Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production 9781407314815, 9781407344331

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
List of Figures
List of Contributors
A Brief Introduction to Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production
PART I: RAW MATERIALS, PASTE RECIPES, AND RESIDUE ANALYSIS
The Characterization of Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal (Puna de Jujuy, c. 3000-2500 BP)
Preliminary Study of Stable Carbon Isotopes of Bulk Lipid Residues in Archaeological Ceramics from West Tinogasta, Argentina
The First Archaeometric Analysis of Ceramic Pastes from the Bolivian Central Altiplano during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1100-1450): Evaluating the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier
Pottery Production in Quebrada de La Cueva: Petrography at Pukara de La Cueva and Antiguito (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina)
Potting Clays and Ceramic Provenance in Northern Highland Ecuador
Part II: Firing and Associated Technologies
A Systematic Evaluation of the Firing Temperatures of Archaeological Pottery from Catamarca, Argentina
Archaeometric Approaches to the Functionality of Combustion Structures from Central Western Argentina
Pottery Kilns and Firing Technology during the Late and Inka Periods in the southern Abaucán Valley: A Contribution through Ceramic Petrography and XRD (Catamarca, Northwestern Argentina, Southern Andes)
Reflections
A Cross-Polarized View of Ceramic Studies in the Southern Cone
About Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology

Citation preview

Contributors: Bárbara Balesta, Irma Lía Botto, Tamara Bray, Pablo Cahiza, María Beatriz Cremonte, Guillermo A. De La Fuente, Isabelle Druc, José Echeverría Almeida, Irene Lantos, Marta Maier, Leah Minc, Martín Morosi, María José Ots, Héctor Panarello, Paola Silvia Ramundo, Norma Ratto, Emily M. Stovel, Mauricio Uribe, Sergio D. Vera, Juan Villanueva Criales, Cristina Volzone, Kaitlin Yanchar, Nora Inés Zagorodny

VESSELS EXPLORED: APPLYING ARCHAEOMETRY

Dr Guillermo A. De La Fuente is a ceramic technology specialist focusing on thinsection paste analyses using ceramic petrography. He has developed extensive research in the Northwestern Argentine region, on topics such as ceramic technology, potterymaking practices during the Late and Inka periods, provenance analysis, and pigment analyses using different analytical techniques.

STOVEL & DE LA FUENTE (Eds)

Dr Emily M. Stovel specializes in using ceramic analyses to explore prehistoric identity processes. She has collaborated in northern Chile for over 20 years and taught in both Chile and the United States. Further interests are public interaction with material culture, the changing roles of museums, and rhetorical displays of scholarly authority.

2016

________

BAR S2808

This volume presents current trends in the application of scientific methods to ceramic analysis throughout South America. Reports from ongoing ceramic research in the area capture the wide array of methods incorporated as a normal part of research in most countries while reflecting national variation in their use and interpretation. The volume also provides an opportunity to see parallels in research interests and results and thereby generate more international collaboration. Despite the vibrant growth of archaeological science in the region, increased opportunities for global comparative studies would lift our work into a more powerful arena of pressing popular discussions and afford more salient relevance to our labours. Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production brings to an international audience of scholars a new fresh look inside the current research problems South American archaeologists are working on and how scientific analyses can contribute to resolving them.

Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production Edited by

Emily M. Stovel Guillermo A. De La Fuente

BAR International Series 2808 B A R

2016

Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production Edited by

Emily M. Stovel Guillermo A. De La Fuente

BAR International Series 2808 2016

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2808 Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production © The editors and contributors severally 2016 Cover image Griddle maker from La Rinconada The Authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in  any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407314815 paperback ISBN 9781407344331 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407314815 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR titles are available from:

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BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, ox2 7bp, uk [email protected] +4 4 (0)1865 310431 +4 4 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

Vessels Explored: Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production Edited by Emily M. Stovel and Guillermo A. De La Fuente

Table of Contents List of Figures List of Contributors

iv vii

A Brief Introduction to Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production Emily M. Stovel and Guillermo A. De La Fuente

1

Part I: Raw Materials, Paste Recipes, and Residue Analysis 1.

The Characterization of Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal (Puna de Jujuy, c. 3000-2500 BP) María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto

2.

Preliminary Study of Stable Carbon Isotopes of Bulk Lipid Residues in Archaeological Ceramics from West Tinogasta, Argentina Irene Lantos, Norma Ratto, Héctor Panarello, and Marta Maier

15

The First Archaeometric Analysis of Ceramic Pastes from the Bolivian Central Altiplano during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1100-1450). Evaluating the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier Juan Villanueva Criales

23

Pottery Production in Quebrada de La Cueva: Petrography at Pukara de La Cueva and Antiguito (Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina) Paola Silvia Ramundo and María Beatriz Cremonte

37

3.

4.

5.

Potting Clays and Ceramic Provenance in Northern Highland Ecuador Leah Minc, Kaitlin Yanchar, Tamara Bray, and José Echeverría Almeida

5

47

Part II: Firing and Associated Technologies 6.

7.

8.

A Systematic Evaluation of the Firing Temperatures of Archaeological Pottery from Catamarca, Argentina Nora Inés Zagorodny, Cristina Volzone, Martín Morosi, and Bárbara Balesta

67

Archaeometric Approaches to the Functionality of Combustion Structures from Central Western Argentina María José Ots and Pablo Cahiza

77

Pottery Kilns and Firing Technology during Late and Inka Periods in the southern Abaucán Valley: a Contribution through Ceramic Petrology and XRD (Catamarca, Northwestern Argentina, Southern Andes) Guillermo A. De La Fuente and Sergio D. Vera

89

Reflections 9.

A Cross-Polarized View of Ceramic Studies in the Southern Cone Isabelle Druc

10. About Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology Mauricio Uribe

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103 111

List of Figures Figure 1. Location of Cueva de Cristóbal and geological map. Figure 2. Cueva de Cristobal pastes: Percentage of inclusions, matrix, and cavities (point counting). Figure 3. Photomicrograph of sample CC5-199 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 3. Fragments of granite with biotite. Figure 4. Photomicrograph of sample CC4-40 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 2. Large muscovite flake in clay matrix with granitic elements. Figure 5. Photomicrograph of Sample CC1-279 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 1. Charred plant microremain (wood). Figure 6. Photomicrograph of cell wall traqueids (wood, secondary xylem), sample CC1-279 (SEM, 500X). Group 1, Type 1. Figure 7. Photomicrograph of sample CC10-148 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 4. Quartzite inclusions surrounding some granite fragments (bottom). Figure 8. Photomicrograph of sample CC8-160 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 2, Type 5. Large quartzite in a fine grained matrix. Figure 9. Photomicrograph of sample CC9-218 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 2, Type 6. Fine clay matrix indicating the addition of a selected sand as temper. Figure 10. Photomicrograph of sample CC11-27 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 3, Type 7. Sedimentary rocks (Puncoviscana Formation), rounded quartz, and sandstone. Figure 11. Photomicrograph of sample CC3-191 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 5, Type 9. Large fragments of claystone in a sandy matrix. Figure 12. Photomicrograph of sample CC1-279 (SEM, 500X). Aggregates of clay indicating little prior preparation of the clay body. Figure 13. Photomicrograph of sample CC2-184 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 4, Type 8. Sample with elongated inclusions of altered lutite (Acoite Formation). Figure 14. Photomicrograph of sample CC7-235 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 5, Type 10. Similar fragments of claystone in a finer grained matrix. Figure 15. Photomicrograph of sample CC2-184 (SEM, 500X). Greater sintering of non-plastic inclusions in the clay body. Figure 16. Location of sites in the West Tinogasta region, Catamarca province, Argentina. Sites in the Fiambalá mesothermal valley: (1) La Troya LTV50, (2) Batungasta, (3) Palo Blanco NH3, (4) Mishma 7 and (5) Punta Colorada. Site in the transitional Chaschuil puna: (6) San Francisco. Figure 17. Description of the reference and archaeological simples studied in this paper. Calibrated dates were taken from Ratto (2013). Figure 18. Isotopic values and percent C4 estimates of bulk total lipid extracts. Figure 19. Examples of archaeological potsherds selected for analysis. (a) Belén urn neck-body fragment; (b) aryballos vessel body fragment; (c) and (d) cooking pot base-body fragments. Figure 20. Distributions of δ13C values and C4 fraction of bulk lipid extracts from archaeological ceramic samples. The results are presented in relation to site chronology. Figure 21. The central Altiplano and its boundaries. Figure 22. Central Altiplano ceramic shapes. Figure 23. Pacajes and Carangas regions according to ethnohistory. Figure 24. A comparison between Pacajes and Carangas bowls’ decorative motifs. Figure 25. Location of studied sites. Figure 26. Characteristics of the studied sites. Figure 27. Ceramic sample for archaeometric analyses. Figure 28. Ceramic shape proportions according to site of provenance. Figure 29. Petrographic paste classification. Figure 30. Some decorative motifs from the studied sample. Figure 31. Photomicrographs of ceramic pastes. Figure 32. Raw material XRD quantitative characterization. Figure 33. Paste proportions according to site of provenance. Figure 34. Paste proportions according to ceramic shape. Figure 35. Ceramic paste and shape proportions according to site of provenance. Figure 36. Map of Quebrada de La Cueva. Figure 37. HUM. 06-66. Quebrada de La Cueva Black on Red ceramic type with cross-hatching.

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15 16 18 18 19 24 25 25 26 27 27 28 29 30 30 31 32 32 33 33 37 38

List of Figures Figure 38. List of samples with provenance, pottery type, paste group and vessel shape. Puco = bowl. The last sample (marked by an asterisk) was omited as it was natural sediment rather than a fired ceramic paste sample. Figure 39. HUM 06-10. Quebrada de La Cueva Polished Dark Red Exterior and Grey Interior ceramic type. Figure 40. HUM 06-65. Quebrada de La Cueva Black on Red ceramic type (bowl or puco). Figure 41. HUM 06-35. Quebrada de La Cueva Red Polished Exterior ceramic type. Figure 42. HUM 06-63. Quebrada de La Cueva Dark Red Polished Painted ceramic type. Figure 43. HUM 06-68. Quebrada de La Cueva Black on Red ceramic type with semicircles. Figure 44. ANT-111. Micaceous grayish-brown bowl (puco). Figure 45. Photomicrograph of HUM 06-66 paste (crossed Nicols). Group 1. Figure 46. Photomicrograph of Paste HUM 06-63 (crossed Nicols). Group 5. Figure 47. Photomicrograph of Paste HUM 06-35 (crossed Nicols). Group 2. Figure 48. Photomicrograph of Paste HUM 06-10 (crossed Nicols). Group 3. Figure 49. Photomicrograph of Paste HUM 06-65 (crossed Nicols). Group 4. Figure 50. Photomicrograph of Paste HUM 06-68 (crossed Nicols). Group 6. Figure 51. Photomicrograph of Paste ANT-111 (crossed Nicols). Group 7. Figure 52. Map of Ecuador showing boundaries of the Caranqui study area and Inca sites mentioned in the text. Figure 53. Map of Caranqui territory showing tola sites sampled in the study, along with locations of potters, brick-makers, and clay sampling points. Figure 54. Griddle maker from La Rinconada. Figure 55. Summary of clays and modern comparative vessels included in this study. Figure 56. Sample of prehistoric vessels analyzed in this study. Figure 57. Presence of mineral species in Inca and Caranqui wares from the site of Caranqui. Figure 58. Distribution of ceramic composition groups by site. Figure 59. Separation of composition groups on discriminant function axes. Ellipses represent 95% confidence intervals for the group centroid. A. Axis 1 vs. 2 distinguishes the metamorphic-based Panzaleo ware from ceramics derived from volcanic clays. B. Axis 3 vs. 2 separates different regional volcanic composition groups. Figure 60. Location of clay samples relative to composition groups as plotted on discriminant function axes 2 and 3. Figure 61. Distribution of Caranqui ware composition groups by site. Figure 62. Location of clays with a significant probability of group membership in either the Imbabura Low Cr or High Cr ceramic composition group, relative to bedrock type. Figure 63. Distribution of Inca ware composition groups by site. Figure 64. Morphologic categories in Belén pottery (Wynveldt, 2007a). Figure 65. Antonia Sarapura placing ceramic pieces in a pit for firing, La Ciénaga de Abajo, Belén, Catamarca. Photo taken by our group in 2012. Figure 66. Photomicrograph of Belén tinaja fragment (LAC 7.2). Cerro Colorado de La Ciénaga de Abajo, Belén, Catamarca. Figure 67. Analyzed sample. Body vessel fragment which retains the handle. Figure 68. XRD Spectra. C = cristobalite, H = hematite, M = muscovite, Pl = plagioclase, Q = quartz. Figure 69. Cumulative pore volume vs. pore radius. The top image captures the complete studied range. The bottom image is a detail of the top image, highlighting important changes. Figure 70. Phases found by XRD analysis of sample CCA2 before and after thermal treatment. The bracketed number refers to reference spectra. X = scarce; xx = abundant; xxx = very abundant; n.d. = not detected. Figure 71. Map of Southern San Juan and Northern Mendoza provinces (Central Western Argentina). Location of Retamito and other places mentioned in text. Figure 72. Retamito Torre 285 site. Locations of collection transect X, CS1 and CS2 and blocks 1-9. Figure 73. Top image, Combustion Structure 1. Bottom image, Combustion structure 2. Figure 74. Sample attributes. Figure 75. Percent heat loss and heating rate for each temperature. Figure 76. Percent of heat loss at each firing temperature. Figure 77. Photomicrographs 7-25. No. 7: S9, raw clay, 4000X. No. 8: S9, 1000°C, 4000X. No. 9: S9, 1100°C, 2000X. No. 10: S1, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 11: S1, 700°C, 4000X. No. 12: S1, 800°C, 9000X. No.

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56 57 58 58 59 68 69 69 70 70 71

72 77 78 79 80 81 81

List of Figures 13: S2, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 14: S2, 1000°C, 4000X. No. 15: S3, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 16: S3, 900°C, 4000X. No. 17: S4, pre-refiring, 9000X. No. 18: S4, 400°C, 4000X. No. 19: S5, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 20: S5, 800°C, 2000X. No. 21: S6, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 22: S6, 800°C, 4000X. No. 23: S7, pre-firing, 4000X. No. 24: S8, pre-refiring, 4000X. No. 25: S8, 1100°C, 4000X. Figure 78. Energy Dispersive X-Ray Spectra for sectors of Samples 1, 2 and 3. Figure 79. Low magnification image (10x) of freshly fractured Sample 1 (compact and fine clay) and 3 (high quartz and rocks content). Figure 80. Southern sector of Abaucán Valley (Dept. of Tinogasta, Province of Catamarca, Argentina). Figure 81. Geographical location of the Costa de Reyes #5 archaeological site and pottery kilns. Figure 82. Wall remains from the kilns with evidence of overfiring collected in the field. Also observe the negative molds of charcoal. Figure 83. Unit 1H, circular-based shape. Remains of fired earth from structural walls are distributed on the surface. Figure 84. Unit 1H, stratigraphic excavation: a) first level, b) second and third level, c) fourth level containing large wood charcoal, d) stratigraphic unit with ash and wood charcoal. Unit 3H shows the bottom of the firing chamber at the surface. Figure 85. Petrographic analysis of wall remains and overfired sherds. Figure 86. Polished fragments of fired earth from kiln walls. Unit 1H presents macroscopic evidence of vitrification. Figure 87. Photomicrographs: Unit 1H (a-d), felsic minerals in isotropic matrix; Unit 2H (e), very fine quartz and biotite in anistropic matrix; Unit 3H (f), very fine/fine quartz in anistropic matrix; Unit 4H (g and h) very fine quartz, biotite, plagioclase, opaque inclusions. Magnification 40X, XPL. Figure 88. Unit 1H, spherical pores formed by gas escape through melting in wall remains. Magnification 40X, PPL. Figure 89. Photomicrographs: a) Sherd S1, quartz (qz), plagioclase (pl), secondary calcite in isotropic matrix, XPL; b) Sherd S1, abundant refilled cracks produced by high temperature, PPL; c) Sherd S3, quartz (qz), vulcanite (vul), plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix; d) Sherd S3, cracks and microfractures, PPL; e) Sherd S4, quartz (qz) and plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix, XPL; and f) Sherd S4, quartz (qz), plagioclase (pl), biotite (b), plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix, and argillaceous inclusions, XPL. All sherds present black cores with different degrees of birefringence. Magnification 40X Figure 90. Photomicrographs: a) Sherd S3, spherical pores, XPL; b) Sherd S4, spherical pores, glassy matrix, and extended fluid vitrification, PPL; c) Sherd S4, spherical pores, quartz and plagioclase, XPL; d) Sherd S4, PPL, spherical pores and filled pores by meting vitrification. Magnification 40X. Figure 91. Mineral phases identified by XRD. Figure 92. Main mineral neoformation phases identified in Unit 1H, 3H, and 4H. Wollastonite, gehelenite, diopside, and hematite. Background noise produced by amorphous phase.

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List of Contributors Bárbara Balesta, Laboratorio de Análisis Cerámico. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo. Universidad Nacional de La Plata, La Plata, Argentina. Irma Lía Botto, CEQUINOR-CONICET. Facultad de Ciencias Exactas, Universidad Nacional de La Plata, La Plata, Argentina. Tamara Bray, Dept. of Anthropology, Wayne State University, Detroit, USA. Pablo Cahiza, INCIHUSA-CONICET, Mendoza, Argentina. María Beatriz Cremonte, CIT Jujuy/CONICET-Instituto de Geología y Minería. Universidad Nacional de Jujuy, Argentina. Guillermo A. De La Fuente, Escuela de Arqueología, Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, CONICET-CITCA, Catamarca, Argentina. Isabelle Druc, Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA. José Echeverría Almeida, Academia Nacional de Historia, Quito, Ecuador. Irene Lantos, UMYMFOR-Departamento de Química Orgánica, Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Marta Maier, UMYMFOR-Departamento de Química Orgánica, Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Leah Minc, Radiation Centre, Oregon State University, Corvallis, USA. Martín Morosi, Comisión de Investigaciones Científicas (CIC), FCNyM (Cátedra de Fundamentos de Geología), Argentina. María José Ots, INCIHUSA-CONICET, Mendoza, Argentina. Héctor Panarello, INGEIS, Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Paola Silvia Ramundo, CONICET - UBA. Museo Etnográfico de Buenos Aires ‘J. B. Ambrosetti’, Programa de Estudios Arqueológicos (PROEA - UCA), Argentina. Norma Ratto, Museo Etnográfico, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Emily M. Stovel, SWCA Environmental Consultants, Albuquerque, USA, and Instituto de Investigación Arqueológica y Museo Gustavo Le Paige, San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. Mauricio Uribe, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Chile, Chile. Sergio D. Vera, Laboratorio de Petrología y Conservación Cerámica, Escuela de Arqueología, Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, Argentina. Juan Villanueva Criales, Jefe de Investigación, MUSEF, La Paz, Bolivia. Cristina Volzone, Centro de Tecnología de Recursos Minerales y Cerámica (CETMIC)-CCT-CONICET La Plata/CICPBA, La Plata, Argentina. Kaitlin Yanchar, Dept. of Anthropology, Oregon State University, Corvallis, USA. Nora Inés Zagorodny, Laboratorio de Análisis Cerámico. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo. Universidad Nacional de La Plata, La Plata. Argentina.

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A Brief Introduction to Applying Archaeometry to South American Ceramics and their Production Emily M. Stovel and Guillermo A. De La Fuente That said, many of the submissions found here are methodological reports. This is not exemplary of regional trends, and to be sure there are national differences throughout the Southern Cone that affect archaeological science too. The proliferation of technical reports in our area that shop short of testing larger theoretical models and building complex narratives, however, fails to take full advantage of these methods in the effort to understand human life in the past. We cannot forgo this next step. The scientific exploration of material attributes and technological decision-making are valuable but not sufficient without their combination with multiple lines of evidence to test our study of the past (Pollard and Bray 2007).

Archaeology has witnessed an explosion of scientific methods in the last 10 years. Both a boon and a burden, new methods and technologies have made more scientific methods available to more scholars world-wide. Their application can be uneven, however, because of international differences in institutional support and training (Killick 2008, 2014, Killick and Goldberg 2009). The lack of trained reviewers also can hamper rigor in the field as more and more journals and authors publish scientific papers (Killick 2015). Even with these inconsistencies, the most remarkable change in archaeological science throughout the Southern Cone is its regular application as a fundamental part of scholarly investigation. The papers presented here demonstrate that archaeometry plays a constant supportive role in the projects of colleagues in the south, even though they lack regular access to equipment and research funds. There is more to be done to expand and support this research in South America, but this volume confirms that archaeometry is an important part of forming research questions.

A milestone in the relationship between ceramics and archaeometry is represented by the 1982 volume on Archaeological Ceramics edited by Jacqueline S. Olin and Alan D. Franklin. Many of the papers published in that volume, also the product of a seminar (held at the National Bureau of Standards and the Smithsonian Institution), presented various problems archaeologists encountered applying physical science methods and the technological information they produced.

These papers were brought together as a symposium on ceramic archaeometry during the third Latin American archaeometry congress that took place in Arica in 2011. At that point we decided that more international exposure of Latin American archaeology would help to overcome assumptions about the lack of such work in the region and its superficial use. As such we proposed an English language document to reach a larger community of colleagues. The result is a volume that captures ongoing research in the Southern Cone that involves a wide range of archaeometric methods. This constitutes but a small window into the rigorous scientific archaeological work carried out in South American institutions evident in each paper’s bibliography that often involves valuable international and multidisciplinary collaboration. We would like to thank four anonymous reviewers who helped improve the volume substantially.

Perhaps, one of the most germane chapter in that volume was Matson´s (1982). There, he asks himself ‘Have physical scientists been of much aid to archaeologists?’, asserting further on that. Everyone concerned with ceramic technology should have the privilege of working with clay – a temperamental but manageable material – and experiment with adding what archaeologists term ‘temper’ to it, forming vessels and firing them, before drawing broad archaeological conclusions from analyses of ancient products. Such experience, even if very limited, would also help one do a better job in selecting samples for analysis. (Matson 1982, 19) What have we learned from these questions and inquires? The present volume, more than 30 years distant from that previous publication, shows that the relationship between ceramics and archaeometry is very much alive in South America, posing new and interesting archaeological problems and offering colleagues and the public valuable research dealing with scientific matters and archaeological interpretations.

Papers in this volume are grouped into two section: (1) Raw Material Procurement and Paste Recipes, and (2) Firing and Associated Technologies. Part I deals principally with common analytical techniques (such as XRD, ceramic petrography, INAA, SEM-EDS, etc.) that attempt to characterize ceramics and connect pots with clay sources at a geographical level. The one exception by Lantos and colleagues deals with lipid residues in archaeological ceramics using EA-IRMS. Part II brings together research papers dealing with an underrepresented topics in the archaeometry of pottery production (certainly in journals such as Archaeometry and Journal of Archaeological Sciences): firing technology, pottery kilns, and firing ceramic studies in general.

Even so, as Matson warns in the last sentence of his chapter, ‘We have a lot to do’ (Matson 1982, 26). References Cited Killick, D. 2008. Archaeological science in the USA and in Britain. In A. Sullivan (ed.), Archaeological 1

Emily M. Stovel and Guillermo A. De La Fuente Concepts for the Study of the Cultural Past, 40–64. Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press. Killick, D. 2015. The awkward adolescence of archaeological science. Journal of Archaeological Science 56, 242-247. Killick, D. 2014. Using evidence from the natural sciences in archaeology. In R. Chapman and A. Wylie (eds.), Material Evidence: Learning from Archaeological Practice, 159-171. London, Routledge. Killick, D. and Goldberg, P. 2009. A quiet crisis in archaeology. The SAA Record 9(1), 6-10, 40. Matson, F. R. 1982. Archaeological Ceramics and the Physical Sciences: Problem Definition and Results. In J. S. Olin and A. D. Franklin (eds.), Archaeological Ceramics, 19-28. Washington D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press. Pollard, A. M. and Bray, P. 2007. A Bicycle Made for Two? The Integration of Scientific Techniques into Archaeological Interpretation. Annual Review of Anthropology 36(1), 245-259.

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PART I: RAW MATERIALS, PASTE RECIPES, AND RESIDUE ANALYSIS

3

The Characterization of Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal (Puna de Jujuy, c. 3000-2500 BP) María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto The results presented here occurred within the framework of research on the transition from hunter-gatherer to agropastoralist communities of the Argentine Puna which spawned a need to understand the social processes that caused changes to and the adoption of manufacturing practices such as pottery production. Cueva de Cristóbal is a rock shelter located approximately 10 kilometres from the town of El Aguilar, a high Puna environment in the province of Jujuy. This site offers valuable information on the first agro-pastoral occupation of the Argentina Puna and therefore on the earliest ceramics of northwestern Argentina. Petrographic analysis of ceramic thin sections corresponding to three recurrent types – corrugated, smooth/smooth, and smooth/rough – revealed five different paste groups (based on mineralogical associations). These results, coupled with the application of scanning electron microscopy (SEM-EDS) to fractions of the clay matrices, allowed some preliminary interpretations of variations recorded in the sample analysed in terms of local manufacturing technologies.

Period. It is precisely in this context that the previous knowledge these groups would have had of the geodiversity in areas they moved through/inhabited would have played such an important role.

Introduction In Cueva de Cristóbal, roughly between 3000 and 2500 BP, a set of vessels appears with simple morphologies, some with corrugated surfaces and others with varying degrees of smoothing treatment, that allow us to track the early moments of ceramic production in Northwest Argentina, if not its very beginning (Fernández 1988-89; García 1995). The characterization of ceramic pastes presented in these pages should be considered a first step toward future macroregional comparisons with other early pottery types. This analysis aims to understand the diversity, uses, and techniques of clay recipients found in the residential contexts of highly mobile groups.

A further aspect to consider is the existence of far-flung trade networks that exchanged resources, goods, information, and knowledge during this time period and in these regions (Aschero 1994). This interaction would be found in complex knowledge of how to make different stone tool types and rock art designs, the exploitation of nonlocal flora and fauna, as well as the preparation of new recipes and the appropriate processing of new cultigens. Recent excavations carried out in Cueva de Cristóbal (Hocsman et al., 2010) provide new information that indicates that the occupied area was significantly larger than originally established by Fernández (1988-89). In addition, the presence of a large number of stone artefacts related to food processing/consumption activities in association with faunal remains and broken pottery fragments with evidence of use confirms the hypothesis that this was a domestic residential context.

We also believe that this study can help in the exploration of those ‘most successful experiments’ that have survived and gave rise to distinct Formative period pottery traditions. Knowledge of the earliest ceramics of the south-central Andes continues to be a focal point of production and distribution studies of these objects that encapsulated such as new technology. To date, studies have shown a wide range of variation in ceramic pastes and low similarity between more or less contemporary vessels from different parts of the region. What could have caused this variability?

We are currently unaware of the raw material catchment area used by individuals living in Cueva de Cristóbal and its surroundings; that said, other contemporary cases from Northwestern Argentina such as Antofagasta de la Sierra (Puna de Catamarca) lead us to propose a situation with growing sedentism but with dynamic elements that characterize many pastoral communities (Aschero 2000, 56). Antofagasta de la Sierra and Cueva Cristóbal are both understood to be transitional sites that mark the movement from the late Archaic societies to those of the early Formative (Hocsman et al., 2010). The Argentine Puna, then, was characterized by a continuity of sociocultural processes from foraging societies to the consolidation of agro-pastoral communities (Aschero and Hocsman 2011).

On order to begin to answer such a question, we should consider two contexts or processes which – according to the specific circumstances of each – could have occurred together or not. For example, the process of adoption or experimentation of a new technology such as potting must have involved extensive knowledge and testing of appropriate materials located in the surrounding area. Of course, here we confront problems with concepts such as ‘near’ or ‘far’ with respect to the location of resources, given the frequent and wide spread mobility of the groups involved. As a result, it would appear inadequate to simply insert maximum and minimum distances undertaken to acquire materials such as clays, tempers, and pigments from Andean ethnographies (Arnold 2003) into models for the communities living during the transition from the late Archaic to the early Formative 5

María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto

Figure 1. Location of Cueva de Cristóbal and geological map.

6

Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal Sample Number Group Number

CC1279

CC440

CC5199

CC10148

CC8160

CC9218

CC679

CC1127

CC2184

CC3191

1

1

1

1

2

2

3

3

4

5

Matrix

58.08

60.81

60.46

58.44

53.65

69.23

57.69

62.35

64.92

59.28

Cavities

8.73

17.57

6.98

11.49

7.72

7.69

11.11

4.86

2.82

6.18

Quartz

13.97

17.4

11.63

6.42

14.16

14.1

9.73

11.74

16.93

18.55

Plagioclase

0.44

5.07

1

0.65

1.29

1.71

0.43

0.81

2.82

2.58

K-Feldspar

_

3.72

1.32

1.01

_

_

_

_

_

_

Granite

1.31

0.67

14.95

4.04

_

_

_

_

_

_

Sandstone

5.68

_

_

_

_

_

4.7

0.81

_

1.03

Claystone

4.8

0.34

_

0.01

_

_

_

_

_

8.25

Grog

0.44

_

_

1.01

_

_

_

_

_

1.55

Hornblende

_

_

1

0.34

0.86

0.43

_

_

1.61

_

Altered Pelite

_

_

_

_

_

0.43

_

_

9.68

_

Phyllite/Shale

6.55

_

_

_

_

_

15.38

19.43

_

_

Quartzite

_

_

_

15.2

21.46

10.26

_

_

_

_

Muscovite

_

6.08

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

Biotite

_

_

2.66

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

Milonite

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

_

2.06

Clay Nodule

_

0.67

_

_

0.86

0.43

0.43

_

1.21

0.51

Figure 2. Cueva de Cristobal pastes: Percentage of inclusions, matrix, and cavities (point counting).

Formation and consists of a stratigraphic sequence of pelitic rocks (shales, claystones, and siltstones) that vary from shades of green to greenish-grey or black. This formation also includes fine intercalated sandstones and quartzites. The upper Cardonal Formation consists of a succession of brown quartzites and dark shales, with intercalated shales and greenish laminated sandstones (Aceñolaza 1968)

The Site and its Geological Surroundings Cueva de Cristóbal is a rock shelter located in the Western portion of the La Matadería massif, between the mountain chains of Aguilar and Alta, about 10 kilometres from the town of El Aguilar (Figure 1) at 3755masl (23°16'63.9"S 65°36'63.7"W). It is located on an outcrop of the Pirgua Formation (a sequence of reddish medium to fine-grained conglomerates and sandstones). It is defined by a strongly outward jutting cliff face and large boulders that have fallen from the north-northwest and southern facing overhang.

The nearby hills of Huerta Grande-La Matadería, adjacent to Cueva de Cristóbal, are part of the red Cretaceous period sedimentary deposits of the Pirgua Formation, formed by conglomerates and medium to fine-grain sandstones. Granitic rocks appear at the surface in the vicinity of Mina Aguilar, west of the Cajas Range and therefore not in the immediate vicinity of Cueva de Cristóbal (which is approximately 20km away). This granitic outcrop is characterized by granitic stock known as Aguilar Granite. Its size is relatively small in comparison with Abralaite granite which is found further west. The granite is found between Cambrio-Ordovician

The site is located east of the Cajas mountain range in the southeast sector of the Aguilar mountain chain, in the central west of the present province of Jujuy, a high Puna environment. The Cajas Range is a southern outcrop of Ordovician period rocks. It is composed of two lithic formations (a lower and an upper) that differ in their clastic elements. The lower is called the Lampazar

7

María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto

Figure 5. Photomicrograph of sample CC4-40 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 2. Large muscovite flake in clay matrix with granitic elements.

Figure 3. Photomicrograph of Sample CC1-279 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 1. Charred plant microremain (wood).

Figure 4. Photomicrograph of cell wall traqueids (wood, secondary xylem), sample CC1-279 (SEM, 500X). Group 1, Type 1.

Figure 6. Photomicrograph of sample CC5-199 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 3. Fragments of granite with biotite.

pelites, defining a wide halo of thermal metamorphism, and contains quartz, K-feldspar, plagioclase, and mica. Aguilar granite contains K-feldspar (orthoclase), plagioclase (oligoclase), perthite, biotite and hornblende (Brodtkorb et al., 1978). Sedimentary rocks dominate the local lithological profile, including quartzite, siltstone, claystone and fine sandstone. The presence of these components in various ceramic pastes demonstrates that raw materials for these objects likely came from the area immediately surrounding the archaeological site. Finegrained sedimentary rocks or pelites also characterize the Ordovician Acoite Formation which runs between the granitic Abralaite and Aguilar formations.

Finally, the phyllites and shales of the Puncoviscana Formation, found in some cases, are absent in the area surrounding Cueva de Cristóbal. The Puncoviscana Formation extends throughout the Quebrada de Humahuaca (see Ramundo and Cremonte in this volume), outcropping approximately 40 miles east of Cueva de Cristóbal. Petrographic Description of Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal Macroscopic examination of ceramic surfaces allowed the classification of the sample into three groups: corrugated, smooth/smooth and smooth/rough (as defined by Fernández 1988-89). Except for the corrugated category (19per cent), the large majority of samples feature smoothed, undecorated surfaces. The fragments are small, occasionally attributable to simple ceramic forms, and of dark reddish grey (5YR 4/2) to very dark grey (7.5YR 3/1) colour that indicate poorly controlled low temperature firing. Observation at low binocular magnification (1040X) of 123 ceramic fragments obtained through excavations at Cueva de Cristóbal allowed for a baseline classification of paste types, from which 11 fragments (CC1 to CC11) were selected for thin section petrographic

The Acoite Formation is found throughout the Puna, extending from the Argentine-Bolivian border to the Argentine province of Catamarca (Turner and Méndez 1979). It comprises pelites formed by intense hydrothermal alteration of clay or siltstones, resulting predominantly in sericite, muscovite, and quartz. The sericitic component of local ceramic pastes is found as thin sheets of Muscovite with high birefringence that acquires silver tones between crossed Nicols. These constitute a distinctive non-plastic inclusion found in some styles of the Yavi-Chicha ceramic tradition (Cremonte 2014). 8

Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal

Figure 7. Photomicrograph of sample CC10-148 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 1, Type 4. Quartzite inclusions surrounding some granite fragments (bottom).

Figure 9. Photomicrograph of sample CC9-218 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 2, Type 6. Fine clay matrix indicating the addition of a selected sand as temper.

Figure 8. Photomicrograph of sample CC8-160 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 2, Type 5. Large quartzite in a fine grained matrix.

Figure 10. Photomicrograph of sample CC11-27 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 3, Type 7. Sedimentary rocks (Puncoviscana Formation), rounded quartz, and sandstone.

analysis. Judging from examination at low levels of magnification, the total variation found in the 123 sherds is also present in the selected sub-sample.

Group 1, Type 1: CC1-279 Corrugated

This qualitative-quantitative study of ceramic paste from a range of different vessel types and three surface treatment types revealed 5 large paste groups and 10 types, these latter defined by recurrent mineralogical combinations. Species, sizes and percentages of mineral inclusions were used to characterize the physical composition of each thin section; clay and silt inclusions (.002mm to .0625 mm) not identifiable in thin section were recorded as ‘matrix’ (Stoltman 2004). Results obtained by point-counting procedure including percentages of inclusions, matrix, and cavities (Figure 2).

Mineralogical Association: sandstone + granite + claystone + undulating quartz + multicomponent quartz + plagioclase + phyllite + shale.

Group 1. Paste with granitic inclusions: CC1, CC4, CC5, and CC10

CC1-279 has a compact paste with abundant thin, irregular, and elongated cavities (large ones are infrequent). Some clay nodules are present that contain within them the same small non-plastic inclusions found throughout the paste, which supports the hypothesis that poorly sorted sand was added as temper. Some very small (< 15 microns) and infrequent hornblende and biotite inclusions are also present.

Medium paste with a microgranular and lepidoblastic matrix (presence of detritic mica). Larger inclusions (≥ 15 microns) are not uniform in size. They are sub-rounded quartz inclusions, multicomponent quartz, and with undulating extinction, plagioclase, medium grain sandstone (the most abundant), granite and claystone altered to sericite (Figure 3).

Group 1 pastes include granitic rocks found in the vicinity of Cueva de Cristóbal or, occasionally, the inclusion of different non-plastic materials to similar clay matrices. We identified four paste types with granite components in Group 1.

9

María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto

Figure 11. Photomicrograph of sample CC2-184 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 4, Type 8. Sample with elongated inclusions of altered lutite (Acoite Formation).

Figure 13. Photomicrograph of sample CC7-235 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 5, Type 10. Similar fragments of claystone in a finer grained matrix.

Figure 12. Photomicrograph of sample CC3-191 (crossed Nicols, 60X). Group 5, Type 9. Large fragments of claystone in a sandy matrix.

Two different types of vegetal matter were present in the thin section of the corrugated vessel (Iglesias, personal communication). One corresponds to a fragment of wood (secondary xylem of woody plant, sub-bush to tree), with large well-preserved wall tracheids, no vascular evidence (Figure 4), and which take a trellis-like form. The other vegetal fragment corresponds to the cross-section of a small sliver of angiosperm wood. The paste also reveals a fragment of wood charred prior to firing (this process would have destroyed all other vegetal matter).

Figure 14. Photomicrograph of sample CC1-279 (SEM, 500X). Aggregates of clay indicating little prior preparation of the clay body.

muscovite (components of granitic rocks) as well as some granite clasts (Figure 5). Plagioclase crystals are particularly abundant and presented well-developed edges (eudral). This is a compact paste type, with occasional small rounded and sub-rounded cavities. The crystalloclasts and lithoclasts indicate a granitic rock environment. Coarse, poorly sorted sand may have been added as temper (as the granular angularity would suggest) but not in the way seen with CC1-279, which appears to have had disaggregated granite fragments included as temper.

Group 1, Type 2: CC4-40 Smooth/rough Mineralogical Association: quartz + plagioclase + Kfeldspar (orthoclase) + muscovite + granite + claystone + clay nodules. Thick brown paste with a microgranular and lepidoblastic clay matrix. Some nodules of clay or grog (ground sherds) are present, the latter perhaps included accidentally into the paste. Inclusions are rounded and dark brown of nonuniform size. There is a clear bimodal distribution of nonplastic inclusions such that those pertaining to the clay matrix can be distinguished from larger (>15 microns) elements indicating an added temper. These latter elements are abundant and correspond to large angular quartz, plagioclase, orthoclase (FK), and sheets of

Group 1, Type 3: CC5 – 199 Smooth/rough Mineralogical association: quartz + plagioclase (oligoclase) + K-feldspar (orthoclase) + biotite + hornblende + biotite granite. This paste has a clay matrix similar to CC4-40 and also suggests a similar geological environment (granitic rocks). It points, however, to a different manufacturing process in the proportion, size and characteristics of its 10

Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal enriched with quartz and plagioclase. CC9 is finer in texture, similar to CC8 in its base clay matrix, indicating the addition of better selected sand. Furthermore, CC9 shows a subparallel orientation of its non-plastic inclusions as a result of kneading the clay body and the absence of large clasts. Hornblende particles and clay nodules are also present as very scarce pelite inclusions. Group 3, Type 7: CC6-79 and CC11-27 Smooth/rough Mineralogical Association: quartz + quartz with undulating extinction + multicomponent quartz + plagioclase + sandstone + shale + phyllites. Group 3 is composed of two similar pastes with abundant lithoclasts of low grade metamorphic rocks and finegrained sedimentary rocks characteristic of the Puncoviscana Formation (Figure 10). This formation occurs throughout the Quebrada de Humahuaca, a narrow valley approximately 50 kilometres from Cueva de Cristóbal. CC6-79 and CC11-27 are coarse pastes, of an even yellowish brown or brown, with a lepidoblastic clay matrix. Both pastes have rounded to sub-rounded quartz inclusions, multicomponent quartz, and quartz with undulating extinction along with small angular plagioclase crystals. The lithoclasts are rounded, of nonuniform sizes, but large sizes predominate. These rock fragments are sandstone, phyllite, and shale. The pastes are compact but with abundant cavities of non-uniform size and predominantly elongated shapes. Petrographic analysis demonstrates that these pastes are not distinct from those of locally produced archaeological vessels found in the Quebrada de Humahuaca (Cremonte 2006).

Figure 15. Photomicrograph of sample CC2-184 (SEM, 500X). Greater sintering of non-plastic inclusions in the clay body.

inclusions larger than 15 microns. These differences are due to the presence of abundant biotite and biotite granite fragments (Figure 6). CC5-199 is a coarse paste, in which granitic fragments and others of quartz and orthoclase of large size stand out significantly from the clay matrix. It is also compact, although containing abundant cavities of non-uniform sizes and shapes. In all likelihood, medium grain, poorly-sorted fluvial sand was selected and combined with granitic lithoclasts as temper. Group 1, Type 4: CC10-148 Smooth/smooth Mineralogical Association: quartz + undulating quartz + K-feldspar (orthoclase) + plagioclase + quartzite + granite + siltstone (claystone).

Group 4, Type 8: CC2-184 Mineralogical Association: quartz + plagioclase + altered pelite + hornblende.

This paste is similar to CC8 and CC9 but with differences in texture due to the inclusion of quartzite in addition to granite fragments (Figure 7) showing similarities with the pastes of Group 1. It is generally a fine textured paste with a dark brown microgranular clay matrix. Rounded subangular non-plastic quartzite inclusions of non-uniform sizes predominate. A few rounded fine-grained sedimentary rocks (claystone) are present, while large inclusions are not copious.

Group 4 comprises a compact paste of medium texture with few cavities of non-uniform shapes and sizes and a reddish brown, microgranular, and lepidoblastic clay matrix. Inclusions greater than 15 microns have two grain sizes: one that includes abundant small angular to subrounded quartz, sub-angular plagioclase crystals, and angular hornblende (the quartz may measure up to 0.7 mm); another is defined by fine-grained light coloured altered pelites (9.68per cent) similar to those found in the Acoite Formation and in the pastes of the Yavi-Chicha ceramic tradition (Cremonte 2014). These inclusions are sub-rounded of non-uniform size and stand out against the clay matrix; some are impregnated with clay themselves (Figure 11). Some clay nodules are also evident. These pelites occurred naturally in the poorly sorted sediments added as temper. Similar sediments are found on the banks of the Sansana River (Yavi Department, Puna de Jujuy) and appear to have the same composition as YaviChicha Tradition ceramic pastes.

Group 2, Types 5 and 6: CC8-160 and CC9-218 Smooth/rough Mineralogical Association: quartz + plagioclase + hornblende + quartzite. Group 2 pastes are compact, brown, and characterized by abundant inclusions of quartzite (widely distributed in the area adjacent to Cueva de Cristóbal) and the occasional large irregular cavity. While CC9 and CC8 correspond to the same paste type, they differ in the size of their quartzite fragments (Figures 8 and 9). In the case of CC8, very large inclusions and rounded quartzite stand out from the even brown lepidoblastic and microgranular clay matrix. This quartzite seems to have originated in sand

Group 5: CC3-191 (probable Corrugated) and CC7-235 Smooth/rough

11

María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto Group 5 pastes include abundant large angular inclusions of dark brown claystones, though there is variation in the proportion and types of other petrographic components. There is a marked visible distinction between large claystone inclusions and the background clay matrix.

The first groups suggests an extensive knowledge of the geodiversity present in this sector of the Puna of Jujuy, a suggestion also found in ceramics produced by early hunter-gatherers in North America (Quinn and Burton 2009).

Group 5, Type 9: CC3-191

As noted in the geological description above, Cueva de Cristóbal is located within a Cretaceous outcrop marked by the surrounding elevated area of Huerta Grande-La Matadería. This outcrop consists predominantly of Pirgua Formation pelites (conglomerates and medium to fine grain reddish sandstones). Group 2 and 5 pastes are composed primarily of sedimentary rocks such as quartzite and claystone (fine-grained sedimentary rocks or fine-grained pelites) tied directly to the local geology. To these we can add Group 4 with altered pelites from the nearby Acoite Formation, a large Ordovician outcrop that extends from north to south, west of Cueva de Cristóbal. It is likely then that this ceramic type was also manufactured in the area.

Mineralogical Association: quartz + multicomponent quartz + undulating quartz + plagioclase + hornblende + sandstone + claystone + mylonite. This paste is characterized by large brown claystone inclusions in a microgranular matrix composed of abundant quartz, quartz with undulating extinction, multicomponent quartz, and plagioclase. CC3-191 also contains some sandstone and small mylonite fragments. The latter are coarser-grained oriented phyllites, from shear zones where the rocks are crushed, and do not point to any specific geological environment (Figure 12). Group 5, Type 10: CC7-235

As for Group 1 pastes (i.e., Types 1, 2, 3 and 4) with granitic rock fragments or granitic rocks, some seem clearly local and others seem non-local. Type 3 (CC5199), for example, with its sheets of biotite, hornblende, and biotitic granite fragments, can be tied directly to Aguilar Granite which extends northwest of Cueva de Cristóbal. Type 2 (CC4-40), however, with its large sheets of muscovite, points to a metamorphic-granitic environment, absent in the area.

Mineralogical Association: quartz + multicomponent quartz + undulating quartz + plagioclase + claystone. This paste is similar to the previous type but with a lepidoblastic clay matrix, small non-plastic inclusions of quartz, quartz with undulating extinction, multicomponent quartz, scarce plagioclase and hornblende. This all suggests the use of different raw clay materials (Figure 13).

Finally, Group 3 pastes (Type 7) have mineral associations that share characteristics with the Puncoviscana Formation (principally shale and phyllites). The Puncoviscana Formation is not present in this sector of the Puna of Jujuy.

Results The considerable variation found in the ceramic pastes of Cueva de Cristóbal speaks to the complexity of the processes that generated both the production and circulation of the earliest pottery during the ArchaicFormative transition, suggesting the need to establish a comparative database with other trans-Andean traditions, including the highlands and southern valleys of Bolivia.

These pastes differed little from those produced by other cultural systems dating to the entire ceramic period of the Quebrada de Humahuaca where, as mentioned above, these rocks dominate the geological landscape. This allows us to argue that the smoothed fragments CC6-79 and CC11-27 are probably from two vessels from the Quebrada de Humahuaca.

In contexts of high mobility such as that proposed for the communities who manufactured the earliest pottery found in Cueva de Cristóbal, one would expect: a) pastes with coarse-grained non-plastic inclusions, echoing the thickness of vessel walls, b) variation in the petrography of the possible temper component added to clays, a product of the diversity of source areas exploited for their procurement, and c) little variation in vessel morphology and care shown in surface treatments. These characteristics would correlate with a pattern of high mobility, indicating low investment of labour in vessel manufacturing, as seen elsewhere (Simms and Bright 1997).

Although additional SEM-EDS studies of ceramic pastes did not contribute anything new to our study, they confirm our petrographic results and photomicrographs reveal important techniques used in the preparation of the clay body. Elements between 50 to 100 microns in an SEM photomicrograph of a sector of CC1-279 (Corrugated, Group 1, Type 1) show little preparation of the clay body. This practice is echoed in most other samples. CC1, in turn, has the highest percentage of Carbon (16.61 per cent), a result of its vegetal content/organic matter and low firing temperature (Figure 14). Group 4 (CC2) and 5 (CC3 and CC7) demonstrate the greatest integration of non-plastic inclusions into the clay matrix because of the nature of the temper material or a different preparation of the clay body (Figure 15).

In large part the assumptions presented above are confirmed by the fragments studied here. In the petrographic study presented here, we have been able to identify different types of non-plastic inclusions added to the clay matrix as tempering material. The different types of temper employed indicate that some vessels were locally sourced or manufactured while others were not.

Judging by the granulometry of non-plastic inclusions and their bimodal size distribution with respect to the clay

12

Ceramic Pastes from Cueva de Cristóbal 295) are equally coarse in appearance, revealing macroscopic volcanic temper particles such as basalt, and granitic and quartz fragments. Uribe (2006, 34-35) considers Los Morros some of the earliest Atacama pottery, equivalent to the Faldas del Morro pottery found in the western valleys of Arica.

matrix, we suggest that most local ceramics recovered at Cueva de Cristóbal were augmented with poorly sorted sands of varying composition. These sands can be tied to their geological origins, such as the case of El Aguilar granite and the quartzite and pelite of the Cajas Mountain Range. In all of these cases, the outcrops are located less than 10 km away from the archaeological site. For the case of the altered pelites characteristic of the Acoite Formation, these could have come from a nearby Ordovician outcrop or from elsewhere in the Puna of Jujuy where this formation is widely distributed. In order to confirm the local origin of this pottery, it is necessary to sample and analyse sand and/or fluvial sediments containing the same rounded sandy claystones with sericitic alteration.

So far the earliest ceramics of the puna of Jujuy are those from the sites of Cueva de Cristóbal, Inca Cueva Alero-1, and Tomayoc (García 1995), but close compositional similarities among them have never been established. The 12 ceramic sherds that emerged from the earliest Tomayoc stratigraphic level (c. 3000 BP) were not clearly determined to be local products, nor were they clearly similar to pastes from Cueva de Cristobal and Inca Cueva Alero-1 (García 1997). The paste studies carried out by Garcia involved X-ray diffraction and characterization using a binocular lens at low magnification; the absence of petrographic thin section analysis prevented effective comparison among the sites.

Discussion In this study, thin sections of eleven pottery vessels from Cueva de Cristóbal were analysed in order to make some statements about technological decisions in the early ceramic production of northwestern Argentina.

Of course all of this disparate information on early regional ceramic production in the south-central Andes warrants systematising, with respect of decorative and formal traditions along with paste attributes. It is also pivotal to build a database of petrographic information to define local styles and their replication in other areas, and which provided the basis for subsequent Formative styles. Apparently, thick pastes with granitic nonplastic inclusions and abundant quartz is a recurrent paste attribute throughout the larger region perhaps because raw materials that lead to these characteristics are easily acquired and worked in to the cooking tools with thick, nonfriable, and heat-conducting walls that are useful in temperate to cold and dry climatic conditions (Arnold 1985). Such successful innovations were the precursors to the pastes of vessels frequently labelled ‘domestic’ found in the majority of pottery traditions and stylistic complexes of the agro-pastoral communities of Northwestern Argentina.

Unfortunately, the studied sample is small, but we hope excavations continue at the site in the future. It seems important to take into account that at a macro-regional level, the quantity of pottery recovered through the excavation of early ceramic contexts is scarce and that petrographic paste analysis of early samples remains uncommon. In spite of this, important mineralogical variation has been recorded. Six pastes from a total of 113 Cáñamo-Montículo Phase (c. 2700 BP) pottery sherds, recovered from the northern coast of Chile south of Iquique, were analysed using petrographic and mineralogical analyses (Núñez and Moragas 1983). This ceramic type, macroscopically similar to Wankarani style vessels from the Bolivian Altiplano, showed three paste types: one with disintegrated granite inclusions, another with volcanic particles, and a third with an admixture of granite and volcanic inclusions. Only the first type would have been manufactured locally. Similarly to Cueva de Cristóbal sample CC1-279, the Chilean sample included a high percentage of organic material in one of the samples, corresponding to dry vegetal remains (Núñez and Moragas 1983, 53). The authors concluded that compositional variation observed in early pottery is the result of wide interaction spheres where resources, goods, and individuals were connected across distant and diverse ecological zones. This observation is supported by the presence of elements of different origin found in the archaeological record.

As a first foray into the proposed research objectives, we consider the ceramic system recovered from Cueva de Cristóbal a valuable source of background information on the first agro-pastoral occupation of the Argentine Puna and thereby the earliest ceramics of Northwestern Argentina. It allows us access to the technological decisions taken by these early potters in environment that offered many different raw materials and the opportunity to test them. Acknowledgements

Similar proposals are found in reference to other early Formative ceramic types (c. 3500-2400 BP) from northern Chile (Núñez et al., 2006, Núñez and Santoro 2011) at Loa Valley and Atacama Oasis sites such as Tilocalar Phase ceramics tied to the rise of pastoralism at Tulán. So much ceramic remains were found there they are assumed to be locally produced, although some nonlocal fragments may be present. Tulán ceramics are vessels with simple forms, smoothed with thickened rims, and coarse pastes (Núñez and Santoro 2011). Similar Los Morros ceramics (with two subvarieties A and B; Sinclaire et al., 1998,

Our thanks to Carlos Ashero and Salomón Hocsman for giving us the opportunity to study this pottery. To geologist Alba Diaz of the Instituto de Geología y Minería de la Universidad Nacional de Jujuy for the development of the geological map and collaboration in the petrographic analysis. To Ari Iglesias of the Departamento de Micropaleontología de la Facultad de Ciencias Naturales del Museo de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata for the identification of plant microremains.

13

María Beatriz Cremonte and Irma Lía Botto R. Bárcena and H. Chiavazza (eds.), Arqueología Argentina en el Bicentenario de la Revolución de Mayo. Actas del XVII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, 1569-1571. Mendoza, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo e Instituto de Ciencias Humanas, Sociales y Ambientales, CONICET.

This study was carried out through support from Projects ANPCyT-PICT 0649 and PIP-CONICET No. 0060. References Cited Aceñolaza, G. 1968. Geología, estratigrafía de la región de la Sierra de Cajas. Revista de la Asociación Geológica Argentina 23, 207-222.

Núñez, L., Cartajena, I., Carrasco, C., De Souza, P. and Grosjean, M. 2006. Emergencia de las comunidades pastoralistas formativas en el sureste de la Puna de Atacama. Estudios Atacameños 32, 93-112

Aschero, C. 1994. Reflexiones desde el Arcaico Tardío (6000-3000 AP). Rumitacana: Revista de Antropologia 1, 13-17. Aschero, C. 2000. El poblamiento del territorio. In M. Tarragó (ed), Nueva Historia Argentina: Los pueblos originarios y la conquista, 17-59. Buenos Aires, Editorial Suramericana.

Núñez, L. and Santoro, C. 2011. El tránsito ArcaicoFormativo en la circumpuna y valles occidentales del Centro Sur Andino: hacia los ‘cambios’ neolíticos. Chungará Revista de Antropologia Chilena 43, 487530

Aschero, C. A. and S. Hocsman. 2011. Arqueología de las ocupaciones cazadoras-recolectoras de fines del Holoceno Medio de Antofagasta de la Sierra (puna meridional argentina). Chungará Revista de Antropologia Chilena 43, número especial: 393-411.

Núñez, L. and Moragas, C. 1983. Cerámica temprana en Cáñamo (costa desértica del Norte de Chile): Análisis y evaluación regional. Chungará Revista de Anthropolgía Chilena 11, 31-61

Arnold, D. 1985. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

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Arnold, D. 2003. Ecology and ceramic production in an Andean community. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Brodtkorb, M. K., Lanfranco, J. J. and Sureda, R. 1978. Asociaciones minerales litología del Yacimiento Aguilar, Provincia de Jujuy, República Argentina. Revista de la Asociación Geológica Argentina 33, 277-298.

Simms, S. R. and Bright, J. R. 1997. Plain-ware ceramics and residential mobility: a case study from the great basin. Journal of Archaeological Science 24, 779-792. Sinclair, C., Uribe, M., Ayala, P. and González, J. 1998. La alfarería del período Formativo en la región del Loa Superior. Sistematización y tipología. Contribución arqueológica 5(2), 285-314.

Cremonte M. B. 2006. El estudio de la cerámica en la reconstrucción de las historias locales. El sur de la Quebrada de Humahuaca (Jujuy, Argentina) durante los Desarrollos Regionales e Incaico. Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena 38, 239-247.

Stoltman, J. B. 2004. Did Poverty Pointers make pots? In R. Saunders and C. T. Hays (eds.), Early Pottery: Technology, Function, Style, and Interaction in the Lower Southeast, 210-222. Tuscaloosa, University of Alabama Press.

Cremonte, M. B. 2014. El estilo cerámico Yavi-Chicha en instalaciones incaicas del noroeste argentino. Las pastas como posible marcador identitario. In C. Rivera (ed.), Ocupación Inka y Dinámicas Regionales en los Andes (siglos XV – XVII), 223-244. La Paz, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos.

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Fernández, J. 1988/89. Ocupaciones alfareras (2.860±160 años AP) en la Cueva de Cristóbal, Puna de Jujuy, Argentina. Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropología XVII 2, 139-178.

Uribe, M. 2006. Sobre cerámica, su origen y complejidad social en los Andes del Desierto de Atacama, norte de Chile. In H. Lechtman (ed.), Esferas de interacción prehispánicas y fronteras nacionales modernas: Los Andes Sur Centrales, 449-502. Lima, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos and Institute of Andean Research.

García, L. 1995. Las primeras cerámicas en la Puna de Jujuy. Cuadernos de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Jujuy 5, 75-80. García, L. 1997. El material cerámico de Tomayoc. Bulletin de l´Institut Français d´ Études Andines 26, 177-193. Hocsman, S., Calisaya, A. D., Gerónimo, A. A. and Piccón Figueroa, R. E. 2010. Relevamiento y excavaciones sistemáticas en Cueva de Cristóbal (El Aguilar, Puna de Jujuy): Resultados preliminares. In 14

Preliminary Study of Stable Carbon Isotopes of Bulk Lipid Residues in Archaeological Ceramics from West Tinogasta, Argentina Irene Lantos, Norma Ratto, Héctor Panarello, and Marta Maier Foodways of the pre-Hispanic societies of the West Tinogasta region (Catamarca Province, Argentina) were inferred from stable carbon isotope analysis on bulk lipid residues from eleven archaeological ceramics recovered from sites with occupations ranging from AD 450 - 1550. Nine modern samples were analysed to obtain reference values for typical Andean ingredients. Archaeological maize use patterns can be detected by enriched 13C values typical of C4 plant carbon compounds found in cooking residues. Our preliminary results show a great variability of maize use and consumption practices which can be explained by the multiple recipes and functions a pot had during its use life resulting in organic residue ‘palimpsests’. No statistically significant correlation was observed between site chronology and isotopic signals, although we propose differential access to maize resource at the Inca site of Batungasta.

al., 2009). For this purpose we used an elemental analyser coupled to an isotope ratio mass spectrometer to measure δ13C values in carbon compounds from the bulk lipids extracts of potsherds recovered in sites of the study area with occupations extending from AD 450 to 1550. The samples were selected from expeditions in the late 1970s (Sempé 1976, 1977) and from the continuing research projects that began in the 1990s by Dr. Ratto and her team in the PAChA Project (Proyecto Arqueológico Chaschuil Abaucán).

Introduction Bulk lipid stable carbon isotope analysis is an effective method to discover food use patterns from organic residues absorbed in archaeological ceramics and it can give insight into the cooking practices of West Tinogasta’s pre-Hispanic societies (Catamarca province, Argentina). Archaeological maize use patterns can be detected by enriched 13C values typical of C4 plant carbon compounds found in cooking residues (Hart et al., 2009; Hastorf and de Niro 1985; Morton and Schwarcz 2004; Reber and Evershed 2004; Reber et al., 2004; Seinfeld et

Figure 16. Location of sites in the West Tinogasta region, Catamarca province, Argentina. Sites in the Fiambalá mesothermal valley: (1) La Troya LTV50, (2) Batungasta, (3) Palo Blanco NH3, (4) Mishma 7 and (5) Punta Colorada. Site in the transitional Chaschuil puna: (6) San Francisco.

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Irene Lantos, Norma Ratto, Héctor Panarello, and Marta Maier Carbon stable isotope analysis measures the 13C/12C ratio expressed in δ13C values. C3 plants and C4 plants have different photosynthetic pathways leading to distinct isotopic 13C/12C ratios (Deines 1980; O’Leary 1993; Panarello and Sánchez 1985; Tykot 2006). C3 plants use the Calvin-Benson cycle for CO2 fixation and include most South American fruits, vegetables and cool season grasses. Their δ 13C values fall into the range -35‰ to 22‰. On the other hand, C4 plants use the Hatch-Slack cycle and are adapted to hot and arid environments. They include maize, sugar cane and warm season grasses, and their δ 13C values range from -16‰ to -9‰. Maize is unique because it is a C4 plant widely cultivated as a staple

food and it contains more lipids than other edible seeds (Reber and Evershed 2004). However, fractionation is greater in lipids than in other metabolites such as carbohydrates or proteins, resulting in depleted δ 13C values (Brugnoli and Farquhar 2004; Post et al., 2007; Samec et al., 2010). Therefore, the C4 detection values should be brought down approximately -6‰ or -8‰ for lipids (de Niro and Epstein 1977). Stable carbon isotope analysis on lipid extracts from the ceramic matrix, rather than charred foodstuff adhered to the inner surface of a vessel, has important benefits. Ceramic matrixes are considered ‘clean slates’ after firing, given that any lipids contained in clay are

Figure 17. Description of the reference and archaeological samples studied in this paper. Calibrated dates were taken from Ratto (2013).

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Bulk Lipid Residues in Archaeological Ceramics from West Tinogasta The archaeological evidence of maize cultivation and consumption in West Tinogasta illustrates the importance of this staple grain in local foodways. For example, archaeobotanical remains of maize cobs and kernels were found in Fiambalá mesothermal valley in Punta Colorada (c. 650-1050 AD), Batungasta (1450-1550 AD), and the nearby site of Lorohuasi (c. 1400-1600 AD). Morphological analysis carried out by Dr. Cámara Hernández identified the local landraces Pisingallo-Capia, Morocho-Chaucha, Rosita-Colorado, and CapiaPisingallo. Ancient DNA analysis on nine specimens determined strong relationships with three complexes: Andean, South American, and those derived from the introduction of modern varieties (Lia et al., 2007). Continuity between archaeological and modern landraces is proposed for varieties such as Amarillo Chico, Amarillo Grande, Blanco, and Altiplano, all within the Andean complex (Cámara Hernández and Arancibia de Cabezas 2007).

completely combusted during pottery firing (Eerkens 2005). Therefore, any lipids recovered from the ceramic matrixes are absorbed residues of the foodstuffs cooked and/or stored in the vessels. Also, given the hydrophobic characteristics of lipids and the protective effect of the ceramic porous matrix, lipid residues are relatively well preserved. Potsherds that do not have apparent residues adhered to their inner surface can be good candidates for analysis if they have absorbed residues invisible to the naked eye (Evershed 2008). Hence, bulk isotopic analysis determines the presence of C4 carbon compounds even in samples that have undergone post-depositional processes, as it measures the δ 13C value in the mixture of the intact lipids and their degradation products (Seinfeld et al., 2009). Maize Use in the West Tinogasta Region The West Tinogasta Region is set in the south-western tip of Catamarca province in northwestern Argentina, and is part of the South Central Andes (Figure 16). West Tinogasta is a vast area comprising two longitudinal valleys named Fiambalá and Chaschuil, separated by the Narváez and Las Planchadas ranges. Both valleys have diverse and contrasting eco-zones which include the mesothermal valley (1400-2400masl), the foothills (24003500masl), the transitional puna (3500-4000masl) and the Andes mountain range (4000-6700masl). The geographical limits of this extended area are the humid valleys to the east, the southern puna highlands to the north, and Chile to the west.

In addition, local maize cultivation can be inferred from the extensive agricultural installations at different altitude levels in the mesothermal valley. These locations were intended for food production throughout the first millennium AD. During the mid-thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, the cultivated land for food production was expanded by the Inka administration in order to increase food production (Orgaz and Ratto 2013). The agricultural expansion took place in a context of interaction between local socio-political entities and foreign populations that were moved and established in the area by the Inka empire (Ratto and Boxaidós 2012; Orgaz and Ratto 2013). This particular situation was materialized with the presence of certain symbolic items such as tombs, rock art manifestations, and offerings to the sacred mountains that were displayed in the productive landscape, together with numerous lithic milling artefacts which were prevalent in these sites.

The cultural landscape of pre-Hispanic West Tinogasta was characterized by discontinuous settlement of human populations in response to the Mid-Holocene environmental variations associated with large-scale changes in climate, explosive volcanism, and recurrent seismic activity that shaped the topography and determined the habitability of the area (Ratto et al., 2013). Throughout the 1st millennium AD, communities populated the region and developed herding and agricultural economies while still maintaining hunting and gathering practices. Settlements were distributed sparsely at different altitudinal levels and eco-zones taking advantage of the different local resources (Ratto 2013). Recent research shows that between the 10th and 13th centuries AD the unstable environmental conditions combined with catastrophic volcanic events triggered population movements and site abandonments in search of eco-refuges in higher valleys where they continued to carry out their traditional ways of life (Ratto et al., 2013). The area was most probably repopulated when conditions improved in the mid-13th century AD (Ratto 2013). This also occurred during the Inka expansion between the 14th and 16th centuries AD, which promoted the movement of people with new cultural characteristics from other areas as part of a territorial domination strategy. During the 17th century AD, the Spanish colonial administration created new politically unstable conditions and caused further community relocation and new de-population (Ratto and Boxaidós 2012).

Isotopic studies on bioarchaeological remains of individuals from the Fiambalá Valley suggest differences in diet through time (Aranda et al., 2014). One case of a lactating individual from the first millennium AD indicated that the mother’s diet was based on C4 plants, most probably maize. On the other hand, the samples from the Inka period had a wide range of values, but the general tendency suggested that during Inka state presence in the region (14th to 16th century AD), there was a mixed diet with an important C4 component, a minor contribution of C3 plants, and limited access to animal protein. Materials and Methods Samples Carbon stable isotope analysis was carried out on the bulk lipid extracts from absorbed residues of eleven archaeological potsherds. Nine modern reference samples of traditional ingredients in Andean cookery were also extracted for lipids.

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Irene Lantos, Norma Ratto, Héctor Panarello, and Marta Maier with a pestle. Archaeological potsherds were cleaned by rinsing both surfaces with solvent. They were then broken into small fragments with a hammer and ground to dust in a clean porcelain mortar with a pestle. Organic extraction was carried out with a 2:1 mixture of chloroform and methanol, solvents were pre-distilled and of chromatographic quality. The samples were ultrasonificated twice for 5 minutes, and then filtered with 16 ml of distilled water. Samples were then centrifuged for 3 minutes and the organic phase was separated, this was done twice to ensure no water remained. The extracted solvents were evaporated under nitrogen current and stored in 2 ml glass vials at -20°C. Elemental Analysis Coupled to Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (EA-IRMS) Samples were weighted, loaded in tin capsules and combusted in an elemental analyser (EA) Carlo Erba coupled via a CONFLO IV interface to a Thermo DeltaV Advantage isotope ratio mass spectrometer (IRMS). Helium was used as the carrier gas. A standard of pure CO2 was measured prior to each sample. Three internal

Figure 18. Examples of archaeological potsherds selected for analysis. (a) Belén urn neck-body fragment; (b) aryballos vessel body fragment; (c) and (d) cooking pot base-body fragments.

The archaeological ceramic samples were recovered from sites that illustrate the different chronological moments of the cultural development from 450 to 1550 AD. They were recovered from different altitude levels of the mesothermal valley and the transitional puna. Sites settled during the 5th to 11th centuries AD include Palo Blanco NH3, La Troya V50 and Punta Colorada, and sites settled during the 14th to 16th centuries AD during the Inka domination of the region include Mishma 7, Batungasta and San Francisco. None of the archaeological potsherds selected for analysis had visible adhered or charred residues in their inner surface, but they had a dark and oily appearance typical of absorbed organic residues. The samples were taken from the section of the vessel with most signs of absorbed residue and they were about 4x4 centimetres in size and weighed between 20 and 30 grams. In Figure 17 the geographical, chronological and morphological details are given for each sample. Photographs of some ceramic samples are shown in Figure 18. The nine modern reference samples included C3 and C4 plants, and animals fed mostly on C3 or C4 plants (Figure 2). Four landraces of maize were chosen to obtain C4 plant values. Bovine fat was selected from NW Argentina and the Central Argentine Pampas as references of animals fed on mostly C4 or C3 plants, respectively. Also, a sample of llama jerky was included from the puna area of Jujuy province in NW Argentina. Green pepper and kidney beans were selected for C3 plant references. Sample Preparation Lipid extraction was carried out on the archaeological potsherd samples and the reference samples. Preparation of dry reference samples was included grinding them in a coffee mill, which was carefully cleaned with solvent before each use. Preparation of humid or fresh reference samples was done by grinding them in a porcelain mortar

Figure 19. Isotopic values and percent C4 estimates of bulk total lipid extracts.

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Bulk Lipid Residues in Archaeological Ceramics from West Tinogasta

Figure 20. Distributions of δ13C values and C4 fraction of bulk lipid extracts from archaeological ceramic samples. The results are presented in relation to site chronology.

calibrated reference standards covering the entire 13C range of the samples were also measured. Final results were expressed as C, defined as:

δ13C values for bovine fat. The δ13C value of sample from a bovine fed mostly on C3 pastures was -20.8‰, while that of the fat from a bovine fed mostly on C4 pastures was slightly more enriched at -19.8‰. The δ13C value for llama jerky was -28.6‰ which leads us to infer that it was fed on C3 pastures and its diet was not complemented with corn products or C4 pastures. It is worth mentioning that the isotopic signals diminish with higher trophic levels, so that less differentiated values are expected from herbivores than plants (Gannes et al., 1997).

C = [(13C/12C)sample / (13C/12C)V-PDB -1] x 1000 where C is the isotopic deviation in ‰ and V-PDB is the international standard, (Coplen et al., 2006; Gonfiantini 1978). The standard uncertainty is ±0.2‰. The C4 fraction in each sample was estimated with the following equation by Morton and Schwartz (2004):

The δ13C values and C4 fractions of extracted lipid residues from archaeological samples showed variations. The results from Palo Blanco NH3 (AD 458-639) had values which fell in the range of C3 food products. The other two samples from La Troya V50 (AD 641-719) and Punta Colorada (AD 661-1020) pointed towards a mixed preparation of C3 and C4 food products. The samples from Mishma 7 (AD 1414-1573), Batungasta (AD 1445-1558) and San Francisco (AD 1400-1500) also pointed towards a mixed consumption, except for one case from Batungasta which had more enriched levels pointing towards a greater C4 use.

PC4 = [(δsample – δC3 ref) / (δC4 ref – δC3 ref)] x 100 where PC4 is the C4 fraction in the sample, δsample is the δ13C value of the sample, δC3 ref is the most depleted modern reference value for C3 plants and δC4 ref is the most enriched reference value for C4 plants (Seinfeld et al., 2009). Given that the modern references and archaeological samples were all lipid extracts and therefore fractionation was equivalent in all cases, we considered the error reported by Hart et al. (2009) to be minimal. We also considered that modern samples are depleted on average -1.5‰ compared to archaeological samples from the pre-industrial period (Sonnerup et al., 1999).

Statistical analyses were carried out to observe trends between δ13C values, chronology, and vessel type. All numerical analyses are exploratory, given the limited sample size (N=11). Statistically, no significant trend was observed between δ13C values and site chronology, which was determined by Pearson’s x2 test (bilateral asymptotic significance: 0.279; obtained value: 6.294) using the SPSS 19 software (IBM, 2010). Nevertheless, the distinctly negative values of Palo Blanco NH3 contrast with one markedly enriched value from Batungasta, while the remaining samples are in an intermediate position (Figure 20). This information is insufficient to propose an increase of maize dependence through time, especially considering the restricted sample size, but it does pose the question of a greater access to

Preliminary Results and Discussion Results of EA-IRMS analysis and C4 fraction estimations are presented in Figure 19. As expected, reference lipid samples of C4 modern maize landraces had the most enriched δ13C values varying from -15.9‰ to -14.8‰. These values are depleted in relation to standards for whole kernels that range from -11‰ to -9‰ (Killian Galván et al., 2014). On the other hand, reference lipid samples of C3 plants were in the range -34.9‰ to -32‰ which also is more depleted than the whole edible parts of these same species. In an intermediate position were the 19

Irene Lantos, Norma Ratto, Héctor Panarello, and Marta Maier (Maize Germplasm Bank, Argentine National Institute for Agronomical Technology, INTA-Pergamino) for providing reference samples of maize landraces used in this study and Estancia La Candelaria for the llama samples. We thank Luis Coll for his invaluable help in designing the map. Special thanks go to Estela Ducós from INGEIS-CONICET-UBA. IL thanks CONICET for her PhD fellowship. MSM and HP are Research Members of CONICET.

maize in Batungasta compared to other locations. Also, the lower isotopic values in Palo Blanco could respond to a greater access to animal products rather than a maizebased diet complemented with some C3 plants (e.g. beans, peppers, squash, quinoa, algarroba, etc.) and limited animal products as seen in most sites from the first millennium AD, in contrast to site from the Inka period (thirteenth to mid-fourteenth centuries AD). In terms of morphological and functional properties of the samples, we observed no trends when comparing vessel morphological type and isotopic patterns.

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Everyday cooking pots and ritual vessels such as aryballos, aryballoid, and Belén vessels did not separate into two distinct groups. This was contrary to our expectations, because we had predicted a higher C4 signal in ritual vessels used for maize beer (chicha) production and consumption found in sites dedicated to ritual functions such as San Francisco (Orgaz et al., 2007; Orgaz 2012). This could not be inferred from the results obtained in this study, possibly due to the small sample of ritual ceramic wares analysed. An alternative hypothesis that remains for future studies is the use of the ritual vessels for the production and consumption of maize chicha and algarrobo aloja alcoholic drink, resulting in mixtures of C4 and C3 signals which are coherent with the values obtained in samples of ritual vessels. Also, animal fat may have been added post-firing to the inner walls of vessels in order to make them impermeable. This would have contributed to the mixed isotopic signals observed in our aryballos, aryballoid, and Belén vessels samples.

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Conclusion

De Niro, M. J. and Epstein, S. 1977. Mechanism of carbon isotopic fractionation associated with lipid synthesis. Science 197, 261–263.

In this paper we studied the use and consumption practices of C3 and C4 food products in bulk lipid extracts from ceramic samples in West Tinogasta region. This preliminary analysis showed a great variability of use and consumption practices which could be explained by the multiple recipes and functions a pot had during its use life resulting in organic residue ‘palimpsests’. No statistically significant correlation existed between site chronologies and isotopic signals, but a differential access to maize in the Batungasta Inka site was recognized. Another idea prompted from this study is that consumption and storage of both aloja and chicha alcoholic beverages occurred in the same festive wares, which could explain the mixed isotopic signals in this special kind of vessels. In sum, the present study demonstrated the usefulness of carbon stable isotope analysis on bulk lipid residues and triggered hypothesis for future studies on the foodways of preHispanic West Tinogasta societies.

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The study benefited from funding from the University of Buenos Aires (grant UBACYT F-0357 to Norma Ratto), the National Argentine Council of Science and Technology (grant CONICET-PIP-11220090100071 to Marta Maier) and the National Argentine Agency for the Promotion of Science and Technology (grant PICT-20120196 to Norma Ratto). We also thank Raquel Defacio

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Post, D. M., Layman, C. A., Albrey Arrington, D., Takimoto, G., Quatteochi, J. and Montaña, C. G. 2007. Getting to the fat of the matter: models, methods and assumptions for dealing with lipids in stable isotope analyses. Oecologia 152, 179–189.

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The First Archaeometric Analysis of Ceramic Pastes from the Bolivian Central Altiplano during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1100-1450): Evaluating the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier Juan Villanueva Criales This paper focuses on the Mauri-Desaguadero river line, evaluating its role as a frontier between the Carangas and Pacajes señoríos of the Bolivian central Altiplano during the Late Intermediate Period (c. AD 1100-1450). A summary of previous research in the region is provided to suggest that the Pacajes-Carangas division is more related to the influence of Early Colonial ethnohistorical accounts than to clear material distinctions in terms of architecture, settlement, and ceramic style patterns. The paper aims to evaluate the Mauri-Desaguadero frontier through a comparative study of ceramic pastes from both parts of the central Altiplano. 200 sherds from three sites on both sides of the frontier were analysed macroscopically; a smaller sample of 16 went through petrographic microscopy, and five were latter analysed by x-ray diffraction (XRD). As a result, the variability of ceramic pastes is described, and their distribution is analysed. Distributions suggest that Late Intermediate practices of acquisition and use of pottery point to fluid regional movements and to local dynamics of distinction, and do not support the notion of a marked separation between the Pacajes and Carangas cultural units. The inexistence or invisibility of the frontier suggests that a shift of focus, from the quest of rigid boundaries to the study of local social dynamics, could be productive for the archaeology of this region.

an ethnic frontier is more closely related to ethnohistorical and archaeological history of research, as I demonstrate below.

Introduction The Bolivian central Altiplano is a part of the Andean high-plateau located between the Lake Titicaca basin, to the north, and the Altiplano intersalar (a high plateau located between Coipasa and Uyuni salt lakes) to the south (Figure 21). The altitude of the central Altiplano ranges between 3800 and 4000 meters above the sea level, and its ecology provides appropriate conditions for llama and alpaca herding. Not surprisingly, the region has been inhabited in ethnohistoric and historic times by populations usually described as Aymara herders, with patterns of dispersed territoriality (e.g., Medinacelli 2010).

This paper explores the implications of the DesaguaderoMauri line for the archaeological construction of the two main central Altiplano ‘cultures’ of the Late Intermediate period: Pacajes and Carangas. It intends to show that the definition of these archaeological entities is related to the pervasive influence of an ethnohistoric model that understands the Desaguadero-Mauri line as a rigid frontier between the Pacajes and Carangas chiefdoms or señoríos. An initial brief evaluation of this boundary based on archaeological evidence previously unexplored for the region, and the characterization of ceramic pastes by archaeometric techniques, belies ethnohistoric evidence.

The central Altiplano landscape is marked by the presence of high, snow-capped mountain peaks, such as Sajama, Parinacota, Pomarape, Sabaya and Tunupa, which have traditionally had an important role in the mythology and ceremonial life of Aymara populations, being considered as powerful anthropomorphic beings (e.g., Paredes 1920). However, in this paper we focus on rivers, another type of major landscape elements. Although there are many rivers in the central Altiplano, the Desaguadero is undoubtedly the main river of the region. This river connects the lower part of Lake Titicaca, which is located to the north of the region, with the Uru-uru and Poopó lakes to the southeast. Hence, the Desaguadero runs through the entire central Altiplano. In its middle course, the Desaguadero runs eastwards, and together with the Mauri River, its main western affluent, generates a horizontal line that divides our region of study into two well defined regions to the north and south. It is worthwhile to notice that, even if they are among the widest rivers of the region, Desaguadero and Mauri are not especially difficult to cross. Therefore, they do not represent obvious or natural boundaries. The value of this Desaguadero-Mauri line as

Previous Research and Problem The Mauri-Desaguadero Line and Ethnohistory Besides being a dominant feature of the central Altiplano, the above mentioned Desaguadero and Mauri Rivers hold great importance for the archaeological study of the region, and especially for the research focused on the Late Intermediate Period (c. AD 1100-1450). In fact, the archaeology of the Late Intermediate in the central Altiplano has been deeply influenced by the idea of the Mauri-Desaguadero as a ‘natural’ ethnic frontier between the Pacajes and Carangas chiefdoms or señoríos, as described by early Colonial accounts and studied in the 1980s and 1990s by anthropologists and historians (e.g. Bouysse-Cassagne 1987; Pärssinen 2005; Saignes 1986) (Figure 22).

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Juan Villanueva Criales

Figure 21. The central Altiplano and its boundaries.

as well as different local reactions towards Inka presence (Julien 2004; Pärssinen 2005). In spite of this, in the archaeological construction of Late Intermediate ‘cultures’, the existence of a rigid Mauri-Desaguadero boundary has been uncritically assumed. This academic ‘naturalization’ of the frontier, which currently coincides with the political boundary between the Bolivian administrative divisions or departamentos of La Paz and Oruro, has discouraged comparative research between both areas. As a result, archaeologies of the northern Pacajes (Heredia 1993; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005; Pärssinen 2005; Sagárnaga 2008; Villanueva and Patiño 2008) and the southern Carangas (Díaz 2003; Gisbert 2001; Michel 2000) parts of the central Altiplano have developed separately. Given that Pacajes has been thought to have occupied not only a part of the central Altiplano, but also the southeastern portion of the Titicaca Lake basin, its archaeology can be divided into two. It is in the Titicaca basin that post-Tiwanaku manifestations were first reported and defined (e.g. Bennett 1936; Rydén 1947), and later carefully described and placed as following the earlier Tiwanaku populations (AlbarracínJordán 1996; Janusek 2003). In the Pacajes part of the central Altiplano, Late Intermediate Period archaeology

Ethnohistory describes Pacajes and Carangas as two distinct territorially-based chiefdoms, each with its own authorities, main towns or cabeceras, and often diverging political interests (e.g. Bouysse-Cassagne 1987; Gisbert 2001; Pärssinen 2005; Riviére 1988). In addition, the Mauri-Desaguadero frontier appears to be related not only to an ethnic division, but also to have formed a line between the two main pluriethnic confederations of Qollasuyu, the southeastern province of the Inka empire, during the Inka and Colonial periods. While Pacajes joined the Colla and Lupaca chiefdoms in the Colla confederation of the Titicaca basin (Julien 2004), Carangas was part of the Qaraqara-Charka confederation of the southern Altiplano and eastern valleys, together with the Charka, Qaraqara, Quillaca, Chicha, Chui and Yampara (Platt et al., 2006). As accurate and detailed as these ethnohistoric accounts may be for the Inka and Early Colonial periods, their widespread use in the archaeological reconstruction of earlier periods may be inaccurate. Combinations of archaeological and ethnohistoric research in neighbouring regions north of the central Altiplano have uncovered evidence of substantial Inka reorganization of settlement,

24

Raw Materials across the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier of many Pacajes chullperío sites, placing most of them in the second half of the Late Intermediate Period. Pärssinen also excavated, described and dated Pacajes-related ceramics in domestic contexts from the Late Intermediate Period. These data, together with a general scarcity of Tiwanaku sites in the region, led him to suggest a population movement from the Titicaca basin into the Pacajes central Altiplano after the collapse of the Tiwanaku state, around AD 1000-1100. In the Carangas area, although important descriptive work was completed by Gisbert (2001 ), it is the synthesis provided by Michel (2000) that remains pivotal. Michel does not share the use of an explicit ethnohistoric method with Pärssinen, but he does employ the chiefdom or ‘señorío’ concept in order to suggest that Late Intermediate Period Carangas was characterized by a previously consolidated polity, signalled by similarities in in architecture and settlement patterns, and common ceramic forms and decorative canons. Diverging sharply from Pärssinen’s view regarding a Titicaca Basin origin for central Altiplano populations, Michel postulates a longue durée local development of pre-Hispanic chiefdoms in Carangas, relating its origins to the Formative Wankarani culture (c. 2000 BC–AD 1300), if not earlier. Most importantly, Michel (2000) places the ‘natural’ boundary between Carangas and Pacajes at the Mauri River.

Figure 22. Pacajes and Carangas regions according to ethnohistory.

Material Correlates of the PacajesCarangas Division

was first related to sites with highly visible burial towers (referred to as chullperíos; e.g. Arellano and Kuljis 1986; Portugal Ortíz 1988; Heredia 1993). However, the main interpretation of central Altiplano Pacajes has been established by Pärssinen (2005), whose research method is explicitly related to ethnohistoric investigation and uses the latter as a guide in the search for archaeological sites. Although the major part of Pärssinen’s work on Pacajes is centred on the study of the Inka period (c. AD 14501530), it has also included evidence from earlier periods, including the Late Intermediate. In fact, one of Pärssinen’s main contributions is the radiocarbon dating

The proposed existence of two sub-regional ethnic entities divided by the Mauri-Desaguadero frontier during the Late Intermediate Period in the central Bolivian Altiplano has more to do with the excessive influence of the ethnohistoric model mentioned above than with strong archaeological evidence. A revision of the published reports on Pacajes and Carangas materials suggests that the settlement patterns and domestic architecture are similar between both sub-regions, including hilltop fortified sites (pukaras) and non-fortified sites

Figure 23. Central Altiplano ceramic shapes.

25

Juan Villanueva Criales (ciudadelas or llactas), usually composed of aggregates of stone-built circular or semi-circular dwellings (Michel 2000; Pärssinen 2005). Another important archaeological feature of the central Altiplano are burial towers sites or chullperíos. There is a wide body of literature on burial towers in the SouthCentral Andes, emphasizing their function(s), social correlates, and significance (Gil García 2001, 2010; Hyslop 1977; Isbell 1997; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005; Nielsen 2008). However, this paper focuses on ceramics and discusses burial towers only as they have been considered as material correlates of a sharp distinction between Pacajes and Carangas territories. Chullperíos throughout the region were built of adobe bricks over stone foundations with square or rectangular bases (Gisbert 2001; Heredia 1993; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005; Michel 2000; Sagárnaga 2008). In fact, work specifically focused on the chullperíos points to subtle differences within the Pacajes region (Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005), and descriptions of Carangas mortuary architecture by Michel (2000) distinguish burial towers or chullperíos from necropoli. Lacking a comparative emphasis, these studies do not show conclusive evidence for a clear Carangas-Pacajes distinction. Interestingly, chullpares have been considered by some ethnohistoric accounts as having a land-marking function in the neighbouring Titicaca Basin (Hyslop 1977). However, this function would operate at a lower, family level, and not the ethnic and territorial level of the Mauri-Desaguadero hydric line. As for pottery, this has mainly been studied through ceramic sherds collected from the surface around chullperíos, or, to a lesser extent, from domestic contexts (Michel 2000; Pärssinen 2005). Chullperíos’ ceramic materials were reported early in the history of Bolivian archaeology as the post-Decadent Tiwanaku or Khonkho style (Bennett 1936; Rydén 1947), and have subsequently received the names Colla-Pacajes (Ibarra Grasso 1968) and Pacajes (Portugal Ortíz 1988). Reported and dated to the Late Intermediate during the 1990s and 2000s in the southeastern Titicaca basin (Albarracín-Jordán 1996; Janusek 2003), this material was later reported also for the northern portion of the central Altiplano (Pärssinen 2005). Although it has been suggested that pottery from the Carangas part is different from Pacajes ceramics (Díaz 2003; Michel 2000), a comparison of published materials from both sub-regions shows that ceramic shape and decoration criteria fail to provide clear distinctions between Carangas and Pacajes.

Figure 24. A comparison between Pacajes and Carangas bowls’ decorative motifs.

very similar between the Pacajes (Albarracín-Jordán 1996; Janusek 2003; Villanueva and Patiño 2008) and the Carangas regions (Michel 2000; Díaz 2003; see Figure 24). The difficulties of making a clear distinction between Carangas and Pacajes ceramic styles are clearly apparent in the dubious and inexact adscription of certain sites to these archaeological ‘cultures’. One interesting case is the site of Anantuko or Anuntoko, in southern La Paz, first reported as a Pacajes site (Arellano and Kuljis 1986) and later proposed to be Carangas (Michel 2000). The site of Condoramaya has also been ascribed to both Carangas (Michel 2000) and Pacajes (Sagárnaga 2008; Villanueva and Patiño 2008). Another example of these problematic definitions occurs with Chillpe style in northern Chile (e.g., Dauelsberg 1973; Uribe 1999). Thought to represent Altiplano influence in the neighbouring valleys of the western precordillera, Chillpe has been attributed to both Pacajes (Albarracín-Jordán 1996) and Carangas (Michel 2000).

Both areas’ morphologic repertoire is basically the same, restricted mainly to an undecorated, pear-shaped cooking pot (olla or manqha), and three decorated shapes: a large, long-necked jar (cántaro or waqullu), an ellipsoid bowl (cuenco or pucu), and a small, one-handled pitcher (jarra) (Michel 2000; Pärssinen 2005; see Figure 23).

Methodology

Decoration on Late Intermediate central Altiplano pottery is monochrome, featuring black or dark brown designs roughly executed on a red slip. Descriptions and drawings of these decorative motifs, which include dots, hatched or dotted circles, crosses, spiral, straight and undulating lines, and stylized portly llamas or llamas gruesas, are

This review of complications in the literature demonstrates that the idea of a rigid boundary between Pacajes and Carangas señoríos formed by the MauriDesaguadero Rivers is problematic and should not be applied to Late Intermediate Period archaeology without

26

Raw Materials across the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier

Figure 25. Location of studied sites.

potters. From this point of view, the existence of a rigid boundary between two monolithic, homogeneous polities would imply a differential material distribution on both sides of the Mauri-Desaguadero line, and a strong material similitude among sites located on the same side of the dividing line.

thorough evaluation. Therefore, this work is thought to constitute a first comparative effort uniting both parts of the central Altiplano, using a material variable previously unstudied: ceramic pastes. I decided to study burial tower or chullperío sites, where surface pottery sherds exist, possibly as a result of community-based commensalistic ceremonies, as ethnohistory and ethnography suggest (e.g., Gil García 2001; Salomon 1995). The underlying idea is that to employ a given set of ceramic materials in these events required access to certain raw material sources and/or social interactions with certain groups of

N. of Towers

Orientation

19K 590452-8080987

3970 2.5

high colluvium

5

21

E

Callapa Chica

19K 570188-8064489

3900 0.9

alluvial plain

2

15 NE

Choquemarca

19K 526364-8000934

4060 2.5

low colluvium

5

23

UTM (WGS84) coordinates

Size (ha)

Condoramaya

Site

Altitude (mamsl)

N. of Sectors

This first evaluation concentrated in the immediate vicinity of the so-called frontier. Our sample was collected from three chullperíos, forming a narrow rectangle that cross-cuts the Mauri-Desaguadero line. An archaeometric characterization and comparison of

Figure 26. Characteristics of the studied sites.

27

Topographic Location

E

Reference Sagárnaga 2008 Michel 2000

Juan Villanueva Criales

Figure 27. Ceramic sample for archaeometric analyses.

without clear stratigraphic sequences. However, Inka style sherds tend to be spatially restricted to certain sectors of Choquemarca and Condoramaya (Sagárnaga 2008), which have not been included in the study as a way to gain somewhat better chronological control.

ceramic materials from these sites was carried out using ceramic petrography and x-ray diffraction (XRD). As stated above, the three chullperíos selected for study are aligned, cross-cutting the Desaguadero line. These sites are Condoramaya (Sagárnaga 2008), in northern Pacajes; Callapa Chica, first reported as Callapa (Michel 2000), in southern Carangas, very close to the Desaguadero River, and Choquemarca, in the southern part, close to the Sajama mountain (Figure 25). The sites are functionally comparable, being all funerary and ceremonial locations with burial tower alignments as their principal architectonic features. None of the sites incorporates or is associated with a domestic settlement. The sites have not been absolutely dated, but I place them in the Late Intermediate Period based on comparisons with dated ceramics (Janusek 2003; Pärssinen 2005) and burial towers (Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005) from the region.

Diagnostic pottery sherds from the three sites were collected systematically. At Choquemarca and Callapa Chica the surface collections took place in 2011, while surface collections at Condoramaya had already been carried out in 2007 and 2008 by the Amaya Uta Archaeological Project (PAAU), following the same standards. The sample for macroscopic analysis consisted of 200 sherds: 100 from Condoramaya, 44 from Callapa Chica and 56 from Choquemarca. This distribution is determined by preservation issues: Condoramaya is less known and accessible than the other two sites, which are located near the Patacamaya-Tambo Quemado road and have been looted by tourists and other curious people over the last two decades. Hence, Condoramaya has a denser surface ceramic record, of which only a 10 per cent sample was included in this study.

Earlier occupations, signalled by pottery of Tiwanaku or contemporary styles from the Middle Horizon (c. AD 600-1100), were not found at the sites. Local Inka pottery was found at Condoramaya and Choquemarca, in small amounts. It is known that Pacajes and Carangas pottery of the Late Intermediate was also present in Inka times (Janusek 2003; Michel 2000; Pärssinen 2005). This chronological problem is intrinsic to the record itself, as much as it is the product of feasting events, which tend to generate palimpsests (Hayden and Villeneuve, 2011),

As a first step, the sherds were analysed macroscopically. Our macroscopic analysis focused on the technological characteristics, especially on the qualitative definition of ceramic pastes with a 20x magnification glass, according to texture, hardness, porosity, and inclusion-type criteria (Orton et al., 1997). This first observation resulted in a preliminary definition of ten paste types, and oriented the 28

Raw Materials across the Pacajes-Carangas Frontier

Figure 28. Ceramic shape proportions according to site of provenance.

relation to the Desaguadero line were found whatsoever. Statistical chi-squared tests on the correlation analysis of my macroscopic database also revealed that the first tenpaste macroscopic classification was significantly related to the variable’s site of provenance (P=5 per cent CaO) rather than in non-calcareous clays (Tite and Maniatis 1975; Tite et el., 1982). Composition and heating rates influence sintering and vitrification, so it is possible to reach the same vitrification extension by firing calcareous clay at a low temperature (800°C) or firing non-calcareous clay at higher temperatures (950-1000°C).

Sample 4: Sintering is in process, but the pre-refiring texture changes at 600°C, suggesting that the original temperature did not exceed that. As with Sample 3, vitrification begins at 800°C, but at 1100°C, it is still continuous. Sample 5: The original firing temperature is estimated at around 700°C (the sample did not change its appearance until 800°C, and the sample conserved diatoms, a point we discuss later). The physical characteristics of Sample 5 are similar to Samples 3 and 4; vitrification begins at 1000°C and continues at 1100°C.

Physical properties (hardness, strength, permeability) are also related to the extent of vitrification (Tite and Maniatis 1975). In our reference sample, the vitrification process began above 900°C, and by 1100°C it is complete. Of the refired samples, only two reach total vitrification at 1100°C (Samples 2 and 7), and the remaining samples reach either continuous (Samples 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6) or extensive levels of vitrification (Sample 8). The high quartz content (and other rocks, observable through a low magnification microscope; Figure 79) in Samples 3, 4, 5 and 6 may have influenced the glassy phase of these clays, due the high thermal stability of quartz (>1100°C) or higher fusion temperature of sands.

Sample 6: Firing temperature estimated at 700°C, because the following image reveals changes in microstructure. Vitrification process begins at about 800-900°C with little subsequent change through 1100°C. Sample 7: The pre-heated sample has the appearance of a low temperature-fired clay and, in fact, it changes at successive refiring temperatures, revealing characteristics of sintering and vitrification. We must therefore conclude it was fired at a low temperature (i.e., below 500°). Macroscopically, however, the sample is a hard, compact block, apparently well fired, which does not break down in water and has low levels of heat percentage loss. Vitrification process begins at between 800 and 900°C, and is almost complete at 1100°C. Further compositional and mineralogical studies of this sample can confirm the firing temperature for this clay.

Samples 3, 4, 5, and 6 are hard and compact, although they can be fragmented and even powdered by hand, suggesting low initial firing temperatures ( 500°C) and contexts support its use for firing pottery. Environmental conditions (arid and dry) and available resources (clay, lime, water, wood) near where the RT285 site is located have been exploited until recent historical times, for example in furnaces for lime production (CaO). The high density of waste (fired clay blocks and pottery sherds, warped or vitrified in many cases) and their concentration and association with features of thermal disturbance may be interpreted as a ceramic production context in late prehispanic times.

Bárcena, J. R. 1998. Arqueología de Mendoza. Las Dataciones Absolutas y sus Alcances. Mendoza, EDIUNC. Cahiza, P. A. 1999-2001. Problemas y perspectivas en el estudio de la dominación inca en las tierras bajas de Mendoza y San Juan: el sitio Torre 285, Retamito. Xama 12-14, 173-197. Cahiza, P. A. 2003. La Dominación Inka en las Tierras Bajas de Mendoza y San Juan. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Cau, M. A. 2003. Cerámica Tardoromana de Cocina de las Islas Baleares. Estudio Arqueométrico. British Archaeological Report. International Series, 1182, 133-134.

Conclusions Results obtained in this study are not definitive; they are exploratory and will be contrasted with other studies underway (especially XRD to identify the phase transformations of minerals in samples, also relevant to inferring ancient firing temperatures). The study of the firing temperature of structural blocks through the

Chiavazza, H. 2012. Pescadores y horticultores ceramistas del valle de Mendoza. Resultados de las excavaciones en MB. Resúmenes de las V Jornadas Arqueológicas Cuyanas, 14-15.

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Combustion Structures in Central Western Argentina Tite, M. S. and Maniatis, Y. 1975. Examination of ancient pottery using the scanning electron microscope. Nature 257, 122-123.

De La Fuente, G. 2003. Aplicación de un Bioindicador Arqueológico (Diatomeas) para el Estudio de Fuentes de Aprovisionamiento de Arcillas. Universidad de Catamarca. Cenedit.

Tite, M. S., Freestone, I. C., Meeks, N. D. and Bimson, M. 1982. The use of scanning electron microscopy in the technological examination of ancient ceramics. In J. Olin and A. D. Franklin (eds.), Archaeological Ceramics, 109-120. Washington DC, Smithsonian Institution Press.

Feely, A. 2011. Caracterización de estructuras de doble cámara para la cocción de artefactos cerámicos en La Troya (Tinogasta, Catamarca). Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropología 36, 325-330. Freestone, I. C. and Middleton, A. P. 1987. Mineralogical applications of the analytical SEM in archaeology. Mineralogical Magazine 51, 21-31. Garibotti, I. 1997. Los carbones arqueológicos de sitios incaicos del Valle de Uspallata, provincia de Mendoza: estudio antracológico. Xama 12-14, 49-60. Gosselain, O. P. 1992. Bonfire of the enquiries. Pottery firing temperatures in archaeology. What for? Journal of Archaeological Science 19, 243-259. Heimann, R. B. 1982. Firing Technologies and their possible assessments by modern analytical methods. In J. S. Olin and A. D. Franklin (eds.), Archaeological Ceramics, 89-96. Washington DC, Smithsonian Institution Press. Hein, A., Kilikoglou, V. and Kassianidou, V. 2007. Chemical and mineralogical examination of metallurgical ceramics from a Late Bronze Age copper smelting site in Cyprus. Journal of Archaeological Science 34, 141-154. Hodder, I and Orton, C. 1990. Análisis Espacial en Arqueología. Barcelona, Crítica. Lagiglia, H. 2006. El Fuego y los Hornillos de Tierra en la Prehistoria Argentina. San Rafael, Museo de Historia Natural de San Rafael. Livingstone Smith, A. 2001. Bonfire II. The return of pottery firing temperatures. Journal of Archaeological Science 28, 991-1003. Pool, C. A. 1997. Prehispanic kilns at Matacapan, Veracruz, México. In P. M. Rice (ed.), The Prehistory and History of Ceramic Kilns, 149-171. Ceramics and civilization 7. Westerville, The American Ceramic Society. Rasmussen, K. L., De La Fuente, G. A. , Bond, A. D., Mathiesen, K. K., Vera, S. D. 2012. Pottery firing temperatures: a new method for determining the firing temperature of ceramics and burnt clay. Journal of Archaeological Science 39, 1705-1716. Roberts, J. P. 1961. Temperature measurements. Archaeometry 4(1), 19-21. Rusconi, C. 1961. Poblaciones Pre y Posthispánicas de Mendoza. Tomo I, Etnografía. Mendoza, Imprenta Oficial. Tite, M. S. 1999. Pottery production, distribution and consumption – The contribution of the physical sciences. Journal of Archaological Method and Theory 6 (3), 181-233.

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Pottery Kilns and Firing Technology during the Late and Inka Periods in the southern Abaucán Valley: a Contribution through Ceramic Petrography and XRD (Catamarca, Northwestern Argentina, Southern Andes) Guillermo A. De La Fuente and Sergio D. Vera The conservation of combustion structures for firing archaeological pottery (kilns) is rare in Northwestern Argentine. With the exception of the Batungasta archaeological site (in the central sector of Abaucán Valley, Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina), the conservation of this type of archaeological structure is scarce. In the southern sector of Abaucán Valley, in the area surrounding the SaCat01 archaeological site, an Inka site also called Costa de Reyes Nº 5, 2010 fieldwork located approximately 6 combustion structures with different degrees of conservation. The survey and excavation of two of these structures allowed us to develop further technological studies related to its configuration and the temperatures reached inside them and to radiocarbon date one structure, Unit 3H, to the Late Period (c. AD 900 – 1450). In this paper, we present the results obtained through archaeometric analyses - ceramic petrography and X-ray diffraction - carried out on the wall remains from these combustion structures. The data obtained point toward the existence of several degrees of vitrification in the pottery kilns along with some of the sherds. The presence of neoformation mineral phases such as wollastonite (CaSiO3), diopside (CaMgSi2O7), gehlenite (Ca2Al2SiO7), and hematite (Fe2O3) indicate that these combustion structures reached high temperatures ranging between 900°C and 1000°C / 1100°C.

and Payne 1976; Balkansky et al., 1997; Cabrera Castro 1988; Donnan 1997; Hayashida 1999; Payne 1982; Pool 1997, 2000; Shimada 1997; Shimada et al., 1994). For Northwestern Argentina, we can mention the exceptional case of Batungasta (central sector of Abaucán Valley, Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina), where more than 50 firing structures – pottery kilns - have been surveyed over the last 15 years; at least eight have been studied in detail (Caletti 2005; Ratto et al., 2002, 2004, 2010; De La

Introduction Pottery kilns for firing ceramic vessels are one of the most poorly preserved archaeological features in Northwestern Argentina. Several archaeological remains from these types of structures and its by-products (wasters, overfired sherds, and vitrified wall remains) from different periods of prehispanic cultural history have been studied extensively in Perú and México (Abascal 1975; Winter

Figure 80. Southern sector of Abaucán Valley (Dept. of Tinogasta, Province of Catamarca, Argentina).

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De La Fuente and Vera

Figure 81. Geographical location of the Costa de Reyes #5 archaeological site and pottery kilns.

ceramic sherds with macroscopic evidence of overfiring associated with the kilns. Archaeological ceramic sherds were analysed petrographically.

Fuente 2007; Feely 2003, 2010, 2011; Feely et al., 2010). Archaeological research on these ceramic firing structures has focused on morphological, dimensional, and firing technology analyses, paying special attention to the characteristics of the combustion chamber, the number of firing events, the type of fuel used by ancient potters, the firing atmospheres, and finally, the study of maximum firing temperatures developed in the kilns (Chatfield 2010; Gosselain 1992; Hayashida et al., 2003a, 2003b; Livingstone Smith 2001; Lumbreras et al., 2003; Pool 2000; ; Rasmussen et al., 2012; Shimada 1997; Shimada et al., 1994, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d; Sillar 2000).

Firing Technology during the Late and Inka Periods in Northwestern Argentina Most prehispanic Andean pottery has been fired in open kilns or bonfires (Chatfield 2010), although in several places in the Andean region, kilns, simple kilns, and insulated kilns of different shapes, are reported as the main method of firing ceramic vessels (Feely 2011; Feely et al., 2010; Hayashida et al., 2003b; Shimada et al., 1994, 2003b; Wagner et al., 1999). A detailed discussion on the main advantages and disadvantages of using kilns versus bonfires for firing ceramics can be found in Gosselain (1992) and Livingstone Smith (2001); and for Andean prehispanic ceramics in Sillar (2000) and Chatfield (2010). In Northwestern Argentina, the survival of kilns

In this paper, we present the results of archaeometric analyses, ceramic petrography, and X-ray diffraction (XRD) carried out on the wall fragments of six pottery kilns located in the vicinity of Costa de Reyes #5, an archaeological site in the southern Abaucán Valley, Dept. of Tinogasta, Province of Catamarca, Argentina (Figure 80). Additionally, we present information on some

Figure 82. Wall remains from the kilns with evidence of overfiring collected in the field. Also observe the negative molds of charcoal.

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Kilns and Firing Technology, southern Abaucán Valley Pottery Kilns in the southern Abaucán Valley (Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina) In the southern Abaucán Valley we identified and surveyed 6 pottery kilns geographically located very close to the Costa de Reyes #5 archaeological site (Figure 81). Costa de Reyes #5 is an Inka site, classified as a tambo that connected different sectors of Abaucán valley along the Inka road (Borello 1972, 1974). The site has been partially destroyed by the expansion of the west river bank of the Río de la Costa, as well as by the construction of a road to La Rioja province, but there are still several stone structures present with a relatively good degree of preservation. The ceramic kilns are located to the northwest of the archaeological site on a clayey bank heavily altered by fluvial erosion (Figure 81). Remains of fired earth, some of them with signs of vitrification, belonging to the walls of the kilns, together with abundant ceramic sherds, are distributed all over the surface of this bank (Figure 82; see also Díaz-Martínez et al., 2005, 156, Fig. 7). Firing structures are characterized by at least two different forms: peach-shaped and circular-shaped (see Feely 2011; Feely et al., 2010, 2051-2055; for variability in other forms). Most of the structures are partially or totally destroyed and altered by fluvial erosion and it is very difficult to distinguish their different shapes. One circular-based structure, Unit 1H, was very well preserved and partially excavated to study its content and the main characteristics of its construction (Figure 83). The structure is around 1.27m -1.37m in diameter, with 7.5cm of wall thickness. Four stratigraphic levels of 10cm each were excavated in this unit, and in the third level (30cm-40cm) a dense layer containing ash and wood charcoal debris appeared (Figure 84). No ceramic sherds were recovered from this unit (cf. Caletti 2005). Unit 3H was primarily peach-shaped, but it was largely destroyed, leaving only the bottom of the firing chamber on the site’s surface (Figure 84). An AMS radiocarbon date obtained from this structure provided a date from the end of the Late Period (De La Fuente et al., 2015).

Figure 83. Unit 1H, circular-based shape. Remains of fired earth from structural walls are distributed on the surface.

in the archaeological record is very rare. It has long been agreed that the larger ceramic vessels were fired in open pits or bonfires with a fully oxidizing atmosphere, especially those ones from the Late Period like the large burial urns and storage ollas (De La Fuente 2011, Figs. 4 and 8; Rasmussen et al., 2012). For Inka times, firing technology is not so well understood, although the study of maximum temperatures by several analytical methods on archaeological sherds in different parts of Andean region points to the use of increased temperatures associated with kilns or insulated bonfires (Chatfield 2010; Hayashida et al., 2003b; Rasmussen et al., 2012). However, the appearance of an unusual amount of pottery kilns in Batungasta (central sector of Abaucán Valley, Tinogasta, Catamarca) has led us to reassess the entire issue of firing technology during Late and Inka periods (Caletti 2005; De La Fuente 2007; Feely 2011; Feely et al., 2010; Ratto et al., 2002, 2004, 2010).

Materials and Methods Six wall fragments from pottery kilns, labelled Units 1H, 2H, 3H, 4H, were analysed with ceramic petrography and powder X-ray diffraction. Samples were polished and scanned at high resolution and then submitted to ceramic petrography (Figure 85). Two thin-sections were obtained for each sample and analysed as described in De La Fuente (2011, 240-241). Additionally, four ceramic sherds with macroscopic evidence of overfiring associated with these kilns were analysed using ceramic petrography. Petrographic analyses were carried out at the Laboratorio de Petrología y Conservación Cerámica (Escuela de Arqueología, Universidad de Catamarca) using a Karl Zeiss and Meopta polarizing microscope with magnification at 25X, 40X, and 100X.

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Figure 84. Unit 1H, stratigraphic excavation: a) first level, b) second and third level, c) fourth level containing large wood charcoal, d) stratigraphic unit with ash and wood charcoal. Unit 3H shows the bottom of the firing chamber at the surface.

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Figure 85. Polished fragments of fired earth from kiln walls. Unit 1H presents macroscopic evidence of vitrification.

Figure 86. Petrographic analysis of wall remains and overfired sherds.

Powder X-ray diffraction analyses were carried out at SECEGRIN (CCT-CONICET). The data were collected by a Seifert diffractometer, model JSO Debyeflex 2002, using Ni-filtered CuKα-radiation (tube voltage 30Kv, tube current 30mA). Data were collected over the range of 5-70 degrees 2-theta using a continuous scan for a total

data collection time of 1.2 (2ϴ/min), and a time constant of 3s for rotation.

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Figure 87. Photomicrographs: Unit 1H (a-d), felsic minerals in isotropic matrix; Unit 2H (e), very fine quartz and biotite in anistropic matrix; Unit 3H (f), very fine/fine quartz in anistropic matrix; Unit 4H (g and h) very fine quartz, biotite, plagioclase, opaque inclusions. Magnification 40X, XPL.

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Figure 88. Unit 1H, spherical pores formed by gas escape through melting in wall remains. Magnification 40X, PPL.

sherds present evidence of uneven firing conditions such as black cores and oxidized edges, together with isotropic matrices (Figure 89). Two sherds, S3 and S4, presented sectors with oval voids, glassy matrix, and recrystallization. Pores become more abundant with spherical forms (Figure 90). Initial and extended vitrification can be observed in some areas of these sherds, filling in the pores (Figure 90) (Chatfield 2010). The appearance of a glassy matrix indicates temperatures above 900°C, probably ranging between 1000°C-1100°C. Also, it is interesting to observe that only two sherds present these features, visualized in PPL, in some sectors near to the edges. This could indicate that mineralogical transformation started from the edges, moving to the core sector of the sherds as temperature increased from 800°C until 1000°C.

Results and Discussion Ceramic Petrography Ceramic petrography was carried out on the wall remains from pottery kilns as well as on ceramic sherds with macroscopic evidence of overfiring. Results obtained on samples from firing structures Units 1H, 2H, 3H, and 4H indicate high percentages (>50 per cent) of felsic minerals such as crystalline quartz and plagioclase feldspars (Figure 86). K-feldspars were detected only in Units 1H and 4H in low percentages. Minerals like biotite and muscovite were identified in lower percentages (~ 10 per cent), except for samples from Unit 2H and 4H. Accessory or secondary minerals like clinopyroxene were determined in percentages ranging between 2 per cent and 10 per cent in most of the samples. Fragments of plutonic igneous rocks were identified only in Unit 4H. A selection of photomicrographs obtained in cross-polar light (XPL) is presented in Figure 87. Additionally, volcanic igneous rock fragments (vulcanites) were identified in all firing structures in percentages below 10 per cent. The lack of calcite in Units 1H, 2H, and 3H suggests the possibility that these walls were fired at temperatures higher than 850°C, as calcite (CaO3) disintegrates from this point onwards (Buxeda i Garrigós and Cau Ontiveros 1995; De La Fuente and Carreras 2010) (Figure 86). There is a further difference between Unit 1H and the remaining units. Samples from this unit present an isotropic matrix with evidence of initial vitrification indicated by oval voids and elongated pores in some sectors of the edges, which probably suggest temperatures reached between 900°C and 1000°C (Figure 85 and Figure 88) (Chatfield 2010; Thér and Gregor 2011,135-136).

Powder X-ray Diffraction PXRD was performed in six samples from Units 1H, 2H, 3H, and 4H. Results obtained indicate the presence of several mineral neoformation phases in samples from Units 1H, 3H, and 4H, as a function of increased temperature in the kilns. The presence of Bragg peaks assignable to wollastonite (CaSiO3), diopside (CaMgSi2O7), gehlenite (Ca2Al2SiO7) and hematite (Fe2O3) show that these firing structures reached temperatures higher than 900°C, probably in the range of 1000°C–1100°C (Figure 91). Other new mineral phases of interest here but with less intense diffraction peaks are monticellite (CaMgSiO4) and forsterite (Mg2SiO4). Figure 92 summarizes the PXRD results. The evolution of clayrich raw materials related to carbonate and silicate phase reactions during ceramic firing has been studied extensively (Cultrone et al., 2001; Duminuco et al., 1998; Freestone and Middleton 1987; Riccardi et al., 1999; Tite and Maniatis 1975; Traoré et al., 2003; Trindade et al., 2009). Clay mineral kaolinite transforms into metakaolinite in the range of 450°C–500°C (Velde and Druc 1999), whereas most of phyllosilicates decompose completely at temperature ~700°C (Cultrone et al., 2001). It is known that calcite –not detected in XRD patterns- in calcareous rich clays disappear between 800°C and 850°C. Microcline (K-feldspar) disappears at temperatures above 1000°C giving sanidine at trace

Four ceramic sherds with macroscopic evidence of overfiring were also analysed. Results indicate the presence of crystalline quartz (>50 per cent), polycrystalline quartz, and plagioclase feldspars (~13-27 per cent) as the main mineral inclusions (Figure 86). Volcanic igneous rock fragments are an important constituent in these ceramic pastes (~7 - 13 per cent), together with granite fragments (~2-7 per cent) (Figure 86). Minerals like biotite and clynopiroxene are present in lower percentages in the sherds. Additionally, secondary calcite was identified in sherds S1, S2, and S4. Most 95

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Figure 89. Photomicrographs: a) Sherd S1, quartz (qz), plagioclase (pl), secondary calcite in isotropic matrix, XPL; b) Sherd S1, abundant refilled cracks produced by high temperature, PPL; c) Sherd S3, quartz (qz), vulcanite (vul), plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix; d) Sherd S3, cracks and microfractures, PPL; e) Sherd S4, quartz (qz) and plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix, XPL; and f) Sherd S4, quartz (qz), plagioclase (pl), biotite (b), plutonic igneous rock fragment (igrf) in isotropic matrix, and argillaceous inclusions, XPL. All sherds present black cores with different degrees of birefringence. Magnification 40X

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Figure 90. Photomicrographs: a) Sherd S3, spherical pores, XPL; b) Sherd S4, spherical pores, glassy matrix, and extended fluid vitrification, PPL; c) Sherd S4, spherical pores, quartz and plagioclase, XPL; d) Sherd S4, PPL, spherical pores and filled pores by meting vitrification. Magnification 40X.

Bragg peak after 1000°C. Both wollastonite and gehlenite are considered metastable phases, and in silicate rich clays they can react and give anorthite. In carbonate rich clays with an excess of CaO, however, these two neoformation mineral phases become stable phases in temperatures

diopside are dependent on the Ca content of the primary raw material, and they appear at 1000°C (wollastonite and diopside) or 850°C–900°C (gehlenite) (Cultrone et al., 2001; Trindade et al., 2009, Fig. 4 and Fig. 5,Figure 89). Other phases like neoformed hematite show an intense

Figure 91. Main mineral neoformation phases identified in Unit 1H, 3H, and 4H. Wollastonite, gehelenite, diopside, and hematite. Background noise produced by amorphous phase.

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Figure 92. Mineral phases identified by XRD.

think that kilns were part of the Inka repertoire of ceramic firing technologies. Nevertheless, this study warrants further experimental research to better understand ceramic firing processes using different types of firing structures, including kilns.

above 1100°C (Trindade et al., 2009, 349). Additionally, mullite – a new mineral phase formed at the transition between 900°C and 1000°C - was not detected in our XRD analyses. According to Trindade et al. (2009), mullite is more likely formed in silicate-rich clays than in carbonate-rich clays, giving an intense Bragg peak at 3.39 Å. In carbonate-rich clays, the formation of mullite from the decomposition of phyllosilicates (i.e. muscovite) is replaced by the formation of gehlenite through the combination of clay minerals with CaO (Trindade et al., 2009, 349). The presence of carbonates in the original clays used in making pottery produces specific mineralogical and structural modifications to ceramic pastes. An important modification is lowering the starting temperature for vitrification or melting since Ca and Mg can act as fluxes (Maggetti 1982; Rice 1987; Rye 1976; Tite and Maniatis 1975). Calcium silicates like gehlenite, wollastonite, and larnite form mainly through the reaction of calcite with clay minerals, whereas neoformation mineral phases like diopside, monticellite, akermanite, and forsterite, form through the reaction of CaO/MgO with clay minerals and silica (Trindade et al., 2009).

Acknowledgements We thank the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET), Argentina, for their financial support of this research through grant PIP 20112013. SECEGRIN is recognized for its help with the XRD analyses. The Escuela de Arqueología, Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, gave support for the ceramic petrography conducted here. Finally, many thanks to the reviewers who helped to improve the quality of the paper. References Cited Abascal, R. 1975. Los Hornos Prehispánicos en la Región de Tlaxcala. XIII Mesa Redonda de la Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología 1, 189-198. Balkansky, A. K., Feinman, G. M., Nicholas, L. M. 1997. Pottery Kilns of Ancient Ejutla, Oaxaca, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology 24(2), 139-160.

Conclusions When pottery kilns are preserved in the archaeological record, they are an extraordinary resource for investigating past firing technologies. The firing structures investigated in this study through ceramic petrography and PXRD indicate that some of units reached temperatures exceeding 900°C, probably ranging between 1000°C–1100°C. Initial vitrification and charcoal moulds were identified at least in one firing structure. As mentioned before, these results are in accordance with research done on archaeological sherds regarding maximum firing temperatures through other analytical techniques (i.e. Chatfield 2010; Hayashida et al., 2003b; Rasmussen et al., 2012). Previous research carried out in the study area determined that Late Period sherds were fired at lower ranges of temperatures than Inka sherds (Rasmussen et al., 2012), opening discussion about whether firing structures were operating at the time of Inka arrival in the region. It is possible that Late Period firing technologies for large vessels were characterized by the use of bonfires and fully oxidizing atmospheres, while kilns were built for small-size vessels like bowls, jars, plates, and aryballos during Inka times. Finally, the geographic location of the few surviving kilns close to Costa de Reyes #5, and in fact forming part of the same Inka settlement, lead us to

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Shimada, I., Häusler, W., Hutzelmann, T. and Wagner, U. 2003a. Early pottery making in Northern Coastal Peru. Part I: Mössbauer study of clays. Hyperfine Interactions 150, 73-89. Shimada, I., Goldstein, D., Sosa, J. and Wagner, U. 2003b. Early pottery making in Northern Coastal Peru. Part II: Field firing experiments. Hyperfine Interactions 150, 91-105. Shimada, I., Häusler, W., Jakob, M., Montenegro, J., Riederer, J. and Wagner, U. 2003c. Early pottery making in Northern Coastal Peru. Part III: Mössbauer study of Sicán pottery. Hyperfine Interactions 150, 107-123. Shimada, I., Häusler, W., Jakob, M., Montenegro, J., Riederer, J. and Wagner, U. 2003d. Early pottery making in Northern Coastal Peru. Part IV: Mössbauer study of ceramics from Huaca Sialupe. Hyperfine Interactions 150, 125-139. Shimada, I. 1997. The variability and evolution of prehispanic kilns on the Peruvian Coast. In P. Rice (ed.), Ceramics and Civilization, Volume 3, 103-127. Westerville, American Ceramic Society. Sillar, B. 2000. Dung by preference: the choice of fuel as an example of how Andean pottery production is embedded within wider technical, social, and economic practices. Archaeometry 42(1), 43-60. Thér, R. and Gregor, M. 2011. Experimental reconstruction of the pottery firing process of Late Bronze Age Pottery from North-Eastern Bohemia. In S. Scarcella (ed.), Archaeological Ceramics: A Review

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A Cross-Polarized View of Ceramic Studies in the Southern Cone Isabelle Druc analysis, construction materials and firing structures, methods of non-destructive analysis, and conservation of ceramic materials (e.g. Acevedo et al., 2012, 2015; López et al., 2010; Marte et al., 2012; also see the review by Balesta and Williams 2007 on the development of ceramic analysis in Argentina). A good index of the popularity of petrography in Argentina is its presence on the national stage, with a full session on petrography methodology to be held during the 2016 National Archaeology Meeting in Tucuman, Argentina. Interesting to note is the predominance of women in the field of ceramic studies and petrographic analysis in particular in South and North America, in contrast to the Anglo-Saxon world.

This volume is based upon the proceedings of a ceramic symposium in Arica, Chile, in 2011 and therefore represents only a fraction of the ceramic analyses carried on in the Andes. The discipline, however, attracts a growing number of national proponents and several archaeometric meetings, while symposia and classes have been organized in Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Brazil in the last ten years. As an example, the 3rd Argentinian and Latin American archaeometry meeting in 2009 was a 4day event with 112 talks dedicated to the analysis of ceramic materials by investigators from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil and Mexico (Bertolino et al., 2010). Characterization studies of archaeological ceramics in Peru and Ecuador started in the early 1970s (Arnold 1972; Bruhns et al., 1990; Ixer and Lunt 1991; Krzanowski 1986; Rozenberg and Picon 1985) and became more common in the mid-1990s and later. These early studies involved petrographic analysis, SEM, XRF, and XRD, with INAA being used as of the 1990s. A marked increase in provenance studies has occurred in the past ten years (e.g. Alden et al., 2006; Druc 1998, 2004; Druc et al., 2013; Makowski et al., 2008; Shwartz 2010; Sharratt et al., 2009; Shimada ed. 1994; Vaughn and Neff 2000; see Ghezzi 2011 for a more extensive list), with an important shift in Peru with regard to the control, teaching, and divulgation of the discipline. This increase and favourable context as described by Ivan Ghezzi (2011) prompted him to present a review of the different techniques used in archaeometry for the question of ceramic provenance and in particular chemical and statistical analyses of compositional data. A similar, favourable, context is seen in Chile and Argentina as well, which actually dates back further if we consider the participation of national researchers involved in ceramic analysis in these countries. In Colombia the emphasis is on the characterization of ancient metals and restoration work (e.g. Fernández Reguera 2010), while archaeological ceramic studies are still very few and rarely published. Ceramic petrography is halted by the very high cost of preparing thin sections and SEM is preferred. However, renewed interest in ceramic analysis should see more ceramic studies conducted soon in Colombia.

Turning to the different chapters in this volume, their emphasis on methodology and a clear description will benefit the research in the field. Several lines of investigation are developed: provenance, technology, function and use, production, distribution and material culture linked to ethnicity and territory, all of which offer many venues for discussion. Cremonte and Botto present a detailed and comprehensive analysis of early ceramics (petrography, SEM-EDS) from Northwest Argentina, laying down the premises for a deeper understanding of the production, diversity and utilization of the wares used and circulating among the mobile agropastoral communities who occupied Cueva de Cristóbal in the puna of the Jujuy Province. Their knowledge of the geological environment of the region of study allows them to link the use of certain raw materials to specific outcrops within 10 km from the site, a normal distance by Andean standards (Druc 2013). It is not known at this stage if the diversity of paste recipes observed are due to temporal or functional differences (the ceramic studied span roughly 500 years), or to technological traditions of different concurrent groups living in or visiting the cave. Of relevance here is an early XRF study by Rozenberg and Picon (1985, 1990) of Early Formative ceramics from Piruru (1800–1500 BC) in the Central Peruvian Highlands. Their study showed that paste diversity and production characteristics could be linked to seasonal occupation of the site, which is an interesting distribution scenario, in particular for sites occupied intermittently by hunter-gatherers and early societies. Piruru was first a small ceremonial centre visited by semi-nomadic groups which later become a small village with an increasingly sedentary population. Three of the four ceramic types present at the site were found to be nonlocal when compared with the local clays, and were better executed than the local, coarse ware. These nonlocal ceramics are interpreted as part of the assemblage of seasonal or nomadic inhabitants, and are present since the initial occupation of the site, while the

In Argentina and Chile ceramic and paste studies involving petrography and elemental analysis started in the 1980s, under the impetus and direction of leading investigators such as Beatriz Cremonte, Ana María Lorandi, and Verónica Williams in Argentina, or Fernanda Falabella and Lorena Sanhueza in Chile, who conducted research and developed courses in ceramic analysis. They are followed by a score of younger researchers who are developing the discipline further, enlarging the focus of research to include pigment 103

Isabelle Druc Implicit in the argument put forth by Villanueva is the notion of technological traditions or styles. This notion has been developed by a number of French and Belgian scholars like André Leroi Gourhan (1988), Olivier Gosselain (1992, 2000, 2002); Alexander Livingstone Smith (2000, 2007), and Valentine Roux (2011), as well as by Americans Heather Lechtman (1977) and James Sackett (1990) whose isochrestic model argues that style serves as an identity and ethnicity marker. However, linking technology and ethnic identity was already under consideration by South American scholars in the mid1980s and early 1990s (e.g. Lorandi 1984; Williams and Cremonte 1992-1993), while the concept of the chaîne opératoire is currently very popular and developed in Argentina in particular by De La Fuente (2011a, 2011b). According to these research orientations, ceramic traditions and technological styles derive from learned behaviour or choices dictated by the socio-cultural traditions to which potters belong. Thus, neighbouring polities or communities could have similar formal repertories of containers but could follow different technological styles, that is: a way to produce a pot particular to an area, from the type of raw materials used and their processing, to paste recipe, manufacture, and firing techniques. These technological steps are often invisible in the finished product, contrary to decoration and form, and thus can be better identity markers, as suggested by Olivier Gosselain (2000:192; see also Stark 1998 and Stark et al., 2000:298, 324). The question of identity, technology, and style is also developed by researchers working in the Southern Cone, like Mariel López (2007, 2009, 2012). Indeed, a study of traditional ceramics and technological styles conducted in the Peruvian highlands in the Department of Ancash showed that ethnohistoric documents combined two different cultural groups under the same denomination of Huari (Druc 2009). The study and petrographic analysis of ceramics from several villages within the area of the Huari group revealed different technological traditions with a distribution that comforted the existence of distinct parcialidades (socio-political subdivisions) co-occupying different territories).

local ware develops later and co-exists with these bettermade ceramics (Rozenberg and Picon 1990:10–11). One factor that could account for the paste diversity observed is the practice of collecting raw materials while conducting other activities such as herding, fishing, or fetching water, activities that can be distant from the production place. Another practice is to mine materials along pathways to other places within the community sphere of interaction (Fowler et al., 2008) or sphere of experience (Gosselain 2008:33). Stable carbon isotope analysis of lipid residues in ceramics by Lantos, Ratto, Panarello and Maier yield very interesting results, with a clear description of methods they used. It shows that this area of research is wellmastered in Argentina and can bring valuable information to understand food habits in ancient South America. Residue analysis is not frequent in South America but is picking up momentum following different interests. For example, Matsumoto (2011) conducted residue analysis for ceramics from the site of Campanayuq Rumi in the south-central Highlands of Peru, Craig (2013) has studied salt contamination of residues in Andean vessels, Pazzarelli (2007) discussed the interpretation of organic residues in Argentinian cases, Acevedo and Lopez (2010) have examined surface residues on Argentinian ceramics, and Vallières (2012) studied Tiwanaku culinary habits and social identity through residues on ceramic vessels. A large volume on ancient and traditional food and eating habits was also recently edited by Babot and colleagues (2012). Finally, use-wear analysis was used to infer cooking habits, diet, and ware function in Maranga, an ancient site lying beneath Lima, and on Guaraní ceramics (Schaefer and Meirelles 2009; Schaefer and Neubauer 2013). The participation of Bolivian investigator Juan Villanueva Criales to this volume allows a welcome insight into some of the research conducted in Bolivia, offering a sharp look at the theme of ethnic boundaries that questions the literal use of ethnohistoric sources to define territorial limits. Villanueva’s discussion is based on the petrographic and XRD analyses of ceramic raw materials from the Bolivian central Altiplano during the Late Intermediate Period (c. AD 1100-1450). Villanueva's evaluation of the PacajesCarangas frontier falls right into the present reconsideration of the use of ethnohistoric documents, which, in the past, led us to envision the existence of political groups with rigid borders. Villanueva's work yields convincing proof that such boundaries are colonial artefacts. He suggests that social dynamics shaped regional movements and aims to deconstruct the assumption that neighbouring polities would be delimited by a 'rigid frontier' defined by differential material distributions (this volume). He further highlights that similarities should be stronger within the same polity, an idea somewhat akin to the provenance postulate expressed by Weigand, Harbottle and Sayre (1977:24). These authors posit that differences in composition between sources should be greater than within a source, a postulate widely used in archaeometry.

As in the preceding example where petrography and technological styles helped delineate community boundaries, the LA-ICP-MS study by Sharratt and her colleagues (2009) recognized the impact of political division on the exploitation of raw material sources. The study was conducted in the Moquegua Valley of Peru and showed that Middle Horizon potters (AD 600–1000) from Wari and Tiwanaku settlements would mine resources in different parts of the valley according to their respective cultural and political affiliation. Wari potters or potters living in the Wari-dominated area, and in Cerro Baúl in particular, would use clays from highland sources, while potters working for or in the Tiwanaku settlement of Chen-Chen got clays from mid-valley locations (Sharratt et al., 2009: 816). In other words, the cultural, social, economic, and political environments potters live in influence their choices and the way they work, and these choices are not necessarily as visible as style and form.

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Ceramic Studies in the Southern Cone compilations by Arnold 1985, 2006; Druc 2013; and Heidke et al., 2007). However, the problem of potters' choices upon material selection is still not well or not often incorporated into the discussion and interpretation of Andean archaeological data. Interestingly, while knowing that the potters interviewed could travel far to get their materials, the authors still conform to Arnold’s (1985, 2011) distance scheme of 7-9 km from the potter’s workshop to their raw material sources and call the wares produced using sources within this distance bracket ‘local’. A recent review of Andean cases, however, shows that distances to raw materials in the Andes are often more than Arnold's 7 to 9 km and that 'local' attributions should be on a case by case basis (Druc 2013). Of interest is the hypothesis of Minc and her colleagues that the compositional difference observed on large sites would represent vessels brought by distant subjects visiting the site on feasting occasions, rather than a testimony of interregional interaction between large or chiefly sites. Tamara Bray (1995) advanced a similar argument to explain the wide distribution of Panzaleo ware, used for ritual or festive activities. Such a hypothesis can be considered for other regions of the Andes as well.

As a counter example to these comments - but so far unsupported by archaeometric analysis- is a ceramic study by Olga Kalentzidou in the region of Evros, northeastern Greece (2000). This author examines the question of ethnicity in relation to the shift of political boundaries, and the impact of ethnic relocation from Ottoman to modern times and how these affected ceramic production and material culture patterning. The result of her study shows that, even though pre-1923 pottery workshops were abandoned or destroyed, the region was divided between Bulgaria, Turkey and Greece, and potters were relocated according to their religious ascription, the repertoire and manufacture styles of utilitarian wares remained similar. Forms and decorations were not limited by geographical, topographical, social, or political borders. Potters from one ethnic group could manufacture pots the same way as other potters, producing the same forms, and customers would buy from any potter, whatever his ethnic origin. Kalentzidou observes that markets are places where ethnic diets and cultural traditions juxtapose and mix, and pottery styles are shared. Her study speaks in favour of a 'permeable' or 'fluid border', as Villanueva proposes for the Altiplano case he presents. The notion of the fluid nature of social and cultural identities is not new (see Anderson 1991, Barth 1969, Dietler and Herbich 1994, 1998), but it is only recently being applied to the Andean context.

The heating experiment to evaluate firing temperatures conducted by Zagorodny her colleagues (this volume) provides a clear methodology for conducting this type of analysis. The methods used are XRD, mercury intrusion and observation of colour change before and after refiring test samples. Assessing firing temperatures is not frequently done in South America and the Moessbauer Spectroscopy studies conducted by Ursula Wagner and colleagues (1988, 1994, 1998) on Formative ceramics (ca. 1st millennium BC) from Peru and Colombia remains a key reference in this regard. Their results show that firing temperatures ranged between 600 and 900 degrees Celsius for open fires, which must have presented conditions of reduced access of oxygen during most of the firing and an oxidation phase at the end. The ceramic fragment chosen by Zagorodny and colleagues shows an original firing temperature of 700 to 750 degrees Celsius that falls within Wagner et al.’s bracket, but the most interesting result is probably showing the level of knowledge and technology of the potter who produced the Belén jar under study. Apparently, the paste of this type of vessel contained volcanic glass and pumice, which, fired at about 700-750 degrees Celsius, would allow the potter to achieve a porous and light product, despite the large size of the jar. Echallier (1984:18-19) stresses that obtaining a firing temperature alone does not inform us much about ceramic technology, and that composition, granulometry, and the length and conditions of firing are more important than the maximum temperature reached to produce a good product. As well, sherd contamination during its depositional history is a variable that needs to be taken into consideration when assessing temperatures (and for many other ceramic analyses, see Wagner et al., 1994 for such an example). Gosselain (1992) also demonstrates that temperatures within the same firing event can diverge greatly if one places a thermocouple at the centre or on the periphery of the structure.

Diverging in its geographical focus, the study by Minc, Yanchar, Bray and Echeverría reframes the question of ware production and circulation under Inca rule in northern highland Ecuador. The problem of Inca impact on local population and on ceramic production in particular is a theme of interest to many researchers across the Andes, and is one that has prevailed for decades. With the growing number of ceramic analyses in the Andes, it is now recognized that Inca influence upon ceramic production varied according to specific contexts and regions. Generally, these studies contradict the original belief that Inca-style wares were imported. We see that long-distance imports were rare and that local manufacturing, using local materials, was responsible for many of the different styles observed in one area, including imitations of the Cuzco-type wares (Bray 2004, Costin 2001; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; D’Altroy and Bishop 1990; Donnan 1997; Hayashida 1999; Hayashida et al., 2003; Makowski et al., 2008; Sillar 2012; see Druc 2013 for a detailed discussion of this question and counter-examples). In addition to presenting the geological setting and information on the process of transformation of volcanic ash to clay, Minc and her colleagues describe an ethnoarchaeological study they conducted to obtain comparative materials, including interviews with potters, sampling of raw materials and finished products, an exploration of different production processes, and their analysis. In their case study, clays were not widely available, potters would often mix two or three clays together from different locations often far from each workshop, and each mix reflects potters’ choices and not necessarily local materials (Minc et al., this volume). These findings echo the conclusions from many similar studies around the world (see for example the 105

Isabelle Druc S. Bertolino, R. Cattáneo, and A. Izeta (eds), La Arqueometría en Argentina y Latinoamérica, 345352. Córdoba, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba.

The following two chapters also deal with firing technology. Ots and Cahiza explore a material rarely analysed in South American studies: the bricks from combustion structures. The authors resort to SEM-EDX to assess the temperature to which these blocks have been subjected based on microtextural and mineralogical changes, which subsequently allows them to propose a function for these structures. The article falls short on yielding definitive results, however, and further analysis are planned for later, in particular XRD of the raw material used for the control sample. It is also not guaranteed that all the structures encountered in the region would have been used in the same way as fire pits for ceramic production. Finally, De La Fuente and Vera examine kilns and firing technology, but with a combination of petrography and XRD. Investigation on the construction of firing structures is, again, an underresearched topic in South American archaeometry, except for prior studies by De La Fuente and a handful of other scholars (e.g. Donnan 1997; Rice 1994; Santos Varela 1989; Shimada 1994). This is mostly due to the scarcity of kiln remains or. The authors' statement referring to the poorly preserved combustion structures of NW Argentina applies to other parts of South America as well. Although Peru has witnessed a long history of ceramic research, the number of surviving pre-Hispanic kilns or firing structures is low. Methodologically, De la Fuente and Vera´s detailed description of the mineral transformations observed in ceramic sherds and wall samples is very interesting. A question arises, however, with regards to the incidence of recurrent firing events upon the sintering and vitrification of the bricks forming the structures and the estimation of firing temperatures, as well as how repeated firing and cooling periods would affect compositional and textural changes.

Acevedo, V. J., López, M. A., Freire, E., Halac, E. B., Polla, G. and Reinoso, M. 2012. Estudios de pigmentos en la alfarería estilo negro sobre rojo de Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina. Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 17(2), 3951. Acevedo, V. J., López, M. A., Freire, E., Halac, E. B., Polla, G. and F. Marte. 2015. Caracterización arqueométrica de pigmentos color negro de material cerámico de la Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina. Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena 47(2), 229-238. Alden, J. R., Minc, L. and Lynch, T. F. 2006. Identifying the sources of Inka period ceramics from northern Chile: results of a neutron activation study. Journal of Archaeological Science 33, 575-594. Anderson, B. 1991. Imagined Communities. London, Verso. Arnold, D. E. 1972. Mineral analysis of ceramic materials from Quinua, Department of Ayacucho, Peru. Archaeometry 14(1), 93–101. Arnold, D. E. 1985. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Arnold, D. E. 2006. The threshold model for ceramic resources: A refinement. In D. Gheorghiu (ed.), Ceramic Studies: Papers on the Social and Cultural Significance of Ceramics in Europe and Eurasia from Prehistoric to Historic Times, 3–9. BAR International Series 1553. Oxford, BAR Publishing.

These examples show how important it is to contextualize a study, and how diversified case studies can be. The present volume contributes to building up a growing database for South America, which will soon allow us to conduct comparative studies at the regional and interregional levels. The exponential rate of ceramic investigations of archaeometric nature in Argentina and Chile will soon bypass ceramic research conducted in the rest of South America, most importantly when considering the number of national researchers involved in ceramic analysis and the ever growing problems for foreign investigators wishing to export material for analysis. The vigour of the discipline in South America can also be measured by the number of Internet sites, e-platforms, online discussions, and journals offering a stage for South American ceramic analysis. Archaeometric studies in South America will soon reveal a more complete vision of ancient ceramic production in this part of the world, of the evolution, complexity, processes, and traditions that characterize each region and the human interactions responsible for the diversity observed.

Arnold D. E. 2011. Classics Reviews: Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process after 25 Years. Ethnoarchaeology 3(1): 63-98. Babot, M. P., Marschoff, M. and Pazzarelli, F. (eds.) 2012 Las manos en la masa: Arqueologías, Antropologías e Historias de la Alimentación en Suramérica. Córdoba, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba y Museo de Antropología. Balesta, B. and Williams, V. 2007. El análisis ceramológico desde 1936 hasta nuestros días. Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropología 32, 169-190. Barth, F. 1969. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Boston, Little Brown. Bertolino, S., Cattáneo, R. and Izeta, A. 2010. La Arqueometría en Argentina y Latinoamérica. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Córdoba.

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Lorandi, A. M. 1984. Soñocamayoc. Los olleros del Inka.en los Centros manufactureros del Tucumán. Revista del Museo de La Plata 7(62), 303-327. Makowski, K., Ghezzi, I., Guerrero, D., Neff, H., Jiménez, M., Oré, G. and Álvarez-Calderón, R. 2008. Pachacamac, Ychsma y los Caringas: Estilos e 108

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Shwartz P. 2010. X-ray fluorescence analysis of ceramics from Santa Rita B., Northern Peru. Unpublished Master thesis, Florida State University.

Weigand, P. C., Harbottle, G. and Sayre, E. V. 1977. Turquoise sources and source analysis: Mesoamerica and the Southwestern U.S.A. In K. Earle and J. E. Ericson (eds), Exchange Systems in Prehistory, 15-34. New York, Academic Press.

Sharratt, N., Golitko, M., Williams, R. P. and L. Dussubieux. 2009. Ceramic production during the Middle Horizon: Wari and Tiwanaku clay procurement in the Moquegua Valley, Peru. Geoarchaeology 24(6), 792-820.

Williams, V. and Cremonte, M. 1992-1993. ¿Mitmaqkuna o circulación de bienes? Indicadores de la producción cerámica como identificadores étnicos. Un caso de estudio en el Noroeste Argentino. Avances en Arqueología 2, 9-21.

Shimada, I. (ed.). 1994. Tecnología y organización de la producción de cerámica prehispánica en los Andes. Lima, Fondo Editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Sillar, B. 2012. Supply on command: The development of Inka pottery production in the Cuzco area. Paper presented at the 77th meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, April 21, Memphis, TN. Stark, M. T. 1998. Technical Choices and Social Boundaries in Material Culture Patterning: An Introduction. In M. T. Stark (ed.), The Archaeology of Social Boundaries, 1-11. Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution. Stark, M. T., Bishop, R. L. and Miksa, E. 2000. Ceramic technology and social boundaries: Cultural practices in Kalinga clay selection and use. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7(4), 295–331. Vallières, C. 2012. A Taste of Tiwanaku: Daily Culinary Practices in an Ancient Andean Urban Neighborhood. 40 Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory Field Museum, Chicago. Vaughn, K. J. and Neff, H. 2000. Moving beyond iconography: Neutron activation analysis of ceramics from Marcaya, an Early Nasca domestic site. Journal of Field Archaeology 27(1), 75-90. Wagner, U., Brandis, S. V., Ulbert, C., Wagner, F. E., Müller-Karpe, H., Riederer, J. and Tellenbach, M. 1988. First results of a Mössbauer and neutron activation analysis study of recent ceramic finds from Montegrande, Peru. In R. M. Farquhar, R. G. V. Hancock and L. A. Pavlish (eds), Proceedings of the 26th International Archaeometry Symposium, 35-42. Toronto, University of Toronto. Wagner, U., Gebhard, R., Murad, E., Riederer, J., Shimada, I., Ulbert, C., Wagner, F. E., and Wippern, A. M. 1994. Condiciones de cocción y características de composición de la cerámica formativa: Perspectiva arqueométrica. In I. Shimada (ed.), Tecnología y organización de la producción de cerámica prehispánica en los Andes, 121-156. Lima, Fondo Editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Wagner, U., Gebhard, R., Murad, E., Riederer, J., Shimada, I., Ulbert C. and Wagner, F. 1998. Production of Formative ceramics: Assessment by physical methods. MASCA Research papers in

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About Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology Mauricio Uribe Andean developments of these countries. In this regard, our assessment is that the book we are here commenting does not escape the dilemma of the multiple interpretations nor the contradictions in the production of knowledge, especially that kind of knowledge included within ‘science’ and its ‘science metrics’. From this point of view, both specifically and generally, we are interested in highlighting some of the characteristics of the content of this book which, methodological strengths aside -better described and commented by Isabelle Druc, this volumecontribute and invite to critically think about the profession of the archaeologists, especially from the Latin American margins of science.

By Way of an Introduction We know that the term ‘archaeometry’ appeared in our discipline in relation to the name of the journal ‘Archaeometry’, founded in 1958 by the Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art at Oxford University (Montero et al., 2007). From that moment on, its definition has been evolving through time according to the contents of the journal and the development of archaeology, although it is clearly linked to the natural sciences and strongly oriented toward physicochemical analyses of materials, quantification, and, secondarily, zoology and botany. Concurrently, the term ‘scientific archaeology’ has also been used, linked to the ‘Journal of Archaeological Science’, which, since 1974, has tended to reinforce the link with the biological sciences, but which has not become as popular as the term archaeometry, at least not in the Spanish-speaking world. Nowadays, it is possible to observe a convergence of these studies as they are integrated within a more inclusive concept of archaeometry that includes: dating, physicochemical and environmental analyses, geophysics, tele-detection and systems of geographical information, mathematics and statistics, conservation, among other themes.

As their contributions are relevant, we thought it necessary to make a brief thematic, rather than sequential, characterization of these works, and then share our personal reflection. The works here can be grouped, firstly, into those technologically oriented and related to the production of pottery, where we can find the studies by Cremonte and Botto, Zagorodny and colleagues, Ots and Cahiza, De La Fuente and Vera; those that have applied petrography, X-Ray diffraction, scanning electron microscopy, spectrometry, porosimetry and colour analysis, both in fragments and ceramic pastes as well as in samples of combustion structures or furnaces. Secondly, another important group is composed by studies taking a sociocultural perspective, related to identities and interaction, for example, Ramundo and Cremonte, Villanueva, Minc and colleagues, all of which centred around the analysis of pastes and clay, using practically the same repertoire of techniques mentioned before (petrography, X-ray diffraction, neutronic activation analysis, etc.) to which ethno-archaeology is added. A third group, although unique, is represented by the study by Lantos and colleagues which focuses on the use and culinary employment of pottery from the analysis of stable isotopes in the residues found in pottery, accumulated under its surface and paste. This is the order we have chosen to summarize the main contributions of these articles.

In relation to this, we agree with Montero and colleagues (2007) in that data collection from the archaeological record has been a constant concern in the discipline, which is why its possibilities have been constrained or enhanced, along the history of research, by the development and availability of analysis techniques. From this perspective, the studies, conferences and publications on these issues are a concrete expression of that permanent concern of archaeology with the collection and construction of its data. Archaeometric concern is, without a doubt, the result of the analytic maturity reached by the discipline and of the possibilities offered by the technological advances in today’s globalized world. Additionally, in our view, this also responds to the need for keeping the status of science gained by twentieth century archaeology, and to a certain economy of knowledge that obliges to produce in ‘scientific’ terms. Nevertheless, we are aware that this scientific paradigm has been under heavy criticism and debate since the end of the last century, within the context of the crisis of western modernity.

Notes on the Articles Cremonte and Botto’s work on the characterization of pastes and ceramics of the site Cueva de Cristóbal, located in the Jujuy puna (Argentina), is an attempt to contribute to the understanding of the processes that lead to the adoption of technologies such as pottery. These results provide relevant information as the samples, rather than coming from funerary contexts, come from habitational occupations related to groups that still had a high mobility and a lifestyle consistent with a hunter-gatherer lifestyle. The site comprises a rocky shelter that offers valuable information about the first agro-pastoral occupations in the highlands of northwest Argentina, and, in particular, it

Precisely, the present volume gathers a series of works presented at the Symposium Characterization of Materials: Ceramic, Wares and Glass, within the Third Latin American Archaeometry Congress, held in 2011 in the city of Arica, Chile. This compilation brings together a selection of ‘archaeometric’ studies carried out in Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador, all of which focus on ceramic and are embedded in the predicaments of the

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Mauricio Uribe For this study, a fragment of a funerary urn was divided into several pieces which were subjected to different temperatures (550-1000 degrees Celsius). The results accounted for changes in the texture, composition and colours of the samples. This allowed the authors to put forward some hypotheses about the original temperature reached by the firing of the ceramic vessel. All of this is understood under the ethnographic assumption that the type of furnace, the fuel, the duration of the cooking, and the temperature reached, have a direct impact on the integrity and the characteristics of the final product. However, its importance stems from the fact that, in the generalized absence of traces of that stage of production, the analyses proposed in this study allow a closer look into that part of the sequence or operative chain through ceramic evidence itself.

stands out for the presence of the oldest ceramics in this part of the South Andes (3000-2500 BP). For the purposes of this characterization, three recurring types were identified, corresponding to smooth, smooth-rough and corrugated pots, which, through petrographic analyses, revealed the existence of certain variability. Scanning electron microscopic observations were also carried out along with vibrational spectrometry, which allowed determining the existence of local manufacture and the exchange of foreign pieces. Despite the reduced size of the sample, the petrographic analysis carried out on 11 fragments allowed to distinguish five types of paste and ten varieties, showing great internal diversity although coincident with the local lithology rich in sedimentary rocks. Thus, we agree with the authors in that this considerable variation suggests the complexity of the process generated around the production and circulation of early pottery during the archaic-formative transition, which must be understood in a context of high mobility. Precisely, it is concluded from this that the material in Cueva Cristóbal confirms a series of expectations regarding what to observe and expect from the study of early pottery, such as thick inclusions to strengthen the walls, diversity of inclusions due to constant movements, limited variation in morphology and a careful treatment of surfaces, although general low work investment would predominate.

Thus, from the diffraction and porosimetry analyses it was possible to establish that the original cooking conditions were kept around 700-750 degrees Celsius, as the fragments exposed to that temperature maintained their original characteristics, whereas the biggest changes were detected in the samples exposed to higher temperatures which affected the mineral phases and the size of the pores, as well as saturated the colour. According to these conditions and in agreement with their petrographic characteristics, it was inferred that, regardless of the size, several other more porous and lighter pots were produced in order to facilitate their transport and mobility. Additionally, according to some iconographic appreciations, it is suggested that these pieces were used as water containers due to their association with decoration based on snakes and other animals that make reference to phenomena such as rain.

Beyond this, however, we are interested in highlighting that this work is able to propose that the communities knew and managed in depth their surrounding environment, in particular its geology and lithology. This strengthens the possibility that it might have been the same local archaic populations who, for some reason, took advantage of this knowledge and innovated in their technologies. This does not invalidate situations of contact and exchange; however, it could also explain the presence of non-local raw materials within the set studied, because these groups could access other sources along their mobility circuits to both Andean slopes. In this respect, we suggest to the authors that the characterization of ceramic pastes that they have carried out be directed towards that social reflection and take advantage of the cultural potential of their work, as this cannot be limited to the sampling problems that naturally affect the archaeological record. We make a call, as they also point out, to delve into the early potters’ handling of the materials offered to them by the environment they inhabited and traversed as well as the technological decisions they made regarding these materials.

In this regard, we would like to stress that the authors provide concrete information about the temperature at which ceramic was exposed during its elaboration. This information is generally the result of speculation and general ethnographic data. The conclusion of this work is equally attractive and suggestive, and it is an invitation to continue exploring this path, combining the processes of manufacture and other archaeological analyses such as iconographic analysis. However, it also stresses the need to develop a balanced articulation with the cultural and historical context where the process took place and the objects derived from the production system, in order to better understand and value both the physical and symbolic qualities offered by the technologies. In this respect, the question arises as to how these light vessels connected with water fit in the dynamics of the regional developments of the Late Intermediate. This information is, as of yet, missing.

Zagorodny and colleagues present an experimental study from which they tried to estimate the temperature of the cooking process of ceramic by using X-Ray diffraction analysis, mercury porosimetry, and colour characterization. This work was done on Black on Red Belén pottery, typical of the Late Intermediate period or Regional Development Period in northwest Argentina (AD 900-1480), from the Cerro Colorado de la Ciénaga de Abajo village (150 masl), located in the Hualfin valley, on the eastern slope of the Andes.

A very similar study is presented by Ots and Cahiza, but in this case the focus is the cooking structures, still less known but recorded to the south of San Juan and north of Mendoza, in the central western part of Argentina. In particular, they study the burning structures of the Retamito Torre 285 site (CS1 and CS2), one of them dated to historic times (c. AD 1655), although also linked to the Viluco pottery of Incaic times. Samples were taken from the walls of the structures, which were then re-heated at 112

Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology about burning according to the chamber employed, the types of fuel and the cooking atmosphere.

different temperatures between 400 and 1100 degrees Celsius in order to identify micro-textural changes in comparison to samples that were not heated. Although inconclusive, and because more support data is needed, their results suggest that such structures reached temperatures between 600 and 800 degrees Celsius.

The sample studied here corresponds to six fragments of wall and four of over-cooked pottery. Results showed different degrees of vitrification both in the wall fragments and in the associated pottery pieces. This would document the formation of new mineral phases (e.g., wollastonite, diopside, gehlenite and hematite) and, therefore, that the material experienced temperatures between 900 and 1000/1100 degrees Celsius. This would be in line with studies that stress the presence of carbonates and silicates in the clay traditionally used by potters and the effects of firing on them which cause specific mineralogical and structural transformations such as the ones described. They would then constitute furnaces for ceramic production.

The samples of burnt walls and floors were first treated with water so as to confirm that, thanks to their impermeability, they were originally subjected to temperatures above 500 degrees Celsius. This allowed the authors to hypothesize that these features constituted pottery furnaces. The next step was, therefore, to identify the temperature reached by these furnaces through the study of their walls. To this end, eight original samples with different macroscopic characteristics were subjected to re-heating at different temperatures, together with a control sample made of local clay. In each case, the changes in their structures and properties were observed through a scanning electron microscope, in the understanding that the main effects took place once the original temperature was exceeded. Finally, all the samples analysed showed signs of clay agglutination but no vitrification, and some also showed diatomeas, which is why it is inferred that the structures never exceeded temperatures above 800 degrees Celsius, which was confirmed by the control sample which remained practically unchanged up to 800-900 degrees Celsius.

Furthermore, another positive contribution of these results is that they are linked to the previous pottery technologies and, due to the connection with an Incaic settlement, they were compared to those cooking practices introduced by Tawantinsuyo. The existence of an earlier system is proposed with rather lower temperatures during earlier periods due to the use of certain burning structures specific for the production of bigger local vessels. These structures would later include other features in order to reach higher temperatures as furnaces specially designed for the cooking of small pieces of different quality. Having said that, a detailed study of the consequences of a situation like this one within the context of the political economy of the Empire with regards to the intensification, or not, of such crafting activities, the reorganization of labour, and its effect on the local population remains necessary.

It is concluded then, that such burning structures could have acted open furnaces, although rather short-lived, suited for pottery cooking, and that they were not just simple cooking rings. All of this, along with an ample availability of resources in the surroundings and the very characteristics of the associated pottery, allow the authors to assume that there is enough evidence to support the local production of pottery. In this regard, we agree with the authors and appreciate this work as it provides an excellent strategy to approach such an elusive materiality like this one in pre-Hispanic technology, at least in the South Andes. However, it is necessary to integrate a discussion of the historic, economic and social context where this technology was developed in order to better understand the meaning of this practice so it does not become yet another piece of technological information. It would have been especially interesting to delve into the Incaic issues of the region.

Ramundo and Cremonte contribute a petrographic study of 35 thin sections from the La Cueva (4500-3000 masl), tributary of the Humahuaca gorge in Jujuy, Argentina. From this study, the authors attempt to test the generalized hypothesis of a strong interaction between the puna and the lowlands of Humahuaca during the Regional Developments or Late Intermediate period and its contact with the Incas (AD 1250-1430). Thus, they expected to contribute to the understanding of the socio-political processes related to the distribution and exchange between social and identity groups at the time, through the assessment of their pottery production and interaction.

In this respect, the study by De La Fuente and Vera on furnaces and cooking technology in Late and Inca times in the Abaucán Valley, Catamarca, south of northwest Argentina (AD 900-1450) is also suggestive. Like in all of these cases, the authors highlight the absence of records of furnaces in the region, which is applicable to all the south-central Andean area, and which has resulted in limited knowledge about the pottery technology in this part of the Andes. Their work focuses on six burning structures from the site of Costa de los Reyes 5, which were studied from samples of walls analysed through petrography and X-Ray diffraction. These studies are quite original as, in general, the approach taken is descriptive and focused on the morphology of the furnaces, their dimensions and the indirect inferences

Samples from Pukara de La Cueva and the nearby village of Antiguito were compared, including expressions of the Tilcara type Black on Red Decorated from the Humahuaca gorge, and other Black Polished Interior and Purple or Red slipped specimens, as well as undecorated specimens. The petrographic assessment allowed for the identification of seven groups of pastes, which in their majority share the typical lithological characteristics of the Pukara de La Cueva surroundings, whereas only a small number would have an external origin. This causes the authors to claim that the predominant pottery was manufactured locally and that such production would have concentrated south of the basin. Thus, interaction and exchange with other communities or settlements were 113

Mauricio Uribe these ethnic groups. It was therefore assumed that ceramic production made it possible to evaluate identity, and differences were expected to be found in the pastes of both sides to confirm or disprove the existence of a rigid ethnic border.

quite limited and restricted to specific locations in the highlands, in particular with the pottery tradition of YaviChicha and Mica pastes of southeastern Bolivia and the Jujuy puna. The study, therefore, rules out an assumed major interaction during the late occupation of the La Cueva ravine, at least from the pottery perspective, raising the question as to why a space like this one, with previous high transit and connectivity, lacks more evidence in that regard. Some of the answers are linked to a kind of rejection of external influences, situations of conflict, the strategic reorganization of settlements at the beginning of the period, and changes in the economic priorities. This would be connected with the Incaic presence in the region and with an intensification of farming, which would be expressed in an array of canals and terraces along several kilometres. This situation would have affected the existing forms of interaction and, consequently, we understand that the limited diversity of pottery represents a decrease in the circulation of foreign people and pieces, promoting the development of local manufacture.

Surface fragments were systematically collected and 200 were analysed macroscopically, which allowed the identification of ten types of paste. Then, 16 specimens representing such pastes were selected and were evaluated through petrography and X-ray diffraction to fine tune the initial macroscopic classification. The results indicate great paste variability although from a common base, constituted by five main groups that differ in the behaviour of the volcanic material present. Regarding their spatial distribution, these pastes are common to the different sites, but they also showed a differential behaviour in each case depending on their frequency and morphology. Based on the ceramic production, it is thus concluded that it was not possible to support the idea of a separation or border between Carangas and Pacajes. It is proposed instead that the pastes make reference to ceramic movements that were fluid, regional and immersed in dynamics of particular identities rather than great cultural units with rigid territorial limits.

We stress, then, that we are in the presence of an attempt to relate, from the petrographic analysis of pottery, the homogeneity/diversity of raw materials to economic and social processes in a given period. The explanation offered by the authors is completely conventional and coherent with some traditional interpretations for this kind of issues, where little diversity equals little mobility, little interaction and greater local development. However, their work is also in need of a deeper reflection about this direct connection between pastes and the economic and/or cultural changes. In other words, does a greater presence of local ceramic paired with a scarce presence of foreign ceramic necessarily imply that interaction was limited? And, even more interestingly, how is interaction understood in this case? From this perspective, it would be interesting to take advantage of the data to discuss the concept of interaction so commonly employed to describe complex social and cultural dynamics, especially in the Andes where, after all, everything comes down to the vertical control of their ecologies or caravans.

In this case, we value and share the critique to the normative concept of culture and its hegemony within archaeological thinking, especially in Latin America and, mainly, the Andes. That is to say, cultural identity is much more complex and does not cross all the aspects of social life in the same way, as it might have been, for example, the ceramic technology. Nevertheless, beyond solving the problems of a sample and a context that are so special, what is needed is a profound reflection about the most appropriate variables to approach so versatile and elusive themes such as those referred to as identity and ethnicity. In other words, it is necessary to think about who or what the raw materials would eventually be representing, in a context where, in an Andean manner, diverse situations are combined and the opposites are complementary. In sum, it is important to bear in mind that identity is deployed in a dialectical movement of similarities and differences that must be considered by ceramic studies on this issue.

Villanueva’s contribution is an evaluation of the ethnic borders in the Bolivian highlands during the Late Intermediate period (AD 1100-1450). To this end, a comparative study was carried out of ceramic raw materials of sites located in the basin of rivers Mauri and Desaguadero (3800-4000 masl). This area has been traditionally regarded as the natural and cultural border between the Carangas and Pacajes ethnic groups, corresponding to well-known Aymara speaking communities since colonial times. Until now, this division and organization had been scarcely evaluated by archaeology and is applied uncritically to pre-Hispanic times, assuming that the colonial information directly reflects the previous period. For this purpose, pastes were studied and petrographic and X-Ray diffraction analyses were performed on a sample of fragments from three sites located to the north and south of the Desaguadero, corresponding to ‘chullpares’ or funerary towers that were supposedly linked to the specific ethnic identity of

Minc and colleagues present a study carried out in the high lands of the north of Ecuador (Imbabura Province), dealing with the identification of sources of clay and the construction of a geochemical base for the analysis of the ceramic production during the Late period in the northern edge of Tawantinsuyo. The main techniques employed in this piece of research were the analyses of trace elements and petrography of ceramic fragments and sources of raw materials, which were aimed at establishing the potential availability of clay and inclusions, as well as their distribution and spread for pre-Hispanic potters. It is precisely through the production, movement, and exchange of ceramic that it is expected to contribute to the understanding of the dynamics between the CaranquiCayambe populations and the Incaic occupation previous to the Spanish invasion (AD 1250-1500).

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Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology and other discriminating analyses in order to define the compositional groups precisely.

The samples were collected from local settlements called ‘tolas’, and from the Incaic sites. At the same time, exploratory drilling was carried out so as to identify sources of clay. In addition, profiles were inspected in roads, canals, ponds, etc. that revealed exposed soils, and interviews were conducted with present-day potters, who pointed out that clay for ceramic should be found in the ‘sierra’ or ‘up the hill’. That is to say, in highlands and in basins halfway up the slopes that, for example, allow the transformation of mineralized clay or allophanate in plastic clay. Along with these interviews with the potters and visits to workshops, samples of their clays (e.g., black, red, yellow, green, etc.) were taken. Conversations were held with the vendors and finished pieces were bought with a definite ascription of origin, as well as possible sources in certain cases. This also included visits and interviews with the brick or tile manufacturers, where samples were also taken, since workshops tend to be located in the same place of the source or quarry. In all of the cases, the samples were evaluated through petrography and analysis of trace elements. To this end, a detailed geological and mineralogical description of this complex area of the Ecuadorian Andes was generated. These are mainly characterized by soils rich in volcanic ashes, andesite, and dacite, which vary from west to east according to the magnetic arch of the Ecuador, suggesting the existence of good discriminating elements at a regional level.

The results suggest that the archaeological materials of Imbabura that included the Caranqui and Incaic ceramics made a relatively cohesive group which is different from the other types a priori classified as non-local (Panzaleo, Tuza-Capuli and foreign Inca specimens). All of this allowed the authors to establish solid and suggestive consequences about the production and movement of ceramic in the highlands of north Ecuador through the Late period. As they point out, within Caranqui pottery it was possible to determine a relationship with two regional sources of clay, located to the east and west of Tayta Imbabura volcano. These different volcanic flows gave the craftsmen access to clays more or less rich in andesites or dacites (e.g., Imbabura Alto Cr and Bajo Cr subgroups), allowing the approach to regional economic dynamics. In fact, in the smallest Tola sites most of the ceramic is consistent with the local geology, which is why it is assumed that this was produced and consumed by the community itself. Also, it suggests a certain degree of isolation between the groups in the region, with a scarce movement of ceramic between them, although the presence of some ‘foreign’ specimens is not strange. On the other hand, in the biggest sites these compositional groups are found in practically the same proportion, which is why it is assumed that they were not so isolated and that there was access to a greater variety of vessels, probably in relation to the status or territorial control of these settlements.

From the ethnographic work it was also possible to conclude that the best clays for ceramics were not abundant and are not easily available in this landscape, which also implies the use of raw material far from the place of residency and the workshops, resulting in difficulties for collecting and transportation and even in having access to foreign clay. Therefore, potters tend to mix their clays, in particular those rich in humus and clay respectively (black and red clay), which makes it possible to obtain a paste suited for manufacturing. In this respect, depending on the mixtures and the proportions employed, compositionally heterogeneous products are obtained, resulting in a certain chemical and mineral variation. Thus, the authors highlight the fact that if this also happened in prehistoric times, it could be expected that the compositional heterogeneity reflected not so much the origin of the raw material used as the recipes handled and applied in a particular way by the craftsmen.

The mechanisms responsible for this, either by mobility, exchange or of a social type, are still difficult to identify, but the authors suggest some possible answers. On the one hand, gathering practices and festivities may have promoted the movement of people and pots to these centres, which would not necessarily represent an articulation between the settlements and their elites. Instead, the more exotic and more elaborated pieces might be linked to a major political system, where the exchange between elites might have developed through presents, making reference to a territorial control over the smallest settlements and spanning a wide area, according to pieces coming from 180 kilometres away. In any event, either by the local festivity mechanisms or through the exchange of presents between regional elites, it is evident that there was important communication within and between these communities, which would have largely been repeated during the Inca presence in the region.

Consequently, ceramic fragments from the mounds or tolas of Caranqui in Imbabura, from the Tuza and Capuli types in the province of Carchi, Panzaleo or CosangaPillaro in the northern highlands were analysed as well as Incaic specimens. 169 fragments and six samples of burnt clay floors were selected in total, along with 53 samples of clay and present day pots, which were studied in the Archaeometry Laboratory of the Oregon State University Radiation Centre. All the samples were subjected to neutronic activation analysis, under the standards set forth by the Centre for Archaeological Research at Missouri University. Statistical standard procedures were also applied, such as Mahalanobis bi- and multivariate tests

A large part of the Incaic production continued to develop locally and with its own raw materials, although a small proportion characterized by certain compositional diversity and overlapping of areas of origin, suggests the existence of some kind of regional style which moved through the different imperial settlements and the long distance integrating all the territory. Thanks to this thorough study, the final result is a compositional landscape, although still thick and limited, the careful interpretation of which allows a fine distinction between the local and the non-local, which makes it possible to efficiently approach from ceramics, and in greater depth, 115

Mauricio Uribe knowledgeable in the subject who want to get an overview of the path followed by these investigations and the high level reached by them. In this respect, these works also show the methodological and theoretical orientations in our archaeology, particularly in South America, specifically the adhering, by a large part of it, to a certain ‘archaeometric’ tendency. Precisely, we would like to present a reflection and critique in that regard before closing these comments.

the social and political dynamics at a regional level. It is largely a piece of research worthy of imitation. Last but not least, the contribution by Lantos and colleagues presents a quite original study dealing with the analysis of stable isotopes in lipid residues detected in pottery, which was applied to archaeological cases in Tinogasta, northwest Argentina. The samples were obtained from sites with occupations between 450 and 1500 years AD. The preliminary results suggest great variability in the consumption and use of corn, which can be explained by the use of multiple recipes or by the multifunctionality of the vessels, all of which results in a palimpsest of organic residues.

Although in a different period, but similarly to what happened with the New North American Archaeology, technological advance has led to make more complex interpretations of and to value in a different light the archaeological record of Latin American countries, strengthening thereby the development of archaeometric studies like the ones summarized here. The globalization of knowledge, the information technology boom, developing economies and certain more stable or promising political conditions in our countries, are also variables to consider in this scientific and archaeometric advance. In this way, analyses such as ceramic petrography, so popular from the 1930s on thanks to the work of Anna Shepard, are today also represented in Latin America, at least in the Southern Cone, as can be seen in practically all the articles in this book. Also, the use of Xray diffraction or neutronic activation analysis is not uncommon, playing an important role in investigation and scientific meetings which, at least in Argentina, began in the year 2005 and that were so welcomed in the Third Latin American Congress held in Chile in 2011.

To this end, the lipid samples were extracted from the mould or paste, as lipids are better preserved in those spaces rather than in the surface, as they are protected from water, cleaning or other post-depositional effects. For this case, 11 archaeological samples were analysed (coming from various sites, at different heights and from different time periods), along with nine control samples, corresponding to present-day specimens. Despite the limited number of samples, the comparison of results allows the authors to put forward interesting ideas to pursue further. For the early Formative site, the features coincide with wild vegetable food or C3. Conversely, in the Late Formative case a mixed consumption of C3 and C4 or cultivated plants is identified, while for the Late Incaic site a mixed consumption is also inferred, except for a specimen that appears enriched in C4, making reference to cultivated plants such as corn.

In this respect, the archaeometric panorama revealed by these ceramic studies, at least for South America, turns out to be quite promising insofar as it confirms a systematic and growing application of analysis techniques from the natural and exact sciences. At the same time, however, cases like the ones presented here reveal a certain initial and uncritical infatuation both in certain particular aspects and in major theoretical and political reflections, from archaeology itself and the social sciences in general. With a few exceptions, there is a lack of an adequate balance between the archaeological problem and the analytical techniques, as these works tend to stay in their application, showing mastery or expertise and disregarding interpretation (underestimating it, minimizing it, or simply avoiding it). In our view, this has to do with the fact that our archaeology is still in a context of dispute and legitimization within the scientific and archaeological scientific community where it has to compete for intellectual recognition and access to funding with the ‘hard’ sciences.

Although the latter situation is not statistically significant, it suggests different tendencies between Formative and Incaic moments. It marks the possibility of greater access to corn in later times in relation to other contemporary sites, and is evidence of a certain preference for the consumption of wild and animal resources at earlier times. Adding to this discussion is the development and increase in time of the consumption of alcoholic beverages, both from the carob tree and corn, which would explain the combination, even in the pots, of wild and domesticated plants. There is no doubt that this work is original and its social and economic inferences are thought-provoking, mainly because one of the greatest uncertainties in archaeology, resolved mainly by assumptions rather than data, is to know exactly what was contained in the vessels. Nevertheless, we understand that this is mainly an exploratory and experimental work which needs to increase the samples, refine the analysis of lipids extraction and isotopic measuring in order to better face palimpsest problems, and strengthen the ethnographic component used, underdeveloped in this case, as well as go into detail about the historic explanation.

In the face of this, it is clear that methodological development is necessary and desirable. Nevertheless, if the interest is limited to analytical issues, then research becomes the science of materials and techniques (Aitken 1982; Anderson 1987; Dunel 1993; Olin 1982), having little to do with archaeology, opening a more attractive field for those scientists and creating a false distinction between different types of archaeologists (e.g., scientific archaeologists versus social archaeologists). We agree with these authors in that ‘strictly technical research is of

A Reflection It is eloquent that this collection of works is a good reflection of the advances in the study of ceramics in Latin American archaeology, especially in the Southern Cone. Therefore, this selection is an excellent reference for readers, specially the English-speaking readership,

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Ceramics, Archaeometry, and Latin American Archaeology no interest if it does not possess an own archaeological application. In fact, the archaeometric study should not be an applied science but the application of scientific techniques to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems’ (Montero et al., 2007: 33). Furthermore, in this context the archaeologist is subjected to a greater pressure to learn ‘science’ and, therefore, to a tension where other scientists does not seem willing to endure or experience the reverse path in the production of knowledge and simply learn archaeology.

Acknowledgements I am deeply grateful to Emily Stovel and Guillermo De La Fuente for their invitation to participate in this valuable book, also for their great patience and understanding. I would also like to thank and congratulate the authors for their valuable and inspired work. References Cited Aitken, M. J. 1982. Archaeometry does not only serve Archaeology. In J. S. Olin (ed.), Future Directions in Archaeometry: A Round Table, 61. Washington D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press.

Because of that, it is no wonder that a ‘fundamental problem of these applications and analyses is that they are not sufficiently integrated into the archaeological explanation and interpretation underlying data collection itself’ (Montero et al., 2007: 33). It is observed, then, that an uncritical way of doing archaeometry entails deepening the inequalities in the production of knowledge and in the very practice of archaeology. It places in a position of superiority certain topics along with those skilled in the technique, mainly science specialists and archaeometrists, relegating the ‘other’ archaeologists to a different, even subordinate position. All of this, because in this economy of science, the natural and exact sciences, together with their themes, capture public and private funding; it is their specialists who get published in highranking journals, because they place their interest in these topics rather than in the social sciences or humanities. Thus, it is not so necessary to question the why/for what, rather than what or who is at the service of archaeometry.

Anderson, A. 1987. Supertramp Science: Some Thoughts of Archaeometry and Archaeology in Oceania. In W. Ambrose (ed.), Archaeometry: Further Australasian Studies, 3-17. Canberra, Australian National University. Dunnell, R. C. 1993. Why Archaeologists Don’t Care about Archaeometry. Archaeomaterials 7(1), 161165. Hurcombe, L. 2006. Archaeological Artefacts as Material Culture. London, Routledge. Montero, I., García, M. and López-Romero, E. 2007. Arqueometría: Cambios y tendencias actuales. Trabajos de Prehistoria 64(1), 23-40. Olin, J. S. (ed.) 1982. Future Directions in Archaeometry. A Round Table. Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press.

It is evident that, from the archaeometric perspective, data are obtained which allow better analytical understanding and explanation of the archaeological context. It is increasingly more frequent for archaeology to argue based on precise material and solid data resulting from interdisciplinary collaboration with the natural and exact sciences. Furthermore, these data are meaningless if they are not utilized correctly according to what they represent and their sense of reality, which is why just adding complex techniques does not guarantee reliability or validity. In our view, finding a solution to this decoupling between data collection and interpretation (Montero et al., 2007) should be the true meaning of archaeometry and not truth itself. It is generally suggested that this problem can be solved by providing archaeologists with a greater training in the different techniques and analyses that can be applied; however, we agree with those authors in that it is mainly about being able to carry out real interdisciplinary work, rather than the sum of information or a disciplinary transvestism. But it also requires the reverse exercise from the ‘hard’ scientist, that of taking into account their formation in the social sciences, bringing them closer to human complexity and teaching them to value anthropological and historical knowledge in the understanding that ‘Artefacts allow a tactile and tangible connection between present and past which can be ‘felt’, as tangible implies. This is not a whimsical fancy but simply a statement that more of the senses are directly involved with the past – a practical as well as a mental engagement with another material world’ (Hurcombe 2006: XIII).

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