The Minoan Pantheon: Towards an understanding of its nature and extent 9781841713977, 9781407327723

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
Preface
List of Tables
List of Figures
Abbreviations
Introduction
Section One: Settlements and Houses
Introduction
The Sites
Section Two: Palaces
Introduction
The Sites
Section Three: Sanctuaries on Hills
Introduction
The Sites
Section Four: Caves
Introduction
The Sites
Section Five: Rural Sanctuaries
Introduction
The Sites
Section Six: Synthesis
Introduction
The Deities of Minoan Crete
The Deities of Minoan Crete - Discussion
The Evidence from the Linear B Tablets from Knossos
Influence from Outside Cultures
Syncretism
Conclusion
Appendix One: The Minoan 'Horns of Consecration'
Notes
Bibliography

Citation preview

BAR S1343 2005  MOSS  THE MINOAN PANTHEON

The Minoan Pantheon Towards an understanding of its nature and extent

Marina L. Moss

BAR International Series 1343 B A R

2005

The Minoan Pantheon

The Minoan Pantheon Towards an understanding of its nature and extent

Marina L. Moss

BAR International Series 1343 2005

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1343 The Minoan Pantheon © M L Moss and the Publisher 2005 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841713977 paperback ISBN 9781407327723 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841713977 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by John and Erica Hedges Ltd. in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2005. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from:

E MAIL P HONE F AX

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CONTENTS

Psychro (the Diktaean Cave) ...................................... Summary of Section Four .........................................

Preface

135 140

II

List of Tables

iii

List of Figures

V

Abbreviations

XI

Introduction

Section Five - Rural Sanctuaries Introduction ............................................................ Anemospilia ............................................................ Kato Syme ..................... ......................................... Piskokephalo ...........................................................

141 142 145 148

Summary of Section Five ..........................................

150

Section Six - Synthesis Section One - Settlements and Houses Introduction ............................................................... Ayia Triadha ............................. .... ............................. Gazi ........................................................................ Gournia .................................................. ... .............. Kannia .................................................................... Karphi ..................................................................... Kavousi Vronda ........................................................ Kommos .................................................................. Little Palace at Knossos .............................................. Makrygialos ............................................................. Palaikastro ............................................................... Vathypetro ..............................................................

8 9 12 16 20 23 27 29 31 35 37 .46

Summary of Section One ...........................................

.49

Introduction .................................................. ... ....... 151 Deities of Minoan Crete (MMIA - LM IIIC) ................. 151 The Deities of Minoan Crete - Discussion ..................... 179 The evidence from the Linear B tablets ......................... 194 Influence from outside cultures ................................... 195 Syncretism .............................................................. 203

Conclusion ................................................ .........209 Appendix One .................................................. .21o Notes ................................................................... 216 Bibliography ...................................................... 275

Section Two - Palaces Introduction .............................................................. Gournia ............................ .. ........ ............................. Knossos ................................................................... Malia ................ ...... ....... .. ...... ... ..................... ......... Phaistos ................................................................... Zakros ........ .............................................................

50 52 54 78 84 89

Summary of Section Two ...........................................

93

Section Three - Sanctuaries on Hills Introduction .............................................................. 95 Atsipadhes Korakias ............................. ...................... 97 Jouktas .................................................................... 99 Petsophas ............................................................... 103 Traostalos ............................................................... 109 Vrysinas ............................... .................................. 113 Summary of Section Three ........................................

114

Section Four - Caves Introduction ............................................................ 115 Arkalokhori. ........................................................... 117 Ayia Phaneromeni .................................................... 120 The Cave of Eileithyia .............................................. 122 The Idaean Cave ..................... .... ............................. 124 The Kamares Cave ...................... ...................... ....... 127 Patsos .................................................................... 130

Athens; Dr Luciano Arcangeli of Bollettino d'Arte ; Gigi Glinke at Verlag Walter de Gruyter & Co GmbH; Professor Robert Laffineur (Aegaeum); Ross Holloway at Brown University; Professor Paul Astrom at Astroms Forlag; Philip Moser at Biblo and Tannen; Liz Cooper at Oxford University Press; D. Metaxas at the Archaeological Receipts Fund (TAP Service) in the Hellenic Ministry of Culture; Dianne Smith at the University of South Carolina Press; loanna Ninou at the Archaeological Society at Athens; and the Permissions Manager at Cahiers d' Art in Paris.

Preface This revised version of my Ph.D thesis owes much to the encouragement of Associate Professor Robert Hannah, my principal supervisor. He has been my mentor, advisor, champion, and friend, in our intellectual adventures in largely uncharted territory. At the beginning of this study, Professor L. Vance Watrous had kindly suggested the general area of research and then provided on-going advice and feedback. I owe much to Erica Hedges at BAR for her patience and support during the production of this manuscript.

I am grateful to Professor J.W. Shaw and Professor Maria C. Shaw for permission to reproduce two of their original illustrations. I dedicate this book to Robert Hannah .

Other scholars have generously answered queries and provided various forms of assistance. They include: Professor Paul Astroms; Professor Philip Betancourt; Dr. Dominique Collon; Professor Costis Davaras ; Professor Margalit Finkelberg; Dr. Lesley Fitton; Professor Geraldine Gesell ; Dr. Patricia Hannah; Professor Janet H. Johnson; Professor Helen Leach; Dr. Marcel Maree; Dr Marianna Nikolaidou, Dr Nancy Tayles. The expertise and support provided by these scholars has been much valued and appreciated. I take responsibility for any residual errors or omissions in this work.

I wish to thank members of staff of the University of Otago who have been most helpful: Dinah Dunavan, Sue Elliott, and Thelma Fisher , Document Delivery, Central Library ; Jill Davidson, Department of Art History and Theory; Anne Hewton, Secretary of the Department of Classics; and Margaret Williams, University Print. Stefan Pedersen helped me with the computer and gave up time to listen to my ideas. I should like to acknowledge the generosity of the Liberal Arts Fund of the Freemasons of New Zealand for a grant which contributed towards expenses incurred on my trip to Crete and London during my Ph.D study. Without this help, my understanding and appreciation of the land of the Minoans would be greatly impoverished. The award of a Claude McCarthy Fellowship from the New Zealand Vice-Chancellor's Committee made it possible for me to complete the additions and revisions to this work. I am grateful to Mrs Jo-Anne Skinner and Mr John Morgan of Research and Enterprise, University of Otago , for enabling me to take up this Fellowship .

I wish to thank those publishers and organisations who granted me permission to reproduce my drawings of their original works. They include: Amalia Kakissis, at the British School at Athens; Annie Olsen at L'Erma di Bretschneider; L. Demirtzi at Eptalofos S.A.; Naomi Pritchard at Thames and Hudson; Professor L. Vance Watrous; Dr Tracey Cullen at Hesperia; Professor Jeffrey S. Soles; Bonnie Clendenning at the Archaeological Institute of America (American Journal of Archaeology); Dr Rosa Proskynitopoulou at the National Archaeological Museum at ii

LIST OF TABLES

'Table 'Page

'Page

Section Six: ,6.1 Summary of symbolism/finds.

I

1152

Introduction 11.1

I

Chronology

Section One: 1.1 Summary of evidence presented in Section One: Settlements

Section Two: 2.1 Summary of items discussed from the palace at Knossos

15

6.2a

Summary of possible deities and the sites 180 where they may have been worshipped.

6.2b

Summary of possible deities and the sites 181 where they may have been worshipped.

6.2c

Summary of possible deities and the sites 182 where they may have been worshipped.

6.3

General summary of deities worshipped.

Total number of deities worshipped at all 184 sites, per period.

49

61 183

2.2

Summary of evidence presented of deities 77 at Knossos

6.4

2 .3

Table showing dates and location of 93 worship of some deities from the Bronze Age palaces on Crete.

,6.5

I

1185

,6.6

IPalaces: summary of deities

1187

2.4

Chart comparing the attributes of the goddesses mentioned in the text.

94 6.7

Section Three: 3. I Summary of celestial observations which 105 may have been made from Petsophas. 3.2

3.3

Settlements: summary of deities.

,6.8

Sanctuaries on hills: summary of deities

ICaves: summary of deities

188

1190

6.9

Rural sanctuaries: summary of deities

192

6.10

Summary of information concerning the deities on the Linear B tablets from Knossos.

194

6.11

Chart to compare the use of bird figurines.

195

6.12

Summary table showing information 196 about bovine head rhyta mentioned in the text, arranged in chronological order.

6.13

Table showing combinations of other iconography with the horns of consecration.

6.14

Chart comparing Minoan symbolism and 205 responsibilities of deities with the foreign divinities mentioned in the text.

Summary of celestial observations which 110 may have been made from Traostalos . Summary of deities discussed who may have been worshipped at sanctuaries on hills.

114

Section Four: 4.1 Summary of deities discussed who may have been worshipped in caves.

140

Section Five: 5 .1 Summary of deities who may have been worshipped at rural sanctuaries.

150

iii

199

6.15

Table to show possible foreign iconographic influences on Minoan deities.

206

6.16

Chart comparing Minoan deities who have the horns of consecration as part of their iconography.

207

A,ppend"IX 0 ne:

Al.I

Minoan evidence of the horns of consecration described in the present work.

210

Al.2

Similarities between the Egyptian and Minoan use of 'Hathoric' symbolism.

213

IV

I

LIST OF FIGURES

IFigure Map 1

IPage Sketch map showing sites mentioned in the text

1.5

Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms 19 figure from the shrine at Gournia (HM 1934). (after the original in G. Rethemiotakis, '.,,/411§pc,1lTOjiOp'{JtKfj lTlJ,•/ 0 lT,•/OOTfA'. oTfj1l l(pfjT77 . Library of th( Archaeological Society of Athen1 No.174. (Athens: Archaeological Society at Athens, 1998): plates 30 and 31, with permission)

1.6

Snake tubes from the shrine at Gournia a) HM 1935; b) HM 1936 (both LM IIIB). (after the original in Zervos , 1956, plates 790 and 791, with permission)

1.7

Terracotta fragment from a pithos from 19 the shrine at Gournia. (after the original in B.E. Williams, "Cult Objects," in Gournia, Vasiliki and other Prehistoric Sites on the Isthmus of Hierapetra, Crete. Excavations of the Wells-Houston-Cramp Expedition 1901, 1903, 1904, by Harriet Boyd Hawes, Blanche E. Williams, Richard B. Seager, and Edith M. Hall. (Philadelphia: American Exploration Society and the Free Museum of Science and Art, 1908): no.8, p49, with permission)

1.8

Plaques from Kannia: 22 a) plaque with woman; b) sphinx plaque. (after the original in Doro Levi, "La Villa Rurale Minoica di Gortina." Bollettino d'Arte 44 (1959): figure 16, p24 7 and figure 19, p249, with permission)

1.9

Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures 25 from Karphi (LM IIIC) a) 'Goddess 1' (HM 11042); b) 'Goddess 2' (HM 11043). (after the originals in : a) Donald Preziosi and Louise A. Hitchcock, Aegean Art and Architecture. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999): figure 142, p21 I; b) Rethemiotakis, 1998: plate 62; both with permission)

6

Section One 1.1

1.2

1.3

1.4

Plan of Ayia Triadha. 11 (after the original in L. Vance Watrous, "Ayia Triadha: A New Perspective on the Minoan Villa." AJA 88 (1984) illustration I, p 124, with permission)

Conjectural restoration of the fresco 11 from Room 14, Ayia Triadha. (after the original Ill Doniert Evely . Fresco : Passport into the Past. Minoan Crete Through the Eyes of Mad Cameron. (Athens: British School at Athens with the N.P. Goulandri! Foundation, and the Museum of Cycladic Art, 1999): 242, with permission of the British School at Athens)

Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures from Gazi: a) figure with poppies on her headdress (HM 9305); b) figure with a bird on her headdress (HM9307); c) figure with bird and palettes on her headdress (HM 9308). (after the originals in Christian Zervos, L 'Arte de la Crete: Neolithique et Minoenne. (Paris: Editions 'Cahiers d'Art', 1956): plates 774, 772, and 771, with permission)

IPage

Figure

15

Gournia site plan. 18 (after the original in Vasso Fotou, New Light on Gournia. Unknown Document5 of the Excavation at Gournia and Other Sites on the Isthmus of lerapetra b;, Harriet Ann Boyd. Aegaeum 9. (Liege and Austin, Texas: Universite de Liege and the University of Austin, Texas, 1993 ): plan B, with permission)

V

19

IFigure 1.10

Goddess-with-Upraised Arms figure 25 from Karphi (LM THC), 'Goddess 4' (HM 11044). (after the original in Rethemiotakis, 1998: plate 48, with permission)

1.11

Sketch of the painted design on 'Goddess 4' (HM 11044). (drawn by the author)

1.12

1.17

Plaque from Karphi (HM 10872). 26 (after the original in Geraldine Gesell, Town, Palace and House Cult in Minoan Crete. SJMA 67. (Goteborg: Paul Astroms Forlag, 1985): plate 175, p2 l 3, with permission)

Plan of the excavations at Palaikastro. 43 (after the original in Hugh Sackett and Alexander MacGillivray, with Jan Driessen and Doniert Evely, "The Excavation," in J.A. MacGillivray, J.M. Driessen, and L.H. Sackett, The Palaikastro Kouros. A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and its Aegean Context. British School at Athens Studies 6. (London: British School at Athens, 2000): figure 1.1, p22, with permission of the British School at Athens)

1.18

Plan of House X - Kommos. (plan by G. Bianco and M.C. Shaw in Joseph W. Shaw and Maria C. Shaw, "Excavations at Kommos (Crete) during 1986-1992." Hesperia 62 (2) (1993): figure 4, p 136, with permission)

30

Plan of Building 5 and surrounding 43 structures. (adapted from the original in Sackett and MacGillivray, 2000, figure 1.2, p24, with permission of the British School at Athens)

1.19

1.14

Bird seal. (drawing by M .C. Shaw, from Shaw and Shaw, 1993, plate 25b, with permission)

30

1.15

Seal-impressions from the adyton, 34 Little Palace at Knossos. (after the original in A.J. Evans, "The Palace of Knossos and its Dependencies." BSA 11 (1904-5): figures 5 and 6, p 12, with permission of the British School at Athens)

1.16

Seal from Makrygialos. 36 (after the original in Costis Davaras, Guide to Cretan Antiquities . 3rd revised edition. (Athens: Eptalofos, 1989): figure 189, p327, with permission)

a) The Palaikastro Kouros. 44 (after J.A. MacGillivray, J.M. Driessen, and L.H. Sackett, The Palaikastro Kouros. A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and its Aegean Context. British School at Athens Studies 6. (London: British School at Athens, 2000): frontispiece, with permission of the British School at Athens) b) A lentoid seal from Kydonia. (after the original in Martin Nilsson, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion. 2nd revised edition. (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1950) : figure 56, p 148, with permission) c) Male terracotta votive figure from Petsophas (HM 3405). (after the original in J.L. Myres "Excavations at Palaikastro II. §13. 'The Sanctuary Site of Petsopha."' BSA 9 (I 902-3): plate X, no. I, with permission of the British School at Athens) d) Male terracotta votive figure from Traostalos (HM 16575). (after the original in Davaras, 1989, figure 50, p92, with permission)

1.13

26

vi

!Figure

1.20

1.21

1.22

Triad of Menkaure (Cairo Museum JE 45 40679). (after the original photograph by Araldo De Luca in The Cairo Museum: Masterpieces of Egyptian Art, edited by Francesco Tiradritti . (London: Thames and Hudson, 1999): 71, with permission)

2.4

Figurine from

.so

0

KMS

Map 1 - Sketch map showing sites mentioned in the text.

MLM

Key to Sites: I.

Anemospilia

16.

Knossos

2.

Arkalokhori

17.

Kommos

3.

Atsipadhes Korakias

18.

Makrygialos

4.

Ayia Phaneromeni

19.

Malia

5.

Ayia Triadha

20.

Palaikastro

6.

Eileithyia

21.

Patsos

7.

Gazi

22.

Petsophas

8.

Gournia

23.

Phaistos

9.

IdaeanCave

24.

Piskokephalo

10.

Jouktas

25.

Psychro

11.

Kamares

26.

Traostalos

12.

Kannia

27.

Vathypetro

13.

Karphi

28.

Vrysinas

14.

Kato Syme

29.

Zakros

15.

Kavousi Vronda

7

Section One: Settlements and Houses.

• rhyta; • altars; • horns of consecration; • frescoes; • mason's marks; • double axes; • stalactites or other concretions.

Introduction This section seeks to determine the types of deities worshipped in shri.nes or other 'sacred space' within a selection of houses and settlements on Crete in the Middle and Late Bronze Age. 1

The evidence presented in this section consists principally of that from the Late Minoan period because not only is there good evidence for cult use then in settlements and houses, but there is much less Middle Minoan evidence from this type of site. This is due, in part, to the earthquake which struck the island in MM IIIB/LM IA resulting in severe damage. Subsequent rebuilding and resettlement obliterated much of the evidence of earlier cult use.4 However, there is other evidence at the palaces, sanctuaries on hills, and in the caves, and this is presented later, below.

The presence of 'sacred space' in a settlement or house suggests, among other things, a) that some of the spiritual needs of the people could be met through worship at such a place, and b) that given that these areas used for religion were set within the settlement, these needs may have included issues that affected the whole community.2 The types of places considered within these constructed sites (as opposed to the more 'natural' sites on hills and in caves) range from individual shrine rooms within a settlement (for example, the shrine at Gournia), to buildings which form part of a closely-built community (for example, Building 5 at Palaikastro ), as well as rooms in villas, such as those to be found at Ayia Triadha. The geographical spread of these sites covers areas of eastern and central Crete. Some sites, such as the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos, are not discussed because the archaeological evidence is, for the purposes of the present work, inconclusive. There is not sufficient published evidence, at the time of writing, of settlement sites from the west of the island. Excavations at Khania are producing much material: those at the Agia Aikaterini Square, Kastelli, for example, are of especial interest. However, inclusion of the Khania evidence is not possible until there is full publication of the finds from LM IIIB and the preceding periods.3

The sites chosen for this section are: • Ayia Triadha; • Gazi; • Gournia; • Kannia; • Karphi; • Kavousi Vronda; • Kommos; • Little Palace at Knossos; • Makrygialos; • Palaikastro; • Vathypetro.

A number of criteria have to be met if a settlement site (or part of a site) is to qualify for consideration, bearing in mind that only a selection of conforming sites appears here. The dates during which the site was in use must fall between the Middle and Late Minoan periods; if possible, a site should contain at least one of a number of specific architectural features, and finds within (or close to) the room or building described should include more than one type of object or 'decoration'. The context of the finds remains an important factor. So, sites to be considered should contain at least one of the following: • Pillar Crypt; • Bench Sanctuary; • adyton ('Lustral Basin') ; • Tripartite Shrine; • other 'shrine room'. Types of associated finds should include some of the following: • figurines (or other modelled or sculpted representations of people - human or 'divine' - or of animals/birds); • snake tubes and/or plaques; • seals; 8

The Sites.

conjectural restoration presented by M.A.S. Cameron (Figure 1.2), this discussion is divided into three parts, looking at each of the sections of the fresco - the wild animals in the rocky landscape to the right, the female figure in the centre, and the kneeling female in a flower-filled scene to the left.

Ayia Triadha Location: Four kilometres from the coast (today), and three kilometres west of the palace at Phaistos .5

Type of Site: Building Complex - settlement(?), or villas.

Two agrimia and three cats stalking birds in a rocky landscape fill the right-hand panel. In Cameron's reconstruction, the agrimia appear to be leaping towards the left, towards the standing female figure in the centre of the fresco. The cats do not face the same direction and are a delightful representation of the concentration of such animals in the stealthy pursuit of their prey. 17 The rocks have been painted in different shades of grey and brown, perhaps to show different types of rough ground. Rehak thinks that the mountainous terrain "is generally suggestive of the topography of peak sanctuaries." I s

Excavation History: Excavation began at this site at the beginning of the twentieth century by members of the Italian School whose work there continues.6 Brief History: Constructed during LM IA, the site covers a large area and consists of a number of connected ( or partially-connected) rooms, the whole of which appears to form an L-shaped ground plan. The site was destroyed by fire during LM IB, 7 parts were subsequently rebuilt, and some areas were used for cult until the end of the eighth century BCE.s

The middle section, with a life-size female figure in the centre,19 was placed opposite the door to Room 14, above the dais. The central figure, therefore, would have been the focus of attention for anyone entering the room and its placement above the dais also drew attention to whatever or whoever may have occupied the platform. The woman is dressed in the Minoan style, the bodice of her costume open to the waist, with a patterned, flounced skirt that appears to have a kind of ribboned fringe below hip level and on the hem. Her arms are raised away from her body, and the pronounced bend of her hips and knees (along with the suggested movement of the skirt) suggests that she is moving, perhaps dancing.20 On the fresco, the woman stands in front of a structure that may be described as a seat2 J or a platform. Rehak says, "the pose and placement of the Ayia Triadha female make it reasonable to designate her a goddess, presiding over her natural realm, rather than a human being or priestess. "22

Examination of the published material for Ayia Triadha is, on occasion, challenging as plans have been redrawn by a number of scholars, some of whom have re-numbered the rooms/areas and have not always orientated their plans to the north. Ayia Triadha contains a number of rooms that, it has been argued, were used for cult or for the storage of cult materials.9 It has also been proposed that the site consists of at least two separate villas, and that the function of Villa A was principally administrative, while Villa B was smaller and seems to have played a lesser, more domestic role. I o Selected Area: Room I 4 - Figure I. I. Room 14: Situated in the north-west quarter of what is now known as Villa A, this room has been variously described as a bedroom! 1 and as a cult room.12 A fresco in three panels adorned the walls and there was a raised dais beside the eastern wall (which arguably may have been a sleeping platform). It is the fresco that may provide some information about the use of the room.

The figure in the left-hand panel of the fresco, in Cameron's reconstruction, is kneeling in a flower-filled landscape. She too is dressed in Minoan style, with a divided skirt of a plain design, with a dark double band on the lower hem. The taller flowers may be some kind of lily, like the Martagon Lily (Lilium martagon) which grows in woodlands and mountain meadows in Europe.23

The fresco was severely damaged by fire at the time of the destruction of the complex in LM IB, and was probably painted in LM IA. '3 The remains are currently housed in Herakleion Museum (Gallery XIV). Of the left-hand panel (Herakleion Museum reference no. I 8), all that remains is the lower part of the figure from half-way down her thighs and some of the landscape; in the central panel (no.19), we have part of the woman from the waist downwards and some of the building; about two-thirds of the third panel which appears to show cats, birds, and agrimia frolicking in a rocky landscape is missing (no.20).14 (Figure 1.2).

The panels show three separate images, linked by a common theme but perhaps not designed to be segments of a continuous picture in which perspective or proportion are the same throughout. Consequently, it may be unimportant that the figure in the left-hand panel appears to be larger than that in the centre. On the other hand, her larger size (perhaps a third larger than the 'dancing goddess', if she were standing) may be highly relevant. It should be noted that if the woman in the centre is described as 'life-size' then the woman to the left is larger than life-size.

Other finds from this room include pottery fragments decorated with plants or marine themes, and a marble chalice.15

What is the kneeling figure doing? She may be paying homage to the woman/goddess in the centre, but a kneeling position is not common in Minoan depictions of veneration.24 The woman on the Ayia Triadha fresco may be tending the flowers in a garden, in which case we may have two ordinary women enjoying the countryside, or two

Discussion A comprehensive discussion of the fresco in Room 14 at Ayia Triadha has been given by Paul Rehak. 16 Using the 9

depictions of a Nature Goddess on this fresco. 2 5 Alternatively: the figure to the left may be a Nature goddess while the woman in the centre could be dancing in her honour. 26 Yet Rehak's comment about the position of the central panel of the fresco in this room (p9, above) makes it likely that the central dancing woman is a goddess. It should be re-emphasised that very little remains of this fresco and any attempt to reconstruct it is subject to debate. An alternative reconstruction shows the kneeling figure to be placed before twin baetyls, her upper body twisted to her right, gaze upwards as if witnessing the arrival/epiphany of a deity. Her position before the rocks places her status more firmly in the realms of worshipper rather than goddess.2 7

So, do we have two goddesses, or two representations of one deity? It is impossible to tell: there might be one goddess of wild animals and wild plants (left and right panels), or one goddess of wild animals and cultivated plants, if the flowers are meant to represent part of a garden. Alternatively, one goddess of wild animals, and a second goddess of plants (wild and/or cultivated) may also be shown here. If the size of a figure on this fresco is less important than the position of the panel in which that figure appears, then it could be argued that the central figure, at least, is a representation of a Minoan Nature goddess. The discovery of pottery fragments bearing images of plants (as well as marine motifs) in this room may be coincidental or may reinforce the view that this room was dedicated to such a divinity. The use of panels to divide up the scene may have additional significance. There are three distinct sections or zones in this fresco. Was this done to facilitate painting, or is there some other reason? The woman in the central panel looks to her left (if the reconstruction is correct), towards the wild creatures. Her crouched stance, if not meant to suggest dancing, might signify a preparedness to run, perhaps towards the wild animals. She carries no weapons, so she is not a huntress. The woman to the left of the fresco follows the gaze of the central figure, 'through', as it were, the central portion of the fresco to the wild landscape beyond. Does the fresco serve to emphasise the artificial or symbolic boundaries that have been created between people in the 'civilised' world and nature?

Summary The LM I fresco from Room 14 at Ayia Triadha may depict one or two Goddesses of Vegetation.

10

Figure 1.1 - Plan of Ayia Triadha.

Figure 1.2 - Conjectural restoration of the fresco from Room 14, Ayia Triadha.

11

Gazi Location: Five kilometres west of Herakleion.

so we are unable to determine the symbolism associated with her.35

Type of site: Sanctuary within a building complex.28

Some of the other items found in the room were made of the same materials, for example, the offering table was made of the same clay as Goddess 9307, and the same red paint was used to decorate Goddess 9306 as to cover one of the snake tubes (HM 9304). We know little about the concretion, an unusual but not unique feature of this assemblage.36

Excavation history: The sanctuary was discovered in April 1936 by Spyridon Marinatos and was excavated by him soon afterwards.29 Brief History: The site was in use in the LM IIIB/LM IIIC period and was destroyed by fire.

Discussion The remains of the Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures are not only a common feature of Late Minoan shrines,3 7 and, as we see here, they often display recognisable iconographic detail. These statues often held similar poses and their headdresses were frequently decorated with snakes, birds, and other symbols. Peatfield believes that the Goddesses-withUpraised-Arms were different at each site, representing a localised version of the same deity, the differences being most apparent in the choice, or combination, of attributes which accompanied the figure.38

Selected Area: The room which is the subject of examination here was (probably) a storeroom within a sanctuary, rather than a shrine room.3o

The finds included five terracotta Goddess-with-UpraisedHands figures, four of which carried attributes on their headdresses. The fifth figure lacked her head altogether. A terracotta offering table, two snake tubes, some vessels and bowls, and a concretion were also found in the room.3 I The four largely intact goddess figures are the focus of this study: the first (HM 9305) measures 79cm in height. She wears a garment with a rolled collar that falls into a v-shaped fold down the centre of her back. Her skirt is unadorned except for a wide slightly-raised band at the waist, hips, and hem. Her hair tapers at the nape, and she wears a tiara decorated with three poppy seed-heads. Her arms are held in a gesture of benediction: the upper arms are parallel to the body, the lower arms raised perpendicular to it, fingers closed and the thumbs separate from them32 (Figure 1.3a). The second figure (HM 9306) measures 52cm in height, and was covered with a dark red paint, some of which remains, particularly on her skirt which has one band around the hips. Her upper arms are held parallel to her shoulders, the lower arm held vertically at an angle of ninety degrees, with her fingers together and the thumbs splayed. Her hands are positioned at an angle of 45 degrees to her body. Her headdress has two rather plump antithetical birds between which, at the front of her head, sits a pair of horns of consecration. There is a smooth cone directly behind and between the homs.33 The third figure (HM 9307) measures 63cm in height, and her skirt tapers inwards from the hips. There is a broad band above the lower hem. Three applied rolls of clay appear from beneath her headdress to fall vertically down the back of her neck, as representations of plaits of hair. Her plain headdress has a single long-necked bird with outstretched wings upon it. (Figure 1.3b) Her arms are held in a similar position to those of HM 9306 but the palms of her hands face away from her body. 34 The fourth (HM 9308), made of bright red clay, is 58cm tall and her tubular skirt has a single band at the hem. Her long plaits of hair extend to below hip-level down the centre of her back. Her headdress bears six symbols - a central bird (sitting, wings closed), two round 'palettes', and three tall objects with horn-like projections on the top. Her arms are angled forward, the lower arm held with palms of the hands facing each other. (Figure 1.3c) Her 'sister' figure, HM 9309, is very similar, but she has no head

One of the interesting features of this site is that so many figures were found in the same room . However, this is not unparalleled: an examination of the site of Karphi (see below) also revealed five such figures, three of which have headdresses with recognisable symbolism, one lacking her symbols but with her head largely intact, and the fifth is missing the top of her head from her eyebrows upwards. These figures date from LM IIIC, and so are roughly contemporaneous with the Gazi assemblage. The goddess figure with the poppies on her headdress (HM 9305) has excited some speculation as to the nature of this symbolism. Gesell presents these arguments elsewhere and states that we do not know whether the juice of the poppy was used in healing ritual or to promote a trance-like state in the officiating clergy or faithful. As she points out, the rather expressionless face of this figure as we see her today is no indication as to whether this is due to the possible effects of taking such a drug. 3 9 So we are unable to be sure whether this figure represents a deity who heals, or one who watches over those who take opium to reach an altered state of consciousness and thereby communicate with the divine.40 The iconography of the second figure to be considered, HM 9306, is more complex. What of her colouring? She was painted dark red, and this may be significant as not all of the figurines at this site were coloured, although two were made of unpainted dark red clay. It could be argued that the colouring may have been intended to represent clothing. This is unlikely, as there are traces of colour beside her nose and on her left hand. The fact that there is little or no colouration left on the rest of her head or right arm suggests that this loss of pigment may be due to weathering. The Egyptians coloured the bodies of women and men after the embalming process was complete, prior to the final bandaging of the body. They used yellow pigment for the women, and red pigment on the men.41 Given that the figure is that of a female, it is hard to explain why she should be coloured red if an Egyptian convention for the use of colour in a funerary 12

setting was being used, as red was associated with men. Similarly, the earlier frescoes at the palace at Knossos which depict men and women, for example, the 'Grandstand Fresco' and the 'Sacred Grove and Dance Fresco' (see Section Two, below), show the women with white skin and the men with darkly-tanned tlesh.42 However, for the Egyptians, red could also symbolise life and, perhaps most importantly here, regeneration.43 The square pose of her arms is reflected in the shape of the horns of consecration on her brow, despite the fact that her upper arms are positioned slightly forward. In this way, this figure appears to draw attention to the horns of consecration and to the cones. The idea that the position of the arms and the shape of the horns of consecration are similar is not new.44 At present, we have no other example from Crete where these three features, of horns, cone, and birds, may be observed together on the same figure. It is not possible to tell whether the two-dimensional representations of horns of consecration, with a cone-shaped hillock between the uprights, were images of a single feature, that is, the horns-with-a-cone, or whether two separate elements, that is, horns with a discrete hill between them, were depicted. The birds, with their heads tilted slightly upwards, emphasise the shape of the cone. The species of bird is not easily identifiable, although the pose and silhouette of a rather plump, stocky bird, suggests, perhaps, a member of the dove family, or a game bird. The iconographic function of the birds on the headdress of the goddess from Gazi is not clear, and they may have more than one purpose: they may signify a link with the sky, with a celestial deity. Their upward-pointing beaks may emphasise the realm above the figurine, or they may be simply a device to draw attention to the upward pointing triangle of the cone. N. Marinatos states that she is "more inclined to believe that the bird is one of the sacred animals of the goddess, her celestial messenger;" 45 Nilsson thought that the birds were "the embodiments of the deity coming to visit its temple;"46 Gesell says that representations of the bird on the head of a goddess was "a symbol suggesting that she held sway over the sky and birds. "4 7 Perhaps at Goumia, the bird figurines signified the presence of the goddess, or represented a divinity whose responsibilities included the care of birds. Edward Armstrong has argued that the belief that the human soul was thought to become a bird after the death of a person has permeated folklore from the earliest times.48 However here there seems to be no clear association with the dead. The Egyptian tradition presents birds who are human souls as having human heads. 49 The models from this bench sanctuary do not bear human characteristics. The models may have been left at the shrine in lieu of a sacrifice of a (real) bird. Taking the interpretations of N. Marinatos, Nilsson, and Gesell into account, it seems that these models represented offerings to a sky goddess who may have been symbolised as a bird.5 oThere is a long tradition in the Near East of an association between the dove and deities concerned with love, for example Ishtar, and later, Aphrodite.s 1 While Aphrodite had the cone as one of her

symbols in much later times, 52 neither deity has a connection with both the cone and the horns of consecration, so it seems likely that the birds have some other iconographic meaning. The cone as a symbol does not appear often in Minoan iconography before the Late Minoan period. It is possible that this represents an actual peak on Crete. The hill known today as Stroumbolas, 800m above sea level (asl), to the west of Gazi is, perhaps, an obvious choice. There are no other significant hills between Gazi and this peak. If the cone is not meant to represent a particular hill on Crete, it may have some iconographic meaning. If this is Minoan in origin, we have no evidence to help us determine its meaning. The Egyptian use of this symbol, on the other hand, may be helpful. In Egypt, one goddess in particular was associated with the cone. Meretseger, ~- ~-Q~,lti1mJ!. "she who loves silence," was the guardian goddess of the necropolis at Thebes.53 The New Kingdom votive Stela ofNeferabu from Deir el-Medina (Turin Museum: 50058), with a Hymn to Meretseger, is dedicated to this goddess, and she is addressed as "Lady of Heaven." Neferabu also calls her "the Peak of the West" because she was associated with a nearby conical peak, el-Qum.54 She is shown on the stele with three heads, one of a snake, one of a vulture, and one human. s s Another stela from Deir el-Medina (Turin Museum: 50062) shows Meretseger as a woman with a serpent-face, her headdress consisting of Hathoric horns with a disc between them. (Hathor is the Egyptian goddess associated with horns, carrying the solar disc between them,5 6 and rejuvenating it daily as she was its mother. 57) She is accompanied by Taweret (Thoueris) the Hippopotamus Goddess who was a goddess of the living and the dead, with a particular responsibility for the protection of newborn baby and its mother. s s Taweret may be seen, therefore, as a goddess of rebirth and renewal. Meretseger is also depicted on a statue of Amenhotep II (Cairo Museum - JE 39394, 1427-1400BCE, equivalent, approximately, to LM 11/LMIII Al) as a giant hooded cobra rising up behind the Pharaoh. 59 Here the cobra has a headdress of horns with a solar disc in the centre, like that of Hathor. This obscure and apparently very local goddess, who does not seem to have been worshipped elsewhere, is associated with a mountain, serpents, horns, and the solar disc, and she has been identified as an aspect of Hathor. 60 Meretseger, Hathor, Taweret, and the symbolism of the homed headdress on the statue of Amenhotep, are associated with protection and renewal, but Meretseger has another side to her personality as she was also a goddess of retribution. The Turin stele refers to the punishment of Neferabu who offended her in some unspecified way, but she redeemed/healed him after he had appealed to her for mercy. The cone, or hill, played an important role in Egyptian creation mythology as Amun-Re was believed to have emerged from chaos (Nun) and to have stood on the primeval hill in order to begin the task of creating all that is. 6 1 There may also be a connection between the primeval hill on which 13

Atum stood and a bird, the Benu bird, to which the creatorgod is likened as he stands on the hill, this bird representing the soul of the solar deity. 62 There is no doubt that the Minoan horns of consecration were a religious symbol. The origins of this symbol appear to lie predominantly in Egypt where they formed part of the iconography of the goddess Hathor. The significance of the symbolism of the horns of consecration must not be underestimated, and has been largely overlooked. 63 Watrous reminds us that an Egyptian hieroglyph which resembles the Minoan horns of consecration represents 'mountain' (or 'horizon').64 Powell states that the Egyptians used this symbol "to represent the solar god's place of rising. "65 In other words, the sun was thought to appear between the mountains of the horizon. The Egyptian goddess Hath or was often depicted wearing a horned headdress with the solar disc between the horns6 6 and the horns signify protection of the sun. The goddess Hathor was associated with the sky, the protection of the sun god Re, and with the cobra. The cobra goddesses of Egypt were known by a number of names, the most famous being Wadjet, and they were deities who offered protection and new life.6 7 She was a multi-faceted goddess whose many concerns included the welfare of the solar god as he overcame the forces of the night in order to be reborn with the dawn. Hathor was also a goddess who was associated with the protection of the dead. The Minoan use of the horns of consecration seems to emphasise hope for renewal if the Egyptian interpretation of this symbol is taken into account. The use of the horns on Minoan larnakes, which were often decorated with Nilotic images of the Afterlife, reinforces their use as symbols of renewal.68 The Egyptians and the Mesopotamians had similar mythologies about the emergence of the solar god from between the horns of the mountain at dawn. The image of a deity emerging from between the peaks of two mountains may have its roots in the Mesopotamian epic story of Gilgamesh which mentions a mountain called Mashu from which the sun god emerges each day (IX: ii).69 'Mashu' means 'twin', and in Mesopotamian mythology is the twinpeaked mountain at the eastern edge of the world.7° In Mesopotamia the god of fertility and water was also depicted emerging from between twin peaks. Although we have no written evidence to support this, the Minoans may have had a similar belief, although the fact that they used similar symbolism does not necessarily mean that their interpretation of these symbols was the same.

colour which was applied to the figure may be associated with regeneration; the purpose of the antithetical birds is less clear - in terms of Egyptian iconography - and may be symbols of a celestial deity; the horns of consecration are likely to have been derived from Hathoric iconography where they are commonly associated with protection and cyclical renewal or rebirth; and the cone may have links with Meretseger (a goddess who protected the dead in the necropolis), an aspect of Hathor who was also Goddess of the West, the place of the dead, and the cone is connected to the shape of Egyptian pyramids, as well as to a prominent conical peak - Stromboulas - to the west. Together, these features strongly suggest that this figure from Gazi was a goddess of the protection and regeneration(?) of the dead. The third statuette (HM 9307) has a single bird on her headdress. This bird, of indeterminate species, but may be a swan or goose 72 and has its wings open as if about to fly, or having just settled. It may represent the arrival ( or imminent departure) of the goddess, or may more generally signify a sky divinity. The fourth figure (HM 9308) with the central bird, palettes and tall horn-crowned objects oh her headdress is less straightforward. The undecorated 'palettes' resemble half of an elongated oval and do not lend themselves to immediate iconographic identification. As they are not attached to identifiable objects, their significance eludes us. We are left with the seated bird which perhaps represents the deity of the sky present in the shrine.

Summary The shrine at Gazi in LM IIIB/LM IIIC may have been the scene of veneration of the Guardian of the Sun; a Goddess of the Dead; a Goddess of Healing(?); a Bird Goddess.

The pose of her arms closely resembles the Egyptian symbol K3,

U

which was the symbol for the Ka or soul and

represented a person's 'double', a kind of soul that lived beyond the death of the body. Phonetically, there is a similarity between Ka and the Egyptian word for 'bull' as originally Ka was associated with male fertility.? 1 The resemblance between the pose of her arms and the shape of the horns on her headdress has already been mentioned. The 14

Figure 1.3 - Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures from Gazi: a) figure with poppies on her headdress (HM 9305); b) figure with a bird on her headdress (HM 9307); c) figure with bird and palettes on her headdress (HM 9308). 15

Gournia: Settlement Location: On the northern coast of Crete, on the Isthmus of Ierapetra, the site is on a north-facing ridge less than 400m from the sea.

Type of Site: Settlement (with a palace). Excavation History: Initially excavated by Harriet Boyd Hawes from 1900-1904, 73 the site has been the focus of a number of subsequent studies .74 Brief History: A few people lived in the area in EM I. As the population grew, a settlement was built in MM I which was destroyed in LM IB. 7s Some reoccupation took place during LM III A2 and LM IIIB.76 Selected Area: A shrine towards the northern end of the settlement, in Sector 'F' (Figure 1.4). The Gournia Shrine: Situated at the end of a narrow lane that runs east-west off the so-called West Ridge Road, the shrine, measuring 3m by 4m, has three steps leading into it. There may have been a bench at the southern side as there was a recess in that wall although the remains are confusing.77 Gesell classes thi~ building as an "Independent Bench Sanctuary."78 The use of more than one type of material in the construction of the steps and in the walls, suggests that it was built during more than one phase.7 9 There are problems in dating the building - Russell states that "several scholars have assumed that the building existed as a shrine in the LM I Town Period at Gournia." 80 However, the artefacts recovered from this building suggest that it was not used as a shrine until much later, probably during the period of re-occupation in LM IIIB.81 The finds included three terracotta Goddess-with-UpraisedArms figures. One of the three (Figure 1.5, HM 1934) was in reasonable condition when discovered. Measuring 37cm in height, she appears to have a snake encircling one shoulder and arm, and the remains of a second may be seen on her back. Naked to the waist, she wears a tapered skirt. There are no distinguishing features on her plain headdress. s 2 The fragments of the other figures include a shoulder (with part of a snake), and a hand which "... holds a straight object which is bound to the hand by a snake."83 Three complete so-called 'snake tubes' (two of these are illustrated on Figure 1.6) and fragments of two more were also found at the shrine. They measured between 0.37m and 0.423m in height. All three snake tubes had handles topped with horns ofconsecration. 84 One (HM 1936) had snakes around it that passed through the loops on the sides of the cylinder; another (HM 1935) had a disc between the horns.ss Other finds included four terracotta doves, a fragment of pottery with a double axe in relief with a disc above the upper edge of the axe (Figure 1.7), and a terracotta snake head.86

Discussion The finds from the shrine at Gournia give some helpful clues as to who may have been the object of veneration. As the figures from Gournia seem to focus on the iconography of the snake - the largest figure had more than one snake entwined about her, and the remnants of the others suggest that they were similarly decorated - this may indicate, if we apply Peatfield's theory that the Goddesswith-Upraised-Arms were different at each site,87 then we may have a 'local' version of 'the deity who was accompanied by snakes'. However, it can also be argued that it is by no ~e~ns cer~ain that different attributes on these figures indicate different aspects of a single goddess. The Goddesses-with-Upraised-Arms may be representations of individual goddesses whose nature is determined by their attributes . Gesell points out that the association of snakes with goddess figures is common in LM IIIB and LM IIIC shrines and says that "the goddess with up-raised hands is descended from the earlier snake goddesses in the Temple Repositories at Knossos." 88 The persistence of this iconography into the Late Minoan period on Crete suggests that the combination of serpent and women (whether as goddesses, priestesses or snake handlers) was a successful one that maintained its appeal. It is significant that these figures were female snakes do not seem to be associated with the male. Snakes, in art, appear in cultures throughout the world serpents may be phallic symbols, representations of the earth (especially dark places within the earth) and the Underworld, symbols of regeneration (through the shedding of their skin) 89 and guardians of the house.90 The snake could represent change from one state to a more mature one, such as that marked by rites of passage for people. The snake seems to emerge from within itself and appear renewed when it sheds its skin, or when it comes out of the ground after hibernation or with the new dawn. Sprouting new growth in the spring, from seeds which have lain underground during winter was, in ancient times, attributed to the actions of vegetation deities. Snakes and the divinities of new growth have something in common, therefore, as both represent regeneration and are of the earth. Examples of deities connected with plant regeneration include Persephone, whose return from the Underworld heralded the spring; 91 Osiris, whose resurrection, in Egypt, was represented by new green shoots of corn;9 2 and the Sumerian Dumuzi who was the power in the barley seeds planted in the fall, which ultimately would manifest itself in the bountiful harvest in the spring . Thus from autumn through the first months of spring, Dumuzi - the grain - was growing and prospering .93 Seventeen terracotta snakes were found in the Room with the Idols at Mycenae. Dated to LH IIIA/IIIB: 1, the so-called Temple (or Room with the Platforms) and the Room with the Idols formed a discrete architectural unit. The nature of the finds in the Room with the Idols has been described as Mycenaean.94 The snakes were found with a number of 16

figures with unusual and somewhat menacing facial expressions. It is possible that the snakes were "associated and perhaps displayed with the idols, but there is no way of deciding to which idol or idols they were attached."95 The significance of the snakes at Mycenae is not clear, but there does seem to be an association between deities, in the form of the idols, and serpents. The presence of a natural, uncut rock wall intruding into the alcove below the Room with the Idols at Mycenae, along with the snakes nearby, suggests a chthonic element in the rites carried out in those rooms which is not incompatible with the symbolism of the snake, as the living reptiles retreat periodically into holes in the ground. The snake tube with horns of consecration with a disc between the horns (HM 1935) is noteworthy . Sometimes snake tubes were decorated with horns of consecration, but the addition of the disc between the horns is less common. The connection between the horns of consecration, the Egyptian sun god, Re, and Hathor has already been mentioned in connection with one of the figures from Gazi, and should be borne in mind whenever the horns of consecration appear in iconography. The addition of the disc appears to strengthen this symbolism and support the interpretation suggested here concerned with solar (cyclical) renewal and of a sky goddess associated with the protection of the sun.96 The other finds at the shrine, including the terracotta doves, the pottery fragment decorated with a double axe, and the terracotta snake head, should not be overlooked. The dove, in Minoan religious symbolism, appears in a number of media and at many sites. Its presence in religious contexts has been interpreted in a variety of ways and the birds may represent their eponymous Goddess once more. The symbolism of the double axe on the sherd is also meaningful. There are several theories as to the iconographic significance of the double axe: Nilsson, in his discussion of representations of cult scenes which feature the double axe, points out that

evidence that such a weapon was used to end the life of the animal. 103 Dietrich says that " ... the evidence is stronger concerning the link with the sacrificial ceremony than with the act of killing" (my emphasis), and that the blood of the bull was a symbol of "the promise of new life from death."104 The bull, as a male creature, shed its blood within sight of the double axe which seems to have been associated, predominantly, with the female. 1os The double axe could, therefore, be viewed as a female symbol of renewal which was also linked to the ritual 'death' of the male (symbolised by the bull). This may have been a symbolic 'death' as may have taken place in rites where a person undergoing initiation or a rite of passage was 'reborn' into their new religious or social status. So, according to this view, the double axe may be associated with ceremonies of renewal which were directed towards the deity who was concerned with such matters. 'Rites of Renewal' could include seasonal ritual for the fertility and well-being of domesticated animals, crops and people, rainfall, and fishing, as well as ceremonies such as rites of passage, initiations, ordination into a priesthood, or acceptance into some specialised social group. I 06 So the sherd with the double axe motif may have come from a vessel deposited at a rite for a goddess of renewal. The disc placed above the axe, between its upper 'horns,' resembles the disc between the horns of consecration on one of the snake tubes (HM 1935). This is an unusual combination of images, and, if our interpretation of the symbolism is correct, appears to reinforce the idea of renewal through the double axe motif and the symbol of the horns with the solar disc between them. Summary At the shrine at Gournia in LM IIIB, the people may have venerated a Snake Goddess; a Goddess of Renewal; a Bird Goddess(?).

the double axe is never seen in the hands of a male god. It is handled by ministers of the cult or else carried by women ... but there is nothing to show with certainty whether she is a goddess or a priestess.97 The double axe is "the ubiquitous symbol of Minoan religion,"98 and Nann6 Marinatos cautiously states that "it obviously denotes power, but more we cannot say."99 The double axe, as a Minoan religious symbol, was used from the Early Minoan period. Its origins are disputed, 1oo but there may be a connection with an example of a similar, much earlier use of this motif in a religious context at r~ ~ A

; ~ ~~ji1~,'.f;i~~:~;J:?-~

b)

Figure 1.8 - Plaques from Kannia: a) plaque with woman; b) sphinx plaque.

22

Karphi Location: On a steep slope, with a bluff towards the northern limit of the settlement, about 1.5km north of Lagou (modern village) on the northern side of the Lasithi plain. 123

symbolic importance. 'Goddess 3' (HM 11041) whose find spot is not known, does not wear a headdress, but there is a hole in the crown of the head, which may have supported some kind of adornment. I JO 'Goddess 4' (HM 11044 - Figure 1.10), whose find spot is also not known, is different from the others instead of discreet 'peepholes' for her feet, a single larger opening has been made which is repeated behind the figure, and her feet and ankles are visible. The hands are held up with the palms facing each other, the wrists more bent than is usual in figures of this type. 131 The headdress sits low on her brow, and has a conical centre. It is unadorned except for a single pair of sacral horns, the cone behind it being visible between the horns. In this case, the cone is not designed to provide physical support to the birds as in the case of 'Goddess I' and 'Goddess 2', above, as it is a complete cone.

Type ofSite: Refuge settlement. Excavation History: Excavated by H.W. and J.D.S. Pendlebury, and M.B. Money-Coutts between 1937 and 1939.124 Brief History: Temporary structures were replaced with buildings in LM IIIC and the settlement was inhabited for about two centuries before it was abandoned, possibly in favour of a site lower down the slope. 12s Selected Area: The 'Temple' at the extreme northern end of the settlement, on the edge of the cliff.

While 'Goddess l' and 'Goddess 2' appear to be otherwise undecorated, faint traces of black paint may be seen on the skirt of 'Goddess 4' in a panel extending upwards at the front of the figure to the lower border of the waist-band, running the width of the opening for the feet (Figure 1.11 ). There is very little left of this decoration which consists of a double hatched curved band at the lower edge. Above this, the field is divided into vertical panels by means of double lines. Between these lines there appear to be groups of scales, with small ones at the top of the left-hand panel as you view the figure. The remains of painted loops appear in various places in the composition. It is not clear why this particular figure should have been decorated in this way when other such figures from this period appear to have been unpainted.

The 'Temple': The shrine in the area called the 'Temple' by the excavators' 26 consisted of a large room (Room 1) which had an altar at its northern end, and a broad bench against the southern wall. There was a shelf of stones along the western wall. It is not clear if this room was roofed, nor if there was a wall at the northern end beyond the altar, as this may have fallen over the cliff. Adjoining Room 1, to the west, there were two more rooms. The northern room contained a Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figure, and there was a quantity of blue pottery in a nearby room to the southwest. I 27 Other objects were recovered from this small complex, but no excavation details have been given in the original report, so their find spots are uncertain. They include two cowrie shells, four spindle whorls, a plaque with a face on the upper surface, and four other Goddesswith-Upraised-Arms figures. 12s It is not clear from the excavation report as to whether these rooms were used for storage or for ritual.

The plaque (HM I 0872 - Figure 1.12) measures 40cm by 20cm, and the face appears on the upper edge. There are no other distinguishing features on this object.

Discussion ft is normally assumed, because of the name archaeologists have given the Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures, that they depict deities. However, this is not certain, and it is possible that they are images of priestesses. The different sets of symbols may signify that they serve different deities. Either way, the symbolism appears to point to who was worshipped at the shrine. ff the decoration on the headdress acts as an identifying symbol, then we may have several different goddesses at Karphi: two have discs and birds, a third has sacral horns and a complete cone.

'Goddess l' and 'Goddess 2' (HM 11042 and HM 11043) are similar (Figure 1.9). Gesell points out that "the arms are held obliquely forward with the palms also at an oblique angle,"129 and the shape of the unnatural gap between the fingers and the elongated thumb bears a striking resemblance to the shape of horns of consecration. Both figures wear long skirts and there are small arched holes in the lower edge of the skirts through which the ankles and shod (?) feet of the figures protrude. 'Goddess l' (HM 11042 - Figure 1.9a), whose find spot is uncertain, wears a tiara with a row of small discs around it. Above them there are three larger discs, with two birds between them. 'Goddess 2' (HM 11043 - Figure 1.9b), which was found in Room 'A', also has discs around the browband of her headdress, with three birds above them. The birds on both of these figures have their wings outstretched behind them as if they have just settled or are preparing to leave (as with the bird on the headdress of the figure from Gazi - HM 9307, above). Both of these figures have what may be described as 'cut-off' cones in the centre of their headdresses to which the birds have been attached. These protrusions appear to be a way of supporting the figurines of birds rather than having any particular

'Goddess I' (HM 11042) has alternate discs and birds at the top of her headdress. The discs could be solar or lunar symbols, but the birds are not identifiable. The long neck and stance is suggestive of swans or geese, but we do not know if the birds are meant to portray a particular species. The symbols of birds and the solar or lunar discs suggest the sky, so here, the goddess concerned may have been a bird goddess. 'Goddess 2' (HM 11043) has three birds on the top of her headdress, with no intervening discs. As she has a row of discs below the birds (as has 'Goddess 1'), she may be the 23

same deity as 'Goddess 1'. 'Goddess 4' (HM 11044), with the cone behind horns of consecration on her headdress, presents more of a challenge. This arrangement, minus the antithetical birds, is the same as that on the headdress of the figure HM 9306 from Gazi (see above). It is not unreasonable to conclude that both figures, with their similar decoration, were dedicated to the same divinity, that is, to a Goddess of the Dead. Again, the use of angular upraised arms on the goddess from Karphi may have been associated with the Egyptian symbol for the 'soul', U, the Ka. This is emphasised by the position of the arms on HM l l 044, especially when viewed from behind which form a triangle which draws the eye upwards to her headdress with the upward-pointing cone. It may be coincidental that both HM 11044 from Karphi and HM 9306 from Gazi with their similar iconography came from excavations where groups of five Goddesses-withUpraised-Arms have been recovered. This may be significant, but without further examples, it is not possible to make further comment.

1

The plaque with the head attached to it may have been offered with one of the Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures, and there is a general stylistic similarity between the facial features on the plaque and on the figures. Some plaques at Kavousi Vronda (see below) were made of the same material as the Goddess figures, and it has been argued that these pieces of cult paraphernalia came in 'sets'. It is not clear to which Goddess figure the plaque from Karphi 'belonged', if supplicants offered more than one object when they visited this shrine. Gesell has suggested that it was the kalathoi which were brought each time, the goddess figurine, plaque and snake tube (as a group) having already been placed there, to be reused. I 3 2 Summary In LM IIIC, at Karphi, the people may have worshipped • the Guardian of the Sun;; • a Goddess of the Dead; • a Bird Goddess(?).

24

Figure 1.9 - Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures from Karphi (LM IIIC): a) 'Goddess 1' (HM 11042); b) 'Goddess 2' (HM 11043).

Figure 1.10-Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms

figure from Karphi (LM IIIC), 'Goddess 4' (HM 11044). 25

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Figure 1.12 - Plaque from Karphi (HM 10872).

26

Kavousi Vronda Location: Situated on a hilltop (about 420m above sea-level) south of the modern settlement of Kavousi, about six kilometres east of Goumia on the Bay of Mirabello.1 33

handles on the sides). This unusual snake tube (V88.163) had a kalathos-shaped top and small horns of consecration on the upper rim, in line with the loops down the side. 142Most of the conical cups were plain, but one (V88. l 77) had relief terracotta snakes inside it. 143 The plaque (V88. I 65) was plain, had suspension holes and was decorated with two horns of consecration on the upper edge. I 44

Type of Site: Late Minoan settlement. Excavation History: First excavated by Harriet Boyd Hawes in 1900 and 1901, this settlement and some associated sites nearby were surveyed and excavated by members of the Kavousi Project under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies between 1978 and 1990.134

Excavations in 1989 and 1990 produced more fragments of Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures, and some plaques in Room J.145

Discussion The main period of occupation at Kavousi Vronda was in LM IIJC, a time when the people on Crete moved away from some settlements to others which were easily defended.146 There seems to be no doubt that Building G was the site of a shrine, and the large number of fragments of figures suggests that it was well-used. There was a question as to why broken Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figures and snake tubes were scattered over the slope to the south and east of the shrine.147 There is no evidence to suggest that the figures were deposited as offerings only to be disposed of later. During the excavations of 1989 and 1990 it was realised that the torso of a newly-discovered figure (Goddess 3) could be joined to an arm found in 1987 outside the building. There is a resemblance between the distinctive terracotta used for one plaque, and that used for the figure the excavators call Goddess 3, which suggests that they may have been part of a set.148 This evidence was further strengthened by the discovery that Plaque 3 and Goddess 17 were made of the same material (as each other).149 In other words, it seems likely that worshippers purchased, or had made, sets of cult equipment. I SO The excavators believed that the figures and other material were scattered over the slope by the people who cleared what had been Room I when they constructed Grave 19 in the Late Geometric period. I 51

Brief History: One of several contemporary sites in the Kavousi area, the site at Vronda ('Thunder Hill') was first used in MM II.135 The main period of occupation was during LM IIIC after which it seems to have been largely abandoned, but the site was used sporadically for the construction of tholoi for burials between this time and the Byzantine era. The settlement consisted of a number of houses, most of which were only one storey high, with several rooms in each, every dwelling having its own hearth. Building G seems to have been used exclusively as a shrine. 136 Selected Area: West of Building F (south of Building G), and Building G (Shrine) at the summit of the Vronda ridge. Area West of Building F: A quantity of terracotta fragments of Goddess-with-UpraisedArms figures and snake tubes was found scattered over the slope in this area. The snake tubes were decorated with loops on two sides. Only one decorated piece of a headdress from a Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figure has been found, with at least one bird on it. 137 The other fragments of figures do not have the kind of elements or attributes often found on the headdresses of these small statues which might help us determine the kind of deity venerated here. 1 38

The fragment of headdress with two birds on it from a Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figure, as Gesell points out, resembles that of a figure from Gazi.152 This suggests that the goddess to whom this was dedicated had a connection with birds, possibly as a celestial goddess.153

Building G (Shrine): The building itself was orientated roughly north-south and consisted of two rooms - a larger southern (Room 1) and a smaller northern room (Room 2). During the excavations of 1984, Trench 9800 revealed the presence of a wall with a bench beside it, outside the building. 139 The bench (about 8.5m long and just over Im wide) ran along what appears to be the outside wall of Room I. A Late Geometric cist grave was found to have been built alongside the eastern wall, inside the room. Room 2 was not connected to its southern counterpart, and was smaller, with benches on the northern and southern walls. There was a shelf on the eastern wall from which snake tubes discovered close by may have fallen.140 Subsequent excavations in 1988 produced six snake tubes, seven kalathoi (the conical cups which sat in the top of the snake tubes and which may have held offerings of some kind), part of a Goddess-with-UpraisedArms figure, and a terracotta plaque, all in Room 2. The snake tubes surrounded an area which was used as a hearth.14 1 One of the snake tubes was found upside down and was different from the others which were of a simple design (with rings of terracotta around the top and looped

It is not easy to determine the extent of Mycenaean influence over matters such as religion during this time, but it seems that earlier Minoan iconography, such as the image of the snake and the horns of consecration persisted, as they were found on several of the cult objects from Building G and west of Building F. The use of snake tubes in the shrine is not remarkable for LM IIIC. Indeed, examples have been found at Bench Sanctuaries at a number of sites including the settlements at Gournia and Karphi, both of which have been discussed above.154 The snake tube with the horns of consecration on the attached conical cup (V88. l 63) is unusual because most snake tubes do not have a cup attached to them and the small cups associated with them are normally plain. Horns of consecration appear on the handles of some snake tubes so the iconography is not unfamiliar in this context. The conical cup with snakes in relief inside it is noteworthy, as 27

the other cups from this site were empty of decoration.

worshipped a Deity of Renewal (associated with snakes); the Guardian of the Sun; a Bird Goddess .

I 55

Keith Branigan argues in favour of the development of a cult to a so-called 'Household Goddess' on the basis of the prevalence of a number of different kinds of articles found within sanctuary sites, especially the increase - over time - of the appearance of snake tubes. 156 He argued that these cylinders, decorated with a series of loops of terracotta "are characteristic of the furniture of the Snake Goddess shrines." 157 However, snake tubes did not house snakes but were used as stands for kalathoi. I 5 s Perhaps the cup with snakes inside it from Kavousi Vronda was associated with a particular figurine, although there are problems in identifying the one to which it belonged. The lack of other evidence pointing to an emphasis on the chthonic aspect of the snake means that we cannot be certain if this was important at Kavousi Vronda . The function of the plaque (V88. l 65) , with its holes for suspension, is not known, and the lack of personalised decoration, apart from the horns of consecration, makes it apparently anonymous. The context in which the plaques have been found, near the figures, does not help us know how they were used in the shrine . This material comes from LM me and as the island had been subject to Mycenaean influence since the early part of the Late Minoan period, the interpretation of Minoan iconography from LM Ille needs to include and accommodate this. Despite possible Mainland influence, we have no evidence to suggest that the fundamental meaning of the symbol of the horns of consecration 159 had changed , although this is possible. Indeed, its appearance at a 'refuge site' suggests that even though the people moved and established a settlement in a more-easily defendable location, the symbolism from their religious practices persisted. It has already been argued that the symbol of the horns of consecration may have been associated with the Egyptian goddess Hathor who protected the sun god each night. The people may have wished to invoke the protective or regenerative aspect of this deity. The sacral horns appear on the plaque (V88 . l 65) recovered from Room 2 in Building G. The purpose of the plaque , if it had a practical use, is uncertain. The horns also decorated the kalathos-shaped top of one snake tube (V.88.163 ). In this case, they may be associated with the pouring of libations, ritual drinking, or with the offering of some liquid to the deity. In LM me, if the horns kept their original significance, they may have continued to be associated with a goddess who protected the sun god so that he could reappear each day at dawn.

Summary The archaeological evidence from Kavousi Vronda suggests that at this site, in LM me , the people may have

28

Kommos

have been left as offerings to such a deity, and the presence ofa fine double necklace in a nearby room (Xl4) along with more shells strewn on the floor, adds to the conclusion that the shells point to the veneration of a deity of the sea in this house,166

location: Two kilometres west of Pitsidia, and about seven kilometres south-west of the palace of Phaistos. Type of Site: Settlement. Excavation History : Excavated since 1976 by members of a team from the University of Toronto, and the Royal Ontario Museum under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, led by Joseph W. and Maria C. Shaw. Work continues today as publication of many of the findings is underway.160

The bird on the seal may be connected to the maritime deity: the species is not readily identifiable, but seems to be more likely to be terrestrial, a passerine, rather than a pelagic species. A gull, tern, or other seabird does not seem to have been depicted here because the shape of the head more closely resembles that of a warbler, robin, skylark, or other insect-eating bird (with a small pointed beak), and the generally squarer shape of the body and wings do not suggest a maritime connection (where body and wings tend towards elongation and greater streamlining). However, the bird is not just an engraving of such a creature, for, as the excavators have pointed out, it resembles the Bird Goddess so frequently depicted on some Minoan seals, having, apparently, Minoan female clothing in the form of a flounced skirt, upon the lower part of its body. 16 7

Brief History: A thriving coastal settlement with strong maritime links, the settlement was inhabited throughout the period covered by the present work, and beyond, to around 250CE.161 Selected Area: House X, Room 7 (Shrine) (Figure 1.13). The Shrine: Situated in the Southern Area of the excavated area, to the east of the later Greek sanctuary, the building has been described as noteworthy in terms of its large size and superior construction. Having been built in LM IA, the house was eventually abandoned in LM III A2.162 The shrine appears to have been used until the house was abandoned, and three distinct levels of use have been identified. Finds from the first level were few, and consisted of a sprinkler(?), a jug, and some cups, all dated to around LM II. 16 3 At the next level, there were jugs and a small brazier, and some evidence of burning beside the northern part of the west wall. Finally, dated to LM III Al or 2, a stone table had jugs, a conical cup, and shells upon and around it, and there were braziers, incense burners, other pottery, beach pebbles, and a triton shell elsewhere in this small room. A steatite lentoid seal with perforations, so it could be worn as a bracelet, was also found in the room. The seal had been finely carved with the image ofa bird.164 (Figure 1.14)

While we cannot be certain as to who was worshipped at this shrine, it seems possible that more than one deity may have been venerated there. The proximity to the sea, and the undoubted connections between the town and seafaring, suggests that a maritime god or goddess may well have been worshipped here, and the presence of shells could have been left as small offerings to such a divinity. The bird could represent the Bird Goddess, perhaps signifying the air or sky, which would also have a bearing on safety at sea through the weather. Summary In LM III, at House X at Kommos, the people may have venerated a maritime deity(?); the Bird Goddess(?).

Discussion The Shaws have argued that three of the four Elements are represented in the shrine, and that this points to the veneration of "a universal deity or deities of nature . "165 While this is an attractive idea, it has not been accepted here for several reasons: firstly, we cannot be sure that the Minoans would have regarded the three Elements mentioned by the Shaws as having special significance as a group: the Shaws mention the sea being represented by the shells, the earth through the use of pottery, and the sky by the bird on the seal. They omit to mention the fourth Element, fire, which would have been present at rites through the use of incense burners and braziers. The four Elements of air, fire, water, and earth, in religious, mystical, or philosophical thought may not have existed at the time of the Minoans, and we have no firm evidence that they may have considered them to be important as a group. However, the presence of the shells, in particular the fine triton shell (perhaps used as a trumpet), may, not surprisingly, given the location of this site beside the sea, signify the veneration of a maritime deity. The shells may 29

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The Little Palace (LP) at Knossos

the top, and a steatite bovine head rhyton dated to LM IILM IIIA (HM 1368 and 1550). I 80

Location: Four kilometres south of Herakleion and about 23Om north-west of the Palace at Knossos.

A painted terracotta bovine head rhyton, some Marine style pottery (notably a tall alabastron with an octopus design) and an elaborately-painted 'ewer' were found in the area and a crude lead female figurine (HM 46) was found in the room itself.' 8t

Type of Site: House/Villa. Excavation History: Discovered by Evans and his team during 1905, 168 and excavated by him over the next three years.

The stone bovine head rhyton is one of the most familiar of the finds from Knossos. 182 Made from a piece of dark steatite, it lacked horns (the sockets for these suggested that the rhyton must have been homed), and Evans believed that the horns had been made of foil-covered wood which had perished although there is no evidence to support this assertion.1 83 It measures 20cm from the top of the head to the chin and just over 13cm from ear to ear.184 Imported shell had been used . for the nostrils, and the eyes had a border of red jasper, with a piece of rock crystal for the lens, and a painted pupil and iris. What remained of this piece (less than half of the whole head) 185was found in one place, in a cist-like cavity in the wall beside the stairs.186

Brief History: The LP was constructed around LM IA 169 before the neighbouring Unexplored Mansion was built. At some time before the destruction of the LP, alterations were made to the interior of the building, whereby the spaces between some columns were filled with stone so as to alter the ways in which people could gain access to certain rooms and so as to affect the amount of natural light illuminating them. I 1o Much of the LP was destroyed by fire around LM Ill A 1.111Evans believed that following the fire

a large part of it had been simply deserted by its original lordly possessors to be tenanted in their place by boorish squatters, after a shorter or longer interval during which it may have remained derelict,112

The painted terracotta rhyton (LM II) was found to the north of the staircase, and Evans believed that it had fallen from an upper level, along with the tall alabastron. The 'ritual vessel', which Evans called a 'ewer', was decorated with a design that could be interpreted as that of a triple bunch of papyrus stems. Panels of wavy lines (a marine motif?) had been painted on either side of the trefoil motif.! 87

SelectedArea: Rooms 17 and 36. Room 17: Evans called this room the 'Fetish Shrine,'1 73 but we might describe this room as a 'lustral basin' (adyton). Originally containing pillars on the eastern wall, the gaps between the pillars were filled in with rubble, effectively preventing light from the nearby corridor from reaching the interior of this room. Six steps led down into the sunken area of the adyton. The finds have been dated to LM III.I 74 At the southern end, Evans found a ledge on which had been placed plaster horns of consecration, and pebbles had been strewn around them. A number of natural pieces of limestone were found beside the horns of consecration. Evans describes them as "grotesque concretions of quasi-human appearance."175One figure seems to have been larger than the others and he thought that this was a 'mother' figure to the smaller ones.I 76 A model of a Cretan wild goat was found nearby. Fragments of seal-impressions were discovered within and around this room (Figure 1.15).177

The small lead figurine (HM 46, 10.6cm tall), which was found in the southern wall of the room, is of a woman with a beak-like nose whose arms are upraised. She wears a round hat on the top of which rests a short snake. Its head peers over the front of the hat, its tail falling loosely down the nape of the neck of the woman.188 This figurine has been dated to LM III.189

Discussion The function of the Little Palace (LP) is not clear, partly because of the alterations that were made to its interior prior to its destruction. Also, it should be noted that the finds discussed here date from LM II to LM Ill and we cannot be certain that they were in use at the same time. Room 17: The adyton seems to conform to the usual 'formula' for such a structure in that there is a sunken area to which people had access via several steps. The precise use of the adyton is not certain, but the structural modifications carried out in this room, by filling in the spaces between the pillars so as to restrict the amount of light entering the room, may be of assistance, as might Evans' "grotesque concretions", 190 horns of consecration, the model of a wild goat and seal impressions.

One fragment (HM 418) shows the left-hand comer of a shrine with a person to the left of this, as what appears to be part of the arm of a votary is just in view. The other fragment shows the hind paws of two animals (possibly lions or some other large cat) on either side of a rocky mound. 178 Room 36: Situated in the south-western comer of the Little Palace, this room was called the "South West Pillar Room" by Evans. There were two pillars in the centre of the room and a number of important finds were recovered from the area of the stairs to the north of the room, and in a lined pit beside them.179 These finds included a steatite stand with a hole in

To consider the concretions first: Evans thought that they might represent the Mother Goddess Rhea with the infant Zeus. He added that the goat Amaltheia, who was supposed to have cared for the baby (Apollodorus 1.1. 7-8), 19t was 31

represented by the model of a goat. I 92

with significance. The plaster horns of consecration may have been associated with the protection of the solar god, as mentioned previously.

There are some difficulties to be overcome with Evans' idea that the concretions depicted a divine mother and child. The largest of the rocks may not be a female figure at all, but may represent a person with their arms folded (male or female - the gender of the piece is questionable). Barbara Olsen argues that there are no representations in Minoan art of women nurturing children.193 What we have does not seem to be a scene of 'nurturing' but - bluntly - natural rocks which had been taken into the adyton, I 94 possibly arranged in different configurations according to need, occasion, or whim, but almost certainly used as cult objects. 'Nurturing' may not be part of the meaning or relevance of these pieces. The large figure may represent a deity, the smaller ones, its votaries, or they may have come from a cave which had a special meaning for those who took them to the Little Palace. In other words, it is not easy to determine the significance of the concretions. The date of the deposit of the concretions is not certain, but they were still in 'use' at the time of the destruction of the Little Palace. It is interesting to note that the later shrine at Gazi, discussed above, also had a concretion among the finds. They may have been a common feature of these shrines in the Late Minoan period.

Room 36: Evans thought that the 'SW Pillar Room' was a place in which ritual took place. He based his conclusion on the rich finds uncovered there, especially the bovine head rhyton. I 99 Hatzaki makes several important points about the quality of the construction of the room, and the provenance of the finds . Firstly, she says that

the walls are of rubble, the earth floor lacks any stone cists and the two complete pillars are of uneven heights: they would have continued to the ceiling with a rubble and wood construction.200 She does not discuss this further, but it seems fair to assume that an important cult room would normally have been built of finer materials. Further, she says that the bovine head rhyton was found in an adjacent shaft, not within the room itself, and that it may represent a deposit made prior to the commencement of the construction of the staircase.2°1 If this is so, then the bovine head rhyton has nothing to do with cult within that room. Her conclusion is that the room, which contained only the figurine, may have been a storeroom used for items of religious significance as the vessels were found in the area of the stairs.202

The seal impressions are more useful tools in the quest for the deity who may have been worshipped in this room. The similarities between the pictures on the seal fragments and the design on the 'Mountain Mother' seal from the palace of Knossos are striking.I 9s

What may be stated with a greater degree of certainty is that if cult practices did not take place in this room, they are likely to have taken place elsewhere in the building. The adyton is almost certain to have played a part in this, although the details of ritual are obscure. The existence of two rhyta in the shape of a bovine head is significant,203 and the fragment of a seal from the adyton with horns of consecration on it suggests that there is a bovine connection with the rituals or beliefs there. It should be noted that it was Evans who coined the phrase 'horns of consecration' and who also changed the gender of the horned bovine heads he found from those of cows' heads (in the Egyptian tradition) to bulls.204 The impact of these 'innovations' on the interpretation of Minoan religious iconography has rarely been acknowledged.

In the adyton there seems to be some evidence of cult practice. The concretions may have been used to suggest that a little of the cave was present within this room, or they may have represented a divinity (or divinities) who was normally associated with caves and, perhaps, chthonic cult. The seal impressions found in Room 17 of the Little Palace do contain iconographic material in the form of the antithetical lions which are associated with several goddesses including Rhea. I 96 So Evans' interpretation of the concretions being associated with Rhea may be plausible if there is a connection between the sealings and the pieces of limestone. We do not know how the sealings came to be deposited in this room nor where they were made . Also, we do not know when the Minoans might have begun to venerate Rhea, if she was worshipped by them. However, other goddesses may be proposed, including Kybele. 197 On the other hand, the removal of material from a sacred site, in this case, a cave, in order to keep it elsewhere (at home or in a shrine) is a similar practice to that carried out today by pilgrims to such places as Lourdes in France where some people take home water from the site as a kind of talisman. The modifications carried out to Room 17 which reduced natural illumination (see above) suggest that there may have been a change in the use of this room in that low light levels were now important. The concretions, along with the lack of light, may have served to recreate (at least in the minds of those who visited this room) the atmosphere of a cave.198

The remains of the rhyton, after having been damaged (perhaps in a similar way to that which destroyed the kouros figure from Palaikastro), may have been placed in the cist for safe-keeping, or as a foundation deposit of some kind. Although we do not have enough evidence to be certain of the identity of the deity (or deities) who may have been venerated in Room 17 or Room 36, it is possible that rites with a chthonic theme took place in both rooms. In Room 17, the gloom and the presence of concretions is reminiscent of a cave, while in Room 36, the 'goddess' figurine with a snake on her hat may hint at the nature of the deity worshipped there. Again, the presence of rhyta in the shape of bovine heads may signify the presence of a goddess not unlike Hathor, rather than a deity concerned with the welfare ofherds.2os Her associations with death and with the rebirth

The concretions in Room 17 of the Little Palace may have come from a special place too, and may have been imbued

32

of the sun each day might indicate the presence of a goddess ofrenewal.206

Summary The deities who may have been worshipped in the Little Palace at Knossos may have included in LM III, in Room 17, a Goddess of Renewal (with chthonic and solar(?) elements); in LM II/III, in Room 36, a Snake Goddess associated with renewal.

33

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34

Makrygialos Location: On the south-eastern coast of Crete (Siteia).

In the grounds of neighbouring Villa B, part (32cm in height) of a Minoan anchor (HNM 7354) was discovered. Made of a hard greyish limestone, the fragment consists of the upper portion of the anchor in which a large round hole, through which a rope could pass, had been made. This rare find appeared to have been intended for use on a large boat: it weighed about 12kg, the whole anchor having an estimated weight of approximately 30-60kg.216

Type of Site: 'Palatial'-style villas.201 Excavation History: Excavated in the 1970s by Costis Davaras. Brief History: Built in the early part of the Late Minoan period, it was destroyed by fire in LMIB and not subsequently reused.208

Discussion The presence of the altar and bench in a prominent place in the Central Court points to the practice of public ritual at Makrygialos. The number of items found with a maritime theme suggests that a divinity connected with the sea may have been the focus of these rites. The use of seashore pebbles on the floor of Room 16 may be coincidental readily available locally, they form a durable flooring material, even if they would have been uncomfortable on which to walk in bare feet or thin-soled shoes.

Selected Area: Finds within Villa A are the main focus of the study here, but a chance find near Villa B is also examined.

Villa A consists of a number of rooms surrounding a Central Court, the layout bearing more than a passing resemblance to that of a 'palace' . As Davaras explains, there is an altar (measuring 1.80 in length, and 0.7m wide) towards the northern end of the main courtyard, which has parallels at the palaces of Zakros, Malia, and Knossos. 209Unusually for this kind of building, the entrance seems to have been at the northern end of the complex, forcing visitors to walk some distance in order to reach their destination in the Central Courtyard.2 1o

The pottery bearing pictures of octopuses may reflect a preoccupation with cyclical renewal in nature. The seal depicting the priestess, or goddess, on a boat has been interpreted as signalling the veneration of the Sea Goddess at Makrygialos.2 17The gesture of hand to the head (usually the clenched fist) appears on many figurines of worshippers found at peak sanctuaries (see Section Three below) and we do not have a recognisable example of a representation of a deity in this pose. This suggests that the woman on the boat is a priestess rather than a goddess. That she is on the vessel, worshipping before an altar and a tree, raises the issue of the focus of her veneration. She could be carrying out a ritual in honour of the tree (but this raises the question of why she needs to do this on the sea).2 18 Alternatively, the priestess may be carrying out a rite in honour of the Sea Goddess in whose wooden vessel she rides. The other objects found at the villa support the view that a maritime deity was worshipped here.

The altar in the Central Courtyard was flanked on its western side by a large stone bench (1.95m long, nearly half a metre wide, and 0.38m in height). The western entrance to the courtyard could have been used in a ceremonial context, the officiating clergy entering here, or perhaps sweeping up from the entrance at area 36. The position of the altar and bench so close to a main entrance is likely to have had some ritual significance. Two important items were found close to the bench: a seal, and a small bronze figurine. The seal (HNM 4653), according to the excavator, depicts a priestess or worshipper in a boat, standing with her fist to the chest before an altar and a tree (Figure 1.16).211 The figurine (HM 4652) measures 6.8cm in height and depicts a person (female?) with an elongated neck and uncertain facial features, two small very rounded breasts, short arms curved around the front of the body towards the torso, a 'dropped waist' belt, and a divided flared skirt. A strange protrusion appears at the front of the skirt, described by Davaras as being her exposed vulva with "a strangely protruding clitoris. "212

The discovery of the fragment of a possibly votive anchor nearby, among so many maritime motifs, strengthens the view that it was destined as an offering to the Sea God(dess).219 An effective anchor can make the difference between disaster and survival, and in Minoan times the offering of such an item to the deity whose responsibilities include the protection of mariners may have been a reasonable action.

Elsewhere, fragments of Marine Style pottery and two complete alabastra, all decorated with pictures of octopuses, were also recovered. 213 An elegant stone so-called "holy communion chalice" (HNM 7353: height 33cm) similar to those from the palace at Zakros (see Section Two, below) was found, in many small fragments, scattered throughout the East Court.214

What of the unusual figurine? It has been suggested that this may depict a woman exposing her genitals220 or that it may be a hermaphrodite.221 Could she perhaps represent a worshipper in search of fertility?222 It is not clear whether this is the case and the purpose of this figure must remain an enigma.

Room 16 was a large room measuring 6m square with a central column, and paved with seashore pebbles. Davaras has suggested that it may have been used for feasting although its precise use is not known.21s

Summary Villa A at Makrygialos, until its destruction in LM IB, may have been used for the veneration of a Maritime Divinity(?).

35

Figure 1.16 - Seal from Makrygialos

36

Palaikastro Location: This site is to be found on the east coast of Crete on the Roussolakkos plain. The peak sanctuary Petsophas lies about 4km to the south of this area.

Du~ing the excavation of the Plateia in 1987-8, fragments of an ivory statue were recovered (Figure 1.19a). Initial reports su~ge_sted that they had fallen from an upper level of Bu1ldmg 1. 235 They were also found in Room 2 of what became known as Building 5.236 The fragments consisted of o~e arm and s_omeof the torso of a statuette of a young man, "".1t_hanatomical details, such as blood vessels, clearly visible on the arm and wrist.

site of

Type of Site: Settlement. Excavation History: The Roussolakkos plain was explored at the beginning of the twentieth century by several archaeologists including R.C. Bosanquet and R.M. Dawkins.2 23 Recent excavations have been carried out under the directorship of J.A. MacGillivray and L.H. Sackett.224

Room I of Building 5 was a paved entrance hall that opened from the Plateia. 237 Room 2, which adjoins it, may have been a room used for cult. It had a clay floor, and there was a pit ( cist) in the north-eastern corner of the room (1.3Om by 1.2Om, and O.69m deep). 238 Pottery fragments (including an oval-mouthed amphora and a cup) found in the room and within the cist date the conflagration which swept the site to LM IB.

Brief History: The town of Palaikastro at Roussolakkos was occup_ied from EM IIA until the end of LM III A2. During the thirteen hundred years or so during which the area was occupied, Palaikastro had developed from a very small group of dwellings (with associated burial sites) to a large settlement. There can be little doubt that there had been so~e town planning which resulted in its structured layout, dramage systems, and paved roads.22s The whole site was damaged by fire during LM IB. Some reoccupation took place in LM II but this seems to have been accomplished reluctantly. In LM III A2/B, large-scale reconstruction took place, with new dwellings being built closer to the sea. An earthquake struck a few years later, and much of the site was abandoned in LM IIIB.226

A quantity of Egyptian blue pigment with minute gold discs embedded within it was found in the Plateia,239 along with parts of the head, 240 while some of the rest of the kouros was found in 1990 in the south-eastern corner of Room 2. This included burnt fragments of the legs with similar details of anatomically-correct blood-vessels and tendons to those depicted on the arms, 241 and the soles of the sandals. The head had been delicately carved to give the impression of closely-cropped hair with a longer strip of hair ('Mohawk') from the front hairline to above the nape of the neck, in a style that has been recognised as representing a particular stage in the lives of young men, that of the transition from youth to manhood. 242 The figure has the left foot in front of the right one, a feature not found on most figurines of men from Minoan Crete.243

Selected Area: Building 5 and the 'Temple Block' (Block x). Building 5 is located in the northern part of the site, as excavated (Figure 1.17 and Figure 1.18). Block X is to be found towards the south-eastern end of the excavated site (Figure 1.17).

There is a distance of several metres between the two areas in which the fragments were found and MacGillivray et al believe that it was broken deliberately before the fire occurred.244

Building 5 and the Palaikastro kouros: Building 5 and the area around it was excavated by a team led by J.A. MacGillivray between 1987 and 1990.227 There is a passageway running north-east/south-west between Building I to the north and Building 3 to the south. The passageway, looking towards the south-west, opened into a wider area known in 1987 as Area 33, or the Plateia.

The statue, when reconstructed, lacks an area around the middle which is likely to have been made of another material ~uch as wood.2 45 It has been estimated that when complete, 1t would have measured 51.55cm in height, and 18.50cm at its widest point (from elbow to elbow).246 The kouros was found to have been made principally from hippopotamus ivory, with a grey serpentine head, rock crystal eyes, with gold leaf on one arm and possibly on other parts of the figure. 247 Judith Weingarten argues that the proportions were achieved by means of a grid, not unlike that used by Egyptian sculptors.248

Mason's marks, in the form of double axes, were found on several ashlar blocks discovered in Street 4-5 during the later excavations, "two on blocks replaced in the restored NW fac;ade, two (perhaps three) more on blocks which came from higher up the fac;ade and which have been left in Street 45. "228 Fragments of horns of consecration recovered from Well 576,22 9 in the LM II-LM III Al fil),230 have not only been compared to others dated to the end of LM IA from Room B of the East Building,231 but "the concentration of horn fragments suggest[s] that they come from some other building partly destroyed in LM 1B which had to be made ready for reoccupation (e.g. Building I or 5) ... "232 Driessen later suggested that other archaeological evidence supports the hypothesis that the building originally decorated with these horns of consecration was, in fact, Building 5. 233 A piece of a terracotta horn was found in the Plateia close to the north-western corner of Building 3_234

Pottery with wheat and lentils was found in Room 13 a storeroom, immediately to the south-west of Room 2.249 ' One other find from Building 5 at Palaikastro needs to be noted: this is a sealing with a hunting scene impressed upon it,250

A central male figure faces to the left. The lower part of his body is obscured by a large animal, and there are smaller animals, probably dogs, behind and towards the front of the large central beast. The man's left arm is bent while his right 37

arm is stretched out in front of him.

purpo_se, mea1:in~ and function of marks in stone in general on Mmoan butldmgs. They appeared in a variety of settings from the Middle Minoan period until LM I when they went out of use.262

Block X ('Temple Site'): Other pertinent information from Palaikastro needs to be considered also. In 1904, an inscription was discovered on which appeared "the text of an ancient Hymn addressed to the Cretan Zeus, [leaving] no doubt that a temple of z~1}:, l::..tK'TOlO) stood in classical times on the ruins of the Minoan town at Palaikastro. "25 I The report of this discovery went on to state that the remains of the temple from which this inscription may have come were scattered over a wide area as the walls had been robbed of their stone and the area placed under cultivation. The inscription itself was found at the eastern end of Block x.252 Subsequent investigations of Block x., which was known as the 'Temple Site,' yielded what was thought to be part of the walls of a temenos. 253 There had been a number of earlier houses constructed on the site and a great deal of pottery was recovered from their remains, along with a bronze double axe and some ivory plaques.254 Dawkins stated that "these buildings wer~ all much destroyed, no doubt by the building of_the Hellemc Temple ... "255 so we have little remaining evidence as to the use of the rooms within these buildings.

It should be noted that the marks on the blocks from Building 5 were very lightly inscribed. They do not seem to have been intended to act as 'advertisements' regarding the function of the building in the same way, perhaps, as the horns of consecration. It can be argued that double axe mason's marks are simply that - marks made by the stonemason in the quarry or after the wall had been built, ~nd that they have no religious significance. However, the iconography of the double axe and the archaeological conte~ts !n which these marks have been found suggest that there 1s hkely to have been a religious connection between them. The ground-plan of Building 5 supports the view that this was not used for domestic purposes: Rooms I and 2 could have been used for cult (with Room 13 as a storeroom which served the shrine) on account of their architectural isolation from other rooms in the building263 and the presence of the cist or pit which may have had cultic significance.264 Whatever the interpretation of the identity of the Palaikastro kouros, it seems clear that the area in which it was found was a shrine, or was part of a complex of rooms and buildings used for religious purposes.265 Driessen suggests that Buildings I and 5 may have been used in similar ways for the enactment of ritual.266

Find~ which might be relevant to the search for the temple of D1ktaean Zeus are described briefly in the excavation reports of the time. 256 Some interesting bronze shields found in thi_s ~rea have been dated to the seventh century BCE, but this 1s too late for the purposes of this work.257

Part of the figure was discovered in a room (Room 2) the precise use of which eludes us. The presence of broken but distinctive pottery, an oval-mouthed amphora and an un~sual cup ( ogival in shape, that is, shaped like a pointed arch) in and around the cist, suggested to the excavators that the kouros may have been associated with libations. 267 However, it should also be noted, that given that the kouros measured 51.55cm in height and was 18.50cm at its widest point, it could have been stored in the cist (which measured 1.30m by 1.20m and was 0.69m deep), even if it had been wrapped in a protective material such as cloth or fleece.268

Discussion Building 5: There are a number of features of the area in which the kouros. w~s found that need to be discussed. For example, the butldmg was faced with ashlar blocks on its northwestern and south-western sides, and the excavators thought that Building 5 may have been topped with horns of consecration (sacral horns).258 The use of ashlar for the fa~ade suggests that this was a building of importance.259

The materials from which the kouros was made are also significant, not least because some of them did not originate locally. The hippopotamus ivory must have been imported as no species of hippopotamus was native to Crete at that time. During the Pleistocene epoch ( c .700,000 - c.128,000 years ago) there was a species of miniature hippopotamus (Hippopotamus creutzbergi) living on Crete, but this animal was extinct before the arrival of the first human inhabitants on the island around 7000BCE.269 There is no evidence to suggest that the ivory used for the Palaikastro kouros was anything other than that from the animal we would recognise as _a hippo today, Hippopotamus amphibius. Archaeological evidence shows that hippopotamus ivory, rather than that ~om elephants, was used throughout the Aegean area.210 The ivory may have come from Syria as North Syrian ivories dating from the first millennium BCE were found in the Idaean cave, 271 or it may have come from Egypt. Moak points out that hippopotami have been recorded in Egypt in the twentieth century (CE).272

The possibility that horns of consecration adorned the top of the structure lends strength to the argument that this was a building with religious use, as such decoration is also thought to signify the presence of a shrine. 260 However, it is by no means certain that sacral horns once decorated Building 5: the fragments of horns found in Well 576 may have come from any of the buildings in the area, and not necessarily one which had been destroyed in LM IB, such as Building 5, as Driessen suggests. The fragment of a terracotta horn recovered from just outside Building 3 may have fallen from that structure or may have come from another nearby building. Mason's marks in the form of double axes have been interpreted in several ways. They appear at a number of sites which are included in this study, including the Pillar Crypts in the palaces at Malia and Knossos, and on a wall in the south-western area of the palace-style complex at Goumia.26 I There is still a certain amount of mystery surrounding the 38

The Egyptian blue is copper calcium silicate (CuCaSi4O 10) which is made from malachite, limestone, sand and salt heated together to a high temperature. Most of the ingredients may be found locally but the malachite may have been imported.27 3 Serpentine, from which the head was carved, may be found throughout Crete, the nearest deposit being about 65km due west of Palaikastro,274 and the rock crystal which was used for the eyes could have come from the area around Palaikastro itself. 275 Gold, used as gold leaf to adorn parts of the figure, and for the minute discs embedded in the Egyptian blue pigment, might have originated in Crete as there are small deposits on the island, 276 but may also have come from Egypt,277

depictions of the same deity (if the kouros is a god)? The 'votives' may be representations of the god, in a more durable medium suitable for deposition at such an open-air site. The figurines from Petsophas and Traostalos are roughly contemporary and have been dated to MM-LM IA.287 Traostalos is south of Petsophas , and Petsophas is visible from Traostalos. 288 As this pose is said to represent the Minoan Youthful God, perhaps as a precursor of Zeus who was venerated at Palaikastro in historical times, then the association between pose and deity may have existed for several hundred years, as the Palaikastro kouros was found in a destruction layer dated to LM 1B and the peak sanctuary figurines are older.

The pose of the kouros, with the left foot forward, is similar to that found in Egyptian art from earliest times. For example, there are several statuary groups, triads, from the Valley Temple of Menkaure which date from the Fourth Dynasty (c.2472BCE).2 78 This equates, approximately, with EM IIA which is earlier than the kouros, and this pose continued to be a feature of monumental sculpture in Egypt for centuries after the Minoan period. One such triad from Menkaure, for example, shows the Pharaoh in the centre , striding forward, while the goddess Hathor, to his right, takes a smaller step. The female personification of the seventeenth nome (district) of Upper Egypt stands to the left of the Pharaoh (Figure 1.20).279

The Late Minoan seal from Kydonia (Figure 1.19b) shows a man standing on (or possibly above, or next to) a pair of horns of consecration.2 s 9 He is flanked by two fantastic beasts, a winged goat and a genius or demon who offers a jug to the man. The composition of the seal, with the man placed higher than his companions, suggests that he is the dominant figure. The demon who is offering the jug plays a subservient role, and the pose of the goat (which could loosely be described as 'rampant'), is reminiscent of depictions of beasts (especially lions) in scenes on sealings of the Potnia Theron (Mistress of the Animals). In contrast with images of the Potnia Theron who is usually accompanied by more temporal animal companions, the male figure on the Kydonia seal is seen with imaginary creatures. Despite ( or because of) this, Erik Hall ager states that he is "considered by most scholars to be a god. "290 The winged goat on this seal is unique in Minoan iconography, and its significance is uncertain except that it seems to show yet another fantastic creature. 29 I

In this example, it seems that the more important the figure, the greater the stride . MacGillivray et al have argued that the pose of the statue resembles that of terracotta votives found on the peak sanctuary of Petsophas, and that ... it is also the pose of a young man standing above horns of consecration flanked by a winged goat and Minoan Genius on a seal from Kydonia. The image on the seal has been interpreted as the Minoan Youthful Male God ... If the statuette is a cult figure, it indicates that Building 1 may have been a shrine or temple to the Minoan Youthful God.280

A comparison may be made with the scene on a gold ring from Tiryns (Figure 1.21) dated to LH Il, making it roughly contemporary with the kouros, which shows a procession of demons bringing liquid offerings in jugs to a seated goddess. She would be taller than the demons if she were standing up. The bird of prey that sits behind the goddess has its head turned away from her. Several contemporary goddesses from other cultures were associated with predatory birds. Some of the iconography of the Phrygian Kybele may be attributed to knowledge of that of the Neo-Hittite goddess Koubaba, whose "name was written in Hittite hieroglyphic characters with the sign of a predatory bird. "292 Kybele was also associated with the hunt, and the image of the raptor was one element in this association_293

There are a few figurines from the peak sanctuaries of Petsophas 281 and Traostalos (Figure 1.19c and 1.19d, above), and from the open-air shrine at Piskokephalo,2s 2 which hold a similar pose to the Palaikastro kouros, but they have been traditionally identified as images of votaries rather than images of a deity.283 The fists to the chest pose is not common: there are no clear examples in bronze or lead illustrated in Verlinden's work, 284 and the pose occurs infrequently in terracotta figures.

Another deity who was linked to the hawk was the Egyptian goddess Hathor. Her name, which may be transliterated from the Egyptian as Hwt-Hr, has been translated as "House of Horus." The hieroglyph for Hathor was a rectangle (representing a house or temple) inside of which was a falcon, a representation of Horus, the god of the sun and sky,

Charles Crowther argues that Mt. Dikte, which was said to be the place where Rhea gave birth to Zeus according to Apollodorus (I.6), may be identified as the area that includes Palaikastro and the hill of Petsophas.28 5 Crowther uses Linear A and Linear B evidence to support his argument, 286 and the implications of this theory are not without problems. For example, if Dikte is to be equated with Petsophas, and figurines were found at Petsophas holding the same pose as the Palaikastro kouros, are the figurines

~

.294 It is interesting to note that Hathor was sometimes venerated as a goddess of intoxication to whom one poured libations 295 and this is supported by the number of libation vessels, cups and other pottery found in her shrines.296

39

However, while this is common at New Kingdom297 sites, it is not clear when rites to Hathor involving the consumption of beer or wine began. The goddess on the ring from Tiryns is being offered some kind of liquid by the genii, perhaps wine or water. The identity of the goddess on the ring from Tiryns is uncertain although there are solar and lunar symbols in the undulating zone above the procession scene, along with stalks of grain. As far as the genii are concerned, Reynold Higgins asserts that " ... the Cretan demon was a hybrid monster derived from the Egyptian fertility goddess Ta-urt" (my emphasis).298 This view has been offered by other scholars.299 Ta-urt, or Taweret, was the Egyptian Hippopotamus goddess and was associated with, among other things, the sustenance and protection of the dead Pharaoh and, in the Middle Kingdom (c.2122/2080 1801/l 759BCE), she protected the sun god as he battled the forces of darkness and was reborn each day. 300 Of the fiftyfour examples of seals with genii described by M.A.V. Gill, just under a third of them are depicted holding ewers.301 The way in which they hold the vessels, at the base and handle, is an example of the 'Egyptian offering gesture'.302 The demons on the ring from Tiryns may be paying homage to a fertility goddess whose identity is indicated by the grain above the procession scene. If she is a goddess,303 then because of the pose of the demon on the seal from Kydonia, the man in the centre of the seal must also be a god. The upright stance of the man, with his fists curled into his chest is one that suggests power and strength. The presence of the genius and the horns of consecration on the Kydonia seal add to the possible interpretation of its iconography: the man could be protected by two goddesses Hathor, represented by the horns of consecration, and Taweret, as the Minoan genius, with both goddesses guiding the sun god to the dawn. The Egyptian sign for the horizon denoted the place where the sun rose each day, and this symbol appears to have been used, albeit in a slightly different form, by the Minoans. There is the possibility, if the symbolism retained even some of its original meaning, that the seal shows the sun god personified, rising, with the protective horns of his mother, Hathor, below him and Taweret beside him.304 The Palaikastro kouros was made of expensive materials to very high standards. It had been broken, using some force, and as a result of that action, pieces were scattered over a wide area: Moak suggests that someone forced the figure from its base and then swung it by the legs, hitting the entrance to the building, breaking it into hundreds of pieces.305 Paul Rehak, in another context, points out that "there is no reason why objects that required a great deal of skilled labor made of relatively rare materials could not have been broken as a part of a ceremony of great social power."306 There seems to have been little ceremony in the destruction of the Palaikastro figure, so another explanation must be sought. MacGillivray and Sackett suggest that the Palaikastro kouros

was destroyed by someone who objected to a deity being represented in this way, as a large statue, the creation of which may have been the result of increased Egyptian influence.307 The average height of figurines from peak sanctuaries was c.15-20cm, and the kouros measures just over 50cm. There are obvious differences in the materials used in the creation of these figures as well as in the sites themselves. The kouros may therefore have been objectionable to some. Its size may not be relevant, but what (or who) it represented could be the critical factor. The different places in which the figures were left may have dictated their dimensions as well as the material from which they were made. The peak sanctuary figures were left in cracks in rocks or were thrown onto ritual fires,308 and that does not seem to have been the intended purpose of the kouros which was housed in a building. The kouros was not made to be transported up mountains whereas the small terracotta figures from Petsophas and Traostalos were, of necessity, very portable. It is not impossible that the Palaikastro kouros is an expensive votive offering but several factors militate against this a) the large size of the figure; b) the pose,309 including the fists to the chest and the striding position of the legs; c) the unprecedented use of rare and valuable materials; d) the find-spot of some of the figure within a room which had possible cultic use, with access from one direction only; e) the fact that the excavators believe that it had been deliberately broken and the pieces scattered in the site because of its religious significance. The conclusion that may be drawn from this evidence is that the Palaikastro kouros is likely to be a cult statue, that is, a representation of a youthful god, rather than a votary. MacGillivray and Sackett, however, favour an interpretation that goes beyond this. The presence of the gold discs in the Egyptian blue pigment found with the fragments of the statue have been interpreted by them as a kind of star-chart, symbolising the night-sky through which the constellation Orion passed, and Orion was associated with the Egyptian god Osiris. The significance of the rising of Orion, and the connection between that event and the harvest, has been taken by these archaeologists to suggest that the statue was displayed at the time of the rising of Orion each year, and that rituals in celebration of the harvest took place then. 3Io This raises a number of questions as to when the worship of a god most closely resembling Osiris could have been transformed into that of Zeus, as later evidence from the site shows that a temple to Diktaean Zeus was built there, possibly in the seventh century BCE.3 I 1 There are several factors which may strengthen the argument against the possibility that the kouros is to be identified with Osiris. The emphasis on displaying the kouros in an agrarian festival, as a symbol of resurrection and the harvest,3 I 2 for which there is minimal archaeological evidence at Palaikastro, does not take into account other

40

elements of the worship of Osiris. In particular " ... Osiris, who was identified with the deceased king, became ruler of the underworld. "3 13

animal in the centre (which makes identification of the animal more difficult). Perhaps this is a depiction of the youthful god, but it is also possible that it is a hunting scene, and that the man in the centre is human, not divine.

It should also be noted that the hairstyle on the kouros denotes, in Minoan imagery, a young man at the point of transition from youth to manhood. This does not accord with the position of Osiris who was not only seen by the Egyptians as having died, but who was temporarily restored to life in order to create his son, Horus, 314 and in this respect may be seen as father-figure, not as a youth. Osiris was normally depicted as a mummy, as the embalmed god,3 15 or sometimes as a statue, but not in the form of a living deity. Osiris' resurrection was represented by the green shoots of sprouting corn, not by the harvest which was associated with the death of this god.3 16

Block ,,"\:"('TempleSite'): There are a number of difficulties to be met when considering the 'Temple Site' at Palaikastro. Block X had been in use since EM II, but there does not seem to be any evidence that there had been a shrine or other place used for religious ritual there at that time. 324 Without a clear context for the bronze double axe we are not able to speculate further as to the context in which it was originally housed. At the beginning of the twentieth century, R.C . Bosanquet stated that, "of the temple itself not a stone was found standing and almost the whole of its materials had been removed ... "325 This presents the modern archaeologist with something of a dilemma: to the sceptic it would seem that the excavators of the last century had extrapolated the existence of a temple on a site where no material evidence remained. The only pieces of evidence that suggested that there may have been a temple there was the 'Hymn', a later reference by Strabo (I 0.4.12) to such a building at Palaikastro,236 and the discovery of a section of later wall which was assumed to mark the boundary of the temenos.327

MacGillivray and Sackett are unable to show us the 'star chart' that they say lay at the feet of the kouros, 3 17 as there is no evidence to support the view that the blue pigment with minute gold discs was a celestial map, even in schematic form.3 1s It is worth noting that in I S00BCE, Orion rose at Knossos from 19 June/2 July (Julian/Gregorian calendar). 319 Hesiod says that the harvest began when Orion rose ( Works and Days, 598), and that this marked the end of the year. MacGillivray quotes this and then goes on to say " ... if the Cretans did as the later Athenians, the first month of the year began with the first new moon after the summer solstice ... "320 MacGillivray's hypothesis that the Minoans may have celebrated their 'New Year' at the same time of year as contemporaries of Hesiod and the Athenians several hundred years later, on the Mainland, must remain a hypothesis as we have no evidence as to when the Minoans started their New Year. There was no 'standard' for this festival in those days, just as there are many cultures today which celebrate their New Year at times other than on 1st January. The Babylonians began the New Year after the spring equinox (in March in the northern hemisphere), and the Egyptians did the same with the heliacal rising of Sirius which in 1500BCE was on 10/23 July (Julian/Gregorian calendar). 321

The problems of stratification in a site which had been disturbed by much rebuilding, recycling and movement of building materials was discussed by Bosanquet who said that "there was an abrupt transition from Late Minoan I to products of the sixth century" in the area in which the temple is thought to have stood. 3 2s Later, Hutchinson alluded to 'Palaikastro fragments' of a number of terracotta bull's head rhyta and concluded that "as the Palaikastro fragments were found beneath the ashy deposit from the later temple of Zeus Diktaios, they provide a reason for supposing that his cult succeeded to a cult of Minoan origin on the same site."329 As far as the later temple to Diktaean Zeus is concerned, the presence of earlier terracotta bull's head rhyta beneath a layer of ash at the likely site of the sanctuary may be relevant to the argument presented here. It should be noted, again, that in Egyptian art, horned bovine heads signified cows, and that the goddess Hathor was the cow-headed goddess. The Egyptian bull god, Min, was principally represented as an ithyphallic deity,330 and it is because his iconography does not appear in Minoan symbolism that the bovine head has been interpreted here as having connections with Hathor, rather than with Min. Along with the adaptation of the Egyptian sign for the horizon (as horns of consecration), the Minoans may have used the Egyptian iconography for the goddess Hathor in the form of the mis-named bull's head rhyta.331 The likely connection between Hathor and Zeus seems difficult to find, but one possibility lies in the interpretation of the iconography on the Kydonia seal. As previously suggested, the seal may depict the sun god between the horns of consecration which represent his mother, Hathor, who carried him daily. As the temple site at Palaikastro yielded remnants of bovine head rhyta, there may have been a building there dedicated to rites involving a deity not unlike Hathor, the cow-headed goddess. Hathor

We do not know if the kouros was stored in the cist in Room 2, or if so, when. The cist could have been a kind of emergency safety deposit box for the figure, or could have been used for the storage of other items as the excavators found an ogival cup in the cist.3 22 MacGillivray's view that the kouros was stored out of sight, and then put on display, in order to reinforce a religious message, is speculative. The sealing from Building 5 has been described as showing the Master of the Animals with a stag and two running hounds. Another interpretation suggests that the man is Zeus, depicted holding a thunderbolt in one hand and the horns of a stag (which is said to be the animal depicted in the centre of the sealing) in the other.323 Although either interpretation is possible, the large animal in the centre, because of its heavily muscled legs, seems to resemble a bull rather than a stag, and the pair of hounds appear to be attacking the beast rather than running with it. The sealing is quite worn in places, especially around the head of the 41

was seen as the mother of the sun, and her son, at Palaikastro, may have been the kouros. Although this discussion is speculative, the interpretation of the Egyptian evidence presented here does not rule out the possibility that there may have been cult activity in Block x which began , perhaps, with the veneration of the cow-goddess (the mother who protected the solar god, as the guardian of the sun) and her son (the sun god), and later became a place of worship of the son alone, as Zeus (a sky god), who was the chief deity of a different pantheon. The kouros, rather than being a stellar deity associated with the harvest, could be a solar deity, and the golden discs found in the Egyptian blue pigment, rather than depicting part of the night sky, might have been symbols of the sun,332 so that the 'Minoan Youthful God' had solar, rather than stellar, connections. The iconography on the Kydonia seal supports this, as the sacral horns and genius may be associated with the Egyptian sun god. Ironically, when considering the arguments presented here, Osiris (whom MacGillivray identifies with the kouros) and Re (the sun god)333 "symbolize the two distinct aspects of funerary religion, the chthonic (Osiris) and the solar (Re); and they reflect the two measures of eternity, resurrection leading to the linear infinite (Osiris) and the daily cyclical rebirth (Re)."334 The worship of Zeus, as an Indo-European sky god, is unlikely to have begun on Crete before the arrival of the Mycenaeans in the Late Minoan period perhaps around (or just after) the destruction of the kouros. Fragments of the Palaikastro kouros were found within Building 5 and in the alleyway or street just outside it. Block X, the possible site of the later temple to Diktaean Zeus, lies over 100m to the east. While the Minoan Youthful God may have been worshipped in Building 5, and Zeus was worshipped elsewhere on the site from the seventh century onwards, there is a gap in the evidence between LM 1B and the seventh century BCE. Until evidence can be found to support the view that there was some worship of a male god at this site between these times, it seems unwise to assume that there was continuous worship of a male divinity from Minoan times at Palaikastro.

Summary

The archaeological evidence from Palaikastro suggests that a Solar/Sky God was worshipped in Building 5 in LM IB; the Guardian of the Sun may have been worshipped in Block X in LM I.

42

1

0

l.O w.

~

Figure 1.17 - Plan of the excavations at Palaikastro. j

Building 3

!

Figure 1.18 - Plan of Building 5 and surrounding structures.

43

c)

a)

d)

b)

Figure 1.19 a) The Palaikastro Kouros; b) Lentoid seal from Kydonia; c) Male terracotta votive figure from Petsophas (HM 3405); d) Male terracotta votive figure from Traostalos (HM 16575). 44

Figure 1.20 - Triad of Menkaure (Cairo Museum JE 40679).

Figure 1.21 - Ring from Tiryns (National Museum, Athens, No. 6208). 45

Vathypetro Location: About ten kilometres south of Knossos, the site sprawls over three low hills.335

with the descriptions of similar shrines given by Shaw.343 Also, Gesell describes such structures as having a tripartite fa~ade, the central niche being set back from its flanking counterparts and 11 ... of which the central is taller than the wings, and the roof is crowned with a row of horns of consecration. "344 It should be noted that at Vathypetro there is no evidence to suggest the degree to which the central niche may have dominated the other two parts of the shrine in terms of height as the evidence comes from the foundations alone. The discovery of a fragment of horns of consecration is relevant when taken in conjunction with the work of Clark Reynolds. His study suggests that there may have been a connection between the northern part of the shrine and the two equinoxes, as well as a solar connection at a time that falls roughly between the autumn equinox and the winter solstice.345 Driessen and Sakellarakis comment on the potential association between cult practice and agriculture but do not elaborate further.346

Type of Site: Settlement/'villa'. Excavation History: Excavated in the early 1950s by S. Marinatos, the site has been largely neglected since then. Further work is planned for the future .336 Brief History: Construction began in LM IA but it was destroyed by an earthquake before it was completed. There is evidence to show that some of the fallen blocks were used to rebuild parts of the complex which were re-occupied during LM IB, after which period the Vathypetro complex was abandoned completely.337 Thus there seem to have been two phases of construction, pre- and post-destruction. Some rooms show signs of having been damaged by fire. Selected Area: Room 26 - the Tripartite Shrine (Figure 1.22).

The most obvious connection may have to do with seasonal changes in farming practices in the spring and autumn. Paul Faure, when discussing the importance of such dates in connection with the peak sanctuary at Vrysinas (see Section Three: Sanctuaries on Hills, below), said that the equinoxes mark the time of greatest annual rainfall in the north of the island, a time when sailing becomes hazardous, the start of the sowing season and the olive harvest and, most significantly here, transhumance.347 In other words, the time between the equinoxes was a time for specific agricultural practices - farmers had to perform a number of tasks including moving their grazing animals from pastures at various altitudes according to the season. Calves were likely to have been born in the spring - the welfare of the breeding members of the herd would have been a factor in the timing of transhumance in order to ensure that a maximum number of young were born and reared.

Room 26 (Tripartite Shrine): Described as " ... the only true architectural example of a shrine amply identified by Minoan iconography ...11 33s the tripartite shrine at Vathypetro faced westwards . There has been some disagreement between scholars as to when it was constructed. Joseph Shaw believes that it was built during the second phase of construction as some blocks used in its temenos walls had been re-used.339 Driessen and Sakellarakis take the view that the tripartite shrine was built in the first phase of construction (in LM IA) because of its setting (and orientation), and the way it forms an integral part of the building, the only new construction in the second phase (in LM IB) consisting of a wall that restricted (or controlled) access to its precincts.340

If Driessen relationship shrine, the consecration the rising iconographic

This structure consists of three niches, the central niche being set further back than its flanking counterparts. Unusually, the two side niches are not exactly the same size and Shaw commented that the shrine had been constructed somewhat carelessly. The only object recovered from this area was a fragment of what appear to be horns of consecration.34 J Driessen and Sakellarakis mention the recent work of Clark Reynolds who discovered that "... the alignment of the northern niche of the tripartite shrine exactly agreed with the spring and autumn equinoxes ... 11 and that the sun rose above the peak of a hill behind the site at the beginning of November.342 Reynolds' unpublished study is of the movement of the constellations and their relationship with Minoan buildings. It is not clear which constellation was significant at the equinoxes nor how that was observed .

and Sakellarakis are right, and there is a between agriculture and cult at this tripartite discovery of the fragment of the horns of suggests that there may have been a link with of the sun, given the previously-stated meaning of the sacral horns.

This means that we may propose several hypotheses: the orientation of the shrine may be accidental or fortuitous as far as the equinoxes are concerned, and the horns of consecration may be simply a decorative indicator of the presence of a shrine; the shrine may have been orientated deliberately, ensuring that there was a direct, observable connection between the building and the equinoxes, the building acting as a kind of observatory used to determine when transhumance and associated rituals should take place; the connection between Hathor as a goddess with the solar disc between the horns of her headdress and the symbolism of the Minoan horns of consecration has already been mentioned and there may be a connection between Hathor, horns of consecration, and the seasonal cycles of vegetation . This is because Hathor was a fertility goddess responsible for the growth of plants (and the sycamore was her sacred tree),348 and horns of

Discussion One of the problems with the analysis of the evidence from Vathypetro is that most of it is architectural, and does not have the support of finds to give further credence to ideas that may follow from its study. The remains of the tripartite shrine (Room 26) are consistent

46

consecration are sometimes depicted on Minoan seals, for example, with trees (or the branches of trees) between the homs.349 An argument in favour of the Vathypetro shrine being used for seasonal (that is, equinoctial) rites connected with transhumance or other tasks such as planting crops, seems plausible despite the lack of cattle iconography. This is because the sunrise at the beginning of November marks the approximate half-way point between the equinox and the solstice, and may have been a cue for the people to complete seasonal tasks and begin others. The deity who was invoked at such rites may have been similar to Hathor, as she was associated with plant fertility, especially as there is archaeological evidence of Egyptian influence on Minoan iconography from the Middle Minoan period onwards.350 Perhaps rites at Vathypetro, and their association in the agricultural calendar with the sowing season and the movement of cattle, were connected to the worship of a deity who oversaw the welfare of the herds, the success of agriculture, and perhaps of fertility in general. Summary Deities who may have been worshipped at Vathypetro in LM IA/B may have included • a Goddess of Vegetation/Agriculture; a Deity of Cattle and Sheep; • a Fertility God(dess)(?).

47

0

(l

I

Sm I

I

I

I

I

MLM

Figure 1.22 - Plan of the excavated remains of the site of Vathypetro.

48

Summary of Section One This section has presented archaeological evidence for the worship of a number of deities from a selection of settlement sites on Crete in the Bronze Age.351

evidence from a selection of sites and that only part of each site was examined. This means that while we may have some idea as to the type of deity worshipped in the chosen area of each site, there are likely to have been others venerated elsewhere in each settlement. The list of deities is not, therefore, exhaustive.

The evidence has been summarised on a chart (Table 1.1). Once more, it should be noted that this section presented

Ayia Triadha

Room 14

LMI

fresco

goddess( es)

Goddess of Vegetation

Gazi

Storeroom to Shrine

LM IIIB/C

*GwUA figures

poppy seed heads; cone, sacral horns & birds; bird; bird, palettes, horn-topped projections

Goddess of Healing(?) Goddess of the Dead; Guardian of the Sun; Bird Goddess

Goumia

Shrine in Sector 'F' LMIIIB

bench sanctuary(?) *GwUA figures snake tubes

snakes, sacral horns

Snake Goddess; Goddess of Renewal; a Bird Goddess(?)

Kannia

Shrine Complex

bench sanctuary *GwUA figures plaques pottery

LMIIIB

Snake Goddess snakes spiral decoration

Karphi

The 'Temple'

LMIIIC

*GwUA figures

discs, birds, sacral Goddess of the Dead; Guardian of the Sun; horns Bird Goddess(?)

Kavousi Vronda

Building G and environs

LMIIIC

*GwUA figures snake tubes plaque kalathoi

snakes, birds, sacral horns

Deity of Renewal; Guardian of the Sun; Bird Goddess

Kommos

Shrine in House X

LMIII

Shells, seal

bird

Maritime deity(?) Bird Goddess(?)

Little Palace

Room 17 (adyton); LMIII Room 36 (Pillar LMII/III Crypt)

concretions; seals;

none; cats rampant + mountain; sacral horns; snakes

Goddess of Renewal;

bovine head rhyta; figure with snakes

Snake Goddess

Makrygialos

Villa A (Villa B)

LMIB

seal, figurine, pottery, boat, octopuses anchor

Palaikastro

Building 5

LMIB

kouros

pose

Solar/Sky God

Palaikastro

Block X

LMI

bovine head rhyta

bovine head

Guardian of the Sun

Vathypetro

Tripartite Shrine

LM IA/B

solar alignment

sacral horns

Goddess of Vegetation/ Agriculture; Deity of Cattle & Sheep; Fertility God( dess)(?)

*GwUA = Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms 49

Maritime deity (?)

Section Two: Palaces.

The function of the palaces of Crete has also been the subject of scholarly discussion. Platon has stated that "the organization of their West Wings shows that they served chiefly as the shrines of the deity ." s Nann6 Marinatos says that "the palaces were primarily cult centers, although they had important administrative and economic functions as well." 9

Introduction No work on the religion of Bronze Age Crete would be complete without an examination of the evidence to be found in the 'palaces' which makes an important contribution to an understanding of the development of religion on the island because of its diversity , context, and quantity. There are acknowledged problems with the use of the term 'palace' in the context of Minoan archaeology ,1 for it conjure s images of perhaps secular rulers living in splendour: we do not know who the 'rulers' were , nor whether they inhabited these complexes. This section discusses a small selection of such sites.

Rodney Castleden argues along the same lines, saying that he thought that the palaces may be likened to the great abbeys of Europe in the Middle Ages , centres for worship, but also concerned with matters more temporal such as the collection and redistribution of goods according to the will of the abbot or his superiors. 10 Watrous emphasises the connection between Near Eastern religion and that of Crete, and has mentioned the link between worship at the peak sanctuaries on Crete with cult in the palaces . In the present work it will be argued that not only were the palaces centres for cult, but that they were also concerned with affirming a divine sanction which gave power to the ruler. 1 I

Briefly, the palaces were constructed by the Minoans during the Middle Minoan period, damaged by an earthquake at the end of this time , and were rebuilt at the beginning of the Late Minoan period. During LM IB some of the palaces were destroyed by fire and were not subsequently reused .2

A similar approach to that taken in Section One, above , has been used as regards the criteria that must be met in order for a room or object to be considered here . The types of evidence to be considered include: figurines; seals; frescoes; specific architectural features such as Pillar Crypts and Bench Sanctuaries; mason's marks ; pottery ; items made of terracotta , stone, and fa'i'ence; offerings tables ; and altars. Rooms have been chosen on the grounds that their location, principally in the western quarter of the palace , appears to have been significant, and where finds are concerned , that their form or decoration may have had some religious significance. The Linear B tablets are examined separately after the other finds in the section on Knossos.

The palace at Knossos survived for a further two hundred years or so until LM III A 1/23 when it was finally destroyed and abandoned . Mycenaeans from the mainland appear to have taken over the palace at Knossos and seem to have introduced Linear B, the script used to keep a tally of the goods entering and leaving the palace. Other evidence for the arrival of the Mycenaeans includes new burial practices and the "supposed mainland influence on the palace style pottery of Knossos . "4 The nature of religion seems to have undergone a subtle transformation too, although the influence of the Minoans can still be seen clearly. This transformation may have resulted in, among other things, the production and use of figures known as the Goddess(es)-with-Upraised-Arms. 5

The palaces presented here are: • Gournia; • Knossos ; • Malia; • Phaistos; • Zakros. This modest selection may surprise some readers, as it omits the more recently-excavated sites at Archanes, Khania, Petras , and Galatas Pediados. These have not been included at this time for a number of reasons: at Archanes, for example, only a small area has been excavated due to the fact that a modern town overlays the site . This means that there has been the opportunity to explore only a small fraction of the remains, and it is likely that there is a palace under modern Archanes. The published evidence of material recovered to date in the district called Tourkoyeitonia suggests that ritual activity took place in the parts of the building discovered there , and that this may have included the sacrifice of animals, and /or libation rites . 12 While there is much evidence of religious activity , the evidence is not such that a divinity or divinities may be readily identified through iconography. Perhaps when more of the area has been excavated and the results published fully, it may be possible to determine the identity of the gods concerned . At Khania, we await the imminent publication of the finds from the excavation at Agia Aikaterini Square from the LM IIIB period and before. Again, there is evidence of religious

The development of the palaces, in a society which until that point did not appear to require such centres, has been the subject of some debate. Peter Warren argues that there may have been three principal reasons for their appearance : firstly, that settlements developed a sense of territory in that they farmed an area that grew to within a daily 'commutable' distance of their home; secondly, that there was an increasing sense of community as seen in the way in which people were buried in groups rather than as individuals; and thirdly, that there was a "close-knit, interdependent , communal character within which small or nuclear families lived."6

L. Vance Watrous suggests that there had been a degree of instability in the Early Minoan period and that this resulted in the establishment of large, local centres of population . Coupled with increased trading contacts with the Near East which would introduce 'foreign' ideas, including the Near Eastern system of kingship with all that that implies, it might not have been too long before a local chief emulated in Minoan style - this foreign institution. Although the structure of the Minoan palaces appears to draw upon architectural features already established on Crete , "the idea for their construction is new and from the Near East. "7 50

activity in the area in LM IIIC, but this is such that even the excavators admit that "we do not know much about the religious beliefs of the LM IIIC inhabitants ... " 13 The results of the excavations at Petras are still being evaluated despite publication of the excavations completed so far,I 4 and we are unable, to date, to say much about the religious practices carried out in the sanctuary in the Protopalatial West Wing, for example, as there were no finds recovered from it.' s The site at Galatas Pediados presents similar problems to that at Archanes - there is evidence of religious activity in several areas of the excavations completed so far , but there is insufficient published evidence for an analysis of the finds in terms of the identity of the deity venerated. 16 Other contemporary material has been used in order to clarify the Minoan evidence: this includes finds, mythology, and religious beliefs from other cultures in Egypt, Anatolia, Syria, Canaan, and Mesopotamia.

51

The Sites. Gournia: Palace! 7 Location : On the isthmus of Hierapetra, settlement at Gournia (see below).

within the

Type of Site: Palace (within a settlement). Excavation History: Excavated by Harriet Boyd Hawes in the early 1900s. Is Brief History: The palace area was built in the Middle Minoan period, and destroyed in LM IB. It was not subsequently rebuilt or reused. I 9 Select~d 1rea : One of the main problems with the palace at Gourma 1s that some scholars do not consider this building to have been a palace because of its comparatively small size and lack ofrecord-keeping (Linear A tablets).20 In addition to this, rather than having been built around a central court, as was the case at the other palaces, the principal courtyard appears to have been placed to the south, the area in the centre of the palace being taken up by a large hall. Nevertheless, a brief description of one area of interest, in the south-western area of the palace, has been included here. This area is the 'courtyard with the baetyl' directly to the west of Room G13 (Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2). South-western area: A paved corridor runs down the western side of the palace. At the corner of Room G9, the corridor opens into a small courtyard before continuing to the south in a dog-leg. Embedded into the floor of the courtyard, and oriented east/west, there is a standing stone (approximately 0.96m across, 0.25m deep and 0.75m tall) made of conglomerate. Just over a metre away, to the east, a kernos was set into the pavement. A mason's mark in the form of a double axe was found on the southern fa9ade of Room G 13, facing the corridor which leads into the courtyard with the baetyl.2 1

Mason's marks are problematic because we do not yet know what they signify . The presence of the double axe mason's mark on the south-facing wall of Room G 13 may have advertised the fact that rites of renewal took place nearby, at the baetyl and kernos. If the baetyl was associated with the fertility of vegetation, rites could have been carried out b~side it in order to invoke the deity who granted such a gift. When the harvest, or 'first fruits' had been gathered and samples d~posited in the kernos in thanksgiving to the deity of vegetat10n, the seasonal cycle would be almost finished . It only remained, then, for the deity of renewal to be invoked once more at the sign of the double axe (which has been interpreted here as signifying renewal) as the people asked for the cycle of the year to begin again. This is, of course, a scenario in support of which we have the proximity and possible connections of these three elements, the baetyl, kernos and mason's mark . It is not clear, however, whether one or two deities were the focus of rites here: the Goddess of Renewal may have been an aspect of the Goddess of Vegetation/Agriculture at Gournia. Also, if such rites took ~lace, they may have been limited to only a few people at a time, as the area of this courtyard measures about 4m by 3m. Also, the 'cycle of life' rituals may have been amalgamated into one rite, rather than celebrated at different times of the year, and the deity in whose honour these rites were observed, may have been one and the same.

Summary In the south-western area of the palace at Gournia, in LM IB, the people may have worshipped: a Goddess of Vegetation/ Agriculture, a Goddess of Renewal(?)

Discussion It is the combination of the baetyl, kernos, and mason's mark that is interesting here because of their proximity to each other and because they may, together, have religious meaning. Peter Warren's interpretation of a sealing from Zakros, discussed below, is that a deliberately-placed baetyl may have been the focus of some kind of ritual of renewal involving a vegetation deity.22 Such rites may have taken place up to the time of the destruction of the palace in LM IB. Sir Arthur Evans thought that kernoi might be some kind of gaming table. 23 Fernand Chapouthier has argued, in connection with such an object discovered at Malia (see below), 24 that these were kernoi and that the function of a kernos was to display agrarian offerings . He used much later evidence from Athenaeus which listed (twice) a number of possible offerings: sage, white poppy, wheat, barley, chick peas, vetch, lentils, broad beans, spelt, oats, honey, oil, wine, milk, and unwashed wooJ.25 Offerings such as these would represent the results of the efforts of the local farmers in the previous agricultural year.26 52

66

t 1 : 500 ... LM .

Figure 2.1 - Plan of the Palace at Gournia.

r Figure 2.2 - Plan of the south-western area of the Palace at Gournia.

53

reconstruction during which walls were added, principally when a corridor was built to the south. This meant that the southern wall of the Pillar Crypts was moved northwards reducing the size of the rooms.3 7

Knossos Location: About 4km from the north coast, near the modern city ofHerakleion. Type of Site: Palace with separate associated buildings some of which were villas. The site covers an area of about 20,000 square metres.27

The East Pillar Crypt measured 5.3m by 3.5m and had a pillar (0.62m by 0.56m) within it. The pillar (and its counterpart in the West Pillar Crypt) is not quite in the centre of the room and Panagiotaki believes that this may have had something to do with the later south wall/corridor construction work.38 Some storage jars and other items were found here. Under the paved floor, there was MM I evidence of burnt sacrifices, as well as cups and other pottery fragments.39 The central pillar had two rectangular basins (0.25m deep) flanking it, one to the east, and one to the west.40 The pillar itself was made of four blocks of gypsum. A double axe symbol had been carved into each side of the pillar, on every block except for the west face, and there was another double axe incised on the top of the pillar, making thirteen in aJJ.41

Excavation History: Minos Kalokairinos began excavating the site in 1878. Arthur Evans purchased the land in 1899, and began his own investigations there in 1900. He continued to excavate there intermittently until 1930. After 1945, Nicholas Platon and R. W. Hutchinson began a programme of cleaning and conservation which continued (by Platon and the Greek Archaeological Service) until 1960.28 John D. Evans excavated parts of the site - with a view to learning more about the Neolithic settlement there between 1957 and 1960, and again between 1969 and 1970.29 Various parts of the palace have been the subject of new work undertaken by a number of archaeologists between 1987 and 1995.30

The West Pillar Crypt lacked the basins, but was similar in layout. The central pillar, which was slightly larger (0.65m by 0.65m), had double axes incised on every face, as well as the top, giving a total of seventeen axes.42 It had once been thought that these rooms were without natural light, but recent work by Panagiotaki suggests that at one time, possibly at the beginning of LM IA, a nearby room may have served as a lightweJJ.43

Brief History: The site at Knossos was inhabited from the Early Neolithic (c.6000BCE). A succession of settlements was constructed there, each built on the remains of the previous set of buildings (to form a kind of tell). 3 I An early structure was built during MM IA/B, and consisted of

... a large rectangular court ... surrounded by a number of isolated blocks of buildings, often with rounded corners, which Evans named insulae ... these semi-independent insulae had open passages between them, many of which probably later became corridors.3 2

As mentioned above, these rooms were interconnected but people entering the East Pillar Crypt would not have been able to see much of the interior of the West Pillar Crypt because a partition wall divided the two rooms, the opening between the two being towards the north.

In other words, the early building(s) did not truly resemble what has become known as a Minoan palace in its structure, because it consisted of a number of separate units. Seismic activity damaged the site in MM IIIA, and it was destroyed by an earthquake in MM IIIB. It was subsequently rebuilt on a grander scale.3 3 Changes to the layout of the palace, both at Knossos and at the other palace sites, resulted in " ... less space for storage and redistribution, but more areas for ceremonial activity. Access to the palaces from outside [became] more restricted."34 During LM IB Knossos was damaged by fire but continued to be used. It was finally destroyed in LM III Al/2.35 Selected Area: East and West Pillar Crypts, Loomweight Basement (Deposit), Central Shrine Area, Room of the Spiral Cornice, Temple Repositories, and the Shrine of the Double Axes.

East and West Pillar Crypts: These interconnecting rooms have been selected because not only may they be compared with Room VII-4 (Pillar Crypt) at Malia, but they have been dated to the early part of MM ID36 which makes them earlier than most of the rooms examined here. There were a number of phases of

54

Loomweight Basement (Deposit): Some interesting terracotta items were found during Evans' excavation of this area to the east of the Central Court. They appear to have fallen from the upper storey, so do not belong to the Loomweight Basement as such. They included three terracotta columns with square capitals and two cylinders resting on them, thought to represent beam ends. Each column was topped with a single resting bird, perched on the beams. 44

(who also worked on the Sacred Grove and Dance Fresco). This restoration was not completed to the satisfaction of some modem scholars who have expressed the opinion that it has been 'over-restored', 59 and that his work on both of these frescoes gives "a false assurance, for there is no certainty as to how high the individual compositions were, let alone their lengths, whether panels or part ofa frieze."60 The fresco has a tripartite shrine decorated with horns in the centre, 6 I with rows of men (drawn in a fairly cursory way with only their faces showing) above and below the shrine. There may have been some women in the crowd too, if the restoration is accurate. A row of seated women, drawn larger than the rest of the crowd and painted with details of hairstyle, costume and facial expression, runs across the centre of the fresco, with five women shown on either side of the shrine. Beside them there are two tall columns flanked by two pairs of standing women. To the left of the shrine, there are more standing women in the centre, and it appears that one woman may have been handing something small to her neighbour.62

Other miniature terracotta items were found with the pillars, including altars, two of which were decorated with horns of consecration, an incurved altar, replicas of triton shells, and a portable seat.45 The altars are unusual in that three of them (the fourth is too damaged to be certain of its design) resemble small buildings. The surfaces have been decorated to resemble masonry, there are small cylinders above the 'masonry', again representing beam ends, and one of these is topped with horns of consecration. 46 This deposit has been dated to the end of MM IIB. 47

Central Shrine Area: In 190 l, during the course of his excavations, Evans found a number of fragments of seal impressions (HM 166) in the area around the western side of the Central Court. Some were found in the Central Shrine itself, in the Room of the Warrior Seal, and in an area just to the north of the Central Shrine.48 It was discovered that they were imprints from a single seal. 49 Measuring about three by two centimetres and dated to the time of the destruction of the palace in LM III Al, the precise use for this item is not certain. 5 o

The Sacred Grove and Dance Fresco, which was found in the same vicinity as the Grandstand Fresco, may have been about 40cm high (as restored by Gillieron,fils) - its complete length (and composition) is not known as there seem to be large sections missing. 63 The scene is set outof-doors, with a large crowd of men and women in rows behind some trees. In the foreground, more women seem to be gesturing to an unseen person or object before them. In Nann6 Marinatos' reconstruction, a small group of armed men are walking along one of the paved causeways that cross the scene.64

The sealings show a man, his hand (or fist) to his head, his body bent backwards at the waist as he appears to be 'saluting' the woman in the centre. The man wears a belt (around his unrealistically narrow waist) and a codpiece. The woman in the centre stands on a rather lumpy-looking 'mountain'.51 She is flanked by two large wild cats (probably lions), and she brandishes a staff in her right hand. She wears a flounced skirt and appears to be naked to the waist. To one side of the scene there is a building which is decorated with 'horns of consecration'.

Temple Repositories: Situated to the west of the Central Court, these contained a number of significant archaeological finds. Evans found two cists within one room, and he named them the East and the West Repositories. 65 The Eastern Repository was slightly larger than the Western Repository.66 The Eastern Repository contained the following: fragments of three fai"ence female figures; painted seashells; some seatings; plaques, depicting a goat and kid (HM 69), and a cow and calf (HM 68); pottery; and an equal-armed cross (HM 270).67 The Western Repository contained various items, including the upper part of one of the figures found in its eastern counterpart which Evans called the 'Snake Goddess,'68 and some sea lings.

Room of the Spiral Cornice: This room was named by Evans because pieces of painted plaster with an interlocking spiral design were found here. Fragments of what Evans called 'miniature frescoes' were discovered in this room. It should be noted that the miniature frescoes may not have come from the walls of this particular room, but, Evans points out, as the fragments were found in more than one room of the basement (the Room of the Spiral Cornice is part of this area), it is likely that they adorned the walls of a room on the upper storey.s2 The two frescoes that are described and discussed here are the Grandstand Fresco and the Sacred Grove and Dance Fresco. Their dates are not certain53 - Evans argued for MM IIIB,54 Sinclair Hood favours LM I in general, 55 and Mark Cameron volunteered a compromise in the form ofMMIIIB/LM IA. 56

Evans' 'Snake Goddess', when reconstructed, measures 34.2cm in height (HM 63). She wears a typical Minoan dress, the bodice open at the front to reveal her breasts, and laced underneath them, the lacing terminating in a distinctive vertical loop. The skirt has evenly-spaced horizontal stripes around it, the hem being decorated with a diamond pattern. Over the skirt, she wears a kind of apron, the shape resembling that of modern shirt-tails, with a curved hem which is longest at the very front and back of the figure, reaching to below the knees. A series

The Grandstand Fresco, which measures about 26cm in height without the border,57 and may have been about a metre long,ss was reconstructed/restored by E. Gillieron, fits

55

of short, s-shaped curves decorate the hem of the apron. This figure holds a snake which rests along the length of her right arm, drapes itself over her right shoulder and down her back to below her waist (the lower part of the snake's body mimics the shape of the back of the apron) and then rises again symmetrically to pass over her left shoulder and rest along her left arm.

bands of dark glaze. One hand faces forward, the other is turned ninety degrees inwards. This is unusual for a figure of this type, as normally both upraised hands have the palms facing in the same direction in a symmetrical pose.79 She seems to have a small bird perching on her head. The female 'votaries', also made of glazed pottery, measure about 17.5cm and they have cylindrical skirts similar to that on the goddess-figure. Both have their hands on their breasts, and one has turned her head to the right. The male votary (an unglazed figure) stands in a backward-leaning position, and he is holding a small bird before him.

Her arms are outstretched, giving the figure a sense of dynamic tension, while the snake, with its meandering embrace of the woman, seems relaxed and languid. Two other snakes seem to be wrapped around her waist: one falls in a loop around the front of her apron and runs up the right side of her bodice to her right ear, the other coils upwards on the left side of the bodice and its head may be seen peering over the top of her tall hat,69 The second figure, which Evans dubbed the 'double' or 'votary' of the 'Snake Goddess' was found minus her head and left arm.7 Fragments of her tiara, and of the cat that sits upon it, were used to restore this figure (HM 65) . MacGillivray thinks that her right hand held a piece of twine, rather than a snake, because of its colouring, as "no natural snake had peppermint stripes. 11 7 1 This piece measured 20cm from the hem to the neck, and would have been smaller than the 'Snake Goddess' figure.

°

The third figure (HM 64) consisted of the lower half of a similar piece. From the waist to the lower hem of her skirt, only 17cm remain, and no snakes are visible on this piece. However, this large fragment shows that this would have been the largest of the three figures 72 and yet it has been largely overlooked. If size alone was to determine which of these should be considered to be a representation of a goddess, then it is this figure which deserves such a title. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Temple Repositories were sealed in LM I, possibly in LM IA.73 Shrine of the Double Axes: Situated in the south-eastern quarter of the palace, this small room (1.5m x 1.5m) seems to liave been used as a shrine because of the types of artefacts discovered there, and because it contains a raised dais and a stepped bench.7 4 The dais was studded with pebbles and the bench was behind this, with smooth pebbles set into its surface upon which rested the items which are discussed below. The finds have been dated to LM IIIB.7 s Gesell believes that 11... the palace building served as a storage area with a small secluded space set aside to commemorate its past as a major, if not the major, religious center in Crete. 117 6

The finds included a Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms figure (HM 3861), two smaller female figures (called 'votaries' by Evans - HM 3862 and HM 3863), 7 7 a male figure (HM 3864), two horns of consecration made of plaster, and a small double axe.7s The figures are the main focus of the analysis here (Figure 2.3). The Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms is 22cm tall and is made of glazed pottery. From the waist down, her skirt is represented by a cylindrical base decorated with horizontal 56

Figure 2.3 - Figures from the Shrine of the Double Axes: a) Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms (HM 3861); b) Female votary (HM 3862); c) Male Votary (HM 3864).

57

The Linear B Tablets: Unlike the finds mentioned above , which are listed according to the place in which they were found , a differ ent approach has to be taken with the Linear B tablets. This is because they were found in a number of different locations and, in order to present this evidence as a cohesive unit, it seems more logical to examine the tablets together. The tablets which are reviewed here have been selected because they appear to give the names of various deities. so Wherever possible, the evidence which is presented includes the name of the deity as it appears on the tablets , the catalogue numbers of the tablets concerned, a transliteration and translation of the entry on the tablet , where relevant , along with a note about the place in which the tablet was found , and the 'identity ' of the scribe. 8 1

Fpl3 reads 83: In the month of Lapatos:

The deities who appear on the Linear B tablets from Knosso s include the Winds, a 'bow goddess', Ares, Zeus , Hermes , Enualios, Eileithyia , Erinys , Paieon, Poseidon, and various deities whose names may seem strange to those only familiar with the pantheon of the Classical Greeks. The Deities:

to *47-ku-to

2 I oil

*47-ku-to-de

to Pi-pi-tu-na

2 litres

[oil] pi-pi-tu-na

to *85-ri-mo

8 1 oil

*85-ri-mo-de

to all the gods:

12 litres

pa-si-te-o-i

to the augur:

12 litres

qe-ra-si-ja

to the priestess of the winds;

36 I oil

a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja

?Itanos , to the priestess of the winds:

16 litres

u-ta-no/ a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja

Fp 1 and Fp 13 are part of the Fp-series which were found in the Room of the Clay Chest near the southwestern corner of the Central Court , just north-west of the South Propylaeum . 84 Scribe 138 wrote all of the Fp tablets found here .ss

a-ne-mo : on tablets Fpl and Fpl3; Fp I reads 8 2: in the month of Deukios:

ra-pa-to-'me-no'/

?-de-u-ki-jo-jo / me-no

to the Diktaean Zeus:

12 I oil

di-ka-ta-jo /di-we

to Daidaleion:

24 1 oil

da-da-re-jo-de

to Pa-de-:

12 I oil

pa-de

to all the gods:

36 I oil

pa-si-te-o-i

to the augur: ?

12 1 oil

qe-ra-si-ja

Amnisos to all the gods:?

241 oil

a-mi-ni-so / pa-si-te-o-i

To ?Erinyes:?

6 I oil

e-n-nu

To *47-da:

2 I oil

*47-da-de

To the priestess of the winds

8 I oil

a-ne-mo-/i-je-re-ja

rr~rM i a-pe-ti-ra2 : appears on tablet V 280 .86 This tablet was found in the Room of the Chariot Tablets , to the north-east of the South Propylaeum. 87 The identity of the scribe is uncertain.

a-re: found on Fp 14; Fpl4 reads :88

(total)

136 1 oil

In the month of A-mako-to:

to-so

...2 I (oil)

a-ma-ko-to 'meno'/jote-re-pa-to 'oil'/ e-ke-se-si

To the augur:

12 litres

qe-ra-si-ja

To Amnisos, to all the gods:

24 litres

a-mi-ni-so-de/ pa-si-te-o-i

To A-re :

a-re

This tablet was found with the other Fp series tablets in the Room of the Clay Chest. Scribe 138 wrote this tablet (see above) .

58

r=iffiY!l

~C

A~riUD

a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja:

e-nu-wa-ri-o:

V 52 reads89:

on V 52 (described above). Ioo This name is found only at Knossos.

on V 52;

to Mistress Athena

a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja

Afiffi □

to ...

e-re-u-ti-ja:

to Enyialos

e-nu-wa-ri-jo-

to Paian

pa-ja-wo-[ne?]

to Poseidon

named on Gg 705, Od 714, Od 715_101 Gg 705 reads: 102 Amnisos: one jar of honey to Eleuthia

po-si-da-[o-ne?]

one jar of honey to all the gods,

V 52 was found in the Room of the Chariot Tablets.90 The scribe is not known.

~ ,rrT

1ffiYD

Gg 702 reads:9 I

one jar of honey to the Mistress of the ?Labyrinth

da-pu2?-ri-to-jo/ po-ti-ni-ja 'meri'

]ke-ne

This tablet was found in the Gallery of the Jewel Fresco, 103 and is attributed to scribe 140.I04 Od 714 and Od 715 name this deity in association with offerings of wool. Ios These tablets were also found in the Gallery of the Jewel Fresco, and they were written by scribe 103.106

on Gg 702;

pa-si-te-o-i/me-ri

]pa-si-te-o-i

one jar of honey [ ]

da-pu2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja:

one jar of honey to all the gods,

]a-mi-ni-so/e-re-u-ti-ja

AH~! e-ri-nu:

appears on Fp 1. This tablet has been described above. This tablet was found in the Gallery of the Jewel Fresco.92 This was written by scribe 103.93

M\lff ma-ki-ro-ne:

~2

is to receive an offering of honey on Gg 995. This tablet was found at the north end of the Long Corridor. 101 Scribe 135 wrote it.I os

di-we:

found on Fp 1 and F 51 (di-wo appears on E 842 which is concerned with rations for divinities but the meaning is not clear. The scribe is not known).94 Fp 1 is cited above. F 51 mentions a recipient of barley on one line, and the name di-we appears on the next line. 95 It is not clear if these are connected. E 842 was found in the Area of the Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage).96 F 51 was found in the Room of the Chariot Tablets and was written by a scribe in the "124" series.97

Mrrz

ma-ri-ne-we:

named on Ga 674 and Gg 713. Ga 674 links this deity with an aromatic (ko-ri-ja-dono). 109It was found near the door of West Magazine VIII, and was written by scribe 135 .1Io Gg 713 has been interpreted as giving details of an offering of honey to the do-e-ra (servant?) of a deity (mari-ne-we).II I It was discovered at the North End of the Long Corridor, and was also written by scribe 135_112

+~

discovered on D 411. The enigmatic one line of this tablet may have had something to do with sheep, but there have been amendments made to the entry by the ancient scribe, so this is not clear.98 This tablet was found in the Area of the Bull Relief, North Entrance Passage.99The scribe is not known.

pa-de:

on Fp 1, Fp 48, Fs 8, Ga 456, Ga 953. Fp 1 has been described above. Fp 48 refers to the month of wo-de-wi-jo, the deities pade and qe-ra-si-ja, and oil. 113 Fs 8 contains a reference to pa-de, but little other information can be gleaned from this tablet. I 14 Ga 456 lacks further information. 11s 59

@b/t\D

Ga 953 reads:! 16 in the month ofwo-de-wi-jo:

qe-ra-si-ja: appears on Fp l, Fp 5, Fp 6, Fp 13, Fp 14, Fp 16, Fp 48. All of these tablets, except for Fp 5, Fp 6, and Fp 16, have been described above. Fp 5 is concerned with the offering of oil to this deity in the month of di-wi-jo-jo, and oil is also offered 'to all the gods'.I 24 Fp 6 tells of the offering of oil in the month of ka-ra-e-rijo 'to all the gods' and oil is offered to the deity (qe-ra-sija) on the next line on this tablet.125 Fp 16 describes the offering of oil to 'all the gods' in the month of wo-de-wi-jo as well as to qe-ra-si-jo.126 As before, these are part of the Fp- series of tablets and, apart from Fp 48, whose provenance is in question, they were found in the Room of the Clay Chest. They were all written by scribe 138.127

wo-de-[wi]-jo-jo/ me-[no ..]-ri-jo-de

to [ ] -ri-jo: 3 ko-no of fennel, x l . of coriander.

ko-no ..ko-ri-[ja-do-no ..]

at pa-de-: 2 ko-no of fennel, 36 I. of coriander to pa-sa-ja: x ko-no of fennel, x I. of coriander

pa-de-i ko-no pa-sa-ja ko-no pa-si-te-o-i

to Arnnisos, to all the gods: 2 ko-no of fennel, 48 I. of coriander

a-mi-ni-so-de

The find-spot of the Fp- series of tablets has already been mentioned. However, the findspot of Fp 48 is in dispute . It was written by scribe 138 and Evans' records state that it was discovered in the Room of the Chariot Tablets. However, it forms part of the Fp-series, also written by this scribe, which were found in the Room of the Clay Chest. No other tablets from scribe 138 were among those in the Room of the Chariot Tablets. Therefore, it has been argued, it seems likely that an error was made in recording the findspot of Fp 48. The findspot is important as it has been suggested that the deposit in the Room of the Chariot Tablets may be earlier than the others. 117 Fs 8 was found in the Room of the Clay Chest and was written by scribe 139.I IS Ga 456 was found in Magazine IV (Long Corridor), written by scribe 223?1 I9 and Ga 953, the work of scribe 219, was recovered near the Bull Relief in the North Entrance Passage.120

t □ E, pa-ja-wo-ne: on V 52 (described above).

ffiffi\[7y pi-pi-tu-na: is named on Fp 13 (described above).

1i~'.X:Dlfr po-se-da-ro-ne?]: on V 52 (described above).

1ffiY □ Zr or 1ffiY □ Z □

po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo/ja: found on DI 930, DI 933, DI 943 and Dp 997. These tablets do not seem to be concerned with offerings but rather with numbers of sheep and wool, and Chadwick has pointed out that the Potnia here may not necessarily be a deity.121 These tablets were found near the Bull Relief, North Entrance Passage, 122 and were written by scribe 118.123

60

Discussion The architecture and finds which have been described above come from different parts of the palace complex and have different dates. It is useful to plot these

on a chart in order to keep these features in mind in the discussion which follows:

Table 2.1 - Summary of items discussed from the palace at Knossos.12s

•Inscribed pillars

•East and West Pillar Crypts

early MM III

•Miniature terracottas: •birds on columns; •altars with sacral horns; •replica triton shells; •incurved altar.

•Deposit in the Loomweight Basement

MMIIB

•'Mountain Mother' Seal Impressions

•Central Shrine (within it, and to the north) •Room of the Warrior Seal

LM III Al

•Grandstand Fresco

•Room of the Spiral Cornice

MM IIIB/LM IA

•Sacred Grove and Dance Fresco

•Room of the Spiral Cornice

MM IIIB/LM IA

•'Snake Goddess' Figure

•Temple Repositories

LMIA

•'Votary of the Snake Goddess' Figure

•Temple Repositories

LMIA

•Goddess-with-Upraised-Arms Figure

•Shrine of the Double Axes

LMIIIB

1---

-

-

----------+-----

~ ---

·-·--- -

--·--

-

----

•Female 'Votaries' (Figures)

•Shrine of the Double Axes

•Male 'Votary' (Figure)

•Shrine of the Double Axes

•Linear B Tablets

--

-

---+-------------t

I

-----··· ·----··-····-·--·-- ··-·--- ----·-··t-·:

l

LMIIIB LM IIIB

t- - -~-----+

•N. Entrance Passage; •Long Corridor ILM 11(?) - LM lllB (Magazines); •Gallery of the Jewel Fresco; (?) •Room of the Chariot Tablets; •Room of ' the Clay Chest; •South Propylaeum; •Under the stairs NE of the S. Propylaeum.

61

•

East and West Pillar Crypts: These rooms appear to have been unlit during the Middle Minoan period, but may have benefited from illumination from a nearby lightwell in LM IA. If rites were normally carried out in the day, they would not have had the same ambience after natural light had been allowed to percolate into this area. Of course, we do not know when ceremonies might have taken place, and if they were held at night, the lightwell would make little difference to the visibility or atmosphere in the Pillar Crypts. There must have been a reason for the construction of the lightwell, and it is possible that this signals some change in the nature of the rites in LM IA. Also, it is likely that the pillars supported the ceiling. This raises the question as to why double axes were carved into the upper surfaces of the top course of each pillar. If the pillars supported the ceiling , these markings would have been hidden from view.

The function of the two stone basins, cut into the floor on either side of the East Pillar Crypt pillar, is not clear. Gesell assumes, not unreasonably, that they were used for libations,129 and as they are 25cm deep, 13othey could have held a reasonable amount of liquid. The question remains as to whether (or how) this was disposed of after the rites, as no drainage channels have been found. Inscribed pillars within palaces are not unusual, but the number of double axes, and the fact that they are the only symbol which appears here, makes these examples noteworthy. The function of such pillared basement rooms has been discussed by several scholars: Nann6 Marinatos, for example, points out the connection between such rooms and storage areas, and suggests that rites concerned with grain and the natural cycle of the seasons may have been carried out there.131 She also emphasises the connection between pillars and the symbol of the double axe. 132 The possible link between double axes and rites of renewal has already been stated. If Marinatos' theory about seasonal rites being carried out in Pillar Crypts is correct, the presence of the double axe carvings strengthens this argument.

Summary In early MM III, it is possible that a Goddess of Renewal was venerated in the East and West Pillar Crypts at Knossos . Loomweight Basement (Deposit): The miniature columns with birds perched on them have been described by Evans as "the 'Pillars of the House', and the doves settled above them are the outward and visible sign of the divine presence and protection," and he went on to say that this was evidence of the antiquity of the Minoan 'Dove Goddess'.! 33 In Minoan iconography, the bird is thought to represent the deity or her messenger, I 34 but who is the 'Dove Goddess'? Evans associated her with birds and pillars, while Chapouthier added kernoi and dancing figures to the list and he thought that the single stone kernos at Malia was a sign that rites took place there in honour of this goddess.135 In the present work, it has been argued that the

kernos may signify the veneration of a Goddess Vegetation/Agriculture (see Gournia Palace, above).

of

There are other contemporary deities in the region who share similar attributes to the Minoan 'Dove Goddess', as defined by Evans and Chapouthier. The Sumerian lnanna-Ishtar, for whom cuneiform evidence exists from c.3000BCE 136 was "queen of heaven" and "goddess of heaven" in the Sumerian Marriage Texts,137 was sister (or wife) of the Sun god Utu,138 and was seen as the morning and evening star.139 She was, most importantly, a fertility goddess, especially of grain 14 and of the fruit of the date palm. 141As goddess of the store-house, she protected the stores of food, I 42 and therefore kept the people from hunger. She was also the goddess of sex, 143was connected with the Underworld and, because she returned from it, with life and death.144 lnanna was also associated with kingship as she chose her consort Dumuzi and enabled him to rule.I 45

°

In the late Bronze Age at Ugarit, there were several goddesses of sex and fertility.146 Athirat was a fertility goddess associated with holy trees and with the sea, I 47 while Astarte ( or Ashtarte ), with whom she was conflated towards the beginning of the first millennium BCE, was a sea divinity who received gifts of incense and sacrifices of doves, a trait she shared with Aphrodite. I 48 Athirat was also linked to the succession of earthly kings as she was "a goddess who could be approached with the request for a royal heir." 149Astarte was also seen as the evening star, Venus. ISO Asherah (Athirat), in the Canaanite pantheon, was the wife of the great god El. Is I She was associated with the sea as the "Great Lady who Walks on the Sea", and may have been associated with the sun.I 52 Worshipped as a wooden pillar or pole, Asherah was sometimes seen as a living tree.153 As a fertility goddess who appears standing on a lion in Egyptian art,154 Athirat (Asherah) was thought to live within each queen at Ugarit. 155 The Egyptian goddess Hathor was sometimes depicted wearing a headdress which consisted of a pillar with a bird (possibly a falcon) perched upon it.I 56 She was also a sky goddess associated with the dawn, was a goddess of sexual love, had the sycamore as her sacred tree,1s7 and was responsible for the growth ofplants.1 58 She was also connected with the ruler in Egypt as the Pharaoh was the living reincarnation of Horus and Hathor was his mother.1 s 9 Some aspects of the Minoan 'Dove Goddess', and of the goddesses mentioned above, bear a striking similarity to those of the later Greek goddess, Aphrodite. She had many dimensions to her 'personality' through a variety of attributes and associations.160 These included human sexuality,161 plant fertility,162 as 'Queen of Heaven',163 and the sea.164 Aphrodite was also strongly associated with birds, in particular with the dove. I 65 Her concern with plant fertility! 66 included the edible, the medicinal, and the decorative - apples or quinces, 167 pomegranates, myrtle, I 68 poppies, I 69 and roses. Like Inanna (who was the sister of a sky god), Aphrodite was related to the sky deity, as the daughter ofOuranos (Heaven). I 70

It is clear that the attributes of the Near Eastern and Egyptian 62

goddesses mentioned here overlap and that there are similarities between them. The Minoan 'Dove Goddess', as identified by Evans and Chapouthier, may therefore also be a multi-faceted goddess and, if Evans and Chapouthier's identification is correct, may owe some of her attributes to Near Eastern and Egyptian influence. In the present work, the presence of doves has been considered to be a primary diagnostic feature of this deity. The terracotta birds and pillars, with the replica triton shells, points to the veneration of a goddess not unlike Athirat or Asherah who were also associated with birds, trees (columns?), and the sea.

Summary The 'Dove Goddess' may have been worshipped Loomweight Basement in MM IIB.

However, a number of goddesses from the region are also associated with lions. Another possibility is that the goddess on the seal could be connected with Kybele, whose worship seems to have originated in the area around Phrygia and Anatolia (modern Turkey). The people of Crete who lived at Knossos at the time of the palaces may have been descendants of the earliest settlers on the island, some five and a half thousand years earlier, who, on the basis of recent linguistic and archaeological analysis, were not only likely to have been Proto-Indo-Europeans but also may have come from the region of Anatolia/Phrygia.1 77 If this is so, then there may have been a cultural, and therefore religious connection between these people (the Minoans and the Anatolians/Phrygians). Cultural links would have been maintained through trade. I 78

m the

The Central Shrine Area : the 'Mountain Mother' seal: Sir Arthur Evans described the scene which appears on the 'Mountain Mother' seaJI 11 in this way: the central figure of this design is a female Goddess in the usual Mycenaean garb, standing on her sacred rock or mountain peak, which represents, in fact, her aniconic shape, and upon which her two lion guardians and supporters rest their fore-feet on either side. In her hand she seems to hold out a kind of weapon, and in front of her stands a male votary in the act of adoration. Behind her is her shrine with sacred columns, in front of which, and again on the entablature above, the 'horns of consecration' are clearly visible. 17 2 Later, with the publication of the second volume of The Palace of Minos at Knossos in 1928, Evans stated that the central female figure was 'the Minoan Mother Goddess' 113 and he identified her as the 'Minoan Rhea.'174 He made no further reference to the male worshipper. Martin Nilsson did analyse the different elements on the seal, especially the mountain, the goddess, and her 'spear.'175 Nilsson also favours the identification of the goddess on the seal with Rhea when he discusses "the Great Mother of Asia Minor, who was venerated on mountain peaks and was named Dindymene ... " I 76 This part of the discussion examines the different components of the seal (individually), and then considers the relationship between these elements in order to arrive at a conclusion. Comparative evidence from the Near East and from Egypt is used in order to clarify some points, as well as later evidence from literature.

There is no archaeological evidence (to date) to suggest that lions ever lived on Crete, so clearly this motif or association must have been imported. There is a modem Cretan wildcat (Felix agrius, about the size of a large domestic cat) but this is descended from its Minoan domesticated, introduced counterpart.I 79 The idea, and the pictorial representation of the lion, could have come fro.m Asia. Elements of the later iconography of Kybele are present on the Mountain Mother seal from Knossos - the mountain, the goddess, and the wild beasts. In the Iliad, Hera and Sleep went to visit Zeus. Their journey took them over the islands of Lemnos and lmbros, and they arrived at Mt. Ida (in northern Turkey) which, in Homer, is itself identified as the Mother of Wild Beasts (Iliad 14.283 ). According to Friederike Naumann, Kybele may be seen as either Mistress of the Animals and of people, or as 'Mother', but not as Mother of the Gods (so she is not like Rhea in this respect). She is more like a Mother of Nature and Mother of the Lions rather than of all the animals: depicted with lions, and occasionally with snakes or with a bird, her role is to be the protectress of all life. 180 The origins of the cult of Kybele are hard to pin down to a date or specific place. The Neo-Hittite goddess Koubaba (second millennium BCE), 181 who has been associated with the Phrygian Kybele, 182 was often depicted with a lion, but Kybele was not shown accompanied by cats except in a few examples from western Anatolia. With the other iconographic differences between Koubaba and Kybele it has been argued that originally these were two distinct goddesses, 183and that they became conflated over time. I s 4 It may be worth considering some older comparative evidence, although it is acknowledged that it is beyond the scope of the present work to trace the continuity of cult from such early times. A terracotta dating from c.6OOOBCE,1ss depicting an enthroned goddess, giving birth, and flanked by large wild cats (Figure 2.4) comes from