A descriptive grammar of saidi Egyptian colloquial Arabic [Reprint 2017 ed.] 3111000664, 9783111000664, 9783111357355

Table of contents :
PREFACE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I. PHONEMICS
PART II. MORPHEMICS
PART III. SYNTAX
APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS

Citation preview

A DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF SA£I:DI EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA M E M O R I A E N I C O L A I V A N WIJK D E D I C A T A

edenda curai

C. H. V A N

SCHOONEVELD

INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES P R A C T I C A

32

1969

MOUTON THE H A G U E • PARIS

A DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF SA£I:DI EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC by

A B D E L G H A N Y A. K H A L A F A L L A H

1969

MOUTON THE H A G U E • P A R I S

©Copyright 1969 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 68-17886

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

PREFACE

This study presents the first descriptive analysis of the structure of saShdi, the variety of Egyptian Arabic spoken by the inhabitants of the Nile Valley between Cairo and Aswan. Besides the major purpose of describing the phonemics, morphemics and syntax of saSitdi, it is hoped that this study would contribute to dialect studies of the varieties of Arabic spoken in Egypt, and to comparative studies of Arabic dialects. I can hardly find adequate words to express how deep my appreciation is for those scholars at the University of Texas who, by training me thoroughly in structural linguistics, have helped in making this, the first descriptive grammar of saSiidi, possible. To Professor Walter Lehn of the University of Texas, I owe much of the most helpful suggestions. I am profoundly grateful to Professor Archibald A. Hill, to whom I owe not only excellent counsel and instructive suggestion but also much of training in structural linguistics. I am especially indebted to Professor Winfred P. Lehmann, whose encouragement, patience and wise criticism during my training as a linguist and all through this study, have helped me fare safely through the hazardous linguistic adventure of describing a language for the first time. I am a student of the late Professor E. Bagby Atwood, whose loss was a blow to all who knew him. I owe much of my early orientation in linguistics to Professor Atwood. The warmth of his friendship is unquenchable in the stream of days. To a great scholar from Brown University I owe much of the encouragement and help needed for the accomplishment of this work. Cairo, May 1967

A , A . KHALAFALLAH

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface

5 PART I: PHONEMICS

Introduction

11

1. The Phonemes of saSirdi

13

2. Suprasegmentals

15

3. saSi:di Vocalic System

21

4. Consonants

25

5. Emphasis

27

6. Phonotactics

32

7. Morphophonemic Alternation

40

PART II: MORPHEMICS

8. saSi:di Morphemic Segments

49

9. Form Classes in saSirdi

51

10. Pronouns

76

11. Pronominals

77

12. Particles

79

PART III: SYNTAX

13. saSi:di Syntactic Units

87

14. Types of sa"ii:di Phrases

89

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

15. Types of saSi:di Clauses

91

16. Major Sentence types in saSi:di

92

17. Négation

100

18. Interrogation

103

19. Sample saîi:di Text

105

Appendix to Phonotactics

111

PART 1

PHONEMICS

INTRODUCTION

0.1. THE DESIGNATION saSi:di

0.1.1. In most previous works on Egyptian Arabic, authors 1 use the designation Egyptian Colloquial Arabic for a variety of Lower Egyptian Arabic. 0.1.2. saSi:di is the Egyptian Arabic dialect spoken by inhabitants of the Nile Valley from immediately to the south of Cairo a distance of approximately 600 miles to the southern outskirts of the town of Aswan. Here, another linguistic area begins and extends to the Sudanese border.2 0.1.3. There are two major saSirdi dialect areas: (1) Northern saii.di — spoken in the provinces of Giza, Beni Suef, Minia and Fayyum, and characterized by the emphatic voiceless denti-alveolar allophone [t] of the phoneme /t/; (2) Southern sdivdi — spoken in the provinces of Assiut, Suhag, Qena and Aswan and characterized by the emphatic voiceless denti-alveolar and glottalized allophone [t;] of the phoneme /t/. There are further phonological as well as morphological and syntactic differences between Northern and Southern saSi:di. Both major dialect areas include dialectal sub-areas which have not yet been delimited. 0.1.4. Speakers of saSi:di in the two major dialect areas may be classified into two linguistic groups which intersect the two major dialect areas: Group 1 is characterized by: 1. The occurrence of initial consonant clusters of two members, (e.g., /bra:m/ 'cooking pottery'), medial clusters of three members (e.g., /Sanzhi/ 'her goat', and final clusters of two members (e.g., /r&tz/ 'trotting'). 1

E.g., Wilhelm Spitta, Grammatik des Arabischen Vulgar-dialectes von Aegypten (Leipzig, 1880); R. S. Harrell, The Phonology of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic (New York, 1957). The only works on saSi:di so far are: T. H. Dawood, "The Phonetics of the Karnak Dialect", Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of London (1949); A. A. Khalafallah, "Some Phonological Problems Involved in the Learning of English by Native Speakers of saSiidi Colloquial Egyptian Arabic", Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of Texas (1959). 2 For a preliminary outline of the dialect geography of Egypt see: Khalafallah, op. cit., pp. 1-2. [As there is no other pertinent material a bibliography has been omitted.]

12

PHONEMICS

2. A larger number of classicisms (e.g., /?uswa/ 'behavior model'). 3. Quotations from Alqur?a:n, Al&adi:th, classical poetry and prose, spoken in accordance with the rules given by the classical grammarians. Group 2 is characterized by: 1. The occurrence of the sequence l?iC1C2-l, where the speech of group 1 has C 1 C 2 (e.g., /?ibra:m/ 'cooking pottery'). 2. The occurrence of the sequence -QVC2C3- where group 1 has -C 1 C 2 C 3 - (e.g., /Sanizhom/ 'their goat'. 3. The occurrence of the sequence -C t VC 2 where group 1 has -C 1 C 2 (e.g., /ratez/ 'trotting'). 4. The virtually complete absence of classicisms. 5. Quotations from Alqur?a:n, Alhadi:th as well as classical poetry and prose are pronounced in accordance with everyday speech. Group 1 and group 2 are social dialects, in contrast with the geographical dialects distinguished above. Further possible dialect classification is not pertinent here, and accordingly is not discussed.

0.2. SOURCES OF CORPUS

0.2.1. This study is based primarily upon the author's speech and that of his wife, both of whom belong to group 1 of southern saSi:di. My wife comes from the village of Allukaliyyi, about eight miles north of my native village, Sizbet ?ilbu:sa, which is about 330 miles south of Cairo. She belongs to a family where saSiidi is spoken and she spent her life up to the age of eighteen between Cairo and her native village. Other saSi:di informants from groups 1 and 2 were contacted in the field through trips to various parts of Upper Egypt during the collection of the corpus.

0.3. SIZE OF CORPUS

0.3.1. The corpus was collected over a period extending from 1958 to 1965 from my own speech and that of my wife, as well as that of other saSi:di informants contacted in the field. It was collected by: a) Recordings of and notes on daily conversations and stories, as well as checking with my wife and other native informants on points where self-deception was suspected; (b) Exploring all mathematical possibilities of combinations of segmentals to expand the range of coverage of the corpus to the farthest possible limits.

1. THE PHONEMES O F saSi:di

1.1.

SEGMENTALS

1.1 1. Consonants

« Stops voiceless voiced Affricates voiceless voiced Fricatives voiceless voiced Nasals Lateral Trill Semivowels

cu TJ O etf KJ

G

u a

a) u

3 >

CS

P

J3 OH

X

& > UL

central

i e

back u o

a

-tai -» O O

14

PHONEMICS 1.2.2.

Co-vowels

Length /:/; Emphasis / _ /

1.3.

SUPRASEG MENTALS 1.3.1.

Juncture

T e r m i n a l j u n c t u r e s / | / , /||/, / # / . Internal juncture / + / . 1.3.2.

Stress

1.3.3.

Pitch

Primary /'/; Non-primary /"/.

/3/ 12/ / I I lowest

2. SUPRASEGMENTALS

2.1. JUNCTURE

2.1.1. Terminal junctures 2.1.1.1. The segmental sequence /saSado:/ can be spoken with any of the following pitch patterns: A. 1. The first syllable is spoken on a medium pitch which is maintained through the second syllable. 2. The third syllable is spoken on a higher pitch followed by a downglide to a lower 2

3 1

pitch than that of the first two syllables, before silence. / saSadó:/, spoken in this manner, is a declarative statement: 'they helped him'. B. 1. The first two syllables are spoken on the same pitch as in Al. 2

33

2. The higher pitch of the third syllable glides upward before silence. / saSadó: /, spoken in this manner, is a reiterated question : 'did they help him?' 2.1.1.2. Comparing the two pitch patterns of /saSado:/ described above we find: 1. The pitch on the third syllable in pattern A gradually moves downward and gradually fades. 2. The pitch on the third syllable in pattern B moves upward and abruptly stops. The downturn and upturn of pitch described above form a contrast which will be symbolized: A / # / , B /\\/. 2.1.1.3. In the utterance: /Padahu: galamak taSa xudu/ 1. /?ada/ may be spoken on medium pitch, /hu:/ on high pitch, and /-mak/ on medium pitch. 2. The medium level is maintained through /taSa/. 3. Between the end of /galamak/ and the beginning of /taSa/ there is a ritardando without tonal glide. 4. /xudu/ is spoken with high pitch on the first syllable and a gradual downglide of pitch on the second syllable before silence.

16

PHONEMICS

The ritardando without tonal glide described in 3 signals a third saSi:di juncture which will be symbolized by /|/. 2.1.1.4. Each of the three junctures appears to prolong the immediately preceding sound(s) in varying degrees. / # / co-occurs with silence; /||/ and /|/ may or may not co-occur with silence. 2.1.2. Internal juncture 2.1.2.1. The following pairs of utterances are differentiated by contrast between "sharp" and "smooth" transition between the underlined segments: Sharp Transition la / 2 d l r + b e v ' # / lia A â d i J e y V /

Smooth Transition lb lib

^dlrbey 1 # / /xidsey^/

Meanings : la Ha

'he harmed me' 'he took something'

lb 'my street' lib 'he did not take'

2.1.2.2. Phonetic allophones of / + / in saSi:di. Length of the syllable immediately before / + / , realized primarily in the consonants. 2.1.2.3. A minimal pair involving variant position of / + / is: 2

31

2

31

/ mi§abû:+najâ:/ 'didn't his father speak gently to him?' / miSabû:na+jâ:/ 'didn't our father come to him?'

2.2. DEFINITIONS

2.2.1. Macrosegment — a segment of speech between silence and a subsequent terminal juncture, or between two terminal junctures. 2.2.2. Microsegment — a segment of speech between two internal junctures, or a preceding internal juncture and a subsequent terminal juncture, or a terminal and a following internal juncture. 2.2.3. Syllable — the minimum syllable in sa*ii:di is CV, the maximum: CCVCC or CCV:C. 2.2.4. Syllable boundaries — (1) the occurrence of a juncture always indicates the beginning of a syllable; (2) in the absence of juncture syllable boundaries are pre-

SUPRASEGMENTALS

17

dictable in terms of the constituent segmental phonemes of the microsegment in accordance with the following rules: (a) In a sequence of two consonants, either CiC2 or Q Q not followed by a juncture, the syllable boundary falls between the two consonants. (b) In a sequence of three consonants not immediately followed by a juncture, the syllable boundary falls between the second and third consonants. (c) A sequence of two consonants immediately followed by a juncture goes with the preceding vowel.

2.3. STRESS

2.3.1. In the following two groups of items: A /Pajal/ ' d a t e ' o r ' e n d of life' /sabat/ 'basket'

B /Pajal/ 'greater' /sabát/ 'I kept still'

the first syllable in items A is more prominent than the second, whereas the second syllable in items B is more prominent. These and other minimal pairs in saSi:di make it necessary to recognize a phoneme /'/ which may be referred to as 'primary stress'. 2.3.2. The weaker grade of stress in items A and B above will be referred to as "nonprimary stress" and symbolized by 2.3.2.1. I distinguish five phonetic degrees of stress in sa1i:di [ ' ' ~ " macrosegmental primary, primary, secondary, tertiary and weak, in descending rank. 2.3.3. The primary stress has the following allophones: [ ' ] — maximum prominence, co-occurs with macrosegmental pitch-peak. [ ' ] — marks syllables in the macrosegment which bear primary stress in citation forms. 2.3.4. The non-primary stress — unmarked in phonemic transcription in this study — has the following allophones: — maximum prominence of the non-primary stress, marks syllables of the structure CVCC, CCVC, CCVCC, unmarked by primary stress in bisyllabic and multisyllabic microsegments. [ ' ] — marks post-junctural syllables of the structure CV, CVC, CCV and prejunctural syllables of the structure CV, CVC in bisyllabic and multisyllabic microsegments. — marks syllables of the structure CV, CVC, immediately before or after the syllable with the primary stress in multisyllabic microsegments, as well as the definite article /?il-/ in post-junctural position.

18

PHONEMICS

2.3.5. The position of stress in the microsegment. With the exception of 49 minimal pairs in the corpus, stress in the microsegment falls on: (1) A long vowel (no microsegment has more than one long vowel); if none, then (2) On the last VCC; if neither (1) nor (2) occurs, then (3) On the first syllable. Examples: (1) /xalaga:tu/ 'his clothes' (2) /masaktu/ 'I caught him' (3) /katab/ 'he wrote' /katabow/ 'they wrote' /katabatu/ 'she wrote it (m.)' 1 /lbaladu/ 'to his native town' 2.3.6. Geminates (within the microsegment) resulting from the assimilation of /l/ of the definite article /?il-/ or /t/ of the verbal prefixes /tit-/, /Pit-/, /nit-/, /yit-/ to a following consonant do not affect position of stress in the microsegment to which /?il-/ or any of the verbal prefixes mentioned above is added. Examples: /Pissamaki/ : (/Pilsamaki/) 'the fish' /Pissahabat/ : (/Pitsahabat/) 'it (f.) was drawn away' 2.4. P I T C H

2.4.1. A saSi:di monosyllabic utterance such as /Pa:/ 'yes', can be spoken in several ways depending on the accompanying terminal juncture. If the accompanying terminal is / # / , /Pa:/ can be spoken in a low register of voice with no particular impression of either medium or high pitch and with the down turn connected with / # / . This in low pitch may be referred to as pitch /1/. When / ? a : # / is spoken in this way, it expresses desire to hear more of what is said, or that what is heard is agreed to. 2.4.2. /Pa:/ may also be spoken on a noticeably high register of voice with either the 333

upturn connected with /||/: /P&:||/, which is spoken usually as a question asking 231

repetition of an utterance, or the downturn connected with / # / : /?£: # / , which is an answer in the affirmative to a question. This high pitch may be referred to as pitch /3/. 2.4.3. /Pa:/ may be spoken on a pitch that is neither as low as /1/ nor as high as /3/. 222

231

This medium pitch may be referred to as pitch ¡2/: /?&: | j i # / 'Yes! he came'. 2.4.4. The three relative pitch levels will be referred to as: high /3/

mid /2/

low /I/

The following abbreviations will be used through this study: m. = masculine; f. = m.s. = masculine singular; f.s. = feminine singular; d. = dual; pi. = plural. 1

feminine;

19

SUPRASEGMENTALS

2.4.5. Within the limitation of three pitch phonemes, there are 27 theoretical possible sequences. But the pitch sequences that actually occur are given in the following table which also shows the tactical behavior of the pitch phonemes: Initial

1

2

3

Medial

Final

1 2 2 3 3 3

1 1 2 1 2 3

2 3 3 3

2 1 2 3

3

3

2.4.6. Types of intonation contours. The sequences attested may be classified into general types : (1) Level intonation: /111/, /222/, /333/ (2) Rising-sustaining intonation: /122/, /133/, /233/. (3) Rising-returning intonation: /121/, /131/, /232/. (4) Rising-falling intonation: /132/, /231/. 2.4.7. The domain of the intonation contour is the macrosegment. Within the macrosegment, every syllable, except the first and the last which may be spoken on two pitches, is spoken on a definite pitch. 2.4.8. Examples of the intonation contours: Pattern 1. Level i i i / zé:ni # / 2 2

'good (f.)' — resigned comment 2

2. / ?amar||/ 'did he order?' — question expressing mild surprise. 3

33

3. / gattô: ||/ 'did they rob him?' — question expressing amazement 2. Rising-sustaining

20

PHONEMICS 1

2

2

1. / fissiyya:li||/ 'in the pocket?' (yes/no question) 1 3 3 2. / yasd:ter||/ 'form expressing hope (for safety) 2 3 3 3. / nassafathi||/ 'did she dry it (f.)?' (echo question) 3. Rising-returning 1 2 1 1. / hayiwsal r&d # / 'an answer will come' 1 3 1 2. / ?ittd:men ji # / 'the eighth has arrived' (emphatic statement) 3. / 2 wi:n # / 1 3 2 4. / ya ScLmey # /

'where?' 'Samey!' — vocative

4. Rising-falling 2 3 1 1. / Pillama juwwa # / 'the crowd is inside' 2 3 1 2. / PiSmilha kdi # / 'do (m.s.) it (f.) this way!' (mild command) 2 3 1 3. / Iwad makatabsey # / 'the boy did not write' 2.4.9. Expanded pitch sequences. Only two pitch sequences occur in expanded forms: /231/ may be expanded into /1231/, /132/ into /1321/. Conditioning factors: 1 2 1. In /1231 /, the occurrence of an initial syllable marked by (e.g., [?Issila:n 3 i lxadra # / 'the green scarfs'). 2. In/1321/ and /1231/, length of the utterance and number of intervening syllables. 1

3

2

1

/ ma§sa^a:la ndgalu talali:s l^dlla hni # / 'it was the workers who moved the grain sacks here' 1 2 3 1 / maka:nu jabado:ha labarra # / 'they must have pushed it (f.) outside'

3. THE saSi:di VOCALIC SYSTEM

3.1.

3.1.1. The saSiidi vocalic system comprises 20 minimally contrastive vocalic nuclei: 5 short non-emphatic, 5 short emphatic, 5 long non-emphatic, and 5 long emphatic. 3.1.2. There are several phonemic interpretations possible: (1) To set up 20 vowel phonemes. (2) To set up 5 short non-emphatic, 5 short emphatic vowel phonemes and a phoneme of length. (3) To set up 5 short non-emphatic vowel phonemes, a phoneme of length and a phoneme of emphasis. 3.1.3. The uneconomical nature of solutions (1) and (2) is obvious. Solution (2) assumes that the vowel is either emphatic or non-emphatic, thus bypassing the problems of classification and simultaneity or succession of emphasis. The writer's preference is for solution (3). Solution (3) sets up 7 phonemes [for 20 in (1) and 12 in (2)]. Length will be classified as a co-vowel occurring sequentially only in post-vocalic position /:/, emphasis as a co-vowel occurring simultaneously with syllabic nucleus /_/. 3.1.4. The following diacritical marks, used throughout this study, will be used in describing the allophones of vowel phonemes: V V V: V Y: V V V< V>

= = = = = = = = =

any vowel unusually short vowel occurring before length vowel co-occurring with emphasis vowel occurring before length and co-occurring with emphasis tense lax fronted backed

22

PHONEMICS

VA = raised Vv = lowered V = nasalized Y = unstressed vowel (V: is always stressed) V — - - = pre-stress syllable - - - V - = post-stress syllable C = any consonant = any stop other than velar 5 § = velar stop F = any labial or alveolar fricative F = any fricative other than F N = nasal R = resonant # = juncture ( + = internal juncture) ( + ) = syllable boundary 6 = in free variation with ~ = or For convenience, the terms "short vowel", "long vowel", "short emphatic vowel", "long emphatic vowel", will be used for V, V:, V,

3.2. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE ALLOPHONIC DISTRIBUTION OF VOWELS

3.2.1. The co-vowel of length has an extra long allophone [T] in the environment V : # (e.g., [so:] 'a game of sticks', shorter allophone [•] in the environments V:+ (e.g., [ja'+xamsi] 'he got five' and V:C(+) (e.g., [xaitu] 'his aunt', [:] elsewhere. 3.2.2. The co-vowel of emphasis has different allophones with different vowels (see 5.1 below). 3.2.3. Emphasis spreads allophonically within, as well as across, syllable boundaries in accordance with a fixed set of rules (see 5.6.1). 3.2.4. All vowels have allophones of the type V when they occur before /:/ and/or with /_/, V* after front consonants and V* after back consonants, of the type V in the environment NVN, V in the environments - - — Y + > - ~ - Y # > Y ( + ) ~ —» and Vv (except /a/) with low pitch, /a/ has an allophone of the type V* with high pitch. 3.2.5. Specific allophones of saSudi vowels. The following are the specific allophones of short and long saSi:di vowels:

THE

saSirdi

23

VOCALIC SYSTEM

Phoneme

Allophone

Environment

Example

N

[i v ]

YC+

/suglit+di/ 'this (m.) one's property' /birktâksey/ 'not your (m.s.) pond' 'with him/it (m.)' m /fizzey/ 'get up! (f.s.)' /Sillté:n/ 'two problems' /hi:nni/ 'our end' /mi:n/ 'who?'

ycc(+)- i

[IA]

V:# FVF(+)

[F>]

FV:N(+) NV:N#

[i]} elsewhere

M

A

[ë ]

v

[e ]

y(Q(+)--- L -YC# FYF

m

§Vc [E A ]

CV:(C)(+) V:C#

M

[e] 1 [E:]J [JE>] [a]

A>

T ]

M

M

svs#

FYC(+)- - RVN# RVF# elsewhere

[û]

V(C)(+)

[0A]

Y---

[U] [Ûv]

V:#

[û]

/kéd/ / zé:tu/ /zé:tni / /badé:t/

'two pockets' 'two bows' 'where are you (f.s.)?' 'swallow (m.s.)!' 'work (m.s.) hard!' 'his oil' 'our oil' ' I started'

elsewhere

V:# CVC(+)

M I [JE:]J

tu] 1 [uv:]J [Q]

/jebé:n/ /melté:n/ /wé:nek/

i

FYF(+>- -

FYF(+)-i-

elsewhere V:# VCC# ---(+)§YC

§Y---

py_i

—

m

'he came to him' 'a lie' 'he cut' ' I taught' 'he betrayed' 'he bent down'

/sûfey/ /suftu/ /kulu:/ /dali:lu/ /¿itû:/ /huznâ:/ /susnâ :/

'look (f.s.)!' ' I saw him/it (m.)!' 'eat (pi.) it (m.)!' 'his p r o o f 'save (pi.) him' 'we kept it (m.)' 'we appeased him'

/só:/ /tóbt/ /tugol/ /komé:n/ /hosé:n/

'a game of sticks' ' I abstained' 'weight' 'two heaps' 'two courtyards'

/nâtsi/ /bât/ /Sallâmt/ /nâm/ /nâx/

PHONEMICS

Phoneme

Allophone

Environment

Example

[oA]

RV:C#

/lo:n/

[o]l

[° : ]J

elsewhere

'color'

4. CONSONANTS

4.1. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS O N THE ALLOPHONIC DISTRIBUTION OF CONSONANTS 1

4.1.1. All consonants have fortis allophones in post-junctural position before stressed vowels. 4.1.2. All consonants have lenis allophones in the environments Y C # , V C - # . 4.1.3. Stops, voiceless and voiced, are released prejuncturally after stressed vowels, released or unreleased in the environment \C#. 4.1.4. Before front vowels: (1) /ôj s y/ have pre-palatal allophones; (2) / k g / have post-palatal allophones. 4.1.5. Before back vowels: (1) /t d n 1/ have post-dental allophones; (2) /s z r/ have post-alveolar allophones. 4.1.6. Stops and fricatives are aspirated or unaspirated, in free variation, in postjunctural position before stressed vowels. Fricatives and résonants have the allophone C- in the environments V : C # , V C # . 4.1.7. Stops (1) Have allophones of the type C in the environment VC-#. (2) Voiced stops have the allophones Ç & Ç before voiceless consonants. (3) Voiceless stops have the allophones Ç & Ç before voiced stops. 4.1.8. Affricates. /}/ has the allophone Ç before voiceless stops, Ç & Ç before voiceless fricatives. 4.1.9. Fricatives (1) have the allophone O in the environment V C - # . 1

The same symbols used in the description of vowels are used with the addition of the following: —: indicates position in a cluster; C: extra short; O : long; C: voiced; C: voiceless.

26

PHONEMICS

(2) Voiceless fricatives have the allophones Ç & Ç before voiced stops and voiced fricatives. (3) Voiced fricatives have the allophone Ç before voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives. 4.1.2.0. Résonants,

/m n 1 r/ have the allophone Ç in the environment V C - # .

4.2. The following are specific allophonic distributions not covered by the above observations : (1) /m/ has the labiodental allophone [irj] before /f/ (e.g., /mfattes/ 'inspector'). (2) /n/ has the velar allophone [q] before /k g x ¿/ (e.g., /yungol/ 'he copies', /yunxol/ 'he sifts (powder)'). (3) /w/ has the allophone [u] in post-junctural preconsonantal position (e.g., /wka:li/ 'inn').

5. EMPHASIS

5.1. ARTICULATORY CORRELATES

(1) With vowels — pharyngeal striction and: (a) Front and back vowels: lowering of the tongue. (b) Front vowels: retraction of the tongue. (c) Back vowels: protraction of the tongue. (d) /a/: wider lip orifice. (2) With consonants — pharyngeal striction and: (a) Dentals, alveolars: velarization. (b) Dentals: denti-elveolar point of articulation. (c) /tI: glottalization (the allophone [t]). (d) Palatals, velars, uvulars, pharyngeals: broadening of the tongue at closure point. 5.2. POSSIBLE PHONEMIC INTERPRETATIONS

(1) Doubling the number of consonant phonemes: 23 non-emphatic + 23 emphatic" (2) Doubling the number of vowels: 5 non-emphatic + 5 emphatic. (3) 23 non-emphatic consonant phonemes + 4 emphatic consonant phonemes /t d s z/ + 1 emphatic vowel /a/. (4) Emphasis as a prosodeme or a long component: E / or / /. (5) Positing a phoneme of emphasis simultaneous with consonants. (6) Positing a phoneme of emphasis simultaneous with vowels. Interpretations 1, 2 and 3 are obviously uneconomic. "Prosodeme" is a vague term, and to treat emphasis as a phonemic long component involves difficulty in setting up rules to define its domain. Interpretations 5 and 6 are equally economical, but such structural facts as emphatic vowel harmony in saSkdi weigh in favor of 6. 5.3. DISTRIBUTION OF EMPHATIC ALLOPHONES OF saSi:di VOWELS

Phoneme I'll

Allophone [i]

Environment VRC(+)

Example /tirtlu/

'you (m.s.) soak it (m.) with water'

28

PHONEMICS

Allophone

Example

Environment

[iv] Y( [F]

c

)(+)---

' a l t o g e t h e r (f.s.)' 'pavilion'

Y:#

/Paradi:/

'his lands'

Y:R(+)

/s|:rtu/

'his small

/¿izna:/

'we angered him'

F

FY (+)~ -

-

fish'

elsewhere

[i:]J

M

/sirf i/ /siwa:n/

[EJ]

Y #

[fii]

YC#

m m

'medicine'

[s;]

Y :#/

/sarre:/

'what did he pack?'

FY:C(+)

/¿e:thom/

'their

/tere:n/

'two birds'

[3V]

Y ( + ) -

x

-

'indeed'

field'

[F] elsewhere

[TO

N

[a] [A]

FY:#

/sahha:/

'he waked him'

FY:C(+)

/xarffa/

' h e a l i n g (f.s.)'

- -

/batah/

'he hurt the head'

- Y F #

FY(+) FYS#

X

-

SYF# [0]

/hasart/

'I counted'

/x41/

'line'

/tax/

'he

fired'

1

[a*:]/

M

[u:] [U:J

elsewhere Y + VCC(+)

/ r u b b u + z e : n / ' m i x it ( m . ) w e l l ! ' /rubblu/

'mix (m.s.) f o r h i m ! '

RVF(+)

/lusna/

'we got confused'

Y:#

/xattitu:

'line (pi.) it (m.)!'

RY:(+)

/ru:su/

'his sheep'

FYF(+)

/zu^ni/

'we disappeared'

[U< A ] 1 [U^Jj

H

[fi tY(C)# Y-(+)s Y-(+)? Y-?#

[tsa:b] [tzam]

tt]

'he was hurt', /tsa:b/ 'it (m.) was tightened', /tzam/ 'I annoyed', /¿ezt/ [#?t] [buztow] 'you (pi.) became spoiled' /buztow/ 'O.K.', /ta/ tta] [Satsu] 'his coughing', /Satsu/ [ra^zu] 'his trotting' /ratzu/ 'trotting', /ratz/ [rat?]

On the basis of the over-all distribution of [t] and [{] in my corpus, the following observations may be made: (1) [t] and [£] are partially in complementary distribution. (2) Wherever [{] occurs — even in the environments mentioned above — it can be replaced by [t] without the least distortion of speech. (3) A saSiidi speaker uses [t] in all environments in certain social circumstances (e.g., speaking to Lower Egyptians). If in the same circumstances he uses [(J it will be with the purpose of showing that he is saSii:di. [{] then is a stylistic allophone of /t/.

5.6. THE DOMAIN OF EMPHASIS

Emphasis has two distinct domains of spread: domain 1: the syllable; domain 2: the morphological word (stem + maximum number of bound forms).

30

PHONEMICS

5.6.1. Rules for the spreading of emphasis within the syllable: (1) Consonants occurring post-juncturally or medially in syllables with emphatic nuclei have emphatic allophones. (2) Consonants occurring post-vocalically (or in position 2 in a final cluster) before a major juncture, in syllables with emphatic nuclei, have emphatic, partially or completely de-emphasized allophones, in free variation. 5.6.2. Emphasis across syllabic boundary (1) At the loss of internal juncture in the environment Y C + C V , if the resulting cluster is of the type - C j C j - (i.e., a geminate), it includes an emphatic coda followed by a partially emphatic onset (e.g., [ g a d + d i ] > [gaddi], /gaddi/ 'he cut this (m.)'. If the resulting cluster is of the type -C 1 C 2 -, both coda and onset are non-emphatic (e.g., [ra:s+di:k] > [rasdi:k], /rasdi:k/ 'that (f.) one's head'. (2) At the loss of internal juncture in the environment V C + C Y , if the resulting cluster is a geminate, both coda and onset are emphatic (e.g., [xad+darba] [xaddarba], /xaddarba/ 'he took a blow'. If the resulting cluster is of the type -C 1 C 2 -, the coda is emphatic [xamas+ru:s], [xamasru:s], /xamasru:s/ 'five heads'—

5.7. STYLISTIC D E - E M P H A S I S

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10. PRONOUNS

10.1.

Subject and non-subject pronouns are discussed in 9.3.3.1.2, 9.3.3.1.3, 9.3.3.1.4, 9.3.3.1.5 above.

10.2.

The following are the pronouns which occur as free forms and sentences. Person Gender 3.m.s. hu: h-u: 3.f.s. hi: h-i: -i 2.m.s. Pinti Pint2.f.s. Pintey Pint-ey Pani 1 s. Pani-0 3 pi. humma h2 pi. Pintow Pintlpl. Pihni Pihn-

may occur as one-word Number -

-umma -ow -i

Final /-i/ alternates with /-a/, final /-ey/ with /-i/, final /-ow/ with /-u/ before or at the loss of / + / . Examples: /Pinta muxlgs/ 'you (m.s.) are sincere' /?inti sa:tra/ 'you (f.s.) are smart' /Pintu sujSa:n/ 'you (pi.) are courageous'

11. PRONOMINALS

11.1.

General characteristic: filling the subject slot in verbal and non-verbal sentences. 11.2. DEMONSTRATIVES

(1) /da/ 'this' and /da:k/ 'that' occur freely before and after members of other form classes, in post- and pre-junctural positions, /da/ has the alternant /di/ before major juncture, /dark/ occurs in close transition with pronominal free forms in the following shapes: 3.m.s. da:k^~~hu: dakka: 3.f.s. hi: dikki: 3 pi. humma dokkumma Occurrence of /da:k/ in close transition with other pronominal free forms is rare in the idiolects described in this study. (2) /?adi/ 'this' (seen object), and /?awwi:n/ 'that' (seen object) when uninfected, occur before nouns. When inflected for allocation, /?adi/ and /?awwi:n/ occur before nouns, pronominal free forms, nominal and prepositional phrases and constructs. Only when inflected, /?adi/ and /?awwi:n/ occur as one-word sentences. /?adi/ has the alternants /?ada-/ when in close transition with pronominal free forms and /?adi:-/ when inflected for allocation. 11.3. INTERROGATIVES

/'ke:/ /kad/ /ka:m/ /?e:/ /mi:n/ /me:ti/ /le:/ /we:n/

'how' or 'like' (shape) 'as much as' or 'like' (size) 'how many' 'what' 'who' 'when' 'why' 'where'

78

MORPHEMICS

(1) Interrogatives occur: (a) prejuncturally, (b) initially in interrogative sentences, (c) as one-word sentences, with the exception of /?inn-/ which occurs in close transition with the following pronominal free forms. /Pinnhu:/ 'which one (m.s.)?' /Pinnhi:/ 'which one (f.s.)?' /Pinnhumma/ 'which ones (pi.)?' (2) /we:n/ is inflected for allocation (e.g., /we:nu/ 'where is he?'). (3) /kad/ occurs initially in questions including /ka:m/, /?e:/ or /mi:n/. Examples: /kad ka:m wad jow/ 'about how many boys came?' /kad ¿e:t mi:n ¿e:tak/ 'like whose field is yours (m.s.)?' (4) The following sequences of two interrogatives have been observed. (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

/ke: ?e:/ /ke: mi:n/ /ka:m ?e:/ /we:n?e:/ /we:n mi:n/

'like what?' 'like whom?' 'how many what?' 'where what?' 'where who?'

(5) /ke:/ functions as a linker in the environment noun + ke: + noun (e.g., /hsa:n ke: lbarg/ 'a horse like lightning (i.e., speedy)'). (6) /ke:/, /me:ti/, /le:/, /we:n/ function as adverbs when occurring in post verbal position : /ruht we:n/ 'where did you (m.s.) go?'

11.4.

The relative /?illey/ 'who', 'which', 'that', whoever', 'whatever' (1) occurs in initial position in syntactic structures of which /Pilley/ is immediate consituent; (2) does not occur with sentence pitch peak.

12. PARTICLES

Particles — as distinct from nouns and verbs — do not contain the immediate constituents : a consonantal root and a vocalic pattern. Sub-classes of particles : 12.1. PREPOSITIONS

(1) Prepositions are inflected for allocation by the same set of pronominal suffixes which indicates allocation with the nouns. (2) Prepositions, inflected or uninflected, may occur before (a) definite or indefinite nouns, (b) nominal phrases. (3) Prepositions inflected for allocation occur before pronominal free forms and as one-word sentences. (4) Prepositions may be divided into two sub-groups on the basis of distribution of uninflected prepositional forms. 12.1.1. Sub-group 1 Members do not occur pre-juncturally, and normally do not occur with sentence pitch peak. They occur before nouns, nominal constructs and phrases, and interrogatives. /bi-/ /fi-/ /Send/ /Sali/ /men / /mSa / /li-/

'with' 'in' 'at' 'on' 'from' 'together with' 'to'

(1) /men/ and /li-/ occur before prepositions of sub-group 2: /min jamb/ 'by (the) side' /lafo:g / 'upwards' but not before other members of sub-group 1.

80

MORPHEMICS

(2) /—i—/ in /bi-/, /fi-/, /li—/ is dropped when in close transition with a sequence beginning with CV-, and alternates with /-i:/ when inflected for allocation. Examples: /byade:/ /fbe:tu/ /lwaladu/ /bi:hom/ /fi:hom/ /li:hom/

'with his hands' 'in his house' 'to his son' 'with them' 'in them' 'to them'

(3) /li-/ has the allomorph /la-/ when in close transition with a following member of sub-group 2: /lawara/

'backward'.

(4) /Sali/ has the allomorph /Sa-/ before the definite article /?il-/: /ialkursey/ 'on the chair'. (5) /-£/ in /lali/ alternates with /-e:/ and /-n/ in /men/ is reduplicated when inflected for allocation: /Sale:hom/ 'on them' /minnak/ 'from you (m.s.)'. 12.1.2. Sub-group 2 Members may occur pre-juncturally, with sentence pitch peak, and with the same privileges of occurrence as members of sub-group 1 (but not before them or before other members of sub-group 2), with the exception of /be:n/ which occurs before other members of sub-group 2. /taht/ /be:n/ /gidda:m/ /fo:g/ /jamb/ /wara/

'under' 'between' 'in front of' 'on', 'above' 'beside' 'behind'

All members of sub-group 2 may function as nominals in declarative non-verbal sentences with the constituents: noun + phrase of comparison + noun. Example: /giddarm Pahsan min wara/ '(to be) in front is better than (to be) behind'. 12.2. LIMITING PARTICLES

/kol/ /baSd/

'all', 'each' 'some'

PARTICLES

81

/Pay/ 'any' /hawale:n/ 'about' /Silya:t/ 'most' (1) All limiting particles are inflected for allocation : /kullkom/ 'all of you' /baSdhom/ 'some of them' (2) /kol/, /baSd/, /Silyait/ are inflected for definiteness : /IbaSd ji/

'some came'

(3) /Pay/ is inflected for allocation by plural pronominal suffixes : /Payyhom/ 'any of them' IPayykom/ 'any of you' /Payyni/ 'any of us' (4a) /kol/ occurs before definite and indefinite singular and plural nouns : /kol ra:jel/ 'each man' /kol ?irrijja:li/ 'all (the) men' (4b) /baSd/ occurs before definite and indefinite singular and plural nouns : /baSd /baSd /baSd /baSd

lhadi:d/ lkutob/ kutob/ tra:b/

'some 'some 'some 'some

iron' (of) the books' books' dust'.

(4c) /Pay/ occurs before indefinite singular and plural nouns : /Pay kta:b/ 'any book' /Pay mara:keb/ 'any sailing boats'. (4d) /hawale:n/ occurs before definite and indefinite dual nouns as well as cardinal numerical adjectives, definite or indefinite: /hawale:n ratle:n/ 'about two pounds' /hawale:n xamasta:ser rati/ 'about fifteen pounds' /hawale:n lxamasta:ser rati/ 'about (the) fifteen pounds'. (4e) /Silya:t/ occurs before definite singular and plural nouns : /Silya:t lgamh/ 'most of the wheat' /Silya:t lihsinni/ 'most of the horses' 12.3. LINKERS

/bas/ 'only' I la ... wala / 'neither ... nor'

82

MORPHEMICS

/Pilli/ /¿e:r/ /laki:n/ /wi/ /walli I /ya ... ya/

'except' 'other than' 'but' 'and' 'or' 'either ... or'

Linkers (1) do not occur before major juncture, 1 or with sentence pitch peak; (2) link nouns, verbs, pronouns, phrases, clauses, sentences ; (3) are uninfected, with the exception of /¿e:r/ (allocation). (4) /wi/ has the allomorph /w-/ before sequences beginning with CV-.

12.4. SUBORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS /baSd/ /gabl/ /kullma/ /Salasa:n/ /law/ /lammi /

'after' 'before' 'whenever' 'because' 'if' 'when'

(1) Only /baSd/, /gabl/, and /law/, occur before /||/ and / # / . (2) /baSd/, /gabl/ and /Salasa:n/ are inflected for allocation. (3) All conjunctions may occur with sentence pitch peak. (4) /baSd/ and /gabl/ may function as nominals in declarative non-verbal sentences with the constituents: noun + phrase of comparison + noun: /gabl Pahsan min baSd/ '(to be) before (e.g., arrival of plane) is better than (to be) after it'.

12.5. ADVERBS /bard/ /barra/ /brob/ /dilwak/ /kama:n/ /kdi/ 1

'also' 'outside' 'perhaps' 'now' 'moreover' 'thus'

/bas/, however, may occur before major junctures: 2

3

1

/ Pistara tAlat kara:si bas # / 'he bought three chairs only'

PARTICLES /gawey/ /sa:ley/ /juwwa/ /xa:l§s/ /hni/ /hna:k/ /wa:sgl/

'very' 'always' 'inside' 'much' 'here' 'there' 'at all', 'altogether'

(1) All adverbs occur (a) pre-juncturally, (b) as one-word sentences, (c) modifying verbs and adjectives by position before or after the verb or the adjective. (2) /bard/ /barra/ and /juwwa/ are inflected for allocation in which case final /-a/ alternates with /-a:-/: /barra:hom/ 'outside them' (3) /barra/ and /juwwa/ may function as nominals in declarative non-verbal sentences with the constituents: noun + phrase of comparison + noun: /barra Pazfat min juwwa/ '(to be) outside (e.g., a congested hall in warm weather) is worse than (to be) inside'

12.6.

The emphatic particle /ma/ occurs in initial position of the sentence, normally in close transition with the following item.

12.7.

The negative particle /mi§/ has the variant /-sey/ which occurs suffixed to verbal forms, /mis/ does not occur before major junctures.

12.8.

/?a:/ 'yes' and /la:wal/ 'no' occur initially in the sentence, before /|/ and may occur as one-word sentences.

12.9.

/ya/, the vocative particle fills the predicate slot in a vocative sentence or the modifier slot in a vocative phrase, /ya/ does not co-occur with sentence pitch peak.

PART m

SYNTAX

13. saSirdi SYNTACTIC UNITS

13.1. THE SENTENCE

(1) Consists of one word, phrase, clause or a sequence of these units occurring with a minimum of one intonation contour ending with either /||/ or / # / . (2) Occurs between silence and /||/ or / # / or after one and before another of these two junctures with or without intervening single bar(s). 13.2. THE CLAUSE

(1) Consists of one word, phrase or a sequence of these units occurring with one intonation contour ending with /|/, /1|/ or / # / . (2) Occurs between silence and /|/ or after /|/ and before /|/, /||/ or / # / . (3) May be linked phonologically and/or lexically with clause(s) within the sentence. 13.3. THE PHRASE

(1) Consists of two or more words, one of which is a head, the other(s) is modifier(s), in endocentric relationship, interrupted by / + / with two or more primary stresses. (2) May fill the subject, object, predicate, or predicator slot in the sentence or the modifier or adverb slot in the phrase, clause or sentence. 13.4. THE WORD

(1) Is a unit consisting minimally of CV, with one primary stress. (2) Occurs between silence and / + / , between two pluses, between / + / and a major juncture, after /|/ and before / # / , in which case the word constitutes a one-word clause. 13.5.

The clause, the phrase and the word may constitute a sentence by occurrence with a pitch contour ending with /||/ or / # / .

88

SYNTAX

13.6. ABBREVIATIONS

aux adj adv adv P DC1 PLE H ICI int M n NCt ND NP O

= = = = =

=

= = =

= = =

= =

=

auxiliary adjective adverb adverbial phrase dependent clause emphatic particle head independent clause intensifier modifier indefinite noun nominal construct definite noun nominal phrase object

op P PLN Pred Prep Prep P Snl Snlv Sn2 sp Svl Sv2 vet voc. pi.

object pronoun predicate negative particle predicator preposition prepositional phrase declarative non-verbal sentence verb-type transform of Snl vocative sentence, subject pronoun declarative verbal sentence imperative sentence verbal construct vocative particle

14. TYPES OF saSi:di PHRASES

14.1.

Classified on the basis of the types of phrase heads : (1) The adjectival phrase: adj + int (2) The adverbial phrase: adv + adv adv + n ~ ND adv + adj (3) The prepositional phrase: prep + adv ) function as adverbials when prep + n + N D J modifying an adjective or verb (4) The verbal phrase : verb + adverb verb (aux) + verb (5) The nominal phrase : 1 NPj

in genitival relationship; the n + n n + ND noun head is definite by position n + NCt 2 NP 2 ->• n + adj ND + adj adj + ND NCt + adj adj + NCt NPX + adj (NP t -> n + n) 3 NP 3 -*• n + NP 2 (NP 2 -v NCt + adj) ND + NP 2 (NP 2 NCt + adj) ND + ND} in appositive relationship (6) /?illey/-phrase, in which the relative /Pilley/ fills the head slot.

90

SYNTAX 14.2.

The following observations may be made on the types of phrases: (1) Nouns may be singular or plural. (2) Slot sequence in NPX and NP 3 is rigid. (3) The head slot is first in position with the exception in NP 2 of the slot sequence M + H where the less rigid slot sequence of NP 2 permits the head to occupy the second position. (4) The head in N P t is unexpandable, whereas the modifier is expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /?illey/-phrase. (5) The head in NP 2 is expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /?illey/-phrase; the modifier is expandable by intensifiers. (6) The head and the modifier in NP 3 are expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /?illey/-phrase. /?illey/-phrase, however, does not occur in NP3 after a head of the type n. (7) Slot sequence in /?illey/-phrase is rigid; the modifier slot may be filled by: (a) (b) (c) (d)

adjectives, verbs verb (Pred) + noun (O) verbal, adjectival, adverbial, prepositional and nominal (NP 2 ) phrases.

(8) The vocative phrase consists of a head (noun or NP X ) and modifier (the vocative particle /ya/). 14.3.

Types of saSi:di constructs (construct = stem + pronominal affix(es): (1) Nominal construct (NCt): noun + non-subject pronoun (allocation) (e.g., /kta:bu/ 'his book'). (2) Verbal construct (VCt): (a) VCtl (b) VCt2

verb stem + subject pronoun / k a l ^ a t / 'she ate' verb stem + subject pronoun + non-subject pronoun (object) (e.g., / k a t a b ^ a t ^ u / 'she wrote it (m.)'.

(3) Prepositional construct: preposition + non-subject pronoun (allocation) (e.g., / l i : ^ k o m / 'to you (pi.)'). A prepositional construct may function as adverbial when it modifies an adjective or a verb. Examples: /lmahiyya ze:na Sale:k/ 'the salary is good for you (m.s.)' /gaSad Sindhom/ 'he stayed with them'.

15. TYPES OF saSi:di CLAUSES

15.1. The independent clause: phonologically linked — with or without a linking particle — with other clause(s) in the sentence (see 13.1 and 13.2 above).

15 2. The dependent clause: lexically linked with other clause(s) in the sentence by a subordinating conjunction.

16. MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN saîirdi

The major sentence types in saSirdi are: (1) The non-verbal sentence (2) The verbal sentence. Types of the non-verbal sentence: (1) The declarative non-verbal sentence (2) The vocative sentence.

16.1. THE DECLARATIVE NON-VERBAL SENTENCE (Snl)

(1) Spoken normally with a rising-falling or rising-returning intonation contour. (2) Has two slots: subject (S) + predicate (P). 16.1.1. Subtypes of Snl On the basis of the types of fillers of the predicate slot. (1) Snla. With a noun or a nominal as the filler of the predicate slot. Examples: 2

3

1

(a) / na:zer midrasi # / 'headmaster' n n S P Snla 2

3

1

(b) / riyyes lmirkab # / 'the skipper of the sailing boat' n ND S P Snla 2

3

1

(c) I lgawa:leb dokkumma # / 'those bricks' ND demonstrative (pi.) S P SnkT

MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN S a S i l d i 2

3

93

1

(d) / Pinnesr malik ?itte:r # / 'the eagle is the king of birds' ND n ND t S

NP X P Snla

2

3

1

(e) / liktd:b sadi:g muxles # / 'the book is a sincere friend' ND n adj

NP 2

t S

P

Snla (2) Snlb. With adjective or adjectival as the filler of the predicate slot. Examples: 3

2

1

(a) I bagara bé:da # / 'a white cow' n adj S P Snlb (b) / 2 tilli:s lgàlla Pilli staréituV/ n

ND

^NP^

/?illey/-phrase (adjectival) '

IS

I

IP

Snlb 'the sack of grain which I bought' (3) Snlc. With adverbial phrase as the filler of the predicate slot. Example: 2

3

1

/ Iwàd sa:li nà:jeh # / 'the boy is always successful' ND adv adj I S

adv P P Snlc

(4) Snld. With prepositional phrase as the filler of the predicate slot. Example: 2

3

1

/ hàflet gàbl lmi^reb # / 'the ceremony before sunset' n prep ND I S

prep P P Snld

94

SYNTAX

16.1.2. Fillers of the subject slot in Snl (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

Nouns Pronominal free forms Pronominals NPX, NP 3 an /?illey/-phrase Nominal and prepositional constructs

16.1.3. Reversibility of slots in Snl Snlb of the type S(ND)+P(adj) and Snld of the type S(ND)+P(prep P) can be spoken with the order of S + P reversed. The decision of assigning the constituents in this case is based on the following observations: (1) Sentence pitch peak in Snl falls on the filler of the predicate slot or one of its constituents. (2) When the order of slots is reversed, the sentence pitch peak moves back with the predicate slot. Examples: 2

3

1

/ lbagara be:da # / 'the cow is white' S P 2 3

1

/ be:da lbagara # / 'white is the cow' P " S 16.1.4. Slot expansions in Snl 16.1.4.1. The following example is a minimal manifestation of Snl. 2

3

1

/ ?iddya:r masku:ni # / 'the houses are occupied' The subject may be expanded to B2 B, At A2 A3 A4 A6 /baSd Pisset dya:r ?ittu:b lwa:tya gawi dokkumma | Pilli giddd:mak/ 'some of these six low brick houses in front of you (m.s.)' 16.1.4.2. The following observations may be made on the head-modifier positional relationship in the subject slot (pre-head positions are marked B, post-head positions are marked A): (1) Position Bj is occupied by cardinals, with the exception of /wa:hed/ 'one', which occupies position A ^ Cardinals from 2-10 may occupy position A t (in which case they agree with the noun head in definiteness). — Ordinals up to the 'tenth' occupy position or At. (2) Position B 2 is occupied by limiting modifiers. (3) Positions Ax and A2 are occupied (without rigidity of order) by (a) nominal

MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN saSi.'di

95

modifiers (b) adjectives other than numerals. — Nominal modifiers do not show agreement with the noun head. (4) Position A 3 is occupied by intensifies. (5) Position A4 is occupied by demonstratives which agree with the noun head in gender and number. (6) Position Ab is occupied by modifying phrases, an /?illey/-phrase or a prepositional phrase. 16.1.4.2.1. The subject slot in Snl may be expanded by linking more than one nominal with /wi/, /ya ... ya/, /la ... wala/, /laki:n/. 16.1.4.3. Expansion of the predicate slot in Snl. (1) If the predicate slot is filled by an indefinite noun it may be expanded by (a) adj + intensifies Example: 2

3

1

/ ?irrà:jel xati:b fasi:h gàwey # / ND n adj int NP 'the man is a very eloquent speaker' (b) Comparative adjective or a phrase of comparison. Example: 2

3

1

/ ?irrd:]el xati:b Pafsah min $e:ru # / n adj prep P NP

I

P 'the man is a more eloquent speaker than others' (c) Adjective in the superlative degree, in which case the adjective and the noun head reverse positions. The noun head may or may not be followed by a prepositional phrase. Example: / 2 ?irri:jel ?lfsaft xati:b filbdlad'#/ adj n prep P NP

I

P 'the man is the most eloquent speaker in the town' (2) The predicate slot may be expanded by the usage of the linkers: /wa/, /ya ... ya/, /la ... wala/, /laki:n/. 16.1.5. The expression of time in Snl

(1) Present time is expressed by Snl.

96

SYNTAX

(2) Past time is expressed in Snl by /ka:n/ 'was' occurring in pre-predicatival position. Snl is the kernel of its verb-type transform. This verbalizing transformation may be represented by the formula: Snl + /ka:n/ -» Snlv Snlv -»• S + ka:n + P Examples: 2

3

1

Snl / ?amwa:lu kati:ri # / 'his wealth is great' 2

3

1

I ?amw£:lu ka:nat kati:ri # / 'his wealth was great' (3) Few instances of Snl have no /ka:n/-transform. Example: /2l