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English Pages 38  Year 1978
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Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile-Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Administrative Council, addresses the Nation, April
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Nationwide Radio and Television Address by Comrade Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile-Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military
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NATIONWIDE RADIO AND TELEVISION ADDRESS DELIVERED BY LT. COL. MENGISTU HAILE-MARIAM, CHAIRMAN OF THE PROVISIONAL MILITARY ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL AND THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. ON THE SITUATION IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE REGION OF ERITREA.
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Published by the Ministry of Information and National Guidance
Addis Ababa. Ethiopia 7 June 1978.
Comrade Lt. Col. Mengistu Hailc-Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Administrative Council and the Council of Ministers, delivered the following radio and television address to the nation on 7 June 1978 on the situation pre vailing in the Administrative Region of Eritrea, Workers, Farmers, Genuine Patriots, Members of the Revolutionary Forces, All Ethiopian men and women who have rallied behind the motto "Revolutionary Motherland or Death"! It is to be recalled that the demolished feudo-bourgeois system was one under which the toiling masses were debased and humiUated, where progress was arrested and where the pillars of society — wor kers and peasants — were made to suffer from hunger, poverty, i^orance and disease. It can be said in general that it was a system wherein the majority were denied their rights and forced to lead a life of abject misery. At the other extreme, the system allowed members of the ruling classes to ride rough shod over the majority and wallow in luxury. As is known, nothing remains static. Everything assumes new form, grows, attains maturity, then ages and finally vanishes. In its place appears a different order, a different phenomenon. A societal order fares no differently. It is in this light that we view the demise of the feudo-bourgeois system that had enveloped Ethiopia for so long. The grafting of the later bourgeois order onto age-old feudalism gave rise to the reactionary feudo-bourgeois system which, under the patronage of imperialism, served the decadent ruling classes to op press and exploit the broad masses for centuries. Despite temporary semblances of dui;ability, its growth too was short-lived. The con tradictions between the ruler and the ruled, the oppressor and the
oppressed, the exploiter and the exploited reached breaking point — and finally did break. The class confrontation mounted jointly by the oppressed and the exploited paved the way for the revolution whicji finally erupted. The entire society was rocked by the openly declared class strug gle. Since all classes got actively agitated from one corner of the country to the other, class alliances and alignments within the various social groupings and communities became cleai;-cut. While on the one side workers, farmers, progressive intelligentsia and men-in-uniform r^ied together and flexed their muscle, the aristocrats, land-lords and other like-minded reactionaries coalesced. As the class struggle thus became intensified, the ruling classes were incapable of arresting the revolutionary tide which had swamped them. The broad masses consequently continued registering victory after victory.
Pride-Worthy Victories The Ethiopian people have scored pride-worthy victories by fighting with determination for genuine class freedom, equality and justice by raising their level of political consciousness, organization and arming. The nationalization of rural land, the means of production and distribution, insurance companies and banks, and urban land and extra houses — the very means of feudo-bourgeois exploitation — is one major triumph. The mass organization of people in urban and rural areas from the kebele to the national level, and more particu larly the establishment of the All-Ethiopia Trade Union and recently the All-Ethiopia Peasants Association, are sweet fruits of the revolu tion gained through bitter struggle. Athough our revolution has made these significant victories possible during the last four years, it still faces numerous phases of struggle ahead. Although the formation of the workers party which can ensure the struggle of the broad masses is yet to be achieved, ours is yet a national democratic revolution which is flourishing by the sacrifice of genuine revolutionaries and which is the path to socialism. Genuine 6
progressives are intensifying their strug^e under the banner of the Union of Marxist-Leninist Organizations in Ethiopia to form the proletarian party. The challenges we will be confronting, the struggle we will be waging and the sacrifices we will be paying are bound to be bitter and protracted until such time as the rays of a People's Democratic Ethiopia radiate on the toiling masses and until the motherland, so rich in the diversity of nationalities, dresses its sons and daughters with the mantle of true freedom and equality. For this reason, we have no alternative but to confront with determination our class enemies on the arena of struggle by bringing our degree of politicizatio9, organization and arming to higher levels of perfection. We have learnt from the experience of the last four years of strug^e that every time the broad masses of Ethiopia move a step forward, confirmed internal and external reactionary forces, coordinated and abetted by imperialists have been hatching plots and openly confront ing them in an attempt to block their path and force them to retreat two steps backwards. Nor will enemies cease from challenging us under a different strategy in the future as well. The basic objective of our revolution is to bring true liberty, equality and justice to the toiling broad masses, which for 3,000 years of phony freedom had been subjected to oppression, exploi tation and the violation of human dignity, to enable ithem to exercise autonomy and self-administration as well as authority over public resources through the establishment of the common guarantee — People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia — and beyond that even tually to enable them contribute their due share to ithe peace, welfare and progress of the world community.
Counter-Revolutionary Conspiracy Those ill-disposed towards the awakening and heightened con sciousness of the broad masses of Ethiopia, their redemption frcnn oppression and forward march in freedom have taken advantage of every opportune time and situation to gravely conspire against our 17
revolution and our unity so as to completely destroy the Ethiopian revolution, relegate the Ethiopian people to permanent bondage, hu miliation and beggary and reinstaite their domineering ruling status. Our enemies, particularly the so-called E.D.U., remnants of the arU stocracy, and its prodigal child, the E.P.R.P. committed grave acts of political subversion right down to common murder. It is well known that foiled in this attempt, they recruited and encouraged for the purpose the Siad Barre regime and the reactionary secessionist groups in the Eritrea region and opened reactionary wars against us in the east and north to achieve their goal. The broad masses of the Ethio pian people withstood with determined struggle and as one the ag gression mounted against them in the cast and scored a proud record of victory by giving the invading Somalia forces an unforgettable lesson. The contribution made in this regard by socialist countries, progressive and peace-loving forces who had stood alongside us will for ever occupy a major place in the history of our revolution. Imperialism and reactionary Arab ruling classes are, by using separatist Eritrean groups, intensifying a reactionary war against us to disrupt our unity and reverse our revolution and to score in the north the victory which had been denied them in the east and south. Our revolutionary liberation forces are thus currently pitted against treacherous separatist groups who are serving as tools of imperial ists and reactionary neighbouring Arab regimes and paying all the necessary sacrifice in order to safeguard our revolution and ensure the sanctity of our historic unity. As is well known and is attested to by history, Ethiopian patriots have made 'tremendous sacrifices to withstand waves of invasion mounted through the Red Sea down the ages and to defend their country's historic unity. The young revolutionary generation knows it very well that it too can never be guaranteed of either the momentous revolution or historic unity so long as the Eritrean problem which is bleeding Ethiopia remains unresolved. To understand correctly the genesis of the problem in Eritrea and specially to be able to assess the situation as it is now in tlie 8
perspective of the on-going revolution, it is necessary to refer back to the pages of history. Contrary to what imperialists, reactionary Arab regimes and their Eritrean secessionist puppets write and say, I would briefly mention the correct history of the people in the Eritrea region as unequivocally acknowledged by objective chroniclers and historians from the earliest times to the present day.
Cradle of Ethiopian Civilization History inccntestably proves that during the 2,000-year Axumite era before and after the birth of Christ, ithe northern part of Ethio pia known as the Maritime Province (bahir midir) and administered by centrally appointed "bahir negashes" was the cradle of Ethiopian civilization and culture. The designation "Eritrea" and the regional colonialist-coined name of "Eritrea" was given only after Italian co lonialists, who had been harbouring such ambitions over northern Ethiopia, seized those parts of Ethiopia in 1889 and, by dismember ing the various nationalities and areas there from the rest of the country, created an artificial Italian-made entity. Prior to that there never was, and history knows nothing of, a region separate from Ethiopia and known as "Eritrea." Although the northern region of Ethiopia has from times imme morial been the origin of the country's culture and civilization and served as its commercial corridor, successive generations of Ethiopians had to put up sustained struggle to repulse outside powers which had from time to time attempted lo colonize Ethiopia by using Eritrea as a launching pad. The chalice of the struggle having now reached the new revolutionary generation, we are currently pitted against imperialists and reactionary Arab ruling classes which, by working in collusion with traitors, are attempting to destroy our very entity through this same sea littoral. Although the wars of aggression launched by Omar-Abdul Aziz in 640 during the reign of Ummayad and in the 16th and 17th centuries by the Ottoman Turks who sought to put the Red Sea under their control were successfully withstood and repulsed and
Ethiopia's independence and unity were thus defended, the Ottoman Turks later went on the offensive and were able to seize the Dahlak Islands and Massawa. When, following the decline of Ottoman power in the region, Egypt filled the vacuum and attempted to encroach into the hinter land after capturing Massawa port in 1868, major battles were foueht at Keren in 1872, Gundet in 1875, Gura in 1876 and Masw sawa in 1885 during which patriots in the Eritrea region and other parts of the country defended their freedom and unity with sacrifices which will never be forgotten by history.
European Colonialism During the 19th century the European colonialists were poised to parcel out Africa amongst themselves and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 drew as never before the attention of the co lonial powers, particularly Italy, to Ethiopia. After seizing Massawa in 1884 with the support and Cooperation of the British and turning the port of Assab into a military base in 1885, the Italians began making preparations to push inland. Although Italy's ambitions of expanding into the hinterland were temporarily thwarted by the sacrifice of Ethiopia's sons and daughters at the gi'eat battles of Massawa in 1885, Dogali in 1S87, Senaife in 1895 and Adowa in 1896, it was nonetheless able to retain control o\er Ethiopia's mari time province and dismember and colonize it under the colonialistcoined designation of "Eritrea". Unlike the Ottoman Turks and the Egyptians, the Italian colo nialists did not stop with annexing Ethiopia's sea outlets; since their design was to colonize the whole of Ethiopia, it is to be recalled that they invaded the interior in 1936 by using Eritrea as a spring-board. The broad masses of Ethiopia put up a heroic and courageous re sistance against Fascist Italy's forces — which were armed to the teeth with modern weaponry — in order to defend their unity and independence. We recall with pride Lorenzo Taezaz, Zerai Deres, Abraha Debotch, Mogus .Asgedom and other Eritreans who struggled 10
and sacrificed themselves for their country's freedom, unity and honour. Following the expulsion of the defeated fascist Italians from East Africa in 1941, the Eritrean people, who were subjected to colonial rule for 50 years, instead of being liberated and allowed to rejoin the motherland were, under imperialist pressure and in complete disregard of the wishes and aspirations of the broad masses there, placed under British military administration until 1952. The struggle for re-union waged by patriotic Eritreans and sacrifices they made during the British military administration cannot be undone by the conspiracy and anti-people fabrications of the conspiracy of separatist traitors.
Policy of Divide & Rule The British administration, which had sought to perpetuate it self, did not leave bag and baggage after ten years on its own vo lition; its termination was forced by the bitter struggle of the majority of the populace which had rallied under the motto "Ethiopia or Death". But although the British were forced to evacuate, they did not do so before planting a colonialist lime-bomb in the Eritrea region. The British colonialists, not satisfied with the historical in justice they had perpetrated in complicity with the Ottoman Turks, Egypt and Italy, set Christians against Moslems, highlanders against lowlanders, and one nationality against another during their admini stration of the Eritrea region. It is obvious to any one that the animosity they had thus created and later aggravated is at the root of the current problem in Eritrea. While Eritrea was under British imperialism apart from the oppression and exploitation which they themselves exercised, these imperialists not only helped the Italian settlers from fascist colonial days to tighten control over land holdings but also expand these holdings and thereby worsen the manifold plights and sufferings of the masses. Unemployment and economic chaos together with other imperialist inequities intensified the anti-imperialisi struggle of patriots in the Eritrea region. That is how a united patriotic front was formed •I'l
in 1941 and the sense of Ethiopian patriotism, honour and sacrifi cial dedication which had from the earliest times epitomized the bravery of the region's fighters was thus rekindled. Even so, forces which had throughout the ages attempted to challenge and undermine Ethiopia's unity never ceased hatching new and diverse conspiracies. Movements known as pro-Italian party, "Liberal Progressive Party" and "Rabita El-Islamia" were organized under the tutelage of British imperialism, remnant agents of Italian fascism and Egypt. Their goal was clear. The pro-Italian party sought to resuscitate fascist Italian exploitation; the so-called Liberal Progres sive Party was after perpetuating British imperialism; and Rabita ElIslamia aimed at nothing less than dividing the region along religious and geographic lines and bring the Moslem inhabitants of the western lowlands under the control of Egypt which then co-administered the Sudan with the British. Most of these groups organized in the form of parties were tools of imperialist and other alien forces which were bent on exploiting religious and ethnic differences. As the Unionist Party continued gathering strength and attracting more membership, including large numbers of Eritreans pursuing various professions, the Liberal Progressive Party restructured itself and joined the Union ists. The Unionist Party thus eventually embraced the majority of the people.
"Ethiopia or Death" Although the majority of the people in Eritrea rallied under the umbrella of the Unionist Party and demanded re-union under the motto "Ethiopia or DeaJth", the British imperialists, whose plan for replacing the Italians to colonize Ethiopia was foiled, began dis seminating futile propaganda to the effect that Ethiopia was incap able of administering Eritrea. Having failed in this too, they made every effort to graft the western Eritrean lowlands to the AngloEgyptian Sudan which they were then ruling with Egyptian compli city, return only the rest to Ethiopia and thus divide the region. The British went further to not only influence and confuse local political parties through money, force and other pressures but also 12
declined to inform the United Nations Organization of their inten tion to terminate their administration in Eritrea. Following the failure in 1947 of a four-power commission comprising Britain, the Soviet Union, the United States and France to reach a mutually acceptable stand and accord regarding the future of Eritrea, it was decided to send a special commission there to assess the wishes and aspirations of the people of the region. The four-power study commission went to Eritrea and after examining the stands of the various parties, interviewing individuals and assessing the position of the various groupings in Eritrea, reach ed the conclusion that the Unionist Party under the banner of "Ethiopia or Death" represented the genuine wishes and aspirations of the majority of the people of Eritrea. This fact was recorded in the study commission's report and submitted, through the four powers, to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The U.N. General Assembly having, 1)
taken into consideration the political and religious situa tion and the wishes of mass organizations and ethnic groups in the region;
assessed the degree of political development in Eritrea;
examined the security of East Africa; and
despite its appreciation of the close inter-nationalities re lationships between Eritrea and other parts of Ethiopia until the advent of colonialism, recommended federation instead of complete re-union for which the majority of Britreans had struggled.
Federal Constitution It cannot be argued that the decision to force federation on a people without any historical, economic and cultural differences with the rest of Ethiopia was the result of imperialist conspiracy. With their plans for staying in Eritrea foiled, the aim of the imperialists shifted to that of creating through the federation conditions condu'13
cive to neo-colonialism. Through the federal constitution they them selves drafted, the imperialists attempted to strengthen and safeguard the position of the European settlers while at the same time sub verting Ethiopian unity. Even so, people of the Eritrean region, who while sacrificing themselves for Ethiopia's integrity throughout the ages had come to understand imperialist oppression and intrigue, dissolved the forced federation and re-united with the motherland. Ethiopians both in the Eritrea region and the hinterland consider this decision as one by which the curtain which imperialists had let fall over the historic unity of oppressed peoples was torn asunder. However, those groups which had originally cultivated close ties of mutual self-interest with colonialists and served reactionary Arab forces in the region embarked on a separatist movement in oppo sition to this historic reunion. Although the movement was initially intended to protect the privileges of the exploiters under the cover of religion, it has reached its present stage by changing its content and structure. What treacherous separatist groups who insist on re writing history at will and expansionist Arab regimes are thus at tempting to do is to disrupt this historic unity and reverse the revo lution of the broad masses of Ethiopia for justice, equality, peace and socialism. Ethiopian Broad Masses, What in fact is the stand of those quarters frantically trying to dismember Eritrea when viewed in the light of our unity and our revolution? Having failed to realise the true picture of the separatist move ment prior to the eruption of the revolution, there were times when many progressives had supported it with the hope that it will weaken the feudo-bourgeois regime. There was also the prevailing belief that the separatist movement would merge with the struggle of the Ethio pian broad mases. But this did not happen. On the contrary, those who were claiming that they were struggling on behalf of the masses opposed our revolution which is the genuine embodiment of the libe ration of the people. In fact, groups which were feuding in the past 14
promptly buried their differences and closed ranks following the out break of our revolution. They hurled everything they had against the infant Ethiopian revolution in order to nip it in the bud. The separatists pushed on with their hope of severing from the rest of Ethiopia the northern part of the country which the Italian colonialists had carved out and designated "Eritrea". It became in creasingly clear that they felt threatened by the revolution and thus opposed it. Distorting History There is no step that has not been tried or slogan not displayed by these separatists to beguile progressives and elicit support for their reactionary goal. They had previously made great effort to have others believe that "the Eritrean question is a question of national ities". They had also attempted to distort history by claiming that the history of the people in Eritrea is different or that their relation ship and ties are with the Arabs, At other times, they say that "tlie Eritrean question is a colonial one" and claim that Eritrea is thus struggling to liberate itself from Ethiopian colonialism. Let us now examine one by one the assertions made by the separatists at various times in keeping with their selfish interests and in accordance with the expediency of the moment. What is the nature of the slogan "Eritrea is a nation"? A people can be called a nation only if it has a common histo rical unity, shares a common geographic configuration, language and has a commonly linked, developed and self-sustaining economic life and common culture or heritage. If deficient even in any one of these requirements, no people can be called a nation. We look at Eritrea from this scientific viewpoint. The mere fact that there are no less than eight nationalities in the Eritrea region belies the claim of the separatists that Eritrea is a nation. How much truth is there in iihe assertion that the people in Eritrea region are entirely different from the rest of the Ethiopian people culturally and linguistically? As is known, out of the TigrignaliS
speaking nationality to be found in Eritrea over half live in Tigray, Wollo and Gondar regions. The Afar nationality inhabiting our Red Sea coastline in Eritrea also populates Tigray, Wollo. Hararghe and Shoa regions. The Bilen nationality inhabiting Eritrea is the same as the one that lives in Wollo, Gojjam and Tigray regions and is known as Agew. The settlement pattern of other nationalities can likewise be enumerated. Although all these nationalities are separated by colonialist-drawn geographic boundaries, none has a historical, linguistic or major cultural characteristic making it different from others living in other regions entitling it to nationhood.
Development of Society What we realize from the historical development of our society and from the scientific objective situation prevailing today is that Ethiopia comprises: — people living in various stages of development who have not yet reached the feudal mode of production or even any social system in general and leading a nomadic way of life; — people who lived under a social system pervaded by feudal culture and mode of production; — people that have reached the semi-feudal and semi-capitalist stage of development or the feudo-bourgois order which emerged as a result of the grafting of the capitalist system with the feudal mode of production — and in general that Ethiopia is a country compris ing different nationalities whose grievance reflecting their political, cultural and economic oppression are as varied as their stages of development. Is attempting to divide these nationalities, which are thus inter related in every aspect, championing the progress of oppressed peo ples or echoing colonialist-inspired lies? Where then is the difference between the history of the people of Eritrea and those of the' rest of Ethiopia? 16
As 1 had noted earlier, can it be forgotten that the people of Ethiopia had for centuries repulsed the common enemy in the north in unison and shed their blood in the struggle? How can it be pos sibly forgotten that Ethiopian heroes in northern Ethiopia like Alula had spearheaded peasant armies to repulse and vanquish invaders violating our borders and humiliated the Turks, Egyptians, the Bri tish and Italians at Kudo-Felasi, Quatit and Dogali? Was it not the patriot Alula who said "As I see it, the natural frontier of Ethiopia is the sea itself? Was it not Zerai Deres who heroically sacrificed himself in a Rome square ratlier than see his country's honour sul lied? Who could stain this world renown history of struggle wrought with such burning patriotism and sentiment? Who is it that seeks to present Ethiopia — which has been consecrated on the blood and bones of its sons and daughters — as a country without history?
Struggle Against Separatists Genuine progressives will stron^y oppose and struggle against any and all attempts made to revert from a progressive to a counter revolutionary and reactionary order, divide and expose to imperialist attack the power of the toiling masses who struggle for democracy and socialism, divide the ranks of the oppressed classes who struggle for a c\ culture, and general way of life, cannot be forced to sever the ties under ithreat from the barrel of the gun. We will to the end face with resolute determination those anti-people elements scurrying to bring this about. We will demolish them as well. Life-and-Death Struggle We have no doubt whatsoever that the broad masses of the Eritrea region — who are asking why the Revolutionary liberating farces who had crushed the Reactionary forces of Somalia which had been arming to the teeth for 17 years had not come to their rescue — will, having fully well realised that the struggle being waged betwecii revolution and counter-revolution is a iife-and-death one, take a decisive and revolutionary stand and, line up along their brothers and sisters in order to enjoy their class freedom and liberty.
Ethiopian Broad Masses, It must be remembered that even now revolutionary Ethiopia still extends her hands of peace. Since the peace policy declaration, thousands of Britrean inhabitants, who had managed to escape from the snare of bandit guns, had been deployed on various educational and other work projects land thereby been enabled to take part in the revolutionary process. At the moment too, ha\ing put up against the anti-people vio lence of separatists, the Government is making a very great effort with a view to helping and caring for ithe people. The necessary assistance is particularly being extended to help rehabilitate those compatriots who have recently been freed from the influence of sepa ratists by the Revolutionary Forces. The Revolutionary Force is on its part demonstrating in practical deeds its popular character and nature by intermingling wih the populace and helping them in their work and ideas.
Full Amnesty Granted The Provisional Military Government has as of today granted full amnesty to all those who might have hitherto been misled to take part in the anti-unity reactionary activity but are now willing to hand themselves over peacefully with the genuine desire of lining up along side the popular revolutionary forces to crush the anti-people banditry and to struggle for the revolution and equality of the oppressed people of Ethiopia. Centres have been set up in Asmara, Makalle, Adowa, Adigrat, Axum and Gondar to care for those handing themselves over and those who are in need of shelter. There is no force that can hinder the historic process of our Revolution. All Anti-people forces scheming to subvert the decisive progress and path of the Revolution, will be wiped out by the revolu tionary wave. From the kindling flame of the class struggle being waged by the popular revolutionary forces will be born the genuine freedom and equality of the oppressed people of Eritrea. The time
is fast approaching when the shadow of death which has for long been hovering over) the peof^e will be cleared by the revolutionary forces, Ethiopian Broad Masses, Because you have risen with resolute determination to eradicate oppression and exploitation from the soil of your motherland with a view to building up a people's democratic Ethiopia wherein equal ity and justice reign, reactionaries are in a state of frenzy. They have arrayed themselves against you in order to dim, extinguish the torch of struggle which you have kindled to march ahead with victory to Socialism — the guarantee of your entity and freedom. As your strug gle has gained momentum, they have marshalled their entire force and strength and launched a death-bed challenge against you. Although you have repeatedly repulsed them in defeat with your popular might, they have not yet shown any signs of restraint. Al though you have successfully confronted threats posed against you from various directions from time to time they have not yet refrained from trying a come-back by changing their tactics.
Safeguarding Territorial Integrity They gang up against you at times from within, then from outside and at other periods from both. Only recently, they had launched a war against you from various directions at one and the same time and they had, in the East and the South particularly, temporarily claimed to be victors through the instrumentality of the reactionary forces of Somalia and thereby poised themselves in arro gance. Having resolved to stand firm for your unity, revolution and national freedom come what may, you have not, however, bov/ed to them. On the contrary, having rallied around the clarion call of "Revolutionary Motherland or Death" and having thereby paid the sacrifices called for by the struggle, you have been able to ensure respect for the frontiers of your Revolutionary Motherland by teaching an unforgettable lesson to the forces of Somalia — emissaries of imperialists and reactionary Arab regimes: Even so, reactionaries 36
have not been willing to learn from the monumental disaster that has befallen them in the east and the South. It will also be well nigh impossible to imagine that, unless and until imperialism is wiped out from the face of the earth, they will willingly accept the supremacy of the oppressed. When they are beaten in one region, they make an infantile effort to re-vitalise themselves in another. It is precisely this fact which we are reminded about by the intensification of their fighting at present to win in the north the victory which had eluded them in the east and the soutl\. Just as you have earlier scored a major victory in the east and the south by coordinating all your efforts and strength and risen with determination under the call of "everything to the war front," so also now you must gird yourself firmly to repeat that victory by winning the war which has been intensified against you in the north — a war which is being waged against you since a long time with a view to disrupting your unity and reversing your revolution. Unless your compatriots in the Eritrea region, presently mu/zled by imperialists and reactionaries of the neighbourhood through the instrumentality of separatist groups are set free and enabled to line up along-side you and unless your right in the Red Sea — the decisive element for your progress and prosperity — is re-assured, your Re volution cannot be said to have been guaranteed. For this reason, you who are patriotic and who stand for national unity, democracy and socialism, must today also raise up your arms, declaring Revolutionary Motherland or Death to bring down to their knees the reactionaries who have over-strained your revolution from the direction of the Eritrea region. Today too under the slogan of everything to the war front you have to stand alongside the second army or the revolutionary liberat ing force to the best of your capability. While your enemies are frantically attempting to see a weak Ethiopia and to divide the oppressed, you on your part must honour in deeds the facL that you are struggling for a strong people's democ-
ratic country, that you are interested in the unity of the oppressed and that you stand for proletarian iniernationalism. Elderly men and women: your blood and your sweat and the remaining rearguard broad masses give one loaf of bread if you have two, and half of it if you have one for the sake of the liberation of oppressed Eritreans. We, your genuine sons and daughters, will always be at the forefront of the challenge yesterday, today and tomorrow. We will stand on the throats of your enemies and die an honourable and worthy dea*h rather than see your humiliation or disrepute. — The right of Ethiopian nationalities to determine their own future on their own has been recognised ! It will be translated in practice too! — The oppressed people of the Eritrea region have no interests and aspirations that are different from those of the oppressed people of Ethiopia as a whole ! — progressive Arabs are on the side of the Ethiopian masses! — The inviolable unity of the Ethiopian people will live for .ever in honour and dignity ! — Peaple*s Ethiopia will be established with the blood and sweat of its genuine sons and daughters ! — The world will belong to workers ! — We shall triumph !