Villa Adriana, Accademia: Hadrian's Secret Garden 9788862278270, 9788862278287, 8862278276

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION Anna Maria Reggiani
INTRODUCTION Bernard Frischer
PRESENTATION Urbano Barberini
AUTHOR’S NOTE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Chapter 1 THE RENAISSANCE AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY
Chapter 2H ADRIAN’S VILLA IN THE XVTH CENTURY: REDISCOVERY AFTER OBLIVION
Chapter 3 FRANCESCO DI GIORGIO MARTINI. THE OLDEST DRAWINGS OF THE ACCADEMIA
Chapter 4 HADRIAN’S VILLA IN THE XVITH CENTURY. LARGE-SCALE EXCAVATIONS AND EARLY STUDIES
Chapter 5 BINDO ALTOVITI, ONE OF THE FIRST OWNERS OF THE ACCADEMIA
Chapter 6 ANDREA PALLADIO. LOOKING FOR PERFECT PROPORTIONS
Chapter 7 PIRRO LIGORIO,GREAT ANTIQUARIAN AND FIRST SCHOLAR
Chapter 8 IPPOLITO II D’ESTE, CARDINAL OF FERRARA. THE MAGNIFICENTIA IN TIVOLI
Chapter 9 THE ACCADEMIA IN SOME XVITH-CENTURY DRAWINGS. A STUCCO CEILING AND A MOSAIC
Chapter 10 ADRIAN’S VILLA IN THE XVIITH CENTURY. A NEW GENERAL PLAN AND MANY SMALL EXCAVATIONS
Chapter 11 THE BULGARINI IN THE XVIITH CENTURY. THE FIRST EXCAVATIONS AT THE ACCADEMIA
Chapter 12 FRANCESCO BARBERINI, GOVERNOR OF TIVOLI AND PATRON OF THE ARTS
Chapter 13 FRANCESCO CONTINI. THE FIRST COMPLETE PLAN AND RATIONAL DESCRIPTION OF THE VILLA
Chapter 14 CASSIANO DAL POZZO. THE MUSEO CARTACEO (PAPER MUSEUM): THE FIRST VIRTUAL MUSEUM
Chapter 15 ATHANASIUS KIRCHER. SPECIAL EFFECTS, WISDOM AND WONDERS
Chapter 16 SOME REMARKS AND CONCLUSIONS ON THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES OF STUDIES OF HADRIAN’S VILLA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEXES

Citation preview

STUDIES ON HADRIAN’S VILLA · 1.

This publication has been supported by a grant from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, administered by the Archaeological Institute of America. Questa pubblicazione è stata finanziata da una sovvenzione della Fondazione Samuel H. Kress, tramite l’Archaeological Institute of America.

V I L LA A D R I A NA AC C A D E MI A H A D R I A N ’ S S E C R E T GAR D E N I. HISTORY OF THE EXCAVATIONS, ANCIENT SOURCES AND ANTIQUARIAN STUDIES FROM THE XV T H TO THE XVII T H CENTURIES MARINA DE FRANCESCHINI

ISTITUTI EDITORIALI E POLIGRAFICI INTERNAZIONALI P I S A · R OM A

A norma del codice civile italiano, è vietata la riproduzione, totale o parziale (compresi estratti, ecc.), di questa pubblicazione in qualsiasi forma e versione (comprese bozze, ecc.), originale o derivata, e con qualsiasi mezzo a stampa o internet (compresi siti web personali e istituzionali, academia.edu, ecc.), elettronico, digitale, meccanico, per mezzo di fotocopie, pdf, microfilm, film, scanner o altro, senza il permesso scritto della casa editrice. Under Italian civil law this publication cannot be reproduced, wholly or in part (included oπprints, etc.), in any form (included proofs, etc.), original or derived, or by any means: print, internet (included personal and institutional web sites, academia.edu, etc.), electronic, digital, mechanical, including photocopy, pdf, microfilm, film, scanner or any other medium, without permission in writing from the publisher. Proprietà riservata · All rights reserved © Copyright 2016 by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma. Fabrizio Serra editore incorporates the Imprints Accademia editoriale, Edizioni dell’Ateneo, Fabrizio Serra editore, Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa, Gruppo editoriale internazionale and Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali. U√ci di Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28, i 56127 Pisa, tel. +39 050 542332, fax +39 050 574888, [email protected] U√ci di Roma: Via Carlo Emanuele I 48, i 00185 Roma, tel. +39 06 70493456, fax +39 06 70476605, [email protected] www.libraweb.net isbn 978-88-6227-827-0 isbn elettronico 978-88-6227-828-7

T ABLE O F C O NTE NTS Anna Maria Reggiani, Introduction Bernard Frischer, Introduction Urbano Barberini, Presentation Author’s Note Acknowledgements

11 13 15 17 19

Chapter 1. The Renaissance and Roman antiquity 1. Humanism, Renaissance and Hadrian’s Villa

21

Chapter 2. Hadrian’s Villa in the xv th century: rediscovery after oblivion 1. 1. 2. 2. 2. 3. 4.

The descriptions of the Historia Augusta and of Sextus Aurelius Victor, abandonment and the rediscovery 1. 1. Biondo Flavio and Pope Pius II The first excavations at Hadrian’s Villa 2. 1. The excavation of the Odeon 2. 2. The excavation of the Telamons or ‘Cioci di Tivoli’ The first drawings of Fra’ Giocondo Conclusions

23 24 26 26 28 30 31

Chapter 3. Francesco di Giorgio Martini. The oldest drawings of the Accademia 1. 2. 3. 3. 3. 4.

Biographical notes Francesco di Giorgio Martini and Hadrian’s Villa The Accademia in the drawings of Francesco di Giorgio Martini 3. 1. The plan of the Accademia 3. 2. The elevation of the Temple of Apollo Conclusions

33 33 35 35 39 39

Chapter 4. Hadrian’s Villa in the xvi th century. Large-scale excavations and early studies 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 3. 3. 3.

The first large-scale excavations 1. 1. Excavations in the Accademia 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. Excavations of Bindo Altoviti (xvith century) 1. 2. Excavations in other parts of the Villa 1. 2. 1. 2. 1. Excavations of Pirro Ligorio for Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (1550-1568) 1. 2. 1. 2. 2. Excavations of Giovan Battista Cappuccini and Biscanti (mid-xvith century) 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. Excavations ‘of Marcantonio Palosi’ (xvith century) 1. 2. 1. 2. 4. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Marcello Cervini’ (1535?, 1550?) 1. 2. 1. 2. 5. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese’ (1535-1538?) 1. 2. 1. 2. 6. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Carlo Carafa’ (1540?) Plans and drawings of the Accademia and other buildings (xvith century) 2. 1. Andrea Palladio (1554 c.) 2. 2. Pirro Ligorio (1550 c.) 2. 3. Draftsman of the Destailleur Codex (mid-xvith century) 2. 4. Giovannantonio Dosio (1563 c.) 2. 5. Anonymous Portuguese (or Francisco Castillo?) (1568-1580) 2. 6. Giovan Battista Cavalieri (1585) 2. 7. Drawings in the Albertina Library at Vienna (xvith century) Historical studies of the xvith century 3. 1. Pirro Ligorio (1550-1579) 3. 2. Giovanni Maria Zappi (1580)

43 43 43 43 43 45 49 49 49 51 53 53 53 53 53 53 55 55 55 55 55

8 4. 4. 4. 5.

table of contents 3. 3. Marco Antonio Nicodemi (mid-xvith century) 3. 4. Giovanni Maria de’ Bardi, of the Counts of Vernio (end-xvith century) Other artists and Hadrian’s Villa Appendix: original Italian texts

55 58 60 62

Chapter 5. Bindo Altoviti, one of the first owners of the Accademia 1. 2. 3. 3. 3.

Biographical notes The Altoviti and Hadrian’s Villa 2. 1. The Altoviti properties in Hadrian’s Villa 2. 2. The discoveries of the Altoviti in Hadrian’s Villa Conclusions

63 64 64 67 68

Chapter 6. Andrea Palladio. Looking for perfect proportions 1. 2. 3. 4.

Biographical notes Andrea Palladio and Hadrian’s Villa The Accademia in the plan by Palladio Conclusions

69 71 72 75

Chapter 7. Pirro Ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar 1. 2. 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 7. 8. 8. 8. 8. 8.

Biographical notes Pirro Ligorio, Tivoli and the Villa d’Este Pirro Ligorio and Hadrian’s Villa 3. 1. The Codices of Ligorio 3. 2. The descriptions of Hadrian’s Villa in the Codices of Ligorio 3. 3. The drawings for the general plan of Hadrian’s Villa 3. 4. What happened to the plans of Hadrian’s Villa drawn by Ligorio? The plan of the Accademia (1560) The elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] The Accademia in the description of the Codice di Torino Conclusions 7. 1. Summary on the Accademia Appendix: 1. Ligorio’s original Italian text Appendix: 2. Text of Ligorio on his excavations in other buildings of Hadrian’s Villa Appendix: 3. Text of Ligorio mentioning his plan of Hadrian’s Villa Appendix: 4. Letters of Athanasius Kircher on Ligorio’s documents in the Barberini archive Appendix: 5. Letter of Ambassador Ludovico d’Agliè to Cardinal Francesco Barberini about the drawings of Ligorio sold after his death

77 80 81 81 82 83 84 85 91 91 97 99 99 100 101 101 101

Chapter 8. Ippolito II d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara. The magnificentia in Tivoli 1. Biographical notes 2. Ippolito II, Tivoli and Hadrian’s Villa

103 104

Chapter 9. The Accademia in the xvi th -century drawings. A stucco ceiling and a mosaic 1. 2. 3. 3. 4. 4. 4. 4. 5.

Three drawings of a stucco ceiling Stucco ceiling 2. 1. Conclusions on the ceiling, comparing the drawings Mosaic floor The Accademia stucco ceiling as model for Renaissance decoration 4. 1. Giovanni da Udine, ceiling in Venice (before 1527) 4. 2. Luzio Romano, ceiling in Castel Sant’Angelo (before 1544-1545) 4. 3. Camillo Filippi, ceiling in Ferrara, Palazzina of Marfisa d’Este (after 1559) Conclusions

109 110 111 112 114 114 115 116 116

table of contents

9

Chapter 10. Hadrian’s Villa in the xvii th century. A new general plan and many small excavations 1. 1. 1. 1. 2. 3. 2. 3. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 5. 6. 7. 8.

The owners of Hadrian’s Villa in the xviith century 1. 1. North-east and central area of the Villa 1. 2. Central area of the Villa 1. 3. South and west area of the Villa The excavations of the xviith century 2. 1. Excavations in the Accademia 2. 1. 2. 1. 1. Excavations of Giovanni Giacomo and Giovan Francesco Bulgarini (1630 c.) 2. 1. Excavations in the rest of the Villa 2. 1. 2. 2. 1. Excavations of Francesco Contini (after 1634) 2. 1. 2. 2. 2. Excavations of Camillo Arcucci for Cardinal Francesco Barberini (xviith century?) 2. 1. 2. 2. 3. Excavations of the Jesuit fathers (mid-xviith century) 2. 1. 2. 2. 4. Excavations of Giovanni Maria Baratta (xviith century) 2. 1. 2. 2. 5. Excavations in the Maritime Theatre? 2. 1. 2. 2. 6. Anonymous excavation of 1655 Plans and drawings of the xviith century 3. 1. Contini’s ‘clean copy’ of the plan of the Accademia by Ligorio (1634 c.) 3. 2. The general plan of Francesco Contini (1668) 3. 3. The general plan of Contini edited by Athanasius Kircher (1671) 3. 4. The general plan of Camillo Arcucci (1630 c.) Historical studies of the xviith century 4. 1. Antonio del Re (1611) 4. 2. Fabio Croce (1664) 4. 3. Francesco Marzi and Michele Giustiniani (1665) 4. 4. Girolamo Fabri (1672) 4. 5. Gasparo Alveri (xviith century) 4. 6. Pietro Sante Bartoli (mid-xviith century) 4. 7. Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1664) Other characters of the xviith century in connection with the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa 5. 1. Cassiano dal Pozzo (1588-1657) 5. 2. Alessandro Algardi (1595-1654) 5. 3. Camillo Pamphilj (1622-1686) 5. 4. Queen Christina of Sweden (1626-1689) 5. 5. Francesco Borromini (1599-1667) Conclusions Appendix: 1. Contini’s original text on landowners in Hadrian’s Villa Appendix: 2. Original Italian text of del Re

117 117 117 117 121 121 121 121 121 121 122 125 126 126 126 126 126 127 127 127 127 127 128 128 128 128 129 129 129 129 130 131 132 133 133 135

Chapter 11. The Bulgarini in the xvii th century. The first excavations at the Accademia 1. 2. 3. 3. 3. 3. 4.

Giovanni Giacomo and Giovan Francesco Bulgarini The Bulgarini properties at Hadrian’s Villa Bulgarini finds in the xviith century. Catalogue 3. 1. Statue of Child Dionysus, rosso antico marble 3. 2. Seated statue from the Nymphæum of the Prætorium 3. 3. The Barberini Candelabra Appendix. Original Italian text quoted in footnotes

137 138 141 141 143 144 162

Chapter 12. Francesco Barberini, Governor of Tivoli and patron of the arts 1. Biographical notes 2. Francesco Barberini and Hadrian’s Villa

165 165

Chapter 13. Francesco Contini. The first complete plan and rational description of the Villa 1. Biographical notes 2. Francesco Contini and Hadrian’s Villa

167 167

10 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 4. 5. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 6. 7. 8. 9.

table of contents The plan of the Accademia in the ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio’s sketch (1634 c.) 3. 1. The details of the plan 3. 1. 3. 1. 1. The Belvedere [Ac1] and surrounding rooms [Ac2-5] 3. 1. 3. 1. 2. Double portico [Ac6-7] and northern rooms [Ac9-14] 3. 1. 3. 1. 3. Rooms north of the Temple of Apollo [Ac18-74] 3. 1. 3. 1. 4. The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms [Ac75-90] 3. 1. 3. 1. 5. The Nymphæum of the Prætorium 3. 1. 3. 1. 6. The esplanades of Accademia and Prætorium, and the Nymphæum above the Canopus The general plan of Hadrian’s Villa (1668) The Accademia esplanade in the general plan of Contini (1668) The Accademia in the general plan of Contini (1668) 6. 1. The plan in detail 6. 1. 6. 1. 1. Belvedere [Ac1] and surrounding rooms [Ac1-5] 6. 1. 6. 1. 2. The double portico [Ac6-8] and rooms on the north side [Ac9-14] 6. 1. 6. 1. 3. Rooms north of the Temple of Apollo [Ac18-69] 6. 1. 6. 1.4. The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms [Ac71-91] 6. 1. 6. 1. 5. New rooms south of the portico [Ac99-106] 6. 1. 6. 1. 6. The Nymphæum of the Prætorium 6. 1. 6. 1. 7. Rooms towards the Fosso di Risicoli and subterranean service corridors Conclusions Appendix: Contini’s original Italian text Contini’s original Italian plates i-iv and vi-x

167 173 173 173 176 176 176 176 176 180 182 183 183 186 188 188 190 193 194 194 194 201

Chapter 14. Cassiano dal Pozzo. The Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum): the first virtual museum 1. Biographical notes 2. Cassiano dal Pozzo and the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) 3. Cassiano dal Pozzo and Hadrian’s Villa

209 210 211

Chapter 15. Athanasius Kircher. Special effects, wisdom and wonders 1. 2. 3. 3. 3.

Biographical notes Athanasius Kircher and Hadrian’s Villa 2. 1. The new edition of the general plan of Contini 2. 2. The description of the Accademia Appendix: Kircher’s Italian text

213 215 215 216 217

Chapter 16. Some remarks and conclusions on the first three centuries of studies of Hadrian’s Villa 1. 2. 3. 4.

The xvth century The xvith century The xviith century Conclusion

Bibliography Indices. General Index Indices. Index of names Indices. Index of sculptures, relief and marbles Index of folding Plans 1. 1. General plan of Hadrian’s Villa by Michael Ytterberg 1. 2. Plan of the Accademia (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010) 1. 3. General plan by Francesco Contini (1668) 1. 4. Plan of the Accademia and surrounding area (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010)

219 219 220 221 223 229 231 233

INTR O D U C TIO N Anna M a r ia R e ggia n i*

T

he main principle still in force in the Italian juridical system is that things belonging to Cultural Heritage – monuments, works of art, and documents of historical importance – are objects of public interest, even if they are private property. Any movable or immovable property may be recognized as pertaining to public interest and, as a result, protected; this means that it cannot be destroyed or damaged, that it cannot be in any way deprived of its cultural or historical character, and that it cannot be exported because of its national interest. Archaeological areas that have not yet been excavated are also protected by this law, and cannot be altered in any way, even if they are privately owned. The Italian Constitution, promulgated in 1947, considers the conservation of the Artistic and Historical Heritage, as well as that of the environment, as a fundamental principle of the Republic. However, it is also true that good laws are not always eπective if they are not accompanied by strong cultural awareness among the general public in the defense of Cultural Heritage. Cultural initiative in Italy is characterized by the plurality of bodies involved. The management of cultural aπairs is accomplished through an interlaced system of administrative bodies, whose competences are dispersed among several sectors and administrative levels. The actions of the central government are constantly tempered by the lower-level authorities embedded within the Italian ‘regionalist’ administrative system: the result is an ever-present competition between centralist tendencies and local needs and ambitions, creating a series of problems di√cult to solve. First of all, in Hadrian’s Villa – a World Heritage site – a large part still is in private property, which means to run the risk of neglect and decay, or to be defenseless against inappropriate development. A paragraph of Hadrian’s biography in the Historia Augusta (ha, 26, 5) identifies the various parts of the Villa with the names of famous monuments that the Emperor had visited, like the Accademia: «His Villa at Tibur was marvelously constructed and he actually gave to parts of it the names of provinces and places of greatest renown…». The remains of the Accademia, one of the most spectacular complexes of the whole villa, unfortunately are in a state of neglect and in a dangerous situation, especially because they still are in a private property. Since the xviith century the building belongs to the Bulgarini’s, who still live there and give permission to scholars to study the site, which is not open to the public. The preciousness of the statuary indicates that this building belonged to the noble part of the Villa. The well-known Centaurs of black marble, a Satyr of red marble, and a Dionysius now in the Capitoline Museum – much admired by visitors on the Grand Tour – are among the most notable works of art discovered there. Various people have already said, and I agree with them, that now the time has come to move from fine words to deeds. This is why Marina De Franceschini, starting a long time ago, decided to study the Accademia, one of the lesser

known and studied areas of Hadrian’s Villa, using digital technology and laser scanner to draw a new updated plan and discover its features. Her «Accademia Project» is a pilot project created to apply the most advanced information technology with a multidisciplinary approach; it was joined with a thorough archival research, because there is no way of knowing the site without studying information coming from detailed studies carried out in the past centuries, when many structures were in a better state of preservation. Ancient authors still give us precious hints to understand what we are able to see today, and without their descriptions our work would be much more di√cult. Information is diπerent and various, to make a selection is easier said than done, considering such a wide range of plans, sketches, engravings and drawings, ancient and modern pictures, manuscripts and letters, dating from the xvth century on. After more than five centuries we have a great amount of work to do to understand the meaning and function of the buildings. Not long ago, excavations surprised scholars revealing an unexpected connection of the Emperor with Egypt and showed how only new results coming from new excavations could fill some of the gaps still existing in the plan of the Villa. Actually Hadrian’s personality has intrigued and bewildered the commentators from his time onwards: «He was diverse, manifold, multiform» (Epitome de Caesaribus, 14, 6). After State acquisition of Hadrian’s Villa in 1870, four campaigns of excavations were undertaken between 1878 and 1884, plus a brief season in 1893. Authors and lovers of romantic landscape with ruins, where architecture was an essential element of the picturesque, showed disapproval: «Since this account was written (1873) the destroying hand of Signor Rosa has been here, the flowers are all rooted up, the ruins stripped of their creepers and of the fringes of lovely shrubs which gave them all their charms, and for the present the Villa Adriana is a mass of bare walls in a naked country, little worth visiting» (A. J. C. Hare, Days near Rome, Philadelphia, 1875, i, p. 188). The complex which Pietro Rosa and Rodolfo Lanciani proposed to excavate had been considered not only an important source of inspiration for Renaissance art and architecture but also an inexhaustible quarry of sculptures, mosaics and precious marbles to be added to the private collections of Cardinals, Popes and noble families. Excavations began under Pope Alexander VI at the end of the xvth century, continuing into the xvith century with Cardinals Alessandro Farnese and Ippolito II d’Este and with assorted prelates, merchants, artists, travelers and simple stone robbers. According to Lanciani, their excavations brought up 271 works of art, irretrievably scattered throughout Europe. Though some parts had been drawn by Antonio da Sangallo the Elder, Fra’ Giocondo and Sallustio Peruzzi, the first general plan of the structures was executed by Pirro Ligorio during d’Este’s workings and published in 1668 by Contini. A second plan was published in 1781 by Francesco Piranesi, following his father’s

* Former Superintendent of Archaeological Heritage in Latium Region and former General Director of Antiquities with mibac.

12

introduction

work for Lord Hamilton and other excavations carried out by Giovan Battista Piranesi together with Domenico De Angelis of Tivoli. Starting from this, drawings were developed by Cipriani (1823), Nibby (1827) Troiani (1828) and Penna (1836). These and Piranesi’s views are often at odds with the plan made by Canina just prior to the middle of the xixth century. Students of the French Academy at Rome contributed notably in the following period. Drawings by Clérisseau, Peyre, Wailly, Moreau, Blondel, Daumet, Girault and Esquié are conserved in the École des Beaux Arts in Paris and were in part published by d’Espouy. These plans were based on those of Nibby and Canina, but it was only after 1870 that the studies became more thorough: in 1885 Girault carried out work on Piazza d’Oro, Blondel in 1881 on the Natatorium, Esquié in 1887 on the central part of the Imperial Palace and Sortais, having excavated the Canopus in 1893, could use the new data to put an end to various misinterpretations based on errors in the reconstructions made by Canina and Piranesi. The Italian State bought most of Hadrian’s Villa on 15th December 1870. A great part of it had been acquired by Count Fede around 1730, which then became the property of Duke Braschi Onesti, the nephew of Pope Pius VII, with nearby Roccabruna. Pietro Rosa, Canina’s student and newly appointed Superintendent of excavations, arranged for the acquisition from Braschi. The State acquisition of Hadrian’s Villa had been paralleled by the expropriation of the first private botanical gardens in Europe, the Farnese Gardens on the Palatine Hill (Orti Farnesiani sul Palatino) created in 1550 by Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. This was the best way of carrying out the plan of Luigi Pianciani, a liberal progressive who served twice as Mayor of Rome (1871-1872). From the reports of Giuseppe Fiorelli in «Notizie degli Scavi», it is evident that no scientific method was followed during the excavations, which were nothing more than a continuation of the tradition of treasure hunting and wall chasing. Hadrian’s Villa lent itself to such an approach, since it oπered a vast collection of chronologically homogeneous structures arranged on the hillside. The uncritical spirit of the work also emerges from the constant failure to resolve the topographic problems proposed by the Villa, for instance that of the entrance to which both Nibby and Canina had applied themselves, not taking any notice of the access from the road leading to the Grand Vestibule, where the Antinoeion would have embellished the route followed by the Imperial cortege. From a technical standpoint, archaeological work at Hadrian’s Villa was poor, while on the other hand the correct principles of conservation were advanced by Fiorelli, a moderate liberal who had taken part in the Risorgimento. Roughly speaking, since the Accademia was still in private hands, the excavations continued in other parts like the residential core of the villa: Imperial Palace, Pecile and Canopus. The value of the conservation and drawing work was appreciated by contemporaries in contrast with the earlier robbing. In 1904-1905, the Royal School of Applied Engineering directed by V. Reina and U. Barbieri drew up a plan of Hadrian’s Villa, showing only the structures in public ownership; this was a novel enterprise, because earlier work focused only on some parts of the Villa which were not well positioned with respect to the rest or to the overall topography. The trigonometric survey was based on two fixed points, on the terrace of the Nymphæum near the Casino Fede and in the centre of Torre di Roccabruna, from which six survey positions of the Istituto Geografico

Militare were visible; contour lines were also calculated. The drawing was published in 1906 in «Notizie degli Scavi» and appended to Lanciani’s Guidebook to the Villa. It served as a basis for later work, including the model of the reconstructed villa prepared by architect Italo Gismondi in 1937 for the Mostra Augustea della Romanità. Very little remains to be said. First of all, Marina De Franceschini has done not only research in the archives but also recently participated with others scholars as a consultant in a large-scale virtual reconstruction project, to interpret the entire Villa complex. The project accurately recreates the Villa buildings and also includes a complete Roman avatar system, non-player characters with artificial intelligence, furniture, indigenous vegetation, dynamic atmospheric system and sophisticated user interface. The interface provides learning, navigation, reporting and assessment opportunities and allows users to change the position of the sun to any date in 130 ad, using data from the horizons database at jpl nasa – testing theses of astronomical alignments of architectural features during solstices and equinoxes. I am referring to the «Digital Hadrian’s Villa Project», directed by Bernard Frischer, thanks to which virtual world technology allows visitors to put the sun in the sky in an historically correct way so that alignments between buildings, statues and the sun can be detected. The project involves use of the vw for some new archaeoastronomical studies. The latest research by Marina De Franceschini and her collaborator Giuseppe Veneziano (2011) combined formal and functional analysis: it considered the alignment of certain important parts of the Villa in relation to the Sun’s apparent path through the sky on significant dates such as the solstices. In their recent book they showed how two buildings of the Villa are aligned with the solar solstices: the Temple of Apollo in the Accademia and the Roccabruna. The work is innovative. Archaeoastronomy has become an accepted field of study in recent decades, and a considerable amount of work has been done in Old and New World archaeology. In Roman archaeology, however, this approach is still rarely encountered. In the process of developing and subsequently utilizing the simulation tools created for archaeoastronomical research, I dare say that virtual world technologies are able to obtain significant information about the celestial alignments of the buildings to get a new level of insight. Secondly, if according to Antonio Paolucci Italy has been described as an «open air Museum», Hadrian’s Villa is the best example because of its material evidence. Unfortunately the Italian Cultural Heritage is still considered a residual sector, in spite of its significance and variety, even if it contributes to the national economic development process by attracting an impressive amount of international tourist flow. Due to these considerations, it is still di√cult to define a strategic plan of intervention for the valorization of widespread Historical and Cultural Heritage in Italy. A strategy must be the integration among economic and cultural structures; because otherwise the risk is that even if State intervention was meant to provide preservation for Cultural Heritage, it is not possible to invest money only to cover the expenses for protection and preservation, without making Heritage enjoyable, without showing it oπ, without including it in tourist circuits, without the possibility to identify it as tourist destination and to carry flows of visitors. In one word, without making it economically productive. So we hope the best for Hadrian’s Villa: «The time is ripe».

INTR O D U C TIO N Bern a r d Fr isch e r *

M

arina De Franceschini is the dean of contemporary studies of Hadrian’s Villa, the World Heritage Site located in Tivoli, Italy. Over the past twentyfive years, she has published work that is consistently learned, compendious, and innovative. Her love of the villa is obvious to all who meet her, as are her kindness and generosity in sharing what she has discovered. This is all the more remarkable since her work on the site has always been a pure labor of love undertaken by a private scholar with no state or institutional support. Where others in a similar situation might be tempted to hoard the knowledge they have accumulated through meticulous, privately financed research and through the application of rare erudition, De Franceschini eagerly communicates her findings in informal conversations and correspondence even with scholars she barely knows, and she does so in advance of being able to publish it and thereby stake her claim to the important discoveries she has made. Perhaps the most obvious evidence of her generous spirit is the website (http:// www.villa-adriana.net/) rich in scholarly resources about the Villa which she created and has curated for many years. De Franceschini’s first book, Villa Adriana Mosaici Pavimenti Edifici (1991) provided an overall review and summary of previous studies initiated at a time when discovering antiquarian sources was much more di√cult than it is today when so many rare books and even manuscripts have been published on-line. The book remains a basic reference work for scholars because she was able to make a synthetic presentation of the previous studies and discoveries about each part of the Villa. When one begins to study the Maritime Theatre, the Piazza d’Oro, or any of the other c. 30 major components of Hadrian’s Villa, this is the right place from which to start since it puts at your fingertips the history of the site, records about earlier restoration work, building technique, and surface finish. Her second book, co-authored with astronomer Giuseppe Veneziano, was Villa Adriana. Architettura Celeste. I segreti dei solstizi (2011). It presents compelling evidence of astronomical orientations of structures found in the Accademia and Roccabruna. I found the book an inspiration for my own research on Hadrian’s Villa, which has led me to continue the search for celestial alignments in other parts of the villa, notably in the Antinoeion. Without the prior work of De Franceschini and Veneziano, it never would have occurred to me to undertake this research, which lies far outside the range of my previous scholarly interests. The third and latest book De Franceschini has written is the present work, Villa Adriana Accademia. Hadrian’s Secret Garden (2016). This elegantly produced work is the outcome of extensive research on the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa. It attests that archival research and on-site surveys and fieldwork ought not to be compartmentalized. De Franceschini’s interdisciplinary approach exploits both older data lurking in the archives and new data that she

has brought to light at the Villa. Her choice of the Accademia was particularly intelligent since it is still in private hands and has thus not yet been the subject of modern monographic study. Among the many virtues of the new book I would especially single out its introductory survey of the history of the rediscovery and exploration of the villa starting in the xvth century. This part of the book is particularly precious because it presents the first detailed account in English of the villa’s history from the xvth to xviith centuries. Along the way De Franceschini gives us our first detailed account of the all-important pioneering work of Pirro Ligorio in the middle of the xvith century. Those who turned to David Co√n’s excellent book on Ligorio (Pirro Ligorio. The Renaissance Artist, Architect, and Antiquarian, 2004) hoping to learn about Ligorio’s work at Hadrian’s Villa went away disappointed by the brevity of his treatment of this (at least for archaeologists) important topic. Now that hope is amply fulfilled as De Franceschini provides the details about Ligorio’s project and finds at the Villa and she also clears up the mystery of why he left behind three separate manuscripts about the site. She then follows the thread of the story into the next century and provides a similarly enlightening account of the work of Francesco Contini. Along the way, De Franceschini provides ample quotations of the antiquarian sources with good English translations. She provides brand new, high quality images of old drawings, plans and maps, in large size, readable in all details. This is particularly important in the case of Contini’s plan, the oldest comprehensive one of the villa that has come down to us. For the first time ancient plans are compared to modern ones and to the new updated plan of the Accademia. In this way it was possible to discover some old ‘errors’ but also to see how Contini’s plan was extremely accurate, considering the cartographic methodology and technology he had at his disposal. Earlier publications about Hadrian’s Villa often refer to the same excavations and finds by listing the most important works of sculpture found but without showing their images or by providing only reproductions of old engravings. In contrast, this book provides new color pictures. Sometimes this improved visual documentation has important scholarly consequences as, for example, in the case of the Barberini Candelabra, about which we discover new extraordinary details that previously were unnoticed because of the poor quality of the earlier illustrations. In short, this book provides a balanced account of work undertaken at the villa by outstanding artists, antiquarians, scholars and antique dealers during the Renaissance and Baroque periods. Data from disparate sources are gathered and synthesized in De Franceschini’s inimitable manner to reach a deeper understanding. We see how scholarship and studies slowly moved from an antiquarian approach to one that was more modern and rational.

* Indiana University.

14

introduction

Since the villa was rediscovered in the Renaissance, in every century there have been a handful of figures who towered above all the rest in mastery of the site and in their ability to make and communicate new discoveries about it. The xvith century had Ligorio, the xviith Con-

tini, the xviiith Piranesi, the xixth Penna and Winnefeld, the xxth Gusman, MacDonald, Pinto, and Salza Prina Ricotti. No doubt when future scholars of Hadrian’s Villa look back at our time, the equivalent figure who will bulk large is Marina De Franceschini.

PRE S E NTA TIO N U rba n o B a r b e r in i*

T

he latest work by Marina De Franceschini Villa Adriana, Accademia. Hadrian’s Secret Garden analyzes and reconstructs the history of the area in the southern part of the Villa, precisely called Accademia. It is not well known because it belongs to private owners and was never included in the regular visiting routes. This work has the merit of describing and virtually reconstructing the buildings that are in a very bad state of preservation; and also describes the history of the famous people who were related to the Accademia over the centuries and had the privilege to excavate, paint and be inspired by the magnificence of its ancient walls. Rediscovering this place is also important to understand the nature of the structure that some scholars believed to have been a villa within the Villa, that is to say the residence of Hadrian’s wife, Vibia Sabina; she was supposed to lead a life which was independent from that of her husband, and

therefore would require a suitable residence on her own right within the Hadrianic mansion. There is no evidence about this, hence the importance of knowing more about a site for which it is still possible to answer questions about its real nature and connotation – although it is badly kept. The author’s choice to write this work in English is a very eπective action in order to expand knowledge and open to the whole world the analysis of a monument like no other, which since several decades has a place of excellence within the Unesco World Heritage Sites. I am therefore very pleased to present this important publication as it certainly is an additional tool for knowledge and study of a site that still oπers a strong testimony of past greatness, and needs continuous incentives and stimulations in order to live and be protected from ruin and neglect that would lead to alienation and to the loss of historical memory.

* Commissioner of the Department of Culture and Tourism, Municipality of Tivoli.

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AU TH O R ’S NO TE

V

illa Adriana or Hadrian’s Villa near Tivoli (Rome) is the largest and most famous Roman Imperial villa and needs no introduction. But the Accademia does, because is in a private property, not open to visitors, and it is very little known and studied. This is why I decided to study it within my Accademia Project, using for the first time in Hadrian’s Villa digital technology and laser scanner to draw a new updated plan and discover its features (see in this respect the author’s website www.villa-adriana.net).

The Accademia is located on the Accademia esplanade, the highest and most secluded of the artificial esplanades of the Villa, that can be reached by means of a winding path: it was the true Secret Garden of Emperor Hadrian (Fig. 1). The esplanade has four buildings: the first is the tower of Roccabruna, with its main access point via a ramp. The second is the Accademia with a monumental entrance Pavilion – the Belvedere – leading into an inner Secret Garden surrounded by a portico, where stands out the monumental hall called Temple of Apollo. The third is the Mimizia (almost razed to the ground) and finally there is the Odeon theatre, the southern one of the Villa (Figs. 2-3). After the survey, the starting point was reading previous antiquarian sources and studies, collecting ancient maps and drawings, to see what had been done and studied be-

Fig. 1. The Belvedere of the Accademia, Hadrian’s Secret Garden.

4 3

8 9 2 10 7 11 5

1 6

Fig. 2. Plastic model of the Accademia esplanade with its buildings (red numbers) and surrounding area (blue numbers). 1) Roccabruna; 2) Accademia; 3) Mimizia; 4) Odeon; 5) Fosso di Risicoli; 6) Access ramp; 7) Accademia esplanade; 8) Nymphæum of the Prætorium; 9) Prætorium esplanade; 10) Nymphæum above the Canopus; 11) Canopus.

18

author’s note

9

11 10

3

4

8

12 5

2

1

7 6

13

Fig. 3. Plastic model of the Accademia (red numbers) and surrounding area (blue numbers). 1) Belvedere entrance pavilion Ac1; 2) Rooms transformed in hay-loft Ac9-11; 3) Temple of Apollo Ac78; 4) Zooteca Ac88; 5) Inner portico Ac7; 6) Outer double portico Ac6; 7) Southern wing; 8) Nymphæum of the Prætorium; 9) Prætorium esplanade; 10) Nymphæum above the Canopus; 11) Canopus; 12) Accademia esplanade; 13) Fosso di Risicoli.

fore. It turned out to be an extraordinary journey among the greatest artists of all times, who visited and studied the Accademia and the rest of the Villa. This is how and why this book was born: to tell the story of the building and of its works of art, and to talk about the outstanding artists, antiquarians and architects who studied there and were inspired by its imposing ruins, such as the Temple of Apollo. In the past centuries the history of the studies and excavations of Hadrian’s Villa was written many times (usually in Italian, French or German), without showing the pictures of the works of art mentioned and without reproducing the antiquarian plans. Thanks to the ‘digital revolution’, today we are able to show the pictures of statues and mosaics and to reproduce in large scale the most significant antiquarian plans. And – most of all – we can also read many of the original antiquarian sources on-line, instead of settling for second hand quotations as was done before. Our attention will mainly focus on the building of the Accademia, but we will also deal with the rest of the Villa. This first book is about the first three centuries of studies

on the Accademia: it starts from the xvth century, when Hadrian’s Villa was rediscovered. It will tell the history of the studies and of the excavations, with their location, authors, finds, giving a catalogue of statues and mosaics with new color pictures, a list of the land owners and much more. We verified previous information, comparing the new data coming from our survey with ancient data: sometimes they were confirmed, but on several occasions we made new discoveries as far as architecture and decoration are concerned. A second book will follow, completing the history of previous studies from the the xviiith century onwards. Finally there will be a third book on the building of the Accademia itself, to explain its architecture, building technique, decoration, subterranean corridors, its position within Hadrian’s Villa and relationship with the other buildings and areas, with 3D reconstructions. We used the traditional Italian names of the buildings of Hadrian’s Villa, mostly created by Ligorio, Contini, Piranesi and Nibby: for location and names translated in English see our general folding Plan no. 1. Unless otherwise stated, all pictures are of the Author.

ACK N O W LE D GE M E NTS To my mother Rirella

T

he «Accademia Project» was accomplished thanks to the cooperation with Architect Umberto Pavanello, one of the Italian pioneers in the use of laser scanner in archaeological surveys, who proposed to use it in the Accademia – first time ever in Hadrian’s Villa. We worked together during several campaigns, exploring a site that until then was virtually unknown. Together with him, I sincerely thank Architect Giorgia Andreatta, who supervised the final edition of the plan, giving a professional touch and order to our work. I thank Professor Mariette de Vos of the University of Trento who helped my project by introducing to me archaeologists Anna Maria Marras, Caterina Ognibeni and Birgit Costazza: their help was extremely important during the topographical survey to bring back to light the Accademia in order to see, measure and study together its structures (we even had to tame the bushes exactly as Piranesi did several centuries ago). I fondly remember the late Professor Friedrich Rakob and I am grateful to his Architects Edmund Faller, Dirk Helfgen and Axel Krück, who gave me the documentation on their still unpublished survey of the Accademia, made in the years 1991-1993. I also thank American Architects Robert Mangurian and Mary-Ann Ray: they surveyed Hadrian’s Villa in 19851994 within their «Atelier Italia Project», and most generously gave me their unpublished documentation on the Accademia, which was of fundamental importance for understanding architectural features that are no longer visible today. I thank Architect Michael Ytterberg for permission to use his 2015 restored general plan of Hadrian’s Villa: see folding Plan no. 1. I thank Professor Thomas Fröhlich, director of the Library of the Deutsches Archäologisches Instituts of Rome, for the scans of the plans of Francesco Contini (1668) and the permission to publish free of charge. I am grateful to Professor Antonio Paolucci, director of the Vatican Museums, for the permission to publish the

pictures of the Barberini Candelabra and the other sculptures free of charge. I also thank Dr. Giovanni Saccani, director of the Biblioteca Reale of Turin, for the permission to publish the drawing of Francesco di Giorgio Martini free of charge. I am very grateful to Dr. Anna Maria Reggiani for writing an Introduction to this book; she directed the Archaeological Superintendency of Latium when the Accademia Project started and saw its developments from the beginning. I am very grateful to Bernard Frischer (Professor of Informatics, Indiana University) for writing the second Introduction to this book; we worked together in his Digital Hadrian’s Villa Project and share a great interest in the Villa. I also thank Urbano Barberini, Commissioner of the Department of Culture and Tourism of the Municipality of Tivoli for his Presentation and patronage of my book. I warmly thank Mrs. Geraldine Tomlin who with great patience read and edited my English translation, and Jane Crawford (Professor of Classics, University of Virginia) for her accurate proof-reading of my text. I am very grateful to the Samuel H. Kress Foundation for supporting the publication of this book with the Kress Publication Grant. I thank Professors Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway (Bryn Mawr College), Mariette de Vos (University of Trento) and Bernard Frischer (Indiana University) for supporting my application, and also the Archaeological Institute of America’s Executive director Ann Benbow and the Lecture & Fellowship coordinator Laurel Sparks for giving me this opportunity. I also thank Mrs. Daniela Bulgarini, owner of the Accademia, for giving me permission to survey and study the site, and the Archaeological Superintendency of Latium for supporting my research. A final thankyou to professors, archaeologists, librarians and museum curators, who in many ways helped me by providing information during these years of research, and will be individually quoted in each chapter.

C h a p te r 1 TH E REN AISSAN CE A ND R O M A N A NTIQU ITY 1. Humanism, Renaissance and Hadrian’s Villa

O

ne of the most fascinating aspects of the study of Hadrian’s Villa is that its ruins were visited and studied by the greatest artists, architects and antiquarians of history from the Renaissance to the Baroque, through Neoclassicism to the modern age. After the so-called ‘dark centuries’ of the Middle Ages,1 Humanism spread rapidly from Florence and Rome throughout Italy and Europe, rediscovering the treasures of Greek and Roman antiquity with great passion. Ancient manuscripts copied in monasteries proved to be an endless source of information on a world that was long lost, but still full of life. The wisdom of this vanished world inspired every field of study, from architecture to military, from State administration to justice and family law. The great Greek and Latin writers served again as models for education: children studied Greek, Latin and the seven liberal arts of the trivium (grammar, dialectic and rhetoric) and the quadrivium (geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and music). The Church and the Italian nobility regarded themselves as the ideal successors of the splendors of the Roman Empire and of classical antiquity. Their legitimacy as heirs of a glorious past used the symbolic language of the Hellenistic and Roman world. First, the Popes perpetuated the ancient symbols of power, choosing the same purple color once used by the Senators of Rome for the robes of the Cardinals. They also assumed the most ancient religious titles, such as that of Pontifex Maximus, once belonging to the Roman Emperors, now held by the Pope himself. In the xvth century, Biondo Flavio wrote that Cardinals and Popes were the successors of Saint Peter and of the Apostles, but also, and more importantly, that they were the heirs of the Roman Emperors and Senators.2 Continuity with the past consisted in one of the most ancient symbols of power: luxury, which meant scenic and monumental architecture, humanistic culture and patronage of the arts. Roman Emperors – especially Augustus and Hadrian – embellished Rome and the Empire with exceptional buildings and monuments, to show their power and wealth. They constructed palaces and public buildings such as baths, theatres and circuses, aqueducts and sewers, bridges and roads, all of equal strength and majestic size. Following their example, Cardinals and Popes promoted ambitious plans to restore the splendors of Rome. Their example was followed by the noble families in the States and Kingdoms of Italy, soon imitated by other European monarchies. After centuries of decay and neglect, Rome

rose from its ruins, embellished with new churches, squares, streets and palaces, and reached a population of one hundred thousand inhabitants:3 the same happened in the most important Italian cities, which were themselves also enriched by splendid monuments and works of art. Art and culture were the keystones of that revolution: artists studied the classical texts and were able to express their creativity freely in architecture, sculpture and painting. During the xvth and xvith centuries Italy saw an extraordinary and unique concentration of geniuses, of multi-faceted talents, such as Biondo Flavio, Leon Battista Alberti, Donato Bramante, Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Andrea Palladio, Pirro Ligorio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Leonardo, Baldassarre and Sallustio Peruzzi, Antonio and Giuliano da Sangallo, Giovanni da Udine, and many, many others. It had all started in Florence, but the secular patronage of the Florentines was very quickly replaced by the religious patronage of Cardinals and Popes, who in the early

1 Biondo Flavio (1392-1463), who rediscovered Hadrian’s Villa in 1450, was the first to use the term «Middle Ages» to indicate the period of time between the splendor of the late Roman Empire and its rebirth in the xvth century in his Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum imperii Decades (Decades of History from the Deterioration of the Roman Empire), published in 1483. 2 Hollingsworth, Richardson 2010, p. 1.

3 In Imperial times Rome reached the number of one million inhabitants, Hollingsworth, Richardson 2010, p. 11: «In 1400, the city was shabby and dilapidated, with a population of 17,000 […]. By 1650 it had become a thriving metropolis with a population over 100,000, a city of grand roads and piazzas, magnificent churches and superb palaces and villas, a visual statement of a triumphant Catholic Church».

Fig. 1. Hadrian’s Villa, Great Baths, the frigidarium.

22

chapter 1

decades of the xvith century attracted the greatest talents of the time to their magnificent courts; this is how Rome became the center of the arts of the whole world, at the expense of Florence.4 The greatest artists of that time – founding fathers of the Italian art – met and knew each other in literary circles and in the houses of their patrons, sharing their knowledge, discussing projects, theories and interpretations. Sometimes they esteemed each other, rarely they loved each other and more often they deeply hated each other. Their work was dependent upon the commissions of Cardinals, Popes and of the noble families who called them to build palaces in the cities and beautiful villas in the countryside, inspired by the ancient Roman domus and villas. In those sumptuous mansions, patrons displayed their outstanding collections of ancient art. They also collected rare and valuable books and manuscripts in their private libraries, generously made available to scholars, according to the theories formulated in 1510 by Paolo Cortesi in his De Cardinalatu.5 At that time we also hear mention of the so-called ‘splendid paradox’:6 the contrast between the Cardinal’s vow of poverty (purely theoretical) and their luxurious lifestyle (extremely real). But living with a high degree of magnificentia was justified as a moral obligation … to avoid the sin of avarice!7 The rediscovery of Vitruvius’ De Architectura played a fundamental role, influencing generations of artists and architects.8 Another important source of inspiration were the Roman ruins: falling apart and covered by vegetation, they were still so grandiose – especially in Rome, Lazio and Campania – as to exert a powerful fascination over

scholars and artists of the time. In the middle of the xvth century – four centuries before Heinrich Schliemann found the city of Troy by reading the Iliad – Biondo Flavio and Leon Battista Alberti were wondering just how much truth there was in the Latin and Greek sources, and if it was possible to identify the buildings that they described. In this way, they rediscovered ancient monuments and the villas of the most famous personalities of ancient Rome, and Hadrian’s Villa was one of the first. Archeology was born this way and Biondo Flavio and Leon Battista Alberti are considered its founding fathers.9 Together with the ruins of Rome, Hadrian’s Villa became an inspiring model for Renaissance art and architecture. All the greatest artists of the Renaissance visited the Villa to study and measure its buildings, to learn their secrets and find inspiration for their creations. By chance, the Accademia is represented in the oldest drawings and plans that have come down to us, perhaps because the site was more accessible than others, and certainly because the Temple of Apollo, so imposing, commanded attention. Hadrian’s Villa also proved to be an inexhaustible quarry of treasures, sculptures, mosaics and precious marbles, which were fought over by Cardinals, Popes and Roman noblemen to add to their collections of ancient art. In the following chapters we will talk about scholars, artists, antiquarians and other people who are connected with Hadrian’s Villa, focusing on those who dealt with the Accademia esplanade and its buildings: Roccabruna, Accademia, Mimizia and Odeon. It will be a short but extraordinary journey into the world of the greatest artists of all times.

4 Cortesi 1980, p. 50: «[…] the great Quattrocento Humanists were all dead, and the center of culture as well as power moved from Florence to Rome; from secular to predominately ecclesiastical patronage of culture». Robertson 1992, p. 1: «Rome in 1520 was the artistic center of the world. It exercised a double fascination for artists and architects. They were drawn there by the increasing opportunities to study antique art and buildings, examples of which were daily being unearthed. Vasari, the great chronicle of the development of Renaissance art […] attributed the great achievements of xvith-century artists to their greater understanding of classical art, and Rome was without rival in the possibilities for study that she oπered». 5 Cortesi 1980, p. 56: «Libraries as important signs of magnificence»; p. 79: «The cardinal’s Library ought also to be in the same loggia (ambulatio), since it is lighted by the morning sun, which is so good for reading, and it provides free access from outside to the library – something of the greatest possible service to learned men». 6 Chambers 2010, p. 18: «Cardinals can be classified as an élite, a privileged superclass […]. Behind all this lies the ‘splendid

paradox’ of wealth being combined with profession of poverty, and of living with a high degree of magnificence seen as a moral obligation». 7 Hollingsworth, Richardson 2010, p. 9. See Cortesi 1980, p. 52: Weil-Garris and D’Amico, who translated the Italian text, wrote: «Unlike popes and reformers since Avignon, Paolo Cortesi saw no incongruity between the religious duties of the cardinal and the conspicuous display of wealth. He understood that it was unrealistic to expect apostolic poverty of the cardinals, and proposed instead a standardization of behavior that would avoid abuse and excess». 8 Cortesi 1980, p. 53: «Sulpizio Verolano was the editor of the first printed Latin Vitruvius, published in 1486, a year after Alberti’s De re aedificatoria. […]. Fra’ Giocondo was the editor of the first illustrated Latin Vitruvius in 1511». 9 They made the important transition from the fantasy descriptions of the medieval Mirabilia to a modern description based on the results of topographical survey of the monuments, in the cities and in the countryside.

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C h a p te r 2 H ADRIAN’ S VILLA IN TH E X V T H C E NTU R Y: REDISCOVERY A FTE R O B LIVIO N 1. The descriptions of the Historia Augusta and of Sextus Aurelius Victor, abandonment and the rediscovery Statura fuit procerus, forma comptus, flexo ad pectinem capillo, promissa barba, ut vulnera, quae in facie naturalia erant, tegeret, habitudine robusta. Equitavit ambulavitque plurimum armisque et pilo se semper exercuit. Venatus frequentissime leonem manu sua occidit. Venando autem iugulum et costam fregit. Venationem sempre cum amicis participavit. In convivio tragœdias comœdias Atellanas sambucas lectores poetas pro re semper exhibuit. Tiburtinam Villam mire exaedificavit, ita ut in ea et provinciarum et locorum celeberrima nomina inscriberet, velut Lyceum, Academian, Prytaneum, Canopum, Poicilen, Tempe vocaret. Et, ut nihil praetermitteret, etiam inferos finxit. (Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Ælii Spartiani De Vita Hadriani, xxvi.1-5) He was tall of stature and elegant in appearance; his hair was curled on a comb, and he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face; and he was very strongly built. He rode and walked a great deal and always kept himself in training by the use of arms and of the javelin. He also hunted, and he used often to kill a lion with his own hand, but once in a hunt he broke his collar-bone and a rib; these hunts of his he always shared with his friends. At his banquets he always furnished, according to the occasion, tragedies, comedies, Atellan farces, players on the sambuca, readers, or poets. His villa at Tibur was marvelously constructed, and he actually gave to parts of it the names of provinces and places of the greatest renown, calling them, for instance, Lyceum, Academia, Prytaneum, Canopus, Pœcile and Tempe. And in order not to omit anything, he even made a Hades.1

A

fter outlining the personality of Emperor Hadrian (Fig. 1), his controversial character, his passion for hunting and convivial banquets with friends, the Historia Augusta says that he «gave to parts of it the names of provinces and places of the greatest renown calling them Lyceum, Academia, Prytaneum, Canopus, Pœcile and Tempe. And not to omit anything, he even made a Hades». This somewhat cryptic sentence was the starting point for all studies and research; from the Renaissance on, architects, archaeologists and antiquarians tried to identify the buildings, the Valley of Tempe, the Hades, and so were born the names of the buildings that we still use today. Since there is no evidence to justify a change, it is better to keep the traditional names without inventing new ones, as was recently done, causing great confusion. In the ivth century ad historian Sextus Aurelius Victor briefly mentioned Hadrian’s Villa in his Epitome de Caesaribus:2

1 English translation in the very useful website Lacus Curtius: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/L/Roman/Texts/Historia_A ugusta/Hadrian/2*.html.

Fig. 1. Portrait of Hadrian, from Baiae. Naples, National Archaeological Museum.

Deinde, uti solet tranquillis rebus, remissior rus proprium Tibur secessit permissa urbe Lucio Aelio Caesari. Ipse, uti beatis locupletibus mos, palatia exstruere, curare epulas signa tabulas pictas; postremo omnia satis anxie prospicere, quae luxus lasciviaeque essent. Then, when all was quiet, after entrusting Rome to Lucius Aelius Caesar, he retired into his countryside at Tivoli. And, as the happy and rich usually do, he spent his time building palaces, oπering banquets, arranging statues and paintings, and finally longed for everything that was luxurious or lascivious.

During his reign, Hadrian travelled all over the Empire, and rarely stayed in his Villa; he spent the last years of his life in Baiae, where he died after a prolonged illness. We know very little about the final period of life of the Villa: in the absence of stratigraphic excavations there is no reliable data on its final abandonment and destruction. According to modern historians such as Volpi, PetitRadel, Nibby, Moroni and Lanciani,3 Emperors Caracalla (209-217 ad) and Constantine (306-337 ad) had already

2 Also on-line: https://ia902606.us.archive.org/21/items/decaesari buslib00pichgoog/decaesaribuslib00pichgoog.pdf. 3 Volpi 1745, pp. 402-403; Petit-Radel 1815, p. 435; Nibby 1827, p. 7; Moroni 1855, pp. 98-99; Lanciani 1906, p. 6.

24

chapter 2 that he wintered there with his men before the conquest and sack of Rome in 546.13 The second was probably led by Aistulf, King of the Langobards,14 who passed through Tivoli in the mid-viiith century ad, with six thousand men, heading for Rome. Then followed about six centuries of oblivion and neglect, during which the Villa lost its identity and was simply named Tiboli vecchio (Old Tivoli); it was downgraded to a quarry for building materials: stones and bricks were stolen, and marbles were burned to make lime.15 The spacious artificial esplanades were ideal for cultivation, so the Roman ruins were remorselessly removed by farmers to make way for vineyards and olive groves, with further destruction and devastation. Other damage – as related by Pirro Ligorio – were caused by iconoclastic purges which raged furiously against statues of pagan gods (especially Egyptian ones) seen as «enemies of our Christian religion» for fear that they «could harm every good cult and way towards Good».16

Fig. 2. Portrait of Biondo Flavio (from Giovio 1577).

stripped the Villa of its marbles to reuse them in other buildings in Rome. The discovery of the portraits of Emperors who came after Hadrian (Antoninus Pius,4 Marcus Aurelius,5 Lucius Verus,6 Commodus,7 Septimius Severus,8 Caracalla,9 Alexander Severus)10 nevertheless confirms that the Villa was still inhabited during the reigns of the Antonine and the Severian dynasties. The latest piece of news dates back to the Emperor Aurelian (270-275 ad) and relates to Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, who was imprisoned and confined in exile in Tivoli, in a property located near Hadrian’s Villa.11 We also have very little information about the barbarian invasions that devastated the site. The first was led by Totila,12 King of the Ostrogoths, around 544 ad: it seems

4 Antoninus Pius (138-161 ad): Raeder 1983, i.58, p. 75; i.21, pp. 104-105; iii.26, p. 151. 5 Marcus Aurelius (161-180 ad): Raeder 1983, i.56, p. 74; i.122, p. 105. 6 Lucius Verus (161-169 ad): Raeder 1983, i.9, pp. 37-38; ii.15, p. 134. 7 Commodus (180-192 ad): a brief survey in E. Calandra, Ritratti imperiali dopo Adriano a Villa Adriana, in Villa Adriana. Paesaggio antico e ambiente moderno. Elementi di novità e ricerche in corso, Roma, 2002, p. 64, no. 9, listing other Imperial portraits. 8 Septimius Severus (193-211 ad): Raeder 1983, i.70, p. 81. 9 Caracalla (209-217 ad): Raeder 1983, i.56, p. 74; i.95, p. 94; ii.15, p. 134; iii.9, pp. 145-146. 10 Alexander Severus (222-235 ad): Raeder 1983, iii.76, p. 168. 11 Scriptores Historia Augusta, Tyranni Triginta, 30.27: «Aurelian saved her life and it is said that later she lived with her children as a Roman matron, in a property that had been donated to her in Tivoli, which even today is called Zenobia, not far from the Palace of Hadrian». For the original Latin text see Lacus Curtius website: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/L/Roman/Texts/Historia_ Augusta/Tyranni_XXX*.html. 12 Volpi 1745, pp. 402-403; Petit-Radel 1815, p. 435; Penna 1831, p. iv; Moroni 1855, p. 99; Lanciani 1906, p. 6. See also Totila in the website Treccani.it: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ totila_(Enciclopedia-Italiana)/. 13 Moroni 1855, p. 99; Lanciani 1906, p. 6. 14 Nibby 1827, p. 8: «According to the Anonymous of Salerno, he put everything to fire and sword. In a manuscript chronicle of

Since these were places of great pleasure, and were dedicated to the relaxation of men of science, who were enemies of our Christian religion, this makes us think […] to go on further with the destruction made earlier by the barbarians, and so all the things of idolatry were broken […] seeming to those good men, that the customs that were born from those sciences would be of nuisance, and were going to make the people waver: and the statues of the Heroes, also called gods, and the other ornaments, would spoil good worship and the way towards Good.

1. 1. Biondo Flavio and Pope Pius II The rediscovery of Hadrian’s Villa was closely linked to that of the ancient world, within the extraordinary cultural fervor of Humanism and Renaissance. After centuries of oblivion, reading the famous sentence of the Historia Augusta, in 1450 the Italian historian Biondo Flavio (Fig. 2) understood that those «great and marvelous ruins» belonged to the ancient Imperial Villa.17 He described them in his Italia illustrata18 (Fig. 3). We still will have to go to the third road Tiburtina […] sixteen miles from Rome, along that road is Tivoli, more ancient than

the tenth century he reads that he camped in Tivoli with six thousand men; but it is very likely that […] he profited from the use of Hadrian’s Villa to house his troops, and consequently that this was going to suπer further devastation». Penna 1831, p. iv; Lanciani 1906, p. 6. 15 Pirro Ligorio wrote about this in the xvith century: Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 44v; see Ten 2005, p. 69: «fragmenti […] di varie imagini che sono state portate a la calcara» («fragments of several images which have been brought to the limekiln»). 16 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 50r-v, in Ten 2005, p. 78: «I quali luoghi per essere di grande piacere, et per esser dedicati alli deporti dell’huomini di scienza, nemiche della nostra christiana religione, fa pensare di […] seguitar la rovina fattavi prima da i barbari, et così furono guaste tutte le cose dell’idolatria […] parendo a quegli huomini dabene, che i costumi che nascevano da quelle scienze fussero di nocumenti, et di suggetti da far vacillare le persone: et le statue de gli heroi altramente detti iddij et gli altri ornamenti guastassero ogni buono culto et via del bene». 17 Italia illustrata, where he spoke of the Villa for the first time, was written between 1448 and 1453. The first translation into the vernacular (by Lucio Fauno) was printed in 1522. 18 «Ci resta agir per la terza strada Tiburtina, per giunger agli altri termini de’ Latini; sedeci miglia lunge da Roma per quella strada è Tivoli, più antica di Roma, come vuole Strabone […]. Sono vicino a Tivoli grandi e meravigliose ruine, e d’altri molto magnifici edificij, e principalmente de la villa che Adriano Imperatore vi edificò; dice Spartiano di questa villa, che Adriano vi pose i nomi più celebri de le province, e de’ luoghi del mondo […]».

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Fig. 4. Portrait of Pope Pius II Piccolomini (from Angelini 2005). Fig. 3. Biondo Flavio’s Roma ristaurata et Italia illustrata, printed in 1558.

Rome, as Strabo says […]. Close to Tivoli there are great and marvelous ruins, and of other very magnificent buildings, and primarily of the Villa that emperor Hadrian built; Spartianus says about this villa, that Hadrian gave to it the most famous names of the provinces, and of the places of the world […].

Pope Pius II Piccolomini (Fig. 4) was very fond of Tivoli, where he used to spend some time to rest, despite the poor accommodation in an old house «full of rats as big as rabbits», as he wrote in his Commentarii.19 On September 7th, 1461, a decade after his discovery, Biondo Flavio showed the ruins of Hadrian’s Villa to Pius II, as we know from a letter sent to Gregorio Lolli Piccolomini where Biondo described an excursion from Tivoli that reached the cloister of Santa Caterina del Monte Catillo, and quoted the famous sentence of the Historia Augusta:20 Biondo Flavio Forlivese, to the illustrious Giureconsulto Gregorio Lolli Piccolomini.21

19 Commentarii, v, ch. 27: «La casa era vetusta e cadente, piena di topi grandi come conigli che discorrevano qua e là e rendevano inquiete le notti». See Totaro 1984, pp. 987-989. 20 Nogara 1927, pp. 162-163. For the original Latin text see ibidem, pp. 193-194, letter no. 18: «A Gregorio Lolli Piccolomini, giureconsulto, da Roma, 12 settembre 1461», from Cod. Vat. Lat. 6284, π. 65-72. 21 I thank Professors Giovanni Mennella and Adelina Arnaldi for the Italian translation of the Latin text: «Biondo Flavio Forlivese, all’insigne Giureconsulto Gregorio Lolli Piccolomini. Al secondo miglio dopo Tivoli per chi va a Roma, sulla sinistra c’è un edificio che a me, che non l’ho visto da vicino, appare enorme, e che il volgo chiama “Tivoli vecchio” per ignoranza. Non credo, infatti, che lì

At the second mile after Tivoli, for those who go to Rome, on the left there is a building that to me, who have not seen it up close, is very large, and ignorant people call “old Tivoli”. I do not think, in fact, that damp Tivoli once was there, but that it is the villa of the Emperor Hadrian, about which Aelius Spartianus towards the end of the Life of Hadrian provides this description: «He built a villa with great pomp at Tivoli, and made sure that in it were written the names of the provinces and the most famous places of the Empire, calling them Lyceum, Accademia, Pœcile, Prytaneion, Canopus and Tempe, and not to omit anything he pretended that there was also the Underworld». If, as you said, our most blessed Pope has ordered the clearing of these buildings of vegetation and brambles, I come to you to ask you something also from the Sibilla Tiburtina, because I’m a stutterer about such a famous building. Feel good, and love me like you (always) do. September 12th, 1461.

The text says «qui non inspexi» which means «I have not seen it up close»: so on that occasion Biondo Flavio and the Pope did not make a visit inside the Villa (as is generally believed) because the brambles were impenetrable: they simply observed it from a certain distance, though perhaps Pius II promised to have it cleared of vegetation.

sorgesse l’umida Tivoli, ma che si tratti della villa dell’Imperatore Adriano, sulla quale Elio Sparziano verso la fine della Vita di Adriano fornisce questa descrizione: “Fece costruire con grande sfarzo una villa a Tivoli e fece in modo che in essa fossero scritti i nomi più celebri delle province e dei luoghi dell’impero, chiamandoli come il Liceo, l’Accademia, il Pecile, il Pritaneo, il Canopo e Tempe, e per non tralasciare proprio nulla finse che ci fossero anche gli Inferi”. Se, come hai detto, il nostro beatissimo pontefice avrà ordinato di ripulire questa villa dalla vegetazione e dai rovi, verrò da te anche per chiedere qualcosa dalla Sibilla Tiburtina, perché sono balbuziente in merito a un così famoso edificio. Sta’ bene e amami come fai (sempre). 12 settembre 1461».

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chapter 2 Renaissance, the Baroque and Neoclassical periods, the Tiburtine Villa became a ‘must’ in the studies of the most important architects, antiquarians and scholars. 2. The first excavations at Hadrian’s Villa 2. 1. The excavation of the Odeon (Fig. 5) The first excavation for which we have an historical record took place at the end of the xvth century, during the pontificate of Pope Alexander VI (1492-1503); it was carried out in the Odeon, the southern theatre of the Villa, just near the building of the Accademia.22 It is a prime example of what will happen in almost all subsequent excavations: we have only meager topographical indications and no information whatsoever about the people who actually conducted the excavation. This is why in literature we so often read of «excavations of Pope Alexander VI», even if the Pope did not conduct them in person. On this occasion, the antiquarian sources considered only the discovery of nine beautiful statues of the Muses as important enough to record, whose story gives an idea of how complicated it can be to identify and retrace sculptures and works of art found in the Villa.23 Pirro Ligorio – who had first-hand information – gave a brief report on the excavation:24 The statues that have been removed from this magnificent and ornate place, first of all are those nine seated Muses, of Parian marble, which were transported to the vineyard of Pope Clement VII, at Rome, on the hill called Monte Mare of the Vatican; which were already removed from this theatre in the time of Pope Alexander Borgia, with other beautiful things: others say that then were sold to Pope Leo. Fig. 5. Hadrian’s Villa, Odeon theatre: view of the portico post scænam.

We do not know if they explored the Villa on another occasion probably they did not, since both died within a few years, Biondo in 1463, the Pope in 1464. During the xvth century, after the rediscovery of the Villa, architects and artists began to document the buildings that were more accessible and best preserved with drawings and plans: Accademia and Roccabruna, Greek and Latin Libraries, Maritime Theatre, Canopus, Great Baths, Small Baths. In the following centuries, during the

Ligorio explained that «the nine seated Muses» were sold to Pope Leo X Medici (1513-1521), and his successor Pope Clement VII Medici (1523-1534) moved them to Villa Madama (designed for him by Raphael). Between 1532 and 1535 the statues were seen and drawn in that location by Maarten van Heemskerck,25 but his sketch shows only four seated statues, in their original condition, mutilated and not yet restored26 (Fig. 6). In the following centuries, the Muses changed hands several times: Villa Madama was sold by the Medici to the Farnese family, and in the mid xviith century four statues are listed in two diπerent inventories.27 After having them restored as Polyhymnia, Erato, Terpsichore and Calliope, in 1681 Ranuccio II Far-

22 Nibby 1827, p. 10; Penna 1836, iii, pl. 1; Bulgarini 1848, p. 25; Winnefeld 1895, p. 3, note 14; Lanciani 1906, p. 6 and p. 29; Raeder 1983, p. 48; De Franceschini 1991, p. 5; Paribeni 1994, p. 22. See folding Plan no. 4. 23 The history of the Muses and of their diπerent owners is in Raeder 1983, p. 6, i.26-33, pp. 48-50 and pp. 233-235. It is reported by Rausa 2001; Rausa 2002, pp. 43-44; and Mangiafesta 2008 p. 245, which is the most recent and updated study. See also: de’ Bardi 1595, p. 30; Penna 1836, iii, pp. 1-3 and pls. iv-x; Hübner 1908, pp. 359-360; De Franceschini 1991, p. 5; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326. 24 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 44r-v, in Ten 2005, p. 69: «Le statoe che sono state tolte da questo magnifico et ornatissimo luogo, primieramente sono quelle nove Muse che siedono, di marmo pario, che sono state trasportate nella vigna di Papa Clemente settimo, presso Roma, sul colle detto monte Mare del Vaticano: le quali furono già tolte da questo theatro nel tempo di papa Alessandro Borgia, con altre belle cose: altri dicono che poi furono vendute a Papa Leone». A similar description is in another older Codex by Ligorio (Ligorio, Trattato, f. 21): «…Nove muse che siedano del marmo pario che sono state poste nella vigna di Papa Leone Decimo (1513-1521) del Vaticano, le quali furono già tolte dal Theatro al tem-

po di Papa Alessandro Borgia. Altri dicono che furono vendute a Papa Leone, queste erano imagine poste nella sommità del frontispizio del proscenio […]» («Nine seated Muses of Parian marble that were set in the vineyard of Pope Leo X (1513-1521) of the Vatican, which were already removed from the Theatro at the time of Pope Alexander Borgia. Others say they were sold to Pope Leo, these sculptures were placed on the top of the frontispiece of the proscenium […]»). See Nibby 1827, p. 10. 25 Maarten van Heemskerck (1498-1574), Dutchman, lived in Rome between 1532 and 1535, and is the author of two sketchbooks now in Berlin, in the Kupferstichkabinett: they are a very important documentation of ancient monuments that have disappeared. 26 M. van Heemskerck, Taccuino i, f. 34r-v, in Hülsen, Egger 1913, i, pp. 19-20. See also Hübner 1908; Ashby 1916, p. 72; Raeder 1983, pp. 48-50; Rausa 2001; Dupré Raventós 2002, pp. 125-126; Rausa 2002, p. 43; Granieri 2008, p. 13; Mangiafesta 2008, pp. 247-248. 27 «Ninfe a sedere vestite e cinte, senza testa, braccia e piedi» («Seating Nymphs with dress and belt, without heads, arms and feet»): Rausa 2001, pp. 194-195, nos. 11-14: «in two inventories of the Farnesian collections; the first is approx of 1642, the second of 1644». See also Rausa 2002, p. 43.

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Fig. 6. The Muses found in the Odeon of Hadrian’s Villa in a drawing of Maarten van Heemskerck (from Hübner 1908).

nese decided to sell them to Queen Christina of Sweden,28 who built a Sala delle Muse to display them in the Palazzo Riario of Rome, where she lived.29 To complete the group, she added four more statues of the Muses, which had been found on the Esquiline Hill in Rome, for a total of eight Muses (Ligorio originally talked about nine statues) plus a statue of Apollo.30 In 1689, upon the death of Queen Christina, the eight Muses31 passed to Cardinal Decio Azzolino, a great friend and collaborator of hers.32 In 1692 the Marquis Pompeo Azzolino, (nephew and heir of Decio) sold them to Prince Livio Odescalchi,33 who moved the statues to his Palazzo,34 where in 1704 they were illustrated by Maπei in

a series of engravings.35 Finally, in 1724 the Odescalchi Collection was sold to King Philip V of Spain by Baldassarre Erba Odescalchi (heir of Livio): the eight Muses were then transported to Spain, to decorate the Royal Palace of La Granja at San Ildefonso, near Segovia.36 During the xixth century they were moved one more time to the Prado Museum of Madrid, where they are today37 (Figs. 7-10) The eight Muses of the Prado Museum are believed to come all from Hadrian’s Villa;38 but given that only four

28 Raeder 1983, p. 50; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 125; Rausa 2002, p. 43; Mangiafesta 2008, p. 247. Christina of Sweden (16261689) lived in Rome starting from 1655, and was a great and eclectic collector of antiquities, one of the leading personalities of the cultural life of Rome. See Palma 2002 and the website Enciclopedia Treccani, s.v. Cristina di Svezia: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/cristina-regina-di-svezia/. See chapter 10, p. 131. 29 In Via della Lungara, today is Palazzo Corsini. 30 Boyer 1932; Rausa 2002, pp. 43-44; Mangiafesta 2008, pp. 247-248. To these she added a modern statue of Apollo playing the lyre, by Francesco Maria Noccheri, who according to Raeder restored the ancient sculptures (Raeder 1983, p. 50). 31 In the inventory of the property of the Queen (published by Boyer 1932, pp. 261-252) are described as follows: «eight muses of ancient marble seats, six of which have heads newly made and two with face of the same marble. Those eight muses are each approximately six feet tall». 32 Raeder 1983, p. 50; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 126; Rausa 2002, p. 44. De Caro 1962. Cardinal Decio Azzolino (1623-1689), «called the eagle for his political acumen, for thirty years was a great friend of the queen, consolidated their friendship, tastes and inter-

ests, the love for the arts and letters, an almost Cartesian taste for rational clarity and, on the other hand, the unquenchable curiosity that led them to become passionate devotees of astrology and alchemy; but above all had in common a limitless political ambition». 33 Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 126. 34 Documenti inediti 1880a, p. 332; Ashby 1916, p. 72; Raeder 1983, pp. 48-55; Palma 2002; Mangiafesta 2008, p. 247. 35 De Rossi, Maffei 1704, Terpsicore, pl. 115; Erato, pl. 116; Polyhymnia, pl. 117; Calliope, pl. 118. 36 Philip V had it built in 1721 as a place of rest and a retreat surrounded by a large park, a small Spanish Versailles. 37 Raeder 1983, p. 50; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 126; Palma 2002; Rausa 2002, p. 44; Mangiafesta 2008, p. 249. 38 De Rossi, Maffei 1704, cols. 103-113, pls. 111-119; Nibby 1827, p. 10; Sebastiani 1828, p. 297; Penna 1836, iii, pp. 1-3 and pls. 4-11 wrote that the Muses were only eight, «giacché la nona si conosce che, o per infortunio, o per poca vigilanza, erasi perduta e divisa dall’altre sorelle» («because the ninth one was lost and separated from the other sisters by accident or lack of vigilance»). See also Bulgarini 1848, p. 126; Documenti inediti 1880a; Winnefeld 1895, p. 3; Gusman 1904, p. 17; Lanciani 1906, p. 29; Hübner

Fig. 7. Muse Erato. Prado Museum of Madrid, Spain.

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Fig. 8. Muse Polyhymnia. Prado Museum of Madrid, Spain.

of them appear in the sketch of van Heemskerck, in 1972 Hans Henrik Brummer attributed only those four to the Villa.39 Not so Raeder, according to which the sculptures are «similar and homogeneous»40 and therefore all come from Tivoli; he does not take into account the fact that the statues copy the same archetype, of which various replicas are known. Recent publications agree with Brummer:41 Federico Rausa and Maria Mangiafesta proposed to identify the five missing Muses with other standing sculptures, also seen and drawn by van Heemskerck at Villa Madama.42 But Ligorio spoke explicitly of seated and not of standing Muses, and also listed other statues of Muses that he discovered in the Odeon during his excavations, so the problem of provenance is still unresolved. 1908, pp. 359-360; Hülsen, Egger 1913; Ashby 1916; Aurigemma 1953, p. 34; Raeder 1983, p. 6, i.26-33 pp. 48-52 and pp. 233235; Baldassarri 1989, pp. 123-125; De Franceschini 1991, p. 5 and p. 8; Lanciani 1994, pp. 284-288; Paribeni 1994, pp. 22-23; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326; Rausa 2001; Dupré Raventós 2002, pp. 125-126; Rausa 2002, pp. 43-44; Lavagne 2003, p. 57; Granieri 2008, pp. 11-13; Mangiafesta 2008. 39 H. H. Brummer, The Muse Gallery of Gustavus III, Stockholm, 1972, pp. 31 π., 51 π. and note 107. 40 Raeder 1983, p. 50 writes: «According to these reports about the find spot, they talk about nine seated muses, and since they have the same uniform stylistic features of the Muses of Madrid, the hypothesis of Brummer becomes unlikely».

Fig. 9. Muse Calliope. Prado Museum of Madrid, Spain.

2. 2. The excavation of the Telamons or ‘Cioci di Tivoli’ (Figs. 11-12) During another hypothetical excavation in the Villa – of which there is no record or report – the two famous Egyptian Telamons of red granite were discovered, also called the ‘Cioci of Tivoli’, now in the Vatican Museum. The excavation supposedly dates back to the late xvth/early xvith centuries, certainly before 1507, since that is the date when Antonio da Sangallo the Younger43 (1485-1546) depicted the Telamons already decorating the entrance to the Bishop’s Palace in Tivoli: the sketch is in the Museo degli U√zi at Florence, and dates between 1504 and 150744 41 Palma Venetucci 2003; Rausa 2001; Rausa 2002; and mainly, Mangiafesta 2008, author of the most extensive study on the subject. 42 They believe the missing Muses can be identified with other sculptures now in Stockholm and Florence: Rausa 2002, p. 45; Mangiafesta 2008, pp. 253-256. 43 Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, nephew of Antonio the Older and of Giuliano: Vasori 1980, pp. 87-88. 44 Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi Arch. 1208v, with the annotation «due di queste di pietra rossa della guglia e sono alte circha piedi 10 l’una e sono belle egitie, bisognia disegnarle bene…» («two of them are of red stone and are about ten feet tall, and are beautiful Egyptian, you have to draw them well»), published by Vasori 1980, pp. 136-137: fig. 104 at p. 136. See also Lanciani 1902, p. 109.

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Fig. 11. The two Telamons or ‘Cioci’. Vatican Museum, Rome (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 10. Muse Terpsichore. Prado Museum of Madrid, Spain.

(Fig. 13). The Telamons also appear in a drawing of Giuliano da Sangallo made in the years 1503-150445 (Fig. 14). The report of this discovery is not reliable for several reasons. First of all, Pirro Ligorio does not write about the two Telamons in any of his Codices, and he would not have passed over such an important discovery (which was almost certainly in his lifetime) without comment: he would surely have said something about it, as he did for the Odeon Muses – found in the same period of time. These doubts seem to be confirmed by the testimony of the local historian, Giovanni Maria Zappi,46 who in 1580 wrote that the two Telamons came from Tusculum, and were taken away by the Tiburtines as trophies of war after they destroyed the town in 1191.47 The fact that this event had taken place almost four centuries earlier, however, makes it not first-hand news and more likely a local legend.48

45

Borsi 1985, p. 207, f. 41. Giovanni Maria Zappi (1519-1596) in 1580 published Annali e Memorie di Tivoli (Annals and Memories of Tivoli), reprinted in 1920 by Vincenzo Pacifici: see Zappi 1580. 47 Zappi 1580, pp. 20-21; also in Neuerburg 1964, p. 228. 48 Vincenzo Pacifici published the annotations of Zappi, who in the original edition commented the drawing of the two Telamons, confirming the provenance from Tusculum. Under the statue on the left side he read: «Antiqua quaedam vestigia et monumenta tusculana in urbem Tiburtinam advec la eo tempore quo tusculani ro46

Fig. 12. Head of one of the Telamons (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

manorum imperio subiaceba[n]t» («Ancient Tusculan remains and monuments in the Tiburtine city from the times when Tusculans were subject to Roman rule»). Under the statue on the right side: «Statuae egyptiacae quas tiburtinae cohortes tusculanis substraxerunt et in sua[m] urbem transportarunt, hodie Tibure visuntur in platea quae vulgo Ulmi dicitur» («Egyptian statues which the Tiburtine army took away from Tusculum and moved to their town, visible today in Tivoli in the square that is called the Square of the Elm tree»).

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Fig. 14. The Telamons in a drawing of Giuliano da Sangallo (from Borsi 1985).

Fig. 13. One of Telamons in a drawing of Antonio da Sangallo (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Antinoeion,51 to which he also ascribes the obelisk of the Pincio in Rome. Two suppositions that are completely inconsistent, as amply demonstrated by Pierluigi Romeo:52 «What actually are simple theories were presented as confirmed data, but they are quite unlikely […]. They are hypotheses resting on ‘evidence’ that is, at the very least, questionable». Also Jean-Claude Grenier wrote:53 «With all objectivity I do not believe that [the text of the obelisk] might indicate Hadrian’s Villa». The attribution of the obelisk to the Villa was previously rejected by Grimm and Kessler in 1994.54 The hypothetical excavation and the attribution to Hadrian’s Villa of the two Telamons shows that the antiquarian sources must be examined carefully and critically. From the xvith century onwards, in fact, much antiquarian information has been passed on with ‘copy and paste’; theories and legends were passively repeated for centuries and thus transformed into established beliefs, perpetuating dubious information which is not supported by any evidence or proof.55

In any case, it was only in the xviiith century that Johann Joachim Winckelmann attributed the Telamons to Hadrian’s Villa, and in particular to the Canopus, for the first time; he even claimed that they portrayed Antinous.49 His hypothesis was based on their Egyptian iconography and was not supported by any evidence or proof, nonetheless it was (and still is) commonly accepted without checking.50 The Egyptian iconography prompted archaeologist Zaccaria Mari to attribute the Telamons to another building of the Villa with Egyptian decoration, the so-called

Fra’ Giocondo56 (1433-1515) was one of the first architects and antiquarians who visited the Villa. For a long time he devoted himself to the study of Vitruvius, publishing several editions of De Architectura, with drawings and explanations «in order to facilitate the understanding of the

49 Ennio Quirino Visconti – his contemporary – immediately denied the likeness and wrote that «maybe [they were] placed at the entrance of the Canopus of Hadrian’s Villa» (Visconti 1819, p. 146). 50 Lanciani 1906, p. 24; Neuerburg 1964, p. 228; Raeder 1983, iii.73-74, pp. 166-167, with previous bibliography; De Franceschini 1991, p. 563; Paribeni 1994, p. 8; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, pp. 325-326. 51 Mari 2008, p. 115; Mari 2012, p. 87. 52 Romeo 2005, p. 12; see also p. 11: «Sculptures and reliefs in the Egyptian style cannot be considered as evidence, based on the questionable equation Antinous=Egypt». 53 Grenier 2008, p. 41: «The funerary character of the monument is not as obvious as boasted by the archaeologists; it is quite

precipitous to see there at all costs the temple-tomb of Antinous. About the base of m. 3 × 3, it could also support other things besides the obelisk». 54 A. Grimm, D. Kessler, Der Obelisk des Antinous, eine kommentierte Edition, München, 1994, pp. 156-162. See also A. R. Birley, Hadrian’s Farewell to Life, «Laverna», v, 1994, p. 197, notes 68 and 83. 55 Giubilei 1995, p. 81 writes: «Very often the sources are directly dependent on each other, reporting or distorting the same information with the result that in many cases the news is inaccurate or even erroneous». 56 Giovanni Monsignori or Giovanni Giocondo da Verona, also called Fra’ Giocondo (1433-1515): Vasori 1980, pp. 23-24; Lanciani 1909, p. 107. See also Pagliara 2001.

3. The first drawings of Fra’ Giocondo

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Fig. 16. Fra’ Giocondo, plan of Roccabruna (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Fig. 15. Fra’ Giocondo, plan of the Canopus (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Treaty by architects who did not know Latin. […] His graphical interpretations deeply influenced the architecture of the xvith century».57 He discovered an ancient manuscript with some letters of Pliny the Younger previously unknown, then studied and surveyed many ancient Roman monuments, in Italy and Rome.58 He was the author of two of the oldest drawings of buildings in Hadrian’s Villa, now in the Museo degli U√zi at Florence: the first shows the Canopus,59 the second is probably a simplified plan of Roccabruna with its domed hall60 (Figs. 15-16). In 1491, when he was only nineteen years old, Pietro Bembo was one of the first to visit Hadrian’s Villa with

57

Pagliara 2001. In the last years of the xvth century he discovered near Paris a manuscript with a collection of epistles to Emperor Trajan, published by Aldus Manutius in 1508: see Pagliara 2001. 59 In the Museo degli U√zi at Florence, U√zi Arch. 3929: Vasori 1980, pp. 23-24, fig. 13 p. 27. See also Paribeni 1994, p. 8; Ten 2005, p. xii; Pinon 2007, p. 258; Burns 2008b, p. 262. 58

his father Bernardo, then Ambassador of Venice at Rome, to see and study its architecture.61 This is mentioned in a letter of 1516, where Pietro describes the visit of Hadrian’s Villa he made together with Raπaello twenty-seven years later.62 4. Conclusions The xvth century marks a pivotal moment for the rediscovery of Hadrian’s Villa, after centuries of oblivion and neglect. It all started with the famous description of the Historia Augusta, which became the Ariadne’s thread with which one was able to venture into that labyrinth of ruins and try to understand them. But that same century also saw the beginning of an endless series of destructions and depredations: excavations in search of statues, marbles and precious objects and further destruction to make room for cultivation. Antiquarian information is dedicated almost exclusively to the treasures that were found, only rarely focusing on architecture.

60 In the Museo degli U√zi at Florence, U√zi Arch. 3934: Vasori 1980, pp. 27-28 e fig. 14 p. 29. See also Paribeni 1994, p. 8; Ten 2005, p. xii; Pinon 2007, p. 258; Burns 2008b, p. 262. 61 G. Beltramini, Pietro Bembo e l’architettura, in Pietro Bembo e l’invenzione del Rinascimento, a cura di G. Beltramini, D. Gasparotto, A. Tura, Venezia, Marsilio, 2013, pp. 15; F. Salatin, Fra’ Giocondo, Giano Lascaris e il Vitruvio del 1511, «Studi Veneziani», lxxii, 2015. 62 See below, chapter 4, p. 61.

Ch a p te r 3 FRANCESCO D I GIO R GIO M A R TINI. TH E OLDEST DRAWINGS O F TH E A C C A D E M IA

F

1. Biographical notes

rancesco di Giorgio Martini (1439-1501) (Fig. 1) was born in Siena on September 23rd, 1439, and died either on November 29th, 1501, or in January 1502 according to other sources.1 He was one of the most extraordinary Italian artists of the second half of the xvth century: draftsman, painter, sculptor, architect, engineer and diplomat. Between 1460 and 1470 he travelled for study to Florence and Rome,2 where it seems that he studied with the painter Vecchietta and through him met Pope Pius II Piccolomini and Biondo Flavio. Following the advice of the latter, Francesco visited the most important archaeological monuments of Lazio and Campania, proof of which is seen in his drawings of the ruins of Baiae, Avernus and other ancient sites.3 From 1463 to 1478 he worked as a military architect and engineer in the Italian region of Marche, designing and building a series of innovative castles, such as those of Cagli, San Leo and Montecerignone, and the fortresses of Sassocorvaro, Frontone and Fossombrone.4 He also designed machines of war, such as catapults, and ornaments of various types, from capitals to iron gates: a multi-faceted talent. In 1477 he was called by Federico da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, to his court where he designed part of the Palazzo Ducale; he is also the designer of the trompe l’œil wooden inlays for the Studiolo of the Duke in Urbino and in Gubbio, this last today is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.5 In those same years, Francesco translated Vitruvius’ De Architectura into Italian, and in 1480 he wrote his Trattato di architettura civile e militare (Treatise on civilian and military architecture), theorizing that the proportions of the buildings should be modelled on those of the human body, which to him was the center of the world, and a symbol of perfection and harmony. The manuscript of the Trattato belonged for some time to Leonardo da Vinci, who added handwritten annotations in 1506; it is now in the Biblioteca Laurenziana at Florence.6

Fig. 1. Portrait of Francesco di Giorgio Martini (from Internet).

He was one of the first architects to visit the Villa in 1465,7 fifteen years after its rediscovery by Biondo Flavio in

1450,8 and a few years after the publication of the Commentarii of Pope Pius II Piccolomini (1461), with a brief description of the ruins.9 Francesco left two series of drawings representing buildings of Hadrian’s Villa, as confirmed by the annotation «Tibolj vecchio» («Old Tivoli»); together with the drawings of Fra’ Giocondo these are the oldest graphic documentation of the Tiburtine Villa that have come down to us. The first set of drawings is dated 1465, and we know that Francesco was living in Rome at that period: it consists of sketches, now in the Museo degli U√zi at Florence.10 The plans were drawn on the spot, and have mea-

1 Maltese 1967; Ericsson 1980, pp. 59-61; Vasori 1980, p. 22; Burns 1993, pp. 331-333; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 239; Ranaldi 2001, pp. 29, 31, 33. 2 Burns 1993, p. 412. 3 Vasori 1980, p. 22; Ranaldi 2001, p. 29. 4 See the website of the Italian Region of Marche: http://www. cultura.marche.it. 5 It is the so called Studiolo of Guidobaldo, which originally was in the Palazzo Ducale of Gubbio; in 1879 was bought by prince Massimo Lancellotti and finally in 1939 was acquired by the Metropolitan Museum in New York. The Studiolo of Federico da Montefeltro is still in Urbino, and Francesco was one of the designers.

6 Inv. no. 282, Codice Ashburnham 361. Leonardo met Francesco di Giorgio Martini in Milan between 1485 and 1490. 7 MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 239. 8 In his book Italia illustrata Biondo Flavio understood that the ruins of Tiboli vecchio (old Tivoli) belonged to the Villa of Emperor Hadrian described in the Historia Augusta. Written between 1448 and 1453 (and dedicated to Pope Nicholas V), Italia illustrata was published after the death of its author in 1474. The Italian translation, ed. by Lucio Fauno, was printed in 1522: Roma instaurata et Italia illustrata, transl. by Lucio Fauno, Venezia, 1558, pp. 104-105. 9 Totaro 1984. 10 In the Gabinetto dei Disegni e delle Stampe: Burns 1993.

2. Francesco di Giorgio Martini and Hadrian’s Villa

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Fig. 2a. Plan of the Maritime Theatre and Greek Library. Sketch in Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi U319Ar (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Fig. 2b. Plan of the Maritime Theatre and Greek Library. ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 90r (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

surements in Roman feet; the walls are rendered with thin lines that do not show their thickness but only their shape. The second set of drawings, now in the Biblioteca Reale of Turin,11 was drawn between 1479 and 1486;12 they are a ‘clean copy’ elaborating and perfecting the previous ones. The architect seems to have been particularly interested in circular buildings, but it is not always easy to identify them. In a sketch we recognize the Maritime Theatre, incorrectly drawn as oval-shaped and aligned with the Greek Library13 (Fig. 2a). The same Maritime Theatre (now of circular shape), is visible in the ‘clean copy’,14 where Francesco also redraws the plan of the Greek Library in a more regular way (Fig. 2b). A second version of the Maritime Theatre with a central island and a smaller axial building on a side appears in another sketch (Fig. 3a)15 and in the ‘clean copy’ (Fig. 3b).16

The apse of the building may possibly correspond to the axial semi-circular fountain visible in front of its main entrance. Two other drawings (only the ‘clean copies’ survived) also seem to be elaborations of the central island of the Maritime Theatre (Fig. 11).17 Francesco drew another building of the Villa, which was square with a circular hall inside: a sketch18 and a ‘clean copy’ (Fig. 8a-b).19 Maltese and Burns identify it with the «Palazzo Minore» («Smaller Palace») which is the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] 20 of the Accademia. Given the presence of four semicircular niches on the diagonals, it may in fact represent the domed hall in the lower floor of Roccabruna, as the sketch of Fra’ Giocondo previously seen (p. 31, Figure 16); the square rooms visible all around may correspond to the outer portico surrounding Roccabruna. Either way, there is only a general resemblance to the real building, as we can see in other drawings.

11 Codice Saluzziano: see Maltese 1967. I am very grateful to the Biblioteca Reale di Torino for giving me pictures and permission for publication free of charge. 12 The date of the Codice Saluzziano was proposed by Maltese 1967, i, pp. 286-287. See also Burns 1993, p. 412. 13 U√zi U319Ar: Burns 1993, pp. 331-333, xx.3. 14 Codice Saluzziano, fol. 90r: Maltese 1967, i, pp. 286-287 and 15 U√zi U320Av: Burns 1993, pp. 333-334, xx.6. pl. 167.

16

Codice Saluzziano, f. 88v: Maltese 1967, i, p. 286 and pl. 164. Codice Saluzziano, f. 89v: Maltese 1967, i, p. 286 and pl. 166. 18 U√zi U335Ar: Burns 1993, pp. 351-353, xx.32. 19 Codice Saluzziano, f. 89v: Maltese 1967, i, p. 286 and pl. 166. 20 The numbering of the rooms preceded by the abbreviation Ac [in square brackets] is that of our new plan of the Accademia: «Progetto Accademia», survey De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010. See folding Plan no. 2. 17

francesco di giorgio martini: the oldest drawings of the accademia

35

Fig. 3a. Plan of Maritime Theatre and Greek Library. Sketch in Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi 320Av (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

3. The Accademia in the drawings of Francesco di Giorgio Martini 3. 1. The plan of the Accademia (Figs. 4-6) Two drawings show a partial plan of the Accademia and part of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78]; the first is a sketch, the second is a ‘clean copy’ (Figs. 4-5). Both have the measurements of some rooms, in Roman feet (Fig. 6a-b): 70 × 76 feet for the apsed room [Ac89] (corrected to 80 × 96 in the ‘clean copy’) and 20 × 20 for the squared rooms surrounding it; 60 × 166 for the Zooteca [Ac88]. Some measurements appear only in the ‘clean copy’: a diameter of 80 feet for the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], 50 × 80 feet for the nearby courtyard [Ac60]. The measurements do not correspond to the real ones: for example, 80 feet marked for the Temple of Apollo are equivalent to 23 m, but the actual diameter of the Temple is much smaller, 13.43 m. The older sketch (Fig. 6a)21 is a partial and simplified plan of the Accademia, in which the most significant rooms can be recognized: the circular hall of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], flanked by two groups of square rooms (three on each side) and preceded by a square courtyard [Ac60] with an inner portico and two semi-circular staircases outside. In the upper part of the drawing is a large room with two apses, corresponding to the so called Zooteca [Ac88], and another apsed room [Ac89] flanked by four smaller rooms. All of them are symmetrically aligned along the longitudinal main axis of the building. 21

Fig. 3b. Plan of Maritime Theatre and Greek Library. ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 88v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

U√zi U319v: Burns 1993, pp. 331-333, xx.4; Ericsson 1980, p. 59.

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Fig. 4. Plan of the Accademia and elevation of the Temple of Apollo (1465 c.). The cross inside the Temple corresponds to a cross in the elevation on the side. Sketch in Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi U319v (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

francesco di giorgio martini: the oldest drawings of the accademia

Fig. 5. Plan of the Accademia and elevation of the Temple of Apollo (between 1479 and 1486). ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 90v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

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chapter 3 Ac89 Ac89

Ac88 Zooteca Ac88 Zooteca Ac84 Ac77

Ac79

Ac73

Ac76 Ac78 Temple of Apollo

Ac77

Ac84

Ac79 Ac75 Ac73

Ac78 Temple of Apollo

Ac76 Ac75

Ac60

Ac60

Fig. 6a. Plan of the Accademia with our room numbers. Sketch in Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi U319v (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Some details are correct, and prove that the sketch was drawn on the spot,22 as the door between the colonnaded courtyard [Ac60] and the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], flanked by two semicircular niches (see below, p. 96, Figure 18). But there are also errors: for example, the squared rooms on the two the sides of the Temple of Apollo [Ac74, 79 and 84] left of it, and [Ac75-77] on the right are completely misshapen;23 the Zooteca [Ac88] has two opposing apses instead of the curved southern wall still visible today. In the upper part of the drawing is another group of rooms, but only the central apse roughly corresponds to room [Ac89], while the other ones around it do not exist. Compare with our plan, Figure 6c. The second drawing (Fig. 6b) has the annotation «in Tiboli» which confirms the location: Hadrian’s Villa. It is

22 Burns 1993, pp. 331-332 notes that the plan does not show the thickness of the walls and was drawn freehand; later on were added the measurements, probably expressed in Roman feet.

Fig. 6b. Plan of the Accademia with our room numbers. ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 90v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

the ‘clean copy’ of the previous one, where changes were made to regularize the plan. Courtyard [Ac60] becomes rectangular, and the two semi-circular staircases on the sides are larger; the door towards the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] is narrower, and the two niches on its side disappear. The wrong shape with twin apses of the Zooteca [Ac88] is still there, and so are the squared rooms surrounding the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and room [Ac89]. The rooms are aligned symmetrically along the longitudinal axis of the building. Andrea Moneti superimposed the plan of Francesco di Giorgio Martini to that of Eugenia Salza Prina Ricotti, giving an interesting interpretation that can explain the incorrect shape of the Zooteca [Ac88]. 24 The doubleapsed room (B in Figure 7a-b) may be the symmetrical

23 Western rooms, toward the central porch, [Ac75-76-77] and rooms on the opposite side, [Ac79-80-81]. See Figure 6c. 24 Moneti 1995, p. 115 and p. 124, fig. 3.

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3. 2. The elevation of the Temple of Apollo (Fig. 9a-b) In both drawings, near the plan of the Accademia there is a reconstruction of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], covered by a dome.25 In the older sketch (Fig. 9a),26 Francesco shows a small part of the Temple: a podium supporting two columns with capitals, and above them a projecting lintel (drawn in section) and the upper floor with a semicircular niche and a window (marked with the letter «f»).27 Further up, there is a second lintel and a dome hastily sketched, with a decoration that looks like fish scales (lacunar?). In the ‘clean copy’ (Fig. 9b),28 some details are added while others are omitted. The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] is depicted in all its width: there is a continuous podium supporting eight columns with bases and capitals (14 out of 20 survive today); over them rests the first lintel, which is also shown in section, in a more detailed way. The upper floor is void – no niches or windows – and then there is the second lintel above. The dome has new umbrella shaped segments (such as in the Canopus), and a central oculus on top. In both drawings Francesco understands correctly the podium supporting the half-columns, the double lintel, the upper floor with semicircular niches alternating with windows (Fig. 10), and reconstructs a dome with central oculus. But he does not draw any doors in the plan or in the elevation. 4. Conclusions

projection of the curved wall of room [Ac68] (north of the Temple of Apollo); in that case, the other rectangular rooms [Ac41 and surrounding] match those that Francesco drew near the Zooteca (A in Figure 7). In practice, the plan has to be rotated 180 degrees, and this may explain why in the ‘clean copy’ the two niches flanking the door between [Ac60] and [Ac78] were cancelled.

The drawings of Francesco di Giorgio are the oldest graphic documentation which exists for the Accademia. Both plans are simplified, and focus on the more significant features of the building, especially the circular shape of the Temple of Apollo, which is correct, while that of the surrounding rooms is quite diπerent from reality. There is a typical Renaissance combination of reconstructions based on symmetry (the majority) and few accurate details that are sometimes visible in the preparatory sketches, but are deleted in the ‘clean copy’ – such as the two niches flanking the door between [Ac60] and the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], or the windows and niches in the upper floor of the latter. Errors and inaccuracies were caused in part by the objective di√culty of the survey (the ruins were covered by thick brambles), but are largely due to the fact that in the xvth century it was not felt necessary diπerentiate between the ‘actual state’ of the ruins from what was hypothetically reconstructed. Francesco seems to be interested only in the overall and general shape of the building, his aim is not a thorough survey. From his two drawings of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo it is not possible to understand how much of it was still standing at the time, but it is very likely that it was in the same condition as today.

25 In the sketch, the elevation of the Temple of Apollo is marked with a cross, indicating its position in the plan: this is a visual device typical of Francesco, as explained by Burns 1993, p. 332.

26 U√zi U319v: Burns 1993, pp. 331-333, xx.4; Ericsson 1980, 27 «f» is for «Fenestra», «window». p. 59. 28 Codice Saluzziano, f. 90v: Maltese 1967, pl. 168.

Fig. 6c. Our plan for comparison (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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A Ac89

A Ac41

B Ac88 Zooteca

Ac60

Ac84

Ac79

B

Ac68

Ac77 Ac78 Temple of Apollo

Ac73

Ac78 C

C

Ac76

Ac75 Ac88 Zooteca

Ac60

Fig. 7a. Plan of the Accademia in Turin, Codice Saluzziano f. 90v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

Fig. 8a. Plan of Roccabruna (?). Sketch in Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi U335Ar (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Fig. 7b. Hypothesis of Andrea Moneti (from Moneti 1995).

Fig. 8b. Plan of Roccabruna (?). ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 89v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

francesco di giorgio martini: the oldest drawings of the accademia

Fig. 9a. Accademia, elevation of the Temple of Apollo. Sketch in Florence, with a niche and a window (marked «f») on the upper level (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Fig. 9b. Accademia, elevation of the Temple of Apollo. ‘Clean copy’ in Turin, showing a ‘pumpkin’ dome with central oculus (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

Fig. 10. Accademia, the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] today, with niches and windows on the upper level and panels with half columns in the lower level (photo Anna Maria Marras).

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Fig. 11. Two plans of the Maritime Theatre. Turin, Biblioteca Reale, Codice Saluzziano, f. 89v (© Biblioteca Reale di Torino).

Fig. 12. The Maritime Theatre today: Hadrian’s private retreat.

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Ch a p te r 4 H A DRIAN’ S VILLA IN TH E X VI T H C E NTU R Y. L A RGE -SCALE EXCAVA TIO NS A ND E A R LY S TU D IES

I

1. The first large-scale excavations

n the xvith century a collection of ancient sculptures and precious objects,1 displayed in a city palace or in a country villa became one of the Renaissance symbols of power and magnificence. It reflected the culture, erudition and refinement of the owner, and at the same time helped in the revival of the classical world «with the most beautiful, wonderful vestiges of antiquity, and so many precious relics».2 Some great collectors bought works of ancient art solely as status symbols, but many of them were men of culture, educated and refined, who studied classical antiquity with great passion, planning ambitious and ‘impossible missions’ such as measuring, drawing and cataloguing all the monuments, sculptures and inscriptions of ancient Rome, or even of all Italy. The desire to possess antiques was such that in the early xvith century archaeological excavations multiplied in Rome, Lazio and Campania, and in general wherever Roman ruins existed. At the same time a thriving antiques market developed, connected to the world of antique dealers, art experts, restorers and – inevitably – counterfeiters and adventurers. Hadrian’s Villa soon proved to be an inexhaustible quarry of treasures, and saw an increasing number of excavations. Long ago the Villa had been divided into a myriad of small and large plots of land,3 where the owners dug on their own property in search of anticaglie (antiques) to sell. Others excavated on assignment from Cardinals, Popes and noblemen. The more extensive and (relatively) documented excavations of this century were conducted by Pirro Ligorio, on behalf of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este, Governor of Tivoli.4 He explored the Villa and surrounding territory, regardless of trampling on the rights of the owners. In his Codices, Ligorio briefly describes the excavations made by him or by others. Generally he lists the most beautiful and precious finds, without topographical indications, which were not important to him. When we know the name of the land owner it is possible to identify the area or the buildings where the works of art were found; but knowing the subject of the sculpture does not always help in

1 As the Sala delle Gemme (Hall of Gems): see Paolo Cortesi in his De Cardinalatu, published posthumously in 1510: Cortesi 1980, p. 83. 2 Priscianese 1534: «con i più stupendi, i più meravigliosi vestigi di antiquità, et tante sì pretiose reliquie». 3 The most comprehensive document on this matter is the plan by Francesco Contini of 1668, listing the names of the owners of the parcels of land. See chapter 13 on Contini and folding Plan no. 3. 4 He was Governor of Tivoli from 1550 to 1555, and later on from 1559 to 1572. See chapter 8 on Ippolito II d’Este. 5 Lanciani 1902; Lanciani 1909, p. 85; Stella 1960; Raeder 1983, p. 9; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, p. 26; Granieri 2008, p. 21.

the identification. When the names of the diggers are unknown, usually the excavations take the names of the personalities of the time who owned the most beautiful sculptures. This is why scholars talk of the «Farnese excavations» or «Carafa excavations», about which we must be cautious: there is no evidence proving that these people actually commissioned the excavations. Most probably they simply bought the most beautiful finds for their collections, through intermediaries, or by sending their personal antiquarians to Tivoli. 1. 1. Excavations in the Accademia 1. 1. 1. Excavations of Bindo Altoviti (xvith century) Accademia and central area of Villa. – The family of Bindo Altoviti5 had owned lands in the Villa from very ancient times, and the Accademia was part of his property.6 During his excavations he found many sculptures, but it is not possible to attribute any of them to Hadrian’s Villa: in fact the inventories of the Altoviti Collection – compiled on the occasion of its sale to the Duke of Savoy – do not mention the find spot, and we know that they possessed several other ‘archaeological’ properties, besides the Tiburtine ones (see chapter 5 on Bindo Altoviti). 1. 2. Excavations in other parts of the Villa 1. 2. 1. Excavations of Pirro Ligorio for Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (1550-1568) Greek Theatre, Canopus, Nymphæum above the Canopus (?), Odeon theatre. – Ippolito II d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, was appointed Governor of Tivoli in 1550, and transformed the old Governor’s residence in the magnificent Villa d’Este. He ordered Pirro Ligorio to dig in Hadrian’s Villa and other archaeological sites of the Roman campagna in search of statues and marbles for its decoration7 (see chapters 7 and 8). In his Codices,8 Ligorio describes the excavations he carried out in diπerent areas of the Villa. The first was in the Greek Theatre, where he discovered the orchestra, the scaenae frons and the cavea with marble seats.9 6 See the plan by Francesco Contini of 1668, with the names of the owners in Figure 4 at p. 66. 7 Nibby 1827, p. 10; Moroni 1855, p. 79; Venturi 1890, p. 206; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, pp. 23-24; Coffin 2004, p. 28; Granieri 2008, pp. 13-14, 19-20. 8 The Codex of Turin is the most recent and complete version, the only autograph copy that has come down to us, as explained by Ten 2005: see chapter 7 on Ligorio, and Venturi 1890, p. 206; Lanciani 1906, p. 7; Lanciani 1980; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8. Paribeni 1994, pp. 23-24 reconstructs the excavations of Ligorio, but believes that the Codex of Turin is apocryphal and wrongly considers «simply fictional» the excavations it describes. 9 Folio 36 in the Codex of Turin was left blank, so the plan of the building could be added at a later time.

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Fig. 2. Statue of a seated woman, probably found in the Odeon theatre. Florence, Museo degli U√zi (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

representing the Nymphs of the ocean. Here were Inache or Aegyptian Venus, and Hipponoe, Galatea and Thetis. Fig. 1. Statue of Isis discovered in the Canopus. Paris, Louvre, inv. N119A (© rmn - Grand Palais, Musée du Louvre/Christian Larrieu).

During another excavation he saw the bottom of the Euripus water basin of the Canopus (he was looking for a marble horse).10 Then he excavated a «fountain built as a covered atrium […] above the Canopus»,11 which probably was the Nymphæum above the Canopus, where he found columns of «Caristian, Thasian and Numidian marbles», friezes with Cupids and marine animals. Ligorio found several sculptures in the Canopus:12 Left and right of the Apse, that is the great hemycicle, were two other places with images of Venus; two of them were brought to Rome in the Gardens of Monte Cavallo; with other figures 10 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 40v, in Ten 2005, p. 63: «ove cavandosi innante al portico, per un certo inditio di trovare un cavallo di marmo, in tal hora si vidde il fondo dell’Euripo». See also Rae der 1983, p. 6. 11 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41, in Ten 2005, p. 63. 12 «a destra et a sinistra dell’Abside, o pure un grande hemyciclo, erano due altri luoghi con le imagini di Venere: de le quali due vengono portate a Roma nel Giardino di Monte Cavallo; con altre figure che erano de le Nymphe dell’oceano. Dove erano Inache o vero Venere Aegyptia; et Hipponoe, Galatea et Thetide». 13 Ten 2005, p. 64, quoted by Granieri 2008, pp. 42-43 and note 124. The statue is in Paris, Louvre, inv. N119A: see Raeder 1983, i.40, p. 58; Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxviii; Baldassarri 1989, no. 53, pp. 117-119, figs. 115-116.

According to Alessandra Ten, the sculpture of Inache or Egyptian Venus can be a statue of Isis of back marble13 which presently is in the Louvre, whose head was found in the Pantanello excavation during the xviiith century (Fig. 1). Ligorio also described his excavation in the Odeon14 (the southern theatre of the Villa, near the Accademia), where he discovered several sculptures portraying Mnemosine, the Muses, and two seated female figures with a dog under their chair. The first one, once in Villa d’Este, believed to portray Empress Sabina, is lost.15 The second has been identified with a sculpture now in Florence, Museo degli U√zi (Fig. 2).16 He also found two columns which were reused in the church of Sant’Andrea in Tivoli, where they still are (Fig. 3).17 Ligorio wrote that he found many fragments of feet and hands, which were burned to make lime, since they were not worth the cost of a restoration. 14 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 44v, in Ten 2005, p. 69. See also De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Rausa 2002, p. 46; Granieri 2008, p. 13. 15 Cavalieri 1585, vol. i, pl. 53; Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxxiv; Baldassarri 1989, no. 36, pp. 82-85, figs. 80-81; Arata 1993, p. 198, with bibliography. See Figure 23a at p. 56. 16 Baldassarri 1989, no. 36, pp. 82-85, figs. 80-81; Arata 1993, p. 198, with bibliography 17 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 44v, in Ten 2005, p. 69. The two columns are the first two ones near the entrance, made of granite with a molded base of white marble.

hadrian’s villa in the xvi th century. large-scale excavations and early studies

Fig. 3. One of two columns from Hadrian’s Villa. Now in the church of Sant’Andrea in Tivoli.

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Fig. 4. Statue of Hermes (or Hadrian with the Globe) discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, inv. 2211 (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Greek Theatre and Palestra. – Giovan Battista Cappuccini (nicknamed Buccicola) and messer Biscanti, both from Tivoli, excavated in the property that the first owned in the area of the Greek Theatre and the Palestra.18 Pirro Ligorio19 gives a list of the exceptional finds: a statue of Hadrian with a globe in his hand20 and one of Ceres,21 listed in the inventories of Villa d’Este after 1568. For some time they decorated the gardens of the Villa of Monte Cavallo

on the Quirinal Hill, in front of the Fontana del Bosco o Fontana Rustica.22 The statue of Hadrian can be identified with a statue of Hermes (Fig. 4) that is now in the Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti:23 it was restored by Antonio Canova who changed the head and removed the globe. The statue of Ceres24 remained instead in the Gardens of the Quirinal, where it still is, and was restored several times; actually it represented the goddess Isis-Fortuna with a Cornucopia (Fig. 5).25 A statue of Hecate was also found, holding a vase in her hands,26 now in the Capitoline Museums of Rome (Fig. 6):27 originally it was a man, a priest of Isis (wrongly restored as a woman with a head that is not the

18 See the plan by Contini 1668 in chapter 1o, Figure 1 at p. 118, with the names of the land owners and folding Plan no. 3. 19 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 35r-36v, in Ten 2005, p. 58; Ligorio, Trattato, π. 14v-15r. See also: Zappi 1580, p. 128; Nibby 1827, p. 10; Penna 1836, iii, pls. xxi-xxiv and xxvi-xxvii; Lanciani 1906, p. 17; Raeder 1983, pp. 8-9 and ii.3, pp. 126-128, with previous bibliography; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, pp. 24-25, with previous bibliography; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326; Granieri 2008, pp. 17-19. 20 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 58: «Dove fu trovata l’imagine dell’imperatore Hadriano […] con un orbe ò vero globo […] in mano» («Where was found the image of Emperor Hadrian […] with a globe […] in his hand». Raeder 1983, ii.3, p. 127. 21 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 58; Raeder 1983, ii.3, p. 127, with previous bibliography. 22 Guerrini, Gasparri 1993, p. 34. The Villa of Monte Cavallo

was one of the residences of Ippolito II d’Este in Rome; today is the Palazzo del Quirinale. 23 Inv. 2211. Cavalieri 1585, vol. i, pl. 41; Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxvii; Raeder 1983, i.135, pp. 113-114, with previous bibliography; Baldassarri 1989, no. 75, pp. 163-167, figs. 160-162; de Vos 2004. 24 It was also called Sabina because it was set near the statue of Hadrian in the Gardens of the Quirinal. 25 As said by Guerrini, Gasparri 1993, pp. 34-37 and pl. ix, with previous bibliography. See also Cavalieri 1585, vol. i, pl. 45; Raeder 1983, p. 127; de Vos 2004. 26 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 58: «una Hecate vestita, che portava un vaso, che è quello del belletto di Iunone, a Venere» («a dressed statue of Hecate, that was bringing a vase with the cosmetics of Juno to Venus»). 27 Inv. 735. Cavalieri 1585, vol. i, pl. 43; Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxi; Raeder 1983, i.49, pp. 66-67, with previous bibliography; Baldassarri 1989, no. 49, pp. 109-111, figs. 107-108.

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Fig. 5. Statue of Isis-Fortuna (Ceres), discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Rome, Palazzo del Quirinale (from Guerrini, Gasparri 1993).

Fig. 6. The so-called Priestess of Isis (or Hecate): originally was a priest, wrongly restored as a woman; discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Rome, Capitoline Museums, inv. 735.

Fig. 7. Colossal head of Isis, discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Egizio, inv. 22804 (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 8. Bust of red marble, discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Rome, Capitoline Museums, Palazzo dei Conservatori, inv. 1214.

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Fig. 9. Bust of red marble, discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Paris, Louvre, inv. MA1358 (© rmn - Grand Palais, Musée du Louvre/Tony Querrec).

Fig. 10. Bust of red marble discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Venice, Museo Archeologico, inv. 117 (from Palma Venetucci 2010).

original one), holding with veiled hands a sacred vessel with the water of the Nile.28 And then was found a colossal bust of Isis (Fig. 7) now in the Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Egizio,29 for which Ligorio gives a description of how it had been set up in situ30 (something he rarely did):

Ligorio also lists a sitting statue of Jupiter (lost), who could have been representing Serapis,35 and two fragmentary sculptures that «had been hidden below the ground

it was placed on a pillar that was flat on the front and rounded on the rear, very high in the middle of an apse that was a fountain.

In the same place were also found three red-marble busts thought to be athletes, because of their laurel crowns: the first is in Rome in the Capitoline Museums (Fig. 8).31 The second is in Paris, at the Louvre (Fig. 9),32 and the third in the Museo Archeologico at Venice (Fig. 10).33 A fourth one was identified by Henri Lavagne in a private Collection in Paris (Fig. 11).34 Actually, they were priests of Isis, which confirm the Egyptian iconography of the decoration of the Palestra.

28 The hands veiled by the cloth emphasized the sacred character of the object, which should not be touched; a lead pipe was connecting the vase with the back of the statue: de Vos 2004. 29 Inv. 22804. Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxiv; Raeder 1983, i.139 p. 117, with previous bibliography; Baldassarri 1989, no. 87, pp. 190-191, figs. 164-165; de Vos 2004. Grenier wrongly attributes it to the Canopus (Grenier 1989). 30 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 58: «Era posta su un pilastro che davante era piano et di dietro tondo, molto alto nel mezzo d’apsida che faceva fonte». 31 Palazzo dei Conservatori, inv. 1214: Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxiii; Raeder 1983, ii.3b, p. 128; Baldassarri 1989, no. 24, pp. 61-62, fig. 57; Lavagne 2005, p. 281, fig. 1. 32 Inv. MA1358. Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxii; Raeder 1983, ii.3a, p. 128; Lavagne 2005, p. 283, figs. 4-5. 33 Inv. 117. Raeder 1983, ii.3c, p. 128; Lavagne 2005, pp. 281282, fig. 2; Palma Venetucci 2010. 34 Lavagne 2005, p. 284 and figs. 6-7-8: «from a princely collection of italian origin, now in Paris». Sold at Sotheby’s on May 35 de Vos 2004. 27th, 1980, cat. no. 1168.

Fig. 11. Bust of red marble probably discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Private Collection in Paris (from Lavagne 2005).

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Fig. 13. Relief restored as Curtius, probably discovered in the Valley of Tempe during the xvith-century excavations attribuited to Marcantonio Palosi. Rome, Galleria Borghese (from Borghese 2011).

Fig. 12. Statue of athlete identified with the ‘alterist’ discovered in the Palestra during the excavations of Cappuccini and Biscanti. Paris, Louvre, inv. MA889 (from Borghese 2011).

Fig. 14. Cardinal Marcello Cervini, portrait by Jacopino del Conte. Rome, Galleria Borghese (from Internet).

with a certain respect»: one ‘alterist’,36 that has been identified with a statue of Pollux formerly in the Borghese Collection and now in the Louvre (Fig. 12).37 The other statue (lost) was of «a man who danced wearing a sandal only on one foot», probably a drunken Dionysus.38 The Cappuccini-Biscanti excavation was probably ordered by Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este, who bought all the sculptures that were found. He sent them to Rome for the decoration of the gardens in his suburban villa on the

Quirinal Hill, since – as we know from the Tiburtine historian Giovanni Maria Zappi39 – the building works of the gardens in the Villa d’Este of Tivoli had not yet begun. Some sculptures remained in Rome,40 others were brought back to Tivoli in 1569 for the gardens of Villa d’Este, which were then completed. During the xviiith century the sculptures were once more moved to Rome, and can be found today in the Museo Chiaramonti or in the Capitoline Museums.

36 An ‘alterist’ was an athlete lifting weights, which were called Halteres. 37 Inv. MR324 (Ma889). Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxv; Raeder 1983, v.17, p. 198; Baldassarri 1989, no. 74, pp. 161-163, figs. 158-159; Borghese 2011, cat. no. 25, with previous bibliography.

38 As in the large fresco of the Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii, where Dionysus is depicted drunk, wearing only one sandal 39 Zappi 1580, p. 128. (monosandalos). 40 The statue of Hadrian and the colossal bust of Isis.

hadrian’s villa in the xvi th century. large-scale excavations and early studies 1. 2. 3. Excavations ‘of Marcantonio Palosi’ (xvith century) Valley of Tempe. – According to Ligorio, in the area of the so-called Valley of Tempe some remains of a hippodrome and fragments of marble were found: the best preserved fragment, with the figure of a horse, was brought to Rome to the house of Marcantonio Palosi (or Paloso).41 For this reason, the excavation in the Valley of Tempe is attributed to Palosi, who was a magistrate of great renown,42 but who, as far as we know, did not own any land plot in Hadrian’s Villa, and there is no proof that he actually excavated. The plan of Francesco Contini notes that the Valley of Tempe in the xviith century belonged to a certain Giovanni Battista Capretto. According to Ulisse Aldrovandi, the relief with the horse was restored as Curtius, and is now in Villa Borghese,43 but the circumstances of its acquisition are unknown (Fig. 13). 1. 2. 4. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Marcello Cervini’ (1535?, 1550?) Hadrian’s Villa, unknown location. – Marcello Cervini44 (1501-1555) (Fig. 14), the future Pope Marcellus II, studied Greek, mathematics and astronomy in Siena. In 1524 his father Ricciardo – astronomer, astrologer and mathematician45 – introduced him to the court of Pope Clement VII, where he ingratiated himself with the Pope by proving with his calculations that the dire prophecies about an imminent new Great Flood were not reliable.46 In 1534, with the election to the Papacy of Paul III Farnese, Marcello moved to Rome, where he became secretary to the Cardinal-nephew, Alessandro Farnese. He was one of the most important members of the Accademia Romana, which promoted the study of ancient Roman inscriptions and medals, of weights and measures, and of architecture, with the aim of reconstructing ancient Rome in the most accurate way.47 The study of antiquity prompted Marcello Cervini to explore the Roman ruins systematically, and this probably 41 Ligorio Codice di Torino, f. 55r, in Ten 2005, p. 84: «[…] quello che è intero portato a Roma et locato nel portico di Messer Marco Antonio Palosi, gentilhuomo romano» («the one that is intact was brought to Rome, placed in the portico of Messer Marco Antonio Palosi, Roman gentleman»). See also Ligorio, Trattato, f. 30r. Aldovrandi 1556, p. 189 wrote: «ritrovato pochi dì addietro in Tiburi» («found a few days ago in Tivoli»). The house of Marcantonio Paloso in Rome was «near the Dogana» («Customs»). 42 According to Lanciani 1980, p. 132. See also Winnefeld 1895, p. 58; Lanciani 1902, p. 112; Lanciani 1906, pp. 7, 38; Lanciani 1909, p. 139; Raeder 1983, pp. 9-10; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, pp. 25-26; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326; Granieri 2008, p. 16. 43 Aldovrandi 1556, pp. 189-190; De Rossi, Maffei 1704, pl. 83; Fea 1790, p. ccxiv, no. 24. Penna 1836, iii, pl. xxxix explains that originally several figures of horses had survived but «il restauratore tolse altre vestigie di cavalli, che nel campo dell’alto-rilievo esistevano, e lo ristaurò a suo arbitrio, per un M. Curzio che si precipita nella voragine» («the restorer took out other vestiges of horses, which existed in the high-relief, and restored it to his will, as a M. Curzio rushing into the abyss»). See also Baldassarri 1989, no. 37, pp. 85-87, figs. 79, 82-84; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326. 44 Information taken from Brunelli 2007 and from the website The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (http://www2.fiu.edu/~mirandas/bios1539.htm#Cervini), with previous bibliography. See also Coffin 1979 and Daly Davis 1989. 45 At the end of the century, during the reign of Pope Gregory XIII, the calculations of Ricciardo Cervini were used for the reform of the ancient Julian Calendar, creating the new Gregorian Calendar: Coffin 1979, p. 11. 46 Coffin 1979, p. 11; Brunelli 2007.

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also included Hadrian’s Villa, where, according to Lanciani,48 he was excavating by the mid-xvith century, probably between 1535 and 1538, when Alessandro Farnese was Governor of Tivoli and Cervini his secretary. There is no record of a ‘Cervini excavation’, nor evidence of his acquisition of antiquities. Pirro Ligorio never mentions Cardinal Cervini (his contemporary) in his Codices, nor did Fulvio Orsini in 1570 when he listed some herms owned by Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici,49 which had been found in Hadrian’s Villa. The name of Cervini was linked to the herms only in 1668 – nearly one century later – by Andrea Schoto, but once again there is no mention of excavations.50 In the xixth century the information was reported again by Agostino Penna,51 who wrote that Cervini bought the herms of Aeschines52 and Aristophanes53 and had them displayed in the suburban villa of Cardinal de’ Medici54 (Fig. 15a-b). Maybe Cervini bought some antiques found in Hadrian’s Villa, but it is unlikely that he carried out an excavation. 1. 2. 5. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese’ (1535-1538?) Maritime Theatre. – Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589) (Fig. 16),55 usually called ‘il Gran Cardinale’ (‘the Great Cardinal’), was one of the richest and most powerful men of his time. Thanks to the protection of his grandfather Alessandro Farnese – who became Pope in 1534 with the name of Paul III – he was appointed Cardinal-nephew, which meant that he acquired very important positions and had substantial revenues: approximately 120,000 scudi56 each year, equivalent to 10% of the revenues of the Papal State.57 He held one of the most expensive and magnificent courts of Rome,58 and was the only rival to the magnificence and primacy in patronage of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este. Alessandro Farnese appointed Fulvio Orsini Curator of his collection of antiquities and Director of the Arts, but did not follow his advice to employ Pirro Ligorio when he decided to leave Rome.59 In 1567 Fulvio Orsini man47

Coffin 1979, p. 13; Daly Davis 1989, pp. 185-186. Lanciani 1902, ii, p. 116; Lanciani 1906, p. 7. Theory reported by subsequent scholars: Blunt 1958, p. 5; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, p. 25, with previous bibliography; Lavagne 2003, p. 57; Brunelli 2007; Granieri 2008, p. 15. 49 Orsini 1570, p. 6. The herms represent Aristophanes (p. 29), Heraclitus (p. 63), Carneades (p. 66) and Isocrates (p. 77). Orsini explains that the heads were added during the restoration, without checking if they really portrayed the character in question. 50 Schoto 1688, p. 394. 51 Penna wrote he listed only the sculptures found during the xvith century that he was able to retrace: Penna 1836, iii, pls. xlvi-xlvii. 52 Visconti 1792, p. 52; Penna 1836, iii, pl. xliii. 53 Penna 1836, iii, pl. xliv. 54 Penna 1836, pl. xliv (Aristophanes), pl. xlvi (Carneades), pl. xlv (Carneades and Isocrates). To the four listed by Orsini, Penna adds the herms of Aeschines (pl. xliii) and Miltiades (pl. xlvi). 55 Information taken from Andretta, Robertson 1995. 56 Riebesell 1989, p. 5: «Cardinal Alessandro Farnese was one of the richest men of the Papal State, had an annual income of 120,000 scudi, of which 70,000 came from the church tithes and 50,000 from his private property». 57 Robertson 1992, p. 11. 58 Andretta, Robertson 1995: «[…] His court was able to feed one hundred eighty-three people, including family members, waiters, grooms, vintners, muleteers, stewards, cooks, bottle-men, sweepers, porters, gardeners, musicians, carvers and sottoscalchi». 59 Robertson 1992, p. 226: Fulvio Orsini warned the Cardinal: «if we lose Ligorio very little will remain in Rome», but Farnese did not follow his advice. 48

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Fig. 15a-b. Herms of Aeschines and Aristophanes, attributed to the excavations of Cardinal Marcello Cervini (from Penna 1836).

aged to get Alessandro Farnese to buy ten volumes of the Antichità Romane (Roman Antiquities) written by Ligorio,60 which include a description of Hadrian’s Villa. These manuscripts remained in the Library of Palazzo Farnese in Rome until the mid-xviith century when they were moved to the Palazzo Ducale in Parma and finally to Naples, where they remain in the Biblioteca Nazionale.61 In his Codices, Ligorio described some friezes with marine animals (Fig. 17) or with carts pulled by animals, that once decorated the Maritime Theatre – that he called «Rota» (the «Wheel»).62 He wrote that the friezes were later dispersed to various places: some fragments went to Cardinal Farnese, who had them moved to his gardens in Rome (the Horti Farnesiani, on the Palatine Hill).63 Since Alessandro Farnese was Governor of Tivoli from 1535 to 1538 and possessed the frieze of the Maritime Theatre, Lanciani wrote about «Farnese excavations» in that building, but also in this case there is no supporting evidence.64 It is more likely that Alessandro Farnese – as other personalities of the time – simply bought some fragments of the frieze,65 perhaps with the intermediation of Marcello 60

Campbell 2004, pp. 178-186. Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 50. 62 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 32v-33v, in Ten 2005, p. 55. 63 Ibidem. 64 Lanciani 1906, p. 7: «Excavations of the sixteenth century of which remained memory are those […] of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (1535) in the Maritime Theatre». 65 Sebastiani 1828, p. 263; Bulgarini 1848, p. 121; Nibby 1849, p. 678; Blondel 1881, pp. 63-67; Lanciani 1906, p. 19; Bonanno 61

Fig. 16. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, portrait by Titian. Naples, Museo di Capodimonte (from Internet).

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Fig. 17. Fragment of the frieze with marine animals from the Maritime Theatre. Hadrian’s Villa, Antiquarium.

Cervini, who was his secretary for decades. Undoubtedly they were in touch with the antique dealers of Tivoli, but there is no proof that they made an excavation. In 1836 Agostino Penna66 tried to identify the friezes of the Maritime Theatre, whose history is very similar to that of the Muses found in the Odeon: a few fragments are preserved in situ, many others are scattered in museums and collections,67 others have disappeared. Catia Caprino published the most accurate study on the subject.68 1. 2. 6. Excavations ‘of Cardinal Carlo Carafa’ (1540?) Piazza d’Oro? Garden Stadium? – Cardinal Carlo Carafa (1519-1560) (Fig. 18)69 was a cruel and controversial character: he began his rise to power as a man of war, enlisting in 1552 in the service of the King of France. In 1555 his uncle Giovanni Pietro Carafa became Pope with the name of Paul IV and appointed him Cardinal-nephew,70 while issuing a Bolla71 that «acquitted him of all crimes committed in the past […], robbery, sacrilege, theft, homicides».72 The Pope made him one of the most powerful men in Rome, his trusted advisor, attentively listened to. But re-

1975, pp. 33-40; Ueblacker 1985, p. 46; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8. Paribeni 1994, p. 23 believes that the decorations probably were part of the collection of cardinal Paolo Emilio Cesi of Tivoli, donated in 1536 by his brother Federico to Pope Paul III Farnese. See also MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 326; Granieri 2008, p. 15. 66

Penna 1836, iii, pls. xi, xiii-xvi, xvii.2 and xviii.3-4. In the Antiquarium of Hadrian’s Villa: Bonanno 1975, pls. xixiv; Villa Adriana 2010, pp. 221-222, no. 37. Another fragment is in the deposits under the Prætorium in Hadrian’s Villa. According to Raeder 1983, p. 320, note 33, a fragment of the frieze is in Berlin, Pergamon Museum, sk. 904934 and another in London, British Museum, inv. no. 2319. Three fragments are in the church of Santa Maria della Vittoria in Percile (near Rome), published by Bonanno 1975, pls. xv-xvii, while three other are in Rome in the Villa Doria Pamphilj: ibidem, pls. ix-x, and four in situ in the Maritime Theatre: ibidem, pls. xi-xiv. 68 Caprino 1985. 69 Prosperi 1976. 70 Since the xvth century it became common practice to appoint cardinal-nephews. Carlo Carafa certainly was not the only one who took advantage of being a nephew of the Pope, and accumulated wealth and prestigious positions. 71 A Papal bull, a legal document issued by the Pope. 67

peated complaints about his dissolute life and fierce arrogance finally lost him the protection of the Pope, to the joy of his numerous enemies. Conclusive evidence of his misdeeds was presented to the succeeding Pope, Pius IV, and in July 1560 Carafa was tried and sentenced to death.73 Like those attributed to Cardinals Cervini and Farnese, the ‘Carafa excavations’ are a conjecture of Lanciani,74 who wrote that Cardinal Carlo Carafa excavated in Piazza d’Oro around 1540. Paribeni (who follows him) thinks that the excavations took place a little later, between 1555 and 1560, during the Papacy of Paul IV.75 Once again, the starting point is Ligorio, who does not speak explicitly of excavations, and only mentions some statues owned by the Cardinal:76 There was a large statue of Diana with a dog next to her, and a statue of Atalanta holding a deer by the antlers […] Another image of Diana or of Luna Agrotera [the Moon], with bow and arrow, in the act of hunting. There was another representing the Fortuna Virile […] another of Tranquility, very worn, which holds a measure of grain under her arm with the left hand, and in her right hand grasped the helm, with the right foot resting on the ground and the left resting on a ship. All these things

72 He stood out for his cruelty, for example the killing of wounded and unarmed Spanish soldiers who were prisoners in a hospital: Prosperi 1976. 73 Ibidem: «Accused of murder, malversations, abuse, as well of deceiving his uncle, the Pope, to induce him into making war against Spain». 74 Lanciani 1906, p. 7: «The excavations of the sixteenth century of which some memory is left are those […] of cardinal Caraπa (1540 ca.) in the Piazza d’Oro»; p. 33: «Piazza d’Oro […] Ligorio states that in this place were found two figures of Diana, one of Atlanta, and one of Fortune». 75 That is the period of time when Ippolito II d’Este was exiled from Tivoli by Pope Paul IV: Paribeni 1994, p. 25. 76 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 37v, in Ten 2005, p. 59: «Vi era una Diana grande col cane accanto, et una di Athlanta che haveva un cervo per le corna […] un’altra imagine di Diana o vero Luna Agrotera, con l’arco et le saette, in atto d’andar cacciando. Con un’altra anchora de la Fortuna Verile […] un’altra della Tranquillità, molto consumata, la quale da la sinistra mano teniva una misura di grani sotto il braccio, colla destra teniva il timone, col pié destro piantato in terra, et col sinistro appoggiato su una nave. Le qual cose tutte l’hebbe il signor Carlo cardinale Carafa, è donate a diversi principi».

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Fig. 18. Portrait of Cardinal Carlo Carafa (from Internet).

were in possession of Mr. Cardinal Carlo Carafa, then donated to diπerent princes.

Fig. 19. Statue of Diana with a dog, allegedly found in during the excavations of Cardinal Carafa (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

The statue of Diana with a dog has been identified with a statue (Fig. 19) now in the Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti.77 The statue of Atalanta with a deer is believed to be the so-called Artemis of Versailles (Fig. 20), now in the Louvre,78 although Raeder identifies it with a similar statue of Artemis in the Capitoline Museums of Rome.79 The other three statues of ‘Diana’ or ‘Luna Agrotera’, ‘Fortuna Virile’ and ‘Tranquillity’ are lost; actually ‘Tranqullity’ represented the goddes Isis, since it had her symbols: the sheaf of wheat, the rudder and the ship.

He could have bought them from the Altoviti family, who until the xviiith century owned the area of the Villa where the Piazza d’Oro is.80 A more accurate reading of Ligorio’s text and description, however, shows that the excavation did not actually take place in the Piazza d’Oro,81 but in a building near the Pœcile and the Great Baths, which had capitals made of black marble:82 it could be the Garden Stadium (also belonging to the Altoviti), where Ionic capitals of black and white marble have been found.83 According to Andrea Moneti,84 however, the «Carafa excavations» in Piazza d’Oro found some architectural

77 Inv. 1841. Penna 1836, iii, pl. xx; Baldassarri 1989, no. 41, pp. 96-97, figs. 92-93; Chiaramonti 1995, ii.20, p. 64, pls. 760-762, with previous bibliography. 78 Inv. Ma589. Penna 1836, iii, pl. xix; Baldassarri 1989, no. 40, pp. 94-95, figs. 90-91. 79 Inv. 62. Raeder 1983, v.18, p. 198. The statue is a replica of the one in the Louvre, with a (restored) dog instead of the deer. 80 According to Francesco Contini, the Altoviti owned a vast area that included the Imperial Palace, Piazza d’Oro, the Great and Small Baths, part of the Vestibule, the Building with Three Exedras, the Garden Stadium and the Winter Palace. See chapter 13 on Contini. 81 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 37v, in Ten 2005, p. 59. Ligorio describes Piazza d’Oro and explains that with that paragraph ended the description of the part of Hadrian’s Villa «che si estende verso Tramontana et all’oriente» (extending towards north and east) and that he was now going to describe the rest of the Villa «verso Mezzogiorno» («towards South»).

82 Ibidem: «In una delle tre piazze, ch’erano presso i detti bagni, haveva attorno fabriche con colonne di ordine ionico, di marmo bianco, con li capitelli et spire […] nel marmo negro lunense, l’epistylii et le corone del medesimo marmo; ma il zophoro di marmo bianco, li fodri di nicchi dove giacevano le grandi imagini del marmo mamurro bianco et negro: et quivi erano molte figure, le quali sono state in parte trovate, ma rotte malamente». («In one of the three squares, which were in those Baths, there were buildings around with Ionic columns, of white marble, with capitals and spires […] of black marble from Luni, the epistilia and the crowns of the same marble; but the zophoro was made of white marble, the niches for the great images were reveted with white marble, and also mamurro and black marbles: and there were many figures, of which were found some parts that were badly broken»). 83 Hadrien 1999, pp. 190-192, nos. 37-38 (Stefano Gizzi) and figure 84 Moneti 1995, pp. 118-119. on p. 191.

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marbles that were later moved to the vigna Carafa on the Quirinal Hill (cited by Pighius, including a protome representing Ocean). The excavations might date back to the late xvth century, and Moneti assigns them to Cardinal Oliviero Carafa85 (1430-1511), a Renaissance scholar who had a collection of antiques and a library (now lost),86 and also owned the vigna Carafa. He seems a more suitable character than Carlo Carafa, because he was a man of culture, but Ligorio speaks of Carlo and not of Oliviero Carafa: they were his contemporaries, and it is unlikely that he made a mistake, confusing one with the other. 2. Plans and drawings of the Accademia and other buildings (xvi th century) We know that many of the greatest artists of the xvith century visited the Villa to study its architecture and take inspiration for their own projects, but unfortunately in most cases their drawings are lost. Here we list the most important ones. 2. 1. Andrea Palladio (1554 c.) Andrea Palladio wrote a few lines about Hadrian’s Villa in L’Antichità di Roma, published in 1554;87 he left some drawings: plans of the Greek and Latin Libraries, the Hospitalia, the Maritime Theatre, the Great and Small Baths, the Prætorium and the Accademia. For more detail, see chapter 6, where the drawings are illustrated. 2. 2. Pirro Ligorio (1550 c.) Only two original drawings by Pirro Ligorio depicting buildings of Hadrian’s Villa have come down to us. The first was later inserted in the Codex of Turin, and shows the plan of Roccabruna and surrounding area (Fig. 21).88 The second is in the Royal Library at Windsor, England:89 it shows the plan of the Accademia and of other buildings of the Villa, plus two diπerent sketches of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] (see chapter 7 on Ligorio). 2. 3. Draftsman of the Destailleur Codex (mid-xvi th century) In the Kunstbibliothek in Berlin90 there is a drawing dating back to the mid-xvith century, which is part of the Destailleur Codex. On the verso of the sheet is a drawing of the stucco ceiling of the Great Baths (Fig. 22), while on the recto is the stucco ceiling of the Accademia (see chapter 9 on xvith-century drawings). 2. 4. Giovannantonio Dosio (1563 c.) Giovannantonio Dosio,91 architect, sculptor and antiquarian, moved to Rome in 1548 to work as an apprentice; he became interested in the study of Roman antiquities and later on was a dealer and restorer of antiques in the flourishing market of Roman antiquities. He worked for Pope Julius II and his Villa Giulia, for Pope Paul IV in Castel 85

Petrucci 1976. His library, linked to the monastery of Santa Maria della Pace – for which he commissioned Donato Bramante to construct the cloister – was inherited by the Regular Canons of San Pietro in Vincoli, together with his collection of antiques, but was lost: Petrucci 1976. 87 The Antiquities of Rome: Palladio 1554. A reprint was published in Oxford in 1709 with both Latin and Italian texts; also on-line. 88 In the State Archive of Turin: see Ten 2005, pp. xii, xiv, xv; Ligorio, Codice di Torino, vol. xx, f. 89. 86

Fig. 20. Statue of Atalanta/Artemis with a deer, allegedly found during the excavations of Cardinal Carafa. Paris, Louvre, inv. MA589 (© rmn - Grand Palais, Musée du Louvre/Hervé Lewandowski).

Sant’Angelo, and also on the decoration of the Casina of Pius IV in the Vatican Gardens, which certainly put him in touch with Pirro Ligorio, who was the designer. He made several drawings of the monuments of Roman antiquity, in Rome and throughout Italy: they document the actual state of the buildings, without additions or embellishments, and are therefore important evidence for the history of their conservation. The drawings were part of an album called Libro delle Antichità (Book of Antiquities), but they were rapidly dispersed into various collections and libraries. Some folios are in Florence and Berlin, other copies in the Royal Library at Windsor.92 Dosio left a drawing of the stucco ceiling of the Accademia, which in his time belonged to the Altoviti family (see again chapter 9). 2. 5. Anonymous Portuguese (or Francisco Castillo?) (1568-1580) The drawing, now in the Royal Library at Windsor,93 depicts the stucco ceiling and mosaic floor of a room 89 Windsor RL 10377v, Architettura Civile, π. 24-24v. See Campbell 2004, p. 179, no. 51; pp. 182, 184, no. 52. 90 Inv. OZ 109, f. 61. Hülsen 1933, pl. lxi; Campbell 2004, p. 396. 91 Information mostly taken from Acidini Luchinat 1992, online. See also Vasori 1980, p. 225. 92 Acidini Luchinat 1992. 93 Royal Library at Windsor, RL 10440, Architettura Civile, f. 83. Salza Prina Ricotti first wrote about the drawing (without publishing a picture: Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, p. 36, note 75), but, as

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Fig. 21. Pirro Ligorio, plan of Roccabruna and surrounding area. Codice di Torino, vol. xx, f. 89 (from Ten 2005).

in the Accademia; it is dated between 1568 and 1580.94 Jan Campbell95 attributes it to an «Anonymous Portuguese», while Mariette de Vos96 thinks it could be the noted by Mariette de Vos «she does not try to identify the location of the decorations inside the Accademia»: de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 248, Campbell 2004, p. 396, no. 134.

work of the Spanish artist Francisco Castillo, who lived in Rome in the years between 1546 and 1555 (see again chapter 9). 94

Date given by Campbell 2004, p. 396, no. 134. Ibidem. 96 de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1: «This is probably Francisco de Castillo, who spent nine years in Rome». 95

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2. 6. Giovan Battista Cavalieri (1585) Giovan Battista Cavalieri (1525-1601), engraver, designer and editor,97 was born in Villa Lagarina (Trento); we do not know exactly when he moved to Rome, but there he became an important producer of prints. In the Calcografia Nazionale of Rome more than four hundred of his engravings are preserved, including those of Trajan’s Column; they are very important for the history of the Roman Collections of antiquities. In his Antiquarum statuarum Urbis Romae98 (On the ancient statues of the city of Rome), published for the first time in 1570 and again in 1585,99 he made engravings of some sculptures found in Hadrian’s Villa during the xvith century: the seated woman with a dog under her chair discovered by Pirro Ligorio in the Odeon theatre (Fig. 23a), and three sculptures found in the Palestra during the CappucciniBiscanti excavations: Hadrian (Hermes), Ceres (Isis), and the so-called Hecate (priest of Isis) (Figs. 4-6 and Fig. 23b-d). 2. 7. Drawings in the Albertina Library at Vienna (xvi th century) In the Albertina Library at Vienna there are several drawings made by anonymous Italian draftsmen,100 with plans of the Maritime Theatre (Fig. 24),101 the Greek Library (Fig. 25),102 the Great Baths (Fig. 26),103 the Small Baths104 (Fig. 27), and drawings depicting the stucco ceilings in the Great Baths (Figs. 28-29)105 or under the Fede Nymphæum (Figs. 30-31).106

Fig. 22. Sketch of the stucco ceiling in the Great Baths. Destailleur Codex A (c. 1550-1560). Berlin, Kunstbibliothek Inv. OZ 109, f. 61v (from Campbell 2004).

3. 2. Giovanni Maria Zappi (1580)

In the xvith century Hadrian’s Villa was visited by architects, antique dealers and artists coming from Italy and all Europe. They studied its architecture, drew plans of the site and sometimes also the elevations of the buildings. The xvith century was the golden age of the ‘grotesque’: many artists went to the Villa to copy the stucco ceilings, especially those of the Great Baths which were (and still are) clearly visible. The first treatises on the history of Tivoli were written at this time; Hadrian’s Villa could not be ignored even if it was described in a generic way. Some of these works were not published until several centuries later.

Giovanni Maria Zappi – one of the earliest Tiburtine historians – in 1580 wrote Annali e Memorie di Tivoli,107 a very interesting work. Zappi was an eyewitness of the most important events of his time, which he describes in a pleasant way, with great detail. He tells us about the triumphal entrance of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este into Tivoli in 1550 when he was appointed Governor,108 and describes the gardens of the Villa d’Este, which he visited in 1576.109 He wrote extensively about the mourning of the Tiburtines at the funeral of Cardinal Ippolito II in 1572. He lists the most important houses and personalities in Tivoli, and gives information about excavations being conducted by the owners of «vigne» («land plots») in Hadrian’s Villa (see chapter 8, on Ippolito II d’Este).

3. 1. Pirro Ligorio (1550-1579)

3. 3. Marco Antonio Nicodemi (mid-xvi th century)

The most important studies of the xvith century of course are those by Pirro Ligorio, who wrote the first complete description of the Villa, in three diπerent versions: for more details see chapter 7.

In the second half of the xvith century Marco Antonio Nicodemi (a Tiburtine physician) wrote a Storia di Tivoli.110 The first part of his work is about historical events up to his time, and has survived in diπerent versions.111 The sec-

97 Information is mostly taken from Passamani 1979, with previous bibliography. 98 Cavalieri 1585, vol. i, pls. 42, 43 and 45. 99 Cavalieri 1585. Also on-line: http://arachne.uni-koeln.de/ books/Cavalieri1585. 100 Valori 1985, pp. 59-65 for the buildings, pp. 159-164 for the stuccoes. 101 Valori 1985, pp. 59-60, no. 301 fig. xli (Anonymous Italian A). 102 Valori 1985, pp. 60-61, nos. 302-303, figs. xlii, xliii (Anonymous Italian A). 103 Valori 1985, pp. 61-63, no. 303, fig. xliii (Anonymous Italian A).

104 Valori 1985, pp. 63-65, nos. 304-305, figs. xliv-xlv (Anonymous Italian A). 105 Valori 1985, pp. 159-162, no. 308, pl. vi (Anonymous Italian F). 106 Ibidem. 107 Annals and Memoirs of Tivoli: Zappi 1580. It was republished in 108 Zappi 1580, pp. 31-32. 1920 by Vincenzo Pacifici. 109 Zappi 1580, pp. 55-65. 110 History of Tivoli: Nicodemi 1926. Also this work will be published few centuries later by Vincenzo Pacifici. 111 Pacifici in Nicodemi 1926, pp. vii-viii wrote: «Cod. Barb. Vat. 2535, an eighteenth-century copy preserved in the library of the lawyer Domenico Salviati; another copy belongs to the Bulgarini family; I viewed another copy belonging to the Del Re family in Tivoli, now extinguished […]».

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Fig. 23a. Statue of a woman with a dog under the chair (Tyro, wife of Herakles), found by Pirro Ligorio in the Odeon theatre (from Cavalieri 1570, pl. 53).

Fig. 23b. Statue of Hadrian with a globe in his hand, found by Cappuccini and Biscanti in the Palestra (from Cavalieri 1570, pl. 41).

Fig. 23c. Statue of Ceres, found by Cappuccini and Biscanti in the Palestra (from Cavalieri 1570, pl. 45).

Fig. 23d. Statue of so-called Ecate with a vase (Psiche), found by Cappuccini and Biscanti in the Palestra (from Cavalieri 1570, pl. 43).

hadrian’s villa in the xvi th century. large-scale excavations and early studies

Fig. 24. Italian Anonymous A, plan of the Maritime Theatre. Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 301 (© Albertina, Vienna).

Fig. 25. Italian Anonymous A, plan of the Greek Library. Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 302 (© Albertina, Vienna).

Fig. 26. Italian Anonymous A, plan of the Great Baths and of the Greek Library (on top). Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 303 (© Albertina, Vienna).

Fig. 27. Italian Anonymous A, plan of the Small Baths. Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 304 (© Albertina, Vienna).

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chapter 4 Nicodemi wrote a few lines about Hadrian’s Villa in Latin, quoting as usual the Historia Augusta, speaking of the Emperors Antoninus Pius and Lucius Verus, and of the first Bishop of Tivoli.113 3. 4. Giovanni Maria de’ Bardi, of the Counts of Vernio (end-xvi th century)

Fig. 28. Italian Anonymous F, drawing of the stucco ceiling in the Great Baths. Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 308 (© Albertina, Vienna).

ond part supposedly dealt with the archaeology of Tivoli (Roman villas, Christian churches, etc.), but according to Pacifici was never completed.112

Giovanni Maria de’ Bardi114 was a member of the Accademia degli Alterati (a literary circle) and of the Accademia della Crusca; in 1580 he published a treatise on soccer, which he viewed as a military art. Called to Rome in 1592 by Pope Clement VIII, he became interested in ancient Roman monuments, and wrote several books on the subject. At the end of the xvith century he completed his treatise Della imperial Villa Adriana e di altre sontuosissime già adiacenti alla città di Tivoli,115 which was published only in 1825 by Canon Domenico Moreni, who added footnotes about the other discoveries made in the xviith and xviith centuries.116 De’ Bardi wrote about the first excavation in the Odeon and the frieze with marine animals of the Maritime Theatre, closely following the description of Ligorio.117

Fig. 29. Great Baths, the stucco ceiling today.

112

Nicodemi 1926, p. vii. Nicodemi 1926, pp. 92-94. 114 Information drawn from Cantagalli, Pannella 1964. 115 Of the Imperial Hadrian’s Villa and other very sumptuous villas once near the town of Tivoli: de’ Bardi 1595. 113

116 Domenico Moreni discovered the original manuscript in the National Library of Florence and wrote a short preface: Cantagalli, Pannella 1964. 117 de’ Bardi 1595, p. 30 (Odeon) and p. 21 (Maritime Theatre).

hadrian’s villa in the xvi th century. large-scale excavations and early studies

Fig. 30. Italian Anonymous F, drawing of the stucco ceiling in the Fede Nymphæum (Temple of Venus). Vienna, Albertina Museum Library, inv. AZ Antike 309 (© Albertina, Vienna).

Fig. 31. The stucco ceiling in the Fede Nymphæum (or Temple of Venus).

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Fig. 33. Giuliano da Sangallo, plan of the Canopus. Cod. Vat. Barb. Lat. 4424, f. 24 (from Hülsen 1910). Fig. 32. Pietro Bembo, portrait by Titian. Washington, National Gallery of Art (from Internet).

He briefly describes the Accademia,118 mentioning its most noticeable structures, namely the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], the Zooteca [Ac88], the central portico [Ac7-8], and also the Belvedere [Ac1], which he calls «un ovato» («an oval») copying the words of Ligorio: Above this was built the Accademia, where there are countless rooms, and twenty squares to give grace and comfort, because it seems impossible to have imagined such a superb building. This imitated the Accademia of Athens which, according to Suidas Lexicon, and Stefano, was a mile distant away from Athens, in the middle of the most lovely gardens full of laurels, plane trees and other noble plants, and took its name from a Hero named Academos. This used to be a barren and sterile place, made fertile with abundance of water by the Athenian Cimon […]. But let us speak about [the Accademia] as was represented by Hadrian and let us think of the spaces with woods and meadows, and say in the first place that the entrance was an oval adorned with statues,119 and porticoes, extremely rich, with various comfortable places, and gardens all around, built above large buildings, below which were the schools, where young men and young girls were studying, and the Acqua Marzia arrived there, bringing water from the source Paeonia, thirty miles away, piercing the mountains with conduits so wide and high, that I measured a width of four rods and a height of ten; and this penetrated inside the whole villa.120 A little farther on was a Temple of round shape, which we see today, dedicated to Apollo and to the Muses, having all its 118 de’ Bardi 1595, pp. 27-29. See Appendix, no. 1 at the end of this chapter, for the original Italian text. 119 This refers to the so-called Belvedere [Ac1], which Ligorio described as a «luogo di forma ovata» («an oval shaped place»). 120 Note in the original text: «Nei Commentarii di Pio II Som. Pont. a pag. 251 si legge a questo proposito: exstant adhuc ipsorum aquaeductuum magnae moles, ac sublimes, verum interruptae, in quibus costruendis quanta fuerit impensa, ruina etiam hodie docet». Reference to the Commentarii of Pope Pius II Piccolomini. 121 This is the Temple of Apollo [Ac78].

vestibule full of statues.121 On the other side we have a building of square shape, outside it was surrounded by marble columns, and nearby were rooms with paintings and with floors made with the finest stones.122 Near it was the Barco, inside which diπerent animals were enclosed.123 We had other rooms for the disputes of the Academicians, and for the Priests.

4. Other artists and Hadrian’s Villa After the rediscovery of the Villa in the xvth century, the xvith century marked the beginning of studies and excavations on a larger scale. Pirro Ligorio commanded the scene: all scholars (at his time and in the following centuries) read his writings and copied entire phrases. Most of the greatest artists and architects of the Renaissance made a ‘pilgrimage’ to Hadrian’s Villa. In the wake of Renaissance studies on Vitruvius and Roman architecture – particularly intense in that period – they tried to discover the ‘magic formula’ that governed the proportions of ancient buildings, and drew ideas and inspiration from the imposing ruins and from their decoration, such as the stuccoes and the ‘Tartari’ (imitation of rocks mainly used in fountains). We will mention just some of them here. In the early xvith century Donato Bramante studied the proportions of classic architecture and – as Vasari relates 122 Note in the original text: «As it was, there was found a mosaic floor with masks in the middle, and around the frieze, which is now in the Vatican Museum. Ennio Quirino Visconti […], has illustrated it in his volume Museo Pio Clementino, 1820 pl. 48». This is incorrect information added by Domenico Moreni in the xviiith century, which actually concerns the Marefoschi excavations in the Imperial Palace, where the mosaics with masks now in the Gabinetto delle Maschere, in the Vatican Museums, were found. 123 It is the so-called Zooteca [Ac88].

hadrian’s villa in the xvi th century. large-scale excavations and early studies

Fig. 34. Giuliano da Sangallo, drawing of the stucco ceiling of the Great Baths. Cod. Vat. Barb. Lat. 4424, f. 13 (from Hülsen 1910).

– «measured what was in Tiboli and Hadrian’s Villa»,124 but none of his drawings of the Villa has survived. Raphael visited Hadrian’s Villa on April 3rd, 1516, together with Pietro Bembo (Fig. 32), one of the greatest scholars and collectors of the time, and Baldassarre Castiglione, who described the excursion in a letter to Cardinal Bibbiena:125

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Fig. 35. Sallustio Peruzzi, plan of the Canopus. Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi Arch. 664 (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Andrea Navagero was a Venetian patrician and an author of Latin lyrics; Agostino Beazzano, from Treviso, was also a poet.126 Raphael returned to the Villa several times

to study it, on some occasions together with Giulio Romano.127 Giuliano and Antonio da Sangallo128 visited the Villa and Tivoli, and both drew the statues of the Telamons (see above, chapter 2, p. 30, Figures 13-14). Between 1504 and 1506 Giuliano sketched a plan of the Canopus129 (Fig. 33), and in 1507 the stucco ceiling of the Great Baths (Fig. 34).130 Antonio accompanied Pope Paul III during his visit to Tivoli on September 5th, 1539.131 Leonardo da Vinci also went to Hadrian’s Villa: between 1506 and 1507 he drew a sketch of the Serapeum in the Canopus.132 Baldassarre Peruzzi visited the Villa but no drawings are preserved;133 his son Sallustio Peruzzi drew plans of the Vestibule of Piazza d’Oro, of the Canopus and the Maritime Theatre (Figs. 35-37).134 Michelangelo was sent to Tivoli by Pope Paul III Farnese «to make drawings of the Villa of Emperor Hadrian»,155 but none of them has survived.

124 «Misurò ciò che era a Tiboli e alla Villa Adriana» (Paribeni 1994, p. 8, quoting G. Vasari, Delle Vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori. Parte iii. Vita di Bramante da Urbino architettore, Firenze, 1568, ii, p. 29). 125 Golzio 1936, p. 42. See Appendix, no. 2 at the end of this chapter, for the original Italian text. 126 About the visit see: Bonfiglietti 1920, p. 4; Hülsen 19291930, p. 318; Golzio 1936, p. 42; Dacos 1965, pp. 9-12; Malme 1984, p. 35; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 242. 127 Bonfiglietti 1920, p. 4; Hülsen 1929-1930, p. 318. 128 Giuliano da Sangallo (1444-1516); Antonio da Sangallo the Younger (1485-1546). 129 Cod. Vat. Barb. Lat. 4424, f. 24: Hülsen 1910, pl. 1. 130 Cod. Vat. Barb. Lat. 4424, f. 13: Hülsen 1910, p. 33; Hülsen 1929-1930, p. 319; Dacos 1965, pp. 9-12; Vasori 1980, p. 136; Joyce 1990, pp. 349-350. The drawing of the Great Baths, dated in 1507, is the oldest that we have of the stucco ceiling.

131 Lanciani 1902, p. 109; Dacos 1965, pp. 9-12; Hülsen 19291930, p. 319; Vasori 1980, p. 136: «Archaeological drawings that show what an intelligent and meticulous investigation he was doing … to seize the forms of ancient Roman architecture». 132 Cod. Arundel, f. 224. 133 Vasori 1980, p. 32. 134 In the Museo degli U√zi at Florence: U√zi, π. 664, 689, 689v: Vasori 1980, p. 204 (Piazza d’Oro: p. 211, fig. 159 and p. 221, fig. 166; Canopus and Maritime Theatre: p. 219, fig. 165); Paribeni 1994, p. 8. 135 «Per prender desegni della Villa di Adriano imperatore»: see Zappi 1580, p. 21, who also reports that when Michelangelo saw the two Telamons in Tivoli «disse che queste memorie si ritrovano essere delle più belle memorie antique del mondo, che valevano tremila scudi l’una per l’altra» («said that these memorials are found to be the most beautiful antique memorials in the world, each of which is worth three thousand crowns»). See also Hülsen 1930, p. 319; Neuerburg 1964, p. 228; Paribeni 1994, p. 18, note 39; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 129.

To the Cardinal of S. Maria in Portico, Fiesole. Tomorrow, together with Nauagerio, Beazzano, M. Baldassarre Castiglione and Raphaello I shall go to see Tivoli again: I saw it once twenty-seven years ago. We will see the old and the new, and everything that is beautiful in that part. I am going there in order to please Mr. Andrea, who will leave to return to Venice the day after Easter. We kiss Your Eminence’s hand … April 3rd, 1516 in Rome.

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Fig. 37. Sallustio Peruzzi, plan of the Maritime Theatre. Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi Arch. 664 (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

Fig. 36. Sallustio Peruzzi, plan of the Vestibule of Piazza d’Oro. Florence, Museo degli U√zi, U√zi Arch. 689 (© Gab. Fot. Musei Firenze).

The French architect Philibert de l’Orme – who introduced the concept of classical architecture in France136 – drew some architectural elements of Hadrian’s Villa.137 A survey of the countless drawings and plans of Hadrian’s Villa scattered in libraries and museums around the world has never been made. 5. Appendix: original Italian texts

e sterile fu da Cimone ateniese, con gran copia d’acqua, fatta fertile […]. Ma venghiamo a dire della [Accademia] rappresentata da Adriano e, lasciamo di ragionare degli spazi, che tenevano i boschi, e prati, diciamo primieramente, che nell’entrata aveva un ovato ornato di statue, e di Portici, ricchi oltremodo con varii luoghi per comodità e intorno giardini sopra grandi edifici edificati; appresso ai quali erano le scuole, dove i giovinetti, e le giovinette studiavano, e vi veniva l’acqua Marzia tratta per trenta miglia dal fonte Peonio, forando i monti per condotti sì larghi e alti, che di larghezza di canne quattro e d’altezza di dieci metri ne ho misurato; questa per tutta la villa si spingeva. Poco più oltre era un Tempio di forma tonda, che ancor oggi si vede, ad Apolline, e alle Muse dedicato, avente il suo vestibolo pieno tutto di statue. Dall’altra banda vi ha fabbrica di forma quadra, di fuori cinta di colonne di marmo, cui a lato erano stanze dipinte con pavimento di finissime pietre. Di costa era il barco, ove diversi animali steano rinchiusi. Vi aveva altre stanze per le dispute degli Accademici, e per li Sacerdoti.

No. 1. de’ Bardi 1595, pp. 27-29:

No. 2. Golzio 1936, p. 42:

Sopra di questo era l’Accademia edificata, ove sono stanze senza novero, e piazze venti per dar grazia, e comodità; perché pare impossibile essersi immaginata fabbrica sì superba. Questa imitava l’Accademia di Atene, la quale, secondo Suida, e Stefano, era fuora da Atene un miglio in mezzo di vaghissimi giardini pieni di allori, platani e di altre nobiissime piante, e prese il nome da un eroe Academo nomato. Questa per essere in luogo arido

Al Cardinal di S. Maria in Portico, Fiesole. Io col Nauagerio et col Beazzano et con M. Baldassar Castiglione et con Raphaello domani anderò a riveder Tivoli: che io vidi già un’altra volta xxvii anni sono. Vederemo il vecchio et il nuovo et ciò che di bello sia in quella contrada. Vovvi per far piacere a M. Andrea il quale fatto il di’ di Pasquino si partirà per Vinegia. Basiamo a S. V. La mano … A iii aprile mdxvi di Roma.

136

Blunt 1958, p. 1.

137 Published in Premier Tome de l’Architecture, π. 213, 213v, 217: Perouse de Montclos 1987, p. 292.

C h a p te r 5 BIND O A LTO VITI, ONE OF T HE FIRST OW NE R S O F TH E A C C A D E M IA

B

1. Biographical notes

indo’s father, Antonio Altoviti (born in Florence) was a very important character in xvth-century Rome, where he is known to have been present from the Holy Year of 1450. He founded a bank of his own, and later became treasurer and minister of the Papal States.1 In 1487 he married Dionora, niece of Pope Innocent VIII,2 who was present at the wedding and gave the bride a very generous dowry.3 Bindo Altoviti, the couple’s only child, was born on November 10th 1491, and died in Rome on January 22nd 1557.4 His father died in 1507 when Bindo was just 16 years old, but he continued his father’s business, winning contracts for salt and customs that enormously increased his wealth. Between 1511 and 1513 he was one of the first private individuals to ask Raphael to paint his portrait5 (Fig. 1), and in old age he was represented by Cellini in a magnificent bust of bronze.6 Bindo married Fiammetta Soderini, daughter of a noble Florentine family, and they had two sons: Antonio (the future Archbishop of Florence) and Giovan Battista.7 From various documents we know that in 1522 the Altoviti Bank levied new taxes on pack animals, wagons and carriages in order to finance the new paving of Via dell’Ospedale di Santo Spirito. On May 2nd, 1529, Bindo was appointed commissioner for the collection of taxes by the Camera Apostolica.8 In 1535 he became collector of taxes on salt in the territories of Marche and Umbria.9 We have the records of his payments of the huge expenses that Pope Paul III incurred on the occasion of the visit of the Emperor Charles V to Rome.10 In 1540 Bindo obtained the contract to transport timber for the construction of the new Basilica of Saint Peter’s.11 The fortunes of the Altoviti declined after the death of Pope Paul III. In 1555 the support given by Antonio to the Florentine exiles against Cosimo de’ Medici was cause for the confiscation of all the family properties in Florence, including the dowry of Bindo’s wife, Fiammetta Soderini.12 When the exiles allied with the French, Piero Strozzi13 joined them, but the fight against the Medici ended with

1 Belloni 1935, p. 9; Pegazzano 2004c, pp. 4-5; Meriam Bullard 2004, pp. 21-58. 2 Daughter of Clarenza Cibo, sister of Pope Innocent VIII. 3 Belloni 1935, pp. 7, 9. 4 Stella 1960; Pegazzano 2004c. 5 Brown 2004, pp. 93-114; Van Nimmen 2004, pp. 214-236 tells the long story of the portrait by Raphael, which was in the Art Gallery of Monaco and now is in the National Gallery of Art of Washington. For a long time it was believed that the painting was a self-portrait of the painter. 6 Zikos 2004, pp. 133-143, with the story of the bust by Cellini. 7 Alveri 1664, p. 103; Pegazzano 2004c, p. 5. 8 Alveri 1664, p. 103; Pegazzano 2004c, p. 5. 9 Belloni 1935, p. 19. 10 Ibidem. 11 Ibidem.

Fig. 1. Bindo Altoviti, portrait by Raphael. Washington, National Gallery of Art (from Altoviti 2004).

the defeat at Marciano in 1556.14 In 1594 the Altoviti bank was involved in a collapse that forced the family to sell their collection of antiquities to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy.15 Bindo Altoviti was in touch with the greatest artists of his time, from whom he commissioned extraordinary works of art. In addition to his youthful portrait, Raphael also painted the Madonna dell’Impannata for him, and Michelangelo gave him a ‘cartoon’, a preparatory sketch

12

Stella 1960. Pegazzano 2004c, p. 11. See also the website of the Treccani Encyclopaedia: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/piero-strozzi/. 14 Stella 1960: «Bindo Altoviti did not give up, continued his eπorts in arming the exiles for the rescue of Siena, hoping for the liberation of Florence with the help of the King of France and the rich Florentine exiles living in Lyon, Venice, and Ancona. At his own expense he armed eight companies, headed by his son Giovan Battista; he gave them green flags bearing the emblem of King Henry of France, and the words “Freedom for the Oppressed City”; on the back was a quotation from the verses of Dante in golden letters: Libertà vò cercando ch’è si cara come sa chi per lei vita rifiuta [“I am looking for Freedom which is so beloved, as those who give their lives for her know”]». 15 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352; Pegazzano 2004c, p. 13. 13

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Fig. 2. Bronze bust of Bindo Altoviti, by Benvenuto Cellini. Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum (from Altoviti 2004).

for the Sistine Chapel, depicting the drunkenness of Noah.16 As we have seen, in 1550 Benvenuto Cellini had portrayed him in a bronze bust (Fig. 2), but in his memoirs Cellini complained about the payments:17 We agreed that he would keep my money, paying me 15 percent of interest for the rest of my natural life […] and angrily remarked: It was clear to me of what kind was the word of merchants and, discontented, I returned to Florence.

The bust remained in the Palazzo Altoviti until the palace was demolished in 1898, when was bought by Isabella Stewart Gardner,18 the great American art collector, who displayed it in her home in Boston, later opened to the public (1903) as the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. To expand and embellish the family mansion in Rome, overlooking the Tiber (Fig. 3), Bindo bought the neighboring houses, and demolished some of them to create the Piazza Altoviti or Piazza di Ponte.19 The Palace was famous for its Loggia with frescoes of Giorgio Vasari,20 who also decorated their villa in Prati di Castello.21 Both build16 Stella 1960; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 395, no. 14: it is now lost. See also Pegazzano 2004b, pp. 201-202. 17 Belloni 1935, p. 23: Cellini had misunderstood and did not report the exact figures, which are diπerent from those written in the contract that he signed with Bindo Altoviti: in fact it was an annuity (vitalizio). «Ci convenimmo che quei mia dinari e’ gli tenessi a quindici per cento a vita mia durante naturale […]. Io fui chiaro di che sorte si è la fede de mercatanti e così malcontento me ne ritornai a Firenze». 18 For thirty years, Isabella Stewart Gardner traveled to Europe to acquire works of art, accompanied and advised by Bernard Berenson, who made her buy the bust of Cellini. See website: http://www.gardnermuseum.org/collection/cellini_s26E21.asp. 19 Alveri 1664, p. 103.

ings shared sad fates: the villa was destroyed in 1849, during the siege of Rome;22 the palace had a corner cut oπ during the reign of Pope Paul III in order that the Via Paola could be constructed, and was finally demolished in 1888 to make room for the new embankments of the Tiber river.23 In 1885, when the paperwork for the expropriation started, Giuseppe Fiorelli, then Director-general of Antiquities and Fine Arts, created a commission to save the paintings and the decorations of the palace, especially those by Vasari.24 In 1887 a public debate about saving the frescoes was initiated, but in the meantime the agreement for the expropriation was signed. Soon the dismantling of paintings and frescoes began, some of which disappeared, while others were abandoned for decades in the storerooms of Palazzo Corsini and Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome. Only in the 1920s was a ceiling reassembled in Palazzo Venezia.25 Rodolfo Lanciani, then Secretary of the Archaeological Commission of Rome, tried in vain to stop the destruction of the palace, and wrote an appeal to the Ministry fearing the export of the bust of Cellini, as in fact happened.26 No one stopped the disaster: furniture and decoration, which had survived intact for centuries in their original setting were dispersed; extraordinary frescoes and decorations were destroyed together with the palace.27 The history of the Altoviti Palace and Collection, ending with the export of the portraits of Bindo by Raphael and Cellini, is a prime example of the reckless speculation and the dispersion of works of art from the Italian Heritage between the xixth and xxth centuries, during which it suπered the almost total indiπerence of the Kingdom of Italy which was supposed to protect and safeguard it. 2. The Altoviti and Hadrian’s Villa 2. 1. The Altoviti properties in Hadrian’s Villa Bindo Altoviti is one of the first known land owners in Hadrian’s Villa for whom we have an historical record, even if the exact date of purchase of his land is not known; it probably occurred in the years during which Pirro Ligorio and Ippolito II d’Este were excavating in the Villa.28 Besides Hadrian’s Villa, Bindo acquired other ‘archaeological’ land-plots in the outskirts of Rome during the same period, where he conducted excavations to find ancient objects. These finds, as well as his personal collection, were intended for sale, or for ‘diplomatic’ use as prestigious gifts in exchange for favors.29 In 1550 Giovan Battista Altoviti – one of the sons of Bindo – sold to Pope Julius II five herms found in Hadrian’s Villa (see below), and this means that their properties in the Villa were acquired before that date.30 20 It was the most beautiful Loggia in Rome after that of the Chigi, in the Villa Farnesina on the Tiber river. 21 Alveri 1664, p. 103; Pegazzano 2004b, pp. 189-201 on the Altoviti Palace and pp. 201-202 on the Altoviti Villa in Prati di 22 Stella 1960, p. 575. Castello. 23 Stella 1960, p. 575; Pegazzano 2004b, p. 187. 24 Ibidem. 25 Ibidem. 26 Misiani 2004, p. 277. 27 Stella 1960, p. 575; Pegazzano 2004b, p. 187. 28 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 353: Ippolito II d’Este was pro-French, and it is likely that he and Bindo were united by their common hatred of Cosimo de’ Medici – even if there is no documentary evidence on the matter. 29 Pegazzano 2004a, pp. 352-353. 30 Lanciani 1909, p. 85; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 532.

bindo altoviti, one of the first owners of the accademia

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Fig. 3. Palazzo Altoviti seen from the Tiber, by Ettore Roesler Franz (1882). Rome, Palazzo Braschi, Museo di Roma (from Altoviti 2004).

The oldest inventory of the family properties (February 13th, 1591) informs us that the Altoviti owned «more land placed in Tivoli», which belonged «partly to Mr. Bindo and [another part] to monsignor Archbishop» (his son Antonio).31 In 1664 the historian Alveri32 wrote about the properties of the Altoviti in Hadrian’s Villa, and of statues found there, without going into details. Thanks to some deeds, we can identify the areas of the Villa belonging to the Altoviti, because starting from 1558 (Bindo died in 1557) his heirs began to sell plots of land on several occasions. The oldest document is a deed of May 1558,33 shortly after the death of Bindo. His sons Antonio and Giovan Battista sold a plot described as «unum petiun sodi in terr. Tyburtino cum certiis antiquariis in vocabulo del Palazzo – item unam vineam in l.q.d. la villa Hadriana» («A plot of land in the Tiburtine territory, with some antiquities, in a place called Palazzo, and a

vineyard where once was Hadrian’s Villa») to Pietro Strozzi of Florence, Marshal of France.34 The name of the plot oπered for sale – «vocabulo Palazzo» («Palace») – is very important: the Bulgarini property still is named «Tenuta Palazzo», and includes the buildings called Accademia, Mimizia and Odeon. Therefore the land sold to Pietro Strozzi corresponds to that area and those buildings, as confirmed by further information reported by Lanciani:35

31 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 447: doc. no. 4: Inventory of 13 February, 1591 (asrm [Archivio di Stato di Roma], Notai del Tribunale dell’A. C., notaio Petrus Catolonus, vol. 1542, π. 1048-1062). See also D. Pegazzano, Bindo Altoviti. Committenza e mecenatismo di un banchiere del Cinquecento [Patronage and sponsorship of a banker of the sixteenth century], Tesi di Laurea, Università degli Studi di Firenze, 1988, pp. 229-233). 32 Alveri 1664, p. 105. See below in the section on findings of the Altoviti in Hadrian’s Villa. 33 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 353: asrm, Notai del Tribunale dell’A. C., notaio Ludovicus Reydettus, vol. 6176, cc. 37-40. The document was transcribed by Lanciani in his Codex Topographicus. See Pari beni 1994, p. 26. 34 It is the same Pietro Strozzi who, on behalf of the French, al-

lied with Antonio Altoviti and the Florentine exiles to overthrow Cosimo de’ Medici: see above. 35 Lanciani 1909, p. 139. He does not mention Pietro de Strozzi, who bought the land from Altoviti and later on sold it to the Bulgarini: Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352. 36 According to Lanciani, the buyer was Simplicio Bulgarini (Lanciani 1909, p. 139), while Paribeni writes that was Giovanni Francesco Bulgarini (Paribeni 1994, p. 27). 37 The Barberini Candelabra, in the Vatican Museum. See chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family in the xviith century. 38 20 December, 1644: asrm, Notai del Tribunale dell’A. C., notaio Dominicus Fontias, vol. 3198, f. 719v. Partly published by Pegazzano 2004a, pp. 449-450.

Under the pontificate of Urban VIII, in the year 1630, the Bulgarini family,36 who had purchased from the heirs of Bindo Altoviti the site of the Odeum and of the Accademia, discovered certain marble candelabra,37 and figures of gods and heroes.

Later on, an inventory made in 1644 for the heirs of Pierozzo Altoviti,38 lists among their properties a «land-plot in Hadrian’s Villa, with bush and brambles, with a small vine-

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Fig. 4. Francesco Contini, general plan of Hadrian’s Villa (1668). Land owned in the xviith century by Altoviti (yellow) and Bulgarini (green). 1) Area of the Fede Nymphæum; 2) Terrace of Tempe; 3) Baths with Heliocaminus; 4) Imperial Palace; 5) Hall with Doric Pillars; 6) Piazza d’Oro; 7) Firemen’s Headquarters; 8) Winter Palace; 9) Garden Stadium; 10) Building with Three Exedras; 11) Small Baths; 12) Vestibule; 13) Great Baths; 14) Prætorium; 15) Prætorium esplanade; 16) Fosso di Risicoli; 17) Accademia; 18) Mimizia; 19) Odeon theatre; 20) Great Trapezium; 21) Temple of Pluto (courtesy dai, Rome).

yard of three or four feet – on one side it borders with the Bulgarini».39 So at that time the Altoviti still owned some land adjacent to that previously sold to the Bulgarini. The information is confirmed by the general plan of Hadrian’s Villa published by Francesco Contini in 1668 (his survey started in 1634), with the names of the landlords of his time (Fig. 4). The Altoviti owned the northern and eastern part of Villa:40 the area of the Fede Nymphæum and part of the Terrace of Tempe, the Imperial Palace, the Hall with Doric Pillars, the Piazza d’Oro; their property also extended westwards, to include the Baths with Heliocaminus, the Building with Three Exedras, the Garden Stadium, the Winter Palace, the Firemen’s Headquarters and the eastern part of the Vestibule, plus the Small Baths, the Great Baths, the Prætorium and the northern part of the Prætorium esplanade, bordering on the Bulgarini property.

39 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 353: «tenuta nella Villa Adriana ad uso de sterpi o macchia con un poco di vigna con tre o quattro piedi … Confina da una parte li signori Bulgarini». And also «Un pezzo di terreno … a piedi la cascata di Tivoli» («A piece of land … near the bottom of the waterfall of Tivoli»): asrm, Tribunale dei Notai dell’A. C., notaio Dominicus Fontias, vol. 3198, f. 719v. 40 Contini 1668, pls. ii and vii, letters G-H. 41 Contini 1668, pls. ii-iii and vii-viii, letters L and M. Folding Plan no. 3.

According to that same plan, the Bulgarini owned the Fosso di Risicoli41 (a valley marking the western border of the Villa), the buildings of Accademia, Mimizia and Odeon, and reached up to the northern half of the Great Trapezium and to the Temple of Pluto or Prytaneion. The Accademia esplanade, however, belonged in part to Giuseppe Cesare of Tivoli, and Roccabruna to Sebastiano Soliardi.42 It should be noted that the owners’ names appear only in the first edition of the Contini plan; in the reprint of 1751 they are omitted, probably because after several decades they had changed.43 In the first decades of the xviiith century Count Antonio Maria Fede and his son Giuseppe bought a great part of the land in Hadrian’s Villa, including the last plots of the Altoviti,44 as shown by the map of the Fede properties, published in 1770 by Ristori Gabbrielli.45 Fede purchased from the Altoviti the same land that Contini

42

Contini 1668, pls. vii-viii, letters K (Soliardi) and L (Cesare). Contini 1751, where the ten original plates are joined in a single one. 44 Winnefeld 1895, p. 7, note 33 and p. 8: «Before 1724, Count Fede acquired the lands that at the time of Contini belonged to Cappuccini, Arquieri and Rampani, Altoviti and other owners of small land plots». 45 Ristori Gabbrielli 1770. See also De Franceschini 1991, p. 9 and p. 10, plan no. 3. 43

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Fig. 5. Ristori Gabbrielli, plan with the land owned by the Altoviti in the xviiith century (from Ristori Gabbrielli 1770). 1) Cocanari; 2) Valentino Tranquilli; 3) Cocanari; 4) Capretti; 5) M. M. di San Michele; 6) Noviziato; 7) Capretti; 8) Michilli; 9) Aπerri; 10) Michilli; 11) Alberigi; 12-13) Padri Gesuiti; 14) Michilli; 15) Cappuccino; 16) Card. Visconti; 17) Trotta; 18) Card. Visconti; 19) Transunto; 20) Speziale; 21) Altoviti; 22) Pietrossi; 23) Benvenuti; 24) Saucci; 25) Vari prop. 26) Cocanari; 27) Mancini; 28) Altissimi; 29) Rampani; 30) Padri di Sant’Antonio; 31) Fornarello; 32) Capretti; 33) Vecchia; 34) Altoviti.

attributed to them, and the map gives the measurements in «rubie» (Fig. 5). 2. 2. The discoveries of the Altoviti in Hadrian’s Villa There is very little definite information, but we know that sculptures found in Hadrian’s Villa decorated the Loggia of the Palazzo Altoviti in Rome, and also their villa in Prati di Castello.46 The earliest information (1550), reported by Lanciani,47 mentions the discovery of five herms with the names of Aeschines, Aristophanes, Euripides, Pindar and Zenon. Bindo’s son, Giovanni Battista, donated or sold them to Pope Julius II, to decorate the gardens of Villa Giulia, being built at that time.48 It is di√cult to identify them: one 46 Lanciani 1902, ii, p. 116; Belloni 1935, p. 32; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 354. See also Pegazzano 2004b, pp. 189-201 (on the Altoviti Palace), 201-202 (on their villa in Prati di Castello). 47 Lanciani 1902, vol. ii, pp. 111, 116, quoting the inventory numbers of Kaibel: 1128, 1140, 1153, 1156, 1193. 48 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352, quoting Lanciani 1909, p. 85 and p. 355; Altoviti 2004, no. 5a, p. 371 (A. Chong), quoting Lanciani 1902, ii, p. 116. 49 Inv. v.6.21. Lanciani 1902, ii, p. 254; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 355.

could be the herm of Aeschines in the Vatican Museum,49 another could be the Farnese Zenon (the only example known by that name in the xvith century), now in the Museo di Capodimonte in Naples.50 In 1550 Ulisse Aldrovandi described the most important collections of antiquities in Rome, including the Altoviti Collection, listing a series of statues and their location in the palace; unfortunately their provenance is not specified.51 In 1664 the historian Gasparo Alveri52 wrote: Giovan Battista Altoviti adorned the vineyard of his father […] located near the Orso a Ripetta, just across the river, […] with beautiful statues later sold to the dukes of Savoy, which were previously found in Hadrian’s Villa, which was, and is still today, property of the Altoviti. 50

Lanciani 1902, ii, p. 116; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 355. Aldovrandi 1556, pp. 144-146. See also Pegazzano 2004a, p. 354. 52 «Giovan Battista Altoviti ornò la vigna paterna […] situata incontro all’Orso a Ripetta, dall’altra parte del Tevere, […] quale ornò di bellissime statue vendute poi alli duchi di Savoia, e già ritrovate nella Villa Adriana che era come anche oggi è degli Altoviti» (Alveri 1664, pp. 104-105). 51

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chapter 5 The negotiations to sell the family collection of antiquities to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy54 lasted for several years. In a letter of May 28th, 1611 the Savoy Ambassador in Rome, Lorenzo di San Martino Vische, urged the Duke to take advantage of the opportunity «because it is very unlikely that there will be another similar, in terms of quality and quantity, since these things are very much sought after».55 The inventory of sculptures, completed in 1612, lists 58 statues, two paintings and three small tables of pietre dure (precious stone inlays).56 Unfortunately the provenance is never indicated, and it must be remembered that the Altoviti owned other ‘archaeological’ land in Rome and its environs, where they made excavations and found treasures.57 Before the sale was completed, the four most beautiful statues – we do not know exactly which four – were sold to Cardinal Alessandro Peretti-Montalto.58 It is therefore impossible to identify the sculptures which came from Hadrian’s Villa, and certainly not those found in the Accademia, among the sculptures sold to the Duke of Savoy; we can make assumptions, but there is no  supporting evidence. For stylistic reasons, Donatella Pegazzano59 believes that the statue of Hora (or Maenad) today in the Museo Archeologico at Turin60 may come from Hadrian’s Villa (Fig. 6). 3. Conclusions

Besides others, they say that also Altoviti of Florence unearthed there great treasures and most precious things.

Since the Accademia is still private property and has never been studied in depth, the name of the Altoviti has rarely been linked to the story of the Villa, although in the xvith century they possessed a great part of it. They are a typical example of land owners who used their parcels as a treasure quarry; it is impossible to identify the works of art found during their excavations in the Villa and in other ‘archaeological’ sites that they owned in and around Rome. It is not easy to identify the parcels of land formerly in their possession; in the case of the Accademia the toponym «Palazzo» («Palace»), still in use for the Bulgarini property, is of great help. The 1668 plan of Contini is also very important, because it shows the properties of the Altoviti in the rest of the Villa, after the sale of the Accademia to the Bulgarini. This data, as we said, was later confirmed by the Ristori Gabbrielli map of the properties of Count Fede, who bought from the Altoviti the last land they owned at the site.

53 Volpi 1745, p. 403: «Post alios etiam Altovitus Florentinus…, ditissimae supellectilis thesauros ingentes indidem eruisse dicitur». 54 Palma 2002: «In Turin, around 1570, the Savoy started to buy from the market a series of Roman sculptures to be exhibited in the Gallery of the Palazzo Reale; with subsequent acquisitions it will form the core of the Museum of Antiquities». 55 «…perché di√cilmente se ne presenterà un’altra simile in qualità e quantità, per la caccia che hanno queste robbe» (Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352 reconstructs the events of the sale and gives an inventory of the sculptures). 56 Bava 1995, pp. 159-160; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 361, doc. B [contract, list of sculptures] and p. 362, doc. C [inventory]. 57 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352: «And for the purpose of commercial exploitation Bindo added the land of the Villa in Tivoli to other land-plots in important archaeological areas such as the area of the

Baths of Trajan […]»; p. 355: «For the Altoviti it should not be di√cult to find antiques, given the amount of land suitable for archaeological excavations purchased by him in the early fifties, and thanks to the discoveries made in the grounds of his property placed in Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli, where according to Lanciani (Lanciani 1909, p. 85), more than anywhere else you could find herms and busts of famous men in large quantity and variety». 58 Bava 1995, p. 158; Pegazzano 2004a, p. 352 and note 1, p. 358. 59 Pegazzano 2004a, p. 357 cautiously writes: «Lo stile arcaizzante di questa Hora non farebbe escludere una provenienza dalla villa di Adriano a Tivoli, il cui antico arredo scultoreo era improntato a grande varietà» («The archaic style of this Hora makes it not unlikely a provenance from Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli, whose sculpted decoration was very varied»). 60 Inv. 684. See Altoviti 2004, p. 365, no. 2 (F. Barrello).

Fig. 6. Statue of Hora or Maenad, formerly in the Altoviti Collection, perhaps found during their excavations at Hadrian’s Villa. Turin, Museo Archeologico (from Pegazzano 2004a).

In 1745 Giuseppe Rocco Volpi spoke in even more vague terms of «great treasures» («thesauros ingentes») unearthed by the Altoviti on their properties:53

C h a p te r 6 AN DR E A P A LLA D IO . LOOK IN G FOR P E R FE C T P R O P O R TIO NS

T

1. Biographical notes

he son of Pietro della Gondola, Andrea Palladio (Fig. 1) was born in Padua in 1508 and died in Maser (Treviso), or in Vicenza, on August 19th, 1580. From some deeds of the Notaries of Vicenza we know that when he was thirteen he began working as an apprentice with the sculptor Bartolomeo Cavazza, and attended the workshops of other artists.1 The surname Palladio (from Pallas Athena, patron of the arts)2 was invented for him by his patron Gian Giorgio Trìssino (Fig. 2),3 who «having seen that the young Palladio was very witty and very inclined to mathematical sciences, to cultivate this talent he decided personally to explain Vitruvius to him, and also to take him three times to Rome, where he measured and drew many of the most beautiful and impressive buildings, relics of the venerable Roman antiquity», as wrote Paolo Gualdo, his first biographer.4 In 1537 Trìssino introduced Palladio to Alvise Cornaro, author of a Trattato di Architettura (Treatise on Architecture), where he taught the «fondamenti del ben costruire» – the basic rules for good construction. He stated that he had learned more from the study of ancient buildings than from the books of Vitruvius – as opposed to Trìssino, who considered the Vitruvius text of paramount importance. The encounter with Cornaro, the discovery of Vitruvius and the reading of the De re aedificatoria by Leon Battista Alberti opened up new horizons to the young Palladio, who became interested in the study of Roman architecture, and often travelled to Verona to devote himself «to the investigation of the ancient buildings».5 In 1541, on the occasion of his first journey to Rome with Gian Giorgio Trìssino, Andrea Palladio visited the most important cities along their route: Ravenna, Rimini, Ancona, Gubbio, and others. Between 1544 and 1547, in addition to Verona and Padua, he went to Mantova, where he saw Palazzo Te and made several drawings. He was influenced by the works of the great architects who were his contemporaries, working in Rome during the Golden Age of the humanist Popes, from Julius II to Clement VII:6 Giovanni Maria Falconetto (1468-1535), Jacopo Sansovino (1486-1570), Sebastiano Serlio (1475-1554) and Giulio Romano (1499-1546).

During his second stay in Rome (1546-1547) Palladio went to Tivoli, Palestrina, Albano and Ostia, as we know from a letter of May 20th, 1547 written by count Marco Thiene, who also was a guest of Trìssino.7 During the third visit to Rome, Palladio worked with Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. Gian Giorgio Trìssino’s residence in Rome was near the Pantheon, and perhaps Palladio had the opportunity to meet Michelangelo8 there. Trìssino introduced him to Daniele Barbaro (Fig. 3),9 Patriarch of Aquileia, who was translating Vitruvius’

1 Zorzi 1959, p. 1. His teacher was Vincenzo Grandi, sculptor of Padua: see Beltramini 2008b, p. 19. 2 Wundram, Pape 2009, p. 7. 3 Gian Giorgio Trìssino (1478-1550) had a humanistic education, studied Greek and was sent by Pope Leo X to Germany as Papal nuncio. Famous scholar of his time, in 1529 wrote Il Castellano, where he stated that the Italian literary language should not be Florentine or Tuscan, but a language common to all Italy (Trissino 2012). He studied philosophy and wrote a series of plays inspired by the classical world. He was the great patron and protector of Palladio, to whom according to tradition he entrusted the construction of a villa in Cricoli, near Vicenza.

4 Paolo Gualdo, Vita di Andrea Palladio, 1616, quoted by Zorzi 1959, p. 17. 5 «alla investigazione delli antichi edifici», as he himself wrote in his Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (Four Books of Architecture): Palladio 1570. See Zorzi 1959, p. 15. 6 Beltramini 2008a, pp. 4-5. 7 Zorzi 1959, p. 18; Burns 2008a, p. 54; Wundram, Pape 2009, 8 Burns 2008a, p. 57. p. 7. 9 Daniele Barbaro (1514-1570) studied at the University of Padua from 1535, where he met the most important people of his time, including Pietro Bembo. Humanist and scholar of letters, in 1556 he published the Italian translation of Vitruvius’ Ten Books of Archi-

Fig. 1. Andrea Palladio, portrait by Giovanni Battista Maganza. Vicenza, Villa Valmarana ai Nani (from Wikipedia).

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Fig. 3. Daniele Barbaro, portrait by Paolo Veronese. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum (from Palladio 2008). Fig. 2. Gian Giorgio Trìssino, portrait by Vincenzo Catena, mentor and patron of Andrea Palladio. Vicenza, Teatro Olimpico (from Palladio 2008).

De architectura and asked Palladio to draw the illustrations for his book.10 In 1554, Barbaro and Palladio visited Rome once again, led by «diligent Messer Pirro Ligorio […] who about these antiquities is more proficient than anyone else you can find».11 During his Roman stays Palladio was able to read the most important Latin authors and to consult the first modern ‘guides’ on ancient monuments, including Roma Instaurata by Biondo Flavio.12 In 1554 he published a small volume entitled L’Antichità di Roma raccolta brevemente dagli autori antichi e moderni,13 where he listed the works «of many reliable ancient and modern authors» that he had read, and stated: «Nor have I been satisfied with this alone, because I also wanted to see, and with my own hands measure all this in detail»,14 as he certainly did in the company of Daniele Barbaro. He was very thorough in his work: he always wanted to see the buildings personally and to measure them per-

tecture, with annotations word by word. As explained by Alberigo (Alberigo 1964) Barbaro created «a real philosophy of science that requires a numerical order, mirroring the order of the Universe [… ] from this derives his concept of Eurythmics as the fundamental law of all Arts, which finds its most complete realization in architecture». He commissioned from Palladio the magnificent Villa Barbaro in Maser. 10 Daniele Barbaro, I dieci libri dell’architettura di Vitruvio tradotti e commentati, Venezia, 1556. See MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 237; Burns 2008a, p. 54. 11 As Barbaro himself wrote (Zorzi 1959, p. 22; Coffin 2004, p. 18): «diligentissimo messer Pirro Ligorio […] che di queste antichità il ne è tanto instruito quanto altro che si trovi». 12 Fiore 2008, p. 322. 13 The Antiquities of Rome briefly collected from ancient and modern authors: Palladio 1554.

sonally, when he was going to describe them in his books. As explained by Alvise Zorzi15 «if he uses the words ‘is seen’ or ‘are seen’ […] this means that he has ‘seen’ personally and observed [the monuments] with his own eyes». In 1570 Palladio published his most important work, Quattro Libri dell’Architettura;16 in the introduction he explained that he had «found the remains of ancient monuments worthy of much greater attention than he had at first thought». This is why he decided to «measure minutely and diligently each part of them», and for this purpose «not once but several times I moved to diπerent parts of Italy and abroad, in order to fully understand all that there was and put it in a drawing».17 For his measurements he was equipped with a forerunner of the modern theodolite, a compass with a plane table (Fig. 4), which was also used by Leonardo da Vinci and Raphael.18 Palladio left many drawings of ancient Roman monuments that he visited during his travels, a record which in part is unpublished. They are preparatory sketches executed on the spot, accompanied by measures that were going to be used in the ‘clean copy’, with reconstructions that he describes in this way:19

14 «Nè mi sono contentato di questo solo, chè anco ho voluto vedere e con le mie proprie mani misurare minutamente il tutto» (Zorzi 1959, p. 30; Beltramini 2008a, p. 6). 15 Zorzi 1959, p. 17. 16 The Four Books of Architecture: Palladio 1570. 17 Palladio 1570, i, p. 5: «ha trovato le vestigia degli antichi monumenti di molto maggiore osservatione degne che egli non avesse dapprima pensato». So he wanted to «misurare minutissimamente con somma diligenza ciascuna parte loro. Non una ma più volte mi sono trasferito in diverse parti d’Italia e fuori, per poter interamente da quella quale fosse il tutto comprendere, et in disegno 18 Ibidem. dedurre». See Burns 2008b, p. 288. 19 Palladio 1570, iv, Proemio ai lettori, p. 3: «Et benché di alcuni di loro se ne vegga picciola parte in piede sopra terra, io nondimeno da quella picciola parte, considerate ancho le fondamenta che si sono potute vedere, sono andato conietturando quali dovettero essere, quando erano intieri». See Burns 2008b, p. 291.

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Fig. 5. Andrea Palladio, Hadrian’s Villa, plan of the Maritime Theatre. London, riba, vol. ix, f. 12 (from Zorzi 1959).

Fig. 4. The compass equipped with finishing aim that Palladio used to survey and measure Roman ruins (from Palladio 2008).

And although of some of them have only a small part that is still standing above the ground, I nevertheless from that small part, considered the foundation I was able to see, and I made conjectures about how they must have been when they were intact.

To reconstruct the plans, Palladio relied on the rules encoded by Vitruvius, and in some cases made an accompanying drawing of the elevation.20 He was doing this for a very good reason:21 Because I was always of the opinion that the Ancient Romans were far more advanced than all those who came after them […] in building in the appropriate way […] as in many other things.

His aim – as explained by Burns22 – was to extract from ancient architecture geometric formulas, patterns and typologies that could be applied to modern architecture. In this eπort, Palladio was imitated by many great architects and antiquarians who studied Hadrian’s Villa, such as his contemporary Pirro Ligorio or, two centuries later, Giovanni Battista Piranesi.

20

Zorzi 1959, p. 32. Palladio 1570, i, p. 5: «perché sempre fui di opinione che gli Antichi Romani come in molt’altre cose, così nel fabricar bene habbiano di gran lunga avanzato tutti quelli che dopo di loro sono stati». See Burns 2008b, p. 266. 22 Burns 2008c, p. 269: «Palladio is not doing a simple copyand-paste […]. He ‘mimics’ but does not copy. His work is not dominated by the desire to imitate ancient individual works […]. The projects stem from a comparison of ancient and modern works, aimed at defining patterns and types applicable in a comprehensive and flexible way». 21

2. Andrea Palladio and Hadrian’s Villa In 1554 the small book L’Antichità di Roma (The Antiquities of Rome)23 made a quick reference to Hadrian’s Villa:24 I do not want to pass in silence over the Emperor Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli, which was so wonderfully built by him that you can find the names of the most famous provinces and places, such as the Lyceum, the Accademia, the Pritaneum, the Canopus, Pœcile and Tempe.

It is an almost literal quotation of the description of the Historia Augusta, which he read in the original Latin text, in the writings of Biondo Flavio and Pope Pius II Piccolomini, or could have learned from Ligorio. Palladio visited Tivoli in 1547. Three of his sketches represent buildings of Hadrian’s Villa, date from 1554 on, and are in the Victoria and Albert Museum of London.25 After those by Fra’ Giocondo and Francesco di Giorgio Martini, these are the oldest drawings of the Villa that have come down to us. The first shows the Maritime Theatre,26 with many more details compared to the sketch of Francesco di Giorgio Martini (Fig. 5). The second shows the Great Baths, the Small Baths and part of the Prætorium,27 with the same richness of details, since the buildings were (and are)

23 Palladio 1554. The reprint, published in Oxford in 1709 with Latin and Italian text, also on-line. 24 «Non voglio trapassare col silenzio la villa tiburtina di Adriano imperatore, la quale meravigliosamente fu da lui edificata tanto che in quella si ritrovano i nomi delle provincie et luoghi celebratissimi, come il Liceo, l’Accademia, il Pritaneo, il Canopo, Pecile e Tempe». 25 In the Collection of the Royal Institute of British Architects (riba). 26 London, riba, vol. ix, f. 12 and vol. vii, f. 6r: in Zorzi 1959, p. 100, fig. 246. 27 London, riba, vol. xv, f. 10v: in Zorzi 1959, p. 100, fig. 244. See also MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 243; Ten 2005, pp. xii, 185-186.

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Fig. 6. Andrea Palladio, plan of the Prætorium and of the Great and Small Baths. London, riba, vol. xv, f. 20v (from Zorzi 1959).

still well preserved (Fig. 6). Finally, the third sheet depicts the Greek and Latin Libraries, the Hospitalia and the Accademia (Fig. 7).28

Despite being a preliminary sketch, the plan of the Accademia is more precise and complete than the one by Francesco di Giorgio Martini. Palladio notes the measures of the rooms, and their shapes correspond to reality, but the plan does not show the rooms south of the central portico [Ac7]. On the bottom right we recognize the main entrance of the Accademia, the so called Belvedere [Ac1]: 29 the circular shape is correct (in the same period, Pirro Ligorio drew it oval)30 (Fig. 8a). Comparing it to our new plan (Fig. 8b) we recognize the semicircle A, the two circles D and L (in orange), the shape of the pillars B, F, H, and N with semicircular apses (in blue). The shape of the outer spaces C, E, I and M is misunderstood, probably due to brambles hiding the ruins. In the upper part of the drawing (Fig. 8a) we see a series of rooms [Ac4] and [Ac9-10], bordering the northern

side of the central portico [Ac7]. The drawing is not accurate, because the apse of room [Ac9] is wrongly attributed to the nearby room [Ac10] (green circle). The drawing (Fig. 9b) also shows the doors connecting the inner portico [Ac7] with the outer double portico [Ac6] (black arrows on the right). On the left side of the sheet stand out the most important and best preserved structures, aligned on the longitudinal axis of the building. Starting from top, we see room [Ac89] flanked by [Ac90] with its apse; then the Zooteca [Ac88], with the southern curved side, and near it a triangular shaped room [Ac86-87]. Below, Palladio drew the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] correctly, where the half-columns on the walls are hastily sketched. He shows its doors: one toward the vestibule [Ac76], 31 two along the longitudinal axis, towards courts [Ac88] and [Ac60], and on the east side a door opening on room [Ac79], and other two towards the two oblique corridors [Ac61] and [Ac62], connecting the Temple of Apollo with courtyard [Ac60], that here are correctly drawn for the first time, as shows the comparison with our plan (Fig. 9a). In courtyard [Ac60] two niches are drawn, flanking the central door to the Temple of Apollo, and also the gateway to [Ac41], on the opposite side.

28 London, riba, vol. xv, f. 10v: in Zorzi 1959, p. 100, fig. 244. See also MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 243; Ten 2005, pp. xii, 185-186.

29 The numbering of the rooms [Ac…] is the one of our «Ac30 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio. cademia Project». 31 There are indeed three doors in room [Ac76].

3. The Accademia in the plan by Palladio (Fig. 8a-b)

Fig. 7. Andrea Palladio, Hadrian’s Villa, plans of the Hospitalia, Greek and Latin Libraries, and Accademia. riba, vol. xv, f. 13v (© riba Library Drawings & Archives Collections).

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chapter 6 Ac7

Ac6 Ac7

Ac10

Ac9

Ac4

Ac3

Ac2

Ac10 E

Ac9

Ac4

Ac2 Ac3

I F

Ac6

H

Ac1

E

D

L

G

I F

H

Ac1 B

D

N

C

L G

M A C

Fig. 8a. Andrea Palladio, plan of the Accademia, detail of the Belvedere [Ac1] (© riba Library Drawings & Archives Collections).

B

N A

M

Fig. 8b. Progetto Accademia: our plan of the Accademia, detail of the Belvedere [Ac1] (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

Fig. 9a. Accademia, Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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89

7 90

88 Zooteca

86-87 84

83

80

71

85

77 78 Temple of Apollo

79

76 7

72

73

74

6

75

69

7 62

61 60

66

53 52

41 7

18

16

15

14

11

10

9

4

3

12

Fig. 9b. Accademia, Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms. Plan of Andrea Palladio (© riba Library Drawings & Archives Collections).

Rooms [Ac79-80] and the others nearby [Ac83-84-85] have the right shape and disposition. Palladio correctly draws other rooms north-east of the Temple of Apollo: [Ac71] with the inner L shaped dividing wall, [Ac72] with an apse, room [Ac73-74], and corridor [Ac69] in front of them. Further north, the design becomes more uncertain: we recognize the western wall of room [Ac66], the group of rooms and corridors [Ac52-53] and [Ac41] (this last is rectangular), but nothing more. 4. Conclusions The sketch is one of the oldest graphic documentations of the Accademia, the first (almost) complete plan of the

complex. It proves that a large part of the building had already collapsed by the middle of the xvith century. The structures that were still standing are the same ones that will be drawn by Pirro Ligorio a few years later, and later again by Francesco Contini (1668) and Giovan Battista Piranesi (1781). The plan proves the interest taken in the Villa by one of the greatest architects of the Renaissance, who undoubtedly spent a long period of time there, since, as we have said, he sketched the plans of other buildings such as the Small and Great Baths. Unfortunately, the Palladio’s plans are not accompanied by descriptions or annotations, apart from the measurements.

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C h a p te r 7 PIRRO LIGO R IO , GR EAT AN T IQU ARIA N A ND FIR S T S C H O LA R

P

1. Biographical notes

irro Ligorio (Fig. 1) was born in Naples in 1512 and died in Ferrara in 1583; he was «a typical universal man of the Renaissance, scholar in all fields, painter, architect and antiquarian».1 Although he was Michelangelo’s successor as architect of the Basilica of Saint Peter’s, an appointment that shows how much his work was appreciated by his contemporaries,2 his name is generally less wellknown. He is mainly known as the person who carried out the first excavations in Hadrian’s Villa and for giving to its buildings some of the names that we use today. Ligorio lived and worked in Rome, where he moved in 1534 c., and at first decorated the façades of palaces and buildings. His works were influenced by great artists of his times: Raphael for painting, Donato Bramante and Baldassarre Peruzzi for architecture. In 1549 he entered the service of Ippolito II d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, as antiquarian.3 From 1550 to 1555, and in the years after 1560, he was responsible for the design and decoration of the Villa d’Este in Tivoli, and excavated Hadrian’s Villa in search of ancient marbles for its decoration (see below). He soon established himself as one of the most distinguished scholars of Roman antiquity, and acted as a ‘tour guide’ for Daniele Barbaro (Patriarch of Aquileia), and his companion Andrea Palladio, during their visit in Rome in 1554.4 In those years, he witnessed the inexorable destruction of Roman antiquities to provide building materials for the new Basilica of Saint Peter’s: for example, the demolition of the Arch of Augustus, which had just been found in the Roman Forum.5 The xvith-century scholar Pighius6 called him «architectus ingeniosissimus et antiquitatum studiosissimus» («most ingenious architect and greatest scholar of antiquities»).7 As Winner8 explains, he was a great master of drawing, unsurpassed in inventing, according to the ancient way. Hair and hairstyles for women, details of costumes, shepherds’ crooks, musical instruments – sistrum, harp, flute of Pan, cymbals – urns for water, cups, goatskins for wine, altars, vases with handles, cornucopias. When his Arcadian characters move within a landscape, the background is mainly composed of a cave, a row of Herms, a statue, a fence or a tree, which are described in detail (Fig. 2).

1

Coffin 2004, p. 140. Winner 1994, p. 21; Daly Davis 2008, p. 16. 3 De Franceschini 1991, p. 6; Winner 1994, p. 20; Byatt 1993; Vagenheim 2003, p. 63; Ligorio 2005, p. 110, Daly Davis 2008, pp. 15-16. 4 Zorzi 1959, p. 22; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 237; Coffin 2004, p. 18. See chapter 6 on Palladio. 5 Coffin 2004, p. 11; Ligorio 2005, p. 110. 6 Stephanus Winandus Pighius (1520-1604), humanist, philologist and antiquarian, arrived in Rome in 1547 and became secretary of Cardinal Marcello Cervini (the future Pope Marcellus II). 2

Fig. 1. Pirro Ligorio, hypothetical portrait (from Internet).

From 1558 his name appears in the accounting books of the Vatican as Papal architect.9 He rearranged the Cortile del Belvedere,10 built the magnificent Casina of Pius IV in the Vatican Gardens,11 and designed many buildings in Rome, including part of the large colonnaded courtyard of Sant’Ivo alla Sapienza. He also was a landscape architect, inventor of the magnificent gardens of the Villa

7

Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 48. Winner 1994, p. 27. 9 Winner 1994, p. 20; Borghese 2010. 10 Winner 1994, p. 20; Vagenheim 2003, p. 63. 11 Winner 1994, p. 21; Ligorio 2005, p. 111. See also Vagenheim 2003, p. 63: «He also works at the Lateran, builds palaces in Rome (Piazza Navona, Palazzo Lancellotti) and magnificent gardens outside of Rome, especially Bomarzo, Bagnaia and Papacqua […]. He was also responsible for the design of the magnificent tomb of Paul IV, which is located in the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, in Rome». 8

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Fig. 3. Pirro Ligorio, Dragon in the Sacred Grove of Bomarzo.

Fig. 2. Pirro Ligorio, drawing representing Elettra (from Winner 1994).

d’Este in Tivoli12 and of the fantastic Bosco Sacro (Sacred Grove) of Bomarzo (Fig. 3). Between 1566 and 1569 Ligorio designed a new palace for the Inquisition (later called del Sant’U√zio) together with Sallustio Peruzzi.13 Regrettably, the succeeding Pope, Pius V, did not like the ‘pagan’ decoration of the Casina of Pius IV, and had the antique decoration removed.14 In 1567, seeing that his fortunes in Rome were declining, Ligorio decided to move to the court of Alfonso II d’Este at Ferrara, where he was appointed antiquarian, after being recommended in a letter:15 An antiquarian who is the first in Rome, a man of 55 years with a wife and children […]. Most excellent […] not only in the profession of medallions, but of drawings, and fortifications and in many other things; he has been superintendent in building the fortresses of Rome, has served all over the world, and mainly the Cardinal of Ferrara: his name is Pirro Ligorio.

12 Coffin 2004, p. 85: «Undoubtedly Ligorio was the creator of the iconography of the garden, perhaps with the help of the French humanist cardinal Marc-Antoine Muret. The allegorical and mythological references are typical of the material of the manuscripts of Ligorio. A letter of Uberto Foglietta to Cardinal Flavio Orsini, dating back to 1569, identifies at least part of the contribution of Ligorio to the symbolism of the garden». 13 Ligorio 2005, p. 112. 14 Ligorio 2005, p. 113. 15 Coffin 2004, p. 105; Ligorio 2005, p. 113. Winner 1994, p. 21 quotes a letter from a correspondent in Ferrara of 10 April, 1568, recommending Ligorio to Alfonso II d’Este: «Un antiquario il quale è il primo di Roma, uomo di lv anni et ha moglie et figlioli … Eccellentissimo … non nella professione sola delle medaglie, ma de’

Fulvio Orsini tried in vain to persuade Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to employ him, writing in a letter «if we lose Ligorio, very little will remain in Rome».16 After a last brief stay in Tivoli, where he worked in Villa d’Este and in Hadrian’s Villa,17 Ligorio settled in Ferrara, where he met prominent personalities such as poet Torquato Tasso. His duties at the court of Alfonso II were not limited to architecture and antiquities: he also designed helmets and trophies for tournaments, of which extraordinary drawings are left (Fig. 4).18 In 1568, on the occasion of a naumachia, a naval battle organized in honor of Charles II of Austria (May 25th), he designed and built a fighting machine in the shape of an allegoric cart (Fig. 5), and also the costumes and armours.19 After the earthquake of 1570 that struck Ferrara, he even designed an anti-seismic house and wrote an historical treatise on earthquakes.20 In 1580 he was awarded the honorary citizenship of Ferrara, where he died on February 26th, 1583.21 As an independent scholar and thanks to his great erudition, in his Paradosse or Libro delle Antichità di Roma (Book on the Antiquities of Rome) – the only book that was printed during his lifetime in 1553 –, Ligorio criticized the publications of previous and contemporary authors, such as Biondo Flavio, Andrea Fulvio, Bartolomeo Marliani and Lucio Fauno.22 In his opinion, they had made «endless and

disegni, nelle fortificazioni et in molte altre cose; è stato soprastante alla fabbrica delle fortezze di Roma, ha servito tutto il mondo ed il Cardinale di Ferrara principalmente: si chiama Pirro Ligorio». 16 «Se perdiamo Ligorio, ben poco resterà a Roma»: see Robert 17 Vagenheim 2003, p. 63. son 1992, p. 226. 18 Coffin 2004, pp. 108-109. 19 Ligorio 2005, p. 113. For drawings of the war machine see Coffin 2004, p. 108, fig. 99. 20 Coffin 2004, pp. 110-111 and fig. 103. For a complete bibliography of Ligorio and about him, see Daly Davis 2008, pp. 87-97. 21 Coffin 2004, p. 135; Ligorio 2005, p. 114. 22 Daly Davis 2008, p. 4; Russell 2007, p. 273.

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Fig. 5. An allegoric cart with a Dragon. Detail of the painting Carousels in the courtyard of the Palazzo Barberini in honor of Christina of Sweden, February 28, 1656 by Filippo Gagliardi, Filippo Lauri. Rome, Palazzo Braschi, Museo di Roma.

most serious mistakes» in the identification of ancient Roman buildings and monuments, «going on as if they were blind, stumbling in one or another false appearance».23 To  disprove their theories, he planned the ambitious and  innovative project of writing the first illustrated Encyclopaedia on Roman antiquities, Antichità romane (Roman Antiquities) consisting of forty volumes,24 where he was going to give new interpretations based on sound evidence. In the Paradosse Ligorio oπered a sort of ‘preview’ of the project to his patron, Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este, probably hoping to win his support.25 In the introduction,

he outlined his method of work and study, based on the comparison of diπerent kinds of sources and data:26 first he read ancient and modern literature, especially Greek and Latin texts describing the ancient monuments; then he looked at representations of those same monuments on Roman coins, gems and marble reliefs. After that, he went on the spot, carefully examined the ruins, made measurements and drew plans;27 and finally, after discussing with other experts, he proposed a reconstruction with plans and drawings. A very modern method, which he later applied to Hadrian’s Villa. In the xvith century Ligorio was considered an authority and a precious source (see chapters 12, 13 and 14); as we will see, his manuscripts were considered of inestimable value, and erudites such as Cassiano dal Pozzo, Lucas Holstein or Claude Menestrier were struggling to buy or to copy them for the Libraries of their noble patrons.28 In the long run, most of the contemporary authors who wrote on Roman antiquities – such as Palladio – became more widely known than Ligorio, because their books were printed;29 Ligorio’s manuscripts, instead, were never printed, so their dissemination was limited since very few scholars could read them and understand their value.30 Unfortunately, quite soon his reputation was marred by a negative rumor that he was a forger of inscriptions and brick stamps, which still lasts. Insinuations and «doubts

23 «infiniti et grandissimi errori», «andando a guisa di ciechi et quando in una et quando in un’altra falsa apparenza inciampando…» (f. 25r, quoted by Daly Davis 2008, p. 3). 24 Russell 2007, p. 240; Daly Davis 2008, p. 5. 25 The book was dedicated to Ippolito II by its editor Michele Tramezzino, who wrote that Ligorio was soon going to publish forty books to discuss about the remaining antiquities of Rome: «Il quale [Ligorio] è per dare presto anche in luce quaranta Libri, ne’ quali si riserba la narratione del rimanente delle cose antiche di Roma» (Daly Davis 2008, p. 5, who notes that «perhaps author and editor hoped to obtain Ippolito’s financial support for a publication of a project so vast that even today, over four and a half centuries later, the largest part has remained unprinted»). See also Russell 26 Daly Davis 2008, pp. 7, 9. 2007, p. 240.

27 «Sono andato non senza grandissima fatica ricercando minutamente ogni luogo et parte d’esso; non lasciando pezzo alcuno di muro, per minimo che fusse, senza vederlo, et considerarlo sottilissimamente» («I went and with great labour I searched attentively every site and part of it; and I did not leave any fragment of wall, even the smallest one, without accurately examining it»), quoted by Daly Davis 2008, p. 9. 28 See below and also chapter 14 on Cassiano dal Pozzo: Daly Davis 2008, p. 16. 29 Russell 2007, p. 243: «when the printed word became an essential vehicle of memory». 30 Ibidem: oblivion «which befell Ligorio because of his failure to publish the enormous corpus of material that he had accumulated during his lifetime».

Fig. 4. Pirro Ligorio, drawing of helmets for tournaments. Oxford Ashmolean Museum no. 2810Av (from Coffin 2004).

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chapter 7 Classical archaeology», as Susan Russell wrote.36 Margaret Daly Davis noted that «a greater accessibility of Ligorio’s manuscripts would enlarge our picture of Rome and its antiquities […] a singular document in the history of archaeology, also document the ideals and methods of its early practitioners».37 His manuscripts are a valuable source of information that has never been studied in depth, which deserves to be brought back to light and will surely yield new data. 2. Pirro Ligorio, Tivoli and the Villa d’Este

Fig. 6. The Villa d’Este in Tivoli.

about his philological abilities began with his colleague don Antonio Agustin, who declared that Ligorio could not read Latin and Greek».31 This was probably due to envy, as in the case of Giorgio Vasari, who omitted the name of Ligorio from his biography of the most important artists of his time, published in 1568:32 it seems that he hated Ligorio because he had been appointed architect of the Basilica of Saint Peter’s in his place.33 During the following centuries his genius was obscured by an undeserved reputation of being unreliable; he was often accused of giving free reins to his imagination. Ashby34 accused him of having «a Neapolitan mind that could hardly distinguish between the evidence of his eyes and the figments of his too fertile brain». Winner35 wrote that «his artistic imagination allowed him to complete ancient fragmentary monuments, to invent them, and then to provide them with a suitable inscription». Forgetting such prejudices, today «modern scholars are beginning to discover that this treasure trove has the potential to oπer unique insights into the ancient world» acknowledging that Ligorio was «a giant in the story of 31 «Il quale senza sapere la lingua latina ha scritto più di quaranta libri di medaglie, di edifici e di altre cose» («Who, without knowing Latin, wrote more than forty books on coins, buildings and other things»), quoted by Daly Davis 2008, p. 15. See also Russell 2007, p. 274, note 136. 32 Giorgio Vasari, Vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori, Roma, 1568 (Lives of the most excellent painters, sculptors and architects). 33 Russell 2007, p. 274, note 136: «Professional jealousy may have been at work here: Ligorio became architect of Saint Peter’s in 1564 succeeding Michelangelo, for which Vasari never forgave him, as Vasari himself was vying for the post». 34 Ashby 1919, p. 170, quoted by Russell 2007, p. 239, note 2. 35 Winner 1994, p. 19. 36 Russell 2007, p. 274, note 136.

In 1549 Ligorio had the great fortune to be taken into service by Ippolito II d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, as antiquarian.38 In 1550 the Cardinal was appointed Governor of Tivoli, as a reward for supporting the election of Pope Julius III, after his own nomination to the Papacy had been rejected.39 On 9 September of that same year, Ippolito II made his triumphal entrance in the town, accompanied by Ligorio.40 The o√cial residence of the Governor was a Franciscan monastery, located in the western part of Tivoli: Ippolito II decided to make it a palace worthy of a Prince of the Church, and with the help of Ligorio transformed it into the Villa d’Este, one of the most magnificent Renaissance villas of Italy (Fig. 6), for which he spent the astounding figure of over one million golden scudi.41 The transformation was not painless, as the Tiburtine historian, Giovanni Maria Zappi, reported:42 the first to complain were the Franciscan fathers, who «grumbled at the invasion of their convent, where the gentlemen of the Cardinal settled and behaved as masters». Then it was the turn of the landowners of the Valle Gaudente (Valley of Enjoyment), the grounds at the foot of the monastery chosen as the site of the magnificent gardens we admire today. They were forced to sell their land, or more often to suπer expropriation, as we know from the numerous complaints recorded in the legal archives.43 Giovanni Maria Zappi wrote:44 As the works began, there were protests and abuses; the number of houses demolished varies from 20 to 50 in the testimonies of the citizens of Tivoli. Farmers who opposed to the sale and demolition of their shacks – or asked too high a price – on their return from their fields found the smoking walls of their homes destroyed by pickaxe, while the furnishings were thrown in the street. Villains reluctant to sell their olive groves found them broken up in the night.

Pirro Ligorio explored the archaeological sites of the surrounding area – including Hadrian’s Villa – in search of marbles and sculptures to decorate the villa of the Cardinal, and of building materials to re-use in its construction. Between 1555 and 1560 there was a sudden interruption of the work, which coincided with the rise to the Papacy of 37

Daly Davis 2008, p. 12. De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Byatt 1993; Winner 1994, p. 20; Vagenheim 2003, p. 63; Ligorio 2005, p. 110. 39 Coffin 2004, p. 83. 40 See chapter 8 on Ippolito II. 41 Moroni 1855, vols. 75-76, p. 79; De Franceschini 1991, p. 6. 42 Pacifici 1923, p. 163. 43 Coccanari Fornari 1919-1920, cols. 1-11. See also Pacifici 1923, p. 163; De Franceschini 1991, p. 6; Byatt 1993. 44 Pacifici 1923, p. 163. According to Co√n, Ligorio had no respect for private property and imprisoned the owners who were opposed to his excavations in their properties, forcing many of them to sue the Cardinal: Coffin 2004, p. 14. 38

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar Paul IV, Giovanni Pietro Carafa, sworn enemy of Ippolito II, whom he forced into exile in Northern Italy.45 The new Pope distinguished himself in a harsh repression of heretics and infidels, giving great impulse to the Inquisition and censorship; his pontificate marked a dark and penitential period in the life of Rome. In 1560 Pope Paul IV died and was succeeded by Pope Pius IV, Giovanni Angiolo Medici di Marignano, who immediately swept away the gloomy atmosphere established by his predecessor, promoting patronage of the arts and building new quarters in the Capital. Ippolito II d’Este regained his position as Governor, and immediately went back to Tivoli, where Pirro Ligorio resumed working in the gardens and in the monastery, intensifying his excavations at Hadrian’s Villa. In the years between 1560 and 1562 Ligorio took charge of the water supply for the Villa d’Este: at first he built an aqueduct, but after a while he dug an underground conduit more than 300 m long, that passed under the town.46 An enormous amount of water was in fact needed to feed the innumerable fountains, water works and special machines designed by Ligorio and others, as explained by Roberto Borgia:47 «the Fountains of the Organ, of the Owl and of the Dragons hid musical machines that were creating special eπects to amaze the public, created with the help of French engineers and organists». Between 1563 and 1565 Ligorio still worked in the gardens, building large terraces and moving huge masses of earth. Finally, from 1566, Ligorio was responsible for the interior decoration of Villa d’Este, which, unfortunately, was never completed as Ippolito II died on 12 December, 1572, although the work was almost finished, and the magnificent gardens were already famous throughout Europe. Ippolito II was succeeded by a small d’Este dynasty: first came Luigi d’Este, who was Governor from 1572 to 1577, and who gave Pope Gregory XIII the villa d’Este of Rome on the Quirinal Hill (which later became the Apostolic Palace) in exchange for the Villa d’Este in Tivoli. The last was Alessandro d’Este, appointed Governor from 1605 to 1624.48 3. Pirro Ligorio and Hadrian’s Villa 3. 1. The Codices of Ligorio As we have already said, works at the Villa d’Este marked the start of Pirro Ligorio’s explorations at Hadrian’s Villa, where he made the first large-scale excavations, finding traces of previous destruction everywhere. In the Codice di Torino Ligorio wrote that he began to explore the site in 1538,49 in order to find marbles and statues to decorate the Roman and Tiburtine mansions of Cardinal Ippolito II. 45

For details, see chapter 8 on Ippolito II. Zappi 1580, p. 55; Pacifici 1923, p. 167. See also Borgia 2009. 47 Borgia 2009 also wrote: «The inspiration for the theatres of water is due to the knowledge of Erone of Alexandria, who lived in the first century, author of two books on Pneumatica, inventor of the hydraulic pump and of the first water clocks, and also of complicated scenic machineries made to impress the audience by staging a completely automated play, lasting ten minutes». On the garden of the Villa d’Este see also Coffin 2004, p. 84; Ligorio 2005, p. 111. 48 De Franceschini 1991, p. 6. 49 Ten 2005, p. ix. 50 «Non per farne nell’arte della pittura profettevole, ma per possere esprimere le cose antiche, o d’edificij in prospettiva e di profilo», as he wrote in an autobiographical note published by 46

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During his excavations at the Villa, Ligorio discovered buildings that were going to disappear within a few years under the blows of the picks and plows of the farmers. His training as an architect and scholar took the upper hand, and led him to document the buildings with drawings «not to make it profitable in the art of painting, but to express the old things or the buildings in perspective and in profile».50 His descriptions – included in the monumental series of the Antichità Romane (Roman Antiquities) – are the oldest that have come down to us, and are of fundamental importance to the study of the Villa. The Antichità Romane was a compendium of about forty volumes:51 «[…] the first example of an illustrated Encyclopedia of antiquity, the sixteenth century work of a single individual. They have been justly compared to the collective Encyclopaedias of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as those by Daremberg-Saglio and PaulyWissowa».52 It was an ambitious and enormous project, on which Ligorio worked for most of his life, writing several series of volumes over diπerent periods of time. Between 1550 and 1560 Ligorio worked on the drafting of ten manuscript volumes of the Antichità Romane which are now in the Biblioteca Nazionale (National Library) of Naples; purchased by Cardinal Alessandro Farnese in 1567, they were moved to Parma and finally to Naples at the behest of Charles III of Bourbon, King of Naples and Sicily, and Duke of Parma.53 Another series of thirty volumes, now in the Archivio di Stato (State Archive) of Turin, was written during his last years in Ferrara, as proved by the dedication to Alfonso II d’Este.54 The volumes changed hands several times: they were sold by the Gardellini family (Ligorio’s heirs) to Count Crispi and finally to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy,55 who built the Grande Galleria Sabauda (a Picture Gallery) to display them together with the art treasures of his collection.56 As explained by Ginette Vagenheim,57 «Ligorio’s writings were very successful when their author was still alive […]. Their epigraphic collections were copied by all the Italian and foreign scholars who in one way or another were interested in ancient inscriptions. The drawings aroused the greatest interest and were disseminated through manuscripts and prints». Considered to be of inestimable value, Ligorio’s Antichità Romane became a prestigious status symbol of the power of the Savoy dynasty:58 Charles Emmanuel I even threatened to excommunicate anyone who dared to sell them.59 In the xviith century the writings of Ligorio were fought over by the major European courts. In this regard the quarrel between the Duchy of Savoy and the Kingdom of France is very significant, as it created a serious diplomatic incident. In 1641, on behalf of the powerful Cardinal Winner 1994, p. 22, who is quoting Torino, Ms. Ja iii vol. i, f. 6r. See also Ligorio 2005, p. 114. 51 In his Paradosse, published in 1553, Ligorio himself describes his project consisting of 40 volumes: Ligorio 1553; see Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 50; Daly Davis 2008, pp. 5-6 and 15. 52 As explained by Winner 1994, p. 19. 53 Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 50; Daly Davis 2008, p. 15. 54 Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 48; Ligorio 2005, p. 111; Daly Davis 55 Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 47. 2008, p. 15. 56 Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 46. 57 Vagenheim 2003, pp. 63 π. 58 Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 46; Griseri 1994, p. 33: «Pirro Ligorio[’s work] was illustrated […] like a Biblical text […]. He became one of the roots of Power». 59 Griseri 1994, p. 33.

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Richelieu, Cardinal Mazarin repeatedly asked the Savoy court to lend him the Codices of Ligorio «to draw from them an important edition, according to a project supported by Cassiano dal Pozzo and Nicholas Poussin since 1641».60 Fearing not to have them back, Christine of France (wife of Victor Amedeus and daughter-in-law of Charles Emmanuel I) resolutely rejected the request, and the issue became a «molestissimo tormento» («a very annoying torment») for the Council of the Crown and for the diplomats of Piedmont.61 The question was resolved with a promise that they could make copies, but after the death of Richelieu the promise was not kept. A few years later – during her visit in Turin, in October 1656 – Queen Christina of Sweden fell in love with the Codices of Ligorio and asked to have them at whatever cost in Rome, to have them copied; the copies were made after 1666, and are today in the Vatican Library.62 3. 2. The descriptions of Hadrian’s Villa in the Codices of Ligorio Ligorio knew the writings of Biondo Flavio and Pope Pius II Piccolomini, as well as the famous description of the Historia Augusta about Hadrian who «gave to parts of his villa the names of the most famous sites of antiquity: Lycæum, Academian, Prytaneum, Canopus, Pœcile and Tempe and […] the Underworld». He was the first scholar who tried to identify those sites in Hadrian’s Villa, and he even added to the list new sites and names, thanks to his extraordinary knowledge of Greek and Latin sources and of mythology, as he explained in the opening pages of the Codice di Torino:63 Now of these places, whose imitations were made in this place, we shall speak about them here below, one by one; according to the good authors, we will explain the names aforesaid and others, of which we have found memory in this Villa, which have not been mentioned […]. Therefore, in order, we will treat the whole subject, and in the first part we will talk about the Poicile, and afterwards of the other places below.

The description of each building is preceded by a scholarly introduction, describing the Greek or Egyptian archetype that inspired it; Ligorio delves into myths and legends, drawing bold parallels in order to explain why he is proposing the identification of the Canopus or the Pœcile with this or that building of the Villa. He follows a topographical itinerary which is quite rational (given the times), focused on single buildings, for which Ligorio creates some of the names we use today. He lists sculptures, marbles and mosaics found during the excavations made by him or by others, but rarely indicates the exact spot where they were discovered: usually there is only a general indication of the area.

60

Griseri 1994, p. 35 and p. 33. Griseri 1994, p. 35, quoting P. Vayra, Museo Storico della Casa di Savoia nell’Archivio di Stato, Torino, 1880. 62 They were part of the collection of Queen Christina of Sweden, inherited by Cardinal Azzolino, which then went to the Ottoboni Library, subsequently acquired by Pope Benedict XIV for the Vatican Library: Griseri 1994, p. 41. 63 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 29v-30r, in Ten 2005, p. 51. See Appendix 2 at the end of this chapter, no. 19, p. 100. 64 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 29v, in Ten 2005, pp. 50-51. See Appendix 2, no. 20. Ligorio is one of the first to experience the powerful spell of Hadrian’s Villa, which still exists: its complexity and its extraordinary architecture make it a fascinating puzzle for archaeologists and architects. 61

Quite often, his description is the only remaining documentation of architecture that has been destroyed or of sculptures that are now lost. Like many other scholars after him, Ligorio noted that the ruins were being rapidly destroyed by peasant farming, and felt regret at not having seen them in all their splendor, as they had been at the time of Hadrian:64 In truth, all their features in their parts […] are causing modern people to wish they had seen them when they were intact, and they rather give great grief to posterity whenever they are seen and regarded. And in the present generation naming and seeing them will cause much more passion, and maximally considering my plan and my words, which will explain in part what of its quality has been destroyed.

As we said, Ligorio was accused of giving free rein to his imagination in his reconstructions. However, his writings on Hadrian’s Villa, once deprived of erudite digressions, are truthful and give accurate information. For example, the recent excavation of the Palestra has confirmed that the floor of the central portico was paved with cipollino marble, exactly as he described:65 The floor of this Xystus and the porticoes were paved with square slabs of marble called augustalis, coming from the region of the Thebaide in Egypt, that in our time is called cipollino marble for its flakes […] because it has stains slightly similar to the color of seawater.

Also the description of the Canopus with the niches for statues under which water cascaded into the channels around the stibadium (the bed for banquets) (Fig. 7), and then flowed into the Euripus basin, is based on observations on the spot:66 It had painted mosaic floors, [made of] various small squares, with marine animals of diπerent colors, and was decorated all around with some caverns in diπerent places; and everywhere there were statues, and from beneath the bases of the gods perpetual abundant rivulets of water were flowing […]. The water then poured into some receptacles around the floor, and went out of the temple in the length of the Euripus, gathered and then stagnated in the Canopic moat.

There are three diπerent versions of Ligorio’s descriptions of Hadrian’s Villa:67 1. The oldest is the so-called Descrittione: Descrittione della superba et magnificentissima Villa tiburtina Hadriana di M. Pirro Ligorio dedicata all’Ill.mo R.mo Sign. Hippolyto Card.le di Ferrara.68 The original manuscript was lost, but seven copies survive, three of which are in the Vatican Library. The best known is Cod. Vat. Lat. 5219,69 the other two are Cod. Barb. Lat. 434270 and Cod. Barb. Lat. 4849.71 Another copy is also in Rome, in the Corsini Library, 851 33.A18.72 Two are in Paris, in the

65 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 57. See Appendix 2, no. 21. 66 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42, in Ten 2005, p. 63. See Appendix 2, no. 22. 67 Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b; Vagenheim 2003, pp. 63 π.; Ten 2005, p. ix. For a complete bibliography of Ligorio and about him see Daly Davis 2008, pp. 87-97. 68 Description of the the superb and most magnificent Tiburtine Villa, made by Messer Pirro Ligorio, dedicated to the illustrious […] Hippolyto Cardinal of Ferrara: Ligorio, Descrittione. 69 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 130v-147v. 70 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 38-58v. 71 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 48v-64v. 72 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 48v-64v.

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Ms. Ital. 4999 and in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Italiens 625; the last copy is in the Netherlands, in the Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit of Leyden, Voss. var. Ling. Q.3. 2. The second version is known as Trattato: Trattato delle Antichità di Tivoli et della Villa Hadriana fatto da Pyrrho Ligorio Patritio Napoletano et dedicato all’Ill.mo Cardinal di Ferrara.73 Also in this case the original manuscript was lost, but there are three copies: two are in the Vatican Library, Cod. Vat Lat. 529574 and Cod. Barb. Lat. 4849.75 The third is in London, British Museum, Add Ms. 22001.76 According to Alessandra Ten,77 a fourth copy (which Ligorio mentioned in the Codice di Torino, saying that it was dedicated to Cardinal Farnese)78 could be a Codex that once was in the Biblioteca Trivulziana of Milan, no. 611, unfortunately destroyed during World War ii. 3. The third version is the most recent (around 1579)79 and is known as the Libro or Codice di Torino (Codex of Turin): Libro o vero trattato delle Antichità xxii di Phyrro Ligorio Patritio Napoletano et Cittadino Romano nel quale si dichiarano alcune famose Ville et particolarmente della Antica Città di Tibure et di alcuni monumenti.80 It is the only original and autograph Codex of Ligorio that survived (the others are all copies), now in the Archivio di Stato di Torino (State Archives of Turin), included in the volumes of the Antichità Romane, a ii 7 J20. The intention of the author was to illustrate it with drawings and plans, for which several pages are left blank: this proves that the manuscript was yet to be completed.81

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Fig. 7. Hadrian’s Villa, the Stibadium of the Canopus surrounded by channels for water.

The comparison between the text of the Codice di Torino (Codex of Turin) and the older versions (the Descrittione and the Trattato) shows that many sentences were copied with the same words, but in the Turin version new information was added, describing buildings of recent discovery that were not mentioned in the previous versions. Ginette Vagenheim82 is preparing a comparative edition of the three Ligorian descriptions which we hope will soon be published. Eugenia Salza Prina Ricotti was convinced, however, that the Codice di Torino was the apocryphal work of a later writer.83 Joachim Raeder agreed with her in considering it a fake, and did not include in his Catalog of sculptures those statues mentioned in the Codice di Torino that do not appear in the previous Codices.84 The theories of Salza Prina Ricotti, passively accepted by other scholars, were questioned by Ginette Vagenheim85 and definitively disproved thanks to a simple comparison of the handwriting

Therefore, the Codice di Torino is the most updated and recent version of the description of Hadrian’s Villa that Ligorio was preparing for publication in the final edition of his Antichità Romane, to which he devoted the last years of his life in Ferrara.87 The text was supposed to include a general plan, and other plans of single buildings for which (as we said) several sheets were left blank. Alessandra Ten88 notes that Ligorio himself mentions a general plan in all his Codices: in the Descrittione, in the Trattato and several times in the Codice di Torino.89 The plan, however,

73 Treatise of the Antiquities of Tivoli and of Villa Hadriana, made by Pyrrho Ligorio Neapolitan Patrician, dedicated to the illustrious and Eminent Cardinal of Ferrara: Ligorio, Trattato. 74 Ligorio, Trattato. On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 13-20. 75 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 1-32. 76 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 1-42. 77 Ten 2005, p. ix. 78 On Hadrian’s Villa: π. 1-32. 79 Ten 2005, p. x: «For the date of the manuscript, the terminus post quem is the reference in the text to a ‘barchetto’ for hunting, designed for Ippolito II d’Este in 1569. Since in the title of the manuscript there is no mention of Ligorio being a citizen of Ferrara – he was given citizenship in 1580 – this means that the volume was prepared before this date. These dates make it the likely that it was completed in 1579». See also Cusanno 1994, p. 191. 80 Book or treatise of Antiquities xxii of Phyrro Ligorio, Neapolitan Patrician and Roman Citizen, in which are described some famous Villas et

particularly of the Old City of Tivoli and of some monuments: Ligorio, Codice di Torino. 81 Ten 2005, p. xi. 82 Ibidem. 83 Ibidem; Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, pp. 43-44, 46. 84 Raeder 1983. 85 Vagenheim 2003. 86 Ibidem. 87 According to Vagenheim 2003, pp. 63 π., «We must single out two main moments. A first one for collecting the material and making the first drawings […] between 1549 and 1555, and again in 1569, from which was born a first version of the description. A second moment, for the subsequent reorganization of all this material in the form of various descriptions […], some editions were written before 1569, as the Descrittione and the Trattato, and others were done after 1569, as the Libro or Codice di Torino». 88 Ten 2005, p. xiv. 89 Ligorio, Descrittione, π. 47v, 52; Idem, Trattato, f. 14v; Idem, Codice di Torino. See Appendix 3 at the end of this chapter, no. 23.

with an autograph letter known to have been written by Ligorio, which has confirmed the authenticity of the Codex.86 3. 3. The drawings for the general plan of Hadrian’s Villa

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has never been found, as was already lamented by Antonio del Re90 at the beginning of the xviith century. The general plan of Hadrian’s Villa published in 1668 by Francesco Contini – and entirely drawn by him – is often attributed to Ligorio. In 1671, Athanasius Kircher91 reprinted Contini’s plan in his Latium Vetus, and added the name of Ligorio to the title, giving rise to a misunderstanding that still continues.92 However – as Ginette Vagenheim explains – it seems that Kircher had good reasons for this attribution, since he saw some documents in the Archives of Tivoli: plans and writings of Ligorio, then belonging to Cardinal Francesco Barberini. Vagenheim quotes two letters of Kircher on the matter: the first mentions the drawings of Pirro Ligorio belonging to Cardinal Francesco Barberini:93

Hadrian’s Villa have survived: the first shows the Accademia, and is in England, in the Royal Library at Windsor (see below, Figure 10);96 the second depicts Roccabruna and the surrounding area, and was inserted in the Codice di Torino (see above, Figure 21 at p. 54).97 The sketch of the Accademia was purchased by Cassiano dal Pozzo for his Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum)98 along with a ‘clean copy’ drawn by Francesco Contini, also in the Royal Library at Windsor.99 Completing the information provided by Jan Campbell, who recently re-published the two Windsor drawings,100 Ginette Vagenheim quotes a letter sent from Ludovico D’Agliè, Ambassador of the House of Savoy, to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, in which he talks about the drawings of Pirro Ligorio:101

Having carefully examined all that I have been lucky enough to find in the archives of Tibur, among other things these documents made by the famous antiquarian and architect Pirro Ligorio; the latter, in the space of a year, by order of the Most Serene Prince Ippolito, Cardinal d’Este and Governor of Tivoli, and animated by a tireless zeal, comes to a knowledge of the true distribution of this Villa and of the detailed distribution of its parts, and he draws the plan on a piece of paper, as far as the obscurity of the subject allows him, and accompanies this with the fullest explanation possible. This representation is preserved to this day, to be transmitted to posterity, in the treasury of Cardinal Francesco Barberini.

In the excerpt of the privilege of the Republic to the aforementioned Tramezzino, you mention the following papers and drawings of the same Ligorio: sheets or drawings of ancient Rome, of modern Rome, of the Circus Maximus, of the Circus Flaminius, of Italy and of the Castro Prætorio, drawn by Messer Pirro Ligorio, Neapolitan painter; a large number of drawings of the same Pirro Ligorio, to the number of about five thousand, and among which were many things taken from antiquity, and others made imitating ancient fables, and histories and of things of architecture.

The second letter is about Francesco Contini and Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who commissioned a new plan from him; Athanasius Kircher had no doubt that Contini was the author, but wrote that it was «in part derived from the drawings of architect Ligorio»:94 His Eminence Cardinal Francesco Barberini of the Holy Roman Church, moved by the prayers of many letters, and not afraid to take a good initiative in order to decorate and enrich the Republic of Letters, had engraved in bronze this representation, in part derived from the drawings of architect Ligorio, first created on the orders of Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, and partly enriched by compilation due to assiduous work by Francesco Contini, an eminent connoisseur of Antiquity, and then printed in a new size, and then corrected, erasing all the numbers; this was done with such diligence and care that you cannot contemplate anything that reaches its perfection.

3. 4. What happened to the plans of Hadrian’s Villa drawn by Ligorio?

They were sold in January 1632 in Rome, by Giorgio Raimondi of Ferrara, who was a trader of paintings, to a Frenchman called Monsù D’Autreville, who brought them to Paris, who made a bargain giving him in exchange some modern paintings of the value of fifty crowns, for which he was paid a hundred. And he said that he had bought the aforementioned drawings from some painters, and the eπorts so described by messer Pietro Stefanoni, a Roman antiquarian had this final outcome: he said he met the wife of the above mentioned man [Ligorio], and that she had two trunks, one of books, that are the works listed in the index written on the back, that today are in the hands of the Duke of Savoy; another [trunk] of drawings, a great part of which were in the hands of the above mentioned Raimondi, who sold part of it individually (alla spezzata – in pieces – as we say), and part went as we said to the above mentioned Frenchman. Monsù Claudio Ménestrier of Burgundy, Canon of Prisanzone and a distinguished antiquarian, left Rome in the month of May of that year, with the aim of finding the drawings, recovering them and trying on that trip to bring back to Rome all the good [things] that he could find concerning the study of antiquity or of national history.

Ligorio brought an extraordinary series of over five thousand drawings to Ferrara95 «large and small of every kind, and among them were many things taken from the antique, and other works […] and things of architecture […]». Today only two sketches depicting buildings of

Therefore, according to the testimony of the Roman antiquarian Pietro Stefanoni (quoted in the letter of D’Agliè), Pirro Ligorio’s widow, Barbara, inherited and put up for sale two trunks (cassoni) full of her husband’s writings and drawings. The first contained the volumes of the Antichità Romane that, after changing hands several times,102 were

90 del Re 1611, pp. 77-78: «Accennò in detta descrittione il Ligorio volerne fare disegno al detto Cardinale Hippolito, ma non si è trovato» («in the aforementioned Descrittione Ligorio hinted he wanted to make a drawing for Cardinal Hippolito, but it has not been found»). 91 See chapter 15 on Athanasius Kircher. 92 Kircher 1671: see Ten 2005, p. xv. See also chapter 13 on Francesco Contini and chapter 15 on Kircher. 93 Vagenheim 2008, p. 84, original Latin text at p. 85, note 15. For the Italian translation see Appendix 4 at the end of this chapter, no. 24, p. 101. 94 Vagenheim 2008, original Latin text at p. 85, note 15. For the Italian translation see Appendix 4 at the end of this chapter, no. 25. 95 Vagenheim 2008, pp. 89-90. 96 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 51, p. 79.

97 Ten 2005, pp. xii, xiv, xv; Ligorio, Codice di Torino, vol. xx, f. 89. 98 An ambitious project to create a ‘virtual museum’ consisting of drawings that reproduced the largest possible number of sculptures, marbles and other antiquities existing at that time in private collections and museums. See chapter 14 on Cassiano dal Pozzo. 99 Ten 2005, p. xv. 100 Campbell 2004, p. 18, quoting Cod. Vat. Lat. 10486, π. 8081, in the Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica. 101 Vagenheim 2008, pp. 89-90, with the original Italian text; see also Campbell 2004, p. 177. See Appendix 5 at the end of this chapter, no. 26, p. 101. 102 As explained above, they were sold by the Gardellini (Ligorio’s heirs) then passed to Count Crispi and, finally, to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy. See Massabò Ricci 1994, p. 47.

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar purchased by Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, and are now in Turin: they include the later version of the description of Hadrian’s Villa, the Codice di Torino (Codex of Turin, the only surviving autograph copy of Ligorio’s writings on the Villa). The second trunk, however, contained «a large number of drawings of the same Pirro Ligorio, in the number of about five thousand» (!). They were sold to an antiquarian of Ferrara, Giorgio Raimondi, who, in January 1632, took them to Rome and sold a small amount individually, while a larger group of drawings was sold to the Frenchman, Monsù d’Autreville, who took the drawings to Paris. The purchase of the drawings by Monsù d’Autreville is confirmed from the annotation written by Contini on his ‘clean copy’ of the sketch by Ligorio:103

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Colonnade of composite order / the floor below was of Serpentine / Porphyry, black & white marble and / above the Water was brick.

Ligorio’s sketch of the Accademia (Fig. 10, and details in Figs. 8a-9a), as we have said, is in the Royal Library at Windsor.105 Campbell106 explains that «the watermark is datable to the 1560s, according well with the period at which we know Ligorio was investigating Hadrian’s Villa. The drawing and writing style are unequivocally Ligorio’s». The plan of the Accademia107 is fairly complete: there are some walls that did not appear in the previous one by Palladio; it is accompanied by annotations describing the decoration, the purpose and features of the building, which have been transcribed by Jan Campbell in his recent publication.108 In a corner of the sheet on both sides (recto and verso), there are two diπerent drawings of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], which will be discussed later. The measurements are expressed in Roman palms. At the top there is a metric scale under which he writes, «Scale Feet No. 110». On the four edges of the sheet the following cardinal points are marked: «T» (= Tramonto, sunset); «L» (= Levante, east); «M» (= Mezzogiorno, midday) and finally «valli P» (= Ponente, valleys West), which refers to the Fosso di Risicoli, a brook marking the western boundary of the Villa. On lower right is the plan of the Belvedere [Ac1] (Fig. 8a-b) with colonnades and water basins that did not appear in the plan of Palladio; the oval shape of the Belvedere, however, is mistaken. In some of the side spaces Ligorio wrote fonte (fountain), while in the central area G he wrote:109

The Belvedere [Ac1] is oval, with a colonnade in the center, but the disposition of the columns and their number are wrong. We recognize the four podiums C, E, I and M, and also the four spaces with semicircular apse B, F, H and N, but only B and N are drawn correctly. The spaces D and L are circular, with inner colonnade (Fig. 8a-b). Entrance A is rectangular instead than semicircular, and the two apses flanking it (blue asterisk), are drawn correctly, while the other two on the opposite side (red asterisk), are drawn incorrectly. Today only the pillars are left (Fig. 11). Ligorio drew other rooms in the southern part of the Belvedere, [Ac2-5] and [Ac9-10], and corridor [Ac12]. In room [Ac5] he wrote «Mosaico bianco e nero» «black and white mosaic». In room [Ac9] (where the apse is missing) he noted: «Stanze compo/ste di varie fo/ggie» («rooms of various shapes»). In corridor [Ac12] he wrote «lume» («light») and then «lumi di 5.p(ie)d(i)» («lights of 5 feet») probably referring to windows. Under the portico we read: «piazza Tramontana» («northern square»). The central portico [Ac7-8] (Figs. 9, 10, 17) is divided into two parts by a transversal colonnade that does not exist, with an annotation about the floor, «Mosaico nero et bianco con alcuni quadretti di Porfido e Serpentino e di Mar/mo rare» («black and white mosaic with a few squares of porphyry and serpentine and of rare marbles»). On the north side of the portico (Fig. 10) he wrote: «Entrate e lumi di sopra» («Entrances and lights upstairs»), referring to the doors that open towards rooms [Ac4-10] and to the windows of the upper floor, of which little remains today. The western side of the portico is flanked by a long corridor: it is the outer portico [Ac6], where he wrote «corritore coperto» («roofed corridor»). The structures on the eastern side of the portico, surrounding the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] are drawn in a more detailed way than in Palladio. Starting from the bottom (Fig. 9a) we can see several quadrangular rooms: [Ac18] and [Ac20] (not symmetrically aligned with the others); then the first courtyard with columns [Ac41] where he wrote «cortile» («courtyard»). The second courtyard with columns [Ac60] is long and narrow, its main door towards the Temple of Apollo is flanked by two semicircular niches (see below, Figure 18); there also are the oblique corridors [Ac61-62], but the first is mistaken, because it wrongly ends inside room [Ac75]. In the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] (see below Figures 13-15) we see some columns and doors, and read the annotation: «venti quattro nicchi» («twenty four niches»): the word «quattro» («four») is cancelled with a line, because the niches were only twenty; however, Ligorio forgot to correct the number of niches and windows in the upper floor: «12 finestre et 12 nicchi» («12 windows and 12 niches»). The axial rooms east of the Temple, [Ac79-80], are designed correctly, and also rooms [Ac83-85]; in [Ac85]

103 See chapter 13 on Contini: «I Disegni di detta Villa furon portati in Francia da / Monsù d’Autreville, che gl’aveva compri da un Rigattiere Ferrarese». 104 Campbell 2004, p. 177; Vagenheim 2008, pp. 89-90. 105 Windsor RL 10377v, Architettura Civile, f. 24r-v; Campbell 2004, cat. no. 51, p. 179 and no. 52, pp. 182, 184. 106 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 51, p. 179.

107 On the same sheet are the plans of the Greek Library, the Latin Library and the Hospitalia. 108 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 51, p. 179. See chapter 13 on Contini, with the annotations on the plan. 109 «Colonnato d’ordine composito / Il solio di sotto era di Serpentino/Porfido, marmo nero & bianco & / di sopra all’Acqua era di mattoncini».

[…] The designs of the Villa brought to France / by Monsù d’Autreville who bought them from an antiquarian of Ferrara.

In May 1632 Cassiano dal Pozzo tried in vain to recover the drawings of Ligorio, and for that purpose sent Claude Menestrier a «distinguished antiquarian» to France;104 the mission was unsuccessful and, unfortunately, the drawings disappeared. Among them were the preparatory sketches of single buildings for the general plan of Hadrian’s Villa and – who knows – maybe also the general plan, if Ligorio ever completed it. 4. The plan of the Accademia (1560)

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Ac6

Ac7 Ac5

Ac10

Ac4 Ac3 Ac2

Ac9

Ac12

*

* H

I

E

F

D

L

Ac1-G

B

N

C M

*

A

*

Fig. 8a. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]: plan of Ligorio (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

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Fig. 8b. Comparison between the plan of Ligorio and the one of our survey (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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Ac91

Ac89

Ac86-7 86

Ac90

Ac88 Zooteca 87 Ac7

Ac84

Ac85

Ac83

Ac81

71

Ac77

Ac79-80

72

Ac78 Temple of Apollo

Ac76

Ac61

Ac62

Ac75

Ac73 Ac74

Ac69

Ac60

Ac41 Piazzetta

Ac64

Ac37

Ac52 Ac53 Ac18 Ac20

Fig. 9a. Temple of Apollo and surrounding rooms: plan of Ligorio (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

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Fig. 9b. Comparison between the plan of Ligorio and the one of our survey (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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Fig. 10. Pirro Ligorio, sketch with the plan of the Accademia. Windsor, Royal Library RL 10377v, Architettura Civile, f. 24 (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar Ligorio wrote «scoperto» («uncovered»). [Ac72] has a small semicircular apse in the rear wall, [Ac71] has a partition wall, while in the area in front of both (where no traces of walls are visible today), he drew a large rectangular room with two apses and columns, where he wrote, «piazzetta» («small square»). Continuing towards south, there is the so-called Zooteca [Ac88] (see below, Figure 19), with an inner portico with columns and the words «Coperto Piano» («flat roofing») which refers to the roof of the portico itself. There are many uncertainties and afterthoughts in the sketch of nearby rooms [Ac86-87], above which appear other walls that do not exist, and were cancelled with several lines. Above, we see rooms [Ac89-90], which mark the building’s southern side; [Ac90] opens on a corridor with columns [Ac91], where Ligorio wrote «Loggia», joining at a right angle to a wall with niches, under which Ligorio noted «25 nicchi» («25 niches»): this is the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, which marks the southern boundary of the Prætorium esplanade itself. The sketch was drawn on the spot, and the corrections prove that the survey was di√cult to make. A few years before Andrea Palladio had drawn the oblique bearing of a wall on the eastern side of the Accademia, near the Zooteca [Ac88] correctly. Ligorio instead drew several rooms arranged as large steps – these are seen more clearly in the ‘clean copy’ of Contini.110 5. The elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] (Figs. 12-15) In a corner of the front side of the sheet (recto) we see a sketch of the elevation of the Temple of Apollo [Ac78],111 which also appears on the other side (verso), in a second and more detailed version.112 The first drawing (Fig. 12a) shows the podium with two panels and two half-columns, above which is the architrave and molding or cornice, with details of the brickwork. We see the first floor with two windows alternating with a niche, inside which Ligorio wrote «fen» (for fenestra, window) and «nic» (for nicchia, niche); further up there is a second molding, a short part of masonry, and a third and last molding. The second drawing (Fig. 12b) is richer in detail: at the bottom we see the podium interrupted by a high door (red asterisk), then a wall panel with the details of brickwork: rectangular bricks and square cubilia. On the right there is a second door (lower than the other, light blue asterisk) opening into the oblique corridor [Ac62]. In the drawing, the columns have Ionic capitals, and in fact in the Codice di Torino Ligorio wrote:113

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Fig. 11. Accademia, the Belvedere [Ac1], niche B (photo Caterina Ognibeni).

as the molding, with its bricks arranged vertically and horizontally (Fig. 14a). The upper floor has a first part of masonry made of cubilia; above are two windows (with the annotation «Fenestre», «windows») alternating with two niches in which Ligorio sketches two statues (Fig. 15a). Niches and windows are not symmetrically aligned with the wall panels below. These details perfectly reproduce reality (see comparison with the photos of actual state in Figures 13a-b, 14b, 15b). The upper floor had ten niches for statues, which for Ligorio correspond to the nine Muses plus Apollo, for a total of ten; from this combination of numbers originated the name Temple of Apollo, that we still use today. In the Codice di Torino Ligorio in fact wrote:114 This is reputed to be a place dedicated to Apollo, Minerva and to the Muses, as the places for statues show.

6. The Accademia in the description of the Codice di Torino

Everything was painted and reveted with stucco and adorned with fake columns in half-relief, made with cement instead of marble, and [painted as] striped marble above, of Ionic order.

As mentioned above, the Codice di Torino is the only surviving autograph Codex (the others are copies), and is the most recent and complete version of the description of the Villa. We will reproduce here the main section, contained in π. 41v-44r, thanks to the excellent transcription by Alessandra Ten.115 We will follow a topographical order related to the ‘[Ac…]’ numbering of the rooms in our new plan of the building (see folding Plan no. 2). Ligorio begins by noting, with deep regret, how many buildings had been destroyed, but also how many treasures were still left, since «wherever you excavate the land, there are precious things»:116

The drawing shows the bricks arranged obliquely in the lintels and in the architraves above the wall panels, as well

It was all torn down, and everything made a desert land, in addition to other things that were also destroyed, other statues [im-

110

See chapter 13 on Contini for a discussion. Windsor RL 10377r, Architettura Civile, f. 24r; Campbell 2004, cat. no. 51, pp. 178-179. 112 Windsor RL 10377v, Architettura Civile, f. 24v. See Campbell 2004, cat. no. 52, pp. 182-184. 113 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «[…] era tutto dipinto et stuccato et ornato di colonne fentitie di mezzo rilievo, fatte, in vece di marmo di cimento, et striate et marmorate di sopra, di ordine ionico». 111

114 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42, in Ten 2005, pp. 65-67: «Questo è fama esser luogo dedicato ad Apolline, à Minerva et alle Muse, come i luoghi delle statoe dimostrano». 115 Ten 2005, pp. 64-68. 116 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41r, in Ten 2005, p. 64. See Appendix 1 at the end of this chapter, no. 1, p. 99.

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* *

Fig. 12a-b. Pirro Ligorio, elevation of the Temple of Apollo (1560 c.). Windsor, Royal Library RL f. 10377r (left) and 10377v (right) (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

* *

Fig. 13a-b. The Temple of Apollo today. Red and blue asteriks mark the doors visible in the drawing of Figure 12b.

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Fig. 14a-b. Accademia, Temple of Apollo. Detail of the brickwork, perfectly reproduced in the sketch by Ligorio (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

Fig. 15a-b. Accademia, Temple of Apollo. Detail of the windows alternating with niches on the upper level, perfectly reproduced in the sketch by Ligorio (Royal Collection Trust/© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2015).

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chapter 7 After many buildings, there are the remains of other ones, of other porticoes, and columns, and of various shapes of walls, and of sites and artifice, however, they are diπerent from the others, once they were all standing, and [were made] at great expense: and now in one month they have been demolished and leveled to the ground, but we have seen their plans in the excavations we did everywhere».

He is amazed and impressed by the complexity of the construction of the Accademia and of the massive containing walls (Fig. 16 and folding Plan no. 2, Tower) «very big, with straight and perpendicular buttresses»:118 Now of this Accademia he who considered all the parts of it, as we said, and he who saw the plans of the buildings, [which we saw] when we dug to find the statues, or delved to plant the vineyards, would greatly marvel; and throughout all, for those who saw how the porticoes and buildings connected with them, and the great spaces that were all linked together with other corridors, which led to this or to any other room or garden or loggia or theatre, made like meniani,119 and led to many sub-divisions of ante-rooms, which were called procetoni and cubicles; they were all placed on the façades above the diπerent cliπs,120 there are very diπerent sites, and the higher parts are supported in the lower parts by substructures, in order to level the top of the hill, with very big and strong walls with perpendicular buttresses, to give more strength to the flat level (equationi); these things are really terrible and unbelievable to see, so much expenditure went into the building of the structures above which the porticoes and the other buildings made for pleasure are standing, without counting the costs.

He describes the beauty of the decorations, for example «alcune maschere di Nereo» («some masks of Nereus»), but unfortunately he does not mention the spot where he saw them:121

Fig. 16. Accademia, Fosso di Risicoli. Retaining walls described by Ligorio as «very big, with perpendicular buttresses» still visible today.

ages] that were in the Baths, and in the exedras, and in in the loggias; certainly, it is incredible to think how many things were there that have been ruined. In addition to the ornaments, and to the construction of the excellent buildings, adorned with excellent floors, since its remains show a great machinery, all these seemingly impossible to make, and even if they are ruined, from side to side, everywhere you make an excavation in the ground you find precious things, delightful ornaments of priceless value, and we can therefore imagine their beauty, because if nowadays they still look so delightful even if they are so weathered, so much more would they have delighted people when they were still intact, and everyone who saw them standing.

And therefore in this villa Hadrian wanted to have fountains, forests, gardens, and beautiful cloisters, where, among the others, in the ornaments and reliefs of the friezes and architraves, were displayed some masks of Nereus, with wavy hair and beards, with leaves on their face similar to fish scales; with some intricate dolphins entwined in the hair and in the beard, from whose mouths were flowing jets of waters.

In another section he gives a general description of the site, and hints at the presence of substructures122 (see below, chapter 13, Figure 40, p. 198] and of underground hypocausts for heating:123

A few pages later – at the end of the description of the Accademia – Ligorio again talks about recent destruction, because in just a month he had seen many other buildings torn down:117

Therefore, not without reason, Hadrian wanted to have in his villa the Accademia, with all its similarities, built with gardens, above buildings called hypogei; which are crypts, or as we want to say places similar to subterranean caves with various rooms, in some places of them, for the convenience of supplies, to make warehouses for the necessary things, and to make the furnace and the hypocausts, to heat the rooms built above them, as it was customary at that time for stoves and kitchens and fireplaces; which he built with the force of his art with very expensive ornaments, made with porticoes above, that were surrounding squares, gardens, thermae, Diets, ephebei, which are the places and rooms of the Gymnasium, where they were studying the things of Art, where the young men were studying

117 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 2. 118 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 43v-44r, in Ten 2005, p. 68. See Appendix 1, no. 3. 119 Meniani are protruding walls, like loggias or balconies. 120 Hanging terraces that overlook the cliπ towards the Fosso di Risicoli, still visible today.

121 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42r, in Ten 2005, p. 65. See Appendix 1, no. 4. 122 They are still partly visible: it is the Cryptoporticus in the substructures of the Accademia. 123 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 66. See Appendix 1, no. 5. The description of the hypocausts does not permit us to determine where they were.

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Fig. 17. Accademia, inner portico [Ac7], east side towards the Zooteca [Ac88].

and the maidens were educated, and they were particularly arranged for their comfort, as were the other rooms and places for entertainment.

floral decoration, «varii fogliami et fioretti» («various leaves and small flowers»):126

He also explains how in the Accademia the water was supplied by subterranean aqueducts or lead pipes, which extended from one side of the Villa to the other:124

On the other side it had a very large atrium surrounded by walls all around, of squared shape, and outside [there were] one hundred columns of Parian white marble, with pavement of mosaic all white but in its field were reproduced diπerent foliages and small scattered flowers.

For the pleasure of the inhabitants, in the highest part [of the Villa, Hadrian] led the water coming from the source Oiconio also called Marzia Aufera, which, passing through and subdividing to all the places of the Villa, irrigated its lawns and gardens, and supplied the fountains, according to what the remains of its canals that have been found clearly show. And what is truly remarkable to consider is that they pierced very craggy mountains to bring in the water, without [considering] the spending of large amounts of money, building aqueducts and conduits made of lead or cement to take the waters from the higher to the lower parts of the Villa, and these conduits went from one side of the villa to the other and around its entire area.

The description of the Accademia building begins with its main entrance, the so-called Belvedere [Ac1], about which Ligorio only says that it was «un luogo di forma ovata» («an oval-shaped place»):125 Next to the atrium of the Accademia is an oval shaped place, very varied and decorated with statues, and of rooms, and it had a worthy roofing, which was to be the main structure where the Academics were meeting.

Ligorio gives the following description of the central portico [Ac7-8] (Fig. 17) that he called «Atrium»: it had a hundred columns of Parian marble and mosaic floor with 124 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 66. See Appendix 1, no. 6. And in fact in Hadrian’s Villa we see that, to give impulse to water there was an uniform slope from south to north. The higher level is on its south side, in the area of the Accademia esplanade where arrived the aqueducts bringing water from the Aniene river. The lower level is on the northern and eastern sides, in the area of the Imperial Palace and Greek Theatre. 125 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41v, in Ten 2005, p. 64. See Appendix 1, no. 7. 126 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 42v-43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 8.

A sentence seems to refer to the double outer portico [Ac6] «la parte fuori dell’atrio» («the part outside of the atrium»), which had a marble floor (opus sectile) with square slabs of porphyry and serpentine (called Ophites):127 The portico then as it is said, that surrounded the part outside of the atrium, was paved with squares of porphyry and Ophites, marbles of Egypt and of the region of Thebes.

Ligorio describes the black and white mosaic floor with double meander, located in a room next to the central portico:128 it may be room [Ac10], where a xvith-century drawing reports that there was a similar mosaic.129 In an entrance hall or passage which from the rooms led to the atrium, the floor was all made of black and white tesserae, with certain drawings as of a double meander, made with entwining black stripes, that is easily visible because the black can be very well discerned from the white».

He describes the two main entrances to the Temple of Apollo [Ac78]: the northern courtyard with columns [Ac60], with two niches flanking the main door (Fig. 18), and the vestibule [Ac76] in the shape of a pronaos, on the western side:130 127 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 9. 128 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 10. In the forthcoming volume ii of this series we identified a mosaic corresponding to this description 129 See a drawing that probably shows this mosaic in chapter 9 on xvith-century drawings, Figure 7a, p. 114. 130 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 11.

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Fig. 18. Accademia, courtyard [Ac60], with two niches flanking the northern entrance to the Temple of Apollo, and corridor [Ac61] on the right.

The Temple has on two sides two ornate vestibules and had rooms left and right of the portico of its pronaos, that is on the side of the entrance, as show the niches that were [there] to display the images of their gods, and in front of its pronaos, (that is portico) next to the area that was used as a delubro,131 or consecrated space.

Vestibule [Ac76] had columns of caristian marble (also called cipollino), of yellow and red marbles (presumably giallo antico and rosso antico), and was flanked by two cubicles, which are described as follows:132 And on the opposite side of these porticoes, two sides had beautiful rooms and, in the inner side, it had around a loggia (a portico) that accompanied the aforesaid temple, made of columns of carystio, yellow and red marble.

The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] (see above, Figure 13) is described in two diπerent sections, the first to explain its name:133 And on one side of the atrium was another round building, but before talking about this – that was the temple of the Muses – we shall talk about the Accademia and what so many things built in these structures of the Villa were imitating

131 Ancient word meaning the sanctuary of the temple where there was a water basin for purification. 132 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 12. 133 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41v, in Ten 2005, p. 64. See Appendix 1, no. 13.

The second section describes how it was built; Ligorio noted that the temple had been heavily damaged, «[it had] suπered burning, and violent human smashing with iron»:134 And on the side of this atrium, in one of its sides, in the middle of the wall, there was one of the four doors of the temple, diπerent from the other three. […]. In the left corner of the Academic Gymnasium, in particular there was another round temple, made of marbled opus reticulatum, which means that was faced with marble, covered with stucco, with artificial connections, so that it was not less strong than beautiful, su√cient and indissoluble, very perpetual, and we see that although it suπered burning, and violent human smashing with iron, nevertheless a great part is still standing. This is reputed to be a place dedicated to Apollo, Minerva and to the Muses, as the spaces for statues show.

Later on, he describes the half-columns «made instead of marble of cement […] of Ionic order», and the mosaic floor with «minute stones as very small gambling dice» decorated with squares of colored marble or garlands of leaves and flowers, that looked as if they were painted:135 134 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 14. 135 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 15.

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Fig. 19. Accademia, the so-called Zooteca [Ac88], with the door towards room [Ac89].

The temple, therefore, in every part had few things that accompanied it, it was all painted and faced with stucco, and adorned with fake columns in half-relief, which were made of cement instead of marble, and painted as striped marble, of Ionic order. The rooms next to it were adorned like the temple, all vaults were decorated with various paintings; the floors as in the atrium were made of very small stones, the size of small gambling dice, which were minutely cut and inlaid, and here and there are small squares of marble of various colors; other parts of the mosaic, as the rooms, are decorated with some garlands made of flowers and fruits, which look as if they were painted, all made with the smallest tesserae of glass on a white background, that in antiquity were called vermiculata and tessellata.

Then he talks about the rooms south of the Temple of Apollo, starting with [Ac88], that he called Zooteca (Fig. 19), because in his view in that large court the animals (zoos in Greek) that were going to be sacrificed in Temple were gathered:136 On the other side of the Temple, next to the atrium, there was his Zotheca, with a small portico around it, where they gathered and kept the animals for sacrifice, where there also was a place where they cooked the meat of the victims, the macmentary vessels, that served when they killed the victims, inside which they put the limbs, cutting the entrails, and there was also the macmatary altar, where were killed the animals oπered in sacrifice.

In the Zooteca were some bricks with these words engraved in the terracotta: aelio peto et aproniano cos q opm veri iusti op dol delic d. n. acad

Finally he describes the last neighboring rooms [Ac89] and [Ac90] (Fig. 20), which in his view were meant for the priests:138 Other rooms then led from that Zootheca that were meant for the priests, and others were Diaetae for the Academics, which were aligned in a long row, and there were rooms and baths, but these things are all ruined, and we would not see anything if we had not discovered their foundations during our excavations».

7. Conclusions

Ligorio transcribes the brick stamps found there:137

The memory of Hadrian’s Villa was lost for centuries, nothing was known about it; the description of the Historia Augusta was the Ariadne’s thread to enter the Labyrinth: the first to pick it up was Pirro Ligorio, who in the xvith century became the undisputed authority on the subject. He gave a name to the single buildings, in an attempt to identify those cited by the Historia Augusta, as he himself explained.139

136 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 16. 137 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 17. The brick stamp is cil, xiv.450*: its date is 123 ad. 138 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See Appendix 1, no. 18.

139 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 30, in Ten 2005 p. 51: «Hora di questi luoghi li quali alla cui imitazione fussero fatti in questo luogo dirremo qui disotto ad uno ad uno, secondo i buoni auttori esplicaremo i nomi suddetti et gli altri anchora, de quali ne havemo trovata in essa Villa memoria, et essi non ne hanno fatta menzione, et massimamente de li gymnasii […]».

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Fig. 20. Accademia, inner view of room [Ac90]: on the left the door towards portico [Ac7], on the right the one towards [Ac89].

Later on we will describe one by one those sites and the sites that they were imitating according to the good authors, we will explain the above mentioned names and other ones of which we found memory in the Villa, but were not mentioned by them, and most of all of the gymnasii […].

The original appearance of the buildings that inspired Hadrian in still unknown, because they were destroyed and are lost. Therefore the identifications of Ligorio were supported by his most learned knowledge of ancient sources that described the Accademia of Athens, and also the Heroon of Academos, that Ligorio identified with the Tower of Roccabruna and its olive grove. Most of the names created by Ligorio are still in use; others will be added or changed in the following centuries, and all became traditional denominations. In his descriptions Ligorio encoded a topographical itinerary, rather tortuous, which probably reflected fixed routes due to access di√culties and land ownership. The visit begins with the Pœcile (Portico Poicile), continues with the Hall of the Philosophers (Temple of the Stoics), the Maritime Theatre (La Rota) and the Greek Library

140 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 30-54v, in Ten 2005, pp. 51-84. Pecile: f. 30, p. 51; Hall of the Philosophers: f. 32v, p. 54; Maritime Theatre: f. 32v, p. 54; Greek Library: f. 33, p. 55; Greek Theatre: f. 35, p. 57; Palestra: f. 36v, pp. 57-58, nearby area: f. 37, p. 59; Piazza d’Oro: f. 37, p. 59; Canopus: f. 37v, p. 60; Roccabruna and Acca-

(Bibliotheca). Then the itinerary descends to the Greek Theatre (Theatro), the Palestra (Piazza presso lo Xysto) and the surrounding area (Hyppodromo); goes back up to Piazza d’Oro, reaches the Canopus and then Roccabruna (Heroo), the Accademia, the Odeon (Theatro) and Mimizia. The route continues towards the south with the Cynosarge, the Lyceum (Lyceo) and the Prytaneion, and then describes the Great Trapezium (Hypogeo), the Underworld (Inferno) and finally ends in the Valley of Tempe (Valle di Tempe).140 The scholars of the following centuries will follow a similar itinerary; the Villa can be described only in topographical order, given the asymmetrical floor plans and the large number of diπerent levels and terraces. From the Codices of Ligorio we get a firsthand list of the most important works of art found so far, especially the statues; there also is a generic attribution of the excavations to eminent personalities of his time. Almost always there is no information on the exact find spot, just the general area. Ligorio is the oldest source we have, but many times it is impossible to identify the sculptures, since he mentions only the subject (a Diana, an Atalanta, etc.),

demia: f. 41v, p. 64; Odeon: f. 44, p. 68; Mimizia: f. 46v, p. 72; Cynosarge: f. 47, p. 73; Lyceum: f. 48v, p. 75; Temple of Pluto or Prytaneum: f. 51, p. 79; Great Trapezium: f. 52, p. 81; Inferi: f. 54, p. 84; Valley of Tempe: f. 54v, p. 84.

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar and does not describe them in detail; so when the sculptures have changed hands several times it is very di√cult to follow their traces.141 7. 1. Summary on the Accademia Ligorio wrote the oldest description of the Accademia that has come down to us, the most ancient source on the building, which was often copied word for word by later scholars. His plan is the most complete of the xvith century, together with the almost contemporary plan by Palladio. The annotations in his own hand are valuable: they speak of «fonti» («water basins»), mosaic floors, «lumi» («windows?») and so on. Ligorio identified the Accademia cited by the Historia Augusta with this area, created the names of the rooms we use today (Temple of Apollo, Zooteca) copied some brick stamps, saw retaining walls and hypocausts; his description has been often confirmed by modern surveys. The description focuses on the best preserved parts of the building, the same visible today: the Belvedere [Ac1], the central portico [Ac7] and the double outer portico [Ac6], the rooms along the north side of the central portico and then the large area around the Temple of Apollo [Ac78], especially the two colonnaded courtyards [Ac60] and [Ac88] and rooms [Ac89-90]. The description does not mention other structures towards the south, such as rooms [Ac104-106] (see our folding Plan no. 2), which were incorporated into a stillexisting farmhouse in the xviith century; perhaps they were already hidden by modern masonry in Ligorio’s time. Ligorio provides other sporadic data on the decoration: columns of diπerent marbles (Parian, cipollino, giallo antico, rosso antico) seen during his excavations. In the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] he notes Ionic terracotta capitals (nothing is left today). The floors were made of marble (opus sectile), with square slabs of porphyry and serpentine; or in mosaic, decorated with black meander, squares of colored marbles, or with garlands of leaves and flowers, plants and floral motifs. Sometimes the text allows us to assign the floor to a given room; some of the information proved to be accurate, some not. The information he provides on decoration, especially on floors, can be verified only with a sample excavation, especially when it is at odds with other information from a later time, such as that given by Contini in the xviith century or by Piranesi in the xviiith. 8. Appendix Appendix 1. Ligorio’s original Italian text Original Italian text by Ligorio, Codice di Torino, describing the Accademia, in the transcription by Alessandra Ten. The text is subdivided in several sections corresponding to the cross-references in footnotes.

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che, di eccellenti pavimenti adornate, pareno tutte cose impossibili a farsi tanta gran machina mostrano le sue memo[rie], et anchora che sieno rovinate, da parte a parte, per tutto dovunque si cava atterra si trovano cose preciose, tutti ornamenti di grandissima spesa, molto dilettevoli, onde si può cognutturare la sua bellezza per che, si hora dilettano et rallegrano così consumati, quanto più dovevano dilettare intere, et a chiunche le vedevano in piedi» No. 2 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Doppo tanti edificii, vi sono de’ vestigi dell’altri alberghi, et dell’altri portichi, di colonne et di varie forme di muri, et di sito et d’artificio, tuttavia diversi dagli altri, che tutti giacevano in piedi con gran spesa: hora sono in uno mense ridutti et abbatuti rente terra, de i quali sono vedute le piante nelle cavationi fattevi per tutto». No. 3 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 43v-44r, in Ten 2005, p. 68: «Ora di essa Academia chi considerasse le parti tutte di essa, come havemo detto, et chi l’havesse vedute, nel cavar che vi si è fatto per trovar de le statue, per scassare per impiantarvi le vigne, le piante degli edificii, si risolvarebbe a maravigliarsi grandemente: et in tutto per tutto chi havesse visto le correspondenze, per che i portichi, gli edificii legati con quelli, gli spatii grandi che tutti si collegavano insieme con diversi corridori, che conducevano da questo in quell’altro albergo o giardino o logia o theatro, à guisa di meniani, portavano alle molte divisioni de le camere et anticamere, chiamate procetoni et cubicoli: che tutti erano posti sopra delle facciate de le ripe de la diversità de li siti che sono et de le parti basse in alto sostenute da la fabrica per mettere in piano le parti alte del colle con forza di muri grossissimi, con barbacani diritti perpendicolare, per dar più forza all’equationi: cose veramente terribili et inpensabili a vedere, tante spese fatte solamente per adequare il sito sopra cui sono, senza innumerabile spese, fatti i portichi et l’altre fabriche di piaceri». No. 4 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42r, in Ten 2005, p. 65: «Et per ciò in questa villa Hadriano etiandio vi volle di fonti, di boschi, di giardini, et di bellissimi claustri, dove in un luogo, tra li altri, negli ornamenti et risalti delli epistylii et freggi, erano poste alcune maschere di Nereo, capigliate et barbate di ondosi peli, con le foglie nel volto come sono le penne di pesci, con alcuni delphini intricati tra le onde di capelli, per tutta la chioma et per la barba, dalle cui bocche uscivano zampillando le acque». No. 5 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 66: «Pertanto non senza ragione Hadriano volle anchor esso nella villa sua il nome istesso dell’Academia, con tutte le sue correspondenze, con giardini edificata, sopra degli edifici chiamati hypogei; che sono crypte, o vogliamo dire luoghi a guisa di grotte sotterranee con varie stanze, in alcuni luoghi di essi, per le comodità delle monitioni, per farvi gli ripositorij delle cose necessarie, et per farvi gli forni et per li hypocausti, per riscaldar le stanze sopra di essi edificati quando era di mestiere delli tempi delle stufe et delle cuocine et focolari, i quali fece per forza d’arte con ornamenti di grandissima spesa formati di portichi di sopra, che circuivano le piazze, i giardini, i bagni, le Diete, gli ephebei, che sono luoghi et stanze del Gymnasio, dove si diggerivano le cose dell’arti, dove studiavano i Giovanetti, et s’ammaestravano le zitelle et per la commodità loro particolarmente disposti, come erano altri alberghi, et luoghi da intertenimenti».

No. 1. Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41r, in Ten 2005, p. 64: «[…] è stato tutto abbattuto atterra et ogni cosa fatta diserto, oltre all’altra cose che parimente sono state guaste ch’erano dell’altre imagini nei bagni, et nell’exedre, et ne le loggie, certamente cosa incredibile a pensare tante cose quante sono state quivi et rovinate. Oltre all’ornamenti et la costruttione dell’eccellenti fabri-

No. 6 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 66: «[…] per vaghezza degli habitatori vi condusse per la parte più alta l’acqua del fonte Oiconio chiamata Marzia Aufera, la quale passando et dividendosi per tutti i luoghi della Villa, irrigava i prati et i giar-

141 As pointed out by Raeder, author of the most ‘recent’ comprehensive study on the statuary of Hadrian’s Villa (Raeder 1983). He devotes part of his Catalog to the lost statues. See also on the

web, Professor Bernard Frischer’s «Digital Hadrian’s Villa Project», with a Data Base of finds: http://vwhl.clas.virginia.edu/villa/database%28static%29.php.

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dini che vi erano et facevano fonti, secondo mostrano chiaro sentimento di ciò le rovine trovate di suoi canaletti. Et quel che è veramente mirabile da considerare è che scavarono le montagne asprissime per condurre la detta acqua, senza [considerare] la spesa grande de la fabrica et de li canaletti fatti di piombo ò di calcestrutio: i quali erano fatti per condurve l’acque da le parti alto ne le basse della Villa, et questi condotti andavano dall’un capo all’altro et d’intorno della Villa». No. 7 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41v, in Ten 2005, p. 64: «Accanto all’atrio dell’Academia è un luogo di forma ovata, molto vario et di statoe ornato, et di camere, et coperto come un degno ombracolo, che doveva esser il corpo principale dove si radunavano gli Academici». No. 8 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 42v-43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Da un altro lato haveva un Atrio ben grande cinto di muri attorno di forma quadrata et di fuori cento colonne di marmo bianco del pario, col pavimento di musaico bianco nell’universale ma in esso campi finti varii fogliami et fioretti sparso». No. 9 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Il portico dunque come è detto, che cingeva la parte di fuori dell’atrio era lastricato di quadri di porphido et di ophites, marmi dell’Aegypto et regione della Thebaide». No. 10 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «In uno antrone, o vero andito, che dall’alberghi s’andava all’atrio, il pavimento era tutto di tasselli bianchi et negri, con certi lavori come un dupplice meandro, composti a righe nere, cio è lavorato et divisato con certi interlacci, molto vago et ben distinto per che il negro molto bene si discerne dal bianco». No. 11 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Ha da due lati il Tempio, due vestibuli ornati et haveva stanze a destra et a sinistra del portico de lo suo prostio cio è dalla parte dell’entrata, secondo accennano i nicchi che erano da porvi le imagini degli loro iddii et davante il suo pronao, ciò è portico, al confine dell’area che gli faceva delubro, o luogo consecrato». No. 12 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «[…] dall’altre parte opposite di questi portichi, in due lati haveano stanze bellissime et, dalla parte di dentro, attorno haveva una loggia che accompagnava il suddetto tempio di colonne di marmo carystio, gialle et rosse». No. 13 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 41v, in Ten 2005, p. 64: «[…] et in un lato dell’atrio era un altro edificio rotondo, ma innanzi che si dica di questo ch’era il tempio de le Muse, dirremo dell’Academia et a che imitatione tante cose vi furono drizzate in si fatte fabriche nella Villa». No. 14 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42v, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Allato di esso atrio, nell’uno dei lati, nel mezzo de le pariete, era una de le quattro porte del tempio diversa dalle altre tre. […] in capo all’angolo sinistro del Gymnasio Academico et particolarmente un altro Tempio rotondo, di opera reticolata et marmorato, cioè fodrato di marmi, coperto di stucco, con artificiosi ligamenti, acciò che fusse non meno forte che di bellezza, su√ciente et indessolubile, molto perpetuo, il quale si vedde che quantunque habbi patito del fuoco et delle tagliature et delle violenze humane fattegli col ferro, non di meno rimane inpiedi gran vestigio. Questo è fama esser luogo dedicato ad Apolline, à Minerva et alle Muse, come i luoghi delle statoe dimostrano». No. 15 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Il tempio, dunque, da ogni parte havea alcune cose che accompagnavano, et egli era tutto dipinto et stuccato et ornato di colonne fentitie

di mezzo rilievo, fatte in vece che di marmo, di cimento, et striate et marmorate di sopra, di ordine ionico. Le stanze anchora, che gli erano accanto, parimente come il tempio erano adornate, tutte le volte con varii lavori dipinte; li pavimenti, come quello dell’atrio, erano fatti di pietre minute tagliate et minutissimamente commesse insieme, di grossezza di piccoli dadi da giuocare, et sono da luoghi in luoghi interposti alcuni quadrettini piccioli di marmi di più colori; altre parti sono di esso musaico, come lo sono le stanze, con certe ghirlande di fronti et di fiori, come dipinte, tutte di minutissimi smalti in campo bianco fatto a tasselletti, opera dall’antichi detta vermiculata et tassellata». No. 16 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Da un altro lato del tempio, accanto all’atrio, era la sua Zotheca, con un portichetto attorno, dove si tenivano et ricettavano gli animali da sacrificare, ove era ancho il luogo dove si cuocevano le carni delle victime, li vasi macmentarii, cio è amministratorii dell’ammazzare de le vittime, ne’ quali si ponevano le membra, tagliate le interanee, et quivi era la parte dell’ara macmtaria, ciò è ammazzatoria di quelli animali che al sacrificio s’oπerivano». No. 17 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Nella Zotheca erano fabricate alcune tegole con queste parole improntate nella terracotta». No. 18 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67: «Dalla detta Zootheca poi dipendevano altre stanze ch’erano per li sacerdoti et altre per le diete dell’Academici, che erano in una longa tirata, et per li alberghi et per li bagni, le quali cose sono tutte rovinate et, se non fossero considerate da’ suoi fondamenti scoperti zappando, non se ne sarebbe veduta cosa alcuna».

Appendix 2. Text of Ligorio on his excavations in other buildings of Hadrian’s Villa No. 19 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, π. 29v-30r, in Ten 2005, p. 51. «Hora di questi luoghi li quali alla cui imitazione fussero fatti in questo luogo dirremo qui disotto ad uno ad uno, secondo i buoni auttori esplicaremo i nomi suddetti et gli altri anchora, de quali ne havemo trovata in essa Villa memoria, et essi non ne hanno fatta menzione […]. La onde, per ordine, applicaremo tutto quel secondo si distende la materia, et si dirrà per la prima parte del Poicile, poscia dell’altri luoghi più disotto». No. 20 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 29v, in Ten 2005, pp. 50-51. «Nel vero, tutte le loro proprietà nelle parti […] arrecano ardore ai moderni di vederle intere, anzi porgeno dolor grande alla posterità ogni volta che da essa siano vedute e considerate, et ai presenti anchora tanto più faranno passione a nominarla e a vederla, e massimamente considerando la pianta et da le mie parole, che esplicheranno in parte quel che è rovinato della sua qualità». No. 21 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 36v, in Ten 2005, p. 57. «Il pavimento di questo Xysto et li portichi erano lastricati di lastroni quadrati del marmo chiamato augustale, che veniva da la parte de la Thebaide d’Aegypto, che a’ nostri tempi viene appellato marmo cipollino dalle falde sue […] per havere le macchie fraggilmente legate al colore dell’acqua marina […]». No. 22 Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 42, in Ten 2005, p. 63. «Haveva pavimenti dipinti di musaico, di quadretti varii ad animali marini con diversi colori, ornato intorno di alcuni antri di diversi luoghi, ove erano da tutte le bande statoe, dove da sotto le basi degli iddii scatorivano perpetui ruscelletti abbondantissimi di acque […]. Le acque poi versando in certi ricettacoli intorno al pavimento, uscivano dal tempio nella longhezza dell’Euripo, si radunavano et facevano la stagnatione della Fossa Canopica».

pirro ligorio, great antiquarian and first scholar Appendix 3. Text of Ligorio mentioning his plans of Hadrian’s Villa Ligorio, Codice di Torino: f. 29v, in Ten 2005, p. 59: «e massimamente considerando la pianta et da le mie parole, che esplicheranno in parte quel che è rovinato della sua qualità. Per esser arsa et rovinata è privato il mondo di una rara memoria»; «and most of all considering the plan and by my words, which will manifest in part what has been spoiled of its quality. Since it was burned and ruined the world is deprived of a rare memory»; f. 35r, in Ten 2005, p. 57: «Hordunque questo theatro come ne havemo fatta la pianta et il profilo della scena nella seguente pagina acciò che si veda come era ornato et disposto»; «And therefore since we made the plan of this theatre and the profile of its scene in the following page, so that it can be seen its disposition and how it was decorated»; f. 37, in Ten 2005, p. 59: «là onde è meglior a vederne la pianta, che havemo fatta di tutta la Villa, che qui di essi narrare cosa alcuna»; «and therefore it is better to see the plan that we made of the whole Villa, instead of saying anything about it»; f. 38, in Ten 2005, p. 60 (on the Canopus): «le cose secondo sono state scoperte cavandosi di fundamenti, che mostrano mirabilmente le materie che soprastano alla valle o fossa canopitica, correspondente a destra et a sinistra della sua longhezza, sì come l’havemo formata nella sua generale pianta»; «the things as were discovered during the excavation, which marvelously show the things that are above the canopitic valley or moat, corresponding on the right and on the left of its length, as we shaped it in its general plan»; π. 40v-41, in Ten 2005, p. 63: «non è possibile di loro narrar appieno per la qualità de la forma, ma, come si potranno, […] li porremo in pianta, colli particolari di tutta la villa»; «it is not possible to say all about them about the quality of their shape but, as it will be possible, […] we will put them on a plan with the details of the whole villa»; f. 44, in Ten 2005, p. 68 (on the Odeon): «tutti di cose eccellenti d’architettura et di scoltura et altre invenzioni, il che chiaramente s’è potuto vedere in quel che s’è trovato, et la forma sua, come era, l’havemo posta ne la pianta qui disotto, tutta all’usanza greca disposta»; «[…] all of excellent things of architecture and sculpture and other inventions, as we clearly saw in what has been found, and we put its shape, as it was, in the plan here below, all arranged according to Greek use». f. 50, in Ten 2005, p. 77: «con la forza della pianta dalli suoi fundamenti, si mostraranno alcune particolarità di suoi siti. Per ciò che questo luogho, che sia stato illustrissimo et superbissimo ce lo demostrano le rovine, quantunque stranamente siano state annullate le parti […] e deve esser stata spianata crudelmente»; «thanks to the plan of its foundations, we will show some features of its sites. The ruins prove that this place has been most illustrious and superb, even if they were destroyed everywhere […] and cruelly it has been razed to the ground».

Appendix 4. Letters of Athanasius Kircher on Ligorio’s documents in the Barberini archive No. 24 Vagenheim 2008, p. 84, Italian translation of the first letter of Kircher. «Dopo aver esaminato con cura tutto quel che ho avuto la fortuna di scoprire negli archivi di Tibur; fra gli altri

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questi documenti dovuti a Pirro Ligorio architetto e antiquario celebre; quest’ultimo, nello spazio di un anno, su ordine del Principe Serenissimo Ippolito, Cardinal d’Este e Governatore di Tivoli, animato da uno zelo infaticabile perviene alla conoscenza della vera distribuzione di questa Villa e della distribuzione dettagliata delle sue parti; egli ne disegna la pianta che disegna su di una carta, per quanto l’oscurità del soggetto glielo permetta, e l’accompagna con una spiegazione il più abbondante possibile; questa rappresentazione è conservata fino ad oggi, per esser trasmessa alla posterità, nel tesoro del Cardinal Francesco Barberini». No. 25 Vagenheim 2008, p. 84, Italian translation of the second letter of Kircher. «L’eminentissimo Cardinal Francesco Barberini della Santa Romana Chiesa, spinto dalle preghiere di numerose lettere, non ha temuto di prendere una bella iniziativa al fine di arricchite ed ornare la Repubblica delle Lettere: egli fece incidere nel bronzo questa rappresentazione, in parte derivata dagli disegni dell’architetto Ligorio, realizzata già sull’ordine del Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, e in parte arricchita dalla compilazione dovuta ai lavori assidui di Francesco Contini, eminente conoscitore dell’Antichità, e poi stampata con nuove dimensioni e infine corretta e privata di tutte le cifre; ciò fu fatto con tanta diligenza e cura che non si può contemplare nulla che ne raggiunga la perfezione».

Appendix 5. Letter of Ambassador Ludovico D’Agliè to Cardinal Francesco Barberini about the drawings of Ligorio sold after his death No. 26 Vagenheim 2008, pp. 89-90. «Nell’estratto del privilegio della Repubblica a detto Tramezzino si fa mentione delle seguenti carte e disegni del medesimo Ligorio: carte ovvero disegni di Roma antica, di Roma moderna, del Circo Massimo, del Circo Flaminio, dell’Italia e del Castro Pretorio, disegnati da Messer Pirro Ligorio pittore napoletano; una quantità grande di disegni del medesimo Pirro Ligorio al numero di cinque mila incirca et tra quali erano moltissime cose cavate dall’antico et altre fatte a immitation dell’antico tanto di favole che historie et cose d’architettura. Furono il 1632 di gennaio vendute a Roma da Giorgio Raimondi ferrarese rigattiere di quadri ne’ Coronati a un francese detto Monsù D’Autreville che gli portò a Parigi, havendo fatto il mercato con havergli in bazzarro datto quadri moderni valutati cinquanta scudi, se bene gl’hebbe in conto di cento et disse d’haver compro i sudetti disegni e dagl’heredi di alcuni pittori e questo fine hebbero fatiche tanto segnalate dal sudetto. Messer Pietro Stefanoni antiquario in Roma dice haver conosciuto la moglie del sudetto e che haveva due cassoni uno de’ libri, che sono l’opere contenute negl’indici retroscritti, che hoggi sono in mano al Duca di Savoia, un altro di disegni, una gran parte de’ quali capitano male nelle mani del sudetto Raimondi, che parte ne vende alla sfilata o alla spezzata come diciamo, e parte andarono, come s’è detto, in mano al sudetto francese. Monsù Claudio Ménestrier Borgognone canonico di Prisanzone e antiquario insigne, si mosse da Roma il mese di maio, anno detto, con mira di retrovar i sudetti disegni e recuperarli e procurar in occasioni di detto viaggio di riportar a Roma quel di buono che trovasse di cosa a proposito per studio dell’Antichità o di storia nazionale».

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C h a p te r 8 I P P OLIT O II D’ EST E , C A R D INA L O F FE R R A R A . T HE MAGNIFICENTIA IN TIVO LI 1. Biographical notes

I

ppolito II d’Este (1509-1572) (Fig. 1) was born in Ferrara in 1509, the son of Alfonso I d’Este and Lucrezia Borgia; he died in Rome on 1st December 1572 and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Tivoli.1 When he was only ten years old, he became Archbishop of Milan, taking the place of an uncle of the same name – Ippolito I – and later studied at the University of Padua. In 1536, King Francis I of Valois2 called him to his French court, where he lived and worked for thirteen years; in 1539 Pope Paul III appointed him Cardinal. In 1549 he moved to Rome as Cardinal Protector of France, on behalf of Henry II of Valois,3 who repeatedly supported his nomination to the Papacy, without success. In 1550, as a reward for supporting the election of Pope Julius III, he was appointed Governor of Tivoli.4 Thanks to his rich revenues, mostly coming from France and Italy,5 Ippolito II lived surrounded by luxury and magnificentia, as we know from the detailed inventories of his goods, now in the State Archives of Modena.6 They document the expenses for «small pleasures» (such as 79 pairs of gloves and 69 large and small pillows), for silver tableware and cutlery, which sometimes were stolen during banquets.7 His superb wardrobe consisted of secular clothes and sacred vestments, made with the most precious fabrics (satin, silk, velvet, brocade and damask) embroidered with threads of gold and silver, and embellished with lace and golden rosettes.8 In a xvith-century Rome criticized for its lavish lifestyle, only Ippolito II rivaled the ‘Great Cardinal’ Alessandro Farnese for wealth and generosity in sponsoring the arts;9 he met the major artists of the period, such as poet Ludovico Ariosto, Pirro Ligorio and Benvenuto Cellini. Like many other Roman Cardinals, he maintained a court of at least one hundred people, on which he spent 1

Byatt 1993. Francis I of France (1494-1547) was the first King of the Valois dynasty. 3 Hollingsworth 2010, p. 132: Henry II of France (1519-1559) married Caterina de’ Medici in 1533; Cogotti 2012, p. 25. 4 Coffin 2004, p. 83; Hollingsworth 2010, p. 132. 5 Hollingsworth 2010, p. 133: «He was one of the richest Roman Cardinals, and had an annual income of 75.000-80.000 scudi that came largely from France, where between 1550 and 1556 he was Archbishop of Arles, Aix, Lyon and Narbonne as well as Abbot in 15 abbeys and monasteries». 6 Partly published on-line: http://www.memofonte.it/home/ files/pdf/inv.tivoli(1572).pdf. 7 Hollingsworth 2010, p. 136. 8 Hollingsworth 2010, pp. 133-137. 9 Robertson 1992, p. 234 and p. 11; Cogotti 2012, p. 26. 10 Di Schino 2012, p. 7: «Equivalent to 16 years of work by a cabinet maker in his employ. There were major or principal servants, who only came from wealthy or “well established” families, and then the lower servants […]. At the head of management was the Maestro della Casa (Master of the House), who took care of the administration». 2

Fig. 1. Portrait of Ippolito II d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Governor of Tivoli in 1550-1555 and 1560-1572. Nonantola (Mo), Museo Diocesano (from Magnificenze a Tavola 2012).

1,300 scudi per month, equivalent to sixteen years pay for an artisan.10 When living in Rome, Ippolito II had three major residences:11 the palace of Monte Giordano in the center of Rome,12 the suburban villa of Monte Cavallo on the Quirinal Hill,13 and the Villa d’Este in Tivoli. In all of them he 11

Hollingsworth 2010, p. 133. Now Palazzo Taverna. According to Byatt (Byatt 1993), he acquired it from Prince Camillo Orsini, while Cogotti (Cogotti 2012, p. 25) wrote that he rented the palace for the whole of his life, as confirmed by Grassi: «Paolo Giordano Orsini granted Ippolito II d’Este the right to live there for all his life (ad vitam) in most of the main building from 1549 until his death in 1572» (Grassi 2010, p. 69). 13 Now it is the o√cial residence of the President of the Italian Republic. Very little is left of the Renaissance villa built by Ippolito II, together with the gardens: Byatt 1993; Cogotti 2012, p. 25. Christian Hülsen explained that the Vigna of Monte Cavallo consisted of two parts: the first, known as Vigna di Napoli, belonged to the Carafa family and was rented by Ippolito II in 1550-1565. The second, called Vigna Bertina or Vigna Boccaccio, was purchased by Ippolito II in 1560. Between 1561 and 1570 he worked on the creation of the gardens. On the death of Ippolito II, the Vigna di Monte Cavallo was inherited by Luigi d’Este, and when he died the Vigna Bertina Boccaccio passed to Alessandro Farnese, then was bought by Pope Paul V, and joined with the Vigna di Napoli – which in the meantime had been sold by the Carafa to Pope Sixtus V in 1587. See Hülsen 1917, also in the Italian translation by S. Antellini Donelli (ed.), La Fontana dell’Organo nei Giardini del Quirinale. Nascita 12

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chapter 8 2. Ippolito II, Tivoli and Hadrian’s Villa On September 9, 1550, after being appointed Governor, Ippolito made his triumphal entrance into Tivoli with a grand and spectacular ceremony; riding a Turkish horse, he was greeted by a gun salute and one hundred children dressed in white. The main gate of the city was decorated with both his and the Papal insignia, and he was welcomed by the Bishop, who met him in a triumphal chariot «pulled by Moorish slaves, escorted by one hundred welldressed and well-armed young men» (Fig. 3). As a sign of welcome, the Magistrate of the city ordered that he be given as a present all kind of goods, «calves, capons and many more poultry, hams and fruits, white torches, candles for the table». The Tiburtine xvith-century historian Giovanni Maria Zappi, who was an eyewitness to the event, described it as follows:22

Fig. 2. Crystal cup of Venetian manufacture (from Magnificenze a Tavola 2012).

showed oπ his magnificentia in decoration and furniture, in the pursuit of perfettione (perfection) according to the rules of his time.14 Considering themselves heirs of the Roman Senators, the Cardinals wanted to imitate in their buildings the splendor and magnificence of the ancient Roman domus, following the precepts formulated in 1510 by Paolo Cortesi in his De Cardinalatu,15 and in 1543 by Francesco Priscianese in his Del Governo della Corte d’un Signore in Roma,16 where he encouraged them to revive the classical world «with the most beautiful, the most wonderful vestiges of antiquity, and so many precious relics».17 The concepts of magnificentia and splendor found one of the highest expressions in grand convivial banquets, where the most precious objects kept in the guardarobba (wardrobe) were displayed: cutlery and plates of silver, crystal bowls (Fig. 2) and ceramics, sumptuous outfits, embroidered tablecloths, and even fantastic monsters made with a special art of folding napkins.18 In 2012, the splendid Exhibition held at Villa d’Este, entitled Magnificenze a Tavola (Magnificence at the Table) gave an idea of the level of sophistication that the art of banqueting reached in that mansion. As explained by June Di Schino19 «the place of the banquet was enclosed within a court that was an exclusive and reserved space, a magical kingdom of delights […] only the aristocratic and ecclesiastical èlite could access that ‘hortus conclusus privilegiatus’». Music also had an important role in magnificentia: from 1564 Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina organized summer concerts at Villa d’Este.20 When Ippolito II entered Tivoli after his nomination as Governor, he was greeted «with beautiful music with the best virtuosos that they were able to find in the world».21

storia e trasformazioni, Roma, 1995, pp. 113-118. On the Villa and gardens of Monte Cavallo see also F. Colalucci, Il Quirinale di Ippolito II d’Este, ricostruzioni virtuali e reali, in Ippolito 2013, pp. 139-162; P. Zampa, La vigna Carafa e la vigna Boccaccio a Monte Cavallo: le fontane del bosco del cardinale Ippolito II d’Este, in Ippolito 2013, pp. 163-184; F. Guidoboni, A. Marinelli, Un progetto del 1159 per la vigna d’Este a Monte Cavallo, in Ippolito 2013, pp. 185-204.

The citizens of Tivoli, considering that they had to welcome into the city such a gracious and benevolent great Prince and Cardinal as their Governor, resolved to honor him; when he was going to enter in the city, the order was given to make a choice of a hundred horses for the gentlemen to meet him four miles away from the city. When his illustrious and most reverend Lordship arrived at the Gate of the Holy Cross, there was a salvo of cannon fire from the Rocca Pia […] and besides this, before him were up to one hundred putti (children) with palms in their hands, dressed in white shirts […]. At the main Gate he found a tall, beautiful frontispiece, with beautiful pillars, under two columns of the Corinthian order, beautifully designed with the coat of arms of the Pope and of the Cardinal, and also those of the Bishop and of the town Community […]. And besides this, they chose one hundred well-dressed and well-armed young men, who went out to Ponte Lucano, which is a mile away from the town, to meet the Cardinal Prince. But after the Cardinal arrived inside the city […] the Bishop arrived in a triumphal chariot pulled by Moorish slaves, preceded by beautiful music, which so satisfied and pleased his illustrious Lordship that tears were seen in his eyes. When the Cardinal reached the square of the Palace, the Turkish horse he rode was taken away by those hundred young men, to all of whom his Illustrious Lordship gave one hundred gold crowns. […] The Magistrate immediately ordered he be given a present of calves, capons and many other poultry, hams and fruits, white torches, and candles for the table. He was thus so pleased that he received the Magistrate, and everybody, one by one, embraced them with great fondness, as if he was their father; he brought with him around two hundred and fifty gentlemen, among whom were eighty nobles, such as Counts, Marquises, Bishops, Knights, and beautiful music, with the best virtuosos that they were able to find in the world, theologians, philosophers, poets, writers, musicians; I tell you that the greatness of such a Prince cannot be described.

The enthusiasm of Zappi in describing the warm welcome of the Tiburtines is proof that the appointment of Ippolito II was seen by them as an immense stroke of luck: thanks to his enormous wealth, he was able for decades to provide jobs and prosperity to the whole city – or at least to a large part of it. He began by renovating the Governor’s

14

15 Cortesi 1980. Di Schino 2012, p. 5. 17 Di Schino 2012, p. 1. Priscianese 1534. 18 Di Schino 2012b. 19 Di Schino 2012, p. 2. 20 Byatt 1993. Palestrina entered at the service of Ippolito II in 21 Zappi 1580, p. 54. 1567, until 1571. 22 Zappi 1580, pp. 31-32. See also Byatt 1993; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 238; Coffin 2004, p. 28. 16

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residence: just one look at the modest and Spartan convent was enough to decide him to turn it into a mansion worthy of a Prince of the Church, a labor on which he spent the astounding figure of one million golden scudi.23 The metamorphosis of the old convent into the beautiful Villa d’Este started from the gardens, as we know once again from Zappi:24 This garden was built in a place that is called Valle Gaudente (Valley of Enjoyment), a place so desolate and harsh that the men who knew about it before the start of the new building were all astonished. […] The art of men and the strength of the Cardinal of Ferrara have smashed and forced the Nature of the site of that garden […] and everybody was scared in seeing men with iron sledge hammers taking it away to give shape to the aforesaid garden, designed by the architects.

There were some critics, such as the scholar and prelate Giovanni Botero25 who in his book I Prencipi26 wrote that the ecclesiastical revenues should be spent for the relief of the poor, and not for the luxurious residence of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este. He replied saying that those poor actually had relief from him, since he hired and paid them during the works for the construction of the gardens.27 The gardens of the Villa d’Este immediately became famous throughout the world for their spectacular beauty, with countless fountains and water works (Fig. 4); Roberto Borgia wrote:28 The Cardinal organized many music shows, not only during the major holidays, but also in everyday life, in which he rejoiced in listening to madrigals every evening: the constant sound of water, which gave a sense of freshness, made people relax with a happy concert oπered by Nature. On the other hand, the very idea of the villa and its gardens, waterfalls, lily ponds, grottos, was born in the harmonious combination of natural and manmade forces.

Ippolito II ordered his personal antiquarian, Pirro Ligorio, to explore Hadrian’s Villa and other archaeological sites to find statues, marbles and mosaics for the decoration of the villa in Tivoli and of his Roman residences. Unfortunately the inventories, now in the State Archives of Modena, do not give exact information as to where those treasures were found.29 Ippolito II held the o√ce of Governor of Tivoli until 1555, when the new Pope Paul IV Carafa – famous for his intransigence towards heresies and for reorganizing the Inquisition – deprived him of all his appointments and exiled him to Ferrara. Italian historians and scholars diplo-

23 The scudo was the currency of the Papal State until the late xixth century: Marzi 1665, pp. 153 and 155: «Work of the highest cost, which traditionally totaled almost one million scudi, and with the amplitude of the site, with the magnificence of the building, and the multitude of statues, with the variety of water basins, and fountains, and the beauty of the entire site, invites a large number of strangers, especially those who live beyond the mountains, who are coming to Tivoli to see it every day»; Bulgarini 1848, p. 72: «The construction of the Palace and Villa was directed by architect Pirro Ligorio in various years, and was completed with the expense of one million scudi». See also De Franceschini 1991, p. 6; C. L. Frommel, Ippolito d’Este, Pirro Ligorio e Villa d’Este a Tivoli, in Ippolito 2013, pp. 276-293. 24 Zappi 1580, p. 455. 25 Giovanni Botero (1544-1617), a long time collaborator of san Carlo Borromeo, followed his teachings on the «Catholic restoration interpreted in terms of pastoral care, combative apologetics, and severe asceticism» (Firpo 1971). Author of works on anthropology and geography such as Relazioni Universali (Universal relationships) and Ragion di Stato (Reason of State), published in Rome in 1599

Fig. 3. Moorish slaves and riders in a parade. Detail of the painting Carousels in the courtyard of the Palazzo Barberini in honor of Christina of Sweden, February 28, 1656 by Filippo Gagliardi, Filippo Lauri. Rome, Palazzo Braschi, Museo di Roma.

matically skip over the true reasons of the expulsion, talking of simony and «licentious and dissolute life».30 The accusation of simony actually was referring to the blatant trading of votes that occurred during the Conclave of 1555, as explained by Hollingsworth:31 Ippolito had participated in both conclaves of that year, equipped with 25,000 scudi given by his brother, and assets worth a similar amount given by Henry II of France. Besides that, had also borrowed another 4,000 scudi from a group of Roman bankers, who, unusually, did not ask him to pay interest, which suggests that they also hoped that Ippolito II could influence the outcome of the election.

The exile was short: Paul IV died on 18 August 1559 and three days later Ippolito II was already back in Rome. He took part in the Conclave, contributing to the election of Pope Pius IV, who in 1560 restored all his appointments, including the Governorship of Tivoli, which he held until his death.32 He also became Legate to the Patrimony of

and of Dell’u√cio del Cardinale (On the O√ce of the Cardinal), the appendix of a Discorso intorno allo Stato della Chiesa (Speech about the State of the Church). 26 The Princes. A collection of biographies of Christian princes dedicated to Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy. 27 Marzi 1665, p. 153 wrote: «He made a garden with a corresponding living quarters that is commonly considered the most beautiful in Europe, and the most delicious of the world, spending nearly one million; not approved by Giovanni Botero (in Discorsi Politici within his book I Prencipi, if I am not mistaken under the section Hippolito d’Este) who complained that it was done with the ecclesiastical revenues that should have been used for the relief of the poor. The Cardinal answered that he had given the work to the 28 Borgia 2009. poor». 29 Venturi 1890, pp. 196-206: esp. 206; Barberini 1994, p. 98; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 328. After the death of the Cardinal, the works of art were dispersed in various museums and private collections. See chapter 7 on Ligorio. 30 Byatt 1993. 31 Hollingsworth 2010, p. 138. 32 Moroni 1855, vol. 76, p. 79; Hollingsworth 2010, p. 139.

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Fig. 4. Tivoli, Villa d’Este. The garden with the Fountain of the Organ.

Saint Peter’s, and member of a Commission for the reform of Morals.33 The works at Villa d’Este were resumed with greater intensity, creating one of the first great Italian Renaissance villas, a symbol of prestige and wealth (Fig. 5), and model and archetype for many others; the splendor of the gardens is unparalleled. It is certainly not a coincidence that it was built near Hadrian’s Villa, which inspired Pirro Ligorio for the design and decoration of both the building and the gardens; we might call it an example of ‘virtual reality’ ahead of time, which reconstructed and revived in scale of 1:1 the splendor of Hadrian’s architecture. Following in the footsteps of the Emperor Hadrian, Ippolito II surrounded himself with a magnificentia and a beauty that permeates the site: in the palace and in the garden every corner, even the most minute detail is finished with the utmost care and perfection;34 an endless and extraordinary artistic creativity revived the ancient Roman decorations (Fig. 6), reinterpreting them in a new and original way. The funeral of Ippolito II was again a memorable event for Tivoli, as described once more by Zappi, who was pre-

sent at the event and decorated the town Gate with an inscription that read: «Roma tibi Multum debet, Ferrara Multum, plus tibi Tibur debet, amata domus» («Rome and Ferrara owe you a lot, but much more owes you Tivoli, beloved home»). The Cardinal’s co√n arrived from Rome, pulled by mules covered with cloth of black velvet, and the entire city was decorated in mourning:35

33 Byatt 1993: «With Cardinals Tournon, Carpi, Morone, Madruzzo, Farnese, Santafiora and Carlo Borromeo». 34 Di Schino 2012, p. 5: «The prince’s palace was permeated with the ideology of power […]. The pursuit of ‘perfection’ was the ideal which tended to permeate the cultural horizon of the Renaissance».

35 Appendice. Le splendidissime esequie fatte dalla città di Tivoli per la morte et in honore del ill.mo et r.mo sig.r Hippolito Card. di Ferrara (Appendix. The most splendid funeral made by the town of Tivoli upon the death and in honor of the most illustrious and reverend Hippolito Cardinal of Ferrara): Zappi 1580, pp. 142-144.

The illustrious and most reverend Sir Aloisio Cardinal d’Este, his loving and obedient nephew, ordered […] that on the eight of this month the body of the Cardinal would arrive in Tivoli, accompanied by the whole Court with countless flaming torches, on a cart in the manner of a lettiga, pulled by two mules adorned with cloth of black velvet with a cross of brocade, and two Cardinal’s hats and four coats-of-arms, one for each side. […]. They took the body of the Cardinal to the Gate of the hill, which was decorated with dark things; that is, the façade towards Rome had black canvas, and the doors similarly had Latin verses on canvas without frame, with chiaroscuro, made with antique Roman letters, similar to the epitaphs, made in such a way in a most beautiful manner and shape, that will never be seen in the world, made by Giovan Maria Zappi […].

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Fig. 5. Tivoli, Villa d’Este. Interior decoration with frescoes.

The funeral was celebrated in the following day: The funeral procession passed through the city between the crowds in tears, and reached the church of San Francesco,36 located near the present entrance of Villa d’Este. The smoke of three hundred torches filled the church, almost choking those who were present: The churches in front of which the funeral passed all rang the death knell, and all the people who were not present in that church for any legitimate reason (sick, children, maidens) were seen at the windows or doors of their houses, all in tears. Once the body arrived in the aforesaid church of San Francesco, with lights and torches in the number of three hundred, you could not stay in the church or resist because of the great smoke of the torches.

36

And the next day the order was given to celebrate the funeral in this way: that in the midst of that church of San Francesco a catafalque eight palms high was built, and around it were three hundred of those gentlemen of the Court, dressed of ‘coroccio’, with flaming torches, so that there were one hundred lights, and the body was in the middle of this platform, with four grooms holding small flags of fans.

The general mourning, the epitaph of Zappi, the funeral and burial in the town’s main church – the plaque is fitted in the floor in front of the main altar (Fig. 7) – symbolize and show the gratitude of those who directly benefited from Ippolito II, all of whom were well aware that no one

The name by which the Tiburtines call the church of Santa Maria Maggiore: Zappi 1580, pp. 144-145.

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Fig. 7. The tomb of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este in front of the main altar of the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Tivoli.

Fig. 6. Tivoli, Villa d’Este. Mosaic decorations inspired to Roman antiquity.

could take his place.37 A great and sometimes slavish devotion is counterbalanced in the background by the feeble voices of those who saw their homes and land expropriated to build the gardens38 or had to let Ligorio and others dig in their properties in search of antiquities: their complaints and legal actions are recorded in the town archives.39 The conference Ippolito II d’Este, Uomo del Rinascimento,40 held in Tivoli in 2010, produced new documents concerning the Cardinal, the construction of Villa d’Este and its water supply system, and other presentations on the collection of ancient sculptures, later dispersed.

37 In 1848 Francesco Bulgarini wrote that the d’Este Cardinals who succeeded in the o√ce of Governor of Tivoli «were the true benefactors of the city, which shone during their governments with an opulence and a magnificence never seen again» (Bulgarini 1848, p. 75). 38 As we saw in the previous chapter 7 on Ligorio. 39 Coccanari Fornari 1919-1920, cols. 1-11. See also Pacifici 1923, p. 163. Ligorio had no respect for private property and imprisoned the owners who opposed his excavations on their land, forcing many of them to sue the Cardinal: Coffin 2004, p. 14.

Ippolito II was followed by a small dynasty of d’Este Governors: Luigi d’Este (1572-1577), who in 1573 invited Pope Gregory XIII for three days, and in his honor built the Fountain of the Dragons; according to Bulgarini, on that occasion Luigi d’Este gave the Pope the villa of Monte Cavallo on the Quirinal Hill, which would later become the Apostolic Palace of the Popes.41 After Luigi came Alessandro d’Este (1605-1624)42 and when he died the dispersal of the collection of antique statues began; Ercole III d’Este sold the most beautiful ones in Rome, and soon the villa was stripped of all the most precious objects.43 It remained in the possession of the Duchy of Modena, and throughout the xviiith century its maintenance was entrusted to a Superintendent and Director of the Royal Delight of Tivoli.44

40

Ippolito d’Este, a man of the Renaissance: Ippolito 2013. Bulgarini 1848, p. 73. 42 De Franceschini 1991, p. 6. 43 Bulgarini 1848, p. 75. 44 Ibidem: «Charge that depended on the Supreme Council of the Court of Modena and was covered by the most important Tiburtine gentlemen, one of the last being Septimius Bulgarini. Now the charge is cancelled […]». 41

Ch a p te r 9 TH E ACCADEMIA IN S O M E XVI T H - C E NTU R Y D RA WINGS. A ST U CC O C E ILING A ND A M O S A IC 1. Three drawings of a stucco ceiling

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everal European Museums and Libraries preserve drawings of one particular stucco ceiling, with a meander frame surmounted by arches; one of them also shows a mosaic floor. We know that this stucco ceiling was in Hadrian’s Villa from the annotation «de villa adriana» on one of them.1 It was identified by Mariette de Vos:2 a surviving part of it is in fact visible in the Accademia, in the central room [Ac10] on the northern side of the main portico [Ac7] (see below, Figure 6a-b).

The stucco ceiling has the same meander with arches, and pale traces of color. Its pattern was copied for the decoration of several buildings of the xvith century, and is proof that their creators visited the Villa and the Accademia. No. 1. Anonymous, Destailleur Codex, stucco ceiling (c. 15501560) (Fig. 1). – The first drawing – the oldest and most complete one – is a sketch now in Berlin,3 part of the Destailleur Codex OZ 109, once belonging to the French architect and collector, Hyppolite Destailleur.4 It is the

Fig. 1. Codex Destailleur A (c. 1550-1560). Sketch of the stucco vault in room [Ac10] of the Accademia. Berlin, Kunstbibliothek, Inv. OZ 109, f. 61 (from Campbell 2004).

1 Windsor, Royal Library RL 10440, Architettura Civile, f. 83. See de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 248; Campbell 2004, cat. entry no. 134, p. 396. 2 de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1. 3 In the Kunstbibliothek, Inv. OZ 109, f. 61; Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396.

4 Hyppolite Destailleur (1822-1893) had an extraordinary Collection of graphic art: prints, architectural drawings and decorations. In 1879 he sold most of his Collection to the Kunstbibliotek of Berlin; 5,000 drawings were later purchased by the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, and many more were dispersed during several auctions held between 1891 and 1901.

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Fig. 2. Giovannantonio Dosio, sketch of the stucco vault in room [Ac10] of the Accademia (1563). Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Codex Giovannantonio Dosio, f. 44v (from Hülsen 1933).

work of an unknown French artist of the xvith century,5 but Orietta Lanzarini6 believes that the annotations are a later addition, being in diπerent hands. The watermark can be dated between 1550 and 1560, and on the verso of the sheet is a drawing of the stucco ceiling of the Great Baths.7 Along the walls, a meander frame decorated with small ovals is surmounted by arches in which are figures of Victory and Caryatids. The same frame with ovals divides the central area in a series of square and rectangular lacunars, inside which are octagons or lozenges. The details of the decoration in the lacunars, with diπerent figures, do not appear in the other drawings, such as, for example, the rider on a rearing horse inside the octagon near the corner. Further right in the drawing is a rectangle with five human figures, and then a square in which is inserted a lozenge with another figure, perhaps winged. No. 2. Giovannantonio Dosio,8 stucco ceiling (1563) (Fig. 2). – The second drawing, dated 1563,9 is in Berlin10 and sums up with a few strokes the corner of the stucco ceiling, confirming some details of the previous Destailleur drawing (no. 1), such as the octagon in the corner. There is no decoration inside the lacunars or along the meander, and the frame does not have the ovals. We have no proof that Giovannantonio Dosio visited Hadrian’s Villa, but, given its schematic nature, it is likely that the sketch was made on the spot. No. 3. Anonymous Portuguese (or Francisco Castillo?), stucco ceiling and mosaic (1568-1580) (Fig. 3). – The third drawing,

5 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396: «A more detailed drawing of the time, the work of a French designer, exists in Berlin Codex Destailleur […]». 6 I thank Orietta Lanzarini, researcher and associate Professor of History of Architecture at the University of Udine, who gave me important information: «The Codex OZ 109 is attributed to a French writer because the annotations of the drawings are in this language, but I was able to see that some were added subsequently to the preparation of the drawing. I would not attribute manuscript OZ 109 to a particular artist, because there are several persons involved: the hands are at least three, in my opinion. The dating is 7 See chapter 4. about 1550-60». 8 Acidini Luchinat 1992, also on-line; Vasori 1980, p. 225. For a biographical note see chapter 4. 9 Date given also by Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396: «Also Dosio drew that same vault in 1563 and has exerted his influence on other artists of the sixteenth century». See also de Vos 1991, pp. xvi-xvii; MacDonald, Pinto 1995, p. 214.

dating between 1568 and 1580,11 is in the Royal Library at Windsor in England,12 and shows the stucco ceiling plus a mosaic floor. Ian Campbell13 attributes it to an anonymous Portuguese, while according to Mariette de Vos14 it can be the work of the Spanish artist Francisco Castillo, who lived in Rome in the years between 1546 and 1555. 2. Stucco ceiling On the left side of the drawing no. 3 is the stucco ceiling, and on the right a mosaic floor (see below) that did not appear in the other two drawings. The ceiling has a frame with ovals that forms a meander surmounted by arches, decorated with Caryatids or herms of Atlas, which alternate with empty spaces. The central field, whose graphic scheme is more complete than in the Destailleur drawing (no. 1), has the same lacunar in the corner, squared with an octagon inside, and a series of rectangles and squares, some of which contain diamonds or circles, all bordered with ovals. No figures are shown inside the lacunars. The drawing is accompanied by a written annotation15 (translation in round brackets), stating that it is a vaulted ceiling in Hadrian’s Villa, in painted stucco; there are also the measurements (each side of 21.2 palms, equivalent to 5.2 m). - Lower left side: «se de largo – p(almi) 21,20» (= «width is approximately 21.20 palms»).16 - Upper left side: «Aqueste desegnho e/du(n)a volta de villa a/driana e stuque et / pintura m(ol)to bene lavo/rda»

10 In the Kupferstichkabinett, f. 44v: Hülsen 1933, pl. lxi. See also Gli Aπreschi di Paolo III a Castel Sant’Angelo. Progetto ed esecuzione 1543-1548, Roma, 1981, pp. 19, 22, 23. 11 Date given by Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396. 12 Windsor, Royal Library RL 10440, Architettura Civile, f. 83. Salza Prina Ricotti is the first to mention the drawing, without publishing a picture (Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, p. 36, note 75), but, as Mariette de Vos notes, «she does not try to identify the location of this decoration inside the Accademia»: de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1; MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 248; Campbell 2004, 13 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396. cat. no. 134, p. 396. 14 de Vos 1991, p. xvi and p. xv, fig. 1: «Probably is Francisco de Castillo, who spent nine years in Rome […] as suggested to me by M. Moli Frigola and M. A. Armaburu Zabala […]. See also F. Marias, El largo siglo xvi. Los usos artisticos del Renascimiento español, Madrid 1989, p. 418». 15 Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, p. 36, note 75; de Vos 1991, p. xv. Campbell writes and translates: Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, 16 Equivalent to 5.2 m. p. 396.

the accademia in some xvi th -century drawings. a stucco ceiling and a mosaic

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Fig. 3. Anonymous Portuguese (Francisco Castillo?), drawing of the stucco vault and mosaic floor in room [Ac10] of the Accademia (1569). Red arrow marks the center of the side. Windsor, Royal Library RL 10440, Architettura Civile, f. 83 (from Campbell 2004).

(= «this drawing is a vault of Hadrian’s Villa. It is of stucco and paint very well done»). - Lower center: «de villa adriana» (= «from Hadrian’s Villa»). - Lower center: «mezo» (= «center») with an arrow that marks the center of the side: see reconstruction in Figure 5. 2. 1. Conclusions on the ceiling, comparing the drawings (Fig. 4) The drawing of the Destailleur Codex (no. 1) was made on the spot, with a series of figures hastily sketched inside the meander and the lacunars, while the drawing by Giovannantonio Dosio (no. 2) only shows the meander frame. The sketch of the Anonymous Portuguese (no. 3) is a ‘clean copy’ that gives a rational order to the scheme of lacunars. The three drawings coincide in the general pattern, but diπer in the details of the decoration of the lacunars, as can be seen by comparing them (Fig. 4). In all three drawings the outer meander frame has rectangles that open on the outer side (A) or on the inner side (B), and a square in the corner (C). According to the Destailleur drawing (no. 1) rectangles A had figures of Victory and were surmounted by arches, while in rectangles B were thinner figures, probably winged. 17

In the Anonymous Portuguese drawing (no. 3) rectangles B are decorated with figures that are not winged and look like Herms, while rectangles A are empty. The Dosio drawing (no. 2) does not show figures. The three drawings coincide in showing lacunar D with an octagon (that has a rearing horse with rider only in drawing no. 1), while the central part of the ceiling is shown only in drawings nos. 1 and 3. Near the lacunar D with the octagon are a rectangle E and a diamond F, which also have figures only in drawing no. 1. In the central part of the ceiling is a quadrangular space H, which in the drawing no. 1 is divided into three rectangles while in no. 3 is squared. On its side are two rectangles G, which have a diπerent shape in the two drawings. We attempted an hypothetical graphic reconstruction putting together the decorative elements of the Portuguese and Destailleur drawings nos. 1 and 3 (Fig. 5). As mentioned, Mariette de Vos has identified the stucco ceiling in room [Ac10] of the Accademia.17 Several fragments of the barrel vault survive, while unfortunately the central part is missing. In the preserved fragments (Fig. 6a-b) is a meander border surmounted by arches, and there are some remnants of the figures that once decorated the rectangular spaces. The few surviving traces of color could be brought back to life with cleaning and restoration.

See our plan of the Accademia: folding Plan no. 2.

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Fig. 4. Comparison between the drawings of the stucco ceiling. A-B: meander with Victories or Caryatids; C: square in the corner; D: octagon; E: rectangle; F: diamond; G: rectangles; H: central square.

3. Mosaic floor On the right of drawing no. 3 is a mosaic floor (Figs. 3 and 7a): the annotation18 (translation in round brackets) explains that it is a black and white mosaic, and provides its measures (15.2 palms, i.e., 3.7 m). - On the lower side: «a queste dese/nho e hu(n) pavimen(n)to ede / musaico se enter(n)dera que / e de pedas ne / gras e branquas / est gunto asta(n) / cia senshada / D» (= «this design is a mosaic floor, and we understand that it is of black and white stones. And is combined with the one marked D»). - On the lower right side: «sem de laguo asta(n)sia p(almi) 15,20» (= «Width of the room palms 15,20»).19 Ian Campbell20 noted that the measures of the ceiling given by the annotations (21.20 palms = 5.2 m) are larger than those of the floor (15.20 palms = 3.7 m), therefore he believes they belonged to two diπerent rooms. He

18 Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, p. 36, note 75; de Vos 1991, p. xv; Campbell 2004, p. 396, cat. no. 134. 19 Equivalent to 3.7 m. 20 Campbell 2004, cat. no. 134, p. 396. 21 Pirro Ligorio, Codice di Torino, f. 43r, in Ten 2005, p. 67. See also chapter 7 on Ligorio, p. 95.

does not take into account the fact that, when the drawing of the curved barrel vault is ‘flattened’, it becomes larger than the floor; therefore the two drawings can refer to the same room. In the Codex of Turin, Ligorio describes a similar mosaic: «the floor was all made of black and white tesserae, with certain drawings as of a double meander, made with entwining black stripes», that could be this one.21 The mosaic is similar to a pavement in Stabiae (near Naples), in the Villa of Ariadne (Fig. 7b); its pattern is typical of the opus signinum pavements of the Republican period, an example of which also exists in Villa Adriana.22 In 1752 monsignor Alessandro Furietti published an engraving (Fig. 8) showing some table tops made with mosaics that he excavated in the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa, in the years 1736-1737;23 it was reproduced by Penna in 1836.24 In the Capitoline Museums of Rome (Sala di Santa Petronilla), are two bronze tables that Furietti donated to Pope Benedict XIV, whose mosaic tops have the same pattern with turreted walls that we see in the

22 De Franceschini 1991, Imperial Palace, room PI57, p. 128. Opus signinum pavements of this kind are in other villas of the Roman campagna, as the villa of Grottarossa: see De Franceschini 2005, pp. 89-90, figs. 28.8-9. 23 Furietti 1752, pl. iv. See also De Franceschini 2010, pp. 11-15; De Franceschini 2014. 24 Penna 1836, iv, pl. cxxxii.

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Fig. 5. Accademia, room [Ac10]. Symmetric hypothetical reconstruction of the ceiling based on the Portuguese drawing no. 3; in the top left part (light blue) are inserted other details visible in the Destailleur drawing no. 1. Red arrow marks the center of the side.

Fig. 6a-b. Accademia, room [Ac10]. Fragment of stucco vault still in situ with slight traces of color. On the right the meander motive with arches is highlighted in red.

xvith century drawing; this means that they were excavated in room [Ac10] of the Accademia. Other fragments of this mosaic with turreted walls are in various

museums: in the forthcoming second volume of this series a chapter will be dedicated to the Furietti mosaic table-tops.

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a

b Fig. 7a-b. Accademia, room [Ac10]. a: Drawing of the mosaic with turreted walls and meander (from Campbell 2004). b: mosaic in Villa of Ariadne at Stabiae (Neaples), with the same pattern.

Fig. 8a-b. Engraving of mosaic table-top by Furietti (from Furietti 1752) and the table in Rome, Capitoline Museums, that he donated to Pope Benedict XIV.

4. The Accademia stucco ceiling as a model for Renaissance decoration The stucco ceiling of the Accademia was seen by Pirro Ligorio and other artists of the xvith century, who were ‘specialized’ in grotesques and stucco decoration: they used the meander surmounted by arches as a pattern for decorating the ceilings of several villas and palaces in Italy. 4. 1. Giovanni da Udine, ceiling in Venice (before 1527) (Fig. 9) Giovanni da Udine25 (1487-1564) painter, decorator and architect, entered in 1514 in the workshop of Raphael as 25

For a biographical note see before, chapter 4. Information from the website of the Enciclopedia Treccani, s.v. Giovanni da Udine: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giovanni– da–udine/. 26

an apprentice,26 and soon became one of the most important collaborators of the great Master. At that time, a fashion for the ‘grotesque’ was born in Rome, imitating the fantastic paintings discovered in the Domus Aurea during those years. Giovanni da Udine was very interested in that kind of decoration, and was one of the best artists ‘specializing’ in stucco moldings. His signature on a ceiling of the Great Baths, discovered by Mariette de Vos,27 is proof that he visited Hadrian’s Villa in the years before the Sack of Rome in 1527, after which he fled to Florence. In August 1540 he decorated the Stanza di Apollo of the Palazzo Grimani at Santa Maria Formosa,28 in Venice. The ceiling is very similar to the Destailleur drawing (no. 1), because it is framed with a meander surmounted by arches and decorated with winged Victories; so the Accademia 27 de Vos 1991, p. xviii and p. xvii, fig. 3. Picture: dairm, Inv. 66.2556 (Deutsches Archäologisches Institus Rom) taken after the restorations of 1965-1966. 28 N. Dacos, C. Furlan, Giovanni da Udine, 1487-1561, Casamassima, 1987, p. 170 and fig. on p. 171.

the accademia in some xvi th -century drawings. a stucco ceiling and a mosaic

Fig. 9. Giovanni da Udine, ceiling decoration with meander and winged Victories, inspired by the stucco ceiling of the Accademia (before 1527). Venice, Palazzo Grimani (from Dacos, Furlan 1987).

ceiling served as inspiration for the Venetian palace. It is likely that Giovanni drew a sketch of the original one, but it has not come down to us. 4. 2. Luzio Romano, ceiling in Castel Sant’Angelo (before 1544-1545) (Fig. 10) Luzio Romano was probably born around 1510.29 His life and artistic career are di√cult to reconstruct, even the dates of his birth and death are unknown. Like Giovanni da Udine, he ‘specialized’ in grotesque and stucco decoration, and in 1533 settled permanently in Rome. In the Royal Library at Windsor in England30 is a preparatory drawing for a ceiling in Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome (where he worked in 1544-1545): it replicates in a more elaborate way the meander frame with arches and the winged Victories of the stucco ceiling in the Accademia. It is not possible to know if Luzio actually visited the Villa; he could have copied the pattern from the drawings of other artists of his time.

29 Information from the website of the Enciclopedia Treccani, s.v. Luzio Romano: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/luzi–luzio–detto–luzio–romano_(Dizionario–Biografico)/. 30 Windsor, inv. 6828: de Vos 1991, p. xvi; Aliberti, Gaudioso 1981, fig. on p. 23.

Fig. 10a-b. Luzio Romano (1544-1545), sketch and picture of a ceiling in Castel Sant’Angelo, inspired by the stucco ceiling of the Accademia. Windsor, inv. 6828 (from Aliberti, Gaudioso 1981).

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Fig. 11a-b. Camillo Filippi. Decoration inspired by the stucco ceiling of the Accademia (after 1559). Ferrara, Palazzina di Marfisa d’Este (© Musei di Ferrara).

4. 3. Camillo Filippi, ceiling in Ferrara, Palazzina of Marfisa d’Este (after 1559) (Fig. 11)

5. Conclusions

In the Sala del Camino of the Palazzina di Marfisa d’Este in Ferrara31 – where construction began in 1559 – Camillo Filippi (1523-1574) painted some herms and Caryatids and ‘grotesques’,32 copying the meander and arches pattern of the ceiling of the Accademia. As noted by Mariette de Vos,33 his source of inspiration must have been Ligorio, because «the iconographic details […] are so close to the Tiburtine model that the direct contribution of Ligorio appears irrefutable: he entered the service of Alfonso II d’Este as antiquarian in December 1568, and arrived at Ferrara in the summer of 1569».

From the xvith century on Hadrian’s Villa and the Accademia were a source of inspiration for artists and architects, as is shown by the drawings collected in this chapter. In the xvith century the great fashion for the ‘grotesque’ began and many artists went to the Villa exclusively to copy the patterns of the stucco ceilings. It is likely that other drawings of stucco ceilings are dispersed in collections, museums or libraries, but it is not easy to identify them.

31 It takes its name from Marfisa d’Este, one of the two daughters of Francesco d’Este, who was the brother of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este (both were sons of Lucrezia Borgia and Alfonso d’Este). I thank Dr. Giovanni Sassu, Conservatore dei Musei Civici d’Arte antica in Ferrara for the pictures of the ceiling.

32 R. Varese, Ferrara, Palazzina Marfisa, Bologna, 1980, pp. 713, figs. 28-29, 52-53. See the website of the Palazzina Marfisa: http://www.artecultura.fe.it/index.phtml?id=1346. 33 de Vos 1991, p. xviii.

C h a p te r 10 H A DRIAN ’ S VILLA IN TH E XVII T H C E NTU R Y. A NE W GEN ERAL PLAN AND M A NY S M A LL E X C A VA TI O N S

A

1. The owners of Hadrian’s Villa in the xvii th century

fter being abandoned in late antiquity, Hadrian’s Villa was divided into a myriad of small landholdings, whose boundaries followed those of the artificial esplanades, and diπerent floors of the same building were sometimes subdivided between several owners. Before becoming a quarry for antiquities, the numerous vast flat areas of the Villa were in fact exploited by farmers to cultivate vines, olive trees and other crops, and to breed livestock. In the archives of Tivoli there are some ancient registers prior to the xviith century that have only been partially published;1 unfortunately, the subject has never been thoroughly researched, with identification of all the owners and land plots. In the xviith century, however, we are able to draw a complete and detailed picture of the situation, thanks to the plan made by Francesco Contini,2 which lists the names of the owners and describes the boundaries of their land plots. 1. 1. North-east and central area of the Villa (Fig. 1; general folding Plan no. 1 Contini folding Plan no. 3) The Greek Theatre3 belonged to Giuseppe Cappuccino of Tivoli, who also owned the area north-east of it4 and almost all the Palestra with its double cryptoporticus;5 the remaining (smaller) part of the Palestra belonged to Vincenzo Coccanari.6 The large rectangular portico near the Greek Theatre was the property of Girolamo Racciacari of Tivoli7 together with the land south-west of it8 (Fig. 1). The Latin Theatre belonged to Feliciano Ferraretti, a professional blacksmith.9 The Valley bordering the east side of Hadrian’s Villa belonged to Giovan Battista Capretto.10 The part of the esplanade where the Fede Nymphæum is (which had not been excavated at the time) and the northern part of the Terrace of Tempe with the retaining wall in opus incertum, belonged to the Altoviti,11 who also

1 Mosti 1977; Carocci 1979-1980; Mosti 1981; Carocci 1982; Cortonesi 1982; Mosti 1983; Carbonetti Vendittelli, Carocci 1984; Mosti 1986; Mosti 1988. 2 Contini 1668. 3 Contini 1668, letter C, no. 6: see Appendix 1, no. 1 at the end of this chapter. 4 Contini 1668, letter C, nos. 6-10 and 14. 5 Contini 1668, letter B, nos. 1-14: see Appendix 1, no. 2. 6 Contini 1668, letter C, nos. 7, 11, 15, 18 and 19: see Appendix 7 Contini 1668, letter A, no. 6. 1, no. 3. 8 Contini 1668, letter A, nos. 10 and 14. 9 Contini 1668, letter B, nos. 1-12. 10 Contini 1668, letter P, nos. 1-4: see Appendix 1, no. 4. 11 Contini 1668, letter D, nos. 1-2: see Appendix 1, no. 5.

owned further land in the Villa (see below). The southern part of the same Terrace of Tempe; (with a retaining wall towards the valley) which extended up to the Lower Terrace of the Libraries, belonged to Bastiano Pace12 (Fig. 1). 1. 2. Central area of the Villa (Figs. 1-3) The Pœcile and the whole flat area nearby, supported by the substructures of the Hundred Chambers, reaching towards the Vestibule, and the Hall of the Philosophers (Fig. 2) belonged to Girolamo Rampano of Tivoli,13 who also owned the Lower and Upper Terraces of the Libraries, the Greek and Latin Libraries, including the Tempe Pavilion with the so called Stallone,14 the Imperial Triclinium and the Hospitalia, and finally the Courtyard of the Libraries.15 Gio Arquiero, «guardarobba» (wardrobe assistant) in the Palazzo d’Este16 was the owner of the Maritime Theatre (Fig. 1). The Altoviti possessed almost all the rest of the Villa17 (Fig. 1): the Imperial Palace with the Cryptoporticus with Mosaic Vault;18 the Outer Peristyle, the Hall with Doric Pillars, the Firemen’s Headquarters and the Piazza d’Oro19 with the Gladiators’ arena. They also owned the Baths with Heliocaminus, the Building with Three Exedras, the Garden Stadium, the Winter Palace with its Cryptoporticus. And also the Quadriporticus, the Small Baths and Great Baths, and the eastern part of the Vestibule, whose western half belonged to Eugenio the carpenter20 (Fig. 1). They also possessed the garden situated between the Winter Palace and the Prætorium, (including its substructures - Fig. 3) and the esplanade of the Prætorium up to the Nymphæum above the Canopus. The last southern stretch of the Prætorium esplanade was divided between Marcello Fresciato21 and Andrea Scarsella.22 1. 3. South and west area of the Villa (Fig. 4) Gio’ Arquiero, as we said was the owner of the Maritime Theatre23 and of half of the land east of the double porch of the Pœcile24 (Fig. 4); the other half belonged instead to Pietro d’Angelo Longo of Tivoli25 and included the

12

Contini 1668, letter D, nos. 3, 8: see Appendix 1, no. 6. Contini 1668, letter E, nos. 9-16: see Appendix 1, no. 7. 14 Contini 1668, letter F, no. 28: see Appendix 1, no. 8. 15 Contini 1668, letter F, nos. 5-34: see Appendix 1, no. 9. 16 Contini 1668, letter F, nos. 1-4: see Appendix 1, no. 10. 17 Contini 1668, letter G, nos. 1-64. 18 Contini 1668, letter G, nos. 10-11: see Appendix 1, no. 11. 19 Contini 1668, letter G, no. 24: see Appendix 1, no. 12. 20 Contini 1668, letter H, nos. 1-25. 21 Contini 1668, letter L, no. 32: see Appendix 1, no. 13. 22 Contini 1668, letter L, no. 32: see Appendix 1, no. 14. 23 Contini 1668, letter F, nos. 1-4: see Appendix 1, no. 15. 24 Contini 1668, letter E, nos. 1-8. 25 Contini 1668, letter E, nos. 1-3: see Appendix 1, no. 16. 13

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Fig. 1. The northern area of Hadrian’s Villa in Pls. i, ii, vi and vii of the plan by Contini, with the names of the owners (from Contini 1668). 1) Feliciano Ferraretti blacksmith; 2) Giovan Battista Capretto; 3) Giuseppe Cappuccino; 4) Coccanari; 5) Bastiano Pace; 6) Altoviti; 7) Girolamo Rampano; 8) Girolamo Racciacari; 9) Domenico Fiorentini; 10) Domenico Di Gregorio; 11) Girolamo Petrucci; 12) Gio’ Arquiero, guardarobba d’Este; 13) Altoviti; 14) Giovan Battista Capretto; 15) Petrussi di Tivoli; 16) Flaminio Bertone Speziale; 17) Eugenio Amici di Tivoli; 18) Agostino Chiappino; 19) Andrea Scarsella; 20) Pietro D’Angelo Longo da Tivoli; 21) Girolamo Rampano; 22) Gio’ Mingone da Tivoli; 23) Altoviti; 24) Andrea Quagliozzo di Tivoli; 25) Eugenio, carpenter; 26) Rosato; 27) Vincenzo da Tivoli; 28) Bastiano Soliardo; 29) Cesare; 30) Bulgarini (courtesy dai, Rome).

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hadrian’s villa in the xvii th century area of the Casino Tripoletti (see Figure 1 - Contini, pl. 5). The land at the foot of the substructures of the northern side of the Pœcile, however, belonged to Gio Mingone of Tivoli26 (Fig. 1). The land on the west, in front of the Hundred Chambers (where in 2000 was discovered the paved path leading to the Villa’s entrance), belonged to Andrea Quagliozzo of Tivoli27 (Fig. 4, folding Plan no. 3). The valley of the Canopus, with the west substructures of the Canopus, and the Canopus (or Serapeum) at the end of the valley belonged to Rosato of Tivoli,28 while the Nymphæum above the Canopus belonged to a certain Vincenzo from Tivoli29 (Fig. 4). The building of Roccabruna and the whole area north and east of it, reaching to the west substructures of the Canopus, belonged to Bastiano Soliardo.30 The northern part of the Accademia esplanade belonged to Giuseppe Cesare31 and reached almost to the building of the Accademia, which belonged instead to Bulgarini,32 together with the buildings called Mimizia and Odeon.33 The Bulgarini enclosed Roman structures in stables and in their Casino34 (Fig. 4). They also possessed the Fosso di Risicoli – a valley bordering the Accademia esplanade on its western side – and the vast area south of the Villa, with the Temple of Pluto35 and a part of the Great Trapezium36 (Fig. 5). The latter was divided between other owners: Donna Tarascone,37 Domenico or Valerio,38 Girolamo Ceci39 and the Friars of Sant’Angelo of Tivoli40 (Fig. 5).

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Fig. 2. The Hall of the Philosophers.

The Valley of the Inferi (Underworld) belonged to Agostino Chiappino,41 while the highest plateau surrounding it was divided between Andrea Scarsella, Flaminio Bertone and Andrea Fresciato42 (Fig. 4).

Fig. 3. The Prætorium. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

Contini 1668, letter E, nos. 17-25: see Appendix 1, no. 17. Contini 1668, letter E, nos. 26-30: see Appendix 1, no. 18. Contini 1668, letter K, nos. 1-9: see Appendix 1, no. 19. Contini 1668, letter K, nos. 12-19: see Appendix 1, no. 20. Contini 1668, letter K, nos. 21-23: see Appendix 1, no. 21. Contini 1668, letter L, nos. 4, 30: see Appendix 1, no. 22. Contini 1668, letter L, nos. 7-31: see Appendix 1, no. 23. Contini 1668, letter L, no. 41: see Appendix 1, no. 24. Contini 1668, letter L, no. 37: see Appendix 1, no. 25.

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

Contini Contini Contini Contini Contini Contini Contini Contini

1668, 1668, 1668, 1668, 1668, 1668, 1668, 1668,

letter M, no. 12: see Appendix 1, no. 26. letter L, no. 7: see Appendix 1, no. 27. letter L, no. 7, Great Trapezium, letter B. letter L, no. 7, Great Trapezium, letter C. letter L, no. 7, Great Trapezium, letter D. letter L, no. 7, Great Trapezium, letter E. letter M, no. 1: see Appendix 1, no. 28. letter M, no. 1: see Appendix 1, no. 29.

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Fig. 4. The central area of Hadrian’s Villa in Pls. ii, iii, vii and viii of the plan by Contini, with the names of the owners (from Contini 1668). 1) Altoviti; 2) Giovan Battista Capretto; 3) Petrussi di Tivoli; 4) Flaminio Bertone; 5) Eugenio Amici di Tivoli; 6) Agostino Chiappino; 7) Andrea Scarsella; 8) Marcello Fresciato; 9) Bulgarini; 10) Giovan Battista Capretto; 11) Donna Tarascone; 12) Girolamo Ceci; 13) Frati di Sant’Angelo in Tivoli; 14) Pietro Paolo Perugino; 15) Tullio Rosiano; 16) Chiesa di San Giovanni Evangelista; 17) Lentoni da Tivoli; 18) Altoviti; 19) Andrea Quagliozzo di Tivoli; 20) Eugenio, falegname; 21) Rosato; 22) Vincenzo da Tivoli; 23) Bastiano Soliardo; 24) Cesare; 25) Bulgarini; 26) Bulgarini Casino (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 5. The southern area of Hadrian’s Villa in Pls. iii and iv of the plan by Contini, with the names of the owners (from Contini 1668). 1) Marcello Fresciato; 2) Bulgarini; 3) Giovan Battista Capretto; 4) Donna Tarascone, Domenico and Valerio; 5) Girolamo Ceci; 6) Frati di S. Angelo in Tivoli; 7) Pietro Paolo Perugino; 8) Tullio Rosiano; 9) Chiesa di S. Giovanni Evangelista; 10) Lentoni da Tivoli; 11) Michelangelo Visconte; 12) Giovan Battista Capretto; 13) Getulio Sebastiani; 14) Gio. Salvati; 15) Lentoni di Tivoli; 16) Pietro Pastica (courtesy dai, Rome).

2. The excavations of the xvii th century During the xviith century the explorations and studies in Hadrian’s Villa were markedly extended. It was the century of popes and cardinals who commissioned new excavations or acquired antiquities; other excavations were made by the Jesuits in the Hundred Chambers and Canopus. Some landlords, such as the Bulgarini, excavated in their possessions in order to find «anticaglie» («antiquities») to sell. The excavations for which we have an historical record are very few, and information on their exact location is very approximate. The identification of the sculptures is often di√cult because they are described in a generic way, and change hands several times – as happened with the Egyptian statues found by the Jesuits in the middle of the century (see below). 2. 1. Excavations in the Accademia 2. 1. 1. Excavations of Giovanni Giacomo and Giovan Francesco Bulgarini (1630 c.) Around 1630 two members of the Bulgarini family excavated in their properties.43 The first is Giovanni Giacomo, the «monsignor Bulgarino» named by Francesco Contini as the owner of the Accademia; he discovered the Barberini Candelabra, a torso of a Child Dionysus and the lower part of a seated statue.44 The other is Giovanni 43 Nibby 1827, p. 10; Bulgarini 1848, pp. 123-125; De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, p. 27; Granieri 2008, pp. 22 and 24. 44 See chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family, section on findings. 45 Calza 1977, no. 96, p. 83, note 3. 46 «Cominciai a far cavar terra per trovar i fondamenti». See chapter 13 on Contini. 47 See chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family.

Francesco, who found numerous fragments of ancient marbles and sold them to the Doria Pamphilj.45 See chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family. 2. 2. Excavations in the rest of the Villa 2. 2. 1. Excavations of Francesco Contini (after 1634) During the survey for his general plan, Francesco Contini excavated in order to find out the exact plan of the buildings, as he himself wrote in the preface:46 «I started to dig away the dirt to find the foundations». He also worked and excavated in the Accademia. 2. 2. 2. Excavations of Camillo Arcucci for Cardinal Francesco Barberini (xviith century?) Pietro Sante Bartoli wrote that during his surveys the architect Arcucci found «a beautiful marble candelabrum». He thus attributes to Arcucci the discovery of the Barberini Candelabra, in contrast to Contini, who, however, is a more reliable source,47 since Bartoli was writing seventy years after Contini (and simply made a mistake):48 Cardinal Francesco Barberini ordered architect Arcucci to trace all the buildings in Hadrian’s Villa; he made a beautiful plan, but then when it was engraved it came out to be a dirty work because of the ignorance of the man who engraved it; and on this occasion was found there the beautiful marble candelabrum, the work of an excellent sculptor, with other statues, which I do not remember, that were in the Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane. 48 The text of Bartoli was published by Carlo Fea only in 1790: Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139: «Nella Villa Adriana furono rintracciati tutti gli edifizj per ordine del cardinal Francesco Barberini, da un tal Arcucci architetto, il quale ne fece una bellissima pianta, che poi messa in luce riuscì sporca cosa, per l’ignoranza di chi l’intagliò; ed in tale occasione vi fu trovato il bellissimo candeliero di marmo, opera di scultore egregio, con altre statue, che non mi ricordo, le quali furono nel palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane». See also Nibby 1827, p. 13.

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Fig. 6. Cardinal Camillo Massimi, portraited by Diego Velázquez. London, National Gallery (from Cacciotti 1994). Fig. 7. The Marquis of Carpio (from Cacciotti 1994).

2. 2. 3. Excavations of the Jesuit fathers (mid-xviith century) In the mid-xviith century, the Jesuits bought several land plots in the Villa, including the Hundred Chambers, the Canopus and Roccabruna. When Contini drew his general plan, that area still belonged to three diπerent citizens of Tivoli: the land in front of the Hundred Chambers and their ground floor belonged to Andrea Quagliazzo,49 the Canopus belonged to a certain Rosato,50 and the land between Roccabruna and the Canopus to Bastiano Soliardo.51 In the second half of the xviith century the Jesuits excavated «incontro alle Cento Celle» («near/in front of the Hundred Chambers») finding «ten Egyptian statues» of black marble, whose complicated story resembles that of the Muses of the Odeon. The fragmentary statues were acquired by Cardinal Camillo Massimi for a ridiculous amount of money. But after restoration they became priceless, as we know from a contemporary source, Pietro Sante Bartoli:52 Part of that aforementioned Villa in front of the Cento Celle […] was taken by the Jesuits, who, making an excavation, found ten Egyptian statues of ‘pietra paragone’ (touchstone), but all were broken, or at least partly broken; which were sold for

49

Contini 1668, cap. v, lettera E, no. 26: see Appendix 1, no. 30 Contini 1668, cap. x, lettera K, no. 1: see Appendix 1, no. 31. 51 Contini 1668, cap. xi, lettera L, no. 2: see Appendix 1, no. 32. 52 Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139: «Fu occupata una parte di detta villa [Adriana] incontro alle Cento Celle […] dalli Gesuiti, li quali facendo lo scassato trovarono dieci statue egizie di pietra paragone, ma tutte rotte, o almeno in parte; le quali furono vendute una miseria all’eminentissimo Massimi, che fattele ristorare, riuscirono di prezzo inestimabile». Also in Nibby 1827, pp. 10-11; Sebastiani 1828, p. 308; Bulgarini 1848, pp. 123-124; Winnefeld 1895, p. 7. See also Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156. «‘Pietra di paragone’» (touchstone) is a particular kind of black marble. 50

a ridiculous amount of money to the most eminent Massimi, who had them restored, so that they became of priceless value.

Carlo Camillo Massimo or Massimi (1620-1677) (Fig. 6) was one of the greatest collectors and patrons of Rome in the xviith century;53 in 1654 became Nuncio of Spain, where he lived until 1658. After a period of disgrace, he was appointed Cardinal in 1670; very respected and influential, he had good relationship with both Spain and France.54 He actively worked with Giovanni Pietro Bellori, the Commissario alle Antichità di Roma (Commissary of the Antiquities of Rome) of that time, to avoid the dispersion or the art treasures of Rome; he said that nothing should be taken away from the city.55 After having them restored, Massimi displayed the Egyptian statues with the rest of his antique collection in the Palazzo delle Quattro Fontane at Rome. When he died in december 1677, the collection was sold at auction to pay oπ his debts, and the «nove ydoli egizi» («nine Egyptian idols» – one less than the original number of ten), were acquired by the Ambassador of Spain, the Marquis of Carpio (Fig. 7), as we know from a contemporary source, artist Juan Velez de León:56

53 di Carpegna Falconieri 1996, p. 28. There is a large amount of interesting documents about his life, but they have never been published in full. The Massimo family was believed to descend directly from the Roman Consul Quintus Fabius Maximus. See also Terribile 2008. 54 di Carpegna Falconieri 1996, p. 38. 55 «da Roma non dovesse levarsi cosa alcuna» (Terribile 2008). In 1671 he forbade the sale of the Ludovisi Collection to Cosimo II de’ Medici. 56 «Morto il cardenal Camillo de Massimi che come intendente delle antichità havea raccolto delle più belle sculture, si espose venale al sua Galleria; quindi il marchese del Carpio ebbe la sorte

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Fig. 8a-b-c. Album Ajello, drawing of three Egyptian statues once in the Collection of the Marquis of Carpio, attributed to the excavations of the Jesuits in the xviith century (from Cacciotti 1994).

Cardinal Camillo de Massimi was an expert of antiques, collected some of the most beautiful sculptures, and displayed them in his Galleria. When he died, the Marquis del Carpio had the good fortune to buy the nine idols of the most noble ‘pietra di paragone’ [touchstone], that had been found long ago buried in the Villa of Emperor Hadrian in Tivoli, in the land that today belongs to the Fathers of the Compagnia di Gesù [Jesuits].

The same information is given by Piero Sante Bartoli:57 These statues, after the death of that gentleman, were bought by the Marquis del Carpio, the Spanish ambassador, I dare to say for less money than when they were in fragments. In the same place were found other pieces of legs, heads, ears of bulls, tails of other animals, but it was di√cult to say which ones.

Gaspar de Haro y Guzman (1576-1687), seventh Marquis of Carpio, was appointed Ambassador of Spain in Rome di comprare nove Ydoli della nobiliss.ma pietra di paragone, ritrobate tempo fa sepolte nella Villa dell’Imperatore Adriano nella Città di Tivoli, hoggi posseduta da i Padri della Compagnia di Gesù» (Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 130). 57 «Queste statue, dopo la morte di detto signore, le comprò il Marchese del Carpio, ambasciatore di Spagna, ardisco dire per meno prezzo di quando erano frammentate. Nel medesimo luogo si trovarono pezzi di gambe, teste, orecchie di toro, code di altri animali, che malamente si poteano giudicare quali fossero» (Bartoli in Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139. Also in Nibby 1827, pp. 10-11; Sebastiani 1828, p. 308; Bulgarini 1848, pp. 123-124; Winnefeld 1895, p. 7. See also Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156.

by King Charles II, and on march 13th, 1676 made his entry in Rome with a spectacular display of wealth. Very active in the cultural and social life of his time, during his stay in Rome enlarged his Collection of paintings and antiquities, which was said to be three times larger and richer than the one of the King himself.58 Carpio added to the nine idols found in Hadrian’s Villa other Egyptian sculptures for a total of fifteen, a number that will remain consistent in the following years.59 Thanks to three diπerent inventories60 and to a series of drawings in the Album del Carpio, which is today in the Society of Antiquaries in London,61 Beatrice Cacciotti was able to reconstruct the story of the Egyptian sculptures and to trace two of them coming from Hadrian’s Villa.62 On September 4th, 1682 Carpio became Viceroy of Naples, moved his Collection to Naples and sent to Spain other works of art including the Egyptian statues, to dec58

Cacciotti 1994, p. 133. He added two Baboons, two standing and two seated statues, one of which was a kneeling Pharaoh: Cacciotti 1994, p. 138; Cacciotti 1996, p. 220. 60 Inventories of 1682, 1686 and 1687. Cacciotti 1994, p. 140. 61 London, Society of Antiquaries, ms. 879, π. 1-107. The drawings were commissioned by the Marquis of Carpio for a publication of his Collection which was never completed. Cacciotti 1994, p. 140 and note 41. Cacciotti 1996, pp. 214-215, figs. 72-75 and note 14, p. 233. 62 Cacciotti 1994, pp. 140-141, 155-159, 169-170; Cacciotti 1996. 59

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Fig. 9a-b-c. A statue of Isis found by the Jesuits near the Hundred Chambers in three diπerent engravings. a) engraving by Claude Randon published by Maπei; b) drawing in the Album del Carpio, f. 87. Royal Society of Antiquaries, London, with the annotation «De Piedra de Paragon antigua del Car.le de Maximis»; c) drawing in the Album Ajello. Museo del Prado, Madrid, f. 11 (inv. 3840) (from Maffei 1704, Cacciotti 1994, Cacciotti 1996).

orate his residence in Madrid, the Palace of San Joaquin; the Egyptian sculptures were displayed the Library, where they remained until 1706. After the death of Carpio in 1687 the Collection was sold at auction by his daughter,63 and partly acquired by King Philip V of Spain and his wife Isabella Farnese, who bought the fifteen Egyptian statues (and other works of art) to decorate their Royal Palace of La Granja at San Ildefonso.64 In the Album Ajello, which was commissioned by Isabella Farnese to illustrate the collection of the Palace,65 nine statues «of ancient touchstone of Cardinal Massimi» are engraved66 (Fig. 8a-b-c). In part they correspond to the drawings of the Album del Carpio (some diπerences are probably due to restorations). Two statues were also engraved by Maπei in 1704, before restoration67 (Fig. 9a-b-c). At the end of the xviith century the Egyptian statues at La Granja were replaced by gypsum copies; eight of them were moved to the Royal Palace of Aranjuez, near

Madrid, and placed between the columns of the circular Ionic temple in the Garden of the Prince;68 then they disappeared, probably during the French invasion of Napoleon.69 Two standing Egyptian statues, a statue of a Baboon and one of a kneeling Pharaoh remained instead in La Granja; in the early xixth century they were moved to the Prado Museum,70 together with the Muses of the Odeon once belonging to Queen Christina of Sweden. Two statues in the Prado can be identified with the sculptures found in Hadrian’s Villa by the Jesuits and acquired by Cardinal Massimi: the ‘standing idols’, inv. 414E and inv. 415E, both with modern restorations.71 In the first one the torso and perhaps the feet are original (Fig. 10); the second one is a pastiche of diπerent fragments and only the head may be original72 (Fig. 11). Nothing is known about the other seven, but Dupré Raventós hopes to be able to trace them.73

63 Cacciotti 1994, pp. 135, 138, 169. The sale started in November 1689 and lasted several years Catalina, the only daughter of the Marquis, married the tenth Duke of Alba, and led the negotiations for the sale of the statues to King Philip V, who signed for the payement in 1728. 64 Located near Segovia (Spain), La Granja was called ‘the small Versailles of Spain’, and was the buen retiro of King Philip V after his abdication. See the website http://www.patrimonionacional.es/ real-sitio/palacios/6252. 65 Cacciotti 1994, pp. 158, 169-170. 66 As written in the annotations: «de piedra de pargon antigua del card. Massimi» (Cacciotti 1994, p. 156). 67 Maffei 1704, pls. cxlix, cl. See also Cacciotti 1996, p. 216. 68 See website http://www.patrimonionacional.es/real-sitio/palacios/6251. Built for king Philip II, Aranjuez was enlarged several times; King Charles IV added the Jardin del Principe (Garden of the Prince) with the so called Casa del Labrador (House of the

Labrador): Cacciotti 1994, p. 159; Cacciotti 1996, p. 220; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 130. 69 In years 1808-1809. Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156, 159; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 130. 70 The Baboon is probably in the storage rooms of the Prado Museum: Cacciotti 1994, fig. 54 p. 158. The kneeling Pharaoh, identified as Nectanebo I (cat. E-412) was moved to the National Archaeological Museum of Madrid: Cacciotti 1994, pl. i, pp. 156, 159; Cacciotti 1996, p. 220; Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 130. See also Raeder 1983, iv.9-12, p. 183, who rules out a provenance from Hadrian’s Villa. 71 Cacciotti 1994, note 122. See also Blanco 1957, pp. 127-128, nos. 414E and 415E, where the provenance from Hadrian’s Villa is not mentioned. 72 Dupré Raventós 2002, pp. 130-131 and figs. 11-12, p. 131. 73 Perhaps with an excavation in the gardens of Aranjuez: Dupré Raventós 2002, p. 131.

hadrian’s villa in the xvii th century

Fig. 10. Madrid, Prado Museum. Egyptian priest (inv. E414), attributed to the excavations of the Jesuits in the xviith century (© Museo Nacional del Prado).

Supported by the information provided by Bartoli, Beatrice Cacciotti dates the excavation of the Jesuits in the second half of the xviith century74 noting that Francesco Bulgarini75 and Filippo Sebastiani76 dated it a century later, around 1740. They both made a mistake, confusing this excavation with a later one made in 1744 by the Jesuits in the Canopus, during which another group of black marble Egyptian statues was found, now in the Vatican Museums.77 The Massimi statues, which were found «in front of the Hundred Chambers» could perhaps be attributed to the so-called Antinoeion, where fragments of Egyptian decorations have been found: it is located in front of the Hundred Chambers, exactly as Bartoli said.78

74

Paribeni 1994, p. 27; Granieri 2008, p. 22. Bulgarini 1848, p. 123. 76 Sebastiani 1828, p. 308. 77 See the chapter on the excavations of the xviiith century in the second forthcoming book of this series. 78 Bartoli in Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139. Also in Nibby 1827, pp. 10-11; Sebastiani 1828, p. 308; Bulgarini 1848, pp. 123-124; 75

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Fig. 11. Madrid, Prado Museum. Egyptian priest (inv. E415), attributed to the excavations of the Jesuits in the xviith century (© Museo Nacional del Prado).

2. 2. 4. Excavations of Giovanni Maria Baratta (xviith century) Giovanni Maria Baratta, a sculptor from Tuscany, moved to Rome with his brother Francesco before 1644; we know that in 1644 Camillo Pamphilj employed him as assistant to Alessandro Algardi during the construction of the Casino del Bel Respiro, the Pamphilj Villa in Rome.79 He began as a carver, then specialised as a sculptor and architect; he worked on the Fontana dei Fiumi of Piazza Navona, and probably also in the Palazzo Pamphilj in that same Piazza. Carlo Fea wrote about the excavation of Baratta, made by order of Pope Innocent X Pamphilj in an unknown

Winnefeld 1895, p. 7; Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156. Without any proof, Mari attributes to the so-called Antinoeion the Egyptian statues of the Vatican, which according to antiquarian contemporary sources were actually found in the Canopus and not near the Hundred Chambers as were the Massimi statues. 79 Passeri 1772, p. 361; Honour 1963.

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chapter 10 It is a rare witness to Roman wall decoration with marbles and precious stones, similar to what can be seen in a fresco in the Villa di Poppea in Oplontis, near Naples81 (Fig. 12). 2. 2. 5. Excavations in the Maritime Theatre? In the Villa Pamphilj at Rome – the Casino del Bel Respiro or Casino dell’Algardi – there are three fragments of a frieze showing a marine thiasos (sea monsters) which come from the Maritime Theatre of Hadrian’s Villa. We do not know if they were found during a Pamphilj excavation or were bought on the antiquities market.82 2. 2. 6. Anonymous excavation of 1655 In his Historia Ampliata di Tivoli (Expanded History of Tivoli), Francesco Marzi reports about an excavation made in 1655, that discovered two statues of men clasping hands, interpreted as Emperor Trajan adopting Hadrian:83 Having been adopted by Trajan, Hadrian obtained the Roman Monarchy in the year of Christ 120 […] and in the year 1655, precisely in the ruins of the Villa of this Prince in Tivoli, two broken, marble statues were found, clasping hands, which represented this adoption, as can also be seen in the medal that was struck by Cardinal Baronio to celebrate this event which took place in the twentieth year of Trajan’s reign.

3. Plans and drawings of the xvii th century 3. 1. Contini’s ‘clean copy’ of the plan of the Accademia by Ligorio (1634 c.) One of the oldest plans of the Accademia that has survived is a ‘clean copy’ of the sketch by Pirro Ligorio seen in a previous chapter,84 made by Francesco Contini approximately in 1634. Both drawings were once part of the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) of Cassiano dal Pozzo,85 and are today in the Royal Library at Windsor in England: see chapter 13 on Contini. Fig. 12. Oplontis (Naples), Villa di Poppea: columns decorated with precious gems in a fresco.

area of Hadrian’s Villa, where he discovered an extraordinary staircase made of alabaster, with walls inlaid with precious marbles and gilded metal (now lost):80 It was then excavated by order of Pope Innocent X, under the direction of Giovanni Maria Baratta, who found notable things; but particularly a stair, with steps made of oriental alabaster, its walls reveted with marbles inlaid with precious stones; as it was shown from some remaining fragments with gilded Corinthian metal embedded.

80 «Fu cavato poi per ordine di Innocenzo X, colla direzione di Giovanni Maria Baratta, dal quale anche furono trovate cose insigni; ma particolarmente una scala colli gradi di alabastro orientale, le pareti de’ fianchi intersiate di varj mischi, li quali erano intersiati di pietre di gran valore; per quello che dettero segno alcuni frammenti rimastivi con incassature di metallo corintio indorato». Bartoli in Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139, and in Nibby 1827, p. 10. See also Raeder 1983, pp. 10-11, De Franceschini 1991, p. 8; Paribeni 1994, p. 26; Granieri 2008, p. 24. 81 Guzzo, Fergola 2000, p. 45. 82 Calza 1977, n. 129, pp. 109-110, pl. lxxxiv.a-c. One is inserted in a wall of the Villino della Servitù, other two are in the Colombario maggiore.

3. 2. The general plan of Francesco Contini (1668) (Contini, folding Plan no. 3) The most important document of the xviith century is the oldest complete plan of Hadrian’s Villa that has come down to us, made by Francesco Contini (for more details see chapter 13). The task was entrusted to him by Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who was Governor of Tivoli from 1624 to 1630; Contini’s long work of surveying, however, continued into the succeeding governorship of Antonio Barberini (1632-1645). The plan was published in 1668,86 and is a valuable source of information: the diπerent areas and terraces of the Villa are marked with letters of the alphabet, and some

83 «Ottenne Adriano la Romana Monarchia l’anno di Christo 120 per mezzo della adottione fattagli da Traiano […] et appunto nell’anno 1655 frà le rovine della Villa di questo Principe si rinvennero in Tivoli due statue di marmo, rotte, che stringendosi unite la mano rappresentano quest’adottione a somiglianza della medaglia, che a tal profitto venne espressa dal Cardinal Baronio nell’anno vigesimo di Traiano» (Marzi 1665, p. 207). 84 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio and chapter 13 on Francesco 85 See chapter 14 on Cassiano dal Pozzo. Contini. 86 Contini 1668; Nibby 1827, p. 13.

hadrian’s villa in the xvii th century rooms (not all) in each building are marked with numbers, corresponding to captions in the text which give a brief description, the name and the possible use of the building, and sometimes quote previous studies (especially the Codices of Ligorio). In addition (as mentioned above) Contini lists the names of the owners of the various parcels of land in which Hadrian’s Villa was divided, and gives information on excavations and finds. The plan includes a vast area south of Hadrian’s Villa, called Colli di Santo Stefano and described under letter O: it has a large building that was another Roman villa, also called Villa of the Vibi Vari. It was not part of Hadrian’s Villa, because there is a small valley separating the two, which marks a natural southern boundary of the Emperor’s estate. However, Colli di Santo Stefano was often considered as being part of Hadrian’s Villa by the scholars of the succeeding centuries, starting from Piranesi. For a long time it was believed that Contini simply copied and edited the general plan of Ligorio, but this is not true, as proved by the preface in which Contini describes the hardships and di√culties he met during his survey:87 I saw that most of those ruins were so destroyed and covered by brambles that it was not possible to see their foundations, indeed the greater part of them was under a very thick cover of thorns. […]. I began to take away the earth to find the foundations; I cut the brambles and more than once I went down below into various wells & openings, which I discovered on those slopes and in those vineyards.

3. 3. The general plan of Contini edited by Athanasius Kircher (1671) In 1671 Athanasius Kircher published a book dedicated to the Lazio region and its antiquities: Latium. Id est nova et parallela Latii tum veteris tum novi descriptio (Latium: that is a new and parallel description of Latium, both old and new).88 The third chapter is dedicated to the Tiburtine Villa: it gives historical information and briefly describes the most important buildings, starting as usual from the Historia Augusta. The volume has a new edition of the plan of Contini:89 the original ten sheets are grouped together in a single one. Kircher added the name of Pirro Ligorio to the title of the plan, thus originating the belief that Contini copied the one by Ligorio’s (lost) (see chapter 15 on Kircher). 3. 4. The general plan of Camillo Arcucci (1630 c.) As mentioned above, at the beginning of the xviiith century Pietro Sante Bartoli90 wrote that around 1630 «a

87 «Viddi la maggior parte di quelle anticaglie si fattamente atterrate, e coperte dalle mine, che non si scorgevano i loro fondamenti, anzi la più parte di esse erano soprafatte da macchie foltissime e spinose. […]. Cominciai a far cavar terra per trovar i fondamenti: feci recidere gl’intoppi, che l’impedivano, e più volte mi calai in vari pozzi & aperture, che scopersi in quelli scoscesi e per quelle vigne». See once more chapter 13 on Francesco Contini. 88 Kircher 1671, with dedication to Pope Clement X. See chapter 15 on Kircher. 89 The plan is published on-line in the website of Marina De Franceschini, www.villa-adriana.net, section on Antiquarian Texts. Kircher 1671; website Aracne http://arachne.uni-koeln.de/books/ Kircher1671. 90 Published by Carlo Fea in 1790: Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139; Nibby 1827, p. 13. 91 «Riuscì sporca cosa, per l’ignoranza di chi l’intagliò».

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certain architect Arcucci» drew a map of the buildings of Hadrian’s Villa on behalf of Cardinal Francesco Barberini, but when it was engraved «it came out as a smudgy thing, because of the incompetence of the engraver».91 4. Historical studies of the xvii th century 4. 1. Antonio del Re (1611) Antonio del Re lived between the xvith and xviith centuries, and wrote Antichità Tiburtine (Tiburtine Antiquities), a history of the town of Tivoli. The fifth chapter – dedicated to Hadrian’s Villa – was published in 1611, while the rest of the volume was not printed until 1898 by a descendant, Raπaele del Re.92 The description of the Villa is based on the Codices of Pirro Ligorio, and copies his text almost word by word. The Accademia is described as follows:93 Overlying the Canopus are the areas where the Accademia was, which had many squares and apartments, which are indecipherable, and of such superb construction as would seem impossible to make in our times. The space of the Accademia consists of twenty squares, which add comfort and grace to the things needed for the Accademia, without considering the large areas with woods, and gardens, which were there; and on the side of its Atrium was an oval shaped place,94 various and decorated with statues […]. In this Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa there was a beautiful circular temple dedicated to Apollo and the Muses,95 which had on one side a vestibule decorated with statues,96 as shown by the places made for them. On the other side it had a very large atrium of square shape, enclosed by walls,97 whose outer part had columns of white marble, with some rooms painted and stuccoed,98 and floors made of minutely cut stones, connected together with stucco work just as the whole Atrium is still plastered. On another side of the temple is the Zoteca,99 where animals were kept. Other rooms led from the Zoteca which were used by the priests100 and the Dietae of the Academics, and as lodgings.

4. 2. Fabio Croce (1664) In 1664 Fabio Croce published Ville di Tivoli. Idillio diviso in due racconti (Villas of Tivoli. Idyll divided into two Tales), where he talks about the Roman antiquities of Tivoli and of Hadrian’s Villa, as follows:101 Towards the Austral part of the esplanade we can see the spacious walls, and the well-tempered site of Hadrian’s Villa. Hadrian, clearly the supreme monarch of the Roman Empire, to his immortal name erected this sumptuous villa, so magnificent and superb, so that the Sun never saw another similar. Its vast and

92

del Re 1611; Nibby 1827, p. 12. del Re 1611, p. 188: Room numbers [Ac] in the following footnotes correspond to our general plan. For the original Italian text see Appendix 2, no. 33 at the end of this chapter. 94 Belvedere [Ac1]. 95 Temple of Apollo [Ac78]. 96 Courtyard [Ac60]. 97 Inner porch [Ac7]. 98 Now used as hay-loft, one room with fresco [Ac9] another with stucco [Ac10]. 99 Zooteca [Ac88]. 100 [Ac89] and [Ac90]. 101 Croce 1664, pp. 30-31: «Verso la parte Austral scorgonsi al Piano le spatiose mura, e ben temprato sito, de la Villa Adriana. Quale Adriano il sommo dell’impero Romano chiaro Monarca, al suo nome immortal fastoso eresse villa così magnifica ed altera, ch’altra simile a quella il Sol non vide. Che quanto fusse ricca, immensa, e vasta le reliquie di lei ben noto il fanno, hoggi tanto ammirate, gradite e ricercate». 93

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well-known relics – so admired, appreciated and sought after today – show clearly how rich, large and immense it was».

4. 3. Francesco Marzi and Michele Giustiniani (1665) In 1665 Filippo Maria Mancini published two important books on Tivoli: the Historia Ampliata di Tivoli (Expanded History of Tivoli) by Francesco Marzi, and the two books of De’ Vescovi et de’ Governatori di Tivoli (On Bishops and On Governors of Tivoli) by Abbot Michele Giustiniani. Francesco Marzi (or Martii), a Tiburtine nobleman and jurist, gives some brief news about Hadrian’s Villa, delivered in a rather pompous tone. He describes the discovery in 1665 of the two sculptures clasping hands mentioned above. He reports the Historia Augusta and the story of Queen Zenobia102 exiled in Tivoli. He also writes about Pirro Ligorio,103 and the devastations in the territory of Tivoli and Hadrian’s Villa made by the Lombards of Aistulf and the Goths of Alaric.104 Abbot Michele Giustiniani (1612-1680), historian and scholar born in Genoa, lived in Rome for several years, where he undertook lengthy historical and archival research, studying in the most important Italian libraries, especially that of Cardinal Spada in Rome, and others in Naples.105 His two books, entitled De’ Vescovi e de’ Governatori di Tivoli (On Bishops and On Governors of Tivoli) provide a detailed chronology and give historical information about the men who held the most important positions in the town. Among them is Ippolito II d’Este,106 about whom he reports the criticisms concerning the enormous expenses of the Villa d’Este, built «with the ecclesiastical revenues that should have been spent for the relief of the poor». Giustiniani wrote:107 He made a garden with the corresponding buildings, that is commonly held to be the most beautiful in Europe and the most delicious in the world, spending nearly one million, not approved by Giovanni Botero108 because it was done with ecclesiastical revenues that should have been applied for the relief of the poor, and defended by the Cardinal with the employment of them in that work.

4. 4. Girolamo Fabri (1672) Jurist and theologian (1627-1679), in 1672 Fabri wrote Relazione della città di Tivoli e suo territorio (Report on the town of Tivoli and its Territory), published in 1675. He started from the writings of Abbot Giustiniani and reports that Ippolito II d’Este spent almost one million scudi for Villa d’Este and its magnificent gardens, which were already admired by a large number of foreign visitors:109

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103 Marzi 1665, p. 219. Marzi 1665, p. 242. 105 Italia 2002. Marzi 1665, pp. 221, 248. 106 Marzi 1665, p. 153. See chapter 8 on Ippolito II d’Este. 107 Marzi, pp. 154-155: «Fece un giardino con habitationi corrispondenti che viene comunemente tenuto per il più bello d’Europa e ’l più delicioso del mondo, con spesa di quasi un milione, non approvata da Giovanni Botero come fatta con l’entrate ecclesiastiche che dovevansi applicare in sollievo de’ poveri e difesa dal Cardinal col impiego di essi nel lavoro di quello». 108 Marzi 1665, p. 153, note 209: «Ne’ Discorsi Politici né suoi Prencipi, se non erro nella parola Hippolito d’Este» quoting Giovanni Botero. 109 «[…] il fiore de’ giardini d’Europa il giardino cioè e Palazzo della Famiglia Estense fatto già e fabricato dal Cardinale Ippolito d’Este detto il Cardinale di Ferrara, opera di grandissima spesa ascendente per quanto è tradittione, quasi ad un milione, e che con 104

The flower of the gardens in Europe – that is the garden of the Palazzo of the Este family already made and built by Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, a work of huge expense which, according to what is said, cost almost one million; and with the amplitude of the site, the magnificence of the building, the multitude of statues, the variety of pools and fountains, and the dreaminess of the whole garden, attracts a large number of strangers, especially those living beyond the mountains, who come every day to Tivoli to see it.

Girolamo Fabri also reported Giovanni Botero’s criticism of the enormous expense of the villa. As well as local historical studies, some works of a general character, describing the most important collections of antiquities in the capital and providing information on sculptures coming from Hadrian’s Villa were published in Rome during the xviith century. 4. 5. Gasparo Alveri (xviith century) In his work entitled Della Roma in ogni stato (Of Rome in every state), published in 1664, he writes about the Altoviti family and their Palace in Ripetta, with a brief reference to Giovan Battista Altoviti and some sculptures from Hadrian’s Villa,110 later sold to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy:111 His other son […] called Gio Battista […] and he likewise adorned his father’s vineyard, which is the same one owned today by the Altoviti, located near the Orso and Ripetta, on the other bank of the Tiber, whose entrance is outside of the Porta di Castello. And he adorned it with beautiful statues that later were sold to the Dukes of Savoy, already found in Hadrian’s Villa in the territory of Tivoli, territory which belonged and still belongs to the Altoviti.

4. 6. Pietro Sante Bartoli (mid-xviith century) Draftsman and architect, he dedicated himself to the subject of the magnificence of Rome, and became famous for his etchings of ancient Roman monuments, including Trajan’s Column and the Antonine Column, which he drew for Giovanni Pietro Bellori.112 In his Memorie di varie escavazioni fatte in Roma e nei luoghi suburbani vivente Pietro Santi Bartoli (Memoirs of various excavations made in Rome and suburban sites, during the lifetime of Pietro Santi Bartoli), not published until 1790 by Carlo Fea, he gives a little sketchy news about Hadrian’s Villa: as mentioned before, he states that the Barberini Candelabra were not discovered by Monsignor Bulgarini, but by the architect Camillo Arcucci, who made some excavations

l’ampiezza del sito, con la magnificenza dell’edificio, co’ la moltitudine delle statue, con la varietà delle peschiere, e fontane, e con la vaghezza di tutto il recinto, invita gran numero di forastieri, massime Oltramontani, che vengono quotidianamente a Tivoli per vederla». From the Lettere memorabili dell’abbate Michele Giustiniani, patritio genouese, de’ signori di Scio, e d’altri dell’Abate Michele Giustiniani, vol. iii, Roma, 1675, pp. 102-118: quoted ibidem, p. 155. 110 See chapter 5 on the Altoviti. 111 «L’altro suo figlio […] chiamato Gio Battista […] et ornò parimente la vigna paterna che è la medesima posseduta hoggi dagl’Altoviti situata incontro all’Orso, e Ripetta dall’altra parte del Tevere, avendo la sua entrata fuori di porta di Castello, quale ornò di bellissime statue vendute poi alli Duchi di Savoia, già ritrovate nella Villa Adriana nel territorio di Tivoli che era, come anche hoggi è degli Altoviti» (Alveri 1664, pp. 103-105; Belloni 1935, 112 Petrucci 1964. p. 31).

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Fig. 13. Giovanni Pietro Bellori, portraited by Carlo Maratta. Rome, private Collection (from Fischetti 2008).

Fig. 14. Alessandro Algardi, portrait. Rome, Accademia di San Luca (from Wikipedia).

to ascertain the plan of the buildings, commissioned by Cardinal Francesco Barberini.113 He describes the alabaster staircase found by Giovanni Maria Baratta mentioned above114 and then reports the excavations made in the xviith century by the Jesuits, who discovered the Egyptian statues sold to Cardinal Massimi, mentioned before.115

Hadrian’s Villa, and two volumes on the Columns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius, published in 1679-1680.

4. 7. Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1664) (Fig. 13)

5. 1. Cassiano dal Pozzo (1588-1657)

Born in Rome,116 Bellori is renowned for his Le vite de’ pittori (Lives of Painters), published in 1642. From 1672 onwards he dedicated himself to antiquarian studies, becoming a member of the Accademia di Francia and the Accademia di San Luca. In his publications on Roman antiquities he had a scientific approach: sculptures, paintings and antiquities were considered as historical documents and not simply as curious objects. He also was librarian and antiquarian to Queen Christina of Sweden, took care of her collection of antiquities and, after her death, moved her collection of books and manuscripts into the Vatican Library. In 1670, Pope Clement X appointed him Commissario alle Antichità di Roma (Commissioner of the Antiquities of Rome). In 1694 this post passed to Pietro Santi Bartoli, who had been his assistant for twenty years.117 Among his many writings is the Nota delli musei (Note on Museums)118 of 1664, in which he describes some sculptures found in 113

Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139. Fea 1790, p. cclxii, no. 139. 115 Ibidem; also in Nibby 1827, pp. 10-11; Sebastiani 1928, p. 308; Bulgarini 1848, pp. 123-124; Winnefeld 1895, p. 7. See also Cacciotti 1994, pp. 155-156; Buonocore 1996, p. 141, note 68. 114

5. Other characters of the xvii th century in connection with the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa

He was one of the greatest scholars and patrons of arts of the xviith century, a protagonist of the Roman cultural life; he created the Museo Cartaceo (the Paper Museum), a collection of engravings, drawings and paintings with the purpose of depicting (possibly) all the Roman antiquities: in practice, it was the first ‘virtual museum’. His Museo Cartaceo included the autograph sketch of Ligorio with the plan of the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa and its ‘clean copy’ by Contini (see chapter 14 on Cassiano dal Pozzo). 5. 2. Alessandro Algardi (1595-1654) Trained at the school of Annibale Carracci for painting, and of Giulio Cesare Conventi for sculpture, Algardi (Fig. 14) moved to Rome in 1625. Until 1631 he worked for Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, restoring some ancient sculptures for him, according to the criteria of the time that «elaborates 116 He was born in Rome in 1613 and died there in 1696; information in Donahue 1970, with complete bibliography. 117 Donahue 1970. 118 Nota delli musei del 1664, librerie, gallerie, et ornamenti di statue e pitture ne, palazzi, nelle case, e ne’ giardini di Roma, including a section Delli vestigi delle pitture antiche dal buon secolo de’ Romani, Roma, 1664.

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Fig. 15. Rome, Villa Doria Pamphilj also called Casino del Bel Respiro or Casino dell’Algardi.

Fig. 16. Cardinal Camillo Pamphilj, portraited by Diego Velázquez. New York, Hispanic Society (from Wikipedia).

the figure to make it suitable for the expectations of the client».119 Later on, he worked for the Doria Pamphilj family for many years, sculpting portraits of its members in 1644. He was entrusted the design and decoration of their

Casino del Bel Respiro on the Via Aurelia, which was inspired by classical antiquity and Hadrian’s Villa120 (Fig. 15). It seems that the commission for the villa project, which had at first been given or oπered to Francesco Borromini, was partly due to Gian Lorenzo Bernini, who was, apparently, in charge of the garden project.121 The statue of the Child Dionysus, found by Bulgarini in the Accademia of Hadrian’s Villa, and restored by Algardi in 1645-1646, as documented by receipts in the family archives122 was placed inside the Casino. 5. 3. Camillo Pamphilj (1622-1686) Cardinal-nephew of Pope Innocent X Pamphilj, Camillo (Fig. 16) shared with his uncle an ambitious program for celebrating the glories of the family, which claimed descent from Aeneas.123 The family consolidated its power by appropriating symbols of classical antiquity to attest to the «continuity between the governance of the Roman

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Barberini 1998, p. 52. «Since he was not satisfied with the drawings by Raπaello and Giulio Romano, he went to Tivoli to draw some of the ruins of Hadrian’s Villa, and made some bas-reliefs that are in those beautiful vaults in the ground floor apartment in the Palazzino» as wrote Milizia. Bellori reports: «Algardi moved to Tivoli to draw some of the relics of Hadrian’s Villa, so famous»: both quoted by Benocci 1998, pp. 453, 456-457; Barberini 1998, p. 53. 121 Benocci 1998, pp. 37-38; Barberini 1998, p. 54. 122 Garms 1972, p. 347, f. 72. See the catalogue entry on the sculpture in chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family. 123 Benocci 1998, pp. 456-457: «…The exaltation of the Gens Pamphilja – rose among the Roman notables with the election to the papacy of Giovanni Battista Pamphilj in 1644 under the name of Innocent X – claiming an ancient Roman origin dating back to Aeneas according to a genealogy legendarily drawn by Nicol’Angelo Caferri and illustrated in the palace of Piazza Navona». 120

Fig. 17. Queen Christina of Sweden, portrait by Sebastien Bourdon. Stockholm Nationalmuseum (from Wikpedia).

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Fig. 18. Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri, carousels in the courtyard of Palazzo Barberini in honor of Queen Christina of Sweden, February 28, 1656. Rome, Palazzo Braschi, Museo di Roma.

Empire and the good government of the Church under Pope Innocent X, creator of universal concord».124 Hadrian’s Villa was the inspiration for the Casino del Bel Respiro, documentary proof of which are the records of several payments to Alessandro Algardi for his travels and stays in Tivoli125 in the Doria Pamphilj archives. Carla Benocci126 explains that: An ancient villa, echoing the luxuria and tryphe with which the residences of the Hellenistic Kings – intermediaries between men and gods – were permeated, was marvelously suited for the villa of a Pope, the only modern ruler who derived his power from a divine origin, the only universal authority […]. The Pamphilj laid particular stress on their claim to be the heirs of the great Republican and Augustan Roman tradition».

Taking advantage of his position, Camillo blocked all permission for the export of ancient sculptures, and thus established complete and direct control over the market in Roman antiquities, which he then bought himself in large numbers for the decoration of the Casino.127 5. 4. Queen Christina of Sweden (1626-1689) (Fig. 17) Great and eclectic collector of antiquities,128 she lived in Rome after 1655, where became one of the protagonists of 124

Barberini 2001, p. 70. Benocci 1998, p. 453. 126 Benocci 1998, pp. 454 and 459. 127 Picozzi 1998, p. 57; Barberini 2001, p. 69. 128 See Palma 2002 and the website of the Enciclopedia Treccani: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/cristina-regina-di-svezia/. 129 See website of the Enciclopedia Treccani: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/cristina-regina-di-svezia/. 125

Roman cultural life and founded the Accademia Reale (Royal Academy). She was an unconventional and strongwilled woman, and moved to Italy after abdicating in favour of her cousin Charles Gustav.129 She had converted to the Catholic religion, a choice that earned her the approval and the political support of the Pope: in the era of the CounterReformation she was welcomed in Rome with open arms. In the Museo di Roma of Palazzo Braschi there is a huge painting by Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri, showing a carousel held in honour of Christina in the Cortile della Cavalleria of Palazzo Barberini, on 28th February 1656, during the Carnival.130 Is a parade of allegoric carts, cavaliers, moorish slaves and young girls, which gives an idea of the luxury and fantasy of these grandiose feasts (Fig. 18). Christina lived in several residences in Rome, but, in 1659, finally settled permanently in the Palazzetto Riario, which was later incorporated into the Palazzo Corsini in Via Lungara. She built a Sala delle Muse (Hall of the Muses) to display her collection of statues of the Muses, four of which came from the Odeon of Hadrian’s Villa.131 Today, only the Sala dell’Alcova in her apartments survives.132 Queen Christina was buried in the crypt of the Basilica of Saint Peter’s, in a mausoleum designed for her by Carlo Fontana. 130 http://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/asset-viewer/carnival-of-1656-carousel-at-palazzo-barberini-in-honour-of-christina-ofsweden/bgHrn6tiCs3A8g?hl=en. 131 See chapter 2 on Hadrian’s Villa in the xvth century. 132 See the website of Palazzo Corsini: www.galleriacorsini.beniculturali.it.

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chapter 10 Fabbrica di San Pietro as maestro d’arte (master of arts) i.e., stonecutter and carver.138 After a few years he became capomastro (master builder),139 a very important appointment: in fact it was the master builder – and not the architect – the one who directed the building sites, took care of workmen and provided the building materials, including antique marbles.140 Francesco Borromini did not study ancient architecture as an academic or a scholar, only as abstract theory; he had the practical approach of an architect, and used ancient architecture as a model and a source to invent new things, as he himself wrote:141 those who follow the others will never be ahead of them, and certainly I would not have chosen this profession with the aim of being only a copyist, though I know that in inventing new things you will receive the fruit of the eπort very late.

As explained by Kahn-Rossi and Franciolli, he tried to «reconcile the liberal arts and the mechanical arts», that is to say to reconcile theory and practice of architecture, since «he mastered every tool for the control of a project: from knowledge of ancient sources to freedom of invention, from design to implementation».142

Fig. 19. Portrait of Francesco Borromini in the church of San Carlo alle Quattro Fontane (from Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999).

5. 5. Francesco Borromini (1599-1667) (Fig. 19) Francesco Castelli – better known as Francesco Borromini – was born in 1599 in Bissone on the lake of Lugano (Switzerland) and died in Rome in 1667.133 In 1628 he started to sign his works with the name Borromini probably to distinguish himself from other artists with the same last name Castelli.134 He belonged to a group of artists and artisans of the Ticino region who settled and worked in Rome in the xviith century, such as Giovanni Fontana, Carlo and Alessandro Maderno,135 Geronimo Garvo.136 His arrival in Rome in 1619 coincided with the construction of the Basilica of Saint Peter’s, of the Apostolic Palace and many other important buildings.137 Thanks to his relative Leo Garvo, Borromini was employed in the

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He killed himself with a sword, after a long period of depres134 Carboneri 1971. Borromini became the most important assistant of Carlo Maderno. 136 Carboneri 1971; Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 201. 137 Carboneri 1971; Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 187. 138 Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 187. 139 Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, pp. 193-194. 140 The Compagnie (building Companies) soon became an industry for the demolition of ancient Roman monuments: Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 192. 141 «chi segue gli altri non gli va mai innanzi, ed io certo non mi sarei posto a questa professione, col fine d’esser solo copista, benché sappia che nell’inventare cose nuove, non si può ricevere il frutto della fatica se non tardi» (Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 201). 142 «aveva perseguito ogni strumento utile per il controllo del progetto: dalla padronanza delle fonti alla libertà di invenzione, sion. 135

In 1632 he finally obtained his first assignment as an architect, thanks to the protection of Cardinal Francesco Barberini,143 for whom he built the spiral staircase in the Palazzo Barberini.144 In 1637 he was commissioned to build the Oratorio dei Filippini near the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella at Rome, and described the project in a manuscript entitled Piena Relazione della Fabbrica dell’Oratorio romano (Full Relation of the Building of the Roman Oratory),145 partly written by Father Virgilio Spada, his closest friend and counselor.146 The work was published in 1725 by Sebastiano Giannini with the Latin title Opus architectonicum (Architectural work).147 In the manuscript Borromini explained how the architecture of Hadrian’s Villa influenced his work, as reported by Kerry Downes:148 And such was the fear I had of bearing a great vault 83 palms long by 53 wide on a wall without abutment, as it is that facing the piazza, that besides having made the [south] wall 7 palms thick, I exerted myself for a way of making there, as it were, a buttress growing from the decoration of the façade, as I shall say in its place. And not content with this, I wished to follow in some parts in the steps of the Ancients who did not dare to place vaults above walls, but raised columns, or piers, in the angles of rooms or halls, over which they threw cross vaults, and all the weight rested on them, the contiguous walls acting only as abutment for the piers, as is seen in Hadrian’s Villa near Tivoli […].

dal disegno alla messa in opera» (Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 201). 143 Carboneri 1971; Kahn-Rossi, Franciolli 1999, p. 200. 144 He worked at the construction of Palazzo Barberini together with Carlo Maderno and Gian Lorenzo Bernini: Carboneri 1971. See chapter 12 on Francesco Barberini. 145 Connors 1998, p. 55: the manuscript dates from 1648 to 1656, and is in the Archive of the Congregazione dell’Oratorio di Roma in Santa Maria in Vallicella, ms. c. ii.6. 146 Father Virgilio Spada belonged to a noble and wealthy Roman family, was Counselor for the Arts and Elemosiniere (Almoner) of the Pope; he often acted as intermediary in the quarrels between Borromini and his clients. 147 Carboneri 1971; Connors 1998, pp. xi-xiii, xix-xx, xxviii and p. 55. 148 Downes 2009, p. 71, who translated the text. See Connors 1998, p. 55 for the original Italian text.

hadrian’s villa in the xvii th century 6. Conclusions As far as studies are concerned, the xviith century is extremely important. The Villa became famous and so did the Codices of Ligorio which described it, but his plan was lost. This is why Cardinal Francesco Barberini commissioned a new general plan from the Roman architect Francesco Contini, published in 1668 after long and arduous years of work (see chapter 13 on Contini). That same period saw the publication of the first books by local scholars, small works about Tivoli, its history and territory, which always included a brief mention of Hadrian’s Villa. They all repeat the same things: starting with the Historia Augusta, describing the ravages of the barbarians, summarizing Ligorio’s descriptions and dwelling upon the most important sculptures found, focusing on the Villa as an inexhaustible treasure trove. The trade in antique finds coming from the Villa continued and flourished in that century: not only sculptures, but also marble, which served in restorations using the same original material, especially in the case of the rare colored marbles, such as the rosso antico.149 Restoration became a form of art, because in that period the ancient sculptures were valuable only if they were complete: restorers had to be also great sculptors. Hadrian’s Villa continued to be both a model and a source of inspiration for great architects and artists of the time. For example, in 1663, the architect Carlo Rainaldi designed and built the church of Santa Maria in Campitelli at Rome, the plan of which is very similar to that of the Biblioteca Greca (Greek Library).150 The Villa was visited and studied by other great architects, such as Gian Lorenzo Bernini and Francesco Borromini to name a few. 7. Appendix Appendix 1. Contini’s original text on landowners in Hadrian’s Villa (folding Plan no. 3) No. 1 Contini 1668, ch. iii, letter C, no. 6: «Luogo ovato in forma di Anfiteatro, pieno d’acqua stagnante, coperto da folta macchia a canneto, detto ora il Pantanello». («Oval place with the shape of amphitheatre, full of stagnant water, covered with cane thicket, now called the Pantanello»). No. 2 Contini 1668, ch. ii, letter B, nos. 1-14: «n. 11. Tempio ovvero cella riquadrata; n. 12. […] un altro alloggiamento, […] si veggono […] le parti sotterranee; Piazza ò Cortile di detti alloggiamenti, sotto la quale sono muri e pilastri, che sostengono volte; e si crede, che fossero ridotti d’acque. n. 14. E tutte le sudette anticaglie sono siti del medesimo Capuccino» («no. 11. Temple or squared cell; no. 12 […] another building […] are visible […] the parts underground; Square or Courtyard of the aforementioned buildings, under which are the walls and pillars, supporting vaults; and it is believed that they were made for water. no. 14. And all the above mentioned antiquities belong to the same Capuccino»). No. 3 Contini 1668, ch. iii, letter C, nos. 7, 11, 15, 18 e 19: «n. 18. Piazza circondata variamente dalli suddetti Alloggiamenti ed altri muri, la quale modernamente si chiama Piazza d’Oro, dove al presente è la vigna di Vincenzo Coccanari, e possiede l’Anticaglie 15 e parte 149 For example, we know that the Doria Pamphilj family acquired several fragments of marmo rosso antico (red marble) from the Bulgarini, to use in restoration. See chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family.

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delle 7 & 11» («no. 18. Piazza variously surrounded by the aforesaid buildings and other walls, which presently is called Piazza d’Oro, where is the vineyard of Vincenzo Coccanari, who owns the ruins of no. 15 and part of the nos. 7 & 11») (This is not the Piazza d’Oro of today, as Contini will explain later). No. 4 Contini 1668, ch. xv, letter P, nos. 1-4: «n. 2. Parte della Valle, ove è la vigna di Gio Battista Capretto incontro alla quale soprasta parte del Portico numero 1 della lettera G assieme con le fabbriche numero 27 e 28 della lettera F, sotto le quali al piano della valle è un stanzone con alcune scale possedute dal detto Capretto» («no. 2. Part of the Valley, where is the vineyard of Gio. Battista Capretto, upon which is the portico number 1 of the letter G, together with buildings number 27 and 28 of the letter F, under which, at the same level of the valley, is a large room with some stairs owned by that Capretto»). No. 5 Contini 1668, ch. iv, letter D, nos. 1-2: «n. 1. Poggio alto della detta Piazza […] nel qual sito era un Tempio ornato di colonne di marmo striate […] anco due capitelli d’ordine Composito […] con delfini in luogo di volute. Questo sito […] è posseduto dalli signori Altoviti, con una parte del piano numero 3» («no. 1. Higher ground of that square […] in which site there was a temple adorned with pillars of streaked marble […]. Also two capitals of the Composite order […] with dolphins in place of scrolls. This site […] is owned by the Altoviti gentlemen, with one part of the ground number 3»). No. 6 Contini 1668, ch. iv, letter D, nos. 3, 8: «n. 8. Luogo dove era un portico verso la Valle, che ora è coperto da macchia spinosa e rovine, dove si veggono torsi di colonne di marmo, arse dal fuoco, sparse per il sito, il qual sito è di Bastiano Pace, con il piano avanti di esso segnato con il numero 3» («no. 8. Place where there was a porch towards the Valley, which is now covered with thorny thicket and ruins, where are visible pieces of marble columns, scorched by the fire, scattered throughout the site, which is the site of Bastiano Pace, together with the plain before it, marked with the number 3»). No. 7 Contini 1668, ch. v, letter E, nos. 9-16: «n. 9. Peristiliato atrio overo Piazza del Pecile, lunga con tutto l’edifitio, palmi 1040, larga palmi 435, la quale è divisa in due parti uguali da una strada […]. La parte di questa piazza verso Levante è terreno lavorativo della Minerva di Roma, a√ttato a Monsignor Bulgarino; l’altra verso ponente, è vigna di Girolamo Rampano da Tivoli» («no. 9. Atrium with peristyle, that is the Square of the Pœcile, which with all the building is 1040 palms long, 435 palms wide, which is divided into two equal parts by a road […]. The eastern part of this arable ground is of Minerva in Rome, rented to Bishop Bulgarino; the other towards the west, is the vineyard of Girolamo Rampano from Tivoli»). No. 8 Contini 1668, ch. vi, letter F, no. 28: «Stanzone sotto terra, al pari del fondo della Valle, nella cui faccia incontro l’entrata, è una nicchia grande, incrostata di rustiche pomici, come anco tutta la volta, e muri attorno […]» («Large room underground, at the same level of the bottom of the valley, in whose façade opposite the entrance is a large niche, encrusted with rustic pumice, as also all the vault, and the walls around […]»). No. 9 Contini 1668, ch. vi, letter F, nos. 5-34: «n. 7. Peristilio overo cortile quadrangolo, con li Portici attorno di colonne di marmo d’ordine Corintio, il qual cortile è lungo palmi 295 e largo palmi 230 e in questo luogo è la vigna del detto Rampano» («no. 7. Peristyle that is a square courtyard, surrounded by a porch with 150

De Franceschini 1991, pp. 656-657.

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marble columns of the Corinthian order, which court is 295 palms long and 230 wide, and in this place is the vineyard of the aforesaid Rampano»). No. 10 Contini 1668, ch. vi, letter F, nos. 1-4: «n. 1. Portico circolare ornato di colonne, largo palmi 20 dentro l’Edifizio, unito al Tempio sudetto; n. 2. Euripo, ovvero fossa circolare, larga palmi 20, tra l’Edifitio di mezzo, & il portico, e tutto questo luogo è del sopradetto Gio. Arquiero guardarobba d’Este» («no. 1. Circular portico adorned with columns, 20 palms wide inside the Building, joined to the above mentioned Temple; no. 2. Euripus, or circular moat, 20 palms wide, between the central building & the porch, and all this is the place of the aforesaid Gio. Arquiero in charge of the wardrobe [in the villa] d’Este»). No. 11 Contini 1668, ch. vii, letter G, nos. 10-11: «n. 10. Corritore verso Scirocco senza finestre, la cui volta dalla parte dell’entrata verso Greco è lavorata di musaico minuto di variati colori, e di grottesche, fogliami, ed uccelli; n. 11. Via sotterranea nel mezzo di detto Corritore, la quale cinque passi indentro voltava a mano destra, dove è ripiena delle rovine, che non si può passare» («no. 10. Corridor towards South-east, without windows, whose vault on the side of its entrance from north-east is worked with minute mosaic of various colors, and grotesque, foliage, and birds; no. 11. Underground path in the middle of the above mentioned Corridor, which after five steps inside turned right, where it is filled with ruins, and it is not possible to pass»). No. 12 Contini 1668, ch. vii, letter G, no. 24: «Piazza lunga palmi 290, larga palmi 243, ornata di Portichetti dipinti, con colonne di cementi di muro stuccate; e questa Piazza, modernamente è chiamata da Tivolesi la piazza dell’Oro sopra il Colle, per distinguerla dall’altra piazza dell’Oro che sta nella valle» («Square 290 palms long and 243 palms wide, decorated with painted small porticoes, with columns of cement reveted with plaster; and this square is called by modern Tivolesi the Piazza d’Oro on the Hill, to distinguish it from the Piazza d’Oro which is in the valley». (Here Contini explains that there were two Piazza d’Oro in the Villa: the other one was near the Palestra). No. 13 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 32: «n. 32: Piano più basso palmi 15, nel quale è la vigna di Marcello Fresciato, & oliveti d’altri padroni» («L, no. 32: Plan, 15 palms lower, in which is the vineyard of Marcello Fresciato, & olive groves of other owners»). No. 14 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M: «no. 1. Valle degl’Inferi […] Sopra la ripa della valle nel piano 32, della lettera L è oliveto di Andrea Scarsella» («M, no. 1. The Valley of Underworld […] Over the rim of the valley; in plain no. 32 of letter L, is the olive grove of Andrea Scarsella»). No. 15 Contini 1668, ch. vi, letter F, nos. 1-4; «n. 1. Portico circolare ornato di colonne, largo palmi 20 dentro l’Edifizio, unito al Tempio sudetto; n. 2. Euripo, ovvero fossa circolare, larga palmi 20, tra l’Edifitio di mezzo, & il portico, e tutto questo luogo è del sopradetto Gio. Arquiero guardarobba d’Este» («no. 1. Circular portico adorned with columns, 20 palms wide inside the Building, joined to the above mentioned Temple; no. 2. Euripus, or circular moat, 20 palms wide, between the central building & the porch, and all this is the place of the aforesaid Gio. Arquiero in charge of the wardrobe [in the villa] d’Este»). No. 16 Contini 1668, ch. v, letter E, nos. 1-3: «n. 3. Strada che passa, e traversa il detto piano, e lo divide in due parti, […] nell’altra parte verso ponente è la vigna di Pietro d’Angelo Longo da Tivoli» («no. 3. Road that passes, and crosses the aforesaid plain, and divides it into two parts, […] on the other side to the west is the vineyard of Pietro d’Angelo Longo from Tivoli»).

No. 17 Contini 1668, ch. v, letter E, nos. 17-25: «n. 17. Luogo, dove si vede una folta macchia spinosa, sopra rovine di gran Fabbriche, che sono sotto terra, arse dal foco, dove si crede fusse un Tempio. E questo sito è di Gio. Mingone da Tivoli» («no. 17. Place, where we see a thorny thicket, above the ruins of a large building, which are underground, scorched by the fire, where it is believed there was a Temple. This site is of Gio. Mingone from Tivoli»). No. 18 Contini 1668, ch. v, letter E, nos. 26-30: «n. 26. Fondo della Valle largo palmi 400. Dove è la vigna d’Andrea Quagliozzo di Tivoli, che possiede tutto il pian terreno di dette stanze, assieme con la fossa» («no. 26. Bottom of the Valley 400 palms wide. Where is the vineyard of Andrea Quagliozzo of Tivoli, who owns the entire ground floor of these rooms, along with the ditch»). No. 19 Contini 1668, ch. x, letter K, nos. 1-9: «n. 1. Muro lungo palmi 640, che con suoi contraforti verso la valle del Canopo, mantiene il poggio della lettera I, e detta valle è longa pal. 882, larga palmi 340 il qual sito è del sopradetto Rosato» («no. 1. Wall 640 palms long, which with its buttresses towards the valley of Canopus, borders the plain of the letter I, and the aforementioned valley is 882 palms long, and 340 palms wide, which is the site of the aforesaid Rosato»). No. 20 Contini 1668, ch. x, letter K, nos. 12-19: «n. 12. Poggio alto, sopra il d. Tempio, ove era un piano, o piazza circondata di fabriche che ora vi è una vigna con alcune macchie di Vincenzo da Tivoli» («no. 12. Poggio high above the aforementioned Temple, where there was a plain, or square surrounded by buildings, where now is a vineyard with some thicket of Vincenzo from Tivoli»). No. 21 Contini 1668, ch. x, letter K, nos. 21-23: «n. 21. Piano, che si stende verso Ponente, Maestro & Tramontana, ove sono vigne, campi, & oliveti del Signor Bastiano Soliardi da Tivoli e confina con la Valle verso Libeccio». Letter L, no. 2; «n. 2. Primo Poggio longo pal. 630, largo pal. 290; nel quale al presente è un oliveto del sopra detto Bastian Soliardo» (letter K, nos. 21-23: «no. 21. First plain, which stretches to the west, northwest & north, where are vineyards, fields & olive groves of Mr. Bastiano Soliardi from Tivoli and borders the valley towards south-west». Letter L, no. 2; «no. 2. first plain, 630 palms long, 290 palms wide, in which is an olive grove of the above mentioned Bastian Soliardo»). No. 22 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, nos. 4, 30: «n. 4. Piano del d. poggio più alto, del sopra d. circa palmi 15; ove è un gran sito longo per quanto è il d. corritore pal. 630, largo pal. 173, nel quale è un oliveto di Gioseppe Cesare da Tivoli; l’altro piano, che segue verso Scirocco, è longo palmi 880, largo pal. 493, ove di presente è una vigna del medesimo Cesare. n. 30. Portico o Loggia avanti la detta entrata, per la quale si passa al piano verso Scirocco, dove erano altri Edifitij. Tutte quelle anticaglie sono ora coperte di macchia, e le possiede il sudetto Gioseppe Cesare» («no. 4. Higher Plain of the above mentioned hill, about 15 palms higher; where is a large site as long as is the aforementioned Corridor, 630 palms long, 173 palms wide, which is a grove of Gioseppe Cesare from Tivoli; the other plain, which follows to Scirocco is 880 palms long, 493 palms wide, where presently is a vineyard of the same Cesare. no. 30. Loggia or Portico before the above mentioned entrance, through which you reach the plain towards south-east, where there were other buildings. All those antiquities are now covered with bushes, and possessed by the aforementioned Gioseppe Cesare»). No. 23 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, nos. 7-31: «n. 7. Piano più basso del sudetto pal. 20. in circa, e questo ricorre al pari del piano

hadrian’s villa in the xvii th century nu. 21. della lettera K. il qual piano è terreno di Monsignor Bulgarino, ove passa la strada fatta di novo, che và alla sua villa. n. 31. Piano, dove erano i sopraddetti edifitij, nel quale Monsignor Bulgarino padrone del luogo, ha fatto cavare tra la detta loggia, e la sua stalla, ove ha trovato alcune stanze sotto terra rovinate, dalle quali ha cavato due candelieri di marmo. n. 35. Stanza dove è la stalla e fienile di Monsig. Bulgarino, fatta sopra l’anticaglie, che di tante fabriche, ch’erano in questo sito, solo questa è restata in piedi» («no. 7: Plain that is at a level of 20 palms lower approximately, and this is at the same level of plain no. 21 of letter K. That is the ground of Monsignor Bulgarino, where passes the road recently built, that goes to his villa. no. 31: Plain, where were the aforementioned edifices, where Monsignor Bulgarino master of the place, excavated between the said Loggia, and his Barn, where he found some ruined rooms, from which he dug two marble Candelabra. n. 35: Place where it is the stable and hayloft of Monsignor Bulgarino built over the antiques, and of the many buildings that were in this site, these only remained standing»). No. 24 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 41: «n. 41. Pianta del Teatro, del quale ne è in piedi solo la loggia rustica della facciata verso Maestro, essendo il resto tutto sotto terra coperto da folta macchia la quale è di Monsig. Bulgarino, co’ tutti gli oliveti attorno di essa» («Plan of the Theatre, of which is standing only the rustic Loggia of the facade towards north-west, the rest being all under the ground covered with thick bushes, which is of Monsignor Bulgarino, with the olive groves all around it»). No. 25 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 37: «n. 37. Luogo, dove Monsig. Bulgarino ha fabricato un casino da villa parte sopra anticaglie e grotte, e parte da fondamenti» («Place, where Monsignor Bulgarino built a Casino of a Villa, parly above above antiquities and caves, and partly over foundations»). No. 26 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 12: «n. 12. Luogo, dove era un altro Edifizio discosto dalla Valle degl’Inferi palmi 170, sopra il piano verso Greco Levante, nel quale si vede sei stanze sotterranee sotto un monte di rovine, coperto da una folta macchia, la quale serve per boschetto da uccellare a tordi, e dalla parte verso Greco, e una gran macchia, che si stende fino alla valle, il qual sito è tutto di Monsignor Bulgarino» («Place, where there was another building 170 palms away from the Valley of the Inferi (Underworld), above the plain on north-east and east, where are six underground chambers under a heap of ruins, covered with thick bushes, which used to be a grove for capturing thrushes, and on the side towards north-east, and a large thorn bush reaching up to the valley, and the site is all of Monsignor Bulgarino»). No. 27 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 7: «n. 7. Sito occupato dalle caverne grandi degl’Inferi, nel quale, secondo Ligorio, erano i Campi Elisi & ora dove è la lettera A, è oliveto di Monsig. Bulgarino. Dove è la lettera B è oliveto di Donna […] Tarascone. Dove è la lettera C è oliveto di Domenico o Valerio. Dove è la lettera D è una vigna di Girolamo Ceci. E dove è la lettera E è un oliveto delli frati di S. Angelo di Tivoli» («no. 7. Site of the great caverns of the Inferi [Underworld], in which, according to Ligorio, were the Elysian Fields & now where is the letter A, is the olive grove of Monsignor Bulgarino. Where is the letter B is the olive grove of Donna […] Tarascone. Where is the letter C is the olive grove of Domenico or Valerio. Where is the letter D is a vineyard of Girolamo Ceci. And where is the letter E is an olive grove of the Friars of Sant’Angelo in Tivoli»). No. 28 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 1: «n. 1. Valle degl’Inferi longa palmi 635 larga palmi 72, con le ripe di tufo rustiche, ta-

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gliate nel piano del Colle, nel quale è una vigna di Agostino Chiappino» («Valley of the Inferi [Underworld] 635 palms long and 72 palms wide, with its cliπs of rustic tuπ, cut in the plain of the Hill, where is the vineyard of Agostino Chiappino»). No. 29 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 1: «n. 1. Valle degli Inferi […] nel quale è una vigna di Agostino Chiappino. Sopra la ripa della valle nel piano 32 della lettera L è oliveto di Andrea Scarsella; sopra l’altra ripa incontro nel piano verso Greco, è oliveto di Flaminio Bertone speziale, che confina con la vigna del sopra d. Marcello Fresciato, nominato al n. 32 della lettera L». («Valley of the Inferi [Underworld] […] which is a vineyard of Agostino Chiappino. Above the bank of the valley, in plain n. 32 of Letter L, is the olive grove of Andrea Scarsella; on the other bank of the plain, toward the north-east, is the olive grove of Flaminio Bertone, apothecary, which borders the vineyard of the above mentioned Marcello Fresciato, who was mentioned in no. 32 of the letter L»). No. 30 Contini 1668, ch. v, letter E, no. 26: «n. 26. Fondo della Valle […]. Dove è la vigna d’Andrea Quagliazzo di Tivoli, che possiede tutto il pian terreno di dette stanze, assieme con la fossa» («Bottom of the valley […]. Where is the vineyard of Andrea Quagliazzo of Tivoli, who owns all the ground floor of these rooms, together with the ditch [fossa]»). No. 31 Contini 1668, ch. x, letter K, no. 1: «n. 1. Muro lungo palmi 640, che con suoi contraforti verso la valle del Canopo, mantiene il poggio della lettera I. […] il qual sito è del sopradetto Rosato» («no. 1: wall 640 palm long, with buttresses towards the valley of the Canopus, supporting the knoll (poggio) of letter I; […] and this site belongs to the aforementioned Rosato»). No. 32 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 2: «n. 2. Primo Poggio […] un oliveto del sopra detto Bastiano Soliardo; […] n. 8. Il quale Tempio ora è spianato aπatto, & in vece di esso vi e stata fabbricata una Torre, co tre stanze dal sopra d. Signor Bastiano Soliardo, padrone del luogo, che al presente si chiama Rocca Bruna» («no. 2: First plain [poggio] […] the olive grove of the aforementioned Bastiano Soliardo; […] no. 8. This temple now is destroyed and in place of it was built a Tower, with three rooms from the abovementioned signor Bastiano Soliardo, owner of the site, that presently is called Rocca Bruna»).

Appendix 2. Original Italian text of del Re No. 33 del Re 1611, p. 188: «Soprastanti al Canopo sono i spazii del luogo dell’Accademia, la quale ha tante piazze et appartamenti, che sono indicibili, et paiono impossibili a farsi a nostri tempi con sì superba fabrica. Lo spazio dell’Accademia si spedisce con venti piazze, ch’accrescono commodità, e grazia alle cose necessarie a essa Accademia, senza i spazii grandi che tenevano occupati i boschi, e giardini, che vi erano compartiti; et a lato dell’Atrio suo era un luogo di forma ovata [Ac1], vario et ornato di statue […]. In questa Accademia della Villa d’Adriano era un tempio circolare bellissimo dedicato a Apolline e alle Muse [Ac78], il quale ha da un lato un suo vestibolo ornato di statue, secondo accennano i luoghi di esso [Ac60]. Dall’altro ha un’atrio ben grande cinto di muri di forma quadrata [Ac7-8], et cinto di fuori di colonne di marmo bianco con alcune stanze dipinte [Ac9], e stuccate [Ac10], con pavimenti fatti di pietra tagliate minutamente et connesse insieme con alcuni lavori, come ancora è stuccato tutto l’atrio. Da un altro lato del tempio è la Zoteca [A88], dove si tenevano gli animali rinchiusi. Dalla quale Zoteca dipendono altre stanze per li Sacerdoti [Ac89-90], e per le diete de gli Academici, et per gli alberghi».

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C h a p te r 11 THE BU LGARINI IN TH E X VII T H C E NTU R Y. TH E FIRST EXCAVA TIO NS A T TH E A C C A D E M IA 1. Giovanni Giacomo and Giovan Francesco Bulgarini

A

t the beginning of the xviith century, the Bulgarini family bought the grounds and buildings of the Accademia, Mimizia and Odeon theatre,1 which in the second half of the xvith century had been sold by the heirs of Bindo Altoviti to Pietro Strozzi, with a deed of 1558.2 According to Contini, the Bulgarini owned other land towards south (Fig. 1), including the Great Trapezium, the Inferi and the Prytaneum or Temple of Pluto;3 there are no known documents about the Bulgarini acquisition.4 xviith-century sources provide us with information about two members of the family: Monsignor Giovanni

Giacomo and Giovanni Francesco, presumably brothers, who made the first excavations in the Accademia of which we have an historical record; nothing is known about the excavations that the Altoviti probably made in this part of the Villa in the xvith century.5 According to his descendant Francesco Bulgarini,6 Monsignor Giovanni Giacomo Bulgarini was the senior o√cial of the Papal State in charge of the administration of the city of Tivoli and of public relations with the Governors. He acted as «Protonotario Apostolico, Segretario della S. Congregazione del Buon Governo» in 1621,7 «Pro prefetto de’ Brevi, della Segnatura di Giustizia, and Prefetto delle minute de’ grandi Brevi Apostolici»,8 during the reigns of Popes Paul V and Urban VIII.

9 8

10

11

12

13

15

14

7 6

3

4 5

2

1

Bulgarini

Soliardo

Altoviti

Rosato

Cesare

Fresciato Great T Trrapezium

Fig. 1. Plan by Francesco Contini (1668): the Accademia esplanade and its owners. 1) Roccabruna; 2) Accademia esplanade; 3) Accademia; 4) Casino Bulgarini; 5) Fosso di Risicoli; 6) Mimizia; 7) Odeon; 8) Great Trapezium; 9) Temple of Pluto or Prytaneum; 10) Inferi; 11) Nymphæum of the Prætorium; 12) Prætorium esplanade; 13) Prætorium; 14) Canopus; 15) Nymphæum above the Canopus (from Contini 1668) (courtesy dai, Rome). 1

Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, pl. viii. Folding Plan no. 3. The deed was transcribed by Lanciani in his Codex Topographicus: biasa, mss. Lanciani 88/2, f. 103, also in Paribeni 1994, p. 26. See also Pegazzano 2004a, p. 353: asrm, Notai del Tribunale dell’A. C. Ludovicus Reydettus, vol. 6176, π. 37-40. See chapter 5 on the Altoviti. 3 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, nos. 7 and 12, pl. iii. See the separate folding Plan by Contini. 4 The family archive of the Bulgarini was never studied and is still unpublished. Bulgarini 1848, p. 125, note a: «queste notizie 2

le ho tratte da memorie di mia famiglia, alla quale sino dal 1621 appartenne tale parte dell’Accademia» («these notices were taken from memories of my family, to which since 1621 belonged this part of the Accademia»). 5 See chapter 5 on the Altoviti. 6 Bulgarini 1848, p. 46. 7 Bulgarini 1848, p. 59, note 24: «Archivio Municipale, Libro dei Consigli dal 1614 al 1619, p. 115». 8 Bulgarini 1848, p. 59, note 25: «Deed of Valentino Valentini, notajo in Rome, 15 march, 1632».

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Fig. 2. The old retaining wall A of the Accademia esplanade along the road leading to the Casino Bulgarini.

Giovan Francesco Bulgarini lived in the same period; we only know that he married Francesca Sebastiani in 16359 and was in touch with the Doria Pamphilj in Rome (see below). 2. The Bulgarini properties at Hadrian’s Villa (see Contini 1668, pls. vii-viii, folding Plan no. 3; Accademia, folding Plan nos. 2 and 4) In 1668, Francesco Contini described the Accademia esplanade, the area of the Inferi and Great Trapezium: «Monsignor Bulgarino» was the owner of the land and the Roman ruins in that area.10 Contini describes «the road made anew, which goes to his villa» (Fig. 2), along the west side of the Accademia esplanade:11

room numbers «Ac…» referring to our Accademia folding Plan nos. 2 and 4):12 No. 41. Plan of the Theatre, of which is standing only the northwest façade, the rest being covered with thick brambles, belonging to monsignor Bulgarino, with the olive grove all around it». [= Odeon theatre].

In 1621 (date engraved over the front door) the Bulgarini built their Casino «over ruins and grottoes» and a barn or stable not far away: both incorporated remains of the Roman Accademia that were still standing (Figs. 3-4). During his surveys for the plan (after 1634), Contini saw the Casino and the newly built barn and described them:13

No. 7. Ground that is at a level of approximately 20 palms lower, and at the same level of the ground no. 21 under letter K. This land belongs to Monsignor Bulgarino, where is the road recently built, that goes to his villa.

No. 37. Place, where monsignor Bulgarino built his Casino above ruins and grottoes, and partly on foundations.14 [= Casino Bulgarini]. N. 35. Room where is the stable and the hay-loft of monsignor Bulgarino, built above the antiques and grottoes [fatta sopra l’anticaglie e grotte]: of the many buildings that once were in this site only this one remained standing15 [= Ac106].

The property also included the Odeon theatre (in square brackets corresponding area, measurements, buildings,

The Bulgarini owned also the area of the Inferi and Great Trapezium (Fig. 5), as well as «six underground chambers

9

Bulgarini 1848, p. 53. Contini 1668, ch. xi Del Poggio, e luoghi dell’Appartamento dell’Accademia, segnati con la letter L, pls. vii-viii, and cap. xii Della Valle e vie sotterranee degl’Inferi, segnate colla letter M, pls. ii-iii. 11 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 7 and pl. viii. For the original Italian text, here and below, see Appendix at the end of this chapter, no. 1, p. 162. The road still leads to the Casino Bulgarini. 12 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 41 and pl. viii: see Appendix, no. 2. 13 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, nos. 37 and 35, pl. viii. 10

14 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 37: see Appendix, no. 3. In the basement of the Casino, which originally were Roman substructures, there is a stair descending to a former Roman cistern once used as a cellar, that the Bulgarini still call «le Grotte» («Grottoes»). See Salza Prina Ricotti 1973a, p. 246; Salza Prina Ricotti 1979-1980, p. 293; Salza Prina Ricotti 1982, p. 43; and the unpublished survey of Mangurian, Ray 1995. 15 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 35: see Appendix, no. 4. The stable still exists, and was transformed into a farmhouse near the Casino Bulgarini.

the bulgarini in the xvii th century. the first excavations at the accademia

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31 41

34 38

31

30 35

37

19

Fig. 3. Plan by Francesco Contini (1668). 19) Accademia, central portico; 30) Loggia; 31) find spot of the Barberini Candelabra; 34) Fountain of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium; 35) Bulgarini’s stable or barn; 37) Casino Bulgarini; 38) Mimizia; 41) Odeon theatre (courtesy dai, Rome).

beneath a heap of ruins» («sotto un monte di rovine») which correspond to the Temple di Pluto or Prytaneum16 (Fig. 6):

Fig. 4. The ‘grottoes’ under the Casino Bulgarini, a former ancient cistern excavated in the tufa rock.

No. 7. Site occupied by the great caverns of the Inferi, in which, according to Ligorio, were the Elysian Fields and now is the olive grove of monsignor Bulgarino (letter A)17 [= Inferi]. N. 12. Place, where there was another Building, 170 palms away from the Valley of the Inferi, above the esplanade towards the north-east, where are six underground chambers beneath a heap of ruins, covered with thick brambles, good for thrush

hunting, and in the part towards the north-east is a large thicket reaching the valley, and all the site belongs to Monsignor Bulgarino18 [= Temple of Pluto].

Monsignor Giovanni Giacomo Bulgarini excavated at several points on his property, marked in the plan of Contini19 (see Figure 3). The excavations are generally

Temple of Pluto

Great Trapezium

Inferi

Nymphæum of Prætorium

Odeon

Mimizia Accademia

Fig. 5. Bulgarini property: Great Trapezium, the Inferi and the Temple of Pluto, the Nymphæum of the Prætorium and the other buildings (from Contini 1668) (courtesy dai, Rome). 16 17

Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, nos. 7 and 12. Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 7: see Appendix, no. 5.

18 19

Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 12: see Appendix, no. 6. Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 31.

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Fig. 6. The ruins of the Temple of Pluto (or Prytaneum).

dated around 1630,20 coinciding with the time when Cardinal Francesco Barberini was Governor of Tivoli, from 1624 to 1631.21 Besides the Barberini Candelabra, a fragment of a seated statue was discovered in a Nymphæum on the southern end of the Prætorium esplanade (see Catalogue below). No. 31. Flat land, where were the aforementioned buildings, where monsignor Bulgarino, master of the place, excavated between the loggia [no. 30] and his stable [no. 35], where he found some rooms in ruin, from which he took two candelabra with leaves carved in marble, with triangular bases, on whose sides are figurines of good manner, carved in low relief. These Candelabra are now among the antiquities of the most eminent Cardinal Barberino.22 No. 34. Fountain of the above mentioned flat land, corresponding to half of the side of the aforementioned wall, which was lined inside and outside with rustic Tartars,23 in the middle of which one sees the pedestal on which was placed a seated statue, of which was found a piece of cloth from the knees down, which was bought from the most eminent Cardinal Barberino24 [= Nymphæum of the Prætorium].

We know from the records held in the Doria Pamphilj family archive that Giovan Francesco Bulgarini was also 20 Bulgarini 1848 p. 125; Winnefeld 1895, p. 152; Lanciani 1906, p. 7; Nispi Landi 1927, p. 107. 21 Moroni 1855, p. 79. See chapter 12. 22 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 21: no. 31: see Appendix, no. 7, p. 163. 23 «Tartari» means a wall revetment imitating a grotto with stalactites, made with spume/foam of travertine or other rough stone, and later imitated in the grottoes of Renaissance villas. 24 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 34: see Appendix, no. 8. Contini does not say if the excavation was made by Bulgarini or by himself when surveying the area for the plan. 25 Garms 1972, p. 202, no. 985: «Pietre da Casal di Villa Adriana»; «Per una colonna di africano di piedi 13 e un piedistallo di mischio di piedi 7».

excavating: in the years 1645-1646 he was paid to «find marble and other [things]». A letter of 19 August 1645 from Giovan Francesco speaks of «stones from Hadrian’s Villa» and of 10 scudi paid «for a column and a pedestal».25 On 12 and 26 November 1645 there was a cash payment for excavations in search of marbles in the  vineyard of Francesco Bulgarini in Tivoli, but nothing is said about the finds.26 On 26 October and 5 November 1645, there are other payments to «Giovan Francesco Bulgarelli [sic] of Tivoli» for a column, a pedestal and other fragments.27 Other cash payments for ancient marbles are recorded on 24 June and 15 September 1646.28 A most interesting piece of information concerns the discovery of a torso of red marble. On 19 August 1645 an additional 20 scudi were paid to Giovanni Francesco Bulgarini for «a pedestal and torso of red [marble]» and other marbles.29 On 2 September 1645, Jacomo Angeli was paid 5,50 scudi for a piece of red marble for the restoration of the pedestal previously bought from Bulgarini.30 Alessandro Algardi restored the torso as the statue of the Child Dionysus now in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj in Rome (see Catalogue below). 26 Garms 1972, p. 203, no. 989: «Pagamento in contanti per scavare per trovar marmi e altro nella vigna di Francesco Bulgarini in Tivoli». 27 Garms 1972, p. 225, no. 1090: «Giovan Francesco Bulgarelli [sic] da Tivoli s. 10 per una colonna d’africano e per un piedestallo di tescio e s. 10 per 4 pezzi di colonna di marmo di p. 5 l’una, per 6 piedistalletti di marmo e 3 capitelli di colonne». 28 Garms 1972, p. 218: «pagamenti in contanti per antichità scudi 16,10 a Giovan Francesco Bulgarini per pezzi di portasanta e altri mischi». 29 Garms 1972, p. 209, no. 1019: «a Giovanni Francesco Bulgarini di Tiboli per un piedistallo e torso di rosso con altri pezzi di porta santa». 30 Garms 1972: «a Jacomo Angeli per un pezzo di marmo rosso per restauro del piedestallo di rosso».

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3. Bulgarini finds in the xvii th century. Catalogue 3. 1. Statue of Child Dionysus, rosso antico marble (Fig. 7) Location: Rome, Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Sala Aldobrandini. Provenance: Hadrian’s Villa, Bulgarini property. There is no information on the exact find spot of the torso, but since it was excavated in the Bulgarini property, Raeder indicates the Accademia.31 Dimensions: height m 1.41, but only the torso is antique (height m 0.35). History: on 19 August, 1645 the Doria Pamphilj archive reports a payment for a pedestal and a torso of red marble.32 On 2 September, 1645 another piece of the same marble was bought for the restoration.33 The same archive records other payments for the restoration of the torso, entrusted to Alessandro Algardi, one of the most famous sculptors and restorers of Rome:34 12 scudi on 8 October, 1645 and 19 February, 1646 «on account for the restoration of the red torso».35 Algardi sculpted all the missing parts to rebuild a complete statue.36 The sculpture was placed in the Doria Pamphilj’s suburban villa, the Casino del Bel Respiro, outside Porta San Pancrazio.37 The inventory of 166638 lists it in the «fifth room toward the Cherubini», and in the inventory of 1668 is described as follows:39 An ancient marble statue of Bacchus, with his left hand holding a cup, and his right holding a grape, above a tree trunk surrounded by vine leaves, with the young head crowned with vine leaves, about 7 palms tall, on an octagonal wooden pedestal, dyed in the color of diπerent stones with gold thread, about five and a half palms high.

During the xviith century the Dionysus was illustrated by Giovanni Domenico Campiglia40 in a drawing now at Eton College Library41 (Fig. 8), showing no leaves on the groin, which were added later. The sculpture was then moved to the Palazzo Doria Pamphilj in Via del Corso in Rome, where is currently on display in the Salone Aldobrandini. Restorations: As we have noted, the Doria Pamphilj bought several fragments of red marble from the Bulgarini for the restoration of the torso. In the xviith century antique sculptures had to be complete to be valuable, so Algardi added all the missing parts: the head, the arms starting from the armpits, the legs from the waist down, the support and the plinth.42 The leaves in the groin were added later, but we do not know when.43 Description: The sculpture is small, placed on a red marble base. Apparently there is no break between the original parts and those restored by Algardi, everything is polished and very well finished. But touching and looking closely the points of union come out. The head is entirely modern, a bit too big for the body; Algardi worked the hair mimicking the fur of the goat skin below. He also made a wreath of vine leaves intertwined with a ribbon tied behind the head, which he joined to the original

31

Raeder 1983, i.66, p. 79 and list of the find spots on p. 372. Garms 1972, p. 209, no. 1019: «un piedistallo e torso di rosso 33 Ibidem. con altri pezzi di porta santa». 34 Alessandro Algardi (1598-1654) was protected and patronized by Pope Innocent X Pamphilj (elected in 1644) and the Doria Pamphilj family, for whom he built and decorated the suburban villa of the Casino del Bel Respiro: Cellini 1960. See also chapter 10 on the xviith century, p. 129. 35 Garms 1972, p. 211, no. 1028 and p. 225, no. 1087: «in conto della restauratura del torso di Rosso». See also Calza 1977, pp. 8384; Palma Venetucci 1998, p. 83. 36 Calza 1977, p. 83: «la testa le braccia dalle ascelle, le gambe dall’inguine in giù e il sostegno e il plinto». 37 Garms 1972, p. 347, f. 72. 32

Fig. 7. Rome, Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Sala Aldobrandini. Statue of Child Dionysus (from Internet).

parts of the same ribbon, visible on the shoulders. The neck and shoulders are original until the armpits, the arms are modern. In the right hand he holds a small lamp, in the left a bunch of grapes and vine leaves that are cleverly linked with a smaller bunch of grapes and a leaf on the left hip, to hide the junction with the original parts (Fig. 9).

38

Baldassarri 2001, p. 104. Cacciotti, Palma Venetucci 2002, p. 72, c. 1269, no. 107. For the original Italian text see Appendix, no. 9, p. 163. 40 Giovan Domenico Campiglia (1692-1772 c.) engraver born in Tuscany, moved to Rome in 1716, where he won the first prize for painting in the Accademia di San Luca. He specialized in engraving antique statues, bas-reliefs and archaeological finds of public and private collections. He also designed the engravings of the sculptures of the Capitoline Museums for the book of Giovanni Bottari: Prosperi Valenti 1974. 41 Cacciotti 2001, fig. 43: Eton, Topham, Bm8, f. 115. 42 Calza 1977, p. 83; Raeder 1983, i.66, p. 79. 43 Published by Cacciotti 2001, p. 47, fig. 43. 39

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Fig. 9. Detail of the Nebris (from Internet).

(Athena or Demeter). When he learned of the murder, Zeus hurled thunderbolts which destroyed the Titans, while Dionysus rose again to a new life (Christian authors do not mention this resurrection). Dionysus appears and disappears, descends into the Underworld, and there are other rituals celebrating his awakening or rebirth. Again Eliade45 explains that his cult is related to the contraposition between Life and Death: Fig. 8. Giovanni Domenico Campiglia, drawing of the statue of Child Dionysus, at Eton (from Cacciotti 2001).

The nebris is original, a goat skin knotted on the left shoulder and draped under the right arm. A leg hangs in front of the right hip, but the last five centimeters (including the hoof) are restored, there is a fracture. The skin is carefully sculpted with the fur rendered as parallel ‘S’, the upper edge is folded out with a border in the shape of small triangles. The head of the goat, with open mouth and tongue showing, is immediately above the navel of the torso. One nostril is partly chipped, above it is a closed eye, near which is one ear and the horns. The skin is draped also on the back of the statue, and Algardi skillfully used it to hide the junction with the support. A third leg and hoof of the goat skin hangs on the left shoulder blade. Legs, feet, the stand and the base are entirely modern. Meaning: Mircea Eliade44 explained that the iconography of Child Dionysus refers to the myth of Dionysus-Zagreus who was killed by the Titans, who tore him into pieces and cooked them in a cauldron; his heart was recovered by a goddess 44

Eliade 1979, pp. 388-403. 46 Ibidem. Ibidem. 47 The Centaurs are in the Capitoline Museums of Rome together with the Red Faun, while the second Faun is in the Gabinetto delle 45

Through his appearances and his disappearances, the myth of Dionysus reveals the mystery and sacredness of the union between life and death […] these appearances and disappearances are not always connected to the seasons: Dionysus appears during the winter, and disappears during that same spring festival which takes place in his most triumphant epiphany. […] Dionysus is at the same time the god of fertility and death. Heraclitus (fr. 15) was already saying that Hades and Dionysus […] are one and the same person.

The myth is linked to the celebration of the Dionysian Mysteries; thanks to Roman syncretism, Dionysus was identified with worship of Osiris, who was similarly killed, dismembered and then reborn. Both cults are related to the dualism between Life and Death, and the cycle of the Seasons. In addition, the Child Dionysus represents the novice who – during the initiation into the Mysteries – is symbolically killed to be reborn to a higher level of existence. Being cooked in a cauldron, or passing through the fire, were initiation rites that gave immortality.46 During the xviiith century the two Centaurs of Aristeas and Papias and the two Fauns of red marble were discovered in the Accademia,47 which confirm the Dionysian iconography of the decoration of the building, already attested to by the Child Dionysus. Maschere in the Vatican Museums; see the chapter on Monsignor Furietti and his discoveries in the second forthcoming book of this series, on the history of studies and excavations in the Accademia from the xviiith century onwards.

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Fig. 10. The pig-sties built over the ruins of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium.

Our archaeoastronomical study of the Accademia and Roccabruna48 has shown that the two buildings were astronomically oriented toward the dawn of the Winter Solstice and the sunset of the Summer Solstice, when extraordinary luminous phenomena took place in those buildings. In the Roman Calendar the two dates (June 21st and December 23rd) corresponded to the festivals of Isis/Fors Fortuna and Dionysus/Osiris, which were probably celebrated in the two buildings. The Goddess Isis, together with Osiris, was the ‘common denominator’ of this complex symbolism, related to the duality between Life and Death, Darkness and Light, the apparent death of Nature in Winter and its flourishing in Summer.49 The iconography of the two buildings, with Dionysian sculptures in the Accademia50 and the base of a Candelabrum with symbols of Isis found in Roccabruna51 confirms this interpretation; the statue and the cult of the Child Dionysus fit perfectly into this context. Bibliography: Garms 1972, p. 209, no. 1019; Hoffmann 1976, p. 233; Calza 1977, pp. 83-84, no. 96, pl. lxii; Eliade 1979, pp. 388-403; Raeder 1983, i.66 p. 79, with previous bibliography; Palma Venetucci 1998, p. 83; Baldassarri 2001; Cacciotti 2001, pp. 46-47 and fig. 43, p. 47; Cacciotti, Palma Venetucci 2002, p. 72, c. 1269, no. 107; De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, p. 160.

3. 2. Seated statue from the Nymphæum of the Prætorium Location: unknown, according to Winnefeld and Raeder;52 in the garden of Palazzo Barberini, according to Neuerburg53 (see below). Provenance: Hadrian’s Villa, Bulgarini property. Nymphæum of the Prætorium esplanade, near the Accademia (see above, plan Figure 3, no. 34). Size: colossal. History: Contini described the statue:54 48 49 50 51 52 53

De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, pp. 170-184. De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, pp. 162-164. De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, pp. 160-161. De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, p. 162. Winnefeld 1895, p. 152; Raeder 1983, ii.9 p. 131. Neuerburg 1965, pp. 242-243.

No. 34. Fountain above the hill […] where there was a seated statue, of which a part of the clothing from the knees down was found, and was bought from the most eminent Cardinal Barberino.

The statue was seen by Contini during the surveys and excavations he made for the plan of the Villa on behalf of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. We do not know if it was discovered by him, as is generally believed. The «fountain above the hill» is a rectangular structure now supporting former pig-sties (Fig. 10); it is above the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, a retaining wall decorated with niches and fountains, still visible in the Bulgarini property (Fig. 11). The information given by Contini is reported by Winnefeld;55 Raeder56 lists the statue among the dispersed sculptures. Neuerburg57 identifies it with a statue «restored as a figure of Apollo, which adorns a fountain in the garden of the Palazzo Barberini in Rome» (Figs. 12-14). Restoration: the lower part of the statue is very old and worn, some of the drapery was remade, and the modern torso of Apollo inserted above. Description: the description of Contini is generic, «a seated statue […] a piece of cloth from the knees down», but perfectly matches the statue of Apollo identified by Neuerburg (Fig. 12). Once it was part of a fountain in the gardens of the Palazzo Barberini,58 now has been moved to the entrance courtyard of the Circolo U√ciali delle Forze Armate, on top of the ramp leading up to the gardens of Palazzo Barberini: it is inside a niche imitating the grotto of an ancient Roman nymphæum. The size is colossal, it was a male statue, as is shown by the style of the sandal on the right foot (the sandal on the left foot is also visible, but very worn). From mid-calf up, the marble is better preserved and there is a rich drapery on top of which the modern torso of Apollo was inserted (Figs. 13-14). 54 55 56 57 58

Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 34: see Appendix, no. 10. Winnefeld 1895, p. 152. Raeder 1983, ii.9, p. 131 and List of the find spots at p. 372. Neuerburg 1965, p. 243, quoting Colasanti 1926, pl. 243. As seen in the picture published by Colasanti 1926, pl. 243.

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Fig. 11. Two pillars of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium.

Neuerburg’s identification is supported by the fact that the fragment corresponds to the Contini’s description and belonged to the Barberini; however the provenance from Hadrian’s Villa is not supported by written records. Since only a fragment is preserved, we cannot understand who was the god or the person portrayed. Bibliography: Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 34, pl. viii; Piranesi 1779, pls. 50-51; Winnefeld 1895, p. 152; Colasanti 1926, fig. on p. 243; Neuerburg 1965, pp. 242-243; Raeder 1983, ii.9, p. 131.

Fig. 12. Rome, Palazzo Barberini: statue of Apollo perhaps found in the Nymphæum of the Prætorium.

3. 3. The Barberini Candelabra (Fig. 15a-b) Location: Rome, Vatican Museums, Museo Pio Clementino, Galleria delle Statue, inv. 547 (with reliefs depicting Ares, Aphrodite and Athena) and inv. 551 (with Zeus, Hera and Hermes). For brevity we will call them Candelabrum of Ares (inv. 547) and Candelabrum of Zeus (inv. 551).

Figs. 13-14. Detail of the original fragment of the statue.

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Fig. 15a-b. The Barberini Candelabra: the Candelabrum of Zeus (left) and the one of Ares (right) (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Size: Candelabrum of Ares, inv. 547: height m 2.02; height of the base m 0.85. Candelabrum of Zeus, inv. 551: height m 2.16; height of the base m 0.84. History: The discovery - The Barberini Candelabra (Fig. 15) were one of the first acquisitions of the Museo Pio Clementi-

no, and can be seen today in the Galleria delle Statue. Each has a triangular base decorated with fine bas-reliefs, depicting, on the one, Ares, Aphrodite and Athena, and on the other, Zeus, Hera and Hermes. They are among the oldest finds from Hadrian’s Villa for which there is an historical record.

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They were discovered by Monsignor Giovanni Giacomo Bulgarini «below the ground, in some ruined rooms»,59 which he was excavating in the Accademia. Francesco Contini marks the exact location of the discovery in his plan of 1668 (see above Figure 3), and describes the discovery as follows:60 No. 31 – The plain where were the aforementioned edifices, where monsignor Bulgarino master of the place, excavated between the said loggia [no. 30], and his stable [no. 35], where he found some ruined rooms under the ground, from which he dug two Candelabra with leaves carved in marble, with triangular bases, on whose sides are carved figurines of good manner, in low relief. The Candelabra are now among the antiquities of the most eminent lord Cardinal Barberino.

Cardinal Francesco Barberini, to whom they were donated, was Governor of Tivoli from 1624 to 1631,61 so the date of the discovery is set in that period, around 1630.62 The provenance from Hadrian’s Villa is confirmed in the inventory made for the Cardinal by Nicolò Meneghini, between 1632 and 1640, a few years after the discovery:63 Two Candelabra coming from Hadrian’s Villa, one is three palms high and its companion is similar, and both were triangular and in every corner there is a small figure [nos. 106 and 107] and they have many fragments of several pieces, with two cups all carved that are three palms wide (no. 108) and the other (no. 109). Another fragment of these all carved with other fragments (no. 110).

According to Pietro Sante Bartoli – who wrote at the beginning of the xviiith century64 – they were discovered during the surveys made by architect Arcucci, but the exact find spot is not mentioned:65 In Hadrian’s Villa were traced all the edifices on behalf of Cardinal Francesco Barberini, from architect Arcucci […] and on this occasion was found the beautiful marble candelabrum, the work of an excellent sculptor, with other statues, which I do not remember, which were brought in the Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane. (Note b: The candelabrum mentioned here, and another also found in Hadrian’s Villa, which is also beautiful, were both bought from Cardinal Francesco Barberini, and went to the Museo Pio Clementino under Pope Clement XIV, and then were illustrated in a copper engraving by Abbot Marini with a dissertation inserted in the Giornale di Pisa, Tomo iii. They were then published in Volume iv pl. 1-8 of the Museo Pio Clementino, and illustrated therein).

earthed in the ruins of the temple of Fortuna Prenestina about the year 1620».66 No one knows why he did so, perhaps to disguise the provenance from Hadrian’s Villa and to ease their export to England, which the English antiquarian Thomas Jenkins tried in vain to obtain. Also Giovan Battista Piranesi drew them in his book Vasi e Candelabri67 (Vases and Candelabra). In his essay of 1771, Discorso dell’Abbate Gaetano Marini sopra tre Candelabri (Discourse of Abbot Gaetano Marini upon three Candelabra), however, it is clear that Abbot Marini did not believe Cavaceppi:68 I have to start by saying a few things around the place where those Candelabra were unearthed. In the description of Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli made by Contini (ch. xi, no. 31) it is stated that the two [Candelabra] in the Barberini house were found by monsignor Bulgarino in a subterranean room of that Villa,69 and afterwards were moved to his rich Museum by the great genius of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. This is what I have found in Contini, but in the engraving of those same Candelabra by Mr. Cavaceppi, it is said that they were taken out of the ruins of the temple of Fortuna Prenestina, around the year 1620. […]. But I have great suspicion that Mr. Cavaceppi for this assumption had only the knowledge that they once belonged to the lords of Palestrina.

The abbot had more trust in Contini concerning the precise circumstances of the discovery. He also noted that the major scholars of Præneste would surely have mentioned such an important discovery, but that they were all silent on the subject:70 Not only the story told by Contini makes me suspicious but also the fact that I was not able to find any evidence of what Cavaceppi says. And I have another very strong objection: the silence of all the writers who spoke of ancient Præneste, especially of the two prelates Suares and Cecconi, who were very accurate in recording all that has been found in the town in the past years.

Also Pietro Sante Bartoli did not believe Cavaceppi’s news of the discovery in Palestrina:71 The figure can also be seen in the collection of antique candelabra of Mr. Carlo Antonini and also in Cavaceppi’s Raccolta d’antiche statue, Volume iii, pl. 58-59, where he mistakenly states that they were found in Palestrina.

In 1828 Filippo Alessandro Sebastiani described briefly the Candelabra, quoting the general plan of Contini:72

Francesco Contini made his survey after 1634 and in the plan marks the spot where they were found; he probably had firsthand information directly from the Bulgarini, so is more reliable than Piero Sante Bartoli, who wrote seventy years after the discovery. Bartolomeo Cavaceppi restored the Candelabra in the xviith century, and engraved them in his book Raccolta d’antiche Statue (Collection of Ancient Statues). He wrote (without any proof) that the Candelabra were found in Præneste: «un-

Contini in the Dechiarazione della pianta della Villa Adriana said that monsignor Bulgarini found two candelabra of marble with carved leaves, and triangular bases, on whose sides are bas-relief figures, and these candelabra were purchased by Cardinal Barberino.

59 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 31: «alcune stanze sotto terra rovinate» which means rooms that collapsed and were buried under the earth, and not subterranean rooms as some scholars mistakenly understood. For example abbott Marini wrote: «in una camera sotterranea» («in a subterranean room»): Marini 1771, pp. 17-19. 60 Ibidem: see Appendix, no. 7, p. 163. Contini started his survey in the Villa after 1634, so he was able to have first hand information 61 Moroni 1855, vol. 75, p. 79. from the Bulgarini. 62 Bulgarini 1848, p. 125; Winnefeld 1895, p. 152; Lanciani 1906, p. 7; Nispi Landi 1927, p. 107; Cassidy 1990, p. 99. 63 Lavin 1975, p. 136, no. 175: see Appendix, no. 11. 64 His text was published by Carlo Fea in 1790: Fea 1790, no. 139, p. cclxi. 65 Fea 1790, p. 261, no. 139: see Appendix, no. 12. 66 Cavaceppi 1772, vol. iii, pls. 58-59. See also Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106-107, pls. 27.3-5, 44.1-2, 45, 70, 72.2-4, 73.1-4; Cassidy 1990, p. 99: «Dissotterrati fra le rovine del tempio della Fortuna Prenestina circa l’anno 1620».

67 Piranesi 1779, pls. 50-51. See also catalogue by H. Lavagne in Hadrien 1999, p. 200 and fig. on p. 201. 68 Marini 1771, pp. 17-19: see Appendix, no. 13. Cavaceppi published his engravings of the Barberini Candelabra in 1772 (Cavaceppi 1772, pls. 58-59), therefore abbot Marini saw them personally before that date, probably when Cavaceppi restored them between 1766 and 1767. 69 Marini misunderstood the text of Contini: the «rooms ruined below ground» were not subterranean rooms, but rooms collapsed and buried under the earth. 70 Marini 1771, pp. 17-19: see Appendix, no. 14. 71 Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139: «La figura può vedersi anche nella raccolta de’ candelieri antichi del sig. Carlo Antonini e presso il Cavaceppi Racc. di Statue, Tomo iii pl. 58-59, dove per errore li dice trovati a Palestrina». 72 Sebastiani 1828, letter xiii, p. 293: see Appendix, no. 15. 73 Winnefeld 1895, p. 152: «Found in 1630 by Bulgarini and donated to Cardinal Barberini». See also Raeder 1983, p. 10; Spinola 1999, p. 17, nos. 10 and 13.

We do not know if the Candelabra were sold by Monsignor Bulgarini to Cardinal Barberini, as reported by Pierto Sante Bartoli and Filippo Sebastiani; according to Herman Winnefeld,73 the Bulgarini gave them to the Cardinal as a gift.

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History: The sale - In 1738, the Candelabra were in the Barberini Collection, listed in the inventory of that year:74 Two Candelabra of antique marble palms 8,30 tall, worked with Tuft in the Corinthian manner, with three rams’ heads in the corners, with the base in the form of a tripod with three figures for each side, that is, on one side, la Salute (Health), with some symbols and a snake, on the other side, la Speranza (Hope), and on the third side is Mars with some symbols on the helmet, with a rod in his hand, marked no. 202. And on the other on one side is Juno with a spear in her hand, on the other side Mercury in the act of sacrificing a ram, wearing a pilo on his head, and on the third side is a priest of Bacchus with a thyrsus and a knife, marked likewise no. 202. They are set upon wooden stools, dyed with the color of stone, with a gold festoon of shells, estimated value three hundred sixty-two scudi.

In 1766 the Candelabra were sold for 1,000 crowns to Thomas Jenkins (Fig. 16), one of the most active antiquarians and art dealers of Rome.75 He gave them for restoration to Bartolomeo Cavaceppi, with the intention of selling them to some wealthy English nobleman. Events worthy of a novel saved them from export to England, mainly thanks to the opposition of Johann Joachim Winckelmann and Cardinal Alessandro Albani; in the end they were acquired for the Museo Pio Clementino. In 1766, after oπering them to Lord William Locke,76 Thomas Jenkins tried to interest the wealthy English collector, Thomas Anson,77 starting a correspondence with his agent, John Dick, which provides an interesting insight into the antiques market of the time, with secret negotiations, personal favours, gratuities and boasts about knowing the ‘right people’.78 In a first letter of 15th November 1766, Jenkins went straight to the point, asking for 1765 crowns, including gratuity:79 It is with great pleasure that I have in my power to make you an oπer of two of the most excellent and singular antiquities of Rome; I mean the well known Candelabri of the Barberini, it is some years that I have been endeavouring to purchase them, but the di√culties were until lately insurmountable; there were various commissions from England, and other parts, to buy them, but as I had the advantage of treating directly with the Lady, it turned the balance in my favour. The price paid is 1700 Crowns, to which must be added 65 Crowns that was given in gratuities to the two Guarda Robas […].

Then he explained to John Dick that the Princess Barberini had given him a receipt for 2,000 crowns, to prove to her husband that she was not selling the family collection cheap; the cost of the restorations had then to be added, until, ultimately, the price being asked was almost twice that which Jenkins had paid: The Princess has tho’ contrary to custom given me a receipt, which she chose to make for 2000 Crowns and insisted on my saying that I paid that sum, this I presume was for family reasons, to let the Prince see, she did not throw away things as he has sometimes done; be as it will, I mention this to you in the highest confidence, and if you think fit to acquaint your friend of it, I must request that it be on this express condition, that he does not mention it, to any person whatever […].

74 Documenti inediti 1880b, p. 42, where the provenance is not mentioned; see Appendix, no. 16. See also Cain 1985, p. 189. Athena is identified with Speranza (Hope), while the lightning of Zeus is mistaken for a knife and the figure becomes a priest of Bacchus. 75 Cain 1985, p. 189; Pietrangeli 1989: p. 82, nos. 10 and 13; Cassidy 1990, pp. 99-100; Spinola 1999, p. 17, nos. 10 and 13: they talk about 1,000 crowns, but a letter of Jenkins (see below) mentions a price of 1,700 crowns. 76 Cassidy 1990, p. 99, quoting a letter of Winckelmann, 7th October 1766. See also Spinola 1999, p. 17, nos. 10 and 13. 77 Cassidy 1990, p. 100. Thomas Anson (1695-1773) was the older brother of Admiral George Anson, who captured the Spanish

Fig. 16. Thomas Jenkins, portrait by Anton von Maron (from Internet).

The real reason for such secrecy (as proves the letter that followed) is that Jenkins had asked an even higher price, «2000 crowns and contingent expenses» from the Vatican; he tried to sell the Candelabra to the Pope when the Cardinal Camerlengo had prohibited their export to England. However, Jenkins wrote that he was sure that the Vatican could not aπord to pay such a high price: […] as soon as ever it was known that the Candelabri were sold, they made as much noise here as Politicks do in London, and to quiet the clamour of certain Card., I had no other remedy left but to oπer them to the Pope for the 2000 Crowns and the contingent expenses attending their purchase etc. Very luckily it happens that the finances of this Govt. do not admit of laying out any money at this time, which will probably be the means of procuring the permission to send them away […].

The letter included a sketch of the Candelabra, with an enthusiastic description, emphasizing that they came from Hadrian’s Villa, and were outstanding works of art. In those years, following the studies and theories of Winckelmann, there was intense debate as to the superiority of Greek art over that of Rome; being so beautiful, the reliefs most certainly belonged to «the very finest time of the Grecian Age»: Enclosed are slight sketches of them with their measures, the lower part is of triangular form, has a figure representing a deity on each side, the sculpture of which is supposed to be the very finest time of the Grecian Age, about the time of Alexan-

galleon Nuestra Señora de Covadonga, obtaining a rich booty that allowed him to expand and embellish the family mansion at Shugborough, where he displayed an impressive Collection of ancient sculptures, paintings and books (website: http://www.shugborough.org.uk/theshugboroughestate/EstateHistory.aspx). The Collection was sold in 1842 to pay oπ the gambling debts of his dissolute namesake and descendant Thomas Anson (website http:// www.imaginingstaπordshire.org.uk/shug/documents/shugimstaf5libraryetc.pdf). 78 Cassidy 1990, p. 100: the letters are in the Staπordshire County Record O√ce. 79 Cassidy 1990, pp. 108-109, appendix, no. 1.

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Fig. 17. Comparison between the sketch of Jenkins and the engraving of Cavaceppi: the largest tuft (asterisk) was moved up, and the bases inverted (from Cassidy 1990 and Cavaceppi 1772).

der, and are quoted as such by all the eminent writers of antiquity; the upper parts are without doubt the finest ornaments that ever were done in sculpture – they were found in Adrian’s Villa, in one of the temples, which is well known that Emperor ornamented with the finest works of sculpture he could procure from all parts […].

The sketch is very important, because shows the Candelabra before Cavaceppi’s restoration, who exchanged the bases and modified the disposition of the tufts in one of them (Fig. 17); perhaps this was done to put together the two that were diπerent from all the other ones.80 The letter listed other possible expenses: Jenkins did not know the cost of the restoration and was willing to ask the payment of his commission only if Lord Anson was fully satisfied: To the price must be added the expense of restoring the pieces of ornament that are wanting, the which I do not yet know the amount of – if your friend chuses them, and when they arrive they are to his satisfaction, I shall in that case and not otherwise expect commission for purchasing them. I regard the merit of placing them where you wish much more than any profit I might expect on the occasion; the price on the whole its true amounts to a sum, but it is so far short of their worth, that copies of them could not be made for less than 2000 Crowns, may possibly not for that sum.

In the Postscript, he described the pedestals, listed in the xviiith-century inventory as «wooden stools dyed in the colour of stone, with gold festoon of shells»,81 customdesigned by Bernini: p.s. The Candelabri when in the Barberini Palace stood on triangular piedestals made of wood, from designs of Bernini, the which I have got, and may be sent if desired, tho’ I doubt whether it would be worth the expense being only of wood, if the gentleman who becomes the proprietor desires to raise them, I will send him drawings of the above mentioned piedestals …

In a second letter of 24 January 1767, Jenkins talked about the restoration still in progress:82

I find your friend agrees to take the Candelabri etc. and I will venture to say when he sees them he will think himself much obliged to you? The statue of the Minerva is without all doubt the very finest drapery figure in the world; the head wonderfully so and it has the advantage of having no restores [sic] of any consequence excepting one hand. […] It will be impossible to send away the candelabri so soon as you wish, tho’ the restorers go on as well and as fast as possible, yet they are of a nature that require much time, and you may be assured not a moment will be lost.

On June 3rd 1767, Jenkins wrote another letter about the di√cult situation, the hostility of Cardinal Alessandro Albani (who in his opinion wanted the Candelabra for his own Collection), describing his diplomatic eπorts behind the scene:83 Mr. Dick […] was pleased to direct, that when your candelabri were finished and sent away, I should acquaint you therewith and draw upon your Bankers for the remainder of the money. The restores [sic] were completed the beginning of April, when finding the ordinary channel for obtaining a licence was not su√cient, I took the liberty to represent the aπair to Prince Altieri, who with his usual goodness, was so very kind as to undertake the application to the Pope’s nephew who is Cardinal Camerlengo and by virtue of his o√ce is the person on whom it depends to send away Antiquities from Rome. […]. But the greatest di√culty of all was Cardinal Albani, who has made quite an uproar about those things, and while he pretends zeal for the publick [sic], his views are merely selfish; at the time when he warned the Cammerlengo that the candelabri ought not to be sent out of Rome, he wanted to treat with me to give them him in exchange for some of his fragments. […]. For although I have prevailed with much di√culty in Abate Winckelmann, the Pope’s Antiquary, to make a written declaration in favour of your request for the Licence, Prince Altieri even with this very essential attestation has not been able to move the Cammerlengo from his opposition to the candelabri being sent away.

Besides Cardinal Albani – at that time Direttore delle Arti (Director of the Arts) in Rome – Winckelmann also denied permission for export.84 Jenkins was never able to get the Li-

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82

81

83

Cassidy 1990, p. 105. «Scabelloni di legno tinti color di pietra con festone a conchiglie dorati».

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Cassidy 1990, p. 109, appendix, no. 2. Cassidy 1990, pp. 110-111, appendix, no. 3. Spinola 1999, p. 17, nos. 10 and 13.

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Fig. 18a-b. Traces of chiseling and reworking around the figures of Hermes and Hera (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

cence, and on 12 August 1767 wrote a final letter to John Dick,85 returning the deposit of 1,000 crowns, without asking for any compensation for the sketch he had sent. Being an experienced art dealer, he proposed, as an alternative, a sculpture of Heracles, also coming from Hadrian’s Villa: the price was much lower (only 300 crowns, plus gratuity) but it was «without doubt of the same authors or school who made the Laocoon of the Belvedere» (!!).86 It stood in the same palace and indeed in the same room with the candelabri, it was found likewise in Adrian’s Villa, represents a half-figure of Hercules, supposed in distress for having been betrayd by putting on the skin or vest of the Centaur, the part of the figure that is wanting was most probably made of a separate piece of marble which appears by the bottom of his Ant […]. y not having the signs of being broke; […]. The head of the figure has been broke of, but every piece has been preserved with great care, even the nose […]. It is larger than nature, was too well known in the house to be had cheap, it being the very same style of sculpture, and without doubt of the same authors or school as those who made the Laocoon in the Belvedere; I paid the Princess 300 crowns for it and 15 crowns to the two Guarda Robas.

In March 1770, Thomas Jenkins resigned himself to selling the Candelabra to the Papal treasurer, Monsignor Gian Angelo Braschi, the future Pope Pius VI. The price was 2,000 crowns, the same amount that in his opinion the Vatican could never aπord to spend. Initially, the Candelabra were placed in the Museo Carpegna, near the Vatican Library, and a few years later became the first acquisition of the Museo Pio Clementino, founded by Pope Clement XIV, as quoted by Pietrangeli:87 His Holiness [the Pope] desiring to contribute to the magnificence of the city of Rome, and at the same time to preserve the most precious monuments, gave orders to the Englishman, Mr. Thomas Jenkins, to buy for a respectable amount of money the two famous Candelabra. That command of His Holiness being obeyed, these monuments are already located in the Mu-

85

86 Cassidy 1990, p. 113. Cassidy 1990, p. 104. Pietrangeli 1989, p. 17, quoting Diario Ordinario of 24th March 1770: see Appendix, no. 17. See also Cassidy 1990, p. 105. The building of the new wings of the Museo Pio Clementino caused the unfortunate destruction of the Chapel with frescoes by Andrea Mantegna: see again Pietrangeli 1989, pp. 86-87. 88 The restorer therefore confirmed a detail already noticed by Amelung and Howard. See Amelung 1908, vol. ii.4, pp. 630-632; Howard 1982, p. 174 and note 3. 87

seum of the Vatican Library where they will be lasting testimony to the munificence of His B.ne and excellent examples of the sculpture of the ancients.

Restoration: The extent of restoration is a di√cult and complex issue: first of all the original parts must be distinguished from the modern ones, and, secondly, it is not easy to understand what was restored in the xviith and what in the xviiith centuries. I am particularly grateful to Stefano Spada, a restorer in the Vatican Museums, with whom I studied the Candelabra. He taught me many things and showed me important details: traces of mending, tips of leaves re-attached, traces of glues which have changed colour over time, and small parts redone or repaired with stucco. He showed me the imperceptible traces of light chiseling in the anthemion frieze and in the bases where, in front of the figures of the gods, the surface was reworked (Fig. 18a-b) perhaps to erase some details that were too damaged to be recovered.88 This chiseling dates from the xviith century when encrustations on the marble were removed; this is why Jenkins wrote in his letters that the figures of the reliefs did not need restoration, since they «are as fresh and well preserved as if made yesterday». The sketch of Jenkins proves that in 1766 (before the Cavaceppi restoration) the Candelabra had the appearance they have today. This means that a first restoration must have been made immediately after the discovery, which occurred around 1630. It was probably commissioned by Monsignor Bulgarini, who certainly would never have considered giving (or selling) the Candelabra to Cardinal Barberini in fragments. The restoration was at least prior to 1640, since the Candelabra, as we said, are mentioned in the inventory of Nicolò Meneghini (made between 1632 and 1640).89 There is no written record on those early restorations, but the archive of the Bulgarini family (unpublished and mentioned by Francesco Bulgarini)90 could perhaps yield some information. In those same years, the Bulgarini

89 Lavin 1975, p. 136: reports f. 10r, no. 175: «hanno molti fragmenti di più pezi» («have many fragments in many pieces»). The inventory of 1738 instead describes them as they are today. 90 Bulgarini 1848, p. 125, note a: «queste notizie le ho tratte da memorie di mia famiglia, alla quale sino dal 1621 appartenne tale parte dell’Accademia» («I found this information in some records of my family, to which this part of the Accademia belonged since 1621»).

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Fig. 19. Restoration of the anthemion frieze in the Candelabrum of Zeus (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

discovered a torso of Child Dionysus of red marble,91 which was later restored by Algardi on behalf of the Doria Pamphilj. Bulgarini may have entrusted the restoration of the Candelabra to Algardi, who often went to Tivoli in search of ancient marble fragments for his restoration work. The xviith-century restoration was a skilful pastiche that joined together two triangular bases with figurative reliefs, seven tufts (originally belonging to diπerent candelabra) and two large ribbed bowls, completing them with modern parts to obtain their present appearance. The anthemion frieze of the Candelabrum of Zeus was broken into several pieces which were reassembled (Fig. 19). In the larger acanthus tuft (no. 2 in the Candelabrum of Ares), most of the tips of the leaves are restored and have small supports and the cracks are disguised with stucco. The integration copied the surviving original parts, without inventing anything. The tips of the acanthus leaves were almost all remade. From the letters of Jenkins we know that the restoration of Cavaceppi lasted several months, from November 1766 to April 1767,92 and focused on the ornamental parts and the acanthus leaves, since the figures of the bases were well preserved:93 91 Now in Rome, in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Sala Aldobrandini. See Raeder 1983, i.66, p. 79, with previous bibliography. See above, Catalogue, no. 2. 92 Letter of 3rd June, 1767: «restores [sic] were completed at the beginning of April». See Cassidy 1990, pp. 110-111. 93 Letter of 25th November 1766, in Cassidy 1990, p. 108. According to Pietrangeli, however, Cavaceppi simply moved and reassembled them in the Biblioteca; evidently, Pietrangeli did not know the letters of Jenkins: see Pietrangeli 1989, p. 82.

In the mean time the necessary restores [sic] of the ornamental part are doing, as to the figures they are as fresh and well preserved as if made yesterday. […] To the price must be added the expense of restoring the pieces of ornament that are wanting, the which I do not yet know the amount for […].

According to Howard,94 the restorations of Cavaceppi corrected a few small flaws in the shaft and in the reliefs, while the ancient surface was completely reworked with great care and lightly polished. Cavaceppi probably integrated, revised and repaired the old restorations of the xviith century. When he reassembled the Candelabra, he exchanged the bases and moved down the acanthus tuft larger than the other ones, as proven by the sketch of Jenkins (see above, Figure 17); perhaps this was done to make them more symmetrical. In 1782, several years after the acquisition by the Museo Pio Clementino, there was further restoration, attributed to Gaspare Sibilla,95 who worked with such skill that only «with great di√culty you may find the traces of the seams».96 Sibilla, however, died in 1782, the same date as the restoration, therefore the work must have been carried out by his apprentices (unfortunately, there is no record of it in the Vatican Archives).97 Probably they repaired previous restorations. In both Candelabra there are some letters engraved below the 94

Howard 1982, p. 174 and note 3. Spinola 1999, p. 17. 96 As De Rossi commented in the xixth century: quoted by Guerrieri Borsoi 2002, pp. 160-161. 97 I am very grateful to Dr. Maria Antonietta De Angelis of the Archivio Storico dei Musei Vaticani for this and other information about restorations. 95

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Fig. 20a-b-c. Letters engraved under the leaves of the stems (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

acanthus leaves of the shaft (Fig. 20a-b-c), marking the parts to reassemble them easily: there is a «C» in the Candelabrum of Zeus, a «D» and an «H» on the one of Ares. The underbases with palmettes and gri√n paws of both Candelabra, and at least one of the two ‘connecting tufts’ are modern,98 made in the xviith century as the sketch of Jenkins clearly shows (see below Description with pictures). Amelung and Cain99 believe that the underbases are both modern and so are the ‘connecting tufts’. Cain thinks that the tuft with lance-shaped leaves (on the Candelabrum of Ares) was made by Cavaceppi, but the Jenkins drawing shows that this was not so. Everything else is antique, with much reintegration. Almost all the tips of the leaves have been restored, as the linear fractures prove, being regularized so as to join the new parts more easily. The restoration was a work of extraordinary skill: first the pieces were moulded in clay, from which a gypsum form was made. These were then reproduced in marble and fixed into place using vegetable glues and sometimes metal pins100 (Fig. 21). A light chiseling then followed, in order to make everything smooth and conceal the joins. A chemical analysis of the glues might allow a distinction to be made between the restorations of the xviith century and those of the xviiith. Description: Each Candelabrum consists of several elements (Fig. 22), which will be examined individually 1. modern underbase 2. triangular base with figured reliefs and a beaded border 3. anthemion frieze with lion’s heads 4. connecting tuft 5. shaft with several vegetal tufts 6. ribbed bowl on top

Fig. 21. Restoration with a nail masked with stucco in the Candelabrum of Ares (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

connecting tufts, probably modern (see below). The grouting between the underbase and the original Roman base is chipped and was repaired with some plaster which has changed colour. On the right side of the picture it can be seen that the first three beads of the border (right of the figure of Ares) were remade, copying the original pattern visible on the opposite side.

1. Modern underbase with gri√n paws, palmettes and flowers (Fig. 23). The lower part of the Candelabra, supporting the triangular base with figurative reliefs, is a xviith-century addition (already visible in the sketch of Jenkins, see above Figure 17). It is triangular, slightly larger than the antique base, with a high moulded plinth. The frieze has a central flower, with two palmettes ending with a four-petalled flower; the corners have gri√n paws with acanthus leaves on top. The workmanship is more ‘rigid’ than in the original parts, and the acanthus leaves are similar to those of the

2. Triangular bases with figurative reliefs. a. Candelabra base of Ares (inv. 547) with figures of Ares, Athena and Aphrodite (Figs. 24-32). Ares101 is seen from behind (Fig. 24). On his head is a Corinthian helmet with a crest supported by a central winged gri√n (Fig. 25) below which is a small lion. Ares’s face is in profile, facing left; his chlamys is draped over his shoulders and around his left arm, which is bent forward and upwards to hold the spear. His right arm bends backwards with his hand resting on his hip; his bare feet rest directly on the ground: there is no pedestal.

98 Amelung said that the underbases are modern (Amelung 1908, p. 628), but unlike Cain thought that the ‘connecting tufts’ were antique (Amelung 1908, p. 630). 99 Amelung 1908, p. 628; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190. 100 As explained to me by Stefano Spada, restorer of the Vatican Museums. For a description of how the restorations were made, see Guerrieri Borsoi 2002, pp. 160-161: «The work included, even for small additions, the realization of clay models from which are

derived the forms of gypsum prior to marble sculpture of the integrations, the joining of the pieces, and if necessary cleaning and polishing. […]. There was great attention […] metal pins were made of copper to prevent the formation of rust […]. Even the surfaces were altered so that the integration was less noticeable, extending over the whole work a level patina». 101 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and p. 104.

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ribbed bowl

stem with tufts

connecting tuft anthemion frieze

triangular bases with reliefs

modern underbase

Fig. 22. Scheme of the Candelabra with their diπerent elements (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 23. Modern underbase (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

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Fig. 24. Ares (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 26. Aphrodite (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 25. Detail of the helmet with a winged gri√n and lion (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 27. Detail of the lotus flower (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

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Aphrodite102 (Fig. 26) is seen from in front, her head turned to the viewer’s right. Her right hand is holding up a fold of her skirt, and her left hand holds a lotus flower (Fig. 27). Her dress is a chiton reaching down to her ankles, which also covers her upper arms; the edges of fabric are held together by small round buttons. A small cloak is draped over the left shoulder, above the chiton and peplos, which is being raised by the wind above her right shoulder. The hem of the cloth of the cape and small folds ending in tassels are clearly visible. The goddess’ hair is wrapped in cloth above which is a diadem, and she is wearing light sandals. She stands on a small cubed pedestal (Fig. 28). 102 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and pp. 99-100.

Fig. 28. Detail of the feet with sandals (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

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Fig. 29. Athena (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 30. Detail of the helmet with winged horses and a sphinx, and the Aegis with small snakes (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 32. Detail of the feet and the robe of Athena (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Athena103 is seen in a three-quarter view from behind, facing to her right (Fig. 29). She is wearing an Attic helmet, the crest of which is supported by a central Sphinx (only the head is visible) flanked by two winged horses. Her long Fig. 31. The snake drinking from the patera (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

103 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and p. 105.

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Fig. 34. The head of Zeus (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 33. Zeus (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

hair falls over her shoulders, partly hiding the Aegis, which has small scales and snake heads (Fig. 30). The goddess wears an open peplum, draped on the right side of her body over a sleeveless chiton. Her right arm is raised to hold a cup from which a large serpent is drinking, on whose head the scales are clearly visible (Fig. 31); his body curls over the goddess’s left shoulder, supported by her left hand, and down her body and legs to her lightly-sandaled feet, which are just visible beneath the hem of her floor-length dress. She stands on a round pedestal (Fig. 32). b. Candelabrum Base of Zeus (inv. 551) with figures of Zeus, Hera and Hermes (Figs. 33-38). Zeus104 (Figs. 33-34) is seen from in front, naked and carrying a chlamys, richly draped over his left shoulder and arm with which he holds the sceptre; the folds of cloth are hemmed and decorated with small triangular tassels. In his right hand, where the veins are clearly visible, Zeus carries a thunderbolt, the front part of which is missing (Fig. 35). He is wearing shoes; the right foot is chipped. Hera105 (Fig. 36) is seen from front, in a pose which is a mirror-image of that of Aphrodite. She is wearing a chiton, gathered at the waist, which also covers the arms. Over the chiton is a cloak draped over the left shoulder and arm; her left hand is holding the cloak, while her right arm is raised to support a sceptre matching that of Zeus. She is wearing a cloth headdress surmounted by a diadem, similar to that of Aphrodite. Her toes and the soles of her sandals are just 104 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and pp. 117-119. 105 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and p. 111.

Fig. 35. The hand of Zeus holding the thunderbolt (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

visible under the hem of the floor-length chiton. She stands on a circular base decorated with rounded edges. Hermes106 (Fig. 37) is seen from behind in a mirror image of Ares. His right arm is raised, holding a cup, his head, covered by a small flat hat (the petasos) slightly inclined forward. He wears only a chiton, draped over the shoulders and hanging down his back and over his right arm, which is decorated with small tassels, as those of Aphrodite and Zeus. His left hand grasps the horn of a struggling ram (Fig. 38), whose rear legs rest on the same circular pedestal as the naked feet of the god. The two bases have the traditional triangular shape of marble candelabra, many of which have a similar beaded border.107 106 Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106107 and pp. 112-113. 107 Compare other candelabra published by Cain 1985.

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Fig. 37. Hermes (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 36. Hera (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

3. Anthemion frieze with lion’s heads (Figs. 39-40). Above the triangular bases with figured relief is a triangular block of marble, with a smooth moulding in the lower part and an anthemion frieze on top (Fig. 39), consisting of mirrored pairs of ‘C’ shaped elements, backed by lanceolate leaves. Inside the circular spaces formed by the back-to-back ‘Cs’, the central one carries a palmette with inwardly-curling leaves; on each side are two lotus flowers and then two other palmettes with outwardly-curving leaves. In the corners are lion’s heads with ibex horns (Fig. 40). The anthemion frieze is original, was carved from a single block, as shown by the fracture visible in the Candelabrum of Zeus, which has been restored (Fig. 41 and previously Fig. 19). The palmettes were cleaned of encrustations and ‘refreshed’ with careful chiseling.108 In the Candelabrum of Ares, the leaves between the ‘C’-shaped elements carry an incised vertical rib – perhaps re-working? There also are traces of colour next to one of the lion’s heads, but chemical or spectrographic analysis is needed to understand whether this is an original colour or just rust spots. The Candelabra, like many other ancient sculptures, would originally have been coloured. 4. Connecting tuft (Figs. 41-42). Between the triangular figurative bases and the shafts of the Candelabra (acanthus tufts piled one on top of the other), 108 As explained to me by Stefano Spada, restorer in the Vatican Museums.

Fig. 38. Detail of the ram of Hermes (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

is a connecting tuft, inserted in the marble block of the anthemion frieze, as shown by the grouted joint. This connecting tuft occurs in other ancient candelabra, and served to connect the triangular shape of the base with the circular shape of the shaft109 (Fig. 41). The two ‘connecting tufts’ are diπerent: that of the Candelabrum of Ares is of more careful and ‘lively’ workman109

See other pictures of candelabra in Cain 1985.

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Fig. 39. The anthemion frieze: in Candelabrum of Ares (above), and in the one of Zeus (below) (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 41. Connecting tuft of the Candelabrum of Zeus, joining the triangular base and the circular stem (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 40. Lion’s head with ibex horns (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

ship, the leaves have veins in relief, and are carved in more relief. There are also small heart-shaped leaves, similar to those of the first tuft of the shaft (Fig. 42). The Candelabrum of Zeus, however, is more ‘stiπ’ and of less accurate workmanship, and there are no heart-shaped leaves, which were unnecessary since they do not appear on the first tuft of the shaft. This detail suggests that the connecting tuft on the Zeus Candelabrum is a modern copy, made during the xviith-century restoration. The diπerence is ‘stylistic’ and di√cult to judge: the Vatican restorer, Stefano Spada, believes both could be modern, perhaps made by two diπerent artisans.

Fig. 42. Connecting tuft of the Candelabrum of Ares, with heart-shaped leave matching the ones of the tuft above (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

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Fig. 43. Tufts nos. 1 and 2 of the Candelabrum of Ares viewed from two diπerent sides (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

larger leaves are almost completely the work of restoration, and are supported by props, but the missing original parts have been faithfully reproduced without invention. Tufts 3 and 4 - Are both of acanthus leaves (Fig. 45).They are circular, each having two tiers of nine acanthus leaves in the same workmanship. No. 3 is slightly taller, while no. 4 is wider and lower. Both have a rough, flat rim bordered with petals. A large ribbed bowl rests above tuft no. 4.

Fig. 44. The large leaves of tuft no. 2 (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

5. Shafts of the Candelabra. a. Candelabrum of Ares (inv. 547) (Figs. 43-45) The shaft is made up of four diπerent vegetal tufts placed one on top of the other. Tuft 1 - The first tuft, with lance-shaped leaves (Fig. 43) is diπerent from all the others, and narrower. The first circle of leaves has three large acanthus leaves corresponding to the three sides of the triangular base. Behind them is a second circle of nine lance-shaped leaves, in groups of three centred on the three corners of the base. Behind them are other smaller lance-shaped leaves. The tips of the leaves are almost all restored. There are finely chiseled thin ribs continuing in tuft n. 2 and these were probably made during restoration. Tuft 2 - The second tuft has very large acanthus leaves (Figs. 43-44). It, too, is diπerent from all the others, being much wider and having three large leaves which alternate with three smaller leaves. The smaller leaves correspond to the sides of the base and to the acanthus leaves of tuft no. 1, while the larger leaves are aligned with the top of the base and with the lanceolate central leaves of tuft no. 1 below. The 110

b. Candelabrum of Zeus (inv. 551) (Figs. 46-49). Double tuft 5-6 (Fig. 46): tufts nos. 5-6 are formed from a single piece and show how the shafts of the Candelabra were originally made. They are taller than tufts nos. 3-4 and each one has a double row of acanthus leaves (see below, Figure 53 for a comparison). Tuft no. 6 ends with a border of petals and has a flat rim (Fig. 47), similar to tufts nos. 3, 4 and 7. Tuft no. 5 is diπerent, because the border of petals overlaps a second row of petals, into the centre of which the shaft of tuft no. 6 is inserted, with a connecting band of vertical ribs (Fig. 48). Tuft 7 - single tuft (Fig. 49), similar to tufts nos. 3 and 4, with two circles of acanthus leaves, a border of petals above, and a flat rim on top, on which the bowl rests. 6. Ribbed Bowls (Figs. 50-51). On top of both Candelabra is a large, ribbed marble bowl with a rim of petals and a beaded inner border. The surface of the bowl is flat and rough, with a hole in the centre for the metal pin which held the various parts of the Candelabra together. A further object, most probably a bronze brazier, stood on the flat surface. Structure and reconstruction: The typological study of Hans-Ulrich Cain110 shows that ancient marble candelabra appeared in Italy in Republican times (iind-ist centuries bc) and also in Imperial times, from the reign of Augustus onwards. The scheme, derived from Hellenistic models, became consistent with its basic elements in Imperial times, and was repeated with little variation. There was a triangular base decorated with reliefs and topped by an anthemion frieze, a connecting tuft and finally the shaft, which could be a single piece or several tufts one on top of the other. The Barberini Candelabra fit perfectly into this last group. The triangular bases of the Candelabra almost always had a beaded border, and were decorated with bas-reliefs of

Cain 1985, pp. 26-72 on typology, esp. pls. 2 and 3.

the bulgarini in the xvii th century. the first excavations at the accademia

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Fig. 45. Tufts nos. 3 and 4 and the ribbed bowl of the Candelabrum of Ares (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 46. Tufts nos. 5 and 6 of the Candelabrum of Zeus (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 47. Top of tuft no. 6 with flat and rough surface (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 49. Tuft no. 7 and the ribbed bowl of the Candelabrum of Zeus (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

mythological subjects.111 The figures (satyrs, maenads, gods, heroes, etc.) were sometimes standing on small pedestals,112 as in the Barberini Candelabra. Above the base was a thick triangular slab decorated with an anthemion frieze with palmettes alternating with lotus flowFig. 48. Original connection between tufts nos. 5 and 6, with a double row of petals and ribs (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

111 See the study on the iconography of Roman marble candelabra 112 Cain 1985, pl. 12. in the book by Cain.

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Fig. 50. Ribbed bowl with the hem restored (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

Fig. 52. Rome, Palazzo Colonna, relief showing an ancient Candelabrum with flaming fire on top (courtesy of the Princes Colonna, Rome).

Fig. 51. Top of ribbed bowl with rough surface and through hole (Foto © Musei Vaticani).

ers, with rams’ heads at the corners, which occur in almost identical form in many candelabra.113 The Barberini Candelabra are unique, however, in having lion’s heads with ibex horns at the corners: an exclusive creation for the Emperor. Continuing upwards, the connecting tuft joined the triangular shape of the base with the circular shaft:114 it was made of acanthus leaves (more or less stylized), just as in the Barberini Candelabra. The shafts of the candelabra were of two types: the first had several tufts superimposed, similar to Corinthian capitals. The second type was thinner and oval-shaped, decorated with vegetal branches in bas-relief.115 Each type had endless combinations: the tufts could be larger or smaller, wider or narrower, higher or lower. The tufts with acanthus leaves on the Barberini Candelabra belong to the first type, and fit into a well-attested repertoire. The very large acanthus leaves of tuft no. 2, however, have no comparison: once again they must have been made exclusively for the Emperor. On top of the Candelabra was a ribbed bowl116 which probably supported a metal brazier for a smouldering fire pos-

113

Cain 1985, pls. 24 and 36-41. Cain 1985, pl. 3, with a drawing of the connection between the triangular base and the circular shaft. See also pls. 18, 84, 86-87. 115 Cain 1985, pl. 83 shows three diπerent candelabra, one with acanthus tufts, the second with lance-shaped leaves and the third of oval shape, decorated with vegetal bas-relief. 116 Cain 1985, pls. 37-38 and 48. 114

sibly for burning incense,117 as seen in the relief of a Candelabrum in Palazzo Colonna at Rome (Fig. 52). The Candelabra were pendant, pairs of two, four or six;118 unfortunately they are a rare find, and there is no evidence to reconstruct their number, context and placing. The Barberini Candelabra were surely pendants, since the two bases are of identical size and features. However, they have been made up of parts coming from several diπerent candelabra: two ‘connecting tufts’, seven diπerent tufts, set one on top of the other by the xviith-century restorers, as column drums. It is very di√cult to reconstruct the original arrangement of the tufts; comparison with similar candelabra (for example the one from Otricoli in the Vatican Museums) is of little use, because the Barberini Candelabra have been so heavily restored, combining pieces from several diπerent candelabra. We can, however, separate single elements, and – with the help of computer graphics – attempt a reconstruction (Fig. 53). Tufts nos. 1 and 2 are completely diπerent from all the others, and belonged to one or two diπerent candelabra (or possibly to pendant couples). The shaft would have had only tufts with lance-shaped leaves:119 examples are known from Augustan times120 and there is a similar shaft in the Antiquarium of Hadrian’s Villa. Otherwise the shaft could have only large acanthus leaves. It is also possible to combine both elements, alternating the two types: this last reconstruction seems more convincing, but all the versions are, of course, hypothetical (Fig. 54). All the other tufts (nos. 3-7) have acanthus leaves similar to Corinthian capitals, an upper border with petals, and are very similar to each other. Tufts nos. 3, 4, 6 and 7 have slightly diπerent heights and diameter, but possibly they were

117

Cain 1985, p. 22. Cain 1985 has a series of six pendant candelabra, of the age of Emperor Claudius: Cain 1985, pp. 184-185, no. 99. 119 The lance-shaped leaves, similar to lotus leaves, may also refer to Egyptian iconography. 120 A candelabrum with shaft made of lance-shaped leaves, of Augustan age, is published in Cain 1985, pp. 188-189, no. 105. 118

the bulgarini in the xvii th century. the first excavations at the accademia

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Fig. 53. The Barberini Candelabra with their diπerent types of tufts.

‘shortened’ because the lower part had deteriorated. All four have rough, flat tops designed to support an object of the same diameter as the large ribbed bowl. The double tuft nos. 5-6 helps us to understand how the original connection between the various elements looked: a double border with petals (see above, Figures 46-48). The general appearance would have been similar to that of the Candelabrum of Zeus. Since there are four tufts with a rough top surface meant to support a ribbed bowl, it is possible that originally there were four large candelabra with acanthus tufts. This hypothesis matches another already made by some scholars: that the two triangular bases with six gods were part of a series of four pendants, portraying the twelve Olympian gods. Tufts 1 and 2 could belong to two or more of these candelabra, whose bases have been lost. Meaning: Cain121 explains that these large marble candelabra are Roman elaborations of a Greek model, the tymiatheria, which was being imported into Italy from the iind-ist centuries bc, when the taste for luxury decoration spread through the homes of the Roman aristocracy. The original Greek models were probably made of bronze or gold-plated metal, and examples can be seen in some frescoes of the villas of Oplontis or Boscoreale near Naples (Fig. 55). From the time of Augustus, marble became the predominant material, giving rise to large-scale production that continued until the mid-iind century ad; candelabra are found mainly in Rome, its surroundings and in Central Italy. There is no evidence (apart from some frescoes in the Vesuvius area) as to how exactly these large candelabra were used, and how or where they were displayed; the exact find spot is not usually known. No candelabra were found in the houses of Pompeii or Herculaneum; they were discovered, however, in the private villas of Roman emperors, in religious buildings such as temples and tombs, and again in public buildings, such as basilicas, porticoes, libraries, gardens and thermal baths.122 121 122 123

Cain 1985, pp. 18, 20-23, 140. Cain 1985, pp. 20-21. De Franceschini 1991, pp. 619-642: esp. 627-630.

As to their probable setting, the triangular shape suggests a placement inside exedras or wide niches, so that all three sides of the bases were visible. They might also have been placed between the columns of a portico, as seen in some frescoes. They were not used for lighting, because the heat of a burning flame would have damaged the marble. According to Cain, large marble candelabra were not meant for practical use and had a purely decorative function: they were reserved for the privileged few and were a means of exhibiting luxury and wealth, similar to sculptures of coloured marble. The Barberini Candelabra have all these features and are one of the many symbols of luxury and wealth in Hadrian’s Villa. They bear witness to the refinement of its decoration, and are similar to many candelabra of the Augustan period, confirming the close ideal relationship between the reigns of Augustus and of Hadrian, as far as art and iconography are concerned. The Accademia and the surrounding area belonged to the noble quarters of the Villa, with monumental and spectacular architecture, panoramic location, large gardens, marble revetment of the walls. Opus sectile and mosaic floors confirm the Imperial context and use, as in the majority of the buildings of the Villa.123 Then there were secondary buildings for high ranking personnel, and, finally, those intended only for servants and slaves, with simple pavements of black and white mosaic or brick tiles. The Accademia esplanade and the buildings of Accademia and Roccabruna were astronomically oriented towards the Solstices; this was the more secluded, private and elevated area of the Villa, with a sacred function, linked to the cult of Isis and the Seasons.124 Besides decorating villas and public buildings, the large marble candelabra were used in temples, and it is interesting to note that they have been discovered also in the Iseum of Campo Marzio, at Rome.125 Like the statues of the Centaurs by Aristeas and Papias, also found in the Accademia,126 the candelabra use Hellenistic 124 De Franceschini, Veneziano 2011, pp. 151-169 (symbolic meaning) and pp. 170-184 (astronomical orientation). 125 Cain 1985, pp. 20-21. 126 Now in the Capitoline Museums of Rome.

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Fig. 55. Villa di Poppea at Oplontis (Neaples). Bronze candelabrum with triangular base set between columns, depicted in a fresco.

It will never be known if the Candelabra were found in situ, in their original position; they had probably already been removed and broken into pieces to take away or burn. Where did they come from? They could have been in the Accademia, decorating the inner portico, or in the Temple of Apollo, or in the Belvedere (the entrance pavilion towards Roccabruna). Or they could have belonged to the Mimizia (about which very little is known), located between the Accademia and the Odeon theatre (see map in Figure 1, and general folding Plan nos. 1 and 4). This question, like many other ones on the Accademia, its sculptures and decoration, could perhaps be answered by an excavation.

Fig. 54. Hypothetical reconstruction of a Candelabrum made with tufts nos. 1 and 2.

models and rework them in a new and original way, adding or inventing details, like the lion’s heads with ibex horns or the tufts of large acanthus leaves, which make them exclusive works of art, ‘custom made’ for the Emperor: once again a symbol of luxury and therefore of power. According to Contini, the Candelabra were discovered in the area immediately south of the Accademia, in some rooms razed to the ground. Today there are no visible remains in that area and the 1781 plan by Piranesi does not show any walls.

Bibliography: Contini 1668, cap. xi, letter L, no. 31, pl. viii; Cavaceppi 1772; Marini 1771; Bartoli in Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139; Visconti 1820, pp. 29-48, pl. 1.8; Sebastiani 1828, letter xiii, p. 293; Bulgarini 1848, p. 125; Moroni 1855, vol. 75, p. 79; Documenti inediti 1880b, pp. 19-22, 42, 88; Winnefeld 1895, p. 152; Lanciani 1906, p. 7; Amelung 1908, pp. 630-632; Nispi Landi 1927, p. 107; Lavin 1975, p. 136, no. 175; Howard 1982, p. 174 note 3; Raeder 1983, p. 10; Cain 1985, pp. 189-190, nos. 106-107, pls. 27.3-5, 44.1-2, 45, 70, 72.2-4, 73.1-4; Pietrangeli 1989, pp. 85-140: p. 82, nos. 10 and 13; Cassidy 1990; H. Lavagne in Hadrien 1999, p. 200 and fig. at p. 201; Spinola 1999, p. 17, nos. 10 and 13; De Franceschini 2016.

4. Appendix. Original Italian texts quoted in footnotes No. 1 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 7: «Piano più basso del sudetto pal. 20. in circa, e questo ricorre al pari del piano nu. 21. della letter K. Il qual piano è terreno di Monsignor Bulgarino, ove passa la strada fatta di novo, che và alla sua villa».

the bulgarini in the xvii th century. the first excavations at the accademia No. 2 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 41: «Pianta del Teatro, del quale ne è in piedi solo la loggia rustica della facciata verso Maestro, essendo il resto tutto sotto terra coperto da folta macchia, la quale è di Monsig. Bulgarino, co’ tutti gli oliveti attorno di essa». No. 3 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 37: «Luogo, dove Monsig. Bulgarino ha fabricato un casino da villa parte sopra anticaglie e grotte, e parte da fondamenti». No. 4 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 35: «Stanza dove è la stalla e fienile di Monsig. Bulgarino, fatta sopra l’anticaglie, che di tante fabriche, ch’erano in questo sito, solo questa è restata in piedi» No. 5 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 7: «Sito occupato dalle caverne grandi degl’Inferi, nel quale, secondo Ligorio, erano i Campi Elisi & ora dove è la lettera A, è oliveto di Monsig. Bulgarino». No. 6 Contini 1668, ch. xii, letter M, no. 12: «Luogo, dove era un altro Edifizio discosto dalla Valle degl’Inferi palmi 170, sopra il piano verso Greco Levante, nel quale si vede sei stanze sotterranee sotto un monte di rovine, coperto da una folta macchia, la quale serve per boschetto da uccellare a tordi, e dalla parte verso Greco, e una gran macchia, che si stende fino alla valle, il qual sito è tutto di Monsignor Bulgarino». No. 7 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 31: «Piano, dove erano i sopraddetti edifitij, nel quale Monsignor Bulgarino padrone del luogo, ha fatto cavare tra la detta loggia [n. 30 in pianta], e la sua stalla [n. 35 in pianta], ove ha trovato alcune stanze sotto terra rovinate, dalle quali ha cavato due candelieri di marmo intagliati à foglie, con li piedi a triangolo, nelle cui facciate sono figurine di basso rilievo intagliate di buona maniera. li quali Candelabri ora sono tra l’anticaglie dell’Eminentissimo signor Card. Barberino». No. 8 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 34: «Fontana sopra il d. Poggio, corrispondente al mezzo del lato del d. muro, la quale era foderata dentro e fuori di rustichi tartari, nel cui mezzo si vede il piedestallo, dove era collocata una statua à sedere, della quale si è trovato un pezzo di panno dalle ginocchia in giù, che fu compro dall’Eminentiss. Card. Barberino». No. 9 Cacciotti, Palma Venetucci 2002, p. 72, c. 1269, no. 107: «Una Statua antica di marmo di Bacco, che con la mano sinistra tiene una tazza e con la destra un rampazzo d’uva sopra un tronco circondato da una vite, con testa giovane coronata di pampani, alta palmi sette incirca, posta sopra un piedestallo di legno ottangolato ovato, tinto color di pietre diverse con fili d’oro, alto palmi cinque e mezzo incirca». No. 10 Contini 1668, ch. xi, letter L, no. 34: «Fontana sopra il d. Poggio […] dove era collocata una statua à sedere, della quale si è trovato un pezzo di panno dalle ginocchia in giù, che fu compro dall’Eminentiss. Card. Barberino». No. 11 Lavin 1975, p. 136, no. 175: «Dui Candelabra venuti dalla Villa Adriana, uno e alto palmi tre e simmile e il Compagnio dove tutto dui sonno triangolari et ad ogni angolo vi è una figurina uno a n.o. 106 laltro al no. 107 et li detti hanno molti fragmenti di più pezi quali sono due tazze tutte intagliate larghe palmi tre n.o 108 laltra n.o 109. Un altro fragmento di detti tutto intagliato con certi fragmenti n.o 110».

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No. 12 Fea 1790, p. cclxi, no. 139: «Nella Villa Adriana furono rintracciati tutti gli edifizj per ordine del Cardinal Francesco Barberini, da un tal Arcucci architetto […] ed in tale occasione vi fu trovato il bellissimo candeliero di marmo, opera di scultore egregio, con altre statue, che non mi ricordo, le quali furono nel palazzo Barberini alle quattro Fontane. (nota b: Il candeliere qui accennato ed un altro pure trovato nella Villa Adriana, anch’esso bellissimo, comprati amendue dal card. Francesco Barberini, passarono al Museo Pio Clementino sotto il pontificato di Clemente XIV; e allora furono dati in rame e illustrati dal sig. Ab. Marini con una dissertazione inserita nel Giornale di Pisa Tomo iii. Poi sono stati dati nel Museo Pio Clementino, tomo iv tav. 1-8 e ivi illustrati dottamente)» No. 13 Marini 1771, pp. 17-19. «Devo premettere poche cose intorno al luogo, da cui sono tai Candelabri dissotterrati. Nella descrizione della villa d’Adriano in Tivoli fatta dal Contini al cap. xi n. 31 è scritto che i due di casa Barberini furono per opera di M. Bulgarino trovati un una camera sotterranea di essa villa, e poscia dal gran genio del Cardinal Francesco Barberini trasportati nel suo ricco museo». «Questo è quanto io ho trovato nel Contini; ma nella stampa che dal sig. Cavaceppi abbiamo de’ medesimi candelabri, si dice che fossero circa l’anno 1620 tratti fuori dalle rovine del tempio della Fortuna Prenestina. […]. Io però ho grandissimo sospetto che non abbia il sig. Cavaceppi avuto altro argomento di sua asserzione che il sapere che appartennero già ai signori di Palestrina». No. 14 Marini 1771, pp. 17-19. «Mi muove a ciò non solamente il racconto del Contini, e il non aver potuto io rinvenire alcuna prova di quanto dice il Cavaceppi; ma molto più l’averne in contrario una fortissima: il silenzio di tutti gli Scrittori che hanno parlato dell’antica Preneste, e massimamente de’ due prelati Suares e Cecconi i quali furono accuratissimi in tener conto di tutto ciò che ne’ passati anni erasi dissotterrato in quella città». No. 15 Sebastiani 1828, letter xiii, p. 293: «Contini nella dichiarazione della pianta della Villa Adriana dice che monsig. Bulgarini trovò due candelabri di marmo intagliati a foglie con li piedi a triangolo, nelle cui facciate sono figure di bassorilievo, quali candelabri furono acquistati dal cardinal Barberino». No. 16 Documenti inediti 1880b, p. 42: «Due Candelabra antichi di marmo alti pal. 8 e mezzo, lavorati a fogliami alla corintia con tre teste d’ariete nelle cantonate, con base in forma d’un tripode con tre figure per ciascuna, cioè in uno lato la Salute, con alcuni simboli e serpe, dall’altro lato la Speranza, e nel terzo lato Marte con alcuni simboli nell’elmo, con asta in mano, segnato n. 202; e nell’altro da un lato Giunone con asta in mano, dall’altro Mercurio in atto di sagrificare con ariete e pilo in testa, e nel terzo lato un sacerdote di Bacco con tirso e coltello, segnato parimente n. 202, sobra scabelloni di legno tinti color di pietra con festone a conchiglie dorati, stimato il tutto corone trecento sessantadue». The provenance is not mentioned. No. 17 Pietrangeli 1989, p. 82, quoting Diario Ordinario of 24th March, 1770: «La santità di Nostro signore desiderando contribuire alla magnificenza della città di Roma, e nel medesimo tempo conservare i monumenti più preziosi, ha dato ordine al signor Tommaso Jenkins inglese di comprare a prezzo rispettabile li due celebri Candelabra; qual comando di Sua santità essendo stato eseguito i suddetti monumenti sono già situati nel Museo della Libreria Vaticana dove serviranno di una testimonianza perpetua della munificenza di sua B.ne e di esemplare dell’eccellenza della scultura degli antichi».

C h a p te r 12 FRAN CES C O B A R B E R INI, GO VE RNOR OF T IVOL I A ND P A TR O N O F TH E A R T S 1. Biographical notes (Fig. 1)

F

rancesco Barberini (1597-1679) was born in Florence on 23 September 1597 and died in Rome on 10 December 1679. He attended the University of Pisa, from which he graduated in 1623; in that same year Maπeo Barberini (his uncle) became Pope Urban VIII and called him to Rome. Francesco was immediately appointed Cardinal Nepote (Cardinal Nephew), and entrusted with numerous o√ces of State which granted him a considerable income: Governor of Tivoli and Fermo, Dean of the Sacro Collegio, Vice-Chancellor and Abbot of Grottaferrata and Farfa, Pomposa and Bondeno.1 In 1627 the Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Vatican Secret Archive) was annexed to the Biblioteca Vaticana (Vatican Library), and Francesco became its librarian,2 a position he held until 1636 when he passed it to another uncle, Cardinal Antonio Barberini. From 1628 to 1633 Francesco was in charge of Papal foreign policy (always under control of Pope Urban VIII) and for many years lived away from Rome. The Pope relied on him for strengthening the political and financial position of the Barberini family.3 In 1633 Francesco returned to Rome; until his death he was a member of the Tribunal of the Inquisition, and was one of the judges in the trial of Galileo Galilei – but refused to sign the sentence against him. He settled in the new Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane; in 1664, after the death of Pope Urban VIII, he retired to private life, devoting himself to the study of art, science and literature. He was a member of the Accademia dei Lincei, of which he was patron until 1651, together with Cassiano dal Pozzo;4 he also created a Botanical Garden in the garden of his palace and a small museum of Natural Science.5 2. Francesco Barberini and Hadrian’s Villa

From 1624 to 1631 Francesco Barberini was Governor of Tivoli, a position that after his death passed to his nephew Antonio. Around 1630, during his excavations in the Accademia, Monsignor Giovanni Giacomo Bulgarini discovered two marble candelabra, which he gave to Francesco Barberini as a gift: they are the famous Barberini Candelabra, now in the Vatican Museums.6 The Candelabra remained in the family collection until 1766, when they were sold to the English antiquarian Thomas Jenkins, who tried in vain to export them to England; after various vicissitudes he had to sell them to Monsignor Gian Angelo Braschi (the future Pope Pius VI). They were placed first in the Museo 1 2 4 5

Merola Moroni Moroni Merola

1964, pp. 167-177. 3 Merola 1964. 1855, p. 107. 1855, s.v. Accademia, pp. 43-44. 1964.

Fig. 1. Cardinal Francesco Barberini, portrait by Ottavio Leoni (from Internet).

Carpegna, near the Biblioteca Vaticana, and later on in the new Museo Pio Clementino as the first acquisition of the Collection.7 Francesco Barberini has a very important role in the history of Hadrian’s Villa, because he entrusted to Francesco Contini the task of exploring it and to draw a general plan, which was published in 1668; in the dedication the author recalls the great di√culties he faced during that work. The plan is the oldest complete documentation on the Villa that has come down to us (see chapter 13 on Contini). Cardinal Barberini was also very interested in the works of Pirro Ligorio and entrusted to the musicologist Giovanni Battista Doni, who worked in his court, the project 6 Gori 1855, p. 66; Nispi Landi 1927, p. 107; Lavin 1975, p. 136; Cassidy 1990. For the history of the Candelabra see chapter 11 on the Bulgarini family, pp. 145 π. 7 Cassidy 1990, p. 105. See Catalogue entry in chapter 11 on Bulgarini.

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Fig. 2. The spiral staircase of Palazzo Barberini in Rome, designed by Francesco Borromini.

Fig. 3. Maπeo Barberini, Pope Urban VIII, portraited by Caravaggio (from Internet).

of publishing his manuscripts.8 Within this project, his librarian, Lucas Holstein, obtained copies of the manuscripts of Ligorio belonging to the Farnese, including those describing Hadrian’s Villa;9 probably for the same reason Cassiano dal Pozzo, his secretary, tried in vain to have copies of the Turin manuscripts belonging to the Savoy.10 The famous spiral staircase that Francesco Borromini built in the Palazzo Barberini alle Quattro Fontane (Fig. 2) originally gave access to the Library of the Cardinal, whose initial core of books and manuscripts were those inherited from Maπeo Barberini (Fig. 3). Together with the Vatican Library, it was the most important and richest

of Rome. Lucas Holstein, the Cardinal’s librarian, travelled throughout Europe in search of rare books and manuscripts, and at the death of Francesco compiled the inventory. The manuscripts of the Antichità Romane (Roman Antiquities) by Pirro Ligorio were for some time kept in this Library, as Athanasius Kircher reported, and it is possible that the general plan of the Hadrian’s Villa, now lost,11 was  amongst those documents. In 1902, the Barberini Library was acquired by the Vatican, together with the original shelves: 11,000 Greek and Latin manuscripts and more than 36,000 printed volumes, which enriched the Vatican Library.12

8 Russell 2007. p. 245; Mandowski, Mitchell 1963, p. 35; Mandowski 1952-1954, pp. 335-336. Doni studied ancient music and inspired «the design of a ‘Lyra Barberina’ that would recreate ancient modes, encouraged Pietro della Valle to compose music based upon ancient forms to be played on this instrument» (Russell 2007, pp. 248).

9 Russell 2007, pp. 245-246. The copies made for Barberini are today in the Vatican Library. 10 Russell 2007, pp. 241 and 245. 11 See chapter 7, and Vagenheim 2008, p. 84, with the original Latin text in note 15, p. 85. 12 http://www.vaticanlibrary.va/home.php?pag=storia.

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Ch a p te r 13 F RA NCESCO CON T INI. TH E FIR S T C O M P LE TE P LAN A ND RAT IONAL DES C R IP TIO N O F TH E VILLA

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1. Biographical notes

rancesco Contini (1599-1669) was born in Rome on July 27th, 1599, and died there on 20th July 1669.1 A professional architect, he mainly designed and built churches and palaces in Rome. From the beginning of his career he worked for the Barberini family, who were his most important patrons and entrusted him with several projects, including the first Barberini Palace in Via dei Giubbonari, part of the monastery of Santa Susanna in Rome, the church of Santa Rosalia in Palestrina and also the Casino Barberini near Palestrina, which is considered his masterpiece.2 There is almost no information about Contini’s private life, and he is known solely for his architectural work. In 1657 his name was included in a list of Roman architects, with a positive evaluation:3 «he measures well, he is faithful and diligent, is supported by the Barberini family, has wife and children». 2. Francesco Contini and Hadrian’s Villa

Francesco Contini has a very important role in the history of Hadrian’s Villa, since it was he who was commissioned by Cardinal Francesco Barberini to draw the most ancient general plan of the Villa that has come down to us. Contini investigated the Villa from 1634 to 1637.4 Payments for his trips to Tivoli between 1634 and 1636 are recorded in the Barberini archives: together with the engraver, Domenico Parasacchi, he spent 52 days in the Villa between June 1635 and March 1636.5 The general plan was published in 1668: some rooms are marked with numbers and the captions give information of diπerent kind (see below). Before his general plan, Contini had already had experience of Hadrian’s Villa, having drawn a ‘clean copy’ of the plan of the Accademia by Pirro Ligorio,6 in around 1634. In the general plan of 1668 he published a newly edited plan of the Accademia.

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2 Ibidem. Hager 1983. «Misura bene, è in ben concetto di fedele e diligente, è provisionato dai SS.ri Barberini, ha moglie e figli» (Heimbürger Ravalli, quoted ibidem, p. 513). 4 Campbell 2004, p. 186, quoting MacDonald, Pinto 1995, p. 222. 5 MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 250: «Fra il 1634 ed il 1636 si sono registrati numerosi pagamenti in suo favore relativi all’indagine. […]. Fra il giugno 1635 ed il marzo 1636 Contini e l’incisore Domenico Parasacchi trascorsero 52 giorni nella Villa». They quote a Codex in the Vatican Library: Archivio Barberini, Registro de’ Mandati, 1630-1636, Card. Francesco Barberini Sr., Computisteria 80: f. 156r, no. 3789; f. 180v, no. 4050; f. 189v, no. 4164; and also f. 156r, 6 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio. no. 3789. 7 See chapter 14 on Cassiano dal Pozzo. 8 Windsor rl 10389, Architettura Civile, f. 36. See Campbell 2004, cat. no. 53, pp. 184 and 186, fig. at p. 185. 9 Campbell 2004, p. 185, with English translation; see also MacDonald, Pinto 1997, fig. at p. 247: «Pianta d’una parte della Villa d’Hadriano à Tivoli vista & levata da Pirro Ligorio Antiquario insigne, che di essa fece Discorso, che si vede Manoscritto / Laquale estata da uno Schizzo del Sudetto tirata nella forma che si vede da 3

3. The plan of the Accademia in the ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio’s sketch (1634 c.) (plan Fig. 1) Annotations - The Ligorio sketch (see chapter 7) and the ‘clean copy’ of Contini belonged to the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) of Cassiano dal Pozzo,7 and are today in the Royal Library at Windsor in England. The drawing attributed to Contini dates back to 1634,8 thanks to the annotation (Fig. 2) in his own hand, on the verso of the sheet:9 Plan of a part of the Villa of Hadrian in Tivoli, drawn and measured by Pirro Ligorio, distinguished Antiquary, who wrote a discourse on it preserved in manuscript / and which has been worked up from a sketch of the said Ligorio in the form in which you see it, by Francesco Contini of Rome. The drawings of the said Villa were taken to France by M. d’Autreville, who had bought them from a Ferrarese dealer. And this part is believed to be either that, or near to that, where Monsignor Bulgarini, Secretary of the Congregazione dell’Acque, currently owns the vineyard.

The annotation gives important information on the history of the preparatory sketches which Ligorio drew for his general plan of Hadrian’s Villa;10 he left several blank sheets in the Codice di Torino (Codex of Turin), and in his Codices in various occasions he mentioned a general plan,11 which probably was never completed. Contini explained that the drawings were taken to France by Monsù d’Autreville.12 According to Eugenia Salza Prina Ricotti,13 the ‘clean copy’ was not made by Contini, who never had an opportunity to see the sketch of Ligorio; furthermore, the Belvedere [Ac1] has a wrong oval shape, and Contini would never make such a mistake. Opposing her theory, Ian Campbell proved that the drawing is an autograph of

Francesco Contini Romano. I Disegni di detta Villa furon portati in Francia da / Monsù d’Autreville, che gl’aveva compri da un Rigattiere Ferrarese. & / Questa Parte si crede sia o quella, ò vicino à quella dove di presente hà la Vigna / Messer Bulgarini Segretario della Congregazione dell’Acque». 10 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio. 11 Ten 2005, p. xiv. 12 Cassiano Dal Pozzo tried in vain to get the drawings: see chapters 7 and 14. 13 Salza Prina Ricotti 1973b, pp. 21-22 wrote: «la copia fu eseguita a tavolino e chi la fece non era mai stato sul posto; questo disegnatore quindi non poteva essere il Contini che aveva così bene esaminato la zona e non sarebbe mai incorso in un simile errore […]. La stessa pianta di Contini prova in modo inconfutabile che egli non possedette mai alcuna documentazione grafica che illustrasse o chiarisse il testo di Ligorio» («The copy was drawn in a studio, and the author was never on the site; the draftsman could not be Contini, who had examined the area so well and would never have made such a mistake […]. The plan of Contini proves that he never possessed any graphic documentation which illustrated or explained the text of Ligorio»).

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Fig. 1. Francesco Contini (1634 c.). Accademia, ‘clean copy’ of the plan by Pirro Ligorio (see chapter 7) (from Campbell 2004).

Fig. 2. Francesco Contini, handwritten annotations (from MacDonald, Pinto 1997).

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Fig. 3. Annotations of the plan, copied from those of Ligorio: «1: T (= Tramonto): West; 2: L (= Levante): East; 3: M (= Mezzogiorno): South; 4: valle P (=ponente): Valley on the west; 5: Scala di Piedi nº 110: Scale of feet n.100; 6: Mosaico nero et bianco con alcuni quadretti di Porfido e Serpentino e di Mar/mo rare = Black and white mosaic with some small squares of Porphyry and Serpentine and of rare Marble; 7: Entrate e lumi di sopra?: Entrances and skylights above?; 8: ‘Stanze compo/ste di varie fo/glie (fogge?): rooms composed of various leaves (shapes?); 9: Lume: Skylight; 10: Lumi di 5.p(ie)d(i): Skylights of 5 feet; 11: Corridore aperto: Open corridor; 12: Colonnato d’ordine composito / Il solio di sotto era di Serpentino / Porfido, marmo nero & bianco & / di sopra all’Acqua era di mattoncini: Columns of the composite order / the floor below was of serpentine, porphyry, black and white marble; and above the water was of small bricks; 13: fonte: fountain; 14: Mosaico bianco e nero: black and white mosaic; 15: piazza Tramontana: Square on the north; 16: piazzetta: Small square; 17: cortile: courtyard; 18: Venti quattro Nicchi / 12 fenestre, 12 nicchi: twenty four niches / 12 windows, 12 niches’; 19: 25 nicchi: 25 niches; 20: Coperto Piano covered flat; 21: scoperto: uncovered; 22: ‘Loggia’: Lodge; 23: Ponente: West».

Contini.14 He pointed out that Contini and Cassiano dal Pozzo both worked for Cardinal Francesco Barberini, so he had the opportunity to see the Ligorio sketch, which belonged to Cassiano.15 According to Campbell and 14

Campbell 2004, p. 186. Campbell 2004, p. 186: «In fact other evidence confirms that the dealer sold them in Rome in 1632 so [drawings] 51/52 could well be a stray from this group which entered the Paper Museum around this time. This fits nicely with the fact that Contini is known to have been investigating the villa in 1634-1637 (MacDonald Pinto 1995, p. 15

Ginette Vagenheim16 the errors and inaccuracies of the plan are due to the fact that it was drawn before Contini began exploring the Accademia and Hadrian’s Villa in person, which he did from 1634 on.17

222). Since Contini prepared his plan of the whole villa while in the service of Francesco Barberini, Cassiano’s employer, it is hardly credible that he did not know [the drawings] 51/52». 16 Campbell 2004, p. 184; Vagenheim 2008, p. 88. 17 MacDonald, Pinto 1997, p. 250.

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Fig. 4b. Comparison with our plan of the Accademia (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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Fig. 5. Accademia, [Ac1] Belvedere. View of the pillars BC the foreground and EF in the background. The tower belongs to the hay-loft built over rooms [Ac9-10-11] (photo Caterina Ognibeni).

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Fig. 6a-b. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1] in the plan by Contini (1634 c.) and in the one by De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010.

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francesco contini. the first complete plan and rational description of the villa Here follows the transcription of other annotations on the drawing (plan Fig. 3) – which Contini copied from Ligorio’s original sketch – published by Campbell:18 1: T [north]; 2: L [east]; 3: M [south]; 4: valli P (= Ponente) [valley west]; 5: Scala di Piedi nº 110 [Scale of 110 feet]; 6: ‘Mosaico nero et bianco con alcuni quadretti di Porfido e Serpentino e di Mar/mo rare’ [Black and white mosaic with some small squares of porphyry and serpentine, and of rare marble]; 7: ‘Entrate e lumi di sopra’ [Doors with windows above]; 8: ‘Stanze compo/ste di varie fo/glie’ [rooms composed of various shapes];19 9: lume [light]; 10: lumi di 5.p(ie)d(i) [lights of 5 feet]; 11: ‘corridore aperto’ [open corridor]; 12: colonnato d’ordine composito / Il solio di sotto era di Serpentino / Porfido, marmo nero & bianco & / di sopra all’Acqua era di mattoncini [Colonnade of composite order / the floor below was of serpentine, porphyry, black and white marble, and above the water [it was] of little bricks]; 13: fonte [Fountain]; 14: Mosaico bianco e nero [Black and white mosaic]; 15: piazza Tramontana [north court]; 16: piazzetta [small court]; 17: cortile [courtyard]; 18: Venti quattro Nicchi / 12 finestre 12 / Nicchi’ [Twenty four niches / 12 windows, 12 niches]; 19: 25 nicchi [25 niches]; 20: Coperto Piano [?roof level]; 21: scoperto [unroofed]; 22: ‘Loggia’; 23: Ponente [West].

Some of the annotations will be reported with the same words in the captions of the general plan of 1668, and prove that Contini knew the sketch of Ligorio. For example, in the annotation on the Belvedere [Ac1] Ligorio wrote:20 «Il pavimento della quale era di spartimento di Serpentino, porfido, marmo negro e bianco». In the plan of 1668 he wrote:21 «(n. 16): Il pavimento della quale era di spartimento di Serpentino, porfido, marmo negro e bianco». The annotation of Ligorio in the inner portico [Ac7-8] reads:22 «Mosaico nero et bianco con alcuni quadretti di Porfido e Serpentino e di Mar/mo rare». In the plan of 1668 he wrote:23 «(n. 19): […] il pavimento de’ quali era di spartimenti di Mosaico negro et bianco con quadretti di Porfido, Serpentino, e marmo». 3. 1. The details of the Plan (plan Fig. 4a-b) In the ‘clean copy’ Contini adjusted and edited some details of the plan by Ligorio (numbers «[Ac…]» marking the rooms are the ones of our plan. See also folding Plan no. 2). 3. 1. 1. The Belvedere [Ac1] and surrounding rooms [Ac2-5] (Fig. 5, plan Fig. 6a-b) The Belvedere [Ac1] is oval with a complicated array of basins, alcoves, pillars and columns (which will be simplified in the plan of 1668). There is no symmetry between the pillars of the northern side (blue dot near B and N in plan Figure 6) and the southern side (red dot near F and

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Campbell 2004, p. 184, no. 53. See also p. 186, fig. at p. 185. «stanze composite di varie foglie» («rooms composed of various leaves»). But probably «foglie» is a mistake: if we read ‘di varie foggie’ which means ‘of various shapes’, the phrase makes more sense. 20 The floor below was of serpentine, porphyry, black and white marble, and above the water (it was) of little bricks. 21 No. 16. whose floor was made of pieces of Serpentine, porphyry, and black and white marble. 22 Black and white mosaic with some small squares of porphyry and serpentine, and of rare marble. 23 «No. 19: […] whose pavement was made of pieces of black and white mosaic, with small squares of Porphyry, Serpentine, and marble». 24 «Colonnato d’ordine composito / il solio di sotto era di Serpentino / Porfido, marmo nero & bianco & / di sopra all’Acqua era di mattoncini». 19

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H). The outer semi-circular plinths (C, E, I and M) are drawn quite correctly, but next to them are square rooms that do not exist (in green). The annotation in the centre of [Ac1] reads:24 «Colonnade of composite order / the floor below was of serpentine, porphyry, and black and white marble, and above the water was of little bricks». So the floor was in opus sectile, while the water basins were lined with bricks, probably opus spicatum: Contini wrote «fonti» (i.e., springs or fountains) in the apses of D and L, and in those on the two sides of A (yellow dots). The shape of rooms [Ac2] and [Ac4] is correct; in [Ac2] is written «black and white mosaic». [Ac3] has four columns, and its northern side is straight rather than curved, and measures 45 × 36 feet. Room [Ac5] today is razed to the ground, so the accuracy of the plan cannot be checked. 3. 1. 2. Double portico [Ac6-7] and northern rooms [Ac9-14] (plan Fig. 4a) The west side of the Accademia has a double portico (similar to the one of the Pœcile)25 consisting of an outer portico [Ac6] and of an inner one, [Ac7-8]. [Ac6] is axially aligned with rooms [Ac3] and [Ac1], has a double row of rectangular pillars and looks like a cryptoporticus with oblique windows; the annotation reads: «open corridor».26 Today we see only the podium (no traces of pillars) and the wall separating it from [Ac7-8] (Fig. 8), preserved for a considerable height: it has no windows, only three doors (one in the center and two others at its ends, but the south one collapsed). In the inner portico [Ac7-8] Contini erased the transverse row of columns of Ligorio’s sketch, drawing 8 × 14 columns and adding a door in the centre of the southern side which does not exist. The annotation in the centre reads: «Black and white mosaic with some small squares of porphyry and serpentine and of rare marble».27 Scattered mosaic tesserae are visible on the spot; similar mosaics with marble fragments are visible in other buildings of the Villa.28 In the north portico Contini wrote: «doors and windows upstairs»,29 belonging to an upper floor partly visible today on top of the hay-loft (see below, Figure 28). The rooms on the north side of the inner portico [Ac78] are drawn diπerently from what actually exists and have measurements:30 [Ac9] is square, larger and without apse; [Ac10] is still at the centre but narrower than what actually exists (16 feet). [Ac11] has the correct shape (16 e 1/2 × 30 feet). In corridor [Ac12] the annotation reads «light of 5 feet»31 which means windows; its east side is not drawn, today it is razed to the ground. In [Ac14] the stairs are not marked, and the nearby rooms are simplified.

25 It probably had the same purpose: it was possible to walk in the sun or in the shade, depending on temperatures and season. 26 «Corridore aperto». 27 «Mosaico nero et bianco con alcuni quadretti di Porfido e Serpentino e di Mar/mo rare». 28 De Franceschini 1991, Edificio con Pilastri Dorici (Hall with Doric Pillars), portico PD10, pp. 138-139. The mosaic imitates Republican patterns, as the one of the Republican villa enclosed in the Imperial Palace of Hadrian’s Villa: portico PI28, p. 11 and pl. 6.2. 29 «Entrate e lumi di sopra». 30 The annotation in [Ac9] says: «stanze composite di varie foglie» («rooms composed of various leaves»). But probably it is a mistake: if we read ‘di varie foggie’ which means ‘of various shapes’, the phrase makes more sense. 31 «lumi di 5. piedi».

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Fig. 7a. Accademia, Temple of Apollo and surrounding rooms in the plan by Contini (1634 c.).

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Fig. 7b. Accademia, Temple of Apollo and surrounding rooms: comparison with our plan (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

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chapter 13 3. 1. 3. Rooms north of the Temple of Apollo [Ac18-74] (plan Fig. 7a-b)

Rooms [Ac18] and [Ac20] can be recognized ([Ac20] is not axially aligned with the rest of the building). [Ac41], where Contini wrote «cortile» («courtyard») is larger than what actually exists (42 feet); the shape of rooms [Ac51-53] is wrong. A double colonnade separates courtyard [Ac41] from [Ac60], which is rectangular rather than square (26 feet wide), and does not have a portico inside. Its central door towards the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] is flanked by two niches, still visible today (see above, Figure 18, p. 96). The oblique corridors [Ac61-62] actually link [Ac60] to the Temple of Apollo; in Contini’s plan [Ac62] is missing, and [Ac61] mistakenly links the Temple with room [Ac75]. On the left, Contini drew a large bi-apsidal room with two rows of six columns, and the annotation «small court»:32 it no longer exists. Position and shape of room [Ac66] is wrong, and [Ac69] is drawn as a room rather than a corridor. Room [Ac71] is narrow and elongated, the only correct feature is the ‘L’ shaped wall with small corridor (see below, Figure 32). Apsed room [Ac72], square room [Ac73] and the latrine [Ac74] (slightly larger than real) are drawn correctly, with their doors, and correspond to what can be seen today. 3. 1. 4. The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms [Ac75-90] The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] (Fig. 10 in chapter 3) is divided in twenty-four panels and the annotation reads «Twenty niches / 12 windows and 12 niches»;33 the diameter is 47 feet (about 14 m, a little less than actual). There is only one door instead of three towards vestibule [Ac76] and room [Ac79]; the south door towards the Zooteca [Ac88] is missing. Vestibule [Ac76] and cubicles [Ac75] and [Ac77] are correct; by symmetry, Contini draws an oblique corridor linking both of them to the Temple of Apollo: only the lower one is real, but links the Temple with [Ac60]. Other rooms east of the Temple are simplified: [Ac79] and [Ac80] have the right shape (only one door instead of three). [Ac81] is too long and narrow, as well as [Ac82] and [Ac83]. [Ac84] and [Ac85] are joined together and the annotation says «unroofed».34 Rooms [Ac86-87] do not appear in the drawing: the sketch of Ligorio in this point was very confused, with afterthoughts and erasures, and Contini decided to delete it. Ligorio had not realized that the eastern side of the Accademia was oblique, and in the sketch drew a series of rooms arranged as in steps. Since Contini had not yet explored the Accademia, he could not know, so interpreted and edited in the sketch as best he could, duplicating its mistakes. Further south, the Zooteca [Ac88] has an inner portico with columns, and the annotation reads «covered flat», meaning that the portico had a flat roof.35 The door towards [Ac89] is not in the centre, the other on the portico

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«Piazzetta». «Venti nicchi / 12 fenestre 12 nicchi». Ligorio drew 24 niches but corrected the annotation «twenty-four» into «twenty», only in the lower floor, leaving 12 in the upper one. Contini is duplicating the same mistake of Ligorio. See chapter 7 on Ligorio. 34 «Scoperto». 35 «Coperto piano». 36 «Venticinque nicchi». 37 The plan is on-line on the website Aracne (http://arachne.uni33

[Ac7] is in the wrong position. Room [Ac89] (16 × 20 feet) has the right shape, but the door on the east side does not exist. Room [Ac90] (20 × 37 feet) is longer and narrower than real, and opens onto corridor [Ac91], where Contini wrote «loggia» («portico») drawing a row of six columns. The corridor ends with a door opening in the wall of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, but this detail is wrong. 3. 1. 5. The Nymphæum of the Prætorium The Nymphæum of the Prætorium is a retaining wall marking the southern end of the Prætorium esplanade (see above, Figure 11 in chapter 11 and below, plan Figure 34ab); has a series of buttresses with alternating rectangular and semi-circular niches. The annotation reads «twentyfive niches»;36 now we see only six. Corridor [Ac91] and the Nymphæum are drawn orthogonal to the rest of the building; in reality they have the same oblique orientation of the Prætorium Pavilion, located on the opposite side of the esplanade and on the same axis as the Nymphæum. See folding Plan no. 2. 3. 1. 6. The esplanades of Accademia and Prætorium, and the Nymphæum above the Canopus (plan Fig. 9a-b) In the lower left corner of the drawing there is a rectangle surrounded by walls with buttresses, corresponding to the area of the Nymphæum above the Canopus (red dot, Fig. 9a-b), which at the time of Ligorio had not been excavated. The vertical retaining wall F with buttresses on the left side of the rectangle still separates the Prætorium esplanade from the Nymphæum above the Canopus and the Valley of the Canopus; in reality it is oblique (yellow dot, Figs. 9a-b and 10). The horizontal wall on top does not exist, there is only tufa rock. The vertical wall D on the right side is the east retaining wall of the Accademia esplanade, and has no buttresses (light blue in Figure 9a-b and Figure 11). 4. The general plan of Hadrian’s Villa (1668) 37 (Figs. 12 and 43-50 at the end of this chapter; Contini 1668, folding Plan no. 3) It is the oldest general plan of the entire Villa which has come down to us. The previous ones of the xvth and xvith centuries (Fra’ Giocondo, Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Andrea Palladio and Pirro Ligorio),38 showed only single buildings; Ligorio’s general plan was probably never completed (in any case, it has been lost).39 Contini was commissioned to draw up the plan by Cardinal Francesco Barberini,40 for whom he worked as an architect. In the dedication to the Cardinal, Contini described two years of intense work, and the di√culties he faced in fulfilling the task:41 Most Eminent and Most Reverend Lord and Master. It is already two years since Your Excellency honoured me by commanding me to make the Plan of the Villa Adriana; I proceeded promptly to the work, more animated by the ardour of completing it than

koeln.de/books/Contini1668); another link in the website of Marina De Franceschini, www.villa-adriana.net, section Antiquarian Texts. 38 See chapters 3, 6 and 7. 39 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio. 40 See chapter 12 on Francesco Barberini. 41 Contini 1668, dedication to Cardinal Francesco Barberini: for the original Italian text see Appendix, no. 1, at the end of this chapter, p. 194. See also Pinto 1993, p. 465.

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Fig. 8. Accademia, wall of the outer portico [Ac6] with podium and the north door.

terrified by the very arduous task. I went to the place: I noticed that the site is on a hill surrounded by two valleys, whose circuit is six miles, and I saw that most of those antiquities were so greatly ruined and covered by bush that it was impossible to see the foundations, and that the greater part of them was covered by very thick and thorny brambles. Such harshness made evident the di√culties that I would find to put them in a plan. But nevertheless I did not lose my temper, because I wanted so much to get credit hereinafter in the world, showing that I had served Your Excellency.

To Urban VIII, Pontifex Optimus Maximus, in the twelfth year of his reign, Francesco Contini of Rome, in year 1634, at the order of Cardinal Francesco Barberini, with great work and industry, reconstructed the ancient aspect from the ruins still partly visible of the Villa of Emperor Hadrian, famous in the whole world.

According to Filippo Alessandro Sebastiani, Contini left a gra√to (now lost) with his signature and the date 1634 on a wall in Hadrian’s Villa:43

There are three diπerent versions of Contini’s plan. The first is the original published in 1668, entitled Hadriani Caesaris immanem in agro tiburtino villam 44 (The Great Villa of Hadrian Caesar in the Tivoli area) with a dedication to Cardinal Francesco Barberini: it consists of ten plates which sometimes cut the buildings in two (Fig. 12 and folding Plan no. 3). Signed only by Contini, it is the oldest rationally conceived (given the time) systematic description of the Villa. The Codices of Ligorio, on the other hand, gave a more general description, rarely described a single room and did not include a plan. The Villa is divided into several areas, marked with the letters of the alphabet,45 which correspond to the most important level areas and artificial esplanades; in the buildings, some rooms are marked with numbers. Letters and numbers correspond to captions in the text, which are a valuable source of information: they mention the most remarkable finds, previous studies and excavations (especially Ligorio’s); they also list the names of the owners of the various land plots in which the Villa was divided, providing a detailed register of land holdings. The second version dates to 1671, when the famous scholar Athanasius Kircher reproduced it in his Latium,46 merging the ten original plates together in one (see chapter 15 on Kircher). In the cartouche of the plan, which he calls «real and extremely accurate» («vera et exactissima»)

42 Contini 1668, dedication to Cardinal Francesco Barberini: see Appendix, no. 2, p. 199. 43 «Vrbani VIII. Pont. Opt. Max. Anno xi / Hadriani imp. Villae / toto orbe celeberrimae / antiquam faciem / ex ruderibus / vix adhuc spartim extantibus / Francisco Card. Barberino Jubente / Summo labore atque industria / Rapraesentavit / Fran. Continus Romanus / Anno Salutis 1634»: Sebastiani 1828, p. 277. For the original text, see the website of Marina De Franceschini www.villaadriana.net, section Antiquarian Texts. 44 Contini 1668. Aracne’s website http://arachne.uni-koeln.de/ books/Contini1668. Engraved by Baldassar Morone.

45 Letter A: Greek Theatre; B: Latin Theatre; C: Palestra; D: Greek and Latin Libraries, Hospitalia, Imperial Triclinium; E: Pecile; F: Maritime Theatre, Tempe Pavilion; G: Imperial Palace, Hall with Doric Pillars, Piazza d’Oro; H: Vestibule, Great Baths, Small Baths; I: area south of Piazza d’Oro; K: Canopus; L: Accademia, Mimizia, Odeon; M: Inferi and Great Trapezium; N: aqueducts and Lyceum; O: Colli di Santo Stefano; P: Valley of Tempe. 46 Kircher 1671, pp. 145-154 on Hadrian’s Villa. See the text on Marina De Franceschini’s website, www.villa-adriana.net, section Antiquarian Text. It is also on-line in Aracne’s website http:// arachne.uni-koeln.de/books/Kircher1671.

He excavated to find the foundations of the collapsed buildings, and explored «some subterranean roads», descending into «various wells and openings»: indeed he is the first to draw the subterranean service network of the Villa.42 I started to take away the dirt to find out the foundations: I cut the bushes hiding them, and several times I went myself down into various wells & openings, which I discovered in those slopes and vineyards. This diligence also led me to discover some subterranean roads, through which one can pass from one area of the villa to another, under cover, as can be seen drawn in the plan, which I was finally able to draw with accuracy, since time has rendered the whole place in great ruin. I hope your Excellency will be pleased with it, and indeed consider it yours, because it was born from your gracious gesture, which is what encouraged me to overcome the seemingly insurmountable di√culties, and deign to recognize in the same [plan] the devout servitude that I profess. Most distinguished and humble servant – Francesco Contini.

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Nymphæum of the Prætorium

of Nym the ph Præ æum tor ium

Prætorium esplanade Prætorium esplanade

D F Accademia esplanade

D

Accademia esplanade F

Fig. 9a-b. Accademia and Prætorium esplanades and the Nymphæum of the Prætorium in the plan by Contini (1634 c.) and in our plan.

Kircher added the name of Ligorio, generating the misconception that Contini had copied from him:47 Real and exact plan [ichnographia] of the most famous Villa of Hadrian Caesar in the Tiburtine ager, first made by Pirro Ligorio and later surveyed and described by Francesco Contini, following the order of the most eminent Cardinal Francesco Barberini.

Ginette Vagenheim48 explained that Athanasius Kircher attributed the plan to both architects ‘tied’, because Contini’s work was partly based on drawings of Ligorio that 47 «Villae celeberrimae Adriano Caesare in agro tiburtino extructae, vera et exactissima ichnographia ab Pirrho Ligorio olim, postea a Francisco Contini recognita, et descripta jussu eminentissimi Francisci card. Barberini». 48 Vagenheim 2008, pp. 84-85 and note 15 at p. 85 with original Latin text. See also chapter 7 on Ligorio.

Kircher saw in the archives of Tivoli together with other documents, including a (general?) plan which was in the possession of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. The third version, finally, is a reprint of 1751, since the original was impossible to find and very much sought after (plan Fig. 13). The title is: Pianta della villa tiburtina di Adriano Cesare, già da Pirro Ligorio Rinomatissimo Architetto e Antiquario disegnata e descritta, dipoi da Francesco Contini Architetto diligentissimamente riveduta e data alla luce. Roma 1751.49 The title confirmed the belief that 49 Plan of the Tiburtine Villa of Hadrian Caesar, already drawn and described by the most famous Architect and Antiquarian Pirro Ligorio, and afterwards most diligently revised and published by Architect Francesco Contini. Rome 1751.

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Fig. 10. Prætorium esplanade, the retaining wall F today.

Fig. 11. Retaining wall D that separates the Accademia esplanade (upper level, background) it from the Prætorium esplanade (lower level, foreground).

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Fig. 12. Francesco Contini, general plan of the Villa (1668). Plates i-iv and vi-ix (courtesy dai, Rome).

Pirro Ligorio was the real author, while Contini simply revised it. The plan edited by Kircher in 1671 and the reprint of 1751 both copied the original, but are less accurate. The letters marking the diπerent areas and the numbers of the rooms are the same in both versions, but Kircher copied only the description of the areas marked with letters, omitting the captions of the buildings. The reprint of 1751 included again the captions, but not the names of the owners, since in the meantime they had changed.50 5. The Accademia esplanade in the general plan of Contini (1668) (plan Fig. 14 and folding Plan no. 3) In plates vii and viii Contini drew the Accademia esplanade with the buildings of Accademia, Mimizia and Odeon theatre. In the upper part of the drawing are the Prætorium esplanade and the wall of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, which had buttresses with niches. The Accademia esplanade belonged to three diπerent owners: 1. Bastiano Soliardo: owner of the building of Roccabruna and surrounding grounds (gray in the map). 2. Giuseppe Cesare: owner of the north part of the Accademia esplanade, between the buildings of Roccabruna and Accademia (in orange). 3. Monsignor Bulgarini: owner of the south part of the esplanade with its three buildings (Accademia, Mimizia, Odeon) and of all the grounds below in the Fosso di Risicoli (in green). Marcello Fresciato was instead the owner of the south part of the Prætorium esplanade up to the wall of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium (in pink). Starting from north (on the left) there is a ramp going up to the Accademia esplanade and the building of Roccabruna; between the xvith and xviith centuries, on its

50 See website of Marina De Franceschini www.villa-adriana.net, section Antiquarian Texts.

upper floor Bastiano Soliardo built a small tower (rocca), from which originated the name of the building. We will follow the description of Contini (for the original Italian text see Appendix, no. 3 at the end of this chapter, p. 199). In square brackets, measurements in meters or the corresponding area; room numbers «[Ac…]» refer to our plan, folding Plans nos. 2 and 4. Plates vii and viii, Chapter xi About the plain and the places of the apartment of the Accademia, marked with letter L (plate vii). 1. Stair, which goes up to the two highest esplanades [= ramp of Roccabruna] 2. First esplanade, 630 palms51 long and 290 palms wide [= m 156.87 × 72.21]; where now is an olive grove of the abovementioned Bastiano Soliardo [= Accademia esplanade] 4. Esplanade of the aforementioned hill which was on a level about 15 palms [m 3.75] higher compared to the other hill; where is a large site, which is as long as the above mentioned corridor 630 palms, and 173 palms wide [m 156.87 × 43.07], where is an olive grove of Gioseppe Caesare from Tivoli; and the other esplanade/plain, which follows towards south (Scirocco) is 880 palms long and 493 palms wide [m 219.12 × 122.7], where presently is a vineyard of the same Cesare [= Accademia esplanade, north part].

Contini describes the temple that once formed the upper floor of Roccabruna (now destroyed): 5. Temple which outside [was] of circular shape, placed on top of the other described on number 23 of the letter L.52 And this was adorned outside by 16 striated white marble columns of the Doric order, of 3 and a half palms of diameter [cm 87], above which was the architrave, frieze & a marble frame. The inner part of this temple was of octagonal shape with eight large arches on its sides, 13 and half palms wide [m 3.36], and the diameter of the Temple was of 46 and a half palms [m 11.57]. Which Temple is now destroyed, and in its place was built a Tower, with three rooms from the above

51 52

Measurements are in Roman palms: one Roman palm is 0.249 m. The lower floor of Roccabruna and its domed hall inside.

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Fig. 13. Francesco Contini, general plan of the Villa, reprint of 1751. Plates i-iv and vi-ix.

Bulgarini

Soliardo

Cesare

Fresciato Great T Trrapezium

Fig. 14. Accademia esplanade and its owners in the plan by Contini (1668) (courtesy dai, Rome).

mentioned signor Bastiano Soliardo, master of the place, which at present is called Rocca Bruna [= Roccabruna, upper level].

The artificial esplanade of the Accademia is still surrounded by retaining walls: on its west side is wall A, with buttresses (Fig. 15); further south, near the Casino Bulgarini, are some massive walls with Towers about 15 m high, which support a roof terrace overlooking the Fosso di Risicoli (Fig. 16). 6. Wall with buttresses, 2340 palms long [m 582.66], which supports and divides the aforementioned esplanade no. 4 from the lower level towards the valley [= retaining wall A].

On the east side is wall B, inside which Contini drew only the first part of a subterranean corridor, which actually goes on along the other retaining walls, reaching the Accademia (Fig. 17). Then there is wall C, marking the widening of the Accademia esplanade; and finally wall D, reaching up to the Accademia, which is passing along the Canopus and the Nymphæum above the Canopus (see before Figure 11). 3. Place, where there was a corridor or a covered portico, which was entered from the level of the aforesaid stair; and on its opposite end there was another stair which ascended to the higher esplanade [= subterranean tunnel along wall B].

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Fig. 15. Accademia esplanade, retaining wall A with buttresses, seen today near Roccabruna.

West of the long retaining wall A is a valley called Fosso di Risicoli, at a lower level; today still belongs to the Bulgarini and there is the road leading to their Casino, which at the time of Contini had just been built (see before, Figure 2, chapter 11): 7. esplanade/plain that is at a level 20 palms [m 4.98] lower than the previous one, and is at the same level of the esplanade/ plain n. 21 of letter K. Which is the land of Monsignor Bulgarino, where is passing the road made anew, that goes to his villa [= Lower grounds west of the Accademia esplanade, Fosso di Risicoli].

6. The Accademia in the general plan of Contini (1668) (plans Figs. 18, 19a-b, 26a-b)

Fig. 16. Accademia esplanade, Bulgarini property, retaining wall with Towers along the cliπ towards the Fosso di Risicoli.

In the new plan (published some thirty years after the ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio’s sketch) Contini corrected the inaccuracies, redrawing some rooms and adding new ones supported by evidence coming from his survey (plan Fig. 19a-b). The most noticeable diπerences are in the Belvedere, the entrance pavilion [Ac1] (Fig. 19a-b, orange), which was completely redesigned. South of the inner portico [Ac7-8] is a new a group of rooms (light blue), which did not appear in Ligorio’s sketch nor in the previous plans of Francesco di Giorgio Martini or Andrea Palladio. Contini marked the subterranean corridors with a dotted line: this is also a new feature (yellow, no. 36). The east side of the building is correctly drawn oblique (green dotted line), as the Nymphæum of the Prætorium (red line).

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Fig. 17. Accademia esplanade, retaining wall B, near Roccabruna.

diameter [m 14.94]. Whose floor was of sections of serpentine, porphyry, black and white marble [= Ac1-G].

6. 1. The plan in detail 6. 1. 1. Belvedere [Ac1] and surrounding rooms [Ac1-5] (Figs. 20-25) We now compare the plan of Contini with the one produced by our survey (Fig. 20a-b). Contini corrects the oval shape of Ligorio, and in the centre of the Belvedere [Ac1] draws a circular central portico, marked with nos. 8 and 16, which in our plan correspond to the central area marked [Ac1-G]. The outer diameter of the portico in Contini is 120 palms (29.88 m) but in truth cannot be more than 20 m. According to Contini the floor was in opus sectile, with slabs of serpentine, porphyry and black and white marble (information coming from Ligorio). The survey of Robert Mangurian and Mary-Ann Ray53 confirmed that the floor was in opus sectile, but the materials were diπerent: octagons of giallo antico marble and squares of white marble, as reported by Piranesi.54 8. Building that outside was squared and inside was circular, with diπerent quarters [diverticula], and rooms, which are now destroyed, and full of brambles [= Ac1]. 16. Round portico, 10 palms wide, decorated with columns, which encircled the central area of the building, 60 palms of 53 Survey of Atelier Italia by American architects gurian and Mary-Ann Ray, August 1990, diary and 76.5 [unpublished]. I am very grateful to both of information and documents they generously gave Franceschini 2010, pp. 19-20 and figs. 25-26.

Robert Manpictures xixthem for the me. See De

The four pillars have semicircular niches facing the center, flanked by a door (Fig. 21): in our plan are marked [Ac1] with letters B, F, H and N. 9.10.11.12 Four niches inside the inner larger circumference, equally divided, corresponding to one another in the four parts of the circle, whose diameter is 120 palms [m 29.88] [= Ac1-B, F, H, N].

On the outer side of the pillars are four semi-circular podiums (Fig. 22), which in our plan are marked with letters C, E, I, M; the measurements given by Contini (7.47 × 7.21 m) are close to what we found (6.80 × 7.20 m approx.). Four rooms with double corners, with one side straight and another side that is half of a circle, each one corresponding to the four outer corners of the whole building; each one is 30 palms long (m 7.47), and 29 palms wide (m 7.21) [= Ac1-C, E, I, M]. The pillars create four large semicircular niches, which Contini marked with no. 14, and still exist (Fig. 23). 14. Four vestibules before those niches, which served as passageway to the atria and to the portico in the middle, the sides of which are portions of circles. 54 Piranesi 1781, Accademia, no. 15: «Giallo antico di forma ottagona, tramezzato da quadrati di marmo bianco». («Giallo antico of octagonal shape with inserted squares of white marble»).

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Fig. 18. The Accademia in the plan of Francesco Contini (1668).

francesco contini. the first complete plan and rational description of the villa

Fig. 19a-b. Accademia, comparison between the two plans of Contini. The ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio on the left, the new plan of 1668 on the right (courtesy dai, Rome).

Ac7

Ac6

Ac7

17/Ac5

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13

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14

Fig. 20a-b. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]. Plan of Contini (1668) and our plan for comparison (De Franceschini, Pavanello, Andreatta 2010).

13/M

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Fig. 21. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]. Pillar B: niche with stucco and door.

Between the podiums are circular or semi-circular spaces, marked in our plan [Ac1] with letters A, D, L and [Ac3]. A is semi-circular and had a fountain in the centre,55 flanked by two curved stairs which were the only access to the Belvedere for those coming from Roccabruna (Fig. 24; reconstructed in Figure 25). 15. Four Atrij, made in the shape of semicircles, 60 palms of diameter [m 14,94], corresponding to the center of the four outer sides [= Ac1-A, D, L and Ac3].

Contini then describes an L shaped corridor no. 17 [Ac2] and [Ac5] in his plan are joined together), whose floor was black and white mosaic (not visible today). 17. Corridor adjacent to the main atrium, 75 palms [m 18.675] long and 19 palms wide [m 4.73]; whose floor was of white and black mosaic [= Ac2].

The other rooms are not mentioned: [Ac3], where he draws a row of four columns, is described under no. 15, together with the other semi-circular «atri». Room [Ac4] is described under no. 20 with other ones on the north side of the portico (see below). 6. 1. 2. The double portico [Ac6-8] and rooms on the north side [Ac9-14] (plan Fig. 26a-b) The outer portico no. 18 [Ac6] is on the same axis of the Belvedere [Ac1] and [Ac3], and has a colonnade on its west side. A wall separates it from the inner portico no. 19 [Ac7-8] (see before Figure 8): Contini does not draw the central door and has only one door on either end of 55

The fountain was seen during the survey of Mangurian-Ray. In the years 1991-1993 Professor Friedrich Rakob surveyed the Accademia together with architects Faller, Helfgen and Krück. He generously gave me his plans, so far unpublished. 56

Fig. 22. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]. Pillar C: the semicircular podium in the foreground and rectangular niche with doors.

it. The width (m 3.98) is correct, while the length is m 75.57 instead of about m 62. 18. Corridor towards south-west in front of the main atrium of the building, 303 and a half palms long [m 75.57] and 16 palms wide [m 3.98] [= Ac6].

In the inner portico no. 19 [Ac7-8] was the Secret Garden of the Accademia (Fig. 27). Contini removed the door on the south side seen in the ‘clean copy’, and draws 18 × 10 columns. The measurement is larger than the reality, m 75.57 × 43.07 instead of m 60 × 37.5 (i.e., 200 × 125 Roman feet). The survey of Professor Friedrich Rakob found 26 columns on the longer side.56 According to Contini, the floor was black and white mosaic, with squares of porphyry, serpentine and marbles, similar to other mosaics of the Villa with marble crustae;57 today scattered tesserae are visible on the ground. 19. Peristyle, or area of the Accademia, surrounded by a portico with columns, the floor of which was of sections [spartimenti] of black and white mosaic, with small squares of porphyry, serpentine, and marble. The length of the peristyle is 303 and a half palms [m 75.57], its width 173 palms [m 43.07] [= Ac7-8].

The rooms on the north side of the portico, marked with no. 20 [Ac4] and [Ac11], are drawn with precision. [Ac9] has the correct width and the apse; [Ac10] is aligned with the centre of the portico. In [Ac14] is drawn a stair descending to the underground corridors, which is still visible. Rooms [Ac9-11] were transformed into an hay-loft (Fig. 28), on top of which can still be seen the remains of the upper floor. 57 For example, in the portico of the Hall with Doric Pillars. See De Franceschini 1991, portico PD10, pp. 138-139.

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Fig. 23. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]. Semi-circular apse north of B.

Fig. 24. Accademia, Belvedere [Ac1]. The curved entrance stair near pillar B-C.

Fig. 25. Accademia, 3D reconstruction of the Belvedere [Ac1] with the two curved entrance stairs (drawing Brigitta Casieri).

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29/ 28/ Ac90 Ac89

Ac91

27/Ac88

25/Ac78 18/Ac6

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23/Ac41 Ac14

Ac Ac 10 9

Ac3 Ac14

21/ Ac20

Ac15-16

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20/Ac11

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Ac13 Ac3

Fig. 26a-b. Accademia, central portico [Ac7] and surrounding rooms. Plan by Contini (1668). Ac red number are those of our plan. Red numbers in our plan are those of Contini.

20. Apartment of rooms on the side of the peristyle that is near the above mentioned building, each of which is 40 palms long [m 9.96] and 22 palms wide [m 5.47], and above them here was another noble apartment, as seen from the walls that are passing above them [= Ac4, 9-10-11].

6. 1. 3. Rooms north of the Temple of Apollo [Ac18-69] (plan Fig. 29a-b) The rooms north of the Temple of Apollo are properly aligned along the longitudinal axis running through all their doors. Starting from the bottom, the first three rooms are described with the numbers 21-22-23 [Ac20, Ac36, Ac41]; today there are few walls, preserved to a small height. 21. Main entrance towards north-west [= Ac20]. 22. Vestibule, which from the portico of the peristyle leads to another building [= Ac36]. 23. Atrium with the two sides of a half circle, adorned with niches and doors, and with two loggias in the other sides [= Ac41].

On lower left in the drawing are some rooms seen in Ligorio’s sketch: a large one with double apse and four columns on the side (no number). Next to it is a stair descending to the lower level of the Prætorium esplanade, described as follows:

26. Apartment with several rooms on the side of the Temple towards north-east, where in one corner there was a stair that went down to the lower level towards north and north-west [= Ac79, Ac68 and stair].

The stair, very worn but still visible (Fig. 30), was identified during our survey, while all the other rooms are razed to the ground. Towards north, before the Temple of Apollo is the open court no. 24 [Ac60], with a central door flanked by two semicircular niches still visible today (see before Figure 18 in chapter 7), and by two oblique corridors (Fig. 31) corresponding to our corridors [Ac61-62] (which were wrongly drawn in the ‘clean copy’). 24. Area in front of the façade of the temple, which was decorated with three doors, leading into the Temple, and two niches between them; in the side facing south-west had a small loggia corresponding to the portico of the Peristyle [= Ac60].

6. 1. 4. The Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and surrounding rooms [Ac71-91] (see plan Figure 2 and also plans in Figures 26 and 34) Left of room no. 24 are other rooms without numbers: [Ac71] with an ‘L’-shaped wall (Fig. 32), the apsed room [Ac72], a square room [Ac73] with latrine [Ac74] (larger

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Fig. 27. Accademia, Hadrian’s Secret Garden. The west wall of the central portico [Ac7].

than real). Their walls are preserved for a considerable height, but Contini does not describe them. The Temple of Apollo no. 25 [Ac78] (see above, Figures 11 in chapter 3 and 13-15 in chapter 7) is divided into twenty doors and panels and has half-columns protruding from the walls; position and number of the doors are correct: three on the east and west sides, one south, one north flanked by the two oblique corridors. In the upper floor ten niches alternate with ten windows. The diameter (m 15.43) is larger than the real one, which is approximately m 13.40. Contini describes the half-columns with capitals of composite order made of terra cotta as the frieze and the frame (Ligorio wrote instead «Ionic capitals»).

out numbers. The rooms east of the Temple are drawn correctly, but only one is marked with no. 26 «apartment of several rooms»: it is room [Ac79] in our plan, the most important and richly decorated of the building. Rooms [Ac83-85] have no numbers (see plan Figure 29a-b).

25. Temple of Apollo, according to what Ligorio says, which was adorned with 20 columns of the composite order, twothirds protruding from the wall, made of cement and reveted with stucco, whose bases, capitals, frieze and frame were made of terra cotta, worked with great diligence. Above that order was another similar order, and between its columns were ten niches, inside which were placed ten statues, and between them there were ten windows. The diameter of the hall of the Temple is 62 palms [m 15.43], & it has a total of ten doors [= Ac78, Temple of Apollo].

The Zooteca does not have the door towards the portico [Ac7-8]; in the ‘clean copy’ there was an inner portico with columns, which here is missing: Contini apparently doubted its existence, and did not mention it in the caption. Measurements are slightly larger than actual: m 19.92 × 16.43 instead of m 14.70 × 17.5. East of the Zooteca, Contini correctly draws the triangular rooms [Ac86-87] (which were deleted in the ‘clean copy’); the no. 36 marking them, however, refers to the subterranean corridor below (see above, plan in Figure 18). The Accademia’s southern end has other rooms nos. 28 and 29 [Ac89-90], which have the correct shape, but in no. 29 one of the doors towards the central portico is missing. Contini describes them as two «entrances» («ingress») corresponding to two diπerent levels. No. 28 [Ac89] was accessible from the Prætorium esplanade, which was on a lower level (Fig. 33). No. 29 [Ac90] (see Figure 20 in chapter 7) was accessed from the Accademia esplanade, on

Nothing is left of the terra cotta decoration; almost all the bricks of the cornices and lintels have been systematically removed to be re-used as building material. The panels on the lower floor and the niches alternating with windows on the upper floor perfectly correspond to the description of Contini. West of the Temple of Apollo, vestibule [Ac76] towards the central portico is narrow and flat and the two cubicles [Ac75] and [Ac77] are drawn loosely and with-

Continuing south, is room no. 27 [Ac88] called Zooteca (name invented by Ligorio) (see previously plan in Figure 26 and Figure 19 in chapter 7): 27. Uncovered place 80 palms long [m 19.92], 66 palms wide [m 16.43]. which, according to Ligorio, was the menagerie for the animals to be sacrificed in the Temple [= Zooteca Ac88].

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Fig. 28. Accademia, rooms [Ac9-11] on the north side of the central portico, transformed in hay-loft, with a small tower on top.

an higher level, and corridor no. 30 [Ac91] (which Contini calls «portico or balcony») connected it to other rooms; it is oblique and extends beyond the wall of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium. 28. Another entrance towards south-east (Scirocco), from which it was possible to descend to the above mentioned lower esplanade [= Ac89]. 29. Another entrance next to that, in which is a large niche on one side, not very deep [= Ac90]. 30. Loggia or portico before the above mentioned entrance, through which is the access to the esplanade towards southeast (Scirocco), where there were other buildings. All these ruins are now covered with brambles, and are owned by the above mentioned Gioseppe Caesare [= Ac91].

6. 1. 5. New rooms south of the portico [Ac99-106] (plan Fig. 34a-b) South of the central portico Contini draws several rooms which did not appear in any previous plan; no. 35 [Ac106]: the Bulgarini transformed them into a stable and 58 The cistern was seen and photographed by Mangurian and Ray during their survey. Salza Prina Ricotti considers it an horreum, i.e., a storage room for food: Salza Prina Ricotti 1973a, p. 239 and

barn; today one of them is used as storage room in a farmhouse (Fig. 35). 35. Room where is the stable and hayloft of Monsignor Bulgarino, built above the ruins, because only this remained standing of the many buildings that were in this site [= Ac106].

Nearby are other rectangular rooms without numbers, corresponding to our room [Ac99] (Fig. 37), where there are the remains of alternating rectangular and semi-circular niches; all the other rooms have been razed to the ground. No. 37, however, marks the point where Monsignor Bulgarino built his Casino (Fig. 36) on pre-existing Roman structures. 37. Place, where Monsignor Bulgarino built a Casino [un casino da villa], partly above ruins and grottos [anticaglie e grotte] and in part above foundations.

The «grottoes» mentioned by Contini are an ancient cistern dug into the tufa rock, which to this day are called grottoes by the Bulgarini and were used as a wine cellar58 (see previously Figure 4 in chapter 11). 246, pl. i.22 and i.y; Salza Prina Ricotti 1979-1980, pp. 292-293 and fig. 43, p. 293; Salza Prina Ricotti 1982, pl. i.E.

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88 Zooteca 83

84 85

77 76

71

72

75

73 74

Stair

27/88 Zooteca

25/Ac78 Ac81

26/Ac79

Ac7

24/Ac60 26/Ac68

Stair

23/Ac41

22/Ac36

21/Ac20

Fig. 29a-b. Accademia, Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and northern rooms. a) plan by Contini (1668): red numbers are those of our plan. b) our plan: red numbers are those of Contini.

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Fig. 30. Accademia, the stair drawn by Contini that connected the Accademia esplanade with the Prætorium esplanade, in its present state.

Fig. 31. Detail of the oblique corridor [Ac61].

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Fig. 32. View of room [Ac71] with niches for decorative panels.

6. 1. 6. The Nymphæum of the Prætorium (see plan Figure 34) Close to the Accademia Contini draws a wall with buttresses and niches no. 33: it is the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, marking the southern boundary of the Prætorium esplanade no. 32: Contini corrects the mistakes of the ‘clean copy’: the wall has the real oblique orientation and instead of the «twenty-five niches» of the annotation there are only six pillars acting as buttresses, decorated by small semi-circular niches. 33. Thick wall, which supported the hill that lay above it towards south and south-east, marked with no. 31, in which wall there were seven niches, that is four of half square and three of half circle, and between them eight smaller niches of half circle [= Nymphæum of the Prætorium].

Remains of this Nymphæum are still partly visible; the buttresses are now almost all separated from the back wall, and are decorated by semi-circular niches (see above, Figure 11 in chapter 11) with tartari59 and traces of light blue color. Contini also describes a fountain located at the back of the wall itself, where a seated statue was found:60 34. Fountain above the aforementioned esplanade, corresponding to the middle of the side of this wall, which was lined inside and outside with rustic ‘tartar’ (rustichi tartari), in the centre of which is visible a pedestal, where there had been a seated statue, of which was found a piece of cloth from the knees down, which was bought from the most Eminent Cardinal Barberino.

a large fragment of concrete decorated with ‘tartari’, so it had to be a Nymphæum with the seated statue inside a grotto. Then he shows the place where the Barberini Candelabra were found: 31. esplanade, where were the aforementioned buildings, where monsignor Bulgarino, master of the place, excavated between the above mentioned loggia, and his stables, where he found some rooms destroyed under the earth, from which he dug two candelabra of marble carved with leaves, with triangular bases, on whose sides are figurines of good manner, carved in low relief. These Candelabra are now among the antiquities of the Most Eminent signor Cardinal Barberino.

In the retaining wall of the Nymphæum of the Prætorium, Contini drew a subterranean corridor reaching the Great Trapezium, whose position is wrong (red dot in plan Figure 34a-b). Our survey showed that there was no door in the wall of the Nymphæum, and that the corridor – which still exists today – was a continuation of corridor [Ac91], which was going up and sideways, and then forked, descending down to a subterranean tunnel excavated in the tufa rock, connected to the Great Trapezium (Fig. 38). 6. 1. 7. Rooms towards the Fosso di Risicoli and subterranean service corridors (plan Figs. 34a-b and 39)

The fountain was used by the Bulgarini as a base for a piggery (now abandoned); in front of it on the ground is

In the plan there are other new structures: a circular room and a long corridor marked with no. 36. The survey of Mangurian and Ray discovered that the circular room (corresponding to our [Ac144]) was actually rectangular with an apse (see plan Figure 34a-b, blue dot). The corri-

59 ‘Tartari’ are made with travertine ‘foam’, and were used to imitate the rocks of a grotto in the fountains of Roman and Renaissance nymphæa.

60 The statue was identified by Neuerburg in the garden of the Palazzo Barberini in Rome: Neuerburg 1965, pp. 242-243; see chapter 11 on the findings of the Bulgarini.

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Fig. 33. Room [Ac89], presently used as stable and storage.

dor was part of a subterranean cryptoporticus ([Ac145] in our plan), belonging to a roof terrace overlooking the Fosso di Risicoli, which was supported by towers (see before Figure 16, and Figure 16 in chapter 7). With two rows of dots Contini outlined a complex network of underground corridors, all marked with no. 36, one of the great novelties of this plan (Fig. 39). 36. Subterranean corridor on the cliπ of the valley towards south-west, inside which entered other roads that were passing under the esplanade n. 31, as are seen, traced with dotted lines, which are so ruined that it was not possible to walk inside them, but only in those that are shown in the plan.

It is the Cryptoporticus of the Accademia substructures, still partly visible (Fig. 40 and blue asterisk in plan Fig. 39), connected to a network of subterranean corridors, all marked with no. 36, which also reached the Fosso di Risicoli, one of which was identified in our survey (Fig. 41 and red asterisk in plan Fig. 39). Contini explains that he drew only those that he was able to explore in person, but in his day there were others no longer viable, which he did not mark in the plan. This statement is important, because some of the corridors have a path completely diπerent from what we will see later in the plans of Piranesi and other scholars. During our survey we explored and reconstructed them with the help of geo-resistivity.61 7. Conclusions (plan Fig. 42) Superimposing our plan to Contini’s, all the main rooms on the west side, the portico and the pillars inside the

Belvedere correspond to what we saw in our survey. This means that the measurements of Contini were very accurate and carefully made on the spot. Contini is the first ‘modern’ scholar of Hadrian’s Villa; his rational and systematic description (securely linked to the numbers of the rooms in his plan) is a revolutionary innovation, a big step forward compared to the Codices of Pirro Ligorio, full of the erudite digressions typical of the Renaissance. His ‘method’ will be followed by Giovan Battista Piranesi and still is the only way to identify quickly the buildings and the rooms of the Villa. Captions and descriptions as stated above contain a wealth of important information: the register of land holdings with the names of the owners, important to identify the find spot of statues and other artworks; news about the buildings: excavations, finds, building techniques, decoration, and the author’s personal interpretations on their meaning and function. Half of the rooms drawn by Contini on the east side and the south sides of the Accademia have been razed to the ground; their shape may be determined by geophysical surveys, without excavating. 8. Appendix: Contini’s original Italian text No. 1 - Dedication, part one: Eminentissimo e reverendissimo signore e padrone colendissimo. Sono già due anni che V. E. mi honorò nel commandarmi ch’io faccia la Pianta della Villa Adriana; mi accinsi prontamente all’Opera, animato più dall’ardore di fenirla, che atterrito dall’impresa molto malagevole. Mi conferij nel luogo: osservai quel

61 De Franceschini, Marras 2009a; De Franceschini, Marras 2009b; De Franceschini, Marras 2010; De Franceschini, Marras 2012.

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Nymphæum of the Prætorium

Ac88 Zooteca

Casino Bulgarini

34/Fountain

31

33

Nymphæum of the Prætorium 35/Ac106

30/Ac91

Ac99

28/ Ac89

Ac144

29/ Ac90

27/Ac88 Zooteca

Fig. 34a-b. Accademia, south rooms and the Nymphæum of the Prætorium. Comparison with our plan. Red numbers in our plan are those of Contini.

Ac145

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Fig. 35. Room [Ac106] transformed into the basement of the farmhouse.

Fig. 36. The Casino Bulgarini, built in the xviith century over Roman structures.

Fig. 37. Remains of room [Ac99] with alternating rectangular and semi-circular niches.

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Fig. 38. Entrance to the subterranean service tunnel connecting the Accademia with the Great Trapezium.

Great Trapezium

Nymphæum of the Prætorium

Cryptoporticus in the substructures of the Accademia Tunnel leading to Great Trapezium

*

* Cryptoporticus towards the Fosso di Risicoli

Fosso di Risicoli

Fig. 39. The underground service corridors of the Accademia drawn for the first time in the plan of Contini (1668).

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Fig. 40. The Cryptoporticus in the substructures of the Accademia, still partly visible today (blue asterisk in Figure 39).

Fig. 41. One of the two tunnels towards the cliπ of Fosso di Risicoli drawn by Contini (1668) (red asterisk in Figure 39) (photo Umberto Pavanello).

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Fig. 42. The overlap of our plan to Contini’s shows its accuracy.

sito esser in un Colle circondato da due valli di circuito di sei miglia, e viddi la maggior parte di quelle anticaglie si fattamente atterrate, e coperte dalle mine, che non si scorgevano i loro fondamenti, anzi la più parte di esse erano soprafatte da macchie foltissime e spinose. Tali asprezze mi palesarono le di√coltà che avrei trovato nel ridurle in pianta. Non mi sgomentai nondimeno, tanto mi premeva l’accreditarmi appresso il mondo, col palesarmi d’haver servito V. E.

No. 2 - Dedication, part two: Cominciai a far cavar terra per trovar i fondamenti: feci recidere gl’intoppi, che l’impedivano, e più volte mi calai in vari pozzi & aperture, che scopersi in quelli scoscesi e per quelle vigne. Questa diligenza mi hà poi anco fatto scoprire alcune strade sotterranee, per le quali si và al coperto da un luogo all’altro di detta villa, come si vedono disegnate nella Pianta, che finalmente hò levata con quella esattezza, che hò potuto, rispetto al luogo reso hormai dal tempo per ogni parte manchevole. Gradisca la V. E. anzi ricevala per sua, essendo nata dal suo benignissimo cenno, il quale m’ha fatto superare in essa le di√coltà, che parevano insuperabili, degnandosi di riconoscere nella medesima [pianta] la divota mia servitù che le professo. Distintissimo et humilissimo servitore - Francesco Contini.

No. 3 - Description: 1. Scala, che ascende sopra i due Poggi più alti [= rampa di Roccabruna]. 62

Measurements are in Roman palms: one palm equals m 0.249.

2. Primo Poggio longo pal. 630, largo pal. 290 [= m 156.87 × 72.21]; nel quale al presente è un oliveto del sopra detto Bastian Soliardo [= Spianata dell’Accademia].62 3. Luogo, dove era un corritore o portico coperto, nel quale si entrava dal repiano della d. scala, & era al pari del detto poggio; nell’altra testa era un altra scala, che ascendeva al Poggio più alto [= galleria sotterranea verso l’Accademia]. 4. Piano del d. poggio più alto, del sopra d. circa palmi 15 [= m 3.75]; ove è un gran sito longo per quanto è il d. corritore pal. 630, largo pal. 173 [= m 156.87 × 43.07], nel quale è un oliveto di Gioseppe Cesare da Tivoli; l’altro piano, che segue verso Scirocco, è longo palmi 880, largo pal. 493 [= m 219.12 × 122.7], ove di presente è una vigna del medesimo Cesare [= Spianata dell’Accademia]. 15. Tempio per difuori di figura circolare, posto sopra l’altro descritto al nu. 23 della lettera I. E questo era ornato di fuori di 16. colonne di marmo bianco striate d’ordine Dorico, isolate di grossezza di pal. 3 e mezzo di diametro [= cm 87], sopra le quali era l’architrave, fregio & cornice di marmo. La parte di dentro di questo Tempio era di figura ottangola con otto arconi ne i lati larg. palmi 13. e mezzo [= m 3.36], & il diametro del Tempio era di vano pal. 46 e mezzo [= m 11.47]. Il quale Tempio ora è spianato aπatto, & in vece di esso vi e stata fabbricata una Torre, co tre stanze dal sopra d. Signor Bastiano Soliardo, padrone del luogo, che al presente si chiama Rocca Bruna. [= Roccabruna, piano superiore].63 63 The lower floor of Roccabruna, with its domed hall still exists and was previously described by Contini: Letter I, no. 23.

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16. Muro con contraforti, lungo palmi 2340 [= m 582.66]; il quale sostiene, e divide il detto Poggio num. 4 dal piano più basso verso la valle [= Muro di contenimento A, Fig. 15]. 17. Piano più basso del sudetto pal. 20. in circa [= m. 4,98], e questo ricorre al pari del piano nu. 21. della lettera K. il qual piano è terreno di Monsignor Bulgarino, ove passa la strada fatta di novo, che và alla sua villa [= Fosso di Risicoli, Fig. 2, ch. 11]. 18. Edifitio, che di fuori era quadro, e di dentro tondo, con varij diverticoli, e stanze, le quali ora sono atterrate, e piene di macchia [= Ac1-G]. 19.10.11.12 Quattro nicchie nella maggior circonferenza di dentro, egualmente spartite, corrispondenti l’una all’altra nelle quattro parti del circolo, il cui diametro è palmi 120 [= m 29.88] [= Ac1-B, F, H, N]. 13. Quattro stanze biangole, con un lato retto & uno di mezzo cerchio, per ciascuna, corrispondenti alli quattro angoli di fuori di tutto l’edifitio; ciascuna delle quali è longa palmi 30, larga palmi 29 [= m 7.47 × 7.21] [= Ac1-C, E, I, M]. 14. Quattro vestiboli avanti le dette nicchie, che servivano per passo alli atrij & al portico di mezzo, i cui lati sono di portione di cerchi. 15. Quattro atrij, fatti in figura di semicircoli di diametro pal. 60 [= m 14.94], corrispondenti al mezzo delli 4 lati di fuori [= Ac1-A, D, L e Ac3]. 16. Portico tondo, largo pal. 10, ornato di colonne, che circuiva l’area di mezzo dell’edifitio, di diametro pal. 60 [= m 14.94]. il pavimento della quale era di spartimento di serpentino, porfido, marmo negro, e bianco [= Ac1-G]. 17. Corritore contiguo all’atrio principale, longo p.i 75 [= m 18.675], largo p. 19 [= m 4.73]; il cui pavimento era di musaico bianco e negro [= Ac2 e 5]. 18. Corritore verso Libeccio, avanti l’atrio principale dell’edifitio, longo pal. 303 e mezzo [= m 75.57], largo pal. 16 [= m 3.98] [= Ac6]. 19. Peristilio, ò area dell’Accademia, con portici attorno di colonne, il pavimento de quali era di spartimenti di musaico negro, e bianco, con quadretti di porfido, serpentino, e marmo. La longhezza del peristilio è palmi 303 è mezzo [m 75,57], largo palmi 173 [m 43.07] [= Ac7-8]. 20. Appartamento di stanze nel lato del peristilio contiguo al sopra detto edifitio, ciascuna delle quali è longa pal. 40 [m 9.96], larga palmi 22 [m 5.47], e sopra di esse, era un altro appartamento nobile, come si vede dalli muri, che passano sopra [= Ac4, 9-10-11]. 21. Entrata principale verso Maestro [= Ac20]. 22. Vestibulo, che dal portico del peristilio corrisponde ad un altro edifitio [= Ac36]. 23. Atrio con le due teste di mezzo cerchio, ornato di nicchie e porte, e due loggie nelli altri lati [= Ac41]. 24. Area avanti la facciata del tempio, la quale facciata era ornata di tre porte, che passavano al Tempio, e due nicchie tra esse; nel lato verso Libeccio aveva una loggietta corrispondente al Portico del Peristilio [= Ac60]. 25. Tempio d’Apollo, secondo dice Ligorio, il quale era ornato di 20 colonne d’ordine composito, due terzi fuori del fuori

26.

27. 28. 29. 30.

31.

32. 33.

34.

35. 36.

37.

del muro, fatte di cementi di muro, e stuccate, le cui base, capitelli, fregio, e cornice, erano di terra cotta, lavorati con molta diligenza. Sopra quell’ordine era un altro ordine simile, e tra le sue colonne erano dieci nicchie, dove erano collocate dieci statue, fra le quali erano dieci finestre. Il diametro del vano del Tempio è pal. 62 [m 15,43], & ha in tutto dieci porte [= Ac78]. Appartamento di diverse stanze al lato del Tempio verso Greco, dove in un angolo era una scala, che calava al piano più basso verso Tramontana e Greco [= Ac79, Ac68 e scala]. Luogo scoperto longo pal. 80 [= m 19.92], largo pal. 66 [= m 16.43]. il quale, secondo Ligorio, era il serraglio delle Vittime, che si sacrificavano nel Tempio [Ac88 Zooteca]. Un altra entrata verso Scirocco, dalla quale si calava al detto piano più basso [= Ac89]. Una altra entrata accanto alla suddetta, nella quale è una nicchia grande in un lato, di poca concavità [= Ac90]. Portico o Loggia avanti la detta entrata, per la quale si passa al piano verso Scirocco, dove erano altri Edifitij. Tutte quelle anticaglie sono ora coperte di macchia, e le possiede il sudetto Gioseppe Cesare [= Ac91]. Piano, dove erano i sopraddetti edifitij, nel quale Monsignor Bulgarino padrone del luogo, ha fatto cavare tra la detta loggia, e la sua stalla, ove ha trovato alcune stanze sotto terra rovinate, dalle quali ha cavato due candelieri di marmo intagliati à foglie, con li piedi a triangolo, nelle cui facciate sono figurine di basso rilievo intagliate di buona maniera. li quali Candelabri ora sono tra l’anticaglie dell’Eminentissimo signor Card. Barberino. Piano più basso palmi 15 [m 3.75], nel quale è la vigna di Marcello Fresciato, & oliveti d’altri padroni [=Spianata del Pretorio]. Muro grosso, che sosteneva il poggio, che gli giaceva sopra verso Ostro Scirocco, segnato num. 31, nel qual muro erano sette nicchie, cioè quattro di mezzo quadro, e tre di mezzo cerchio, e tra esse otto nicchie più piccole di mezzo cerchio [= Ninfeo del Pretorio]. Fontana sopra il d. Poggio, corrispondente al mezzo del lato del d. muro, la quale era foderata dentro e fuori di rustichi tartari, nel cui mezzo si vede il piedestallo, dove era collocata una statua à sedere, della quale si è trovato un pezzo di panno dalle ginocchia in giù, che fu compro dall’Eminentiss. Card. Barberino. Stanza dove è la stalla e fienile di Monsig. Bulgarino, fatta sopra l’anticaglie, che di tante fabriche, ch’erano in questo sito, solo questa è restata in piedi [= Ac106]. Corritore sotterraneo nella ripa della valle verso Libeccio, nel quale entravano altre vie, che passavano sotto il piano 31. come si vedono disegnate di punti, le quali sono tanto rovinate, che non si sono potute camminare, se non quelle, che si vedono in pianta. Luogo, dove Monsig. Bulgarino ha fabricato un casino da villa parte sopra anticaglie e grotte, e parte da fondamenti.

Fig. 43. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate i - From the Greek Theatre to the Greek and Latin Libraries (courtesy dai, Rome).

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9. Contini’s original plates i-iv and vi-x

Fig. 44. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate ii - From the Maritime Theatre to Imperial Palace, Winter Palace, Hall of Doric Pillars and Piazza d’Oro, and the Inferi (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 45. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate iii - From the Inferi to the Great Trapezium (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 46. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate iv - From the Great Trapezium to the Acqua Ferrata and Lycæum (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 47. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate vi - Greek Theatre and Pœcile (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 48. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate vii - Small Baths, Great Baths, Vestibule, Prætorium, Canopus, Roccabruna, Accademia esplanade (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 49. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate viii- Accademia, Mimizia, Odeon theatre (courtesy dai, Rome).

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Fig. 50. Francesco Contini, general plan (1668). Plate ix - Lycæum (Foto © MuseiVaticani).

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C h a p te r 14 CASSIANO D A L P O Z Z O . THE MUSEO CARTACEO ( PAPER MUSEUM ): T HE FIRST VIR TU A L M U S E U M

C

1. Biographical notes (Fig. 1)

assiano dal Pozzo (1588-1657) was born in Turin in 1588 and died in Rome in 1657. He lived for a long time in Florence and studied at the University of Pisa, where his uncle, Carlo Antonio, was Archbishop and also Minister of Archduke Ferdinand II of Tuscany: they were both his patrons.1 Very early he showed interest in science, history and antiquarian scholarship. During his years in Florence he witnessed great achievements in urban planning, architecture and art, which certainly formed his taste and his eye for the arts.2 In 1621 he moved to Rome to work for Cardinal Francesco Maria dal Monte,3 and was his Minister and Counsellor for ten years.4 He soon became one of the most powerful men in Rome, holding important positions in the Curia as Coppiere papale (Papal Cupbearer) and Minister for the Arts and Culture.5 In 1623, Cardinal Maπeo Barberini6 became Pope Urban VIII, and he wanted to promote the social and cultural growth of his family, through the figure of his nephew Francesco, «immediately appointed to the position of Cardinal Nepote (Cardinal Nephew) […] direct depositary of the policy of his uncle and interpreter of his secular power in the Papal States and in diplomatic relations».7 The new Pope chose Cassiano to be secretary to Francesco because Cassiano was a highly cultivated man and a figure of prestige, and this appointment made him the most influential man for culture and art in Rome.8 Cassiano in turn was the patron of great artists: Nicolas Poussin, Alessandro Algardi, Artemisia Gentileschi, Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Pietro da Cortona and Michelangelo da Caravaggio. Cassiano’s interests ranged from archaeology to literature, from medicine to botany. He was a member of the Accademia dei Lincei, one of the first modern scientific associations, founded by Cardinal Federico Cesi to observe natural phenomena and promote their systematic and rational classification. Through him, Francesco Barberini also became a Linceo, as explained by Mochi Onori:9 This is part of a precise cultural plan. The new science […] the new scientific methods are expressed in the Accademia dei Lincei, the highlight of culture of those years, which enjoyed all the sympathies of the new Pope. His election aroused great hopes among its learned members. Galileo (who had been an Academic of the Lincei since 1612) defined the ascent to the throne of Ur-

1

2 Ibidem. Solinas 2002a, p. 5. Ibidem; Mochi Onori 2002, p. 18. 4 Solinas 2002a, p. 1. 5 See website http://www.lincei-celebrazioni.it/idal-pozzo.html 6 When he was studying in Pisa, Maπeo Barberini met Carlo Antonio dal Pozzo, Archbishop of the town and uncle of Cassiano; both were members of the Accademia degli Umoristi. See Mochi Onori 2002, p. 16. 3

Fig. 1. Cassiano dal Pozzo, portrait by Jan van den Hoecke. Florence, private Collection (from Solinas 2002a).

ban VIII a ‘wondrous conjuncture’ (mirabile congiuntura). The Accademia dei Lincei celebrated the new Pope and his family with refined scientific studies, such as one on bees, the heraldic symbol of the Barberini, which were studied under the microscope. (Fig. 2)

Cassiano dal Pozzo selected the paintings for the new Quadreria (Picture Gallery) of Francesco Barberini, whose Library in the Palazzo alle Quattro Fontane became the most important in Rome, alongside that of the Vatican. An expert in botany, Cassiano had also an active part in designing the garden of the Palazzo,10 with the purpose of

7

8 Solinas 2002a, p. 1. Ibidem. Mochi Onori 2002, p. 16. 10 Mochi Onori 2002, p. 20: «The great Library of Francesco had a view over the gardens […]. The study of Botany was of fundamental importance in the culture of the Lincei, and in fact Federico Cesi authored the collection of the Tavole Phytosophicae […]. The intention was to create a perfect union of Nature and Art, a Secret garden for the Cardinals, full of rare plants and ancient statues». 9

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chapter 14 Cassiano to the research topics he was passionate about: ancient art, botany, geology and zoology. He decided to document human knowledge with a collection as complete as possible of drawings, depicting the most significant subjects of each discipline. The idea was inspired from the monumental Antichità romane (Roman Antiquities) of Pirro Ligorio, the first encyclopaedic compendium on Roman antiquities ever attempted,15 as Cassiano explained in a letter:16 This museum, that I will call Cartaceo [Paper Museum] is divided into many volumes, in which I had thought to try to imitate the eπort made by the famous antiquarian Pirro Ligorio, painter and architect, who gathered as much as he could of ancient documentation, divided into subjects, as can be seen from the Index of that part of his works that are in Turin in the Library of those princes, another part of his work being here in Rome, in the Library of Manuscripts in the Farnese Palace.

Fig. 2. The bee of the coat of arms of the Barberini, used as a decoration in the garden of Palazzo Barberini in Rome.

merging nature and art: «the direct relationship with nature is expressed in the creation of a ‘giardino di delizie’ (garden of delights) and is also a model of philosophical and cultural relationship with the garden» (Fig. 3).11 Cassiano encouraged and followed numerous painters, sculptors, engravers, illuminators and scenographers, creating a ‘Barberinian style’.12 He was the true cultural eminence grise of the Barberini, who never gave him the recognition he deserved as Domenico Dati, the xviithcentury biographer of Cassiano, noted.13 After the condemnation of Galileo Galilei the atmosphere changed, and the Barberini distanced themselves from research and science; after the death of its founder, Cardinal Federico Cesi, the Accademia dei Lincei was left to languish. But Cesi’s valuable Library, considered both profane and dangerous, was saved in 1633 by Cassiano, who acquired it and had it moved into his Roman residence in Sant’Andrea della Valle.14 2. Cassiano dal Pozzo and the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) The scientific criteria for observation and classification promoted by the Accademia dei Lincei were applied by 11

Mochi Onori 2002, p. 20. Solinas 2002a, p. 1. 13 Mochi Onori 2002, p. 20. 14 F. Haskell, Mecenati e pittori, Firenze, 1966, p. 167. Mochi Onori 2002, p. 18: «Il patrimonio della biblioteca e del Museo linceo, considerato profano e pericoloso, passa in proprietà di Cassiano» («The heritage of the Library and of the Museum of the Lincei, which was considered profane and dangerous, came into the property of Cassiano»). 15 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio. 16 Solinas 2002b, p. 121, quoting a letter of november 15th, 1634 to father Reinhold Dehn, Conservatore delle Raccolte imperiali di Vienna (Curator of the Imperial Collections in Vienna): «Questo museo, dirò Cartaceo, è diviso in molti tomi, ne’ quali ebbi pensiero 12

Applying the new scientific methods to his antiquarian studies, Cassiano collected drawings, measurements and descriptions of the most important monuments of Roman antiquity and early Middle Ages. From 1610 (or 1615 according to others) onwards he began collecting drawings, focusing at first on those made by the great artists of the xvth and xvith centuries;17 when none were available, he commissioned new drawings from young contemporary artists. In this way the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) was born, an example of a ‘virtual museum’ ahead of its time, consisting of thousands of watercolors, prints and drawings: an immense source of information for archaeology and the study of the collections of Roman antiquities. It was made up of hundreds of albums, divided into thematic sections, but after Cassiano’s death they were, unfortunately, dispersed within few years. Cassiano Dal Pozzo was a very active member of the ‘Republic of Letters’, an ideal community of scholars and researchers from all over Europe, who communicated and exchanged information through letters, books, copies of manuscripts and drawings.18 Thanks to this ‘network’ of scholars, Cassiano played a very important role in collecting and disseminating the manuscripts of Ligorio.19 In the Museo Cartaceo there were many original drawings by Ligorio, that for Cassiano had an important scientific value as documentation of ancient monuments, but also had an aesthetic value because of their beauty.20 Carlo Antonio (his brother and heir) for some time increased the Museo Cartaceo, but by 1703 his grandson Cosimo Antonio had already sold the drawings to Pope Clement XI Albani,21 who in turn left them to his nephew Alessandro Albani.22 The drawings remained in the Albani Collection until 1762, when they were sold to King George III of England for his Library at Buckingham Palace, through the intermediation of the Royal Architect Robert di imitar la fatica che fece Pirro Ligorio famoso antiquario, pittore et architetto, che raccolse quel che più poté di notitie antiche divise in materie, come si vede dall’Indice che si trova in quella parte delle sue opere che sono in Turino nella Libreria di quei principi, essendone un’altra parte qui in Roma nella Libreria de’ Manoscritti del palazzo Farnesiano» (Russell 2007, p. 240). 17 Among them, Antonio da Sangallo il Vecchio, Giovanni da Udine, Perin del Vaga. See Solinas 2002a, p. 7. 18 Russell 2007, pp. 239-240. 19 Russell 2007, pp. 252, 273. 20 Russell 2007, pp. 263-264. 21 Theodoli 2002, p. 173. 22 A. Ch. Gruber, La Villa Albani vue par un artiste du xviii e siécle, in G. Brunel (éd.), Piranése et les Français, Rome, 1978, p. 282.

cassiano dal pozzo. the museo cartaceo (paper museum): the first virtual museum

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Fig. 3. The garden of Palazzo Barberini.

Adam and his brother John, who acted as agent in the purchase negotiations.23 With the help of Charles-Louis Clérisseau and Giuseppe Zucchi,24 John Adam inspected the drawings and described them in a letter to his brother:25 […] after turning over a prodigious number of folios we were all three of the opinion that the reputation of this collection was really well founded, and that its extent was immense, containing betwixt [sic] drawings and prints, 200 volumes in folio […] There is a collection of drawings after antiquities, bas-reliefs, altars, tripods, cenerarie [sic] and urns that I believe you will own to be the most valuable.

The documents relating to the sale mention at least two hundred volumes,26 which had a troubled history, because their original configuration was altered several times. In 1786 Richard Dalton (Royal Librarian) decided to re-order the contents of a large number of volumes and to rebind them.27 He selected and removed several drawings which became part of his own private Collection and were later dispersed at auction; only half of them have been retraced.28 In 1823 the Library of King George III was donated to the Nation and moved to the British Museum; but several 23

McBurney 1989, pp. 75-77. See also Fleming 1958. Charles-Louis Clérisseau (1721-1820), close friend of Giovan Battista Piranesi, was Robert Adam’s teacher and guide during his Grand Tour: together they surveyed several monuments of Roman antiquity. Giuseppe Zucchi (1721-1805) illustrated Robert Adam’s books on ancient architecture with engravings of the Palace of Dio25 McBurney 1989, p. 76. cletian in Spalato. 26 Fleming 1958; McBurney 1989, p. 76; Solinas 2002b, p. 123; Theodoli 2002, p. 173. 27 McBurney 1989, pp. 77-78. 24

volumes remained in Buckingham House and in 1834 were transferred by King William IV to his new Library at Windsor Castle, where they can still be found.29 Other albums and volumes remained in the Albani Collection until 1858-1859, when their Library was sold at auction and dispersed.30 3. Cassiano dal Pozzo and Hadrian’s Villa Among the monuments illustrated and reproduced in the drawings of the Museo Cartaceo, it would have been impossible for Cassiano not to have included Hadrian’s Villa. As we saw in chapter 7, Cassiano tried in vain to buy Pirro Ligorio’s drawings of the Villa, which were put up for sale in Rome and later disappeared in France.31 One of the only two surviving autograph drawings by Pirro Ligorio showing plans of Hadrian’s Villa was part of the Museo Cartaceo, although we do not know where and on what occasion it was purchased. Today it is in the Royal Library at Windsor, together with its ‘clean copy’, drawn by Francesco Contini:32 see above, chapters 7 on Pirro Ligorio, and 13 on Francesco Contini. 28 McBurney 1989, p. 81. See also I. Jenkins, Cassiano dal Pozzo’s Museo Cartaceo: new discoveries in the British Museum, «Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres», ii, 1987, pp. 29-41. 29 McBurney 1989, pp. 78, 81. 30 Solinas 2002b, p. 123: «In 1858-1859, during the great auction of the Albani Library, Prince Baldassarre Boncompagni and Emanuele Dal Pozzo della Cisterna (the last direct descendant of the family) bought the last manuscripts of the Dal Pozzo collection and of the Accademia dei Lincei». 31 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio, esp. § 3 on his general plan of 32 Campbell 2004, pp. 175-177. Hadrian’s Villa.

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C h a p te r 15 AT HAN A S IU S K IR C H E R . S P ECIAL EFFECT S , W IS D O M A ND W O ND E R S

A

1. Biographical notes (Fig. 1)

thanasius Kircher (1602-1680) was one of the last great Renaissance scholars and expert in every field of human knowledge: he wrote some thirty volumes on astronomy, mathematics, archaeology, optics, chemistry, magnetism, and also philosophy, music, natural history, physics and gnomonics.1 He was born in Germany in the town of Geisa (upper Valley of the Rhone) on 2 May, 1602 and died in Rome on 28 November, 1680. Kircher had a very adventurous life, as he acknowledged in his autobiography:2 he nearly drowned, was in danger of being hanged during the Thirty Years War, and had also survived being dragged by the current to die between the blades of a water mill, and had escaped from under the hooves of racing horses. But each time, «thanks to Providence» in which he had an unshakable and obviously well placed faith, he survived. In 1616 he entered as a novice in the Jesuit College of Fulda, was ordained priest in 1628 and in the following year he was appointed to the chair of Ethics and Mathematics at the University of Würzburg, in Germany; later on, during the Thirty Years War he had to flee to Avignon. In 1638 he was called to Rome, where for several years he taught physics, mathematics and Oriental languages in the Collegio Romano of the Jesuits; then he devoted himself to the study of Egyptian and Roman antiquities. He corresponded with the most notable personalities of his time,3 such as Cardinals Antonio and Francesco Barberini (who was his patron), Cassiano dal Pozzo, the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel I, and Queen Christina of Sweden. He was a sort of intellectual omnivore, collecting knowledge with no concepts of today’s disciplinary boundaries. His publications were generously financed by Popes, Emperors, nobles and ecclesiastical dignitaries.4 Acclaimed as the leading expert of Egypt of his time, he tried to decipher the hieroglyphs thanks to his exceptional knowledge of Oriental languages and the ability to compare them;5 Champollion also read his studies. During the excavation of the Pamphilian Obelisk in Rome, he was able to ‘predict’ which hieroglyphs were inscribed on the invisible side lying on the ground.6 This is why Gian Lorenzo Bernini called him as Egyptologist to cooperate in the project of the Fontana dei Quattro Fiumi (Fountain of the Four Rivers) in Piazza Navona: he chose the animals and the symbols of the Nile.7

1 See website of Massimo Fraticelli: http://www.massimofraticelli.it/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog &id=44&Itemid=75. 2 De Ruggiero 1878, p. viii; De Luca 2010. 3 Study in progress, Stanford University, see website http:// www.stanford.edu/group/kircher/cgi-bin/site/. 4 Godwin 2009, p. 16. 5 He spoke twenty-four languages: De Luca 2010, p. 11. 6 Godwin 2009, pp. 15, 18, 20.

Fig. 1. Athanasius Kircher, portrait by Cornelius Bloemart (from Wikipedia).

A great and eclectic collector, in 1651 he created the Museo del Collegio Romano (also called Museo Kircheriano), starting with the donation of Alfonso Donnini,8 to which he added his personal collection. Helped by his secretary Giorgio de Sepi, Kircher created a Cabinet in the Museum, a Wunderkammer (Room of Wonders), in which he exhibited curious and fantastic objects, Egyptian and Roman artworks and wooden models of the obelisks of Rome (Fig. 2). In his Catalogue of the Museum of 1878, 7

Lo Sardo 2001, p. 15. Godwin 2009, pp. 59-75; Lo Sardo 2001, pp. 15-16: «Erano oggetti conservati in cinque grandi stanze del palazzo dei Conservatori al Campidoglio, e il legatario poneva come condizione che il Museo fosse aperto al pubblico ed utilizzato per l’istruzione degli studenti» («They were objects stored in five large rooms of the palace of the Conservatori on the Capitoline Hill, and the legatee put as a condition that the Museum was to be open to the public and used for the education of students»). 8

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Fig. 3. The Catoptric Proteus, a machine that ‘transforms men into beasts’ (from Camerota 2003).

De Ruggiero9 wrote about «instruments of physics and mathematics, unique machines of his own invention, musical instruments, ethnographic objects, statues, obelisks, clocks and collections of natural history, the living image of the manifold and confused mixture of his knowledge».10 Kircher devoted his whole life to the Museum, to which he added a large collection of exotic objects, artifacts and documents belonging to the Society of Jesus. It was a veritable Museum of Science, with the aim of educating the visitors with the help of experiments and images; it seems that there was a secret collection of amulets and magical objects, which Kircher showed only to few selected scholars.11 The Museum reflected «the desire of the Jesuits to embrace all fields of knowledge, sacred or profane,

whatsoever»;12 on one of the vaults was engraved the motto:13 «Knowledge is a treasure, blessed is anyone who has it, in human appearance he will have a divine aspect». After the suppression of the Society of Jesus, the Museum was closed for about ten years. In the xviith century it was enlarged and reorganized under the direction of Filippo Buonanni and Contuccio Contucci,14 becoming a center of antiquarian and academic learning, with private meetings attended by the most eminent scholars of the time.15 At the end of the xixth century its collections were dispersed among several Roman Museums. Athanasius Kircher had a typical German talent for building optical, acoustic, pyrotechnic or musical machines, and this sometimes earned him notoriety as a magician.16 He was famous for his «marvelous performances, with the help of amazing machines, many of which he had invented himself. Devices that would soon become very successful, such as the Magic Lantern, were invented or,

9 De Ruggiero 1878, pp. viii-ix: «istrumenti di fisica e matematica, macchine singolari di sua invenzione, istrumenti musicali, oggetti etnografici, simulacri di obelischi, orologi e collezioni di storia naturale, immagine vivente della svariata e confusa mescolanza delle sue cognizioni». 10 De Ruggiero 1878, p. ix, note 1 quotes a Catalogue of the  Museum published by de Sepi in 1678, which listed too few objects. 11 Lo Sardo 2001, pp. 15, 16: «Erede della rinascimentale arte della memoria, il sistema espositivo e pedagogico faceva dello stupore stesso e degli accostamenti originali uno strumento per fissare nel ricordo una informazione o una regola» («Heir of the renaissance art of Memory, the method of displaying and the pedagogy

used amazement and original connections as an instrument for fixing in the memory an information or a rule»). 12 Lewis 2001, p. 23: «Each form of truth or knowledge could lead to the God of the Christians, and was pursued with freedom and strength. In this way the Museum of Athanasius Kircher in the Collegio Romano was the first example of the prevailing philosophy of the Jesuits of the xvii century». See also Godwin 2009, p. 10. 13 Lo Sardo 2001, p. 16. «La sapienza è un tesoro inesauribile, beato chiunque la trovi, sotto umane spoglie avrà aspetto divino». 14 De Ruggiero 1878, p. x: Filippo Bonanni was director of the Museum from 1698 to 1735, Contuccio Contucci from 1735 to 1765. 15 De Ruggiero 1878, p. xi. 16 Lo Sardo 2001, p. 15.

Fig. 2. The Museum Kircherianum in an engraving of 1678 (from Internet).

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Fig. 4. The Acoustic Tube, precursor of the megaphone (from Internet).

more likely, operated for the first time, by him».17 He invented the Mathematical Organ,18 which performed simple arithmetic, geometric and astronomical calculations, and was also used to write encrypted messages; the Portable Watch with rotating cylinders,19 the Magnetic Anemoscope,20 and finally the Proteo Catottrico (Catoptric Proteus) (Fig. 3), an incredible machine which «transformed men into beasts», thanks to a device with mirrors.21 He also invented a precursor of the megaphone: a spiral tube hidden in a statue, through which the Prince listened to what was said by his subjects (Fig. 4).22 As explained by Camerota,23 in those machines «scientific accuracy is inextricably intertwined with fantastic invention, so that it is di√cult to tell the boundary between scientific evidence and its being made into a spectacle […]. True and False were the essence of entertainment and wonder».

dedicated to Pope Clement X.24 He gave some historical information, describing briefly the most important buildings, starting from the almost classic quotation of the Historia Augusta; a new edition of the plan by Contini was enclosed, dedicated to Cardinal Francesco Barberini.

2. Athanasius Kircher and Hadrian’s Villa

Adding the name of Ligorio, he originated the idea that Ligorio’s plan had been largely copied by Contini (see chapter 13). Ginette Vagenheim published two letters of Kircher27 proving that he was aware that Contini had made his surveys in the Villa personally, and therefore did

An expert in archeology and antiquities, Kircher could not have ignored the existence of Hadrian’s Villa, about which he wrote in 1671, in the third chapter of his treatise Latium, 17

De Luca 2010, p. 8. Now at Florence, in the Museo Galileo. See website http:// archimede.imss.fi.it/kircher/emathem.html. 19 From Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae: De Luca 2010, fig. on p. 69. 20 From De Arte Magnetica: De Luca 2010, fig. on p. 77. 21 From Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae: De Luca 2010, p. 73. 22 From Musurgia Universalis: De Luca 2010, fig. on p. 81. 23 Camerota 2001, p. 239. 24 Latium. Id est nova et parallela Latii tum veteris tum novi descriptio, Amstelodami, 1671 (Latium. That is a new and parallel description of Latium, old and new). 18

2. 1. The new edition of the general plan of Contini (Figs. 5-6) Kircher’s new edition of the general plan of Contini25 joined the ten original plates together into a single sheet. On the cartouche (Fig. 6) he wrote the following statement:26 Real and most accurate plan of the most famous Villa of Hadrian Caesar in the tiburtine ager, once created by Pirro Ligorio and later revised and described by Francesco Contini, by order of eminent Cardinal Francesco Barberini.

25 On-line: see website of Marina De Franceschini www.villaadriana.net, in the section «Antiquarian Texts», Kircher 1671, and also the websites Arachne: http://arachne.uni-koeln.de/books/ Kircher 1671, and Google books. For a discussion on the plan of Contini see chapter 13 on Francesco Contini. 26 Villae celeberrimae Adriano Caesare in agro tiburtino extructae vera et exactissima ichnographia ab Pirrho Ligorio olim, postea a Francisco Contini recognita, et descripta jussu eminentissimi Francisci card. Barberini. 27 See chapter 7 on Pirro Ligorio for the full text of the letters.

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Fig. 5. The new edition of Contini’s general plan, edited by Kircher in a single sheet. On the right (highlighted in yellow) are the ruins of the Villa dei Colli di Santo Stefano, which did not belong to Hadrian’s Villa (from Kircher 1671).

or in the Library of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. Several times he mentions Ligorio, calling him «explorer curious of everything» («curiosus omnium explorator»), or writing «as handed down by by Ligorio» («olim uti Ligorius tradit»), «as Ligorio thought» («uti conijcit Ligorius»), or «as witnessed by Ligorio» («teste Ligorio»). Kircher describes the Accademia as follows:31

Fig. 6. Cartouche of the plan, where the name of Ligorio was added by Kircher to Contini’s.

not simply copy or re-edit the by then lost plan of Ligorio.28 From the letters it is understood that Kircher consulted autograph documents of Pirro Ligorio in the Archives of Tivoli, including some plans that according to him were later moved into the Barberini Library.29 2. 2. The Description of the Accademia (Fig. 7) The plan of the Accademia is quite similar to the original by Contini, but some detail are less accurate; the letters marking the diπerent areas and the numbers of the rooms are the same, but Kircher did not publish the captions describing the rooms. The area of the Accademia esplanade (letter L) is described as follows:30

About the parts of the villa towards the south. In the southern part, first of all there are several halls and rooms for thermal use, with their hypocausts that appear to be well distributed […]. You can see the areas and the xysti meant for fighting, and rooms where the fighters undressed and left their clothes and anointed themselves before the fight, which once had the walls encrusted with various marbles and painted with plastic images, and then – as Ligorio thought – follows the area that is called Accademia.

Then he describes the Temple of Apollo [Ac78] and the Zooteca [Ac88]: 32 And there was a circular temple dedicated to Apollo and the Muses, surrounded on all sides by walls decorated with snow-white marble columns, and surrounded by small rooms or receptacles. On one side of this temple was a place called Zotike (Zotica), from the animals that were kept there. And then followed the rooms for the priests and the Academicians, with countless neighboring porticoes, surrounded by colonnades and several ambulatories, which one after the other led to the houses nearby.

Then he makes a digression about the Odeon theatre and the statues of the Muses:33

District V, marked with the letter L, as handed down by Ligorio, where once existed the Accademia, built in the likeness of the Accademia of Athens, according to the custom of the Greeks, with the temple of Apollo, and other [temples] intact or destroyed, and then with theatres, porticoes, atriums, ambulatories and gardens, superbly arranged for the use of philosophers.

Near this place, towards the west, are the places adjacent to a large theatre, where it is said that the histrions were putting on their dress, along with mimes, pantomimes and other jugglers and other ancient reciters of fables. According to Ligorio, in the time of Pope Alexander VI, Pontifex Maximus, in that place were found nine statues of Muses.

Kircher wrote in Latin, paraphrasing Ligorio’s description, which he had probably read in the Archives of Tivoli

The chapter ends with a final general description of the Accademia:34

28 Kircher 1671, p. 151; see Vagenheim 2008, p. 85, original Latin text in note 15, p. 85. 29 Vagenheim 2008, p. 84, original Latin text in note 15, p. 85. 30 Kircher 1671, p. 148. For the Italian text see Appendix, no. 1 at the end of this chapter. Original Latin text on-line, note 25. 31 Kircher 1671, p. 148. For the Italian text see Appendix, no. 2. Original Latin text on-line, note 25.

32 Kircher 1671, p. 148. For the Italian text see Appendix, no. 3. Original Latin text on-line, note 25. 33 Kircher 1671, p. 148. For the Italian text see Appendix, no. 4. Original Latin text on-line, note 25. 34 Kircher 1671, pp. 148-149. For the Italian text see Appendix, no. 5. Original Latin text on-line, note 25.

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Fig. 7. The Accademia in the general plan of Contini re-edited by Kircher.

In a word, this district of the Accademia had so many atria, halls and other rooms, that you can not calculate the number, and I do not think you could make or build it today. Ligorio, curious explorer of all things, talks about twenty courts with all their annexed housing of the Ephebes, Alumni and Frontisteri, where young people were trained, [where lived] the Emperor with all his belongings that were needed for nourishment and for human delight; all what was deemed necessary. And in it were planted woods, lights, viridaria, distributed with varying talent.

Kircher is quoting his main sources, Ligorio and Contini; he did not not write anything new or unknown about the Accademia, and from his writings it is not clear whether he visited the buildings of the Villa or simply edited the texts he had read. 3. Appendix: Kircher’s Italian text No. 1 Kircher 1671, p. 148. «Distretto V, segnato colla lettera L, dove come tramanda Ligorio un tempo esisteva l’Accademia, costruita a somiglianza dell’Accademia ateniese secondo l’uso dei Greci, con il tempio di Apollo, e altri integri o distrutti, e poi con teatri, portici, atri, ambulacri e giardini, sistemati in modo superbo ad uso dei Filosofanti». No. 2 Kircher 1671, p. 148. «Delle parti della Villa verso Meridione. Nella parte meridionale per prima cosa vi sono diversi atri e ambienti per uso termale, con i loro ipocausti che sembrano ben distribuiti […]. Si osservano le aree e gli xysti destinati alla lotta, e ambienti nei quali si spogliavano e lasciavano gli abiti e si un-

gevano per fare la lotta, che un tempo avevano le pareti incrostate di vari marmi e dipinti con immagini plastiche; e poi come pensava Ligorio, segue quell’area che viene chiamata Accademia». No. 3 Kircher 1671, p. 148: «E vi era un tempio circolare dedicato ad Apollo e alle Muse, da ogni parte cinto di mura, ornato da colonne marmoree candidissime, e circondato da piccoli ambienti o ricettacoli. A lato di questo tempio era il luogo detto Zotike (Zotica), dagli animali che quivi erano custoditi. E poi seguivano gli ambienti per i sacerdoti e gli Accademici, con innumerevoli portici vicini, cinti da colonnati e da diversi ambulacri, che l’uno dopo l’altro portavano alle abitazioni vicine». No. 4 Kircher 1671, p. 148: «Vicino a questo luogo verso occidente si trovano dei luoghi annessi ad un vasto teatro, dove dicevano che si vestissero gli istrioni, assieme ai mimi, pantomimi e gli altri giocolieri e antichi recitatori di favole. Secondo quanto dice Ligorio, al tempo di Alessandro VI pontefice Massimo in quel luogo furono trovate nove statue di Muse». No. 5 Kircher 1671, pp. 148-149: «In una parola, questo distretto dell’Accademia aveva così tanti atri, aule e altri ambienti, che non si riesce a calcolarne il numero e che non penso si possa fare né oggi si possa costruire. Ligorio, esploratore curioso di ogni cosa, parla di venti atri con tutte le loro annesse abitazioni degli Efebi, degli Scolari, dei Frontisteri, nei quali i giovani venivano istruiti, [dove viveva] l’imperatore con tutte le sue cose che servivano al nutrimento e alle delizie umane; ciò che veniva reputato necessario. E in esso venivano piantati boschi, luci, viridaria, distribuiti con vario ingegno».

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Ch a p te r 16 SOME REMARK S A ND C O NC LU S IO NS ON T HE FIRST T HR E E C E NTU R IE S O F S TU D IE S OF HA D R IA N’S VILLA

T

he study of Hadrian’s Villa is a ‘never ending story’ that began more than five centuries ago, during the Renaissance, when Biondo Flavio understood that the ruins of Tivoli Vecchio (Old Tivoli) belonged to the Villa of Emperor Hadrian described by Spartianus in the Historia Augusta. In 1450 Biondo Flavio was the first to use the description as the Ariadne’s thread to venture into that labyrinth of ruins, trying to understand their secrets. 1. The xv th century

In the xvth century the monuments of Roman antiquity started to be surveyed and studied by some of the most outstanding architects and artists, such as the founding fathers of archaeology Biondo Flavio and Leon Battista Alberti, or Francesco di Giorgio Martini and Fra’ Giocondo.1 They took inspiration from the ancient ruins for the projects of palaces and villas that they were building for their wealthy patrons: Cardinals, Popes, Kings and noblemen, in Rome and in the rest of Italy. Hadrian’s Villa soon became one of the most visited sites for such studies. By chance, the oldest drawings that came down to us, the work of Francesco di Giorgio Martini,2 represent the Accademia: partial and simplified sketches of the plan and sometimes of the elevation of its most imposing structure, the Temple of Apollo [Ac78]. The drawings give the measurements of some rooms, but unfortunately none of them has a written description. Also, there is no written documentation about the few excavations we know of in the xvth century. Only by the mid-xvith century (about fifty years later) Pirro Ligorio reported that nine statues of Muses were found in the Odeon theatre during the Papacy of Alexander VI Borgia; we do not know who actually made the excavation, which took place around 1492, the year of the discovery of America.3 2. The xvi th century In the xvith century was set a pattern that would continue in the following centuries.4 The Villa turned out to be an inexhaustible quarry of works of art, mainly sculptures, and Tiburtine landowners began to excavate in search of precious objects, usually on behalf of Cardinals and Popes but also on their own. Excavations and trade of antiquities were limited to a small and privileged entourage of Cardinals, Popes and noblemen living in Rome and in Italy, quite rarely abroad. They spent large sums of money to acquire works of art for their collections, which were a (status) symbol of their refined culture and wealth and also a profitable investment. Foreign collectors were yet to come, but foreign architects started to visit and study the Villa, such as Frenchman Philibert de l’Orme. 1 3

See chapters 2 and 3. See chapter 2.

2

See chapter 3.

Fig. 1. Accademia: a donkey peeking from one of the windows of the Cryptoporticus.

The fame of Hadrian’s Villa was spreading in Italy and abroad: it became one of the sites that architects must visit and study to complete their education. Many of the most outstanding artists of the Renaissance (Andrea Palladio, Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, Donato Bramante, Antonio and Giuliano da Sangallo, Baldassarre and Sallustio Peruzzi, Giovanni da Udine) went there to study its architecture; others copied capitals or stucco decorations.5 They used Roman architecture as a model and a source of inspiration for their projects, but they were not interested in understanding the structure, function and meaning of the ancient buildings as we are today. Antiquarian sources focused on statues, providing scarce documentation and few reliable data about an increasing number of excavations. Pirro Ligorio, architect and antiquarian,6 was the leading personality of the cen4 6

See chapter 4. See chapter 7.

5

See chapter 9.

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tury. He made the first extensive excavations in the Villa on behalf of Cardinal Ippolito II d’Este, who wished to have Roman antique statues for the decoration of his magnificent Villa d’Este in Tivoli and of his residences in Rome, Monte Cavallo and Monte Giordano.7 Ligorio gives information about other excavations that were made in the Villa at his time, attributed to Cardinals Marcello Cervini, Alessandro Farnese or Carlo Carafa, who owned some of the most beautiful sculptures found in that period; but there is no evidence (and no written record) proving that they actually excavated. On the other hand, we know that the Altoviti family, owners of the Accademia and other large areas of the Villa, discovered several statues, but it is not possible to identify them.8 Ligorio wrote the first complete description of Hadrian’s Villa, following a topographical order, and tried to identify the buildings listed in the Historia Augusta, giving them some of the names that we still use today. He was an attentive observer and (given the times) a rational scholar: the first of Hadrian’s Villa. After almost five centuries, his Codices still are the starting point of every study, because of the precious information they provide: descriptions of the buildings; theories on their function and meaning; the names of those who made the excavations; a list of the most important sculptures and (sometimes) their find spot. It is not easy to identify the statues because they changed hands several times, and often Ligorio’s description is too generic and limited to the subject portrayed. This will happen also in the following centuries. Being an architect, Ligorio did not miss the opportunity he had to draw the plans of the buildings he was excavating; unfortunately the hundreds of preparatory drawings that he made disappeared together with his ‘mythical’ general plan, which probably was never completed. Despite his long erudite and fantastic digressions on ancient myths, Ligorio proves indeed to be very accurate about the features of the buildings and some details such as marble pavements. For example, recent excavations in the Palestra found the same pavements of cipollino marble that he described, thus erasing the bad reputation he had as a forger full of phantasy that marred his name for centuries.9 3. The xvii th century During the xviith century Hadrian’s Villa was famous in all Europe.10 As in the previous centuries, excavations were aimed at finding statues and works of art, but antiquarian sources finally started to provide a little more detailed information about find spots and authors of the excavations. Excavations continued to be commissioned by Popes, Cardinals and noble families of Rome, together with private landlords such as the Bulgarini, owners of the Accademia, or the Jesuit fathers, owners of the Canopus and the Hundred Chambers. Interest in architecture was slowly growing: for example, Francesco Borromini studied the construction of the vaults to understand how and why their weight was supported by columns and not by walls, and made good use of this knowledge in his projects.11 For the first time there was a new and more ‘scientific’ approach, thanks to the work of the most important per7

See chapters 7 and 8. See chapter 7. 11 See chapter 10. 9

sonality of the century, Roman architect Francesco Contini. Cardinal Francesco Barberini was appointed Governor of Tivoli in 1624 and promoted the dissemination of the studies of Ligorio; he asked Contini to draw a general plan of Hadrian’s Villa, probably because Ligorio’s was lost.12 Contini’s general plan is the oldest that has come to us and the first to show all the buildings; before that we only have plans of single buildings. It was published in 1668 after many years spent exploring, surveying and excavating the Villa, where he started to work in 1634. The plan is extremely important because it provides the first complete, systematic and rational description of the site.13 The plans of each building have some rooms marked with numbers corresponding to captions in the text, which provide important information about land owners, excavations, decoration, statues and other finds, and also the author’s interpretation of their function and meaning. Francesco Contini was an architect, not an antiquarian or a scholar, and this is why his work has a completely diπerent approach compared to Ligorio’s. Information is more thorough, accurate and detailed, there is no place for legends or myths; his interpretations are always linked to sound evidence coming from his personal surveys on the spot. Moreover, Contini was the first to describe and map the subterranean service corridors of the Villa, one of its most outstanding and unique features, previously unknown.14 Following the trend of the previous centuries, the identification of the sculptures discovered in the xviith century is not easy, as in the case of the Egyptian sculptures found by the Jesuit fathers.15 In the Accademia were discovered the Barberini Candelabra16 which fortunately will escaped exportation to England in the xviiith century. During the xviith century were published the first local Histories of Tivoli, which always made a brief mention of Hadrian’s Villa, quoting some phrases of Ligorio. In Rome were published the engravings of the sculptures in the most important collections, many of which came from Hadrian’s Villa. Erudites and scholars such as Cassiano dal Pozzo promoted ‘impossible missions’ for the documentation of ancient art; a complete collection of drawings of all the ancient Roman sculptures and buildings of Rome, and possibly of all Italy: the Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum).17 The Codices of Ligorio, the first encyclopaedic compendium on ancient art, were extremely precious and sought after by librarians of Cardinals, Popes and noblemen of all Europe. Together with other antiquarian texts, they spreaded worldwide the fame the Villa and of its extraordinary beauty and art treasures. In the second half of the xviith century the fashion of the Grand Tour began, and after visiting Rome foreign travelers came to Tivoli to see Hadrian’s Villa and Villa d’Este. The market of Roman antiquities was rapidly growing; since at that time ancient sculptures had to be complete to be valuable, restorations became a form of art, and were made by the best sculptors of the century such as Alessandro Algardi. Thanks to the use of the same original colored marbles found during the excavations, perfection was reached in the imitation of ancient style. In that period the most important Roman noble families began to lose their power and wealth, and were forced to sell their art treasures: the depredation of the Italian Her-

8

13

10

15

See chapter 5. See chapter 10. 12 See chapter 12.

17

See chapter 13. See chapter 10. See chapter 14.

14 16

See chapter 13. See Catalogue in chapter 11.

some remarks and conclusions

221

Fig. 2. Accademia: the Temple of Apollo seen from room [Ac75].

itage and its dispersion abroad sadly begun. Inevitably, foreign collectors appeared on the scene and took advantage of the situation acquiring some of the most prestigious art collections of Rome at a very advantageous price; Queen Christina of Sweden and the Kings of Spain Charles II and Philip V acquired several sculptures coming from the Villa. 4. Conclusions At the end of the xviith century, Hadrian’s Villa was one of the most famous sites of Roman antiquity: the historic crossroad and meeting point of many of the most outstanding artists, architects, antiquarians, scholars and archaeologists of all times, exerting a powerful spell on all of them. The first three centuries of studies on Hadrian’s Villa set a pattern that would last until the end of the xixth century: scholars always had to face the problem of a consistent lack of data and reliable information. The simple provenance from the Villa was enough to make the finds extremely valuable, and other information was not important. Antiquarian sources (especially Ligorio) were copied with the ‘cut and paste’ method by the following scholars,

perpetuating incomplete and often inaccurate information, with a prevailing art-historical approach. In the second forthcoming volume of this series, on the history of excavations, ancient sources and antiquarian studies from the xviiith century on, we will see a slow but consistent progress towards a modern and scientific approach. Excavations continued to be ‘treasure hunts’ and stratigraphic methods were yet to to come, but thanks to a new generation of architects and antiquarians, excavations finally became an occasion to study and reconstruct the plans of the buildings. We will meet great Italian antiquarians such as Giovan Battista Piranesi, the architects pensionnaires of the Academy of France in Rome and many others coming from England, Denmark and other European countries. Meanwhile, the wealthy European noblemen, mostly English, came to Italy for their Grand Tour in search of precious souvenirs for their private collections: they triggered an escalation in the trade of antiquities and of the excavations, which were carried out by professional art dealers such as Gavin Hamilton or Thomas Jenkins. A new season of great discoveries begun, and Hadrian’s Villa was the best place to be.

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IND E X E S General index Acqua Marzia, Tivoli, 60, 62, 95, 99 Archives, 12-13, 80 Modena, 103, 105 Rome – Barberini, 101, 167 – Doria Pamphilj, 130, 131, 140, 141 Tivoli, 84, 108, 117, 180, 216 – Bulgarini, 149 Turin – Archivio di Stato, 81, 83 – Vatican, 28, 150, 165 Academy of France at Rome, 221 Accademia of Athens, 60, 62, 98, 216 Accademia dei Lincei, 165, 209, 210, 211 n30 «Accademia Project», 11, 17, 19 alabaster staircase, 126, 129 ancient sources Epitome de Caesaribus: 11, 23 Historia Augusta, 11, 23, 24, 25, 31, 33 n8, 58, 71, 82, 97, 99, 127, 128, 133, 211, 215, 216, 219 antique dealers and trade, 13, 43, 51, 53, 55, 133, 147, 149, 219, 221 archaeoastronomy, 12, 143 barbarian invasions, 13, 24, 133 Baroque, 13, 21, 26 Bomarzo, Sacred Grove, 77, 78 and fig. 3 Cardinal Nepote (Cardinal Nephew), 49, 51, 130, 165, 209 Casina of Pius IV, Vatican Gardens, 53, 77, 78 Collections of ancient art, 11, 22, 43, 55, 128 Albani, 148, 210-211 (sale) Altoviti, 43, 63 (sale), 64, 67, 68 Barberini, 147, 165, 166 Carafa, 53 Carpio, 123, 124 Christina of Sweden, 27, 82 and n, 129, 131 Destailleur, 109 Doria Pamphilj, 51n, 141 d’Este, 108 Farnese, 49 Philip V, King of Spain and Isabella Farnese, his wife, 124 Massimi, 122 Odescalchi, 27 Savoy, 63, 68, 81 drawings of buildings, plans and elevations xvth century – Fra’ Giocondo, 31 figs. 15-16 – Francesco di Giorgio Martini, 33-42 – Accademia, 36 fig. 4, 37 fig. 5, 38 fig. 6a-b, 41 fig. 9a-b – Greek Library and Maritime Theatre, 34 fig. 2a-b, 35 fig. 3a-b, 42 fig. 11 – Roccabruna (?), 40 fig. 8a-b xvith century – Anonymous A Italian draftsman – Great Baths, 57 fig. 26 – Greek library, 57 figs. 25-26 – Maritime Theatre, 57 fig. 24 – Small Baths, 57 fig. 27 – Ligorio, Pirro – Accademia, 90 fig. 10, 92 fig. 12a-b, 93 figs. 14a-15a – Roccabruna, 54 fig. 21

– Palladio, Andrea – Accademia, 73 fig. 7 – Great Baths, Small Baths, Prætorium, 72 fig. 6 – Maritime Theatre, 71 fig. 5 – Peruzzi, Sallustio, Canopus, 61 fig. 35 – Sangallo, Giuliano da, Canopus, 60 fig. 33 xviith century – Contini, Francesco – Accademia, ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio (1664 c.), 168 fig. 1 – Accademia, (1668), 184 fig. 18 – General plan (1668): 201-209 figs. 44-50, folding plans nos. 3-4 – Kircher, Athanasius, new edition of Contini’s general plan, 212 fig. 5 xviiith century – Contini, Francesco, reprint of 1751, 181 fig. 13 – Ristori Gabbrielli, Giovanni, map of Fede properties, 67 fig. 5 – Piranesi, Giovan Battista: see Index of names drawings of sculptures xvith century – da Sangallo, Antonio, Telamons, 30 fig. 13 – da Sangallo, Giuliano, Telamons, 30 fig. 14 – van Heemskerck, Maarten, Odeon Muses, 27 fig. 6 xviith century – Album Ajello, Egyptian statues, 123 fig. 8, 124 fig. 9c – Album del Carpio, Egyptian statues, 124 fig. 9b xviiith century – Campiglia, Domenico, Child Dionysus, 142 fig. 8 – Jenkins, Thomas, Barberini Candelabra, 148 fig. 17 drawings of stucco ceilings xvith century – Accademia – Anonymous Portuguese, 111 fig. 3 – Codex Destailleur, 109 fig. 1 – Dosio, Giovannantonio, 110 fig. 2 – Fede Nymphæum – Anonymous Italian F draftsman, 59 fig. 30 – Great Baths – Anonymous F Italian draftsman, 58 fig. 28 – Codex Destailleur, 55 fig. 22 – Sangallo, Giuliano da, 61 fig. 34 Dionysian Mysteries, 142 excavations, 11-13, 18, 23, 26-30, 31, 43-53, 55, 60, 77, 120, 121-126, 127, 177, 194, 219-220 xvith century – Odeon, 26-28 – Telamons, 28-30 xvith century, 43-53, 220 – Altoviti, 43, 64, 67-68, 137 – Cappuccini-Biscanti, 45-48, 55, 56 – Carafa, 43, 51-53 – Cervini, 49 – Farnese, 43, 49-51 – Ligorio, 43-44, 77, 81-82, 94, 99, 100 – Palosi, 48, 49 xviith century, 121-126, 220 – Anonymous, 126 – Arcucci, 121, 128 – Baratta, 125-126, 129 – Bulgarini, 121, 137, 139-140, 146, 165 – Contini 121, 143, 163 no. 8, 177

230

indexes

– Jesuits, 121, 122-125, 220 – Maritime Theatre, 126 expropriations in Tivoli for Villa d’Este, 80, 108 Ferrara, 77, 78, 81, 83, 84, 103, 105, 106, 116 Florence, 21, 22, 33, 63, 114, 209 gardens, 12, 44, 45, 48, 50, 53, 55, 60, 67, 77, 80, 94-95, 105, 106, 108, 127, 128, 143, 165, 186, 209, 210 geo-resistivity, 194 Governors of Tivoli, 43, 49, 55, 126, 128, 165 Barberini, Antonio, 126, 165, 213 Barberini, Francesco, 126, 140, 146, 165-166 d’Este, Alessandro, 81, 108 d’Este, Ippolito II, 43, 55, 80, 81, 84, 103-106 d’Este, Luigi, 81, 108 Farnese, Alessandro, 49, 50 Grand Tour, 11, 12, 211n, 220, 221 grotesque, 55, 114, 115, 116, 134 Hadrians’ Villla as a model, 22, 106, 114, 116, 133, 219 destruction, 23, 24, 31, 82, 94 (Ligorio) hyerarchy of buldings, 161 owners, 117-120, 118 fig. 1, 120 fig. 4, 121 fig. 5 quarry of treasures, 11, 22, 43, 68, 117, 219 rediscovery, 25, 26, 31, 33 heritage, 11, 12, 15, 64 humanism, 21-22, 24, 69 iconoclastic purges against Egyptian cults, 24 Libraries Berlin, Kunstbibliothek 53, 109-110 Eton, Eton College Library, 141 Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, 33 London, Buckingham Palace, 210, 211 Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, 81 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 109 n4 Rome – Albani, 211 – Barberini, 166, 209, 216 – Calcografia Nazionale, 55 – Cesi, 210 – Corsini, 82 – Farnese, 50 Turin, Biblioteca Reale, 34 Vatican, Biblioteca Vaticana (Vatican Library), 28, 82, 129, 149, 165, 166 Vienna, Albertina, 55 Windsor Castle, Royal Library, 53, 84, 85, 110, 115, 126, 211 magnificentia, 22, 71, 103, 104, 106, marbles cipollino or augustalis, 82, 96, 220 giallo antico, 96, 183 porphyry, 99, 173, 183, 186 rosso antico, 96 serpentine or serpentino, 99, 173, 183, 186 white 183 mosaics, 99, 161, 186 in the Accademia [Ac10], 114 figs. 7a-8a-b Stabiae, Villa of Ariadne, 114 fig. 7b Museums Boston, Isabella Steward Gardner, 64 Florence, U√zi, 28, 33 London – Society of Antiquaries, 123 – Victoria and Albert Museum, 71

Madrid – Palace of San Joaquim, 124 – Prado, 27, 124 Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum) of Cassiano dal Pozzo, 84, 126 New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 33 Naples, Museo di Capodimonte, 67 Paris, Louvre, 44, 47, 48, 52n Rome – Capitoline Museums, 11, 45, 47, 48, 52, 112, 142n – Galleria Doria Pamphilj, 140, 141, 150n – Museo Carpegna 149, 165 – Museo del Collegio Romano or Kircherianum, 213-214 Turin – Galleria Sabauda, 81 – Museo Archeologico, 68 – Palazzo Reale, 68n Vatican, 28, 165 – Gabinetto delle Maschere, 142n – Museo Chiaramonti, 45, 48, 52 – Museo Gregoriano Egizio, 47 – Museo Pio Clementino, 60n, 146, 147, 149 Tivoli, Hadrian’s Villa, Antiquarium, 51 fig. 17, 160 Venice, Museo Archeologico, 47 Palaces Rome – Apostolic Palace (Quirinal) or Monte Cavallo, 44, 45, 103 and note 13, 108, 220 – Altoviti, 64, 65 fig. 3, 67, 128 – Barberini alle Quattro Fontane, 121, 131, 143, 165, 209 (garden), 211 fig. 3, 121, 131 and fig. 18, 132, 143, 146, 148, 165, 166 and fig. 2, 211 and fig. 3 – Barberini, via dei Giubbonari, 167 – Braschi, 131 – Colonna, 160 and fig. 52 (candelabrum) – Corsini, 27, 64, 131 – del Sant’U√zio or dell’Inquisizione, 78 – Doria Pamphilj, Via del Corso, 125, 140, 141 – Odescalchi, 27 – Riario, 27, 131 – Venezia, 64 Spain – Aranjuez (Madrid), Royal Palace, 124 – Madrid, Palace of San Joaquin, 124 – San Ildefonso, Palace of La Granja, 27, 124 quadrivium, 21 Renaissance, 21, 24, 26, 43, 77 Repubblica delle Lettere (Republic of Letters), 84, 210 restorations, art of, 13, 122, 133, 143, 147-149 revival of Roman antiquity, 104, 106, 108 fig. 6 solstice, 143 (winter), 161 stucco, 22, 53, 55, 60, 109-116 and figs. 1-5, 114 Tartari, 60, 140 and n23, 193 Tivoli Vecchio (Old Tivoli), 24, 25, 33, 62, 219 trivium, 21 Villas Rome – Villa Altoviti at Prati di Castello, 64, 67 – Villa Doria Pamphilj or Casino del Bel Respiro, 125, 126, 130 and fig. 15, 131, 141 – Villa Madama, 26, 28 – Villa and Gardens of Monte Cavallo (now Palazzo del Quirinale), 44, 45, 103, 108 Tivoli, Villa d’Este, 43-45, 48, 77, 78, 80 fig. 6, 80-81, 104-106, 106 fig. 4, 107 fig. 5, 108, 128, 220

indexes

231

Index of names

Academos, 60, 62, 98

Adam, John, 211 Adam, Robert, 211 Agustin, don Antonio, 80 Aistulf, King of Langobards, 24, 128 Alaric, King of the Goths, 128 Albani, Alessandro, Cardinal, 147, 148, 210 – Collection and library, 210-211 Alberti, Leon Battista, 21, 22, 69, 219 Aldovrandi, Ulisse, 49n, 67 Algardi, Alessandro, 125, 129-130 and fig. 14, 131, 140, 141, 142, 150, 209, 220 Alexander Severus, 24 Altoviti, 52, 53, 63, 68, 128, 220 – Collection, 43, 63, 64, 67, 68 – discoveries, 67-68, 220 – excavations, 43, 137, 220 – Hadrian’s Villa, 64, 65, 66, 67-68, 216 – properties, 52, 53, 65 (Palazzo), 66 and fig. 4, 67 fig. 5, 67, 68n, 117, 118 fig. 1, 128, 133, 137 Altoviti, Antonio, father of Bindo, 63 Altoviti, Antonio, son of Bindo, Archbishop of Florence, 63, 65 Altoviti, Bindo, 43, 63 fig. 1 (Raphael), 64 fig. 2 (Cellini), 63-68 Altoviti, Giovan Battista, son of Bindo, 63, 64, 67n, 128 Altoviti, Pierozzo, 65 Alveri, Gasparo, 65, 67, 128 Anonymous Italian draftsmen A and F, 55, 57 figs. 24-27, 58 fig. 28, 59 fig. 30 Anonymous Portuguese draftsman, 53, 110, 111 fig. 3 Anson, Thomas, 147, 148 Antoninus Pius, 24, 58 Arcucci, Camillo, 121, 127-128, 146, 163 Ashby, Thomas (against Ligorio) 80 Aurelius Victor, Sextus, 23 (Epitome de Caesaribus) Azzolino, Decio, Cardinal, 27 and n, 82n Azzolino, Pompeo, Marquis, 27

B

aratta, Giovanni Maria, 125-126, 129 Barbaro, Daniele, 69, 70 and fig. 3, 77 Barberini – archives, 101, 167 – Candelabra: see Index of sculptures Barberini, Antonio, Cardinal, 126, 165, 213 Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, 84, 121, 126, 128, 132, 140, 143, 165 and fig. 1, 166, 180, 193, 209, 213, 215, 220 – Collection, 147, 209 – commissioning the plan to Contini, 133, 165, 167, 169, 176, 177, 180 – excavations, 121, 143 – Governor of Tivoli, 126, 140, 165, 220 – Library, 166, 209, 216 – Ligorio’s manuscripts, 165, 166, 180 Barberini, Maπeo: see Pope Urban VIII Bartoli, Pietro Sante, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128-129, 146 Beazzano, Agostino, 61, 62 Bellori, Giovanni Pietro, 128, 129 fig. 13, 122, 128 Bembo, Bernardo, 31 Bembo, Pietro, 31, 60 fig. 32, 61 (visit with Raphael), 69n Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 130, 132n, 133, 148, 209, 213 Bibbiena, Bernardo Dovizi, Cardinal, 61 Biondo Flavio, 21, 22, 24 fig. 2, 24-26, 33, 70, 71, 78, 82, 219 – discovering Hadrian’s Villa, 24, 25, 33, 219 Biscanti, messer, 45, 48, 55 Borgia, Alessandro: see Pope Alexander VI Borgia, Lucrezia, 103, 116n Borromini, Francesco, 130, 132 and fig. 19, 133, 166 fig. 2, 220 Botero, Giovanni, 105, 128

Bramante, Donato, 21, 53n, 60, 77, 219 Braschi, Gian Angelo, 149, 165 Bulgarini, 11, 119, 137-163, 182, 200, 220 – archives 149 and n – Casino, 135, 138 and fig. 2 (road), 139 and fig. 4 (Grottoes), 189, 190, 193, 196 fig. 36 – excavations, 121, 139-140 – properties, 65 (Tenuta Palazzo), 66 and fig. 4, 114 fig. 8b, 118 and fig. 1, 119, 120 and fig. 4, 121 fig. 5, 137 and fig. 1, 138, 139 figs. 3 and 5, 180 Bulgarini, Francesco (xviiith century), 125, 137 Bulgarini, Francesco (xixth century), 108, 149 Bulgarini, Giovanni Giacomo, Monsignor, 121, 128, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 146, 149, 163, 165, 200 Bulgarini, Giovanni Francesco, 65n, 121, 137, 140

Campiglia, Giovanni Domenico, 141 and n, 142 fig. 8

Canina, Luigi, 12 Canova, Antonio, 45 Cappuccini, Giovanni Battista (Buccicola), 45, 48, 55, 66n Cappuccino, Giuseppe, 67 fig. 5, 117, 118 fig. 1 Capretto, Giovanni Battista, 49, 67 fig. 5, 117, 133 Caracalla, 23, 24 Carafa, Carlo, 51, 52 fig. 18, 53, 220 Carafa, Giovanni Pietro, 51, 81, 105 Carafa, Oliviero, 53 Carpio, Gaspar de Haro et Gusman, Marquis, 122 and n and fig. 7, 123, 124 Castiglione, Baldassarre, 61, 62 Castillo, Francisco, 53, 54, 110, 111 fig. 3 Cavaceppi, Bartolomeo, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 Cavalieri, Giovan Battista, 55, 56 fig. 23a-b-c-d Cellini, Benvenuto, 63, 64 and fig. 2 (Bindo Altoviti), 103 Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal, 48 fig. 14, 49, 51, 220 Cesare, Giuseppe, 66, 119, 135, 180, 199, 200 Cesi, Federico, Cardinal, 51n, 209, 210 (Library) Cesi, Paolo Emilio, Cardinal, 51n Charles II, King of Spain, 123, 221 Charles II, King of Austria, 78 Charles III, Bourbon, King of Spain, 81 Charles V, King of Spain, 63 Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy: see Savoy Charles Gustav, King of Sweden, 131 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 27, 79, 82, 105, 122, 124, 129, 130 fig. 17, 131-132, 213, 221 Cimon, 60, 62 Cipriani, Giovanni Battista, 12 Clérisseau, Charles-Louis, 12, 211 Coccanari, Vincenzo, 117, 133 Contini, Francesco, 11, 13, 18, 43n, 45n, 49, 52n, 66, 68, 75, 84, 85, 99, 101, 117, 122, 126, 127, 129, 133, 133-135, 139, 143-144, 146, 162163, 165, 167-200, 207, 211, 213, 216, 220 – description of the Accademia, 180-183, 186, 188-190, 193 – names of owners in Hadrian’s Villa, folding Plan no. 4, 49, 52n, 68, 117-119, 122, 127, 177 – original Italian texts: 133-135 (Landowners), 162-163 (Accademia), 199-200 – plan of the Accademia, ‘clean copy’ of Ligorio’s (1664 c.), 84, 91, 126, 129, 167, 168 fig. 1, 169, 170 fig. 4a, 173-176, 211 – plan of the Villa (1668), 13, 68, 84, 117, 121, 126-127, 137, 138, 165, 180, 220 Cortesi, Paolo (De Cardinalatu), 22, 104 Crispi (manuscripts of Ligorio), 81, 84n Croce, Fabio, 127-128

D’Agliè, Ludovico, 84, 101 (original Italian text) Dal Monte, Francesco Maria, Cardinal, 209

232

indexes

dal Pozzo, Carlo Antonio, Archbishop, 209 dal Pozzo, Carlo Antonio, brother of Cassiano, 210 dal Pozzo, Cassiano, 79, 82, 84, 85, 126, 129, 165, 166, 167n, 169, 209-211, 213, 220 – Ligorio’s drawings, 85, 167n, 211 – Museo Cartaceo (Paper Museum), 84, 126, 129, 167, 169n, 209-211, 220 da Sangallo, Antonio the Younger, 21, 28, 30 fig. 13, 61, 69, 219 da Sangallo, Antonio the Elder, 11, 21, 210n da Sangallo, Giuliano, 21, 29, 30 fig. 14, 60 fig. 33, 61 and fig. 34, 219 d’Autreville, Monsù (Ligorio’s drawings) 84, 85, 101, 167 de’ Bardi of the Counts of Vernio, Giovanni Maria, 58, 61, 62 (original Italian text) de l’Orme, Philibert, 62, 219 del Re, Antonio, 84n, 127, 135 (original Italian text) del Re, Raπaele, 127 de’ Medici, Cosimo, 63, 64n, 65n de’ Medici, Ferdinando, Cardinal, 49 de Sepi, Giorgio, 213, 214n Destailleur, Hyppolite, 109 and n d’Este, Alessandro, 81, 108 d’Este, Alfonso II, 78, 116 d’Este, Ippolito II, Cardinal, 11, 43, 48, 49, 55, 64, 77, 79, 80, 81, 84, 103 fig. 1 and 103-108, 128, 220 – expenses for Villa d’Este, 80, 103, 105, 128 d’Este, Luigi, 81, 103n, 108 d’Este, Marfisa, 116 de Vos, Mariette, 54, 109, 111, 114, 116 Dick, John, 147, 148, 149 di San Martino Vische, Lorenzo, Savoy Ambassador at Rome, 68 Doni, Giovanni Battista, 165, 166 Donnini, Alfonso, 213 Doria Pamphilj, see Pamphilj Dosio, Giovannantonio, 53, 110-111

Erba Odescalchi, Baldassarre, 27 Fabri, Girolamo, 128,

Farnese, Alessandro (the Great Cardinal), 11, 49-50, 50 fig. 16, 78, 81, 103 and n, 220 Farnese, Isabella, Queen of Spain, 124 Farnese, Ranuccio II, Duke of Parma, 26-27 Fea, Carlo, 125, 128, 163 Federico da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, 33 Fede, Antonio Maria and Giuseppe, 12, 66, 68 Ferdinand II, Archduke of Tuscany, 209 Filippi, Camillo, 116 and fig. 11a-b Fra’ Giocondo, 11, 22 n8, 30-31 and figs. 15-16 (plans), 33, 34, 71, 176, 219 Francis I of Valois, King of France, 103 Francesco di Giorgio Martini, 21, 33 fig. 1, 33-42, 71, 176, 219 Fresciato, Marcello, 117, 119, 134, 135, 180, 200 Furietti, Giuseppe Alessandro, Cardinal, 112-113, 114 fig. 8a, 142n

G

alilei, Galileo, 165, 209, 210 Gardellini (heirs of Ligorio), 81, 84n George III, King of England, 210, 211 Giovanni da Udine, 21, 114-115 and fig. 9, 210n, 219 Giustiniani, Michele, 128

H

adrian, 21, 23 fig. 1, 105, 162 (custom made) Henry II of Valois, King of France, 103 Holstein, Lucas, 79, 166

Ippolito II d’Este: see d’Este, Ippolito II Jenkins, Thomas, 146, 147 and fig. 16, 148-151, 163, 165, 221 Kircher, Athanasius, 84, 101, 127, 166, 177-178, 180, 212 fig. 5, 213 fig. 7, 213-219

– editing the plan of Contini 127, 166, 177-178, 180, 215 – letters on Ligorio’s plan, 84, 215-216

L

anciani, Rodolfo, 11, 23, 50, 51, 64, 65, 67 Leonardo da Vinci, 21, 33, 61, 70, 219 Ligorio, Pirro, 11, 13, 18, 21, 24, 26-29, 43-44, 47, 49, 50-55, 58, 60, 64, 70-75, 77 fig. 1, 77-101, 103, 106, 108, 114, 116, 126-129, 165167, 173, 176, 177, 180, 183, 189, 194, 219, 220 – Antichità Romane, 50, 79, 81, 166 – Codices on Hadrian’s Villa, 43, 53, 80-83, 127, 133, 165-167, 177, 220 – description of the Accademia, 91, 94-97 – destructions in Hadrian’s Villa, 82, 91, 94 – general plan (lost), 83-85, 220 – original Italian texts, 99-101 – Paradosse, 78, 79 – plan of the Accademia: 83-85, 86 fig. 8a, 88 fig. 9, 90 fig. 10, 126, 216, 219 – plan of Roccabruna, 54 fig. 21 Lolli Piccolomini, Gregorio, 25 Luzio Romano, 115 and fig. 10a-b

Maπei, Paolo Alessandro, 27, 124

Marini, Gaetano, Abbot, 146, 163 Marzi, Francesco, 126, 128 Massimo or Massimi, Camillo, Cardinal and Nuncio of Spain, 122 and fig. 6, 123-124, 129 Ménestrier, Claude, 79, 84, 85, 101 Michelangelo, 21, 61, 63, 69, 77, 219 Moreni, Domenico, Canonic, 58, 60n

Navagero, Andrea, 61

Nicodemi, Marco Antonio, historian, 55, 58 Nibby, Antonio, 12, 18, 23

Odescalchi, Livio, 27 Orsini, Fulvio, 49, 78

Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, 104

Palladio, Andrea, 21, 53, 69 fig. 1, 69-75, 77, 79, 85, 91, 99, 176, 182, 219 – L’Antichità di Roma, 53, 70, 71 – plans of Hadrian’s Villa, 53, 71-75 figs. 5-9 – Quattro Libri dell’Architettura, 70 Palosi, Marcantonio, 49 and n Pamphilj, 121, 125, 126 (excavations), 130, 138, 141, 150 Pamphilj, Camillo, Cardinal, 125, 130 and fig. 16, 130-131 Penna, Agostino, 14, 49, 51 Peretti-Montalto, Alessandro, Cardinal, 68 Peruzzi, Baldassarre, 21, 61, 77, 219 Peruzzi, Sallustio, 11, 21, 61 and fig. 35, 62 figs. 36-37, 78, 219 Philip V, King of Spain, 27, 124, 221 Pighius, Stephanus Winandus, 53, 77 Piranesi, Giovan Battista and Francesco, 12, 13, 18, 19, 71, 75, 99, 127, 146, 183, 194, 221 Popes – Alexander VI, Borgia, 11, 26, 216, 219 – Benedict XIV, Lambertini, 82n, 112, 114 – Clement VII, Medici, 26, 49, 69 – Clement X, Corsini, 127, 129 – Clement XI, Albani, 210 – Clement XIV, Gangarelli, 146, 149 – Gregory XIII, Boncompagni, 49 n45, 81, 108 – Innocent VIII, Cybo, 63 – Innocent X, Pamphilj, 125-126, 130, 131, 141 – Julius II, della Rovere, 53, 64, 67, 69 – Julius III, Ciocchi del Monte, 80, 103 – Leo X, Medici, 26, 69 n3 – Marcello II, Cervini, 48 fig. 14, 49, 51, 220 – Paul III, Farnese, 49, 51, 61 63, 64, 103

indexes

233

– Paul IV, Carafa, 51, 53, 77n, 81, 105 – Paul V, Borghese, 103n, 137 – Pius II, Piccolomini, 24, 25 and fig. 4, 33, 71, 82 – Commentarii, 25, 33, 60 – visiting the Villa with Biondo Flavio, 25 – Pius IV, Medici di Marignano, 51, 53, 77, 78, 81, 105 – Pius V, Ghisleri, 78 – Pius VI, Braschi, 149, 165 – Urban VIII, Barberini, 65, 137, 165, 166 fig. 3, 177, 209 Poussin, Nicholas, 82, 209 Priscianese, Paolo, 104

Schliemann, Heinrich, 22 Schoto, Andrea, 49 Sebastiani, Filippo Alessandro, 125, 146, 163, 177 Sibilla, Gaspare, 150 Soderini, Fiammetta, 63 Soliardi or Soliardo, Sebastiano, 66, 119, 122, 134, 180, 181, 199 Spartianus, Ælius, Historia Augusta, 23, 25, 58, 71, 82, 97, 99, 127, 128, 133, 215, 219 Stefanoni, Pietro, 84, 101 Stewart Gardner, Isabella, 64 Strozzi, Pietro, 63, 65, 137

Raeder, Joachim, 28, 52, 83, 141, 143

Thiene, Marco, 69

Salza Prina Ricotti, Eugenia, 13, 38, 83, 167

agenheim, Ginette, 81, 83, 84, 101, 169, 178, 215 van Heemskerck, Maarten, 26, 27 fig. 6, 28 Vasari, Giorgio, 60, 64, 80 Vitruvius, De Architectura, 22, 30, 33, 60, 69, 71 Volpi, Giuseppe Rocco, 23, 68

Raimondi, Giorgio, 84, 85, 101 Raphael, 21, 26, 61-63, 70, 77, 114, 219 Richelieu, Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal, 82 Ristori Gabbrielli, Giovanni, map of Fede properties, 66, 67 fig. 5, 68 Romano, Giulio, 61, 69, 130n Rosato of Tivoli, 119, 122, 134-135 Savoy, Charles Emmanuel I, Duke, 43, 63, 68, 81-82, 128, 213 – Acquisition of the Altoviti Collection, 63, 81, 128 – Ligorio’s manuscripts, 81-82, 166 Savoy, Victor Amedeus, 82

Totila, King of Ostrogoths, 24 Tramezzino, Michele, 79n, 84, 101 Trìssino, Gian Giorgio, 69 and n, 70 fig. 2

V

William IV, King of England, 211

Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 30, 147, 148 Winnefeld, Herman, 14, 143

Index of sculptures, reliefs and marbles Alabaster staircase, lost, 126, 129 alterist or athlete or Pollux, Paris, Louvre, inv. MA889, 48 and fig. 12 Altoviti sculptures found in Hadrian’s Villa, 128 Anthemion frieze on the Barberini Candelabra, 149, 150, 156 Atalanta or Diana with a deer, Paris, Louvre, inv. MA589, 51-52, 53 fig. 20, 98 athlete or alterist: see Pollux athletes, busts of red marble: see Priests of Isis Barberini Candelabra (Accademia), Vatican, inv. 547 and 551, 13, 65, 128, 139 fig. 3, 140, 144-162, 148-162 figs. 17-54, 165, 193, 220 Ceres or Isis Fortuna, Rome, Gardens of the Quirinal, 45, 46 fig. 5, 55, 56 fig. 23c Candelabrum with symbols of Isis (Roccabruna), Vatican, 143 Centaurs of Aristeas and Papias, (Accademia), Rome, Capitoline Museums, 11, 142, 161 Child Dionysus (Accademia), Rome, Galleria Doria Pamphilj, 121, 130, 140, 141-143, 141-142 figs. 7-9 colums in the Church of Sant’Andrea, Tivoli, 44, 45 fig. 3 Curtius, relief with a horse, Rome, Villa Borghese, 48 fig. 13, 49n Diana with a dog, Vatican, inv. 1841, 51, 52 fig. 19 Diana with bow and arrow, found by Carafa?, lost, 51 Egyptian sculptures, Jesuits excavations, xviith century, 122-125, 123-124 figs. 8-9, 220 Egyptian priest or idol, Madrid, Prado, inv. E414, 125 fig. 10 Egyptian priest or idol, Madrid, Prado, inv. E415, 125 fig. 11 Fauns of red marble (Accademia), 142 Fortuna Virile, found by Carafa?, lost, 51 Frieze with marine animals (Maritime Theatre), 50, 51 and fig. 17, 58, 126 Frieze (Nymphæum above the Canopus), lost, 44 Galatea, found by Ligorio, lost, 44 Hadrian with a globe, now Hermes, Vatican, inv. 2211, 45 fig. 4, 55, 56 fig. 23b

Hecate or Priestess of Isis, originally a priest: see Priest of Isis Heracles, lost, 149 Hermes, Vatican, inv. 2211, see Hadrian with a globe herm of Aeschines (Cervini), 49, 50 fig. 15a, 67 herm of Aristophanes (Cervini), 49, 50 fig. 15b, 67 herm of Euripides (Altoviti), 67 herm of Pindar (Altoviti), 67 herm of Zenon (Altoviti), 67 Hipponoe, found by Ligorio, lost, 44 Hora or Maenad (Accademia?), Turin, Museo Archeologico, 68 and fig. 6 Isis, black marble (Canopus), Paris, Louvre, inv. N119A, 44 fig. 1 Isis, colossal head or bust (Palestra), Vatican, inv. 22804, 46 fig. 7, 47 Isis Fortuna or Ceres, Rome, Gardens of the Quirinal, 45, 46 fig. 5 Isis or Tranquillity, found by Carafa, lost, 51, 52 Jupiter or Serapis, found by Ligorio, lost, 47 Laocoon, 149 Masks of Nereo (found by Ligorio), lost, 94, 99 Muses (Odeon), found in the xvth century, 26-28, 27-29 figs. 6-10, 51, 122, 124, 131, 216, 219 Muses (Odeon), found by Ligorio, 44 Nymphs, found by Ligorio, lost, 44 Obelisk of Pincio, 30 Pollux: see athlete or alterist Priest of Isis, restored as priestess or Hecate, Rome, Capitoline Museums, inv. 735, 45, 46 fig. 6, 55, 56 fig. 23d Priests of Isis, busts of red marble (Palestra), 46-47 Rome, Capitoline Museums, inv. 1214, 46 fig. 8 Paris, Louvre, inv. MA1358, 47 fig. 9 – private Collection, 47 fig. 11 Venice, Museo Archeologico, inv. 117, 47 fig. 10 Relief with a horse, restored as Curtius: see Curtius

234

indexes

Sabina (lost), 44 seated statue restored as Apollo (Nymphæum of the Prætorium), Rome, Palazzo Barberini, 143-144, 144 figs. 12-14, 193 seated woman, Florence, Museo degli U√zi, inv. 196, 44 and fig. 2, 55 seated woman with a dog under her chair, lost, 44, 55, 56 fig. 23a

satyr of red marble (Accademia), Rome, Capitoline Museums, 11 Tranquillity or Isis, found by Carafa, lost, 51, 52 Trajan adopting Hadrian, lost, 126 Telamons or Cioci of Tivoli (Hadrian’s Villa? Canopus?), Rome, Vatican Museums, 28, 29 and figs. 11-12, 30 figs. 13-14, 61 Thetis, found by Ligorio, lost, 44

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