Tomb N13.1 of the Nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) at Asyut 3447117788, 9783447117784

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Pages
Content
Preface and acknowledgments
1. Introduction
1.1 Conducted fieldwork
1.2 Epigraphic conventions
1.3 Method of description
2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting
2.1 The tomb owner as the head of an extended household
2.1.1 Possible subsidiary burials in the forecourt
2.1.2 Individuals named in the tomb – subordinates and family
2.2 The tomb owner in his historical setting
2.2.1 Sequence of local nomarchs
2.2.2 Approximation to a chronological placement of the tomb
3. Architectural features
4. Coloring and execution of the decoration
4.1 Colors of hieroglyphs
4.2 Anomalies in the orientation of signs
4.3 Colors of the representations
5. Representations and inscriptions
5.1 The entrance
5.2 The northern wall
NI.1 – The tomb owner, family members and possibly a biographical inscription
NII.1 – Inspecting cattle and military scenes
NIII.1 – Senebti(-iqeret) offers the mni͗.t-necklace and sistrum to Iti-ibi(-iqer)
NI.2 – Grain storage and river-faring ships
5.3 The western wall
Inscription line framing top of WIX, ledge of niche and WIII
WI–WIII – Tomb owner sitting below canopy watching butchers, offering bearers, musicians and cranes being fed
WIV – Offering scenes and offering list (northern part)
WV–WVII – False door and offering scenes
WV.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (northern part)?
WVI.1 – False door
WVII.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (southern part)
WVIII – Offering scenes and offering list (southern part)
WIX – Watching fighting bulls and woodworking?
5.4 The southern wall
SI.1 – Commemorating Khety II
SII.1 – Fowling in the marshes with the goddess Sekhet
SIII.1 – Fishing scene
SIII.2 – The desert hunt
SI.2 – Tilling, sowing and tree felling
SI.3 – (Force-)feeding of cattle and fording scenes
SI.4 – Bread and beer production
5.5 The eastern wall
EI.1 – Soldiers
EI.2 – Harvest of flax and grain
EI.3 – Offering bearers and threshing
EII.1–7 – Offering bearers and fishing
5.6 The pillars
Pillar A
Pillar B
6. History of later usage of the tomb
Bibliography
List of figures
List of plates
Figures
Plates

Citation preview

The Asyut Project 17

Harrassowitz Verlag

Mahmoud El-Khadragy

Tomb N13.1 of the Nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) at Asyut with collaboration of Ulrike Dubiel and Eva Gervers

The Asyut Project Edited by Jochem Kahl, Ursula Verhoeven, Mahmoud El-Khadragy and Andrea Kilian Volume 17

2022 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

Mahmoud El-Khadragy

Tomb N13.1 of the Nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) at Asyut with collaboration of Ulrike Dubiel and Eva Gervers

2022 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

Cover: Tomb N13.1, northern wall, the nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) and his wife Senebti(-iqeret) below his kilt; photo: Fritz Barthel 2014, © The Asyut Project Gefördert durch die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG)

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://dnb.de/ abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at https://dnb.de/.

For further information about our publishing program consult our website https://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de/ © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2022 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. Printing and binding: Memminger MedienCentrum AG Printed in Germany ISSN 1865-6250 ISBN 978-3-447-11778-4

eISSN 2701-5610 eISBN 978-3-447-39255-6

Content

Preface and acknowledgments  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   1 1. Introduction  �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   1.1 Conducted fieldwork  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   1.2 Epigraphic conventions  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   1.3 Method of description  ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  

3 3 4 5

2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting  ���������������������������������������������������������������������   7 2.1 The tomb owner as the head of an extended household  ��������������������������������������������������������   7 2.1.1 Possible subsidiary burials in the forecourt  ��������������������������������������������������������������������   7 2.1.2 Individuals named in the tomb – subordinates and family  ��������������������������������������������   7 2.2 The tomb owner in his historical setting  �������������������������������������������������������������������������������  10 2.2.1 Sequence of local nomarchs   ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  10 2.2.2 Approximation to a chronological placement of the tomb  ���������������������������������������������  11 3. Architectural features  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  15 4. Coloring and execution of the decoration  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  17 4.1 Colors of hieroglyphs  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  17 4.2 Anomalies in the orientation of signs  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  28 4.3 Colors of the representations  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  29 5. Representations and inscriptions  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  31 5.1 The entrance  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  31 5.2 The northern wall   ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  31 NI.1 – The tomb owner, family members and possibly a biographical inscription  ������������������  32 NII.1 – Inspecting cattle and military scenes  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������  36 NIII.1 – Senebti(-iqeret) offers the mni͗.t-necklace and sistrum to Iti-ibi(-iqer)  ����������������������  42 NI.2 – Grain storage and river-faring ships  ����������������������������������������������������������������������������  45 5.3 The western wall  �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  50 Inscription line framing top of WIX, ledge of niche and WIII  �����������������������������������������������  50 WI–WIII – Tomb owner sitting below canopy watching butchers, offering bearers, musicians and cranes being fed   �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  52 WIV – Offering scenes and offering list (northern part)   ��������������������������������������������������������  65 WV–WVII – False door and offering scenes  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������  75 WV.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (northern part)?  ����  76 WVI.1 – False door  ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  78 WVII.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (southern part)   80 WVIII – Offering scenes and offering list (southern part)  ������������������������������������������������������  82 WIX – Watching fighting bulls and woodworking?  ����������������������������������������������������������������  90

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5.4 The southern wall  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   95 SI.1 – Commemorating Khety II  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   95 SII.1 – Fowling in the marshes with the goddess Sekhet  �������������������������������������������������������   98 SIII.1 – Fishing scene  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  102 SIII.2 – The desert hunt  �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  106 SI.2 – Tilling, sowing and tree felling  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  108 SI.3 – (Force-)feeding of cattle and fording scenes  ����������������������������������������������������������������  111 SI.4 – Bread and beer production  �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  116 5.5 The eastern wall  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  118 EI.1 – Soldiers  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  118 EI.2 – Harvest of flax and grain  �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  122 EI.3 – Offering bearers and threshing  ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  122 EII.1–7 – Offering bearers and fishing   ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������  123 5.6 The pillars  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  125 Pillar A  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  125 Pillar B  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  132 6. History of later usage of the tomb  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  141 Bibliography  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  143 List of figures  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  155 List of plates  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  155 Figures 1–48  ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  157 Plates 1–156  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  203

Preface and acknowledgments This book is one important outcome of the long-term Egyptian-German co-operation in archaeological fieldwork at the necropolis of Asyut. My own participation in The Asyut Project extended for eleven seasons of fieldwork between 2003 and 2014. In the first year and with a restricted plan for our project, Jochem Kahl (Freie Universität Berlin) and I surveyed the First Intermediate Period tombs of Khety I, Iti-ibi and Khety II, with the aim of preparing future epigraphic and architectural studies therein. 2004, Ursula Verhoeven (Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz), joined our project, and the financial support of both Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz and Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster motivated us towards expanding our original plan so as to include more tombs; i. e., those of the socalled “Northern Soldiers-Tomb” and Djefai-Hapi I, and to survey the necropolis for mapping during season 2004. Our increasing ambition for more fieldwork activities, which became possible due to the financial support of the German Research Foundation from season 2005 onwards, led us to expand the activities of surveying the necropolis on a larger scale for the purpose of mapping, and resulted in discovering Tomb N13.1 which belongs to the Nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer). During the next season 2006, the surface of the inner hall and parts of the forecourt of Tomb N13.1 were cleaned, and its decoration was fully documented. In the next season 2007, the shafts of the inner hall of Tomb N13.1 were examined and the tomb’s forecourt was cleaned. This discovery is the only available source of information introducing the then unknown Siutian nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer), who probably witnessed the final stages of the civil war between Heracleopolis and their Theban rivals. It also provides us with a possible evidence connecting the well-known Siutian family of nomarchs, who ruled Asyut during the later part of the First Intermediate Period, i. e., Khety I, Iti-ibi and Khety II, on the one hand, and the celebrated nomarch Mesehti, owner of the two sets of model-soldiers representing Egyptian spearmen provided with shields (Cairo CG 258) and Nubian archers (Cairo CG 257), in addition to the two coffins (Cairo CG 28118, 28119), on the other. Moreover, the tomb’s decoration is one of the best preserved late First Intermediate Period/early Eleventh Dynasty tombs known to us up to date. Its iconographic details present one of the earliest known examples of a fabulous creature in a hunting scene in a private tomb and the earliest known example of goddess Sekhet dominating a fowling scene in a non-royal context. Some of its epigraphic features are distinctive, including an apparent tendency towards replacing some of the standardized sitting man determinative/ ideogram by a standing one. The plan of publishing Tomb N13.1 was laid out by Ursula Verhoeven, Jochem Kahl and myself at the beginning of season 2006, according to which the study of the tomb’s visitors’ graffiti (dipinti) was

2

Preface and acknowledgments

entrusted to Ursula Verhoeven,1 the study of the original tomb decoration was assigned to me, leaving the finds to other experts of our joint mission; e. g., the stoppers of the vessels were assigned to Michael van Elsbergen,2 studying the pottery was the task of Andrea Kilian,3 while the wooden models were committed to Monika Zöller-Engelhardt.4 During the course of our work, we received generous financial support from various institutions without which this project could never have been accomplished. Our most sincere appreciation is extended to Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz (season 2004), Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster (season 2004), the German Research Foundation (short term project at Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, seasons 2005–2007; long term project at Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, seasons 2008–2009; long term project at both Freie Universität Berlin and Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, season 2010–2019); Ursula Verhoeven’s Fellowship of the Gutenberg Forschungskolleg (for Eva Gervers in 2013– 2015); Egyptological Seminar of Freie Universität Berlin (for Max Bader in 2018). The continued and valuable support of the staff of the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities is gratefully acknowledged. In this respect special thanks are extended to Professor Zahi Hawass, former Chairman of the SCA, and Dr. Sabri Abel-Aziz, former Head of the Archaeology Sector. Our sincere thanks are also extended to Mr. Magdy El-Ghandour, former Head of the Foreign and Egyptian Missions Affairs and Permanent Committee, Mr. Samir Anis Salib, former Director General of Antiquities of Middle Egypt, Mr. Ahmed El-Khatib, former Director General of Asyut, Mrs. Nadia Naguib, former Director of the magazine at Shutb, and the two successive accompanying inspectors Mr. Magdy Shaker and Mr. Mohamed Mustafa Al-Shafey, who greatly facilitated our fieldwork. I would like to express my deep appreciation to all those who were involved in the preparation of this book. Eva Gervers (Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz) collated the whole decoration, typed the computer version of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, contributed much to the documentation and studied the color conventions. The resulting manuscript was thoroughly revised by Ulrike Dubiel (Freie Universität Berlin). Max Bader (Freie Universität Berlin) took care of the transliteration. The epigraphic work and the final line drawings of the scenes and inscriptions were executed by Sameh Shafiq (EGOTH Higher Institute for Tourism and Hotel Management, Luxor). The architectural drawings are the work of Ulrike Fauerbach (The German Archaeological Institute, Cairo). The photographs were provided by Fritz Barthel. Finally, the manuscript was edited by Ursula Verhoeven and produced for printing by Andrea Kilian. Sohag, June 2021

1 Cf. Verhoeven (ed.), 2020. 2 Cf. Elsbergen, 2019. 3 Cf. Kilian, 2019. 4 Zöller-Engelhardt, in press.

Mahmoud El-Khadragy

1. Introduction

1.1 Conducted fieldwork The tomb of the nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) with the number N13.11 (figs. 1–2) occupies a rather conspicuous position high up on geological step 72 of the Gebel Asyut al-gharbi on the southern side of the necropolis (pl. 1). The tomb had been unknown to scholars until its discovery by the joint Egyptian-German mission of “The Asyut Project” at the end of the 2005 season.3 No references to its existence had ever been made by previous archaeological missions or visitors of any kind to the mountain.4 With the season of 2005 coming to a close, time allowed only for a short examination of the tomb,5 but in the following year thorough investigations were conducted: During the season of 2006, a part of the area in front of N13.1 and the inside of the tomb were cleared from the accumulated debris (cf. pls. 2b–4a for pictures of the tomb before cleaning).6 Subsequently, the mission’s restorers tended to the walls to clean the decoration and inscriptions, while also stabilizing the plaster in order to prevent loosened fragments from flaking off. In a next step Egyptologists carried out epigraphic work on the tomb’s walls: the images and texts were copied7 at a 1:1 scale on transparencies which were then processed for inking.8 Examination of the inked graffiti (dipinti)9 started at the same time with the production of facsimiles and photographs.10 In addition, first measurements of the tomb’s architecture were taken to generate the ground plans.11 Excavating the three shafts inside the tomb was accomplished during the season of 2007,12 whereas the first phase of a comprehensive photographic documentation13 starting with overviews of whole wall sections leading over to smaller details was carried out. At the same time the architectural survey and

1 The tomb’s number results from a grid laid over the necropolis’ map with letters along the west-east axis and numbers along the north-south axis (cf. Fauerbach, 2006, 245–246). 2 For the geological division of the mountain by D. Klemm and R. Klemm cf. Kahl, 2007, 59–61, fig. 33 and Klemm/ Klemm, 2008, 112–115, fig. 165. 3 Cf. Kahl et al., 2006, 241f.; Kahl/Verhoeven, 2008. 4 Cf. Verhoeven, 2009, 87; cf. also Kahl, 2013b. 5 Cf. Kahl et al., 2006, 242. 6 Cf. Kahl et al., 2007, 84f. 7 The facsimiles of the decoration and inscriptions were prepared by Sameh Shafik and Ilona Regulski. 8 Sameh Shafik created the ink drawings. 9 Later added inscriptions and art works were executed in two different techniques: they were either incised into the wall plaster as the term “graffito” resp. plural “graffiti” originally implied or painted on the walls with pigment, for which the term “dipinto” resp. plural “dipinti” is preferred here. 10 This work was conducted by Ursula Verhoeven. For the modus operandi employed, cf. Verhoeven, 2012a, 48–49; Verhoeven, 2020, 5–6. 11 This work was provided by Ulrike Fauerbach. 12 Kahl et al., 2008, 200. 13 Those photographs were made by Fritz Barthel, cf. Kahl et al., 2008, 201.

4

1. Introduction

the mapping continued.14 In the following campaigns, work in Tomb N13.1 mainly focused on studying the pictorial and inscriptive decoration as well as the palaeography of the hieroglyphs. Simultaneously, the documentation and comprehensive analysis of the New Kingdom dipinti took place.15 During the fieldwork season of 2014,16 the facsimiles were thoroughly collated, revising the original ink drawings with corrections and additions.17 Moreover, the photographic documentation of the tomb’s scenes and inscriptions could be completed.18 Starting in 2006 the annual preliminary reports of the Asyut Project appeared, informing about the work progress in Tomb N13.1. A condensed overview of the decoration and inscriptions as well as a first assessment of the chronological evidence and deduced date for the tomb were published in 2007.19 In addition, members of the project have authored a number of contributions dealing with various aspects of the decoration.20 At this point in time, the study of Tomb N13.1 is almost fully completed except for the burial chambers, with detailed studies of different object groups either published or in print.21 Accordingly, some remarks on the history of later phases of use are in order.22

1.2 Epigraphic conventions23 In order to create facsimiles huge transparencies were hung up on the walls, onto which the epigraphers copied the depictions and hieroglyphs (except the small captions) with permanent markers. In a second step, the drawings were scanned, scaled down and printed on paper thus delivering the templates for the calking done by hand and in ink on large pieces of tracing paper.24 After another scanning process those ink-drawings were digitized and could be enhanced and given final touches using image-editing software. As the decoration of Tomb N13.1 is riddled with holes and scratches in almost every scene, adding these “lacunae” – be it as additional lines or dotted areas – would have rendered the monochrome facsimiles quite unreadable. Accordingly, they were left out. However, rough outlines of the destroyed areas 14 Architects in charge were Manja Maschke and Cornelia Goerlich. 15 The text dipinti, mostly written in hieratic, a few in hieroglyphics, were studied by Ursula Verhoeven with the cooperation of Svenja A. Gülden, the figural dipinti by Eva Gervers. Cf. the final publication of both parts in Verhoeven, ed., 2020. Some more details are given below in chapter 6. 16 Due to the political situation in Egypt, the project did not conduct any fieldwork campaigns in the years 2013 and 2015. 17 The collating was done by Eva Gervers, the copying by Sameh Shafik and Eva Gervers and the inking by Sameh Shafik. 18 The photographs were taken by Fritz Barthel, the layout of the details planned by Eva Gervers. 19 Cf. El-Khadragy, 2007b. For another tentative approach to dating the tomb (which was based on the evidence then available but has since been turned obsolete) and the order of the nomarchs of Asyut, see also El-Khadragy, 2012. 20 In the preliminary reports of the Asyut Project: Kahl et al., 2006, 241f.; Kahl et al., 2007, 81, 84–87; Kahl et al., 2008, 199, 200–205, 206f. Further articles by members of the project include El-Khadragy, 2008, 227–229; Kahl, 2006; Kahl, 2008a, 182; Kahl, 2012, passim; Kahl, 2013; Kahl/Verhoeven, 2008; Verhoeven, 2013; Verhoeven, 2015a; Verhoeven, 2015b, Verhoeven, 2016; Kilian, 2018; cf. also Verhoeven, 2020; Gervers, 2020. 21 The pottery was being studied by Andrea Kilian (Kilian, 2019), the stoppers by Michael van Elsbergen (Elsbergen, 2019); the wooden models by Monika Zöller-Engelhardt (Zöller-Engelhardt, in press.) 22 Cf. chapter 6. 23 For the epigraphic methods utilized in Asyut, see also Shafik, 2012, esp. 60f. 24 This work was conducted by Sameh Shafik.

1. Introduction

5

are given in the architectural maps; cf. figs. 9–12. The main focus was on revealing the decoration itself, ameliorating its visibility with the aid of the drawings, whereas the photographs serve as a complementary tool for studying the decoration program, showing the intentional destruction, the fading original color and the red paint from Islamic times25 thus also documenting the state of preservation. It was also decided not to add graphical reconstructions for sections lost to the facsimiles. Furthermore, the facsimiles only include painted shapes with distinguishable outlines; amorphous patches of color can still yield information about elements once depicted, however they were left out of the drawings and can only be seen in the photographs. So ultimately, the facsimiles and the photographic documentation need to be studied together to achieve a full understanding of figural and textual decor. It took until the end of the 2012 resp. 2014 seasons to complete the epigraphic work on the inscriptions resp. depictions, which were collated in detail by studying photos as well as by counter-checking on site. By the end of the 2014 season the recording of the representational depictions was concluded likewise.

1.3 Method of description The description of the decoration including representations and texts starts with the northern wall (N) and is carried out from the outside (east) to the inside (west). It continues with the western wall (W) from north to south. The southern wall (S) is again described from the outside (east) to the inside (west) of the room. Finally, the eastern wall (E) is discussed, beginning with the southern part and finishing with the northern part. Thus, the order of the description of the walls is roughly counterclockwise. Pillars A and B conclude the recount. For the identification and differentiation of single sections and scenes, a system was established that gives a combination of numbers depending on the section’s position.26 However not just the position on the respective walls but also the contents of the scenes were taken into account for the attribution of an identification number. The large main sections were given a capital letter and a Roman number e. g. SI–SIII on the southern wall, with single elements or sub-themes further differentiated, e. g. SIII.2.1. The principal (and large-sized) scenes SI.1–SIII.1 are discussed first. In addition, the southern wall shows smaller registers of varying lengths below the larger scenes. These registers are named after the large scene under which their starting point is, e. g. SI.2, regardless of the actual length – in the case at hand SI.2 keeps running below section SII – and regardless where the ending point is as in the case of SI.3. Those registers are presented after the larger scenes. Generally, the description goes from top to bottom unless the context demands otherwise. Schematic plans showing the numbering system used for the walls give a quick overview of the decoration layout and facilitate the identification of the scenes (figs. 21–31). The two pillars are not especially mentioned in the schematic overviews as the positions of scenes or elements can be easily determined by referring to their sides (e. g. pillar A, northern side).

25 Cf. chapter 6. 26 This system was developed by Eva Gervers.

2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

2.1 The tomb owner as the head of an extended household 2.1.1 Possible subsidiary burials in the forecourt Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s tomb is not an isolated monument – cleaning work done in the forecourt exposed numerous shaft tombs respectively remains of such structures.1 All in all 98 different loci were excavated, some of which reduced to mere traces of pits in the gebel surface, others still with intact architecture.2 Shafts are ranging in depth between 1 m and 1.2 m, with a diameter of about 70 x 70 cm. At times a western extension at the base of the shaft served as a burial chamber. Not all of these shafts were finished; two of them were even found undisturbed, the sealings made of rocks and mud still intact. Inside each finished shaft was a single burial: the bodies, lying on their left side in a contracted position with their faces towards the east, i. e. the river resp. the city. The sexing determined that shafts F3 (N12.10), F5 (N13.4), F8 (N13.7), F10 (N12.13)3 were the final resting places of men, F4 (N12.11), F14 (N12.17) those of women whereas F7 (N13.6) contained the body of a child of about 6 years of age. Textile impressions preserved on lumps of mud indicate that the dead had been either enswathed in fabric or dressed in clothes prior to the burial. Furthermore, it appears that some of the bodies were laid on wooden frames; in the case of shaft F1 (N12.8), a reed box was employed as a coffin. The men buried in F5 (N13.4) and F8 (N13.7) were arranged like sleepers on their head rests. Grave goods were extremely rare: e. g. the deceased person in F14 (N12.17) was buried with only one pottery vessel. Kilian delivers an overview of the grave goods of further shaft tombs in the area4 and an analysis of the ceramic material. Her thorough examination of the pottery indicates dates for those shaft tombs ranging from the late Old Kingdom to the Middle Kingdom. In summary, it seems plausible that some of the shaft tombs on step 7 are contemporary with the tomb-owner and can maybe be allotted to members of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s extended household, so that in death as in life the clientel-patron relationship would persevere. 2.1.2 Individuals named in the tomb – subordinates and family The information about the social networks Iti-ibi(-iqer) participated in is rather limited as he – at least to this day – is not known from other sources but his own tomb. In the inscriptions of his chapel, only a few individuals are mentioned by name.

1 A full publication of these complexes is in preparation by Meike Becker (working title: Shaft burials from step 7). 2 The following refers to Kahl, 2007b, 85, and Kahl/El-Khadragy, 2009, 116 with fig. 2. 3 During excavation, the shafts were given temporary identifier ‘F+x’ and were re-named later on according to the grid system used by the Asyut Project, cf. the following concordance: F3 (N12.10), F5 (N13.4), F8 (N13.7), F10 (N12.13), F4 (N12.11), F14 (N12.17), F7 (N13.6), F1 (N12.8). 4 Kilian, 2019, 39–51. Those being N13.11, N13.17, N13.18, N13.22, N13.28, N12.20, N13.44, N13.45.

8

2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

Amongst those is one man called Wepwawet-nakht. He appears on the northern wall (NII.1.2, fig. 33, pl. 19) in a scene of cattle presentation. There, he is depicted in the uppermost register as he leads the parade of oxen and their handlers, being labelled as: (1) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ꜣḥ.wt Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-n[ḫ]t (2) ḫtm.t(i͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ rw.t Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-nḫt.0 “(1) The overseer of fields, Wepwawet-na[kh]t, (2) the sealer of the biti-king5, the sole companion, the overseer of the gateway, Wepwawet-nakht.” The last man in the same register is an “overseer of cattle” called Sedekh, (i͗)m(.i͗)-[rꜣ] i͗ḥ.w Sdḫ (cf. pl. 20). Said Wepwawet-nakht re-appears on the western wall in the context of scenes with fighting bulls (WIX.1.3, fig. 40, pl. 85), where he is apparently depicted trying to restrain one of the vivacious animals. Another overseer referred to as (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ […] [i͗] […] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-[m]-ḥꜣ.t […] (cf. NI.2, fig. 32, pl. 29) is rendered addressing men who deliver grain to a storage unit. It seems that the very same individual is mentioned in a scene with river-faring ships on the western side of NI.2 (below NII and NIII, cf. fig. 22, pl. 34). Above one of the ships, parts of a short inscription might read: [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] [šnꜥ.w] […] [N5/O49] [...] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-[m-ḥꜣ.t] “[The overseer of the store]house? [… of the] city? […] Wepwawet-[em-hat] ...”6 On the northern part of the western wall, male and female musical performers are pictured (WI.1–2). It seems likely that all those performers were mentioned by name, but only a few signs are preserved in case of the female musicians, whereas some names of their male counterparts can still be read, those being Iup, Senbi, Sa-Sobek and again Wepwawet-em-hat (fig. 35, pl. 37). Equally, not much can be deduced from the family members featured in the tomb decoration. On the northern wall, Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s spouse is depicted with her name Snb.ti͗-i͗ḳr.t 7 – “Senebti-iqeret” (NIII.1), preceded by the designation ḥm.t⸗f – “his wife” (NIII.1, NII.1.1; fig. 33, pls. 21, 24). On pillar A (eastern side), her title as priestess of Hathor, lady of Medjed,8 is preserved (cf. fig. 46, pl. 139). Another female relative, a lady named Iti-ibi(-iqeret) is pictured in an offering table scene on the western wall (WVII.2), designated with the epithet “beloved of Hathor”, albeit without the addition of “lady of Medjed” (cf. fig. 38, pl. 72). Her kinship relations to the tomb owner are not explicated, but taken into consideration that she is not labelled ḥm.t⸗f, like Senebti(-iqeret), Iti-ibi(-iqeret) might have been the nomarch’s mother. As it happens a similarly named individual occurs in the decoration of N12.1, the tomb of Khety II. This woman is identified as ẖkr.t nsw wꜥ.tt ḥm(.t)-nṯr Ḥw.t-Ḥr i͗mꜣw.t⸗s n.t rꜥ nb i͗mꜣḫ.yt I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗) – “The sole ornamented one of the king, the priestess of Hathor, her well-disposed one of every day, the

5 For a discussion of the royal titulary commonly translated as “king of Lower Egypt” and new interpretation cf. Kahl, 2008b. 6 On the western wall (WIII.1.4) few traces of another inscription are preserved that read “...-m-hat”. The inscription is set above a scene with offering bearers and a person who carries a bowl functioning as an incense burner. Could that person be Wepwawet-em-hat? 7 The following mz(i͗)[.t n?] Kꜣ.w⸗f is not to be understood as “born of Kauef” but refers to the act that Senebti(-iqeret) is performing - she is extending a mni͗.t-necklace to her husband, thus the epithet is translated here as “who is offering (the menit) [for?] his Ka”. Cf. chapter 5.2, section NIII.1. 8 Cf. Kahl, 2018, 51.

2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

9

honored one, Iti-ibi”.9 Even though Iti-ibi-(iqer/iqeret) was obviously a popular name amongst the local elite, it is plausible to consider that Khety II, whose image was integrated prominently in the decoration of N13.1, visually spelling out its owner’s position as a legitimate heir in a longer line of predecessors respectively ancestors, could have been Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s father and that the lady Iti-ibi-(iqeret) was thus depicted in both tomb chapels in her roles as wife respectively mother. On the southern wall, the tomb owner is shown while spearing fish accompanied by two ladies: one is called “the sister, whom he loves, whom he favors every day” and seems to have the name “Sat-Hathor, [born by] Iti-ibi-iqeret”, but see the discussion on the phrase in chapter 5.4 (SIII.1, line 7); the other one might be a daughter whose name is lost. While three or possibly four female relatives are mentioned resp. depicted in the tomb, only one male relative appears: The inscription on the northern wall (NIII.1; pls. 24, 25) states clearly that the tomb was prepared for Iti-ibi(-iqer) by his eldest son and heir, the “hereditary prince”, “count”, “overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut”, “overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Ra-qereret”, Mesehti(-iqer). As Mesehti is a rare name amongst Siutian nomarchs,10 it is not overstretching the evidence to suggest that the son and the namesake local officeholder, known for his coffin ensemble and model soldiers,11 might be the same person. The inscription in section NIII states: “(1) That what he did as his monument, namely a tomb for his father, the count, the overseer of priests, Iti-ibi. It is his eldest son, his beloved, his heir, the possessor of all his possessions, the count, the overseer of priests (2) of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, and Anubis, lord of Ra-qereret, the hearer of that which one alone hears in the [palace], the true [overseer] of priests of Wepwawet, Mesehti-iqer.” As a matter of fact, Mesehti features prominently in the representations and the inscriptions. On the north wall his image is placed right behind his father’s. Though his figure is shown at a smaller scale, he is shown holding the same regalia as Iti-ibi(-iqer) – staff and scepter (NI.1, pl. 15, fig. 32). Arguably the most eye-catching inscription stretching over the top of the western wall is composed as Mesehti’s statement, starting with his titles and ending in his direct speech (figs. 40 and 34): 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t s[mr] wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-[wꜣ](i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) i͗m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) (I͗n)pw nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t ḥr(.i͗)-s:štꜣ n(i͗) s:ḏꜣw.ti͗-nṯr ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w […] ḥm(.w) [nṯr] Mzḥ.ti͗ ḏd ... “1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Raqereret, privy to the secret of the god’s treasure,12 the count … the priest Mesehti, says: ... (unclear text)”

9 El-Khadragy, 2008, fig. 2; Griffith, 1889, pl. 13, 38–40, inscription in tomb Siût IV [38–40]. As Fischer already observed, personal names can at times be augmented by the epithet at (Fischer, 1961b, 59). Both Fischer, 1968, 130–131, n. 576, and Brovarski, 1985, 134, discuss the possibility that an additional i͗ḳr after personal names acted as a posthumous distinction during the Heracleopolitan Period and the Eleventh Dynasty, see here footnote 13. 10 However, the name does appear for other individuals who were not holders of said office, cf. Zitman, 2010b, 180–182. 11 CG 257/JE 30969 and CG 258/JE 30986. 12 Cf. Jones, 2000a, 638–639 [2340].

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2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

Also on the western wall, above the register WI.1, a double line of inscription names not the tomb owner but Mesehti with his titles (fig. 35). Even the line superscribing the back wall of the niche is all about him (WV-WVII, fig. 38). In the scene of catching birds in a clap net in the company of the goddess Sekhet on the southern wall (SII, fig. 42), albeit just showing the likeness of Iti-ibi(-iqer), Mesehti is present in writing.

2.2 The tomb owner in his historical setting 2.2.1 Sequence of local nomarchs Finding Tomb N13.1 also meant the discovery of a hitherto unknown Siutian nomarch, I͗t(⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)(i͗ḳr), Iti-ibi(-iqer),13 and the necessity to integrate this individual into the historical framework already established for ancient Asyut. The titles he bore according to the inscriptions present him as an (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w, “overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, Lord of Asyut”, “overseer of the priests of Anubis, Lord of Ra-qereret”, “overseer of the army of the whole 13th Upper Egyptian nome”. As mentioned above, the tomb decoration puts Iti-ibi(-iqer) in connection with the nomarch Khety(-iqer), depicted on the southern wall, with the former facing the latter in veneration (fig. 28, fig. 41, pls. 94–95). It stands to reason that Khety(-iqer) was the predecessor in office of Iti-ibi(-iqer). As stated elsewhere before, of the two individuals named Khety, known as local nomarchs in the First Intermediate Period, Khety II (Tomb IV; N12.2) is the more likely candidate to have been pictured in N13.1.14 While Khety I (Tomb V; M11.1) seemingly had a peaceful governorship,15 the biographical text of Khety II describes him as an ally to the Heracleopolitan king Merikare, fighting a military campaign against Theban forces.16 In his tomb chapel, the southern wall features a scene of marching soldiers, and obviously the topic of military conflict was already visualized in the tomb of Khety II’s own predecessor, It-ibi (Tomb III; N12.1).17 As opposed to his apparent antecedent, Iti-ibi(-iqer) neither held the title ḥr.i͗-tp ꜥꜣ n šmꜥ.w “great overlord of Upper Egypt” nor ḥr.i͗-tp ꜥꜣ n Ndf.t “great overlord of 13th Upper Egyptian Nome”,18 however he bore the military title of (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ mšꜥ n(.i͗) Nḏf.t ḫnt.t mi͗-ḳd⸗s – “the overseer of the troops of 13 The ‘iqer’ element is put in brackets as it is difficult to decide, if it is an integral part of a personal name or an epithet. Alexander Ilin-Tomich was so kind to point out the chronological implications of the element according to several studies: Schenkel, 1962, 76 gives evidence for the epithet i͗ḳr mꜣꜥ-ḫrw, favoring a date for the documents he has analyzed in the First Intermediate Period resp. the Eleventh Dynasty. Freed, 1996, however, assumes a date for a stele with said epithet in the early Twelfth Dynasty. Cf. also Polotsky, 1964, 63–64 who studied the expression. Further examples of this epithet on stelae have been gathered by Rosati, 2016; just like her, Brovarski, 1989, 239–241, note 275, prefers a chronological assignment for the objects in question in the early Middle Kingdom. 14 El-Khadragy, 2012, 31–46; El-Khadragy, 2007b, 114. 15 Griffith, 1889, pl. 15 (line 1ff.); Schenkel, 1965, 71–74 [§57]. For Khety I’s efforts in developing the irrigation methods in Asyut, see: Schenkel, 1978, 29–35. 16 Griffith, 1889, pl. 15, col. 9–19. For a detailed discussion of the biographical inscription of Khety II, see: El-Khadragy, 2008. 17 El-Khadragy, 2008, 226–229; fig. 4–5; pls. 3–4. 18 Cf. El-Khadragy, 2008, 231.

2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

11

the entire 13th Nome of Upper Egypt”, which obviously highlights the role he played in the war effort. And also the motif of marching troops ready for battle is still relevant for the tomb decoration, taking up most of the space of the southern part of the chapel’s eastern wall, with four registers of marching soldiers (EI.1.1–EI.1.5, fig. 30, pls. 118–124) and two registers on the northern wall (NII.1.4–5, fig. 22, pls. 21–22). As for the tomb chapel of his presumed successor, Mesehti, it seems to have remained undecorated,19 however the military subject is realized three-dimensionally in the famous models of Egyptian spearmen and Nubian archers.20 2.2.2 Approximation to a chronological placement of the tomb Putting a precise date on Tomb N13.1 is not without challenge. At this point it seems to be prudent to review the facts at hand, keeping in mind that building and decorating Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s final resting place was an endeavor spanning a certain period of time. The topographical setting as well as the architectural traits of the tomb suggest at least a somewhat limited time frame for its chronological placement. The tomb is situated high up in the seventh geological step of the gebel; in comparison, the tombs of several nomarchs, those being M11.1 (Tomb V) of Khety I, N12.1, also known as Tomb III of Iti-ibi, as well as N12.2 (Tomb IV) of Khety II, all from the First Intermediate Period, were hewn into a lower layer (geological step 6), about half way up the desert mountain, so there is no immediate spatial proximity. N13.1’s architectural characteristics – that is to say it being a single-room chapel supported by pillars with a vertical shaft leading to the burial chamber – can be found amongst local tombs dating before respectively no later than the early Twelfth Dynasty, two obvious examples being the aforementioned N12.1/Tomb III of Iti-ibi and N12.2/Tomb IV of his presumed successor Khety II, both being considerably larger than N13.1.21 A first chronological assessment mainly based on the tomb’s decoration was presented by the author in his article in 2007.22 At the heart of the then proposed line of argument was the commemoration scene visualizing the connection between Iti-ibi(-iqer) and the First Intermediate Period Siutian nomarch Khety II with the latter being the former’s predecessor and possibly father.23 It was deemed highly unlikely that a Siutian nomarch serving under Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre in a reunited Egypt would have a veneration scene in his tomb featuring the previous office holder and ally to the Heracleopolitan king Merikare.

19 The tomb could be re-identified in the year 2017 by the Asyut Project and has been given the designation K11.3, cf. Kahl, 2019, 29–32. 20 Cairo CG 258 and 257. 21 Cf. N12.1/Tomb III of Iti-ibi: Kahl et al., 2006, 243–244, fig. 2; El-Khadragy, 2006, 83, fig. 2 for N12.2/Tomb IV of Khety II. 22 El-Khadragy, 2007b, 116–119. 23 El-Khadragy, 2007b, 117.

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2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

Other elements of the decoration have chronological implications, e. g. the zigzag-frieze that tops the wall scenes is pointing towards a relatively early date as it was commonly replaced by a combination of kheker-frieze and banded frieze in provincial tomb-chapels during the Middle Kingdom.24 The long-stemmed water lily flower that Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s wife raises to her nose on the northern wall, has parallels from the Eleventh Dynasty.25 In the same image, she is holding an ꜥnḫ-emblem in the right hand which is not attested for non-royal individuals before the late First Intermediate Period and again in the late Eleventh Dynasty resp. the later Middle Kingdom.26 In the meantime, new observations have been made during recent fieldwork, leading to a better understanding of the chronological placement of the tomb itself: While in the above mentioned article from 2007, evidence is stressed that dates Iti-ibi(-iqer) into the First Intermediate Period prior to the Theban conquest,27 the find of Theban pottery and the canon of proportions used in his tomb indicate that the nomarch might have still lived during the transition from the First Intermediate Period to the Middle Kingdom;28 to be precise: it is the changes in the canon of proportions compared to earlier tombs and especially the discovery of pottery made of Theban marl clay29 that plausibly point towards a scenario in which Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s burial took place during the time when the Theban party already governed Asyut.30 If by then Mentuhotep II was already king of Egypt or still fighting against Heracleopolis cannot be determined. Therefore, Tomb N13.1 can be dated to a time span starting immediately before the unification of the empire, that means before the 13th regnal year of King Mentuhotep II and ending at the very beginning of his rule over all of Egypt.31 If we take Mesehti’s statement that it was him who prepared the tomb for his father Iti-ibi(-iqer)32 at face value, we might have an explanation for the modest size of the monument as well as why the decoration was executed not in time consuming relief but in painting. The fact that Theban pottery and a different canon of proportions can be observed as an interesting facette to the discussion if and how historical respectively political events cause or better are reflected by change in material culture. The case at hand points towards an almost immediate flow of commodities and specialized knowledge from the Theban side with the Siutian receiving and adapting both. The discovery of Tomb N13.1 in particular and the work of the Asyut Project in general contributed to plausibly establish the relative sequence of Siutian nomarchs33 (tab. 1) extended now by Iti-ibi(-iqer), while the question of his and Mesehti’s correlation with greater historical events like the defeat and conquest of Asyut by Theban forces under Mentuhotep II and the reunification of Egypt under the

24 Cf. Blackman, 1915a, pl. 10; Blackman/Apted, 1953b, pls. 13, 15–17, 19; Davies/Gardiner, 1920, pls. 4, 15, 31–33; Newberry, 1893a, pls. 11–20, 29–30, 32, 34–37; Newberry, 1893b, pls. 4–5, 7, 11–17; Griffith/Newberry, 1895, pl. 11. For a First Intermediate Period example associating the kheker-frieze with the banded frieze at Asyut in the chapel of Khety II see: El-Khadragy, 2008, 221, 226, figs. 1–5. 25 Brovarski, 1989, 236–237. 26 Fischer, 1973, 23–24, nn. 31, 33. 27 El-Khadragy, 2007b, 117–119. 28 Kahl, 2013, 141–146. 29 Kahl, 2016, 35. 30 Cf. also Kahl, 2019, 27. 31 Gestermann, 2008, 1–15. 32 Cf. the inscription in section NIII. 33 Cf. El-Khadragy, 2012, passim, Kahl, 2012, 170, fig. 5; Kahl, 2019, 33–34.

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2. The tomb owner in his social and historical setting

same king remains.34 Another interesting question is that of the succession of the influential office of the nomarch after Mesehti and whether the owner of the Northern Soldiers-Tomb (H11.1), and Anu (the location of whose tomb is unknown) represent a new line of office-holders or descended from the same family.35 Table 1: Sequence of Siutian Nomarchs in the First Intermediate Period (adapted from Kahl, 2019, fig. 12) Tomb

Localization

Tomb owner

Most important titles

Dating

Tomb V (M11.1)

Step 6

Khety I

Count, overseer of priests of Wepwawet, overseer of priests of Anubis, overseer of priests of Osiris

First Intermediate Period

Tomb III (N12.1)

Step 6

Iti-ibi

Count, overseer of priests of Wepwawet, overseer of priests of Anubis

First Intermediate Period

Khety II

Great Overlord of the 13th Nome of Upper Egypt, count, overseer of priests of Wepwawet, overseer of priests of Anubis

Merikare/First Intermediate Period Time of the conquest of Asyut by Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre (11th Dyn.) Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre (11th Dyn.)

Tomb IV (N12.2)

Step 6

Tomb N13.1

Step 7

Iti-ibi(-iqer)

Overseer of troops of the whole 13th Nome of Upper Egypt, overseer of priests

Tomb K11.3 (Hogarth Tomb 3)

Step 8

Mesehti

Count, overseer of priests of Wepwawet, overseer of priests of Anubis

Tomb M10.1

Step 6

?

First Intermediate Period – early 12th Dyn. (a more precise date is not possible at this point)

Tomb H11.1 (Northern SoldiersTomb)

Step 6

?

11th Dyn.

Tomb I10.1

Step 6

?

End of 11th Dyn./beginning of 12th Dyn.

Tomb of Anu

Localization unclear (possibly Tomb I10.1 or H11.1)

Anu

Count, overseer of priests of Wepwawet

Beginning of 12th Dyn.

34 Cf. Kahl, 2019, 36–37 for an overview of nomarchs and historical events. 35 Concerning Anu cf. Roccati, 1974, 43; furthermore cf. El-Khadragy, 2012, 31–46; Abdelrahiem, 2020, 46–47.

3. Architectural features The facade of Tomb N13.1 is partly smoothed, the area around the door is set back slightly. It seems the front was not finished as a lot of the natural rock surface seems untouched, however the floor of the dromos leading to the doorway is hewn out well (pl. 2a) and it is conceivable that it once was part of a causeway. In later times, quarrying activities encroached upon the tomb destroying pharaonic structures and changing the gebel’s surface to such an extent that the original approach can be reconstructed but in a rather general manner.1 Nowadays secured by a modern metal door, an entrance passage of 1.40 m length provides access to the tomb. At its end, a number of different features chiseled into the stone indicate that a large wooden door was once used to close the entry way (pl. 4b). The upper hinge of the door had to be put into a pivot hole in the ceiling first; the lower hinge was then set into the ground, being led through a rectangular hollow in the floor, into another, larger pivot hole. After the door was inserted, these structures in the ground could be covered to make them traversable. With the door stop inside the tomb, the open door would swing inward and instead of using a raised threshold and a lowered top jamb the stone masons had sunk shallow square recesses into the room’s ceiling as well as the floor thus providing the edges against which the door would close as well as the necessary space within which the door leaf could be moved (cf. fig. 3).2 The tomb chapel of N13.1 consists of one trapezoidal hall with a niche in the middle of the back i. e. western wall. The width of the floor increases from 7.60 m at the eastern i. e. entrance side to 9.25 m at the back of the room in the west, right in front of the niche (figs. 4, 6). The length of the hall is 8.40 m from the entrance to the niche, which itself is max. 2.25 m deep and raises the total extent of the tomb chapel to 10.65 m. The room is architecturally divided into three sections (pls. 5, 7): The first section right behind the entryway is approximately 3 m in height and ends with a three-stepped ledge, which lowers the ceiling of the section following. Very shallow vertical ledges on the northern and southern walls each emphasize the partition (pls. 15, 11). Two pillars are positioned right beneath the threestepped ceiling ledge. The second section continues to the western wall, where the niche, with its further lowered ceiling, constitutes the third section. Besides the aforementioned shallow protrusions on the northern and southern walls, a larger vertical ledge can be found at the northern part of the western wall (pl. 10, 47) that is not repeated in the southern part. From the floor of the tomb chapel three shafts cut into the rock lead to burial chambers: shaft 1 and 3 belonging to the original layout, shaft 2 which is actually rather a short slanting passage ending in a small chamber, being a later addition (figs. 7–12, pls. 8, 9).3 The ceiling is smoothed but undecorated (fig. 5). The floor is very irregular today, due to later modifications like holes and carvings and possibly also burial pits (figs. 4, 12; cf. pl. 9).

1 Cf. Kahl et al., 2008, 204. 2 Cf. Königsberger, 1936, and Fischer, 1996. 3 Cf. chapter 6.

16

3. Architectural features

The bedrock is interspersed with nodules of siliceous limestone, which in places are jutting out of the decorated walls or pillars as they were supposedly too big for removal (cf. pls. 6, 9, 113). Elsewhere, spots where the plaster coating flaked off reveal that smaller nodules were indeed extracted, leaving roughly hewn holes in the walls that were subsequently filled with plaster to smooth the surfaces (cf. pl. 107). A large crevice pervades the front section of the tomb, including the ceiling, the northern and southern wall, as well as the floor and the walls of shaft 3 (pls. 12b, 93). It is filled with soft, red-brown tafl which has crumbled in large parts, causing the decorated plaster that once covered it to chip off (figs. 3, 5, 9–12).4

4 Cf. also the architectural descriptions by Kilian, 2019, 17–19, and Verhoeven, 2020, 3–4.

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration The walls and the sides of the two pillars are coated with a thin layer of gypsum-plaster, on which all the inscriptions and representations were applied with paint. Although most scenes are quite severely damaged with the surface scratched, pecked out or covered with paint in Islamic times, plenty remains to identify the themes of decoration and the associated inscriptions. There is no evidence that the long lines were made with the help of a long line doused in pigment and then snapped against the wall. Instead of this kind of chalk line an instrument like a ruler must have been used. It should be pointed out that when colors are described in the publication at hand, it is based on their appearance in the 21st century CE after having undergone multiple processes of aging over the millennia. While some colors seem basically unchanged in spite of having been exposed to pollution, water damage etc., others were obviously impacted by environmental factors. It is often difficult to determine if the hues that can be observed today are the result of darkening or fading. The creamy beige color of the gypsum plaster was probably a shining white when Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s funeral took place, and it is highly doubtable that a number of men were originally depicted with blond hair.

4.1 Colors of hieroglyphs Red-brown, blue and yellow are used for the polychrome hieroglyphic inscriptions with outlines drawn in black (cf. e. g. pl. 149). The hieroglyphs listed in the extensive table below follow the sequence of the Gardiner Sign-list. Their coloring is described and their location on the wall given (e. g. SII = southern wall, section SII; BE = pillar B, eastern wall). Included are all signs in the polychrome inscriptions, excluded are the ones of small scene captions and of the offering lists, as they are unexceptionally executed in blue color with black outlines. On the northern wall, section NII, there are a few inscriptions with characters somewhat smaller than the ones of the large texts heading the registers, but still bigger than the hieroglyphs of the blue and black captions. Their coloring often varies from that of the large signs. In the given table they are marked for easy identification and possible distinction of different coloring conventions. “NII (b)” thus means hieroglyphs from the big inscriptions, “NII (m)” the middle-sized polychrome signs. “W line” denotes the signs of the long inscription line on the west wall, reaching from WIX over the niche until WIII.

18 Gardiner Sign-list

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Sign

Color

Location

(A12)

blue hair, red body, colorless kilt, black weapons NII, WIX

A211 (JSesh)a

? gray/black hair, red skin, colorless kilt, black weapon, yellow object

SII

 

red body, blue hair, colorless kilt

NIII

red body, blue hair, colorless kilt red skin, colorless kilt, hair not preserved red skin, colorless kilt + hair

NII (m) BS BE

 

skin + stick red, colorless kilt, hair not preserved SII yellow, blue hair and beard yellow, blue hair, black beard yellow, blue hair, colorless face, black beard

NII (b) NII (m) BS

  

red, blue hair, black beard, yellow chair yellow, blue hair?

NIII NII (b)

red body, colorless kilt, hair not preserved

BS

yellow yellow, blue hair

BE BS

red skin, hair not preserved red skin, blue hair, no beard yellow skin, blue hair

SI SII BN, BE

red, blue hair yellow, blue hair

SII W line, WI

blue

AS

blue

NIII, W line, WI, WIX NII (b)

A19 (A21) A147 (VisualGlyph) A25 A40

A50 A84 B1 D1

D2 D3 D4

  



D21



yellow, black pupil blue red

D28



NII (m) NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW

red yellow

NIII, WIX, SIII NII (b), WIII, AE, BS

a The soldier ideogram/determinative in our three examples NII, WIX and SII is shown standing and holding an ax supported over one of his shoulders, while the soldier’s other hand of SII holds a shield, the object held in the other hands of NII and WIX is not clear. Such palaeographic feature of the standing soldier ideogram/determinative is consistent with the other provincial inscriptions dated to the First Intermediate Period at Asyut, Dendera, Naga ed-Dêr and Deir el-Bersheh (cf. Griffith, 1889, pls. 11: 7, 10, 16, 34 (Tomb III), 14: 48 (Tomb IV), 15: 17 (Tomb V); Fischer, 1968, 138; Brovarski, 1989, 268–70, fig.20; Griffith/Newberry, 1895, pl. 13: 15, respectively).

19

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Gardiner Sign-list D36

D40 (D45) D140 (VisualGlyph)

Sign

 



D46



D52



D54



D58

E1 E9 E16



  

E23



E153 (VisualGlyph)



F1



Color

Location

red

yellow

NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW W line, BE

red

BS

red

NII

red

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, AS, AE, BN

red yellow

W line WIX

yellow

AS

red

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, SII, AS, AE, BN, BS, BE

yellow

SII

yellow

NII (b), WIX

yellow

NIII, W line

blue blue jackal, yellow shrine blue jackal, red shrine

NII (b), SI, SIII NII (b), NIII, W line, WIII, AN, AS W line, WIX

yellow, blue face

NII (m)

blue jackal + uraeus, red standard + base blue jackal + uraeus, red standard base, black standard blue jackal + uraeus, red standard base, blue standard blue jackal + uraeus, red standard, colorless horizontal element blue jackal + uraeus, colorless standard, base at the front, standard destroyed blue, standard colorless blue, red standard base

NII (b), SIII NII (b), NIII, WI, SII WIX

red yellow

WIII NII (b)

W line NII (b) AN AS

20

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration

Gardiner Sign-list



Color

Location

red legs, blue head and mane yellow legs, blue head and mane

F13



NII (b), AE NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BN, BS

blue yellow

F21



NII (m), AS NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, BS

yellow

NIII, WI

yellow

SI

red yellow

NII (b), AE NIII, WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, BN, BS, BE, BW

yellow

WI, WIX, SII

blue red yellow



AS SIII, BE NII (b), W line, WIX, SIII, AN, AE, BS

yellow

NIII, W line

G1



blue yellow

NII (m) NII (b, m), W line, WI, WIX, SII, BS, BE

G4

   

yellow

NII (b)?

yellow, blue wing and head

NI

yellow, blue wings, head not preserved

AS

blue yellow, colorless front

yellow, blue wing

NII (m) NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW SII



yellow

WI



yellow

NII (m)

F4



F32



F34

F35

 

F39

F44

G5 G7 G17

G25

Sign

b

G29 b Cf. Polotsky, 1929, 10.

21

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Gardiner Sign-list G38 G39

Sign

Color

Location

 

yellow

SII

yellow

yellow, blue wing + tail feathers yellow, blue wing + head yellow, colorless detail wing

NII (b), SII, SIII, AN, AS NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, SII, SIII NIII SIII BS

yellow

BN

yellow, blue legs yellow

NIII NII (b), NIII, W line, WIII, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, BN, BS, BE

yellow

NII (b), WIII

yellow

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, BN, BE, BW AN

yellow, blue wing

G40 G43

H1 I9

 





yellow, colorless details I10 K4 K5 L2









yellow

W line, WI, BS, BE

yellow

BS

yellow red tailfin, head destroyed

SII SIII

red body + head, yellow wings + legs yellow

NII (b) WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BS NII (m), W line, WIX SIII BN

yellow, red zigzag on body yellow, red head, red zigzag on body yellow, blue legs M1



blue yellow

BE NII (b), BS

M1, I9, X1

 

yellow

NII (b)

blue yellow

NII (m) NII (m), SII

M3



22 Gardiner Sign-list

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Sign

Color

Location

  

yellow

WIII

yellow

BS

blue

yellow with blue stem

NII (b), SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, BN, BE NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SII, SIII, AS, AE, BS, BE AS

yellow, blue inflorescence yellow, inflorescence +details below base blue

WIX, SII SII

blue yellow

NII (b), W line, SIII AN, BN

 

blue yellow

BS AN NIII, W line AS

yellow

W line, SIII

N5

 

yellow yellow scroll, colorless rope, red ribbon yellow red circle, yellow dot

NII (m), NIII, SII, SIII, AN AE

N16

 / 

yellow

NII (b), SI, AS, BE

 

blue yellow

NII (m) NII (b), BN

yellow

AS

yellow

AS

yellow

NII (b, m)

red yellow

WI NII (b), NIII, W line, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AS, AE, BN, BS

blue yellow

NII (m), AS NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AE, BS WIX, AN

M12 M13 M17

blue with yellow stem

M21 M23

M26 M40 M42

N21 N24 N25 N26

 







N29



N31



yellow, colorless lower shrub

23

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Gardiner Sign-list N35

Sign



N37



N38



(N42) O1

O2 O4 O6 + I10 O10

 





  

O29



O34



O49



O51 O70 (VisualGlyph) P8 Q1

   

Color

Location

black blue

gray colorless

SI, SII NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SII, SIII, AS, BN AN AS, AE, BS, BE

blue

WI

blue inside, yellow outside

NIII, W line, SII

yellow

NII (m), NIII

red yellow

NII (b) NIII, W line, WI, SIII, AS

yellow

BN

yellow

AN

yellow

SII

blue frame, yellow bird, blue wing yellow frame (?), yellow bird, blue wing yellow frame, yellow bird, blue wing + tail yellow frame, yellow bird, blue head + wing

AE NIII, SIII SIII BE

yellow

BE

red

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, BS, BE

red yellow

W line NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, SI, SII, SIII, AS, AE

yellow

BN

yellow

NII (b)

red yellow

SIII SI

yellow

NII (b), AS, AW

24 Gardiner Sign-list Q3

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Sign



Color

Location

blue

yellow, frame + inner line colorless yellow, frame + inner line blue

NII (b), WI, SI, SIII, AN, AS, BE AN NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SII, SIII, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE AN AS

yellow

NII (b)

blue, frame + inner line yellow yellow

R4



R8



blue

NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SIII, AN, AS, BN, BS, BE

R11

red

NII (b)

S19

 

blue yellow

S21



BN NII (b, m), W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BS

red yellow

WIX NII (b), W line, WIII, SIII, AS AN

yellow, filled with yellow S29

/ 

red (mostly inversed)

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW

(S29+V6) V105 (VisualGlyph)



yellow

BS (used for S28

S34

  

yellow

BS

yellow

W line

blue

AS

red yellow

BN NII (m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BS NII (b) BW

T14, mirrored T18 T21



yellow, red barb yellow, blue barb

)

25

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Gardiner Sign-list

Sign

Color

Location



blue

SIII



yellow

SII



yellow

SIII, AN, AE, BS

U1



red yellow

NII (b) NII (b), NIII, W line, WI, WIX, SI, SIII, AN, AS, AE, BN, BS, BE

U6



red yellow

NII (b) NII (m), NIII, W line, SI, SII, SIII, AS, AE, BN, BS, BE

U13



yellow

BS

yellow

W line (inversed)

pick red, ground grey/black

W line

red

red handle, yellow blade yellow

WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BN, BS, BW NII (b) NII (m)

yellow

W line

T22 (T26) U145 var. (VisualGlyph) T28

U15 U17 U23

U24c

  

 var.

U30



yellow

W line, WI

U33

 

red

BS

blue

NII (b), NIII, W line, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, BS, BE



blue yellow

AE SI, BN, BS

blue outlines, yellow inside

BS

U36

V4 V5 var. (?)

for:

 (?)

V13



yellow

W line, SII, BE

V22



yellow

NII (b), SII

c Although deviated slightly from its normal shape, the stone-worker’s drill ideogram (Gardiner Sign-list U24) still shows here all its main components; namely the upper handle, the two weighted stones at top, but too slenderized instead of being oval as usual, the crank drill and the drive rod driven into a stone vessel (cf. Drenkhahn, 1976, 74, figs. 19, 23).

26 Gardiner Sign-list

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Sign

Color

Location

V28



blue yellow

NII (m) NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, SI, SII (four loops), SIII, AN, AS, AE, BN, BS, BE

V29



yellow

BE

blue

yellow

NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AE, AW, BS, BE SI, AS

red

SII, BS

yellow

W line

V30

V31 (W11)



 

W14



blue blue top, yellow body yellow

AN NIII, AS, AE SIII

W16

 

yellow

BN

yellow yellow bottles with blue top and stand yellow bottles with blue top, stand unclear

BN NII (b) AE



red yellow + black, layered upper part yellow, lower part red

NII (b) AS AE

red yellow

WIII NII (b)

yellow

NIII, BN

yellow

SII

blue

NII (m), WIX, SI, SII, AN, AE, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW NII (b) NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AS, AE, BN, BE

W18

W19

(W22) W24 W25 X1

 var.  



red yellow X2 X8

 

yellow

WIII

yellow

NII (b), BE

27

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration Gardiner Sign-list Y2 Y3 Y5

Sign







Z1



Z2



Z3 Z11

 

Aa1



Aa11



Aa12



mAa

mAa Aa20

 var.

Color

Location

yellow

NIII, W line, AS, BS, BE

yellow

W line, AS

yellow

NIII, WIII, AS

blue red yellow

NII, SI, AS NII (b), AN, AE NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, AW, BN, BS, BE, BW

blue red yellow

NII (m) NII (b), AE NII (b, m), NIII, W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SI, SII, SIII, AN, AS, BS

red yellow

NII (b) NII (b, m)

red yellow

NII (b) BN

blue yellow

NII (m) NII (m), W line, WI, WIII, WIX, SII, SIII, AE, BN, BS, BE

red

NIII

red yellow

NII (b), SI, SIII, AS NII (b), W line

yellow

SII

Aa23



yellow

AE, BE

Aa28



red yellow

NII (b) AS







Hieroglyphs showing persons or human body parts, like (A25), (D58) or (D36), are normally painted in red-brown following the skin coloring conventions. As could be expected, in N13.1 they mostly appear in a context with a male person. In very few cases, the sign, or rather, the skin is colored yellow when the text is mentioning a woman (only: A40

 in NII (m), D28  in AE, D36

 in BE, D58  in SII, W25  in SII), but this does not seem to be an unbreakable principle:

28

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration





e. g. in the columns mentioning Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s wife Senebti on AE, D28 is yellow but D58 is red-brown, showing the inconsistencies. which appears in red-brown (W line) as well as in yellow (WIX.1.1) Another example is sign D52 demonstrating that – at least in this tomb – the choice of color for signs of body part shape does not depend on the gender of the named person or the content of the text.



There seems to be some interchangeability between blue and black – blue is often used instead of black, e. g.





and E153 are blue, hair the jackals of E16 ) is mostly blue as well. The water line (N35 D1



 (D3) and hair of anthropomorphic signs (e. g.

 ) in fact can be painted black instead of blue (cf.

e. g. SII). Blue also is used for elements that one would expect to be colored green, as e. g. M1

 or M17

 , a phenomenon that can also be seen in the rest of the decoration of N13.1, with only a few exemptions . 1

In quite a number of cases, the fungibility of yellow and blue occurs, (keeping in mind that in some examples blue might have been regarded as equal to green). Also, red-brown and yellow were regularly exchanged.2

4.2 Anomalies in the orientation of signs A number of hieroglyphic signs are written retrogradely, some with an obvious regularity, others only sporadically. The following list shows the signs, their actual orientation as well as the reading direction of the text. Their position in the inscriptions of the tombs is listed, as well as the number of the respective signs in the column/line which are actually retrograde. Gardiner

Position

Reading direction text

Frequency

NIII, line 2

ß

2 of 2

WI, lines 1+2 ß

5 of 5

WIII.1.1 ß

1 of 1



WIX.1.1, dogs à

2 of 2

SII, line 1 à

1 of 2

SII, line 3 à

1 of 1

SII, line 5 à

1 of 1

AN, column 2 à

1 of 1

S29

Depiction

Instead of

 

 

1 Cf. chapter 4.3. 2 This matches the conclusion of Schenkel, who has described these colors to be interchangeable: Green and blue can be exchanged, as well as yellow and red, as they were generally seen as cold and warm colors respectively, cf. Schenkel, 2015, 20. Exchanging yellow and blue (or green) as occurring in the hieroglyphs of N13.1 regularly, is not mentioned as constancy by Schenkel.

29

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration

Gardiner M3

Depiction



Instead of



Position

Reading direction text

Frequency

WIX.1.2, column

à

1 of 1

BS, column 2

ß

1 of 1

NIII, line Senebti

à

1 of 1

WIX.1.1, lower dog à

1 of 1



1 of 1

M26 U6



U15 V4

   

 





NIII, line 1

ß

 W line à



SI, column Iti-ibi(-iqer) à

1 of 1 1 of 1

The thought arises, that more than one artist wrote the inscriptions onto the tomb’s walls and that possibly one of them can be linked to the occurrence of the retrograde signs. SIII, NIII and the small captions in WIX all show several cases of retrograde signs, conceivably, those areas were drawn by the same person. However other retrograde signs are distributed irregularly throughout the tomb’s texts, prompting the question what caused this peculiarity – a flawed text template that was copied, a conscious choice or honest mistake by the executing artisan. Fischer, discussing the reversal of individual hieroglyphs, describes an “occasional tendency to retain the prevalent rightward orientation for inscriptions that face left”.3 This might be an explanation for several of the signs in N13.1 appearing in texts written from left to right. However, this does not explain the retrograde hieroglyphs in text written from right to left. All in all, the number of examples for this phenomenon is rather small in N13.1, too small to elucidate possible underlying patterns. The area WV–WVII features several lines and columns of hieroglyphs executed quite differently, being drawn with black outlines and details only, whereas the interior was not colored in but shows the beige background hue. Around the signs red-brown pigment was applied demarcating the margins of the inscription line (pl. 70). Smaller hieroglyphs used in the offering lists or as captions near several scenes, are held in blue with black outlines (cf. e. g. pl. 56). Lines framing the inscriptions are painted blue or black.

4.3 Colors of the representations Red-brown paint is used for the skin of men and yellow for women’s. Noteworthy is the blue painted skin of a fabulous creature in the hunting scene (SIII.2.2, pl. 106) and a similarly colored figure associated with the goddess Sekhet in the fowling scene (SII.2, left side, pl. 101). The tree in the tree felling scene (SI.2, pl. 110), the stems of lotus flowers (e. g. SI.1, pl. 95) and of reed plants (on top of the offering tables, cf. e. g. pl. 62, as well as in most hieroglyphs) and also the small papyrus skiffs (e. g. SI.3, pl. 112) are painted blue instead of green. In these cases, it might be assumed that

3 Fischer, 1977b, 112.

30

4. Coloring and execution of the decoration

blue was regarded as an alternative to green paint.4 The color green itself is used in this tomb though, but only rarely. In SII.1 the inside of the net in the fowling scene is painted green (pl. 101). In the same



for “field”, sḫ.t, on top of the goddess Sekhet’s head, green is used scene, for the hieroglyphic sign for the spikelets (however the panicles are done in blue). A streamer hanging down from Sekhet’s fillet is colored green (pl. 98) in a technique that can also be observed on the western wall: WV.1 shows a vessel partly painted blue covered by yellow, which results in a green tone (pl. 68). In both cases, green seems to have been produced by layering blue and yellow on top of each other on the wall itself. Finally, parts of the plumage of the cranes in WI.3 (pls. 43, 44) appear slightly greenish in addition to the basic blue coloring, suggesting that a shade of green was somehow mixed in or overlaid. The basic color palette used in Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s tomb – red-brown, blue, yellow and black – was completed in some scenes by different shades of coloring, apparently prepared by mixing the pigments at hand, and applied, for example to depictions of animals for a broader range of fur-colors and coat patterns (e. g. SIII.2.5, pl. 108) or images of boats and ships rendering the wooden hulls in a variety of hues (e. g. SI.3, pl. 111). There are a number of examples of a vermillion red, e. g. on the western wall (WIII.1.5, pl. 51), where it was used for the depiction of a clay jar, or for the column and line borders of the offering lists (pl. 53). The question arises if this intense orange was created with the same red pigment like the dark red-brown usually utilized in the tomb albeit in a lesser saturation resulting in a brighter hue. The color black is well preserved in some places but has largely vanished in others.5 While in some scenes gray and not solid black was used on purpose, other scenes must have faded, turning the original dark paint a shade of gray or rose. The walls are bordered at the top by a black line pattern of triangles and vertical strokes composing a zigzag-frieze, which in many parts, due to aging, has paled to different tinges of black or gray, being in some spots scarcely recognizable nowadays (cf. pl. 56). Underneath the zigzag-frieze, the walls are framed at the top as well as at the outermost sides by a banded frieze with oblong blocks of red-brown, blue and yellow paint. Between the colored blocks are narrow rectangles that were left blank and thus only show the tone of the wall plaster; all elements are outlined in black or, possibly intentionally, in gray6 (cf. pl. 44). On each wall the area of decoration is separated from the plain dado below by two painted horizontal bands, the upper one being red-brown, the lower one yellow, both have narrow black outlines. The socle area below these bands is plastered but undecorated (cf. pl. 28).

4 This phenomenon seems to be a local particularity as it can be observed in other tombs on the Gebel Asyut al-gharbi. For the exchangeability of colors, cf. Schenkel, 1963; especially for the substitutability of green and blue cf. Schenkel, 1963, 132; Schenkel, 2015, 23. 5 Cf. Davies, N. M., 1936, text, xlvi, where black is described as the color most likely to disappear on plaster. JarošDeckert, 1984, 19, mentions the same problem for the black color in the tomb of Jnj-jtj.f in the Asasif. 6 Only the lower line framing the continuous horizontal inscription, running on top of WIX, going on above the niche and finishing atop WIII, is not black but blue in color, as are the borders of the vertical band on the northern side of WI.

5. Representations and inscriptions The following chapter delivers a thorough description of the decoration program chosen for Tomb N13.1. Hewn into the north-eastern flank of Gebel Asyut al-gharbi, the longitudinal axis of the complex is not strictly aligned with magnetic north but veering off at roughly a 45 degree angle towards the east (fig. 1 and fig. 2). The reason for this offset lies undoubtedly in the local topography, and regardless of the deviation in relation to the four points of the compass, the arrangement of texts and scenes clearly denote the allocation of the chamber’s walls to the sacral cardinal directions. Thus, although the back wall of the chamber is actually in the southwest, it is here labeled ‘western’ wall as it features a niche with a false door i. e. the main focus of cultic activities. The same applies to the labeling of the other walls as well. The system of numbering the scenes is explained in chapter 1.3.

5.1 The entrance The northern part of the door jamb displays a small and easily missed carving mentioning the name I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-ꜥꜣ (pl. 12a).1

   

It is positioned quite low, at approximately waist height. The carving is executed well; no remains of color could be detected. Interestingly, as substantial parts of the entrance area still show the finishing plaster coat on top of the hewn stone, the inscription must have been covered eventually as well and thus turned invisible once the tomb was finished. This suggests that the inscription was used to denote the proprietor of the tomb during the time of construction. It is by sheer luck that this example of an informal label placed at the entrance of a tomb with the name of the owner as opposed to a clearly composed and executed official decoration remained intact. Due to extensive stone quarrying activities, the entrance areas of many of the local tombs are poorly preserved, hence further attestations of such a labeling practice in the necropolis of Asyut al-gharbi are highly unlikely.

5.2 The northern wall The northern wall can be divided into three major sections with NI starting in the eastern corner running over a length of roughly 3.80 m up to the point where the ceiling is lowered, in line with the pillars; NII still stretches over approximately 2.5 m with NIII taking up the last two meters of wall space. 1 Discovered incidentally by Ursula Verhoeven in September 2014; cf. also Verhoeven, 2020, 5, pl. 24a–b.

32

5. Representations and inscriptions

NI.1 – The tomb owner, family members and possibly a biographical inscription (Scheme figs. 22, 23, facsimile fig. 32, photo pl. 12b) Section NI shows severe water damage2 that erased a large part of the decoration. Below the block frieze are remains of two long lines of polychrome hieroglyphs that once probably stretched over the whole length of this wall area (pls. 13, 14). Note: The block letters inside the destroyed areas indicate traces of color (Y = yellow, R = red, B = blue)

             ... R

Y Y Y

Y

1

Y

2

                  ...         B B

B

R

B

B

R Y Y

R

B

B

B

B

B

Y

Y

B

B

B

B B

1) […] [s] […] s n m […] [Zꜣ]w.t(i͗) [i͗r t s] […] s:wꜣ.w ḥr wꜥ […] [s]y […] p [mꜣ] […] i͗ […] 2) […] r t […] i͗ w […] E1 […] n […] [ꜥ] […] [ḥm(.w) nṯr] n(i͗) […] [ꜥ] […] 1) [...] … [As]yut [...] passing by ... [...] 2) [...] … [...] [priests] of [...] Three more lines, which seem to have been polychrome, but now have lost nearly all of their coloration, except for remnants of blue and very slight traces of red and yellow, are positioned on the left part of NI, presumably relating to the scene depicted below them. The hieroglyphs are slightly smaller than the signs in the two lines above. The first line shows two different writing directions, indicating a subdivision separating different text parts as in NIII.1 (see below). The part to the right might have been directed at the figure of a woman below the inscription, presumably the tomb owner’s wife, while the left part is about Iti-ibi(-iqer) himself (pls. 13, 14). Right part: 1

  ...         Y

Y

B

B

Y

1) […] [t] […] [t] […] t ḥz(i͗)[.yt⸗f] 1) [...] … whom [he] favors… Left part:

                     ...       Y B

Y

R

B

R

Y

1 2

2 Rain water might have entered the tomb through the alleged large tomb robbers’ hole in the ceiling at the northeastern corner and/or the natural crevice with crumbled tafl.

33

5. Representations and inscriptions

      B

R

B

        ...        R R R

B

Y

B

B

B

Y

B

Y

Y

Y

Y

3

B

1) [i͗m.i͗-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr [ni͗.w] Wp[(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt] nb [Zꜣw.t(i͗)] […] [t] i I͗t? […] ḳ […] 2) [Wp(i͗)]-wꜣ[(i͗).wt] nb Z[ꜣw.t(i͗)] […] [i͗m.i͗-rꜣ] [ḥm(.w) nṯr I͗npw] nb [Rꜣ-ḳrr.t] […] sw […] [I͗t(i͗⸗i͗]i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗[ḳr] 3) […] i͗ n […] [ḥꜣt] […] […] [z] […] [r] 1) [The overseer of] the priests [of] Wep[wawet], lord [of Asyut], It(i)[-ib(i)-i]q[er] (?). 2) [Wep]wawe[t], lord of As[yut] … [overseer of] the priests of A[nubis], lord [of Ra-qerere]t [...][...] [It(i)-] ib(i)-i[qer]. 3) [...] … [the count?] … [...] [Me]s[ehti-iqe]r? Scene NI.1 (pl. 15) is dominated by a large male figure on the left side, identified as the tomb owner by the text above. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is standing and looking to the right, which also means that he is turned towards the east i. e. the tomb entrance. A streamer hanging from his now lost fillet can be discerned, which most likely used to be polychrome, although only blue and a few spots of yellow still linger. Remains of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s right arm, adorned with a blue and yellow bracelet, and the lower parts of his legs are visible yet. His position is very similar to the one in EI.1.1 (see below; pl. 119) and it is possible that the tomb owner in this scene was originally depicted holding a sḫm-scepter in his right and a long so-called mdw-staff,3 in his left; a combination of pictorial elements that occurs frequently in N13.1.4 Behind him, a small figure of another male person is standing in the same manner. Remnants of his face are still recognizable, as are parts of his arms and the lower section of his body including a knee-long, white protruding kilt. He is grasping a yellow and blue colored sḫm-scepter and a long, yellow staff.5 Above this figure, two columns of polychrome hieroglyphs denote his identity:

3 Cf. Hassan, 1976, 188. 4 For the use of these insignia by officials, see Hassan, 1976, 188f. 5 According to Staehelin, 1966, 155, sons of tomb owners are not depicted with this kind of staff, if they are shown in the presence of their fathers. However, in the case at hand, Mesehti is handling the same implements in the same way as Iti-ibi(-iqer), i. e. he is not just carrying them for the tomb owner, but has assumed the same pose and the same habitus. It could be taken into consideration that it was him who finished the tomb for his father in a time, when he had already achieved a different social standing than that of the heir apparent. It could also point to a change of pictorial conventions – Staehelin’s examples date back to the Old Kingdom; possibly, this is another example of principals in tomb decoration losing their binding force in the First Intermediate Period.

34

5. Representations and inscriptions 2

1

              

            

Y Y Y

Y

YB

R

R

B

B

a

Y Y

Y

B

a The fragmentary preserved hieroglyphic sign of some standing man ideogram might be Gardiner Signlist A19. For the reconstruction, cf. NIII.1, fig. 33, pl. 23. 1) zꜣ⸗f [sms.w] […] [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [i͗] […] 2) [mꜣ] […] [y] […] [t] […] [t] […] 1) His eldest son, […] the overseer of [...] 2) [...]6 In front of the tomb owner, very few color remains attest to the presence of a female figure of the same height as Iti-ibi(-iqer). She is facing him. The lower part of her blue skirt and parts of her feet adorned with polychrome anklets are preserved. She is holding a blue ꜥnḫ-emblem7 in the hand behind her back. A woman depicted at a much smaller scale is standing behind the main female figure, looking towards the left. Only parts of her head and upper body still exist. She wears a long wig as well as a collar and bracelet painted in blue, red-brown and yellow. A bouquet of water lily plants8 is in her right hand with two stems hanging down and two or three buds held towards her nose. The rest of the scene is destroyed. More to the east, there are faint traces of several vertical columns with polychrome signs, which start right below the horizontal inscription lines and seem to continue downwards; as there is a patch of plaster with remains of four columns behind the small female figure.

6 The remains of color at the end of col. 2 are not explicitly reconstructable to the name Mesehti. The fact that he is certainly mentioned in the inscription above the scene and, in addition, again called zꜣ⸗f smsw in SII.1, line 4 and NIII.1, line 1f., tells that Mesehti must be the son depicted here. 7 For this motif, see: Fischer, 1973, 23–24; nn. 31, 33. For the Heracleopolitan Period, women are attested to be depicted holding the ꜥnḫ-sign, cf. ibid.; Brovarski, 1989, 236–237 with refs. 8 For this motif, see: Brovarski, 1989, 237, 1039 with refs.

35

5. Representations and inscriptions x+9

x+8

x+7

x+6

x+5

x+4

x+3

x+2

x+1

          ...            ...    R B

B Y

Y

B R Y

R

YB

YR

...

...

B

Y

B

R

Y

...

...

...

...

... ...

...

         ...

      

R



a

...

          ... ...

B

R

R

Y

...

a Because of its bad state of preservation, the hieroglyphic sign between t and the plural strokes might or Y2 . be either Gardiner Sign-list N18





x+1) [s] […] x+2) […] x+3) […] [i͗] […] x+4) […] x+5) […] x+6) […] w […] r t […] x+7) [N31] […] s m […] x+8) […] z t nṯr Ḥr.w […] f i͗r […] x+9) […] t pw […] Only a few more single hieroglyphs are left in this area of the wall, done in red and black color. As it seems the columns and single signs all belong to one larger coherent text, the assumption can be made that they were part of a biographical inscription. The positions of the biographical inscriptions in the tombs of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s two predecessors, Iti-ibi (Tomb N12.1/Tomb III) and Khety II (Tomb N12.2/ Tomb IV) confirm this supposition,9 i. e. they are also placed on the eastern part of the northern wall of the main chamber. Further to the right might have been at least one more scene (NI.x10), but the surface of the wall is too extensively destroyed to deliver any clues as to any possible theme. Only the remains of two small 9 Cf. Kahl, 2007, 76; El-Khadragy, 2008, 220. 10 This numbering was chosen because it is unclear if the area belongs to the scene of NI.1 or if it is a separate one.

36

5. Representations and inscriptions

male figures, turned towards the left, are still present and seem to belong to two registers of the lost scene rather than to NI.2 in the area below it (cf. pl. 12b). NII.1 – Inspecting cattle and military scenes (Scheme figs. 22, 23, facsimile fig. 33, photo pl. 16) In the middle part of the northern wall, the tomb owner and his wife are shown inspecting cattle and watching military activities. Three horizontal lines of hieroglyphs superscribe the scenes reading from right to left:

                                                                                                                                                                                                                            a

different sign

1

?

c

?

2

b

different sign

d

different sign

3

?

a During the First Intermediate Period, it was common to substitute the beer-jug (Gardiner Sign-list W22) determining pr(i͗).t-ḫr.w by a beer jar with a globular belly and a slightly tall neck closed by a wide stopper (cf. Leprohon 1985, 98.1039, 12.1475, 25.673, 25.675, 25.677, 25.679; Berlev 1982, 21). b The two initial signs of the reconstructed verb mꜣꜣ; i. e. the sickle (U1) and the eye (D4) are almost completely lost, but enough remained of the following two Egyptian vulture signs (G1) to identify them with certainty. However the context and the available space suggest the reconstruction mꜣꜣ here. c The remaining curved yellow line fits well with Gardiner Sign-list V4 (cf. chapter 4.1), and the available space before it fits well with the initial sign M17. Hence [i͗wꜣ].w is suggested for the reconstruction of this less well preserved part of the text. For this reconstruction, cf. Blackman, 1914, pl. 9. d Although the nḥb.t-wand, if any, is missing now from the ideogram for ḏsr (Gardiner Sign-list D45: ), the remaining part of the sign showing a pair of arms (VisualGlyph D140) instead of the





5. Representations and inscriptions

37

conventional sign with one arm is a palaeographic feature attested for the polychrome group of stelae from Naga ed-Dêr dated to the Ninth Dynasty (cf. Brovarski, 1989, 609) and again is attested for the Naga ed-Dêr stela of In-ḥr.t-nḫt (N 3734) dated to the late Tenth and Eleventh Dynasties (cf. Brovarski, 1989, 884; Dunham, 1937b, 43; Lutz, 1927, 39). 1) ḥtp ḏ(i͗) nsw Wsi͗r […] nb […] Ḏdw [Ḫnt(.i͗)-(i͗mn).ti͗(w) nb] ꜣbḏw pr(i͗).t-ḫr.w n kꜣ n(i͗) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗) m(.i͗)-[rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) I͗npw nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t i͗mꜣḫ.y/w mꜣꜥ I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr 2) [mꜣꜣ] […] [i͗wꜣ].w i͗[n] (i͗r.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) [ḥꜣ.t(i͗)]-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) [Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).w]t nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ mšꜥ n(i͗) Nḏf.t ḫnt.t mi͗-ḳd⸗s (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ i͗sḳ[t.]wt I͗npw [nb tꜣ] ḏsr 3) nb Rꜣ-[ḳrr.t] [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ […] t Z2 šnḏ.wt šps(.wt) n(i͗.wt) Wp(i͗)-[wꜣ(i͗).w]t nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) i͗[m](.i͗)-i͗b n(i͗) nsw ḫnt(.i͗) [tꜣ.wi͗]⸗f [mḥ.0]-i͗b⸗f ḫnt(.i͗) i͗db.wi͗[⸗f] mr(i͗).y nsw [m] s.t⸗f nb(.t) i͗mꜣḫ.w/y mꜣꜥ I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b[(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr] 1) An offering which the king gives, and Osiris, [lord] of Busiris, and [Khentiamentiu, lord of] Abydos, that funerary offerings be presented to the Ka of the count, the overseer of priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of priests of Anubis, lord of Ra-qereret, the truly honored one, Iti-ibi-iqer. 2) [Viewing] the [ox]en by the hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king11, the sole companion, the overseer of priests of [Wepwaw]et, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the troops of the entire 13th Nome of Upper Egypt, the overseer of the i͗sḳt.wt-cattle of Anubis, [lord of] the sacred [land] 3) and lord of Ra[-qereret], the overseer of … of the valuable acacia-trees of Wep[wawet] (?), lord of Asyut, the favorite of the king before his [Two] Land[s], his confident, the preeminent before [his] Two Banks, beloved of the king [in] his every place, the truly honored one, Iti-ibi[-iqer]. Below this inscription, the figure of the tomb owner is standing on the left side of the scene, facing right (NII.1.1, pl. 17). He is wearing a short wig of now indiscernible color and a headband with two flowering papyrus umbels in blue, yellow and red-brown. A short and a long streamer horizontally striped with the same colors are dangling from the fillet. The accessories with which the depicted persons are decked out were not chosen haphazardly: The kind of headdress just observed in NI.1 and now here appears often in scenes of cattle inspections,12 as well as representations of the tomb owner watching agricultural scenes13 or taking part in fishing and fowling.14 Furthermore Iti-ibi(-iqer) wears a short blue chin beard, a broad collar of alternately colored rows of beads, including blue, yellow and red-brown, with a tier of dropshaped pendants at the lower end that still show traces of red paint, either from the preliminary drawing or from the finished coloring. Furthermore, he has blue bracelets and a yellow leopard’s skin wrapped only around his hips, and not as more commonly pictured covering the upper body as well.15 The fur markings are done with little crescent-shaped brush-strokes in black, neatly set into tight rows. The claws of the cat are painted in black at the edge of the fur without rendering any anatomical details of the paws. The tail, hanging between the tomb owner’s legs, seems to be patterned with brown-red triangles separated by a row of barrel-shaped strokes. Under the leopard’s skin is a short, projecting kilt, held by a belt with a loop 11 For a discussion of the royal titulary commonly translated as “king of Lower Egypt” and new interpretation cf. Kahl, 2008b. 12 Cf. Staehelin, 1966, 146–154; Zelenková, 2010, 155. 13 Cf. WIX.1, pl. 84. 14 Cf. SII.1 and SIII.1, pls. 97 and 102. 15 Cf. Harpur, 1987, 480; the leopard’s skin and the role of its wearers has been studied by Rummel, 2009.

38

5. Representations and inscriptions

at the front that shows remains of blue color. Running diagonally across the kilt, from close to the loop to the back of the bottom seam is a red stripe.16 The tomb owner leans on his yellow staff, while his right hand is resting against its knob, his left arm is curved around the staff with the hand holding at the same time a colorful sḫm-scepter. His right leg is positioned with its foot standing firmly on the ground, whereas his left leg is slightly bent at the knee and his foot only touching the ground with the toes.17 This kind of counterpoise is mostly used in scenes depicting the tomb owner during outdoor activities,18 as is the case here and in WIX.1.1 (see below; pl. 84). In front of him, below his kilt stands a small figure: his wife, facing right (pl. 18). She wears a long wig that probably used to be black, a broad polychrome collar and a long, tightly fitted blue skirt. Apart from that she appears to be topless.19 In her left hand she holds one, or perhaps two long-stemmed water lily flowers close to her nose of which the tips of the petals and maybe the curve of the calyx as well as two peduncles are still visible, while her other hand grasps an ꜥnḫ-emblem that still shows traces of blue. The column identifying the woman is positioned vertically in front of her: 1

  

sic

  

              R

1) ḥm[.t]⸗f mr(i͗).t⸗f ḥz(i͗)[.y]t⸗f rꜥ nb […] [b] […] 1) His wife, his beloved, whom he favors every day, [Sen]eb[ti-iqeret].

16 Possibly, it depicts a “Schurz mit Schrägstreifen”, cf. Staehelin, 1966, 7f., fig. 6. It is classified as a folded edge by the double line. A different opinion has Vogelsang-Eastwood, 1993, 56f., fig.4:7, who identifies the stripe as the long end of a sash tied around the hip, “decoratively lain on the kilt” (p. 57). It is very likely though, that the edge of the cloth is decorated with a colored border. In N13.1, the stripe can be painted red (NII.1.1, pl. 17; SI.1, pl. 94), blue (WIX.1.1, pl. 84) or yellow (pillar A, western side, pl. 144; pillar B, eastern side and western side, pls. 153, 156). 17 For this posture and the occurrence of carrying the sḫm-szepter in his hand, see: Harpur, 1987, 127–29. The same posture can be found quite often, cf. e. g. the tomb of Ibi (number S8) in Deir el-Gebrawi, see Kanawati, 2007, pl. 52; Blackman, 1924, pl. 14; for more comparable depictions of tomb owners concerning posture and leopard’s skin cf. Fischer, 1996b, 17 with footnote 24. 18 Cf. Harpur, 1987, 128 and 463. 19 Similarly dressed women are pictured on monuments of Eleventh Dynasty contexts such as servants of wives of Mentuhotep II, cf. Naville, 1913, 9, pl. 3; Riefstahl, 1956, pls. 8–10; Simpson, 1974, 105–107, figs. 7, 8a–b.

5. Representations and inscriptions

39

The tomb owner is oriented towards the registers in front of him, watching – the term used in the inscription above is mꜣꜣ – some of his prized possessions, in this case livestock led to him by his servants. Such representations show in a highly coded way activities of a normative respectively ideal ‚daily life’ the tomb owner wishes to participate in after his death. They are a means to communicate with the living from the afterworld and secure his provisions.20 At the same time, he demonstrates his social position and expects its recognition by the living.21 The two upper registers (NII.1.2, NII.1.3) in front of the couple display the presentation of oxen22 (pls. 16, 19–22). Both show an overseer each at the front and at the back with the space between them occupied by two men, clad in short white kilts and leading an animal on a leash. In NII.1.2, the position of the first overseer’s arms can only be described in a rather general manner as his image is quite disfigured. His left arm was probably hanging down behind his back, the right one might have been positioned in front of his chest in a gesture of deference.23 The two cattle handlers are slightly bent forward in a bow. The first one probably held his right arm in a gesture of reverence across his chest24 as shown by the man in scene NII.1.3 just below (vide infra). The second handler in register NII.1.2, though, has his right arm hanging down at his side. The figure of the overseer bringing up the rear is also mostly destroyed, but specs of red-brown paint indicate that he most likely did not extend his arm, raising it over the ox like his equivalent in the register below, but had his upper arms alongside his upper body. The fur of the first ox has a black-and-white pied color pattern. There seems to be no evidence that horns were ever painted, hence the animal was probably meant to be hornless.25 The second ox in this register shows a similar coat like the first one, with black patches all over. Its horns though, done in yellow, are emerging from the animal’s cranium straight upwards with only a slight forward curve. The horns are drawn in a staggered manner, resembling a proper profile, not in the more common frontal view.26 The hooves are painted yellow. In NII.1.3, the overseer in the front has his right arm bent across his chest in deference and reaches back with his left arm towards the cattle handler behind him to touch his head, thus urging him to bow down deeper in front of their patron Iti-ibi(-iqer).27 The handler is stooping with his right arm bent close to his chest, while holding on to a leash with his left hand. It is not clear if the following second handler is bowing since the figure is largely erased, but it is still noticeable that he has a rope in his right hand and it is running in front of his body and along the neck of the ox. The overseer in the very back of the procession is standing straight, his right arm stretched out reaching over the animal’s caudal bone of the last animal. 20 Cf. Fitzenreiter, 2001, 67–140, 84. 21 Cf. Fitzenreiter, 2001, 86f. 22 The cattle in presentation scenes are usually oxen and not bulls; cf. Boessneck, 1988, 68. The bovines in the described scene in N13.1 clearly show distinct sheaths on the bellies thus identifying them as male. The animals are of relatively slim build, considering that oxen were farmed for their meat and in comparable scenes in other tombs appear markedly massive, however no traces of scrotums can be observed, so either testicles were never depicted or their absence is due to the bad state of preservation. The poor condition of the animals’ horns makes it difficult to include them in the sex determination. 23 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, fig. 1, row 2. 24 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, fig. 7 f (left). 25 For hornless cattle, see: Ghoneim, 1976, 64–69, who differentiates between hornless breeds and cattle that was dehorned. Further examples also in Newberry, 1893b, pl. 12. 26 Cf. Galan, 1994, 88, fig. 7 after Newberry, 1893a, pl. 30; and Galan, 1994, 82, fig. 1 after Petrie, 1898, pl. 18. 27 Compare Dominicus, 1994, 21f., fig. 7 f (right).

40

5. Representations and inscriptions

The first ox’s fur has several red-brown patches, outlined with a broad yellow border that was also applied to the chest and underbelly, whereas the rest of the fur was not colored in hence has the same light tone like the background plaster. Above its head, a little remnant of yellow color indicates the now lost depiction of horns, too little though to reconstruct the shape. The other ox in this register is colored beige, with some limited areas on the fore-shanks, along the back and the tail as well as in the head region in a rather contrasting red-brown. Only a very small section of its left horn remains, which apparently shows a clipped horn with a straight edge28 instead of a pointy tip. Interestingly, close to the outlines of the front animal, faint traces of red lines from a preparatory drawing remain which illustrate that the ox was formerly planned a bit smaller and positioned further to the right. Similarly, faint traces were observed in the upper register (NII.1.2) above the last ox as indicated in the facsimile drawing (fig. 33). Possibly, in the first draft, the overseer at the back was also conceived with an outstretched arm, a posture not realized in the finished decoration. The first register holds labels identifying the overseers. The leading man is titled as: 1

                

2

                  

1) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ꜣḥ.wt [Wp(i͗)]-wꜣ[(i͗).wt]-n[ḫ]t.0 2) ḫtm.t(i͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ rw.t Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-nḫt.0 1) The overseer of fields, Wepwawet-na[kh]t, 2) The sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the gateway, Wepwawet-nakht. The man at the end has a label reading: 1

           a

a The remaining faint traces of the yellow painted hieroglyphic sign here in comparison with the yellow painted ḏw-sign in the first line of the offering formula (NII.1) suggest its reconstruction as Gardiner Sign-list N26.

28 As per Ghoneim, 1976, 80, cattle with clipped horns are first recorded in the Middle Kingdom (Beni Hasan, Tomb 15, Eleventh Dynasty, cf. Newberry, 1893b, pl. 4, 7).

5. Representations and inscriptions

41

1) bꜣ? [...]ḏw [i͗n …] (i͗)m(.i͗)-[rꜣ] i͗ḥ.w Sdḫ 1) …? [...] ... [by ...] the over[seer] of cattle, Sedekh29. Below the scenes of cattle presentation are two more registers, showing soldiers in various poses, oriented – just like the tomb owner – towards the right (NII.1.4, NII.1.5; pls. 21, 22). The troopers are preserved quite fragmentarily; in the upper register, the remains of ten soldiers are distinguishable, the same number can be assumed for the lower register, but apart from some faint traces only the remnants of seven men are still recognizable. All seem to be archers with a bow in the left hand and in some cases the remains of a bundle of arrows carried in the right. The soldiers have a red-brown skin color, and at least the better preserved figures wear a shoulder-length hair style, originally colored black, but now faded in varying degrees. There seem to be two exceptions with NII.1.4, no. 830 whose hair is close-cropped and NII.1.5, no. 8 whose head might even be shaven. On some of the soldiers’ left arms bracelets, or rather protective wristlets can be observed31 (NII.1.4, nos. 3, 9; NII.1.5, nos. 1, 3). Five archers each have a feather on their head32 (NII.1.4, no. 2, 5, 8, 10, only black outlines, indicating white feathers; NII.1.5, no. 1, filled in yellow). Several figures are well enough preserved so that details of their attire can be studied: it is the distinctive Nubian dress consisting of a short kilt provided with a sash in the back and a central pendant piece,33 all colored in a shade of red, but with the pendant pieces done in several form variations. NII.1.4, no. 9 and NII.1.5, no. 1, 2 and 4 possibly show large drop shaped pendant pieces reaching down to the men’s knees, albeit the poor state of preservation makes an unequivocal identification difficult. The base of specimen no. 3 in NII.1.5 is clearly angled and parted into three fringes. All of the observable pendant pieces are depicted between the thighs of the archers with one exception: the piece of soldier no. 1 of NII.1.5, which is drawn hanging down in front of the man’s legs; the style of which seems to be more common.34 Most of the soldiers are pictured marching, while some are shown in other postures: NII.1.4, no. 5 and NII.1.5, no. 5 are possibly fixing their bowstrings, NII.1.4, no. 8 and NII.1.5, no. 4 are obviously moving dynamically, either running or making a vigorous dance move. With no enemy represented anywhere, the rendered action could be a military drill or parade35. There are remains of an inscription in front of the first archer in NII.1.4: 1

      tr

tr

...

?

?

29 Ranke, 1935, 323 [15]. 30 The figures are numbered from right to left. 31 For a parallel cf. Jaroš-Deckert, 1984, pl. 14. For their possible function as “wrist-guards”, cf. Schulman, 1982, 165–183, 170. 32 Cf. Jaroš-Deckert, 1984, pl. 17 for comparable Nubian archers wearing feathers on their heads. 33 For the characteristics of the Nubian dress during the First Intermediate Period, including considerations about the pendant pieces, see: Fischer, 1961b, 56, 62–75; Vogelsang-Eastwood, 1993, 47–52. 34 Cf. most depictions in: Fischer, 1961b. 35 For the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom military scenes from Asyut, see: El-Khadragy, 2008, 226–229. For a study of Middle Kingdom battle scenes, see: Schulman, 1982.

42

5. Representations and inscriptions

1) ... ṯ? … 1) ? It is known that during the First Intermediate Period nomarchs maintained their own soldiers, including troupers of Nubian origin,36 the group of archers depicted in N13.1 might possibly show such a private army with its commander, Iti-ibi(-iqer), inspecting it. NIII.1 – Senebti(-iqeret) offers the mni͗.t-necklace and sistrum to Iti-ibi(-iqer) (Scheme figs. 22, 23, facsimile fig. 33, photo pl. 23) Section NIII on the western part of the northern wall is separated from section NII by a vertical blue line that runs from the block frieze on the top down to register NI.2, thus setting apart the major scenes and the three horizontal lines of hieroglyphs that top each section (pls. 24, 25). In the case of section NIII, the first two inscription lines refer to the construction of the tomb and the person responsible for it – Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s son Mesehti – while the third one, divided into two parts which are written in opposing directions, is devoted to the labels identifying the tomb owner and his wife who are depicted below (NIII.1). The first two lines read right to left:

                                                                                             

1

a

2

B

a Relying on the bent body attitude of the ideogram written under the suffix pronoun ⸗f and the associated context, the man’s sign is reconstructed as Gardiner Sign-list A19, reading it sms.w, although the staff supposed to be held in his left hand is not preserved now. 1) i͗r(i͗).tn⸗f m mn.w[⸗f] [m] i͗z n i͗t(i͗)[⸗f] ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-[i͗b(⸗i͗)] i͗n zꜣ[⸗f] [sms.w] [mr(i͗)].y⸗f i͗wꜥ.w⸗f nb n(i͗) i͗š.t⸗f nb.t ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr 2) n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗)[.w]t nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) I͗npw nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t {t} sḏm sḏm.t [wꜥ(i͗).0 m] [i͗st]37 [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [n(i͗.w)] ḥm(.w) nṯr mꜣꜥ n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-[wꜣ(i͗)].wt Mzḥ.ti͗-i͗ḳr 1) That what he did as his monument, namely a tomb for his father, the count, the overseer of priests, Iti-ibi. It is his eldest son, his beloved, his heir, the possessor of all his possessions, the count, the overseer of priests 36 See Meurer, 1996, 125f.; Faulkner, 1953, 36–38. The authors also name evidence for nomarchs keeping their private armies even after the reunification. The wooden model armies found in the tomb of Mesehti might indicate this (CG 257/ JE 30969 and CG 258/JE 30986). 37 Ward, 1982, 1040.

43

5. Representations and inscriptions

2) of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, and Anubis, lord of Ra-qereret, the hearer of that which one alone hears in the [palace], the true [overseer] of priests of Wepwawet, Mesehti-iqer. The large standing figure of the tomb owner is facing right and holding a yellow, blue-tipped mdw-staff in his left hand (pl. 24). His right hand is reaching towards the blue mni͗.t-necklace offered to him by his wife. He wears a white sash diagonally across his chest, a long, projecting kilt with a hem dipping in the front38and a striped yellow and (faded) blue belt. He is identified as:

                  

1

a

a A few traces of the tips of a bee and a small part of its antennae are preserved, which suggest its reconstruction as Gardiner Sign-list L2. 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-[p]ꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ n(i͗.w) ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt]39 nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-(i͗)[ḳ]r 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the [sealer] of the biti-king, the [overseer of priests of Wepwawet], lord of Asyut, Iti-ibi-iqer. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is pictured here as corpulent man, a representation type usually shown in a long kilt and with short natural hair.40 Facing him is his wife clad in a long, tight, blue skirt,41 her wrists and ankles adorned with polychrome bracelets and anklets. With her right hand she is upholding an opulent mni͗.tnecklace,42 offering it to her husband, while holding a rather long and narrow yellow handle in her left hand, a part of an object now lost that probably was a sistrum.43 The scene thus portends a ceremony that has long-since been connected to the cult of Hathor.44 The line of hieroglyphs describes Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s spouse as: 1

                         a

38 Fischer, 1996, 153 states that this type of long kilt can be attested from the mid Twelfth Dynasty onward (examples are listed in his footnote 71), which would make Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s kilt one of the earliest specimen known so far. 39 Based on the size of the gap and the already known titles. 40 For an overview concerning the image of the tomb owner as a portly man, a body image type already attested in the Old Kingdom, cf. Fischer, 1959, 244–247; Bolshakov, 1997, 218–234. 41 Considering the remaining attire of the other women depicted in this tomb, Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s wife is surely wearing a skirt and not a dress. Her torso is destroyed, though, see above footnote 19. 42 For some Old Kingdom evidence of the mni͗.t-necklace, see: Staehelin, 1966, 125–127. For form, function and examples of the mni͗.t-necklace, see: Quaegebeur, 1983; Guglielmi, 2006, esp. 293ff. 43 On the different types of sistra and their names, see: Reynders, 1998. 44 For a similar depiction with menit and sistrum, see: Blackman, 1914, pl. 2. When applied to the nostrils, the mni͗.tnecklace and the sistrum of Hathor could, according to Blackman, “convey sacrament-wise life, prosperity, and health to the goddess’ devotees” (Blackman, 1914, 25). Further details of Hathor-related ceremonies are known from some Twelfth Dynasty tomb-chapels (e. g. Davies N. G./Gardiner, 1920, pl. 23; Blackman, 1914, pl. 2; Blackman, 1915a, pl. 15). A severely damaged example depicting the goddess Hathor in similar context is attested from an Eleventh Dynasty tomb at Asyut known as “The Northern Soldiers-Tomb” (Tomb H11.1), for which see: El-Khadragy, 2006, 152f., fig. 7; Abdelrahiem, 2020, 20–21, with pl. 38.

44

5. Representations and inscriptions

a The remaining traces of the depicted sign show a bolt (Gardiner Sign-list O34), and the tips of two small lines constituting a sharp angle, which is slightly separated from the upper sign. These two small lines could be a part of the walking legs-sign (Gardiner Sign-list D54). Thus this sign is not Gardiner Sign-list O35. 1) ḥm.t⸗f mr[(i͗).t⸗f]45 ḥz(i͗).yt⸗f rꜥ nb ḥm(.t) nṯr Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w Snb.t(i͗)46-i͗[ḳ]r.t mz(i͗)[.t n?] Kꜣ.w⸗f 1) His wife, [his] beloved, whom he favors every day, the priestess of Hathor,47 Senebti-iqeret, who is offering/presenting (the menit) [for?]48 his Ka. The tableau is complemented by three registers of accompanying attendants placed behind the tomb owner (pls. 25, 26). On the left of the upper register (NIII.1.2), a man wearing a short, projecting white kilt draws near. He has shouldered an oblong item painted white with what seems to be a handle in red-brown. The upper edge is marked with numerous small diagonal strokes reminiscent of fringes of a bundle of rolled up fabric or the toothed blade of a saw. If indeed a saw was meant to be depicted here, one would expect the handle bending towards the toothed edge and not away from it. Should the object picture a roll of fabric, the red-brown handle-like appendix would be hard to explain. The servant is carrying another object in his right hand which is also oblong albeit much smaller. He has grabbed it by a strap that is attached to its ends. This object might be a sheath of sorts or a quiver for arrows, which raises the question if the bigger item could be interpreted as a quiver as well, possibly for a bow. Then again it seems problematic to explain the handle as a protruding bow, as the end of the weapon would be bent in a rather unusual way, unless it was transported without its bowstring.49 On the second register (NIII.1.3) is a man wearing a short, projecting kilt, carrying a white and red quiver with spears50 on his left shoulder, the weapons’ pointed red-brown heads51 protruding from its opening. In his right hand, he has yellow leashes of two dogs following him. The canines are not pictured behind, but on top of one another. The upper dog is drawn in red outlines, but no fur markings can be seen. It has pointy ears and a cocked saber tail. His collar is blue and has a yellow sash with a blue border. The lower dog – outlined in black – shows the same physical characteristics; however its coat is done in 45 Gardiner Sign-list U7 is mirrored. 46 Cf. the closely related variant writing in: Ranke, 1935, 314 [22]. 47 For information on Hathor in Asyut, cf. Kahl, 2007, 51f. For the hitherto known priestesses of Hathor at Asyut, see Kahl, 2007, fig. 29. Priestesses of Hathor with not only the title but also important duties and responsibilities were common between the middle of the Old Kingdom and the early Middle Kingdom only. For the appearance of these priestesses of Hathor and an explanation, see: Gillam, 1995. For the local form of Hathor at Asyut, the goddess Hathor of Medjed, see Verhoeven, 2020, 284–286; Gervers, 2020, 367–368, and here below (eastern sides of pillars A and B). 48 Cf. Hannig, 2006, II/1, 1123, {13756}: Sinuhe B 269, here, the term mzi͗ is used to describe the offering of mni͗.t -necklace and sistrum. Other possible translation ‘who brings his Ka-force’? 49 Cf. Partridge, 2002, 39–42. On the interior of the back side panel of the outer coffin of Djehuti-nakht from Deir elBersha, Tomb 10, pit A, now in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston (acc. number 20.1823), a number of tools, weapons and quivers respectively cases are painted that seem comparable to objects under discussion. Further examples in Jéquier, 1921, 218–220 and 271–273. 50 For the discussion on the difference of spears and lances, see below with reference to the depictions of soldiers on the eastern wall, EI. 51 Cf. Partridge, 2002, 37, mentions the material copper for spear heads, which fits with the red-brown color that they have been given in N13.1. Cf. ibid. figs. 50, 51 for examples of spear heads. For a depiction of spear-heads emerging from a quiver, see e. g. Blackman, 1914, pl. 3.

5. Representations and inscriptions

45

a pattern of dark orange patches and spots. Around his neck is a narrow blue collar with a red-brown sash edged in blue. The third register (NIII.1.4) depicts another man with the same attire as the previous ones holding a large quiver across his chest. The tips of the weapons emerging from the quiver differ in shape and color from the ones in the image above. They are painted in black, their dissimilar shape possibly indicating that either spears with a different kind of head or even bows are pictured here. The man handles three dogs: two are following, while the third walks in front of him. Although the remains are extremely scarce the two canines following are surely of the same type as the dogs in the register above. What is left of the upper dog, for instance the outlines of the hind-legs and the curve of the abdomen and chest, corresponds with the silhouettes of the other two. The form of the ears and the tail though cannot be distinguished anymore. Black lines still show the eye of the animal; the collar connected to the yellow leash is painted red-brown, with its bow in the same color and two blue stripes at the end. The dog below is colored a light brown and has a sabre tail. The animal in front of the man is only still recognizable by the yellow leash emerging between the man’s fingers and the red and black outlines of parts of the hind legs as well as of a tightly curled tail. From Neolithic times on and throughout pharaonic history, domesticated canines are attested in Ancient Egypt.52 In pictorial art they appear as companions and working animals, being for instance put to use in the desert hunt and armed conflicts, a beloved pet as well as a component part of the elite male’s habitus so valued that even in the eclectic spectrum of imagery that constitutes the decoration program of tombs their likeness was chosen to be seen in immediate proximity to the tomb owner often with their individual names given and thus eternalized along with their masters.53 The breed of dogs shown in N13.1 was called tjesem. This kind of hound is depicted with prick ears and a curled tail, arguably an idealized graphic rendition often attested during the Old Kingdom, which might have deviated from the real body shape54 of these animals: they appear as slender, long-legged sight-hounds built for high-speed chases which require a longer tail as a counter-balance to the body weight, enabling the dog to execute fast turning maneuvers and changes of direction55. From the Middle Kingdom on, the tjesem was shown regularly with different (and also realistic ears) and a sabre tail.56 In the case of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s dogs, their status as appreciated pets is underlined by their colorful collars, indicating that those were elaborately crafted. NI.2 – Grain storage and river-faring ships (Scheme figs. 22, 23, facsimile figs. 32, 33, photo pls. 12b, 16, 23) NI.2 denominates the bottom register of the northern wall that stretches over its entire length, starting below NI and then running under NII and NIII. In the eastern part, below NI.1 and NI.x, the bad state of preservation prevents an unequivocal identification of the scenes (pls. 27, 28). Maybe the second and the third man from the right were painted

52 Cf. Germond, 2001, 74f; and for a condensed overview Ikram, 2003. Kitagawa, 2016, 25, discusses the different species and names. 53 In N13.1, dogs are shown close to Iti-ibi(-iqer) in NIII.1 and WIX.1.1 (pl. 84), as well as hunting with (anonymous) archers in SIII.2.3, SIII.5 and SIII.2.6 (pls. 107, 108). 54 Cf. Boessneck, 1988, 83. 55 Cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 62. 56 Cf. Boessneck, 1988, 84.

46

5. Representations and inscriptions

taking grain with a measuring drum in black and red-brown color respectively.57 Though there are no remains of a heap of grain visible, enough space would be available for such a motif. Alternatively, the third man might be bending down towards a big red-brown vessel. The following fourth man might be busy removing chaff from the grain, as he is bent down and, as his arms seem rather long, could be holding winnowing fans colored red-brown.58 Small traces of yellow color on the floor in front of him could be remains of the grain. Following, three men, standing on a rectangular area and thus positioned slightly higher than the other persons of this register, are engaged in an unclear occupation (pl. 28). The rectangle was formerly filled in with blue pigment now barely discernible. Possibly they are shown retting flax (Linum usitatissimum)59 in a body of water,60 which would correspond to a scene of harvesting flax depicted on the southern part of the eastern wall of N13.1 (EI.2, pl. 125).61 If this scene here actually shows the processing of flax fibers, the aforementioned men at the beginning of the register might not be handling grain, but could be occupied working on the raw material, e. g. breaking the dry flax or scutching it.62 The next scene (pl. 29) shows two men in short white kilts carrying yellow trays on their heads. A very small patch of remaining blue paint above the leftmost tray-bearer is the only indicator of the goods that must have been on top of the trays originally. In front of the tray-bearers is a third man, taller by almost a head, who is looking back towards them as if to address them. His right arm is bent at the elbow and held in front of his chest; his left arm is extended towards the two workmen, and with his hand he is making the typical gesture for indication: the back of the hand is facing up, while the thumb is turned down and all five digits are pointing towards the object of interest. In all probability, he is giving instructions to the tray-bearers.63 An inscription above his head reads:

                             d

tr b

c

tr

tr

tr a

1

a Few remnants of some unidentifiable hieroglyphic bird sign are still visible here, however, it is not clear



whether it is Gardiner Sign-list G1  or G17 . b Here are few remnants of some sign, which might be Gardiner Sign-list D46 . c Here are few remnants of a sitting man sign, which might be either Gardiner Sign-list A1, or A2. d Under Gardiner Sign-list W25



 is another unclear sign, which might be either O34  or D46  .

57 Cf. e. g. Dominicus, 1994, fig. 59b; 60e. Also cf. NI.2 (pl. 33), further to the left, where such a scene is surely depicted. 58 For more on winnowing, see e. g. Murray, 2000, 525f. 59 Cf. Wicker, 1997; Brewer et al., 1994, 34–39. 60 Cf. Wicker, 1997, 105f. 61 Interesting to note here is the fact that at an unknown time, someone applied scratches exactly around and inside the blue colored area, using a horizontal line at the top and one more after the first quarter respectively, as well as many more or less parallel vertical scratches from top to bottom. It reminds of the partitions used in depictions of the watered plane used in scenes of retting flax, cf. Wicker, 1997, fig. 5. 62 Cf. Wicker, 1997, 109. Cf. also idem, fig. 5, with the retting and breaking of flax from a tomb of Khety in Beni Hasan from the Twelfth Dynasty. 63 See Dominicus, 1994, 95.

5. Representations and inscriptions

47

1) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ […] [i͗] […] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-[m]-ḥꜣ.t […] [d] m […] ꜥ n kꜣ ꜣ y […] z n y ḥtp n kꜣ⸗f 1) The overseer of … Wepwawet[-em]-hat [ … ?] come … for his Ka. The goods are surely to be brought to the granaries64 in front of the group. Those consist of six domed silos which are arranged on two sides of a court, covered by a roof, which is supported by two papyrus columns with bundled shafts and closed bud capitals in red, blue and yellow. The whole storage facility is set in an enclosure wall characterized by its coping tapering off at the corners into triangular tops.65 On the lower left side, a door is depicted, framed red-brown and colored yellow with fine red-brown lines to indicate the curving pattern of wood grain. The hatches for the withdrawal of grain are colored redbrown and have a horizontal partition in the middle. The rest of the structure is done in yellow, with redbrown details.66 Each of the six granaries is labeled below the hatches (from left to right; pls. 30a–32b)67:

64 For a comprehensive overview on the storage of grain, see e. g. Murray, 2000, 527f. 65 Cf. e. g. the model of a granary with the same peaked corners, in: Winlock, 1955, pl. 20. Models of granaries and depictions of these structures in tombs show analogies; cf. Stoof, 1980, 81f. An outer wall of a model building (S05/St 1438 or m275) from N12.1 (Tomb III), shaft 3 (cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2012, 96, pl. 6d; cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2016, 12, 103–104) probably belongs to a building like the granary depicted in N13.1. A single peaked corner, maybe belonging to a model granary, was found in N13.1, shaft 3, side chamber (S07/St 1163.1), Zöller-Engelhardt, in press. For a complete granary model from the tomb of Nakhti from Asyut, see: Breasted, 1948, 14, pl. 12a. 66 For more on model granaries, see also e. g. Stoof, 1980. 67 Facsimiles of the labels were prepared by Eva Gervers.

48

5. Representations and inscriptions

Similar inscriptions are known from wooden model granaries, denoting the contents of the silos;68 they also appear on granaries painted on coffins69 and in the decoration of tombs from the Sixth Dynasty and papyri of Middle Kingdom date.70 Register NI.2 continues towards the west of the northern wall. Next to the granaries, two piles of grain are pictured, one above the other with one workman in front of each, dressed in short white kilts (pl. 33). They are bending forward, arms reaching out to the heaps. Both are holding objects of dark orange color in their hands, clearly measuring containers.71 Adjacent to the men, an overseer with close-cropped hair, a yellow collar72 and a projecting yellow kilt is holding a long, red-brown stick in his right hand, while extending his left arm towards the workmen occupied with the cereal. This hand position, with the palm turned upwards, is a gesture commonly used in depictions of calling out during measuring and counting of grain.73 Above the overseer’s head, some remains of an inscription are visible:

 ...     tr

tr

tr

tr

tr

b

1

a

a The remnants of the hieroglyphic inscription here suggest the reconstruction ḏd⸗f. b Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list F35. 1) ḏd⸗f? […] [nfr?] […] 1) […] he says? […] [good?] […] Two more men are positioned behind the overseer. The left one is better preserved and still shows a yellow collar around his neck and a projecting yellow kilt reaching down to his knees. Both his arms are bent and held in front of his chest. The objects in his hands can be reconstructed with the help of some color remains as a scribal palette in his left and a reed brush in his right.74 The remnants of color at his right upper arm show a yellow object tucked between his arm and his chest, possibly more work equipment. The other person, in all probability, looked the same. Scribes were commonly represented in scenes of measuring grain, as it was their task to document the amounts stored and later distributed.75 The western part of register NI.2 shows a scene of four ships, oriented to the east. Only traces remain of the body of water, composed of a vertical zigzag pattern of alternating black and blue areas. The ships, too, are poorly preserved, but some main features can still be recognized. All ships seem to have a hull

68 See, e. g. Breasted, 1948, 12f., pl. 9c for a granary model from a Sixth Dynasty tomb at Aswan. The hieratic inscriptions mention the contents as wꜣḥ, i͗šd, sw.t and bšꜣ, as well as their amounts. 69 See e. g. coffin S14C or JE 44981 from Asyut, as pointed out kindly by Erika Meyer-Dietrich. 70 Pommerening, 2005, 99–139 with a detailed discussion of the development of the heqat-system in the Old to Middle Kingdom, and with tables of signs for numbers and fractions. 71 Cf. Tooley, 1995, 37, fig. 33. 72 The yellow color apparently was applied in a thick layer and shows red streaks. It seems that it was added on top of the red-brown color used for the body of the overseer. 73 Dominicus, 1994, 77. 74 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, fig. 59b, second person from the left. 75 Cf. Murray, 2000, 526.

49

5. Representations and inscriptions

with a nearly horizontal bow and a more sharply rising stern that supports on its top the loom of a large steering-oar,76 which is also connected at the tip to a steering-oar post (a vertical stanchion).77 The first ship is of a light red-brown color (pl. 34). The crew can be reconstructed as a group of ten men. On the bow, a pilot78 with a short white kilt is standing with his left arm extended ahead horizontally. Behind him eight men are causing the vessel’s forward motion: They are kneeling with their backs turned to the bow while handling red-brown oars with yellow rudder blades.79 The orientation towards the stern as well as the shape of the oars make it clear that the sailors are rowing, not paddling.80 Little remains of the tenth person, positioned at the stern, certainly the helmsman who steers the craft using a yellow tiller connected with the steering oar.81 Between the fourth and the fifth man, remnants of a yellow mast can be seen, stuck into a red-brown mast support.82 Only little is preserved of the second ship, which can be identified as a cargo vessel (pl. 35).83 The hull can only be deduced from very meager remains of light brown color; unfortunately, they are not enough to reconstruct the shape of the ship. The helmsman, with short black hair and a white kilt, is positioned squatting on what seems to be the roof of a yellow-painted cabin,84 steering the ship with both of his hands on the yellow tiller of the red-brown steering-oar. Behind him, there is a large standing storage jar85 painted light brown. Next to it two more patches of the same color in roughly oval shape attest to two more vessels of the same type lying on their sides. Following, a squatting male person dressed in a white kilt is handling another small light brown jar standing upright in front of him. Behind him, very scarce remnants of red-brown color might have belonged to the figure of a pilot positioned at the bow. Above the ship’s bow an inscription reads:

       tr a

tr

a Here are remnants of some circular sign, which might be either Gardiner Sign-list N5

tr

1

 or O49  .

1) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] [šnꜥ.w] […] [N5/O49] [...] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-[m-ḥꜣ.t] 1) [The overseer of the store]house? [… of the city? …] Wepwawet[-em-hat].

76 Cf. Jones, 1995, 45. This shape of the hull is a development that started after the Sixth Dynasty. 77 Cf. Jones, 1995, 47. 78 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70; Landström, 1974, fig. 207. 79 The shape of the blades is lanceolate, typical for oars used for rowing. Blades used for paddling are egg-shaped, cf. Landström, 1974, 55. All remaining oars in N13.1 have lanceolate blades. Considering this and the orientation of the rowers, there is no paddling but only rowing depicted in this tomb. 80 For rowing, the men face the stern of the boat, for paddling the bow. For more details, see Jones, 1995, 68–70. 81 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70. 82 Cf. Jones, 1995, 45f. 83 Cf. Jones, 1995, 42f.; Landström, 1974, 60–62. 84 According to Jones, 1995, 42, the structure was possibly built out of “interwoven lattice-work”. 85 This kind of vessel can also be found belonging to wooden model cargo ships, cf. the vessel on the kitchen tender of Meketre from Thebes, in: Winlock, 1955, pl. 40, 44, 77. Also, cf. two storage vessels in: Berman, 1999, 205, no. 153. Wooden model vessels (M 323, M 324) were also found in Asyut, Tomb N12.1 (Tomb III), shaft 4, side chamber, cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2016, 117.

50

5. Representations and inscriptions

The depiction of a third ship can only be concluded from the remains of at least four rowers, possibly, facing aft towards the stern of their craft (pl. 35). The men are, compared to the other ships’ crewmembers, positioned very closely to the water; apart from being flat-bottomed as it is usual for river crafts, their vessel seems to have had a rather low above-water hull. An almost completely obliterated small inscription in the area above the ship, of which only some patches of color are still recognizable, reads: ...

 ... tr

tr

1

a

a The only recognizable sign here might be Gardiner Sign-list V28. 1) … ḥ? … 1) ? The fourth and last ship in this register is recognizable by very few remnants of its light red-brown hull, the steering oar post and the steering oar as well as a yellow platform at the stern (pl. 26). Minute remains of five rowers can be detected, but there certainly used to be more. As mentioned above, the river faring theme is continued in the lowest register of the adjoining western wall (cf. pl. 47), but for the sake of easy identification and usability, the scenes in question were designated WI.4 respectively WIII.2 and the descriptions can be found in the following subchapters.

5.3 The western wall The back wall of the pillared hall i. e. the western wall is characterized by its central niche with a width of approx. 3.40 m and a depth around 2 m (cf. fig. 8). It was sunk into the rock some 20 cm below ceiling level, with the ledge thus left standing connecting the southern and the northern part of the back wall and an, accordingly, lower clearance (cf. fig. 9 for section 1; pl. 6). The northern part of the western wall, measuring ca. 3.4 m, is partitioned by a vertical ledge, recessing roughly 40 cm, whereas the southern part is level and less than 2.5 m long. All in all, more than 13.5 m of wall length were painted with tableaus that are about 2 m high, totaling up to more than 27 sq m of decoration featuring a multifarious array of scenes and sub-scenes. As might be expected, three major sections – northern part - niche - southern part – can be differentiated, however, for the sake of unequivocal identification and consequential denomination, a more compartmentalized assignment of identifying labels was pursued (cf. figs. 24–27). Hence the northern part features segments WI–WIII, the niche and its lateral walls WIV–WVIII and the southern part WIX. Inscription line framing top of WIX, ledge of niche and WIII (Scheme figs. 24, 25, facsimile figs. 40, 34, 36, photo pls. 84, 85, 89–92, 49, 50) Most of the western wall is superscribed by a line of polychrome hieroglyphs starting in the upper left – i. e. south-western – corner/section WIX, continuing on the ledge above the niche and spanning WIII. It reads from left to right:

51

5. Representations and inscriptions 1 1

                                                                                                                                                                                                             a a B B

b b



c c

sic sic

sic sic

d d

e e

Y Y

g g B B

h h Y Y

ff

B B

a In the parallel introductory statement of the autobiographical inscription on the false door of Khety I at Asyut, there is the genitival adjective n(i͗) (Gardiner Sign-list N35) before the noun z(i͗) “man” (cf. Griffith 1889, pl. 15: 1), this reconstruction is confirmed by the remaining blue color traces used frequently for the same sign everywhere in the tomb inscriptions (cf. chapter 4). b The word for z(i͗) “man” is irregularly determined with the standing man (without staff ). c The adjective [nb] is reconstructed after the parallel introductory statement of the autobiographical inscription on the false door of Khety I at Asyut (cf. Griffith 1889, pl. 15: 1). d Although deviated slightly from its normal shape, the stone-worker’s drill ideogram (Gardiner Sign-



list U24 ) still shows here all its main components (cf. pl. 91); namely the upper handle, the two weighted stones at top, but too slenderized instead of being oval as usual, the crank drill and the drive rod driven into a stone vessel, cf. Drenkhahn 1976, 74, figs. 19, 23. e The attitude of the irregular determinative of ḥm.w[t] with his advanced right leg and his slightly bowing body fits well with Gardiner Sign-list A25. f Probably the now missing determinative of ḳni͗ seems to be the head of an ox (Gardiner Sign-list F1 ), for this suggested reconstruction, cf. Griffith 1889, pl. 15: 16. g The remaining blue color traces and the available space above i͗t “father” suggest the addition of preposition n here, which accords well with the context (cf. chapter 4). h The few yellow remnants of the hieroglyphic sign and the available space above the n-sign suggest the reconstruction of the suffix pronoun 3rd person sing. m. ⸗f herein, which accords well with the context.



1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)- ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-[bi͗t] s[mr] wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-[wꜣ](i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) i͗m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) (I͗n)pw nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t ḥr(.i͗)-s:štꜣ n(i͗) s:ḏꜣw.ti͗-nṯr ḥꜣ.t(i͗)- ꜥ.w […] ḥm(.w) [nṯr] Mzḥ.ti͗ ḏd ꜥbꜥ.t [n] z(i͗) [nb] m grg{r} m tm(i͗).(t)n⸗f i͗r(i͗.w) i͗r swt tn nb.t mt(.i͗)t pw nt ḫt

52

5. Representations and inscriptions

sẖꜣ(.w) i͗z [i͗r] ẖr [ꜥ].ww[⸗f] mṯ[n]86 [n] ḥm.w[t] […] m i͗r i͗wꜥ.w [ḳni͗] [n] [i͗t] [i͗mꜣḫ.w?] [mr(i͗).y] [⸗f] [n] [wn]-mꜣc ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ n(i͗.w) ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w)] Wp(i͗)-[wꜣ](i͗).wt [nb] Zꜣw.t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-[rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr [n(i͗.w) (I͗n)pw nb] Rꜣ-ḳrr[.t] [i͗]mꜣḫ[.w] ḥm(.w) nṯr [Mzḥ.ti͗-i͗ḳr] 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Raqereret, privy to the secret of the god’s treasure, the count … the priest Mesehti, says: “What any man boasts of is a lie, it is something he has not done.87 But, as for all of this (i. e., his autobiographical inscription), it is a testimony of the tomb’s written document (lit. thing), which was done under his direction; …, the one who instructed the craftsmen as does a dutiful88 heir to [his] father, ..., [the honored one?], the truly beloved [of him]”, the count, the overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Raqereret, the honored one […] the priest [Mesehti-iqer].89 While WII still shows traces of the banded block frieze and possibly the zigzag border, it seems to be void of any inscription (cf. pl. 47). WI with two lines of hieroglyphs reading from right to left is clearly separated from the rest.

WI–WIII – Tomb owner sitting below canopy watching butchers, offering bearers, musicians and cranes being fed (Scheme figs. 24, 25, facsimile figs. 35, 36, photo pls. 36, 47) Although the northern part of the western wall was not prepared as one level surface, but is offset in its middle by a vertical recess, the depicted scenes are interrelated with the different planes giving the structural frame. The contentual and visual connector is the figure of the tomb owner, who is watching all the various activities on WI–WIII. In order to keep with the aforementioned systematic numbering, the section of the northern part of the western wall taking up the space from the room corner to the edge of the ledge was labeled WI as three of its registers (WI.1–WI.3) constitute a cohesive unit (WI.4 being an exception). The ledge itself still shows traces of decoration and was consequently denoted WII. Section WIII again stretches from the ledge to the corner of the niche (cf. scheme figs. 24, 25). The point of reference, relevant to all scenes on this part of the western wall, is on WIII: an image of Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated facing right i. e. away from the niche towards the north, towards sundry activities in front of him. Four registers on WIII (WIII.1.2–WIII.1.5); three on WII (WII.1–WII.3) and three registers on WI (WI.1–WI.3) show scenes in connection with animal husbandry, butchering and the bringing of offerings, furthermore dancing and playing music. The combination of the motif of the sit-

86 This is probably Gardiner Sign-list T14, which is mirrored. 87 Following here the translation of both (Lichtheim, 1988, 28: 1; Schenkel, 1965, 71, with nn. a and b) for the parallel introductory statement of the autobiographical inscription on the false door of Khety I at Asyut (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 15: 1). 88 For translating the adjective ḳni͗ “dutiful, of son and heir”, cf. Faulkner, 1962, 279. 89 The name Mesehti is reconstructed here only because of the color remains, as the coloring of his name is different from the one of Iti-ibi(-iqer).

53

5. Representations and inscriptions

ting (and watching) tomb owner under a canopy with suchlike scenes is very common.90 Even though the decoration is destroyed in several parts, most elements are still recognizable. The canopy that shelters Iti-ibi(-iqer) on WIII.1.1 (pl. 49) exhibits a red roof supported by two columns: a palm column at the back and a papyrus column with bundled shaft and closed bud capital at the front, both rendered in detail and decorated in red, blue and yellow. Especially noteworthy are the stylized papyrus stems at the curved lower portion of the shaft and the polychrome elements of the palm fronds giving an indication of the richness of detail the decoration used to have. Inside the canopy, a horizontal line above and a column in front of Iti-ibi(-iqer) give a short titulature of the tomb owner and an offering formula:

                                 

 2

1

different signs

                                       Y Y

Y

a

?

b

a Enough remnants of the head of a pintail duck are still visible (Gardiner Sign-list H1) and one would expect the presence of a head of an ox beside it (Gardiner Sign-list F1), as usual in the list of thousands at that time (cf. Barta, 1986, Bitte 3b; Griffith, 1889 pl. 14: 68).

90 Cf. Klebs, 1915, 17.

54

5. Representations and inscriptions

b Reconstruction after Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s well preserved titles in the tomb inscriptions (cf. N II, 1 and the inscription line framing top of WIX, ledge of niche and WIII). 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-[bi͗t] smr91 wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) [nṯr] n(i͗.w) I͗[n]pw nb Rꜣ-[ḳ]rr.t I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗) 2) ḫꜣ m tʾ ḥnḳ.t [i͗ḥ(.w) ꜣpd(.w)] […] mnḫ.t [...]92 n kꜣ [n(i͗) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [n(i͗.w) ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w)] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt [nb] Z[ꜣ]w.t(i͗) I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-[i͗b](⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the [biti-king], the sole companion, the overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Ra-[q]ereret, Iti-ibi. 2) 1000 of bread, beer, [cattle, fowl, alabaster], cloth [...] for the Ka [of the count, the over]seer [of priests of] Wepwawet, [lord] of Asyut, Iti-[ib]i-iqer. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is wearing a shoulder-length wig, whose color is only remaining in very small patches at the top of his head and appears to be gray. Supposedly, it is not faded black, as the black outlines are still visible in a much darker tone. Moreover, the fur of a cow in the register in front of him (WIII.1.2, pl. 50) was painted in the same lighter shade, leading to the conclusion that the gray hue was chosen intentionally in both cases. His attire consists of a leopard’s skin on top of a tight blue kilt reaching down to his knees. The characteristic leopard’s spots are all but faded, however the claws at the edge of the fur can still be discerned. The tail of the feline’s skin is hanging down between the chair and Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s legs, the dark fur markings – two rows of triangles separated by a row of strokes – are still visible. It is unclear if the animal skin is only draped around his hips like in scene NII.1.1 (pl. 17), or if it was part of a garment covering the tomb owner’s shoulders and chest as well. There is a suspicious amount of yellow color in the area of his upper body, possibly too much to originate from just a diagonal sash; nevertheless the state of preservation disallows a definite assertion. In his left hand, the tomb owner holds a long yellow mdw-staff with a blue tip at an angle in front of him; the object in his right hand is likely to be a sḫm-scepter held vertically, given the frequent depiction of these two regalia combined throughout this tomb. The chair’s backrest is destroyed; there might have been a water lily umbel at the back. The lion’s legs, resting on small red bases over truncated yellow cone supports,93 are still visible, as are the remains of yellow and black color used for the details of the surface. The upper part of the front leg is executed as the head of a lion. In WIII.1.2 two men dressed in short yellow kilts are shown in a butchery scene (pl. 50).94 From what is left of the men’s heads, they seem to have had close-cropped hair that nowadays appears to be yellow. They are handling a gray, or possibly gray spotted, ox95 already lying on its back, its lyrate horns touching 91 Gardiner Sign-list S29 is mirrored. 92 Maybe reconstruct Gardiner Sign-list S27 . 93 For this detail, cf. Cherpion, 1989, 36–40. 94 For butchering by throat cutting, see Eggebrecht, 1973, 31–36. Generally speaking, the actual slashing of the carotid artery is not commonly shown in butchery scenes, cf. idem, 37, however this motif is preserved in more scenes from the late First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom than from any other period, above all in the tombs of the nomarchs from Middle and Upper Egypt, cf. idem, 42. 95 Even if not perfectly preserved in every detail, the depicted animals in the slaughtering scenes of N13.1 might all be oxen, a plausible assumption as castrated males were usually used for offering and slaughtering, cf. Ghoneim, 1976, 157.



5. Representations and inscriptions

55

the ground. There are no ropes tied to the animal’s legs.96 The man on the left has seized the rear legs with both of his hands, his left arm in a curious position, crossing in front of the ox’s left leg, which he holds with his right. The man on the right is kneeling on, or next to,97 the chin of the animal, grabbing one of its front legs with his right hand and cutting along its throat with a knife in his left. The affected area is rose colored, certainly to indicate the cut spot. Behind the man, very few remains of yellow color might point to a former depiction of a large container for cut parts of meat (compare WIV.4). WIII.1.3 shows two men, wearing short white kilts, with an orange and red-brown spotted ox being brought to the ground (pl. 50).98 For this, the butcher on the left is pulling a yellow rope presumably fastened to one of the ox’s front legs and possibly also tied around its hind legs, thus trying to yank the front leg off the ground, while forcing all three legs closer together to make the animal fall.99 Obviously, the butcher is mustering up all his strength for this maneuver, he has raised his foot and is about to kick down on the rope, causing a jerk that will prompt the creature to lose its balance.100 The scene is completed by a second man positioned at the head of the animal; his image as well as the front of the animal are preserved rather fragmentarily. It is clear, though, that the second butcher has grabbed the animal’s (unpreserved) horn, close to its ear, assumably trying to push the ox’s head downwards to unsettle its equilibrium and cause its fall. He might be using a rope tied to the horns or else the mandible only, but there are no remains of a rope left to see.101 He is working too with full force, pushing his right foot against the ox’ front leg for additional leverage. A corresponding scene can be found in WVIII.3 (cf. fig. 39). Underneath, in WIII.1.4, from left to right, two men are bringing a yellow table or rather a jar rack with three red-brown pottery vessels,102 set upright into holes in the top board. They are slim bottles with funnel necks and round bases103 closed with conical rose-gray [formerly gray?] stoppers. While the stoppers of the outer jars taper off into a point, the one sealing the middle vessel seems to be put on in a reversed manner; broadening towards the top. To the right, another man is holding a red-brown hemispherical bowl with a lid of similar shape, a typical incense burner.104 By opening the lid, the aromatic fumes are released. A fourth man is partly preserved, extending his slightly bent right arm, carrying what seems to have been a yellow basket105 with structure details done in black. All these offering bearers are wearing short white kilts; only the head of the one with the basket is preserved showing close-cropped and apparently yellow hair.

96 Cattle were usually constrained with rope in ancient Egyptian scenes of slaughter, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 34. 97 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 35. 98 Scenes showing the toppling of the animals prior to the killing are not too frequent; cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 9. 99 Eggebrecht, 1973, 8–13 concerning pushing over the cattle as the first step of the butchering sequence, using a rope tied to one of the front legs. 100 Cf. Steindorff, 1913, pl. 12. 101 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 9f. 102 The use of red color for vessels mainly indicates their material to be clay, cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 103 For examples of this kind of bottle from Asyut (Tomb N12.1), cf. Kahl et al., 2012, 269, fig. 7 (7, 10). 104 For the incense burner, including the type represented here, see Balcz, 1933, 211–214. 105 For a possible reconstruction, cf. Müller, 1940, 42; fig. 15a (tomb Sarenput I, no. 36). The man depicted here carrying such a basket belongs to a scene of butchery.

56

5. Representations and inscriptions

Some hieroglyphs remain at the top of the register: tr.

tr. tr.

 ...             tr. tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

1

tr.

tr.

a

a Faint traces of both Gardiner Sign-list G17 and F4 are still recognizable. 1) […] m-ḥꜣ.t […] [f] […] tʾ ḥnḳ.t [n kꜣ].w⸗f 1) […] [Wepwawet?]-em-hat [...] bread and beer [for] his [Ka]s. In the last register (WIII.1.5), three yellow tables, respectively, jar racks with different vessels can be distinguished (pl. 51). The rack on the left is stocked with three red-brown funnel-necked bottles sealed with rose-gray colored conical stoppers, and like in the register above, the pots sit firmly in openings in the top board. The second vessel from the left varies in shape: it is a red-brown bowl. The table in the middle carries three oval bottles lying on their sides; the first one is colored red or dark orange, indicating clay, the second and third one are given a yellow color.106 All three have flat gray107 stoppers. The last piece of furniture serves as a stand for six red-brown funnel-necked bottles. Presumably also these jars were once pictured with conical stoppers, but only one is preserved: the vessel on the very left shows a stopper of indiscernible color. Between sections WIII and WI is a vertical ledge; of its decoration, three registers are still recognizable, albeit their poor state of preservation (pl. 48). They show the remains of a standing man with short yellowish hair, turned towards the right and slightly leaning forward (WII.1), unidentifiable traces of what seems to be another male figure turned towards the left, carrying a yellow object (WII.2) and the upper body of a third man, looking left and holding up a yellow conical basket108 (WII.3). Two lines of inscription superscribe the scenes of WI (pl. 37):

                                                                           Y B

1

a Y

R

b

Y

Y

106 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 77. Yellow could be used for pottery of a lighter shade, the color also described by the term “drab”. 107 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78, where the author mentions, that stoppers made of Nile-mud can be depicted in black. 108 Cf. the reconstruction of the man carrying a yellow basket in WIII.1.4 (pl. 51).

2

5. Representations and inscriptions

a Most probably the now obliterated sign above the t-sign is Gardiner Sign-list V26 “slaughter, massacre”, cf. Faulkner, 1962, 51; Wb I, 239, 1. b For a close Eleventh Dynasty parallel of this sign, cf. Polotsky, 1929, 10.

57

 . For ꜥḏ.t

1) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr109 wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗)] ḥr(.i͗)-s:štꜣ n(i͗) sḏm.t wꜥ(i͗).0 [m pr(.w)] nṯr nfr mꜣꜣ [r]ḫs110 [ꜥḏ.t] […] [t] 2) [ḏ]ꜥ[r]111 […] [r] […] [b] [...] i͗ḳr nb r ꜣḫ.t⸗s n(i͗) ni͗w.t i͗n (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ [ḥm(.w)] nṯr [n wn-mꜣꜥ]112 n(i͗.w) [Wp(i͗)-wꜣ](i͗).wt nb Zꜣ[w.t(i͗)] Mzḥ.ti͗ 1) [The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion], the master of secrets of hearing alone113 [in the] beautiful [temple], who sees the dismantling and slaughtering. 2) The one who sought out every excellent … for it (i. e. the township) of city: it is the hereditary prince, the count, the [truly] overseer of the priests [of Wepwa]wet, lord of Asy[ut], Mesehti. Noteworthy is the faulty label inscribed here above scenes showing dancing and playing music in addition to feeding of cranes, while it actually belongs to the upper two registers of WIII.1.2 representing a butchery scene. Below the inscription, the first register (WI.1) features five individuals (pls. 37–39). The scene is largely destroyed; the remaining yellow skin color is evidence for the female gender of all of the depicted persons. The first four women from the left are kneeling, with the first two looking to the right, while the next two are facing them, looking left. Of the first three, only traces of feet and ankles adorned with blue anklets, as well as white garments are preserved. The fifth person, farthest to the right, seems to be not only standing but moving or dancing, as the right leg is put forward and bent at the knee, the foot only touching the ground with its tip.114 The woman is wearing a long wig of indeterminable original color, with a red object sticking up at the rear of the head, slightly cup-shaped and painted in red strokes, maybe a blossom. The woman sitting in front of her is outfitted with the same type of wig, but her hair accessory has a slim and somewhat elliptical shape, painted in red-brown, yellow and blue.115 As its tip is not preserved, it is not quite clear if it is a water lily bud or perhaps a pair of feathers. The erect woman is dressed in a white skirt (the waistband is visible) with the seam reaching down to her calves; only her right ankle is preserved, adorned with a blue anklet. More fine strokes done in red bear witness to an

109 Gardiner Sign-list S29 is used mirrored every time in the two lines of this inscription. 110 For rḫs, cf. Erman, 1919, 13–14; Montet, 1925, 153: 1–2, 174: 1–2, 178. 111 The remaining two signs at the beginning of this epithet are reminiscent of a group of epithets, all of which begin with ḏꜥr with a rather related content (cf. Doxey, 1998, 396: 22.3; Jones, 2000b, 1010: 3744), one of which has a rather related content to Mesehti’s epithet: ḏꜥr (?) n⸗s sḫr n grg⸗s “one who sought out a plan for it (i. e. the township), for its provision” (cf. Anthes, 1964, gr. 20; Doxey, 1998, 396: 22.3). 112 The lacuna between (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr and Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) is much longer here than usual for this title everywhere in the tomb inscriptions (cf. NII.1, NIII.1, WIII, and the inscription line framing top of WIX, ledge of niche and WIII), and it seems that we have here the much longer version of the title (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n wn-mꜣꜥ n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗), which is attested for Djefai-Hapi II at Asyut (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 10: 3), rather than the relatively shorter one (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr mꜣꜥ n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗), which is attested for Djefai-Hapi I at Asyut (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 4: 218). 113 Cf. Ward, 1982, 174, no. 1503. 114 Cf. Davies, N. G./Gardiner, 1920, pl. 15, for a similar depiction of a clapping woman. 115 For similar hair ornaments cf. Blackman/Apted, 1953b, pl. 10, 19 (Tomb-Chapel C, No. 1).

58

5. Representations and inscriptions

object that might have been hanging down her back. Traces of a similar element are still visible at the back of the woman sitting in front of her. Some blue hieroglyphs are preserved above the women, presumably belonging to the second, fourth and fifth woman (from left to right):

  ...

1) […] [B1] 1) … (woman’s name)

1

  tr.

2

2) Pš […] [B1] 2) Pesch […]116 (woman’s name) 3

  tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

a

tr.

a Faint traces of a hieroglyphic sign of some bird are still visible, it might be Gardiner Sign-list G 1

tr.

tr.

.

3) […] … … pꜣ … 3) [...] ... ... ... ? WI.2 is less damaged and obviously echos the composition of WI.1. Five male figures with short hair of indiscernible color, probably all adorned with blue collars and dressed in white kilts, are arranged like the women above them in two pairs in an antithetical symmetrical alignment and a fifth person to the right (pls. 37, 40, 41). The apparent analogy of the two registers does indeed help to identify the specific activities of the depicted women as well. The kneeling men are holding their arms up, clapping their hands,117 except for the third one from the left who has raised his right arm in a different angle than the others. The position of his arm and the gesture of his hand allow for different interpretations regarding the role he is playing. One option is that the man is snapping the fingers of his right hand, as he is bringing his fingertips together. The area surrounding his upper body is quite well preserved showing no traces of his left arm whatsoever, so in all probability the left arm was once painted on top of his torso. The arm was very likely bent at the elbow with the hand reaching up to the man’s ear, indicating that he was a singer.118 The other possibility is that the man acted as a chironomist, directing the music by giving diverse cues to people playing instruments.119 There is a great number of variations concerning the positions of arms and fingers attributed to chironomists120 and this man – even though not all details of his digits are perfectly preserved – would fit into that range. The question remains though who he is directing, 116 Cf. Ranke, 1935, 137 [11] or [4], respectively. 117 For handclapping, see Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 211. An example can be seen in the mastaba of Mereruka, chamber A-X, Sakkara, where a (standing) woman has her hands in the same position as depicted in N13.1 for clapping (idem, 343, photograph). 118 For cupping the ear while singing, see Schlott, 1996, 69f. 119 Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 120. 120 Cf. Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 119–130, especially illustrations 8–10. The man depicted in N13.1 might be categorized as Q-A9, see idem, illustration 8.

59

5. Representations and inscriptions

as none of the men sitting in front of him play any instruments. Apparently, chironomists also sang or chanted,121 so this might be the case here. As women could also be vocalists as well as chironomists,122 it stands to reason that the scene in WI.1 is to be understood correspondingly as the depiction of an all-female musical quintet. The man standing farthest to the right of WI.2, facing the others, displays the same type of leg movement as the woman above him. In each of his hands, he is holding a staff-like object respectively. The one in his right hand is held up vertically, showing a round or spherical end piece at the top. Its shaft seems to be decorated with stripes, of which three are still visible, painted blue, black, and again blue. The object in his left hand is held at the rounded end, with the shaft lying horizontally i. e. parallel to the forearm; it is left colorless. These objects might be a pair of clappers,123 a percussion instrument giving sounds when being banged together.124 Considering the motion of legs in combination with clappers set in a musical context, the two persons on the right side of register WI.1 and WI.2 might constitute dancers, performing their moves to the rhythm created by themselves respectively by their companions. Dancing scenes often show a troupe accompanied by the clapping of hands or the beating or shaking of instruments during their presentation,125 conceivably even the thudding sound of stamping feet might have been used effectively. Perhaps this could also be a depiction of the so-called “clapper dance”, an aptly termed specific performance of male or female dancers using such instruments, though it is not clear if this motif was still in use during the time when Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s tomb was decorated.126 Each of the men has a blue line of hieroglyphs above his head; an additional column is positioned between the second and third person from the left. The inscriptions are, from left to right:

 

1) I͗wp 1) Iup127 (man’s name)

   

1

2

2) Snbi͗ 2) Senbi128 (man’s name)

121 Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 120ff. 122 Cf. Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 120. For an example see a scene in the tomb of Antefoker (no. 60) in Thebes, Twelfth Dynasty (Manniche, 1991, p. 37, fig. 19). 123 Probably similar to flappers depicted in Klebs, 1922, 142, fig. 105. 124 Cf. Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 211, 218–220. 125 Cf. Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 252. 126 Cf. Pérez Arroyo, 2003, 362, 364, illustrations 16 and 17. The movements of the persons in N13.1 are less extreme though. 127 The name is not listed in Ranke, 1935; it only mentions the similar name „jwpj“, cf. idem, 16 [31]. 128 Cf. Ranke, 1935, 313 [23].

60

5. Representations and inscriptions 3

       

     tr.

3) Sꜣ-Sbk ḏd[⸗f?] ni͗m [nfr] [n?] kꜣ⸗f? 3) Sa-Sobek,129 [he?] says: Who is [beautiful] [for?] his Ka? 4

tr. tr.

 a

a Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign of an unidentifiable bird are visible now. 4) […] A1 4) [...] (man’s name) 5

...

    tr.

tr.

5) ... […] zꜣ Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-m-ḥꜣ.t 5) … [...] son (of?) Wepwawet-em-hat. 6

     tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr. tr.

a

tr. tr.

tr. tr. tr.

a Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign of an unidentifiable bird are visible now. 6) [r] […] [Z2] […] [i͗] […] [t] […] 6) ... (?) The third register (WI.3) depicts the feeding of cranes (pls. 42–44).130 The scene is composed of four of those big birds and a man, presumably their keeper. To the left one crane has turned its long neck towards the ground, probably pecking at food that the man next to it is giving out. The man has short hair and is dressed in a short white kilt. In his right, he is holding a small yellow bag or basket by its curved

129 Cf. Ranke, 1935, 284 [11]. 130 This scene stimulated later visitors of the Eighteenth Dynasty to leave two ink graffiti across the necks of two of the cranes. Therefore, the scene has already been shortly described by Verhoeven, 2009, 437f.; Verhoeven, 2020, 92 and 94–96.

61

5. Representations and inscriptions

handle, while with his left he seems to be touching the beak of another crane that is obviously rather excited: wings flapping, it approaches its keeper, eager to snatch some food from his hand. The man is trying to ward of the obtrusive bird by placing his foot against its chest, possibly delivering a kick. As the bird is tall as a man, he has to lift his foot up high for this, while attempting to stay poised on one leg. Two more cranes are advancing from the right, their beaks open indicating that they are giving their characteristic loud, trumpeting call, one of them has spread its wings adding to the impression that the birds are pressing forward towards their keeper in anticipation of food. Their beaks and eyes are painted red; their plumage is executed in blue with greenish areas, while the legs show a shade of orange ending in black claws. All in all, it is a lively and dynamic little scene. A line of blue hieroglyphs above the head of the keeper says:

      

1

a

a Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign of an unidentifiable bird are visible now. 1) ḏꜣ.wt sbꜣ.wt ?131 1) Cranes being trained (?) (or: cranes of the stables?) Though depictions of the force feeding of cranes are common,132 this kind of birds is also shown being fed without force,133 as is the case in N13.1. Below the above described scenes of WI and WIII, there is one more register each. They both show naval scenes and seem to be intended to be seen as one register only, not only because of their content, but also because the vertical banded friezes on the sides of WI only reach until WI.3 and not further (pl. 36). The two ships in register WIII.2 (pl. 52) are not completely preserved, but clearly of the same type as the vessels in register WI.4 (pls. 42, 45, 46). Those ships have an orange-brown hull with nearly horizontal bows and rising sterns, which each supports the loom of their steering oar134 with a tiller (preserved for ships on the left side of WI.4 and WIII.2). The top of the looms is connected to steering-oar posts,135 and also the oars are secured by a rope fastened close to the blade and to the stern.136 Both ships in WIII.2, as well as the left ship in WI.4, are oriented towards the left and their red sails are hoisted, which means in terms of traveling on the Nile that they are southbound taking advantage of the north wind. Of the first ship (left ship in WIII.2; pl. 52), only the tip of the yellow mast, a small part of the top of the red-brown sail and the area of the stern are preserved. There, a man with a short white kilt is sitting in front of the steering-oar post, facing the direction of the bow. A rudder with a yellow rudder blade is depicted close by, but clearly the man is not touching it – his left arm is hanging down, his hand is clenched, but not holding the rudder. If he was a rower, he would be facing the wrong direction, and so it seems like the aforementioned rudder, as well as the leastwise four more remaining 131 Verhoeven, 2009, 437, n. 15 read ḏꜣ.wt sḥsḥ “cranes shouting”. 132 Cf. Klebs, 1915, 65 with fig. 53; Kanawati/Abder-Raziq, 2004, pl. 48. 133 E. g. in the tomb of Djehuti-hotep in Deir el-Bersha, see Newberry, 1894, pl. 20 or in the tomb of Aba in Deir elGebrawi, see: Davies, N. G., 1902, pl. 16; also in the tomb of Ni-kau-isesi, see: Kanawati, 2000, pl. 49. 134 Cf. Jones, 1995, 45. 135 Cf. Jones, 1995, 47. 136 Cf. Landström, 1974, 78f., fig. 238.

62

5. Representations and inscriptions

ones, are not in motion, but resting on the side of the ship nearly horizontally.137 In addition, the small remaining bit of the hoisted sail proves that rudders are not needed at that moment. Behind the steeringoar post, a helmsman, dressed in a white kilt, is standing on a yellow fore deck,138 holding the yellow tiller of the large steering-oar in his right hand and looking towards the front of the ship in the direction of travel. The following ship shows a large sail and its appending rigging (pl. 52). The mast is positioned in the knee-piece139 on top of the deck. A closer look at the various ropes of the rigging shows that their functions can be identified and that the depiction is quite authentic.140 There are topping lifts141 positioned at the masthead,142 reaching towards the yard to hold it and for hoisting the sail.143 Fixed below them to the pole mast,144 different topping lifts145 reach towards the boom146 to be used for trimming.147 A forestay runs from the top of the mast head to the bow of the ship to support the mast.148 In all likelihood, the original picture showed a backstay, reaching from the top of the mast head to the top of the steering oar post, also intended for stabilization of the mast.149 It is still visible in the depiction of the left ship of register WI.4, but lost for the one at hand. Braces150 fixed to each end of the yard can be recognized; one running diagonally in front of the sail towards the ground. The second one should have been fixed to the other end of the yard and going down as well. Though only the lower part is preserved, a comparison with the left ship in WI.4 helps to reconstruct it. The braces were used to position the yard so that the ship can sail at a certain angle to the wind. Two ropes are being pulled by two sailors standing on deck (see below) and are fixed at the masthead. They are halyards used to regulate the height of the yard and accordingly the sail.151 At the prow, a bow-officer stands, his right arm stretched out horizontally.152 He wears a blue collar and a white kilt. A small inscription above his arm is barely readable:

137 Cf. Landström, 1974, fig. 125 (tomb of Mereruka) and fig. 246 (ship on the very right; tomb of Djehuti-hotep) with depictions of ships with rudders momentarily not used and positioned nearly horizontally. 138 Cf. Stephens, 2012, 197 [glossary, s. v. fore deck]. 139 Compare Jones, 1995, 45f. Stephens, 2012, 198, uses the term mast shoe or tabernacle [glossary, s. v. mast shoe, tabernacle]. 140 Cf. Landström, 1974, 147 (no. 24). 141 Cf. Landström, 1974, 79 and fig. 238 (no. 8). 142 Cf. Landström, 1974, figs. 240–242. 143 Cf. Landström, 1974, 79, (esp. no. 8) and 80, fig. 239 (no. 5) and Stephens, 2012, 197f. [glossary, s. v. lifts, yard]. 144 Cf. Stephens, 2012, 198 [glossary, s. v. pole mast]. 145 Cf. Landström, 1974, 78f. (no. 6), 147 (no. 35). 146 Cf. Landström, 1974, 147 (no. 25). 147 Cf. Landström, 1974, 78f., 147. 148 Cf. Landström, 1974, 147, (no. 24) and Stephens, 2012, 197 [glossary, s. v. forestay]. 149 Cf. Landström, 1974, 78 (no. 3) and Stephens, 2012, 197 [glossary, s. v. backstay]. 150 Cf. Landström, 1974, 147 (no. 36). 151 Cf. Landström, 1974, 147 (no. 31); Stephens, 2012, 197 [glossary, s. v. halyard]. 152 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70.

5. Representations and inscriptions

63

1

...

        tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

1) […] [r] […] 1) [overseer?] …? Five crew-members with the same attire and blue bracelets attend to different tasks. One is reaching towards the boom with both of his arms lifted up. Another one is standing oriented towards the back of the ship, and while his right arm is just hanging down next to his body, he has extended his left arm and raised it somewhat in front of himself with his palm up, possibly in a gesture that indicates talking,153 in this case instructing the crew. The remaining two are working the halyards that stretch down to the deck and are fastened there to adjust the height of the yard and sail. A fifth man can be found standing on top of the boom in front of the red sail, probably holding one of the ropes of the rigging.154 The rear part of the ship is destroyed and only remains of a yellow canopy carried by vertical supports, presumably part of a covered cabin, are still recognizable.155 Below it, one man is kneeling, facing another one who is seated and dressed in a blue kilt, possibly the tomb owner himself.156 The left ship in register WI.4 is basically a smaller version of the ones described before (pl. 45) with analogous sail and rigging and fewer topping lifts. The two braces can be seen going from the outermost tips of the yard towards the cabin, behind which they were supposed to be fastened to the deck. The forestay is visible, though its fixture to the bow is not preserved; the backstay remains and is fixed to the steering oar post. Two halyards are running from the masthead towards the deck, where the pole mast is supported by the red-brown mast shoe. Two crew-members can be seen standing at the bow; the first one is facing the bow of the ship and could have been the pilot, the second one is facing aft and has as least one hand at the boom. Behind the cabin, which is completely covered by yellow canvas and does not show any passengers, is the red-brown steering-oar post with the large steering-oar and a red tiller. A helmsman could be expected, but cannot be verified due to the state of preservation. 153 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 77. 154 Cf. Landström, 1974, fig. 125 giving an example from the tomb of Mereruka in Saqqara. 155 Cf. the right ship in WI.4. 156 Figures of tomb owners seated on a chair or throne can also be found on wooden model ships, cf. e. g. Reisner, 1913, pl. 16 (CG4910, Egyptian Museum Cairo).

64

5. Representations and inscriptions

The right ship differs from the others, as it is going in the opposite direction (pl. 46). The vessel’s pole mast lies horizontally on crutches above the cabin, together with the yard and boom. The red-brown knee-piece, normally functioning as the support of the upright mast, can be seen on deck.157 At the bow of the ship, behind a protruding yellow-painted gangway, a bow-officer158 is standing, holding a long pole with which he possibly checks the depth of the water.159 Above, a small inscription reads:

  tr. tr. tr. tr. tr. tr.

tr.

...

same inscription?

...

 tr.

tr. tr.

2

2) […] … same inscription? … […] ḥꜣ[d] […] 2) […] … same inscription? … straw hive? […] Behind him, remnants of red-brown color, showing probably a foot and a head, indicate the presence of another male person, turned towards the bow of the ship. Between the front crutch and the knee-piece, further remains of red-brown color suggest that two more men were depicted here, kneeling and facing each other, engaged in an unclear activity. Directly in front of the cabin stands a man, dressed in a short white protruding kilt, holding a red-brown stick up in front of him with one hand, his other one is lost. Below the yellow canopy, part of the red-brown framework of the cabin can be seen. Inside are four men, two looking to the left, two to the right, facing each other. The position of the one on the right is not clear; the second and fourth are kneeling, the third is seated on a chair. It is likely that this group represents the tomb owner, surrounded by crew-members. Consequently, the man on the right might be reconstructed as kneeling as well. On top of the cabin, close to the steering oar, traces of red-brown pigment point to the image of a kneeling helmsman, oriented towards the right and possibly steering the ship by a now lost tiller. Above him, some signs of a small inscription are left: 1

   tr.

1) […] [n] s 1) [...] ...? A comparison with a model boat160 of the nomarch Mesehti from Asyut,161 who is very likely identical with the eponymous son of Iti-ibi(-iqer) mentioned several times in the inscriptions of N13.1,162 shows

157 Cf. Jones, 1995, 45. 158 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70. 159 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70. 160 CG 4918, Egyptian Museum Cairo (see Reisner, 1913, 74–80, pl. 18). 161 The model boat apparently came to the Egyptian Museum Cairo in 1875, some time before the famous model soldiers and the two coffins, cf. Zitman, 2010, 48. The tomb was later numbered by Hogarth: (Hogarth-)Number III, cf. Ryan, 1988, 13 (excavation report). 162 See El-Khadragy, 2007b, 119; El-Khadragy, 2012, 38f.

65

5. Representations and inscriptions

striking similarities.163 A reconstruction made by Landström164 demonstrates how this kind of ship should have looked like in reality. The water below the ships is rendered as a vertical zigzag-pattern with alternating coloration: every other section is painted a light blue; the rest seems to be without color. The paint originally used here must have been black and has faded, a fact attested on other walls in this tomb as well. The directions in which the ships travel actually correspond to the approximate orientation of N13.1 towards the north and the south. As the Egyptian crafts of this period were not constructed with a keel,165 sailing in a zigzag course to attain an upwind direction could not be done, hence the three ships with hoisted sails are thought to go downwind i. e. toward the south being pushed by the north wind; the ones with the unstepped mast are heading north – their crews have to row them to windward.166 WIV – Offering scenes and offering list (northern part) (Scheme figs. 26, 27, facsimile fig. 37, photo pl. 53) The northern wall of the niche can be divided into four registers (WIV.1 – WIV.4). The first one (WIV.1, pls. 54–57) shows a scene of offering bearers and men performing several sequences of the food offering ritual. All men are oriented towards the left. A horizontal inscription of blue signs, outlined in black, is placed in the middle of the upper part of the register. It is written in retrograde direction to be read from right to left, although the hieroglyphs are oriented towards the left:

                                       tr.

tr.

1

tr.

1) ḫꜣ [m] wrḥ/wdḥ Snb ḫꜣ m tʾ ḫꜣ m ḥnḳ.t ḫꜣ m [i͗ḥ(.w)] ꜣpd(.w) ḫꜣ m ḥbs ḫꜣ m mnḫ.t n kꜣ n(i͗) [ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w] (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗[ḳ]r mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w 1) 1000 [of] unguent/offering? of Seneb: 1000 of bread, 1000 of beer, 1000 of [oxen] and fowl, 1000 of cloth, 1000 of garments, for the Ka of the [count], the overseer of the priests, It(i)-ib(i)-iqer, true of voice. The scene is intentionally destroyed, with every single human figure pecked out individually. The offering procession starts with four walking men, three of whom evidently with short yellow hair, while the second one’s head is completely destroyed. Dressed in short white kilts, they carry an offering on their right shoulder respectively, supporting it with the right hand. Their left hands are each holding a staff horizontally next to the thigh, except for the second man, who is using his left hand to stabilize his burden. The first man bears a non-identifiable yellow object, possibly a container of sorts, the second one carries a vessel in form of a bꜣs-jar,167 likewise painted yellow, the third one a red-brown tray – no remnants of the objects it formerly held are preserved - and the fourth one a blue and yellow funnel-necked bottle. Subsequent to the four offering bearers another group of four men is depicted, performing various activities belonging to the offering ritual. Their heads have all been erased, so no statement about their 163 Cf. Landström, 1974, 71ff., fig. 207. 164 Landström, 1974, 72f, figs. 213–215. 165 Cf. Berlov, 2015, 74. 166 Cf. Altenmüller, 2006, 27, about the conventions of representation regarding the travel directions of sailing ships versus rowing ships. 167 Cf. Gardiner Sign-list W1/W2.

66

5. Representations and inscriptions

hair style can be made. The same holds true concerning their outfits, except for their short white kilts, which are still recognizable. The first man is kneeling in front of a rectangular pool of blue water, reaching with his hands towards it. Behind him, another man is holding a ḳbḥ-vase with one hand by its base ready to steady it with his other hand, while tilting it slightly spout first. Evidently, those two are engaged in cleansing and pouring of water.168 The next individual is kneeling, his arms in the so-called hnw-gesture,169 a part of the apotheosis.170 The fourth man is standing, holding up his right arm in front of him and grasping a rectangular gray object with his left hand, a papyrus scroll,171 doing the offering recitation.172 Behind this group of four, a man, is approaching bringing a yellow-colored ungulate (donkey or gazelle/antelope?) on a leash. Most of the space of WIV.2 is taken up by an offering list (pls. 54, 58–60). Positioned left to it, two vessels are pictured. The vessel on top seems bicolored, as its rim, shoulders and handles are done in red-brown, while its lower half shows remnants of a rose tone and was very likely speckled, indicating stone as material.173 The lower vessel – with a long, slim yellow body and a red-brown lip174 – illustrates a stone bꜣs-vessel.175 The offering list consists of 53 columns subdivided by five rows. The first and fourth row contain the offerings, written vertically and from right to left, the second and fifth give the amounts of each offering, while the third row shows a classifier: a seated man with a conical vessel in his hands, one per column each.176 Bright orange separation lines give the list its structural frame; the hieroglyphs are colored blue and outlined with black. In spite of the lacunae in several parts, many of the offerings are still readable. The following figures show the hieroglyphs starting on the right, presenting the two rows of the offering list together in three sections, followed by the continuous transliteration (tab. 2).

168 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 81 and 84, fig. 19f8. 169 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 61 and 62, fig. 14. Cf. Mohamed Ahmed, 2017. 170 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 81 and 84, fig. 19f4. 171 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 87. 172 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 81 and 84, fig. 19f2. 173 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 174 Register WV.1 (pl. 68) and WVII.1 (pl. 72) show the same type of vessel. 175 Cf. also Balcz, 1932, 85, fig. 7d. 176 Having two of the most distinctive tools connected with the mouth opening ritual (items 8, 104), in association with other items concerned with purification (nos. 6–7) in addition to drink and food offerings (nos. 17, 18, 19, 24, 25, 43) constituting a part of the 29 items characterizing the mouth opening ritual list, Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s offering list is of Barta’s list type B (Barta, 1963, 78–82, 94–96). The other remaining items are of Barta’s great ritual offering list type A (cf. Barta, 1963, 90–94, 100–101). Noteworthy is item 104 here concerned with an instrument for the opening of the mouth/chisel, which is not, otherwise, documented before the beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty (Barta, 1963, 129, 131, II).

67

5. Representations and inscriptions

Section 1) Upper part: nos. 1–17 Lower part: nos. 54–70

                                                                           tr.

tr.

sic

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. bird?

tr. tr. tr. tr.

                                                          tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

                                                                     tr.

tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

68

5. Representations and inscriptions

Section 2) Upper part: nos. 18–35 Lower part: nos. 71–88

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr. tr. tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

69

5. Representations and inscriptions

Section 3) Upper part: nos. 36–53 Lower part: nos. 89–106

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

Table 2: Offering list on the northern side of the niche No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

1

[…] [A116b (variant)]a

2

[…]

3

b[ḥs] […] [n n] […] [A116b (variant)]

4

[bd] nw [ṯꜣ] […] A116b (variant)

III

5

nṯr.i͗ mḥ.w š.t-p.t ṯꜣ(.w) Z4A Z4A A116b (variant)

IIII

4 pellets of natron from the oasis Wadi Natrun

6

s:nṯr ṯꜣ Z1 A116b (variant)

I

1 pellet of incense

7

[dꜣb] […] [f] Z1 […]

I

figs?

8

[kf] […] Z1 A116b (variant)

I

pesesh-kef (fishtail knife) for opening of the mouth ritual

9

[…] Z4A A116b (variant)

II

10

[…] Z4A A116b (variant)

II

calf natron pellet

70

5. Representations and inscriptions

No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

11

[…] Z4A […]

II

12

[…] r ṯ […] [p]

13

[…] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

14

[…] [nw] […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I(…)

15

[…]

16

[…] [t N33] […] [G45] [Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt] […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

17

[…] [tʾ pꜣ.t] […] Z1 Z4A A116b (variant)

III

pat-bread

18

[h](ꜣ)ṯs [m]nw [ḥḏ] [ẖr] [i͗]r[p] [...] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

1 jug of white stone with wine

19

[h](ꜣ)ṯs […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

1 jug [of black stone with wine]?

20

[ḥ n] […] [n(i͗).t?] […] A116b (variant)

21

[…] [t] […] [n t Z1 Z1] A116b (variant)

22

[…] A2 t [ḫ] […] [ḥr] […] A116b (variant)

23

[ḥtp ꜥꜣ] dp.t[i͗ ḥr⸗f Z1] A116b (variant)

I

the big hetep-table and the dpi-bread on top of it

24

ꜣḥ […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

type of bread

25

[D35 F51] (writing of the word sḫn?) […] A116b (variant)

piece of meat/kidney

26

ḥnw.t n(i͗).t mn.w ẖr ḥ[(n)ḳ].t […]A116b (variant)

1 jug of stone with beer

27

sṯ.i͗-[ḥb] Z1 A116b (variant)

I

unguent

28

ḥ […] [W24] […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

unguent?

29

sfṯ […] A116b (variant)

30

nẖnm […] [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

unguent

31

[twꜣ]w.t […] [Z1] […]

I

unguent

32

ḥꜣ[t.t] n(i͗).t ꜥš ṯ […] A116b (variant)

best ash-unguent/oil of cedar?

33

wꜣḥ msd(m).t ꜥrf.wi͗ […]

2 pouches of black eye paint?

34

[…] [ḫ] Q7

35

[n] […] N18 […]

36

[…] t […]

37

ḥtp n(i͗) N(18) Z4A Z4A šns […] Z2 A116b (variant)

III[I]

shenes-bread

38

m ḥtp […] Z2 šn[s] […] [Z2] […] A116b (variant)

[I?]III

… shenes-bread

39

ḥb[nn(w).t] [...] [Z1] [...]A116b (variant)

[…]I

type of bread

I

unguent

type of bread?

5. Representations and inscriptions No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

40

Ṯḥ[nw] […] [Z2] A116b (variant)

III[I]

best unguent from Libya?

41

i͗d(ꜣ).{w}t{d}-ḥꜣ⸗k [pꜣ] […] [Z4A Z4A]

IIII

i͗dꜣ.t-ḥꜣ⸗k-breadb

42

ꜣšr.t [Z4A Z4A] A116b (variant)

IIII

a roasted piece of meat

43

[ḥḏ.w] Z4A Z4A A116b (variant)

IIII

onions

44

ḫpš [Z1 A116b] (variant)

I

haunch/thigh?

45

i͗(w)ꜥ [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

femoral bone/thigh of hindleg of cattle

46

[…] F51 [Z1] A116b (variant)

I

(a piece of meat)

47

[…] Z1 A116b (variant)

I

(maybe a piece of meat)

48

[…] Z1 A116b (variant)

I

(maybe a piece of meat)

49

spr […] Z1 A116b (variant)

rib

50

ꜣšr.wt […] A116b (variant)

roasted piece(s) of meat

51

m(i͗)z.t [...]

I

liver

52

n(n)šm […] Z1 A116b (variant)

I

spleen

53

i͗wf n(i͗) ḥꜣ.t Z1 A116b (variant)

I

breastmeat

54

rꜣ

55

[…]

56

[s] […] [G54] […]

57

mnw.t

I

pigeon

58

[…] [f] […] [t] […] W10 Z1

I

a pastry?

59

p[ꜣ.t] […] Z1

I

pat-bread

60

m [z] […] W10 Z4A (mzw.t?)

II

pastry?

61

[ḏsr.t] […] [W10] Z4A

II

beverage?

62

[…] [W10 Z1]

[I?]I

63

[ḥ] […] [Z4A]

II

64

[…] [W10 Z1]

[I]I

65

[…] [Z4A]

II

66

[ḥ(n)ḳ.t d] […] [W10 Z4A]

II

beer…

67

[i͗rp] […] [W10 Z4A]

II

wine …?

68

[š] […] [W10 Z4A]

II

69

[…] [Z4A]

II

70

[…] [W10] [...]

71

[…] [Z1]

72

[…]

rꜣ-goose s-goose?

I

71

72

5. Representations and inscriptions

No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

73

[…]

74

[…] [Q1] […]

75

D152 […] nw […]

spit? (breakfast/“Mundwaschung”

76

[…] [tʾ] […]

bread?

77

[…] [Q1] […] [ḥ] […] [ḳ nw] […]

78

[r] […] [ḥ w] […] [N33 N33 N33] […]

79

[…] W24 n b ꜣ a […] m […]

80

sw.t […]

81

mw […] W10 [Z4A]

82

[D152] […]

83

psg? …

84

[…] tʾ […] [Z1]

I[I]

85

[…] [nb] […] [Z1]

I

86

[…] ḥ(ꜣ)ṯ[ꜣ.t] […] X2 […]

87

[…] [Z4A]

88

ḥbnn.wt […] W10 […]

89

[ḫnfw].w […] [Z1]

I

type of bread

90

i͗šd […] W10 [Z1]

I

type of fruit

91

[s] […] W10 [Z4A]

II

92

[s] […] š t [...]

93

ꜥ[g.t] […] [W10 Z4A]

II

specially prepared cereal („Röstkorn“, Verhoeven, 1984, 65–76)

94

[…] n ꜥ g t Z2 (n(i͗) ꜥg.wt?) b t G29 W10 [Z4A]

II

specially prepared cereal babat-fruit?

95

[n]bs [...] [Z4A]

II

nebes-fruit?

96

[…] [W10 Z4A]

II

97

[…] [W10 Z1]

I

98

R7 t D40 t [...] W10 [Z1]

I

99

[gs.w] W10 [...]

the halves of the loaves (of the offering table)

100

pẖr W10 [...]

peher-offering

101

pḏw W10 [Z1]

I

pedju-offering

102

stp[.t] W10 [Z1]

I

the chosen/elected

103

ḥꜣt-[w]dḥ(.w) W10 [...]

reteh-bread? lower leg/shank of cattle II

water… spit? … bread … type of bread

II type of bread (plural?)

all the year offerings ?!

the first of the sideboard

73

5. Representations and inscriptions No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

104

ḥw W10 Z1

I

instrument for the opening of the mouth/ chisel

105

n kꜣ n(i͗) i͗mꜣḫ.y Z1

I

for the ka of the honored one

106

ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [i͗m.i͗]-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)

the count, the overseer of the priests, It(i)-ib(i)

a The variant in the tomb shows a cursive hieroglyphic sign of the sitting man two hands at the bowl. b Cf. Barta, 1963, 74, 41. WIV.3 depicts an offering table scene (pls. 61–63). Its central feature, the offering table, is largely destroyed, but the rest is quite recognizable. A line of blue hieroglyphs, outlined with black and written directly below the offering list, names the recipient of the offerings seated to the left of the table (pl. 62):

                        tr. tr.tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

1

1) mz [ḥtp(.w)] […] [ꜣ ꜣ] […] n kꜣ [n(i͗)] […] [ḥm(.w) nṯr] I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr 1) Bringing [the offering] … for the Ka [of?] … [overseer of the priests] It(i)-ib(i)-iqer. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is shown seated on a chair, looking to the right. His head has been chipped away completely; he is wearing a broad yellow collar partly covering an uncolored sash, which runs diagonally over his chest and left shoulder. Of his clothes, a knee-length tight yellow kilt with a blue belt and a projecting blue front are still recognizable. His left hand is reaching towards the offering table in front of him, his right hand is positioned on top of his thigh, clutching a folded yellow cloth. His chair is supposed to be made of wood as indicated by the yellow color and a pattern imitating wood grain. It has a low back-rest with a papyrus umbel at the rear and a yellow cushion.177 Its legs are modeled after lions’ legs, resting on small red cylinders and yellow truncated cone supports. From the adjacent offering table, some reed-shaped bread halves178 painted in yellow, with blue stems and red interspaces remain, arranged symmetrically in pairs with the panicle on the outside and the spikelets facing inside. On top of them, further offerings in red-brown and yellow, though nowadays indeterminable, are piled up, and on the very top, a red-brown leg of an ox, two yellow heads of a dorcas gazelle, respectively, an ox and a rose-colored plucked goose can still be distinguished. On the right side of the table, opposite to Iti-ibi(-iqer), a woman is seated in very much the same fashion as the nomarch. The blue and black inscription above her head right under the offering list is badly damaged (pl. 64): ...

         tr.

tr. tr.



2

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

177 For the cushioned backs, cf. Cherpion, 1989, 26–31. 178 The longish loafs of bread represented on top of offering tables are being replaced by depictions of flowering reed from the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty on; see Munro, 1973, 14.

74

5. Representations and inscriptions

2) ... […] [ḥ] [t] [...] Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w […] [S]n[b.t(i͗)179 -i͗ḳ(r).t] 2) ... [...] Hathor […] [S]ene[bti-iqeret]. She is wearing a long, formerly black wig and a long, tight blue skirt, otherwise she appears to be topless, yet adorned with several items of jewelry: a blue collar and blue bracelets, as well as a yellow and blue necklace with red-brown strings in the back, ending in a yellow counterweight.180 Her right hand is extended towards the offering table in front of her, which she shares with Iti-ibi(-iqer); her left hand is holding a red-brown and blue water lily flower. Her chair is almost identical to the one of the tomb owner in this scene, except that the back rest below the cushion is painted red instead of yellow and the cone support of the front leg is void of color (the one of the back leg is not preserved). Behind the seated lady, the figure of a female fan bearer was once depicted. 181 Nowadays, the large semi-circular fan is the feature most noticeable with its elaborate decoration of concentric rows with zigzag patterns in yellow, blue and red-brown182 possibly indicating weaved reeds, whereas substantial parts of the servant’s body are lost. In her left hand, she holds the fan handle, which has a checkered pattern in yellow and black. Her right hand is close by, the arm bent at the elbow. Still recognizable is some of the woman’s jewelry: she wears a blue collar and bracelets, whose original color has disappeared. Above her head, an inscription reads (pl. 64): 3

     ... tr.

tr. tr.

3) i͗[r(i͗).t] n(i͗).t […] ... 3) Companion of [...] … The lowest register (WIV.4, pls. 61, 65, 66) on this wall of the niche is occupied by two scenes falling under the motif of butchery, often depicted in connection with the offering ritual,183 which it precedes.184 The left side of the register shows how the left foreleg of an ox gets cut off, the most commonly represented scene of the butchery process and the beginning of the dismembering of the whole animal.185 A single man186 is standing at the head of the slaughtered creature; he has short yellow hair, a short white 179 The remains of the sign before n might actually belong to the s (Gardiner Sign-list S29), the ones preserved below the n to a b (Gardiner Sign-list D58). 180 It is not clear if her necklace is a mni͗.t. For a depiction of the counterweight emerging from below the wig, cf. e. g. Quaegebeur, 1983, fig. 3b. 181 A First Intermediate Period example of such a motif is known from the tomb of Mery-aa at El-Hagarsa (cf. Petrie 1908, pl. 7). The same motif is represented once more in a table scene on the stela of the Eleventh Dynasty Theban nomarch Antef (cf. Lange/Schäfer, 1902, pp. 8–9, no. 20009; Fischer, 1968, p. 200, fig. 39). More First Intermediate Period examples of this motif in scenes other than table scenes are known from El-Hagarsa too (cf. Petrie, 1908, pls. 7–8, tomb of Mery-aa; Kanawati, 1995, pl. 27, tomb of Wahi). Two more Eleventh Dynasty Theban representations of this motif are preserved on the sarcophagus of princess Kauit from her tomb at Deir el-Bahari (cf. Naville, 1907, pl. 20: IV) and on the eastern wall of the tomb chapel of princess Kemsit at Deir el-Bahari (cf. Naville, 1913, pl. 3). 182 Similar fans are depicted in Carter et al., 1900, pl. 18, 1; Petrie, 1897: pl. 25, tomb of Shedu, Deshashe. 183 In the Old and Middle Kingdom, butchering scenes are placed close to the offering ritual, cf. Dominicus, 1994, 89. 184 Dominicus, 1994, 89. 185 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 53. 186 The cutting of the foreleg executed by only one person can be found occasionally in the Old Kingdom, but increasingly towards the First Intermediate Period and the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, as well as afterwards, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 77f.

5. Representations and inscriptions

75

kilt around his hips and a red appendage hanging down from the belt in his back, which looks like a long slender sash, but in the given context is probably a whetstone.187 He is leaning forward his left foot propped up188 on the throat of the rose-brown colored ox grabbing its left foreleg with his left hand, while with his right189 he is using a large red knife190 to cut the leg at the shoulder joint. The hind legs of the ox are fettered with a yellow rope. The animal’s tongue can be seen hanging far from its muzzle;191 its tail is lying limply on the ground, overlapping with the foot of the man in the right part of the register. This man, also pictured with short yellow hair and a short white kilt, is carrying a leg of an ox in both of his hands towards the left, probably providing the different pieces of meat for the offering ritual. The lower part of the leg is rose colored and thus clearly separated from the red-brown flesh of the rest, indicating a remnant of the skin.192 Behind the man, a large basket painted in yellow with fine dark lines to indicate the specific structure holds several cuts of beef: A large piece of ribs193 with rose, red-brown and yellow details, two bones with red-brown meat from the legs,194 a red-brown heart195 and a light brown head with a protruding tongue. To the right of the vessel, more red-brown and rose color remains indicate additional meat cuts, though their identification is not clear. They could represent more segments of ribs; nothing remains of the container that once must have held them though. WV–WVII – False door and offering scenes (Scheme figs. 26, 27, facsimile fig. 38, photo pl. 67) Beneath a polychrome block frieze, one line of hieroglyphs spans the top of the niche’s back wall (pls. 67, 68, 70, 72). It gives a connective heading for the tripartite decoration of the wall, featuring a false door in its center (WVI), flanked by offering table scenes oriented towards it and surrounded by scenes with offerings and butchery (WV and WVII). Its composition differs from other inscriptions in Tomb N13.1; as it shows signs outlined in black, contoured with red-brown paint, but not colored in with any pigment, leaving the interior blank. It reads:

187 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 119–123. The form depicted in WIV.4 is slightly different though and does not end in a rounded tip. Also, butchers normally have these whetstones attached to a rope and inserted into the kilt at the back, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, pl. 4. The butcher in WIV.4 seems to be the only one having this appendage of the butchers depicted in N13.1. 188 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 77. 189 The cutting is depicted correctly here, as the animal is lying with its legs and underside towards the beholder and the butcher’s knife is seen in front of the leg being cut, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 77. 190 For the development of the shape and material of knives used for butchery, see: Eggebrecht, 1973, 111–119. The knives shown in fig. 4 and 5 of his publication seem to be closest to the one depicted in the scene in WIV.4, though here seems to be an additional appendage at the handle, perpendicular to the blade. 191 This is proof for the animal being dead; as the tongue can only protrude this far when the muscles connected to it are severed, as happens in slaughtering by throat cutting, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 70. Evans, 2010, 60 adds, that not only the protruding, but rather the depiction of the tongue hanging down so far that it touches the ground is an important indicator for the animal being dead at this point in the butchery process, as different kinds of animals are often shown with their tongues sticking out in different scenarios, while clearly still being alive. 192 For skinning of the dead animal, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 73–75. 193 Cf. Gardiner Sign-list F43, Gardiner, 1964, 466. 194 Cf. Gardiner Sign-list F44, Gardiner, 1964, 466. 195 Cf. Gardiner Sign-list F34, Gardiner, 1964, 465.

76 1

5. Representations and inscriptions

                                                              

1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) [Wp(i͗)]-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣ[w].t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ pr.wwi͗ Ḥr.w sꜣb [šw.t]196 ḫd(i͗) [ḫnt(i͗)]⸗f [ḥr] […] wnḫ.n⸗f mr n ... ḥz(i͗).y nsw rꜥ nb wꜣḥ.0 tp tꜣ Mzḥ.t(i͗)-i͗ḳr 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the priests of [Wep]wawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the two Houses of Horus variegated [of feathers], who sails northwards and southwards on …, the one who was clad in …, the praised one of the king every day, the one who endures on earth, Mesehti-iqer. Striking is the inclusion of some self-laudatory phrases such as ḫd(i͗) [ḫnt(i͗)]⸗f and wnḫ.n⸗f with a probable historical implication among a list of other titles and epithets of Mesehti(-iqer). It seems that Mesehti(-iqer) alludes to his ability to sail northwards and southwards, which might mean a period of peace, just before the reunification of Egypt. Moreover, the incompletely preserved hint of wearing some kind of clothes might allude to Mesehti(-iqer)’s participation in some festival. Admitting that no certain conclusion can be deduced from such incompletely preserved text, it seems that Mesehti(-iqer) considered that these probable events were worth to be hinted at here in such a prominent place of his father’s tomb above the false door and its flanking decoration, with its signs outlined in black and contoured with red-brown paint, leaving the interior blank without any pigment in a technique distinguished from other tomb inscriptions, insuring thereby the importance of its content. WV.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (northern part)? WV denotes the wall segment from the north-western corner to the image of the false door and consists of four registers. WV.1 shows two tables colored in blue, yellow and red-brown (pl. 68). The left one bears three spouted vessels, the outer ones identical but positioned mirror-inverted. They are painted blue; most probably indicating that these ewers are made of copper.197 Usually this vessel type was depicted as part of a wash set together with a basin198. The vessel in the middle – slimmer and taller than the ewers – seems to have been initially colored yellow and in a later step only the upper part was painted blue, presumably to receive a shade of green and thus likewise suggesting a kind of metal.199

196 This title is not recorded for any other nomarch or high official at Asyut. Moreover, no evidence is known for any relation of the solar Horus and Asyut. For the epithet sꜣb šw.t “variegated of feathers/many-colored of plumage” of the solar Horus, cf. Pyr. § 1197; Wb IV, 17.14–15; Faulkner, 1962, 210. 197 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 198 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 96. 199 Gardiner, 1964, 529: W15.

5. Representations and inscriptions

77

The table on the right side carries two pouches of natron; one rendered on top of the other, the upper one colored yellow on the outside and blue on the inside, the lower one blue on the outside, with the internal color not discernable anymore. Next to them, three vessels are pictured, the first one, a jug with a single handle is done in yellow, except for the red-brown rim. The second one, another bꜣs-vessel, also has a red-brown rim; however the neck and shoulder are blue with a yellow body and foot. The last one, an amphora-type vessel, is colored red-brown in its upper part and has a rose speckled pattern on the lower part as well as on the handles, indicating a stone vessel.200 A string runs vertically from the rim over the upper third of the body, implying that the top of the vessel is actually sealed with a red leather cover, tied with a leather strap.201 WV.2. is decorated with a large offering table scene devoted to a woman (pl. 68). The label in front of her head is badly obliterated. 1

tr. tr. tr. tr. tr. tr.tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

 tr.

1) [...]202 1) [...] The seated woman is facing left, wearing a long, apparently gray but faded to rose, wig, and a long blue skirt probably with red details, considering the remains of red color on her left thigh. She has donned a blue collar and presumably a pair of blue bracelets, of which the specimen on her left arm is still recognizable, whereas her whole right arm is lost. In her left hand, she is holding a water lily bud colored blue and yellow. Her chair seems to have bull’s legs and apparently so does the one in the corresponding scene in WVII.2 (pl. 72), which is better preserved.203 Still observable is the red-brown color of it, possibly it also had a low backrest. Some blue spots can be found under the feet of the chair (i. e. the bull’s hooves), supposedly remains of the conical bases that could be expected below them. The offering table in front of the woman is laden with bread in the form of fourteen stylized blue and yellow reeds, the spaces between their tips filled with red paint. On top, a red-brown foreleg of an ox, a yellow indiscernible remnant, maybe a hyperboloid bowl and a yellow plucked goose are visible. The table top carrying the offerings is of a light pink that originally could have been a shade of light gray. Minute remains of black color below it might have belonged to the foot of the table. Below, register WV.3 holds the scarce remains of a slaughter scene with men jointing an ox (pl. 69). The yellow animal is lying on its back. At its head, a man is standing, while putting his right knee on its throat. Scant traces of color, as well as the similarity to the scene in WVIII.3 (pl. 80), suggest that the butcher is holding on to the front leg of the animal, which is basically erased, except for mere touches of yellow pigment. Grabbing the fore-shank firmly with both of his hands, he is helping the man standing behind the ox, who is using a red knife204 to cut off the foreleg. A third man is standing at the rear of the ox. He is wearing a short white kilt; his arms are raised, but as they are nearly completely destroyed, 200 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 201 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 202 Also the writing direction is not clear. 203 For more information, see the chair in WVII.2. 204 For more information on the knives, see WIV.4.

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it is unclear what he is doing. He might be busy sharpening a knife.205 The last man in this scene, also wearing a short white kilt, is standing close by, his posture suggesting he might be carrying the leg of an ox; an assumption supported by the remnants of yellow color close to his left hand indicating its hoof and red-brown remnants above, which point to the meat.206 The lowest register, WV.4, shows the delivery of a yellow table with three vessels by two men with yellow hair, clothed in short white kilts (pl. 69). The vessel on the left side seems to be a pottery bowl, its material indicated by the red-brown color on the lower part. The top, however, is blue and in this case might depict the contents of the bowl, i. e. a blue, red-brown and yellow water lily flower and two longstemmed water lily buds hanging down on each side. Another option would be that the pottery vessel is covered with a lid made out of a different material and that the water lily blossoms are wrapped around it for additional decoration. The middle vessel, a ḥs.t-jar, seems to be inset in the upper and middle board of the table with its foot resting on the lower one. Its upper portion, including the conical stopper, the neck and the shoulder, is blue, the lower part is yellow. The vessel on the right is painted blue in its upper section. The same holds true for its two handles, except for their lower ends close to the point of attachment to the vessel’s body, which are, just like the bottom part of the vessel, red-brown. Right on its very top, the remains of a loop are still recognizable. The left part of the register shows another man walking towards the false door; of his image his head with short yellow hair, his shoulder and pectoral region are discernible yet, leading to the assumption that he also was holding one end of a table with three or four vessels, nowadays completely destroyed, except for some specks of red-brown paint. WVI.1 – False door The center of the niche’s western wall shows the remains of a painted false door207 (pls. 70, 71). It is largely destroyed but the structure is still distinguishable. The complete door must have once been framed with red-brown paint; what remains are a slimmer stripe on the top and two wider ones on the sides that are colored solidly next to the cavetto cornice. Further down, however, starting next to the upper lintel, the shapes of hieroglyphs were left blank in the red-brown frame, constituting two inscription columns. The cavetto cornice shows stylized palm leaves that can be reconstructed to a number of thirty-five. They are not leaning towards the outer ends, but stand straight, painted alternately in blue, yellow and orange. Several work steps can be observed, apparently the vertical black outlines of the fronds were drawn first, either with a steady hand or possibly with the help of a ruler-like tool or a device similar to a maulstick, then, the semi-circles of the leave tips were executed (in some cases visibly from right to left as indicated by thicker paint blotches where the brush after being freshly dipped in the liquid touched the wall first); finally, the leaves were filled out with color. The row of palm branches is sitting on top of a brown band, possibly suggesting a torus molding. Underneath, the architrave or upper lintel is painted red-brown, whilst omitting the shapes of the hieroglyphs that make up the offering formula; a technique already seen in the inscribed band at the top of the wall:

205 Cf. e. g. Eggebrecht, 1973, pl. 2 B and 4 C. 206 Cf. the scenes of men carrying legs: WIV.4 (pl. 66), WVIII.5 (pl. 81). 207 For the common elements of a false door see e. g. Haeny, 1984.

5. Representations and inscriptions

           tr.

tr.

79 1

1) ḥtp [ḏ(i͗)] nsw […] r t […] [d] […] 1) An offering that the king [gives] […] ... […] This inscription line and the adjacent inscription columns are circumscribed by thin blank stripes, which in turn are framed by red-brown borders. Below the architrave is the central panel bearing remnants of two male figures seated on chairs opposite of each other with an offering table between them, loaded with loaves of bread in the form of reeds, painted yellow and blue with red interspaces. Vestiges of yellow and red-brown color on top of the loaves suggest that more foodstuffs used to be depicted there, in the case at hand probably a plucked goose. The man on the left side is wearing a broad collar on his chest and a bracelet on the arm he is extending towards the offering table; both jewelry items are done in yellow, indicating that they are made of gold. His clothes consist of a yellow kilt with a blue belt. Only a few yellow traces remain of the chair he is sitting on. The man on the right side is donning a shoulder-length wig, which, at least nowadays, shows a faint yellow tinge, but as for all cases of strangely fair hair in N13.1, it is questionable if yellow was the color originally chosen for it. His broad collar, however, was distinctly yellow. A small part of his hand close to the offering table is preserved, the same holds true for his feet and a section of the chair’s yellow leg. Whether the two male persons pictured here are two representations of Iti-ibi(-iqer), or if one of them depicts e. g. his son Mesehti, is uncertain. What is left of the accompanying inscriptions does not elucidate this question; as it does not provide any names. Underneath the central panel with the offering scene, the lower lintel is located, executed in accordance with its upper counterpart; featuring a horizontal inscription line on red-brown ground, emphasized by thin light stripes and red-brown borders above and below. Few hieroglyphs can still be deciphered:

         tr. tr.

?

tr.

tr.

2

  tr.

2) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w […] [ḥm] […] [t] […] nb […] 2) The hereditary prince, the count, […] ... […] Beneath the lower lintel the image of the false door is rather obliterated, but the remains of red-brown and two differing shades of brown paint, likely, used to suggest the wavy grain of the wooden architectural components, indicate a central door recess and inner doorjambs. As noted above, two columns of hieroglyphs set into red-brown bands start next to the upper lintel and run downwards, mentioning yet again titles (first left, then right side):

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5. Representations and inscriptions 3

            tr. tr.

...

                           4

tr.

tr.

tr.

... 3) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) […] t […] 3) The count, [the overseer] of the priests of [Wepwawe]t, [lord of Asyut…]. 4) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t] [smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) I͗(n)pw [nb Rꜣ-ḳrr].t […] 4) The hereditary prince, the count, [the sealer of the biti-king], [the sole companion], [the over]seer of the priests of Anubis, [lord of Ra-qerere]t […]. WVII.1–4 – Offerings, offering table scene, slaughter of an ox, offering bearers (southern part) Section WVII is composed analogously to WV, but with the main elements mirrored; as the main point of reference is the false door (WVI) in the middle. WVII.1 shows a jar rack and a table, painted in yellow and red-brown, both loaded with vessels (pl. 72). The rack on the left holds five identical ḥs.t-jars, and a similar sixth one featuring a spout attached to its shoulder making it a ḳbḥ-jar. The vessel tops are colored blue, including the shoulders, the rest is done in yellow. It is not uncommon that these tall, slim vases with a high point of gravity are pictured inset into a jar rack and not just placed on a table top; as illustrated in WIII.1.4, racks also make for easier transportation. The specimen at hand seems of a slightly

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different design than the others. It has been suggested that instead of a top board with holes to receive the jars, it has some kind of railing placed across the stretchers, as a lateral support for the vessels.208 The table on the right holds three vessels. The slim bꜣs-vessel on the left side is identical to the ones in WIV.2 (pl. 58) and WV.1 (pl. 68), it is colored yellow except for the red-brown rim.209 The top of the middle vessel might be decorated with papyrus umbels as indicated by the remains of two blue elements jutting out of the pot’s silhouette; the upper two thirds of the vessel’s body are colored red-brown, the rest is speckled a dark gray, probably indicating black granite.210 Lastly, the remaining globular vessel is painted blue with a red rim possibly showing a leather cover.211 In WVII.2, the offering table scene shows a woman seated on a red-brown chair with a low back and a yellow seat cushion. Its bull’s legs212 are resting on yellow truncated cone supports; the bull’s tail is clearly shown hanging down from the back of the chair, close to the papyrus umbel at the back. Though the chair is not preserved completely, the differences to the chairs with lion’s legs depicted in this tomb in terms of color, pattern and the additional element of the tail are clear. Facing right, the woman extends her left hand toward the offering table in front of her, which seems to be equipped identically to the one in WV.2 on the other side of the false door. Here also, very small remnants of black color possibly belonged to the foot of the table. The woman is holding her right arm – bejeweled with a blue bracelet – close to her body; she is wearing an orange skirt. The identifying label in front of the woman’s face reads:

               

1

1) i͗mꜣḫ.yt [mr(i͗)].yt Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-[(i͗)ḳr.t] 1) The honored one, [belov]ed of Hathor, It(i)-ib(i)[-iqeret]. In the right section of WVII.3 (pl. 73), traces of a man with yellow hair, leaning on what might have been the body of an ox in a butchery scene, are recognizable. Directly at the back of his head, a small inscription reads:

...

  tr. tr.

tr. tr.

1

1) [n] […]213 1) […] … On the left side of the register, the upper body of a man is preserved: he is looking towards the right, holding a plucked goose by the neck in his right hand, while possibly carrying another offering in his left; as his right arm is not drawn in front but behind his torso. The goose’s skin is done in yellow with red details. The short, cropped hair of the man appears nowadays to be yellow. 208 Cf. Killen, 1980, 69 and fig. 36. 209 See description at WIV.2. 210 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 79; Gander, 2009. 211 Cf. Balcz, 1932, 78. 212 Although chairs with bull legs were replaced by those with lion legs towards the end of the Old Kingdom, some Middle Kingdom (and also New Kingdom) examples of chairs with bull’s legs are attested (Cherpion, 1989, 34), see e. g., Newberry, 1894, pls. 12, 16–17, 19, 32, 34; Blackman/Apted, 1953b, pls. 15, 17. 213 The writing direction is not completely clear.

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Register WVII.4 (pl. 73) is all but obliterated. On the right side, the remains of yellow and red-brown color probably belong to another image of a table holding several vessels. Left to it, some brown and yellow paint might indicate that another ox was once depicted there. WVIII – Offering scenes and offering list (southern part) (Scheme figs. 26, 27, facsimile fig. 39, photo pl. 74) The southern wall of the niche is divided into five registers (WVIII.1-WVIII.5). Most parts of the first register (WVIII.1) are badly destroyed (pls. 75–78). The remaining decoration on the right is abraded for the most part. Several traces of red-brown, yellow and blue color can be attributed to a table with vessels, comparable to those depicted on the back wall of the niche. Continuing left, the black patterned head of an ox rests upside down on a yellow tablet with its red tongue hanging out of the mouth and a red i. e. bloody zone at the cut throat. The completely obliterated middle part of the register only has three very small vestiges of red, yellow and black outline at the top. Here, the surface might have been grazed on purpose. The left side of the same register shows remnants of two male persons belonging to an episode of the offering ritual as shown on the northern wall of the niche (WIV.1) (pl. 54, fig. 37). The first man, dressed in a short yellow kilt is bending slightly forward and with his right arm seems to be carrying out some activity in front of his body. The activity cannot be determined for certain, but he might be pouring water for cleansing as seen in WIV.1. The man behind him is identical to the man in said according scene, the object in his hand painted yellow instead of gray, depicting a papyrus scroll. He is engaged in the offering recitation. A small patch of red-brown color behind his feet might point to another figure originally standing behind him. A short inscription above, written from right to left and executed in blue with black outlines, reads:

       ...              tr.

1

1) ḫꜣ m tʾ ḫꜣ m ḥnḳ.t ḫꜣ i͗ḥ(.w) ꜣpd(.w) ḫꜣ m ḥbs ḫꜣ šs ḫꜣ m ḥꜣ.t n kꜣ n(i͗) I͗[t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr] 1) 1000 of bread, 1000 of beer, 1000 (of) oxen and fowl, 1000 of cloth, 1000 (of) alabaster, 1000 of kilts (?) for the Ka of I[t(i)-ib(i)-iqer]. In the right part of the second register (WVIII.2, pls. 75–78), very small blotches of yellow and redbrown color hint towards the decoration formerly placed here. The register, now largely destroyed, used to be filled mainly with a long offering list, whose hieroglyphs are – given their state of preservation – less readable than the ones of its counterpart (see WIV.2, pls. 58–60). The design though is the same: The lines of the columns and rows are of a light orange with the hieroglyphs executed in black outlines filled with blue. The list is made out of five rows and at least 44 columns. Like the offering list in WIV.2, there might have been more columns to the left, possibly also 53, reaching to the edge of the wall, but as the edge is broken off, no definite number can be reconstructed. The following figures show the hieroglyphs starting on the right, presenting the two rows of the offering list together in three sections, followed by the continuous list of recognizable elements (tab. 3).

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Section 1) Upper part: nos. 1–17 Lower part: nos. 54–70

                                                      tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

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5. Representations and inscriptions

Section 2) Upper part: nos. 18­–35 Lower part: nos. 71–88

                                                                                                        tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

85

5. Representations and inscriptions

Section 3) Upper part: nos. 36–53 Lower part: nos. 89–106

              

              

                                                                                                                                                          tr.

tr.

tr.

The offerings still recognizable are: Table 3: Offering list on the southern side of the niche No.

Reading resp. writing

1

[…]

2

[…]

3

[…]

4

[…]

5

[…]

6

[…]

7

[…]

8

[…]

9

[…] W10 […]

10

[…] [Z1]

11

[…]

12

[…]

Amount

Translation

tr.

86

5. Representations and inscriptions

No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

13

[…] [W15] […]

14

[…] [W24 W24] […]

15

[…]

16

[…]

17

[…]

18

[…]

19

[…]

20

[…]

21

[…]

22

[…] [Z1]

23

[…] [W10] Z1

24

[…] [ḥ] […]

25

[…] [f] […]

26

[…] [t] […] [ꜥ] […] [w] […]

27

[…]

28

[…]

29

[…]

30

[…]

31

[…]

32

[ḥꜣt.t n(i͗).t ꜥš ṯ n] (unclear, beginning of an unusual writing for Ṯḥn.w?) […] Z1 A116b (variant) […] [Z1]

I

best ash-unguent/oil of cedar?

33

wꜣḥ msd(m).t […] [Z1] A116b (variant) [ḥ] […] [Z1]

I

1 pouch of black eye paint

34

[…] [ḫ] […] [Z1] A116b (variant) […] [W10 Z4A]

I

35

[…] [Z1] A116b (variant) [ḥ b n n] […]

I

36

[…] [Z4A]

37

[…]

38

[…]

39

[…]

40

[…]

41

[…] [Z4A]

42

[…] [Z1]

43

[…]

44

[…]

87

5. Representations and inscriptions No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

45

[…]

46

[…]

reconstructed

47

[…]

reconstructed

48

[…]

reconstructed

49

[…]

reconstructed

50

[…]

reconstructed

51

[…]

reconstructed

52

[…]

reconstructed

53

[…]

reconstructed

54

[…]

55

[…]

56

[…]

57

[…]

58

[…]

59

[…]

60

[…]

61

[…]

62

[…]

63

[…]

64

[…]

65

[…]

66

[…]

67

[…]

68

[…]

69

[…]

70

[…]

71

[…]

72

[…]

73

[…]

74

[…]

75

[…]

I

76

[…]

I

77

[…] ḥ…

I[…]

Translation

88

5. Representations and inscriptions

No.

Reading resp. writing

Amount

Translation

78

[…] f …

79

[…] t…ꜥ…w[...]

80

[…]

81

[…]

82

[…]

83

[…]

84

[…]

I

85

[…]

I

86

ḥ[…]

I

87

[…]

II

88

ḥbnn[.wt]?

89

[…]

90

[…]

91

[…]

92

[…]

93

[…]

94

[…]

II

95

[…]

I[…]

96

[…]

97

[…]

98

[…]

99

[…]

reconstructed

100

[…]

reconstructed

101

[…]

reconstructed

102

[…]

reconstructed

103

[…]

reconstructed

104

[…]

reconstructed

105

[…]

reconstructed

106

[…]

reconstructed

type of bread? II

As on the wall WIV, another inscription is added at the lower edge of the offering list, at the left side (pl. 78). It is basically eradicated, only a few signs remain:

...

tr. tr. tr. tr.

   tr.

1

5. Representations and inscriptions

89

1) […] [i͗ m] […] 1) [...] ... [...] There seem to be no traces of color on the right part of WVIII.3 (pl. 79), except for a few spots of yellow. Remnants of twelve bread loaves in the shape of reeds from an offering table, colored yellow with blue stems, are preserved. They are arranged symmetrically in two groups of six with the ‘spikelets’ turned towards the outside. The left part of the register shows butchery scenes (pl. 80). Two men, half the size of the ones in the scene following, with red-brown skin and short white kilts, are standing with a light brown ox between them. They are trying to bring the animal to a fall; accordingly, the man positioned at the animal’s front is trying to force its head towards the ground to make it lose its balance. As the animal belongs to the hornless type of cattle, the butcher might have used a rope tied to its mandible in order to get a firm grip,214 pulling hard and pressing his right leg against the ox for additional leverage. But in this case, there are no traces of a rope preserved. The man at the rear of the animal is pulling at a cord, which is bound to its right foreleg, pushing one of his own legs against its hindquarters to gain more force.215 It is not clear, if the cord was fastened to the hind legs as well, but it does not seem like it. The forelegs of the ox have already buckled and the hind legs are about to give way.216 The animal looks back towards the butcher. Above, part of a patterned, yellow conical basket can be seen that probably held pieces of meat according to the paint remains on its top, (compare WIV.4, pl. 66). Further left, two men are involved in slaughtering a light brown ox, which is already lying on its back on the ground. The scene is partly destroyed, but the animal must be oriented with its head towards the right, considering the alignment of the legs. The man on the right side of the animal has short yellow hair and is wearing a short white kilt with a sash in his back. He has assumed a wide stance,217 with his right leg firmly in front of the ox, clasping one of the animal’s forelegs close to the hoof with both hands.218 Apparently, behind the body of the ox,219 a second man is busy cutting said leg at its base utilizing a red knife220 with his right hand, while reaching towards the hoof with his left arm. Remains of more light brown color indicate the positioning of the second foreleg in front of the second man’s right arm and a hind leg pictured in his back. Not much is preserved of register WVIII.4, but it seems to have featured a line of male servants bringing live stock. Of the first figure close to the western corner the silhouette of the upper body is still recognizable, walking towards the right and slightly bent forward (pl. 81). Two small patches of yellow color close by might have belonged to an animal walking next to the man (compare EII.4, pl. 130). Behind him is a cow or probably ox 221 of a light- yellow color and an orange dorcas gazelle (Gazella dorcas),222 its chest and belly painted white. A yellow rope is tied to its right hind leg, presumably held by

214 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 9f. 215 Cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 10. 216 For a similar scene, see WIII.1.3 (pl. 50). 217 This kind of stance is the most frequently depicted of the butcher pulling the front leg, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 77. 218 This pose is the most commonly depicted regarding this action, with the leg pulled up by the butcher putting both of his hands closely together at the lower leg, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 76. 219 The depiction of one man in front of and another one behind the ox is quite realistic, cf. Eggebrecht, 1973, 76. 220 For more information on the knife, see WIV.4. 221 As the animals in offering scenes are often fattened oxen, cf. Ghoneim, 1976, 157. 222 For the dorcas gazelle, see: Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 175–177.

90

5. Representations and inscriptions

a man following it. Only parts of his left arm and his feet are still discernable, despite the adjacent cavity in the wall and the red-brown paint of the interior design of the mihrab arch covering the area. In his raised hand, he is holding at least three birds by their wings. The two in front are colored a dark orange, including their feet. The third bird has a blue head and neck. There might have been another, lighter colored one between them, but again the red-brown paint coat makes it very hard to discern. To the left of a destroyed area in this register are remnants of a man, walking towards the right and holding his right arm behind his back (pl. 82). A small animal, colored orange, is following, perhaps another dorcas gazelle. Above it, more orange color points to further elements nowadays unreconstructable. The lowest register (WVIII.5, pls. 81, 82) shows remnants of nine male offering bearers with white kilts. All of them, except the fifth, are oriented towards the right. The first man is carrying the red-brown leg of an ox in front of his torso (compare WIV.4, pl. 66), as seems the fourth one, who has shouldered a yellow leg with the hoof pointing forward. The fifth man, turned towards the left, might have formed a team with the sixth, handling something mostly destroyed. Only part of the yellowish head of a dorcas gazelle with an ear and a horn, hanging upside down from the fifth man’s hands, can clearly be recognized. The seventh man might have borne a yellow vessel on his shoulder, albeit the paint traces are not conclusive. Too little is left of the remaining men to identify the exact tasks they were assigned to. WIX – Watching fighting bulls and woodworking? (Scheme figs. 24, 25, facsimile fig. 40, photo pl. 83) The southern part of the western wall shows the tomb owner watching cattle, particularly bulls fighting (WIX.1). In WIX.1.1 (pl. 84), Iti-ibi(-iqer) is facing left; the remaining details of his attire consist of the polychrome headband with papyrus umbels and streamer223 on top of a short black wig, a broad, multicolored collar, a blue and yellow bracelet around his right wrist and a short, projecting kilt with a yellow and blue striped belt and a diagonal blue border.224 He is leaning on a yellow staff, clasping it with his right hand, in which he is also holding a yellow and blue sḫm-scepter. His left hand is resting on top of the staff; remains of yellow color suggest that a bracelet used to be at his wrist. The posture of the tomb owner is the same as in NII.1.1 (fig. 33, pl. 17). Two dogs depicted one above the other accompany Itiibi(-iqer). They are walking in front of him, each labelled with a small inscription.225 The caption above the upper one says: 1

a

         B

B

a A few faint remnants are still recognizable of this hieroglyphic sign, which might be reconstructed as Gardinder Sign-list V30. 1) [Spt] […] [y] […] [nb⸗f] [rꜥ nb] 1) [Sepet] … [his (the dog’s) master]? [every day]

223 For this kind of head gear worn e. g. in scenes of inspection, see explanation in the description of NII.1.1. 224 Cf. NII.1.1. 225 Adding the names of the dogs to their image was a common practice; cf. e. g. Houlihan, 1996, 78. By depicting the pets, their owners ensured their presence in the afterlife with them; cf. Rice, 2006, 43.

5. Representations and inscriptions

91

The animal has a coat pattern of patches filled with red-brown pigment respectively small dots. Its checkered collar shows remains of blue paint with a red-brown checkered bow hanging from its neck. The caption of the second dog reads: 2

         

      colorless now, but seems to have had some darker areas on his head and his back. The dog appears mainly Some tiny black dots mark parts of his legs. A blue and yellow collar is tied in a bow at the front of his neck. Both dogs are of the tjesem variety, characterized by a slim build, pointy ears and a curly tail.   An inscription identifying   the tomb owner is written horizontally above his head, while the caption  describing the represented action is written vertically before his figure as follows:        1                                                                           Both these names are neither listed by J. Janssen nor by Fischer. Cf. Janssen, 1958; Fischer, 1961a; Fischer, 1977. 226  227 For more information, see NIII.1.                  2) Ḏb.t pw mrr.t nb⸗s 2) It is Djebet,226 whom its master loves.

227

b

2

different a

b

92

5. Representations and inscriptions

a The soldier sign used here for ꜥḥꜣ shows a standing soldier with an axe supported over his left shoulder with his left hand, while holding a shield with his right hand. For this palaeographic feature of the standing soldier ideogram/determinative, cf. chapter 4, comment on Gardiner Sign-list A12 (JSesh A211 var.). b The lacuna before the ideogram for sḫ.t shows at its beginning the right part of Gardiner Sign-list D28

  and two of the three plural strokes at its end, which suggest the reconstruction kꜣ.wt (   ) for

the missing part of the text here (cf. Montet, 1925, 4: nos. 1, 3–5, 7, 10–12; Newberry, 1893b, pl. 31; Blackman, 1924, pl. 8; Blackman/Apted, 1953a, pl. 13; Davies, N. G., 1902, pl. 3). 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) [ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w] ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt I͗[t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr] 2) mꜣꜣ ꜥḥꜣ kꜣ.w kꜣ[.wt] sḫ.t (i͗)ḫ.t nb(.t) nfr.t sḫ.t n kꜣ n(i͗) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ [ḥm(.w) nṯr] n(i͗.w) I͗(n)pw nb Rꜣ-[ḳ]rr.t i͗mꜣḫ(.w) [I͗]t[(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr] 1) The hereditary prince, [the count], the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of priests of Wepwawet, I[ti-ibi-iqer]. 2) Viewing the fighting of bulls and [works in] the field and every good produce of the field for the Ka of the count, the overseer [of priests] of Anubis, lord of Ra-[q]ereret, the honored [I]t[i-ibi-iqer]. The left part of the wall is occupied by five registers. The first (WIX.1.2, pl. 85), starting from the right side, shows a pair of fighting bulls: a dark gray-patterned specimen and an orange colored one, the former is upheaving the latter with its crescent-shaped228 yellow horns, lifting its opponent’s hindquarters and causing it to topple head first, to the ground. The scene is captioned with a column on the right side: 1

             1) hꜣ(i͗)229 sw kꜣ230 nḫt231 1) Bring him down, strong bull! 232 Next are several remains of a yellow animal facing in the direction of the fighting bulls. Due to the drawing of a small calf between its legs, it is plausible to assume it once showed a cow, possibly suckling

228 Cf. Boessneck, 1988, 69. 229 For the reconstruction, cf. Newberry, 1893a, pls. 13, 30; Kanawati, 1995, pl. 22. 230 Cf. Hannig, 2006, II/1, 1102, {13321}: „hꜣj sw mr kꜣ nḫ“ „greif ihn an, Kampfstier, du starker Stier!“ 231 Gardiner Sign-list M3 is mirrored here. 232 For parallels, see e. g.: Kanawati, 1995, pl. 22; Newberry, 1893a, pls. 13, 30.

93

5. Representations and inscriptions

its young. Several black outlines at the left side of the register indicate another representation of a cow, bull or ox here, facing right. The right side of the second register (WIX.1.3, pl. 85) features a bull with predominantly black fur, facing a man positioned in front of him. The man is holding a yellow stick up over his head. Enough of his head and upper body remain to compare his arm posture to the one of a herdsman in the tomb of Ibi in Deir el-Gebrawi.233 The low position of his head suggests that his legs are far apart and that he has assumed the same stance as a herdsman depicted in the tomb of Ukh-hotep in Meir234 who is facing a bull in a wide and deep lunge with one of his knees almost touching the ground. Herdsmen brandishing sticks are frequently depicted in scenes of fighting bulls.235 Though there seems to be a possibility that the men might want to stop the aggressive animals in some instances,236 most of the time they are surely inciting the bulls to continue their combat.237 An associated inscription over the depicted scene reads:

     

2

2) […] sw Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt-nḫt.0 […] 2) … him, Wepwawet-nakht [...]. The name Wepwawet-nakht is already mentioned on the northern wall in the scene of inspecting cattle (NII.1.2, pl. 19) and probably the same person is mentioned here as well. Remains of red-brown and orange color show that apparently there was another cow, bull or ox behind the man. A few traces of two red-brown hooves on the left side of the register suggest that the original decoration included one more animal. It is conceivable that the register continued in a similar way like the aforementioned scene in the tomb of Ukh-hotep in Meir, i. e. with another herdsman and a second fighting bull. The right side of the third register (WIX.1.4, pl. 86) features a gray-patterned bull risen on its hind legs as he is either being lifted by the horns of its now lost rival,238 or engaged in mating with a cow.239 The rest of the register displays only slight traces of decoration in black, brown and orange, which seem to stem from additional animals, as well as red-brown possibly from the skin of another man. On the right side of register WIX.1.5 (pl. 86) remains the upper part of a human head. The hair is yellow and in all likelihood belonged to a male person, considering the frequent occurrence of this hair color in men’s images throughout the tomb. On the far left, a few traces of dark orange color are left, too little to deduce the original motif, nevertheless whatever was depicted in this register was most likely in context with the subject of watching cattle and agriculture; as the hieroglyphic column superscribing this motif runs by it acting as a visual bracket.

233 Cf. Davies, N. G., 1902, pl. 11; Galán, 1994, fig. 4. 234 Cf. Blackman, 1914, pl. 11. 235 See Kanawati, 1991, 56. 236 See Kanawati, 1991, 57. 237 See Kanawati, 1991, 56f.; Galán, 1994, 90f. 238 Cf. the scene in the tomb of Djehuti-hotep in Deir el-Bersha (Newberry, 1894, pl. 18). 239 Cf. with Tomb of Aba in Deir el-Gebrawi (Davies, 1902, pl. 11).

94

5. Representations and inscriptions

The much ravaged last register (WIX.x, pl. 87) still shows parts of another male figure positioned on the very left side and oriented towards the right. In front of him, yellow traces are all that is left of what might have been an object just like the red-brown smudges further to the right. These scarce remnants of the decoration of this fifth register are not enough to allocate it to either WIX.1 or WIX.2. Considering the inscription running down the column to the right, it is possible that the last two registers originally displayed scenes of works on the field. Representations of bullfighting first occurred at the end of the Old Kingdom and are attested during the Eighteenth Dynasty (Thutmosis III). It is quite striking that this topic does not seem to play any role in the decoration programs of the memphite necropolis, but appears numerously in tombs of the provincial elite in Middle and Upper Egypt.240 Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain why fights among bulls was added to the repertoire of topics considered appropriate, or even necessary to be pictured in a funerary context.241 One line of argument sees the depiction of bull fights as a representation of what Thorstein Veblen would call “conspicuous leisure”;242 an activity solely aimed at flaunting social status and thus initiated by man,243 seemingly enjoyed by the tomb owner, who had the means to possess bulls for such sportive events.244 Another line of argument interprets the combat of two equally powerful bulls, battling for the leadership position of the herd, as an analogy of the tomb owner being challenged and forced to defend his status as the paramount power broker in the region by rival strongmen.245 The victorious deceased, thus, defends his hierarchical position in the Afterworld, including all the privileges and provisions that go with it.246 This might further explain why the bullfight scenes seem to be located only in tombs of men belonging to the provincial higher elite;247 as they not only had a special interest in retaining their status, but especially in times of political instabilities as in the First Intermediate Period, indeed, had to deal with different kinds of conflict culminating in open warfare.248 Below the representation of the tomb owner Iti-ibi(-iqer) (WIX.2, pl. 88) are scenes of wood working. On the right side, a kneeling carpenter with black hair and a short white kilt is shown with a detailed yellow and red-brown adze in his right hand forming what appears to be an oversized wooden ḏd-column

,



which is diagonally set on a sloping yellow block-support. To the right, a ti͗.t-symbol is placed straight on the ground, while another ḏd-pillar and ti͗.t-symbol are lying at their sides above the craftsman, supposedly pictured as finished pieces stowed away. The ḏd-pillars are painted red-brown, the ti͗.t249

240 Cf. Galán, 1994, 81. 241 A list of several opinions can be found in e. g. Kanawati, 1991, 51f. 242 Veblen, 1915, 35–67. 243 Kanawati, 1991, 57. 244 Cf. e. g. Walsem, 2006, 304f. 245 Cf. Galán, 1994, 91–96, who lists excerpts of the Pyramid and Coffin Texts as well as non-funerary literature to prove the symbolic meaning of the bullfighting scenes. For a critique of Galán’s analyses, see: Walsem, van, 2006, 303–305. Cf. also Seidlmayer, 1999. 246 Cf. Galán, 1994, 92. 247 Galán, 1994, 93. Van Walsem, though, states that the scene does not occur often enough in the tombs of local leaders to be counted as a standard repertoire, see Walsem, 2006, 304. 248 Seidlmayer, 1999, 74. 249 Using the adze in forming the ḏd-column here suggests that the material is wood; for, in craft scenes, the adze, with few exceptions, occurs in connection with the manufacture of products made of wood (Eaton-Krauss, 1984, 48–49 [§54]).

5. Representations and inscriptions

95

symbols are yellow. A very similar scene can be found in the Tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep in Saqqara, where an artisan is working on a large ḏd-pillar using an adze.250 The scene to the left of the carpenter exhibits a man with formerly black hair, wearing a long white kilt reaching well below his knees, the hem curving downwards at the front. The man is standing on top of a high platform with a small landing, with only one of his feet actually placed on it, the other one ostensibly unsupported in mid air. His right arm is outstretched above an oblong yellow object, possibly a wooden board, holding a thin and long red object or tool, possibly a brush for painting with the tips of his thumb and forefinger.251 With his other hand, he might be stabilizing the object. Then again he could be engaged in a different kind of activity like polishing the object’s surface with a smoothing stone.252 In front of him, on the same platform, a smaller man is kneeling, dressed in a short white kilt. With his left hand he utilizes a longish red tool, which seems to get broader towards the top according to the sparse remains of decoration. It could be a chisel,253 and the workman could have held a mallet in his other hand now lost. It is not clear what object the men are working on, as the wall’s surface is so badly damaged at this spot. The platform they are standing on resembles a block of wood, but the small landing on the right side indicates a special use. Similarities can be found in scenes of wood working like the manufacture of cabinets, sedan chairs or shrines.254 If it was the preparation of a pedestal or chair for a statue, one would expect the statue depicted as well, standing or sitting on top of it, which does not seem to be the case here. An additional possibility for interpreting this scene is the identification of the abovementioned pedestal as a wing of a door, with two different parts of it constructed each by one of the workmen. The kneeling person would be adding holes to later join the board prepared by the other workman to his part. In this scenario, the ti͗.t-symbols and ḏd-columns prepared on the side, might be meant for decorating a shrine that is about to be assembled.255

5.4 The southern wall SI.1 – Commemorating Khety II (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile fig. 41, photo pl. 93) The main scene on the left side of the southern wall represents the tomb owner accompanied by a woman facing Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s predecessor, Khety(-iqer). The labels identifying both men are antithetically written

250 Cf. Moussa/Altenmüller, 1977, 138 and pl. 62. Here the authors call the scene forming this symbol for cult singular. It is also mentioned in Drenkhahn, 1976, 112. The ḏd-column is also used as ornate grills, which surmounted the shrines of the princesses of Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari (Naville, 1910, pls. 14, 15; Hayes, 1953, 160– 161, fig. 97), and it decorates again the lunette at the top of an Eleventh Dynasty stela belonging to Nḫt.i-iꜥr (Müller, 1933, 187, fig. 11). 251 If a brush is actually depicted here, it seems comparatively short, cf. e. g. Moussa/Altenmüller, 1977, pl. 64, where painters are using brushes to apply color to several objects. 252 The slightly curved hand with the downward turned palm placed over the surface of this unidentifiable object may suggest that the figure was holding some stone rubber usually used for smoothing surfaces of wooden products and other stone objects. Cf. Eaton-Krauss, 1984, 51 [§58]. 253 Cf. Drenkhahn, 1976, 119f. 254 Cf. Davies, N. G., 1902, pl. 14. 255 As in Wreszinski, 1923, pl. 154 or pl. 242.

        96 5. Representations and inscriptions  in two lines each – a horizontal line above the depiction proper, and a vertical one in front of them. To left is the fragmentarily preserved image of Khety(-iqer), standing and facing right (pl. 94). He wears the a short, projecting kilt with a red-brown border. His belt shows stripes of blue, red-brown and probably yellow; a loop at the front was left colorless. He holds a long yellow staff in his left hand and a blue and yellow sḫm-scepter in his right. The line above him (1) and the long column in front of him (2) read: 256

B

257

B

a



                            B

YB B



2

    

1

                   B

B

a



 a It is not clear whether this sign is Gardiner Sign-list O49 or Gardiner Sign-list S21  ; for the interior details, if any, are now completely obliterated.   )-wꜣ(i͗).wt] […] r 1) […] t […][Wp(i͗   2) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t)] [ḥꜣ.t(i͗)]-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).[t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w)] […] i͗mꜣ[ḫ.w] […] mr  […] nb Rꜣ-ḳ[rr.t] […] [ḥz(i͗).y] n(i͗) nṯr⸗f ni͗wt.i͗ H̱t[y-i͗ḳr mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w]  […] ... 1) […]... [Wepwawet] 2) [The hereditary  prince], the [count], the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, [the overseer of  the  honored one […] beloved [of] the lord of Ra-qe[reret] [...], [whom] his local god [fapriests of] [...],   vors], Khet[y-iqer, true of voice].      methods adopted in the Old Kingdom representations to separate the dead persons from living, cf. 256 For the different Kanawati, 1981, 213–225.   257 Cf. NII.1.1.          B

YB B



           5. Representations and inscriptions 97    Facing him at eye level stands Iti-ibi(-iqer) adorned with a broad collar: its outer row done in yellow, followed  by a row of blue dropor barrel-shaped beads, further rows in white respectively left colorless, blue and yel  low can still be discerned. A white sash runs diagonally across the chest (pl. 95). Most probably Iti-ibi(-iqer) wearing was once shown a matching pair of blue and yellow bracelets, one of which can still be seen on his  right wrist, whereas  his left arm is not preserved. Although his image is erased for the most part, enough of     Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s silhouette is perceptible to conclude that he is depicted here as a fat man quite in contrast to the  slim build of his predecessor, Khety(-iqer). As might be expected, the portly tomb owner is clad in a long,    projecting kilt. This garment shows a downward curved hem at the front and is held by a blue and yellow    appearance, Iti-ibi(-iqer) is not bare foot like in most of his other slim-bodied striped belt.  In this particular representations: his partly preserved left foot shows a sandal. Apart from that, he holds a long yellow staff    with a blue tip in his right hand and a yellow and blue sḫm-scepter in his left. The associated caption reads:                 ...                                                                        ḥꜣ.t(i͗)[-ꜥ.w] ḫtm(.ti͗)[-bi͗t] [smr] wꜥ(i͗)[.t(i͗)] (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr [n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt  1) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-p]ꜥ(w.t)   nb] […]   [...] [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb [Zꜣw.t(i͗)] […] [I͗npw nb] […] r 2) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t)]     y wꜣḥ.0 [tp tꜣ I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w]   i͗mꜣ[ḫ.w?] […]  1) [The hereditary   prince], the count, the sealer of the [biti]-king, the sole [companion], the overseer of   priests [of Wepwawet,  lord] of [Asyut], …  2)[The hereditary   prince] [...] [the overseer] of priests of Wepwawet, lord [of Asyut], […] [Anubis,] [lord the honoured one […] the one enduring [on earth, Iti-ibi-iqer, true of voice]. of Ra-qerere]t,       of sandals in the Old Kingdom see: Siebels, 1996. Siebels asserts that sandals could be worn by people 258 For the wearing of different gender and social standing. Tomb owners typically like to represent themselves in their tombs wearing sandals at least in one scene and normally in one depicting outdoor activities, cf. p. 87. She also states that evidence suggests that the tomb owner is always in a standing position, when wearing sandals, cf. p. 87. In N13.1, however, Iti-ibi(-iqer) is also shown wearing sandals in a seated position, on the southern side of pillar A.               2

B

B

258

1

R

2

B

B

Y

B

Y

Y

B

98

5. Representations and inscriptions

Behind Iti-ibi(-iqer) is a badly obliterated figure of a standing woman; only the lower part of her body remains. She wears a long, tight, blue garment, probably a skirt as it is attested for other depictions of females in this tomb, and colorful anklets. A long vertical blue line in front of her is in all probability the lower part of a water lily flower’s stem that she was holding in one hand, while with the other one hanging down behind her back she grasps a yellow ꜥnḫ-sign. SII.1 – Fowling in the marshes with the goddess Sekhet (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile fig. 42, photo pls. 93, 96) The central section of the southern wall features a fowling scene with Iti-ibi(-iqer) handling clap nets and the goddess Sekhet259 presenting him some already captured birds. Remarkably the standing deity is visualized having the same eye level as the sitting non-royal tomb owner.260 According to the current state of knowledge, this is the first occurrence of such a depiction, which used to be a royal prerogative in a private funerary setting. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is identified by a horizontal line of hieroglyphs at the top right beneath the block frieze and a vertical one behind his figure (1-2), while the caption describing the represented action is written horizontally in a second line above the head of the owner (3). Three short lines to the left of the head of the goddess Sekhet refer to the deceased’s son, Mesehti (4-6), although he is not pictured here. The inscriptions (pls. 97, 98) read:

                                      

1

a

Y

tr.

Y tr.

2

                  Y

B

Y

259 For a detailed study of this goddess, see: Guglielmi, 2013. 260 Guglielmi, 2013, 118.

99

5. Representations and inscriptions

                             Y Y



3

b

Y

B YY

             c

4

R man

d

5

tr.

sic

6

e

                       bird

different sign: 4 loops

a For this standing soldier ideogram used here for mšꜥ, cf. chapter 4, commentary on Gardiner Sign-list A12. b The lower two thirds of sign show legs walking; this suggests the reconstruction of this sign as Gardiner Sign-list W25. c In the better preserved inscription of NIII.1, the tomb owner’s son Mesehti is described as zꜣ⸗f sms.w (cf. pl. 23); one would expect the same adjective sms.w for this inscription referring to the son Mesehti once more. Hence Gardiner Sign-list A19 is suggested for the lacuna following zꜣ[⸗f] here. d The tail of some bird is the only remnants of this almost completely obliterated sign.



ꜥpr (Gardiner Sign-list Aa20) used in Hammamat e The sign is comparable to the form of the sign G61 from the time of Senwosret I, cf. Farout, 1994, 145–147 (T2), fig. 2; Goyon, 1957, 81–85 (61), pls. 23–24 (information by Alexander Ilin-Tomich, Mainz). 1) [i͗w] […] [r ꜥ Z1] n (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t s[mr wꜥ(i͗)].t(i͗) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr] n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Z[ꜣw].t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ mšꜥ n(.i͗) [Nḏf.t ḫnt.t mi͗-ḳd]⸗s261 I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr 2) mr(i͗).y Sḫ.t nb[.t ḥꜣb] […] i͗ […] s rꜥ nb [I͗]t[(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr] 3) [i͗n(i͗)] n⸗f Sḫ.t nb.t [ḥ]ꜣb s[ḫ]t ꜣpd(.w) m […] [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)]-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr [I͗]t(i͗⸗i͗)i͗b(⸗i͗)-[i͗]ḳ[r] 4) zꜣ[⸗f sms.w mr(i͗).y⸗f] i͗ f nb n(i͗) i͗š.t[⸗f] nb[.t] 5) mḏd (?) sḫr [g]m.w bw-nfr ꜥpr 6) bw-i͗ḳr ḥr(.i͗)-tp ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w262 [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [ḥm(.w) nṯr] Mzḥ.ti͗ 1) [...] for the hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the [sole] companion, [the overseer of priests] of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, the overseer of the troops of the [entire 13th Nome of Upper Egypt], Iti-ibi-iqer. 2) Beloved of Sekhet263, the mistress [of fishing and fowling] … every day, [Iti-ibi-iqer]. 261 Gardiner Sign-list S29 is mirrored in some instances here: once each in line 1, 3 and 5. The sign also occurs in the regular writing direction. 262 For the epithet ḥꜣ.t ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w attested for Khety II at Asyut and Nehri I, the nomarch of the Hare Nome, see: Griffith, 1889, pl. 14 (col. 57); Anthes, Hatnub, no. 16, respectively. 263 Guglielmi, 1974, 211. The epithet “beloved of Sekhet” was used by tomb owners of the Middle Kingdom to present themselves as successful hunters. At the same time, she provided for the non-royal deceased by bringing fish, birds and wild animals. Guglielmi, 1974, 215.

100

5. Representations and inscriptions

3) Sekhet, the mistress of fishing and fowling, brings to him the [netted] birds …, [the hereditary prince, the count], the overseer of priests, Iti-ibi-iqer. 4) [His eldest] son, [his beloved one], the possessor of all [his] possessions, 5) the one who follows the plan, who finds the good, who endues 6) the excellence, the chief of the count(s), [the over]seer of [priests], Mesehti.264 Iti-ibi(-iqer) sits on the right side of the scene (pl. 97), on a yellow chair decorated with a pattern imitating wood grain, a low, blue cushioned back and a papyrus umbel at the back. Its lion’s legs are resting on blue cylinders over yellow truncated cone supports. The tomb owner is facing left, wearing a short, now colorless wig with a headband adorned with papyrus umbels and one short and one long streamer.265 A broad yellow and blue collar adorns his chest and shoulders, as well as a yellow sash running diagonally across his chest. Iti-ibi(-iqer) wears a short, tight kilt in yellow and blue. With both of his hands he holds three ropes266 leading to three clap nets267 for fowling shown on the left side of the scene (pl. 101). It is rare that officials are pictured handling a clap net themselves.268 The position of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s arms resembles the depiction of King Sahure holding the rope of a clap net.269 The goddess Sekhet is standing with her body oriented to the left, but her head turned to the right, facing Iti-ibi(-iqer) and presenting him live bird with both hands (pl. 98).270 On her head, she has a conspicuous crown like rendition of the ideogram for sḫ.t

, “field”, which is her most distinctive iconographical attribute.

271

Here the reeds

are painted with blue culms and green spikelets on a base in red-brown. Small parts of a blue streamer as well as of a headband are preserved above her now colorless and probably formerly black wig. She wears a broad blue and yellow collar and a long, tight yellow garment with shoulder straps decorated in red-brown, blue and yellow. The fabric of the dress is patterned with alternating horizontal rows of red-brown and blue dots. The lower part of the gown ends in a wing design with the primary feathers alternately colored yellow and blue on top of a white or colorless base. The three ropes in the hands of Iti-ibi(-iqer) lead towards the left part of the scene, where three adjacent clap nets are set above a body of water, shown by a vertical zigzag pattern of alternating blue and now faded black (pl. 101). The background of the closed 272 nets are colored in a shade of green; inside the nets waterfowl is caught, the birds fluttering in different directions. Their bodies are rendered orange or blue, while their wings do not show any remaining colors or were possibly left blank; their feet are 264 Former translations: El-Khadragy, 2007, 112: „the [herald] of the place of beauty ... the herdsman (6) of excellence“; Guglielmi, 2013, 120: „(5) der dem Plan (?) folgt, der Melder/Wiederholer des Guten (d. h. Fangerfolgs, der Ausbeute) ... der Hüter (6) des Fähigen (d. h. der Geschicklichkeit)“. 265 This headdress was worn in scenes of fishing and fowling. See NII.1.1 for more information. 266 In the facsimile of this scene published in El-Khadragy, 2007, fig. 6, not all remains of the depicted ropes were included. Guglielmi, 2013, 118 correctly identifies the ropes held in the tomb owner’s hands for what they are, even though the revised drawings made by The Asyut Project are first published in this publication and were unknown to her. 267 For the functioning of the clap net, see: Dunham, 1937a; cf. also Decker/Herb, 1994 I, 283–289, examples on p. 456–532. 268 Cf. Zelenková, 2010, 156. 269 Cf. El Awady, 2006, 201, fig. 5. Iti-ibi(-iqer) has not been depicted in the kilt with the triangular apron though; as are Sahure and several officials with corresponding scenes, see: Zelenková, 2010, 156f. 270 For Sekhet as the provider of birds, see: Guglielmi, 1974, 211. 271 Cf. Guglielmi, 1984, col. 778. 272 Cf. Dunham, 1937a, 53, lower picture.

101

5. Representations and inscriptions

orange as well. To the right of these nets and in front of the goddess Sekhet is a small crouching figure of a man, giving the signal to close the nets (pl. 99).273 The associated label is partly destroyed but still reads:

             sic

a

R

R

1



a Only faint traces of some longitude sign with curved edge are visible now; it might be Gardiner Sign-list F18. 1) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ […] sḫt [(i͗)r⸗k] [...] ꜥ.w⸗k sṯ(ꜣ)(⸗i͗) n mḥ.t(i͗) m ḫt nb ꜥꜣ 1) The overseer of […] the trap (with) your hand, I will pull (the rope?) because it is full. This man seems to be the one giving the cue to pull the ropes, however the pose of the goddess Sekhet is rather extraordinary and deserves consideration. A very similar posture is known from scenes, in which also a signal; a command is given: the signaler stands erect, looks backwards and holds both arms out horizontally, with a long cloth in his hands. Except for this last accessory, the goddess’ stance and gesture correspond to the signal giver’s pose.274 At the left side of the clap nets is another fragmentary small figure of a kneeling man with blue skin and a red-brown sash at his back (pl. 101).275 He is handling one of the apparently cone-form pivoting poles that is used to fasten the net to the ground.276 Noteworthy is the blue color of his skin, a phenomenon which is attested for the fabulous creature of the hunting scene on this same wall (SIII.2.2, see below), and again for Wepwawet in the Eleventh Dynasty “Northern Soldiers-Tomb” (H11.1) at Asyut.277 With all the other male figures in both chapels having the usual red-brown painted skin,278 a divine being is probably represented here. Dominating the fowling scene with her designation nb.t ḥꜣb – “mistress of fishing and fowling”, Sekhet is probably assisted by her son Ḥꜣb, who is associated with her in a rather similar context dealing with the presentation of bird-catch to the deceased king.279 If this identification is accepted, this scene could be a pictorial version of Pyr. § 555 (PT 341). This extraordinary composition indicates Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s participation in privileged knowledge that originated initially in the memphite residence. However, it is also possible that a local element is shining through: because of the number of sources mentioning the goddess Sekhet in Asyut, Guglielmi suggests that there might have been a center for the worship for this goddess there.280

273 A nearly identical depiction of a man giving the signal to close the net is represented in the tomb of Ankhmahor in Saqqara (cf. Dominicus, 1994, 114, fig. 30c), even though the more common pose used for this task is standing and often combined with holding up a cloth (cf. Dominicus, 1994, 114, fig. 30), see below. A different opinion on the function of the man represented in N13.1 has Guglielmi, 2013, 120. 274 See Dominicus, 1994, fig. 30. The goddess Sekhet’s possible pose as a signal giver has also been noticed by Guglielmi, 2013, 118, 120. 275 For similar attire on men closing nets, see e. g. Blackman, 1924, pl. 8. 276 Cf. Dunham, 1937a, 52. 277 El-Khadragy, 2006, 152. Cf. also Abdelrahiem, 2020, 20. 278 El-Khadragy, 2006, 151. As for the color conventions followed here, see above. 279 Compare: Pyr. § 555 (PT 341), which reads: … rdi͗.n bꜥḥ.t ꜥ.w(y)⸗s r NN šni͗.n ꜥ.w(y) NN ḥꜣb i͗ri͗.t nb(.t) Sḫ.t n zꜣ⸗s Ḥꜣb wnm NN ḥnꜥ⸗f m hrw pn – “... Plenty has put her hands on the king NN, and the hands of king NN have enclosed the bird-catch. Whatever goddess Sekhet makes belongs to her son Hab (i. e. the bird-catch), and king NN eats with him today” (Pyr. § 555 [b–e]; cf. Faulkner, 1969, 110, § 555). 280 Guglielmi, 2013, 121.

102

5. Representations and inscriptions

Above the nets, remnants of at least twelve flying birds are visible (pl. 100). They are also colored orange and/or blue. Proceeding towards the left is a small figure of a man, carrying two bunches of waterfowl suspended on ropes from both ends of a yoke born across his shoulders. He is wearing a blue collar and a white kilt. At the edge of the destroyed area in the left part of the scene, some remains of yellow color strongly resemble the hieroglyph for the letter ḥ. It might hint at the former existence of another polychrome inscription in this area. SIII.1 – Fishing scene (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile fig. 42, photo pl. 96) The western part of the southern wall shows the tomb owner in a fishing scene. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is identified by a line above the pictorial rendition (pl. 102):

                                 

1

1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) [nṯr] n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw[.t(i͗)] I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, [the overseer] of the priests of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, It(i)-ib(i)-iqer, true of voice. Five columns on the upper left side are largely covered with red paint of the mihrab from Islamic times,281 but still most of the text can be read like the tomb owner’s name and the pictured action (pl. 103): 3

2

                                              a

Y

Y

281 Cf. chapter 6.

                        4

?

5

                              

6

                   

Y bird

Y

5. Representations and inscriptions

103

a The remaining last part of fish-sign suggests its reconstruction as Gardiner Sign-list K5, there is a possibility of having another type of fish-determinative in the lacuna before it; cf. Blackman, 1924, pl. 7. 2) stt […] […] Zꜣ[w.t(i͗)] […] n r […] 3) ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr [wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗)] (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt] nb Z[ꜣw.t(i͗)] 4) [mr(i͗).y] nsw m wn.0 [mꜣ]ꜥ i͗mꜣḫ.y/w I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗) 5) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)[-ꜥ.w] […][(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w)] Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt [nb Zꜣw.]t(i͗) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] pr[.wwi͗] 6) […] [ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w)] I͗(n)pw [nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t] I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-[i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗]ḳr 2) Spearing (fish)282 […] Asyut […] ...? 3) the sealer of the biti-king, the [sole] companion, the overseer [of the priests of Wepwawet], lord of Asy[ut], 4) the truly [beloved] of the king, the honored one, I[t(i)]-ib(i), 5) the count, […] [the overseer of the priests of] Wepwawet, [lord of Asyu]t, [the overseer] of the [two] houses, 6) […] [of? the priests of?] Anubis, [lord of Ra-qereret], It(i)[-ib(i)-i]qer. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is standing on a waterborne papyrus skiff reminiscent of a neshmet barque accompanied by two women (pl. 102). Although most of his head is destroyed, remains of a short, probably once black, wig and a yellow and blue streamer are recognizable, for sure part of a headdress with papyrus umbels; an accessory often depicted in scenes of fishing and repeatedly attested in N13.1.283 Apart from a broad yellow and blue collar, he is wearing a short yellow kilt with an apron positioned in the front.284 The distance between the shoulders and the midriff seems to be rather short for this image of the tomb owner, with the kilt is sitting high on the hips,285 and the legs are somewhat elongated. The right side of the kilt is wrapped over the left and held by a horizontally striped belt painted alternately in yellow and blue. It is not clear if there was a loop at the front of the belt; as the area is destroyed today. The apron is small and slightly trapezoidal in form, but with concave lateral sides, narrowing towards the lower end,286 which is not completely preserved. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is depicted holding a harpoon in both of his hands. With the left hand clasping the end of his weapon, his right hand holding the middle of the shaft and his legs in a wide striding position, the scene shows him catching a fish in a typical manner of representation. The tip of the harpoon just pierced a single fish;287 namely a Tilapia nilotica,288 and the successful harpooner

282 Cf. Fitzenreiter, 2001, 140. 283 Cf. NII.1.1 for more details. For the appearance of this headdress in combination with the kilt worn by the tomb owner in fishing and fowling scenes, see: Zelenková, 2010, 155f. 284 For a study of the kilt worn by tomb owners in scenes of fishing and fowling, see: Zelenková, 2010. The kilt worn by Iti-ibi(-iqer) in this scene resembles the royal kilt closely copied by non-royal persons of high rank, mainly from the First Intermediate Period and the beginning of the Middle Kingdom on, probably going along with the reduction of the central governance, cf. p. 150. Interestingly, the nomarch Djefai-Hapi, owner of Tomb P10.1/Tomb I (for the facsimile see El-Khadragy, 2007a, 140, fig. 5) in the necropolis of Asyut, from the reign of Senwosret I, doesn’t use the kilt modelled after the royal garment, but is depicted in a variant of the marsh hunting dress, thus following the Old Kingdom traditions, not unusual for that time, cf. Zelenková, 2010, 147, 149. 285 Cf. the figures of different kilts throughout Zelenková, 2010, where the front of the kilt is sitting lower. 286 Cf. Zelenková, 2010, 145, 147. 287 In most representations, two fish are impaled, usually a Lates niloticus (from Upper Egypt) and a Tilapia nilotica (from Lower Egypt), cf. Sahrhage, 1998, 90f. 288 Sahrhage, 1998, 60.

104

5. Representations and inscriptions

is about to lift it out of the water in front of the boat.289 Behind Iti-ibi(-iqer), a woman is standing on the boat (pl. 104), adorned with a long wig, apparently intentionally colored gray, as the outer lines are still black. She is wearing a polychrome collar, long and tight skirt of blue fabric and red-brown, blue- and yellow-colored bracelets and anklets. In her right hand, she is grasping a bundle of two blue water lily buds with blue stems and a brown fish, again a Tilapia nilotica,290 on a yellow rope. In her left hand, reaching toward the tomb owner, she holds several birds, with their bodies colored orange and brown, the wings are left colorless. The number of waterfowl is hard to determine due to the destruction of the wall’s surface and the red paint from Islamic times; but there are at least two birds present. A line above the woman’s head and a column in her back contain information on her identity:

                              





7

       tr.

7) sn.t⸗f mr(i͗).t⸗f ḥz(i͗).yt⸗f rꜥ nb ẖr(.i͗)t-kꜣ291 Zꜣ.t-Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w292 i͗mꜣḫ[.t] [...] [ḥm(.t) nṯr(.t)] Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-[i͗b(⸗i͗)]-i͗[ḳ]r(.t?) 7) His sister whom he loves, whom he favors every day, the fortunate one (lit.: under the ka), Sat-Hathor, the honored one, [born by][the priestess of] Hathor, It(i)-[ib(i)]-i[q]er(.t?). 289 The water in front of the tomb owner containing the speared fish is usually curving upwards in these depictions, whereas in this case, no curve was attempted, but the limited space available under the neighboring scene was used to expand the body of water; cf. Sahrhage, 1998, 90. 290 Cf. Sahrhage, 1998, 60. 291 According to Blackman, the epithet ẖr(.i͗)t-kꜣ is analogous to the more usual epithets i͗mꜣḫ.y, mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w and i͗ḳr, as an attribute of the deceased, translating it “possessor of a ka” (cf. Blackman, 1915a, 22. n. 2), which was adopted later by Doxey (cf. Doxey, 1998, 360). In an earlier stage of his work at Meir, Blackman adopted the translation “lucky man” for this epithet (cf. Blackman, 1914, 29, n. 1). For some Middle Kingdom examples of this epithet from Meir, see: Blackman, 1914, pl. 3; Blackman, 1915a, pl. 11; Blackman, 1915b, pls. 8, 21. 292 Zꜣ.t-Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w is a well documented proper name for females during the Middle Kingdom (cf. Ranke, 1935, 291, 14). Since the titles always precede the names not follows them, the title ḥm(.t) nṯr(.t)] Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w “the priestess of Hathor” belongs to the mother It(i)-ib(i)(-iqer(.t)), not to her daughter Sat-Hathor.

105

5. Representations and inscriptions

Between the legs of Iti-ibi(-iqer), a small woman is pictured squatting. She is donned with a long wig, a blue and yellow collar and a knee-length blue skirt (pl. 105). On her right wrist are the remains of a polychrome bracelet, while blue and yellow color on her left ankle attests to anklets as well. Her right hand is lifting a long-stemmed, yellow and blue water lily flower towards her nose, and her left is touching the tomb owner’s leg. A line above her head refers to her, but unfortunately the information about her relation to Iti-ibi(-iqer) is lost:

         tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

1

1) […] [mr(i͗).t⸗f ḥz(i͗).yt⸗f] […] [t] […] 1) [...] his beloved, whom he favors … The papyrus skiff, on which the three people are positioned, has a hull of blue color (indicating the green of papyrus stalks, a color rarely used in this tomb), with the bow and stern in yellow and marked with red and white stripes to show the bindings of the boat. The bow is somewhat damaged, but still showing the form of a fully opened water lily blossom, as is the stern. Both their terminals are sharply angled, curving slightly inward; the stern has a higher finial. Interestingly, the conventions of depiction during the Old and Middle Kingdom usually avoid finials bent up this far.293 Also, this kind of papyrus skiff with sickle-shaped endings is not the type commonly used for fishing,294 but resemble the ones on wooden papyri-form boats,295 including the zigzag-seam decorating the stems.296 This zigzag pattern is distinctly remaining at the front stem of the skiff in N13.1, and scarcely on the back stem.297 In addition, the use of water lily blossoms as decorating terminals seems to be attested from the New Kingdom onwards.298 The tomb owner and his female company are positioned on a deck painted in light brown and decorated to resemble wood grain.299 The lower part of the hull, directly above the surface of the water, is executed in the same way. Although the inscriptions in scene SIII.1 are giving a clear border to the neighboring scenes, there are some parts of the decoration of SIII.1 reaching into the ones on both sides. As already mentioned, the water in front of the bow is extending into the area below the sitting tomb owner of scene SII.1; the boat’s sternal terminal is reaching into SIII.2.4 and SIII.2.5. This composition uses the available space in an economic way and at the same time this interlocking shows the contextual link between the depicted scenes. Connecting the scenes is also the presence of the goddess Sekhet as provider for fishing, fowling and additionally desert hunting.300

293 Cf. Landström, 1974, 94. 294 Cf. Landström, 1974, 94–97 and figs. 294, 296–310, all skiffs showing different finials from the one in N13.1. 295 Cf. Landström, 1974, 90–93. 296 These seams can be found at the stems of wooden papyri-form boats and possibly indicate, according to Landström, the seams of sheaths originally put over the stems of papyrus skiffs to give them a certain elegant form, cf. Landström, 1974, 33f. 297 Cf. the same pattern on a papyrus skiff used for fishing in the tomb no. 3 in Beni Hasan, Newberry, 1893a, pl. 34. 298 Cf. Landström, 1974, 94ff. 299 Cf. Landström, 1974, 94; for his reconstruction, idem, fig. 310. 300 Guglielmi, 1974, 211.

106

5. Representations and inscriptions

SIII.2 – The desert hunt (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile fig. 42, photos pls. 106–108) The westernmost section of the southern wall301 is dedicated to the motif of the desert hunt.302 It consists of six registers depicting hunters and their prey, but no attempt has been made to render the usual desert environment with its undulating terrain and sparse shrubs.303 The upper register (SIII.2.1, pl. 106) shows three animals proceeding towards the left. On the first position is a light brown dorcas gazelle304 with dark gray horns, followed by a light brown or dark yellow spotted leopard (Panthera pardus),305 whose tail seems to be without coloring, and a blue-gray baboon (Papio hamadryas)306 with a red face and feet and probably also a red rear.307 SIII.2.2 (pl. 106) presents one of the earliest known examples of a fabulous creature in a hunting scene in a non-royal context.308 The creature was most probably shown en face309 as indicated by the anthropomorphic body, albeit the head is not preserved anymore. His crooked legs are in a wide stance, toes pointing outward, with the tail of a feline slung around his right knee. His skin is painted blue, and there is no hint for a clothes item visible – presumably the creature was naked. He carries a dorcas gazelle on his shoulders and holds another one up by its hind legs with his left hand. A comparison with the synonymous Bes-like demon ꜥḥꜣ, who is represented on some magical wands as one of the helpers of the sun god in the fight against his enemies310 and produced in a three-dimensional version as early as the Twelfth Dynasty,311 suggests that the fabulous creature in N13.1 had probably a lion’s mane and ruff facial features. Possible is also a connection to the goddess Hereret.312 To the right of the demon creature, three more dorcas gazelles are pictured: two adult animals retreating, while turning their heads and thus keeping their eyes on the dangerous hunter. Between them the small silhouette of a fawn can still be discerned.

301 For First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom hunting scenes, see: Vandier, 1964, 802–815. Supplemental to this, for scenes from the Old Kingdom, see: Moussa/Altenmüller, 1977, 109, n. 581. 302 For the development of desert hunting scenes, see: Altenmüller, 1967; Decker/Herb, 1994 I, 265–352; 1994 II, pls. 130–186; description and commentary of the scenes in Tomb N13.1 are also given by Quirke, 2016, 447–448, together with further examples of desert hunting scenes in early Middle Kingdom tombs from Thebes, Meir, Deir el-Bersha, Beni Hasan (p. 447–456). 303 For some post Old Kingdom examples, see: Jaroš-Deckert, 1984, pl. 21; Davies N. G./Gardiner, 1920, pl. 6; Blackman, 1914, pls. 6–8; Newberry, 1893a, pl. 30; Newberry, 1893b, pl. 13. 304 For identifying the animal, see e. g. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 175–177. 305 For the leopard, see: Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 119–121. 306 For the Hamadryas Baboon, see: Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 32–37. 307 Cf. Quirke, 2016, 447–448. 308 For other known examples of hunting scenes with phantastic creatures respectively composite animals, see: Newberry, 1893a, pl. 30 [Tomb 3 of Khnumhotep II, reign of Senwosret II (for the king’s name, see: idem, pl. 38,2)]; Newberry, 1893b, pls.4 [Tomb 15 of Baqet III], 13 [Tomb 17 of Khety]; Griffith/Newberry, 1895, pl. 11 [Tomb 4 of Nehri]. Cf. also Quirke, 2016, 446–456. 309 For a study concerned with the frontal representations in Egyptian art, including similar fabulous creatures, see: Volokhine, 2000, 70, 74–75, fig. 76. 310 Altenmüller, 1965 I, 152ff; Altenmüller, 1965 II, fig. 16; Altenmüller, 1986, 15–16, fig. 1. Cf. also Quirke, 2016, 357–360; also 649, index, s. v. “lion-maned/eared figure, frontal, male (motif form as Aha/later Bes) (motif no. 5)”. 311 Bourriau, 1988, 111–113 [98, 99], 116–117 [106a]. Even earlier are depictions of comparable demons on stamp and cylinder seals, cf. Dubiel, 2008, 99 with footnote 96. 312 Kahl, 2008, 182.

5. Representations and inscriptions

107

The third register (SIII.2.3, pl. 107) features a Nubian bowman on the left. He wears a fillet with an ostrich-feather on his head; his hair appears colorless. He has drawn his yellow bow and is ready to shoot, the yellow arrow resting on his outstretched left arm. Most of his body is destroyed, but parts of his feet, clad in black sandals, are still visible. One hound, a tjesem313 with a straight tail is accompanying him, oriented towards the right, while another one is already pouncing on a prey animal, biting its rear with his teeth. Judging by the coloring, it might have been another dorcas gazelle whose right front leg is already buckling under the thrust of the attack. The dogs’ coats show an indistinct dark brownish tone. It appears that the one closer to the hunter was covered at some point in time with dark pigment in a not very precise manner. SIII.2.4 (pl. 107) shows a motif common for desert hunting scenes depicted in private tombs of the Old and Middle Kingdom:314 A lion (Panthera leo)315 attacking an aurochs (Bos primigenuis).316 The lion is colored light brown with a white chest, underbelly and inner back legs. Its head is all but destroyed, with a small part of the mane indicating that the animal is a male.317 There seem to be some black details added to the mane and the tufted end of the tail. With its left front paw, the lion is attacking the aurochs’ head, presumably biting and clawing at the same time, suffocating its prey by closing its respiratory system.318. While the lion is holding its prey still with its paw the raised tail displays the attacker’s tension.319 The aurochs is mainly colored red-brown, with the chest, belly and inner sides of the legs done in orange. There are also orange areas discernible on its back. The remnants of a horn as well as the hooves are yellow. The aurochs has lowered its head and, with the left front leg kicking, is trying to break free from the lion’s grip. This detail of lion and aurochs engaged in combat is probably adopted from originally royal templates.320 The motif seems to have impressed the later visitors of the tomb during the New Kingdom, because one of them copied the scene, not far from the original, in a sketch with red ink.321 On the left side of SIII.2.5 (pl. 108), the figure of another Nubian hunter, facing right, is preserved. He wears a yellow plume stuck in his fillet on his black hair, with a streamer hanging down. Two straps

313 For more information, see NIII.1. 314 Cf. Kleinsgütl, 1997, 34f. For a similar depiction of the attacking mode, see e. g. Germond, 2001, fig. 111. 315 Cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 113–119. 316 Cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 194–196. The aurochs appears regularly in scenes of desert hunting from the Old to the New Kingdom; cf. Boessneck, 1988, 38f. and fig. 21. 317 Normally, mainly female lions are hunting, Cf. Kleinsgütl, 1997, 31, males participate seldom, cf. Evans, 2010, 111. But the depiction of the abundant mane can also be used as a characteristic in Ancient Egyptian art, irrespective of the animal’s gender, cf. Rössler-Köhler, 1980, col. 1080f. 318 Cf. Evans, 2010, 111. Lions also kill their prey by biting the throat or the nape in order to break the spine. Smaller animals might be slain by striking their head with their paw, cf. Kleinsgütl, 1997, 31. Kleinsgütl doubts that a scenario in which a lion attacks a wild bull from the front is realistic, as the lion would avoid a direct confrontation with the bull’s horns. She suggests these scenes rather show the lion defending itself, cf. Kleinsgütl, 1997, 35. This interpretation though would contradict the important role the lion played in Ancient Egypt as well as the sheer prevalence of this motif, cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 116. Germond, 2001, 97 and the text to fig. 111, sees lion and wild bull as peers on the same level of strength. 319 Evans, 2010, 112. 320 Cf. Altenmüller, 1967, 15. 321 Gervers, 2020, 356–358.

108

5. Representations and inscriptions

crossed on his chest and fastened with a kind of high waistband,322 that actually sits up on his rib cage and a short kilt provided with a blue sash in the back, and a central pendant piece323 colored yellow and red-brown complete his outfit. Like the archer in SIII.2.3, he is also wearing black sandals. In his right, he is brandishing a yellow throw stick,324 ready to fling towards his prey, while in his left he is holding a red-brown bow and a yellow quiver. In front of him, two hounds have already cornered an animal, attacking it at the front and back. It is a light brown hyena325 with a white fur on the chest, stomach and the insides of the legs. Its characteristic body shape326 with large pointed ears, front-legs significantly higher than the hindquarters, causing the dorsal line to dip, and a bushy tail are distinctly executed. The left tjesem has a pattern of gray patches and dots on his fur and is adorned with a checkered collar executed in red-brown lines and a sash of the same color. His tail is curled up. The coat of the hound on the other side of the hyena is fair with orange patches. His tail is standing straight and from his collar only a red-brown sash remains. At the left side of the sixth and last register (SIII.2.6, pl. 108), only traces of a yellow bow remain, the figure of the archer who has drawn it is unfortunately pecked out. The available space suggest that the bowman has dropped on one knee for his shot.327 In front of him, a dorcas gazelle is represented, oriented to the right, but looking back at the archer. Next, a dark gray and yellow tjesem with a straight tail, wearing a red-brown and white striped collar with a red-brown sash, is chasing a light brown Nubian ibex (Capra ibex nubiana)328 with a white stomach, running rightwards, its head turned back towards its pursuer that is already biting the ungulate in its hind-limbs. SI.2 – Tilling, sowing and tree felling (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile figs. 41, 42, photo pls. 93, 96) Register SI.2 starts on the eastern end of the southern wall and stretches below SI.1 and most of SII.1, where it ultimately adjoins to SIII.1. It contains images of plowing and sowing, that run from left to right and from right to left, separated by a scene of woodcutting (pls. 109–113). As there is no strict sequence in which those rather similar scenes could be arranged, the description will go from left to right. The decoration has suffered much destruction, but can be reconstructed quite well thanks to the

322 For using such cross-bands with the securing high waistband by both Egyptian and Nubian soldiers, see: Fischer, 1961b, 66. 323 For depicting Nubian bowmen in post Sixth Dynasty tombs, see: Vandier, 1950, pl. 26; Fischer, 1961b, 63. 324 Cf. Partridge, 2002, 36f. 325 For the identification of the animal as a hyena see e. g. Ikram, 2001, fig. 2 (tomb of Nefer, G 4761, Giza) and Osborn/ Osbornova, 1990, 97–105. The hyena’s fur in the decoration of N13.1 does not show any distinct pattern, though. Thus, it is not clear if it is a Striped Hyena (Hyaena hyaena), which seems to be the species commonly pictured in Ancient Egypt, cf. Ikram, 2003, 142; for the depiction of hyenas and a list of evidence see: Ikram, 2001. Towards the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom, the motif of the hyena hunt ceased to be exclusively used in royal contexts and corresponding scenes appeared in private tombs as well, mainly those of nomarchs, who thus could present themselves upholding the ma’at. Cf. Steder, 2013, 106f., 117. In N13.1, the hyena is attacked by dogs and also followed by an unidentified hunter. It is not directly hunted by the tomb owner himself. 326 Cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 97. 327 For a similar depiction, cf. Vandier, 1950, fig. 45. 328 For the Nubian Ibex, see: Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 180–185.

5. Representations and inscriptions

109

redundancy of certain elements. Four very similar groups at work are displayed.329 Each consists of a team of two cows or oxen,330 harnessed with a forehead yoke331 fastened to the roots of the horns. The pairs each seem to consist of one white animal and another one in some shade of brown. They are driven on by a man walking behind them, extending one hand forwards towards the animals and brandishing a stick in his other. Guiding the plow with both of his hands is another man, depicted on a smaller scale; only in the second group from the left this man is guiding the plow with only one hand, lifting the other one up over his head (pl. 109). Lastly, a sower is following with a yellow basket in one hand, throwing seeds in a sweeping movement with his raised arm. The fourth group from the left (below the clap net of SII.1, pl. 111) is supplemented by the addition of a white calf oriented towards the draft animals, of which the front one clearly shows an udder. Behind this fourth group (underneath SI.2 i. e. the depictions of Sekhet and Iti-ibi(-iqer), pl. 112), there is another man, oriented towards two animals not yoked together; the first one with an udder, the second one without. His arms are held in front of him and he is grabbing the first animal’s right horn. Behind the animals walks one more man, carrying a plow on his shoulder with a sowing basket hanging from it (pl. 113).332 All the cattle featured in these scenes seem to belong to a longhorn breed; as they all exhibit lengthy lyrate horns.333 The woodcutting scene in between (pl. 110) is composed of a man using a hatchet to fell a blue colored tree, which is already leaning. With both hands he has gripped the yellow handle of his tool, hacking at the tree trunk with the red-brown blade,334 his right foot kicking against it. The figure of a man to the left is all but obliterated; however his orientation towards the tree suggests that he is possibly performing some task in connection with the wood work. At the right side, a third man is shaping a red-brown piece of wood335 with a yellow adze. Due to the state of preservation, not all the details of the men’s dress can be observed, but apparently several of them do not wear a full kilt, but rather a belt with a piece of cloth hanging down in the back. Exemplary is the sower of the third group (pl. 111), who, it seems, wore a once blue belt tied in the rear and a white sash, only covering the buttocks. A similar item of clothing can be found on the man handling the adze in the tree-felling scene (pl. 110). Where discernable, the men have short, formerly black hair. There are several small inscriptions at the top of the register, with the hieroglyphs executed in blue with black outlines and framed by lines of the same colors. All of them are to be read from right to left, despite the differing orientations of the captioned scenes.

329 According to Klebs, 1915, 45, depicting the ploughing groups following each other actually indicated their arrangement next to each other in parallel running grooves. 330 For ploughing, most of the time oxen were used, but sometimes also cows, cf. Ghoneim, 1976, 130. Due to their state of preservation, the animals shown in the ploughing scenes in N13.1 can’t be identified as males or females, except in two cases, where they clearly have udders (see text). 331 For the categorization of the yoke see: Ghoneim, 1976, 130. 332 For more on tilling and sowing, see e. g. Murray, 2000, 517ff. 333 Cf. Ghoneim, 1976, 50ff. There are different statements regarding the form and size of horns and the coherent gender or race of cattle. Boessneck, 1988, 69, states that the gender dimorphism of cattle is strongly expressed by the difference in horn size and form, but that e. g. the depictions in the Old Kingdom were highly stylized and thus makes identifications difficult sometimes. Ghoneim, 1976, 49f. points out, that the same is valid for the determination of the race of cattle, making it also difficult sometimes to discern the race by the shape and size of the horns. 334 The same tool is used in e. g. Newberry, 1893a, pl. 29. For axes and their blade forms, see: Kühnert-Eggebrecht, 1969; Davies, W., 1987. For a summary, see: Herold, 2009, 194–198. 335 For the cutting of boards, see: Killen, 1994, 12–14.

110

5. Representations and inscriptions

Above the sower of the first group from the left, a blue line remains with small remnants of blue color above and to the right of it (pl. 109). No hieroglyphs can be reconstructed and it is not clear if it actually belongs to the following inscription, or used to be a separate unit.

 tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

9

9) […] 9) […] Above the cattle and the man driving them on, little remains of the inscription (pl. 109): a

  tr.

tr.

tr.

bird

tr.

tr.

tr.

a Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign are visible, which might be Gardiner Sign-list V30

tr.

8

.

8) […] [nb] 8) […] ... Positioned above the men of the second group (pl. 109), the inscription reads: tr.

     tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr. b a

a Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign are visible, which might be Gardiner Sign-list X1 b Only faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign are visible, which might be Gardiner Sign-list F4

7

.

.

7) […] […] [ḥꜣt] […] [i͗] […] [w] […] 7) […] ... ? In the tree-felling scene (pl. 110), the man to the left is standing below remains of an inscription reading: ...

   ...

6

tr.

6) […] w A1 i͗i͗ ⸗k […] 6) [...] ... you come… [...] Above the man using the adze (pl. 110), the inscription remains as follows:

...

  tr.

5

5) bw […] 5) … [...]? A line above the cattle of the third group is partly preserved (pl. 110):

   ...      

4

111

5. Representations and inscriptions

4) [w mi͗] ṯꜣ mn.0-i͗b 4) [...] run, firm one! Above the sower of the same group (pl. 111), the text says:

             tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

3

a

a Because of its state of preservation, it is not clear whether we have here Gardiner Sign-list U23  Gardiner Sign-list W24, under which is Gardiner Sign-list Z1:  .

 , or

3) ꜣb s […] ḥ […] zmn tʾ ḥnḳ.t⸗n 3) ... [...] test/inspect our bread and beer! The inscription topping the fourth group reads:

         tr. tr. tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr.

2

2) […] A1 […] n W24 .w [n] […] [w t] […] 2) [...] …? A last inscription in this register is positioned in the section below SII.1, above the remaining cattle (pl. 112):

           tr.

d

tr.

tr. tr.

tr.

c

tr. b

tr.

tr. tr. a

tr. tr. tr.

a This almost obliterated sign might be Gardiner Sign-list D46  . b Few remains of some bird-sign are still visible, which might be either Gardiner Sign-list G1 G43  . c Few remains of some bird-sign are still visible, which might be either Gardiner Sign-list G1 G43  .  d Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list D37, under which is Gardiner Sign-list V31:  .

1

 or  or

1) m ꜥ […] [nfr d?] [G1?] […] [G1?] […] [ꜣ b w] […] [ḏ(i͗)]⸗k (?) […] šn 1) ? SI.3 – (Force-)feeding of cattle and fording scenes (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile figs. 41, 42, photo pls. 93, 96) Register SI.3 depicts two different kinds of scenes: The (force-)feeding of cattle (pls. 109, 110) and boats on the water with and without herds of cattle (pls. 111–115). Because of the state of preservation of the (force-)feeding part, the description is going from right to left in this section, so that the poorly preserved parts can be explained by the afore described more complete scene (the second group of man and animal from the right). There are five groups consisting of a handler and a bovine: the animals recumbent, looking to the left, and the men sitting or kneeling in front of them, facing them. Supposedly, the depicted animals are

112

5. Representations and inscriptions

male, as cattle fattened for slaughter were usually steers.336 There is a slight possibility though that the fourth animal from the right has an udder, however the remains are not very clear (pl. 109). Fattened oxen usually belonged to the i͗wꜣ-type337 and often were of the hornless variety,338 though in Tomb N13.1, both kinds of cattle – horned as well as hornless – are pictured. On the very right (pl. 110), is the small figure of a man with formerly black, close-cropped hair, probably only clothed with a belt, and kneeling in front of a brown animal, of which only the front part of the head remains. The rest of this group is destroyed as the plaster flaked off. The second group (pl. 110) is the one preserved best. It is painted on a larger scale than the others and shows a man with originally black hair and a sash tied in the back over a short white kilt, covering only the rump. He has assumed a sitting kneel in front of a hornless animal, while reaching with his right hand towards its muzzle and with his left hand holding a short rope, which is attached to the ox’s head on one end and to a peg in the ground on the other. The animal is recumbent with its front legs bent back, the left hind leg flexed and the right one straightened under the body. The steers’ fur is patterned in white and orange-brown. The small inscription above the two pairs says:

                                 tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

tr. tr.

5

5) wšꜣ{y} wšꜣ.w m mḏ.t i͗ […] k n […] t […] [i͗] […] [ḥz] […] nb A1[…] ṯ n ḥr 5) To fatten/Fatten! – feeder in the stable [...] … The middle group (pls. 109, 110) shows a man in the same attire as the one before. He is kneeling vertically with his right knee pushed forward creating the impression of lively movement, while interacting with the restive bovine. Despite the lacunae, it is obvious that he is trying to draw the animal closer whose front-legs have already buckled while bracing his hindquarters against the pull. Only traces of black and gray for its fur and yellow for its hooves remain. The next pair is almost obliterated (pl. 109), only minute rests of red-brown paint indicate the figure of a man, while some traces suggest the line of the back of an ox. Apparently it was depicted in the same way as the animal in the group to its right, kneeling on its front limbs, but still standing on its hind-legs. An inscription above reads:

...

 tr. tr.        tr.   tr.    

6

a

a Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list G43. 6) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] kꜣ[.w] […] [w] […] ḏd⸗f wšꜣ.y [nfr] 6) [The overseer] of cattle […] he says: fatten [well]!

336 Cf. Houlihan, 1996, 14. 337 Swinton, 2010, 235. For the i͗wꜣ and other types of cattle classified by the Ancient Egyptians, see e. g. Ghoneim, 1967, 69–81. 338 Cf. Ghoneim, 1967, 68.

113

5. Representations and inscriptions

On the very left (pl. 109), the front part of a brown steer is visible, legs buckled, hooves painted gray. Red-brown color remains indicate the presence of a male person in front of it, extending an arm, in all likelihood the right one; as do all the other handlers in the register towards the muzzle of the animal and the other arm certainly towards a short rope for tying it down. Remains of an inscription are positioned above:

 ...   tr. tr. tr. tr. a

tr.

a Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list I9

tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

7

.

7) […] [d] […] [f] […] 7) …? The animals shown here are presumably of different breeds: some horned, some hornless. As mentioned, usually in this kind of scenes, the depicted animals are domesticated oxen. If the gavage of cattle has, in fact, occurred or not, is a matter of discussion,339 though anatomical peculiarities of bovines make it highly unlikely that it was executed; as it would lead to dangerous bloating and occasional death.340 Instead, it seems that the visualization of the animals being (force-)fed, should demonstrate that they were fattened intentionally, rather than merely just left to graze.341 Apparently, several factors playing a part in the fattening are rendered here, including the giving of food, the limiting of the animal’s movement using the rope, its ruminating while lying down and the depiction of several kinds of nutritious food in some instances.342 The second part of the register stretches all the way to the end of the southern wall in the western corner. Manned boats, all seemingly driving towards the left side (i. e. towards the east), and swimming or wading cattle herds are depicted in the water (pls. 111–115).343 The river is represented in the usual form of a vertically arranged zigzag pattern, alternately colored in blue and black, well preserved in the middle of the wall, i. e. at the beginning of the scene, but rather deteriorated towards the western part of the southern wall. As the boats all move into the same direction; namely to the left, they will be discussed accordingly from left to right. The first boat, painted orange-brown (pl. 111) corresponds to the vessel type most often depicted in this tomb, with the same hull shape (e. g. WI.4, pl. 42) and also the same steering gear in red-brown color, with a steering-oar, including a tiller, connected to a steering-oar post. Two men, only wearing white belts with sashes tied in the back, are busy on the boat: The left one is standing; the position of his arms suggests that he held a pole for sounding or punting. The right one is kneeling vertically and using both of his hands to grip the foreleg of a gray patterned calf, thus keeping it at the bow. The way the young is depicted gives the impression that it is standing on the water’s surface. 339 For two differing opinions see e. g. Evans, 2010, 56f.; Swinton, 2010, 234ff.; Shafik, 2010; Swinton/Evans, 2012. 340 Very detailed in Swinton/Evans, 2012. The possibility of force-feeding of other animals, thus is unsure; for the hyena, see e. g. Swinton, 2010, 236ff. 341 Evans, 2010, 57. 342 Swinton, 2010, 235. For an example for the depiction of food in the scene, see: Swinton, 2010, 244, fig. 3. 343 Scenes of cattle fording are often surrounded by ones of working on the field, tending to animals, fowling, etc., cf. Dominicus, 1994, 131. This is also the case in N13.1.

114

5. Representations and inscriptions

Following in the water is a herd of cattle.344 The first animal, next to the steering oar, is hornless with orange-brown fur, and should be the mother cow following her calf.345 She is looking back towards the rest of the herd. Her distress call, uttered because of the separation from her calf, also causes other cattle, especially other cows having young, to follow her;346 an occurrence that was used by the herdsmen to move and control herds.347 Eleven cows and/or oxen are depicted there, with lyrate horns and painted alternately black, red-brown and light brown. All but the last one are turned towards the boat. Above the vessel, a small inscription says:

...

                 

tr.

tr.

tr. tr.

bird bird

b

tr. tr.

4

a

?

 , or N42  , but N42 is more probable; it fits well with the context and the following two signs Gardiner Sign-list G17  and D54  cha-

a It is not clear whether we have here Gardiner Sign-list Aa1

racteristic of ḥm(i͗), which in association with ḥꜣ are familiar as a call to evil beings who are supposed to repent, cf. Erman, 1919, 27 with n. 4. b Here are few traces of some bird-sign, which might be Gardiner Sign-list G1  . 4) ḥꜣ⸗k [ḥ]m(i͗) (?) ḥꜣ⸗k [… ꜣ⸗k] i͗i͗ wꜣ […] [D54] […] m […] 4) … back!/Turn around! Recede! Back!/Turn around! … The next boat (pl. 112) is constructed in the same way as the one just described, with an orange-brown hull and red-brown steering gear. At the bow, one man is standing oriented towards the front, using possibly a spear; as his posture is very similar to the ones of the spear-handling men in the next boat (see below). The man behind him is oriented towards the stern of the boat and is either leaning on a staff or maybe utilizing a sounding pole to check the depth of the water; it is not clear how far down the instrument went, as the relevant area is destroyed. A third man is kneeling in the back of the boat, looking towards the prow and steering the vessel by using the tiller. The second and third men still show short white kilts; all men seem to have had short black hair. Remains of a small blue inscription read:

...

a

  tr.

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

3

a Of the few remaining hieroglyphic signs in this inscription, probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list . V30



3) [nb] […] [wp] […] 3) …?

344 For a list of different versions of fording scenes, see: Arnold, 2008, tables 1–4. Also, for more details concerning the animals in these scenes, cf. Evans, 2010, 71–74. 345 Cf. Evans, 2010, 71. 346 Cf. Evans, 2010, 72. 347 Cf. Evans, 2010, 72.

115

5. Representations and inscriptions

The third boat in line (pl. 112) is a papyrus skiff,348 the reed part colored blue, the ropes yellow. Interestingly, the yellow rope is drawn running around the whole shape of the vessel, although it should only be seen at the upper border.349 Both men present, adorned with short white and yellow kilts, have assumed the same posture: they are both turned to the right, each raising the end of a harpoon pole with their right arm, while using their left hand to guide their weapon and to hold the furled ropes attached to it.350 Though the area adjacent to the papyrus skiff is both destroyed and partly covered with the red paint of the mihrab, remains of dark orange color below the red of Islamic times might hint towards an animal in the water, thus explaining the hunting stance of the two men on board – the hunted animal most likely is a hippopotamus.351 The orange line still clearly visible just to the right of the mihrab’s red stripe would thus represent the nape and part of the back of the pachyderm, which is oriented towards the boat with its whole body.352 The orange coloring itself supports the identification as a hippopotamus; as red/reddish or ferruginous paint was commonly used for depictions of this animal.353 As it seems, only one specimen was pictured here – no other traces of orange can be detected inside of the body of water, only above it and nothing suggests that there used to be images of other dangerous creatures.354 To the right, another vessel was once depicted (pl. 113), but the state of preservation is so poor that this can only be deduced by the remnants of one crew member. The man is oriented towards the right, wearing a white and yellow kilt. In front of his face, an inscription is positioned: a

tr. tr. tr.

tr.

 tr.

tr.

2

a Of this almost completely obliterated inscription, there are faint traces of some hieroglyphic sign, . which might be Gardiner Sign-list V30



2) […] [nb] […] 2) [...] … In the adjacent area, the wall’s surface has been hacked away, creating a gap wide enough to hold probably two or even three more boats (pl. 114). Some extant dark red color might be from Islamic times. Right next to it, remainders of yet another boat can be found (pl. 114). As the orange-brown color indicates, it has a wooden hull and is equipped with a large steering gear. At the prow stands a man facing forward (i. e. towards the left), holding probably a sounding pole355 diagonally to monitor the depth of the water. Behind him on the boat are two smaller, seated men, oriented towards the stern and rowing, the oars in their hands executed in red-brown with yellow blades. The blade of one more oar, originally belonging to the depiction of yet another, almost obliterated rower can be seen on the side of the hull. Parts of the steering gear remain at the stern. Following another damaged area in the register which might have held

348 Cf. Jones, 1995, 44f.; for the building of such papyrus skiffs, cf. Landström, 1974, 82f., 94–97. 349 Cf. Landström, 1974, fig. 310. The same kind is depicted in EII.7 (pl. 131). 350 For the use of spears and harpoons and some of their differences, cf. Sahrhage, 1998, 88–94. 351 On the identification of this animal as hippopotamus, cf. Gervers, 2020, 347. 352 For an example showing a similar depiction of a hippopotamus see: Behrmann, 1989 I, Dok. 92a. 353 Cf. Behrmann, 1989 II, 34–36. 354 E. g. crocodiles or more hippopotami. 355 Cf. Jones, 1995, 70.

116

5. Representations and inscriptions

one more boat, a last vessel concludes this theme (pl. 115). It is of the same make with the steering gear worked by a kneeling helmsman, using his left arm. At the front, parts of a pole remain below the bow. A calf with nowadays indiscernible fur color is connected to the tip of the stern with a yellow rope and followed by a herd of probably nine hornless cattle. Preserved are mostly the outlines, but the fifth animal originally had some black fur, the sixth still shows a red-brown and yellow pattern, the coat of the seventh ungulate is painted gray and the eighth is clearly beige. An inscription above says:

        tr.

tr. tr. tr. tr. c d

a

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

1

b



a Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list G43 . b Among the few recognizable hieroglyphic signs in the inscription, probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list N35, under which is an obliterated hieroglyphic sign followed by Gardiner Sign-list V31  . . c Probably we have here Gardiner Sign-list O1 d A few traces of an unidentifiable bird-sign are visible here.



1) […] [r t] […] [w?] […] [i͗ḥ m ꜥ n k? O1?] […] 1) […] ... SI.4 – Bread and beer production (Scheme figs. 28, 29, facsimile figs. 41, 42, photo pls. 93, 96) The sequence of the activities in this register seems to be arranged from left to right. It features excerpts of the production of bread and beer,356 which are usually shown together.357 Parts of this register are destroyed, mainly about a third on the left side. The first recognizable figures are two women with yellow skin (pl. 116). They are only rudimentarily preserved, in case of the first, i. e. left one, there is just one arm remaining; in case of the right one, it is her face as well as parts of her upper body. The latter is kneeling towards the right and possibly grinding grain on a red-brown saddle quern with a quern stone in front of her,358 while specks of red-brown color below the arm of the former might indicate that she was performing the same task with similar equipment. Next to the women, there are more red-brown patches, remnants of perhaps a pottery vessel or another base for grinding or kneading. Following, two men with short black hair and only clad in white belts tied in a sash in the back stand opposite each other, holding some instruments in their hands that used to be painted in yellow, but are poorly preserved. This in all likelihood shows a scene of pounding grain in a large vessel in order to remove the husks with the help of heavy sticks used with both hands.359 Nothing remains of the vessel between the two men, in which the grain was threshed.360 To their right, a standing man and a squatting woman are positioned opposite of each other. The man has short black hair and is also wearing only a belt tied around his waist, whereas the woman is depicted with long black hair 356 The detailed production of beer as well as bread being used as an ingredient is still discussed. For this, see e. g. Faltings, 1993, mainly 185ff.; Samuel, 2000; Hudáková, 2013. 357 Samuel, 2000, 569. 358 Cf. Hudáková, 2013, fig. 2a–c. 359 Cf. Hudáková, 2013, 161 and fig.1a–c. 360 For more details about the shape and development of the mortar and the pestles from the Old to the Middle Kingdom, see: Hudáková, 2013, 161f.

117

5. Representations and inscriptions

and topless, having a short white skirt around her hips. An object is in front of each of them, most probably built of ꜥpr.t-platters.361 Each one consists of two waist high platters placed on the ground, which are yellow and slightly tapered. The light color is rather faded and not so easy to discern on the photographs, however the space remaining between the two groups of platters was painted a strong and still well visible red-brown, presumably to indicate the burning fire heating the plates.362 A third platter of a similar, but slightly more orange color is positioned across the top of the other platters. The man is touching the plate in front of him with both hands, presumably dismantling the structure.363 The woman’s left arm is reaching past her knee and although her hand is not preserved, she most probably held a poker for fueling the fire, as indicated by several red-brown marks at the bottom of the right ꜥpr.t-platter, which could represent that tool. She is holding her right arm up in front of her, possibly to protect her face from the radiating heat.364 Behind her, there seems to be another yellow object, assumedly also a platter, lying on the ground. A small inscription executed in blue and black color above the scene reads:

    ...   tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

tr. tr. tr. tr.

tr.

tr.

2

2) […] [i͗ A40] […] [w ḳ] […] 2) [...] … Subsequently, the wall’s surface is again damaged and next to the lacuna very little indiscernible remains of red-brown color, probably of another male figure, can be seen. The register continues with the representation of a black-haired, kneeling man, who has raised his bent right arm, while keeping his left arm low and close to his thighs, apparently handling something in front of him, which is nowadays destroyed (pl. 117). No traces of his apparel are preserved. The figure of the kneeling man is executed at a somewhat larger scale than those of the following six men – all of them standing on their feet – to allow for isocephaly. The first of those six men is holding his bent right arm up in front of him, while his left arm is hanging down along the side of his body. He wears a white kilt. Possibly an overseer is depicted here, with his right arm and hand in a gesture that accompanies talking.365 There might have been an inscription above the head once: minute remains of black color could be evidence for the lines framing it. The following two men are standing knee-deep in large conical vats,366 which are painted orangebrown in the upper and red-brown in the lower part. The men’s heads are both oriented towards the left; the one on the right wears a white belt, whereas the waist-hip area of the other one is much obliterated. The scene shows one stage of the mashing process of beer.367 The treading, which serves to macerate the

361 Cf. Faltings, 1993, 60–88, esp. 78–88, for an analysis on the platters, the structures build from them and their usage. For depictions similar to the one in N13.1 see e. g. eadem, Dok. (22a) and Dok. (26). 362 Cf. Faltings, 1993, 78f. 363 Cf. Faltings, 1993, 78f. Faltings names several interpretations for the method used to bake flatbreads with the aperetplatters. She also gives evidence as to what the actual procedure used to be: After heating several platters over a fire, the installation was taken apart and formed dough placed on the preheated plates, which was then baked ‘indirectly’ by the remaining heat. 364 Cf. Faltings, 1993, 72, Dok. (22c). 365 Cf. Dominicus, 1994, 77ff. 366 For the vats in the Old Kingdom, see: Faltings, 1993, 191–199. 367 As mentioned above, the contents mashed in the vats are still discussed, see above. Also, the methods of production might not have been the same over the course of Egyptian history, cf. Hudáková, 2013, 173.

118

5. Representations and inscriptions

starchy mush, is known to be depicted until the end of the First Intermediate Period, but generally not in the Middle Kingdom.368 In the next production step, the mash had to be filtered. The following two men display the same bodily posture, which allows assuming that they are engaged in the same activity, although certain details can only be observed for the left figure due to the state of preservation. The two men are bending over high and rather slender red-brown vessel, of which the left one is clearly topped with a basket used as a strainer.369 The men are reaching with their hands inside the basket during the filtering of the mash.370 An elliptical pottery jar placed between the mashing vat and the big vessel used in the filtering process might have provided water used for rinsing or the brewing procedure.371 It is also feasible that it was supposed to be used to transfer the brewed beer to a storage vessel not depicted here.372 Above the left man’s head, the black lines of an inscription remain: tr. tr.

 tr.

tr.

tr.

tr.

1

1) [...] 1) [...] The last man in this register is carrying a yoke with two elliptical red-brown pottery jars, while a third one is placed right next to him on the ground. He is probably fetching water needed for the beer-making process.373 A very tall conical pottery vessel is concluding the register. As the register does not go on below the decoration of the western part of the wall, the two red-brown and yellow bands marking the lower end of the decorated areas in the tomb basically stop here, while another set of color bands, which is shifted up starts at this spot (pl. 117) and continues running directly below the remainder of SI.3.

5.5 The eastern wall EI.1 – Soldiers (Scheme figs. 30, 31, facsimile fig. 43, photo pl. 118) The entryway divides the eastern wall in two roughly equal parts, each measuring around 3.20 m in width and just over 3.00 m in height. Mainly, military activities are shown on the southern part of the chapel’s eastern wall, where four registers of marching soldiers are represented (EI.1.1 – EI.1.5). The men are proceeding towards the right, led by the large figure of a troop commander (EI.1.1, pl. 119), that is placed on the base line of the third register, while taking up the height of almost two and a half registers. The identity of the troop commander 368 Hudáková, 2013, 173. 369 Different types of brewing vessels existed, cf. Faltings, 1993, 199f. During the First Intermediate Period, the vessel type and sieve also depicted in N13.1 become common, cf. Hudáková, 2013, 174. 370 The mash was poured into the sieve from the mashing vat, an action not depicted here; cf. Faltings, 1993, 199. 371 Cf. Hudáková, 2013, 174. 372 Hudáková, 2013, 174. 373 Cf. Hudáková, 2013, 174; Faltings, 1993, 188.

5. Representations and inscriptions

119

is unclear, if it is Iti-ibi(-iqer) himself, it would be his only depiction in the tomb oriented away from the entrance. The commander wears a fillet with possibly three papyrus umbels and one short and one long streamer,374 painted yellow and blue. A short blue beard is at his chin; the broad collar around his neck still shows remains of red-brown and blue colors, while minute traces of yellow and blue at his right wrist point to a bracelet. His short kilt is held by a polychrome belt, of which specks of blue, red-brown and yellow colors can still be observed. Obviously, some elements of the kilt, respectively its fabric, were done in blue. In his left hand, the commander used to hold a long staff, nowadays, it is almost completely obliterated, save for small bits of blue paint. The object he used to have in his right might have been a sḫm-scepter. All soldiers, at least according to the better preserved images, were rendered with short black hair, wearing white kilts that end above their knees and are tied at their backs with a sash, still visible for example at EI.1.5, nos. 2, 5. There are three different kinds of troops. Firstly, there are spearmen, holding shields in front of their bodies with their left hand, while their right arm hangs down next to their torso with a spear375 carried horizontally in their right hand.376 Secondly, there are soldiers equally equipped with shields, but armed with a different weapon, held diagonally against the chest with their right hand. The upper part of this weapon is not preserved anymore in this scene, but its short shaft suggests either a battle axe377 or a kind of club or curved throw stick.378 Thirdly, there are archers with a bow and quiver379 in their left hand and again the shaft of a weapon in their right one, held with a bent arm diagonally across their shoulder, assumably also an impact weapon such as a battle axe, baton or a bent stave. The depicted shields380 cover almost the whole body length of the fighters who carry them by a handle fastened horizontally to the upper third of the back side. They are ogival in shape,381 with a small loop382 on their tops (preserved at EI.1.2, no. 6, EI.1.5, nos. 1, 4) and they are covered by cow-hides colored in black, white and various shades of brown. Interestingly, as the back sides of the shields are shown, one should not be able to see the pattern of the front, but it is depicted anyways.

374 Cf. NII.1.1 for the headdress. 375 The differentiation between spear and lance used in Ancient Egypt is difficult. Herold concludes that the common opinion about this topic is that the length of the weapon is crucial. See: Herold, 2009, 198. The weapon depicted here is therefore identified as a spear. For additional information on spears see e. g. Partridge, 2002, 37–39. 376 Compare the wooden model of Egyptian soldiers from the tomb of Mesehti (Cairo CG 258) showing 40 soldiers carrying shields and spears and resembling the ones depicted in N13.1 very closely. 377 Cf. the battle axe depicted on the southern wall of tomb H11.1 (Northern Soldiers-Tomb) in Asyut (El-Khadragy, 2006, fig. 6, second register, third man from the left). The same blade seems to be depicted in N13.1 on the southern wall, on the axe used by the woodworker felling the tree (SI.2, pl. 110). For axes and their blade forms, see: KühnertEggebrecht, 1969; Davies, W., 1987. For a summary, see: Herold, 2009, 194–198. 378 For this kind of curved stave (amongst others), see: Fischer, 1978, 7–15. In a scene on the northern wall of N12.1 (Tomb III) in Asyut, a soldier is using this weapon. Cf. Kahl, 2007, fig. 53. Also, e. g., in Beni Hasan, cf. Nibbi, 2003, fig. 16, 18. 379 For more information on bows and arrows, see e. g. Partridge, 2002, 39ff. 380 For the development of the Egyptian shields, see: Nibbi, 2003, 170–181. 381 For other examples of these shields with pointed tops, as well as other shapes, see: Cf. Nibbi, 2003, 176f., fig. 11–14. The shields known from other tombs of Asyut are the same shape as in N13.1; cf. the decoration in N12.2 (Tomb IV: El-Khadragy, 2008, figs. 4, 5, pl. 3, 4) and H11.1 (Northern Soldiers-Tomb, El-Khadragy, 2006, fig. 6, pl. 12; Abdelrahiem, 2020, 21, 45, 95, pl. 39) and in the wooden model of Mesehti (Cairo CG 258). Also, analogous wooden model shields were found in Asyut, cf. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2016, 23–25 and Zöller-Engelhardt, in press. 382 Cf. Nibbi, 2003, 174f. and figs. 9, 10.

120

5. Representations and inscriptions

In register EI.1.2 (pls. 120, 121), features remain of seven soldiers, while originally a total of eight can be assumed, taking into consideration the width of the lacuna behind the first soldier in line. This first soldier seems to hold the shaft of a spear in his right hand, while the horizontal black mark in front of him might be the bottom line of a shield he used to hold in his left hand, as can be seen in the other registers (e. g. EI.1.5, no. 2). It is unclear if the sparse remains of blue color close to his head belonged to a small inscription.

 ... tr

tr

1

1) [...] 1) [...] Apart from this first trooper, the third, probably the fourth, as well as the seventh soldier in this register are spearmen, while it is likely that the sixth and surely the eighth belong to the archers (compare e. g. EI.1.5, no. 3). As for the remnant fighters of this register, not enough details are preserved to assign them to either group. The next register, EI.1.3 (pls. 120, 121) also used to show eight soldiers. The first man, judged by his posture, does not seem to belong to either the archers or the spear fighters; as both his arms are hanging straight down beside his body. His right hand is empty; along his left arm though, the yellow shaft of a baton or something similar is depicted. Sparse yellow remains across his stomach might belong to another shaft. There is a possibility that he is a group leader.383 In front of his face, a short column with blue hieroglyphic signs reads: 2 tr tr tr

   tr

a tr tr tr

a Of this almost completely obliterate inscription, only a few traces of some hieroglyphic sign are recog. nizable, which might be Gardiner Sign-list V30



2) […] [nb] 2) [...] …

383 Cf. Bietak, 1985, 89. Bietak interprets the difference in costume of several Nubian soldiers of the wooden model of the tomb of Mesehti (Cairo GC 257) as connected to their special status as leaders of the group. In tomb N12.2 (Tomb IV), the first row of the unfinished relief of soldiers is headed by a man distinct from the others, also seemingly some kind of squad leader, cf. El-Khadragy, 2008, 226f. and fig. 4. He carries a curved stave and holds his arms in a gesture of deference; cf. Dominicus, 1994, 6 and fig. 2Aa. On the southern wall of H11.1 (Northern Soldiers-Tomb), the soldiers are also accompanied by a leader, of whom only one foot remains and part of his title: ... [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ pr... Cf. El-Khadragy, 2006, 150. All leaders mentioned have in common that they are standing at the front of the troop, while being depicted at the same scale as the common soldiers, implying that they were regarded as members of that troop, their rank not setting them so far apart that further visual distinctions were applied.

121

5. Representations and inscriptions

The third and eighth soldiers in this register are spearmen, while the fifth appears to hold a shield in his left hand, his bent right arm suggests that he was clutching the shaft of a battle axe, club or throw stick against his right shoulder. The sixth in all likelihood should be another archer; as there is no space for a shield in front of him. The images of the other soldiers in this rank are too damaged to permit positive identification of the weaponry. The width of register EI.1.4 (pls. 122–124) allows for seven or eight soldiers as well, though only remains of the first four are recognizable, in addition to the lower legs of another man behind them. The first man is showing the same posture as the first man of EI.2, probably being a spearman, though his weapons are obliterated. Some blue specks above the area, where his head used to be, belong to some small inscription.

 tr

tr

tr

tr

tr

tr

b

3

a

a Only a few remnants of some unidentifiable bird-sign are recognizable here, it is not clear whether these remnants belong to Gardiner Sign-list G17  , G43  or G1  . b It is not quite clear whether the inscribed sign here is Gardiner Sign-list V13 or D21 .





3) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ?] […] 3) [overseer ?] [of ...] Thus, even though their postures are similar to other foot soldiers, the first men of register EI.1.2 and of EI.1.4 might also be some kind of unit leaders like the one heading the rank of EI.1.3. The second and third men in EI.1.4 are armed with spears and shields; the fourth one is a bowman. The next register spans the whole width of this wall segment running from the southern corner to the doorway, hence providing room for the figures of ten soldiers (EI.1.5, pls. 122–124). The fighters bear the same arms as the ranks above, combining either a shield and battle axe or curved stave (nos. 1 and 6), a shield and spear (nos. 2, 4, 7, 8) or a bow, quiver and battle axe or curved stave (nos. 3, 5, 9). The remains of the tenth soldier are too fragmentary for a classification. Considering the different military scenes of Asyut, the thought comes up to compare the numbers of soldiers of each troop. Unfortunately, not all numbers can be determined for certain. As mentioned above, the first three rows in N13.1 have eight soldiers each, the fourth row shows ten soldiers, equaling 34. Both wooden models of Mesehti are built of four rows of ten soldiers each, so that each troop consists of 40 soldiers. The scene of soldiers in N12.2 (Tomb IV) is unfinished and what is available is two rows of thirteen soldiers above a third row of six, where clearly there were more to come.384 The only partly preserved equivalent scene on the southern wall of H11.1 (Northern Soldiers-Tomb) apparently had four rows of at least seven soldiers each.385 Given the circumstances, it is clear all numbers were different here.

384 Cf. El-Khadragy, 2008, 226f. and figs. 4, 5. 385 Cf. El-Khadragy, 2006, 150 and fig. 6; Abdelrahiem, 2020, 18–19, 95, pl. 39.

122

5. Representations and inscriptions

EI.2 – Harvest of flax and grain (Scheme figs. 30, 31, facsimile fig. 43, photo pl. 118) Agricultural scenes fill the last two registers, EI.2 and EI.3. The persons involved are mainly oriented towards the right. In EI.2, seven men with close-cropped black hair are busy harvesting flax in the right side of the register (pl. 125). Two different hues of red-brown were used for their skin color: a dark, rather saturated shade and a lighter one, the difference clearly intended and not just due to varying intensity of the application. The men wear just white belts tied in the back, while working in a field of blue flax plants that reach up to their chests. With their hands, the workmen grab bundles of the plants and pull them out of the ground. By plucking and not cutting them, the fibers maintain a certain length advantageous for later processing.386 Flax harvested while the stems were still green, as in this scene, could be used for producing fine linen; if it was left a while longer to grow, the stalks matured to a yellow color and developed stronger fibers, used for example for rougher linen or ropes.387 The harvesting theme continues to the left, where ten workmen are gathering grain (pls. 126, 127). Interestingly, men with three different skin-colors are present. Aside from the red-brown mostly used in Tomb N13.1, there is the lighter shade as already seen for the flax harvesters, and, singularly in this tomb, one man is rendered with black skin (no. 8 of the grain harvesters). Like the men tearing out flax, these workers also have short black hair and their sole item of clothing is a white belt tied in the back. The cereal crop is pictured in a yellow grain field with six men using composite sickles made of a wooden frame with inset flint blades388 for cutting handfuls of ears.389 Although they are removing the top parts of the plants, the upper edge of the wheat is depicted as a straight continuous line instead of being lowered in the harvested areas. In between the reapers, two pairs of workmen are carrying large bags, in which the cut ears are gathered and eventually carted away. EI.3 – Offering bearers and threshing (Scheme figs. 30, 31, facsimile fig. 43, photo pl. 118) Register EI.3 features a procession of offering bearers in its southern part, using a little more than half the width of the available space, and a scene of threshing grain in its northern section. As for the offering bearers, their figures are placed tightly and with the whole register executed at a small scale, a total number of 19 porters can be reconstructed (pls. 125, 126). They all seem to be oriented towards the right and in some instances have shouldered trays of offerings. All persons seem to have short black hair. The first, twelfth and nineteenth have red-brown skin and seem to be male; all others are drawn with yellow skin, indicating females. No statement can be made about their clothing, except that, none of them has upper body or lower legs covered. Where still visible, the objects carried on top of the trays are yellow and triangular and most probably depict bread.

386 Klebs, 1915, 53f.; Kanawati, 2013, 39. 387 Cf. Brewer et al., 1994, 35. 388 Cf. Drenkhahn, 1984, col. 922. 389 For more on harvesting see e. g. Murray, 2000, 520–524.

5. Representations and inscriptions

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The scene on the northern half of the wall shows the threshing of grain390 with cattle (pls. 126, 127). The animals and their handlers are standing on the threshing floor ankle-deep in yellow grain. On the right side, a small blue colored heap is still visible and might depict the outer border of the threshingground,391 possibly built by piling up the stalks.392 Again, the men display two different variations of red-brown skin color, while their heads seem to be painted in the same light red-brown hue, indicating shaven heads. They are wearing white belts tied in the back. At the right side on the threshing-ground, a man stands behind an orange patterned ox, urging it on with a stick he is brandishing with his raised right arm. Next to him, a man is hurrying a group of three cows or oxen393 with lyrate horns, colored red-brown and orange, with yellow forehead yokes and a yellow rope around all their necks, wielding a stick in the same way as his companion. Next to the cattle, remainders of three men can be found; the first one oriented towards the left, but looking back over his shoulder. Little remains of some orangecolored object in his hands. As for the second one, his face and body are turned to the left, however both of his arms seem to be engaged in an action towards the right. Around the last man’s legs, blotches of yellow paint are preserved, which might indicate that he is supposed to stand in front of heaps of grain on the threshing floor. The direction he is facing to is not clear; his arms, though, are held up at the right side of his body, with a light brown stick grasped with both hands. It is possible, that the three men are arranging the sheaves to get trampled on top of the threshing floor.394 The first and the last man of this group, or even all three, could be threshing grain themselves, using the sticks in their hands.395 It is also feasible that this group is winnowing the grain with forks. The remaining surface of the register is destroyed. EII.1–7 – Offering bearers and fishing (Scheme figs. 30, 31, facsimile fig. 44, photo pl. 128) The northern part of the eastern wall is poorly preserved, its decoration extensively obliterated. From the scarce remains, it can be determined that it was divided into seven registers. The scenes are oriented to the right. The first one, once contained depictions of cattle (EII.1, pl. 129), of which one specimen is still recognizable. The animal’s fur has patches of a light orange color; its horns were painted yellow, but are almost completely erased. In front of it, some black lines belong to the tail of another cow or ox. The second register EII.2 (pl. 129) has perished entirely; its existence can only be deduced by the amount of space available on the wall. However, in the next registers, more ungulates are pictured, presumably presented by their handlers. EII.3 (pl. 130) still shows the lower part of a male body with a short white kilt and a yellow stick held horizontally in the right hand. Behind him, two slender animal legs are preserved, one of them with a hoof.

390 For more on threshing, see e. g. Murray, 2000, 524f. 391 Cf. Ghoneim, 1976, fig. 23. The threshing ground surely used to be a round area, where the animals were driven in circles to thresh the grain, e. g. Ghoneim, 1976, 150f. 392 Cf. Ghoneim, 1976, 149. 393 Bullocks were clearly used for threshing, cf. Germond, 2001, 58. 394 Cf. Murray, 2000, 524f. 395 Cf. Murray, 2000, 524.

124

5. Representations and inscriptions

EII.4 (pl. 130) starts with a black-haired man walking besides a goat (Capra hircus)396 painted yellow, his right arm positioned around the animal’s back. Another quadruped is following, its front legs colored black, according to its size and built possibly another caprid, ensuing a damaged area, and faint remnants of orange color, albeit lacking outlines hint to the former presence of another animal. Also register EII.5 (pl. 130) begins with the figure of a man wearing a short white kilt, his right arm hanging straight down by his side, while his left is bent and the hand positioned on his chest in a gesture of deference.397 Behind him walks a quadruped pied in a light red-brown color; as per size and fur pattern conceivably also a goat.398 The preservation of the last two registers is slightly better than of the five mentioned above. EII.6 (pls. 131, 132) shows clear remains of four animals; the first three colored a light gray, the fourth one a light orange. On the backs of all, but the second one, yellow saddles, respectively blankets are painted. Of said animal, the shape of the head and the tail are still perceptible; it is a donkey, and so are most likely the other three quadrupeds in this line.399 Behind the four donkeys, sparse remnants of yellow color might point towards one more burro that used to be pictured there. The adjacent remains belong to the lower body of a man, behind who very little is left of some rose color, assumably indicating another animal. Towards the northern end of the register, the legs of a man walking to the left and facing another light gray animal, possibly another donkey, can be seen. This is followed by a few traces of two more men with white kilts, walking towards the right. EII.7 (pls. 131, 132) is decorated with scenes taking place in a riverscape. Remains of three men can be found at the right i. e. southern side with two of them holding yellow sticks horizontally in their right hands. They are standing on a waterborne papyrus skiff;400 as the remnants of blue and yellow color below the last of the three men suggests. Further specks of red-brown paint might originate from images of probably four more men, whose outlines are completely lost. Following, on a yellow and blue papyrus skiff, a male person is kneeling at the bow and leaning forward.401 He might be engaged in fishing, e. g. with a bow net402 or a hand net.403 Accompanying him on the boat are possibly four more men, whose depictions are extremely faded. The last two of them are oriented towards the left and seem to be busy working with their hands. The register ends with a man kneeling in front of a red-brown object, possibly a small container, while being on top of a boat; as the blue waves of water continue below. Several oval shaped yellow objects are placed above the man and could show caught and gutted fish.404

396 Although the length of the horns of this animal are very similar to the ones of the dorcas gazelle, the short tail pointing upwards is typical for the depiction of goats, cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 187–189. 397 Compare Dominicus, 1994, 6ff., 8, fig. 1l. 398 Cf. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 187–189. 399 Cf. the depiction of donkeys similarly equipped, e. g. in the tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, e. g. in: Germond, 2001, fig. 61. For the identification of the donkey, see e. g. Osborn/Osbornova, 1990, 135. 400 Cf. the same kind of skiff in SI.3. 401 For a supposedly similar depiction, see Blackman, 1914, pl. 4. 402 Cf. Elsbergen, 1997, 31–36. 403 Cf. Elsbergen, 1997, 40–48. 404 Cf. Elsbergen, 1997, 75–85.

5. Representations and inscriptions

125

5.6 The pillars (Scheme figs. 19, 20, facsimile figs. 45–46, 47–48, photo pls. 133–156) Towards the west, the ceiling height of the hall decreases; a three-stepped ledge lowers the rear two thirds of the room’s roof (pls. 5, 11). Each step is decorated with four horizontal bands: one painted in red-brown, one left blank i. e. showing just the light hue of the plaster thus indicating white, one done in blue and one in yellow. Directly behind the ledge, two big blocks of native rock were left standing during the construction of the tomb, while the surrounding stone masses were removed, and shaped into two identically designed pillars. At the top, each is decorated by a circumferential frieze of two horizontal bands of rectangular blocks, framed with blue lines (cf. pl. 134). The blocks are painted in an irregular order in red-brown, blue and yellow, bracketed by gray405 vertical stripes and blank rectangles. Positioned between the bands is a pattern of two rows of gray406 triangles, their tips pointing towards the middle of the band from above and below. The resulting space in the middle is a hexagon, which is horizontally divided by a gray dash, slightly lentil-shaped like, executed as a brush stroke with changing pressure.407 It is best preserved on the northern side of pillar A. The edges of the pillars are badly destroyed, but in some areas vertical bands designed like the horizontal block friezes are still visible. It is not clear though, how far they used to reach down; i. e. if they were framing just the upper parts containing the inscriptions or the whole decorated zone, including the image field with the depiction of the tomb owner. There are several paint traces that would point towards the latter possibility,408 but curiously, the western side of pillar B with its well preserved edges does not show any color at all. Just as on the walls, the decoration is terminated at the bottom by a border of two horizontal bands painted red-brown and yellow. Pillar A (Facsimile figs. 45–46, photo pls. 133, 136, 139, 142) The upper part of the northern side of the pillar is decorated by four columns of polychrome hieroglyphs (pl. 134).

405 It seems that black ink was thinned down to obtain this shade of gray color and that it is not just faded, as the black color of the hieroglyphic outlines below is not faded either. 406 Here also, the gray color seems to be derived from thinned black ink, see above. 407 Cf. Vandier, 1964, 44 for a similar decoration. 408 Pillar A: southern side: red color on the left side, western side: color on the left and right sides abreast the tomb owner’s head; Pillar B: northern side: color on the left side on a level with the head, but not on the right side below, where the edge is still intact, southern side: some hints of color on the left side, abreast the tomb owner’s calves, western side: no remains, though the edges are quite well preserved.

126 1

                               

5. Representations and inscriptions 2

3

                           R

Y

Y

sic

a b

                        



4

                              

c

R

d

e

a Only a few lines are visible of Gardiner Sign-list N24 in column 2, which is reconstructed here after the well documented Old and Middle Kingdom titles and epithets concerned with the Upper Egyptian nomes (cf. Jones, 2000, 192: 723, 227: 841; Jones, 2000b, 978: 3610; Doxey, 1998, 313: “mḥ i͗b n nsw m ṯz.t mšꜥ r spꜣ.wt Šmꜥ.w”). b The lower left side of Gardiner Sign-list M25 is the only visible part of the sign now. c A falcon head and its tail are the only visible parts of Gardiner Sign-list G7 now, which is reconstructed after the better preserved nṯr⸗f in column 2 of the southern side of pillar A (cf. pl. 137). d The lacuna amidst i͗mꜣ[ḫ].y here fits well the addition of Gardiner Sign-list Aa1, F39 and Z1, such reconstruction is suggested by the orthographic varieties attested for this epithet elsewhere in the tomb’s inscriptions, including i͗mꜣḫ.y/.w (cf. pls. 16: line 1, 81: column 4), i͗mꜣḫ.w/.y (cf. pl. 16: line 2), and i͗mꜣḫ.w (cf. pl. 152: column 5). (Gardiner Sign-list S21) of Anubis’ epithet nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t, e Noteworthy is the squeezed determinative in which the lower curve of the circular sign was crudely flattened seeming thereby as if it were (Gardiner Sign-list X1) with a slight curve at its bottom. It seems that the scribe had to squeeze this determinative to allow enough space at the end of the column 4 for the tomb owner’s name Iti-ibi. The same palaeographic feature is attested once more for the same epithet in the second line of the western part of the northern wall (NIII.1) (cf. pl. 23). This determinative is correctly written elsewhere in the tomb’s inscriptions (cf. pls. 16, 49, 83–84).





127

5. Representations and inscriptions

1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)[-bi͗t] smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr] n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣ[w.t(i͗)] […] 2) […] nsw m spꜣ[.wt409 Šmꜥ].w 3) [mr](i͗).y nsw ḥz(i͗).y⸗f m ẖr.t hrw.w n(i͗.)t rꜥ nb ḥz[(i͗).y] n(i͗) 4) nṯr[⸗f?] [ni͗w.ti͗]410 i͗mꜣ[ḫ].y (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) [I͗](n)pw nb Rꜣ[-ḳ]rr.t I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-[i͗b(⸗i͗)] 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer [of the priests] of Wepwawet, lord of Asy[ut] […] 2) […] king in the [Upp]er Egyptian [no]mes 3) the [belov]ed of the king, whom he rewards with his daily need, favored by 4) [his local411] god, the honored one, the overseer of the priests of Anubis, lord of Ra-qereret, It(i)-ib(i). Below (pl. 135), the badly destroyed image of the tomb owner shows him looking to the east and towards the entrance of the tomb, seated on a chair with a low back, a blue cushion and lion’s legs on blue truncated cone supports, the material – wood – is indicated in yellow with dark irregular strokes for the wood grain. Iti-ibi(-iqer) is wearing a long, clearly blue wig and a blue kilt with a yellow belt. For a reconstruction of the scene, the northern side of pillar B can be consulted (see below). The southern side of pillar A shows in its upper center four columns of inscription in addition to a single column on the right side, written in opposing directions (pl. 137): 4

3

2

                           

                                

                          

b

a



1

                                     

409 Gardiner Sign-list S29 is mirrored here. 410 For this reconstruction, cf. nṯr⸗f ni͗w.ti͗ of column 6 on the eastern side of pillar A (pl. 140). 411 Cf. pillar A, eastern wall.

5

                ...

128

5. Representations and inscriptions

a Comparing the few visible remnants of the hieroglyphic signs following ḥz[(i͗).y n(i͗) in column 3 here with the visible remnants towards the end of column 1 on the western side of pillar A might help in reconstructing the text of both (cf. pls. 137, 143). Taking into consideration the available space of the lacunae of both columns, one would suggest the reconstruction of the inscription of column 3 here: ḥz[(i͗).y n(i͗) Wsi͗r nb i͗mnt.t]. On the other hand, the inscription of the western side of pillar A is suggested to be reconstructed as follows: [... (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr] [n(i͗)] [Wsi͗r nb i͗mnt.t]. The later reconstruction is confirmed by the same title held by Khety I (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 15: 43), Djefai-Hapi II (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 10: 11) and Djefai-Hapi I at Asyut (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 5: 231). For more references to the Osiris temple at Asyut and his possible connection to this town, cf. Kahl, 2007a, 50–51. b Noteworthy is the determinative of ḳd, which irregularly follows the suffix pronoun s (Gardiner Signlist S29) instead of preceding it. 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-p[ꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)]-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗)[.t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)]-wꜣ(i͗).wt nb Zꜣw.t(i͗) 2) i͗[m]ꜣḫ.w [mꜣ]ꜥ mn.0 [rd].wi͗ (i͗)m(.i͗) šms(.w) nṯr⸗f mr(i͗).y 3) [I͗npw] nb [Rꜣ-ḳrr.t] ḥz[(i͗).y n(i͗) Wsi͗r nb i͗mnt].t [mr(i͗).y] ni͗w.t⸗f 4) […]i͗ [n(i͗)] spꜣ.t[⸗f] mi͗-ḳd[⸗s] [i͗]mi͗-rꜣ šn(.i͗)-tꜣ nb [n(i͗)] spꜣ.t412 It(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-[i͗]ḳr 5) sẖꜣ(.w) i͗z n(i͗) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w (i͗)m(.i͗)[-rꜣ] […] 1) The hereditary [prince, the count, the sealer] of the biti-king, the sole companion, [the overseer of the priests of Wep]wawet, lord of Asyut, 2) the truly honored one, with firm step, the one belonging to the entourage of his god, the beloved of 3) [Anubis], the lord of [Ra-qereret], the favored of [Osiris, lord of the West], the [beloved] of his city, 4) [the favored?] [of his] entire nome, [...], the overseer of all vegetation of the nome, It(i)-ib(i)-iqer. 5) The painter/scribe413 of the tomb of the count, the overseer of [...] It is clear that the first four columns of this hieroglyphic inscription oriented to the right are devoted to the tomb owner, Iti-ibi(-iqer), while the fifth one oriented to the left is devoted to the painter/scribe of the tomb, whose name is missing now. Inscribing the title and name of the painter/scribe of the tomb without associating a figure here might be a clear example of artist’s signature, the closest Old Kingdom parallel is in the tomb of Djau/Shemai and his son Djau at Deir el-Gebrawi,414 where both are depicted standing facing each other, with a long staff held vertically in the father’s right hand. In front of the father’s leg is an inscription without associated figure mentioning the title and name of the tomb’s draughtsman, as follows: sẖꜣ(.w) qd.w(t) pr-Mꜣ.ti͗t Ppy-snb(.w) rn⸗f mꜣꜥ Ns… “The draughtsman of the temple of Matit, Pepy-seneb, his true name, Nes…”. Closely connected to these two clear examples of signatures recording the name and title of artists engaged in tomb decoration exists in the tomb of Ka-hep/Tjeti-iker at El-Hawawish,415 where the tomb owner is depicted in a papyrus boat spearing fish

412 Cf. Jones, 2000, 250–251: 905. 413 Some Old Kingdom tomb decoration provides clear evidence for translating the title sẖꜣ sometimes as “painter”, depending on scenes showing craftsmen holding that title, while applying paint on some of their products; cf. Kanawati, 1997, pl. 40; Blackman/Apted, 1953a, pl. 18. 414 Kanawati, 2013, pl. 75. 415 Kanawati, 1980, fig. 8.

129

5. Representations and inscriptions

associated with some figures behind him, including the draughtsman of the tomb, who states clearly in a short biographical inscription that he decorated this tomb alone. The depiction of Iti-ibi(-iqer) beneath is a variation of the one on the northern side: he is seated on the same kind of chair, looking towards the east; however the coloring of the wood of the chair is simply yellow, with a red drum and yellow cone support on the front leg (pl. 138). Again, he wears a long wig – though in this case originally done in black – and a blue-painted beard. Around his neck is a large collar in blue and yellow, and diagonally across his chest is a white sash. His knee-long kilt is painted blue and mostly covered by a yellow leopard’s skin with the characteristic dark spots. The remainder of his right foot shows the strap of a sandal covering his ankle. His right lower arm is slightly bent, his hand holding a yellow and blue sḫm-scepter up vertically. His left hand is gripping a long yellow staff with a blue tip, held diagonally in front of him. On the eastern side of the pillar, the upper section is occupied by eight columns of text, the first six for Iti-ibi(-iqer), the last three for his wife Senebti (pl. 140): 9 B

Y

R B

Y

R Y

8

7

6

                                                      B B

Y R

Y

Y

b

R

R

Y

R

B



                             Y

B

B B

Y

R

B

c

B

                               Y

Y

Y bird

R



B

R

5

4

                               B

Y

man

R

a

R

                             R

R

Y

R

Y

RR

Y

B

B

Y

3

2

B

                             R

Y R

R Y

B

Y

Y

Y

R

B

R

       B

B B

R . . .

1

         Y

. . .

130

5. Representations and inscriptions

a A few remnants of the lower left part of the determinative for ḳd are visible now (cf. pl. 140). However, it could be reconstructed after the relatively better preserved ḳd inscribed on the southern side of pillar A, wherein it is clear that this sign is Gardiner Sign-list W24 (cf. pl. 137, column 4). b Only a few traces of some unidentifiable bird-sign are visible now. c Only a few traces of some unidentifiable bird-sign are visible now. 1) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w] […] 2) [n][…] 3) […] y […] [f] […] [ꜥm] […] t [m f] [nb ḥz(i͗).y] […] 4) [m] […] [Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt] nb Z[ꜣ]w[.t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [i͗]s[ḳt.wt] 5) I͗np[w] […] [f] […] t ḫnt.t [mi͗-ḳ]d⸗s [mr(i͗)].y [ni͗w.t⸗f ḥz(i͗).y n(i͗) spꜣ.t⸗f] 6) [i͗] […] [t] […] ꜥ [mr(i͗).y n(i͗) nṯr⸗f ni͗w.ti͗ wꜣḥ.0 tp tꜣ] I͗[t(i͗⸗i͗)]-i͗b(⸗i͗)-[i͗ḳr] 7) […] [Z2] [ẖr](.i͗)t-kꜣ [zꜣ.t ẖr(.i͗)t-kꜣ Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w] (i͗)mꜣḫ.[y]t S[nb.t] 8) [Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w] […] [Aa23] […] ḥ […] [mr] […] [t] […] t 9) […] [f] […] [ḥz(i͗).yt⸗f rꜥ nb] […] [i͗mꜣḫ.yt] […] [mr(i͗).yt] 1) [The hereditary prince, the count], [...] 2) [...] 3) [...] 4) [...] [Wepwawet], lord of Asyu[t], [the over]seer of the [i͗]s[ḳt.wt]-cattle (cf. NII) 5) of Anubis [...] the entire [13th Nome of Upper Egypt], the [belov]ed of [his city], [the honored of his nome] 6) [...] [the beloved of his god of the city, the enduring one on earth], I[t](i)-ib(i)-[iqer] 7) [...] the fortunate one, [the daughter of the fortunate Hathor/name?], the honored one, Sen[ebti] 8) [Hathor], [...] 9) [...] [whom he favors every day], [...] [the honored one], [...] [the beloved]. An interesting detail is the mentioning of the goddess Hathor. The goddess is documented in Asyut from at least the Old Kingdom to the Roman Period. The coffin of Mesehti416 has been regarded as the earliest source naming her local form, Hathor, lady of Medjed.417 In N13.1, the inscriptions on this eastern side of pillar A, column 8, mention a priestess of this local goddess and thus deliver a new early evidence for her in the tomb of Mesehti’s father Iti-ibi(-iqer).418 Though the mother of Iti-ibi(-iqer), presumably Iti-ibi, the wife of Khety II, is labeled in her husband’s tomb (N12.2/Tomb IV) as a priestess of Hathor, the epithet “lady of Medjed” was not added. The inscription on pillar A clearly states that Senebti, Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s wife, was a priestess of Hathor, lady of Medjed. Thus it cannot be completely ruled out that this woman might be Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s mother, bearing the same title. A woman named Iti-ibi(-iqeret) is also depicted in WVII.2, being “beloved of Hathor” (without the epithet “lady of Medjed”). As she is not called ḥm.t⸗f, as Senebti is, Iti-ibi(-iqeret) might actually be the tomb owner’s mother.

416 DuQuesne, 2002, 48; DuQuesne, 2010, 50 [§138]. The coffin: Cairo CG 28119, cf. Lacau, 1906, 132. 417 Though Medjed is clearly associated with the 13th Upper Egyptian nome, its localization is not ensured yet, cf. DuQuesne, 2002, 55f.; Kahl, 2007, 51; Verhoeven, 2020, 284–286. 418 Gervers, 2020, 367–368.

131

5. Representations and inscriptions

At the bottom of the eastern side, a portly Iti-ibi(-iqer) is depicted standing, looking north (pl. 141). While his face is completely destroyed, a small part of the back of his head survived, showing short hair painted in what appears today a hue of rose, presumably indicating that it was closely cropped. His chest is adorned with a broad collar in blue and yellow, overlapping a broad white sash. On his right wrist remains of a blue bracelet are still visible. His long white kilt reaches down to the middle of his calves, and is held by a blue striped belt tied in the front. With his right hand, he grasps a baton, presumably a sḫm-scepter, of which parts of the handle and of the blue head persisted. In all likelihood, Iti-ibi(-iqer) used to have a long staff in his left hand. He is embraced by a woman standing behind him, with her right hand touching his right forearm and her left arm reaching around his shoulders. Although her upper body is badly destroyed, one polychrome strap of her garment running over her left shoulder can still be seen, as well as her long blue skirt and her anklets done in the same color. The last side of the pillar, facing west, features only one column of text (pl. 143): 1

                            

a

B

Y

a For the suggested reconstruction of the remaining part of the inscription of column 1 here as (i͗)m(.i͗)rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr] [n(i͗)][Wsi͗r nb i͗mnt.t], cf. the previous footnote commenting on Gardiner Sign-list Q1 inscribed on column 3 inscribed on the southern side of pillar A. 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)[-pꜥ(w.t)] ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr] [n(i͗)] [Wsi͗r nb i͗mnt.t] 1) The hereditary [prince], the count, [the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the priests] [of] [Osiris, lord of the West].

132

5. Representations and inscriptions

The man shown below the inscription is presumably the tomb owner; he is standing and facing north (pl. 144). His shoulder-length hair style was originally painted in black; the beard on his chin is blue. Little remains of a polychrome collar and blue bracelets. A yellow sash adorns his chest, and a white, kneelong, projecting kilt including a yellow belt and yellow diagonal border complete his outfit.419 With his left hand, he is gripping a yellow and blue sḫm-scepter; with his bent right arm, he is holding a yellow staff vertically in front of him. Pillar B (Facsimile figs. 47–48, photo pls. 145, 148, 151, 154) The northern side is decorated by four columns of inscription (pl. 146):

                        1

2

3

4

   

B

                            

                               

Y

Y

R Y

R Y Y



B

a

                               Y

b

B

Y

B

B

a For the reconstruction, cf. Jones, 2000, 237–238: 874; Ward, 1982, 46: 361; Kanawati, 1997, pl. 62. b Although nothing is visible now in the lacuna under tꜣ.wi͗, the available space of the lacuna suggests the reconstruction of Gardiner Sign-list I9 after tꜣ.wi͗, this is confirmed by the synonymous epithet inscribed in the tomb of Djefai-Hapi II mḥ-i͗b n(i͗) nsw ḫnt n(i͗) tꜣ.wi͗⸗f (Griffith, 1889, pl. 10: 4), and is

419 Cf. NII.1.1.

5. Representations and inscriptions

133

confirmed too by the related epithet i͗m(.i͗)- i͗b n(i͗) nsw ḫnt n(i͗) i͗db.wi͗⸗f (cf. Jones, 2000, 45–46: 238; Kanawati/Abder-Raziq, 1998, pl. 63). 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w [ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t] smr [wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] […] [w] 2) [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ šnw.ti͗ (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ sḳbb[.wi͗]420 [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [pr.wwi͗-ḥḏ (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] […] [ḫnt] […] [t] 3) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ [ḳbḥ.w] pꜣ.ywt [(i͗)m(.i͗)]-rꜣ [ ḳbḥ.w] [ḫnn.wt]421 [i͗m(.i͗)-i͗b n(i͗) nsw ḫnt n(i͗) tꜣ.wi͗⸗f mḥ-i͗b]⸗f ḫnt(.i͗) 4) i͗db.wi͗⸗f [i͗]mꜣ[ḫ.w wꜣḥ.0 tp tꜣ mr(i͗).y nṯr.w] […] [I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗]ḳ[r] 1) The hereditary prince, the count, [the sealer of the biti-king], the [sole] companion, [the overseer] [...], 2) the overseer of the two granaries, the overseer of the [two] coolish rooms, the overseer of [the two treasuries], [the overseer of] [...], 3) the overseer of (aquatic) fluttering birds, the overseer of (aquatic) flying birds, [the confidant of the king before his Two Lands], his [confidant] before 4) his Two Banks, the honored one, [the enduring one on earth, beloved of the gods], […], [It(i)-ib(i)-i]qer. Below, a seated figure of the tomb owner is looking to the east (pl. 147). His shoulder-length hair style appears colorless today; a blue and yellow collar and a yellow sash around his chest as well as blue bracelets on his wrists complement his attire. His knee-length kilt is painted blue and has a yellow belt. His low-backed and yellow cushioned chair has lion’s legs on truncated cone supports and is rendered with a yellow and dark pattern imitating wood. Iti-ibi(-iqer) holds a long staff in his right hand, painted yellow with a blue tip, and he possibly had a sḫm-scepter vertically in his left hand, as can be seen on the southern sides of the two pillars, though no traces of a scepter remain here. The southern side of pillar B holds four columns of hieroglyphs (pl. 149). As its eastern (right) edge is all but broken off, it is not clear if there has been another single column added in this area, as it has been done on the southern side of pillar A. The hieroglyphs in the middle of the southern sides of both pillars are all oriented towards the right/east, but while the starting column on pillar A is the very right one, on pillar B the text starts with the column on the very left.

420 For the other possible reading of the title (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḳbḥ[.wi͗], cf. Fischer, 1968, 234; Wb III, 27: 12. 421 Cf. Doxey, 1998, 268.

134

5. Representations and inscriptions 1

                                

3

2

 

a

sic

                 

sic



  

                            

b

b

c

d

sic

e

4

                           Y

Y

a Probably the sign written before šmꜥ.w is an irregular writing for  , Gardiner Sign-list V5, hence it might be understood here as an ideogram for snṯ.

,

b An interesting palaeographic feature is noticed here: the standard determinative of both ḥbs and ḥꜣy (

Gardiner Sign-list S28), which represents a strip of cloth with fringes combined with a folded cloth (  , Gardiner Sign-list S29) was replaced here by a black outlined cord filled in with yellow paint (  , Gardiner



Sign-list V6) combined with a similarly colored folded cloth ( , Gardiner Sign-list S29). This combined determinative



422

is attested twice more at Asyut, where it replaces Gardiner Sign-list S28

; it is used

for ṯꜣm in the tomb of Iti-ibi (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 11: 14) and for ḥbs in the tomb of Djefai-Hapi I (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 5: 247). For such epigraphic tendency towards the replacement of Gardiner Sign-list S28 by such a combined determinative of both Gardiner Sign-list V6 and S29, cf. Gardiner 1930, 172. c It is clear that ḥꜣ.ty is determined here by a combination of both Gardiner Sign-list V6 and Gardiner Sign-



list S29 ( ), which is followed by Gardiner Sign-list A21, without the usual staff held in the advanced left 422 In VisualGlyph V105.

5. Representations and inscriptions

135

hand. It is not clear whether it is obliterated, or that it was never been drawn. However, the clenched fist of the left hand proves that this sign is Gardiner Sign-list A21, either with or without a staff in the left hand. d Nothing remains of the sign following after mrr in column 3, the suggested reconstruction by adding Gardiner Sign-list G43 fits well with the context herein.

   

(Gardiner List Sign D21 in red and what seems to be V13 in e Only the left part of the group yellow) is visible now, both signs are determined by a rather erased sign, of which two legs of some stand-

 . Both determinatives are unusual for  rmṯ.w “people”, which is attested at Asyut several times with the usual determinative  in the tombs

ing man hieroglyphic sign remain, and Gardiner Sign-list A40

of Iti-ibi (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 11: 14), Khety II (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 13: 17), and Djefai-Hapi I (cf.

 here is an unusual determinative for rmṯ.w, and seems to be a faulty writing of Gardiner Sign-list B1  . On the other hand, a standing man Griffith, 1889, pl. 6: 266). Accordingly, Gardiner Sign-list A40

hieroglyphic sign is also unusual for rmṯ.w, but is explicable here. The tendency towards replacing a sitting man determinative by a standing man is attested in the tomb inscriptions several times; Gardiner Sign-list

, but with no preserved staff now (  ), in writing z(i͗) “man” in the autobiographical inscription of the tomb owner’s son Mesehti (cf. pl. 89), Gardiner Sign-list A25  replaced A1 is replaced by A21

A1 in writing ḥm.w[t] “craftsmen” in the aforementioned autobiographical inscription too (cf. pl. 91), and Gardiner Sign-list A2 is replaced by a standing man determinative with a hand to the mouth

 in writing

ḥḳr “hungry man” in column 2 of the inscription on the southern side of pillar B (pl. 149). Moreover, the sitting soldier ideogram/determinative (Gardiner Sign-list A12

resp. Gardiner Sign-list D34  ) is

regularly replaced here by the standing soldier with shield (JSesh A211 var.), but with an axe instead of a spear (cf. pl. 16: line 2 in the word mšꜥ; pl. 83: column 2 in the word ꜥḥꜣ). The same tendency towards replacing a sitting man determinative by a standing man is also attested in the inscriptions of the other First Intermediate Period tombs at Asyut, both for the sitting soldier ideogram/determinative and for other determinatives: Khety II (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 5: 9, 17), Iti-ibi (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 11: 7, 10, 16, 34), and Khety II (cf. Griffith, 1889, pl. 14: 48). 1) (i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ ḥm(.w) nṯr n(i͗.w) Wp(i͗)-wꜣ(i͗).wt [nb] Zꜣ[w.t(i͗)] 2) snṯy šmꜥ.w (?)423 [ꜥ]nḫ m skꜣ nb […] ḥtp s:ꜥnḫ.0 [ḥ]ḳr mk(i͗).0 3) ẖꜣr.t ḥbs.0 ḥꜣ.ty424 i͗[mꜣ.0]-i͗b mrr[.w] r[mṯ.w] ẖr(.i͗)4) kꜣ wꜣḏ […] [m w Y2 Z2 i͗]mꜣ[ḫ.w] […] [I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗]ḳr 1) The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer of the priests of Wepwawet, [lord] of As[yut], 2) the one who establishes Upper Egyptian life with all plowing works [...] satisfied, the one who nourishes the hungry one, the one who protects 423 Gardiner Sign-list M26 and S29 in column 2 are mirrored. 424 Cf. Wb III, 14: 4.

136

5. Representations and inscriptions

3) the widow, the one who clothes the naked one, the gracious whom the people love, the fortunate 4) one, fresh [...], the honored one, … [It(i)-ib(i)-i]qer. Below, the tomb owner is pictured sitting and facing east; the area of his head is unfortunately destroyed (pl. 150). Remains of yellow color point to a broad collar around his neck, which overlaps the white sash across his chest and his outstretched arm. Iti-ibi(-iqer) wears blue bracelets and a blue kilt reaching slightly over his knees. His chair seems to be of the same design like the ones in the other scenes on the pillars, but little remains of the yellow wood and the blue cushioned back. Other recurring elements are the long yellow staff grasped in the left hand and the sḫm-scepter in the right, held vertically and painted in blue and yellow. As a variation to the other scenes, the shaft is done in blue instead of yellow, and is drawn as running behind the tomb owner’s left arm, not in front of it like in the equivalent depiction on the south side of pillar A. The eastern side is considerably damaged. Seven columns of inscription can still be recognized. The first four are referring to the tomb owner, the last three to a woman, whose name is not preserved (pl. 152). There would be a room for another column, possibly the first, which would raise the number of columns to eight, just like on the eastern side of pillar A. Moreover, the first readable column does not start as can be expected with any titles. The surface of the pillar is too damaged to verify this assumption, though. 0

1

2

?

                       

                       

R

Y

a

R

YY

sic

Y

c

Y

Bk

4

3

                             B

b

R

Y

R

Y

Bk R

5

                             R Y

d

Y

                    B

B

Bk

7

                         

                              

R

BY B Y

Bk

Y

6

e

f g

Y

Y

B Y Y

Y

Y

Y

B

5. Representations and inscriptions

137

a The tail and the lower part of some bird-sign painted yellow are still visible here. Since most of the well preserved bird-signs are painted yellow too (cf. chapter 4), it is practically not possible to reconstruct the inscribed sign here. b The few remnants of hieroglyphic signs here show two red-painted curved lines resembling the middle part of Gardiner Sign-list D21, under which is the most part of Gardiner Sign-list V13 with its distinctive yellow paint (cf. chapter 4). Of the following sign under them are the uncolored head and small part of the red-painted torso of some male determinative (cf. chapter 4). Beside it are few yellow remnants of a human determinative, which is suggested to be Gardiner Sign-list B1. Doubtless, we have here rmṯ.w “people”. The comparison with the same word on the southern side of pillar B (cf. pl. 149), of which its male determinative is better preserved, suggests a male determinative here like Gardiner Sign-list A21

 , seemingly without a staff in his hand:  (VisualGlyph A147).

c Only patches of yellow paint fitting the size and shape of Gardiner Sign-list X1 are visible now, but without any preserved outlines (cf. chapter 4). d The curved terminal of Gardiner Sign-list V4 is the only visible part of the hieroglyphic sign now. e A small part of the claws of some bird sign is the only visible part of the unidentifiable hieroglyphic sign now. f Some vertical lines of the yellow-painted lower right corner of what looks like Gardiner Sign-list N24 (cf. chapter 4) are the visible part of this hieroglyphic sign now. g The back outline of the yellow-painted Gardiner Sign-list G1 (cf. chapter 4) is still clearly visible (cf. pl. 152). 0) [...] ? 1) [ḥz(i͗).y n(i͗)] [...] [nb] […] [p] […] [i͗ n] […] 2) [...] […] w […] [f] […] [mr(i͗).y rmṯ.w] […] [mr] […] 3) ꜥꜣ [ḫ t] [...] nfr bi͗t Y2 ḥ] […] [ḥḏ t] […] [mr] […] [mꜣ] […] 4) [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] ḥm(.w) nṯr I͗[(n)pw nb Rꜣ-ḳrr.t wꜣḥ.0 tp tꜣ I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)-i͗ḳr mꜣꜥ-ḫr.w] 5) [i͗]mꜣḫ[.w] […] [(i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ spꜣ.t]425 […] [ḥtp] ḏ(i͗) [Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w] […] 6) [ḥ] […] s[i͗mꜣ] ꜥ t s n [t] […] [nb i͗]mꜣḫ[.w] […] [t] 7) […] t i͗b[⸗f] [ḥz(i͗).yt]⸗f [mr(i͗).yt] n(i͗).t [Ḥw.t-Ḥr.w nb.t Mḏdni͗] 0) [...] ? (possibly the first column) 1) [the favored of] [...] [lord] [...] 2) [...] … [...] [the beloved of the people], [...] 3) [...] [with good character] ... [...] 4) [the overseer] of the priests of A[nubis, lord of Ra-qereret, the enduring one on earth, It(i)-ib(i)-iqer, true of voice], 5) the honored one [...] [the overseer of the nome] [...] an [offering] [which Hathor] gives 6) [...] ... [...], [lord] of favour, [...] 7) [...] ... [his] heart, whom he [favors], the [beloved] of [Hathor, lady of Medjed].

425 Cf. Jones, 2000, 226: 839; Ward, 1982, 43: 335.

138

5. Representations and inscriptions

The scene depicted below (pl. 153) can be reconstructed by comparison with the one on the eastern side of pillar A (pl. 141). Iti-ibi(-iqer) is shown standing, looking probably towards the south, as indicated by his remaining lower leg. Parts of his white kilt remain, including a yellow border,426 as well as some parts of the yellow shaft of a sḫm-scepter held horizontally and a very small rest of a yellow shaft that belonged to a long staff, he used to hold straight in front of himself. Of the woman accompanying him, only the right arm and little of her upper body are preserved, as well as tiny specs of her blue skirt. At least, one of her arms seems to have been positioned differently, when compared with the depiction on the eastern side of pillar A, hanging nearly straight down. The western side of pillar B shows a single column in its upper middle (pl. 155): 1

                        Y

Y Y B Y

R

B

Y

1) [(i͗)r(.i͗)-pꜥ(w.t) ḥꜣ.t(i͗)-ꜥ.w ḫtm(.ti͗)-bi͗t smr wꜥ(i͗).t(i͗) (i͗)m(.i͗)-rꜣ] […] [I͗t(i͗⸗i͗)-i͗b(⸗i͗)] 1) [The hereditary prince, the count, the sealer of the biti-king, the sole companion, the overseer] [...] [It(i)]-ib(i)]. Below, the figure of Iti-ibi(-iqer) is standing oriented towards the south (pl. 156). On his head, he is wearing a long, formerly black wig and around his neck a blue and yellow collar on top of a white sash running across his upper chest. Blue and yellow bracelets adorn both his wrists. His protruding white 426 Cf. NII.1.1.

5. Representations and inscriptions

139

kilt is decorated with a yellow border427 and tied at the front; the belt is colored blue and yellow. In his left, he is clasping a staff painted yellow with a blue tip, while in his right, he is holding a yellow and blue sḫm-scepter.

427 Cf. NII.1.1.

6. History of later usage of the tomb N13.1 was finished for the Asyuti nomarch Iti-ibi(-iqer) by his son Mesehti(-iqer), thus a date in the Eleventh Dynasty about 2000 BCE can be assumed.1 There are no signs which hint to an earlier usage of the structure. During the New Kingdom, 214 dipinti (156 texts and 58 drawings) applied to the walls in black and red ink bear witness to repeated human activities in the tomb.2 Palaeographic evidence as well as dates and royal titularies mentioned in the dipinti proper assign them to a time frame from the very beginning of the Eighteenth (if not Seventeenth) Dynasty until the end of the Twentieth Dynasty.3 The dipinti show that the primary function of Tomb N13.1 as a resting place and monument for the dead was expanded and to some degree appropriated as a medium for the living for displaying personal memoranda as well as showcasing training and scholarly knowledge.4 The visitors preferred the large figures of the tomb owner and his wife on the northern and southern walls as position of their dipinti, respecting the old decoration5 and sometimes copying extraordinary motives of animals.6 During a time span of approximately 500 years, visitors left formulaic inscriptions mentioning visits to local temples like that of Wepwawet, lord of Asyut, Hathor, lady of Medjed, and the deified Djefhai-Hapi. The scribes also addressed dedicatory texts to deceased ancestors (Khety and Iti-ibi), as well as prayers to Hathor and Wepwawet asking to “do good”. The fact that some of them also copied sometimes long passages from famous teachings and hymns seems to be an extraordinary manifestation of self-representation as able scribes and masters and may have had also didactic functions.7 Shaft 2, which does not belong to the original ground plan of Tomb N13.1, but was added later, cutting through the initial decoration of the southern wall, yielded evidence of the structure’s usage in the first millennium BCE. The shaft comprises a rather short slanting passage leading to a roughly rectangular chamber which contained objects from the Third Intermediate Period/Late Period8 (cf. fig. 10). There are no traces of any Demotic or Coptic secondary inscriptions. 1 For a detailed argument see chapter 2 above. 2 Cf. the editions Verhoeven, 2020 (texts), and Gervers, 2020 (drawings). For some of the hieratic dipinti in black ink cf. e. g. in the volume on hand pl. 17 (overview of visitors’ texts from the Eighteenth Dynasty), pl. 106 (several texts and drawings). A long visitor’s text in red ink dated under Amenhotep III (TN43) is to be seen on pl. 26. Examples for drawings in red ink: pl. 51 (ZW2: remains of three animals, lower right part of the picture); pl. 147 (ZBN1: Hathor head under the seat of the tomb owner). 3 Verhoeven, 2020, 267–280. 4 Kahl, 2006; Verhoeven, 2020, 313, 319, 322–323; Gervers, 2020, 391–393. 5 Verhoeven, 2020, 295–299. 6 Gervers, 2020, 393–394. 7 Verhoeven, 2012, 51ff.; as well as Verhoeven, 2016; and most recently Verhoeven, 2020, 217–266. In the volume on hand cf. pl. 44 (several texts, TW7: Teaching of a man); pl. 78 (TW28: Hymn to the inundation), pl. 94 (TS42: Teaching of Kairsu among others), pl. 137 (right: TAS1: Teaching of Kairsu with preserved author’s name; left: TAS4: visitor text with song about the “face of this lady”), pl. 143 (TAN4: Prophecy of Neferty), pl. 150 (TBS1: Hymn to the inundation). 8 Cf. Kahl et al., 2008, 201, where he supposed that the shaft was there before and only widened later. The recent opinion is mentioned in Elsbergen, 2019, 29–30. Cf. ibid., 41–43, 46 for finds dating into Roman-Byzantine times. Cf. also Kilian, 2019, 85.

142

6. History of later usage of the tomb

Two big arches (pl. 9) painted in red-brown are substituting a mihrab for praying on section WVIII of the western wall (pl. 74) and a qubba9 on section SII of the southern wall (pl. 96), indicating the burial of a Sheikh Ali.10 Large Arabic inscriptions of Qur’an verses written with the same color are added on the south part of the western wall (pl. 83), the entire southern wall and the south part of the eastern wall (pl. 96 e. g.).11 Moreover, several small dipinti, albeit executed in different colors, further short Arabic captions12 (cf. pl. 108), as well as Islamic pottery found in the tomb13 can be assigned to the very period. Innumerable graffiti, scraped and knocked into the plastered walls, pose a chronological challenge. Some show ships (cf. e. g. pl. 24, on top of the arms of Senebti) or crudely executed animals as well as simple scratches. Evidently, they are distributed all over the walls, however some are grated into the redbrown paint from Islamic times (cf. pls. 81, 97, 103). This constitutes a terminus post quem for the graffiti in question, which must be dated in the period after the red niches were drawn. Obviously, roughly incised Arabic script (cf. pl. 103) points to a relatively late time of creation, but all in all the majority of the graffiti eludes precise dating.14 Only one text delivers a connection to a historic person: In the upper part of the western wall in section WVIII (pl. 75), the dragoman of Hermann Ludwig Heinrich Fürst von Pückler-Muskau left a note, which can be dated into the year 1837.15

9 In his thorough study of the texts and drawings from the Islamic Period, Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 409ff. offered not enough evidence supporting his opinion that the painted niche in the middle of the western half of the south wall of the Tomb N13.1’s hall is a grave niche (qubba) for burial place of the holy Sheikh Ali. Probably, Ahmed-Mohamed’s opinion was influenced by the location of the painted niche in front of that proposed burial place of the holy Sheikh Ali. However, it is well known that mausoleums (Islamic tombs) are cube-shaped buildings topped by a dome, with their walls oriented towards Mecca; i. e. towards the South-East direction, should be provided with one or more prayer niches (mihrabs), e. g., the mausoleum of Joseph’s Brothers (dated to year 500 anno Hegirae) and Umm Kulthum mausoleum (dated to year 516 anno Hegirae) (cf. Yassin, 2002, 785f; Fikri, 1965, 159f.). In fact, mosques and lesser Islamic praying places might have more than one prayer niches in their walls oriented towards Mecca (cf. Fikri, 1965, 159f.). Thus, in all probabilities, the aforementioned painted niche is a mihrab for the mausoleum of the holy Sheikh Ali and the central prayer niche for the whole place, while the second mihrab painted on the south wall of Tomb N13.1’s western niche is the subsidiary prayer niche. 10 Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 409–411, 419–420. 11 Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 411–418. Cf. several plates in the volume on hand, also pl. 17 (AN1: northern wall) 12 Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 419–436. 13 Cf. Kahl et al., 2008, 206f. 14 Cf. Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 437–444. 15 Cf. Ahmed-Mohamed, 2020, 430 (AW2) with pl. 175d. He cites Kahl, 2013, 237–240 for the date of the visit. Unfortunately, Pückler-Muskau himself did not mention the tomb in his published travelogue.

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Zelenková, 2010: Zelenková, Lubica, The Royal Kilt in Non-Royal Iconography? The Tomb Owner Fowling and Spear-Fishing in the Old and Middle Kingdom, in: The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 21, 2010, 141–166. Zitman, 2010a: Zitman, Marcel, The Necropolis of Assiut. A Case Study of Local Egyptian Funerary Culture from the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom. Vol. 1: Text (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 180), Leuven et al. 2010. Zitman, 2010b: Zitman, Marcel, The Necropolis of Assiut. A Case Study of Local Egyptian Funerary Culture from the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom. Vol. II: Maps, Plans, Tombs, Illustrations, Tables, Lists. (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 180), Leuven et al. 2010. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2012: Zöller-Engelhardt, Monika, Wooden Models from Asyut’s First Intermediate Period Tombs, in: Jochem Kahl/Mahmoud El-Khadragy/Ursula Verhoeven/Andrea Kilian (eds.), Seven Seasons at Asyut. First Results of the Egyptian-German Cooperation in Archaeological Fieldwork. Proceedings of an International Conference at the University of Sohag, 10th–11th of October, 2009 (The Asyut Project 2), Wiesbaden 2012, 91–104. Zöller-Engelhardt, 2016: Zöller-Engelhardt, Monika, Wooden Models, Tools and Weapons, in: Jochem Kahl/Nadine Deppe/Dora Goldsmith/Andrea Kilian/Jan Moje/Monika Zöller-Engelhardt, Asyut, Tomb III: Objects, Part 1 (The Asyut Project 3), Wiesbaden 2016, 1–171. Zöller-Engelhardt, in press: Zöller-Engelhardt, Monika, Correlations of Wooden Model Equipment and Wall Decorations in Asyut, in: Jochem Kahl/Andrea Kilian (eds.), Asyut – The Capital That Never Was (The Asyut Project, Wiesbaden, in press).

List of figures Fig. 1: Ulrike Fauerbach, Manja Maschke, Cornelia Goerlich, Philipp Jansen, © The Asyut Project Fig. 2: Manja Maschke, © The Asyut Project Figs. 3–12: Ulrike Fauerbach, Manja Maschke, Cornelia Goerlich, © The Asyut Project Figs. 13–20: Ulrike Fauerbach, Manja Maschke, Cornelia Goerlich, Eva Gervers, with facsimiles by Sameh Shafik, © The Asyut Project Fig. 21: Schematic sections: Eva Gervers, map: Meike Becker, Ulrike Fauerbach, © The Asyut Project Figs. 22, 24, 26, 28, 30: Schemata: Eva Gervers, facsimiles: Sameh Shafik, © The Asyut Project Figs. 23, 25, 27, 29, 31: Eva Gervers, © The Asyut Project Figs. 32–33, 36–38, 41: Eva Gervers, Sameh Shafik, Ilona Regulski, Andrea Kilian, © The Asyut Project Figs. 34–35, 39–40, 42–48: Eva Gervers, Sameh Shafik, Ilona Regulski, © The Asyut Project

List of plates All photographs were taken by Fritz Barthel, with the exception of the following: Pls. 2b, 3a, 31a–32b: Eva Gervers Pls. 3b, 4a–4b: Jochem Kahl

Figures

Fig. 1: Asyut necropolis, main structures.

Figures

159

160

Figures

Fig. 2: Ground plan N13.1.

Fig. 3: Ground plan showing materials and utilization marks.

Figures

Fig. 4: Ground plan showing measurements.

Fig. 5: Ceiling plan showing materials and utilization marks.

161

162

Figures

Fig. 6: Ceiling plan showing measurements.

Fig. 7: Underground plan.

Figures

Fig. 8: Key plan for sections.

163

164

Figures

Fig. 9: Section 1.

Fig. 10: Section 4.

Figures

Fig. 11: Section 2.

165

166

Figures

Fig. 12: Section 3.

Fig. 13: Northern wall with decoration, schematic.

Figures

167

Fig. 14: Western wall with decoration, schematic.

168 Figures

Fig. 15: Western wall, WI-WIII, straightened, with decoration, schematic.

Figures

169

Fig. 16: Western wall, niche, all parts in frontal view, with decoration, schematic.

170 Figures

Fig. 17: Southern wall with decoration, schematic.

Figures

171

Fig. 18: Eastern wall with decoration, schematic.

172 Figures

Fig. 19: Pillar A with decoration, schematic.

Figures

173

Fig. 20: Pillar B with decoration, schematic.

174 Figures

Figures

Fig. 21: Division of the wall sections for the schemata.

175

Fig. 22: Schema northern wall with inscriptions and facsimiles.

176 Figures

Fig. 23: Schema northern wall with inscriptions (thin lines).

Figures

177

Fig. 24: Schema western wall I–III and IX with inscriptions and facsimiles.

178 Figures

Fig. 25: Schema western wall I–III and IX with inscriptions (thin lines).

Figures

179

Fig. 26: Schema western wall IV–VIII (niche) with inscriptions and facsimiles.

180 Figures

Fig. 27: Schema western wall IV–VIII (niche) with inscriptions (thin lines).

Figures

181

Fig. 28: Schema southern wall with inscriptions and facsimiles.

182 Figures

Fig. 29: Schema southern wall with inscriptions (thin lines).

Figures

183

Fig. 30: Schema eastern wall with inscriptions and facsimiles.

184 Figures

Fig. 31: Schema eastern wall with inscriptions (thin lines).

Figures

185

Fig. 32: Facsimile NI.

186 Figures

Fig. 33: Facsimile NII and NIII.

Figures

187

Fig. 34: Facsimile long line western wall, section above niche.

188 Figures

Figures

Fig. 35: Facsimile WI and WII.

189

190

Figures

Fig. 36: Facsimile WIII.

Figures

Fig. 37: Facsimile WIV.

191

Fig. 38: Facsimile WV–WVII.

192 Figures

Figures

Fig. 39: Facsimile WVIII.

193

Fig. 40: Facsimile WIX.

194 Figures

Fig. 41: Facsimile SI and SII (eastern part).

Figures

195

Fig. 42: Facsimile SII (western part) and SIII.

196 Figures

Fig. 43: Facsimile EI.

Figures

197

Fig. 44: Facsimile EII.

198 Figures

Figures

Fig. 45: Facsimile pillar A, north and south.

199

200

Figures

Fig. 46: Facsimile pillar A, east and west.

Figures

Fig. 47: Facsimile pillar B, north and south.

201

202

Figures

Fig. 48: Facsimile pillar B, east and west.

Plates

Pl. 1: View of the Gebel Asyut al-gharbi with position of Tomb N13.1 (2012).

Plate 1

Plate 2

Pl. 2a: Entrance to Tomb N13.1 with modern metal door.

Pl. 2b: Front area of Tomb N13.1, view to southern wall, before cleaning in 2006.

Plate 3

Pl. 3a: South-eastern area of Tomb N13.1, before cleaning in 2006.

Pl. 3b: Area in front of southern wall of Tomb N13.1, before cleaning in 2006.

Pl. 4a: Northeastern corner of Tomb N13.1before cleaning in 2006.

Pl. 4b: Entrance with construction for the door.

Plate 4

Pl. 5: View from the entrance of Tomb N13.1.

Plate 5

Pl. 6: Western wall, niche: WIV–WVIII.

Plate 6

Pl. 7: View from southwestern corner of Tomb N13.1 with pillar B.

Plate 7

Pl. 8: View from northwestern corner of Tomb N13.1 with pillar B.

Plate 8

Pl. 9: View on rear southern part of Tomb N13.1.

Plate 9

Pl. 10: View on rear northern part of Tomb N13.1.

Plate 10

Plate 11

Pl. 11: Southern end of three-stepped horizontal ledge on the ceiling with slight vertical ledge on the southern wall.

Plate 12

Pl. 12a: Northern door thickness with incised hieroglyphs: Jt(=j)-jb(=j)-aA.

Pl. 12b: Northern wall: NI.

Pl. 13: NI: Upper inscription, eastern part.

Plate 13

Pl. 14: NI: Upper inscription, western part.

Plate 14

Pl. 15: NI.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) with his son and two women.

Plate 15

Pl. 16: Northern wall: NII.

Plate 16

Plate 17

Pl. 17: NII.1.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) and his wife Senebti below his kilt.

Plate 18

Pl. 18: NII.1.1: Detail of Iti-ibi(-iqer)’s wife Senebti.

Pl. 19: NII.1.2 western part: Presenting cattle for inspection.

Plate 19

Pl. 20: NII.1.2 eastern part: Presenting cattle for inspection.

Plate 20

Pl. 21: NII.1.3–NII.1.5 western part: Presenting cattle for inspection and Nubian archers.

Plate 21

Pl. 22: NII.1.3–NII.1.5 eastern part: Presenting cattle for inspection and Nubian archers.

Plate 22

Pl. 23: Northern wall: NIII.

Plate 23

Pl. 24: NIII.1.1: Senebti(-iqeret) offering the mni͗.t-necklace and sistrum to Iti-ibi(-iqer).

Plate 24

Plate 25

Pl. 25: NIII.1.2 and NIII.1.3: Attendants accompanying Iti-ibi(-iqer).

Plate 26

Pl. 26: NIII.1.4: Attendant with dogs accompanying Iti-ibi(-iqer); below: NI.2 westernmost part: ship.

Pl. 27: NI.2 easternmost part: Remains of workmen.

Plate 27

Pl. 28: NI.2 (continued): Workmen, probably working with grain and flax.

Plate 28

Pl. 29: NI.2 (continued): Workmen bringing goods to a granary.

Plate 29

Plate 30

Pl. 30a: NI.2: Granary inscription 1.

Pl. 30b: NI.2: Granary inscription 2.

Plate 31

Pl. 31a: NI.2: Granary inscription 3.

Pl. 31b: NI.2: Granary inscription 4.

Plate 32

Pl. 32a: NI.2: Granary inscription 5.

Pl. 32b: NI.2: Granary inscription 6.

Pl. 33: NI.2 (continued): Measuring of grain, with overseer and two scribes.

Plate 33

Pl. 34: NI.2 (continued): Ship.

Plate 34

Pl. 35: NI.2 (continued): Two ships.

Plate 35

Pl. 36: Western wall, northern part: WI (right) and WII (left).

Plate 36

Pl. 37: WI.1 and WI.2: Musicians.

Plate 37

Pl. 38: WI.1 southern part : Women.

Plate 38

Pl. 39: WI.1 northern part: Women.

Plate 39

Pl. 40: WI.2 southern part: Musicians.

Plate 40

Pl. 41: WI.2 northern part: Musicians.

Plate 41

Pl. 42: WI.3: Feeding of cranes; WI.4: Ships.

Plate 42

Pl. 43: WI.3 southern part: Feeding of cranes.

Plate 43

Pl. 44: WI.3 northern part: Feeding of cranes.

Plate 44

Pl. 45: WI.4 southern part: Ships.

Plate 45

Pl. 46: WI.4 northern part: Ship..

Plate 46

Plate 47

Pl. 47: Western wall: WII.

Plate 48

Pl. 48: WII.1–WII.3: carriers.

Plate 49

Pl. 49: WIII.1.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) sitting below canopy.

Pl. 50: WIII.1.2 and WIII.1.3: Butchering scenes: cutting the throat and bringing ox to the ground.

Plate 50

Pl. 51: WIII.1.4 and WIII.1.5: Offerings.

Plate 51

Pl. 52: WIII.2: ships.

Plate 52

Plate 53

Pl. 53: Western wall, niche: WIV.

Pl. 54: WIV.1: Offering ritual; WIV.2: Offering list.

Plate 54

Pl. 55: WIV.1 western part: Offering ritual.

Plate 55

Pl. 56: WIV.1 middle part: Offering ritual.

Plate 56

Pl. 57: WIV.1 eastern part: Offering ritual.

Plate 57

Pl. 58: WIV.2 eastern part: Offering list.

Plate 58

Pl. 59: WIV.2 middle part: Offering list.

Plate 59

Pl. 60: WIV.2 eastern part: Offering list.

Plate 60

Pl. 61: WIV.3: Offering table scene; WIV.4: Butchering scene.

Plate 61

Pl. 62: WIV.3 western part: Iti-ibi(-iqer) in front of offering table.

Plate 62

Pl. 63: WIV.3 eastern part: Senebti (?) with female attendant in front of offering table.

Plate 63

Pl. 64: WIV.3 eastern part: Inscriptions of Senebti (?) and female attendant.

Plate 64

Pl. 65: WIV.4 western part: Butchering scene: cutting of the left front leg.

Plate 65

Pl. 66: WIV.4 eastern part: Bringing pieces of meat for the offering.

Plate 66

Pl. 67: Western wall, niche: WV–WVII.

Plate 67

Pl. 68: WV.1: Offerings; WV.2: Woman in front of offering table.

Plate 68

Pl. 69: WV.3: Butchering scene: cutting of the front leg; WV.4: Bringing of offerings.

Plate 69

Pl. 70: WVI.1: False door, upper part.

Plate 70

Pl. 71: WVI.1: False door, lower part.

Plate 71

Pl. 72: WVII.1: Offerings; WVII.2: Iti-ibi(-iqer)et in front of offering table.

Plate 72

Pl. 73: WVII.3: Butchering scene; WVII.4: Offerings.

Plate 73

Plate 74

Pl. 74: Western wall, niche: WVIII.

Plate 75

Pl. 75: WVIII.1 westernmost part: Offerings; WVIII.2 westernmost part.

Plate 76

Pl. 76: WVIII.1 (continued); WVIII.2 (continued): Offering list.

Plate 77

Pl. 77: WVIII.1 (continued): Offering ritual; WVIII.2 (continued): Offering list.

Plate 78

Pl. 78: WVIII.1 easternmost part: Offering ritual; WVIII.2 easternmost part: Offering list.

Pl. 79: WVIII.3 western part: Offering table.

Plate 79

Pl. 80: WVIII.3 eastern part: Butchering scenes: cutting of the front leg and bringing ox to the ground.

Plate 80

Pl. 81: WVIII.4 western part: Offering bearers.

Plate 81

Pl. 82: WVIII.4 eastern part: Offering bearers.

Plate 82

Pl. 83: Western wall: WIX.

Plate 83

Plate 84

Pl. 84: WIX.1.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) watching fighting bulls.

Pl. 85: WIX.1.2 and WIX.1.3: Fighting bulls.

Plate 85

Pl. 86: WIX.1.4: Scene with bull; WIX.1.5.

Plate 86

Pl. 87: WIX.x.

Plate 87

Pl. 88: WIX.2: Wood working.

Plate 88

Pl. 89: Western wall, above niche: Inscription line continuing from WIX above the niche to WIII (south to north).

Plate 89

Pl. 90: Western wall, above niche: Inscription line continuing from WIX above the niche to WIII (south to north).

Plate 90

Pl. 91: Western wall, above niche: Inscription line continuing from WIX above the niche to WIII (south to north).

Plate 91

Pl. 92: Western wall, above niche: Inscription line continuing from WIX above the niche to WIII (south to north).

Plate 92

Pl. 93: Southern wall: SI and SII eastern part.

Plate 93

Plate 94

Pl. 94: SI.1 eastern part: Kheti(-iqer).

Plate 95

Pl. 95: SI.1 western part: Iti-ibi(-iqer) and accompanying woman.

Pl. 96: Southern wall: SII western part and SIII.

Plate 96

Plate 97

Pl. 97: SII.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated, holding ropes for the clapnet.

Plate 98

Pl. 98: SII.1: Goddess Sekhet.

Pl. 99: SII.1: Man giving signal for closing the clapnet.

Plate 99

Pl. 100: SII.1: Fluttering birds.

Plate 100

Pl. 101: SII.1: Clapnet with birds.

Plate 101

Pl. 102: SIII.1: Iti-ibi(-iqer) spearing fish.

Plate 102

Pl. 103: SIII.1: Vertical inscription.

Plate 103

Plate 104

Pl. 104: SIII.1: Sister of Iti-ibi(-iqer) named Iti-ibi(-iqeret).

Pl. 105: SIII.1: Kneeling woman.

Plate 105

Pl. 106: SIII.2.1 and SIII.2.2: Desert hunt.

Plate 106

Pl. 107: SIII.2.3 and SIII.2.4: Desert hunt.

Plate 107

Pl. 108: SIII.2.5 and SIII.2.6: Desert hunt.

Plate 108

Pl. 109: SI.2 easternmost part: Tilling and sowing; SI.3 easternmost part: (Force-)feeding.

Plate 109

Pl. 110: SI.2 (continued): Tilling and sowing, tree-felling; SI.3 (continued): (Force-)feeding.

Plate 110

Pl. 111: SI.2 (continued): Tilling and sowing; SI.3 (continued): Cattle fording.

Plate 111

Pl. 112: SI.2 (continued): Tilling and sowing; SI.3 (continued): Boats.

Plate 112

Pl. 113: SI.2 westernmost part: Tilling and sowing; SI.3 (continued): Boats.

Plate 113

Pl. 114: SI.3 (continued): Boats.

Plate 114

Pl. 115: SI.3 westernmost part: Cattle fording.

Plate 115

Pl. 116: SI.3: (Force-)feeding; SI.4 middle part: Bread and beer production.

Plate 116

Pl. 117: SI.3: Cattle fording; SI.4 westernmost part: Bread and beer production.

Plate 117

Pl. 118: Eastern wall: EI.

Plate 118

Plate 119

Pl. 119: EI.1.1: Troop commander and troop leaders.

Pl. 120: EI.1.2 southern part and EI.1.3 southern part: Soldiers.

Plate 120

Pl. 121: EI.1.2 northern part and EI.1.3 northern part: Soldiers.

Plate 121

Pl. 122: EI.1.4 southern part and EI.1.5 southern part: Soldiers.

Plate 122

Pl. 123: EI.1.4 middle part and EI.1.5 middle part: Soldiers.

Plate 123

Pl. 124: EI.1.4 northern part and EI.1.5 northern part: Soldiers.

Plate 124

Pl. 125: EI.2 southern part: Harvest of flax; EI.3 southern part: Bringing of offerings.

Plate 125

Pl. 126: EI.2 middle part: Harvest of flax and grain; EI.3: Bringing of offerings and threshing of grain.

Plate 126

Pl. 127: EI.2 northern part: Harvest of grain; EI.3: Threshing of grain.

Plate 127

Pl. 128: Eastern wall: EII.

Plate 128

Pl. 129: EII.1 southern part: Bringing of offerings; EII.2 southern part.

Plate 129

Pl. 130: EII.3–EII.5 southern parts: Offering bearers.

Plate 130

Pl. 131: EII.6 southern part: Offering bringers; EII.7: Riverine scenes.

Plate 131

Pl. 132: EII.6 northern part: Offering bringers; EII.7: Riverine scenes and fishing.

Plate 132

Plate 133

Pl. 133: Pillar A, northern side.

Plate 134

Pl. 134: Pillar A, northern side: Inscription.

Plate 135

Pl. 135: Pillar A, northern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated.

Plate 136

Pl. 136: Pillar A, southern side.

Plate 137

Pl. 137: Pillar A, southern side: Inscription.

Plate 138

Pl. 138: Pillar A, southern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated.

Plate 139

Pl. 139: Pillar A, eastern side.

Plate 140

Pl. 140: Pillar A, eastern side: Inscription.

Plate 141

Pl. 141: Pillar A, eastern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) and Senebti.

Plate 142

Pl. 142: Pillar A, western side.

Plate 143

Pl. 143: Pillar A, western side: Inscription.

Plate 144

Pl. 144: Pillar A, western side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) (?).

Plate 145

Pl. 145: Pillar B, northern side.

Plate 146

Pl. 146: Pillar B, northern side: Inscription.

Plate 147

Pl. 147: Pillar B, northern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated.

Plate 148

Pl. 148: Pillar B, southern side.

Plate 149

Pl. 149: Pillar B, southern side: Inscription.

Plate 150

Pl. 150: Pillar B, southern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) seated.

Plate 151

Pl. 151: Pillar B, eastern side.

Plate 152

Pl. 152: Pillar B, eastern side: Inscription.

Plate 153

Pl. 153: Pillar B, eastern side: Iti-ibi(-iqer) and female companion.

Plate 154

Pl. 154: Pillar B, western side.

Plate 155

Pl. 155: Pillar B, western side: Inscription.

Plate 156

Pl. 156: Pillar B, western side: Iti-ibi(-iqer).