The phrase structure of Egyptian colloquial Arabic [Reprint 2017 ed.] 3111292851, 9783111292854

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
0.INTRODUCTION
1. PARTS OF SPEECH
2. PHRASES
3. CLAUSES
4. TIME AND TENSE
5. TRANSFORMATIONS
6. SENTENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

T H E PHRASE S T R U C T U R E O F EGYPTIAN C O L L O Q U I A L ARABIC

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda

curai

C . H . VAN SCHOONEYELD INDIANA UNIVERSITY

SERIES

PRACTICA XXXV

1967

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

THE PHRASE STRUCTURE OF EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC by

H. M O R C O S H A N N A

El 1967

MOUTON T H E H A G U E • PARIS

© Copyright 1967 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY O F C O N G R E S S CATALOG N U M B E R : 67-27204

Printed in the Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

CONTENTS

0 . INTRODUCTION

0.1. 0.2. 0.3. 0.4. 0.5.

Aim and Approach Earlier Studies Phonology Morphology Notation

1. PARTS OF SPEECH

1.0. Inflectional Categories 1.1. Parts of Speech 1.11. Nouns 1.12. Adjectives 1.121. Descriptive Adjectives 1.122. Degree-free Adjectives 1.123. Gender-free Adjectives 1.124. Quantifiers 1.13. Pronouns 1.14. Verbs 1.15. Particles 2 . PHRASES

2.0. Definition 2.1. Verbal Phrases 2.11. Compound Verbs 2.12. Auxiliary Phrases 2.13. Modal Phrases 2.14. Additive Verbal Phrases 2.141. Marked Additive Verbal Phrases 2.142. Unmarked Additive Verbal Phrases 2.1421. Indicative Additive Verbal Phrases 2.1422. Imperative Additive Verbal Phrases 2.15. Attributive Verbal Phrases 2.16. Negated Verbal Phrases

7

7 7 8 9 10 12

12 12 12 15 15 15 15 17 17 17 19 21

21 21 21 21 22 22 22 23 23 23 23 24

6 2.2. Nominal Phrases 2.21. Additive Nominal Phrases 2.22. Alternative Nominal Phrases 2.23. Attributive Nominal Phrases 2.3. Adjectival Phrases 2.4. Relative Phrases 2.5. Prepositional Phrases 3. CLAUSES

3.0. Introduction 3.1. Topic-comment Clauses 3.11. Verbal Clauses 3.111. Active Verbal Clauses 3.1111. Intransitive Active Verbal Clauses 3.1112. Transitive Active Verbal Clauses 3.1113. Causative Active Verbal Clauses 3.112. Passive Verbal Clauses 3.12. Equational Clauses 3.2. Topicless Clauses 3.3. Imperative Clauses 3.4. Cross-reference 3.5. Concord 4 . TIME AND TENSE 5. TRANSFORMATIONS

5.1. Single-base Transformations 5.11. Negative Transformations 5.12. Shunting Transformations 5.13. Reduction Transformations 5.2. Double-base Transformations 5.21. Coordinating Transformations 5.22. Subordinating Transformations 6 . SENTENCES

6.1. Definition 6.2. Sentence-types 6.21. Minor Sentence-types 6.211. Imperative Sentences 6.212. Vocative Sentences 6.213. Completives 6.214. Exclamatory Fragments 6.215. Greetings BIBLIOGRAPHY

25 25 25 26 28 28 28 30

30 30 30 30 31 31 31 31 31 32 32 32 33 35 39

39 39 40 41 42 42 45 51

51 51 51 51 51 52 52 52 54

0 INTRODUCTION

0.1. AIM AND APPROACH This study aims at giving a description of the phrase structure of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (henceforth "ECA"). 1 In approaching this end, we depend mainly on the immediate constituent model, but resort to transformations whenever that seems useful. Immediate constituent analysis is here carried to the point where all constituents are words. This confronts us with the problem of defining the word in ECA (§ 0.4). The analytic procedure also reveals grammatical forms larger than words but substitutable therefor: phrases (§ 2).

0.2. EARLIER STUDIES Except for t w o studies on the variety of Arabic spoken in Upper Egypt, 2 most linguistic research on Egyptian Arabic has been limited to the Cairene variety. There are studies of lexicography 3 , of phonetics, 4 and of grammar, 5 and there are practical 1 Even though the author is a native speaker of the Cairene variety of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic he did not depend on himself as an informant. He based this study on a closed corpus drawn from the speech of his wife who is also a native speaker of the Cairene variety. The corpus was recorded on magnetic tape and later transcribed phonemically. The result of the analysis has been checked against the speech of various speakers of Cairene Arabic. 2 T. H. O. M. Dawood, The Phonetics of the Karnak Dialect (Upper Egypt). M. A. Thesis, University of London (1949); Abdelghany A. Khalafalla, "A Descriptive Grammar of sa?i:di Colloquial Egyptian Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Texas (1961). 8 Socrates Spiro, Arabic-English Dictionary of the Modern Arabic of Egypt (Cairo, 1923); Socrates Spiro, An English-Arabic Vocabulary of the Modern and Colloquial Arabic of Egypt (Cairo, 1929); Edward E. Elias, Practical Dictionary of the Colloquial Arabic of the Middle East, English-Arabic (Cairo, 1949); Atallah Athanasius, A Medical Phrasebook and Vocabulary in English and Arabic (Cairo, 1954). 4 W. H. T. Gairdner, The Phonetics of Arabic (London, 1925). 6 Wilhelm Spitta, Grammatik des arabischen Vulgaerdialectes von Aegypten (Leipzig, 1880); J. Willmore, The Spoken Arabic of Egypt (London, 1905); Ibrahim Anis, "The Grammatical Characteristics of the Spoken Arabic of Egypt", Ph. D. Thesis, University of London (1941); A. E. R. Ayoub, The Verbal Piece in the Egyptian Language (a morphological study), M. A. Thesis, University of London (1949).

8

INTRODUCTION

textbooks and manuals. 6 Modern Linguistic methods are hardly in evidence until Harrell's phonology (1957); but since then many studies 7 have used them. 0.3. PHONOLOGY Largely in agreement with previous works on the phonology of ECA, 8 the following has been assumed as the phonemes of ECA: (1) Segmentals 9 : (a) Vowels. There are three short and five long: N

/i:/ /e:/ /a/

M

/u:/ /o:/

t d

k g

/a:/

(b) Consonants. Oral: Obstruents b f

Sonorants

m

S

Z n r 1

S

X

i

w y Laryngeals ft "i h ? (2) Suprasegmentals: T o present these we must first discuss the syllable. Every syllable in ECA begins with a consonant. Consonants can occur in clusters • W. H. T. Gairdner, Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (Cambridge, 1917); De Lacy O'Leary, Colloquial Arabic (New York, 1925); Douglas C. Phillott and A. Powell, Manual of Egyptian Arabic (Cairo, 1926); T. F. Mitchell, An Introduction to Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (London, 1956). 7 Albert G. Abdalla, "An Instrumental Study of the Intonation of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan (1960); Hilmi M. Aboul-Fetouh, "The Plural Morpheme of Egyptian Arabic Nouns", Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Texas (1959); Hilmi M. Aboul-Fetouh, "A Morphological Study of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Texas (1961); Saad M. Gamal-Eldin, "Morphophonemics of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic", Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Texas (1959); Saad M. Gamal-Eldin, "A Syntactic Study of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Texas (1961); Mahmoud M. Ghaly, "Substantive Morphology of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan (1960); Richard S. Harrell, 1960. A Linguistic Analysis of Egyptian Radio Arabic (= Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs, III) (Cambridge, Mass., 1960); Salah E. Helmy-Hassan, "Verb Morphology of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic, Cairene Dialect" Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan (1961). 8 Richard S. Harrell, The Phonology of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (New York, 1957); Albert G. Abdalla, "An Instrumental Study of the Intonation of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic", Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan (1960). 9 For the phonetic features of consonants and vowels, see Harrell 1957.

INTRODUCTION

9

of two within a word, e.g., /katabtilu/ 'I wrote to him'. In this case, the first consonant of the cluster closes the preceding syllable; the second consonant of the cluster releases the following syllable. A final consonant or cluster goes with the preceding vowel. (a) Emphasis has the syllable as its domain. It is marked by a dash under the onset consonant of the syllable affected. /?irra:gil/ 'the man' and /xaragit/ '(she) went out' have emphatic syllables /ra:/, /xa/, and /ra/, the remaining syllables are non-emphatic. (b) Stress. There are three degrees of stress: / ' / for primary, / ' / for secondary, and l"l (or no mark) for weak. (c) Pitch. There are four pitch levels, symbolized from lowest to highest as /V, /V, l3l, and /'/. (d) Juncture: / + / (or space) (e) Terminal Contours: /|/, / # / , and /||/. 0.4. MORPHOLOGY

An ECA word is a minimum segmental free form. The test of freedom is occurrence with some allomorph of the intonational morpheme \/23l#/. A few words (most of them particles, for which see § 1.15) consist of one segmental morpheme each; those segmental morphemes are therefore free. All other ECA segmental morphemes are bound. There are three types: (1) roots; (2) vowel-pattern affixes (or simply vowel-patterns)', and (3) sequential affixes (or simply affixes). A root is an ordered sequence of two, three, or four consonant phonemes, potentially separated by vowels that belong to other morphemes. The commonest number of root consonants is three: V ^ t b / 'write'. A vowel-pattern is a sequence of vowel phonemes, assigned to specified positions relative to the consonants of roots. Thus \/-a.-a.-/ (perfective action) occurs with root \ / k t b / to yield /katab-/ 'to have written'. A combination of a root and a vowel pattern is a theme. Borrowed words such as /tilifo:n/ 'a telephone', / b a t a t a / 'sweet potatoes', and particles including the onemorpheme particles mentioned above, are also themes. The stem common to a set of inflected forms may appear in several themes. Thus /katab-/ is one theme of the stem of the verb 'to write'; /kattib-/ is another theme, and /-ktib/ is a third. Affixes appear before and after themes in inflected forms. Thus /kita'bi/ 'my book' contains the suffix \ / - i / 'my' after /kita'b-/ 'book', which is another theme from the root V k t b / ; /yiktib/ 'he writes' contains the prefix y/yi-/ 'he' before the imperfective theme /-ktib/ from root \/ktb/; /Puddamna/ 'in front of us' contains the suffix -\/-na/ 'we, us' after the morpheme particle /Pudda'm/ 'in front' (the shortening of the /a - / of the particle is automatic alternation). Intonational morphemes recognized in the following pages are largely in line with Abdalla's classification (1960). The following are the general patterns:

10

INTRODUCTION

(1) level intonation: /111#/, /222#/ / 1 suf 1 tu 1 #/ 'I saw him' / 2 ya 2 x a b a r 2 # / 'oh!' (2) falling intonation: /321#/, /311 # / / 3 fe:n ikki 2 ta:b bita:Si 1 #/ 'where is my book?' / 3 ?ux 1 rug 1 #/ 'go thou out!' (m.) (3) rising-sustaining intonation: /133|/, /233||/ I 1 ya 3 ra:gil 3 | 3 us 1 kut 1 #/ 'stop it, man!' / 2 hiyya 3sa{ra 3 ||/ 'she is smart!' (Is this what you say?) (4) rising-returning intonation: /131#/,/141#/ / x ya say 3 ya:l 1 #/ 'porter!' (vocative) /!ya say 4 ya:l 1 #/ 'porter!!' (emphatic vocative) (5) rising-falling intonation: /231#/,/241#/ / 2 ra:yifi 3 f e : n 1 # / 'where art thou (m.) going?' / 2 ra:yift 4 fe:n 1 #/ 'where art thou (m.) going?!' 0.5. NOTATION

Our examples are given in morphophonemic notation between slant lines. Words are separated from each other by spaces instead of by plus signs. Stress is largely predictable in terms of the following rules: (1) When the word contains a long vowel (a word does not have more than one), this vowel receives the stress: /fanagi:n/ 'cups', /sa:yif/ 'seeing', /kita:bu/ 'his book'. (2) When either the last or next to last vowel in a word is followed by two consonants, the vowel is stressed: /Pista^alt/ 'I worked', /rigiSna/ 'we returned'. (3) Otherwise the primary stress falls on the first syllable of the word except when it is of the structure CVC and is followed by two other syllables, in which case the second syllable in the word receives the stress: /Palamu/ 'his pencil', /darabu/ 'he hit him', /Pultilu/ 'I told him'. There are two exceptions to the preceding rules: (1) When the final consonant in a word alternates morphologically with a geminate, the vowel preceding the consonant is stressed: /Pahut/ 'I put', /Pahuttu/ 'I put it'. (2) When the word is a perfective verb in which the subject reference suffix is V-it/ 'she', and the object reference suffix begins with a vowel, the vowel of the subject reference suffix receives the stress: /salitu/ 'she carried it', /darabitak/ 'she hit thee (m.)'.

INTRODUCTION

11

When it conforms to these rules, stress will not hereafter be marked. Otherwise it will be indicated by an acute accent; thus: /sikit/ '(he) became silent', with predictable stress on the first syllable, but /sikit/ '(I) became silent'. Pitches are marked only when they are necessary for clarifying the point under discussion. The symbol / 0 / is used for zero. \J.../, and \>.../ will be used for citing morphemes and allomorphs respectively. A theme will be given between slant lines with a hyphen either preceding or following the theme, depending on where affixes are added. A prefix is cited with a hyphen following; a suffix, with a hyphen preceding. The hyphens in a vowel-pattern morpheme, e.g., stand for the consonants of the root morpheme which combines with the vowel-pattern morpheme to form the stem.

1 PARTS OF SPEECH

1.0. INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

The inflectional categories of ECA are: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)

Person: first, second, and third. Number: singular, dual, and plural. Gender : masculine and feminine. Definiteness: indefinite and definite. Degree: positive and comparative. Aspect: perfective and imperfective. Tense: past and non-past (timeless, progressive, and future). Substantive-class reference by person, number and gender: (a) allocation, (b) subject reference, (c) object reference.

1.1. PARTS OF SPEECH

The parts of speech are: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

N o u n s : / k i t a : b / ' a book' Adjectives: /hilw/ 'beautiful' Pronouns: /?ana/ 'I', /mi:n/ 'who?' Verbs: /katabna/ '(we) wrote' Particles: /min/ 'from'

Most nouns, adjectives, and verbs are contentives; numerals, all pronouns, some verbs, and all particles are functors. In the following sections, a part of speech is a contentive except when specified as being a functor. 1.11. Nouns A noun stem is inflected for number, definiteness, and allocation. The singular consists of the bare stem. The dual adds the suffix \/-e:n/ to the stem; the plural adds one or another allomorph of the plural morpheme. Thus /walad-/ yields /walad/ 'a boy', /walade:n/ 'two boys', and /wila:d/ 'boys' (three or more). The change in the vowel-pattern is a plural allomorph.

13

PARTS OF SPEECH

Nouns may be marked for definiteness by the definite morpheme \/?'û-/ 'the': /?ilwalad/ 'the boy', /?ilwalade:n/ 'the two boys', and /?ilwila:d/ 'the boys' (three or more). Some nouns reject this prefix : /ha:ni/ (person's name), and /{anta/ (name of a town). A noun not inflected for definiteness may be inflected for allocation with the suffixes in Table I. TABLE I

Suffixes Person

Number

Gender

with themes ending in a consonant

with themes ending in a vowel

v-i / V-ak /

V-ya/ V-k/

V-ik / V-u/

V-h/

1 m. 2

singular f. m.

3 1 2 3

f. plural

V-ki /

V-ha/ V-na/ V-ku/ V-hum /

Nouns can be further classed into: (1) Count Nouns. These are fully inflected: /kita:b/ 'a book' /kitabe:n/ 'two books' /kutub/ 'books' (three or more) /?ikkita:b/ 'the book' /kita:bi/ 'my book' (2) Mass Nouns. These are inflected for definiteness and allocation, but not for number: /xasab/ 'wood' /Pilxasab/ 'the wood' /xasabi/ 'my wood' (3) Proper Nouns, have a singular and dual, but no plural. They are inherently definite and therefore reject both the definite prefix and all allocative suffixes: /mihammad/ (person's name) /mifiammade:n/ 'two persons named Mohammad'

14

PARTS OF SPEECH

(4) Numerals (functors), inflected for number and definiteness, but not for allocation: /tala:ta/ 'three' /talatte:n/ 'two threes' /talata:t/ 'threes' (three or more) /?ittala:ta/ 'the three' (5) Verbal Nouns, are derived from verbs. They are inflected for definiteness and allocation. The canonical forms of verbal nouns derived from causative verbs (see § 1.14) are regular: / harrab/ /kabbar/ /fahhim/ /nazzil/

yields yields yields yields

/tahri:b/ /takbi:r/ /tafhi:m/ /tanzirl/

The canonical forms of verbal nouns derived from other verbs are unpredictable: /darab/ /katab/ /sa:fir/ /simiS/

yields yields yields yields

/darb/ /kita:ba/ /safar/ /samaS/

A noun belongs to one of four genders: Gi, G2, G3, and G4. The basis of this classification is cross-reference and concord. These will be dealt with in §§ 3.4, 3.5. Nouns belonging to Gi include: (1) all count nouns except those belonging to G2: /walad/ 'a boy', /mudarris/ 'a male teacher'. (2) proper nouns naming masculine human beings: /Sali/, /mihammad/. (3) the following paired parts of the body: /rigl/ 'a leg', /dira:S/ 'an arm', /?adam/ 'a foot'. (4) names of days of the week except /PilgumSa/ 'Friday': /Pissabt/ 'Saturday', /?ilxami:s/ 'Thursday'. Nouns belonging to G2 include: (1) count nouns marked as feminine by the presence of the feminine morpheme V - F I in the theme: /mudarrisa/ 'a female teacher', /Silba/ 'a box', /gine:na/ 'a garden'. (2) count nouns naming female human beings: /bint/ 'a girl', /sit/ 'a lady'. (3) proper nouns naming female human beings: /nawa:l/, /dala:l/, /maha/, /fa:tin/. (4) all names of paired parts of the body except those listed for G i : /widn/ 'an ear', /Se:n/ 'an eye', /?i:d/ 'a hand'. (5) /PilgumSa/ 'Friday'. Nouns belonging to G3 include count nouns other than those belonging to G i and G2: /kursi/ 'a chair', /Palam/ 'a pencil', /be:t/ 'a house'.

PARTS OF SPEECH

15

Nouns belonging to G4 include those which form their plural by dropping the final /a/ from the singular form: /sagara/ 'a tree', (the plural is /sagar/ 'trees'; another possible plural is /sagara:t/). Other examples are: /Sinaba/ 'a grape', /warda/ 'a flower, a rose'. 1.12. Adjectives Adjectives, in general, are inflected for gender, and for singular and plural number, but not for dual. The masculine singular has no ending; the plural (not distinguishing gender) adds the plural affix used also with nouns: /kuba:r/ 'big' (pi.), /hilwi:n/ 'nice, beautiful' (pi.); the feminine singular adds v'-a/•' /kibi:ra/ 'big' (f.). The degrees are positive and comparative. The comparative is formed from the positive by adding \/?a.-/ to a theme which usually differs in vowel pattern from that of the positive. For example, the vowel pattern \/-i-i:-/ of /kibi:r/ 'big' and \/-a.-r.-/ of /gami:l/ 'beautiful' are replaced by \/-0-3.-1 in the comparatives: /Pakbar/ 'bigger', and /Pagmal/ 'more beautiful'. All adjectives, including comparatives, are inflected for definiteness by the prefix \/?il-/: /?ilkibi:r/ 'the big (one)'; /?il?akbar/ 'the bigger (one)'. There are four types of adjectives: (1) descriptive; (2) degree-free; (3) gender-free; and (4) quantifiers. 1.121. Descriptive

Adjectives

Descriptive adjectives show definiteness, gender, number and degree: /hilw/ 'nice' (m.) /hilwa/ 'nice' (f.) /hilwi:n/ 'nice' (pi.) /PilfiilwI 'the nice (one)' (m.) /Paftla/ 'nicer' A small number of descriptive adjectives are used also as given names of persons: /gami:l/ 'beautiful' or person's name, /zaki/ 'intelligent' or person's name. Since this is a matter of idiom formation, we do not set up a different part of speech for them, but treat them as nouns in the special usage. 1.122. Degree-free

Adjectives

Degree-free adjectives are inflected for number, gender and definiteness, but not for degree. These adjectives are sometimes referred to as active and passive participles. They are derived from verbs (see Table II): /xa:rig/ 'going out' (m.) /xarga/ 'going out' (f.) /xargi:n/ 'going out' (pi.) /?ilxa:rig/ 'the (one) going out; (m.)

PARTS OF SPEECH

M

l

"T""?"

.

»

'

• I

ed ed . s e

>>

:

i

. H P

. . i i

' i i

. ed ed

: e

e

>>

u •• s h « S 5 g co y S g -il ^ « - r^- > .'. .'. 'T 1 ? \ ^? si

7~ r 7 'T "T ii ci ci 1 1 1

>>>>>>

/nisi/ /kawa/ /sa:fir/ /xarag/ /fatali/ /simiS/

Vowel Pattern Vowel Pattern Prefix Example Vowel Pattern Root

e % • • 3 S 2 ^ : : a

/-IUI/V

Verb

a

m < H

Active Participle

Example

Prefix

Passive Participle

Example

16

1

,1 i "î

® iS râ i i

ì ì ì l i ? > > > > > >

17

PARTS OF SPEECH

1.123. Gender-free Adjectives Gender-free adjectives are inflected only for definiteness: /Sa:l/ 'good' /?il 'he wrote the lesson' /Pilwalad nizil yilSab/ N i -* 'the boy went down to play' /Pihna kunna fakkarna nru:h nihanni:ha/ Ni 'we had thought of going to congratulate her'

/huwwa makatabs iddars/ 'he did not write the lesson' /Pilwalad manzilsi yilSab/ 'the boy did not go down to play' /Pihna makunna:s fakkarna nru:h nihanni:ha/ 'we had not thought of going to congratulate her'

42

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Pilbit * ba?it farha:na/ 'the girl became happy'

Ni

/Pilbit mabaPitsi farfia:na/ 'the girl was not happy'

N2 operates on equational clauses which include no time marker; and also on those which include /hayku:n/. N2 also operates on verbal clauses (§ 3.11) when the main verb is either a ha-form or a modal verbal phrase. When N2 is applied to a kernel string, the negator /mis/ 'not' occurs initially in the verbal nucleus, or initially in the characterizer: /Pilmudarris hayku:n xarag/ 'the teacher will have gone out' /Pilbit Samma:la tza:kir/ 'the girl is busy studying' /?irra:gil da * ta:gir/ 'this man (is) a merchant' /Pinta * hatku:n mabsu:t/ 'thou (m.) wilt be happy'

N2 N2 N2 N2

/Pilmudarris mis hayku:n xarag/ 'the teacher will not have gone out' /Pilbit mis Samma:la tza:kir/ 'the girl is not busy studying' /Pirra:gil da * mis ta:gir/ 'this man (is) not a merchant' /Pinta * mis hatku:n mabsu:t/ 'thou (m.) wilt not be happy'

N3 transformations are of two kinds: N3a and N3t>- Both operate on imperative clauses (§ 3.3). N3 a affects the kernel clause by adding the prefix -\/ma-l and the suffix \ / - s / on the imperfective form of the clause underlying the change : /Piktibi/ N3a 'write thou (f.)!' /Pinzilu ISabu/ Nsa 'go ye down and play!'

/matiktibi:s/ 'do not write thou (f.)!' /matinzilu:s tilSabu/ 'go ye not down and play!'

M3b affects the kernel clause by changing it first into an imperfective clause; and then preceding it by the negator /Piyya :k/ 'don't, I warn you' : /puxrug / 'go thou out (m.)!' /Pinzilu ISabu/ 'go ye down and play!'

N3b N3b •

/Piyya: k tuxrug/ '(I warn thee), go thou (m.) not out!' /Piyya:k tinzilu tilSabu/ '(I warn you), go ye not down and play!'

5.12. Shunting

Transformations

These are of five kinds. They will be referred to as Si, S2, S3, S4, and S5. Si operates on transitive active clauses. These subsume imperative clauses in which the nucleus is a transitive verb (§ 3.3). When applied, Si brings about the following changes in the underlying string: (1) the subject of the clause falls initially in the transform (2) the verb of the kernel clause is inflected (in addition to subject reference) for object reference:

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Pilwalad katab iddars/ Si -» 'the boy wrote the lesson' /?ana biht issi:ga/ Si 'I sold the jewelry'

43

/Piddars ilwalad katabu/ 'the lesson, the boy wrote it' /?issi:^a ?ana bihtaha/ 'the jewelry, I sold it'

When the underlying string is built around a compound verb (§ 2.11), Si affects it in the following way: (1) the object of the clause falls initially in the transform (2) the preposition of the compound verb is inflected for allocation with cross reference to the inverted object: /Pana tfarrakt Sala lhafla di/ 'I saw this party'

Sx

/Pilhafla di ?ana tfarrakt Salerha/ 'this party, I saw it'

51 is also applied to causative clauses, both the active type (§3.1113) and the imperative type (§ 3.3). Its application brings about the following results: (1) the object of the clause falls initially in the transform (2) the verb of the kernel is inflected (in addition to subject reference) for object reference (3) the actor must be preceded by /li/ 'to': /Pilwalad fahhim ilbit iddars/ Si -» /Piddars ilwalad fahhimu li lbint/ 'the boy made the girl understand 'the lesson, the boy made the girl the lesson' understand it' /sarrab ilwalad illaban/ Si -> /Pillaban sarrabu li lwalad/ 'do thou (m.) make the boy drink the milk!' 'the milk, make the boy drink it!' 52 operates on the same clauses affected by Si, but with the following results: (1) the actor falls initially in the transform (2) the verb of the kernel is inflected (in addition to subject reference) for object reference with cross reference to the inverted actor: /Pilwalad kattib ilbit iddars/ S2 'the boy made the girl write the lesson'

/Pilbit ilwalad kattibha ddars/ 'the girl, the boy made her write the lesson'

S2 is also applied to causative clauses, both the active type (§ 3.1113) and the imperative type (§ 3.3). When applied, it brings about these changes: (1) the actor and object change positions (2) the actor is preceded by /li/ 'to': /Pilwalad kattib ilbit iddars/ S2 ->• /Pilwalad kattib iddars li lbit/ 'the boy made the girl write the lesson' 'the boy made the girl write the lesson' S3 operates on equational clauses (§ 3.12) in which the characterizer is a preposition of place (§ 1.15) inflected for allocation. When applied, S3 inverts the characterizer:

44

TRANSFORMATIONS

/?ikkita:b Sandi/ S 3 'I have the book' 5.13. Reduction

/Sandi kkita:b/ 'I have the book' Transformations

These are of two kinds: Ri and R2. Ri generates topicless clauses (§ 3.2). The following is an example of the application of this transformation: /nagah/ '(he) succeeded'

/Pilwalad nagah/ Ri 'the boy succeeded'

R2 operates on shunting transforms (§ 5.12) by deleting the initial constituent (i.e. the inverted object or actor): /Piddars ilwalad katabu/ 'the lesson the boy wrote it' /Pilhafla Pana tfarrakt Sale:ha/ 'the party, I saw it' /Piddars ilwalad fahhimu li lbint/ 'the lesson, the boy made the girl understand it' /Pillaban sarrabu li lwalad/ 'the milk, do thou (m.) make the boy drink it!' /Pilbint ilwalad kattibha ddars/ 'the girl, the boy made her write the lesson'

R2 • R2 R2

R2

R2

/Pilwalad katabu/ 'the boy wrote it' /Pana tfarrakt Sale:ha/ 'I saw it' /Pilwalad fahhimu li lbint/ 'the boy made the girl understand it' /sarrabu li lwalad/ 'do thou (m) make the boy drink it!' /Pilwalad kattibha ddars/ 'the boy made her write the lesson'

5.2. DOUBLE-BASE TRANSFORMATIONS 5.21. Coordinating

Transformations

These are Ci, C2, C3, C4, C5, C6, and C7. Ci operates on two verbal clauses (§ 3.11), or two equational clauses (§ 3.12). When applied, the underlying strings are linked with the coordinator /wi/ 'and': /Pana xarakt/ 'I went out' huwwa rigiS/ 'he returned' /Pintu tsaPPafu/ 'ye clap your hands' /hiyya {urPus/ 'she dances'

Ci

Ci

/Pana xarakti w huwwa rigiS/ 'I went out and he returned'

/Pintu tsaPPafu w hiyya turpus/ 'ye clap your hands and she dances'

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Piddinya * har/ 'It (is) hot' /?ilbe:t * biii:d/ 'the house (is) far'

45

/Piddinya har w ilbe:t biSi:d/ 'It (is) hot and the house (is) far'

Ci

When the resulting transform (i.e. the compound clause) has two identical topics, Ri is applied with the result of deleting the topic occurring after the coordinator: /Pilwalad nagafi w ilwalad sa:fir/ Ri -» /Pilwalad nagah wi sa:fir/ 'the boy succeeded and the boy travelled' 'the boy succeeded and travelled' C2 operates on two verbal clauses (§ 3.11) by linking them with the coordinator /wibaSde'.n/ 'and then'. Ri is also applied when the topics of the underlying strings are identical: /Pilwalad xarag/ 'the boy went out' /Pilwalad rigiS/ /the boy returned'

/Pilwalad xarag wibaSdern ilwalad rigiS/ 'the boy went out and then the boy returned'

C2

Ri is then applied to the resulting transform: /Pilwald xarag wibaSde:n ilwalad rigiS/ Ri -* /Pilwalad xarag wibaSdein rigiS/ 'the boy went out then (he) returned' C3 operates on two verbal clauses (§ 3.11) or two equational clauses (§ 3.12), provided that the topics of the underlying strings are different. When applied, C3 joins the two clauses with the coordinator /ya ... ya .../ 'either ... or': /Pinta tuxrug/ 'thou (m.) go out' /Pana xrug/ 'I go out' /Pinta * Sabi:l/ 'thou (m.) art a fool' /huwwa * nassa:b/ 'he (is) a swindler'

C3

C3

/ya nta tuxrug ya na xrug/ 'either thou (m.) go out, or I will'

/ya nta Sabi:t ya huwwa nassa:b/ 'either thou (m.) art a fool or he is a swindler'

C4 operates on two negative clauses (verbal or equational). When applied, C4 deletes the negative marker (in the case of an equational clause), or the negative marker or negative affixes (in the case of a verbal clause). Then the two clauses are joined with /la ... wala .../ 'neither ... nor'. When the topics are the same, that of the second underlying clause is deleted: /Pinta mis bitiktib/ 'thou (m.) dost not write; /hiyya mis bitiPra/ 'she does not read'

C4

/la nta btiktib wala hiyya btiPra/ 'neither thou (m.) art writing nor she is reading'

46

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Pilwalad mis baxi:l/ 'the boy (is) not miserly' /Pilbit mis baxi:la/ 'the girl (is) not miserly'

C4

/la lwalad baxi:l wala lbit baxi:la/ 'neither the boy nor the girl is miserly'

C5 operates on two verbal or equational clauses of the same structure. When applied, C5 joins the two clauses with the coordinator /walla/ 'or': /huwwa haysa:fir/ 'he will travel' /huwwa hayuPud/ 'he will stay'

C5

/huwwa haysa:fir walla huwwa hayuPSud/ 'will he travel or will he stay?'

R i is then applied to the preceding transform with the result of deleting the topic occurring after the coordinator: /huwwa haysa:fir wala hayuPSud/ 'will he travel or stay?' /huwwa * sa:tir/ 'he (is) smart' /?ilimtiha:n * sahl/ 'the examination is easy'

/huwwa sa:tir walla limtiha:n sahl/ C5

'Is he smart or the examinations is easy?'

CQ operates on two equational or verbal clauses or on one equational and one verbal clause. The coordinator is /la:kin/ 'but': /Pinta * kwayyis/ 'thou (m.) art good'

C6

/?axu:k * wihis/

/Pinta kwayyis la:kin ?axu:k wihis/ 'thou (m.) art good; but thy brother (is) bad'

'thy (m.) brother (is) bad' /huwwa biyza:kir/ 'he is studying' /hiyya btilSab/ 'she is playing'

C6

/huwwa biyza:kir la:kin hiyya btilSab/ 'he is studying but she is playing'

/huwwa biyha:wil/ 'he is trying' /huwwa * mis ?a:dir/

C6

/huwwa biyha:wil la:kin huwwa mis Pa:dir/ 'he is trying but he can't'

'he can't' Ri is then applied with the result of deleting the topic after the coordinator: /huwwa biyha:wil la:kin mis ?a:dir/ 'he is trying but (he) can't' C7 operates on the same kinds of kernel clauses as those affected by C6, except that a

TRANSFORMATIONS

47

different coordinator is used. C7 brings about the same changes in the underlying strings as those of C6. The coordinator introduced by C7 is /bas/ 'but': /huwwa * tayyib/ 'he (is) kind' /Pummu * Sasabiyya/ 'his mother (is) nervous'

C7

/huwwa ^ayyib bas ummu Sasabiyya/ 'he is kind but his mother is nervous'

/?ilbe:t * mumta:z/ 'the house (is) excellent' /?ilbe:t * su^ayyar/ 'the house (is) small'

C7

/?ilbe:t mumta:z bas ilbe:t su^ayyar/ 'the house is excellent but the house is small'

Ri reduces the preceding transform to: /?ilbe:t mumta:z basi s^ayyar/ 'the house is excellent but small' 5.22. Subordinating

Transformations

The subtypes are denoted Di, D2, etc. Di operates on two equational clauses (§ 3.12). One of these must have a demonstrative pronoun as its subject. When applied to an equational double base, Di affects it in this way: (1) the demonstrative pronoun subject is deleted (2) the other equational clause is preceded by the word /ko:n/. The resulting constitute functions as the subject of the new transform: /da * se:P gami:l/ 'this (is) a nice thing' /Pilgaw kuwayyis/ 'the weather (is) good'

P

/ko:n ilgaw kuwayyis * se:? gami:l/ 'that the weather is good (is) a nice thing'

Di can also be applied to an equational clause and a verbal one, with these results: (1) the subject of the equational clause (a demonstrative pronoun) is deleted (2) the verbal clause is preceded by /ko:n/ and the resulting constitute functions as the subject of the new transform: /da * xabar mumta:z/ 'this (is) good news' /Pilwalad nagafi/ 'the boy succeeded'

^

/ko:n ilwalad nagah * xabar mumta:z/ 'that the boy succeeded (is) good news'

D2 operates on a double-base in which one clause is a transitive active verbal (§3.1112) with a demonstrative pronoun object; the other is either an equational or a verbal clause. When applied, D2 brings about the following changes:

48

TRANSFORMATIONS

(1) the demonstrative pronoun object is deleted; (2) the other clause (equational or verbal) is preceded by (?in/ 'that', and the resulting constitute functions as the object in the transform: /?ana Srift da/ 'I knew this' /Pilwalad nagah/ 'the boy succeeded'

/?ana Srift in ilwalad nagah/ 'I knew that the boy had succeeded'

D2

/?ana bala^ni da/ 'it came to my knowledge' /?ilmuha:mi * mumta:z/ 'the lawyer (is) excellent'

/?ana bala^ni ?in ilmuha:mi mumta:z/ 'I heard that the lawyer (is) excellent'

D2

D i and D2 transforms undergo a further transformation when Pi is applied. This is a replacement transformation which affects the underlying transform by deleting the topic of its subordinated clause, and inflecting the subordinator for allocation with anaphorical reference to the deleted topic: /?ana bala^ni ?in ilmuha:mi mumtarz/ Pi 'I heard that the lawyer (is) excellent' /huwwa Sirif in libit nagahit/ Pi 'he knew that the girl had succeeded' /ko:n ilwalad nagah * se:? mumta:z/ Pi 'that the boy succeeded (is) an excellent thing'

/?ana bala^ni ?innu mumta:z/ 'I heard that he (is) excellent' /huwwa Sirif innaha nagahit/ 'he knew that she succeeded' /ko:nu nagah * se:? mumta:z/ 'that he succeeded (is) an excellent thing'

D3 operates on a double base in which one clause is an equational with a demonstrative pronoun subject (§ 1.13), and the other is either an intransitive active verbal clause (§ 3.1111), or a passive verbal clause (§ 3.112). When applied, D3 brings about the following changes: (1) the demonstrative pronoun subject is deleted; (2) the verb of the verbal clause is replaced by the verbal noun (§ 1.11) derived from it; (3) the topic of the verbal clause falls after the verbal noun in the transform : /?ilwalad darab/ 'the boy hit' /da * kwayyis/ 'this (is) good' /Pilwalad iddarab/ 'the boy was hit' /da * kwayyis/ 'this (is) good'

D3

D3

/darb ilwalad * kuwayyis/ 'the boy's hitting (is) good'

/darb ilwalad * kuwayyis/ 'the boy's being hit (is) good'

49

TRANSFORMATIONS

The output of the preceding transformations is the same. The result is ambiguity which can be allocated through transformational analysis. D4 applies to an ordered pair of underlying strings. These are verbal clauses. D4 subordinates the second of these strings by preceding it with /lamma/ 'when': /?ana xarakt/ 'I went out' /huwwa rigiS/ 'he returned'

/?ana xarakt lamma huwwa rigiS/

D4 (lamma)

'I went out when he returned'

Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /huwwa rigiS lamma na xarakt/ 'he returned when I went out' D5 through D12 operate on the same double bases operated on by D4 (lamma). The subordinators used are: /baSdima/ 'after', /Pablima/ 'before', /lihadima/ 'until', /li^a:yitma/ 'until', /Pawwilma/ 'as soon as', /sanatma/ 'the year when', /yo:mma/ 'the day when', and /sa:Sitma/ 'the hour when' respectively. They affect the underlying strings in the same way as D4 (lamma): /Pana xarakt/ 'I went out' /huwwa rigiS/

/Pana xarakt baSdima huwwa rigiS/

D5 (baSdima)

'I went out after he returned'

'he returned' Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /huwwa rigiS baSdima na xarakt/ 'he returned after I went out' /hiyya safrit/

/hiyya safrit Pablima

'she travelled' /hiyya stalamit iggawa:b/

D6(?ablima)

'she received the letter'

hiyya stalamit iggawa:b/ 'she travelled before she received the letter'

Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /hiyya stalamit iggawa:b Pablima hiyya safrit/ 'she received the letter before she travelled' /huwwa stanna/ 'he waited' /?axu:h rigiS/ 'his brother returned'

D7(liftadima)

/huwwa stanna lihadima xu:h rigiS/ 'he waited until his brother returned'

The application of D7(liftadima) to the reverse pair would generate an ungrammatical transform.

50

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Pilwalad PaSad yiSayyat/ 'the boy went on crying' /Pummu gat/ 'his mother came'

D 8 (li^a:yitma)

/Pilwalad PaSad yiSayyat li^a:yitma Pummu gat/ 'the boy went on crying until his mother came'

The application of DsOi^aiyitma) to the reverse pair would generate an ungrammatical transform. /Pilwalad ibtada ySayyat/ 'the boy started crying' /Pilwalad sa:f ilkalb/ 'the boy saw the dog'

D^Pawwilma)

/Pilwalad ibtada ySayyat Pawwilma Iwalad sa:f ilkalb/ 'the boy started crying as soon as the boy saw the dog'

The application of Dg(Pawwilma) to the reverse pair would generate an ungrammatical transform. /huwwa stara lbe:t/ 'he bought the house' /hama:tu ma:tit/ 'his mother-in-law died'

Dio(sanatma)

/huwwa stara lbe:t sanatma hama:tu ma:tit/ 'he bought the house the year when his mother-in-law died'

Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /hama:tu ma:tit sanatma huwwa stara lbe:t/ 'his mother-in-law died the year when he bought the house' /suSa:d itgawwizit/ 'Suad got married' /fa:tin itwaladit/ 'Fatin was born'

Dn(yo:mma)

/suSa:d itgawwizit yo:mma fa:tin itwaladit/ 'Suad got married the day when Fatin was born'

Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /fa:tin itwaladit yo:mma suSa:d itgawwizit/ 'Fatin was born the day when Suad got married' /hiyya ka:nit bij;utbux/ 'she was cooking' /?ittilifo:n darab/ 'the telephone rang'

Di2(sa:Sitma)

/hiyya ka:nit bij;u|bux sa:Sitma ttilifo:n darab/ 'she was cooking (the hour) when the telephone rang'

Applied to the reverse pair, the same transformation generates: /?ittilifo:n darab saiSitma hiyya ka:nit bitutbux/ 'the telephone bell rang when she was cooking' R3 is a reduction transformation which is applied to all D4 through D12 transforms. Its application deletes the topic of the subordinated clause:

51

TRANSFORMATIONS

/Pittilifo:n darab sa:Sitma /?ittilifo:n darab sa:Sitma hiyya ka:nit bitutbux/

Rq

->

ka:nit bitutbux/ 'the telephone bell rang when (she) was cooking'

S4 is a shunting transformation which is applied to all D4 through D12 transforms. Its application inverts the subordinated clause in the transform: /huwwa rigiS lamma na xarakt/ 'he returned when I went out'

/lamma na xarakt huwwa rigiS/ S4

'when I went out he returned'

D13 operates on an ordered pair of strings in which the first is a verbal clause and the second is an equational clause. Its application subordinates the equational clause to the verbal. The subordinator used is /walawin/ 'although': /Piddinya bitmattar/ 'it is raining' /Pissams * talSa/ 'the sun (is) rising'

/Piddinya bitmat^ar walawin Di3(walawin) -»•

issams (alSa/ 'it is raining although the sun (is) in the sky'

When S4 is applied to the preceding transform it generates: /walawin issamsi talSa ddinya bitmatjar/ 'although the sun is in the sky, it is raining' D14 operates on the same strings operated on by D13. It affects them in the same way. The subordinator used is /maSaPin/ 'although': /Pilwalad nagah maSaPin

/Pilwalad nagah/ 'the boy succeeded' /Pilwalad * bali:d/

Di4(maSa?in) ->•

'the boy (is) lazy'

ilwalad bali:d/ 'the boy succeeded although the boy is lazy'

When S4 is applied to the preceding transform, it generates: /maSaPin ilwalad bali:d ilwalad nagah/ 'although the boy is lazy the boy succeeded' Pi affects D13 and D14 transforms : /Pilwalad nagah maSaPin ilwalad bali:d/

/Pilwalad nagah maSaPinnu bali:d/ P i - » 'the boy succeeded although he is lazy'

'the boy succeeded although the boy (is) lazy' D15 operates on an ordered pair of equational clauses, verbal clauses, or one equational and one verbal clause. Its application subordinates the second string of the pair by preceding it with /liPan/ 'because' :

52

TRANSFORMATIONS

/?ilgaw * gami:l/ 'the weather (is) fine' /Pissamsi * {alSa/ 'the sun (is) shining'

DisOiPan)

/Pilwalad rawwah/ 'the boy returned home' /?abu:h geh/ 'his father came' /Pilbit nagaftit/ 'the girl succeeded' /Pilbit * mumta:za/ 'the girl (is) excellent'

/Pilgaw gami:l liPan issamsi talSa/ 'the weather (is) fine because the sun (is) shining'

Di 5 (li?an)

/Pilwalad rawwah liPan abu:h geh/ 'the boy returned home because his father came'

Di 5 (li?an)

/Pilbit nagahit liPan ilbit mumta:za/ 'the girl succeeded because the girl (is) excellent'

The above transforms are affected by S4 and Pi : /Pilgaw gami:l liPan issamsi talSa/ S4 'the weather (is) fine because the sun (is) shining' /Pilbit nagahit liPan ilbit mumta:za/ Pi 'the girl succeeded because the girl (is) excellent'

/liPan issamsi {alSa lgaw gami:l/ 'because the sun (is) shining the weather (is) fine' /Pilbit nagahit liPannaha mumta:za/ 'the girl succeeded because she (is) excellent'

Die operates on two verbal clauses one of which (the second in order) must be built around a modal verbal phrase (§ 2.13) with the modal /Sa:wiz/ 'wishing' for its first IC. When applied, Di6 deletes the modal /Sa:wiz/ from the second underlying string, and then subordinates the remaining constitute by preceding it with /Sasa:n/ 'in order that': /Pilwalad xarag/ 'the boy went out' /Pilwalad