150m east of Wilderspool Causeway, confirmed the presence of a Romano-British cemetery to the east of the main settlement on the line of the road running to Manchester (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 116-117). This is a typical location for a cemetery in relation to a Roman period settlement, outside the limits of the occupied area. Other cemeteries may also have been located along the roads to Wigan, Chester and Middlewich.

The Romano-British deposits within all the 1993 excavation areas were severely truncated by 19th- and 20th-century construction features. It was possible to reconstruct the ground-plan of the settlement within the excavation area, and for the first time it was also possible to examine the vertical stratigraphy in sufficient detail to identify phases of activity. The results of the 1966-9 and 1991-3 excavations were therefore complementary: the 1966-9 excavations revealed the ground plan of a large occupied area, while the 1991-3 excavations provided a suggested phasing framework for the whole site. Whilst the deposits clearly fall into a sequence of construction and demolition, occupation of the settlement was probably continuous between the late 1st century and at least AD 318 (the date of the latest coin), but with distinct peaks and troughs of construction and industrial activity.

During 1991-2 there was a series of three evaluations conducted by Gifford at Wilderspool (centred on National Grid Reference SJ6117 8649). The 1991 evaluation consisted of a number of small trenches around the north-west periphery of the Brewery, and also to the north of the 17th- to 19th-century course of the River Mersey. The 1992 evaluations took place to the east of Wilderspool House in advance of a proposed extension (designated trenches A-D), and also across the whole brewery site (designated trenches A-P) in advance of redevelopment as offices, a supermarket and a car park by the Greenalls Group. These demonstrated that substantial deposits relating to the Romano-British settlement survived, but they had been extensively truncated by the foundations and service trenches of

During 1994-5 further investigations in the Loushers Lane area were undertaken by Earthworks Archaeological Services, revealing more traces of occupation and industrial activity, continuing into 13

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Plate 4: Aerial photograph showing new supermarket and areas of investigation in 1993

the late-Roman and perhaps even the post-Roman periods (Turner-Flynn and Garner, 1995). In 2001 Gifford undertook another evaluation in the area of the bowling green, to the west of the previous excavations. In this Roman archaeology survived in only one trench, beneath the bank on the east side of the green, in an area already investigated by May. This led to the rediscovery of one of the oven bases which May had found, its fills containing iron-smithing waste and fragments of kiln lining and mould (May’s furnace f6, Structure S48). It was provisionally dated to the 2nd century AD. Roman levels across the rest of the area had been removed during 19th- and 20thcentury ground alterations (Gifford, 2001).

reviewed the latest interpretations of the settlement, its history and function in a broad context (Strickland, 1995). Bone and organic material do not generally survive at Wilderspool. May found a small quantity of animal bone in a clay-lined pit and a few spreads of crushed and degraded bone were found in the 1993 excavation area. There is therefore an artificial bias in the data recorded from the excavations against activities involving organic materials, since crafts such as woodworking, leather-working, bone and antler-working, and food-processing have left little or no trace in the soil conditions. By contrast, metalwork, ceramics and glass all survive well at the site (Chapter 5).

This report is thus the latest in a series of publications about Roman Warrington. In 1904, Thomas May published a summary of his interpretations of the site (May, 1904). In 1992 John Hinchliffe and John Williams published the results of their excavations at Wilderspool and Loushers Lane during the 1960s and 1970s (Hinchliffe and Williams, 1992). In 1995 Tim Strickland produced a popular book on the Roman settlement, inspired by the excavations by Gifford in 1991-3 and published by the Greenalls Group. This

The excavated evidence from Wilderspool is therefore fragmentary due to local soil conditions, truncation by modern development and the intermittent history of the archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, the excavation archives provide one of the most comprehensive databases available for any large Romano-British settlement in North-West Britain. 14

Wilderspool: Excavations Dating the occupation of the Wilderspool settlement from the evidence excavated in 1991-3 relies almost entirely upon artefacts. This has the attendant issues of the re-deposition of earlier artefacts in later contexts and the veracity of the accepted date ranges for some classes of artefacts.

settlement at Wilderspool in the late 1st century AD, around the time of the Flavian advance north. The other Roman pottery from the 1991-3 excavations presents a highly mixed assemblage, chiefly of earlier vessels dating to AD 70/80-140, but with some later material dating up to the early 3rd century AD (Appendix 3).

From the 1991-3 excavations the most useful and conclusive evidence is provided by the coins, and generally they form the most useful guide to the date-range of the settlement as a whole. The earliest coins are of the late 1st century AD. If there had been any substantial settlement at Wilderspool before the Flavian conquest of the area at least some pre-Flavian coins would have been expected. Earlier excavations at the site produced some republican denarii and some Neronian aes-issues. However, republican denarii are not diagnostic of particularly early activity; indeed, it has been shown that in Britain they do not generally disappear from circulation until the early Hadrianic period, following Trajan’s recall of pre-Neronian silver in c.AD 107 (Reece, 1974). Neronian aes-issues are more likely to have circulated during the Flavian period than later, but this is by no means prescriptive. The impression is of a settlement founded during the Roman conquest, certainly well established in the Flavian period and perhaps earlier, becoming increasingly active by the early 2nd century. There is a rapid rise in the occurrence of coins to a peak from the early to the mid-2nd century, but more unusually no such peak in the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries. Subsequently there was continued activity until the first quarter of the 4th century. After this, the coinevidence suggests that any economically significant occupation at Wilderspool had ceased, or had been severely reduced (Appendix 2).

The assemblage of fine metalwork recovered during the 1991-3 excavation includes some examples belonging to types which are generally regarded as late 1st century AD in date. This provides no specific indication of when the settlement was founded, but it does not conflict with the coin evidence (Appendix 6). Other artefacts such as stone and lead objects are of generic Romano-British types and are of little assistance for dating the excavated phases (Appendix 1). John Williams encountered similar problems of dating in 1966-9 and also had little vertical stratigraphy in which to distinguish phases of activity. The dating of the features cut into the subsoil was therefore highly problematic. Most of the artefacts recovered were thought to be of 2ndcentury date. However, some 3rd-century pottery was found and also a coin of Constantine I dating to AD 318 (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 18 & 20). Williams regarded these artefacts as “intrusive”, but they must surely indicate that activity within his excavation area continued to the early 4th century or later, as in the 1993 excavation area. Artefact evidence therefore indicates that the settlement first came into being at around the time of the Roman conquest of the area in the late 1st century AD. The significant assemblage of Flavianperiod Samian ware makes a start date later than c.AD 80 unlikely. Claudio-Neronian expeditions via the Wilderspool crossing probably resulted only in the construction of temporary camps. It is likely that the Wilderspool settlement was first established as a supply base by Cerealis in c.AD 71 and was later consolidated during Agricola’s campaigns of AD 7582.

The decorated Samian ware found at Wilderspool is also a reliable dating tool, but the locally-made coarseware is less secure as dating evidence. The assemblage of Samian ware from the 19913 excavations includes a significant quantity of Flavian-period examples and no examples that need be earlier. This is further evidence of large-scale

15

ettlement

Chapter 3  The Genesis of S

Thomas May was convinced from the first that he was excavating a defended Roman station and further argued that these defences indicated official Imperial control, although he was later clear that the settlement was civilian rather than military in character (May 1902, 1). John Williams’s excavations discredited May’s postulated defences; he characterised the settlement as a sprawling industrial ribbon-development and believed that the forces behind its creation were economic (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 16, 18, 30 & 171). John Hinchliffe’s excavation at Loushers Lane revealed roundhouses of a native British Iron Age type, suggesting that there was some continuity from pre-Roman settlement in the area (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 102-4). The 1991-3 excavations indicated that Williams and Hinchliffe were correct in stressing the evidence for a native British presence within the settlement. However, May’s notion of an early military or official stimulation of the settlement was also correct, even though it was not formally defended as he thought.

root disturbance and signs of vegetation clearance found during the 1991-3 excavations. To the south of the Mersey lies a ridge of sandstone hills, with drift deposits of glacial clay and gravel providing good mixed farmland (British Geological Survey 1994, drift sheet 97). To the north of the Mersey, the site of modern-day Warrington town centre was visible as a low hill formed by a sandstone outcrop. Extending into the flood-plain to its south was a slight promontory formed by part of the sand and gravel terrace. In the distance to the north-east Risley Moss was more extensive than today, and, together with Chat Moss, formed a continuous natural barrier stretching as far east as Manchester. To the north of the site of Warrington lay a gently undulating landscape based on well-drained glacial sand and gravel in the Winwick area. This provided good farmland and also an easy land-route north. The Wilderspool area offered plentiful natural resources. The river estuary, mosses and woods provided game, fish and wildfowl. The woods offered timber for construction, carpentry and fuel, and there were also surface deposits of coal and iron ore available to the north of the Mersey. In the immediate vicinity of the Wilderspool site lay deposits of clay and sand suitable for ceramic manufacture and construction materials. Sandstone for building could be quarried from the ridge of hills along the south flank of the Mersey valley.

The Lower Mersey Valley in the 1st Century AD: landscape characterisation To understand the origins of Roman Wilderspool it is necessary to characterise the landscape of the lower Mersey Valley at the time of the genesis of the settlement. On the eve of the Roman conquest, an observer standing on Appleton Hill looking north would have seen a very different landscape from the industrial scene of today. The broad tidal estuary of the Mersey extended through the centre of the view, with the river forming wide meander loops, as it did until the 19th century (Figure 4). The Mersey would certainly have been navigable to leather boats of the native curragh type and to wooden Romano-British trading-vessels similar to those found at London and the Channel Islands (Marsden, 1967; Mason 2003, 55-6).

The vegetation of the area is more difficult to reconstruct. In the two centuries immediately prior to the Roman conquest, woodland, scrub and heath were being increasingly cleared from this area for pastoralism and agriculture, as shown by micromorphological and pollen analysis of soil samples from beneath the Roman road of King Street at Pewterspear Green (Gifford, 1998). Although the samples from Pewterspear can only define the vegetation within a few hundred metres of the road at that point, they are consistent with evidence from elsewhere in the region. The relative proportions of woodland, heath, pasture and cereal cultivation are unknown, and it is not clear to what extent the uncultivated areas were used for grazing (Gifford 1998, appendix D). However, it is becoming clear that

On both shores of the river there were level, welldrained, sand and gravel terraces. The terraces were covered with woodland or scrub vegetation, as evidenced by the frequent discovery of plant16

Wilderspool: The Genesis of Settlement

Figure 4: Roman river crossings and later water courses there was extensive woodland clearance in Cheshire in the pre-Roman Iron Age, as demonstrated by pollen evidence and excavated evidence from Chester, Middlewich and Tatton (Higham 1993b, 7; Higham and Cane 1996-7, 39-45; Strickland 2001, 17; Mason 2002, 24-5), and such a setting may also have persisted in the vicinity of Wilderspool.

Although changes in sea level have taken place since the Roman period the available circumstantial evidence (e.g. the line taken by King Street) implies that there were no significant natural fording-points which existed below Warrington in Roman times. There must have been many signs of human occupation visible in the pre-Roman landscape, although there is little evidence at present for the nature of the Iron Age population of the area, except for the roundhouses excavated at Loushers Lane. A number of small farmstead enclosures of sufficient size to contain several buildings have recently been identified on areas of well-drained soils and gravels to the north of Warrington by aerial photography (Philpott 1998, 6). None of these has yet been conclusively demonstrated to have a pre-Roman origin, but they are the most likely model for Iron Age settlement in the area. There is no reason to believe that these settlements did not continue in use in the Roman period, as did the Iron Age and RomanoBritish settlement at Irby on the Wirral (Esmonde Cleary 1994, 268; 1997, 422). These agricultural communities probably produced cereals and meat, leather and bone. It would have been possible to

The site of Wilderspool on the terrace to the south of the Mersey was defined by the tidal inlets of Cress Brook to the west and Lumb Brook to the east (Figure 4). The Lumb Brook inlet was up to 5m deep and regularly filled by the tide. To the north-east of the Loushers Lane site, in the Latchford area, there was a ford over the Mersey during the Anglo-Saxon period: the name Latchford being derived from the Old English laec-ford meaning “bog-ford” or “boggyford” (Dodgson 1970, ii 143) and the name Mersey comes from the Anglo-Saxon word mierce meaning boundary. In the medieval and later periods this ford was the lowest natural fording-point on the Mersey (Crowe 1947, 19, 28 & 57), but the “boggy” and the frequently inconvenient nature of this ford led to the construction of a permanent bridge from Wilderspool Causeway into Warrington by the 13th century. 17

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ produce salt from the tidal river water, although it is more likely that salt extracted from the rich brine springs in Central Cheshire (known to the Romans as Salinae or “saltings”) was the main source.

A fascinating site at Meols at the end of the Wirral peninsula is known only from chance finds and limited excavations in the 19th century, but it appears to have been a long-established trading place on the foreshore rather than a tribal centre. Exotic finds such as Carthaginian coins suggest that the site was part of a trade network extending from the Mediterranean during the pre-Roman period, in which the Cornovii were engaged. Artefacts recovered show that activity at Meols continued throughout the Roman period and into the early Middle Ages (Carrington 1994, 23; Strickland 1995, 19; 2001, 18).

Amongst the discoveries at Loushers Lane in 1976 was some late Iron Age pottery. Some of the buildings of the subsequent Romano-British settlement here were reminiscent of Iron Age roundhouses. This suggests that there had been native British occupation in the period preceding and immediately after the arrival of the Roman army, sited close to a crossing of the Mersey by a ford at Latchford; this settlement certainly continued into the era of Roman domination of the region.

The Roman Conquest of the Region: an interpretation

These native farmsteads were part of a complex economic, political and cultural landscape. To the south lay the territory of the tribe known to the Romans as the Cornovii, who occupied the lands which now form Cheshire and Shropshire, and who had been allies and voluntary subjects of the Roman Empire for twenty years by the late 60s AD (Webster 1991, 31; Strickland 1995, 20; 2001, 20). To the north in present-day Lancashire was the territory of the Setantii, a people under the overlordship of the Brigantes, until recently allies of Rome, but now politically unsettled after a change of ruler. In North Wales were the Deceangli, recently conquered by Rome, within whose territories lead (and perhaps silver) mines were being rapidly developed under Roman supervision. The boundaries between these three groups are not certainly known, but probably lay along the valleys of the Dee and the Mersey. The Mersey estuary was called Seteia by Ptolemy (Higham 1993a, 31). The site of Wilderspool therefore lay in a Celtic frontier zone, a debatable land between two or three tribal heartlands, which only hardened into a defined frontier when the Romans re-organised the tribal areas for the purposes of local government and taxation.

Historical sources provide a framework within which the origins of the Wilderspool settlement must be placed. The strategic significance of the Warrington area during the Roman conquest can hardly be over-stated. The Romans must have recognised immediately the military importance of controlling the lowest convenient Mersey crossing. Failure to secure it would have left the army with the unwelcome alternative of a long and arduous diversion to the Manchester area and even the Pennine foothills, away from naval support, or an amphibious operation along the coast. Units of the Roman army may have first crossed the Mersey into Brigantian territory near Wilderspool in AD 48, on their way to assist Queen Cartimandua in suppressing unrest amongst the western elements of her own people. Finds indicative of pre-Flavian activity have been made in north-western Britain and there is a growing body of opinion that the Roman army had been active in the north before AD 69 (Shotter 1993b, 21; 1997, 11). The earliest recorded Roman expeditions into Brigantia occurred during the Claudio-Neronian period, culminating with the rescue of the pro-Roman Queen Cartimandua after a coup in AD 69. To Roman soldiers marching north from the West Midlands in c.AD 70, the ford at Warrington was the lowest available point at which they could cross the Mersey on foot or on horseback. The Warrington area was also the only convenient crossing point downstream from the Manchester area, the intervening territory being blocked by the extensive bog areas of Risley Moss and Chat Moss (Figure 1).

While there is some evidence of the nature of ordinary farming settlements in North-West England, there is no certain information of any higher-status settlement in the region. To the east of the Pennines, the Brigantes had an important fortified settlement or oppidum at Stanwick (Kenyon 1993, 46; Higham 1993b, 16-17), but it is not clear if a similar centre existed in the North-West. The tribal centres of the Cornovii at one time appear to have lain at the hillforts of the Wrekin, Titterstone Clee, Old Oswestry and Bury Walls in Shropshire (Webster 1991, 913) although the apparent Roman displacement of the Wrekin to Wroxeter may obsure a pre-Roman development there. The hill-forts of the Mid-Cheshire Ridge at Bickerton, Beeston, Eddisbury and Helsby may well also have been abandoned before the advent of the Romans (Mason 2002, 24-5, fig. 11).

In AD 71 the incoming governor Quintus Petillius Cerealis led a campaign into northern Britain and inflicted a decisive defeat on the Brigantes. The governor and the Ninth Legion led an eastern force into Brigantian territory on the east side of the Pennines, while Gnaeus Julius Agricola and the Twentieth Legion thrust northwards from the Wroxeter area along the west coast route, both accompanied by numerous auxiliary units. 18

Wilderspool: The Genesis of Settlement Significant elements of Agricola’s force are therefore likely to have crossed the Mersey near the site of Wilderspool in the summer of AD 71. Tacitus stated in his biography of Agricola that the advantage of the victory under Cerealis was lost by his immediate successors as governors and that it was left to Agricola to undertake the final conquest of Brigantia when he was governor in AD 75-83. As he was Agricola’s son-in-law, it is likely that Tacitus deliberately or subconsciously biased his account. Military actions in the Warrington area may therefore have occurred from the Claudio-Neronian period onwards. Permanent military structures would have been built during Agricola’s mid-Flavian campaigns at the latest, but quite possibly a few years earlier during the campaign of AD 71.

which coincided with the accession of Vespasian (an energetic and decisive Emperor who had first-hand experience of Britain). Vespasian therefore instigated (or developed) the concept of total conquest of the North, the first stages of which were from AD 7074, under the governorship of Cerealis. One major element of this campaign was the Legio XX Valeria Victrix based at Wroxeter (Viriconium) under the command of Agricola and it may be assumed that this legion formed the spearhead of a major force which moved north across the Mersey. The line of Agricola’s advance can be detected on the road north from Wroxeter through the fort at Whitchurch (Mediolanum) and on the road north-west from Chesterton, which joined together near the recentlydiscovered Roman fort at Middlewich (Salinae) (Rogers 1995, 348; Strickland 2001, 11 & 25). From there it proceeded along the line of King Street to the Mersey crossing at Wilderspool, and then on to probable forts at Wigan (Coccium), Walton-le-Dale and Lancaster.

It was formerly accepted that the main Roman conquest route into Brigantia is represented by the road running northwards from Manchester through the Pennine foothills to Ribchester. The Roman road, called King Street, running from Chesterton in Staffordshire via Middlewich to cross the Mersey at Wilderspool, the Ribble at Walton-le-Dale, and the Lune at Lancaster, has been considered to be a later route, relating to the consolidation of the conquest. Excavation work by Gifford at Holditch, Middlewich and Wilderspool now suggests that King Street is more likely to have been one of the primary conquest routes, and was probably used initially during the advances of AD 69-71 (Rogers 1996, 3658). Evidence of coin-loss at Middlewich implies an early Flavian date of c.AD 70 for King Street (Shotter 1998-9, 51-60; Strickland 2001, 24-5). Furthermore, the way in which the line of King Street ignores Northwich suggests that, in origin, its construction and use predated the mid- to late Flavian ChesterManchester axis, on which Northwich is located. There is also now a considerable body of numismatic evidence from further north that King Street formed the primary main route of the Roman conquest west of the Pennines, consisting of clusters of early Flavian coins around the estuaries of the rivers Mersey, Ribble and Lune (Shotter 1994, 20; 1997, 11 & 14). This argument has recently been questioned on the evidence of an apparent absence of an early form of Samian ware in excavated settlements along the road. This Samian form may have been recovered by May at Wilderspool, but the sherds have subsequently been lost (Wild 2002, 268-74).

From the mid-70s Agricola, now promoted Governor, pursued the inexorable northward advance, culminating in the attempted subjugation of Scotland in AD 84. This second stage seems to have gone hand-in-hand with construction of legionary fortresses at Chester and York, with an east-west line between them. The eastern upland route north to Barrow-inLonsdale (Alone?) via Manchester (Mamucium) and Ribchester may not have been used until the late 70s AD. The legionary fortress at Chester (Deva) was under construction by the Second Legion from the mid-70s AD, but was not completed until c.AD 80, perhaps coincidentally as a base for the intended conquest of Ireland (Carrington 1994, 27; Strickland 1995, 13; Robinson 1998-9, 19-31; Mason 2002, 44-6). The fort at Northwich (Condate) was clearly not on the Middlewich-Wilderspool route, but rather on an east-west road between Chester, Manchester and the Pennine crossing. This was probably a development of the mid- to late 70s AD, which followed Agricola’s initial advance into the north, when direct communication between the new legionary fortresses at Chester and York had become necessary (Higham 1993a, 47; Rogers 1996, 367; Strickland 2001, 27). An advance along the coastal plain, making contact with the fleet at regular intervals, makes good sense as an initial conquest route. Tacitus lays much stress on the combined naval and land operations carried out in northern Britain by Agricola (Breeze 1988, 922; Mason 2002, 31; 2003, 95-6). The Roman fleet would have needed inland bases where its ships could land to take on or disembark troops and stores at the highest conveniently navigable points of the estuaries of the Mersey, the Ribble and the Lune. King Street links these points and therefore fits the historical account much better than the inland route.

As early as the 50s AD the Romans already had much reason for maintaining an interest in what was going on north of the Mersey and there was thus nothing new in the maintenance of this interest (largely due to the continued need to support Cartimandua, their Brigantian ally) ten years later. It was the overthrow of Cartimundua in AD 69, at a time when the antiRoman faction in Brigantia gained the upper hand, 19

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ The Roman fleet could have penetrated deep inland to the Warrington area to provide logistical support and intelligence to the land forces. The depth of the main channel of the Mersey at this time is unknown, but even as late as the 19th century large craft navigated the Mersey up to Warrington. Mersey Flats had drafts similar to the typical liburnium-type small galleys, which made up the majority of the Classis Britannica (Mason 2003, 44 & 49). Even the largest Roman naval vessels could be beached, but it is more likely that only smaller galleys and transport vessels were committed to the narrow tidal estuary.

(Hume 1849-50, 31-2; Kendrick 1870-1, opp. 158). May recorded the road in 1896 as 21 feet wide (6.4m) with pavements on each side, composed of five layers with a total depth of two feet (0.61m). It was also about 10m wide within the 1966-9 excavation area (Road 1: May 1897, 7-8; Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 30). It deviated slightly to the west at the north end of Stockton Heath to pass through the settlement and align with the new river crossing (May 1900, 37). It was probably later crossed at Wilderspool by a road running from Chester to Manchester along the south side of the Mersey (Road 3: Burnham and Wacher 1990, 229; Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 118). By contrast May recorded the road running to the ford at Latchford as 24 feet (7.3m) wide, composed of only a few inches’ thickness of gravel (Road 2: May 1902, 10). This implies that it had become less important than its successor route along King Street. The course of the Latchford road was also recorded in 1831 (Hume 1849-50, 31; Kendrick 1870-1, opp. 158).

Archaeological evidence for the coordination of Roman land and sea forces on the Mersey has recently come to light in the form of a small military enclosure discovered on a promontory extending into the Mersey estuary at Ince (Philpott 1998, 34952). The siting of this fortlet relates to the unique topography of the Mersey estuary. From Wilderspool the Mersey flows south-west becoming tidal and widening and then turns through a right angle to flow north-west between Birkenhead and Liverpool. The mouth of the river is constricted between two ranges of sandstone hills, the summits of which are now occupied by, on the one hand, the Bidston and Prenton area of Birkenhead, and the Toxteth area of Liverpool on the other. The area of the sharp bend in the estuary between Speke and Ince is therefore a wide and sheltered natural harbour, too shallow for modern sea-going ships, but eminently suitable for ancient craft. The fortlet at Ince appears to have been sited to command a panoramic view over the whole estuary from the lowest ford near Wilderspool down to the mouth of the river at New Brighton, and particularly over the natural anchorage. This fortlet may have been a lookout post monitoring shipping in the Mersey, or designed to detect Irish raiders (Strickland 1995, 44-5; and Philpott, 1998) or it may have been a signal station, placed to provide a communications link between warships at anchor in the Mersey and the land forces. It was also only ten miles from the legionary headquarters at Chester via the ford at Bridge Trafford. Although the date of the Roman enclosure at Ince is unclear, it seems logically to point to Roman naval activity in the Mersey.

Stray finds indicate that there was Roman occupation, perhaps an auxiliary regimental fort, on the north shore of the Mersey in present-day Warrington town centre, but the nature of the occupation remains uncertain. A bridgehead fort in the Warrington area on the north shore of the Mersey perhaps initially covered the Iron Age ford at Latchford, then later the crossing via a bridge further downstream (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 229). A significant number of chance finds of Roman artefacts have been made here, including pottery, metalwork and coins (J Collens pers. comm.). Kendrick was convinced that there was a Roman site in the vicinity of Church Street, but this may have been a misinterpretation of a circuit of earthworks around the Norman borough of Warrington. However, the Norman borough and castle may have re-used the site of a Roman fort. Roman artefacts, including a brooch and a handle from a military-style patera, were found during an excavation of the medieval castle motte at Mote Hill in Warrington in 1841. A possible Roman road was identified in St Elphin’s churchyard in 1974-5, but this may have been a medieval or post-medieval surface (Kendrick 1852-3, 62; Strickland 1995, 1213). It is therefore likely that there was a Roman fort somewhere within the modern town centre, although more evidence will be required before a firm conclusion can be drawn. This may be paralleled by a fort on the north side of the River Ribble on the site of Preston, across the river from the industrial settlement of Walton-le-Dale (Rogers 1996, 367).

King Street has been traced from Stretton, south of Wilderspool, through Appleton and Stockton Heath to the part within the Wilderspool settlement excavated by Thomas May (May 1904, 2-3; 1905, 222-37; Margary 1957, ii 36). The roadway was constructed at least 10m wide at Pewterspear Green, 3km to the south of Wilderspool, reflecting its importance as a major arterial route. It may in part have approximately followed a long-established Iron Age route (Gifford, 1998; Strickland 2001, 16-18). The line of King Street was noted in Town Field and Stoney Lunt Field to the south and north of the Old Quay Canal in 1831

The Location of the Initial Settlement In the context of the above characterisation of the local landscape and interpretation of the Roman 20

Wilderspool: The Genesis of Settlement

Plate 5: Reconstruction of Wilderspool (viewed from the north looking south) showing King Street and the new Roman bridge across the Mersey under construction during the 70s AD.

arrival in the region, the location, form and function of the initial settlement at Wilderspool can now be discussed. The location of the site offered the advantages that the Mersey could be both navigated by ships to this point and conveniently crossed by a road there. It lay on the southern shore of the Mersey at the confluence of the routes from Chester, Middlewich and probably Manchester with the primary road to the north. It stood on a promontory of well-drained glacial sand running northwards from the Mid-Cheshire Ridge into an otherwise boggy river basin, providing these routes with a dry approach to a river crossing (Higham 1993a, 47). On the north side of the river, a promontory of the Mersey gravel terrace projected southwards from the location of Warrington town centre. To the north of Warrington was a gap of well-drained gravels between extensive bogs to the east and west, a route that had probably been used in the prehistoric periods (Figure 1).

is aligned with the Wilderspool settlement towards the south (GMAU, 1991 and 1992), thus tending to confirm the proposed bridging-point in the vicinity of the present-day bridge. This change of crossing-point had the effect of moving the focus of settlement downstream from the ford, perhaps to take advantage of a part of the river more suitable for landing ships. A parallel can be seen in Roman London, where the town was sited downstream from the initial military crossing point at Westminster, apparently to take advantage of the good anchorage offered by the Pool of London (Sloane et al, 1995). The waterfront of Roman Wilderspool probably lay on the outer shore of the meander to the north of Greenalls Avenue and to the west of Wilderspool Causeway, where deeper water would have allowed sea-going ships to moor at quays or jetties. Here cargoes could be unloaded, and goods manufactured in the industrial area or stock-piled on its waterfront loaded for transport to the garrisons of northern Britain.

The principal ford over the Mersey in the early medieval period was at Latchford and this crossing had probably also been in use in the late Iron Age. It was the lowest possible non-tidal crossing point (Kenyon 1993, 116). However, King Street approaches the river directly from the south to a point 1km downstream of the ford. This Roman crossing presumably replaced the Iron Age ford at Latchford as the main passage across the Mersey. The new crossing may have been a simple ford, a paved ford, or a bridge (Plate 5). It is possible that sea level was lower in the early Roman period than today, allowing the river to be forded between Wilderspool and Warrington. A bridge appears more likely, however, as it had the advantage of raising the roadway above the level of the tides and the frequent flood-waters (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 229). To the north of Warrington, King Street has been traced parallel to Winwick Road and here it

It is likely that the main river channel during the Roman period lay further to the north than in the 17th to 19th centuries, and that the slope down to the river channel from the Romano-British settlement area was more gradual. The course of the river meander near Greenall’s Avenue probably moved southwards and eastwards after the Roman period, obliterating the evidence both for the Roman quays and for the line of King Street running directly northwards to a bridge crossing the river to the site of Bridge Street in Warrington (Figure 4). Evidence for this erosion was found in the 1930s when water-worn Roman pottery and tile were uncovered in alluvial silt on the north side of the Mersey channel, washed 300m downstream from the main focus of the Wilderspool settlement (Strickland 1995, 12-13). 21

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ Following the demise of the Roman bridge, the river crossing returned to the Latchford ford. The early medieval borough of Warrington was sited around St Elphin’s Church to the north of the ford. A crossing on the Warrington-Wilderspool line was revived in the late medieval period when Warrington Bridge was built across the Mersey at the beginning of the 14th century. Wilderspool Causeway was built on its present line soon after 1642, crossing low-lying and flood-prone ground to improve the access from Wilderspool to the bridge. The ford at Latchford can no longer be traced, following 18th-century flood damage and 19th-century river improvement works (May 1897, 8; Crowe 1947, 28 & 96).

have extended for a similar distance to the west of King Street, along the road to Chester. Despite previous interpretations it is unlikely that the buildings to the east at Loushers Lane were a contiguous part of the main settlement. Both areas may have been connected to a fort or other occupation north of the Mersey. It is possible that the buildings and structures at Wilderspool formed only one part of a zone of Roman occupation spreading out on both banks of the Mersey away from a nodal crossing point. The presence of Romano-British buildings at Loushers Lane has been taken as evidence that the Romano-British settlement extended towards Latchford, giving it a total area of about 10 hectares, which would have been exceptionally large for northern Roman Britain (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 170-1). However, these buildings probably formed a separate group from the main industrial area on King Street. The Loushers Lane area was divided from the main settlement by the tidal inlet and valley of the Lumb Brook (Figure 4). A bridge over the brook probably connected the two parts of the settlement. The lane extending to the east identified within the excavation area here does not extend in the direction of the Latchford ford, but rather runs parallel to the postulated Roman road to Manchester.

It has been proposed that the Roman settlement at Wilderspool was the Veratino mentioned in the Ravenna Cosmography, a late Roman list of the forts and towns of the Western Empire, which survives in the form of a corrupt medieval copy. The copy of the Itinerary is incomplete, somewhat erratic in its order and inclusions, and is thought to have been the subject of numerous revisions. Nevertheless it seems to describe the settlements in present-day North-West England, following the road system from Viriconium Cornoviorum (Wroxeter) through Mediolanum (Whitchurch) and Bovium (Holt) to Deva Victris (Chester). Immediately after Deva Victris it mentions Veratino, which suggests that Veratino or Veratinvm was the next significant place along a road extending north-westwards from Chester (Figure 1).

There is also evidence for a Roman cemetery between the main settlement and Loushers Lane, in the form of a lead-lined coffin inhumation and a cremation urn found in 1895 (May 1900, 19). Another lead-lined coffin was found in 1976 in the north bank of the Manchester Ship Canal in the same area (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 116-7) (Plate 3). Roman cemeteries are usually found on the periphery of settlements and the presence of the cemetery is therefore strongly suggestive of a spatial division between the Loushers Lane group and the Wilderspool industrial complex, the two areas being also separated by function (Chapter 4).

Beamont and May advanced a plausible etymological argument that the modern place-name of Warrington is an Anglicised form of the RomanoBritish name. Veratino is probably a corrupt medieval Latin form of the name, the original form of which may have been Veratinum. Beamont also argued that the first two syllables Verat are derived from the Brythonic werid meaning “ford” (May 1897, 24-5 & 28; Carter 1947, 9). Coupled with the Latin suffix -inum, the name would mean “the place at the ford”. If this derivation is correct, it further stresses the importance of the Mersey crossing to the settlement. The ascription of Veratinum to Wilderspool was largely accepted by the late 19th century (rather than an earlier identification with Condate), but remains unproven (Thompson Watkin 1974, 24 & 273; Strickland 1995, 13).

May’s interpretation of the layout was based around his theory that the site had been initially enclosed by a defensive circuit of ramparts and ditches. May’s postulated defences were trapezoidal rather than rectangular, with King Street located immediately along the inside of the supposed western rampart. This would have been a highly unusual arrangement, for which there is no obvious explanation. The western “rampart” consisted of layers of clay, cobbles and rubble, sometimes surfaced with gravel, retained by two courses of masonry. They apparently rested on the contemporary ground surface without foundations (May 1900, 6-10; 1902, 2-3). The cobbles and rubble might have functioned as the base of a turf rampart, but at less than 3m wide the features seem too narrow for this. May’s own initial interpretation of these features as a pavement along

The Form of the Initial Settlement, early 70s ad In its largest known form, the Romano-British settlement extended from the areas excavated by Thomas May in Stockton Heath, northwards to the post-medieval course of the Mersey, and eastwards to the 1993 excavation area. The settlement may 22

Wilderspool: The Genesis of Settlement the side of the street seems more convincing (May 1897, 8). The eastern “rampart” did not even have retaining walls and so was probably simply a metalled alley extending south from Road 2. Furthermore, John Williams excavated trenches to examine the supposed rampart and ditch but found no trace of them (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 16 & 29). They also did not appear in the part of the settlement removed by the construction of the Manchester Ship Canal (May, 1897). May found a stone-lined drain at one point, a feature more in keeping with the margin of a main road than a rampart. To the west of King Street, May found two cobbled features, which he interpreted as belonging to external annexes and towers along his postulated ramparts (May 1902, 10-11). He was probably misled by the thickness of the gravel features and their borders of low stone retaining walls. The northernmost of these features was retained by a stepped footing on the northern side, probably constructed because the ground sloped away towards the Mersey at that point. May’s interpretation of these features is no longer accepted and the gravel features are now identified as alleys. At Walton-le-Dale similar deep linear and cobble features have been excavated and were clearly alleys between building plots, which had been regularly resurfaced to give them a considerable thickness (Esmonde Cleary 1998, 388-90). Therefore, there is no evidence for the settlement having been defended within the modern excavation areas, although it is not impossible that the settlement was defended by encircling walls or ramparts outside the areas investigated.

north side of this road. He also found another ditch extending to the west, which was perhaps another part of the roadside ditch, although it may have been a post-medieval boundary feature. Only fragments are known of the initial ground-plan of the settlement, but there certainly appears to be some regularity in its layout in its 2nd- and 3rd-century developments (Phases 2-5). At least two alleys running southwards from Road 2 and the main boundary ditches investigated in the 1966-9 excavations were aligned parallel to King Street. The 1993 excavation revealed four rectilinear building plots, divided by one of these alleys (Road 4). Later buildings (Phase 6) were found by May to the west, sited between alleys opening westwards off King Street, but these were not part of the initial plan. In Stockton Heath May also found buildings around alleys opening off the east and west sides of the road, but these cannot be assigned to any phase. The overall impression is of a planned settlement laid out around a grid of streets, alleys and property plots, rather than the ribbon development suggested by John Williams. The degree of planning may provide a hint of the military origins of the settlement, or at least suggest official control over its early development (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 26 & 32). A number of the buildings identified during the 1966-9 and 1993 excavations were rectangular timber structures with foundations consisting of post emplacements in the sand spaced at regular intervals along foundation trenches. These features are thought to represent the use of prefabricated wallpanels inserted into continuous foundation trenches, a construction system used widely in Roman military contexts, for example in the construction of legionary barracks at Chester (Mason 2002, 58). This suggests that the people who built the first structures had Roman military training or supervision. Debris from the demolition of these structures shows that they had walls formed of wattle-and-daub, in some cases faced with tile and with tiled roofs. The buildings were sited in neatly subdivided plots, which also contained less substantial sheds built using the same technique, often with open fronts and cobbled courtyards. These buildings appear to have been the standard structures of the early settlement, but also continued in use to the late 2nd century or later. Subsequently buildings with stone footings were constructed. While the open-fronted structures can be interpreted as workshops, both because of their form and the features within them, the function of the remainder is less clear. They may have been workshops, dwellings or a combination of the two. They do not contain high-temperature hearths, but they may have been used for the preparation and storage of materials, or other processes not requiring heat.

King Street (Road 1) was the main axis of the settlement. This was identified by May, with a parallel roadside ditch 3m away from its western edge. May believed that King Street turned a corner almost at a right-angle within the occupied area, as it approached the Mersey, and continued to the east towards Latchford. However, May’s supposed east-west road (Road 2) was completely different in construction to King Street, formed of only one layer of gravel a few inches thick (May 1902, 10) and his later plans show a curve in the road. This curve was projected from one slit trench and was based on a supposed curve in the roadside ditch. On further examination this supposed ditch alignment appeared to be two pits (May 1900, plate 1; Thompson 1965, fig. 17). There is thus no reason to suppose that King Street did not continue directly northwards to cross the Mersey close to the location of the late medieval bridge. King Street was crossed in the centre of the settlement by the road from Chester to Manchester, forming the main axial east-west street (Road 3). May identified an east-west ditch extending eastwards from King Street in the north bank of the Ship Canal in 1896, which was probably the drainage ditch on the 23

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

The Function of the Initial Settlement

troops, including clothing and weapons. There is plentiful evidence of manufacturing within forts and in the defended annexes of forts in the north-west such as at Chester, Ribchester and Lancaster, on a scale similar to the activities at Wilderspool. However, during the campaigns of conquest up to c.AD 80, these permanent and defended supply bases had not yet been established and it is therefore entirely possible that in its earliest phase the Wilderspool settlement was organised purely as a military supply base. It may have been originally a military installation, or military procurement may have provided its initial impetus and continuing prosperity (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 41; Shotter 1997, 41).

There is plentiful evidence of manufacturing processes from all the various excavations at Wilderspool and little evidence of other forms of activity. Unfortunately, little of the manufacturing evidence can be related with certainty to the earliest phases of occupation. In fact there is little explicit evidence for the functions originally served by the settlement. Nevertheless, examination of its place in the wider pattern of Roman occupation in northern Britain allows an interpretation. Parts of the settlement were created on virgin sites in the late 1st century AD and must therefore have been connected to the Roman occupation of the region. That there was pre-Roman occupation in the area is attested in the Loushers Lane area. As the army moved north, there was a considerable demand for a convenient and reliable supply of all the goods and commodities on which soldiers depend, such as pottery, leather, iron tools, nails, bronze equipment fittings and woollen cloth. Wilderspool was superbly well-placed both to manufacture and transport them. Raw materials could be brought in and finished goods were exported both through the road network and also by water, allowing for the bulk transport of heavy items (Kenyon 1993, 56). This was almost certainly the stimulus to a rapid development on the shores of the Mersey in the closing years of the 1st century AD. In this context, Wilderspool can be seen as a boomtown in a frontier province of the Roman Empire.

The Wilderspool establishment then took its place within a complex network of military supply in the Roman frontier region of north-western Britain, including both fortified sites at Chester, Holt, Northwich, Manchester, Ribchester and Lancaster; and undefended industrial sites like Wilderspool, Walton-le-Dale (Lancashire), Middlewich and Heronbridge (Cheshire), Holditch (Staffordshire) and Pentre Ffwrden (Flintshire). It has many similarities with these sites, but there are also significant differences between them, reflecting their differing functions within the network. Some industrial settlements specialised overwhelmingly, although never exclusively, in one type of production, such as salt at Middlewich, lead at Pentre Fawrden, and ceramics at Holt, while Heronbridge was unique because of its proximity to the legionary fortress at Chester. The other three undefended industrial settlements of Holditch, Wilderspool and Walton-leDale show evidence of more generalised production and are spaced at regular intervals from south to north along the main west coast artery of the Roman road network. Holditch lay well to the south of the permanently militarised frontier zone, but must have seen frequent troop movements and in its earlier stages it was in close proximity to the Roman fort at Chesterton. It was a sprawling civilian settlement, supplying goods and leisure services to troops on a “passing trade” basis. By contrast, Walton-le-Dale lay well within the militarised zone and was a more regimented military supply depot which provided goods in bulk. On the fringe of the militarised zone, Wilderspool combined characteristics of Holditch to the south and Walton-le-Dale to the north.

Of the goods manufactured, the distribution of the pottery is the easiest to identify and trace. Stockton Heath or Wilderspool triple vases were exported to civil settlements across the Cheshire and Lancashire plains and into the western Pennines, and perhaps also to the west end of Hadrian’s Wall. The mortaria had a significant distribution throughout the Roman North-West from the end of the 1st century onwards, and there was a particular concentration at Hadrian’s Wall. The potters may have migrated to Wilderspool from Wroxeter and elsewhere in the West Midlands, and it has been suggested that they moved on to the Carlisle area in c.AD 165, as the focus of military deployment and military supply requirements shifted northwards again to the Wall (Hartley and Webster 1973, 87, 89, 93, 94 fig. 9, 95, 97, 98 n.45 & 102-3).

It is unlikely that Wilderspool was a purely military installation much after c.AD 80, but the later occupants of the settlement were probably always military contractors, whether under direct army control or not. Some of the goods manufactured in the settlement were items such as jewellery, popular with soldiers, but hardly urgent military supplies. The nature of supply developed from basic necessities to

Although, the mortaria and other equipment items produced at Wilderspool were primarily military goods, none of these products were exclusively used by the army. There were also other places in the region which were more evidently military supply bases. The fabricia of Roman forts produced or repaired many of the daily requirements of the 24

Wilderspool: The Genesis of Settlement at Wall in Staffordshire, mansiones attracted further facilities for travellers such as non-official inns and taverns, temples and baths, as well as craft industries (Webster and Charlesworth, 1958; Todd 1970, 123). They also became market centres for the surrounding countryside. The idea of a way-station at Wilderspool was proposed by Thomas May in his first article on the site (May, 1897). He identified the foundations of a very large building on the west side of King Street as a possible mansio. The courtyard building at Loushers Lane may equally have been a mansio, although it was some distance from King Street. The provision of a mansio at the Mersey crossing might have been particularly desirable. The establishment of both a fort and a mansio at a strategically important river-crossing may therefore have provided the initial impetus for the settlement.

more specialised and luxury items, as the permanent military installations took on the mundane role of daily supply. Fittings from mid- to late 1st-century Roman military equipment have been found, such as studs from the cingulum (apron), lorica segmentata (cuirass) hinges and cavalry harness clips (Appendix 1). These indicate the presence of Roman infantry and cavalry at Wilderspool, either stationed there or passing through by road and water in the late 1st century, although most of this equipment is known to have been manufactured elsewhere. Supply trains and officials must have also been constantly moving along King Street to the Mersey crossing (Higham 1993a, 48). The preponderance of denarii and sestertii amongst the coins recovered also suggests the payment of soldiers in the vicinity. The two sites in North-West England whose coin-samples most closely resemble that from Wilderspool, are Holt (64 coins) and Waltonle-Dale (103 coins) (Appendix 2, Table 4). Two coinhoards of silver denarii dating to the 120s and 130s AD have also been found at Middlewich (Shotter 1998-9, 51-60; Strickland 2001, 34). All four of these sites were concerned with manufacturing, supply and storage. There are some variations between them in coin-loss in later periods, showing that details of their occupation history varied. However, all three sites had a main period of activity between the late 1st century and mid- or late 2nd century, with subsequently intermittent activity through the 3rd century, terminating at some point after the early 4th century. The market economy of the North-West region is thought to have been dominated by military pay derived from taxes in the south throughout this period (Higham 1993b, 42). The passing trade to military personnel was the economic engine of places like Wilderspool for most of their subsequent Roman existence.

SUMMARY INTERPRETATION OF THE GENESIS OF THE SETTLEMENT The crossings of the Mersey in the Warrington area must have been a key point in the Roman conquest of North-West Britain. Military units probably forded the crossing at Latchford during the earliest expeditions into Brigantia in the Claudio-Neronian period AD 5060. A temporary fort may have been established on the northern shore at this early date, but is more likely to have been permanently founded during the expedition of the governor Cerealis in AD 71. It is likely that there was a substantial military presence here during the expeditions of Agricola as governor in AD 75-83 and by that stage the Wilderspool industrial settlement had been established. The alignment of King Street and the presence of an early fort at Middlewich suggest strongly that a new crossing of the Mersey near Wilderspool was exploited during the conquest. A simple ford was probably quickly replaced by a paved ford or bridge. The advantages of the Wilderspool site for land and water communications made it a military necessity to exploit the area.

As seen above, the industrial complex at Wilderspool may have been a secondary development to the establishment of a Roman fort on the north shore of the Mersey at Warrington. It does not have the appearance of the usual military extramural canabae or vicus settlements near forts, but was perhaps created in a similar way by the economic attraction of a body of troops with a high disposable income. A short-lived fort might have provided the initial stimulus for its foundation as a physically separate settlement, as occurred at Holditch and Middlewich, the next two settlements to the south along King Street.

During the Roman conquest the armies pressing north would have required a wide range of supplies and Wilderspool was in an ideal position for the collection, manufacture and distribution of material. In the very earliest period of occupation the settlement was probably a main supply depot supporting the campaigns of conquest in AD 69-71 and AD 75-82. After the conquest a military supply base or depot was established on the south shore of the Mersey at Wilderspool, perhaps augmented by a mansio. The settlement was probably founded by the Imperial authorities and was laid out in the form of a grid of streets and allotments. Craftsmen arrived and

As well as a network of forts along their road system, the Roman authorities created a system of waystations known as mansiones. These combined the functions of inns and postal stations, where messengers, travelling military personnel and civil servants could rest and change horses. Often, as 25

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ constructed dwellings and workshops using military techniques, rapidly occupying the allotments. These craftsmen may have included military personnel or veterans of native and continental stock. Most of the buildings were solid, well-made structures,

with prefabricated timber frames in-filled with wattle and daub and roofed with tile. The function of the settlement was to supply goods to the army, whether by orders from quartermasters, or directly to passing troops.

26

Chapter 4  Two and a Half Centuries of Development

The Central Zone: excavated evidence

By AD 100 there was a thriving manufacturing establishment on the south bank of the River Mersey (Plate 6). Most of the surviving evidence for Romano-British Wilderspool reflects its continued existence in the 2nd, 3rd and early 4th centuries. This section examines how it developed during this period and the zoning of the industrial activities that took place within it. The central achievement of the 1993 excavation was to demonstrate that Wilderspool was occupied over two and half centuries and that its structural remains represent a sequence of successive construction and demolition within that period. This has allowed a reappraisal of the excavation results of May and Williams as representing a more complex sequence than either of them was able to establish: May because of his crude excavation technique and Williams because of the limited degree of archaeological survival within his excavation areas. The description and discussion of the stratigraphic evidence for the Romano-British occupation is divided into three sub-sections: the scanty remains for the Central Zone recovered by Kendrick and May; the Back Streets Zone excavated in 1966-9 and 1993, overlapping (or rather “underlapping”) some of May’s excavation areas; and the peripheral suburb of Loushers Lane excavated by Brereton and Hinchliffe.

Kendrick found column capitals and bases in the up-cast material from the construction of the Old Quay Canal, built in the early 19th century in the same location as the Ship Canal, demonstrating that there were some substantial structures, including buildings with stone colonnades, in the centre of the settlement (Kendrick 1870-1, 10; 1872, 4 & 7-8; Beamont 1876, 9 & 17-19; Strickland 1995, 12-13, figs 6 and 7). Unfortunately, the excavation of the Manchester Ship Canal cut a huge swathe through this probable centre, including the main central crossroads, with archaeological recording limited to occasional chance observations. It is clear from May’s work that the main surviving structures lay along King Street and he describes these remains as a raised ridge visible on the 19th-century ground surface, formed of stratified building rubble just beneath the topsoil (May 1897, 8; 1900, 4-5). The central crossroads area probably contained substantial commercial premises and perhaps a bathhouse, temple(s) and a basilica (town hall), although unfortunately this will now never be confirmed. The religious focus of the town was probably here. May thought that he had found the

Plate 6: A hypothetical reconstruction of the western part of the Roman settlement and the waterfront in the early 2nd century (looking south-east). 27

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Summary  Interpretation  of  the Central Zone

site of a temple dedicated to Minerva in Stockton Heath and he also found an altar near the site of the crossroads to the north of the Ship Canal (May, 1897; 1904, 65; 1905, 226-8; Grealey 1976, 31). A fragment from another altar was found in the 1966 excavation (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 22 & 956).

The centre of the settlement was therefore situated at the crossroads between King Street and the main east-to-west road from Chester to Manchester identified by Kendrick. Within the surviving part of King Street excavated by May the relatively simple 1st-century structures, set back behind the original roadside ditches, were replaced in the 2nd and 3rd centuries by more permanent structures set on stone footings. The structures mostly had ceramic tile roofs, although in some cases stone tiles were used. Some buildings also had timber porticoes. Water supply was improved in the 2nd and 3rd centuries by the provision of wells in the central part of the settlement. The investment in construction generally suggests naturally growing prosperity or Imperial stimulus. Furnaces and ovens figure large in May’s description of the area and therefore manufacturing of goods appears to have been the main activity (discussed in more detail in Chapter 5).

The buildings identified by May along the King Street frontage near the crossroads were the most substantial found within the main settlement (May 1900, 17-18; 1905, 209-11 & 220). However, artefacts were not recorded by context during his excavation and so it is very difficult to assess the dates of the structural features which he recorded. His central zone buildings must therefore be regarded as largely unphaseable. Substantial stone footings in the north-west angle of the crossroads, which May identified as a gate-tower, were laid directly on the pre-Roman ground surface and therefore were presumably of an early phase (May 1905, 220). They probably belonged to a domestic or public building. One of the buildings which May excavated to the west of King Street in Stockton Heath had stone foundations and measured 60 feet by 28 feet (18.3m x 8.5m) aligned east-west, with a veranda running along the south side. Two phases of clay floors in the interior contained flues, a stoke-hole pit and hearths (May 1905; Thompson 1965, 72-3).

The Back Streets excavated evidence

Zone:

Whereas for the centre of the settlement the available evidence comes entirely from Thomas May’s investigations, for the back streets zone there is also information from the 1966-9 and 1993 excavations, as shown in Figure 3. The description of the stratigraphic evidence from all three excavation campaigns is divided into seven chronological phases (Table 1). The Romano-British activity and sequence of events in the 1966-9 excavation area was probably very similar to that excavated in 1993, although the lack of vertical stratigraphy made the sequence less clear than that recovered in 1993. There are also significant differences between the two areas. Williams recovered clear evidence of iron smelting and pottery kilns, which was not found in the 1993 excavation area and also identified a different style of structure, the nave-and-aisle buildings, not noted either by May or in the 1993 excavation. These differences suggest functional zoning within the establishment by type of industrial activity and also perhaps between separate residential and industrial zones.

On the east side of King Street to the north of the crossroads, May identified a series of stone building footings in the same location as earlier timberslot foundations set back from the street frontage identified in 1969 (May 1902, plate 1; Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 27-9). They are interpreted below as belonging to the Phase 6 building B28, succeeding a sequence of earlier buildings B9, B12 and B15. May interpreted all of these footings as comprising one building which he described as Insula I. It contained clay floors, internal dividing walls and a well. May’s identification of a hypocaust system here is dubious; his photographs appear to show pits and low linear stone footings rather than the columns of a hypocaust. It is possible that this building was constructed entirely of stone, or stone and brick, but it is more likely that the stone foundations were sill walls which supported a timber-framed or pisé (mud-walled) superstructure. Raising the superstructures of the buildings above ground level would have given them a longer life than the earlier buildings, whose timber frames had been set directly in the ground. Another building further to the north, also on the east side of King Street, had a timber portico by which the building was entered from the road, represented by an in situ stone stylobate base shaped to receive a square wooden post.

Phase 1 c.70s and 80s AD: Site Preparations during the Flavian Campaigns The earliest features within the 1993 excavation area comprise mottled and disturbed subsoil, probably representing the clearance of scrub from the site before the layout of the settlement (Phase 1, not illustrated). 28

29

B5

B2

B1

OA1

Phase 2 c.AD 90-140 Figure 5

Phase 1 70s and 80s AD

B10 S7

OA16

NW

Phase 3 c.AD 140-170 Figure 6

Phase 4 c.AD 170-220 Figure 7

Ditch 5

B17

Phase 6 c.AD 250-270 Figure 9

Phase 5 c.AD 220-250 Figure 8

B37

SW

Road 4

S8

Road 4

Road 4

centre

1993 Excavation: Access Road

Phase 7 c.AD 270-320 Figure 10

Date/Phase

B6

B11

B13

B16 S13 S14

SE

B3

B7

S15 S16

NE

S9

S17, S18

B38

1993 Excavation: Wilderspool House extension

Table 1: Summary of Features from the Excavations by Phase

OA2 B4

OA5, OA6 B4 S1

OA10, OA11 B4 S10

OA14 B4 S11, S12 Road 7

OA15 B4, B18, B19, S19-22

Truncated

A

OA3 Road 5

OA7-9 S2-6 Road 6

OA12 Road 6

B

1966-1969 Excavation

?

OA13

B20, B21 S23, S24

C

OA4

B8

B12

B14

S25, S26

D

B9

B15

S27, S28

E

Roads 1-4 Ditches 1-4

B22A, B23A Roads 1-4 Ditches 1-4

B22-36 S29-53 Roads 1-4, 8-12

1895-1905 Excavation

Square enclosure with round house

Courtyard building, Lane and gateway. Enclosures with round and rectangular buildings

Enclosures and buildings

Lane redefined

Loushers Lane 1976

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 5: Phase 2 c.AD 90-140 A few small patches of fired clay and fire reddened cobbles and some isolated pits and ditches indicate that the area was occupied before the first identifiable structural phase. No dating evidence for this activity was recovered, but it is presumed to date to the late 1st century, or earlier, on the basis of plentiful Flavian pottery found deposited residually in later contexts. Even this peripheral area was included in the layout of the settlement at its inception, although no clear evidence of structures has survived there.

these buildings appear to have been open-fronted structures; they had walls set in continuous foundation trenches on three sides and posts set in individual placements on the fourth. Similar buildings were identified by May in the Stockton Heath area (May 1905, 226). The open fronts allowed in light and air, and the ventilation of fumes, while the roofed structure provided shelter from the weather. However, these buildings were clearly not dwellings. The northern building had a cobbled floor. The use of cobbles, resistant to wear and weathering, also suggests that the building was open-fronted. The completely enclosed structures elsewhere at Wilderspool and in Romano-British settlements in general, usually had beaten clay floors, not suitable for external use. Another building, B3, was probably also present to the east of the alley; its foundations were not found, but it was represented by its demolition debris. These buildings were dated to the 80s AD or later on the basis of pottery evidence. Therefore this area, 130m east of the main axis on King Street, was the location of four property plots, each presumably occupied by the dwelling and working areas of a craftsman, his family and workforce. On the basis of the finds within the demolition layer, at least one of the workshop plots belonged to an ironworker, although several crafts

Phase 2 c.AD 90-140: Early Development in the Late 1st Century (Figure 5) The main roadways of King Street and the ChesterManchester road, and the road running north-east to Latchford ford, were presumably defined in the conquest period in Phase 1. The roadways may have been metalled in either Phase 1 or Phase 2 and their associated roadside ditches dug (Roads 13 and Ditches 1-3). Roughly parallel to King Street, a line of post-holes delineated the western edge of a lane or alley (Road 4), which probably also had a roadside ditch (Ditch 4) further to the south. To the west of it, parts of two buildings (B1 and B2) were identified. Although much truncated by later features, 30

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development may have been practised and the crafts practised may have changed over time.

previously recorded in a Wilderspool fabric found in 1993, which was very clearly associated with the Roman army, was the large storage jar or dolia in greyware (Greene, 1993 for discussion on the origins of most of these vessels). A similar dolia in redware was among the items excavated by May and is now in Warrington Museum.

Deposits representing the levelling of the workshop buildings of this phase contained patches of the type of clay used to make floors elsewhere on the site, tiles (including wall tiles), fired clay (including poorly made brick), and fragments of the clay linings of ovens, furnaces, or kilns. There was also burnt wallrender and daub (including examples with wattle impressions), perhaps indicating the destruction of the buildings by fire, or more probably a demolition and clearance process involving some burning of debris (Table 7). Hearth-bottoms, hearth-lining, ironworking slag and cinder from this phase (Appendix 10) demonstrate that iron-working had occurred within or around the structures. A very small quantity of copper-working slag was also found, but not in sufficient quantity to demonstrate that copper-working took place in these buildings, although such activity must have been undertaken nearby. The reason for the demolition of the buildings may have been related to the changing economic fortunes of the settlement, but it is equally likely that the structures had simply reached the end of their useful life. The setting of the timber-frame foundations set directly into the ground would have limited the lifespan of the buildings. Thus it can be seen that the Phase 2 buildings had been formed of rendered wattle-anddaub walls (in some cases tiled), with clay floors, and had contained ovens, hearths or kilns. There was some iron-working. Because of later truncation, the demolition deposits are not contiguous and therefore it is possible that the demolition was not contemporary across the site; it took place after c.AD 120, and more probably around AD 140 on the basis of pottery and coin evidence.

Most of the imported pottery is early and associated with the military character of the settlement at this time (Phase 2). The Samian assemblage shows a strong predominance of later Flavian vessels with little in the way of earlier or later types, evidence for a starting date for the occupation no earlier than the 80s AD. This might suggest that the peak of activity for the site is at this time, but it must be remembered that this is also the period when quantities of imported South Gaulish Samian in the North-West reached a peak (Bulmer 1979, fig. 3). The later, more civilian, nature of Wilderspool may have been partly prefigured in the Trajanic-Hadrianic period, when there was an increased demand for locally-produced tablewares that could cater for a civilian as well as a military market. Whether this reflected changing military tastes, or a more radical shift from a military to a civilian type of settlement as early as the TrajanicHadrianic period, is difficult to say. The Phase 2 coin assemblage from the 1993 excavation suggests that activity started later here than in the other areas investigated earlier, or at least any earlier activity has left no trace in the coin-record. No coins can be associated with the construction of the buildings, the earliest group of coins deriving from layers which represent their abandonment and demolition. This group consists of seven coins, of which the Flavian issues are generally worn. Two coins of Nerva and Trajan from the end of the century and one of Trajan’s later years are little worn. The buildings therefore flourished probably between AD 90 and AD 120, and demolition took place later. Of the three issues of Nerva, whose coins are not normally well represented on sites in North-West England, two were little worn, suggesting that the beginning of activity should be placed in the last years of the 90s. The distribution of coins between periods I-V (up to AD 117) in the total sample from Wilderspool indicates that the earliest activity in the previouslyexcavated areas may be placed in the late 80s or early 90s AD.

A full range of ceramic vessels was probably produced at Wilderspool at this phase and this may have been initially through direct military management. In time the industry developed more regional forms and probably catered for a wider civilian market. This range of production makes it comparable with the earlier military kilns at Usk or Wroxeter (Darling, 1977). However, while the Roman army may have provided the demand for these wares, it is not certain how much they were actually involved in their production and whether continental potters arriving with the army established the kilns or if local potters were recruited (Greene, 1979). There may have been a combination of these factors at Wilderspool, especially when we consider how long the kilns were active. The long-noted association between certain Wilderspool mortaria and those from Raetia and Upper Germany might indicate the influence of a continental potter (Hartley and Webster 1973, 91; Hartley 1981, 471), but much of the pottery is suggestive of local developments. One form not

Amongst other notable finds from the demolition deposits of this phase were two copper alloy trumpet brooches (Figures 23 and 24), datable to the early 2nd century AD. One of them has a ring at its head; a chain probably linked it to another brooch in a matching pair. A long copper alloy pin was probably from another large brooch. Also found was a decorated copper alloy harness clip, of a type used by 31

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ the Roman cavalry in the 2nd century AD (Figure 18). This is one of a number of objects which suggests that the Roman army still maintained a presence in Wilderspool at this phase. Other parts of soldiers’ gear were found residually in later contexts.

ground preparation and laying out of these parts of the settlement, or may represent the continuing presence of the indigenous Celtic population. Within the areas excavated by May, there were presumably already buildings lining King Street, and perhaps also Roads 2 and 3, but May either left them unexcavated or did not recognise/record them. Beneath a furnace in the later building B28, May found a coin of Domitian and near well S27 in the same building he found a coin of Trajan (May 1900, 3 & 17).

In the light of the 1993 excavation results, the features identified in 1966-9 are interpreted as follows. In the south centre of the hinterland formed by Roads 1-4, a large building measuring 14m by 9.5m was erected, aligned east-west. Three of its sides were represented by foundation trenches and the south side was an open veranda, identified by post-holes. The roof was supported on internal posts set in large post-holes around all four sides of the building. This nave-andaisle building (B4) had a doorway in its north side and was sited at the southern end of an enclosure (OA2), defined by fence trenches to the west and south and containing one or more alignments of small postholes.

Phase 3 c.AD 140-170: Consolidation in the Mid-2nd Century (Figure 6) In this phase new structures were erected on the east and west sides of the alley (Road 4) no earlier than AD 120 and more probably c.AD 140-150 on the basis of the pottery and coin evidence. In the northern of the two building plots to the west of the alley, building B5 was erected, of which the evidence for the foundations of two walls survive. The eastern wall was set within a foundation trench, while the northern wall consisted of a line of post-holes. Therefore this structure was another open-fronted workshop like the one in Phase 2. Inside the building were a post-pit and a possible

To the west and east of these features were ephemeral traces of curvilinear enclosures (OA3 and OA4) marked by foundation trenches and post-hole alignments. There was also a lane (Road 5) which ran at an angle diagonal to the grid of the main road pattern. These features may relate to the initial

Figure 6: Phase 3 c.AD 140-170 32

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development soak-away. A large post-hole marked the corner of the property plot to the south. To the east of the alley some of the foundation trenches of a rectilinear building (B6) were found, with an internal corridor and a veranda on its north side. This building had solid walls and therefore is unlikely to have housed any industrial activity which would have generated fumes, such as metalworking or pottery manufacture; it is more likely to have been a dwelling or storehouse than a workshop. To its north lay the scanty remains of one corner of a similar building (B7).

hole line, perhaps as a framework for the preparation of cloth or hides. Along the east side of the building and its two associated enclosures, another alley (Road 6) ran parallel to King Street, probably giving access from Road 2 to the north. The ground on the east side of the alley was divided into one large enclosure (OA7) and at least two smaller ones, (OA8 and OA9). Within the larger enclosure a series of furnaces Structures 2 to 6 were made for the purposes of iron-working. Within the ground plot in the south-east corner of the junction between Roads 1 and 2, another nave-and-aisle building (B8) was erected, with a property division on its east side. It measured 9m in width and at least 12m in length, and was aligned north-south perpendicular to Road 2, the road to Latchford ford. Further to the south, along Road 1, was another timber-framed building (B9), of which only a few foundation trenches and post-holes survived. Both buildings B8 and B9 were set back from the street frontages; they probably had rendered wattle-and-daub walls and tiled roofs. There were almost certainly other buildings along both sides of Road 1 in this phase in the areas excavated by May, but he was unable to recognise them.

The first buildings of the settlement in Phase 2 were therefore replaced by similar buildings on a similar pattern in Phase 3. The alley and property divisions were maintained, suggesting continuity, but with a new stimulus from military demands under Antoninus Pius. This new era of demand for manufactured goods prompted reconstruction, but probably came to an end with the withdrawal of the army from Scotland after the mid-2nd century. Much of the pottery excavated from this phase in 1993 is suggestive of local developments, particularly a group of open vessels consisting of beaded and flared bowls, wide-mouthed jars and Severn Valley type forms. An interesting group of cordoned bowls, none of which were identified in the 1993 excavation, but which were found in May’s works (Hartley and Webster 1973, 85 nos 53-5), are similar to the beaded bowls in profile, but with a cordon on their lower body. Most of these vessels are probably of Hadrianic-Antonine date and represent the latter part of the life of the pottery industry at Stockton Heath and Wilderspool. Amongst the imported wares, the fact that there is relatively little Antonine Samian might suggest that the site declined prior to the peak of Central Gaulish imports in c.AD 140-160. However, there is no reason to assume this decline started until the Antonine period. The “Trajanic Gap” in imported Samian is not matched by a paucity in local coarsewares and much of the Flavian Samian in fact occurred residually with local Trajanic and Hadrianic ceramics. Several vessels from such contexts have repair holes, suggesting that vessels were maintained at a time of scarcity of imports. The high degree of residuality is informative in itself, for it implies either a conservatism of pottery forms in the Antonine period or a longer lifespan for vessels.

Phase 4 c.AD 170-220: Continuity in the Late 2nd Century and Early 3rd Century (Figure 7) Within the Road 4 alley a pit and a post-hole were inserted in this phase. They supported a gate or blocking fence (S8), similar to the gate identified in the alley at Loushers Lane (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 106). This gate may have restricted access to a private part of the settlement, which suggests that the alley was not a public thoroughfare. To the south a 2m wide ditch (Ditch 5) was cut apparently as a roadside ditch. It was perhaps an extension or recut of Ditch 4 further to the south. In this phase buildings were again replaced within the same property plots without wholesale reconstruction of the settlement. To the west of the alley the cornerpost emplacement of the boundary of the southern building plot was re-cut and together with another post-hole nearby represented an entrance into a new building (B10). Within this property a large fireplace (S7) was in operation, the industrial residues from its fills demonstrating that it heated an iron worker’s hearth, and a nearby pit was filled with successive layers of iron-working slag. Similar features were found in the 1966 excavation (Hinchliffe and Williams, 1992) and at Walton-le-Dale (D Garner pers. comm.).

In the hinterland of the roads an annexe was added to the west end of nave-and-aisle building B4, extending it over a former fence line, but the building’s east end was trimmed back to the line of its interior post-holes on this side. The area to its north was divided into two enclosures (OA5 and OA6) delimited by fences built in foundation trenches and lines of post-holes. Within the northern enclosure (OA6), Structure S1 was erected in a foundation slot and a parallel post-

The Phase 3 building B6 to the east of the alley Road 4 was replaced with a similar building (B11) in the same location. Inside the new building, and probably contemporary with it, was a deep well or soak-away. 33

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 7: Phase 4 c.AD 170-220 A drain extended away from the east end of the veranda on the north side of the new building. There was nothing to suggest that industrial processes took place within it and it may have been a dwelling house. Further to the north another fire-pit or furnace was in operation (S9).

whole excavation area or on the basis of individual properties. It cannot be dated closely by the pottery or coin evidence, but probably took place c.AD 220. It appears that business continued as usual into the 3rd century, but with a more civilian accent to the supply and demand.

The Phase 4 buildings appear to have stood for about half a century. As in the previous phase, they were based in foundation trenches and post-holes, and were timber-framed with wattle-and-daub walls; some contained well-constructed clay ovens. Their removal was represented by spreads of demolition debris. The debris contained daub with wattle impressions, clay-render, tiles and fired clay from ovens or kilns. Four hearth-bottoms, fragments of hearth-lining and masses of iron-working slag indicate there had been iron-working in or around the buildings; open-fronted workshops on the west side of Road 4 were the most likely location for such activity (a pattern continued from Phase 3). Some of the daub had a thin white lime-wash on the external face. The quantity of tile was relatively small, but this may indicate that the tiles were carefully collected and re-used elsewhere (Table 7). Because of truncation by 20th-century foundations and drains, it is not possible to tell whether the demolition occurred simultaneously across the

The pottery evidence suggests that military influence at Wilderspool declined during the later 2nd century in response to changes and campaigns in the northern frontiers and associated troop movements. After the middle decades of the century the range of vessels became more restricted and domestic in character, and there were fewer Gaulish Samian imports and fewer fine tablewares in general. The predominance of pre-Antonine forms over later types in the assemblage of local coarsewares also indicates a decline in manufacture after the mid-2nd century. The pottery manufacture which did continue up to the end of the 2nd century in parts of Wilderspool, such as the Loushers Lane suburb, displays greater civilian influence in its range of forms. The declining rate of coin-loss at Wilderspool and similar sites suggests that major changes in the manufacture and supply of products for the army occurred at Wilderspool around the turn of the 2nd and 34

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development

Figure 8: Phase 5 c.AD 220-250 3rd centuries. This left the settlement vulnerable to contraction and more reliant on the market provided by a local civilian elite (Higham 1993a, 50).

1.22m) in this area, containing numerous fragments of Roman glass (May 1902, 28 & 37). This dumping probably followed the demolition of the buildings of this phase and suggests an extensive alteration of the layout of this part of the settlement, perhaps to raise the ground level against increased flooding from the tidal Mersey to the north, as sea-water levels rose in the region. The level of the River Dee is also known to have risen at this time (Mason, 2002). May also described a very black layer of sandy soil containing fragments of slag, iron, coal, burnt clay and furnace lining towards the front of his Insula I area on the east side of Road 1, which was probably another part of the same dumping episode (May 1900, 18). To the rear of this, another timber-framed building (B12) replaced Phase 3 building B9 on the same site set back from the street.

In the hinterland between Roads 1 to 4 the extended building B4 was probably still retained. To the north of it the two enclosures were given new boundary fences based in foundation trenches on an alignment shifted to the north-east, apparently encroaching onto the alley Road 6. Of the two new enclosures, the northern OA10 contained four lines of post-holes running north-south, which probably supported a framework (S10) with an industrial function, such as a series of tenter racks for stretching and drying cloth. The southern enclosure OA11 was directly to the north of building B4, and was perhaps a more domestic yard. To the east of Road 6 there was a similar re-alignment of fences to form OA12 which had north-south and east-west fences within it, forming no obvious pattern of use. Further to the north in a broad band up to 30m in width along the south side of Road 2, a layer of black charcoal-rich dumped material two feet (0.61m) thick, containing no features but a large quantity of pottery, was recorded by Williams in 1966-7 (areas C and D – Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 25-7). May also referred to soil blackened to a depth of between one and four feet (0.30m to

Phase 5 c.AD 220-250: Substantial Structures in the Second Quarter of the 3rd Century (Figure 8) In Phase 5 the alley Road 4 was cobbled for the first time. In this phase the buildings were more substantially built, with superstructures standing on sandstone footings, which did not require foundation cuts. There were clearly buildings in the 35

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ 1993 excavation area, but the majority of their stone fabric was later removed, presumably for re-use elsewhere or in subsequent structures, leaving little evidence of their foundation lines to be recorded. They were therefore represented by their demolition debris. No pattern could be discerned in the spreads of demolition material to the west of the alley. To the east of the alley, there was at least one rectangular building (B13), but there were other formless demolition spreads to its north and south. All these deposits consisted of crushed sandstone, charcoal, daub with wattle impressions, clay-render and tile, including roof tile, representing the construction materials of the buildings (Table 7). A small quantity of iron-working slag was present in this phase and so it is possible that industrial activity continued in or around these buildings. Among the finds from these demolition deposits was a pair of copper alloy tweezers, probably part of a chatelaine, a personal hygiene-set hanging on a ring (Figure 26).

On the corner plot of Roads 1 and 2, a new timberframed building (B14) was erected on the site of Phase 3 building B8 and over the Phase 4 dump layer. Unlike its predecessors it was aligned with Road 1 rather than Road 2, but the few traces of it suggest that it still stood some distance from the street frontage. Further to the east along the south side of Road 2, May found a building (B23A) apparently on top of the Phase 4 dump layer and certainly beneath the later building B23. It had a clay floor, four inches (0.10m) below its successor and was associated with a series of three double furnaces, which May interpreted as glassmaking kilns on the basis of a deposit of fine white sand and the presence of fragments of Roman glass nearby. Its size and shape cannot be determined from May’s notes, except that it was much smaller than its successor (May 1902, 29-37). On the east side of Road 1, May similarly found a clay-floored building (B22A) beneath the later building B22, with a layer of ash-blackened soil between them. Again all that is known of its plan is that it was smaller than its successor (May 1907, 31). It may have been part of B14. To its south another timberframed building (B15), based in foundation trenches and post-holes, replaced building B12.

Because the date-ranges for later 2nd- and 3rd-century pottery wares are much wider than for earlier wares, it is not possible to date this phase very precisely. It can have begun no earlier than the AD 190s and is more likely to have occurred in the first half of the 3rd century. Beyond the 2nd century AD little can be said for certain about the rate of coin-loss on the site, as coinsupplies tended to become more erratic. However, the stratigraphic evidence suggests that Wilderspool saw substantial reconstruction activity late in the Severan dynasty and that these buildings stood for a few decades. Similar wholesale reconstruction activity took place at Chester and elsewhere in the region at this time (Mason 2002, 161-5; Strickland 2003, 14-15).

In the interior of the later building B31 on the west side of Road 1, May discovered a dark deposit containing fragments of tile and “stone roof tiles”, which also filled a pit (May 1904, 40-4). Two furnaces, interpreted by May as glass-working furnaces, sealed the pit. These features and deposits must have post-dated the collapse or demolition of the stone roof of an earlier building (B31A), which may be placed in Phase 5. There was therefore a succession of substantial timber-framed structures along the street frontages of Road 1, some with stone flag rather than ceramic tile roofs and some containing substantial hearths.

In the hinterland, between Roads 1 to 4, the alley Road 6 was also cobbled at its north end, where it joined Road 2. Through the centre of the cobbled roadway ran a watercourse three to four feet (0.911.22m) wide, a continuation of the roadside ditch on the east side of the alley further to the south (May 1905, 216). On the west side of the alley the fenceline was again renewed, supported in post-holes in a foundation trench. Building B4 was probably still retained, but now with open ground (OA14) to its north. Another cobbled alley, Road 7, now entered this at its north-west corner. This alley probably ran all the way south from Road 2. May appears to have traced part of it running through one of the building plots fronting the road (May 1902, 28). Within the open ground between the two alleys, there were two pits, (S11 and S12), whose fills were rich in ash. They were probably fire-pits situated beneath industrial features of an unknown nature. To the east of Road 6 the fence-lines were again replaced to form an enclosure (OA12), but no other pattern can be discerned.

Phase 6 c.AD 250-270: Industrial Revival and Recession in the Mid-3rd Century (Figure 9; Plate 7) Industrial activity continued in the mid-3rd century and the associated buildings were more substantial than in earlier phases. To the west of the alley Road 4 and encroaching upon its western margins, a large building (B17) was constructed, with internal partitions based on post-holes. As in the previous phase most of the evidence for this building was in the pattern of its demolition material. There were further spreads of demolition debris to its west and north of it, presumably indicating other buildings, but their footprints could not be determined. They may have been parts of building B24 excavated nearby by May (see below). To the east of the alley this phase included the construction of building B16, containing two large 36

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development

Figure 9: Phase 6 c.AD 250-270

Plate 7: Reconstruction of Wilderspool waterfront in the mid-3rd century (looking south-east).

37

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ hearths, (S13 and S14). The hearths were built over the levelled remains of the Phase 5 buildings, with a compacted clay floor between and around them. Remains of a hearth-base, fragments of hearth-lining, smithing slag and cinder from the demolition deposits over these features indicate that they were used for iron-working.

working. Other copper alloy finds from this deposit included a Polden Hill brooch (Figure 22); a tinned knee brooch (Figure 25); a tumbler lock bolt (Figure 20); and a stud decorated with red enamel (Figure 17). This demolition may represent a period of recession in industrial activity across the whole of the 1993 excavation area.

To the north of this building, post-holes and foundation trenches indicate structure S16, forming open-sided shelters erected around blacksmiths’ hearths and furnaces to keep the rain off them. It did not form an enclosed building plan. Daub with wattle impressions in the fills of the foundation trenches indicates that the shelter walls were formed of wattle-and-daub panels. The workshop structure also had tiled roofs and walls, despite its insubstantial form. The extensive use of tiles may have been prompted by the risk of fire from the hearths. The tiles are of common forms in a Cheshire Plains fabric and therefore could have been made anywhere in the region, but most probably at Wilderspool itself or perhaps at Holt (Table 7). In this area a pit containing fired debris lay to the north of building B16. The fills contained no metalworking residues, however, and the feature must represent some other function, perhaps a furnace used for heating iron before working. Further to the north on the east side of Road 4 there was a furnace, (S15). There was little archaeological survival in the eastern parts of the plots to the east of the alley and it is possible that other contemporary buildings and industrial features were present there.

There is little dating evidence for this phase, but stratigraphic relationships demonstrate that it must have begun no earlier than the mid-point of the 3rd century. Another stimulus of military demand may be related to the general crisis within the Empire at this time. Archaeomagnetic dating of hearth S13 is consistent with a last firing within the date-span AD 140 to AD 215 (Noel, 1993). However, the shape of the reference curve in the Roman period creates an ambiguity which permits a later date centred on AD 290. On the basis of pottery and coin evidence the end of this phase dates to no earlier than c.AD 270. The demolition debris produced six coins, most of which were still usable currency up to the 260s, and the latest was a little-worn radiate of Victorinus (AD 269-71). However, the coin-sample from across the whole settlement contains few radiates, which suggests that there had been a low level of coin usage since early in the 3rd century, therefore suggestive of recession ending in clearance. The latest features identified in the 1966 excavation areas A, B and C were entirely industrial in character. At the south end of the alley Road 6, building B4 was still retained, or perhaps rebuilt on the same foundations. It contained a small hearth or furnace (S21), with an associated clay working floor to the east of it. This supported a three-sided rectangular arrangement of stones (S22), perhaps the base of a work-bench. No evidence of the function of these features was recovered, but iron, copper alloy and lead-working are all possibilities. To the north of building B4 the open ground (OA15) was now a continuous space with the alley. Over the fence-line and furnace pit of the previous phase, a clay-floored building (B19) was erected, containing a clay-lined feature with a floor perforated by numerous holes (S19), probably a pottery kiln similar to one discovered at Waltonle-Dale (Esmonde Cleary 1998, 388-90). Similar features were found by May (1905, 212-13). A little to the north-west was an associated stone-lined tank (S20). Further to the north and probably part of the same industrial complex was another building (B18) with a clay floor at its west end. The area to the east of Road 6 was too truncated for any features of this phase to be identified.

At approximately the same time in the Wilderspool House excavation area still further to the north, a pit containing fired debris (S17) and a clay-lined pit (S18) were dug. The clay-lined pit was filled with building debris including daub and tile, but it contained no metalworking debris and was presumably therefore a water-catchment feature. The end of this phase was marked by the levelling of the industrial features and buildings across the whole 1993 excavation area. Truncation by 20th century foundations and drains rendered it impossible to establish whether this levelling was one general event or occurred on the basis of individual properties. Numerous amorphous fragments of fired clay found in all the Phase 6 fills represent the remains of kiln or furnace structures. The hearths and associated structures were levelled into deposits containing clay patches, charcoal flecks, fragments of furnace structure, daub, slag, brick and large quantities of tile including wall and roof tiles (Table 7). One notable find from this debris was a broken medical traction hook (Figure 27), a rather specialised instrument for a back-street ironworker’s shop, perhaps brought in for repair, or accepted in payment. Perhaps a single craftsman undertook both iron-working and copper-

Along the south side of Road 2, an area investigated by May and also part of Williams’ area C, were buildings B23 and B21 which had clay floors and associated furnaces (S29-S34). The floors were three inches 38

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development (0.08m) thick and consisted of well-puddled boulder clay, either burnt on the surface or sprinkled with crushed tile fragments to form a hard surface (May 1902, 26). To the rear of them lay a clay-lined water catchment feature (S23), and a smithing furnace (S24), which contained a denarius of Marcus Aurelius (May 1907, 33 & 36). In the area between the alleys Road 4 and Road 6 was a timber-framed building (B20). On the west side of Road 4, immediately to the south and west of B17, May found a building (B24) containing clay floors and furnaces (S37 and S38). In front of it the roadside ditch (Ditch 4) had probably been filled in by this phase; to the rear were two other associated furnaces (S35 and S36).

both sides. The northern building plot west of the alley became a cobbled yard (OA16), continuous with the road surface. New buildings were erected within the property plots, surviving only as the very truncated remains of post-pits and foundation trenches. In the southern plot on the west side, clay-floored building B37 could be identified. In the clay floor of this building was found a woodworking plane (Appendix 4; Figure 15). This was only the sixth example of a plane to be found from Roman Britain and is an artefact of international significance. In a cobbled surface within the same building and thus providing a good terminus post quem for the cobbling, was discovered an almost complete Oxfordshire Ware colour-coated flagon, datable to after c.AD 240 (Figure 14). Further to the north in the excavation behind Wilderspool House, building B38 was represented by post-holes, post-pads, fragments of clay floor and a hearth. Daub and tile fragments from the floor deposits, and ironworking slag and cinder found within the cobbled surfaces, were probably residual from earlier phases (Table 7). A small quantity of copper alloy-working slag found within the cobbled surface may also have been brought into the excavation area from elsewhere along with the cobbles. A wagon terret was found (Figure 21), underlining the importance of road transport to the settlement. Another copper alloy find was a residual late 1st-century AD stud from a military apron (Figure 16).

On the east side of Road 1, May found a series of buildings (B22 and B23-B29) extending southwards towards the crossroads, all aligned with the road and mostly extending to the street frontage (May 1907, 25). Building B22 succeeded Phase 5 buildings B14 and B22A, and building B28 followed Phase 5 building B15 in the sequence – the others probably had undetected predecessors. They were characterised by clay floors and stone rubble wall foundations and they were associated with furnaces, wells and tanks (S25-S28 and S39-S42). They were large buildings, perhaps representing living accommodation along the street frontage, with industrial rooms and yards to the rear. Some of the surviving features here were also investigated in Williams’ areas D and E.

This was the last construction phase within this part of the Romano-British settlement and can have occurred no earlier than c.AD 270. The impression is of less intense industrial activity than in earlier phases, taking place in less substantial buildings. The rate of coin-loss in this phase is much lower than is found on a fully-occupied site in north-west England with military connections. The cessation of occupation here in the 4th century is represented by the disuse of the Phase 7 structures and by demolition debris including roof tiles, daub and hearth fragments. The disuse dates to the early 4th century or later, dated by pottery evidence and a little-worn coin of AD 318, the latest coin found in the 1993 excavation. Wilderspool and Stockton Heath have produced no coins later than the 320s AD (May 1905, 226). Generally in north-west England Constantinian coins of the 330s and 340s are found in considerable numbers; their total absence from Wilderspool is surely significant, indicating at least an absence of the types of military personnel who normally generated such coinage.

On the west side of Road 1, May found another series of clay-floored buildings (B30-B36), associated with hearths and furnaces (S43-S53). They were smaller than the buildings on the east side of the street and most of them were probably timber-framed. Some extended up to the street frontage and they were accessed by a series of five alleys (Roads 8-12), opening off the west side of the street over the roadside ditch, which had been back-filled with compacted clay for the purpose (May 1902, 11). This change of layout from buildings set back from the road, to buildings directly on the road frontage, is a pattern mirrored by part of the settlement at Walton-le-Dale (Frere 1984, 284-6). At Walton the move to the street frontage was part of a planned reconstruction and this may also have been the case at Wilderspool. The manufacturing of goods was evidently the main activity of the King Street area. A very large quern was also found by May, perhaps indicating the presence of a bakery.

Phase 7 c.AD 270-320: A Final Phase of Construction in the Later 3rd Century (Figure 10)

In other excavated parts of Wilderspool modern truncation appears to have removed all deposits and structures dated to this phase. Some of the features investigated by May could have been extant in this phase, but none can now be separately identified. Re-analysis of the pottery from May’s excavations

In this phase the cobbled alley Road 4 was re-surfaced and buildings with beaten clay floors were erected on 39

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 10: Phase 7 c.AD 270-320 and other 19th-century finds in Warrington Museum has also indicated that occupation continued at a reduced level into the early decades of the 4th century (Webster 1975, 91-2). Economic life continued to be possible at this period because of the transport links with the rest of the region, but the official focus of the settlement had gone (Shotter 1997, 102). Without the stimulus of military or official demand, the former industrial establishment stagnated and dwindled to the status of a local market. The presence of querns and the absence of coins suggests that the main emphasis had become agricultural exchange.

318. There is no evidence for occupation in the back streets zone after that date and the settlement may have contracted back to its central zone. There is some evidence to suggest differential zoning of industrial activity and domestic occupation across the whole lifetime of the settlement. The buildings along the main roads were probably dwelling houses in the early phases, while there was industrial occupation of the hinterland on both sides of the alley Road 6 by Phase 3. This was later absent on the east side. The extensive dump deposits along the sides of Roads 1 and 2 in Phase 4, and the subsequent re-alignment of buildings in these areas, suggest an imposed re-organisation of this part of the settlement. From Phase 2 to Phase 5 industrial processes took place in the workshops on the west side of the alley Road 4, but in Phase 6 they were present on both sides. In this phase the industrial area also spread into former domestic areas along Roads 1 and 2, although perhaps only in the rear portions of the property plots on the east side of Road 1. In Phase 7 there may have been no industrial activity anywhere in the settlement and life at Wilderspool may have become entirely agricultural.

Summary Interpretation of the Back Streets Zone The combined results of the 1966-9 and 1993 excavations in the Back Streets Zone show that the site was laid out on a grid pattern of roads and alleys at an early stage, although it took some time for the hinterland between them to be developed. Towards the end of the 2nd century the intensity of industrial activity increased and the majority of the 3rd century features recorded was also of an industrial nature. Activity on the site was in severe decline after AD 40

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development Buildings in this area included post-built naveand-aisle constructions, more sophisticated prefabricated timber structures, and buildings with stone foundations. Williams discovered two naveand-aisle buildings (B4 and B8), dated to Phases 2 and 3, surviving as lines of post-holes and foundation slots, and measuring 14m x 9.5m and 12m x 9m. Hinchliffe found a similar structure at Loushers Lane measuring 31m x 15m, but with the added sophistication of a cross-hall entrance. The buildings have no clear industrial function and were common to both the agricultural and industrial areas; they are probably to be interpreted as dwelling houses. An ovoid structure identified at Loushers Lane may be regarded as similar as it appears to represent a combination of a Roman-style timber structure with a British-style thatched roof. Several of the buildings in the 1993 excavation area and investigated by May were open-fronted in form, which makes their use as dwellings unlikely. The industrial usage of some of the enclosed prefabricated structures might also have made them uncomfortable as living spaces.

not clear, but it is unlikely to have occurred as early as Hadrian’s visit and is more likely to have coincided with the main period of construction on the Wall and subsequent campaigning in southern Scotland (Phase 3). The reduction in manufacturing activity in c.AD 165 may be related to the withdrawal of most of the Twentieth Legion from Chester (Strickland 1981, 415-416; 2003, 13-14; Kenyon 1993, 57). The third main construction phase may have coincided with the campaigns of Septimius Severus and his sons in Britain in AD 208-211, although the dating evidence is not clear enough for this to be certain (Phase 4). Later major reconstructions of the dwellings and workshops suggest that the settlement played a part in developments under the Severan Dynasty and its immediate aftermath in the early to mid-3rd century (Phases 5 and 6). The mid-3rd century Phase 6 may perhaps be associated with the reigns of the usurper Emperor Posthumus and his successors Victorinus and Tetricus from 259-274, whose territories included Britain. The coincidence of the main construction events at Wilderspool, identified and dated by archaeological evidence from the 1993 excavation, with the known military history of Roman Britain, underlines the relationship between the settlement and the army. Nonetheless, Wilderspool was not part of the permanent military supply network; rather it was a supplementary supply source which was essential during the Flavian campaigns, and became essential again during periods of peak activity in the early to mid-2nd century, and the early and mid-3rd century. On the evidence of coin-loss there was a similar pattern of peaks and troughs of activity at the industrial complexes of Walton-le-Dale and Holt (Table 4), most probably reflecting variations in supply and demand.

May found several buildings with stone footings on the King Street frontage. Demolition deposits of crushed sandstone and the absence of other forms of foundations in the 3rd century Phases 5 and 6 of the 1993 excavation area also indicate this type of foundations. They are all likely to have been timberframed or pisé constructions based on stone sills. By contrast the courtyard building at Loushers Lane had much more substantial stone footings, and probably featured extensive use of stone in the superstructure, particularly in the wing containing the hypocaust. It also seems to have featured decorative stone columns. Nonetheless, it is likely to have been a dwelling (albeit a well-proportioned one) or an administrative building.

Wilderspool continued to be important as the lowest convenient crossing point of the Mersey in late Roman Britain. After AD 197 it may also have been situated on the administrative border between the two Severan provinces of Britannia Inferior and Britannia Superior, and later, from the end of the 3rd century, on the boundary between Britannia Prima and Britannia Secunda.

Discussion of Historical Contexts The 1993 excavation revealed five major phases of construction, which occurred across the whole excavation area in the 80s AD, c.AD 140-170, c.170220, and the early and mid-3rd century. The main phases can be loosely related to the major events in the military history of Roman Britain. From AD 7786 Agricola conducted his campaigns in Scotland, and this was also the period when the permanent military infrastructure of forts and the fortress at Chester were established. The rapid development of the Wilderspool settlement in the 80s AD must have been connected to these events (Phases 1 and 2), if not initiated by them. The period from AD 120-150 saw the visit of the Emperor Hadrian to Britain in AD 122, the construction of Hadrian’s Wall and the advance to the Antonine Wall. The dating evidence for the second main construction event is

The Loushers Lane Buildings: excavated evidence Satellite settlements developed around the industrial centre of Wilderspool, along the main roads which led south-west to Chester, south to Northwich and Middlewich, east to Manchester, and north to Wigan. The settlement to the south-west lay at Lower Walton. To the east the limits of the main settlement were marked by a cemetery area on the line of the Manchester Ship Canal. Beyond this lay the satellite 41

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ settlement of Loushers Lane. For the reasons set out in Chapter 3 it seems that the Loushers Lane group was not a contiguous part of the main Romano-British settlement, although the two were geographically close and intimately linked.

the main Wilderspool settlement towards Manchester (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 118-9), probably not far to the south of the present line of Loushers Lane (Strickland 1995, 12-13, figs 6 and 7). The artefacts recovered during the 1930s indicate that the courtyard building was established in the late 1st century (Phase 2). Although the evidence is fragmentary, in its final form it appears to have consisted of a large courtyard with ranges of rooms around it, including one with a hypocaust, which was probably part of a private bathhouse. To the northeast of the building lay a large stone tank and a circular platform. The latter was arguably too large to represent a building and is therefore interpreted as a threshing floor. Finds of wall and roof tiles, sandstone roof-slabs, painted wall-plaster and worked sandstone demonstrate that the building was refined and ornate. Deposits of industrial residue were found, but since clinker and slag may have been brought here from the main settlement as metalling for yards and paths, this cannot be taken as evidence of industrial activity without the evidence of any furnace structures (Grealey 1976, 32). This evidence may allow interpretation of this substantial and well-appointed building complex as a villa.

The earliest structures were a pit containing possible Iron Age pottery, cut by the boundary ditch of a square enclosure containing a hut circle (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 102-3 & 119). Square enclosures containing hut circles are generally regarded as the standard form of small late Iron Age and RomanoBritish settlements in the region (Dark and Dark 1997, 56-7; Cowell and Philpott, 2000). The Loushers Lane settlement therefore developed from a small nativestyle farmstead enclosure, probably of pre-Roman origin. A Celtic farming and fishing community had probably been settled here beside a track leading down to the ford at Latchford. Its inhabitants may also have traded in salt across the Cornovian-Brigantian frontier-zone. A succession of circular buildings was found which appear to be the typical round houses of the preRoman Iron Age continuing in use alongside the new Roman development. They measure 9-11m in diameter and are assumed to have had a large open internal space and a conical thatched roof. Most interestingly, they appear to have continued in use until the later 2nd or early 3rd century, when rectilinear buildings replaced them. These round houses are interpreted as the dwellings of native agricultural workers. Round houses also continued in contemporary use with the earliest Roman buildings at Middlewich (Strickland 2001, 32). The social habits and cultural preferences of some of the native British in the North-Western region appear to have resisted Romanisation for a considerable length of time. At Wilderspool they had succumbed by the early 3rd century, but Romanisation in this region remained of a rougher, less sophisticated character than further south and it was therefore less pervasive. It has been said that this implies that the indigenous peoples of the north were little attracted by Romanisation throughout this period (Higham 1993a, 52; 1993b, 23 & 42). However, outside the major centres at York, Chester and Carlisle, where Romanisation was so dominant, it may rather be evidence of peaceful coexistence and social inclusion.

At approximately the same time as the construction of the courtyard building-complex in the late 1st century, the farmstead enclosure to the east was remodelled. Further enclosures were laid out to the east and south creating the east-west lane extending in the direction of the courtyard building. The enclosures contained both circular and rectangular structures. The alley was closed off by a gateway, whose foundations consisted of a foundation trench and four post-holes (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 103-4, 106). The exact form of the gateway is unknown, but it may have been a tower. It suggests that the lane was not a freely accessible thoroughfare and formed the entrance to an enclosed property belonging to one individual or group. There is no evidence from this phase of any industrial activity on the site. Further development of the Loushers Lane villa estate took place in the late 2nd or 3rd century (Phase 4), when the buildings and enclosures along the lane were reconstructed (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 105-111 & 119). The fills of the earlier features contain a column capital and two column bases, which presumably came from the courtyard building. The discarded columns probably represent reconstruction rather than demolition, as pottery recovered during the 1930s indicates that the building was occupied into the 4th century. There were two main buildings along the lane. The first, within the original farmstead plot to its north, was a 30m x 15m post-built structure constructed with

The discoveries in the 1930s, and the excavations of the 1970s and 1990s, have shown that the Loushers Lane group contained a large courtyard building with a central cell. Stretching eastwards from this building was a lane, lined with a series of plots which were defined by ditches and contained timber buildings in an apparently unplanned ribbon-development. This lane may have been secondary and approximately parallel to the primary route which ran eastwards from 42

Wilderspool: Two and a Half Centuries of Development

Summary  Interpretation  of  the Loushers Lane Buildings

double rows of posts, built on a similar principle to the nave-and-aisle buildings B4 and B8 in the main part of the settlement, but on a much grander scale. There appears to have been an entrance porch and cross hall at the eastern end of the building. The other, to the south of the lane, was an unusual postbuilt ovoid structure with straight sides and apsidal ends. Internal post-hole supports for a pitched roof were also identified. This building type may be a hybrid, combining elements of the earlier round houses and the nave-and-aisle houses. The change from circular to rectangular dwelling house took place at this phase, well into the Roman period, perhaps because of an increased availability of tiles. The ovoid structure, however, suggests that thatched roofs continued to be used.

The 1st- and 2nd-century features at Loushers Lane would be characterised in the south of England as evidence for a rural villa estate, with a main villa building and associated dwellings for agricultural labourers from the indigenous community, carefully separated beyond its gate. Such a complex would not be out of place on the edge of Roman Wilderspool (see editor’s note at end of chapter). The rise and development of the nearby industrial complex and its associated residential zones would have created a ready market for the produce of such a villa estate. Both food for the population and also raw materials such as leather, textiles, bone, sinew, horn, antler, timber and charcoal must have been required. As has been seen, this courtyard building displays all the hallmarks of Romanitas and this implies that its inhabitants were not local people, or that they were very Romanised in their tastes and expectations. In this instance, at least, Romanisation had taken root shortly after the Roman conquest of the region.

Other structures were present at Loushers Lane at this time, but their building plans are not clear. They may have been shelters or byres for livestock, and the use of ditches to define the enclosures and the lane has been said to imply the control of cattle (Hinchcliffe and Williams 1992, 119). A large sample of burnt cereal chaff and waste seeds was recovered from the fill of one of the enclosure ditches. It represents waste recovered by sieving grain and includes large quantities of rye seeds, the rye growing as a weed infesting the wheat crop. The waste had been burnt, perhaps as a result of being used as kindling, before being dumped in the ditch. This is clear evidence of grain processing in the area during the 3rd century. Quern fragments and mill-stones were also found (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 112 & 167-9).

Romano-British villa estates, although well known in southern Britain, are not common in Cheshire and Lancashire. One is known in the hinterland of the civitas capital of the Cornovii at Wroxeter in Shropshire (White 1997, 3-6) and one has been excavated at Eaton-by-Tarporley in Cheshire (Mason 1983, 67-73). However, the absence of villa sites in the region may be more apparent than real, due to the poor susceptibility of Cheshire Plains clay subsoils to aerial reconnaissance and the lack of fieldwalking and other forms of archaeological enquiry. Nonetheless, Romano-British rural settlements are being discovered with increasing frequency, for example the settlement at Irby on the Wirral, at Plas Coch near Wrexham, at Birch Heath, Tarporley and at Manchester Airport (Esmonde Cleary 1994, 268; 1997, 422; Burnham 2001, 348; Fairburn, 2003; Garner, 2007), but the villa form still appears to be scarce in the region.

A few fragments of iron ore suggest iron smelting in the lane area, but as with the industrial waste in the courtyard building, these could represent industrial waste from the main settlement re-used as construction material. One fragment of a copperworking crucible was also found. Some hearths were found, but these were small and need not represent anything other than domestic fireplaces and ovens. The dyeing of cloth may have taken place in clay-lined tanks (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 113-116 &119). This very limited assemblage does not present clear evidence of industrial activity at Loushers Lane and is no more than might be expected in any villa complex or settlement, where a high degree of local self-sufficiency was essential.

The Loushers Lane buildings however may not have been the only villa estate in the Wilderspool area. During the construction of the Bridgewater Canal in 1770 a large number of Romano-British artefacts were found near where the canal crossed King Street, 1km south of the main settlement in what appears to have been another detached suburb (Thompson Watkin 1974, 260). Other RomanoBritish farmsteads have been identified by aerial photography in the Winwick area to the north of Warrington (Philpott 1998, 6). It is likely that the Romano-British town was surrounded by a corona of farming communities thriving on the local economy. The closest were naturally high in wealth and status

In the mid-3rd century the track was redefined with new ditches (Phase 6). The continued occupation of the plots to either side had probably ceased (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 107 & 111-112). The courtyard building was certainly occupied into the 4th century (Phase 7) (Grealey 1976, 32), and recent work by Earthworks Archaeological Services in this area hints at 5th- or even 6th-century activity (Turner-Flynn and Garner, 1995). 43

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ and were built in the Roman rather than the native style.

whole period of occupation may reflect changes in the types of readily available building material derived from the main settlement. Occupation continued in some form into the 4th century or later. The suburb as a whole was primarily agricultural and the prosperity of its owner was closely related to events in the main settlement, half a kilometre to the west. The periods of activity in the Loushers Lane phasing reflect those in the nearby industrial complex, where they have been interpreted as evidence for periodic military or official influence. While these developments at Loushers Lane may simply have reflected the state of the overall local economy, the courtyard building may be seen as a residence for an official with local administrative responsibilities (like that at Pentre Ffwrden), or alternatively as a mansio.

The Loushers Lane buildings therefore appear to have originated as a Celtic farmstead before the Roman conquest. Soon afterwards it was dramatically remodelled as a villa estate or official residence, centred on a fine courtyard building decorated with painted wall-plaster and stone columns and incorporating a bath house. Leading to it through a towered gateway was a lane lined with round houses, where the agricultural labourers lived. Other facilities included a probable threshing floor and a large stone water tank, suitable for livestock; grain processing certainly took place, as carbonised chaff and waste grain were found. Differing styles of buildings over the

44

Industry at W ilderspool

Chapter 5 

Thomas May was the first to highlight the wealth of evidence for the production of a range of industrial commodities in Romano-British Wilderspool. Since then the view that the primary function of the main settlement was industrial production has been generally accepted. The preceding sections have shown that there were other aspects to its life, but nothing was discovered in the excavations of the 1990s to suggest that industry was not its principal activity. This section discusses the evidence for the various forms of industry and its overall scale and nature.

for the various types of industrial production is discussed below.

Iron Iron production and working is the industry for which there is the clearest evidence from Wilderspool, but perhaps because the processes involved are archaeologically very visible, rather than because it was the most important industry. Iron ore was worked on a large scale; a number of shaft furnaces for smelting and bowl-furnaces for smithing were discovered in all the earlier excavations (Grealey 1976, 31). Several of the furnaces were associated with clay-lined or stone-lined tanks for holding water. May found a large furnace which he thought might have been used for iron smelting, but which is more likely to have been for iron smithing (May, 1902; 1904, 20-3; Tylecote, 1986, passim). Iron smithing slags were also found during the 1966-9 excavation and later during the 1976 excavation at Loushers Lane. In the 1993 excavation iron-working slags were found in most of the phases and one of the building plots identified to the west of the alley Road 4 was an iron-smith’s workshop for much of the life of the settlement. The remains of at least three hearths related to iron-working were found, as well as clay working floors. A pit filled with successive layers of iron-working debris, consisting of slag, burnt clay and charcoal, was also found. This was perhaps used for some sort of high temperature process related to iron-working, such as the refining or annealing of iron bars or objects. The 2001 evaluation to the west of King Street found an oven base whose fills contained iron-working waste and fragments of kiln lining and mould: fragments of industrial waste derived from iron-smithing were also recovered (Gifford 2001, 8.9). The open-fronted workshop buildings found in the 1993 excavation and during May’s excavation in Stockton Heath (May 1905, 226), were probably all related to iron-working, although the Stockton Heath buildings could not with confidence be directly related to a hearth structure.

The term “industrial settlement” is frequently and rather loosely applied to Wilderspool and similar places in the region such as Holditch, Heronbridge, Middlewich and Walton-le-Dale and can give a misleading impression. Most Roman period settlements in the region, including the forts, their associated canabae and rural settlements, show some evidence of craft-production in various forms on a small scale, for a degree of self-sufficiency would have been essential in all of them. The range of production of metalwork, pottery and other items at Wilderspool was not unusual in this respect and the production features (principally hearths and kilns) were not particularly large, unlike the unusually large pottery and tile kilns at Holt (Carrington 1994, 44-7). In fact, the excavated kilns, furnaces and associated infrastructure were all rather modest in scale. However, it is reasonable to regard Wilderspool, Walton-le-Dale, and Holditch as belonging to a distinct class of settlement. These settlements were large in area and presumably in population too; and they undoubtedly had a large output of goods, produced by a number of craftsmen each working individually, rather than by any technique of mass-production. Critically, the level of production greatly exceeded the internal maintenance requirements of the settlements themselves. These criteria do not apply to the rural settlements and most of the military sites in the region, except Chester, Holt and Ribchester. The settlements in this class had no other evident reason for their existence than industrial production, and no obvious means of support for the occupants, other than the sale or exchange of the goods they produced. Wilderspool can therefore acceptably be described as an “industrial settlement”. The evidence

The excavated evidence therefore suggests that iron production and iron-working were undertaken by smiths operating on a moderate “family business” scale within individual property plots containing 45

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ dwellings, open-fronted workshops with clay working floors, hearths and refining or annealing pits. This kind of production occurred in many parts of the settlement from Stockton Heath through to the Old Brewery area. Iron-working took place throughout most of the life of the settlement from the early years in the late 1st century through to at least the mid-3rd century (Phases 2-6).

the settlement. It is difficult to be confident of his interpretations of individual hearths as being related to copper smelting, casting and working, but he did find unfinished copper objects, copper ingots, crucibles, casting-moulds and slags. Particularly interesting was his discovery of three crucibles, one containing residues of fairly pure copper, one a white metal (possibly tin), and one copper alloy. This is clear evidence of the mixing of alloys to connect to the evidence for the casting of objects. The objects cast appear to have been rings and brooches (May 1904, 74-6; 1905, 215-19).

Iron objects were recovered in very large numbers during all of the excavations. They range from mundane nails and bolts, to knives, locks, keys, complex hearth furniture and a very delicately constructed carpenter’s plane. However, it is not possible to say which of the objects were Wilderspool products and which were imported to the site. The nails and bolts could certainly have been produced on site, but it is likely that more complex items such as blades and locks were also produced, both for internal and external consumption.

The more recent excavations produced much less evidence of copper-working, presumably because the locations where it had taken place were concentrated elsewhere (in those areas where May happened to excavate). The 1966-9 and 1993 excavations both produced small quantities of copper-working slag (Appendix 10), but no clear evidence that copperworking took place within the excavation areas. Williams speculated that one of the hearths he excavated may have been used to work copper alloy.

The carpenter’s plane was found in 1993 in the clay floor of Building B37 in Phase 7, which followed several phases of iron-working in this area (Figure 15). It cannot be known if it was made at Wilderspool. The corroded remains of the plane reveal that it was complete at the time of deposition, with both metal and wooden components in place. A few other examples of Roman period woodworking planes have been found in Britain at Silchester, Goodmanham, Verulamium and Caerwent, all of apparently late Roman date (Appendix 4). The casual manner in which the plane was discarded indicates that high quality tools were not regarded as particularly special objects at Wilderspool. Perhaps it was given to the smith to sharpen or repair and the job was not completed. The plane was certainly not beyond repair when discarded and it had no obvious defects. This might suggest that such items could have been made, as well as maintained, by the Wilderspool smiths.

Copper alloy-working was nonetheless clearly an important activity within the settlement. The evidence found by May is indicative of a sophisticated industry producing finished objects from refined metal ingots. Amongst the many objects found at the site are brooches, hairpins, medical instruments, cosmetic implements, tweezers, studs of various kinds, wire, sheet-metal offcuts, mirrors, nails and pins, and a folding pes or foot-rule (May 1904, 80-2; Thompson 1965, 82, fig. 20; Strickland 1995, 30, III:9)

As both military and rural sites in the region are known to have worked iron for their own domestic purposes, the Wilderspool smiths must have been mainly occupied producing specialised items, such as blades, locks and tools. It is also possible that they mass-produced simpler items like nails for the army and the fleet, but this cannot be demonstrated. It seems likely that Wilderspool iron products were distributed throughout the region.

The objects produced were luxuries rather than practical necessities and therefore probably had a wider market than within the settlement itself. The location of Wilderspool at a major river crossingpoint and at the junction of main roads provided the essential prerequisites for the development of a market in luxury items. They would have been sold to passing troops and other travellers with enough disposable income to spend on personal adornment and gifts. Although copper alloy working on a significant scale took place elsewhere in the region, notably at Holditch and Heronbridge (Rogers, 1995), Wilderspool was uniquely well-placed to supply portable luxury goods to the whole region and even potentially by sea to Ireland.

Copper alloy

Lead

The nearest source of copper ore was not far distant in the Alderley Edge area and this may be assumed to be the source of some of the metal worked at Wilderspool. May found extensive evidence for the manufacture of copper alloy objects within

Although lead occurs in the Pennines, the best evidence for Roman-period lead mining in the region comes from North Wales. A rich source of lead ore in the Halkyn area was extracted and smelted at Pentre Ffwrden, near modern Flint on the Dee Estuary. There, 46

Wilderspool: Industry at Wilderspool excavation and chance discoveries have revealed a spread of lead-smelting furnaces extending up the valley slope from the seashore. There was also an apparently official building or residence which had associations with the Twentieth Legion at Chester (Frere 1977, 358; 1987, 302-3; Goodburn et al 1978, 406 & 482-3; Mason 1988, 171). It was similar to the courtyard building at Loushers Lane (see above). Roman artefacts and a possible hypocaust were also found in Flint in the 19th century, close to the small natural harbour known as Flint Gutter. The most obvious function for a small Roman harbour here would have been to load lead onto boats for transport by sea to Chester, Wilderspool, Walton-leDale, and other coastal and riverine establishments in the North-West.

course, simply be waste fragments from building and infrastructure work using lead, rather than from an industry making lead objects. Lead was used extensively in Roman Britain for water-tanks, piping, and for sealing around tile roofs and is a common find on Roman sites in the region, particularly at Chester. At Northwich and Middlewich lead was used in the form of large salt-evaporation pans, which may have been manufactured at Wilderspool (Strickland 2001, 41-2). Lead objects which have been found at Wilderspool include brooches and weights, lampholders, toy animals and coffins.

From as early as the 70s AD lead ingots were being imported from North Wales up the River Mersey. Twenty ingots produced in the reigns of Vespasian and Domitian were recovered from the river near Runcorn in the 16th century. Another ingot was found during the excavation of the Manchester Ship Canal near Runcorn, stamped with the word DECEANGL, indicating its origin at Halkyn in the territory of the Deceangli (May 1900, 39; Strickland 1995, 28). Presumably many ingots were taken ashore at Wilderspool for processing on the working-floors and melting furnaces there. Another has been found on the waterfront at Chester (May 1900, 39; Mason 2002, 44-5, 49 & 114-15).

May made out a rather ambitious case that one of the areas he investigated at building B21 was a jeweller’s workshop (May 1904, 73-7; 1905, 215-19). Precious metal working does not require specialised hearths and infrastructure, and the processes concerned do not produce waste so it is difficult to identify this industry archaeologically. Consequently, it is entirely possible that precious metal working was undertaken at Wilderspool, but likewise there is no conclusive evidence for this.

Precious Jewellery

Metals

and

Some of the large assemblage of copper alloy brooches and pins found at Wilderspool have precious metal elements or plating (Appendix 6). It is clear from May’s work that copper alloy personal adornments were produced at Wilderspool and some of this production may have included the use of precious metals, precious stones and enamel, but there is no conclusive evidence for this either.

Lead ore is extremely bulky and heavy and therefore it was most logical to smelt it near its source before transporting it in the form of metal ingots to settlements like Wilderspool. Silver was also extracted from the ore. Lead is very soft and therefore can be worked cold, it has a low melting temperature and so casting it does not require a large furnace, but only a modest hearth. Unlike iron and copper alloy, it does not produce slag when worked hot. Therefore it is perhaps not surprising that no features which could be interpreted with confidence as leadsmelting or working hearths were found during any of the excavations at Wilderspool. Many of the hearths found have no detectable function and could have been put to use in working lead, but it is unknown if lead-working was undertaken on an industrial scale at Wilderspool.

Glass May also emphasised his supposed evidence of a substantial glass-manufacturing industry at Wilderspool. A white sand deposit, a possible annealing oven, a small crucible containing glass paste and some glass slag and cullet suggested local manufacture to May, supported by the identifications of the workers from the Pilkington’s glass factory in St Helens. However, because of May’s excavation methods it is difficult to be confident of his interpretations of individual features. Production of glass from raw materials is not otherwise known in Roman Britain. May’s evidence need only represent the melting and reworking of waste glass into new objects. These recycled objects would probably have been fairly simple, perhaps beads or enamel for brooches, both of which are common finds in Roman Britain. Window glass, some of it from panes at least 210mm long, has been found in different parts of the settlement, but it is not known if it was actually

However, lead was certainly used in the settlement, as moderate quantities of it were found in all of the excavations. The assemblage from 1993 includes several objects and many scrap pieces of lead sheet and spills or dribbles, suggesting that lead melting and casting was occurring either on site or nearby. These are waste pieces and off-cuts from the manufacture of items such as window leads, cramps and roofing (Appendix 7). They may, of 47

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ manufactured there. No further evidence of glassworking has been discovered during the more recent excavations.

The Wilderspool kilns were small in comparison to those at the military depot at Holt, or the large pottery production centres of southern Britain, such as the Nene Valley. They did not engage in mass-production by the standards of the time. Unfortunately none of the Wilderspool kilns can be closely dated, but comparative dating evidence derives from Waltonle-Dale, where a very similar excavated kiln was archaeomagnetically dated to the mid- to late 3rd century. This kiln was also located on the southern fringe of the settlement, close to the main road.

Even if glass was only reworked from scrap at Wilderspool, the use of glass presents an unusual facet of the settlement. Glass beads were an exotic luxury in Britain and valuable even in the late 1st and early 2nd centuries AD, although they were then becoming increasingly plentiful. It is unlikely that such specialised items would have been made solely for the use of the occupants of the settlement. The investment of resources of fuel and labour in glassreworking is another indication, linked to the evidence for copper alloy working, that the settlement had a ready market for luxury items.

The kilns at Wilderspool were in operation from c.AD 90 until the end of the 2nd century, rather than the middle as previously thought, and produced a full range of ceramics (Webster 1992, 124). Most of the vessels found in earlier excavations have been previously published (Hartley and Webster 1973, 77-103), and these are chiefly the typical Roman forms: flagons, mortaria, beakers, bowls with reeded rim, jars, colanders, tazze and imitation Samian forms (Dr.29, Dr.30, Dr.37, Dr.27 and Curle 11). In analysing the locally-produced pottery the initial problem is whether or not the range of vessels and the greywares which occur in Wilderspool-type and related fabrics can all be assigned to the same kilns, or to others nearby which remain undiscovered. Accepting that the fabrics from the Cheshire Plain are more or less indistinguishable, and given the importance and size of output of the known kiln material, it is very likely that this assignation is viable, especially since some of the forms which are known in oxidised fabrics occur identically in the reduced ware. For the purposes of marketing, it would also make good sense for the kilns to produce the full typical range of vessels (Appendix 3).

Pottery The main evidence for pottery production at Wilderspool comes from the work by May in the south part of the settlement in Stockton Heath, which can therefore be interpreted as a zone for ceramic manufacture. Kilns tended to be located in peripheral areas of settlements because of the risk of fire and the space required for them. The Wilderspool kilns may also have been located to the south of the settlement to take advantage of glacial boulder clay which is to be found to the south of Stockton Heath, whereas the subsoil beneath the main settlement is sand. Near the junction of Kimberley Drive with Dundonald Avenue, May found three kilns with associated waste fragments of jars, flagons and mortaria (May 1905, 234-5; Hartley and Webster 1973, 77-9). All are in a buff fabric of the kind commonly produced in the Cheshire Plain and therefore difficult to distinguish from Chester and Holt products. The kilns were constructed in the usual Roman manner, with a firechamber beneath a clay floor, pierced by flue-holes to allow the passage of hot air, upon which the pottery was stacked for firing. A temporary roof of tiles, clay or turf was constructed over the pottery during firing.

Amongst the distinctive types for which Wilderspool has become known were the rough-cast beaker, feeding bottles and the curious triple vase whose function remains unknown. Two unusual and curious products were the earthenware actor’s mask found in Long Bank Field in 1869 and large painted vessels decorated with frills and bosses (Hartley and Webster 1973, 87 & 89; Grealey 1976, 29-30).

A series of four fired-clay bases pierced by stakeholes found by May within the settlement to the north of the Ship Canal and west of Road 1 (May 1905, 21213), and a similar 3rd-century structure (S19) found in 1966 (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 22), probably also represent the bases of small pottery kilns. Stakes were placed temporarily during the construction of the kiln floors in order to create flue-holes; once the clay of the kiln floors had hardened, the stakes were removed. A kiln constructed in this manner, complete with stake-holes in the base of the fire-chamber corresponding to the flue positions, has recently been excavated at Walton-le-Dale (Esmonde Cleary 1998, 388-90). No evidence of pottery kilns, however, was found within the 1993 excavation area.

The large volumes of continental and southern British pottery found in all of the excavations indicate that the settlement frequently imported fineware pottery from other areas, but cheaper locally-produced wares were more extensively used (Appendix 3). The settlement also exported its own manufactured pottery. Ceramic production is known at other centres in the region, such as Holt and Walton-leDale, and since it is difficult to distinguish between the Cheshire Plain fabrics it is not possible to say how far from Wilderspool the majority of the pottery produced may have been transported. It is unlikely that the undecorated forms of domestic tableware, 48

Wilderspool: Industry at Wilderspool which were the main products made in the Cheshire Plain fabric, were transported far from Wilderspool. However, the mortaria which were made until c.AD 165 were a specialised product and are found not only at Chester and in North Wales, but also in the northern forts of Lancashire and Cumbria and as far north as Hadrian’s Wall (Hartley and Webster 1973, 89-103). They were also made in the buff Cheshire Plain fabric, often marked with the stamps of a small group of potters, some with apparently Celtic names. It has been convincingly argued that these mortaria were made at Wilderspool, but it is not possible at present to be absolutely certain that they are exclusively Wilderspool products. The 1993 excavations produced further examples of these stamped mortaria. Mortaria are particularly associated with the army, many of the imported examples being transported from production centres close to the Rhineland garrisons.

The woodworking plane (Figure 15) had a straight or slightly convex cutting edge and probably handles cut into each end of the stock. It is likely to have been used for fairly rough preparatory woodworking (Appendix 4).

Animal Products As with wood, the fact that organic material does not survive in the ground at Wilderspool frustrates discussion of the possible leather, bone, horn and antler-working industries which may well have developed there. All of these materials would have been readily available from the area around Wilderspool, but no evidence of processing of them was found in any of the excavations. Recent palaeoenvironmental work at Stretton, south of Wilderspool, indicates increasing pastoralism before the Roman conquest, with some arable farming, but still with sufficient woodland to support a large deer population (Gifford 1998, appendix D). The processing of bone, horn and antler does not require any specialised infrastructure that might be detectable archaeologically. Leather tanning requires a network of pits, a water supply and good drainage, but no such features were found in any of the excavated parts of the settlement, although there are large unexcavated areas where it might have been located. Also, tanned hides might have been brought into the settlement to be worked into finished objects. Despite the lack of conclusive evidence, it is likely that animal products were exploited for manufacture at Wilderspool.

Ceramic Tiles Tiles were probably imported by the army in the early years of the settlement and one example of a tile from the Twentieth Legion tile depot at Holt was found by May in the main settlement. This identification has been questioned, but is, in fact, genuine (May 1900, 38-9; 1904, 4; Thompson 1965, 86; Strickland 1995, 35) and is further evidence for military involvement at Wilderspool. Tile production was, however, probably soon established at Wilderspool itself. One of the structures that May found in Stockton Heath could be interpreted as a tile-kiln, rather than the hypocaust he suggested. May also found tile wasters (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 231).

Textiles

Wood and the Woodworking plane

Some spindle-whorls and loom-weights were recovered during each archaeological investigation, but only in the modest numbers typical of any Romano-British site (Appendix 1). Wool and perhaps flax would have been available to the occupants of the settlement. Some of the Phase 3 and Phase 4 structures in the hinterland of the back street zone (S1 and S10) may have had a function in cloth production or dyeing. Dyeing may have taken place at Loushers Lane in clay-lined tanks (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992, 115 & 119). Otherwise there is no evidence that textiles were produced on anything more than a domestic scale, although it is equally possible that textile production was a major industry for which no conclusive evidence has survived.

Little organic material survives at Wilderspool due to adverse soil conditions. However, the occupants of the settlement were clearly skilled builders in wood, as the solid construction of the buildings shows. Romano-British society used wood very extensively and it is likely that there were in fact a number of woodworkers within the settlement at all phases. The wagons used on the roads, the presence of which is evidenced by the terrets found (Appendix 6) and the boats and ships which operated on the river, must all have required frequent attention. The nature of archaeological survival makes it impossible to comment further on woodworking within the settlement and particularly on the key question of whether it took place on a maintenance basis to meet the needs of the settlement itself, or on a larger industrial scale.

Food Processing Food processing may have occurred at Wilderspool on an industrial scale for the purposes of military 49

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ supply. Rich food resources were available in the surrounding landscape and it is conceivable that salt beef, salt fish, grain and dried fruit were distributed from the settlement. Some of the storage jars found by May at Stockton Heath, in association with the pottery kilns, might have been used to transport food products. Querns and mortaria were found during each of the excavations (Appendices 1 and 3), but they were not large enough or common enough to indicate anything more than normal domestic food processing. The presence of a food-processing industry at Wilderspool is therefore another unknown factor.

iron-working appears to have been the largest industry. There is good evidence from the 1993 excavation and earlier investigations that there was a thriving iron-working industry at Wilderspool. The products were probably specialised items such as blades, locks and tools. There was also, on the basis of May’s evidence, an important copper alloy working industry, mainly producing personal adornments such as brooches and pins. These adornments were of the finely constructed type found in significant numbers in all of the excavations at Wilderspool and included examples with precious metal components and plating. Closely allied with the copper alloy industry was a glass-reworking industry, producing beads and enamel for the brooches and pins. Specialist production of mortaria took place and also the manufacture of a range of less specialised ceramic tableware for the local market. Storage jars may also have been produced to package food products. The industrial production probably also encompassed other materials such as wood and leather, for which the evidence does not survive.

Fuel Most of the known industries at Wilderspool, particularly iron, copper alloy, glass and pottery manufacture, required large quantities of fuel. Samples from the 1993 excavation indicate that the predominant fuel was charcoal, but that coal was also used. Coal from the Wigan area was used as fuel in some of the settlement’s furnaces and there are surface deposits of coal just to the north of Warrington, but presumably charcoal was more locally and cheaply available. This occasional use of coal fits with a pattern common throughout Roman Britain. Unfortunately it is not possible to be certain whether May’s glass-working area used coal or charcoal, but he does mention finding coal there (May 1904, 76; 1905, 219).

The consumption of the ironwork, copper alloy work, glass items and mortaria was predominantly outside the settlement. The iron production was undertaken too extensively to be merely domestic and the copper alloy and glass production were too specialised to be purely for home consumption. The stamps of the Wilderspool potters show that the mortaria were distributed as far north as Hadrian’s Wall. The production was of items found very commonly on military sites and so military supply was probably the main function of the settlement. This concentrated initially on the basic army and fleet requirements, and later included items of more personal appeal to individual soldiers. The local civilian market, and perhaps even an export market to Ireland, were secondary components in Wilderspool’s range of business.

SUMMARY INTERPRETATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL SETTLEMENT The production of specialised ironwork, copper alloy adornments with glass components and specialised pottery were the core exporting industries on which the economy of the settlement was based. Of these,

50

ettlement

Chapter 6: The End of the S

The evidence for the end of the Romano-British settlement at Wilderspool is fragmentary and inconclusive, as is frequently the case with Roman sites. There was no settlement present in the Wilderspool area to be mentioned in the Domesday Survey of AD 1086, although there was a thriving Anglo-Saxon settlement in the Church Street area of present-day Warrington (Morgan 1978, R.3.1). It is not certain at what date before the 11th century that occupation of the former Romano-British settlement at Wilderspool had ceased. The derivation of the place-name “Wilderspool” from the Old English wild (wild), deor (beast) and pool (pool), meaning “the pool of the wild animals”, does not suggest a settlement (Dodgson 1970, 145). Therefore it is likely that the end of any significant occupation occurred at some time before the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons in the region in the mid- to late 7th century, despite the probability that the new settlers continued to make use of the old Roman road system.

but the regular layout of the settlement was lost. The industrial settlement was reduced in size and may have reverted to agricultural production in the early 4th century, but there is no archaeological evidence for this change in function on the 1993 site. In contrast to the main industrial area, the evidence of the excavations of 1976 and 1994-5 demonstrates that the agricultural settlement at Loushers Lane continued to be as active in the 4th century as before. Late 4th- to early 5th-century calcite-gritted pottery fragments found in a residual context in the rubble packing of some post emplacements may even indicate 5th- or 6th-century occupation (Turner-Flynn and Garner, 1995). The agricultural emphasis of the settlement may have given it a resilient self-sufficiency in changing times and therefore a greater longevity; subsistence farming was the inevitable successor to the former settlement. In this context, there is significance in the name of the village of Walton, two kilometres to the south-west of Wilderspool. It is derived from the Old English waelastun meaning “British farmstead”. Waelas was an Old English term literally meaning “slave”, used by the Anglo-Saxon settlers to refer to the indigenous Romano-British population and giving rise to the modern English “Welsh”. This implies the presence of a Romano-British community surviving through the 5th and 6th centuries and until the time of the Anglo-Saxon incursion into the region in the 7th century, perhaps at another agricultural settlement of the Loushers Lane type (Kenyon 1993, 89). The deserted Wilderspool site lay within the parish of Walton when it was formed in the 11th or 12th century. A similar pattern is to be found at Walton-le-Dale, Preston, where the Anglo-Saxon and medieval village of Walton was located on a hill one kilometre to the south-east of the Romano-British industrial settlement. The development of English settlements near former Roman establishments, but not within their boundaries, is a well-known phenomenon of post-Roman Britain and occurred also at Middlewich, (Strickland 2001, 46-8).

The movement of the meander of the River Mersey since the Roman period and the cutting of various canals and new river courses in the 18th and 19th centuries, has removed a large part of Romano-British Wilderspool from the possibility of archaeological investigation (Figure 4). Due to the horizontal truncation of the archaeological deposits across the remainder of the settlement site by modern agriculture and industrial development, it may never be entirely certain what happened to the industrial settlement. However, there is some evidence that can shed light on the matter, from the 1993 excavation, from the excavations at Loushers Lane, and from the placenames of the Warrington area. The vicinity of King Street excavated by May and the excavation area of 1966-9 were both truncated by ploughing to the extent that only deposits of the mid-3rd century AD or earlier survived. The 1993 excavation area contained some surviving deposits belonging to the late 3rd and early 4th centuries, although this area was some distance from the centre and its archaeological sequence may not have valid implications throughout the settlement. The coin evidence from the 1993 excavation indicates a distinct decline in the peripheral areas, apparently commencing shortly after AD 318. Activity on a reduced level may have continued after that date,

There are several possible reasons for the decline of the industrial settlement at Wilderspool. These include economic decline due to the loss of important markets; a strategic decision to cease production or 51

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ to move it elsewhere; and environmental factors such as sea-level change, plague or famine, all of which occurred in late Roman Britain.

the market for the products was primarily military at all phases, if not actually controlled by the army. Chapter 4 demonstrated that the settlement underwent a series of distinct episodes of reconstruction, which were general to the 1993 excavation area and probably to the whole settlement. These episodes were related to specific times of high military demand. Wilderspool specialised in supporting major northward campaigns. In this context it can be envisaged that the settlement would contract after the time of the last of these campaigns, the Severan period in the early 3rd century, when it had outlived its function. However, there was a revival in the internal conflicts and external threats of the mid-3rd century, when the workshops of Wilderspool were again reconstructed. After this the economy of Roman Britain did not decline as a whole. Towns as far north as Carlisle continued to thrive. Chester and forts such as Ribchester were garrisoned more or less intensively until at least the late 4th century. There was also considerable military activity in the 4th century, typified by the construction of the Saxon Shore forts, but military activity in late Roman Britain was largely defensive in nature.

The archaeological evidence, particularly that from the 1993 excavation, does not imply a sudden abandonment of the settlement due to external factors, or a strategic decision. Neither does the apparent longevity of the Loushers Lane settlement suggest a sudden end. Rather, the excavated evidence indicates a gradual decline over a period of a century or more. Cataclysmic events, such as attacks by Irish raiders, plagues, famines and floods, were therefore probably not the reasons for the demise of the settlement, although all these events may have occurred at Wilderspool. It is more likely that an economic change removed the main reason for the existence of the settlement. Its decline was part of a wider pattern and contemporary with decreasing activity at the similar sites of Waltonle-Dale, Holditch and Middlewich. It was a decline which also affected major Roman sites in the region such as Chester, Manchester, Ribchester and Lancaster. Environmental factors such as a rise in sea-level could not have been the cause of such decline across the whole region.

The decline of Wilderspool and the other industrial settlements was the result of the end of substantial investment by the Imperial State in offensive and pro-active military campaigns in Britain. Even without large-scale campaigns, there was sufficient demand for goods in the forts and the countryside to keep Wilderspool going at a reduced level into the early 4th century. Its position in the centre of a communications network continued to be advantageous. The exact date of the end of the settlement will never be clear; the processes of decline and dispersal were prolonged. Agricultural activity continued at Loushers Lane and other isolated farmsteads into the 5th century and beyond. King Street remained an important route from the midlands to the north and traffic continued to use the river crossing (Kenyon 1993, 61 & 79). But after the collapse of Wilderspool, the bridge probably also collapsed and the Mersey crossing lapsed back to the ford at Latchford.

Wilderspool continued to be important as the lowest convenient crossing point of the Mersey in late Roman Britain. After c.AD 197 it may also have been situated on the administrative border between the two Severan provinces of Britannia Inferior and Britannia Superior, and from the end of the 3rd century on or close to the boundary between Britannia Prima and Britannia Secunda. In later centuries it continued to be in a frontier zone between the kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia. The River Mersey derived its name from the Anglo-Saxon word mierce for boundary. The decline of Wilderspool and similar settlements was therefore the result of changing economic and strategic factors. Chapter 5 concluded that the main function of the settlement was manufacturing and that

52

Chapter 7  Present Possibilities and Future Work

This report has attempted a comprehensive discussion of all the archaeological data for RomanoBritish Wilderspool, with the aim of producing the best possible interpretation of the site from the available evidence. The data-set, however, is evidently far from complete. The full original extent of the settlement remains unknown. What may be less than half of the settlement has been subjected to any kind of archaeological investigation. The archaeological excavations have been undertaken piecemeal over the last two centuries and the methodologies have varied accordingly. Much of the area of the settlement was cut through by canals in the late 18th and 19th centuries and the rest was subject to development in the 19th and early 20th centuries, with no prior archaeological investigation. Much of the information in the Brewery area was lost between the excavation campaigns of May in 1895-1905 and Williams in 1966-9. But despite these limitations much can still be done and this section sets out the research potential of the presumed surviving archaeological resource in the Wilderspool area in relation to Roman archaeology and the outstanding research questions that remain in relation to the Romano-British settlement.

The attainment research aims

of

army and fleet changed over time. Its prosperity was tied to the fortunes of peace and war in Britain and the Empire, reflected in its episodes of rebuilding, and its shifting domestic and industrial zones. The loss of its main economic function signalled its decline and end, although there was a subsequent period when it became an agricultural settlement little different to those around it. Certain questions remain beyond the capacity of the present archaeological information to answer. These relate to matters concerning the administrative, religious and leisure aspects of life at RomanoBritish Wilderspool and the full extent and nature of its industry.

The surviving archaeological resource The Romano-British settlement extended over parts of what is now Stockton Heath, through the Morrisons Supermarket area to the Greenalls Old Brewery area. There was also an outlying settlement group in the Loushers Lane area. Chapter 2 set out the case for a Roman period occupation of unknown form and extent in the modern centre of Warrington, to the north of the Mersey. Most of the built-up area of Warrington, including the suburbs to the south of the Mersey, is disturbed by modern development and archaeological observations here only rarely reveal the presence of Roman period material. It therefore seems likely that it contains a very fragmentary Roman archaeological resource.

the

The archaeological research programme at Wilderspool aimed to address a series of research questions relating to the origins of the settlement, its function in the life of Roman Britain and the end of the settlement. The answers derived from the excavated evidence have proved to be intimately connected. The settlement was first established during the Roman conquest of the region in the late 1st century and the importance of its site was its strategic position at the lowest crossing point and highest navigable shore of the Mersey. The Romans overrode the preceding pattern of Celtic settlement and the ford at Latchford, to create a new straight road and crossing along the line of King Street between Wilderspool and Warrington, where a fort was perhaps established. From the beginning the function of the settlement was military supply and that remained its core economic activity throughout its life, although the nature of the goods supplied to the

There are exceptions to this general pattern, however. The Gifford evaluation of 1992 revealed that wellpreserved remains of the Romano-British settlement survive beneath the concrete slab upon which the Morrisons supermarket now rests. To the east of Wilderspool Causeway, adjacent to the north bank of the Manchester Ship Canal, is a landscaped area, which was used to dump spoil from the construction of the canal in the 19th century. This is the area where Romano-British burials were found, in the bank of the canal. The extent of modern ground disturbance there is unknown and more burials might survive, which would be a valuable addition to the archaeological resource. In the vicinity of Loushers Lane, there are 53

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ a number of areas of potential, including gardens and playing fields.

topics.

Topic 1: Native /Roman co-existence

The Mersey flood-plain is an area of unknown archaeological potential. Some Roman artefacts were found in the river silts in the 1930s, but they were water-worn and had probably eroded from the riverbank in the Old Brewery area. The flood-plain now contains deep modern landfill deposits over alluvial silt. It is not at present known whether the silts contain undisturbed Roman period contexts.

Predictably enough, the more recent excavations in the Wilderspool area – and in particular the excavations by Hinchliffe and Williams near Lousher’s Lane – have demonstrated the presence of a number of more or less circular buildings/ structures strongly reminiscent of ‘native’ British occupation. In addition, it is clear that at least some of these structures were co-terminous with some of the earlier Roman phases. Such evidence for British origins, followed by peaceful co-existence with the ‘Romans’ (whoever they really were) from the later 1st century is all too rare and of the greatest importance for our understanding of the Roman occupation of Britain. The search for and identification of such evidence in the Wilderspool/ Warrington area should therefore form the subject of a research topic for the area.

Outside the built-up area of modern Warrington, there are areas that may contain Romano-British features related to the Wilderspool settlement. The main Roman road of King Street approaches Wilderspool from the south, along a well-documented alignment. The recent excavation at Pewterspear Green, just to the north of Stretton, recorded the form of construction of King Street in that area, and recovered important palaeo-environmental evidence (Gifford, 1998). The alignment of King Street to the north of Warrington was established in the 1950s and 1960s by aerial reconnaissance and field observation (Margary 1957, ii 99-100; GMAU, 1991 and 1992). Another Roman road linked Wilderspool to the legionary fortress at Chester, but its precise alignment is not clear. There is every reason to suppose that elements of that road survive in the relatively undisturbed rural landscape around Daresbury and Walton, to the south-west of Wilderspool. Similarly, it is likely that another road extended east from Wilderspool to Manchester and elements of that road may also survive.

Topic 2: Origins of Wilderspool settlement The precise origins of the settlement during the Roman conquest are not clear. This study has concluded that there was military involvement in the process, but it is not entirely certain how this related to the military campaigns and infrastructure of the region. Further investigation within central Warrington to search for an early camp or fort, the exact course of King Street through the town, and in particular the location of the Roman river crossing, may address this topic. If the exact alignment of King Street was known it would be possible to assess more confidently the relationship between the industrial settlement and the major arterial Roman military road of the area. It is unlikely that any large areas of undisturbed Roman period deposits survive in central Warrington. Nevertheless, sufficient evidence might survive to give some idea of the date and nature of the Roman period occupation north of the Mersey. The areas immediately to the north of the two crossing points have the highest archaeological potential. These are the Church Street area north of the Iron Age and early medieval Latchford ford; and the area to the west of Bridge Street, directly north of Wilderspool. Finds of Roman material have been made in both of these areas. Any opportunity for archaeological observation or investigation within them should be taken.

Aerial reconnaissance has shown that the rural fringe of present-day Warrington contains archaeological remains of Romano-British farmsteads (Philpott 1994, 6). The name of the village of Walton suggests that it originated as one of these farmsteads. There is therefore a considerable potential archaeological resource for the further investigation of the Wilderspool Romano-British settlement and its hinterland, although more by the exploration of the landscape setting and historical context of the site than by more excavation of the site itself. The industrial site is merely the most investigated and best understood part of a complex Roman period landscape in the Warrington area.

Topics for further Study The various excavations at Wilderspool have revealed a wealth of evidence of the form of the Romano-British settlement and some of the industrial activities undertaken there. In order to reach a fuller understanding further information is desirable in a number of areas, summarised here as six research

Within the Mersey flood-plain, the silts beneath the landfill deposits might usefully be investigated by a programme of coring-auger sampling. 54

Wilderspool: Present Possiblities and Future Work

Topic 5: Nature of the population

Sufficient cores would have to be taken to ensure that artefactual and carbonised material could be recovered in order to date the layers of alluvium and thereby make the investigation meaningful. Such a sampling exercise might reveal whether or not remains of the Roman waterfront and river crossing survive, which would be of great value in clarifying the origins of the settlement. Opportunities should also be taken to elucidate the characteristics of the surrounding natural landscape in the Iron Age and the Roman period. Contexts such as the soils beneath Roman road metalling have proved useful in this respect.

Topic 3: activities

Range

of

The body of excavated evidence from Wilderspool contains good indications of the form of the structures and of the nature of industrial activities within the settlement. The evidence lacks a human element, however. There is very little information about the numbers, ethnic composition, beliefs and lifestyle of the population of the Romano-British settlement. The most direct way to address this topic would be to find the cemeteries containing the people of RomanoBritish Wilderspool. Roman burials are most likely to be found to the east of Wilderspool Causeway, on the north bank of the Ship Canal. A simple field evaluation could determine if further Roman burials are present in this area. Burial evidence would be invaluable in determining the nature of the population of RomanoBritish Wilderspool.

industrial

There is as yet only partial information on the range of industrial activities undertaken within the settlement. More detailed information, particularly on glassworking and the processing of organic materials, would allow a better understanding of production at Wilderspool.

Topic 6: End of the Wilderspool settlement The reasons for the decline and final abandonment of the settlement and its mechanisms and stages, are not fully understood.

Well-preserved deposits with high potential to address this topic survive, sealed beneath the Morrisons Supermarket. A programme of coringauger sampling of the kind outlined above might reveal that elements of the Roman waterfront at Wilderspool survive within the river silts. The investigation of the waterfront may reveal more about the range of processes that took place in the settlement, as organic material might be preserved.

This topic would probably prove the most difficult to resolve. The undisturbed deposits beneath the Morrisons Supermarket may contain late Roman features that could throw light on the abandonment of the settlement, but it is likely that the latest horizons have been truncated by the plough. These deposits are not currently available for excavation and therefore the Loushers Lane area has the higher potential to provide information on the end of the settlement. Further investigation might reveal whether there were changes in the agricultural production at Loushers Lane that reflect the late 3rd- and early 4th-century decline in industrial activity revealed by the 1993 excavation. A less direct way of approaching this topic would be to investigate the potential rural settlements around Wilderspool, such as the cropmark sites north of Warrington and the village of Walton. If, for example, such rural sites exhibit large-scale “cash crop” production during the heyday of the industrial settlement and then a change to subsistence agriculture thereafter, this would signal a decline in the industrial area and the reduction and dispersal of its population. An indicator that the industrial site was no longer operating would be evidence of routine maintenance crafts dating only to the late Roman period.

Topic 4: Relationship of Wilderspool to other sites It is likely that the primary function of the Wilderspool settlement was to supply the military garrisons of northern Britain. The secondary function was probably to supply goods to other regional markets and perhaps even to Ireland. However, the relationship of Wilderspool with other sites in the region and abroad is not entirely clear. This topic can be addressed by synthetic studies of Roman artefacts produced in North-West England and their distribution within the region and beyond. Studies of mortaria, ironwork and copper alloy objects might have the most relevance to Wilderspool.

55

Appendix 1  SMALL FINDS SUMMARY

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD)

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT III Bone 6033 Domino 2 Copper alloy 96 Stud

  114(coin)

2

Copper alloy 97

Harness clip

180

2 2 2

Copper alloy 97 Copper alloy 97 Copper alloy 127

Brooch Brooch Wire

180   180

2 2

Copper alloy 127 Copper alloy 191

Folded strip Pin

180 130

2

Copper alloy 191

130

2 2

Copper alloy 191 Copper alloy 278

Ferrule/ binding Object Hairpin

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 103   Domino piece - 3/3 223   Stud with convex turned down rim. Recessed centre decorated with representation of Victory. Possibly used on military belt and apron 164 19 Decorated harness clip of type used by Roman cavalry 203 24 Trumpet brooch. Pin missing 294 25 Trumpet brooch. Pin missing 233   Piece of wire, bent into vshape 239   Folded strip 271   Pin, probably part of a large brooch, with head shaped like a hook 278   Piece of binding/ferrule

130  

345 293

   

4

Stud

 

54

 

4

Copper 220 Alloy Copper alloy 279

Disc brooch

 

310

 

5

Copper alloy 80

Tweezers

 

121

27

5

Copper alloy 80

 

142

 

5 5

Copper alloy 137 Copper alloy 166

Perforated disc Sheet Brooch

   

378 25

   

5

Copper alloy 3047

Pin or nail

 

331

 

6

Copper alloy 34

Slide lock bolt 269 (coin)

44

 

6

Copper alloy 34

Brooch

269 (coin)

45

 

6

Copper alloy 34

Medical instrument

269 (coin)

46

28

57

Object Fragments of hairpin. Tip missing Flat headed stud

DIMENSIONS (mm)   D25

L22, W14, H15 L45, W6 L90, W30 L50 L25, W12 L65, W3 L20, W15   D5 L20, W15

Disc brooch. Hinge D35 mechanism and top of broken pin with part of disc in thin metal. One perforated lug Tweezers, probably part L50, W7 & 5, H21 of a personal hygiene set (chatelaine) Perforated disc D20 Sheet Four fragments of penannular brooch, 2 terminals. Circularsectioned hoop. Flat-fronted milled knob terminals. Pin missing Round-headed pin or nail. Head and part of shaft only. Shaft faceted Slide lock bolt. One rectangular, one D-shaped and two triangular cut-outs. Rectangular section bar Catchplate and foot knob of bow brooch, possibly Aucissa type. Catchplate solid. Hemispherical foot-knob. First century AD Medical instrument known as ‘traction hook’. Diamondshaped decoration. Hook at end missing

  D26, 5.5

L20, D7 (head) L53, W11

L26

L108, W9,

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 6 Copper alloy 44 Sheet fragments 6 Copper alloy 56 Stud

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) 90

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 145   Sheet fragments

DIMENSIONS (mm) L5, 15, 20

late C2nd

74

 

Stud. Flat head with concentric moulding towards outer edge Polden Hill type brooch with remains of iron pin Brooch of ‘knee’ type. Tinned to give the appearance of silver Vessel. Simple slightly thickened turned-out rim fragment. Possibly from a shallow bowl Fragment of sheet

D18

Pin-like object in two fragments. Remains of enamel in centre of head Piece of wire bent into ushape Object Strip with 2 rivets Object Sheet with metal rivets

L16 & 12, W10

6

Copper alloy 56

Brooch

late C2nd

78

23

6

Copper alloy 56

Brooch

late C2nd

83

26

6

Copper alloy 56

Vessel rim

late C2nd

104

 

6

Copper alloy 95

145(coin)

188

 

6

Copper alloy 95

Fragment of sheet Stud

145(coin)

189

17

6

Copper alloy 103

Piece of wire

180

205

 

6 6 6 6

Copper alloy Copper alloy Copper alloy Copper alloy

140 (coin) 140 140  

363 365 388 255

       

6

Copper alloy 190

Object Strip Object Sheet with rivets Mirror fragment

 

267

 

6

Copper alloy 200

Brooch

 

284

 

6

Copper alloy 200

Brooch

 

285

 

6 7

Copper alloy 209 Copper alloy 38

Lock bolt Stud

  318(coin)

287 73

21 16

7

Object

318 (coin)

76

 

7

Copper 38 Alloy Copper alloy 38

?Handle

318 (coin)

84

 

7

Copper alloy 38

Terret

318(coin)

95

22

II

Copper alloy 37

Leaded finial

140

64

20

II

Copper alloy 6004

Object

 

26

 

  2

Copper alloy   Glass 43

Object 2 fragments

   

352  

   

2

Glass

97

2 fragments

180

 

 

2

Glass

97

Fragment

180

 

 

108 129 129 176

58

Fragment of mirror. Possibly part of small lightweight hand mirror Two corroded fragments of a bow brooch. Traces of blue enamel on hinge Headstud type bow brooch with decoration. Deep catchplate. Hinged pin with short fluted wings. Chain loop missing Tumbler lock bolt Stud with pin at the back and embossing on the side. Probably used to decorate a military apron (cingulum) Rectangular flat piece with projection at one end Possibly part of a handle of a toilet instrument. Circular in section. Decorated shaft Terret used to guide reins of horse Leaded bronze finial, probably from brow band of Roman soldier’s helmet Small flat strip folded over at mid point Object 2 fragments of pale olive green glass 2 fragments of blue green glass, larger piece slightly curved Tiny fragment of blue green glass with bubbles included

L55, W22, H15 L35, W21, H10 D240

L20, W10

L30       L35, W10, rivet D10 L25, W20   L42

L61, W6, H6 L16, H11

  L36.5, D5 L65, W14, H48 L32, W11, H11     17.2x19; 8.4x13.8    

Wilderspool: Appendix 1 TPQ OF CONTEXT PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT (AD) 2 Glass 97 Rim fragment 180 2

Glass

97

Fragment

180

2

Glass

104

2 fragments

 

2

Glass

104

Rim fragment  

2

Glass

127

Fragment

180

2

Glass

127

Fragment

180

2

Glass

127

Fragment

180

2

Glass

131

Fragment

180

2

Glass

131

Fragment

180

2

Glass

131

Fragment

180

2

Glass

155

Fragment

140

2

Glass

168

2 fragments

 

2

Glass

191

2 fragments

130

2

Glass

191

Fragment

130

2

Glass

191

Fragment

130

2

Glass

191

2 fragments

130

2

Glass

191

2 fragments

130

2

Glass

195

Fragment

 

2

Glass

285

Fragment

 

2

Glass

3050

Bowl

150

2

Glass

3050

Fragment

150

3

Glass

3067

Fragment

 

4

Glass

186

Lid of jar

120

4

Glass

260

2 fragments

 

4

Glass

264

Fragment

 

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION     Fragment of solid rim of glass bowl, blue green glass c. 1st Century AD     Fragment of olive green glass with remains of 1 fine moulded rib     Fragment of blue green glass, slightly curved near edge. Tiny curved fragment of blue green glass     Fragment of blue green glass tubular rim of vessel, 1st Century AD     Fragment of clear glass, slightly curved     Fragment of clear light blue glass     Fragment of pale blue glass, possibly part of a bottle     Flat piece of pale green glass, either window glass, or part of the side of a square cross section jar     Fragment of pale green glass with curved up edge, part of a jar?     Small curved fragment of pale green glass of irregular thickness     Fragment of pale blue glass of variable thickness     2 adjoining fragments of flat pale green glass with series of fine linear engraved (?) ornaments     2 fragments of pale blue window glass(?)     Fragment of pale blue slightly curved glass     Small fragment of pale green glass     2 fragments of pale blue slightly curved glass     2 fragments of curved pale yellow glass     2 fragments of pale green glass     Fragment of pale olive green glass     Pale green glass bowl, shallow with tubular rim, Augustan/Tiberian date, with 3 small fragments from side which belong     2 fragments of pale blue/ green glass     Tiny fragment of pale blue glass     Brown glass lid of jar, 1/2 only, upper flange damaged, probably the lid for a jar of preserves or related item     2 adjoining fragments of curved pale blue glass     Fragment of slightly curved pale blue glass

59

DIMENSIONS (mm)      

  10.3x14.5 25.3x29.2 T2.1 15x21.5 55x59.1 T5.5

47.8x33.7 T4.6 25.5x17.4 16.4x17.4 29.3x21.1

13.4x12.5; 26.4x25.5 24.1x16.3 T2.5 8.3x25.2 T2.7 25.8x36; 31.4x26.6 20x16.7 T2 13.3x8 T4.5 23.1x32.5 T1.3 D c.140

  6.1x18 T1.1  

56.6x28 23.5x34

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD)

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 4 Glass 265 Bowl fragments

 

4

Glass

265

Bottle fragments

 

4

Glass

265

Fragment

 

5

Glass

80

Vessel

 

5

Glass

80

4 fragments

 

5

Glass

80

Fragment

 

6

Glass

34

Fragment

269 (coin)

6

Glass

44

Vessel

90

6

Glass

47

Fragment

 

6

Glass

50

Fragment

120

6

Glass

50

5 fragments

 

6

Glass

50

2 fragments

 

6

Glass

50

Fragment

 

6

Glass

83

Fragment

120

6

Glass

95

Fragment

 

6 6

Glass Glass

95 95

Fragment 7 fragments

   

6

Glass

103

4 fragments

 

6

Glass

108

Object

140 (coin)

6

Glass

108

Vessel

140 (coin)

6

Glass

120

Vessel

120

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION     3 fragments from a pale green shallow glass bowl rising slightly in the centre. 2 pieces of bowl adjoining and one from side     2 fragments of a square sided bottle (dimensions given) and 2 small fragments     Small fragment of clear glass, curved, possibly from a bottle 92   Roman blue green glass handle with a pincered rail of teeth and a fragment of the side of the vessel     1 fragment of amber glass, 2 fragments of pale blue green glass, and one fragment of glass with heavy iridescence on both faces     Fragment of pale amber glass with a single fine rib of decoration possibly Flavian/ early 2nd Century AD     Small fragment of pale green glass 154   Pale green glass, probably part of a handle from a bottle (Roman)     Small fragment of olive green glass     Small fragment of pale blue glass, slightly curved     5 small fragments of slightly curved blue green glass     2 thicker fragments of blue green glass     Fragment of bowl with rounded rim, slight patches of iridescence, originally clear glass? Date, late 1st / 2nd century AD (?)     Curved fragment of light green glass, probably part of a neck of a bottle     Fragment of blue green glass handle with combed pattern on outer face from a bottle     1 fragment of pale blue glass     7 fragments of blue green glass, 4 of which are slightly curved     4 fragments of blue green glass, chipped and damaged slightly 218   Blue green glass, fragment of glass pin or perfume rod? 236   Blue green glass upper part of handle with fragment of neck of bottle and handle fragment attached, possibly from a square glass bottle 226   Blue green glass bottle neck, tapers towards one end, other end opens out, possibly an unguent bottle

60

DIMENSIONS (mm)  

64.1x54.2; 33.1x45 25.3x21 L47, W16.6

 

 

17x16 Ht 37 W23.3 9.6x12.7 T2.8 16.6x13      

Ht 17         L62.2 max D6.5 W 58.5

Ht66.2 Neck X sec 8.7

Wilderspool: Appendix 1

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 6 Glass 120 Fragment

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) 120

6 6

Glass Glass

129 142

Fragment 2 fragments

140  

6 6

Glass Glass

147 154

Fragment Fragment

   

6

Glass

200

Fragment

 

6

Glass

200

7+ fragments  

7

Glass

38

2 fragments

318 (coin)

7

Glass

38

2 fragments

318 (coin)

7

Glass

57

Fragment

 

7 7

Glass Glass

64 101

Fragment Fragment

120  

7

Glass

101

7+ Fragments  

7

Glass

117

Fragment

120

7 7

Glass Glass

125 151

Fragment Fragment

313 (coin)  

7

Glass

170

Fragment

 

7

Glass

3012

Fragment

140

7         1

Glass Glass Glass Glass Glass bead Iron

3034         190

Fragment Bead Bead Bead   Knife blade?

           

1

Iron

6095

Nail

 

2 2

Iron Iron

41 97

Object Object

120 180

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

131 174 174 191 191 191 191 195 254

Object Object Object Nail(?) shank Nail(?) shank Shank Object Object Rod

180     130 130 130 130   120

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION     Broken fragment of clear white glass, unidentifiable     Fragment of clear glass     2 small rather melted and damaged fragments of pale green glass     Fragment of clear glass     Fragment of clear glass, slightly curved     Small fragment of pale blue glass     7+ fragments of light yellow/ brown glass with moulded ribbed decoration     2 adjoining fragments of pale blue green glass, edge piece of (?) window glass     2 adjoining pieces of pale green curved glass of variable thickness     Small fragment of pale green glass     Pale blue window glass     Fragment of pale blue green flat glass     7+ fragments of tiny blue green glass lumps     2 fragments of pale green glass     Fragment of pale green glass     Fragment of pale green glass, slightly curved     Fragment of slightly curved pale green glass     Fragment of fine light brown glass, possibly from the side of a vessel, some tiny bubbles included. Roman? Or later?     Fragment of flat clear glass 127 29   273 29   328 29   133 29   265   Flat tapering iron object, knife blade shaped with a ridge running along straight edge (visible in the section of the break) 38   Flat headed nail with looped end 52   Object 178   Finger of iron, one end flattened, other end bulbous 249   Small flattish piece of iron 260   Piece of iron bar 261   Head of large nail? 22   Possible nail shank 24   Possible nail shank 25   Hollowed tube, not tapering 280   Tapering bar of iron 281   Short bar of iron 379   Iron rod

61

DIMENSIONS (mm)   9.6x15 19x25; 21.8x14.3 12.2x7.3 12.7x24.4 14.7x18   32.7x21.3 31.2x33.1 18.3x12.5 37.7x39.2 T3.5 15.7x32.2 T4.1   21.3x17 (largest piece) 30.3x25.6 18x22.5 24x18.2 T1.3 27.6x21

31.3x49 T1.8          

L43, W14           L63, W4 L70, W4 L110, W8      

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 2 Iron 254 Object

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) 120

2 2

Iron Iron

3050 3052

Object Object

150  

2 3 3 4 4 4 4 4

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

6064 224 240 194 194 219 264 6061

Strip Object Object Object Object Nail Object Knife blade?

               

5 5

Iron Iron

80 80

Spatulate Objects

   

5 5

Iron Iron

80 80

Object Object

   

5 5

Iron Iron

80 80

Object   Lamp handle?  

5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80

Object Object Object Object Object Object Object Object Object Object

                   

5 5 5 5 5

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

80 137 137 155 166

  Nail Hook Object Object

      140  

5 6 6 6 6

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

172 34 44 44 56

Nail 5 Objects Object Object Nail

  269 (coin) 90 90 late C2nd

6 6 6 6

Iron Iron Iron Iron

56 56 56 56

Amorphous Knife blade? Object Object

late C2nd late C2nd late C2nd late C2nd

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 389   Roughly circular iron object with perforation 313   Curving strip of iron 314   Several (>10) studs fused together forming outline of sandal which has long since rotted, some of the studs are loose and out of position 15   Strip 288   Large iron ring 139   Object 7   Amorphous lump 369   Sleeve 5   Flat headed nail, bent at neck 370   T-shaped object 1   Flat iron object 170mm long 50mm wide at one end, gradually tapering to a point 51   spatulate, possibly perforated 56   3 nails, 2 heads, 7 shanks and one mystery 109   Slightly curved bar of iron 110   Large roughly rectangular piece of iron 112   Amorphous lump 113   Flattish triangular piece of iron with curved projection at one point, possibly part of a lamp 117   Disc 118   Small flat piece 124   Amorphous lump 125   Amorphous lump 126   Small lump 129   Lump 134   Flattish amorphous piece 136   Amorphous lump 137   Lump 141   Flat, roughly rectangular piece of iron with projection at one end 143   Object 12   Flat headed nail 16   Hook with hollow shank 248   Flat bar, heavily corroded 250   2 objects, 1nail shaped, the other is a bar of iron which flattens halfway along its length 19   Flat headed nail 106   5 objects 144   Finger 153   Small amorphous lump 69   Long, narrow, square in section, tapering to a point with a flat head at the widest end 71   Amorphous lump 77   Triangular, flat piece 82   Nail head? 97   Lump

62

DIMENSIONS (mm)      

L37, W17         L95, W head 19   170 - 50 L185, W22                                 L152, W28, L56, W shank 10    

L93, W13       L126, W15

  L54, W40 L31, W31, D31  

Wilderspool: Appendix 1

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 6 Iron 56 Object

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) late C2nd

6

Iron

56

Object

late C2nd

6 6 6

Iron Iron Iron

95 95 95

Object Object Object

145 (coin) 145 (coin) 145 (coin)

6 6 6

Iron Iron Iron

95 95 95

Object Object Object

145 (coin) 145 (coin) 145 (coin)

6

Iron

95

Object

145 (coin)

6

Iron

95

Object

145 (coin)

6 6

Iron Iron

95 95

Object Object

145 (coin) 145 (coin)

6 6

Iron Iron

103 103

Object Object

180 180

6 6 6 6 6

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

103 103 108 108 122

180 180 140 (coin) 140 (coin)  

6 6

Iron Iron

129 200

Object Arrowhead T clamp Object Hammer handle Object Skate blade

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 101   Curving flat piece with hole in one end, two projections at other end, one of which also has a hole - possibly hinge or bracket 105   Disc, thinner in centre than at edge 147   Object 152   Object 159   3 discs of iron encrusted together in a line, each one with a projection on one side, probably nail heads. 160   Bar 173   Flat piece, curved 174   Bar, square in section, pointed at one end, wider at the other 175   Bar, half flattened into a rough circle, the other half forming a ‘handle’, the flat part has a projection 193   Short strip, enlarged at both ends 196   Tapering bar 207   Short flattish piece with projection at 90 degrees from one end 150   Object 200   Slightly curving bar, one end of which curves round into a loop 225   Bent piece of thin sheet 240   Arrowhead 27   Bar of T, broken 237   Short strip, bent at each end 219   Handle of hammer

140  

222 8

   

6 7 7

Iron Iron Iron

209 38 38

Blade ? Object Tube?

  318 (coin) 318 (coin)

272 72 86

     

7

Iron

38

Object

318 (coin)

87

 

7 7 7 7 7

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

38 38 38 57 101

Object Objects Object Strip Object

318 (coin) 318 (coin) 318 (coin)    

91 93 96 62 190

         

7

Iron

101

Plane

 

191

15

7 7 7

Iron Iron Iron

101 102 117

Object Horseshoe? Object

  late C2nd 120

195 327 256

     

63

Curved thin bar Long flat blade set at 90 degree angle below 2 flat iron pieces Possible blade Flat object Rectangular piece; break at one end shows square cross section; other end appears flatter - tube? Bar, square in section, one end pointed or broken, the other end widening into a large bulbar mass Lump 3 lumps, possibly nails Amorphous lump of iron Strip Flattish piece bent at 120 degrees near centre Large plane with angled handle midway and a looped handle at end Flattish object Horseshoe? Flat strip, starts 15mm wide, and broadens to 20mm wide

DIMENSIONS (mm)  

       

       

  L200 (approx)           L33, W30       L280, W53, blade W7   L54, W27  

L158, W48

      L34, W15          

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

PHASE 7 7 7 7

Material Iron Iron Iron Iron

CONTEXT 120 120 120 125

OBJECT Object Object Object Object

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) 120 120 120 313 (coin)

SMALL FINDS No. 227 297 298 242

FIGURE No.        

7

Iron

3012

Object

140

305

 

7 II

Iron Iron

3018 12

Object Nail

140  

307 34

   

II II II II

Iron Iron Iron Iron

12 12 12 12

Nail shank Nail Object Object

       

35 88 169 264

       

II II II II II II II II

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

16 33 33 37 3035 12 12 12

Amorphous Object Object Strip Object Strip Object Shank

        120      

37 146 155 81 303 30 50 61

               

II II II

Iron Iron Iron

16 33 33

Strip Object Object

     

55 11 140

     

II II

Iron Iron

33 33

Object Object

   

148 149

   

II II II II II II II II II II III

Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron

37 37 37 37 98 6028 6028 6054 6054 6054 3

140                    

48 49 63 65 184 28 28 14 14 14 33

                     

III

Iron

3014

Nail Amorphous Amorphous Amorphous Knife 3 nail shanks Stud Shank Strip Stud Perforated strip Mattock/ axe head ?

 

295

 

III

Iron

3064

Object

 

315

 

III III III

Iron Iron Iron

28 29 6033

Object Object Ligula

     

94 115 2

     

DESCRIPTION Long thin bar of iron Ring, similar to 298 Ring, similar to 297 Finger, one end enlarging to the break, the other end having two prongs one of which is broken Slightly curving bar, square in section. One end tapers to a rounded tip, the other curves into a loop Flat strip Circular nail head with square-sectioned shank Nail shank Flat headed nail Flat bar Bar, tapers to blunt point, with slightly enlarged head at opposite end, like a very large nail Amorphous lump Flat piece Rectangular lump Bent and tapering strip Flat strip Rectangular strip Object Piece, narrows from one end to the other with a circular projection near the widest end Strip Object curving piece, could be a brooch or a bent nail Flat bar, widens at one end Roughly rectangular, flattish piece with projection at one end Flat headed nail Roughly spherical lump 7 fragments Rough spherical lump Thin bar flattening into a blade 3 nail shanks Stud Shank Strip fragment Stud with triangular head Flattish strip with 2 circular perforations along length Flattish roughly rectangular piece of iron with a bar projecting from one of the short sides Curved and bent thin bar of iron Object Object Ligula

III

Iron

6033

Loop

 

3

 

Loop

64

DIMENSIONS (mm)        

 

  D29 L37, W10 L116    

L66, W26     L46, W8   L33, W5.5   L76, W11 L60, W13         L95, W21 L31, W27   L50, W37   L32, 21, 13 W4 L18, W16 L15, W5 L25, W20 L11, W7 L79, W22  

      L113, W9, shank 3.5 L96, W shank 12

Wilderspool: Appendix 1

PHASE

Material CONTEXT

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD)

OBJECT

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No.

DIMENSIONS (mm)

DESCRIPTION

III

Iron

6033

Nail

 

29

 

Nail with triangular head

L89, W20

III

Iron

6088

Strip?

 

31

 

Flat piece 4mm thick at one side thinning towards other side

L45, W15

1

Lead

167

Object

 

258

 

Flat piece of lead

 

1

Lead

179

Object

 

257

 

Amorphous lump, possibly inlay, possibly terminal of penannular brooch arm

 

1 2

Lead Lead

217 97

Object Object

  180

381 170

   

  35x20 T10

2

Lead

97

Objects

180

182

 

2 2 2

Lead Lead Lead

97 97 127

Waste Object Object

180 180 180

198 372 232

     

2 2

Lead Lead

127 191

Strip Object

180 130

386 268

   

2 2 2

Lead Lead Lead

191 191 191

Object Object Object

130 130 130

269 270 274

     

2 2 2 2 2

Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead

191 191 191 195 195

Object Object Object Object Objects

130 130 130    

275 276 277 282 283

         

2

Lead

195

Cylinder

 

357

 

2 2 2 2 2 4 4 4 4 4 4

Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead

208 278 3050 3050 3050 128 182 186 219 219 219

Strip Object Object Object Object Object Object Strip Objects Strip Strip

    150 150 150 110   120      

374 292 312 316 319 221 343 371 32 364 394

                     

4

Lead

260

Lead sheet

 

359

 

4

Lead

260

Sheet

 

367

 

4

Lead

265

Strip

 

375

 

5 5

Lead Lead

67 80

Object Object

120  

89 107

   

5

Lead

80

Objects

 

108

 

Wedge-shaped bar Rectangular piece like a 35mm long section of a subrectangular lead bar 3 flat pieces, thick sheets or flat spills Small flat piece of waste Object Squarish sheet curved to form a u shape Strip Squarish sheet curved into a short tube Small piece of sheet Piece of sheet Object, possibly a fitting or a buckle Curved sheet Bent sheet Flat strip Curved strip Lump of lead, and one slightly curved strip Cylinder, possibly section of pipe, or a net weight Folded strip Strip Slightly curved strip Squarish flat sheet Roughly oval flattish lump Curved piece of lead Bar Strip 2 objects. A dribble and waste Folded strip Strip with a hole punched at one end Sheet, consisting of 2 fragments 3 fragments of folded pieces of sheet possibly conjoining Folded strip forming a cylinder, possibly a net weight Flattish piece roughly square One side thick flat and smooth, possibly a spill onto a good surface; or a deliberate object? 2 lumps of waste; an irregular solid cylinder possibly cut into 40mm length 25mm diameter, and small spill waste

65

                                                          55x60 T3-4  

 

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD)

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 5 Lead 80 Object

 

5 5

Lead Lead

80 80

Object Object

   

5 5 5

Lead Lead Lead

80 80 80

Object Waste Object

     

5

Lead

80

Object

 

5

Lead

80

Object

 

5 5

Lead Lead

80 80

Object Object

   

5 5 6

Lead Lead Lead

80 137 34

Object Sheet Objects

    269 (coin)

6

Lead

34

Object

269 (coin)

6

Lead

44

Object

90

6

Lead

50

Cylinder

120

6 6 6

Lead Lead Lead

56 56 56

Object Object Object

late C2nd late C2nd late C2nd

6 6 6

Lead Lead Lead

56 56 56

Object Lead strip Cylinder

late C2nd late C2nd late C2nd

6 6 6

Lead Lead Lead

56 56 66

Sheet Nail/stud Object

late C2nd late C2nd  

6

Lead

89

Object

80

6

Lead

95

Object

145 (coin)

6

Lead

95

Object

145 (coin)

6 6

Lead Lead

95 129

Object Object

145 (coin) 140

6 7 7

Lead Lead Lead

142 38 38

Waste Object Objects

  318 (coin) 318 (coin)

7

Lead

101

Object

 

7 7

Lead Lead

117 120

Object Object

120 120

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 111   Flat, curved strip, a flattened tube originally a strip, optimum diameter when rolled c. 8mm? 114   Rough ‘pyramid’ of waste 119   Small curved piece - rolled tube 120   Flattish, squarish spill 122   2 amorphous lumps 123   Curved sheet, originally a rolled tube, partially opened/ flattened 128   Folded sheet - probably a flattened tube 130   Squarish flat piece, probably waste 131   Flat piece of sheet 135   Flat piece of sheet - a flattened tube? 373   Object 377   Sheet folded at one end 40   3 lead objects; waste, small flat dribble, small piece of strip - slightly curved 43   Flat piece of strip which has been folded in middle 150   A sub-triangular, thick spill or dribble 382   Filled/solid cylinder, possibly a net weight 66   Small curved strip 67   Small curved strip 79   Flattish piece, roughly square and slightly curved 80   Rectangular flat piece 360   Rolled strip 362   Solid/filled cylinder, possibly a net weight 368   2 fragments of sheet 390   Nail / stud 53   Large thick irregular strip or plate 387   Fragment, probably cut up ready to be re-used 162   U-shaped bent piece with good squared edges all around 176   Very thick curved strip into u-shaped tube 180   Waste off cut from sheet 366   Possible waste from an industrial process e.g. smelting 376   Waste 75   Triangular piece of waste 85   2 small curved pieces measuring 15x25x3mm and 25x12x2mm 192   Flattish piece, irregular in all aspects, appears to be a spill 254   Curved piece of sheet 243   Curved bar

66

DIMENSIONS (mm) L40, W20

  L20, W16, D8-9 60x60 T5   L20, D12, W40 L40, W35 20x28 T3 50x24x15 L26x35 T1-1.5             L20, W11, T3-8 L25, W15, T3-4 50x50 T5 50x45 T5-8         L600, W200   L70,W15, T2 L45, W40, T7-8 T1              

Wilderspool: Appendix 1

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 7 Lead 120 Object

TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD) 120

7 7 7 7

Lead Lead Lead Lead

120 170 3012 3012

Object Object Object Lead slag

120      

7

Lead

3012

Weight

 

II II II II III III III

Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead Lead

33 3035 3043 3043 3 3041 29

Strip Object Object Wire Sheet Object Objects

  120       120  

III

Lead

6017

Object

 

 

Lead

2043

Lead tube

 

1 2

Stone Stone

277 97

Object Object

140 180

2

Stone

131

2 fragments

180

2

Stone

195

Quern

 

3

Stone

251

Fragment

 

4

Stone

223

quern

 

4

Stone

269

fragment

 

4 5

Stone Stone

279 67

quern ?quernstone

  120

6

Stone

95

fragment

145 (coin)

6

Stone

100

?fragment

 

6

Stone

103

quern

180

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION 247   Finger length bar, one end circular in section; the other end flattened with a hole in it 289   Curved, handle-shaped piece 253   Triangular piece of sheet 302   Curving sheet 304   Blob of slag affected by the presence of some sort of chemical spill in the layer 306   Hemispherical piece with central hole. Copper coloured crystallisation visible where surface has flaked away. 384   Strip 300   Square flattish fragment 308   Squarish flattish sheet 309   Small piece of (?) wire 383   2 fragments of sheet 346   Waste fragment 116   2 amorphous lumps, one of which is a dribble 23   Appears to be a spill or dribble 18   Tube, possibly complete both ends appear finished 291   Object 166   Piece with scratches on it that may be incised rather than natural     Fine-grained quartz-rich metamorphosed rock, possibly originally sandstone. Polished on one flat surface. Striations     2 adjoining pieces of quern. Identified as pumice. Dark grey colour with air bubbles. Topstone wedge-shaped     Wedge-shaped piece of dark grey stone with large airbubbles. Very crumbly 322   Half of a quernstone with central hole and side slot for handle, Ridges visible on the upper surface     L- shaped piece of a grey stone. Abundant large airbubbles. Flaky. 355   Part of a quernstone     Brown rock with air bubbles. Traces of iron on one wellworn side     Sandy to pinkish beige rock. One flat smooth polished surface     Heavy brown rock with air bubbles. One side rough; other side lightly polished. Edges of polished side smooth. Square surfaces 214   Roughly spherical quernstone (very worn ?) with an off central hole, possibly altered for use as a weight

67

DIMENSIONS (mm)            

              L60, W15 L100, D15     72x55x32, 85x49x23

 

   

        73x75x18

 

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ TPQ OF CONTEXT (AD)

SMALL FINDS FIGURE No. No. DESCRIPTION     Sandy-pink beige rock, with quartz particles. One flat polished surface     Fine grained rock. Polished on one flat face. Grey to light beige. Polished face yellowbeige     Pinkish buff rock with quartz inclusions. One flat polished surface, similar to marble     Sandy/pinkish beige rock with quartz particles. Polished flat marble-like surfaces on one side     Sandy beige coloured rock with small quartz particles. Conical shape forming point at one end     Thin and flat strip, broken off at either end. Brown in colour. Rounded sides     Buffish brown rock. One flat polished surface, similar to marble     Sandy/beige coloured rock with quartz inclusions. One polished flat surface. Possibly flooring.     Very smooth reddish brown stone. Three parallel grooves across the width of one side 347 30 Whetstone, possibly Derbyshire gritstone

PHASE Material CONTEXT OBJECT 6 Stone 136 building material

 

6

Stone

142

fragment

 

7

Stone

38

building material

318 (coin)

7

Stone

117

4 fragments

 

Stone II

12

?handle

 

Stone II Stone III Stone III

98

fragment

 

10

building material

 

10

building material

 

Stone III Stone III Stone III

27

?whetstone

 

29

whetstone

 

37

2 fragments

140

 

 

Stone III

3010

fragment

 

 

 

68

DIMENSIONS (mm)    

   

70H

45x22x10    

70x25x30 L98, W36, TH34

Flat brown stone with quartz 40x35x13, particles & incised groove 70x54x15 (1). Greyish brown rock with traces of red, black & white. Cross shaped groove (2) Light sandy coloured stone.   One surface smooth, possibly polished

Appendix 2  Coins by D Shotter

Twenty-six Roman coins were recovered from the excavations, many of which have suffered considerable damage from the effects of corrosion. All have proved capable of yielding at least the identity of their issuers.

In the coin-list Table 2, reference is made to the standard concordance: RIC: Mattingly H, Sydenham, E A, and Sutherland, C H V, The Roman Imperial Coinage, London 1923. The estimated wear of coins is indicated by: LW – little worn; MW – moderately worn; VW – very worn.

Table 2: Coins from the 1993 excavation Vespasian (1 coin) Phase 2 – 1993.1.187 Titus as Caesar (1 coin) Phase 2 – 1993.1.317 Domitian (2 coins) Phase 6 – 1993.1.41 Phase 2 – 1993.1.279 Nerva (3 coins) Phase 2 – 1993.1.224 Phase III – 1993.1.36 Phase II – 1993.1.202 Trajan (10 coins) U/S - 1993.1.58 Phase II – 1993.1.186 Phase III – 1993.1.301 Phase 6 – 1993.1.68 Phase 2 – 1993.1.321 U/S - 1993.1.59 Phase 2 – 1993.1.290 Phase 2 – 1993.1.286 Phase II – 1993.1.201 Phase II – 1993.1.138 Hadrian (2 coins) Phase III – 1993.1.39 Phase 6 – 1993.1.210 Faustina I (1 coin) Phase 7 – 1993.1.100 Faustina II (1 coin) Phase 6 – 1993.1.183

Æ

As

Æ

As

Æ Æ

VW

AD 69-79

RIC 783

MW

AD 77-78

Sestertius As

RIC 390 RIC 345b

MW MW

AD 90-91 AD 87

AR Æ Æ

Denarius Sestertius As

RIC 16 RIC 89 RIC 77

LW LW MW

AD 97 AD 97 AD 97

AR

LW

AD 103-117

AR Æ Æ Æ Æ Æ Æ Æ Æ

Denarius (fragmentary) Denarius Sestertius Sestertius Sestertius Dupondius Dupondius Dupondius Dupondius As

LW MW LW MW LW LW LW LW MW

AD 114-117 AD 103-111 AD 103-111 AD 103-111 AD 103-111 AD 114-117 AD 101-102 AD 103-117 AD 98-99

Æ Æ

Sestertius Sestertius

RIC 563a

MW MW

AD 119-121 AD 122-138

Æ

Sestertius

RIC (Antoninus) 1151

MW

AD 141-148

Æ

Dupondius

RIC (Antoninus) 1395

LW

AD 145-146

Denarius

RIC (Antoninus) 424b

MW

AD 140-144

AR

Denarius

RIC 80b

LW

AD 205

Æ

Radiate copy

RIC 106

LW

AD 269-271

Æ

Follis

RIC VII (London) 12

LW

AD 313-314

Æ

Follis (fragmentary)

RIC VII (London) 127

LW

AD 318

Marcus Aurelius as Caesar (1 coin) Phase 6 – 1993.1.217 AR Caracalla (1 coin) Phase III – 1993.1.296 Victorinus (1 coin) Phase 6 – 1993.1.47 Constantine I (1 coin) Phase 7 – 1993.1.234 Crispus as Caesar (1 coin) Phase 7 – 1993.1.70

RIC 318 RIC 495 RIC 513 RIC 575 RIC 511 RIC 641

RIC 392

69

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ The chronological distribution of the coins is given in Table 3.

Although a true comparison is difficult, both for the reason stated above and because of the small size of the 1993 group, an upward trend can be detected, reflecting the effects of inflation upon the use made of the smaller denominations.

Table 3: Chronological distribution of coins from 1993 excavation I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV XVI XVII XVIII XIX XX XXI

AD -41 AD 41-54 AD 54-68 AD 69-96 AD 96-117 AD 117-138 AD 138-161 AD 161-180 AD 180-192 AD 192-222 AD 222-235 AD 235-259 AD 259-275 AD 275-294 AD 294-324 AD 324-330 AD 330-346 AD 346-364 AD 364-378 AD 378-388 AD 388-

4 13 2 3

Table 4: Coins from all Wilderspool excavations, compared to the assemblages from Walton-le-Dale (103 coins) and Holt (64 coins) I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV XVI XVII XVIII XIX XX XXI

1

1 2

The addition of this group provides a total of 180 legible Roman coins from Wilderspool from all sources (Shotter, 1995). The correlation between the sample from the excavations of 1993 and the total site-sample is remarkably close. Such differences as there are fall easily within the variations which one might expect when dealing with a group of only twenty-six coins. Perhaps the most obvious anomaly between the two groups lies in the distribution of coins over periods IV; the 1993 group produced no republican denarii or Neronian aes-issues and a rather lower proportion of Flavian coins when compared to Trajanic. Further, the fact that in the 1993 group Trajanic coins outnumber Flavian by 3 to 1 (against the Wilderspool “norm” of 2 to 1) may not be particularly significant.

Wilderspool 8 4.44% 3 37 73 27 13 4 3 3

1.67% 20.56% 40.56% 15.00% 7.22% 2.21% 1.67% 1.67%

3 1 4 1

1.67% 0.56% 2.21% 0.56%

Walton 1 0.97% 4 3.89% 2 1.94% 31 30.10% 31 30.10% 17 16.50% 7 6.80% 3 2.91% 1 0.97% 2 1.94%

Holt 4 1 1 20 14 5 1 2 1

6.25% 1.56% 1.56% 31.25% 21.88% 7.81% 1.56% 3.13% 1.56%

3

2.91%

1 4 2

1.56% 6.25% 3.13%

1

0.97%

7

10.94%

1

1.56%

Table 5: Proportion of denarii and sestertii as percentage of coins 1993 sample I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X

A full comparison of the denominational analysis of the 1993 coins with earlier discoveries cannot be made because of the way in which earlier coins were recorded. However, a simpler comparison can be made, showing denarii and sestertii as a proportion of the whole group. Table 5 shows the proportion of denarii and sestertii as percentage of coins.

70

25.00% 53.85% 100.00% 75.00%

100.00%

Total sample 100.00% 50.00% 37.84% 48.61% 66.67% 61.54% 75.00% 66.67% 100.00%

Appendix 3: Pottery by G Lucas

Nearly 215kg of pottery from the 1993 excavations at Wilderspool was recovered, dated to AD 70/80230, though the assemblage was very mixed with a greater proportion of earlier pottery and a substantial degree of residuality. Most of the vessels probably came from kilns associated with the settlement, with mortaria from North-East Gaul, Verulamium and Mancetter-Hartshill, Samian and other colour-coated vessels from Gaul, and amphorae from Southern Spain and Southern Gaul. The pottery was examined in order to determine the date and general nature of the assemblage. This appendix is based upon a previously recorded archive of the material and firsthand inspection of most of the pottery.

The wares of the type series are fully listed with fabric descriptions and forms in the site archive, and a selection is illustrated in Figures 11 to 13. Bracketed numbers refer to the fabric group. A summary of the fabric groups is given in Table 6. Also illustrated is an Oxfordshire Ware colour-coated flagon dating to after c.AD 240. The neck and handle are missing (Figure 14).

Discussion Most of the pottery found in the 1993 excavation was locally-produced and little more than 15% can be attributed to imports from outside the Cheshire Plain with any certainty and of these Black Burnished Ware comprise nearly 10%. This contrasts with the picture from the 1966-9 and 1976 excavations where it was double or more.

Type Series The greater proportion of the pottery is of local manufacture, undoubtedly most of it coming from the kilns found by Thomas May at Wilderspool and Stockton Heath at the start of this century (May, 1904). Much of this red pottery, which May called Veratine ware (after Veratinum which he thought was the Roman name for Wilderspool), has subsequently been published by K F Hartley and P V Webster (Hartley and Webster, 1973; Hartley, 1981; Webster, 1992). However, it seems likely that a much wider range of vessels was produced than those conventionally cited, especially greywares which occur in many of the same range of forms as the redwares and in identical but reduced fabrics. Some idea of this can be gleaned from the publication of the 1966-9 and 1976 excavations at Wilderspool (Hinchliffe and Williams 1992), and also the present report. Aside from these wares, Black Burnished ware from Dorset, buff wares (chiefly of mortaria and flagons) from Verulamium, MancetterHartshill and possibly a West Midlands and more local source, and colour-coated vessels from the Nene valley and/or Köln were identified. Some vessels from the Severn Valley may also be present, but were not always easy to distinguish from finer local redwares, some of whose forms certainly share features with Severn Valley products (e.g. wide-mouthed jars). Imported products include Samian, South Spanish and South Gallic amphorae, Central Gaulish colour-coat, and mortaria from North-East Gaul/Kent. Amongst these Romanised fabrics was a very small quantity of coarsely-tempered handmade wares.

Locally-produced mortaria account for most of the vessels in this class, most of these being Wilderspool products. Of the imported mortaria, the Verulamium region accounts for a greater proportion than Mancetter-Hartshill, which is the second most common type. This pattern too is unlike that from the previous excavations, as is the presence of early mortaria from North-East Gaul or Kent. Both these trends indicate that there is more 1st- and early 2ndcentury pottery from this site, since during the second quarter of the 2nd century, the occurrence of mortaria from Verulamium decreases in the North-West (e.g. Carrington 1981), while the numbers from MancetterHartshill increase (Hartley 1992, 43). Of imported finewares Samian is the most common, mostly South Gaulish, with some Central Gaulish colour-coat, and possibly beakers from North Gaul and Köln. Locally-produced colour-coated vessels or mica-dusted vessels never make up a significant proportion of the assemblage, although some of the self-coloured red tablewares equal or slightly exceed the quantities of Samian. By far the greatest proportion of the fabrics are the reduced kitchen wares, making up nearly 60% of the total assemblage. Buffwares (mostly flagons) account for just over 5%, with amphorae at under 1%, of which those from Baetica carrying olive oil dominated. 71

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 11: Coarsewares 1. Narrow-mouthed jar (19) 2. Dolia (19) 3. Lagena (12) 4. Narrow-mouthed jar (16) 5. Handled jar (16) 6. Necked jar (19) 7. Narrow-mouthed jar (19)

8. Everted-rim jar (24) 9. Beaded jar (19) 10. Beaded jar with combed decoration (19) 11. Beaker with white-painted rings (9) 12. Wide-mouthed jar with triangular bead (16) 13. Wide-mouthed jar with rounded bead (16) 14. Wide-mouthed jar with flanged rim (16)

72

Wilderspool: Appendix 3

Figure 12: Coarsewares 15. Dish with reeded flange (16) 16. Dish with reeded flange (16) 17. Bowl with reeded flange (19) 18. Bowl with grooved flange (20) 19. Bowl with plain flange (16) 20. Bowl with plain flange and burnished lattice (19) 21. Dish with triangular bead (20)

22. Bowl with stubby, grooved flange (16) 23. Imitation Dr.37 bowl with rouletted decoration (19) 24. ?Imitation Dr.37 bowl (16) 25. Imitation Dr.29 bowl with burnished lattice (19) 26. Beaded bowl (19) 27. Tazza (16) 28. Flared bowl (19)

73

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 13: Mortaria 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35.

Mortarium with long slightly curved flange (40) Mortarium with bunched-up flange (40) Mortarium with hooked flange (39) Mortarium with hooked flange (39) Mortarium with long pointed flange (36b) Mortarium with long flange (36b) Mortarium with slightly curved flange – whiteslipped (35)

36. Mortarium with curved, grooved flange – redslipped (35) 37. Mortarium with with grooved incipient collar – red-slipped (35) 38. Mortarium with incipient collar – red-slipped (35) 39. Mortarium with collar – red-slipped (35) 40. Mortarium with incipient hammerhead (37)

74

Wilderspool: Appendix 3

Figure 14: Oxfordshire Ware colour-coated flagon dating to after c.AD 240

The assemblage composition suggests a strong reliance on local sources for the greater part of the ceramic repertoire, chiefly from Wilderspool itself, providing a comprehensive range of products. Of the imported wares, earlier types predominate over later ones, such as Verulamium over Mancetter-Hartshill for mortaria. BBl is present in forms datable up to the late 2nd century, but never dominates the coarsewares, which would be expected in assemblages dated after c.AD l40. Imports in general would probably dominate a north-western assemblage from the 3rd century onwards (Webster, 1991). However, one

must be careful of over-generalising about tradepatterns, especially if the extent of military presence or influence is uncertain. While many of the forms have been listed for the Wilderspool wares, no attempt has yet been made to show the relative output of different wares or the variation in size of the vessels. Out of the 207 vessel equivalents in Wilderspool fabrics from this site, over half (54%) are greywares while only a third (33%) are the self-coloured redwares. White-slipped wares account for only 6%, colour-coat, mica-dusted 75

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ Table 6: Incidence of Fabric Groups for the 1993 sites by weight (in grammes), sherd count and eves, with percentage (based on eves) Fabric Group

Weight (g)

Count

Eves

% (eves)

1. Wilderspool

1392

193

6.2

1.7

2. Nene Valley

245

54

0.49

0.1

3. Central Gaul

11

7

0.05

0.01

4

1

0

(0.01)

5. Wilderspol Red

390

23

1.59

0.4

6. CPW Red

170

20

0.89

0.2

7. Wilderspool Grey

216

8. Fine Grey

10

1

0.06

0.02

9. Wilderspool Red

4172

487

12.95

3.5

10. CPW Red

1646

125

6.9

1.9

11. Wilderspool Grey

86

4

0.12

0.02

12. ? Midlands

3453

174

1.64

0.5

13. CPW

6996

482

3.92

1.1

14. Verulamium

3296

215

3.47

0.9

15. Eggshell

1

1

0

(0.01)

16. Wilderspool

28231

3888

68.93

18.8

17. CPW

3865

445

15.6

4.3

18. Fine

3026

292

9.3

2.5

19. Wilderspool

37465

4706

112.44

30.7

20. CPW

7119

639

25.24

6.9

21. Black-slipped

6173

782

26.07

7.1

22. BB1

14882

1807

35.88

9.8

23. BB1 VARIANT

140

8

0.39

0.1

24. Local

2946

318

10.87

3

25. Fine

430

45

0.99

0.3

26. Grog-tempered

716

40

1

0.3

27. Calcite-gritted

136

22

0.3

0.08

28. Quartz-termpered

18

2

0

(0.01)

Colour-Coat

Glazed 4.? Holt Mica dusted

White slipped

Buff/White

Red

Grey

Handmade

76

Wilderspool: Appendix 3 Fabric Group

Weight (g)

Count

Eves

% (eves)

29. Quartzite-tempered

232

29

0.71

0.19

30. Sandstone-tempered

52

2

0.17

0.05

6349

898

10.8

2.9

32. Baetican

63980

1284

2.13

0.6

33. South Gallic

1170

17

0.15

0.04

34. ?Cadiz

616

26

0

(0.01)

35. Wilderspool

8207

195

4.28

1.2

36. CPW

1900

36

0.84

0.2

37. Mancetter-Hartshill

1333

37

0.49

0.1

38. ?Midlands

656

19

0.16

0.04

39. Verulamium

2333

30

0.99

0.3

40. North-East Gaul/Kent

828

12

0.25

0.07

41. ?Rhineland

86

1

0.14

0.04

Total

214947

17367

366.4

100

Samian 31. Samian Amphorae

Mortaria

and mortaria making up the rest. Even if many of the sherds have lost their white slip or colour-coat and been mis-assigned, it is unlikely that the figures would be much different. This does suggest that

the output at Wilderspool is roughly even between reduced and oxidised products, which is not that surprising.

77

Appendix 4: the Woodworking Plane by W Manning

to judge from the X-ray photographs, c.0.5cm wide; unfortunately the fragile state of the plane prevented this area being completely cleaned. The wooden stock was attached to the sole by four vertical rivets, three of which survive at least in part, although only Rivets 1 and 3 may have been almost complete. Rivet 4, at the toe of the plane, was in an area where a large amount of wood survived effectively concealing any remnants of the rivet, but the point at which it penetrated the sole is clearly visible on the X-ray photographs. One pair are c.15.8cm (Rivet 1) and 6.4cm (Rivet 2) behind the mouth; the other pair are 4.2cm (Rivet 3) and 13.1cm (Rivet 4) in front of it. The rivets were some 0.8cm in diameter with large round heads, c.1cm or more in diameter, but now much broken.

The most notable iron find was the woodworking plane, which is a very rare example and in a fragile state because of cracking and corrosion (Figure 15; Plate 8). The ������������������������������������������ plane was conserved in the Department of Archaeological Sciences of the University of Bradford by Yannick Minvielle-Debat and the author is greatly indebted to her for allowing me to use the notes which she prepared at that time. Without her work this report would not have been possible. The body of the plane, the stock, was made of an undetermined species of wood which was attached to an iron sole by four vertical rivets, of which three survived. A rectangular mouth allowed the edge of the plane iron to project through the sole. The sides of the stock were strengthened and protected with iron plates, which do not appear to have been welded to the sole, held in place by three rivets which ran horizontally through the wooden body. The slightly tapering plane iron was set at an angle to the sole and probably had a straight or slightly convex edge.

Fragments of very thin side plates were found during conservation in the central section of the plane. They did not appear to have been attached to the sole, but to have stopped some 1-1.2cm above it. They extended for 14cm on one side, with a maximum height of 2.3cm, and 13.5cm with a maximum height of 2.2cm on the other (measured from their base line which was c.1cm above the top of the sole). Their chief function was to reinforce the wooden stock at the point where the mouth for the plane iron cut through it. The plates were held in place by rivets (horizontal rivets 1, 2 and 3) which ran horizontally through the stock. 1 and 2 are adjacent to the vertical rivets Nos 2 and 3, each being placed on the side closest to the plane iron and 3.2cm from it, although since the iron sloped they are not symmetrical about the mouth itself. A third horizontal rivet lay immediately in front of the plane iron and was probably designed to hold this in place, with a wooden wedge, fragments of which were observed during conservation, pushing the iron forward against the rivet. Horizontal rivet no.1 is c.3cm above the upper surface of the sole, and its ends were clearly attached to the side plates. There was no evidence to suggest that these plates continued beyond the central part of the plane and the absence of horizontal rivets associated with Rivets 1 and 4, confirms that the side plates did not extend that far. The ends of the plates, as they were defined during conservation, appeared to slope down, although the edges were so irregular that this cannot be regarded as conclusive. However, it may be noted that the side plates on the plane from the 1890 Silchester hoard (Evans 1894, 151, fig. 18), although in reality less

The wood of the stock survived only in places, in particular in the area of the side plates. Originally it will have run the full length and width of the plane iron. Its height is uncertain. The vertical rivets which attached it to the sole survived to a height of c.3.5cm; two (Nos 1 and 3 ) appeared to have retained their heads, although that on rivet 3 was detached. If these reflect the original thickness of the stock, as they should, it is almost improbably thin for a plane of this length. The Goodmanham plane, which is similar in size to the Wilderspool tool and has an almost perfectly preserved ivory stock, is 8.4cm high including the sole (Long et al 2002, 14), while the tops of the rivets of the Verulamium plane, which will have been flush with the top of the stock, are 6.6cm above the base of the sole (Manning in Frere 1972, 166). Unfortunately the condition of the Wilderspool plane prevents our being absolutely certain that the rivets were complete and it is possible that the stock was thicker than they suggest; the length of the plane iron (21cm) would support this suggestion. The question must be left open. The iron sole is 35.8cm long, 4.2cm in width, and 0.8cm thick. The ends are turned up, the more complete one for some 1.1cm. The mouth for the plane iron is c.16.2cm from the toe of the sole and is 3.0cm long and, 78

Wilderspool: Appendix 4

Figure 15: The Woodworking plane

79

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Plate 8: The Roman woodworking plane after conservation (see Figure 15).

regular than they appear in its present restored state, also stop some way short of the ends of the stock.

that a ridged face would hold the iron more securely against the front face of the mouth.

The blade is the only part of the plane which had to be made of iron. During conservation a fragment of thin iron sheet was found behind, and covering the bottom 3cm of the plane iron. Yannick MinvielleDebat, who was responsible for the conservation of the plane, suggested that this could have been the remains of an iron face on a wooden wedge used to hold the plane iron in place, but such a facing would not appear to have been normal in Roman planes; perhaps it had been inserted to thicken a wedge which had become worn with use.

Working with a plane of this type would have been made considerably easier if it had handles or grips of some kind. More recent wooden planes of this size often have a wooden handle on the top behind the iron (Mercer 1960, 105, figs 99-101), but Roman planes appear to have had handles cut into the stock itself. This is clearly seen in the Goodmanham plane where handles were created by cutting rectangular slots through the body of the stock in front of and behind the mouth creating grips at the top of the stock which were shaped to make them more comfortable for the hand (Long et al 2002, 13). The fact that the side plates of the Wilderspool and the Silchester planes (Evans 1894, 151, fig. 18) appear to have been confined to the centre of the stock suggests that they too had handles of this type.

The iron is 21cm long, and tapers slightly from its edge, where it is 2.6cm wide, to the rounded top which is 2.3cm wide. It is clear from the X-ray photographs that the top is more severely corroded than the bottom 4.5cm, probably as a result of the protection afforded by the wooden stock during the decay process. The edge is damaged and might at first sight appear to be that of a moulding plane, but closer examination of the X-ray photographs suggest that it was originally either straight or slightly convex as are many Roman plane irons (for example, that from Usk (Manning et al 1995, 249, no. 15; fig. 75, 14)). Unfortunately the fact that the iron was loose when the plane was found makes it impossible to be certain of its original angle in the stock. The front face of the iron was not smooth but had a series of ridges running along its longer axis. Their function is not obvious, unless it was felt

Discussion Roman planes of this general type are not common discoveries. �������������������������������������� A number of planes are known from the Continent, mainly from Germany and Holland, with two smaller examples from Pompeii. Since their inclusion in this discussion would substantially lengthen it without affecting the conclusions they have been omitted. For the details of these planes the reader is referred to Greber, 1956; Goodman, 1964; and Gaitzsch and Matthäus, 1981.������������������������� In Britain, in addition 80

Wilderspool: Appendix 4 to the Silchester and Goodmanham planes already mentioned, other, less complete examples are known from Verulamium and Caerwent. All have an iron sole upturned at toe and heel with vertical rivets to hold an organic, doubtless usually wooden, stock. The most complete is that from Goodmanham, with its unique and exceptionally well-preserved ivory stock (Long et al 2002). It differs from the Wilderspool plane in not having side plates or the horizontal rivets which held them in place, in only having three vertical rivets, two behind the mouth and one at the toe, and in having a cross-bar behind the plane iron, which was set at an angle of 65° +/- 1°. The Silchester plane is almost identical to that from Wilderspool, save that the rivets or cross-bars which run between the side plates are set immediately in front of and behind the plane iron, and in having the side plates welded to the sole (Evans 1894, 151). The other British planes are less complete. Only the iron sole and four vertical rivets survive of the Verulamium plane, and one cannot tell if it ever had separate side plates or not (Manning in Frere 1972, 166). The two planes from Caerwent are very similar (Newport Museum). One has four rivet holes in the sole and retains the iron which is set at an angle of c.60°, which is probably not too far from its original position. The other retains the iron, but this is now separated from the sole and largely concealed in a mass of corrosion, as are all but one of the rivet holes in the sole. Short lengths of the bottoms of vertical plates at the centre of the edges suggest that it too originally had side plates, which, as with the Silchester plane, were welded to the sole.

34cm, Goodmanham 33cm, Caerwent 2 31.2cm. With the exception of the Verulamium plane, their widths all fall within a range of c.5cm. Such planes equate with the modern jack-plane which is normally used for comparatively rough work such as shaping wood or removing saw marks before a finer plane is used (Hayward 1960, 29). Where the date of deposition of these planes is known it was in the late Roman period, and the evidence suggests that the Wilderspool plane is of similar date, for it came from a building (Number 37) the demolition levels of which produced six coins dating from AD 318. The Verulamium plane was in a deposit dating from the period AD 280-315 (Frere 1972, 166), the Silchester plane came from a hoard deposited in the latter part of the 4th century (Manning 1972, 236), and the Goodmanham plane from the upper fill of a ditch which may be dated to the late 4th century (Long et al 2002, 13). The date of the Caerwent planes is not known, but, since the excavations rarely reached the earlier levels of the city, a late Roman date is probable. However, it would be unwise to assume that such planes were late introductions into Britain. Two small planes are known from Pompeii which was destroyed in AD 79 (Museo Nazionale Naples), and at least one and possibly as many as four plane irons are known from the Flavian fort at Newstead (Curle 1911, 281, pl. LIX, 2 & 15, and two unpublished in the National Museums of Scotland). The late dates of the British planes are typical of many types of iron tools which appear for the first time in late Roman contexts, often in hoards. As so often, absence of evidence should not be taken as evidence of absence.

Their lengths are as follows: Verulamium 40.5cm, Caerwent 1 35.8cm, Wilderspool 35.8cm, Silchester

81

Appendix 5  Iron

by I Rogers and A Thompson

The iron objects found in the 1993 excavation are listed in Appendix 1. They comprise numerous nails and bolts, hobnails and studs, large rings, knife blades and a skate blade, a hook, an arrowhead, a ring-headed lynch pin, a ligula, a lamp handle, a clamp, a chisel, and a hammer haft and head. Other

less certainly identified objects may have been a stylus, a latch, a hinge or bracket, a horseshoe, and an adze. Iron objects were found throughout the excavated sequence, but particularly in contexts dated to Phases 5 and 6.

Appendix 6  Copper alloy by G Dunn

A total of 33 copper alloy objects of possible RomanoBritish date was recovered from the 1993 excavation (Appendix 1). They were found throughout the excavated sequence, but more frequently in the later Roman phases. They included decorated pins, a vessel rim, a mirror fragment and studs, including two with a design of Victory winged and standing in the prow of a ship, from late 1st-century military aprons (Figure 16). Another stud had a cup-shaped head filled with the remains of red enamel decoration (Figure 17). Other military equipment included a decorated harness clip of the type used by the Roman cavalry, probably in the 2nd century AD (Figure 18),

and a decorative leaded bronze finial, probably from the brow band of a soldier’s helmet of the late 1st century AD (Figure 19). There were two lock bolts from tumbler locks (Figure 20). There was also a terret, used to guide the reins of a horse, designed for attachment to a cart or wagon, found in a Phase 7 context (Figure 21). The brooches represented included two fragments of a penannular brooch, a badly corroded T-shaped winged bow brooch, a probable part of a plate brooch, and a triangular object which may have

Figures 16-21: Artefacts 82

Wilderspool: Appendix 6 been the catch plate from another brooch. Two trumpet brooches of the early 2nd century (Figures 23 and 24) were found in a Phase 2 context. A long pin from the same phase was probably part of another large brooch. A headstud brooch can be dated to AD 50-200, but was found in a Phase 6 context. Also residual in this phase was a Polden Hill brooch of the late 1st or early 2nd century (Figure 22). A knee brooch of the 2nd or 3rd century was found in the same context; it was tinned to give it the appearance of silver (Figure 25).

There was also a pair of tweezers, probably part of an individual’s personal hygiene-set or chatelaine (Figure 26). The most unusual copper alloy object was the traction hook. This medical instrument had a hook at the end (now missing) to hold open the edge of a wound or a flap of skin. The diamondpatterned decoration served to give a firmer grip (Figure 27). It dated to the 1st or early 2nd century AD, but was found in a Phase 6 context.

Figures 22-29: Artefacts 83

Appendix 7 lEAD

by I Rogers and A Thompson

The lead objects found in the 1993 excavation total 106 artefacts (Appendix 1). The majority (84) are essentially waste items, there are eighteen tubular weights and four more unusual objects. The items of lead waste comprise 46 fragmentary spills or dribbles, suggesting that lead melting and casting were occurring in the excavated area or nearby. There are also 35 fragments of lead sheet, waste offcuts from the manufacture of sheet lead items, such as window leads and roofing. Two sub-rectangular bars and a small fragment of lead wire or rod are also waste items.

This is a well-known and common artefact type. These examples are divided into two sizes: smaller types averaging 10g in weight, suitable for clothing and light-weight nets; and larger types weighing an average of 140g, used for fishing and birding nets. The unusual objects comprised a small hemispherical weight, a wedge of unknown function, a broken handle from a lead vessel, and a stud, perhaps designed to repair a holed or cracked pottery vessel. No significance can be attached to the range of contexts in which lead was found.

The eighteen lead weights were made by rolling strips or squares of lead sheet around cords or rods.

Appendix 8 gLASS

by I Rogers and A Thompson

Approximately 70 fragments of vessel and window glass were recovered from contexts throughout the excavated sequence (Appendix 1). The window fragments were of pale blue or blue-green glass. The vessel glass included a jar lid, bottle fragments including a handle and a neck, and bowl fragments.

The bowls which could be dated were from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. A fragment of a possible perfume rod was also found. There were also three blue melon beads and a green spacer bead (Figure 28).

Appendix 9 bone and stone by I Rogers and A Thompson

There was one object of worked bone found. It was a domino with three dots marked in each half. It was found in a post-medieval context and is not datable. Only a small assemblage of animal bone and shell was recovered, because of the soil conditions.

Six stone objects were found, including a whetstone, found in a medieval context (Figure 29) and three quern fragments.

84

Appendix 10 slag by G McDonnell

Approximately 25 kilograms of metalworking residues were examined, and samples of soil from six contexts were analysed by magnetic susceptibility for the presence of smithing debris. The slags were visually examined and the classification is solely based on morphology. In general slags and residues are divided into two broad groups; diagnostic and non-diagnostic slags. The diagnostic slags can be attributed to a particular industrial process. These comprise the iron-working slags, i.e. smelting or smithing slags, and the non-ferrous residues, e.g. crucibles. The non-diagnostic residues cannot be directly ascribed to a process, but may be identified with a process by association with diagnostic residues, e.g. clay furnace lining with smelting slag.

which was shown by X-ray fluorescence analysis to be iron-based, 0.326kg of slag of an intermediate nature between smithing slag and cinder, 0.061kg of melted glass, 0.053kg of burnt stone and 0.012kg of coal. Also among the assemblage was 0.209kg of corroded copper alloy objects (these were found by X-ray fluorescence analysis to be copper-tin alloys, possibly with a small amount of lead), and 0.052kg of corroded iron objects. Two samples were taken from each of the six buckets of soil, and these samples were tested by magnetic susceptibility for the presence of smithing residues (namely magnetic hammer scale formed during forging operations). Had any residues been present in the samples, a high magnetic susceptibility would have been noted. However, all twelve samples tested showed “background” levels of susceptibility, and thus do not appear to have come from areas where smithing had taken place.

The largest part of the metalworking residue consisted of smithing slag, weighing 16.139kg in total. This smithing slag was dark grey in colour, dense, vesicular and often had reddish-purple vitrification on some surfaces, or iron oxide concretion, and there were 15 complete or nearcomplete examples of plano-convex hearth bottoms. Some also had reacted in parts with the lining of the smithing hearth to form a vitreous mass. The vitrified hearth lining formed the second most abundant component of the assemblage, weighing 7.952kg. In appearance it was similar to the smithing slag but less dense and its broken edges were much glossier than those of the smithing slag, and some specimens had unreacted hearth material adhering to them in the form of orange-red or grey fired clay (amongst the assemblage was what appeared to be a rectangular tile that had possibly been part of a smithing hearth). Some were also developed a plano-convex in shape possibly due to slumping of the lining during heating.

A total of 18kg of smithing slag and cinder and 8kg of hearth lining was recovered from 100 contexts. Only five contexts contained in excess of 0.5kg of smithing slag. The total of smithing debris and its wide distribution indicate that the slag is the dispersed “background noise level” of slag observed on many sites. The majority of the cinders are derived from the smithing process. Analysis of the material therefore shows that iron smithing was taking place in the vicinity, despite the lack of smithing residue in the soil samples. There was no evidence for iron smelting. The quantity of hearth lining recovered was large in relation to the quantity of smithing debris. This indicates that other high temperature processes then iron-working were being carried out in the area.

The remainder of the assemblage consisted of material not attributable to any particular operation. This consisted of 1.528kg of vesicular grey cinder

The slags and hearth bottoms are listed by context number in the archive.

85

Appendix 11 ceramic building material by G Lucas

The Romano-British ceramic building material recovered from the 1993 excavations comprised imbrex, tegula, brick, flue-tile, box-tile, and daub, some of it with wattle impressions (Table 7). Much of this material was found residually in medieval or

post-medieval layers. The Roman period deposits contained examples in all phases, but there was a greater concentration in the later Phases 5, 6 and 7. They included a Holt tile from a Phase 2 context. There were also notable groups of daub in Phase 2.

86

Table 7: The ceramic building material

87

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

88

Wilderspool: Table 7

89

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

90

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Archaeomagnetic Study of Contexts 85/86 and 87 at Greenall Whitley Brewery: A programme of Research carried out on behalf of Gifford and Partners by GeoQuest Associates (unpublished report).

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Index of Figure-Types on Terra Sigillata. Gregg Press Ltd.

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The Roman road and the River Regime: archaeological investigations in Westminster and Lambeth. London Archaeologist 7 (14): 359-70.

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98

HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION D.J. GARNER with contributions by H COOL, G LUCAS and M WARD

PREFACE

The Roman establishment at Holditch, in Staffordshire, is situated approximately 1km to the south of the Roman fort at Chesterton. Like that fort, to which in all probability it is closely related in origin, the Holditch settlement sits astride the great northward arterial road-system – known today as King Street – west of the Pennines, and heading, via the newly discovered fort/settlement at Middlewich, for the then lowest fording-point of the River Mersey at Wilderspool, near Warrington, in Cheshire. The excavations at Holditch revealed that this settlement was located at a junction of this great road with another road, that appears on alignment-grounds, to be heading for either the Roman fort/settlement at Whitchurch or for the civitas capital at Wroxeter (at the outset, of course, itself a legionary fortress); or quite possibly for both of these places. The report makes several mentions of the fact that King Street also linked Holditch to Rocester and Derby, in an east-south-easterly direction. A glance at a road-map of Roman Britain will, however, also introduce another, as yet unproven, probability: that Holditch was at or near another important arterial road which headed south for either Penkridge or Wall. Indeed, it is my contention that that ‘missing link’ was in fact a more important section of the ‘Road North’ than was that to and from Derby. Be that as it may, however, the essential point to grasp is that Holditch benefited – and indeed probably resulted – from its location at a road-junction, near a fort, on one of the most important (if not the most important) westerly north-south communication routes in Roman Britain. In these circumstances, therefore, it is hardly surprising to find that archaeological excavation at Holditch has revealed a primary phase of activity of apparently short-lived and somewhat ephemeral structures which have all the hallmarks of initial Conquest-period temporary military occupation, in all probability associated closely with the construction and primary occupation at the fort of Chesterton, literally just down the road. In view of what was to follow at Holditch, this activity – as is so often the case, without any conclusive dating-evidence – is ascribed to pre-Flavian military activity: and perhaps belongs best with the first phases of the ClaudioNeronian advance to the North-West. But, that said, this could fit equally well into an early Flavian context – the one that would lead Roman Arms northward, not for the first time, across Cornovian territory, across the Mersey and, ultimately, to the North. This earliest activity at Holditch is followed by the construction of a substantial stone-built enclosure. This enclosure may be associated in some way with an annex of the Chesterton fort nearby. More interestingly, it appears to have been associated with the local manufacture of quantities of coarseware. In the combination of these two elements – enclosure and pottery production – is seen a striking similarity to the well-known, probably closely contemporary, legionary works-depot at Holt, near Chester. It is thus argued that this second phase of activity belongs with a Roman Army works-depot of mid- to late Flavian date. In this, it reflects and follows on from what might best be described as mid- to late Flavian consolidation of occupation and control in the North-West. In this, too, Holditch compares well with what was going on at Wilderspool in the same period: rapid development consequent on the provision of logistical support to the northward-moving Army. The next phase of activity at Holditch is dated to the Trajanic-Hadrianic period (c.100-c.130/140), and consists of a fundamental change in the nature of occupation. The putative military works-depot enclosure appears to have been cleared away and was replaced with a well-appointed stone courtyard-building, with associated bath-house and, perhaps, even a small temple. Furthermore, adjacent to these buildings, a series of strip buildings, aligned at right-angles to the road, attested to ribbon-development. The strip buildings are reminiscent of those discovered at Middlewich, Wilderspool and even Walton-le-Dale, and it is suggested that, as at those places, the Holditch examples may have been workshops. Associated with them, the above-mentioned well-appointed buildings may represent a mansio complex. All this – as at Middlewich, Wilderspool and Walton – may represent a high-point of economic prosperity and activity closely related to military logistical provision. By c.150, however, the erstwhile boom-town had begun to contract. This process at Holditch is marked by 101

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ widespread rebuilding, but of an altogether more utilitarian quality. It appears that the settlement had contracted in size back to one lining only the main north road. This took place as a result of the inevitable shift northward, out of this region, of military logistical supply. By c.160 most of the hitherto developed area of the settlement at Holditch to the west of the main-road had been abandoned altogether. To the east of the main road much less substantial and evidently relatively impoverished, occupation continued down to the mid- to late 3rd century, but may only have been agricultural. The relatively rapid rise and decline of the settlement at Holditch can be related closely to the northward shift of military logistical supply. In this, it is so reminiscent of Wilderspool and of the evident phase of demilitarisation at Middlewich in c.130/140. The evident high-point of logistically-based activity at Walton, further north, in c.150 is compelling support for such a northward logistical shift in the train of the Army. A number of important questions are posed concerning the advent and nature of Romanitas at such settlements. T J STRICKLAND Director, Gifford December 2006

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Acknowledgements

Gifford would like to thank Independent Energy for their support of the Holditch archaeological works and in particular this publication. Our thanks also go to Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council and Staffordshire County Council for the provision of publication grants. Further support and assistance was gratefully received throughout the Holditch project from Bob Meeson, Chris Wardle and Chris Welch of Staffordshire County Council. Delyth Copp of the Newcastle Museum Service helped greatly with access to the archives and information related to earlier archaeological investigations in the site area. This publication has been prepared as a reconsideration of the information obtained from a number of excavations and incorporating the results of fieldwork led by Ian Rogers for Gifford. Hilary Cool (glass finds), Gavin Lucas (pottery) and Margaret Ward (decorated samian) kindly provided finds assessments as well as overviews of the material from the earlier excavations. Yannick Mienville-Debat provided specialist artefact conservation and advice. The illustrations for this publication were prepared by Gill Reaney (plans, sections and plates), Gavin Lucas (pottery) and Tim Morgan (artefacts).

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Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 1: Site Location plan

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ction

Chapter 1  Introdu

GEOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY

The site of Roman Holditch first came to light in 1956 when Roman pottery was discovered during the construction of a factory on the site of Holditch Farm. This prompted a series of excavations and monitoring visits to be undertaken by Professor J M T Charlton (between 1957 and 1961) in response to the development of the area as a small industrial estate attached to a major road-widening scheme. The site was interpreted as an industrial settlement populated by an artisan group working with the military, stationed a quarter of a mile to the north at the Chesterton fort. Wacher, in Small Towns of Roman Britain (1990), placed the site in a class of settlement which included Wilderspool (Cheshire) and Walton-Le-Dale (Lancashire). Until 1994 little further archaeological work was undertaken on the site, whereupon Gifford were appointed to carry out a rescue excavation on Spencroft Road in response to new factory development. The excavations were directed by I Rogers and the results began to challenge the accepted interpretation of the settlement’s nature and function. Subsequent small-scale evaluation work and watching briefs added a little more to the picture, but the chance to explore an area using controlled excavation did not come until 1998. The development of a former car-parking area led to Gifford again being commissioned to implement a scheme of archaeological works, ultimately leading to the discovery of a stone-founded courtyard building. This report is intended to summarise the evidence so far retrieved from Holditch and to highlight those areas which will most benefit from future analysis. It should, however, be remembered that the interpretations offered below are only provisional.

The Roman site of Holditch is located on the northwest edge of Staffordshire just to the west of the A34 and 2km north of Newcastle-Under-Lyme, centred at NGR: SJ 8380 4820 (Figure 1). The site is situated in a shallow valley along which ran the watercourse known as the Ashfield Brook (until industrial developments of the 1950s and 60s). To the north of the site the land rises for a distance of c.1km reaching a summit at Chesterton, where the remains of a Roman fort of Flavian date have been recorded (Goodyear, 1976). 350m south of the Chesterton fort and north of the site at Holditch a second rectangular enclosure was identified at Loomer Road in 1960. This enclosure was heavily truncated, but may have been a second fort, tentatively dated to the Flavian/ Trajanic period (Ball, 1962). Within the Roman road network Holditch lies at the north-western end of the road from Derby (Derventio) via the fort at Rocester (Margary 1973, 309-10) and at the south-eastern end of the road to Wilderspool (Warrington) via the fort at Middlewich (Salinae) (Margary 1973, 302-3). To the south at Trent Vale a series of archaeological excavations have revealed a Romano-British pottery kiln and some Romano-British military small finds. The solid geology of the site is that of the coal measures, a resource that could have been exploited by the inhabitants of the Roman settlement. The drift geology comprises a series of clays with a high ferrous iron content which has had a highly corrosive impact on the artefacts/ecofacts from the site. The clay is also of a quality that would have been suitable for pottery manufacture.

105

cavations

Chapter 2  The 1957-61 ex

The work was conducted by Prof. J M T Charlton from the Department of Classics at the University College of North Staffordshire, using extramural students from Keele, and the findings from this programme of investigations were published in the North Staffordshire Journal for Field Studies in 1961 and 1962. Charlton’s trenches were set out using a square grid method labelled by a letter and a number, the intention being to establish the line of the new Roman road (running at right angles south-west from the main Derby to Middlewich road, in this report referred to as the Wroxeter Road), the extent of the settlement and its function. In this quick resume of Charlton’s findings, the trenches have been divided into four zones: Zone 1 comprising all of the trenches to the west of the Ashfield Brook; Zone 2 the trenches between the Ashfield Brook and London Road, but to the south of Charlton’s Wroxeter Road; Zone 3 the trenches between the Ashfield Brook and London Road, but to the north of Charlton’s Wroxeter Road; and Zone 4 to the east of London Road (Figure 2).

recorded was a substantial stone wall 0.79m wide which had been robbed to its footings and was exposed for a length of 4.26m. Interestingly, no cross-walls or associated floors could be linked to this structure, but the excavation produced large quantities of tile and brick (including hypocaust tile), fragments of window glass, a stone column-base (cut for insertion of a wooden railing) and a fragmentary centurial stone. Charlton recorded that stratification was imperfect but that the wall appeared to be Hadrianic (AD 117 – 140), while a rough cobbled floor nearby was thought to be Trajanic and to overlay an earlier culvert. The pottery from the trench ranged from the Vespasianic to Antonine periods. Trenches G1-5 were excavated in the vicinity of site A to trace the extent and alignment of the substantial stone wall foundation, which was confirmed in trench G1 giving it a length of at least 9m. The projected wall alignment should have been confirmed in trench G4, but the presence of a farm culvert at this location prevented proper excavation. Trenches G3 and G5 yielded nothing and trench G2 contained worked stone and tile, but no cross walls or floor surfaces.

THE WROXETER ROAD The principal feature to be uncovered was a substantial road, aligned north-east to south-west which Charlton believed may have led to Wroxeter (Viroconium Cornoviorum). The foundations were excavated into natural clay reaching a width of 7.3m and constructed of large sandstone blocks (tipped in the centre) subsequently covered by a shallow layer of chippings and gravel beaten to form a surface 6.7m wide. Charlton records that the road had been resurfaced three times, as well as having localised repairs, one such consisting of a deposit of iron slag 50mm thick that appeared to have been laid hot, as it had fused to form a solid mass. The uppermost surface produced Samian pottery that was dated to the Hadrianic/Antonine period. At each side of the road was a gutter 0.45m wide.

To the north-west of Charlton’s site A Roman archaeology was identified by a Mr Redfern during the installation of a cable at the Metanodic works in 1966 a low stone wall associated with Roman pottery was uncovered. Also north-east of site A during the erection of a pole to carry power lines, a pavement made up of little coloured tiles (a mosaic?) was located (Charlton, 1961).

ZONE 2 Trenches D24-6 revealed evidence for a rectangular red sandstone floor, which was exposed for a length of 6.4m and was aligned at right angles to the road, with the edges bounded by a probable beam-slot, containing the charred remains of timber (oak). This floor was covered by a layer, which also covered the fill of the roadside gutter, and produced tegulae, collapsed sandstone and mid-2nd century pottery. This was interpreted as an abandonment level and indicated that the last Roman occupation in this area had been a timber building abandoned by the mid-2nd century.

ZONE 1 Zone 1 included site A (excavated in 1957), a rectangular shaped excavation aligned north-south, approximately 9.1m wide and 13.7m long, divided into a grid of 12 box trenches. The principal feature 106

Holditch: The 1957-61 Excavtations

Figure 2: Excavated areas in Zones 1-4, shown in relation to the projected lines of the Roman roads An earlier phase of building lay beneath this, represented by a sandstone floor at right angles to the road, at least 1.8m wide and 3.65m long. This was built on a sand clay surface, which contained a corroded iron spearhead (254mm long), 1st century Samian ware and Trajanic rusticated ware. Box trenches D28-9 revealed another floor surface composed of pebbles and mortar packed onto a layer of clay and a linear slot cutting across this floor on another building, this time consisting of post-holes set at 2.4m intervals and a clay floor sealed by a layer of stone collapse. This structure had been erected over a backfilled well comprising a square shaft 6.7m deep, which contained a timber lining consisting of four vertical corner posts holding in position horizontal oak planks (1.22m x 0.1m x 0.04m) of wedge-shaped section. The cavity behind the timber lining was packed with puddled clay and the primary backfill of the well consisted of waterlogged deposits containing Flavian Samian ware and mortaria, quantities of leather, much vegetable waste, and bones of pig, sheep and fowl. The top of the backfill contained Hadrianic pottery.

Trenches D32-7 (roughly 30m south of the street frontage) appeared to be located in yard areas to the rear of these properties, characterised by occupation debris, small pits, and a lack of any structural evidence. There were no buildings in trenches I4-7 since the road was laid on a massive apron of clay extending 12m along the road and 5m to the south of it. This clay apron sloped down to a pebbled cambered pathway revealed in trenches N6 and O6, which diverged from the road and headed towards trench D27 (possibly representing the line of a side alley). A single posthole 0.15m in diameter was recorded in trench N6 indicating the presence of a timber structure. Trenches N8-9 produced evidence for a succession of four/five oven bases, each built on a circular floor of large pebbles set in clay. Ovens C and D were still covered by a hard baked clay dome and were interpreted as baking ovens due to the absence of evidence for iron smelting or pottery production and the presence of several querns. The floors of the ovens were not sunk below ground level and there 107

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ thought to be late 3rd or 4th century (Barker et al. 1998, 27), raising a question about the dating of the Holditch example. It is worthy of note that the Holditch building was the last structure to be occupied in trenches IS21 prior to the formation of the abandonment layer, and this area also produced an East Gaulish Samian vessel dated early to mid-3rd century. As with the Wroxeter example the Holditch building was associated with manufacture represented by the oven described below and a combined shop/workshop function seems likely.

was no evidence for a sunken stokehole, whilst the sides were constructed of clay reinforced on the outer circumference by roughly laid sandstone courses. Trenches N11 and 12 produced evidence for timber buildings and trenches N28 and 29 contained a large stone packed post-hole and a hearth. Trenches I-S 19-22 and I-O 24-25 were excavated covering a total area of 241 square metres, Charlton records that the work was hampered by poor weather including snow, with trenches I19-20 suffering from flooding that destroyed archaeological remains. The whole excavated area was covered by a destruction layer containing worked stone, roof tile fragments, nails, and a single early 3rd century Samian vessel (from trench O22). Charlton felt that this deposit indicated that the building had been abandoned and left derelict.

In trenches O-S21 were the remains of a stokehole and clay domed oven. The stokehole and oven were lozenge-shaped and were uncovered for a length of c.2.7m, apparently having been set into a laid clay floor surface that post-dated stone floor I and was overlaid by stone floor II. To the east of the building in trench S22 was the remains of a small clay hearth, adjacent to which was a complete lava quernstone, again both were set into a laid clay floor surface. The oven and quernstone led Charlton to suggest that the building may have been a food shop or eating house.

The complete plan of a building (thought to have been an open-fronted shop) was located in I-S21, This building had a verandah and was located behind the roadside gutter that had been built up by several floor levels. A succession of two floor surfaces within this building were constructed from laid sandstone blocks (floors I and II), above which a pebble surface (floor III) was laid in the verandah area. At the front of the verandah a surface of substantial stonework (floor IV) was laid, possibly representing an external pavement area, and this produced a coin of Trajan. The roadside gutter was also overhauled at this time, being given a pebble lining on its base and the pebble surface of the verandah was partially covered with a rectangular clay surface. The buildings’ side walls were indicated by two lines of post-holes cut into floor surface II (suggesting an irregularly shaped building c.10m long and 4.2m wide), while the front wall was represented by the remains of a daub wall and a doorpost. Two internal post-holes may have indicated the line of a partition wall, or may have acted as roof supports in a line with the doorpost on the front wall line. Floor II sealed a layer that produced Samian pottery dated AD 100-120 and above this floor surface Samian pottery dated AD 125-150 was recovered.

ZONE 3 Trench D21 produced evidence for an area of sandstone paving (1.4m wide) adjacent, and parallel to, the northern roadside drain. To the north of this was a floor surface constructed from a fine pebble crush that extended north into box D20 (giving it a length of c.6m) and which contained a small hearth. This floor was sealed by the abandonment layer evidenced to the south and overlay a deposit containing Flavian Samian, shaped stone, and iron-working waste. An earlier pebbled floor lay beneath this deposit and also produced evidence for a hearth containing burnt matter. Trenches D19-18 contained a similar area of sandstone paving to that in trench D21, c.5m long and covered by an abandonment layer, which contained charred oak covered in painted wall plaster and Antonine pottery. This sandstone paved floor surface was also encountered to the north in trenches D17-16, being separated from the first area by a linear beam slot (0.35m wide and 0.33m deep) aligned parallel to the road, presumably representing a partition wall. The second area of paving was at least 7m long, though archaeological deposits further north in trenches D15-14 had been destroyed by a modern sewer trench, thus obscuring the floor’s original extent.

Interestingly, a parallel to this building in both shape and dimensions exists from excavations on the baths basilica site at Wroxeter (Barker, P et al 1998). This comprised a post-hole structure (10m x 3.5m) described as a bow-sided building that would have had a hipped roof, within which were three floor areas composed from fragments of tile, cobbles and clay. These floor areas were considered to demarcate internal partitions within the building. The Wroxeter building was found to overlie two earlier structures of the same type that were associated with an industrial pit complex, thought to have been used for tanning or fulling. Although not firmly dated, the building was

Trenches D12-2 produced further evidence for timber structures with associated clay floors that produced mainly 2nd century pottery. In trenches D12 and 7 108

Holditch: The 1957-61 Excavtations these clay floors had hearths containing coal cinders and in trench D6 there was a stone wall on a similar alignment to the road, having a threshold marked by a socket for a door pivot. Trench D2 produced no structural evidence and may indicate an external yard area to the rear of the property.

To the south of the furnace was pit A, a square feature (1.5m x 1.5m x 1.35m) cut into sandstone bedrock. The fill contained a Hadrianic coin and was characterised by obvious silt lines suggesting that it had contained water. Adjacent to this was pit B, slightly more shallow and containing a coin of Vespasian.

It is regrettable that no complete building plan was obtained from the earlier phases of Charlton’s excavations as this negates any meaningful comparison with contemporary structures from other sites. However, to the south-east of the road it seems likely that the various floor surfaces recorded between trenches D24 and D29 represent occupation within a single structure and possibly indicate internal partitions. This would support a rectangular strip building with a length of at least 20m and a minimum width of 8m, constructed using the post-in-beam-slot method. To the north of the road the continuous length of floor surface recorded between trenches D21 and D15 again suggests a rectangular strip building at least 25m long and at 10m wide, constructed using the postin-beam slot method. These buildings appeared to overlie occupation of Flavian and Trajanic date and were sealed by an abandonment level containing Antonine pottery. Buildings of this type are paralleled in early phases at Wroxeter (Barker et al. 1998, 57) and are interpreted as artisans’ houses/workshops due to their open façades and associated ovens. At Walton-Le-Dale (Lancashire) similar strip buildings have been recorded of Hadrianic and Antonine date, also having open façades and associated ovens (I Rogers, pers. comm).

To the north of the furnace was an area 3.65m long and 1.5m wide that was covered with worked sandstone blocks. Charlton felt they had the appearance of having been dumped for building rather than of collapse or flooring surface. Pit C lay to the north of this and was filled with clean sand. To the east of the A34 a line of box trenches was excavated along the line of the Wolstanton golf course. Charlton summarised that: trench M3 contained a pit, trenches M9-11, 15, 17 and 29 were disturbed and showed traces of timber structures, and trenches M34 and 35 contained evidence for a well-laid stone floor. The pottery from site M included colour-coated ‘Caistor ware’ and 3rd century mortaria. Site R did not feature by name in Charlton’s interim reports, but is referred to in a pamphlet prepared for the Keele University archaeological classes in 1960, where it is clearly shown as a continuation to the south of the line of trenches known as site M (Charlton 1960, unpublished). The pamphlet states that site R produced a very substantial and well-mortared wall, 0.6m wide and at least 11m long, dated c.AD 120125 by a sherd of Samian ware recovered from the foundations (form Drag. 37). In 1962, and presumably referring to the same site, Charlton states that southeast of pit B, intersecting the golf course boundary, were the stone foundations of a building measuring 42ft 6ins (13m) by 24ft (7.3m). This building was described as having an internal clay floor and finds from the foundation trench are listed as including fragments of burnt Samian forms (Drag. 38 and Drag. 27) of Hadrianic/Antonine date. Mysteriously no further mention is made of this substantial structure and no record of it survives in the site archive, there is no explanation for why Charlton gave this find such minimal attention.

A line of box trenches were excavated across the valley c.300m to the north of the Wroxeter road, but no evidence of occupation was found. Charlton took this to be due to the valley being marshland until the 19th century when it was covered by an extensive tip of ash.

ZONE 4 A detailed watching brief was undertaken during the widening of the A34, which consisted of the removal of soil to a depth of c.3m by mechanical excavators. The main feature recorded was a furnace with a floor of hard fired red clay, 1.65m long and 1m wide, which was surrounded by a wall of puddled clay 0.3m in height. A flue or stokehole was represented by an opening 0.6m wide, associated with worked sandstone blocks. The furnace floor was covered in a thick layer of charcoal, above which was the collapsed clay dome and fragments of tile, a large quantity of iron slag and some Barytes ore was scattered around the furnace.

UNZONED The only evidence for the work related to site V comprises a section drawing and plan in the archives (labelled Holditch, summer 1967, V6) held at the Museum, Newcastle-under-Lyme. The plan indicates a trench containing several floor surfaces, a section of stonewall, and a line of four post-holes. The finds recovered include two coins, glass, Samian and coarse pottery, and nails. There is no indication of where this trench was located, why it was excavated or by whom. 109

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ARTEFACTUAL SUMMARY

7 The Flavian well also produced objects of leather including studded soles, stitched hems from a tunic?, fragments from a bucket?, several 3” square patches, and pieces of strips on which were bronze buttons or studs (a military apron?).

Charlton’s finds summaries are rather uninformative as the provenances for key objects and illustrated material are not given. Returning to the primary archive is of little additional use as many of the original finds are no longer present and the objects have degenerated into an unstratified assemblage. However, some artefacts are referred to in Charlton’s site narratives, whilst others remain significant despite their unprovenanced nature. The most significant finds, in terms of functionality and indications on the status and occupants of the site, are:

Unprovenanced 8 Three stone ballista balls still housed in the Newcastle museum weighing 963.9g, 1020.6g, and 1190.7g. The weights of these objects are fairly consistent and might be argued to fall within the accepted calibres identified by Schulten at Numantia (Bishop and Coulston 1993, 55), the closest calibre being 2 mina (872g). The fact that the Holditch examples are slightly over-weight might argue for them being unfinished discards.

Site A 1 Amongst the Samian is listed a rouletted cylindrical cup (form 30), interpreted as an inkwell dated c.125 AD.

9 Part of an iron grid (fire grate), which is on permanent display at Newcastle museum. 10 Four stamped lead weights

2 The centurial stone mentioned in Charlton’s narrative has recently been revisted by Tomlin (forthcoming) who suggests that it reads ‘)-CA’ translated as ‘century of Ca[…]’, Ca… being the first two letters of a centurion’s name.

SUMMARY Charlton’s work at Holditch effectively defined the northern, eastern and western limits of a substantial 2nd-century Romano-British settlement, with a previously unknown main Roman road forming its central focus. The nature of the settlement was characterised by small-scale production including iron-working and baking, that may have been associated with shop-type structures fronting onto either side of the main road. Charlton also located parts of several stone-founded buildings associated with architectural fragments, such as column drums and bases that may have indicated higher status residents. However, many questions about the site were left unanswered and these issues formed the core aims of the excavations undertaken in the 1990s.

3 A complete column base, with the slots cut to accommodate railings, is significantly similar to the find from the 1998 excavations to suggest that they may be derived from the same building. 4 An iron stylus inlaid with copper bands.

Site D 5 An iron spearhead. 6 Animal bones from pig, sheep and fowl (mainly small) recovered from the Flavian well. This represents the only animal bone recovered from Roman Holditch.

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cavations

Chapter 3  The 1994 Gifford ex

The 1994 excavation comprised an 800 square metre area centred on National Grid Reference SJ 840 484, that was located c.120m to the north of Charlton’s site A and c.130m to the south-west of Charlton’s site D. The excavation revealed four phases of Roman occupation.

building was also aligned on the trackway, at least 2.5m wide and 7m long, the timber post-pads (110 and 42) possibly indicating the locations of central roof supports for a single storey building.

PHASE I

A third timber building was evidenced to the north of the trackway represented by building slot 124, suggesting a rectangular structure aligned northsouth, 8m long and at least 3m wide. Within this building partition walls were implied by post-holes 111, 147, and 149 and by slots 108 and 157. The northern half of this building had been subsequently furnished with a clay floor (79) into which had been set a succession of domestic hearths.

PHASE III (c.AD 120-140)

This phase consisted of linear features respecting a north-south and east-west alignment, all of which were characterised by a complete lack of artefactual evidence. Possibly the earliest feature identified on the site was a linear ditch (46) aligned east-west with a ‘U’-shaped profile (1.5m wide, and 1m deep) that had been re-cut once. To the south of a later trackway were a series of shallow linear gullies (144, 142 and 87) thought to be drainage gullies related to the occupation of building plots.

To the east of the building were several pits containing quantities of domestic refuse. The largest of these (72) was a circular feature 4m in diameter and 0.9m deep, which was interpreted as a cesspit or latrine that had been backfilled with refuse once it had fallen into disuse. The second smaller pit (35) was again circular, with a diameter of 1.7m and a depth of 0.95m. The lower fill (32) of this pit had the appearance of sandstone blocks forming a lining to the sides and base of the cut. This lining led to the feature being interpreted as a storage pit possibly for grain or similar perishables. To the north of this pit was an oven (25) comprising a sub-rectangular structure of sandstone blocks bonded in a red firehardened clay (26).

PHASE II (80-120 AD) Towards the centre of the site was a metalled trackway or street aligned south-west to north-east, which overlay a linear drainage gully (0.44m wide and 0.3m deep). The trackway comprised a lower surface of angular sandstone fragments (97), over which was a surface of rounded cobbles (83). Aligned along the southern edge of this trackway was linear gully 71 (0.3m wide and 0.3m deep), which had steep sides and a flat base, interpreted as a roadside drain. To the south of this drain was a yard surface (88) constructed from small rounded sandstone fragments, which was cut by the foundation slot (86) of a rectangular timber building. This building was on the same south-west to north-east alignment as the trackway, 4.5m wide and at least 4m long. Within the building was an area of fire-reddened flat sandstones (21) interpreted as a domestic hearth.

At the northern end of the excavation were a group of post-holes (3, 4, and 162) that formed a north-south alignment and presumably indicate the location of a timber structure.

PHASE IV (c.AD 140-160) It is uncertain whether the trackway (83) was still in use during this phase of the site and its general alignment does not seem to have been respected by any of the linear features or the timber building allocated to this phase. However, either side of this track were substantial spreads of angular cobbles (11 and 77), which may have been the remains of floor surfaces to buildings fronting onto the trackway.

To the north of the trackway archaeological features were only fragmentary, but curvilinear gully 153 may have indicated the corner of a building slot of a rectangular building similar to that represented by slot 86. At some point this was superceded by a second timber structure represented by foundation slots 109 and 43 and by post-pads 110 and 42. This second 111

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 3: Phases 1-4

112

Holditch: The 1994 Gifford Excavations To the north of cobble spread 77 were a line of post-holes (50, 48, 54 and 75) set within a linear slot (185/175/52) on a north-south alignment. This formed one side to a rectangular building, another side of which was evidenced by building slot 177/181 aligned east-west. This building was at least 8m long and 4m wide, being interpreted as an agricultural building due to the presence of linear fencelines and ditches to both the north and east. The north-south aligned linear feature 76 was interpreted as a ditch that may indicate a property boundary.

1995). Only those objects thought pertinent to the understanding of the Roman site are detailed here. 1 A silver coin of Mark Antony (31-44 BC). Diameter 19mm. SF no. 321.6768.117 2 A silver stud with a flat disc head. Diameter 17mm. SF no. 322.6768.97 3 A copper alloy finger ring, with a circular cup head, which may have held a gemstone or enamel. Diameter of head 16mm. SF no. 314.6768.76. 4 A copper alloy lock bolt fragment. Length 36mm. SF no. 319.6768.96.

ARTEFACTUAL SUMMARY (1994) The small finds

5 A fired clay phallus. Length 205mm. SF no. 312.6768.75 (Figure 4).

by A Thompson Full details of the small finds from this excavation are provided in the unpublished archive report (Gifford,

Figure 4: Fired clay phallus 113

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The pottery

Decorated forms d) Drag. 37: i) ovolos very abraded; panelled with wavy-line border; bird (similar to O.2267) over cupid (O.406); couple (O.C); bird (similar to O.2237) over naked man (O.646); couple (similar but definitely not the same as O.D – perhaps the original of which Oswald’s is the copy?) South Gaulish, Domitian Trajan (Figure 5.1; context 1/SF no. 304). ii) ovolos very abraded; panelled with wavyline border; indistinct leaping animal over a pair of naked men (similar to O.646, but reversed); couple (O.374); indistinct leaping animal (same) over indistinct figure; basal wreath of acute chevrons. South Gaulish, Domitian Trajan (Figure 5.2; context 1/SF no. 304). iii) panelled decoration with Hercules slaying the Hydra (O.786) between two St Andrew’s cross motifs. iv) zoned decoration with winding tendril over arced festoon. v) ovolos over St Andrew’s Cross motif.

by G Lucas The Samian (Figure 5) All the Samian appeared to have a similar fabric – a very soft, smooth orange-pink matrix, with moderate irregular fine white flecks, and very sparse mica. The red-brown slip rarely survives to any appreciable extent on the sherds, which were quite badly abraded, obscuring the decoration on several pieces. This is almost certainly all Flavian from South Gaul, also evidenced by the vessels forms and more particularly the figures on the decorated sherds. Details of vessels are given below (figure type numbers refer to those in Oswald, 1964): Plain forms a) Drag. 18 (Flavian; contexts: 1, 77, 136). b) Drag. 18/31 (Domitian-Trajan; contexts: 11, 74, 76). c) Drag. 36 – but without or worn away barbotine scrolls; internal base groove (Domitian; context 12).

Figure 5: The Samian

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Holditch: The 1994 Gifford Excavations

The Coarsewares (Figure 6)

This confirms the general pattern which sees BB1 making a first appearance in the early decades of the 2nd century, but only really becoming abundant in the Hadrianic period (i.e. after c.AD 120 – Webster, 1991; Gillam, 1976). It does not, however, dominate the assemblage, which one might expect in an Antonine assemblage, a fact which further supports the date of site’s decline from c.AD 140.

Phase II and III The earliest surface of the metalled street (97) contained a fairly abraded assemblage with numerous fabrics represented, but predominantly fine vessels; more particularly, a glazed sherd (probably from Holt), globular beaker and imitation of a Drag. 29, all suggesting that the earliest use of the metalled street occurred sometime between AD 80 and 120, while a reeded bowl (Figure 6.7) which dates to the early 2nd century AD gives a terminus post quem for the re-surfacing of the street (83). The material from this second surface shows a much stronger presence of kitchen wares, slightly less abraded and all falling within the early 2nd century AD.

With regard to the range of vessels present, there is a much wider contrast between Phase II/III and IV. Expressed as a percentage of the total assemblage in each phase (based on eves), several main changes can be identified. First, the complete absence of carinated bowls in Phase IV after a very high representation; this dearth seems related to the rise in particular of flat-rimmed bowls in Phase IV, which are all in BB1 and which ties in to the change identified with fabrics above. Second, jars – specifically necked jars – show a marked decline in Phase IV; the only other corresponding rise is for flagons which show a huge increase in the later phase along with amphorae. Indeed, most of these flagons are very large and were perhaps more for storage than tablewares, which might relate to changes in site use and which may also be linked to the disappearance of drinking vessels (beakers and cups) in Phase IV.

The fills of a refuse pit (18/6) contained a range of slightly abraded kitchen wares (mostly jars, but also a flagon, probably from Verulamium) which are early 2nd century – the presence of BB1 suggests a Hadrianic date rather than any earlier (c.AD 120-140). A cesspit which was recut/backfilled with refuse (47/102) includes similar material (including a flagon and BB1) and again a Hadrianic date is the most likely. Many of these contexts lie over earlier features which have little or no pottery and it is likely therefore that most of the ceramic activity and dates fall into Phase III; There is no certain evidence of pre-Flavian pottery at all on the site, though there is certainly late Flavian (Domitian)-Trajanic, especially through the Samian, and this would suggest a late 1st century date for the start of Phase II, which ends before the middle of the 2nd century.

In summary, the range of vessels in Phase II/ III shows a good domestic assemblage, with, if anything, a greater than expected emphasis upon the consumption of drink and food – high numbers of drinking vessels and fine bowls/dishes (especially Samian); by Phase IV, while there is still a high number of bowls/dishes, the range is more restricted and there is an increased emphasis on the storing and preparation of food (amphorae, huge flagons and lids).

Phase IV

Discussion

A cobbled surface sealing Phase I buildings contained abundant pottery (77), again particularly kitchen wares – jars, amphorae, flagons; forms which suggest a mid-2nd century date (AD 140-160), supported by the increased presence of BB1. Samian ware is present, but represents residual or curated vessels on account of their Flavian form (Dr. 18). A similar range, though less informative, comes from the post-holes of the large building (e.g. 47, 75).

Phases II/III (particularly the latter) with the metalled street and associated buildings appears to have the most concentrated period of activity on the site; and has been dated on the basis of ceramics to between c.AD 80-140. Thereafter, the site is possibly given over to agricultural activities and the ceramic evidence suggests that this probably did not continue for more than a couple of decades, after which the site was abandoned. This agrees with Charlton’s dating, which also suggests that the focus of activity shifted north-eastwards over time, closer to and on the other side of the main Roman road between Wilderspool and Derby and along which the fort at Chesterton is located (Charlton, 1961).

Summary of Phases II-IV Most of the fabrics in Phase II/III occur more or less with equal frequency in Phase IV – with a few notable exceptions. Looking at the coarsewares there is a very clear increase in the percentage of BB1 amongst coarsewares in Phase IV, linked to a relative decline in the local fabrics.

The proximity of this site to the fort and its early date does indicate some link between the two. It is 115

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Lower Street Surface (097) – Carinated bowl with reeded rim. Pit (114) – Carinated bowl with reeded rim. Pit (047) – Carinated bowl with grooved rim – waster? B-Horizon (074) – Flat-rimmed bowl. Pit (018) – Globular necked jar. Post-hole (075) – Globular necked jar. Upper Street Surface (083) – Bilobed jar.

14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

B-Horizon (074) – Neckless jar. Upper Street Surface (083) – Jug. Post-hole (082) – Devolved Ring-necked Flagon. Pit (018) – Necked jar. Cobbled Surface (011) – Ring-necked Flagon. Unstratified – Mortarium with makers stamp. Topsoil (001) – Mortarium.

Figure 6: Coarsewares 116

Holditch: The 1994 Gifford Excavations suggested that the whole settlement had primarily an industrial function, at least on the eastern side, while the western part was non-industrial in character. The presence of at least one waster, while suggesting that pottery may have been made in the settlement, does not, however, imply a kiln within the present excavation area – in fact, given the more industrial character of the eastern part and the find of a possible saggar there, any kiln is more likely to lie on that side (Charlton 1962, 64).

this regard, not only because of its high quantity, but because erotic scenes are depicted on some of the vessels (Figure 5.1-2); further sexual associations are found on the jug with the moulded phallus (Figure 6.15) and the clay phallus found in a post-hole (Figure 4) (though this occurred in a Phase IV context). The site in Phase IV was possibly given over to an agricultural use and the ceramics certainly support a change in usage of some sort, away from its earlier recreational function.

The pottery from the excavation, which lies in the western part, suggests that at least in Phases II/III, a recreational function is quite probable; perhaps an inn, a brothel or some public house serving food and drink. The Samian is particularly interesting in

The tile Amongst the building material recovered from the excavation were fragments of half-box tile usually associated with hypocaust heating systems and indicative of a high status building in the vicinity.

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Chapter 4  The 1997-98 Gifford excavation

INTRODUCTION

Stratigraphic Narrative

This excavation area was situated c.240m to the south of London Road, believed to be the Roman Middlewich-Derby road, running from Middlewich through the forts at Chesterton and Rocester and onwards to Derby. The site was excavated in two adjoining sections (Area A and Area B) and on the basis of ceramic and stratigraphic evidence has been divided into five phases of Romano-British occupation:

Phase 1A Sealed beneath a layer of mottled green-brown silt containing occasional sandstone fragments (4), concentrated in the south-east of the site, were the earliest Romano-British features, comprising a timber slot-constructed building and two seemingly unrelated post-holes. The slot-constructed building lay in the eastern corner of the site and extended beyond the area of excavation, so its full extent was not established. The feature comprised a narrow, 430mm wide slot with a U-shaped profile, cut to a depth of 150mm and filled with a firm orange sand-clay containing no diagnostic finds. This slot formed approximately half of the ground plan to a sub-rectangular structure with an eastern projection, which may have formed a further room or annex.

Phase 1 Early Flavian Comprises an industrial phase and a simple timber-slot structure Phase 2 Late Flavian (c.AD 80) Comprises the construction of a military style stone founded structure and its double ditched enclosure. Phase 3 Early 2nd Century Comprises the construction of a courtyard building of stone with cobbled courtyard.

The post-holes varied considerably in size and shape. The smaller of the two (80) was situated in approximately the south-east corner of the site and comprised a circular plan form c.660mm in diameter,

Phase 4 Mid-2nd Century Comprises the dismantling of part of the courtyard structure and its replacement with a wooden post structure, together with a subsidiary timber and post building. Phase 5 3rd/4th Century Comprises the construction of a substantial ditch.

Phase 1 Introduction The early occupation of the site comprised two periods of activity divided by a layer of redeposited natural, dating to the pre-Flavian and early Flavian. These phases are contemporary with the construction and short-lived occupation of the fort at Chesterton. The period is characterised by the construction of two furnaces, possibly utilised in metalworking, a post-hole and an ephemeral timber slot-constructed building.

Figure 7: Phase 1 118

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations cut to a depth of 200mm. It had a sharp break of slope and a concave base containing a fill of almost 50% charcoal together with ceramics, glass and some iron slag (81). The larger post-hole was situated in the north of the site and comprised a sub-circular cut with gradually sloping sides and a concave base c.380mm deep (127). The post-hole contained a fill of browngrey silt-sand with a concentration of sandstone fragments forming a core at its centre (70). These were clearly packing stones for an upright timber member, which judging by the nature of the post-hole fill was allowed to rot in situ.

Situated to the east of the site was a large sub-circular post-hole with a concave base, 450mm deep, with a diameter of 900mm (128), truncated on its upper edge by linear feature 142 dated to the tertiary phase of the site’s development. The post-hole was filled with a grey-brown clay-sand which, given the homogeneity of the deposit, appears to be the naturally occurring silting of the feature (129). The proximity of the post-hole to oven 10 and its stratigraphic sequence suggests that it may have formed part of the oven’s superstructure. The second oven (109) lay towards the centre of the excavation and was heavily truncated by a later pit and stone wall foundation. The oven was only identified in section, cut to a depth of c.420mm with straight vertical sides, measuring 480mm in width. It was filled with four distinct deposits, the earliest of which comprised an olive-brown firm sand-clay, which contained no coarse components and was clearly a layer of silt accumulated in the base of the oven (112). Overlying the silt was a dark brownblack layer comprising 5% charcoal, animal bone and undiagnostic Romano-British ceramics (108). This layer was clearly a burnt horizon within the oven, probably representing the final usage of the feature as a oven. Sealing the burnt horizon was a 275mm thick layer of dark brown plastic silt-clay, which contained no coarse components and appears to have been a deliberate deposit of clay, either to partially fill the oven hole or to regulate the heat of the burnt horizon below (111). The oven contexts are sealed by a c.400mm thick layer of mixed brown siltclay containing some sandstone fragments (147).

Adjacent to and contemporary with the larger posthole (127) was a layer of grey-brown-green silt-clay situated in the south-west corner of the site (110). It contained charcoal flecking and fragments of animal bone, which indicated it was a disturbed layer of natural, probably serving as a surface during this primary period of occupation.

Phase 1B This phase was divided from the preceding phase by a layer of trampled and re-deposited natural (3 and 4) which extended the full width of the eastern, lower section of the excavation area and sealed all of the earlier contexts. Following the abandonment of the structures represented in the earlier pre-Flavian phase was the installation of two adjacent ovens (10 and 109) and a post-hole possibly associated with complex 128. The larger and more complex of the ovens was cut through both the earlier surface (110) and the later layer of occupational debris (4) and was situated in the corner of the site so that its full extent and nature could not be determined. However, it was determined that its depth was c.300mm and it contained a series of fills. The primary fill was a very dark grey siltclay, which contained undiagnostic Romano-British ceramics and had a level upper surface (132). This layer was capped by a surface of sandstone blocks and cobbles which had been flattened on their long axis, which formed their upper surface (131). It was evident that the lower fill (132) had been deposited in order to level the base of the oven for the installation of the oven bottom (131).

The specific function of these ovens was not established, as there was little in the way of industrial residues in the vicinity of either of the features and a 10 litre sample processed for palaeoenvironmental remains produced negative results. It is possible that these features were used for purely domestic purposes, such as bread ovens. However a small amount of iron-working slag was recovered from the site, which together with the inclusion of animal bone in the ovens may hint at a more industrial purpose than the preparation of foodstuffs.

Phase 2

The upper fill of the oven comprised a brown friable sand-clay containing a quantity of tile fragments mixed with charcoal flecks and some sandstone (130). Given the inclusion of a substantial quantity of tile in the upper fill it is probable that the oven had a tile roofing structure, which collapsed into the oven once it was abandoned. The collapse and abandonment of the oven structure (130) was dated, through ceramic evidence, to the mid-1st century/early 2nd century.

Introduction This phase of the site’s development is dominated by the construction of a stone-founded building, the establishment of a double-ditched boundary and a series of pits and post-holes. The phase is sealed by a cobbled floor surface of the succeeding structure and therefore is sharply defined in the stratigraphy of the site. 119

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Stratigraphic Narrative

On the basis of their stratigraphic relationship, two parallel ditches have been interpreted as contemporary with this structure. The ditches are situated 6.5m west of structure 137 and lie in parallel with each other and the military style wall foundation. Both of the ditches (22 and 23) have straight sides and a U-shaped base and are filled with a red-brown clay-silt containing building materials and fragments of sandstone (43 and 44). They measure 300mm in width and extend for a distance of c.4m across the site.

Situated along the north-eastern side of the area of excavation was a substantial stone wall foundation cut to a depth of c.860mm into the natural. The foundations profile had even gradually sloping sides, which terminated in a completely flat base, 600mm wide, as opposed to the upper width of 1m (137). The foundation was filled with tightly packed sandstone fragments, which were securely bonded in a yellow-brown clay matrix (84). The defined profile of the foundation cut, its depth and the structured approach to the foundation infill all suggest that it was constructed to support a stone wall.

The ditches traverse the site on a north-south alignment and are truncated by structure 114 and surface 13 at their southern ends, which date to the following phase. Projecting from the eastern face of later structure 114 is a similar sized linear ditch, which on the basis of its stratigraphic relationship is probably contemporary with the ditches and may in fact represent a return (142).

A corner of the structure was revealed by the excavations (Gifford, 1998) and was linked with two sections of stone foundation exposed during the evaluation and extending north-south across the site for a distance of at least 22m. The section of the foundation exposed during the evaluation of the area had a small stone-founded attachment, which protruded westwards from the wall and may have been some form of buttress. A combination of the evidence collated through the various investigations over the last five years suggests that the structure was of a substantial size and respected the known Roman road aligned north-east to south-west (discovered by Charlton).

The solitary ditch is situated in the south-west corner of the site and truncates oven 10 in this corner and is truncated by a later stone-founded wall (114). Its dimensions are very similar to the ditches set against the west side of the excavation trench (43 and 44), although it was filled with a grey clay-sand which contained occasional charcoal flecks (143). The similarity between the two sets of ditches may suggest that they served as an enclosure boundary, demarcating the periphery of the plot in which the stone foundation (137) was set. In addition to the main features associated with the structural configuration of the site, there were two further pits/post-holes identified as contemporary with this phase on the basis of their stratigraphy. Together with structure 137, these features underlay a cobbled surface (28) dated on the basis of ceramic evidence to the early 2nd century. The larger pit was situated close to the stone-founded structure in the east of the site and comprised relatively steep sloping sides and a U-shaped, uneven base cut to a depth of 630mm (context 85). The feature contained two fills. The primary fill was a green-orange plastic clay with sandstone inclusions and fragments of undiagnostic Romano-British ceramics (87), and the upper fill was a pale brown mottled deposit of silt with occasional clay lenses (86). The nature of the fills and the size of the feature suggested that it had functioned as a posthole with a quantity of backfilled natural in the base. Situated at the centre of the excavation area was a second, much smaller, perfectly circular feature, 400mm in diameter (15). The feature only survived to a depth of 200mm and was distinguished by its postpacking content, which included half of a column base set in a brown silted matrix (16). The post-hole, as it has been interpreted, was apparently unrelated

Figure 8: Phase 2

120

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations to any of the other features of this period. However, given the shallow nature of the post-hole, it is evident that the area has been heavily truncated by later phases and that features associated with the posthole have been removed by the subsequent activity.

Summary of Phase 2 The nature of the site clearly changed during the second phase of development. The insubstantial timber-framed structure of the earlier occupation was replaced by a far superior structure which, on the basis of the construction techniques, has been identified as probably military in origin. In addition to the change in the status of the occupation of the site, there appears to be a need to define plots and reinforce status through the establishment of property boundaries. This suggests that there was an increase in the population of the site and the social complexity of its inhabitants. This phase coincides with the peak of activity at the Chesterton fort and therefore, given the military nature of the structure, probably represents a formalisation of the area’s use by the military, possibly associated with the exploitation of coal. Alternatively the structure may be part of the formalisation of the site as a form of vicus, set away from the walls of the fort.

Phase 3 Introduction

Figure 9: Phase 3

This phase is dominated by the construction of a large stone-founded courtyard building, with a colonnaded portico. This structure would have been large and grand enough to have functioned as a small forum-basilica or Macellum for a civic administration. Alternatively, it could have been the private residence of a high status local official or a high-class mansio.

A second wall (51) was bonded to the east side of wall 50 and was aligned at right angles on a northwest to south-east axis along the southern side of the excavation. The foundation trench (105) was a least 18.5m long, 1.12m wide and 0.64m deep with steep concave sides and an irregular base. Although no upstanding wall coursing remained, the rubble fill indicated the wall line (51) and comprised angular red sandstone fragments up to 0.3m x 0.3m x 0.3m bonded in a green-brown clay.

Stratigraphic Narrative Situated on the western side of the excavation and aligned north-east to south-west was a wall foundation trench (114). This was at least 105m long, up to 1m wide and 0.6m deep, with steeply sloping sides and a flat base. The primary fill (115) was a firm yellow-brown sand-clay containing fragments of sandstone with rare flecks of charcoal and RomanoBritish ceramics. Above this was a single course of well-dressed sandstone blocks (50) up to 0.4m x 0.2m x 0.14m, forming two parallel lines with facings to the east and west respectively. The sandstone blocks formed a wall c.0.65m wide which had a rubble core of sandstone fragments bonded in a sand-clay matrix.

Associated with wall foundation trench 51 was a series of four square pier bases running on the same alignment at roughly 4m intervals, terminating at wall 50m to the north-west. The first was set in a squareshaped cut (144) 1.12m long, 0.96m wide and 0.5m deep. The foundation material (32) within this cut comprised angular red sandstone fragments laid on edge to a height of three courses and bonded in a mid-brown clay. The second base was set within a circular-shaped cut (62) 1.35m in diameter and 0.41m deep. The lowermost fill (118) comprised a clean blue-yellow clay, into which angular red sandstone fragments had been laid on edge one course high (117). The upper fill (context 116) was a dark-yellow 121

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ slot was a sub-circular cut (46), c.0.5m in diameter and 0.4m deep. The fill (45) was a red-brown claysilt containing large blocks of red sandstone (up to 400mm x 400mm x 200mm) which appeared to form a pad for a post setting.

brown silt-clay matrix containing large sandstone blocks, up to 230mm in diameter. Pier base number three was set in a roughly squareshaped cut (120) 1.1m long, 1.02m wide and 0.53m deep. The primary fill (119) consisted of layered bands of alternating olive-green clay and red-brown sandstone brash, containing angular red sandstone fragments and Romano-British ceramics. Above this was a layer of compact olive-brown clay (26) into which was set a large roughly hewn sandstone block (620mm x 540mm x 170mm); this was packed along two edges with smaller angular red sandstone fragments (52). The most western base was defined by rectangular-shaped cut (context 136) which was 2.5m long, 0.78m wide and 0.5m deep. The fill (126) comprised angular sandstone fragments (up to 0.5m x 0.2m x 0.17m) bonded in an olive-green clay matrix and associated with larger roughly dressed sandstone blocks bonded in a mid-brown clay (25).

Summary of Phase 3 This phase is characterised by an attempt to create a large highly Romanised building incorporating decorative architectural elements in stone. That this building was commissioned by Roman authority and possibly built by the military is worthy of consideration and the lack of domestic rubbish from this phase would strongly support an important function. Earlier plot boundaries appear to have been superseded by this building’s construction and the elevated position of the site must have been a factor in its location. The evidence would support a courtyard 30m northeast to south-west and 30m north-west to south-east fronting onto the road heading towards Wroxeter on the south-east side. This side of the courtyard does not appear to have been enclosed, possibly to allow access from the road. The back wall of the building was located c.40m from the road to the north-west and would suggest that the courtyard was enclosed on three sides by a corridor and winged building c.10m wide and 40m long on each wing. The south-west (and possibly the north-east) side of the courtyard was lined with a colonnade of sandstone columns at roughly 2m spacings suggesting a maximum of 15 columns on each side. The north-west side of the courtyard did not have a colonnade, but appears to have had a passage (possibly a covered walkway) leading to an area further to the north-west. No clear indications of the internal layout of the corridor and wings could be ascertained from the surviving archaeology.

On the western edge of the excavation was a roughly rectangular spread of dense cobbling (13) which measured 4.7m long, 2.76m wide and was constructed from a mixture of water-worn cobbles and sandstone slabs. The southern edge of this surface was defined by a linear slot (53) which was aligned north-west to south-east, at least 0.8m long and 0.3m wide. The fill of this slot (58) was a firm red-brown clay containing rare charcoal flecks and sandstone fragments. The gap between the south-eastern end of the slot (53) and the north-eastern end of the wall footing (50) was filled by a sub-circular-shaped cut (66). This was thought to be a post-setting and was 0.75m long, 0.59m wide and 0.26m deep. The fill (67) comprised a circular arrangement of sandstone fragments in a light brown clay-silt, which probably served as packing stones for a timber post. The northern edge of the surface (13) was also defined by a linear slot (74) which was on a parallel alignment to the southern slot (53). The northern slot (context 74) was at least 3m long, 0.4m wide and 0.1m deep, filled with a red-brown silt-clay (49).

Phase 3 marks the economic peak of the site and probably the surrounding settlement. Whether the courtyard building was civilian or military in function is not certain, but an official mansio is a strong possibility. The social complexity of the site and the status of the population would certainly appear to have reached a floruit to have prompted the construction of such an edifice.

The area to the south-east of the cobbled surface (13) and north-east of the wall footings (51) was covered by patches of metalling, which became more wellpreserved towards the north-east corner of the trench. This metalling (28, 59 and 63) consisted of a friable red-brown clay-silt matrix with a high percentage of red sandstone fragments and water-worn cobbles, surviving to a depth of up to 0.3m.

Phase 4 Introduction

On the southern edge of the excavation was a linear slot (65) which lay on a parallel alignment to wall footing 51. This slot was 1.5m long, 0.5m wide and 50mm deep and the fill (64) comprised a soft grey, charcoal-rich, clay-silt. Roughly 3m to the east of this

This phase of the site is highlighted by the dismantling/demolition of the stone-built courtyard building – which is replaced with a timber structure supported on massive stone post pads and an associated timber post-and-slot building. 122

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations

Stratigraphic Narrative

Internal features associated with this building included a post-hole located towards the southern end of the structure. This consisted of a sub-circular-shaped cut (145) c.0.5m in diameter and 0.2m deep, which was filled by a firm brown silt-clay (146). Adjacent to this was a small pit (123) 1.2m long and 0.5m wide which had a brown silt-clay fill (124).

A small rectangular structure was situated towards the centre of the site and consisted of a rectangularshaped slot (138) 0.69m wide and up to 0.33m deep, which formed a building footprint 9m long and 4m wide. The primary fill (100) was a dark brown silt-clay containing angular sandstone fragments, which was sealed by an upper fill (92) composed of a firm redbrown clay-silt containing sandstone fragments and sherds of Romano-British pottery of c.AD 120-150 date. The building was aligned roughly north to south and along the eastern edge a series of three postholes had been inserted at 4m intervals. The first (122) was a sub-circular shaped cut c.0.8m in diameter and 0.5m deep, the fill of which included a large fragment of a lava quernstone. The second (140) was again sub-circular in shape, 0.5m in diameter and 0.44m deep and the fill (139) was a light yellow-brown sand-clay containing small sandstone fragments and Romano-British pottery.

To the south of this structure a series of massive timber post-pads had replaced the stone wall and colonnade to the southern wing of the courtyard building from phase 3. The most easterly of these features consisted of a sub-circular-shaped cut (40) 1.3m in diameter and 0.42m deep. The fill (25) was a red-brown silt-clay containing angular red sandstone fragments, ceramic building material and RomanoBritish pottery. 2.5m to the west was a second subcircular cut (37) which was 1.7m in diameter and 0.38m deep. The upper fill was a dark brown sandclay (38) containing fragments of ceramic building material and beneath this was a second dark brown sand-clay (39) which had gravel inclusions and large angular sandstone fragments.

The third post-hole (135) was also a sub-circularshaped cut, c.0.6m in diameter and 0.38m deep and the fill (134) comprised a firm grey-brown siltclay containing sandstone fragments, charcoal and pottery of c.AD 120-150 date.

A third sub-circular-shaped cut (94) lay 2.7m to the west of 37 and was 1.55m in diameter and 0.4m deep. The fill (93) was a red-brown sand-clay containing

Figure 10: Phase 4 123

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Summary of Phase 4

angular red sandstone fragments. The most westerly of these features was again a sub-circular-shaped cut (75) about 1.8m in diameter and 0.51m deep. The fill (18) was a firm mid-brown silt-clay containing angular red sandstone fragments, charcoal and RomanoBritish pottery dated AD 120-150.

During this fourth phase of activity the status of the site appears to have shifted again. The large postpad features imply that a substantial timber building was erected on the site, but this would still have been significantly smaller than the Phase 3 stone courtyard building. A small rectangular post-in-slot timber building has also been erected in the centre of what had been the courtyard. Domestic rubbish appears to occur far more frequently in nearly every context from this phase, suggesting a civilian domestic use for the structures. The quantities of imported pottery represented in the assemblage suggest a site still closely connected with the Roman military supply network.

The stone wall (50) to the main corridor of the courtyard building may have remained standing during this phase and would have served to form the western wall of the timber post-pad building. Within this composite structure were several structural features, the largest of which was a sub-circular shaped cut (69). This was 2.63m long, 1.49m wide and 0.39m deep, with a brown silt-clay fill (11) containing red sandstone fragments, a large fragment of lava quern and Romano-British pottery dated AD 120150. Context 69 was cut through an earlier feature which appeared as a circular-shaped cut (context 90) 0.22m in diameter and 0.13m deep. The fill (89) was a blue-grey clay with no obvious inclusions.

Phase 5 Introduction

To the east of the large feature (69) was a series of intercutting post-holes. The first (91) was a circularshaped cut 0.5m in diameter and 0.3m deep, with a red-brown clay-silt fill (95) which contained rare sandstone fragments and Romano-British ceramics. Immediately south of this feature was a sub-circular cut (68) c.0.7m in diameter and 0.6m deep. The fill (31) was a mottled green silt containing rare sandstone fragments. Post-hole 68 was cut into the upper fill (99) of another sub-circular-shaped cut (97), again 0.7m in diameter and 0.6m deep. The primary fill (98) was a red-brown clay-silt containing occasional sandstone fragments. Above this the secondary fill (99) comprised a red-brown clay with no visible inclusions. Finally, a sub-rectangularshaped cut (104) was adjacent to context 91, 0.59m wide, 0.59m long and 0.07m deep with a fill (103) of a soft brown silt-clay containing large sandstone slabs and smaller sandstone fragments.

This phase of the site is characterised by a linear boundary ditch which cuts through all the earlier Roman stratigraphy.

Stratigraphic Narrative Situated along the north side of the excavation area was a substantial linear feature aligned roughly north-west to south-east (77). This feature was at least 13m long and ended at the south-east with a rounded terminus. The profile was 4.05m wide and 0.7m deep, with sides sloping at a 45° angle to a flat

Approximately 2m to the south of 97 was another group of intercutting features. The largest of these (34) was a sub-circular-shaped cut, 0.9m in diameter and 0.8m deep. The primary fill (36) was a green sand-silt up to 0.2m thick (35). The uppermost fill (33) was a red-brown sand-silt containing small fragments of Roman building material. A sub-circular feature (54) was cut into post-hole 33 and was 0.4m in diameter and 0.4m deep. The fill (57) comprised a red-brown sand-silt containing Roman ceramic building material. In the south-eastern corner of the site there was another post-hole type feature (73) 0.7m in diameter and 0.24m deep with a fill of mid-brown silt-clay containing angular red sandstone fragments.

Figure 11: Phase 5

124

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations

Stone

base. The primary fill (102) was a compact orange sand-clay containing angular sandstone fragments, small flecks of charcoal and ceramic Roman building material. Above this was a secondary fill (76) comprising a firm yellow-grey sand-clay up to 0.65m thick, containing charcoal flecks and Roman ceramic building material. The uppermost fill was part of a layer (9) which covered most of the excavated area.

1 A spherical object manufactured in local red sandstone, displaying some pecking marks to suggest that it was deliberately shaped and perhaps only partially finished. Diameter 110mm; weight 1,330g. Possibly a stone shot for an artillery piece, the object is just slightly over weight for 3 mina, this being Schulten’s second largest calibre at Numantia (Bishop and Coulston 1993, 55) Context 134. (Figure 13.1).

Summary of Phase 5 This phase is unsecurely dated and may be Roman or later, although it certainly post-dates all of the Roman building phases. The large ditch may actually be part of an enclosure, the terminus implying an entrance and may even be of a defensive nature.

2 A spherical object manufactured in local red sandstone, displaying pecking marks that suggest that it was deliberately shaped and is almost certainly the finished item. Diameter 72mm; weight 420g. Possibly a stone shot for an artillery piece, the weight is almost exactly 1 mina and compares well to Schulten’s smallest calibre at Numantia (Bishop and Coulston 1993, 55). Context 28. (Figure 13.2).

THE ARTEFACTS by D J Garner Iron

3 Mayen lava quernstone. 40% of the upper stone to a rotary quern. Diameter 400mm (Figure 14.3).

A total of 57 iron objects were recovered from the excavation, of which nearly all were round-headed nails of square section. X-radiography indicated two exceptions:

4 Mayen lava quernstone. 45% of the upper stone to a rotary quern. Diameter 410mm. 5 Column base manufactured from local red sandstone. Diameter 460mm. (Figure 14.4).

1 A fragment of a hollow-shafted object. The shaft tapers in width towards the closed end. The solid end is uneven indicating a broken edge. This would appear to be the remains of a hafted implement and although it is tempting to compare it to spearheads from sites such as Newstead, Hod Hill and Corbridge (Bishop and Coulston 1993, 68), it could equally be derived from a more mundane agricultural tool. Context 9. Length 102mm. (Figure 12.1).

Lead 1 A circular cast lead weight. Diameter 30mm.

Fired Clay 1 A rim sherd to a hand-built crucible. Diameter 60mm.

2 An awl. A slightly curved object tapering to a point at one end, whilst having a central perforation at the other. The object is paralleled at sites such as the fortress at York (Cool, Lloyd-Morgan and Hooley 1995, 1594) Context 38. Length 72mm. (Figure 12.2).

Pottery The Decorated Samian Ware by M Ward The abbreviations SG and CG indicate vessels which were produced in South Gaulish and Central Gaulish workshops. ‘Ind’ denotes a vessel of indeterminate form. For other terminology see Bulmer, 1980 and Webster, 1996. A complete catalogue of all the Samian recovered from each phase resides in the archive for research purposes. Here a table and line-diagram are presented to summarise the forms, fabrics and date-ranges of

Figure 12: Iron Artefacts

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Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 13: Stone artefacts 1, 2 and 5

Figure 15: A lead weight

Figure 16: Hand-built crucible

the collection as a whole. Maximum numbers of vessels are given, since the estimation of minimum numbers is difficult and probably misleading in the case of such a collection containing a large proportion of fragments in very poor condition. Indeed, many sherds were in such poor condition as to render it difficult to identify even their area of origin. As much as half of the collection comprised fragments which were of indeterminate form.

Figure 14: Stone artefacts 3-4 126

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations Table 1: Summary of all Samian forms of vessel by fabric (maximum nos) 15/17 SG

1

18 1

18/18R

1

1

18/31R

4

CG Total

18/31

4

27 4

2

2

2

2

Ind 22

29 2

29/37 1

5 4

27

2

1

37

Total

11

36

2

11

13

57

Table 2: Summary of all Samian vessels (maximum 57) by date of manufacture

A total of 90 sherds represented a maximum of 57 vessels. 81% of these were from South Gaul and 19% were Central Gaulish. Table 1 gives details of the forms of vessel represented and Table 2 illustrates their date-ranges. Of the 14 moulded bowls, two or three were of the early form Dr 29. There was also a plain dish of form Dr 15/17, a form which, like Dr 29, was produced generally before c.AD 85. None of these vessels was necessarily produced before the Flavian period. Among the material from 2nd century Central Gaul, at least four vessels including nos 4, 9 and 10 are likely to have been produced at Les Martres-de-Veyre, where production was at its height in the Trajanic period. Sherds of specifically Hadrianic origin in Central Gaul were not identifiable, but this apparent absence may have been a consequence rather of the condition of the material. Five scraps of indeterminate form were produced at some point in the range c.AD 120-200. However, not one of the Samian vessels found during this excavation appears to have been produced after the 2nd century. The decorated bowls listed below have been selected according to their significance for dating purposes or for their contribution to our understanding of the site. Owing to the condition of the collection, no potter’s stamps had survived. Indeed, most of the material consisted of small fragments of extremely abraded rubbish, of which many had lost all surfaces. Even the few larger pieces were in very poor condition and it was therefore difficult to identify signs of wear from use, even among the footrings. Nor were any burnt sherds noted. One vessel, no. 10, had certainly seen repair work, although the drilled rivet hole showed no signs of a metal rivet and it was impossible to say whether the repair had been successful. Phase 1b Context B (4) 1 SG Drag. 29. Four adjoining fragments of extremely abraded decoration whose surfaces have not survived. In the upper zone about the carination of the bowl, a goose pecking to the right (Oswald 1936, type 2226 or similar) may have been set in a panel. In the lower zone, below

Figure 17: Decorated Samian ware 1-2 127

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ the carination, the remnants of spiralling tendrils probably represent a winding scroll. These faint remnants of the decoration suggest a date in the range c.AD 65/70-85. 2 SG Drag. 29. A battered fragment only of a bifid wreath above an indeterminate fragment of decoration c.AD 65/70-85 and probably Flavian. 3 SG Drag. 27. Another badly abraded sherd, showing only a very indistinct ovolo above a fragment of an unidentifiable leafy wreath c.AD 70-90.

as that in Phase 2, no. 4 above. Context B (25) 9 CG Drag. 37. An abraded rimsherd from a bowl in hard orange ware, perhaps from Les Martresde-Veyre rather than from Lezoux. A very indistinct fragment of an ovolo suggests that it may have resembled Rogers 1974, type B 39, which was used by Pottery X-9 in the Trajanic period. The bowl was probably produced in the earlier decades of the 2nd century and it may well have been a Trajanic product of Les Martres-deVeyre.

Phase 2 Context A (23)

Phase 6 Context B(1)

4 CG Drag. 18/31. A rim sherd in an orange-red ware, probably produced at Les Martres-de-Veyre in the Trajanic-Hadrianic period. Another sherd of the same dish was found in a Phase 4 context, no. 8 below.

10 CG Drag. 37. Two sherds of the foot and lower wall of a bowl from Les Martres-de-Veyre. The basal wreath consists of ram’s horns (Rogers 1974, type G376), as recorded for example on a bowl from Chester (Stanfield and Simpson 1990, pl 8.98A). On the larger sherd, above the wreath lies part of a frieze which contains bifid leaves (Rogers 1974, type J171). The smaller, more abraded sherd may have shown the snake-like twigs of a tree as on Stanfield and Simpson 1990, figure 3.5 and plate 9.9 etc., but the remnants are now unrecognisable. However, this bowl certainly represents the style of Potter X-2, who worked at Les Martres-de-Veyre in the Trajanic period. The arrangement of the bifid leaves is similar to that on a bowl from London in this style, illustrated in Stanfield and Simpson 1990, plate 5.45. The Holditch bowl is to be dated c.AD 100-120. The footring is badly abraded and it is impossible to detect if it had been worn in primary use. The smaller sherd has broken at a round rivet hole which bears no evidence of a rivet (Figure 17.2).

Phase 3 Context B (13) 5 SG Drag. 37. Nine wallsherds with zonal decoration, all in very poor condition. They probably belonged to the same bowl as a complete, but very abraded, footring which was also found in this context. Four adjoining fragments display a winding scroll and a basal wreath composed of S-shaped godroons as used by various potters who worked in the Flavian period. In an interstice of the scroll a battered goose walks right (probably Oswald 1936, type 2247). Below stands a composite grassplant, another commonly used motif. The tendrils of the scoll may have terminated in leaves, but these are now unidentifiable. c.AD 70-85/90. Figure 17.1. 6 SG Drag. 37. Four rimsherds including an eroded ovolo showing signs of a rosette-tipped or trifidtipped tongue above a bird facing right (possibly Oswald 1936, type 2232A). These sherds may have belonged to the same bowl as no. 5 above, but this is uncertain. At any rate, a product of the period c.AD 70-100. 7 SG Drag. 37. A badly abraded fragment of a wreath composed of trifid motifs which were commonly used in the Flavian-Trajanic period in basal wreaths. This fragment seems to represent the basal wreath of this bowl and therefore it cannot have belonged to the same vessel as no. 5 above. Probably c.AD 80-100/110.

The Coarsewares by DJ Garner The coarseware pottery from the 1997–8 excavations consisted of a fairly small assemblage of mainly locally produced fabrics, similar to those previously identified from the 1994 excavation. The assemblage was too small to provide any meaningful statistical analysis and has merely served to provide a chronlogy to the stratigraphic sequence recorded. All of the diagnostic sherds have been illustrated to give a flavour of the range and date of the vessels identified in relation to the contexts/phases from which they were recovered.

Phase 4 Context A (23) 8 CG Drag. 18/31. Three sherds from the rim and foot of the same dish of Trajanic-Hadrianic origin 128

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations

Figure 18: Coarsewares

Phase 1B

general form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 250, fig. 114.50.6/7) and is of mid-1st to early 2nd century date. Figure 18.2. 3: Black Burnished ware I, flanged bowl. Gillam type 219 dated AD 120-150 (Gillam 1970, 63). Figure 18.3. 4: Flanged and beaded mortaria, with no visible titration grits remaining. Gillam type 240 dated AD 80-110 (Gillam 1970, 64). Figure 18.4.

1: Greyware, medium mouthed jar. The form is paralleled at Holt (Grimes 1930, 215, fig. 63.61) and is of late 1st or early 2nd century date. Figure 18.1. Phase 3 The cobbled courtyard surface (context 28): 2: Greyware, flanged and carinated bowl. The 129

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 19: Coarsewares 130

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations Phase 4 Abandonment layer, 9.

12 Black Burnished ware I, flanged bowl. Gillam type 221 dated AD 140 to 180 (Gillam 1970, 63). Figure 18.12.

5: Black burnished ware I, flanged bowl. The form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 277, fig. 127.23.4) and is dated to the mid-2nd century. Figure 18.5. 6: Greyware, flanged bowl. Probably of 2nd-century date. Figure 18.6.

Upper fill context 33 of post-hole 34, associated with structure 5. 13 White ware, flanged bowl. The form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 247) and is of mid-1st to early 2nd century date. Figure 19.13.

Post-hole fill, 11, associated with structure 5. 7 Black Burnished ware I, bead rim dish. The form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 283, fig. 130.31.4) and is dated to the mid-2nd century. Figure 18.7. 8 Black Burnished ware I, bead rim jar. The form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 271, fig. 123.8.2) and is dated mid-1st to mid-2nd century. Figure 18.8. 9 Greyware, jar. The base had an X inscribed into it prior to firing, suggesting that this may symbolise a maker’s mark. Figure 18.9. 10 White ware, flanged and carinated bowl. The form is paralleled at Usk (Manning 1993, 247, fig.113.49.3) and is dated mid-1st to early 2nd century. Figure 18.10. 11 Oxfordshire orange ware, jar. The body exhibits a band of trailed white slip decoration in the form of crosses and dots in a repeated design. Figure 18.11.

Post-hole fill, 17, associated with structure 6. 14 White ware, lid. Post-hole fill, 93, associated with structure 5. 15 Orange ware, rough cast beaker, in a Cheshire Plains fabric – possibly of Wilderspool origin. Probably 2nd century. Figure 19.15. Beam slot fill, 100, associated with structure 6. 16 Black burnished ware I, bead rim jar. Figure 19.16. 17 Greyware, lid. Figure 19.17. Context 124 18 Greyware, bowl imitating a Samian Drag. 37 form. AD 140-200. Figure 19.18.

Post-hole fill 24, associated with structure 5.

Context 134 19 Black burnished ware I, jar. Figure 19.19.

Building Material 1: A fragment of floor tile in an oxidised fabric bearing the imprint from the heel of a hobnailed sandal. (Figure 20).

Glass by H E M Cool Introduction The Roman glass from all the excavations at Holditch was reviewed as it was hoped that any early military associations may be strengthened by the presence of early vessel forms. This section therefore considers the Roman glass from both the recent and Charlton’s excavations. The two assemblages will be discussed separately with an overview provided as a conclusion.

t

Figure 20: Floor tile fragmen

131

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

Figure 21: Glass vessels

The Assemblage Excavations

from

the

1957-61

an unguent bottle neck and nos 28-39 are bottles. No bowls can be identified amongst the fragments, though it is possible that the jar rims nos 22-4 (Figures 21.3-21.5) could have been interpreted as such a form. There is nothing that suggests a candlestick unguent bottle. The Museum does possess several complete unguent bottles that could be from Holditch but these tend to be tubular forms (����������������� Price and Cottam 1998, 169)����������������������������������������� and have the type of weathering that is more typical of the eastern Mediterranean than the north-western provinces, suggesting they might possibly have been acquired on the antiquities market. It is likely that Professor Charlton derived his British Museum comparanda from the then current guide to the Romano-British collections as both the quoted vessels are pictured in it (��������������������� Brailsford 1958, pls 11-12��������������������������������������������������� ). If this is indeed the case, then it is unlikely that the tubular unguent bottles were being referred to, as the same plate that shows the candlestick unguent bottle also shows a tubular example. These unguent bottles have therefore been excluded from consideration.

The published record of the glass from these excavations consists of a three line summary without illustrations in the report on the 1957-9 excavations (������������������������������������������������� Charlton 1961, 46�������������������������������� ). A minimum of 28 fragments of vessel glass and an unspecified amount of window glass was noted. The types mentioned are unguent bottles, a flask, bowls, flagons and square bottles. British Museum accession numbers are given to describe two forms. From these it is possible to establish that the flask was an example of a candlestick unguent bottle (����������������������� Isings Form 82b; Price and Cottam 1998, 175������������������������������� ) and the flagon a conical jug of Isings Form 55 (Price and Cottam 1998, 169). A group of 30 fragments of vessel glass are now located in the Museum and Art Gallery NewcastleUnder-Lyme which are thought to come from Holditch and these have been catalogued as numbers 2040 below. Nos 27, 29 and possibly no. 32 retain numbering which show they came from Professor Charlton’s excavations. Nos 21 and 39 are recorded as coming from the excavations of 1957-61. The rest retain no provenance information.

In general the earlier finds from Holditch are very similar to those from the more recent excavations. The conical jug fragment no. 20 has already been noted, and both square (nos 28 – Figure 21.6 – and 34) and cylindrical (nos 36-9) bottles can be securely identified amongst the bottle fragments.

In general the majority of the fragments correspond to the descriptions given in the excavation report. No. 20 is probably the conical jug referred to, no. 25 132

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations This combination again suggests a late 1st to earlier 2nd century date. This date is also suggested by the funnel stem fragment no. 26 which is a mid- to late 1st-century form (������������������������������������� Isings form 74; Cool and Price 1995, 174�������������������������������������������������� ). Jars tend not to be chronologically sensitive, but there is some evidence that funnel-mouthed ones such as nos 22-4 here were primarily of 1st to 2nd century date (Cool and Price 1995, 112–3). The only fragment that might post-date the early 2nd century is no. 21 from the 1957-61 excavations. This may be a rim fragment from a spouted jug (����������������� Price and Cottam 1998, 159��������������������������������������������� ) which is a form that was in use during the later 2nd and 3rd centuries. The candlestick unguent bottle, if indeed that is what Professor Charlton found, would also be of 2nd- to 3rd-century date.

tooled neck. HM 15 3 or 15 13. 31 Prismatic bottle; handle fragment. Lower part of reeded handle retaining small part of shoulder and side. Handle width at attachment 65mm. 32 Prismatic bottle; shoulder and straight side fragment retaining part of lower attachment of reeded handle. Length 8.9 mm. 33 Bottle; handle fragment. Lower part of reeded handle. 34 Square bottle; body fragment. 35 Prismatic bottle; 3 body fragments. 36 Cylindrical bottle; 3 joining neck, shoulder and side fragments. Tooled base of neck, horizontal shoulder, curving over to side. Heavy band of wear at top of side with vertical scratches below. Body diameter c.22-40mm. 37 Cylindrical bottle; shoulder and side fragment with vertical wear scratches. 38 Cylindrical bottle; 3 body fragments with heavy wear. 39 Cylindrical bottle body fragment. 40 Counter. Flat prismatic bottle body fragment grozed to form counter. Diameter 17mm.

Finally amongst this assemblage there is a small counter formed from a fragment of a prismatic bottle (no. 40). Pale Green 20 Jug, handle fragment. Lower part of angular reeded handle with central rib; part of lower attachment retaining upper part of pinched attachment trail retaining two projections; small part of conical body retaining one faint curving diagonal rib. Length 55mm.

The Assemblage from the 1997–1998 Excavation These excavations produced a small assemblage of 21 blue/green vessel fragments. Three forms can be identified with a fair degree of certainty. The base no. 1 is most likely to come from a tubular rimmed bowl (���������������������������������������������� Isings Form 44; Cool and Price 1995, 94)������ . Nos 4-5 and 7 come from square bottles (Isings ������������� Form 50; Cool and Price 1995, 179)��������������������� , and nos 6 and 8-12 also probably come from this form, as the hexagonal and rectangular bottles that also have flat sides and moulded bases tend to be less common. No. 12 comes from a cylindrical bottle (���������������� Isings Form 51; Cool and Price 1995, 179��������������������������� ). All three forms were in use during the later 1st century. Cylindrical bottles ceased to be used in the early 2nd century, tubular rimmed bowls disappear during the middle of the century, while square bottles continued in use into the early 3rd century. The forms are frequently found together on sites that have late 1st to early 2nd century occupation.

Blue/green 21 Spouted jug? Rim fragment. Fire-rounded rim edge; fragment from side of pulled-up spout, funnel mouth beginning to curve in at break. Height 14mm. 22 Jar; rim fragment. Funnel-mouthed, rim curving out slightly, rim edge, rolled in. RD 50mm, Figure 21.3. 23 Jar; rim fragment. Funnel-mouthed, rim curving out, fire-rounded rim edge. Diameter 80mm Figure 21.4. 24 Jar; rim fragment. Many bubbles. Funnelmouthed, rim bent out with rolled out tubular edge. Diameter 120mm. Figure 21.5. 25 Unguent bottle; neck fragment. 26 Funnel; stem fragment. Cylindrical stem, both ends broken. Length 55mm. 27 2 body fragments. HN 8(4) 9. 28 Tall square bottle. 2 joining fragments, complete rim, neck and handle; part of shoulder and side. Bubbly light green; orange enamel-like iridescence. Rim bent out up in and flattened; cylindrical neck slight tooling at base; slightly concave shoulder curving over to straight side. Angular reeded handle, simple lower attachment, upper attachment folded up, down and in Figure 21.6. 29 Bottle; rim fragment. B/G. Rim bent out and down, up and in; cylindrical neck. Slightly distorted. Diameter 90mm. 30 Bottle, shoulder fragment. B/G Broken at base of

The other vessel fragments are less diagnostic. It is possible that the body fragments no. 2 came from a conical jug of Isings Form 55 (��������������������� Cool and Price 1995, 120)�������������������������������� . This was another common late 1st to mid-2nd century form. The flask neck fragment no. 3 is not closely datable within the 1st to 3rd century period. Two vessel fragments have features of intrinsic interest. The bottle base no. 4 (Figure 21.1) has two very faint crossed lines that derive from the original setting out of the mould into which the bottle was blown. The mould-maker would have lightly scored 133

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ two straight diagonal lines from corner to corner to find the centre from which to set out the compassdrawn circular mouldings. Though circular mouldings such as this are a very common bottle base pattern, such setting out lines are only occasionally noted (Cool and Price 1995, 179)��������������������������� . This is probably because they were erased with repeated use of the mould.

6 Prismatic bottle; base fragment. Base design – at least 3 concentric circular mouldings. Mouldings heavily worn. Height 59mm. Context 9. 7 Square bottle; body fragment with 90° angle. Context 9. 8-12 Prismatic bottle; 5 flat body fragments. Contexts 3, 9, 51, 78 and 81. 13 Cylindrical bottle; 2 body fragments. Straight side with vertical scratches. Context 3. 14 Body fragment (wall thickness less than 2mm). Context 51. 15-7 3 body fragments (wall thickness more than 3mm). Contexts 3, 24 and 51.

The other interesting piece is the bowl base fragment no. 1 (Figure 21.2). From the wear on the base ring and in the interior, the vessel obviously had a long life before breaking. After it had broken it underwent a prolonged period of secondary use. The outer edge of the side had been carefully flaked and it is very likely that the entire base and base ring was salvaged. It may well have been used as a lid, as inside the base ring on the underside of the base there is a distinct band of wear. It is difficult to see how wear could have developed in this position during normal use as a vessel, but it is in precisely the position it could be expected in if the base disc was used as a lid, with a jar rim fitting inside the base ring.

Object

18 Melon bead. Frit; now appearing grey but retaining traces of turquoise glaze. Diameter 11.5mm. Context 1.

Window Glass

19 Fragment. Blue/green. Cast matt/glossy with tooling mark on upper face. Area 2cm2. Context 1.

Conclusion

In addition to the vessel glass, a single melon bead (no.18) was found. This was a very common 1st to 2nd century form (Crummy 1983, 30)��������������������� .�������������������� which was becoming markedly less common by the later 2nd century. The single fragment of window glass (no. 19) indicates that glazed windows were present in the buildings on the site, hinting at some social pretension.

The assemblages are too small for any firm conclusions to be drawn about the nature of the occupation at the site. In addition, given the likelihood that not all of the material from Charlton’s excavations is included means that the relative proportions between the different forms cannot be established with certainty. It may, however, be noted that military sites of the later 1st and earlier 2nd centuries tend to have glass assemblages which are dominated by bottle and bowl form (�������������������������������������� Cool and Baxter 1999, 83�������������� ). As this is what is hinted at within the more recent Holditch assemblage, this might suggest military involvement with the settlement. This suggestion is strengthened by the discovery of the funnel fragment no. 26 as, when these have been found in Romano-British contexts so far, they have been overwhelmingly on military sites.

Blue/Green Vessel Glass 1 Bowl; base fragment. Flat base with applied true base ring; post technique scars on lower edge, and diagonal tooling marks on side of base ring. Base ring worn and inner part of base above base ring worn. Side grozed beyond base ring. Narrow band of wear on underside of base, concentric with and inside base ring. Base diameter c.75mm. Context 9; SF 8 Figure 21.2. 2 Jug (?); 4 body fragments. Slightly convexcurved body fragment sloping out (?) to rounded carination. Very shallow, slightly diagonal optic blown ribs. Height 63mm. Context 3. 3 Jug or flask; neck fragment. Many bubbles. Cylindrical neck curving out smoothly to side with light tooling marks at neck/body junction. Height 26mm. Context 3. 4 Square bottle; base fragment. Slightly concave base. Base design – at least 2 concentric circular mouldings with very small central dot. Within the inner ring the very faint impression of two crossed lines, Height 55mm. Context 28; SF 17 Figure 21.1. 5 Prismatic bottle; base fragment. Base design – parts of 2 concentric circular mouldings. Height 20mm. Context 9. Almost certainly from same vessel as no. 4.

The 1998-9 EvaluationS During 1998/9 two further areas were evaluated by Earthworks Archaeological Service: three trenches were excavated in the grounds of the Metanodic factory in 1999; and two further trenches were excavated adjacent to Spencroft Road in June 1998. The trenches at the Metanodic works did not locate intact Roman archaeology, but did establish that the original natural ground surface was over 2m below modern levels due to levelling operations in the 1960s. The trenches adjacent to Spencroft road did locate Roman archaeology, including traces of a timber posthole structure and a metalled surface, which possibly represented a road. 134

Holditch: The 1997-98 Gifford Excavations

Chapter 5  General Conclusions

It is clear from the work undertaken over the past 40 years that Holditch represents a sizeable RomanoBritish settlement, centred on a major Roman road junction. By providing an overview to the available archaeological evidence it is possible to discern certain patterns and trends, which begin to tease out a picture of the history and development at Roman Holditch.

before reaching the Ashfield Brook as it was not encountered in Charlton’s site D. The substantial stone wall foundation recorded in Charlton’s sites A and G might well be associated with this early wall foundation. From this evidence a perimeter wall to a rectangular enclosure 80m wide and at least 130m long appears to emerge. This enclosure has no outer perimeter ditch which would be expected from a fort site and an alternative function is required to explain its construction.

PERIOD I

With an early fort site located a mile to the north of Holditch at Chesterton, a military stimulus would be expected for the period II activity. A good comparison for the perimeter wall can be drawn from the Legionary works depot at Holt, where a stone perimeter wall 121m long and 60m wide was erected around a series of barrack blocks, thought to have housed the men detached from the Twentieth Legion at Chester, to produce pottery and tiles for the fortress. Grimes states that Holt’s close association with the Twentieth Legion is shown by the occurrence of centurial stones in its building (Grimes 1930, 41), and attention is drawn to the centurial stone discovered by Charlton at site A. The most likely reason for the Roman military to set up a depot at Holditch would be to exploit the natural resources of coal, ironstone and clay. However, as little of the internal area has been explored archaeologically, this remains conjecture. Coal has been widely reported from excavations of Roman sites in Britain, in association with metal-working activities, hypocausts etc. (Dearne and Branigan 1995, 71-105).

The origins of the site appear to have a military flavour and are characterised by ephemeral timber structures and a general lack of ceramic artefacts. These structures are indicated by shallow linear slots detected during the 1994 and 1998 excavations, sealed or cut by all other Roman deposits/features. Though no complete plan has yet been recovered, rectangular-shaped buildings are implied. Dating evidence for this activity is lacking and the structures have a certain short-lived feel about them. A suggestion for the context of this activity may be as a temporary camp associated either with conquest period troop movements or a working party detached from the fort at Chesterton. If the latter were the case, then the period II activity could be seen as a consolidation of the site into a more formalised and permanent annex/depot. It is interesting to note that an annex may have been attached to the fort at Chesterton (Goodyear 1976, 6), possibly in order to house additional troops needed to fully exploit local resources.

The main Roman road discovered by Charlton and aligned north-east to south-west, forming a ‘T’junction with the Derby-Middlewich road (London Road), was also established during period II. The destination of this road to the south-west is not proven, but Wroxeter is on a direct alignment and seems a good contender. This road would have passed through the centre of the hypothesised depot enclosed by the stone perimeter wall. A slight kink in the line of the road may be due to the crossing of the Ashfield Brook, that was probably a much wider watercourse in the Roman period and may have necessitated the construction of a bridge.

PERIOD II (Figure 22) During the 1998 excavation the earliest substantial archaeological feature was the corner angle of a stone foundation to a substantial masonry wall, one arm aligned north-east to south-west, and the other north-west to south-east. The projected line of the north-east to south-west wall aligns almost perfectly with linear feature 46 in the 1994 excavation trench, suggesting that this feature should be reinterpreted as a robbed-out wall foundation, rather than a ditch. This would indicate a stone wall foundation at least 130m long, that probably made a return 135

Figure 22: Period at Chesterton and this link is strengthened by the presence of the centurial stone that demonstrates the military were certainly erecting stone founded structures on the site. The precise function of the military annex/depot at Holditch cannot be confidently ascribed, due to the almost complete lack of archaeological excavation undertaken to date within the area of the perimeter wall. However, comparisons with Holt suggest that manufacturing activity would have been conducted in extramural areas and the early well and associated activity to the north of the Ashfield Brook may be one such area. The possible saggar found in this location by Charlton may point to specialised pottery production, more specifically glazed fine ware that was also being produced at Holt. Furthermore, the majority of the ceramic building material and coarseware pottery, present in periods III and IV, is almost certainly manufactured locally (Williams, 2000). II

To the north-east of Ashfield Brook the picture is sketchy during period II, though one certain feature is the well discovered in trench D29. The primary fills of this produced Flavian Samian and mortaria, as well as objects of leather (lost) that Charlton describes as studded soles, stitched hems (of tunic), fragments of a bucket, and strips on which were bronze buttons/ studs (the latter item of this inventory would fit well with a description of a military apron). Charlton’s site D also produced evidence for a sand and clay floor surface associated with 1st century Samian pottery, and a corroded iron spearhead (lost). Amongst the other finds recorded in Charlton’s work to the north-east of Ashfield Brook are five ballista balls, three of which are housed within the collection at Newcastle-Under-Lyme museum. The 1998 excavations produced two more of these objects and the conclusion may be that either some Roman military artillery pieces were being used in the vicinity, or that these objects were being manufactured on the site.

PERIOD III (Figure 23)

The coin evidence includes two silver republican denarii of Mark Antony and this coupled with some of the demonstrably early glass vessels and the Drag. 29 Samian bowls from the 1998 excavations imply a Flavian date to the period II occupation. This date certainly ties in well with the occupation of the fort

The date range for period III is probably Trajanic/ Hadrianic, when there appears to be a major shift in the organisation of the site. The perimeter wall of the postulated military works depot is systematically dismantled and in the area of the 1998 excavations 136

Holditch: General Conclusions

Figure 23: Period with the production of foodstuffs, metalwork and possibly pottery. The character of these buildings mirrors settlement sites further north along the King Street line at Middlewich, Wilderspool, and WaltonLe-Dale. These buildings are unusually large, often having open-fronted façades and being associated with ovens/furnaces, generally being interpreted as shops/workshops. However, their projected dimensions fit into the size ranges of known houses found in the military vici of Roman Britain (Sommer 1984, 61) and a multi-functional role of house/ workshop/shop might be envisaged. III

a stone-built courtyard building is erected with a colonnade fronting onto the main road. The most likely function of this structure would be a mansio or inn, as these were often sited on the outskirts of Roman settlements and were linked to the major road networks. The associated finds of box-tile and window glass suggest this was a high-class establishment. Two other stone-founded buildings were identified from this period, at trench D6 and at site R of Charlton’s excavations. The function of these buildings was not established, though the location of the building in trench D6 (adjacent to the Ashfield Brook) may argue for it being a bath house. As site R was located adjacent to the main road junction (and therefore the centre of the settlement?), it would seem likely that the large stone-founded building in this area would have had an administrative or public function and a temple could be a possibility. A building on the lines of the London mithraeum (which is of comparable shape and dimensions) might be envisaged (Bedoyere 1991, 198) and the find of a complete stone column drum to the north of the building might be of relevance.

The establishment of several side-streets may have happened during period III as is suggested in the 1994 trench. However, these streets are peculiar in that they do not form a grid pattern to the settlement and seem to depart from the main road at a 45° angle, possibly in order to link up with the line of the Derby-Middlewich road. The side street encountered in the 1994 excavations was bounded to either side by small rectangular timber buildings, one of which could have been a brothel or wine shop. The latter is interesting when considering its position on a side street running between the possible mansio and the postulated bathhouse. This may indicate an attempt to attract passing trade in a section of the settlement apparently focused on the leisure industry.

Located along either side of the two main roads through the settlement were large rectangular timber strip buildings, apparently housing artisans occupied 137

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’

PERIOD IV

building the terminus to a substantial linear ditch was seen to have been cut through the period IV activity and may indicate the limits of the settlement during period V.

At some point towards the middle of the 2nd century much rebuilding appears to have been undertaken throughout the settlement. This is marked by a change in construction technique, from post-inbeam slot timber buildings to earth fast timber posthole structures. It would still appear that much of the main street frontage was occupied by narrow strip buildings functioning as shops or workshops. The area occupied by the courtyard building during period III had undergone some major remodelling. This involved the dismantling of the colonnade and stone-founded wall lines, followed by the erection of a substantial timber post-hole structure following the same wall lines. The stone packed post settings for this structure were filled with dressed fragments of masonry derived from the period III building, including a fragment from a column base. Furthermore, in the period III courtyard a small rectangular post-hole structure of uncertain function had been erected.

ROMAN HOLDITCH – A RECONSIDERATION The site of Holditch in particular and so-called industrial sites in general are still far from being clearly understood, but hopefully by establishing a pattern of development at Holditch that may be compared to other similar sites, certain common factors may begin to emerge. To this end it is worth exploring some of the imponderable questions that may pertain to these sites, to understand how they might rise, flourish and decline in such relatively short spans of time. When viewing the site at Holditch it is somewhat vexing to find that the settlement is focused on a major road junction, while the fort is located 1km to the north, especially when there are no obvious tactical advantages to the siting of the fort at Chesterton other than its elevated position. The situation becomes further complicated by the suggestion that the road leaving the south-west gate of the Chesterton fort may in fact have led to Wroxeter (Goodyear 1976, 14), which is also the speculated destination of the south-westward road at Holditch. It seems unlikely that two major roads would be constructed parallel to one another when only separated by a distance of 1 km, so which is the more important road junction?

It is worth considering why the courtyard building had such a short life and why it was systematically dismantled in order to make way for inferior timber post-hole structures. If the function of the courtyard building can be accepted as a mansio, then several factors may have contributed to its demise. First, the main south-west road may have become defunct as a route for the commerce of the Empire, possibly owing to the development of the political situation further north, namely the establishment of the Hadrian’s Wall frontier. This may explain the subsequent contraction of the settlement towards the main north-south route along the line of London Road. Second, the limits of the settlement may have extended beyond the site of the mansio by period IV necessitating its relocation to the newly defined town limits. Finally, the building may have fallen into a state of disrepair and its ultimate demolition could have been dictated by limited resources and a decline in readily available building materials. At least part of the area occupied by the courtyard building was used to erect a second substantial timber structure, however, the function of this successor could not be established.

It may be, as suggested by Rogers (1996, 365), that Chesterton was on the conquest route north into Brigantia and as such it would be logical to expect a road link to the conquest fort at Whitchurch to the south-west. However, post-conquest, a road link between Holditch and the civitas capital of Wroxeter would have been vital for trade and commerce. The situation may actually imply that by the time the road at Holditch was being constructed the fort at Chesterton had already been abandoned. Ultimately the function of the enclosure at Loomer Road (Ball, 1962) c.500m to the north of Holditch has to be considered as a serious contender for a second and later fort site more directly related to the settlement at Holditch.

PERIOD V The final phase of the settlement is somewhat illusive, although by c.AD 160 most of the area to the west of London Road would appear to have been abandoned. Occupation continued to the east of the road until the mid- to late 3rd century, but the artefactual evidence suggests an impoverished community. The only evidence from excavations to the west of London Road suggests that the area was being used as field systems for an agriculturallybased economy. In the area of the period III courtyard

When considering what pointers suggest direct military occupation of the site at Holditch, the only real tangible evidence comes from the centurial stone found at Charlton’s site A. Many other material items such as quantities of lava querns, stone shot, sestertii, and even a spearhead need not actually point to the presence of soldiers, but simply a link with military supply routes. 138

Holditch: General Conclusions (praemia militiae). Watson suggested that a soldier’s personal savings from pay and donatives during service may have provided them with a small ‘nest egg’ on retirement. The evidence from infantry cohorts would suggest that this was minimal. The picture from the better paid cavalry cohorts was somewhat different and could have amounted to a considerable sum on retirement (Watson 1982, 150). For example a certain Dionysius of the ala veterana Gallicia had 1,562 denarii to his credit in AD 175 (Watson 1982, 150-1).

When looking at the population of Holditch it is pertinent to ask how one distinguishes between an imported Roman civilian and a Romanised native? By the early 2nd century, the status of Holditch as a highly Romanised settlement can be seen in many aspects of its material culture. From a structural aspect the site is dominated by large rectangular buildings constructed using a sleeper beam laid in a slot, into which upright posts are set. This form of building technique is Roman and was widely used by the military throughout Britain during the 1st and 2nd centuries. The more substantial rectangular stone structures identified on the site were associated with architectural fragments such as the column bases, also indisputably Roman in origin. The roofing material was in the Roman tradition of ceramic tiles, which were also used for flues presumably associated with a hypocaust. Furthermore, several examples of graffiti discovered on Samian vessels from Charlton’s excavations point to a certain level of literacy in the settlement, also supported by the presence of the inkwell and stylus found at Charlton’s site A.

The evidence would also seem to suggest that the social and financial position of a soldier tended to decline on his retirement in comparison to that of the civilian population as a whole. This meant that in practice there was a considerable difference between the standard of living possible during military service on a soldier’s pay and that on a veteran’s income during retirement. This was less true in the more militarised frontier zones of the provinces like Britain and the Germanies, leading retired soldiers to naturally gravitate towards these zones and military centres. This can be demonstrated by the growth in the size of the vici and canabae during the 2nd and 3rd centuries in Britain. In the Rhineland there appear to have been organised associations of veterans under a curator veteranorum (the Roman equivalent of the British Legion!) that flourished in the canabae (Watson 1982, 152-3).

In short there is no evidence for a slowly emerging Romanised native population at Holditch. The comparable sites further north at Wilderspool (Hinchliffe and Williams, 1992) and Walton-Le-Dale (unpublished) have evidence for circular structures and objects considered to be influenced by native tastes. In this light it is interesting to note that a possible circular structure was identified in the postulated annex at Chesterton fort (Goodyear 1976, 7), which may imply that the annex was actually a vicus inhabited by at least some native civilians. The question, however, remains, who were the people of Roman Holditch?

In essence it could be argued that Holditch evolved from a military annex/depot into a civilian settlement. The location so far to the south of the fort at Chesterton may have been due to the desire to capitalise on the junction between the two major roads, or simply indicates that the Chesterton fort was obsolete by the time the site became civilian. The building techniques and material culture of the population would strongly suggest close links to the military and retired veterans from a fort at Chesterton or Loomer Road would seem a likely source for these settlers. The indicators of imported glass, Samian, Dressel 20 amphorae and Black Burnished ware vessels all point to the site being well articulated within the military supply network and the lifeblood of the settlement must have been based upon this factor. The merits of an association of veterans setting themselves up on the main military supply route, whilst staying within close proximity to their old military contacts would have been high: first, during their military service they would have acquired specialist skills in the manufacture of items required both by the Roman military and the native Romanising population alike; second, they would have had an albeit limited amount of capital to invest in the Roman equivalent of a small business to sustain them through their retirement; and finally, with their status giving them immunity to taxation they would have been able to corner the local market by

One possibility involves retiring military personnel. The issue regarding retiring soldiers has been widely discussed and it would appear that a standardised retirement package had been established for legionary soldiers by the early 1st century AD. It is also apparent that the sum of 3000 denarii allotted after 20 years service was often substituted with a land grant throughout the 1st century AD. Tacitus gives examples of veteran settlers being sent to the towns of Tarentum and Antium by Nero, with mixed results. There were the colonies of Legionary veterans that formed several colonia in Britain, however, these ceased to be founded during the Hadrianic period (Watson 1982, 147-8). Possibly of more relevance to the site of Holditch is the situation for the retirement of the auxiliary forces, for which there is little evidence other than the granting of Roman citizenship, exemption from taxation and the opportunity to hold municipal office (Dixon and Southern 1992, 111). This lack of evidence has led to the conclusion that the auxilia as non-citizens were not entitled to this system of military superannuation 139

Wilderspool and Holditch: Roman Boom-Towns on the ‘Road North’ under-cutting any potential rivals in the native civilian population.

auxiliary veterans and urbanised sites in the lowland zone of Roman Britain (Mann 2002, 182-188).

Comparable sites that may demonstrate a similar development to that of Holditch may include Middlewich (Cheshire), which was also associated with the site of at least one early fort and situated on a major road junction. A bronze diploma (dated AD 105) found at Middlewich in 1949 demonstrates that at least one auxiliary veteran had settled at the site (Thompson 1965, 94). Likewise, a second bronze diploma found near Malpas (Cheshire), 5km to the north of the fort at Whitchurch (Shropshire) attests to settlement by another auxiliary veteran discharged in AD 103. An interesting fact with regard to these bronze diplomas is that they were not standard issue to soldiers, having to be acquired by men who felt they needed to prove their status so that they could claim the privileges awarded to veterans (Dixon and Southern 1992, 111). Furthermore, the two examples from Cheshire are notably both from cavalry auxiliary units (discharged within two years of one another) and are broadly contemporary with the development of Holditch as a civilian settlement. Could this mean that the well paid auxiliary cavalry, who could seemingly afford to purchase their bronze diplomas on retirement, were the main dynamic for the establishment of many of these so called industrial settlements in the NorthWest? The issue of auxiliary veteran settlement in Britain has recently been revisited and there does seem to be a correlation between the settlement of

Similar industrial-settlement sites to the north include the sites of Wilderspool and Walton-Le-Dale, exhibiting a similar character of development, being located to exploit both road and river transport links. These more northern sites may help to explain the rapid decline of the site at Holditch c.AD 160. If the main drive for the settlement was production and supply to the military market then the fortunes of the settlement would certainly diminish once the military bases and associated supply networks were moved further north. Linked to this the population of Holditch may have begun to stagnate and decline as the influx of new veterans would also be transferred to sites nearer to the newly established forts further north. In light of this it is significant that the site of Walton-LeDale (Lancashire) was booming during the Antonine period, at a time when the settlement at Holditch was in decline. A further strand of evidence can be gleaned from the stamped makers marks recovered from mortaria made at these sites that suggest the same makers operated first from Verulamium, then Wilderspool and finally from Walton-le-Dale. Patterns and trends regarding Holditch and other similar industrial settlements need to be repeatedly scrutinised and refined with each new piece of evidence recovered, in order to fully understand their reasons for appearing, prospering and ultimately declining within the province of Roman Britain.

140

Holditch: General Conclusions

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