The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne and Aucassin and Nicolette 9780367183523, 9780429061004

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Original Title Page
Original Copyright Page
Table of Contents
Preface of the General Editors
The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne
Introduction
Bibliography
Text and Translation
Notes
Aucassin and Nicolette
Introduction
Bibliography
Text and Translation
Notes

Citation preview

Routledge Revivals

The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne and Aucassin and Nicolette

Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com

The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne (Le Pѐ lerinage de Charlemagne) Edited and Translated by Glyn S. Burgess with an Introduction by

Anne Elizabeth Cobby

Aucassin and Nicolette (Aucassin et Nicolette) Edited by

Anne Elizabeth Cobby

with a Translation and Introduction by

Glyn S. Burgess Volume 47 Series A

ROUTLEDGE

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

First published in 1988 by Garland Publishing, Inc. This edition first published in 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 1988 by Glyn S. Burgess and Anne Elizabeth Cobby All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Publisher’s Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. Disclaimer The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes correspondence from those they have been unable to contact. A Library of Congress record exists under ISBN: ISBN 13: 978-0-367-18352-3 (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-429-06100-4 (ebk)

The Garland Library o f Medieval Literature

General Editors James J. Wilhelm, Rutgers University Lowry Nelson, Jr., Yale University

Literary Advisors Ingeborg Glier, Yale University William W. Kibler, University of Texas Norris J. Lacy, University of Kansas Fred C. Robinson, Yale University Aldo Scaglione, University of North Carolina

Art Advisor Elizabeth Parker McLachlan, Rutgers University

Music Advisor Hendrik van der Werf, Eastman School of Music

Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http://taylorandfrancis.com

The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne (Le Pelerinage de Charlemagne) edited and translated by G l y n S. B u r g e s s with an Introduction by A n n e E l iz a b e t h C o b b y

Aucassin and Nicolette (Aucassin et Nicolette) edited by A n n e E l iz a b e t h C o b b y

with a Translation and Introduction by G l y n S. b u r g e s s

Volume 47 Series A G

a r l a n d

L

ib r a r y

o f

M

e d ie v a l

Garland Publishing, Inc. N ew York and London 1988

L

it e r a t u r e

© 1988 by Glyn S. Burgess and Anne Elizabeth Cobby All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Voyage de Charlemagne a Jerusalem et a Constantinople. English & French. The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne = Le Pelerinage de Charlemagne. (Garland library of medieval literature ; v. 4 7 , ser. A) English and French. Includes bibliographies. i. French literature— To 1500— Translations into English. 2. English literature— Translations from French. 3. French literature— To 1500. 4 . Charlemagne, Emperor, 742- 814— Romances. I. Burgess, Glyn S. (Glyn Sheridan) II. Cobby, Anne Elizabeth, 1952III. Aucassin et Nicolette. English & French. 1987. IV. Title. V. Title: Aucassin and Nicolette. VI. Series: Garland library of medieval literature ; v. 4 7 . PQ 1302.E5V 69 1987 841'.i 87-23820 ISBN o—8240- 8637 —6

Printed on acid-free, 250-year-life paper Manufactured in the United States of America

CONTENTS

The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne Introduction

1

Bibliography

17

Text and Translation

30

Notes

73

Aucassin and Nicolette Introduction

93

Bibliography

107

Text and Translation

119

Notes

173

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Preface of the General Editors The Garland Library of Medieval Literature was established to make available to the general reader modern translations of texts in edi­ tions that conform to the highest academic standards. All of the translations are original, and were created especially for this series. The translations attempt to render the foreign works in a natural idiom that remains faithful to the originals. The Library is divided into two sections: Series A, texts and translations; and Series B, translations alone. Those volumes con­ taining texts have been prepared after consultation of the major previous editions and manuscripts. The aim in the editing has been to offer a reliable text with a minimum of editorial intervention. Signifi­ cant variants accompany the original, and important problems are discussed in the Textual Notes. Volumes without texts contain trans­ lations based on the most scholarly texts available, which have been updated in terms of recent scholarship. Most volumes contain Introductions with the following features: (1) a biography of the author or a discussion of the problem of authorship, with any pertinent historical or legendary information; (2) an objective discussion of the literary style of the original, empha­ sizing any individual features; (3) a consideration of sources for the work and its influence; and (4) a statement of the editorial policy for each edition and translation. There is also a Select Bibliography, which emphasizes recent criticism on the works. Critical writings are often accompanied by brief descriptions of their importance. Selective glossaries, indices, and footnotes are included where appropriate. The Library covers a broad range of linguistic areas, including all of the major European languages. All of the important literary forms and genres are considered, sometimes in anthologies or selections. The General Editors hope that these volumes will bring the general reader a closer awareness of a richly diversified area that has vii

viii

Preface o f the General Editors

for too long been closed to everyone except those with precise academic training, an area that is well worth study and reflection. James J. Wilhelm Rutgers University Lowry Nelson, Jr. Yale University

THE PILGRIMAGE OF CHARLEMAGNE (LE PELERINAGE DE CHARLEMAGNE)

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INTRODUCTION AUTHOR AND DATE

Few medieval works have given rise to as much disagreement as the Pelerinage de Charlemagne. and date.

The difficulties begin with the question of its origin

The text is known from a single manuscript (Royal 16 E VIII of the

British Library) which went missing on 7 June 1879 (see George F. Warner and Julius P. Gilson. Collections.

Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King's

4 vols, London: British Museum, 1921, II, p. 196).

The manuscript

probably dates from the thirteenth century (Warner and Gilson, p. 196, Michel, p. xxii, Koschwitz, 1875-77, p. 2, I. de Riquer, p. 23),* though the fourteenth has also been suggested (Koschwitz, 1907, p. i, Favati, p. 120, Picherit, 1984, p. ix). If the date of the manuscript is relatively uncontentious, the same cannot be said for that of the text it contains.

Suggestions have ranged from the late

eleventh century (e.g. Koschwitz, 1875-77, p. 60) to the late thirteenth (Favati, p. 124), with most critics assigning it to the early or mid-twelfth century. latitude is due to several factors:

The

the manuscript is lost, the text is an Anglo-

Norman copy of a continental French poem, it presents unusual linguistic forms and is metrically irregular, and its subject matter lends itself to the identification of all manner of historical parallels.

The linguistic evidence is inconclusive as far as

the date of the text is concerned; there appears to be a chronological mixture of forms, and it has been suggested that the poet deliberately used archaisms (Heinermann, p. 561, Bates, p. 24, Favati, p. 125). The impossibility of dating the text on linguistic grounds leaves the field free for an approach based on contemporary history, and this has been much favoured. The peaceful Middle Eastern situation depicted in the poem led Gaston Paris (p. 36), for example, to claim it could only have been written before the First Crusade of 1095.

Heinermann on the other hand saw a detailed allusion to the

marital and military affairs of Louis VII and dated it to the mid-twelfth century. According to Supek Louis VIFs grandfather, Philip I, was being admonished by the poet; he based this view on an equation between the Charlemagne of the poem and the kings of England in the period around 1100.

No such approach can give an

♦Details of works referred to in the Introduction are given in the Bibliography. 1

INTRODUCTION

incontrovertible date;

poets can use their imagination to depict circumstances

other than those of their own age, and the identification of contemporary allusions cannot be a source of proof in its own right when a number of mutually contradictory references can be identified. A third approach, based on literary criteria, is more fruitful, and gives a date rather later than those of the majority of scholars.

The poem cannot have been

written later than the translation into Old Norse, unanimously dated in the thirteenth century, which derives from something very close to, if not identical with, the extant Pelerinage (see below, p. 13).

A starting date, on the other hand,

is given by the poem's clear reference to the conventions and language of courtly literature.

The poet relies on his audience's knowing that tradition in order to

achieve his effects; his work must therefore necessarily have been composed after the first romances, maybe some considerable time later, when the courtly style was well established and familiar to all.

The Pelerinage thus cannot be earlier

than 1150, and was in fact more probably written well into the second half of the twelfth century. The poem is also more likely to be a product of France than of England (though Holmes, and Aebischer, 1965, pp. 22-23, disagree).

Though the language of

the manuscript shows many Anglo-Norman features, the content of the text, with its French setting, French heroes, frequent references to places in France both in narrative and in conversation, clearly suggests a continental origin. however, the author gives no hint.

Of himself,

Like the author of Aucassin et Nicolette, he

had an excellent knowledge of the various literary traditions of his day and a keen awareness of their weaknesses.

He was also a highly skilled craftsman able to

produce fine and complex comic effects.

But of his name, life, station, or home

we know nothing at all.

ARTISTIC ACHIEVEMENT The complexity and subtlety of the anonymous author's writing have led to much discussion about his meaning, and often to underestimation of his work.

The

poem has affinities with several medieval traditions, and its message can be interpreted in various ways.

Some have seen it as serious in intent, magnifying

Charlemagne or the abbey of Saint-Denis (Koschwitz, 1907, p. xxxi, Adler, Panvini, pp. 65-78, Caulkins, Gosman) or satirising contemporary politics (Heinermann,

2

INTRODUCTION

Siipek).

Others view it as a humorous work, either a light-hearted comedy

(Horrent, e.g. 1961, pp. 115-22, 1981, I, pp. 43-44, Aebischer, ’’Versions norroises," p. 9), or a parody, with or without satirical intent (Aebischer, ’’Versions norroises," pp. 161-62, Neuschafer, Walpole, 1963-64, pp. 141-43, Favati, pp. 39, 78-79, 92-93, Owen).

Such divergence of opinion is fostered by the tendency of scholars to study

the Pelerinage primarily as an example of one medieval genre or another: as a chanson de geste (e.g. G. Paris, Coulet, pp. 294-315, Panvini, pp. 78-80, I. de Riquer, pp. 9-17), a folktale (Scheludko, Niles, Bonafin, 1984), or a pious story (Coulet, pp. 266-75).

The poem's originality is that all these traditions indeed

form part of its background, but none of them, taken alone, accounts for it adequately.

A number of critics over the years (Bedier, IV, p. 153, Favati, pp. 79-

80, Aebischer, "Versions norroises," pp. 9, 161, 1965, p. 15) have accordingly characterised it as something different again, namely a "gab;" two scholars have recently developed this idea, showing how the poem's structure of boast or jest, challenge, test, justification, and pardon corresponds to the evolution of the jesting boasts or gabs which form part of its plot (Grisgby, "A Note," Ceron; see also Torrini-Roblin). Certainly the Pelerinage is much more than the incoherent mixture of events, themes, and tones which it might seem to be at first sight. The poem can be divided into four sections.

An opening passage, set in

France (vv. 1-97), prepares for a journey to two destinations, first Jerusalem (vv. 98-258) and then Constantinople (vv. 259-857).

The final laisse (vv. 858-70) recalls

the achievements of both visits and returns the scene to France.

This structure of

departure, travel, and homecoming is the framework for a tale telling of the destruction and re-establishment of personal and interpersonal harmony.

Piqued

by a taunt of his queen, who claims to know a king superior to him, Charlemagne resolves to go to find this king, Hugo the Strong of Constantinople (vv. 1-57). tells his men, however, that they are going on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

He

They duly

arrive there, are mistaken for Christ and the apostles, and are given relics (vv. 112-203).

A fter staying in Jerusalem some time, Charles remembers his

original aim and sets o ff for Constantinople (vv. 233-58). is justified.

There the queen's scorn

Charles and his men cut poor figures in contrast with the

magnificence of Hugo and his court (vv. 259-414).

A fter being feasted, they make

wild, boastful jests (vv. 448-617) which Hugo later obliges them to make good; this they do, with God's help (vv. 679-801).

In this way Charles's superiority over Hugo

is affirmed, but he too is humiliated in the final test, for the flood which forces 3

INTRODUCTION

Hugo to capitulate threatens Charles and the Franks as well (vv. 771-801). Charles's victory is formally recognised in a procession in which the authority he has travelled so far to establish is reduced to a mere physical greatness, for he is described as being one foot three inches taller than Hugo (vv. 802-30). Nonetheless he returns to France in triumph, distributes the relics he has received, and is reconciled with the queen (vv. 858-70). The symmetry of the text's circular movement is, however, offset by a number of imbalances.

The two destinations of Charles's journey are linked by

nothing stronger than a rough geographical proximity: his purposes in seeking them are entirely different.

The amount of space given to each also differs greatly (160

lines to Jerusalem, 598 to Constantinople).

And, as even its bare outline shows,

the story does indeed derive to some degree from all the genres to which it has been assimilated.

Thus, in many respects it belongs to the epic tradition:

Charlemagne and his twelve peers, the supreme heroes of the chanson de geste, confront and conquer a great rival.

They are, moreover, supported and helped by

God, just as the Charlemagne of the epic tradition is.

A t the same time the

journey of a king to measure himself against a rival has parallels in Celtic folktale, as have various aspects of the description of Constantinople and its customs (L.H. Loomis, Cross, Krappe).

Constantinople shares many themes with the courtly

romance: beauty, splendour, leisure, love, and it is portrayed in courtly language. Lastly, the poem tells of the acquisition of relics and shows Charles as God's protege, so that it could be seen as a pious, even a hagiographic, tale.

In fact it is

the tensions which the poet establishes between these diverse backgrounds that give the Pelerinage its rich texture. The poem's epic qualities are immediately evident.

The opening scene places

us in an epic atmosphere by depicting Charlemagne as the traditional emperor, wearing his crown and gold-pommelled sword, in the midst of his lords, under an olive tree at Saint-Denis (vv. 1-7).

He then sets o ff against his enemies, with a

great band of men and an inner circle, the "twelve peers," which consists of the greatest names of the chanson de geste (vv. 61-66).

These latter are drawn from

two epic cycles (the royal cycle and that of William of Orange) and so represent the essence of the epic world (cf. Favati, pp. 37-39).

They and their king are

described in standard epic formulae ("Karles od le fer vis," v. 623 etc., "les feres cumpainies," v. 111 etc., "ruiste barnet," v. 254 etc., "l'adurez," vv. 62, 65).

They

talk of epic deeds, especially Charles who boasts that he will slice one of Hugo's

4

INTRODUCTION

men in two, together with his horse, a feat achieved on many an epic battlefield (vv. 453-64; cf. The Song of Roland: An Analytical Edition, ed. Gerard J. Brault. 2 vols, University Park:

Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978, II, laisses 104,

107). Though the Franks do not in fact come to blows with Hugo and the Greeks, the theme o f hostility and eventual conquest is a fundamental one.

Finally, the

form of the poem is that of a chanson de geste, for it is composed in assonating laisses. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Pelerinage has most often been classified as a chanson de geste. But it is no ordinary chanson de geste.

The opening scene is full of epic

details, yet its matter is not some lofty council but a domestic quarrel, which appears the more ignominious by contrast with its noble setting.

The great

emperor demonstrates violent and disproportionate anger, which is reminiscent of nothing so much as a tantrum, as he repeatedly threatens to decapitate his wife (vv. 25, 42, 52, 55).

His journey is no defence o f his kingdom or of Christendom,

but a voyage of curiosity born of wounded pride.

The epic language applied to

Charles and his men does not in fact praise them but rather mocks them, for it is used above all at times when they are unworthy of it, frightened or humiliated or at the very least in situations which are not epic (e.g. vv. 400, 623, 649, 662, 699, 780, 781, 784).

Epic deeds feature in the poem only as drunken jests;

Charles's victory over Hugo is not only ambiguous but utterly unwarlike.

and

So while

from one point of view the Pelerinage belongs to the epic tradition, to which it is linked by characters, themes, and language, its spirit is quite different;

and this

divergence in essentials is highlighted by the many points of contact which do exist between our poem and the chanson de geste. No more wholeheartedly is the Pelerinage a pious tale.

Charles does, it is

true, visit Jerusalem and receive honour and gifts there; he is explicitly assured of God's support in Constantinople (vv. 674-77); and he does distribute relics through his kingdom (v. 867).

But none of these facts works unambiguously to glorify him.

Charles's true purpose in going to the East is neither pilgrimage nor the acquisition of relics, but his own aggrandisement. respect.

The relics are not even treated with total

Either they produce effects which upstage the miracles of the Bible

(every cripple is cured, every river parted through their agency, vv. 255-58), or they extract the Franks from the scrapes into which their drunken boasts have put them (vv. 667-73), and that through achievements which are far from charitable or moral: the daughter of the Franks' host is seduced, his palace demolished, his city 5

INTRODUCTION

inundated (vv. 683-801).

Nor can the theme of pilgrimage be taken fully seriously.

Charles claims to have been told in three dreams to visit Jerusalem (v. 71), but the timing of his statement, and the fact that these dreams are heard of neither before nor afterwards, make it very hard to see them as anything other than an excuse designed to get Charles’s men on the road.

When the idea of pilgrimage is recalled

in the last line of the poem, it has a similar flavour: if Charles forgives his wife it is surely not, as the poet maintains, because he has adored the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, but because his pride has been restored in Constantinople. Even the most explicit hagiographical elements in the poem, Charles's being mistaken for Christ in Jerusalem and his presentation as God's protege in Constantinople, do not make of it a work of piety. in an altogether good light.

Neither episode shows Charles

In Jerusalem, though he is likened to God and

honoured, he himself seems insensible to the dignity of his position, but casually admires his surroundings (vv. 119-28) and then uses the opportunity of being renamed Charles the Great (v. 158, see note) to ask for souvenirs in the form of relics (vv. 159-61).

In Constantinople the deeds "done by God for love of

Charlemagne" (vv. 751-52, 791), in response to the prayers he makes before the relics, are unworthy of either of them. complex matter.

Y et this love of God for Charles is a

The Charlemagne of the chanson de geste has a special

relationship with God: he is the defender of Christendom and God works marvels for him, just as He does in the Pelerinage (cf. The Song of Roland, vv. 2^58-59). So the religious status of Charles in the Pelerinage, ambivalent as it is, is part of his depiction as an epic hero.

Yet, just as he is not a true epic hero, so too his

religious status is flawed.

Charles, the warrior, does not seek victory for God's

cause but uses God's support for his own ends; and the unworthiness of these ends shows how little Charles deserves to be treated as God's friend.

So the religious

theme, like the epic reference, serves not to magnify but to criticise Charles; at the same time a tension between the hagiographical and the epic threads is set up which adds depth to the poem. The Pelerinage, then, is neither a true chanson de geste nor an authentically pious tale, but the poet uses its links with these two traditions for purposes of comparison and contrast.

The same is true of the poem's relation to the courtly

romance and, through that genre, to Celtic folktale.

The most striking borrowings

from the romance are concentrated in the Constantinople episode, which takes place in a courtly world.

There the Franks find themselves in a garden full of

6

INTRODUCTION

sophisticated people who lead a leisured life (vv. 262-74). nearby with a golden plough;

King Hugo is ploughing

later he feasts the visitors splendidly in his

magnificent, even magical, palace (vv. 283-97, 3^2-414).

The exotic world of

Constantinople is cut o ff from the more or less realistic world of Jerusalem, for the Franks' itinerary between the two seems deliberately vague (vv. 259-61, see note below, p. 80).

Its isolation, its marvels, and its strange customs all make of

Constantinople a world apart.

Its fantastic aspects are partly to be explained by

the fact that it belongs to the mysterious and magnificent Orient, but more important are its literary ancestors: like the destinations of many romance heroes, the Constantinople of the Pelerinage is descended from the Celtic otherworld (see Webster, pp. 355-66, Howard Rollin

Patch,

The Other

World according

to

Descriptions in Medieval Literature. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1950, pp. 277-82), and its description makes clear reference to the romance tradition and so contrasts with the representatives of the epic, namely the Franks. Though the links between the Pelerinage and the courtly romance are most evident in this scene, they are not confined to it, nor even to the Constantinople section, but inform the whole poem.

The plot, which can be read as epic and as

pious, can also be seen as a courtly quest, and the Franks, would-be epic heroes, are thus in a sense heroes of romance as well (cf. Bennett, pp. ^83-87).

Like many

a courtly knight, Charlemagne sets out to seek, meet, and measure himself against a distant hero of whom he has heard.

The origin of this quest, as of courtly ones,

lies in a relationship with a woman, in this case the queen; and a second such motif (the love of Oliver for Hugo's daughter) plays a considerable part in the later development of the poem.

In both description and narrative the Pelerinage can be

viewed as a romance. Yet it is no more a straight romance than a straight chanson de geste. the courtly elements do not account for the whole poem: especially its heroes, cannot be disregarded. elements are distorted.

First,

its epic qualities, and

Secondly, the courtly, like the epic,

Constantinople is indeed a courtly enclave, but its values

survive only until the arrival of the Franks, whose behaviour there challenges the courtly conventions.

Faced with magnificence, the Franks would vandalise or

destroy it (vv. 326-28);

the marvels of Hugo's rotating palace terrify them

(vv. 385-96); Oliver's "love" for Hugo's daughter is nothing more than lust (vv. 40Ψ08).

These are less cultivated, more realistic responses than those which are

assumed in the heroes and audiences of courtly literature; they show up the Franks 7

INTRODUCTION

as boors, but at the same time they reveal the unreality of the courtly conventions. The quest theme too is distorted;

though Charles's quest originates in a

relationship between the sexes, the relationship and the purpose of the quest are quite different from those normal in the romance.

Far from trying to prove his

worth for a lady he wishes to win and serve, Charles sets out to prove himself right against the wife he already has and whom he bullies. diminishes the hero of the Pelerinage;

Once more the comparison

yet we may reflect that the relationship

depicted in the poem is more true to life than one based upon courtly love. Just as the poem's religious elements are played o ff against its epic ones, so too the poet sets up a fruitful tension between his epic and his courtly themes. The personal rivalry between Charles and Hugo is reflected in a contest between the epic world of the one and the courtly world of the other, and beyond that in an opposition between the established tradition of the chanson de geste and the new genre, romance. other.

On no level is victory given unequivocally to one side or the

The interpersonal conflict ends in a fine balance: Hugo flees to his highest

tower to escape the flood caused by Charles, but the Franks with their emperor are obliged to scurry up a pine tree to avoid being drowned themselves (vv. 771-801). In a broader perspective, each king succeeds in his own terms and fares badly in those of the other.

Hugo cannot withstand Charles's force, which is epic even though it

is expressed not in a battle but through a miracle; nor can Charles, engaged as he is on a courtly quest, rise to the standards expected of him in the courtly world. He is boorish from his first appearance on an ambling mule (vv. 275, 298) to his final gloating over Hugo's discomfiture (v. 799).

The practical victory, even so, is his:

Charles, the hero of feudal literature, the literature of war, is acknowledged as lord by the emperor of Constantinople, which glitters and dazzles, full of splendour and marvels and courtliness.

So on one level the epic conquers the courtly; but at

the same time we are invited to admire the sophistication of courtly life, characteristic of the literature which, for the poem's first audience, was new and fashionable. response:

And there is yet another level of ambiguity in the audience's

while on the one hand we admire the splendid world of Constantinople,

on the other (viewing the text with the eyes of a twelfth-century Frenchman) we applaud our national heroes and deride foreigners, in this case Greeks who were renowned for their effeminacy and untrustworthiness. So the Pelerinage is very far from being the confused conglomeration of elements, taken from different traditions, which it might seem to be on a

8

INTRODUCTION

superficial reading.

Rather, the poet's skilful weaving of his varying threads is

crucial to his artistic aim.

For the purpose of the text is comedy, and its comedy

rests in large measure on effects of juxtaposition and contrast, effects which these multiple literary references are well suited to providing.

To this end the

construction o f the poem is tightly controlled, with themes and echoes linking the different episodes and underpinning a carefully established unity. The opening scene at Saint-Denis lays the foundations for many aspects of the poem.

It establishes the relationship between Charles and the queen which

will be recalled at each turning-point in the plot (vv. 234-35, 364, 813-20) and restored to harmony in the closing lines (vv. 868-70).

This is also reflected in the

other important and evolving relationship in the poem, that between Charles and Hugo, a reflection which is stressed by verbal echo.

A t the beginning Charles's

arrogance and violence towards his queen are expressed in a series of threats to decapitate her (vv. 25, 42, 52, 55).

These threats are echoed later when Hugo

vows the Franks will die if any should fail in his boast (vv. 647, 698, 742).

Such

echoing is comic as well as unifying, for it points up the reversal of Charles's fortunes and the degree to which he brings disaster upon himself:

in his

determination to prove the queen wrong in her claim that Hugo is greater than he and, if she is wrong, he swears she will lose her head - he comes to the brink of losing his own at Hugo's hands.

In the event he escapes this fate, and so does she:

harmony is restored first between Hugo and Charles and then between Charles and his queen.

The circularity of the plot, reflected in this apparently small detail,

indicates a carefully thought out construction and a keen eye for comic irony. The Jerusalem episode too is linked to the opening scene, through the notion of greatness.

This theme is fundamental to the entire poem, and appears in

different forms in each of its chief sections (cf. Sturm).

A t Saint-Denis Charles

demands of his queen recognition of his superiority to all men.

She says that Hugo

of Constantinople wears his crown better them Charles: an expression of greatness which stops at superficialities, though we do not yet notice how literally her phrase "belement lui set" (v. 16) is to be taken.

In Jerusalem Charles is recognised as a

great king and given the title of "Charlemagne, crowned above all kings" (v. 158, see note); yet he does not act in keeping with his greatness (cf. above, p. 6).

The

name Charles the Great and the phrase "sur tuz reis curunez" set the scene for the denouement in Constantinople,

where Charles and Hugo wear their crowns

together, thus making tangible the queen's comparison. 9

Charles is indeed the

INTRODUCTION greater king - by one foot three inches (v. 811).

His superiority, challenged at

Saint-Denis and seemingly confirmed in Jerusalem, is destroyed by this reduction to a matter of physical size, and the superficiality of its original expression is fulfilled in the extreme.

Here too a recurring detail ties the different sections

together, from the establishment through to the resolution of the conflict;

it also

provides comedy through literalism, through deflation, and through the pointing of contrasts between the different stages of the evolving narrative. Such comedy is only one instance of the humour of the Pelerinage de Charlemagne.

The plot is full of stock comic devices:

incongruities, reversals,

deflations, repetitions, surprises, instances of the biter being bit.

The heroes are

figures of fun in their own right: the Franks brag (vv. 448-617) and panic (vv. 38596, 648-71), Charles ingenuously admires himself (vv. 95-97) and lumbers into Constantinople on his mule (vv. 275, 298), Hugo is depicted with a prosaic hat upon his head (v. 292) as he sits on his golden plough.

They are also the source of a

deeper comedy, for we perceive incongruous contrasts between the heroes of the Pelerinage and the characters who share their names in other, more serious, poems. It is Charlemagne, the great national hero, who is touchy and who throws a tantrum (vv.

19-57), who when confronted with the splendour of Constantinople asks

pathetically when things will return to normal (v. 396); it is God’s anointed emperor who prays in terror to be rescued from his rashness (vv. 664-71) and who perches with his court in a pine tree (vv. 780-84). heroes of sentiments;

It is the twelve peers of France, the

the chanson de geste, who make rash boasts and express mean the contrast with the valour and nobility we know they have in the

chanson de geste adds depth and piquancy to their ignominy, and renders it not merely critical but comic. The Franks’ jests, the gabs, have a particular place in the comedy of the Pelerinage.

In the poem as a whole humour is diffuse:

while it is the work's

guiding principle, its role in individual scenes is usually to add colour to passages whose own primary purpose is to advance the plot. (vv. 448-617) is different.

The long scene of the gabs

It does contribute to the plot, for it leads to Hugo's

demanding that the jests be fulfilled and so to his defeat. all proportion to this function.

But its length is out of

In this scene the poet devotes himself to comedy:

peer after peer boasts that he will perform some extraordinary feat (often, but not always, at Hugo's expense), and each time Hugo's spy, who is listening, makes a comment (vv. 465-68, 482-83, 490-92, etc.). These comments are highly repetitious

10

INTRODUCTION

and have their own humour of predictability (see especially vv. **82-83, 362-6**, 589-90).

The gabs themselves are comic too in their extravagance: Roland will

blow his horn so violently that metal doors will clash and whiskers will be burnt o ff (vv. **70-81);

Oliver will possess Hugo’s daughter a hundred times in one night

(vv. **85-89); Turpin will juggle on horseback (vv. **9**-50**), and so on.

There is a

comedy of sheer spectacle here, but even this has a deeper humour based on the poem's literary background.

The horn that Roland says he will blow is the one

associated with him since his sublime exploits at Roncevaux told by the Song of Roland (laisses 133-35).

Turpin is no court jester but the archbishop who, again at

Roncevaux, blessed the dead and dying of Charlemagne's army (laisses 162-63). Other gabs are less tuned to the literary history of individuals, but they may still depend on epic or religious associations for comic effect:

see for example

Berenger's gab (vv. 5** 1-50) with its epic battle-sounds produced by a daredevil stunt, or Ogier's imitation of Samson (vv. 520-27).

Reminiscent in this way or not,

each gab is comic as a piece of fantasy; the poet has let his imagination run in this scene, embroidering his theme for the sake of sheer entertainment.

So much the

greater are the surprise, the dismay (for the audience as for the Franks), and so the irony, when Hugo takes the jests at face value and forces them to play a part in the plot. The Pelerinage thus draws on many sources of humour which are internal to itself:

extravagance

in the gabs, details

predictability, and the like in the narrative.

of

character,

reversal,

surprise,

But at the same time the poet

produces rich comic and ironic effects from his poem's relationship to other literature, particularly the chanson de geste but also religious and courtly literature.

He takes familiar elements from elsewhere and uses them to set up

contrasts, both between aspects of his own work and between the latter and its sources.

He at once relates the poem to, and sets it apart from, contemporary

genres;

and the divergences thus established both provide comic contrast and

direct ridicule at some aspect of the poem. Is the Pelerinage, then, a parody?

If we take parody in a broad sense,

allowing it to embrace all those techniques which depend on a contrast or interplay between a literary model, familiar to the audience, and the text in hand, then the poem is parodic.

It depends for its richest effects on such interplay, and so well

calculated are they that it is implausible that they were not deliberately created by the author.

It is, however, not a parody in the sense of criticising its models.

11

INTRODUCTION

Wherever a contrast is established between a literary tradition and the Pelerinage. it is the element in the Pelerinage, and above all its heroes, which fall short of the model.

Not that the author is in any way defeated by his ambitions;

he achieves

his aim, which is to amuse his audience by causing it to laugh at his heroes and with his work.

The background to which he refers as a means to this end is the ideal

they cannot reach; it is not itself attacked. The same, by and large, is true of Aucassin et Nicolette.

F ifty to a hundred

years later another skilful author followed the poet of the Pelerinage; he too knew the various literary traditions of his age well, was clearsighted about their foibles, and was able to draw out their comic potential.

Like the author of the Pelerinage,

the man who composed Aucassin uses the themes and language of contemporary literature as a prime source of amusement.

Each of them relies on his audience's

familiarity with this literary background, and its appreciation of his manipulation of it; they each borrow, juxtapose, contrast, exaggerate, and distort. of them attacks his literary sources;

But neither

rather they are the means by which the

ridiculous elements in the new works are shown up.

The two texts can thus very

fruitfully be read in conjunction with each other: they show similar mentalities at work in successive ages, using an evolving literary context in comparable ways and for the same essential purpose, namely entertainment.

SOURCES AND INFLUENCE The Pelerinage de Charlemagne is not the first narration of a journey by Charlemagne to the East or of his acquiring relics.

Already in the late tenth

century Benedictus de Sancto Andrea, a monk of Monte Soracte in Italy, tells how Charlemagne travelled peaceably to Jerusalem and to Constantinople, making an alliance with the emperors of the latter and receiving from them a relic which he gave

to

the

chronicler's

monastery

Scriptores, in folio, tomus III.

(ed.

Monumenta

Germaniae

Hanover : Hahn, 1839, pp. 708-11;

Aebischer, "Versions norroises," pp. 107-25).

Historica,

III, p. 708; see

In inventing or repeating this tale

Benedict uses elements which have recognisable historical origins. Charlemagne maintained good relations with the Patriarch of Jerusalem and with the Caliph of Baghdad, Harun al-Rashid, from both of whom he received gifts, including relics from Jerusalem; that knowledge of embassies should have been transformed into a belief that Charlemagne made a personal journey to the East is not surprising. Another witness to the same tradition is the belief of the first crusaders, in 1095,

12

INTRODUCTION

that they were following the example and route of the great emperor.

(See Robert

Folz, Le Souvenir et la legende de Charlemagne dans l'empire germanique medieval.

Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1950, pp. 134-38).

Much closer to the Pelerinage - so close, indeed, that it has been seen as the latter's direct inspiration (Walpole, 1963-64, pp. 141-43) - is the Descriptio qualiter Karolus magnus clavum et coronam Domini a Constantinopoli Aquisgrani detulerit qualiterque Karolus calvus hec ad sanctum Dyonisium retulerit (ed. Rauschen, pp. 103-25).

This recounts a military expedition by Charlemagne to the East, where

he first liberates Jerusalem from the Saracens at the request of the Patriarch, and then visits Constantinople;

here he is rewarded with relics of the Passion and of

the saints, which overlap with those listed in the Pelerinage.

These perform

miracles as Charlemagne brings them back to Aix-la-Chapelle; three (the crown of thorns, a nail, and wood from the cross) are later given to Saint-Denis.

The

Descriptio is a work from Saint-Denis, written to authenticate its relics and its great fair known as the Lendit; it is usually assigned to the late eleventh or early twelfth century (Aebischer, "Versions norrOises," pp. 182-83, Picherit, 1984, p. vi). It is probable that other versions of the tale of Charlemagne's pilgrimage existed, and notably a serious epic account preserved by an abbreviated translation in the Old Norse Karlamagnus saga, Branch I (see Aebischer, "Versions norroises," pp. 74-106). This thirteenth-century compilation also includes (in Branch VII) a version very close indeed to that of our Pelerinage, and a third version in Branch X which derives from the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauvais (Aebischer, "Versions norroises," pp. 126-51; for the texts see Karlamagnds Saga: The Saga of Charlemagne and his Heroes, trans. Constance B. Hieatt.

3 vols, Toronto:

Pontifical Institute o f Medieval Studies, 1975-80, and Karlamagnus saga, branches I, III, VII et IX, eds Knud Togeby, Pierre Helleux, Agnete Loth, trans. Annette Patron-Godefroit. Copenhagen:

Reitzels, 1980). In addition there are translations

into other Scandinavian languages and into Welsh, and French versions from the late Middle Ages: Charlemagne of

Galien le Restore, the cyclical Garin de Monglane, the

Girart cfAmiens (see Horrent,

1981, II, pp. 58-60,

106-08,

Koschwitz, "Sechs Bearbeitungen," pp. 73-133). A few scholars have seen the heart and origin o f the Pelerinage as lying not in Charlemagne's legendary visit to the East, but in a Celtic tale, either of a journey to the otherworld or of an expedition by one king to seek another (Webster, Cross, L.H. Loomis, Krappe, R.S. Loomis, pp. 134-38); 13

for them, the pilgrimage

INTRODUCTION

theme, the Jerusalem section, and the very figure of Charlemagne are intrusions. The poem has especially been related to the ballad of King Arthur and King Cornwall, a tale of a journey undertaken out of rivalry (Webster).

While Celtic

elements are to be expected in a text showing a clear relation to courtly romance and so to the latter’s Arthurian forebears, none of the specific narrative parallels adduced has found general acceptance.

The poet uses themes, motifs, and

language from all the literary traditions of his age, but the centre of his tale, which his use of such borrowings turns into literature, comes squarely from the legendary history of Charlemagne.

It is his ability to fuse, to exploit, and to

manipulate with such control these divergent elements that reveals him as a master of the art of comic writing. *

*

*

Finally a word on the title of the poem.

In 1836 Michel gave the work the

title Charlemagne, but on the opening page of the text he provides the title The Travels of Charlemagne to Jerusalem and Constantinople.

Later editors have

tended to prefer the concept of a "voyage” for their titles (Koschwitz uses "Reise") with or without the addition of the names of the cities of Jerusalem and Constantinople (Aebischer, Favati, Tyssens, Picherit).

Anna J. Cooper and Isabel

de Riquer, on the other hand, use the title Pelerinage de Charlemagne, and a majority of critics have also preferred this title.

Since the poem does not present

a genuine pilgrimage, it might seem that the term "voyage," which corresponds to the form voiet found in the incipit ("cumment Charles de Fraunce voiet in Jerusalem"),

is

preferable

to

"pelerinage."

We adopt,

however,

the

title

"Pilgrimage of Charlemagne" and so pay tribute to the comic dimension of the text.

At the outset Charles claims to be making a pilgrimage ("La croiz et le

sepulcre voil aler aurer," v. 70) and at the end of the text he abandons his anger against his wife "because of the sepulchre which he has adored" (v. 870).

Though

his real reason for leaving France was a selfish one, and the core of the poem is the visit to Constantinople, the notion of a pseudo-pilgrimage suits well the poet's purpose of poking fun at the antics of Charles and his men.

EDITORIAL POLICY FOR THIS TEXT AND TRANSLATION Few Old French texts have been as highly emended as the Pelerinage de Charlemagne.

The first edition of the text by Francisque Michel, which appeared

in 1836, contains a number of slips, but it does aim at a faithful rendering of the 14

INTRODUCTION

text as he found it in the British Museum manuscript.

But, since the extensive

work done on the text by Eduard Koschwitz, the Pelerinage tends to have been read in a form which shows many changes from the original readings of the manuscript. Koschwitz produced his first edition in 1879 and this was subsequently revised as a result of further work and the suggestions of reviewers.

New editions, a good deal

less conservative than the first, appeared in 1883, 1895, 1900, and 1907 (this fifth edition being reprinted in 1913 and 1923).

A distinctive feature of these editions

is the desire to rid the text of the Anglo-Norman forms which occur in the manuscript in large number.

Thus v. 39 and v. 786, which appear in the manuscript

(and, with punctuation added, in Michel's edition) as Nu frez dist charle mais le rei me numez and Sun tresor li durat sil cundurat en france are printed by Koschwitz as " 'Non ferez', ςο dist Charles, 'mais le rei me nomez' " and " 'Son tresor li donrat, sil conduirat en France.' " The important edition of the poem by G. Favati, which appeared in 1965, is less severe on Anglo-Norman forms, but here the editor chose the rather awkward procedure of indicating the changes he thought necessary by the use of round and square brackets.

Verse 312 appears as "K e [is] si grant barnage(s) ait nulis] rei[s]

[de]suz cel" and v. 314 as "Tant

[j ] o vus durrai or, (et) argent, (et) aveir

truss[er]." Paul Aebischer, whose first edition also appeared in 1965, makes fewer emendations than Koschwitz and he claims to have maintained "toutes les graphies anglo-normandes" (p. 19).

But he was willing to make fairly radical alterations.

Verse 5, which appears in the manuscript as Li empereres reguardet la reine sa muillers, is presented by Aebischer as "Charles li empereres reguardet sa moillier" and v. 257 (Nencuntrent aueogle ki ne seit reluminet) as "N e n'encuntrent aveogle, ne seit reluminet."

The more recent editions of Jean-Louis Picherit and Isabel de

Riquer also retain Anglo-Norman forms, but both aim to produce metrically correct lines. Picherit's edition is particularly easy to consult, as he presents his rejected readings, over five hundred in the 870 lines of text, at the foot of the relevant page. The present edition makes no attempt to create a uniformly regular twelvesyllable line or to alter grammatical oddities unless they interfere with the understanding of the line.

The use of the trema has been avoided and diacritical

marks are restricted to the use, where necessary, of the cedilla under c and an acute accent on tonic e in words of more than one syllable.

In v. 29 (Pur ferir en

bataile ne pur encaucer) no effort is made to find an extra syllable by adding a 15

INTRODUCTION

word between £ur and encaucer (Koschwitz, Favati, Aebischer, and de Riquer add ost and Picherit has j).

In v. 5 the singular oblique form muillers is not changed to

muiller (Picherit) or moillier (Koschwitz, Aebischer).

A number of Anglo-Norman

forms which are regularly emended by editors have been le ft intact: e.g. sa=sai (v. 14), su=sui (v. 33), ust=eust (v. 689).

All in all it has been felt possible to reduce

the number of emendations to around one hundred and fifty .

For a discussion of

the emendations and suggestions of other editors the reader is urged to consult the edition of the text by Guido Favati and the critical translation by Madeleine Tyssens.

Notes in the present edition (indicated by an asterisk) are largely

restricted to a comment on lines difficult to translate or to geographical and other allusions requiring explanation.

16

BIBLIOGRAPHY I. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS Charlemagne:

An Anglo-Norman Poem of the Twelfth Century.

Now first

published with an introduction and a glossarial index by Francisque Michel. London: Pickering, Paris: Techener, 1836.

Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und Constantinopel: Gedicht des XI. Jahrhunderts. Bibliothek, 2.

Altfranzosische

Heilbronn: Henninger, 1880 [or rather, 1879].

Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und Constantinopel: Heldengedicht. Auflage.

ein altfranzosisches

Ed. Eduard Koschwitz.

ein altfranzosisches

Ed. Eduard Koschwitz. ?., vollig umgearbeitete und vermehrte

Altfranzosische Bibliothek, 2. Heilbronn: Henninger, 1883. (3rd ed.

1895, 4th ed. 1900.)

The text of the 2nd and all later editions differs greatly

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Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und Constantinopel: Heldengedicht.

Ed. Eduard Koschwitz.

Gustav Thurau.

ein altfranzosisches

5., verbesserte Auflage, besorgt von

Altfranzosische Bibliothek, 2.

Leipzig:

Reisland, 1907.

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Le Pelerinage de Charlemagne. 1925.

Ed. and trans. Anna J. Cooper.

Paris:

Lahure,

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Medieval Narrative:

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York: Prentice-Hall, 1928; rpt., New York: Gordian Press, 1969.

New

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II Pellegrinaggio di Carlomagno a Gerusalemme e a Costantinopoli. Alfredo Cavaliere.

Venezia:

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also dated 1965 but in reality published in 1971, differs in a number of readings from the 1st, and adds material to the introduction. 17

II "Voyage de Charlemagne1':

edizione critica.

Ed. and trans. Guido Favati.

Biblioteca degli Studi Mediolatini e Volgari, 4.

Bologna:

Palmaverde, 1965.

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KtSmata, 3.

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The Journey of Charlemagne to Jerusalem and Constantinople (Le Voyage de Charlemagne a Jerusalem et a Constantinople). Picherit.

Birmingham, Alabama:

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Isabel de Riquer. 1984.

Biblioteca Filologica, 3.

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20

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