The paintings in the studiolo of Isabella d'Este at Mantua 9780814787519

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page VII)
List of Illustrations (page XI)
I Introduction (page 1)
II The History of the Studiolo (page 6)
III Invenzione and Istoria (page 22)
IV The Paintings
V The Studiolo in the Corte Vecchia
VI Conclusion (page 62)
Plates (page 65)
Bibliography (page 105)

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| The Paintings in the Studiolo of Isabella d’ Este at Mantua

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ey Smet See, es) Ges A ad [i ee BE ae 2 , tee 2. Seed MBS Se. Sea han oe + ,->nO” ets ee ee aas ad Poe te A aa a ye oie Bat. Pe ar. ye KL 4 .: ) see Loe pes: 2 or Secs XO a . i de ia : i es Serr TE At Y 1p TRS 7 “at : coe f Fwae”. Love creates fear and pain and disturbs the mind.” This, in turn, results in instability, confusion, and lack of clarity,

the very elements that characterize Mantegna’s painting. , | The greater intelligibility and rationality of Mars and Venus, no less than the confusion

| in the Minerva, reflect the nature of the respective goddess and her principle. When Equicola, discussing virtue as the basic element in true love, maintains that virtue is the disposition and power born out of reason, or is actually reason itself,77 his evaluation complements Cavretto’s view that contrary to virtue, lust does not provide stability and inner peace.78 The principle underlying Mantegna’s Mars and Venus could hardly be more aptly characterized. If higher love, amore honesto, is the idea of this painting, then the relation of Mars and Venus assumes a positive aspect. This is expressed through the absence of any stress on erotic elements. Equicola himself does not dwell on the subject of

Anteros, the cupid born out of the union of Mars and Venus. He refers his reader to Cavretto’s Anterotica, where the meaning of Anteros is analysed in a very subtle way. Equicola summarizes Cavretto’s view,”? saying that Anteros, born from the two gods, 7 la Rose which was hidden in a fortress, defended by vices. Mantegna’s painting can be discovered through Giulio When Equicola summarized this story, he called the prison Romano’s adoption of the composition. The basic differla rocca, and Mantegna’s prison looks very much like an ence is that in spite of a similar arrangement, the Allegory illustration of this phrase. Some years later, Mantegna’s displays a battle scene, whereas Mantegna’s Minerva does

pupil Leonbruno composed a Calumny of Apelles, in which not. |

he used many elements from the Minerva. Among the few 75. Equicola, De Natura d’ Amore, fols. 37-37v: Gli pare things which he adopted but changed was the imprisoned che si possa diffinire amore esser desiderio o sfrenato appettito Mother of Virtue, now looking out through the iron bars con lussuria conjunto, incitato da otio et de lascivia. Mostra de of her prison. Leonbruno’s change must be considered an egli causa a gli amanti passioni et accedati infiniti. Equicola’s

attempt to translate Mantegna’s unique symbol into an words are a quotation from Fregeso’s Anteros.

easily understandable image. 76. Equicola, De Natura d Amore, fol. 24: Il suo principio Professor W. McAllister Johnson, University of To- é paura, il mezzo é peccato, il fin é dolore. questo ¢ guastator de ronto, has brought to my attention a drawing by Giulio gli animi, i quali_fa che senza amaritudine mai non si retrovano.

Romano in the Louvre, which he recently published: Equicola’s words are a quotation from Boccaccio. What “Giulio Romano’s Allegory of Immortality Reconsidered,” is indicated here is the possibility of a return, and this is The Art Quarterly, 32 (1969), 3-21. This drawing obvi- also suggested by the four Cardinal Virtues which Equiously is related to the Minerva from which Giulio Romano cola, fol. 123, called Amor (Amor é le quattro virtu princihas taken a series of motifs for his own composition, for pale); it is also expressed by the motto taken from Ovid’s instance, the flying putti or the group of persons entering Remedia Amoris. the garden from the background. As Leonbruno used cer- 77. Equicola, De Natura d’ Amore, fol. 61: la virtu sia distain figures from the Minerva for a totally different sub- positione et potenza nata della ragione anzi la ragione tstessa. ject, the Calumny of Apelles, so Giulio Romano adopted to 78. Pier Hedeo da Fortunato, called Cavretto, Anteroa high degree the composition of the Minerva for his alle- tica, fol. 22: nihil esse in voluptate planum, stabile, quietum. gory, which depicts an actual fight and expulsion. With- 79. Equicola, De Natura d’ Amore, fol. 44: di questa Veout any doubt, Giulio Romano’s allegory is related to the nere et di Marte si dice esser nato Antheros, per esser Marte Dio Minerva, but this does not mean that the significance of forte et potente signore. Questo fa continua guerra con la voluttd.

THE PAINTINGS 41 continually fights sensuality. Cavretto himself elaborated much more on the point, declaring that Anteros can be considered as the image of those who are always engaged in a struggle against sensuality. Adopting a passage from John the Evangelist, Cavretto says that Anteros was born out of a god (ex Deo), and not out of earthly desire®° (nec ex sanguinibus nec ex voluntate hominis). The positive and spiritual aspect of the offspring of

the union of Mars and Venus could hardly be more clearly expressed. The subsequent discussion in Cavretto actually provides us with the entire philosophical context which is needed for the correct interpretation of the scene, especially the hostile action of Anteros

against Vulcan.*! |

We can go one step further. It has already been noted in connection with the Minerva that the presentation of Venus with her vices includes, in a pictorial and literary way, the means to her defeat. Similarly, in the Mars and Venus, the garden of Venus includes elements which are clearly related to her opponent, Vulcan. These intrusive elements indicate that the realm of reason is in constant danger of being destroyed by Vulcan’s power. This threat, portrayed in allegorical terms, symbolizes the constant state of war within man’s mind. Man has to guard against being tempted by vices away from the path of virtue, but he is also assured that there is hope of liberation from the chains of sensuality.

| [t is man’s will power, exclaims Cavretto, which decides in which direction he will proceed.82 In this contest one is reminded of Pico della Mirandola’s Oration on the Dignity of

°9e

Man, composed in 1486, and we have no reason to doubt that Isabella and her advisor were familiar with this work.

Perugino’s Battle between Chastity and Love Paride da Ceresara’s invenzione for Perugino’s painting (pl. 24) does not possess the complexity and density of those for Mantegna’s paintings, in which every detail helps to build up a spiritual and philosophical system expressed in pictorial form. Paride’s invenzione is much simpler, more direct and at first glance easier to understand. However, the difference between the Mantegnas and the Perugino lies not only in the different tenor of the 80. Pier Hedeo da Fortunato, called Cavretto, Antero- tica, fol. 96v: Est igitur voluntas quae homines vel damnat vel

tica, fol. 96. coronat que nemo fiat bonus nemo malus nisi sponte velet. See 81. Pier Hedeo da Fortunato, called Cavretto, Antero- also fol. 93v: Scimus igitur duas nobis omnino propositas esse fica, fol. 96v: Sed igitur his cupido motus animi ab intellectu vias. Unam quidem virtutem quae dei est et in coelum ducit. Viproficiscens rationique obtemperans: ad non aliud explens quam ciorum mundi ve alteram. quae ad inferos. Utram autem deligere Jrugilitatem. Quae tamen caeteras virtutes quae omnes inter se velimus. in nostra est potestate quamquam id haud recte possinexae sint complectitur. Frugilitatis autem ut ait Cicero videtur mus si non quis sit rerum finis agnoscamus. See also fol. 95v: esse proprium semper adversari libidinis. moderatamque in omni Oppugnat semper rationem appetitus eamque. ne plane sit lireservare constantiam quam quiddem in Hypolito scriptum esse bera. Idemque appetitum ratio molitur. Quo quidem praelio

fuisse. assiduo intestrioneque sit. 82. Pier Hedeo da Fortunato, called Cavretto, Antero-

42 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

earlier invenzioni, but also in the artistic genius of Mantegna, who was able to understand the programs and to develop the most appropriate istorie. Taken by itself, the change in the composition and the character of the literary concept affected the decoration of the studiolo less than Isabella’s choice of the artist. In spite of all their merits, Perugino and Costa did not possess Mantegna’s understanding and insight into a cosa antiqua. Compared to him, Perugino and Costa appear more as illustrators than as interpreters of the invenzioni, for which they had to find the fitting istorie.® Perugino followed Paride’s invenzione very precisely, as Isabella had required.84 Paride had placed Venus and Diana in the center and arranged all the other figures in a fairly strict symmetrical pattern (pls. 25, 26). The imposition of this compositional principle deprived Perugino of the chance to represent a fierce and still undecided battle, as was requested. by the Marchesa. The invenzione and the related sketch can only partially be held responsible for this fault, as Perugino was free to arrange the nymphs and satyrs as he wished. Apparently, Perugino was not so much interested in this freedom after all.

His letters give the impression that he was not very happy with this commission; the numerous delays in executing the work indicate this discontent quite clearly. He did little to develop his own solution for the literary concept given to him. He simply borrowed the main figures from Pollaiuolo’s engraving of the Ten Fighting Men, transforming their muscularity into feminine softness. Illustrations of the battle between Chastity and Love are not unique in Italian art before and at the time of Perugino.®° Nearly all of them are interpretations or at least illus83. We must assume that by 1502, and during the fol- sult, however, is not very satisfying, and it did not satisfy lowing years, Paride’s invenzioni appealed more to Isa- Isabella either (see below, note 102). The figures in the bella’s taste than the earlier ones; otherwise Isabella would foreground and in the background are unrelated, and this have rejected them or turned to somebody else for their isolation increases the frieze-like character of the figures in composition. This decision on the Marchesa’s part should the foreground. Thus the duality within the invenzione has not be underestimated, as it affected the entire decoration unmistakably been adopted as a major factor in the comof the studiolo in its formal and spiritual aspect. Unfortu- position of the painting. This proves once again that the nately, no convincing explanation can be offered for this paintings after Paride’s invenzioni can be read from the

fact. Isabella’s employment of Bolognese artists and the main scene alone. deteriorating relationship with Mantegna must also be 85. Two examples serve to describe their typical fea-

seen in connection with this shift. tures. A representation from the school of Botticelli shows

84. Perugino changed the invenzione only in minor de- Cupid and Chastity involved in a fight. Cupid has directed tails. The only addition is the juxtaposition of the cupid in his bow against Chastity, but all his arrows break at her the myrtle tree with the shield bearing the head of Medusa shield; she in turn fights Cupid with a chain. The second and the owl in the olive tree. As to the ornamenta, Perugino work, done by Signorelli for the Palazzo del Magnifico in has preferred a river to the lake to show the fauns, satyrs, Siena, illustrates three successive scenes. The first in the left

and the other cupids who come to participate in the battle. side of the background shows Cupid’s defeat, the main The number of these helpers has been kept low. There are scene in the foreground depicts Cupid’s being disarmed only two cupids on swans and two fauns or satyrs who and bound by Chastity, and the last scene, in the right half walk or swim through the water; only their heads are visi- of the background, is the triumph of Chastity, whose trible. Perugino cannot be blamed for not having followed umphal chariot is followed by those who have lived a the invenzione. He also has related the size of the figures in chaste life. The two examples referred to are in the Nathe foreground to the corresponding figures in Mantegna’s tional Gallery, London. Color reproduction in E. Orlandi, paintings so that all would appear of equal height. The re- ed., Petrarca (Milan, 1968), pp. 114, 119.

THE PAINTINGS 43 trations of Petrarch’s Triumph of Chastity. The poet describes Cupid’s attack on Chastity with his arrow, followed by Chastity’s successful resistance and her final victory when she binds Cupid with a chain.®¢ Paride’s invenzione does not follow this well-established tradition. His Diana, Goddess of Chastity, has hardly anything in common with the appearance of Chastity in Petrarch’s Triumph. Her dress and weaponry are entirely different, and her counterpart is not Cupid but Venus. These are not the only differences between Perugino’s painting and the poem in which the victory over Love and the triumphal procession are of prime importance. The world of the Triumph of Chastity is the sound and sane world of those who have withstood the fierce attack of Amor. The world

Isabella wanted to be shown in her painting was one of love and lasciviousness; every detail should demonstrate the extent to which love had pervaded and governed the world. Diana and Minerva are given the task of fighting against this world ruled by Venus; they must struggle to defeat Venus.8” Isabella’s predilection for French medieval literature suggests the possible source for Perugino’s painting. In a passage in the Echecs Amoureux, Diana complains about the present state of the world in which she seems to be forgotten by men, whereas Venus has power not only over men but also over the gods.88 Everyone is willing to follow Venus, who has nothing to offer but fleshy lust. Her fiery brand is more dangerous than anything else in this world and inflames everyone; no one, neither god nor man, can resist the power of Venus and Cupid. Diana combines her complaints about Venus with a melancholic recollection of “better times, 8° when love meant pure love and not sensuality, when honor was the power behind man’s deeds, when love was founded on honesty, and when knights were virtuous and ladies chose their lovers for truth and worth. Although the Echecs Amoureux does not describe an actual battle between the two goddesses, their confrontation could easily be developed into one, since it is clearly Diana’s intention to have Venus’s rule and power terminated. As this is the subject of Perugino’s painting, it is most reasonable to assume that the Echecs Amoureux, a medieval text, constituted the literary source whose 86. Petrarch, Triumph of Chastity, verses 34 ff., 52 ff., pid’s power is not sufficient ground on which to base the

and 118 ff. claim that Petrarch’s Triumphs is the underlying literary 87. Petrarch’s Triumph of Chastity cannot be considered source for Perugino’s painting. For this reference one can the source for Perugino’s painting, and the same must be equally quote texts like Nonnos’ Dionysiaca (vii, 117 ff.) said of his Triumph of Love, in which Amor, and not Ve- or Ovid’s Metamorphoses (vi, 103 ff.). nus, holds the central position. In addition, the Triumph of 89. The “‘better times’’ are defined by Diana more pre-

Love does not contain a passage which could have been cisely as the time of King Arthur, who already held an transformed into a battle scene like the one painted by enormous fascination for Isabella before she became the

Perugino. Marchesa Mantovana. Her interest in the Golden Age 88. Echecs Amoureux, pp. 27 ff. The Roman de la Rose de- never lost its intensity. In this light, Perugino’s paintings scribes the war between Chastity and Beauty, too, but the reveal a further level of meaning as an attempt to restore conflict is presented as a jealous husband’s tale (verses 8957 this lost time. ff.). The remark that even the gods were subdued by Cu-

44 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

pictorial form was achieved by adapting the imagery of the psychomachia. The dominant role of the medieval text, the pattern of the psychomachia as described in the invenzione, and the moralizing notion that Diana and Minerva will defeat Cupid and Venus, leave no doubt that in contrast to Mantegna’s paintings for the studiolo, Perugino’s work is medieval in form and content. In Perugino’s painting, as opposed to the two by Mantegna, the basic powers in man’s life are not given to him asa choice. Rather, the decision has already been made as to which of the two, reason or sensuality, possesses the higher moral value.

’‘

Costa’s Coronation of a Lady The first painting done by Costa for Isabella's studiolo was the so-called Coronation of a Lady (pls. 27, 28).9° At its center is a Cupid who is standing on the lap of a seated woman and is about to place a crown on another lady’s head. Around them, six persons write or make music. One of them, the man standing in the foreground of the left group, points toward the center of the scene to emphasize the importance of the coronation. The group of persons in the center is separated from the foreground by a fence with a small opening between two seated women (pls. 29, 30). Flanking these women are two armed persons, Diana and Cadmus the dragon-slayer, who glance upward to the right, looking toward Mars and Venus in the adjacent painting by Mantegna. Diana and Cadmus act as defenders of the company in the garden.°! The two seated women face out, toward the entrance 90. The invenzione of Costa’s Coronation and Perugino’s the painting was intended this way. The reason for this Battle between Chastity and Love had been designed by asymmetry lies in the overall design of the room, in the Paride da Ceresara, and this fact is evident in the formal compositional unity which kept together all the single similarities of the two works. In both cases the dominant parts of the decoration. The Coronation had been designed group is placed in the foreground, and smaller groups ap- for the rear wall of the room. Thus it was linked at the left pear in the remaining parts of the painting. This important side with the Comos. At the right, however, the continuasimilarity allows the assumption that Paride followed the tion of the frieze was interrupted by the wall space above same pattern in both cases; that is, he distinguished be- the door, where we might assume that a bust was distween the fondamento principale and the ornamenta, with the played. As Cadmus and Diana look at Mars and Venus in

latter having only the function of illustrating the main Mantegna’s painting, thus establishing a direct link bescene in the foreground. It is on the basis of this hypothesis tween the two paintings which actually were the beginthat the interpretation of the Coronation can be carried out. ning and the end of a cycle, the wall space above the door Contrary to Perugino’s painting, the ornamenta cannot be turned into a counterpart of the portion at the left of the easily and convincingly described and interpreted, mainly center group in the Coronation. Consequently, the group because the exempla were not taken from the classical rep- with the coronation came to occupy exactly the center beertory and any clue to the identification of the little scenes tween the two adjacent paintings.

is missing. Consequently, we have to limit ourselves in an gi. The only figures whose faces are more generally interpretation to the analysis of the fondamento principale. drawn are those of Cadmus and Diana in front of the gate, Contrary to Mantegna’s and Perugino’s paintings, the and it is they who establish the relation to the gods in ManCoronation does not follow a fairly symmetrical composi- tegna’s Mars and Venus. As Diana fights against sensual tional scheme but is arranged slightly off center; the main love in Perugino’s painting, so she prevents sensual love group is placed to the right (see Wind, Bellini, p. 50). As from entering the place of the coronation in this painting. Isabella usually accompanied her invenzioni with rather The erotic scene above her, outside the garden, indicates detailed sketches, we must assume that the composition of what Diana is fighting against. Her counterpart, Cadmus,

THE PAINTINGS 45 to the studiolo. They also echo the gesture of the Cupid in the center of the picture by placing crowns or wreaths on a lamb and an ox. Such a coincidence of gestures within one painting cannot be purely fortuitous but must signify a meaningful interrelation of corresponding parts in the picture. It seems most likely that the two animals represent characteristics typical of the standing lady who will be awarded the crown. Behind the knight in the foreground, a battle of horsemen and soldiers is raging, and more horsemen hurry to join in the fight (pls. 31, 32). Behind Diana is a group of lovers and a woman shooting a man who stands beseechingly before her. Close to the fighting soldiers, but apparently unaffected by their struggle, is a large ship, which must have arrived only a short time ago, since sailors are still in the act of striking the sails. In front of the ship a couple with dogs walks along the shore and a group of men listen to a musician. Looking at the principal figures in the painting, one is intrigued by the large number of individualized facial features, especially among the writers and musicians who surround, and direct our attention toward, the coronation in their midst. The elegantly dressed lady who is rewarded by the Cupid has been considered by all critics to be a portrait of Isabella d’Este herself (pl. 28).93 There can be no doubt that the coronation signifies reward,

because among the trees, which stand behind the woman, as a brocaded cloth does in certain representations of the Virgin Mary, we find a palm tree, symbol of victory. There has been some discussion about the identity of the lady who holds the little winged Cupid on her lap.24 Most likely she is Venus. Her Cupid has exchanged his weapons for floral wreaths. His new and unconventional attributes have a very definite is given in a relaxed stance and with the beheaded serpent even more often, purity, and thus it is self-evident why , at his feet. (The identification of the soldier as Cadmus had Diana should stand next to it. The ox at the side of Cadbeen proposed by Wind, Bellini, p. 49, note 15.) The fight- mus stands for the results of man’s deeds and also for con-

ing soldiers in the background may allude—but this is stancy, which in turn is personified in Cadmus. very conjectural—to the battle among the soldiers grown 93. For the discussion of possible identification of these from the teeth of the slain dragon, although here they portraits see A. Luzio, “‘I Ritratti d’Isabella d’Este,” Emwere depicted as horsemen (see Ovid, Metamorphoses, m, porium, II (1900), 344 ff. and 427 ff., reprinted in La i). The choice of Cadmus as custodian of the garden may Galleria dei Gonzaga venduta all’ Inghilterra (Milan, 1910), have been influenced by the fact that he was to become the pp. 183 ff. See also Wind, Bellini, p. 49, note 14 and p. $0

husband of Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus with further references. (who is not depicted in the painting). In addition, Cadmus 94. It has been suggested that she is Calliope, the Muse was believed to have brought sixteen letters from the al- of Poetry (Kristeller, Mantegna, p. 349), but there are only phabet from Egypt to Greece (see L. G. Gyraldus, “De two poets among the four musicians, and one might therePoetarum Historia Dialogus I,’ Opera, Vol. 1, Leiden, fore equally think of Erato, the Muse of Music. It has also 1696, col. 10 Cc). See also E. Simon, Die Gotter der Griechen and more correctly been proposed that the lady is the

(Munich, 1969), pp. 259 ff. ‘chaste looking goddess of Love” (Wind, Bellini, p. so). 92. I cannot agree with Wind, Bellini, pp. 49 ff., who Cupid, then, must be considered chaste, too. Among the

considers the two animals and the ladies as allegorical rep- activities of the chaste cupid are his fight against sensualresentations, ‘‘the cow suggesting the husbandry of Ver- ity, as shown in his attack on Vulcan in Mantegna’s Mars gil’s Georgics, the lamb the pastoral poetry of the Eclogues, and Venus, and his occupation with learning, as shown in or possibly Boeotia and Arcadia.’”’ Wind interpreted the allegorical representations of the Education of Cupid, which

painting as the commemoration of the heroic pastoral ‘‘in was to become a favorite theme at the Mantuan Court. which her (Isabella’s) friend and kinsman Niccolo da Cor- All of this could be expressed through the absence of reggio excelled.’’ The lamb symbolizes innocence and, weapons or the exchange of weapons for flower wreaths.

46 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

meaning, which was incorporated into Alciati’s collection of emblems, published in Augsburg in 1531. One of these emblems shows an unarmed cupid with wreaths in his hands. The title of this picture, as well as the accompanying verse, states that this cupid is Anteros, who symbolizes the power of virtue and the contemplation of higher values, and also of reason with its transcendental aspect (fig. 5). If one accepts the identification of the standing lady as Isabella, then she is rewarded for the conduct of her life and her virtue by Anteros, the amor virtutis. Anteros’s meaning has already been explained in the discussion of Mantegna’s Mars and Venus, which, in the course of the redecoration of the studiolo, had become the starting point of a cycle finally completed by the Coronation. In the Coronation, allegory has been transformed into a history which demonstrates that the positive potential of Mantegna’s Mars and Venus had

been fulfilled in this world by the courtly company and the lady, Isabella.

Costa s Comos 9

The Comos (pl. 33) was the last painting added to the decoration of the studiolo, and was placed between Perugino’s Battle Between Chastity and Love and Costa’s Coronation of a

Lady (pl. 10). With respect to interpretation, it is the most problematic work of the studiolo, because it reflects in many details a painting of the same title on which Mantegna was working in 1506. The composition of the Mantegna is known to us from a descrip-

tion in a letter written to Isabella in July of 1506.9 However, neither this description of Mantegna’s painting nor what we see in Costa’s corresponds to the only literary source for Comos which was known during those years: Philostratus’ description of ancient paintings, the so-called Imagines.97 In addition, we do not know precisely how much Costa took over from Mantegna’s design and to what extent he changed his model to make the work fit into the new concept of the studiolo.°8 95. The symmetrical, static, and quiet composition of be found in Costa’s Comos. (M. Hours, ‘““Etude comparathe main group of the Coronation resembles to a high de- tive des radiographies d’ceuvres de Costa et de Mantegna,”

gree the scheme of Mantegna’s Mars and Venus and this Revue du Louvre, 19 [1969], 39 ff.) Therefore Costa can similarity must be considered a further indication that only have used Mantegna’s design, which after MantegCosta’s painting should be interpreted with regard to na’s death must have come into Isabella’s possession.

Mantegna’s, next to which it was hung. Consequently, we do not have any indication of the size

96. See above note 39. Mantegna chose for his work. Also, the arrangement of

97. Philostratus, Imagines (London, 1931), pp. 9 ff. the figures might have been quite different from Costa’s.

(Loeb Classical Library). As Calandra’s description of Mantegna’s design was made 98. The painting finally executed by Costa and Calan- shortly before the master’s death, we may justly assume dra’s description of the sketch of the Comos have so many that it included only those parts executed by Mantegna.

features in common that a direct link between the two Thus, features not listed in Calandra’s letter would have works cannot be denied (Kristeller, Mantegna, doc. 77). been added by Costa. According to Calandra, Mantegna How can this relation be defined? It has been established designed the group at the right of the splendid entrance quite recently through a technical examination of the where Janus catches Envy and pushes her out and Merpainting that absolutely no traces of Mantegna’s hand can cury fights three other persons related to Envy. The word-

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Qyarum qué Sophia eftempora prin tegrte Fig. 5. Anteros, id est amor virtutis (From A. Alciati, Emblemata, ed. Paris, 1542)

A8 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

Unlike all the other paintings in this room, Costa’s Comos does not show one large single scene surrounded by smaller ones, but is composed of several loosely related sroups. At the center of the most important group, which is at the left, sits a young god with floral wreaths about his head (pl. 34). This figure is probably Comos. He holds two torches in his hand and glances at a standing nude woman at the left. At the same time, his head is inclined toward the right where a musician with a lyre also wears a floral wreath and tries to approach the god and the nude woman, who must be Venus. With her left arm Venus tenderly directs a tall Cupid, who displays none of his conventional attributes, but holds wreaths in his hand. The significance of a Cupid with floral wreaths instead of weapons has already been mentioned (fig. 5). His positive and nonsensual nature also characterizes the Venus here, and their character is further stressed by the fact that their torches have been bound together and given to Comos. Venus and her Cupid have renounced the power of the torches (the torch was Venus’s weapon in Perugino’s painting) and have dissociated themselves from the sensual aspect of love (pl. 26). A certain dramatic element has been introduced to this scene through the confrontation of the musician, who can only be Apollo, with the seated woman who, through her Cupid, is identified as the earthly Venus. She tries to hinder Apollo from going on his way. In her hand she holds a syrinx, a wind instrument, which is contrasted with the string instrument in Apollo’s hand. This allusion to the lower and higher forms of music underscores the contrasting character of the goddesses at either side of Comos.% The main group of the painting depicts the spiritual relationship between the higher Venus and Apollo which sensuality, in the form of the lower Venus, tries to prevent. Sensuality as a force innate to man attempts to obstruct this union of virtue and wis-

ing in Calandra’s letter, subspingendola fora, indicates that Costa has relied entirely on Mantegna’s design. Turning in Mantegna’s design some kind of gateway had existed to the group of Comos and the two Venuses, a comparable also. The only other group in the painting which is un- similarity cannot be detected. No matter how complex or

doubtedly Mantegna’s is that which includes the seated complicated the original design was, Calandra saw a god with the two torches in his left hand and the two Ve- group of Comos and the two Venuses; a drawing in Lonnuses with their respective Cupids. It had never been ob- don, showing Mars, Diana, and Venus might give us some served that the god has two torches, a large one and a small idea of Mantegna’s design because of the obvious similarione, bound together, although this detail is very clearly ties of Mars and Diana to Comos and the Venus at his left visible and is relevant for the interpretation of the god. (E. Tietze-Conrat, Mantegna, Pl. 139). The second Venus

| Calandra’s description ended gli manchano anchora alcune whom Calandra saw would have resembled and been altre ma il dissegno di queste é belissimo. The preparatory placed in a position similar to that of the Venus in the sketches of these altre figure Calandra has seen remain un- London drawing. At this point Costa apparently changed

named, setting up a further obstacle in determining pre- Mantegna’s design so as to be able to incorporate the cisely Mantegna’s and Costa’s contributions to the com- painting into a cycle. This would not have been necessary position. Nevertheless we can say that Mantegna’s design had Mantegna’s Comos been commissioned for the studiolo.

was based on the confrontation of the two groups. One 99. For the symbolic value of the different instruments showed Comos with the two Venuses; the other depicted see E, Winternitz, ‘“The Curse of Pallas Athene: Notes on a fighting scene at the gate. Comparing Costa’s interpre- a ‘Contest between Apollo and Marsyas’ in the Kress Coltation of this scene with Calandra’s report to Isabella, one lection,” Studies in the History of Art dedicated to William S.

is struck by their similarities, and this can only mean that Suida (1959), pp. 186 ff.

THE PAINTINGS 49 dom.! In the second group of the painting, vices outside the entrance try to disturb the ceremony in the garden (pl. 36). They are hindered in their intention and driven away from the splendid gate by Janus and Mercury. In front of the fence are a satyr and a

nymph together, and another woman holding a bird in her arms. On the water, an army of musicians riding on the backs of fishes appears in a way that recalls the many cupids and satyrs who hasten to participate in the battle of love in the scene Perugino executed at Isabella’s request. Inside the garden, there are groups of singers and musicians in the bushes and on the sloping hill. At the far left, Jupiter is depicted with his attribute,

the thunderbolt, lying on the ground. With him is a young man, perhaps Ganymede (pl. 34). In the third part of the composition is a pair of musicians at the left of the gate, shown together with two listening figures (pl. 35). One of the listeners carries a large bow and

is perhaps Diana. She, as well as the young man with the harp, gazes at the second listener, a suffering woman. There are no attributes to identify these figures. The composition, however, recalls representations of the musician Orpheus. 1°!

100. To represent the god Comos as the one who brings Battle between Chastity and Love additions of gold have together Venus and Apollo—Venus trahit ad sup :ra per been made in a very inconsistent way. This is true of inamorem, Apollo per musicam (quoted from Ficino’s notes on scriptions (Costa’s signature in the Coronation is redone; a Proclus manuscript: H. D. Saffrey, ‘‘Notes Platoniciennes some traces of a script are discernable on the tree trunk in

de Marsile Ficin dans un manuscript de Proclus,”’ Biblio- the lower right corner of the painting) and especially of théque d Humanisme et Renaissance, 21 [1959], 161 ff. [quo- the figures at the right half of the painting (see the figures

tation on p. 172])—does not contradict Philostratus’s at the gate in the Comos and Cadmus in Costa’s Coronadescription of the god. At the beginning of his account, Phi- tion). In Perugino’s painting we find traces of an inscriplostratus speaks of a splendid gate, which indicates that it is tion in the lower lefthand corner where we can decipher a very wealthy pair which has just married, and he speaks RVS, and underneath it vstNvs, which can be completed of the spirit of Comos to whom men owe their reveling. to read PETRVS PERVSINVS; but there are also some Later illustrations show the god standing at the door or traces of gold here. On the shield hanging from Minerva’s gate through which the marriage feast can be observed. tree a last letter is legible: P (inxit?). Probably this was the See Wind, Bellini, figs. 58 and 60; W. McAllister John- place where Perugino originally had signed his work. The son, ‘‘From Favereau’s “Tableau des Vertus et des Vices’ to style of the signature would have been very close to that of Marolles’ “Tableaux du Temple des Muses’; A conflict be- the Cambio in Perugia. Entirely mysterious is the tablet in tween the Franco-Flemish School in the second quarter of the middle of the painting where we read in golden letters the Seventeenth Century,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts (1968), VENERI, which sounds like a dedicational inscription. The

| 171 ff. post to which the tablet is attached is located in the portion Wind, Bellini, p. 47, suggests that Philostratus’s propy- of the painting added after Mantegna’s pictures had been laia should be translated as ‘‘monumental entrance”’ rather reinstalled according to their original dimensions (see than ‘triumphal arch,” as the structure was called in the above note 28). The paintings of Costa and Perugino had 1542 inventory. The entrance is decorated with eight stat- to be enlarged to the same dimensions. Probably not only ues and shows the inscription COMEs four times, which the post but the entire shield with the inscription VENERI Wind sees as an allusion to the god Comos and as a refer- was done at this time, i.e., after 1630, when these paintings ence to the VIRTVTVM COMITES on the scroll surround- but not the two Correggios were in the Collection of Car-

ing the anthropomorphic tree in Mantegna’s Minerva. It dinal Richelieu. If this assumption is correct, we gain a can generally be accepted that the figures at the posts of terminus post quem for all the minor but important “golden the entrance are guardians. It is not entirely certain that the additions,” inscriptions at the gate relate to Comos or the COMITES. tor. See J. Pope-Hennessy, Renaissance Bronzes from There are indications that the inscriptions were added at a the Samuel H. Kress Collection (London, 1965), cat. no. 121. later time. In some parts of Costa’s Comos and Perugino’s

50 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

Conclusion Having analysed and interpreted separately the pictures of the studiolo, we now have to investigate the principles underlying their order and sequence within the room. When Isabella decided to change the decorative system of her room, she destroyed the antithetical arrangement of Mantegna’s paintings and incorporated them into a new frieze-like order (pls. 9, 10). This did not alter their program and meaning but it changed their relationship. Now they were brought into a sequence which started at the right of the entrance. The first painting in this series was Mantegna’s Mars and Venus, whose central theme is the proclamation and triumph of reason, wisdom, knowledge, and music. There is no place in it for sensuality. The second painting, Mantegna’s Minerva, shows the garden of virtue occupied by vices, and Diana and Minerva rushing to free the imprisoned Mother of Virtue. Mantegna has avoided the confrontation of Minerva and Venus and substituted for it a line from Ovid’s Remedies of Love. The next painting, Perugino’s Battle between Chastity and Love, presents the actual confrontation of the two goddesses and the moral values they represent. Perugino’s picture is related to Mantegna’s Minerva, since Minerva, Diana, and Venus appear in both. The importance of Perugino’s painting within the total decoration is based on the fact that it fulfills two functions. It links the later works to Mantegna’s and at the same time introduces a new aspect which is strictly personal and cannot be separated from Isabella’s own personality. Isabella had refused to adopt for the invenzione of Perugino’s painting a long and nearly sacred tradition established with Petrarch’s Triumphs. Instead, she turned to literary sources which celebrated the world of chivalry, and it may be appropriate to recall here once again Isabella’s lasting interest in this world commemorated by Bojardo, whose works she adored. In his paintings, Mantegna contrasts the basic powers in man’s life: reason and sensuality. Even when he implies that man’s feelings often strive with reason, he does not insist that one will ultimately triumph. Thus Mantegna’s concept reflects the conviction that man has the liberty to choose one way or the other. Perugino’s picture, with its explicit moral, does not offer a similar choice. There can be no doubt that the principles represented by Minerva and Diana will gain power and control over the world again. And as their principles are morally higher and more worthy than Venus’s, Minerva and Diana deserve our support and emulation. The Comos, although added as the last picture, can be considered as a prelude to the Coronation, which follows it in sequence: the union of Apollo and Venus, still endangered from within and embattled from without, will finally succeed in the consummation of the allegorical coronation. In this last picture, the new personal concept of the decoration is most clearly evident. No longer are philosophical or moral principles in juxtaposition or actual conflict; rather, the painting pre-

THE PAINTINGS 51 sents a historical person, Isabella d’Este herself, surrounded by members of her court. She is being rewarded for what must be seen as the fulfillment of the positive potential expressed in Mantegna’s Mars and Venus, to which the Coronation is linked by many ties. After nearly fifteen years of hope and frustration, the decoration of the studiolo in the

Castello was completed, but the final result was far from being what Isabella had dreamed of all those years. It turned out to be a compromise, both in the factual sense, as she was not successful in having the ‘most outstanding painters of Italy” contribute their energies and talents to the decoration, and in a spiritual sense, as she not only changed the order of the works but finally included one, Costa’s Comos, which was based on a similar work by Mantegna which she had more or less openly rejected only a few years before. The exhausting correspondence with artists like Bellini and Perugino with all vicissitudes finally came to an end. Nevertheless, we have reason to believe that Isabella was thinking

of replacing those paintings which did not satisfy her. Correggio seems to have been working on a revision of Perugino’s painting, judging from a series of drawings by his hand, when, after 1522 (probably about 1530), he painted two Allegories for Isabella’s new studiolo in the Corte Vecchia of the Palazzo Ducale.1

102. A. E. Popham, Correggio’s Drawings (London, Marchesa asked Raphael for a little picture for the studiolo. 1957), pp. 96 ff., suggests that a series of drawings may The letters dealing with this project were published by V. have been considered as preparatory to a replacement of Golzio, Raffaello (Citta del Vaticano, 1936), pp. 36 ff. In Perugino’s Battle between Chastity and Love, which never none of these letters does the word studiolo appear, nor is had entirely satisfied Isabella. It has been suggested by the subject of the painting specified. Cartwright, Isabella, Vol. u, pp. 112, 162 ff., that in 1515 the

Che Studiol in the Corte Vecchi Quel loco che la grotta il mondo appella.

R. TOSCANO, 1586

The Structure and Decoration of the Room N 1522, after a little more than ten years during which the studiolo in the Castello remained unchanged, Isabella gave up her room in the small tower and had all her belongings moved to her new suite in the Palazzo Ducale (fig. 6). Preparation of

these rooms for Isabella had begun in about 1515.19 , The new lodgings consisted of the so-called Scalcheria, the painted decoration of which was executed by Leonbruno; two smaller adjacent rooms, the studiolo and the grotta; and a garden in which appeared a long inscription and the date 1522 (pls. 37, 38): ISABELLA ESTENSIS REGVM ARAGONVM NEPTIS DVCVM FERRARIENSIVM FILIA ET SOROR MARCHIONVM GONZAGARVM CONIVX ET MATER FECIT A PARTV VIRGINIS MDXXII.

There were also a number of large rooms which belonged to Isabella’s apartment.1% As in earlier years, the structural changes of Isabella’s room were conducted during her

absence from Mantua. Letters exchanged between the Marchesa and her secretary, Carlo Ghisi, disclose Isabella’s intentions and chronicle the progress of the work. These letters also indicate the structure of these rooms before Isabella had them accommodated 103. The documents which detail the move of Isabella’s the change. Although a conflict of interests between Isastudiolo have been published by Gerola, Camerini. His re- bella and Federigo did exist, we have no convincing evisults have largely been accepted for the description of Isa- dence that they were the reason for Isabella’s move. One bella’s studiolo in Mantova, Le Arti (Mantua, 1962), Vol. n, also has to remember that the studiolo in the Castello was a pp. 378 ff. The move from the Castello to the Corte Vecchia place accessible only through a small corridor. By 1520, cannot have been caused by the death of Isabella’s husband Isabella was approaching her fifties, and in appearance had Francesco Gonzaga in 1519 and the consequent assump- developed the characteristics of an Italian matrona. In view tion of power by their son Federigo. Before 1519, she had of these factors, a more convenient location of Isabella’s

already had new rooms prepared for her personal use in room was desirable. the former Palazzo Buonacolsi, later the Palazzo Ducale, 104. For illustrations see Mantova, Le Arti, Vol. u, Pl.

| although the death of Francesco might have accelerated 133 a. 52

| CORTE VECCHIA

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no. 9 Grotta (After N. Giannantoni, Il Palazzo Ducale di Mantova, Rome, 1929)

| GROTTA GROTTA | MANTEGNA MANTEGNA MANTEGNA Minerva COSTA Comos CORREGGIO

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Fig. 7. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. Arrangement of the paintings in the Studiolo according to Ghisi’s proposal (a) and the inventory of 1542 (B)

54 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

to her needs. Ghisi suggested some structural changes, !°5 chiefly, the location of the different doors, so that Isabella could hang three paintings on one wall.!° He can only have referred to those three paintings which are interwoven by a continuous landscape and seen as a compositional unity: Perugino’s Battle between Chastity and Love, and Costa’s Comos and Coronation of a Lady (pl. 10). Isabella responded favorably to Ghisi’s proposals, not without noting, however, that one of the three paintings was larger than the others (the Comos) and that one would have to find out whether such an arrangement were possible and also aesthetically satisfying. Therefore, it seems that in November 1522

Isabella was amenable to retaining the sequence of the paintings as they had been arranged in the studiolo in the Castello. Ghisi verified the size of the paintings and reported to Isabella that they would just fit into the space available. 1° In 1542, after Isabella’s death, an inventory was taken of all her possessions in the studiolo and the grotta, and an exact description of the location of the paintings on the two long walls of her room was included. On the right wall toward the Scalcheria, starting at the window, were hung Costa’s Coronation, Perugino’s Battle between Chastity and Love, and Mantegna’s Mars and Venus. On the opposite wall, toward the grotta, also beginning at the window, were Costa's Comos and Mantegna’s Minerva, separated from

each other by the entrance to the grotta. The only spaces which could not be covered with paintings from the old studiolo were at the right and left sides of the entrance to the new studiolo. It was for these spaces that Correggio was commissioned to execute two paintings. There are no known documents which can be linked to Correggio’s works, but it is generally assumed that they were executed about 1530. The sequence of the large paintings in Isabella’s studiolo as recorded in 1542 is totally different from the arrangement suggested by Ghisi in 1522 (fig. 7). If his proposal had been carried out, the two walls of the studiolo would have shown totally different spatial arrangement which would have spoiled the character of the room. Isabella’s acceptance 105. The letters have been published by Gerola, Cameri- large door in the corner of the Scalcheria where a corridor

| mi, 286 ff., from which the subsequent quotations were led along the studiolo and the grotta to the garden. This taken. Early in November, 1522, the Scalcheria had been huge door no longer exists. A new door to the studiolo finished, but the work did not find the whole-hearted ap- would be built in the inner small wall so that the room proval of Ghisi and other cortegiani. Ghisi considered some would be accessible from the corridor instead of from the alterations necessary and proposed these to the Marchesa. Scalcheria. In doing so, Isabella would gain the uninter-

In his letter he gave an exact description of the arrange- rupted wall which she needed so badly for the installation ment of the rooms. A huge door whose material had been of her paintings. Isabella agreed to Ghisi’s proposal. acquired in Rome led from the Scalcheria into the small 106. The corresponding passage reads (Gerola, Camestudiolo, dividing one of its long walls into two parts. Op- rini, 269): facendo dita entrata dal capo, la fassada dove e posite to this door, a second one led from the studiolo to P'usso adesso restaria integra: dove se ge acomodaria tutti tre li the next room, which was to become Isabella’s grotta. quadri medesimamente como sone al presente in opera.

Thus, both long walls of the studiolo were interrupted by 107. Gerola, Camerini, 270: et havendo visto misurato il doors. Ghisi disliked this arrangement. He felt that the Studio et li quadri che sono in Castello, hanno concluso et laudoor leading to the studiolo and this room were not in pro- dato anzi essere quasi de necessitade a fare ditta proposta.

portional harmony. Therefore, he suggested placing the .

THE STUDIOLO IN THE CORTE VECCHIA 55

of Ghisi’s proposal, however, was conditional upon the arrangement proving to be aesthetically acceptable; this condition obviously was not met.1% The new, and final, hanging of the paintings came close to a reconciliation of the two former conceptions of the studiolo in the Castello. As in 1496-97, the two Mantegnas were

hung opposite each other, so as to agree with the actual source of light. In passing through the entrance and reading the paintings from the entrance toward the windows, one would encounter the same “‘historical’’ approach to the confrontation of vice and virtue that had determined the grouping of the paintings early in the sixteenth century. That Mantegna’s Minerva and Costa's Comos were taken out of the former sequence emphasized that the new hanging of the paintings in a ““historical’’ way was meant to imply a moral valuation. The “right” side of the room was selected for those works showing the spiritual aspect of Venus, the realm of the higher values, the defeat of sensuality and hence the re-establishment of the moral order represented by Minerva and Diana, and finally, in a direct allusion to Isabella, the realization of this order in the real world. By contrast, the left, or “sinister” side of the room showed the presence of the vices in the garden of virtue and the imprisonment of the Mother of Virtue, as well as the vices attempting to enter and disturb the realm in which the celestial Venus and Apollo are united despite the opposition of the earthly Venus.

Allegori Correggioi0's s Allegories Correggio’s two paintings for the studiolo are normally referred to as the Allegory of Virtue and the Allegory of Vice, although the inventory of 1542 calls them the Story of Apollo and Marsyas and Three Virtues (pls. 39, 40). Whereas this inventory describes exactly the 108. At first glance such a difference might suggest that of 1530 was the same for which Isabella commissioned after 1522, perhaps at the time when Correggio’s paintings paintings from 1496 onward. The hanging of the paintwere added, Isabella once again changed the order. On ings in Wind’s reconstruction is done ‘“‘as suggested by the closer examination, however, it becomes evident that the sequence of the acquisition” (p. 46, note 7), but the diaproposal of 1522 actually could not have been realized. gram on p. $3 by no means reflects such an arrangement.

The total length of the three paintings without frames Admitting that Mantegna’s Mars and Venus was the earcomes to 6.27 m., whereas the total length of the wall is liest work for the studiolo and that the Minerva was genonly 6.17 m. When Ghisi nevertheless wrote that the erally dated 1502, then Perugino’s painting commissioned paintings were quasi di necessitade a fare ditta proposta, then in 1503 and completed in 1505 should not hang between

he must have thought of fitting these three paintings into the two Mantegnas. According to Wind’s principle, Costhe available space somehow and obviously was consider- ta’s Coronation should hang next and the Comos should ing a necessary change in their width. We have to remem- follow it, but in his diagram the opposite is the case. Wind ber that only some sixteen years before, a similar fate had states later in the same note that except for the Perugino, befallen Mantegna’s Mars and Venus. Wind, Bellini, pp. the paintings were hung in pairs, i.c., Mantegna’s and $2 ff., suggests a rearrangement of Isabella’s studiolo on the Costa’s ‘‘Parnassus” faced each other, as did Mantegna’s

occasion of the addition of Correggio’s paintings, how- Minerva and Costa’s Comos. The grouping of pairs like ever, without reference to the correspondence between these is in itself highly conjectural and contradicts their Isabella and Ghisi. Wind bases his suggestion on the mis- hanging as “‘suggested by the sequence of the acquisition.” taken assumption that the studiolo (which he called grotta)

— «56 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

location of the paintings on the two long walls, the position of Correggio’s paintings is formulated more generally as “two paintings placed at the sides of the entrance.” 1% Lacking any further detail, we have to look to the paintings themselves for indications of their original location in the studiolo. Correggio’s fame is based mainly on his achievement as a colorist. Not only did he use light to create contrasts in his paintings, he considered it the determining factor in a composition. Paolo Lomazzo praised Correggio for his unrivaled handling of light in the series of the Loves of Zeus commissioned by Isabella’s son Federigo II Gonzaga.!10 Correggio’s achievement as a colorist is equally evident in his Allegories for Isabella. They were designed with regard to the source of light in the studiolo, a single window. In the Allegory of Virtue, the shadows cast on the floor retreat toward the left. The right side of each figure is lighter, the left darker. The opposite is true of the Allegory of Vice. Here, the left side of each figure is lighter than the right, and shadows are cast in the appropriate direction. These observations leave no doubt that the Allegory of Virtue must have been installed at the left of the door, next to Mantegna’s Mars and Venus, and the Allegory of Vice at the right side of the door, next to Mantegna’s Minerva.1!! Such placement of the two Allegories is the most satisfying also in terms of the composition of the works, as they are consequently related and framed by the female figure with the lion skin at the left of the Allegory of Virtue, and the vice with the red drapery around her body at the right of the Allegory of Vice. Thus, both paintings are closed at the outer edge. The recession of 109. D’Arco’s publication of the inventory (see above were placed at the door. , note $5) is not fully precise. The text reads: Di pit dui One has only to look at Plan B on p. 53 and at figs. 63 quadri posti da’l capo della porta nell’ entrata di mano del gia and 64 (where the two paintings face each other according Antonio da corggio i un quali e dipinto Tistoria de Apolo et to Wind’s reconstruction) in Wind, Bellini, to realize that Marsia, nell’ altro e Tre vertu, cioe Giustitia et Temperantia, Wind’s suggestion, supported with unconvincing and le quali insegano ad un faciulo misurare’l Tempo accio poscia even wrong arguments by L. Soth, ““A Note on Correggio’s esser coronato di lauro et acquistar la Palma. The descriptions Allegories of Virtue and Vice,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, in the inventory are fairly accurate when the compiler 107 (1965), 297 ff., disregards entirely the artistic charactercould copy inscriptions and identifying scrolls, as in Man- istics of Correggio’s work. Considering Correggio’s atti-

tegna’s Minerva. He is fairly vague when he has to rely tude in composing a painting and, even more, a cycle of solely on his own ability to identify figures and scenes, as paintings, Wind’s reconstruction appears to be based more in Costa’s Comos. The same defects can also be observed in on wishful thinking than on a careful observation of the his treatment of the two Correggios. The fact that in one objects. Wind’s arbitrary reconstruction resulted from his of them an old man appears bound to a tree and seems to interpretation of Mantegna’s ‘‘Parnassus”’ as a symbol of be flayed by a vice (whereas actually the vice is tightening lightheartedness, for which he needed Correggio’s Allegory

his bonds) led to an identification of the figures as Apollo of Vice as a fitting counterpart. Likewise, he related the and Marsyas. In the same way, the figures in the other Allegory of Virtue to Mantegna’s Minerva, although Venus, painting were described as Tre Vertu, although he names and not Minerva, is the main figure in the painting. Soth only two of them: and even this identification is not cor- even went so far as to say that in the Minerva “‘the goddess

rect. enters the battle with her lance and shield at the ready; in r10. G. P. Lomazzo, Trattato dell’ Arte de la Pittura (Mi-~ the later one [Correggio’s] she is shown triumphant with

lan, 1590), Book tv, p. 212: Della virtu del Lume. her lance having been broken in the fray.’ A look at 111. Popham, Correggio’s Drawings, p. 87, note 1, has Mantegna’s Minerva shows the goddess with her broken

already pointed out against Wind that from the inventory lance. |

nothing more can be said than that Correggio’s paintings |

THE STUDIOLO IN THE CORTE VECCHIA 57

the figures, as well as their gestures, open each composition at the inner edge. In addition, this disposition of the two Allegories establishes definite links with the other paintings of this room. The most obvious of these is the genius with the lyre in the upper lefthand corner of the Allegory of Virtue. In gazing at Venus in Mantegna’s Mars and Venus,

he fulfills the same function that in the former studiolo was performed by Diana and Cadmus in Costa’s Coronation (pl. 10). Above all, the arrangement of Correggio’s paintings as proposed here would place the Allegory of Vice appropriately on the left, “sinister”’ wall, and the Allegory of Virtue on the right. This, indeed, is the only way in which they can be incorporated into the overall philosophical system of the room.

-9e

Correggio's Allegory of Virtue Like Mantegna’s Mars and Venus and Minerva, Correggio s two paintings were conceived

as pendants, according to the concept of Isabella's studiolo. Like Mantegna, Correggio established certain features common to both paintings as a means of providing contrast. In both paintings the scene is set in a landscape, and four figures are used for the composition of the central group. Furthermore, additional large figures appear in both paintings, in the sky in one, and in the foreground in the other. In the Allegory of Virtue, the center is occupied by Minerva (pls. 39, 42). In her outstretched right arm she triumphantly holds a broken lance that proclaims the victorious battle for which she is being awarded a palm branch by the winged genius behind her. In her left hand Minerva holds her helmet, while the same genius places a laurel crown upon her head.1!2 Minerva’s left foot rests on the tail of a dragon next to the skin of a goat and the head of a wolf. Her shield, with the head of the Medusa facing right (the 112. Soth, Allegories, 299, has interpreted Minerva as Correggio’s Allegories. He even used the representation of a fusion of Venus Victrix with Minerva, because she dis- Vices in the left half of the relief in Titian’s altar and the plays attributes (lance and helmet on an outstretched arm) depiction of Venus Victrix in the right half of the relief as which characterize Venus Victrix and Minerva Pacifica. proof of Correggio’s dependence on Titian’s painting and Various Minerva representations are discussed by R. Witt- of the correctness of Wind’s reconstruction of the original kower, ““Transformation of Minerva in Renaissance Im- arrangement of the paintings: ““The analogy between Tiagery,” Journal of the Warburg Institute, 11 (1938), 194 ff. tian’s relief and Correggio’s Allegories is almost complete The typical representations of Venus Victrix, such as and the fact that the virtue side of the relief 1s on the right Marco Zoppo’s or Agostino Veneziano’s, do not have and the vice side on the left supports Wind’s restoration of much in common with Correggio’s representation. Here Correggio’s paintings in Isabella’s studiolo.”’ Such a concluMinerva does not display her nude body, as does Venus sion, however, is only possible if one totally neglects the Victrix in the works mentioned above. In addition, Cor- distribution of light and shadow in Correggio’s works and reggio’s Minerva does not hold her helmet on the out- the separation of single motifs (helmet, lance—and Venus stretched arm, but keeps it rather close to her body, as a Victrix does not display a broken lance at all), instead of ruler holds a globe, and she is not represented standing, seeing and considering them in the context to which they but seated like a queen. Wittkower also mentions an ex- belong. Soth’s final attempt to consider the lost sopraporte ample of the (standing and again partially undressed) Ve- once placed between Correggio’s paintings as an equiva~ nus Victrix in Titian’s Antwerp altarpiece. Soth, Allegories, lent of the Cupid on Titian’s relief is without substance. 299 ff., directly relates this representation by Titian to

58 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

direction in which the Allegory of Vice was hung), is a final attribute of the goddess. The dominant position of Minerva has been emphasized by placing her in the middle of the painting, above the two female figures at her sides. The arrangement of these figures is reminiscent of the static framework in Mantegna’s Mars and Venus. The woman to the left of Minerva gazes intently at the goddess (pl. 41). Due to Minerva’s elevated position, the woman actually and symbolically looks up to her. The woman is identified by four attributes, the skin ofa lion, a sword, snakes, and a bridle, and symbolizes the four Cardinal Virtues: Fortitude, Prudence, Justice, and Temperance. Another woman accompanied by a cupid appears at the right of Minerva. She is placed slightly deeper into the painting than the woman at the left. Contrary to the personification of the four Cardinal Vir-

tues, the woman at the right does not gaze contemplatively at Minerva; rather, her glance engages that of the spectator, and this relationship is reinforced by the glance of the little cupid in front of her. The cupid points to the compass poised on the globe between the woman and himself. The woman’s right hand holds the compass, while her outstretched hand points into the background toward a group of buildings. The three figures in the foreground must be seen together as one unit. The three women are heavily dressed and are carefully arranged in a pyramidal formation. A similar solidity and precision mark the trimmed trees behind Minerva. There can be little doubt that the combination of Minerva and the woman symbolizing the Virtues relates to Mantegna’s Minerva. Not only is Minerva depicted in both cases with a broken lance, but undoubtedly both works allude to the same setting: the garden which once belonged to the virtues and their mother. In Mantegna’s painting, Minerva is uncertain of the success of her action on behalf of virtue; in Correggio’s Allegory of Virtue, she is crowned and awarded a palm branch for her final victory. The coronation takes place under a burst of light which, in addition to the normal sunlight entering the room through the window opposite the entrance, lends a symbolical radiance to the scene. Minerva’s coronation and the appearance of light are one. In the foreground of Mantegna’s painting is a foul pond with vices. In Correggio’s painting, the ground is marked by a clear separation of the place where the women sit from the immediate foreeround, the outline of which resembles the pond in Mantegna’s Minerva, and the appearance of which indicates that the pond was filled in after the vices left the garden. These many direct relations between the two paintings help to identify the woman with the globe. She must be the Mother of Virtue, who has been freed by the goddess and to whom the garden has been returned.!3 The woman’s action with the compass and globe 113. The figure has been identified by Forster, Manteg- ‘“‘moral virtue.’’ Wind’s interpretation had been accepted nd, 159, as science; Wind, Bellini, p. 52, note 24, called by Soth, Allegories, 297.

her “intellectual virtue’ to distinguish her from the

THE STUDIOLO IN THE CORTE VECCHIA 59

calls to mind illustrations of God the Father creating the world.1!4 A similar idea must also underlie Correggio’s figure of the Mother of Virtue. Thus the intrinsic meaning of the three figures in the foreground can be described as the representation of a world governed by Minerva and the virtues from the place from which they have expelled the vices. The world which will be created here has shape and form and reflects man’s meaningful actions. The landscape and architecture in the background suggest man’s creativity, as do the trimmed trees behind Minerva.!5

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Correggio’s Allegory of Vice The Allegory of Virtue was placed next to Mantegna’s Mars and Venus, for both pictures show a reality governed by reason. This idea has its visual expression in the triangular composition in both works. The same functional interaction between content and form characterizes Mantegna’s Minerva and Correggio’s Allegory of Vice (pl. 40). In both, the

composition is relief-like; everything is forced into a relatively shallow plane which, especially in the Minerva, creates the impression of confusion to the same degree to which the composition in the Mars and Venus connotes clarity and rationality. At the center of the Allegory of Vice is a bearded man (pl. 43).1!¢ He sits on a blue scarf,

which covers his genitals, and a skin like the one under Minerva’s shield. Bound to an old tree which receives most of its leaves from an embracing vine, the man is tortured by two scantily clad vices, one holding snakes and the other playing pipes. A third vice, also nearly nude, fastens the strings which bind the bearded man to the tree.1!7 This act of binding and the evident attempt of the man to twist his body and escape the torture must be seen as related, but at the same time it becomes evident that all the figures involved are represented in a fairly isolated way. There is no clear outline of the figures, and the composition exudes a sense of restlessness which is reflected in the shape of the tree behind the

group. There is an up and down rhythm to the arrangement of the figures. The movement of the bodies and the position of the limbs contribute to the tension among the four figures, as do the many overlappings of the arms and the legs. These elements do not ex114. Por examples see Klibansky, Panofsky, Saxl, Saturn from all we know about the characteristics of the invenzioni.

and Melancholy (London, 1964), figs. 105, 106, 108. That only the head and parts of the arms of the boy appear 115. The difference in the landscape had been referred has its parallelin many of Correggio’s paintings: see the two

to by Wind, Bellini, p. 52. putti in the Danae, the dog in the Ganymede, the deer in the 116. Soth, Allegories, 300, considered the old man to Io. In each case, these figures were not an afterthought but be Marsyas—Silenus (corresponding to his Venus Victrix— basic elements in the compositional and philosophical

Minerva Pacifica). This interpretation, says Soth, is sup- structure of the painting. ported by the addition of the boy with the grapes who 117. The fastening of the strings, the snakes, and the does not appear in a drawing which Popham, Correggio, p. pipe have been interpreted as different vices mainly with 100, considers a preparatory sketch. “‘It is almost as if the reference to late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century manboy were added to the painting as an afterthought to make uals. See Forster, Mantegna, 179. the meaning clearer.”’ Such a procedure is unthinkable

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THE STUDIOLO IN THE CORTE VECCHIA 61

ist in the Allegory of Virtue; they seem to be intended to describe a different reality. It is not without reason that in the Allegory of Virtue the allegorical figure of the four Cardinal Virtues looks up to Minerva, whereas in the Allegory of Vice the central figure does not stand above his torturers but is looked down upon by them. The glorious appearance of the genii in the bright light above Minerva is contrasted with the dark and umbrageous branches of the old tree and the vine. The filled-in pond in the garden of virtue is contrasted to a field covered with vines and rocks in front of which appears the head and shoulders of a boy who holds grapes in his hand.118 In the Allegory of Virtue the main figure, Minerva, shows the same characteristics with which she appeared in Mantegna’s Minerva. This fact suggests a comparable reference for the male figure in the Allegory of Vice. The only male figure who is characterized in a negative sense in all the paintings for the studiolo is Vulcan in Mantegna’s Mars and Venus,

above whose cave bunches of grapes are depicted (pl. 21). Considering that in Mantegna’s painting Vulcan served as a symbol of sensuality placed outside the realm of virtue and reason and attacked by Anteros, his captivity in Correggio’s Allegory of Vice may be seen as an elaboration of an earlier motif in the same way as is the depiction of Minerva, finally triumphant in the Allegory of Virtue. In both paintings, the main figure had played an important role in the earlier paintings for the studiolo. Now, according to his moral value, each appears triumphant or defeated.119

To deepen the contrast between the two allegorical representations, Correggio has bathed Minerva in light, whereas he has placed a dark tree in the upper portion of the other painting, preventing the “enlightenment” of the creature tortured by vices. This captive dwells in darkness as Minerva lives in light. The implied contrast, then, is evident: Prudence leads to Olympos and reward; vice and sensuality lead to torture and the abyss. 12°

118. Among the emblems in A. Alciati, Emblemata Vulcan has no parallel, but this is true of Minerva with her (Augsburg, 1531) is one which shows a tree encircled by broken lance, too. In both cases, as in all the paintings of the a vine (see fig. 8) in the same way in which it is depicted studiolo mythological figures have been arranged in an un-

by Correggio. The lemma of this emblem, Prudentes conventional manner; only when viewing all parts of the vino abstinent, implies that those who indulge in wine decoration in their interrelationship can the meaning of do not possess prudence, which is a characteristic of these figures be understood. Minerva. The Allegory of Vice attains its full meaning only 120. Cf. B. Berenson, Lotto (Milan, 1955), pp. 16 ff; see in conjunction with and in contrast to the Allegory of Vir- also L. Coletti, ‘‘Intorno ad un nuovo ritratto del vescovo tue, in which Minerva is the dominating figure. Therefore, Bernardo de’ Rossi,’’ Rassegna d’ Arte, 8 (1921), 407 ff. To this motif in the Allegory of Vice underlines the negative the representation of the dead and the flowering tree in aspect of the old man, who is seen in contrast to the god- connection with Minerva see Wittkower’s article, men-

dess. tioned above in note 112. 119. One might object that such a representation of

vi. Conclusion

SABELLA D’ESTE had only about ten years left to live and enjoy her studiolo after | its final completion. Despite all the disappointments connected with its decoration and the long time it took to achieve her goal, the final result must be considered worthy of all the admiration it received. Like a mirror, the studiolo reflected Isabella’s philosophical and literary interests, as well as her artistic preferences. The breadth of artistic talent associated with the evolution of the studiolo is even more impressive when we recall that Filippino

Lippi and Botticelli were suggested to Isabella, although she did not choose to commussion works from them, and that Bellini and Leonardo da Vinci were requested to paint according to her invenzioni, although they declined the commission for various reasons. Had Isabella been able to realize her concept of the decoration of the studiolo as planned

in 1496-97, then two paintings by Mantegna and one each by Bellini and Perugino would have been installed in her room in the Castello. There are many affinities between the works of Bellini and Mantegna, and it is surprising that Isabella considered Perugino their equal. We feel today that Mantegna’s paintings are of higher quality than Perugino’s, but this is a statement of our modern taste which should not be imposed on Isabella. The Marchesa must have felt that Perugino could rival the other masters. Whether this idea arose from Perugino’s reputation or from her knowledge of the painter's work is difficult to say, although the former seems to have been the case. The beginning of the sixteenth century brought about a change in Isabella’s taste. At that time, when she had finally come to an agreement with Perugino, she no longer displayed any great interest in Mantegna’s work. Instead, she wished to acquire works of

different artists, and this might partly explain why she turned to painters other than Mantegna. However, it seems that her desire for variety was not the only factor that determined her action. It appears that Isabella’s admiration for Mantegna faded to the same

degree to which she accustomed herself to the language of Costa and Perugino; the smoothness and softness of their style must have corresponded more to Isabella’s taste than the clear, and sometimes cool, precision of Mantegna’s wuvre. One should not forget that already in 1502 Isabella was advised to ask Filippino Lippi and especially Botti62

CONCLUSION 63 celli for a contribution to the decoration of her room, but never did so. In spite of all their differences, the works of Mantegna and Botticelli have much in common, and it must have been this similarity which no longer appealed to Isabella’s taste. Costa had become court painter in Mantua after Mantegna’s death in 1506, and completed the decoration of the studiolo in the Castello with two of his paintings. Although Costa lived until 1535, Isabella did not return to him when she needed new decorations for her rooms in the Corte Vecchia. The Scalcheria was decorated by Leonbruno, and the

two paintings to be added to the new and larger studiolo were assigned to Correggio. Already in the mid 1520s, Correggio had worked for Isabella, and at the end of the decade he was painting the cycle of the Loves of Jupiter for Isabella’s son Federigo. The appearance of Correggio and Giulio Romano in Mantua permitted the Gonzagas to have

ideas and concepts of the scope of the work of Michelangelo and Raphael realized in Mantua. Up to this time, the city had had no artist capable of carrying out this task since the time of Mantegna’s death. It must have been the realization of this new artistic potential which caused Isabella, who, like Federigo, was well aware of the artistic situation

in Rome, to commission the two last paintings for the studiolo from Correggio. Like Mantegna, Correggio was able to translate an invenzione into a sensitive and comprehen-

sible istoria; one 1s tempted to say, inverting Alberti’s statement, that even without knowing the invenzioni, the istorie are pleasing in themselves. Looking back to the early

years of the studiolo, one is astonished by the highly intricate philosophical program which underlay Mantegna’s paintings. He was probably advised by Mario Equicola, whose Treatise on the Nature of Love was published with a dedication to Isabella. There could hardly have been better choice than Mantegna to find the most appropriate isforie for the invenzioni. The high goals of the initial program were not continued, however, during the later years. At the beginning of the sixteenth century —perhaps under the influence of Paride da Ceresara—the presentation of philosophical principles was discontinued. No longer are man’s possibilities, limits, dangers, and joys presented in a truly humanistic fashion. Instead, we see the actual confrontation of principles, the judgement of their moral qualities, the final defeat of one side and reward of the other in battle. In terms of the humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam, this presentation is no longer humanistic. It has medieval undertones: For the fight between virtue and vice, the medieval scheme of the psychomachia has been adopted, and the basic source for Perugino’s painting was not, as one might expect, Petrarch’s Triumph of Chastity, but rather French medieval literature such as the Echecs Amoureux.

This does not mean that the program of the later paintings is worse, although Perugino and Costa did not have Mantegna’s artistic ability. It does mean, however, that at the beginning of the sixteenth century Isabella had decided to “take a stand.” From that

64 THE PAINTINGS IN THE STUDIOLO OF ISABELLA D’ESTE

time on, she no longer stood between the choices proffered by the paintings, but became a part of them herself. No longer did she watch and weigh possibilities; she acted. In the paintings, she fights and she is rewarded. This greater emphasis on the personal aspect, including the actual involvement of the Marchesa in the representations, is also reflected in other elements of the decoration of Isabella's room. Early in the sixteenth century, an

intarsia decoration was installed beneath the paintings (pl. 38). In spite of the neutral architecture in most of them, the panels are replete with Isabella’s personal divise, especially the xx7, the symbol for defeated arrows.'*! At the same time, a new ceiling was installed. It was covered with Isabella’s motti and proudly displayed her name at its center

(pls. 44, 45). It replaced the former painted ceiling which had exhibited the imprese of the Gonzaga family. We do not yet know the reasons for all these changes. The result, however, amply documents Isabella’s new self-awareness. The formerly abstract ideas for her room had become part of a personal manifesto.

121. Cartwright, Isabella, Vol.1, pp. 279 ff., describes Isa- tenebris expressed by the candelabrum with the single can-

bella’s motti and gives the date of their first appearance. dle was invented by Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell’ Imprese The nec spe nec metu was composed in 1504, and the musi- militare et amorose (1557), pp. 87 ff. Although it is difficult

cal notes which dominate the decoration of the ceiling for to determine precisely the date of this last impresa which the grotta were in use before 1506, as Mario Equicola re- Giovio links with events of the 1520s, we can say that the ferred to them at the end ofhis letter in which he announced appearance of these many personal divise during the first to Isabella the completion of the twenty-seven chapters years of the sixteenth century reflected a new self-awareof his book on Isabella’s divisa xx7 (or xx vit); see C. ness in Isabella, a development which found its most elod’Arco, “‘Notizie di Isabella Estense Gonzaga,” Archivio quent expression in the paintings for the studiolo. Storico Italiano, Ap.tom.m (1845), 313. The sufficit unum in

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