The Linguistics of Football 9783823363989

Table of contents :
Table of contents
Eva Lavric - Introduction
1. Football terminology
Thomas Schmidt - The Kicktionary: Combining corpus linguistics and lexical semantics for a multilingual football dictionary
Konrad Szczesniak, Marcus Callies - “Europameisterschaft zu erdribbeln”: ‘Manner of obtainment’ constructions in sports reporting
Chinedu Uchechukwu - Igbo verb roots and their realization of the ‘root schema’ within the football domain
Anita Pavic Pintaric - English and German loanwords in Croatian football language
Sebastian Sepek - Is English injuring Polish? An analysis of the spread of English terminology in (and through) Polish football
Vladimir Dosev - Football lexis and phraseology in contemporary Bulgarian
Mélanie Bernard - Football in France: Its history, vocabulary and place within French society
Adel El Sayed - Egyptian colloquial Arabic and the British occupation: The case of football
Muhammad Y Gamal - The final whistle: How football terminology took root in Arabic
2. Football language
Zeljka Matulina and Zrinka Coralic - Idioms in football reporting
Henrik Nordin - The use of conceptual metaphors by Swedish and German football commentators – A comparison
Stephan Vierkant - Metaphor and live radio football commentary
Eric A. Anchimbe - “Bend it like a banana” – Representing the ecology in live football commentaries
Magnus Levin - “Hitting the back of the net just before the final whistle”: High-frequency phrases in football reporting
Marietta Calderón - Kakￃﾡ, Gallinas, gent blaugrana and other soccer-related onymic phenomena in the teaching of onomastics
Khatijah Shamsuddin and Fauziah Kamaruddin - “Canaries versus roaring lions”: Language and football in Malaysian newspaper reporting
Barbara Sonnenhauser - ‘Fidoness’ in football reporting: Proper names between demonstratives and common nouns
3. Football discourses
Arnaud Richard - Televised football commentaries: Descriptions, narrations and representations of a non-victory. The European Club Championship Final 1976 (Bayern Munich vs AS Saint-Étienne)
Julia Kuhn - Gianni Agnelli – ‘un tifoso vero’: Thoughts on the discourse construction of identities in Italian print media
Richard W. Hallett and Judith Kaplan-Weinger - “The place every football fan wants to visit”: A discursive analysis of football and soccer halls of fame
René Schiering - Regional identity in Schalke football chants
Joanne Luhrs - Football chants and ‘blason populaire’: The construction of local and regional stereotypes
Henryk Duda - The words ‘kibic’ (sports fan) and ‘pseudokibic’ (hooligan) in Polish. Remarks on names of sports enthusiasts used during sporting events
4. Football and media
Jan Chovanec - Enacting an imaginary community: Infotainment in on-line minute-by-minute sports commentaries
Torsten Müller - “He held his head in his hands as it flashed past the post”: How grammar and football interact
Cornelia Gerhardt - Turn-by-turn and move-by-move: A multi-modal analysis of live TV football commentary
Jim Walker - The footballer’s perfect – Are footballers leading the way?
Anastasia Makarova - Deviations in sports commentator speech: Statistical and linguistic analysis
John Wiredu and Jemima Anderson - Adjectives in football reporting
5. Media and discourse: Emotions
Irene Theodoropoulou - Football register formation: The case of Greece’s triumph in EURO 2004
Kerstin Jung - World Cup football live on Spanish and Argentine television: The spectacle of language
Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Wolfgang Stadler, Andrew Skinner and Erika Giorgianni (The Innsbruck Football Research Group) - “Zidane, Zidane, what have you done?” – Emotions on TV in six languages
6. Football and multilingualism
Irene Giera,Erika Giorgianni, Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner and Wolfgang Stadler (The Innsbruck Football Research Group) - The globalized football team: A research project on multilingual communication
Engelbert Thaler - Two global languages: Football and English language teaching
The Innsbruck Football Research Group - The football and language bibliography

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The first collection of articles on this topic is as international and varied as football itself. The publication covers media discourse, an online-dictionary of football terms, metaphors, the grammar of football commentary, emotions, football chants and football teams as multilingual eco-systems. Contributions from Sweden to Nigeria show how language operates in football. Would you know where footballing terms in Arabic come from? How does the German coach Otto Rehagel communicate with the Greek players? Which language did Materazzi use when insulting Zidane? Which special words do German, Polish and Igbo have for running, dribbling, penalty area and foul? In which country do the Canaries play the Roaring Lions? Where are famous footballers enshrined in a ‘Hall of Fame’? Which metaphors do Swedish, German and Russian football commentators tend to use? Are the British really less emotional than the Spanish when it comes to football commentating? And why are commentators from Russia to Italy speechless as soon as emotions really run high? That and much more is covered in this first wideranging compilation on the topic of football and language.

ISBN 978-3-8233-6398-9

Lavric / Pisek / Skinner / Stadler (eds.) The Linguistics of Football

026808 LiP 38 - Lavric

Language in Performance

LiP

Eva Lavric / Gerhard Pisek Andrew Skinner / Wolfgang Stadler (eds.)

The Linguistics of Football

Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen

38 Edited by Werner Hüllen† and Rainer Schulze Advisory Board: Thomas Herbst (Erlangen), Andreas Jucker (Zürich), Manfred Krug (Bamberg), Christian Mair (Freiburg i. Br.), Ute Römer (Hannover), Andrea Sand (Trier), Hans-Jörg Schmid (München), Josef Schmied (Chemnitz) and Edgar W. Schneider (Regensburg)

Eva Lavric / Gerhard Pisek Andrew Skinner / Wolfgang Stadler (eds.)

The Linguistics of Football

Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung des Bundesministeriums für Wissenschaft und Forschung in Wien, des Landes Tirol, der Stadt Innsbruck, der Universität Innsbruck (Aktion D. Swarovski & Co 2008 sowie Forschungsschwerpunkt »Mehrsprachigkeit«) und des Verbandes für Angewandte Linguistik (Verbal).

© 2008 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Gedruckt auf säurefreiem und alterungsbeständigem Werkdruckpapier. Internet: www.narr.de E-Mail: [email protected] Printed in Germany ISSN 0939-9399 ISBN 978-3-8233-6398-9

Table of contents

Eva Lavric Introduction ........................................................................................ 5

1. Football terminology ........................................................................ 9 Thomas Schmidt The Kicktionary: Combining corpus linguistics and lexical semantics for a multilingual football dictionary .............................. 11 Konrad Szczesniak, Marcus Callies “Europameisterschaft zu erdribbeln”: ‘Manner of obtainment’ constructions in sports reporting ...................................................... 23 Chinedu Uchechukwu Igbo verb roots and their realization of the ‘root schema’ within the football domain .............................................................. 35 Anita Pavi Pintari English and German loanwords in Croatian football language ....... 43 Sebastian Spek Is English injuring Polish? An analysis of the spread of English terminology in (and through) Polish football ................................... 53 Vladimir Dosev Football lexis and phraseology in contemporary Bulgarian ............ 63 Mélanie Bernard Football in France: Its history, vocabulary and place within French society .................................................................................. 71 Adel El Sayed Egyptian colloquial Arabic and the British occupation: The case of football .......................................................................................... 81 Muhammad Y Gamal The final whistle: How football terminology took root in Arabic ... 89

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2. Football language ........................................................................... 99 Željka Matulina and Zrinka orali Idioms in football reporting ........................................................... 101 Henrik Nordin The use of conceptual metaphors by Swedish and German football commentators – A comparison ....................................................... 113 Stephan Vierkant Metaphor and live radio football commentary ............................... 121 Eric A. Anchimbe “Bend it like a banana” – Representing the ecology in live football commentaries ............................................................. 133 Magnus Levin “Hitting the back of the net just before the final whistle”: High-frequency phrases in football reporting ................................ 143 Marietta Calderón Kaká, Gallinas, gent blaugrana and other soccer-related onymic phenomena in the teaching of onomastics ..................................... 157 Khatijah Shamsuddin and Fauziah Kamaruddin “Canaries versus roaring lions”: Language and football in Malaysian newspaper reporting ............ 171 Barbara Sonnenhauser ‘Fidoness’ in football reporting: Proper names between demonstratives and common nouns .......... 179 3. Football discourses ....................................................................... 191 Arnaud Richard Televised football commentaries: Descriptions, narrations and representations of a non-victory. The European Club Championship Final 1976 (Bayern Munich vs AS Saint-Étienne) ........................................... 193 Julia Kuhn Gianni Agnelli – ‘un tifoso vero’: Thoughts on the discourse construction of identities in Italian print media ...................................................................... 203

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Richard W. Hallett and Judith Kaplan-Weinger “The place every football fan wants to visit”: A discursive analysis of football and soccer halls of fame ............ 211 René Schiering Regional identity in Schalke football chants .................................. 221 Joanne Luhrs Football chants and ‘blason populaire’: The construction of local and regional stereotypes ........................ 233 Henryk Duda The words ‘kibic’ (sports fan) and ‘pseudokibic’ (hooligan) in Polish. Remarks on names of sports enthusiasts used during sporting events .................................................................... 245 4. Football and media ....................................................................... 253 Jan Chovanec Enacting an imaginary community: Infotainment in on-line minute-by-minute sports commentaries ......................................... 255 Torsten Müller “He held his head in his hands as it flashed past the post”: How grammar and football interact ............................................... 269 Cornelia Gerhardt Turn-by-turn and move-by-move: A multi-modal analysis of live TV football commentary .............. 283 Jim Walker The footballer’s perfect – Are footballers leading the way? .......... 295 Anastasia Makarova Deviations in sports commentator speech: Statistical and linguistic analysis ................................................... 305 John Wiredu and Jemima Anderson Adjectives in football reporting ..................................................... 317 5. Media and discourse: Emotions .................................................. 331 Irene Theodoropoulou Football register formation: The case of Greece’s triumph in EURO 2004 ............................... 333 3

Kerstin Jung World Cup football live on Spanish and Argentine television: The spectacle of language .............................................................. 343 Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Wolfgang Stadler, Andrew Skinner and Erika Giorgianni (The Innsbruck Football Research Group) “Zidane, Zidane, what have you done?” – Emotions on TV in six languages ............................................... 359 6. Football and multilingualism ...................................................... 373 Irene Giera, Erika Giorgianni, Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner and Wolfgang Stadler (The Innsbruck Football Research Group) The globalized football team: A research project on multilingual communication ....................... 375 Engelbert Thaler Two global languages: Football and English language teaching ........................................ .391

The Innsbruck Football Research Group The football and language bibliography . ....................................... 399

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INTRODUCTION

EVA LAVRIC

The language of football offers many rewarding topics for linguistic research. One such topic is the lexicographic analysis of football vocabulary. Since, on the one hand, a football match is made up of a relatively small number of ever-recurring events (shots, passes, referee interventions, etc.), but, on the other hand, myriads of texts (written reports, spoken commentary, etc.) are produced every day which describe these events, a vocabulary has been developed in many languages which abounds with synonyms, with fine-grained semantic distinctions and with subtle stylistic variation. (SCHMIDT, in this volume)

This volume is meant to illustrate the richness of linguistic analysis in connection with football. Combining these two fields of activity – football and linguistics – has hardly been attempted before, but the articles in this book clearly show how promising and fruitful, in terms of insights into both domains, such an undertaking can be.

1. Football terminology The language of football is first and foremost football terminology. Therefore the volume starts with several articles dealing with football terminology: in the first article, SCHMIDT presents his Kicktionary, a multilingual (English, German, French) electronic resource of the language of football, which combines methods from corpus linguistics, the theory of frame semantics and the concept of semantic relations in order to enable the user to explore relationships between lexical units in various ways. The Kicktionary also served SZCZESNIAK / CALLIES as the basis for their investigation of the syntactic and semantic properties of verbal constructions that carry an idiomatic interpretation of ‘obtainment’ effected in a specified manner. Using examples from German, Polish and English, they show the great similarities regarding the effects of certain particles and prefixes observable in the three languages. It comes as no surprise that the constant action on the pitch is closely related to verbs describing such action. UCHECHUKWU looks at such verbs – in the Igbo language of Nigeria, where a Root Schema of verb roots is used to express concepts like ‘kick football’. Due to its great popularity, football has become an area with a special terminology known all over the world; this is one of the reasons why it can be difficult to draw a clear line between words belonging to the general language, on the one hand, and special football terms, on the other. Several articles show that, in many languages, the question of football terminology is, above all, a question of English loan words and loan translations – which is, of course, due to the origin of the game. In this context, PAVI PINTARI analyses the Croatian language of football, while SPEK deals with POLISH, DOSEV with Bulgarian, and BERNARD with French; EL SAYED and GAMAL both look at Egyptian Arabic. 5

2. Football language Not surprisingly, the language of football is characterised by a great variety of idioms – as shown by MATULINA / ORALI in their analysis of Croatian, Bosnian, German and Austrian newspapers – and metaphors, which can mostly be found in live football commentary. Several articles suggest that, although conflict, war and peace are the basis of many metaphors in all cultures and languages (cf. NORDIN on German and English, VIERKANT on German – both based on Lakoff / Johnson 1980), there exist interesting differences regarding their frequency or individual variation. AnCHIMBE, for example, shows that in the West Bank a shot at goal can be called a ‘ground-to-ground missile’, while in Cameroon ‘banana shots’ are possible. Focussing on phrases containing the words ‘net’, ‘minute(s)’ and ‘whistle’, LEVIN shows that the language of English football reporting largely consists of semi-fixed phrases with conventionalized functions to describe recurring events in a game. In relation to the language of football reporting, onymic aspects like the nicknames of players, the names of stadiums or terms used to describe one’s own or the opposing teams are also worth investigating (cf. the article by CALDERÓN). Onymic aspects are, among others, dealt with by SHAMSUDDIN / KAMARUDDIN, who present a general overview of the language of football reporting in Malaysian newspapers. SONNENHAUSER analyses the use of the indefinite article ein + proper name in German (e.g. ein Franz Beckenbauer), showing how proper names develop from demonstratives to common nouns.

3. Football discourses (Critical) discourse analysis is applied by RICHARD in his study of the French TV commentary of the 1976 European club championship final between Bayern Munich and St. Étienne; he shows with which linguistic means a defeat can be euphemised. Using the example of the Agnelli family and its close ties to Juventus Turin, KUHN investigates how politics and football are interwined in Italy, while HALLETT / KAPLAN-WEINGER draw interesting parallels between sports and religion in their study of football and soccer halls of fame and their respective websites, which are intended to mobilise sports fans into demonstrating their respect and devotion. A special kind of football discourse – namely discourse that is not about the game itself, but that is part of the event – is studied by SCHIERING and LUHRS, who both investigate football chants performed by supporters of German and English teams. SCHIERING explains how, in the industrial area of the Ruhr, regional identity is expressed through the chants and cheers of Schalke 04 supporters, while LUHRS describes the chants of English supporters as modern-day examples of the traditional ‘blason populaire’, as an expression of one group’s outlook and self-image that often involves denigrating other groups. In his study of Polish football language, DUDA focuses on the terms kibic and pseudokibic, the former denoting a real or ‘true’ fan, the latter a pseudo-fan or hooligan;

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he describes how these two terms are used by the media to marginalize the problem of football violence in Poland.

4. Football and the media Football games are media events, and the media play a decisive role in how football is staged and presented. A series of articles analyse how football games are reported in various media, ranging from television and radio to newspapers and on-line minute-byminute commentaries. These commentaries are investigated by CHOVANEC, who – like ANCHIMBE in his article – stresses the infotainment element of such commentaries, which are also characterized by a high degree of involvement on the part of those participating in the discourse. The spectacularization of football and its language in Spanish and Argentine television broadcasts is the topic of JUNG’S article, in which features like players’ nicknames, national stereotypes and the expression of emotions are investigated. MÜLLER presents an analysis of radio football commentary, which he analyzes in connection with the corresponding television images of the same games; these in turn allow the identification of the extra-linguistic events leading to what is described in the commentary. He shows that the type of event described – and when it is being described – have important consequences for the commentator’s verbal output (e.g. syntactic complexity, pronouns, past time markers, etc.). The interplay between play-by-play reporting and colour commentary in live football commentary (BBC) is described by GERHARDT in her micro-analysis of this particular setting, and also mentioned by LAVRIC et al. In his article about the Past Simple and Present Perfect in English football interviews, WALKER demonstrates how the Present Perfect is used in such situations to recount events in past time, i.e. is used as a narrative tense, although conventionally in English only the Preterit is available for this purpose. Live football commentary is always done under great time pressure; as a result, speech errors tend to occur, as is demonstrated by MAKAROVA in her analysis of Russian television commentaries of tennis and football games. In newspaper articles the aspect post-match evaluation is of central importance, as is shown by WIREDU / ANDERSON in their study of the use of adjectives in Ghanaian newspapers, where they come to the conclusion that, despite football’s highly competitive nature, positive adjectives tend to dominate.

5. Media and discourse: Emotions Emotions in football commentary are dealt with by THEODOROPOULOU, JUNG and the second article by the INNSBRUCK FOOTBALL RESEARCH GROUP (LAVRIC et al.). Here, although there may be national differences between how emotions are expressed and staged, certain features like intonation, repetition, direct address to players, or pauses can be found in all languages and cultures. The expression of emotion is closely linked to the ‘spectacularization’ of football events, as decsribed by JUNG (Spanish and Argentine radio and television) and THEODOROPOULOU (Greek 7

‘triumphalese’ after winning EURO 2004). The following quotation from JUNG’S article illustrates the strong emotional involvement in connection with football: 1.

“[...] esto ha sido un espectáculo, ¡que hemos vivido todos! ¡Que hemos sufrido todos! ¡Y que hemos disfrutado todos!” – ‘This has been a spectacle that we all have experienced! During which we all have suffered! And that we all have enjoyed!’

6. Football and multilingualism The fact that international football, regardless of its presentation in the media, is also an activity where people work together in a multilingual context, is also taken into account by the INNSBRUCK FOOTBALL RESEARCH GROUP (GIERA et al.), which analyses strategies like ‘code choice’ and ‘code switching’, as well as aspects of intercultural and non-verbal communication. The article by THALER shows how the topic of football can be used for language learning, and why football definitely belongs in the EFL classroom. Let us give one of our contributors (ANCHIMBE) the last word: Football is perhaps the most popular sport in the present century. It has established itself not only as the most prestigious club and national sport, but also as one of the most lucrative sports (consider player contracts, transfers, club take-overs, television transmission rights, sale of Tshirts, etc.). Football more than many other team sports is unique in its ambiguous ability to unite and divide at the same time – consider national/regional unity during football competitions and (in)famous hooligan violence during and after games or tournaments. Beside this, football is now a battlefield for several issues: the fight against racism (e.g. banners and flyers during games or information slots on television during transmission of football games); the resolution of conflicts (e.g. the match Israel-Palestine vs. World stars 2006); the alleviation of poverty (e.g. Michael Schumacher + friends vs. World stars, or Team Ronaldo vs. Team Zidane (2005 & 2006) both under the UN). What all this points to is that the sport has become so dynamic and diverse that it is used – both consciously and unconsciously – to represent reality, political and social issues, tastes in fashion, as well as racial and minority awareness.

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1. FOOTBALL TERMINOLOGY

THOMAS SCHMIDT1

THE KICKTIONARY: COMBINING CORPUS LINGUISTICS AND LEXICAL SEMANTICS FOR A MULTILINGUAL FOOTBALL DICTIONARY This paper presents the Kicktionary, a multilingual (English – German – French) electronic lexical resource of the language of football. In the Kicktionary, methods from corpus linguistics and two approaches to lexical semantics – the theory of frame semantics and the concept of semantic relations – are combined to construct a lexical resource in which the user can explore relationships between lexical units in various ways. This paper explains the theoretical background of the Kicktionary, sketches the data and methods which were used in its construction, and describes how the resulting resource is presented to users via a set of hyperlinked webpages.

1. Introduction The language of football offers many rewarding topics for linguistic research. One such topic is the lexicographic analysis of football vocabulary. Since, on the one hand, a football match is made up of a relatively small number of ever-recurring events (shots, passes, referee interventions, etc.), but, on the other hand, myriads of texts (written reports, spoken commentary, etc.) are produced every day which describe these events, a vocabulary has been developed in many languages which abounds with synonyms, with fine-grained semantic distinctions and with subtle stylistic variation. To analyse, describe and make accessible some aspects of this vocabulary is the aim of the Kicktionary presented in this paper. The Kicktionary is an electronic multilingual (English, German, French) lexical resource of the language of football. Its main idea is to combine methods from corpus linguistics and different approaches to lexical semantics in order to construct a dictionary which is better than (or at least as good in a manner different from) traditional paper dictionaries. The lexical resources constructed by the FrameNet (Fillmore et al. 2003) and WordNet (Fellbaum 1990) projects were used as a starting point for this task. This paper explains the design and construction of the Kicktionary. It is structured as follows: section 2 introduces the concepts of frame semantics and semantic relations, which constitute the theoretical background to the analyses carried out for the Kicktionary. Section 3 describes the empirical basis of the analyses – a multilingual corpus of football match reports – and explains the analysis method as well as the 1

The work presented here was carried out during my stay as a guest researcher with the team of the FrameNet project at ICSI in Berkeley, with the help of a research grant by the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD). I am grateful to the FrameNet team (Charles Fillmore, Collin Baker, Michael Ellsworth, Josef Ruppenhofer) and its visitors (Kyoko Ohara, Jan Scheffczyk, Carlos Subirats) for their support. I owe the original idea for this project to Seelbach’s (2001) and Gross's (2002) work on the lexicography of football language in the lexicon grammar framework.

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general architecture of the resource. Section 4 then demonstrates how the resource is presented to users on a website. Section 5, finally, sketches some plans for future developments. This paper can only give a brief overview of the Kicktionary and the ideas behind it. The interested reader is referred to Schmidt (forthcoming) for a more comprehensive account of the lexicographic analysis of football language and the challenges it poses to frame semantic theory. The more practical matters, on the other hand, are of course best studied by a look at the Kicktionary website itself (www.kicktionary.de).

2. Linguistic background 2.1. Scenes and frames in football Frame Semantics, as defined and developed by Fillmore (e.g. Fillmore 1977 and Fillmore e.a. 2003), is a means of relating linguistic items to one another through knowledge about prototypical event structures. The entities in which this knowledge is represented are called scenes and frames. The domain of football is very well suited to illustrate and apply frame semantic theory. As an example, consider the following set of sentences: 1a. 1b. 1c. 1d.

[Zahovaiko]OPPONENT_PLAYER challenged [Manou Schauls]PLAYER_WITH_BALL [in the penalty area]AREA. [He]PLAYER_WITH_BALL turned inside to take on [Roma]OPPONENT_PLAYER and finish with his left foot from close range. [Hector Font]PLAYER_WITH_BALL tried to nutmeg [Ioannis Skopelitis]OPPONENT_PLAYER. [Ronaldo]OPPONENT_PLAYER dispossessed [Wisla goalkeeper Radoslaw Majdan]PLAYER_WITH_BALL [on the edge of the box]AREA.

What the words challenge, take on, nutmeg and dispossess in these examples have in common is that they all apply to the same prototypical situation in a football match, namely a one-on-one situation. A general description of this situation could look as follows: a player in possession of the ball (PLAYER_WITH_BALL) is attacked by an opponent (OPPONENT_PLAYER) at some location (AREA) on the field. The outcome of the situation is that the PLAYER_WITH_BALL either keeps or loses possession of the ball. The words differ, however, in the perspective they put on this event. Thus, in (1a) and (1b), the temporal focus is on the event itself, while (1c) and (1d) relate the event from the perspective of its outcome. Similarly, (1a) and (1d) foreground the point of view of the opponent player, while (1b) and (1c) focus on the player in possession of the ball. In frame semantics, such a prototypical event is called a scene; the different ways of taking a perspective on it are called frames; the actors and props taking part in the scene and frames are called frame elements; and the linguistic means used to describe scenes and frames (which, in Fillmore’s terminology, “evoke” a frame) are called lexical units (LUs).

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Usually, a frame contains more than one lexical unit. Thus, just like the LU nutmeg, the LUs beat, outstrip or sidestep describe the successful outcome of a one-onone situation from the perspective of the player with the ball. All these LUs are therefore assigned to the same frame ‘Beat’. Likewise, the verbal LU tackle and the nominal LU sliding tackle share their perspective on the one-on-one scene with the verb challenge. These LUs are therefore all assigned to the same frame ‘Challenge’. This latter case also shows that frames can accommodate lexical units from different parts of speech. Furthermore, scenes and frames are not language specific. It can be expected that a speaker of German has the same or very similar knowledge about prototypical events of a football match and of ways of taking a perspective on them as a speaker of English. When it comes to constructing a multilingual dictionary, frames can therefore be used to group meaningful lexical units from different languages. Thus the German verb tunnel and the French verb mystifier exhibit the same scene-and-frame characteristics as the English verbs nutmeg, beat, outstrip and sidestep: 2a. 2b.

[Ailton]PLAYER_WITH_BALL tunnelte [Chris]OPPONENT_PLAYER und spielte Klasnic frei. [Giggs]PLAYER_WITH_BALL lui répondait en mystifiant [deux défenseurs]OPPONENT_PLAYER.

All of these lexical units (and, potentially, LUs from an arbitrary number of other languages) can therefore be assigned to the same frame. 2.2. Semantic relations Scenes and frames are a very helpful means of structuring a domain vocabulary according to onomasiological criteria. They group lexical units with similar meanings and lexical units which denote different aspects or different variants of the same concept and thus create a structure which should be transparent to and exploitable by a dictionary user. However, a scenes-and-frame structure on its own fails to cater for a number of more basic tasks which a dictionary should fulfil: it does not tell the users which lexical units are actually synonymous and which are in a more complex semantic relation to one another. In the multilingual case, it also fails to provide the user with translation equivalents of a given lexical unit. As an example, consider the following list of lexical units, all of which are members of the ‘Shot’ frame in the ‘Shot’ scene (i.e. they all describe a shot from the shooter’s point of view): 3a. 3b. 3c.

shot, drive, thunderbolt, volley, bicycle kick, overhead kick, header, diving header Schuss, Torschuss, Hammer, Volley, Direktabnahme, Fallrückzieher, Kopfball, Kopfstoß, Flugkopfball, Kopfballtorpedo tir, frappe, boulet de canon, vollée, retourné, tête, coup de tête, tête plongeante

Among others, the following semantic relations can be established between individual members of this frame: • The LUs Kopfball (head ball) and Kopfstoß (head kick) are synonymous, as are bicycle kick and overhead kick, as well as tête (head) and coup de tête (head kick). 13

• A thunderbolt is a special kind of shot, specifically, a very powerful one. The same hyponymy relation holds between the German LUs Hammer (hammer) and Schuss (shot) and the French LUs boulet de canon (cannon ball) and tir (shot). • The German LU Volley and the French LU vollée are both translation equivalents of the English LU volley. Likewise, Fallrückzieher and retourné are translation equivalents for both bicycle kick and overhead kick. The WordNet project (Fellbaum 1990) has developed methods for representing such semantic relations in a network-like structure. The basic unit of a WordNet is a synset, i.e. a set of synonymous lexical units. In the Kicktionary, this concept is extended to include not only synonymy in one language, but also translation equivalence between different languages. The set {bicycle kick; overhead kick / Fallrückzieher / retourné} is an example of such a multilingual synset. Other semantic relations like hyponymy/hypernymy, holonymy/metonymy and troponymy are then represented not as assignments between individual lexical units, but as relationships holding between two synsets. For example, a hyponymy relation holds between {thunderbolt / Hammer / boulet de canon} and {shot; drive / Schuss / tir; frappe}. Since semantic relations are transitive (if a relation holds between A and B as well as B and C, it will necessarily also hold between A and C), they can be used to construct hierarchies of synsets. The following is an example of such a concept hierarchy constructed on the basis of the hyponymy/hypernymy relation (LUs on a lower level are hyponyms of LUs on a higher level): 4.

{player / Spieler / joueur} {goalkeeper; custodian / Torhüter; Torwart / gardien } {defender / Verteidiger; Abwehrspieler / arrière; défenseur} {central defender / Innenverteidiger / défenseur central} {sweeper / Abräumer / }

3. Constructing the Kicktionary The Kicktionary was constructed on the basis of a corpus of football match reports from specialised websites. English, French and German texts were taken from the UEFA website (www.uefa.com). For German, additional material was acquired from the online edition of the Kicker magazine (www.kicker.de); a small number of transcribed radio commentaries (from the NDR and SWR broadcasting stations) were also added to the corpus. Table 1 gives an overview of the corpus. Language English French German German German

Source uefa.com uefa.com uefa.com kicker.de German Radio

# texts 535 482 486 1,242 9

# words ca. 230,000 ca. 240,000 ca. 200,000 ca. 700,000 ca. 10,000

Table 1: Details of the Kicktionary corpus

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Mode written written written written spoken

Candidates for lexical units were initially selected from a wordlist of the whole corpus without considering their membership in a specific frame or scene. Only in a later stage of the analysis, when a relatively stable scenes-and-frames hierarchy had been established, was the choice of new lexical units guided more directly by the existing structure of the resource. This manner of proceeding was intended to ensure that the scenes-and-frames hierarchy evolves on the basis of an empirical process rather than predetermining the empirical analysis by an ‘introspective’ postulation of frames which are then to be ‘filled’ with lexical material. The assignment of lexical units to synsets and the analysis of semantic relations between synsets were done only after the scenesand-frames analysis had been more or less completed. The analysis was carried out with the help of a combined concordancing and annotation tool. For each lexical unit, a KWIC concordance was first created. Suitable example sentences were then selected from this concordance, and the lexical units in these sentences, as well as the frame elements, were marked and annotated with appropriate labels. Example 5 shows different annotations for the lexical unit pass. Note how these examples document different options for realizing frame elements with the LU – the ‘recipient’ frame element is realized in 5a and 5c, but not in 5b, which has the ‘ball’ and ‘target’ frame elements instead; the prepositional phrase which describes the ‘recipient’ frame element is headed by ‘to’ in 5a, but by ‘for’ in 5c, and so on: 5a. 5b. 5c.

After just three minutes, [veteran striker Gert Verheyen]PASSER […] passed [to team-mate Rune Lange]RECIPIENT . [79240 / p3] […] and with three minutes remaining [substitute Marcelo Zalayeta]PASSER passed [the ball]BALL [into the middle]TARGET where the unmarked Trezeguet made it 4–1. [79345 / p7] [He]PASSER then passed [for Zé Roberto]RECIPIENT to increase their lead […]. [1077165 / p2]

Regarding the cross-lingual part of the analysis, the partly parallel nature of the corpus could be exploited – for about half of the texts from the UEFA website, it was possible to automatically detect that they are direct translations of one another and to establish a cross-lingual alignment of these translations on the paragraph level. During the analysis, this alignment could then be used to discover and compare translation equivalents. The result of this process is a lexical resource whose basic entity is the lexical unit together with a set of annotated example sentences, each of which can be reconnected to the corpus from which is was extracted. Two structures are built on top of the list of LUs: on the one hand, each LU is assigned to a frame, and each frame becomes part of a scene. On the other hand, the list of LUs is partitioned into synsets, and synsets are related to one another via semantic relations, yielding a number of concept hierarchies. The scenes-and-frames hierarchy and the concept hierarchies are thus based on the same lexical material, but are otherwise independent of one another. The Kicktionary in its present state contains altogether 1926 lexical units (599 English, 792 German, 535 French), with a total of 8164 example sentences. A total of 16 scenes were defined consisting of altogether 104 frames. The LUs were partitioned into 552 synsets, and these synsets are organised in 36 different concept hierarchies.

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4. Presenting the Kicktionary Since the Kicktionary is mainly intended as a lexicographic resource for human users, great attention was paid to an adequate, user-friendly presentation of lexical units and their structural organisation. The resource is presented as a website on www.kicktionary.de.2

Figure 1: Homepage of www.kicktionary.de

4.1. Presentation of lexical units Figure 2 depicts an exemplary entry for the lexical unit bicycle kick. The entry starts by indicating the lexical unit’s scene and frame assignment, followed by a list of frame elements which were encountered with the LU. After this, the annotated example sentences are listed in two different forms – once as full text and once in a schematic overview which is intended to facilitate the discovery of regularities with respect to the realisation of frame elements. Below the example sentences, other synset members (i.e. synonymous lexical units and translation equivalents) are given as well as superordinate synsets with hypernyms or holonyms. To support dictionary navigation, each component of this presentation is hyperlinked to the corresponding other parts of the resource. For instance, clicking on the name of the scene will take the user to a description of that scene, and clicking on a synonym will display the corresponding entry. Likewise, examples are linked to the corpus text from which they were taken, and the synsets are linked to a presentation of the corresponding concept hierarchies.

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The site is password-protected. Interested users can request a free account to view the data.

Figure 2: Presentation of the LU bicycle kick and its examples

4.2. Presentation of scenes As explained above, a scene, by definition, corresponds to a kind of knowledge which is not (or not exclusively) linguistic in nature. From the point of view of dictionary design, this means that a textual description, a short film or a schematic diagram may all be equally adequate representations of a scene. In fact, if one is interested in using scenes as language-independent entities in the organization of a multilingual vocabulary, there are even good reasons to prefer non-linguistic forms of presenting a scene over linguistic ones – scenes can thus become a common point of reference for dictionary users with different language backgrounds. The Kicktionary therefore illustrates most scenes with one or more schematic diagrams such as the following one from the ‘Shot’ scene:

Figure 3: A diagram illustrating the ‘Shot’ scene

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This graphic information is usually supplemented with a prose description of the scene which lists the frame elements, explains their roles in the action, and sketches the typical course of events in the scene. After the scene is explained in this way, the user is given links to the various corresponding frames which, in turn, refer to the presentation of individual lexical units as described above. The Shot scene is centred around the event of a player directing the ball to a target on the field. Typically, the target is the opponent's goal, and the shot is carried out with the intention of scoring a goal. The main protagonist of the scene is the SHOOTER. Using a PART OF HIS BODY, the shooter directs the BALL towards the opponent's goal. The ball moves from the SOURCE location on the field along a PATH to a TARGET location. In some cases, the MOVING BALL (typically a pass from a team-mate) that brought the shooter into a position to carry out the shot can be mentioned. Sometimes, a shot is construed as the final stage of a MOVE by the shooter's team. The frame Shot contains LUs which describe a shot from the shooter's point of view. The Finish frame contains LUs that construe a shot as the last stage of a move by the shooter's team. […]

Figure 4: A textual description of the ‘Shot’ scene

4.3. Other elements of the presentation In addition to the information outlined above, the web version of the Kicktionary provides a separate visualisation of the organisation of LUs into hierarchies of synsets. There is a two-way link between these representations and the representations of individual LUs so that a user can navigate from a given LU to one of its hyponyms or co-hyponyms via such a hierarchy, as illustrated in Figure 5.

Figure 5: Presentation of the ‘Individual_Actors’ concept hierarchy

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The Kicktionary also provides a full-text display of the corpus texts, which can be accessed via the link provided in the example section of the LU presentation (see Figure 2 above). This allows users to study the larger context in which the annotated example sentences appear. Finally, several means for top-level navigation provide the user with points of entry to explore the full list of LUs and their various forms of organisation. For top-down access, the user can either start with an overview of scenes and frames or with a list of concept hierarchies. For bottom-up access to the Kicktionary, a simple alphabetical list of LUs, separated by language, is provided. Alternatively, users can start with an annotated parallel text in which occurrences of LUs are linked to the respective entries in the resource, as is shown in Figure 6. English text Barcelona glee in Glasgow Tuesday , 14 September 2004 By Alex O ' Henley at Celtic Park

German text Barcelona mit historischem Sieg Dienstag , 14. September 2004 Von Alex O ' Henley aus dem Celtic Park

French text Le Barça jubile à Glasgow Mardi , 14 septembre 2004 Par Alex O ' Henley à Celtic Park

FC Barcelona became the first visiting team to win a UEFA Champions League match at Celtic FC as goals from Deco, Ludovic Giuly and the homecoming Henrik Larsson secured maximum points in their Group F opener .

Der FC Barcelona hat als erste Mannschaft ein UEFA Champions League-Spiel bei Celtic FC gewonnen. Beim 3:1-Erfolg im Celtic Park trafen Deco, Ludovic Giuly und “Heimkehrer” Henrik Larsson und sicherten so den Katalanen zum Auftakt in der Gruppe F drei Punkte.

Le FC Barcelona est la première équipe à remporter un match d'UEFA Champions League à Celtic Park. Deco, Ludovic Giuly et Henrik Larsson, qui effectuait son grand retour, ont marqué et offrent les trois points au Barça dans le Groupe F.

Larsson clincher

Entscheidung durch Larsson

Larsson buteur

Larsson's goal, on his return to the club where he scored 242 goals in a seven-year spell, sealed a victory which had looked in doubt after Chris Sutton grabbed a dramatic equaliser for Celtic just short of the hour mark . Barcelona coach Frank Rijkaard had named Larsson as a substitute with Brazilian ace Ronaldinho coming in to form a front three with Ludovic Giuly and Samuel Eto ' o.

Larssons Tor gegen seinen ehemaligen Verein, für den er in sieben Jahren 242 Mal getroffen hatte, sorgte für die endgültige Entscheidung. Zwischendurch nahm die Partie dramatische Züge an, als nach etwa einer Stunde Chris Sutton der umjubelte Ausgleich gelang. Barcelonas Trainer Frank Rijkaard hatte Larsson zunächst nur auf die Ersatzbank gesetzt, um im Angriff mit dem brasilianischen Star Ronaldinho sowie Ludovic Giuly und Samuel Eto'o zu beginnen.

Le but de Larsson , pour son grand retour au club pour lequel il a marqué 242 buts en sept ans , scellait une victoire qui ne semblait pas acquise après l'égalisation de Chris Sutton à l'approche de l'heure de jeu . Le coach du Barça , Frank Rijkaard, décidait de reléguer Larsson sur le banc des remplaçants, alors que le prodige brésilien Ronaldinho faisait son entrée pour former un trio de tête avec Ludovic Giuly et Samuel Eto'o.

Figure 6: An annotated parallel text, linked to the lexical resource

5. Outlook At this point in time, the Kicktionary is complete in the sense that a reasonably large3 number of LUs from the football domain have been analysed and integrated into the described architecture. It is also complete in the sense that this architecture is accessible via a website. There are, however, various ways in which it could be improved and extended. First, an extension of the corpus is likely to uncover new LUs, and a larger corpus could be used to increase the number of annotated examples for existing LUs. In both cases, the additional material may make it necessary to remodel parts of the scenes-and-frames hierarchy and parts of the concept hierarchies. Further text materials from the UEFA website have been acquired for this purpose and are presently being processed. Second, user feedback for the Kicktionary website should make it possible to evaluate the quality of the resource and its presentation. One possible way of improving 3

“Reasonably large” meaning that a) the number of lexical units for each language is considerably higher in the Kicktionary than in comparable printed dictionaries (e.g. Yldrim 2006, Colombo et al. 2006) and that b) a further analysis of the corpus would turn up no or very few additional LUs.

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the presentation might be the inclusion of additional films and pictures into the description of scenes. Third, the existing architecture, together with the concordancing and annotation tool developed for the analysis, should make it relatively easy to supplement the Kicktionary with data from other languages. Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Russian, Chinese, Korean and Japanese corpus material is available for lexicographers interested in constructing versions for these languages. Finally, I think that the Kicktionary could be regarded as a promising test case for the development and application of methods for a collaborative creation of specialized multilingual lexical resources. This is so because (1) football is a welldelimited special domain with a large, but manageably-sized vocabulary, and (2) contrary to many other specialized areas, it is not too difficult to find ‘experts’ who are competent users of that vocabulary (in different languages) and who may be able and willing to contribute to such a collaborative effort either as lexicographers or as evaluators of the resulting resource.4 First steps towards a client-server architecture in which dictionary creators and dictionary users can work together to construct an improved version of the Kicktionary have already been taken.

References Bisang, Walter / Schmidt, Maria G. (eds.) (2001): Philologica et Linguistica. Historia, Pluralitas, Universitas. Festschrift für Helmut Humbach zum 80. Geburtstag am 4. Dezember 2001. Trier: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier Boas, Hans Christian (ed.) (forthcoming): Multilingual FrameNets. New York: De Gruyter Colombo, Roberta / Heimeroth, Klaus / Humbert, Olivier / Jackson, Michael / Kohl, Frank / Ràfols, Josep (2006): PONS Fußballwörterbuch. Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag Fellbaum, Christiane (1990): English verbs as a semantic net. In: Miller et al., 278–301 Fillmore, Charles J. (1977): Scenes-and-frames semantics. In: Zampolli, Antonio (ed.): Fundamental studies in computer science, No. 59, North Holland Publishing, 55–88 Fillmore, Charles J. / Johnson, Christopher / Petruck, Miriam R.L. (2003): Background to Framenet. In: International Journal of Lexicography 16/3, 235–250 Gross, Gaston (2002): Comment décrire une langue de spécialité? In: Cahiers de lexicologie 80, 179–200 Miller, G. A. et al. (1990): WordNet – an online lexical database. (= International Journal of Lexicology 3/4) Seelbach, Dieter (2001): Das kleine multilinguale Fußball-Lexikon. In: Schmidt / Bisang, 323–350 Schmidt, Maria G. / Bisang, Walter (eds.) (2001): Philologica et Linguistica. Historia, Pluralitas, Universitas. Festschrift für Helmut Humbach zum 80. Geburtstag am 4. Dezember 2001. Trier : WVT Schmidt, Thomas (forthcoming): The Kicktionary – A multilingual lexical resource of football language. To appear in: Boas Yldrm, Kaya (2006): Fußballwörterbuch in 7 Sprachen (Kauderwelsch 203). Osnabrück: Reise-KnowHow Verlag Peter Rump Zampolli, Antonio (ed.) (1977): Linguistic structures processing (Fundamental studies in computer science 59), Amsterdam / New York: North Holland Publishing

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Feedback so far shows that the Kicktionary seems indeed capable of getting both linguists and laymen interested in lexicography.

Dr. Thomas Schmidt Sonderforschungsbereich 538 ‚Mehrsprachigkeit’ Universität Hamburg Max Brauer-Allee 60 D-22765 Hamburg e-mail: [email protected] http://www.kicktionary.de

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KONRAD SZCZESNIAK AND MARCUS CALLIES

“EUROPAMEISTERSCHAFT ZU ERDRIBBELN”: ‘MANNER OF OBTAINMENT’ CONSTRUCTIONS IN SPORTS REPORTING The present paper focuses on the syntactic and semantic properties of a family of constructions which carry an idiomatic interpretation of ‘obtainment’ effected in a specified manner. A constructional analysis of such forms will be proposed, as their interpretation cannot be accounted for in terms of the individual conceptual structures of the lexical items composing the sentence. Based on a multilingual corpus of football commentaries, this paper will investigate various types of particles and prefixes in verbs like herausspielen or ermogeln. It is suggested that, despite some minor semantic differences, their syntactic effects are similar across particle categories and across languages like German, Polish, and English. A cross-linguistic correlation will be shown to hold between a language’s ability to express event conflation (Talmy 1985, 2000) and the occurrence of some form of the construction in that language. This will be taken as an indication of a resultative nature of those types of directional phrases which involve the semantic interpretation of boundary crossing.

1. Introduction Sport is not about winning; it is all about ‘obtaining’. Whether literally or metaphorically, competition is thought of as an event where teams collect points or gain an advantage. Even a draw, when it is welcome, is said to be secured or achieved. Lexically, the act of ‘obtaining’ or winning can be conveyed either by specific verbs (score, shoot, salvage, win, gain) or by complex predicates such as particle verbs, representing productive patterns which are best analysed as autonomous constructions. This paper will discuss the latter, with special focus on verbal structures exemplified in (1). It will be shown that in German, English, Polish, and other languages, such structures bear striking similarities in what meanings they serve to convey and how they behave syntactically. 1a. 1b. 1c. 1d.

Dietz und Roth ergrätschen jeden Ball [...]. (German) [...] die Copa Americana-Teilnahme zu erbolzen. (German) The team has fouled their way to victory. (English) Smolarek wydryblowa gola. (Polish) Smolarek wy- dribbled goal. ‘Smolarek scored a goal by dribbling.’

Of special interest here is the semantic structure of the event described by the verbs and their objects in (1). In each of the examples, the entity realized as the object is ‘obtained’ in a manner specified by the verb. In (1a), the ball is ‘obtained’ by tackling the opposing player; in (1b), the Copa Americana is won through a consistent playing style which involves ‘slamming’ the ball, etc. What needs to be stressed is that this 23

semantic pattern is replicable in any sentence exemplifying the construction in question – it is based on the same two semantic components, namely the elements of ‘obtainment’ and manner. These regularities make it possible to consider the above complex predicates as examples of a construction in the sense of Construction Grammar – that is, a syntactic construction which conveys a meaning expressed on top of the meanings of the individual words used in that construction, or a conventional, stored pairing of form and semantic meaning or discourse function whose form/function is not strictly predictable from its component parts (Goldberg 2003, Goldberg / Casenhiser 2006). The type of constructions under consideration will be referred to as ‘Manner of Obtainment Constructions’ (MOCs). The constitution of the MOCs is analogous to Talmy’s (1985) decomposition of co-event conflations of manner and directional movement. Talmy argues that in examples like (2), there is a deep unexpressed verb MOVE conflated with a manner of motion expressed overtly. 2a. 2b.

The craft floated2 into the hangar on a cushion of air. (example 10 in Talmy 1985) The craft MOVED WITH-THE-MANNER-OF [floating1] into the hangar on a cushion of air.

Thus, there are actually two verbs ‘float’. Float1 is the “pure” version of the verb, specifying only the manner of motion, and float2 is a verb of directed motion MOVE conflated with the manner of floating. Talmy lists a number of deep verbs which can be conflated with a manner, including an agentive AMOVE, which will be relevant for the present discussion of ‘obtainment’. The deep verb AMOVE differs from MOVE in that it is transitive and involves an extra argument; for example, it is found in situations where an agent moves a theme into or out of a location, as in (3). 3.

Smith slid the ball into an open goal. Smith AMOVED the ball into an open goal WITH-THE-MANNER-OF sliding the ball.

Talmy observes that, although the pairing of manner with motion seems a natural linguistic operation to fill an obvious expressive need, not all languages provide this option. In Romance languages, for example, if a speaker wishes to convey information about both manner and directed motion, these two elements would have to be expressed separately. In Spanish, (4a) would be grammatical, although in most contexts manner is normally left out. But Spanish does not allow for conflating manner with directed motion as in (4b). 4a.

4b.

El balón entró en la meta The ball entered in the goal ‘The ball entered the goal by rolling.’ *El balón rodó en la meta. The ball rolled in the goal. ‘The ball rolled into the goal.’

rodando. rolling.

What is interesting here is that a correlation seems to hold between a language’s potential for co-event conflation and the occurrence of the MOCs. If a language 24

conflates manner and directed motion, it is also likely to have the MOCs as part of its expressive inventory and, conversely, if a language does not have manner conflation, the MOCs will not be found in it either. It will be argued that the MOCs use the ‘manner conflation’ based on the verb AMOVE. Although a deep verb ‘OBTAIN’ can be hypothesized for all such examples, the ‘obtainment’ effect is achieved through a directional movement metaphor, and the verb ‘OBTAIN’ is really an implicit interpretation of AMOVE. This point will be discussed in more detail in section 2. The interpretation of ‘obtainment’ is an integral semantic part of the meaning in the above examples. Sentence (5a) does not mean ‘fought in order to score a goal’, but ‘managed to score a goal by fighting’. 5a.

Odonkor erkämpfte sich ein Tor. Odonkor *er- fought himself a goal. ‘Odonkor fought his way to a goal’

It is quite clear that the scoring is not a mere implicature, but a true entailment, because it passes the test of non-cancelability. The ‘obtainment’ reading cannot be cancelled by saying (5b). 5b.

*Odonkor erkämpfte sich ein Tor, aber es gelang ihm keins. ‘Odonkor fought his way to a goal, but he didn’t succeed.’

For comparison, where ‘obtainment’ is not entailed, but merely implicated, it is possible to cancel it, as in (5c). 5c.

Odonkor arbeitete und kämpfte für ein Tor, aber es gelang ihm keins. ‘Odonkor worked and fought for a goal, but he didn’t succeed.’

2. Constructions that express ‘manner of obtainment’ There are a number of formal lexical realizations of ‘manner of obtainment’ available. In German, instantiations of the construction include the prefixes er-, ein-, heraus- and ab-. In English, the ‘obtainment’ interpretation is also conveyed by several particle verbs and more complex structures such as the X’s way construction. It will be assumed here that all these structures, including the X’s way construction and verb-particle constructions in other languages, are instances of the MOCs. Although the German prefixes are not interchangeable with one another and the meanings they serve to convey are not always equivalent to the English X’s way construction, they seem to share their basic selection criteria. The X’s way construction has been shown to select unergative and transitive verbs, but not unaccusative verbs (Levin 1993: 99). Of course, the MOCs are not confined to verbs typically found in the language of football such as einköpfen or abstauben. They normally take agentive verbs of manner (sprinten, bolzen) or verbs naming specific activities (mogeln, boxen, schlagen, bowlen, bluffen, joggen, skaten).

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2.1. Verbs participating in prefixed MOCs – A cline Verbs which participate in one type of MOCs − prefixed verbs − can be represented as forming a cline from fairly established items, used frequently in speech and writing, to completely new verbs which are invented on the spot and recognized by most language users as creative formations. At the established end of the cline of verbs carrying the ‘obtainment’ interpretation, there are e.g. er- forms which do not possess an unprefixed base, such as ergattern or erobern (forms like gattern or obern do not exist in German). In (6), the ‘obtainment’ interpretation is conveyed by the verb, but it is retrieved from the lexicon and not computed online from the constituent parts of the verb. (The following examples - like most examples in this paper - come from Kicktionary, a multilingual electronic dictionary of the language of football; see Schmidt 2006.) 6a. 6b.

In der Schlussphase hätte Rosenborg fast doch noch einen überaus wichtigen Punkt ergattert, […] (KICKTIONARY) Christian Poulsen eroberte sich den Ball im Mittelfeld, […] (KICKTIONARY)

Next on the cline are seemingly compositional er- verbs such as erhalten, exemplified in (7). However, verbs like erhalten are problematic because, although bases like halten do exist, their semantic contribution to the ‘obtainment’ interpretation is not very straightforward and cannot be explained in terms of any regular conflational pattern. 7.

30 Minuten vor dem Spielende kam Mittelfeldspieler Ayhan Akman von Galatasaray SK für Fatih Tekke ins Spiel, wodurch Bastürk mehr Freiheiten in der Offensive erhielt. (KICKTIONARY)

Next come verbs such as erarbeiten, erkämpfen, or erzwingen, which are listed in dictionaries as independent lexical entries; these are fairly regular in the sense that their meaning can be captured in terms of a conflational pattern ‘obtain as a result of V-ing’. Thus, example (8) could be paraphrased as ‘VfL getting their first opportunity as a result of working hard to get it.’ 8.

Die erste Chance erarbeitete sich der VfL nach nur drei Minuten. (KICKTIONARY)

The cline is then occupied by verbs of various degrees of frequency which are not normally listed in dictionaries, such as erfoulen, erkicken, erbolzen, or erdribbeln. These verbs regularly follow the above-mentioned conflational pattern. 9a. 9b. 9c. 9d.

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(Der Österreicher Denis Berger) (h)at sich einen Stammplatz in Kassel erdribbelt. (http://www.kicker.de/news/fussball/regionalliga/sued/artikel/145663?view=print) Der kantige kroatische Nationalspieler erfoulte sich am Sonntag gegen Bremen seinen dritten Platzverweis in zwei Monaten. (http://www.tagesspiegel.de/sport/;art272,522218) Österreich top: Platz zwei hinter Finnland erkickt. (http://www.networld.at/index.html?/articles/0721/20/173856.shtml) Am Ende roch es nach einem typischen Bayern-Sieg, doch Wolfsburg hielt dem Schlusssturm des Rekordmeisters stand und ermogelte sich einen Punkt. (http://www.fussballdaten.de/news/1739/)

These last examples show that the cline is open-ended. There is no reason why nonce verbs could not be formed on the basis of the pattern. In principle, any verb can participate in the construction as long as it meets the MOCs’ selection criteria. 2.2. Agents and recipients Given its ‘obtainment’ interpretation, the MOCs involve the presence of a recipient. Most often, the agent and the recipient are both denoted by the subject, in which case an extra pronoun is used. In German and Polish, it is the reflexive dative, respectively sich and sobie. In both languages, the dative is optional, although it is likely to accompany the verb whenever the agent and the recipient are expressed by the subject. 10a. 10b.

Kurz nach Pause (sic!) erzwang (sich) die Alemannia zwei weitere Möglichkeiten. (KICKTIONARY) Napastnicy Legii Warszawa wypracowali (sobie) kolejnego gola.

It is of course not used if the recipient is another participant, such as seiner Mannschaft or für ihre Mannschaft.

3. The MOCs as constructions This section will focus on the syntax of the MOCs and their constructional nature as used to convey ‘obtainment’ meanings in the language of football as well as in more general domains other than sports reporting. We will also review some current knowledge of the resultative construction to point out a number of features which it shares with the MOCs. The above discussion of prefixed verbs in German may have made it seem as though their meaning is the sum of the meanings of the verb and its prefix. Upon closer inspection, however, the meaning we would be tempted to attribute to the verb alone turns out to originate differently, and we will now review reasons why the meaning of ‘obtainment’ is not fully predictable from the component parts of the verb. There will also be reasons to classify the MOCs as constructions with a semantic contribution, which will equally apply to highly frequent expressions, even if fully compositional/predicable (Goldberg 2003: 220). An MOC is idiomatic in the sense that its meaning could not be figured out in an “uninformative context” (Nunberg et al. 1994). The MOCs are regarded as idioms of decoding, as “expression[s] which the language users couldn’t interpret with complete confidence if they hadn’t learned [them] separately” (Fillmore et al. 1988: 507 following Makkai 1972). Syntax has traditionally been assumed to be separate from semantics, and syntactic constructions have been taken to be devoid of meaning. This generativist assumption was exposed by Jackendoff (1997: 48), who called it “syntactically transparent semantic composition”. Under this assumption, one can account for the meaning composition in sentences only in terms of individual semantic contributions of the lexical items found in those sentences. Recent research in Construction Grammar, however, has shown dozens of cases of grammatical constructions which do not seem to be so neutral toward the semantic composition of a sentence. The MOCs are one 27

example of constructions where some part of the meaning of a sentence is not found in the individual words composing that sentence. None of the lexical items composing MOCs features the semantic element ‘OBTAIN’ or GET; this meaning cannot be attributed to the object noun, the verb, the prefix alone, or even the prefix and the verb combined. If used in a sentence without an object, the prefixed verb in (11) does not carry the idea of ‘obtainment’. 11.

*Klose erbolzte. Klose *er- hammered. ‘Klose hammered’.

It should be stressed that a sentence with an objectless verb erbolzen is not only ungrammatical, but also deprived of the ‘obtainment’ interpretation. By comparison, when the verb put is used without a direct object, a sentence like The boy put on the floor will be ungrammatical, but its ‘putting’ interpretation is preserved. If erbolzen alone can at all evoke an ‘obtainment’ interpretation, it is only when a person makes an association with sentences containing an effected object, and it is questionable whether all native speakers will be able to make that association, especially with ad-hoc and rare er- verbs like erfoulen in German or wyfaulowac in Polish. When faced with an objectless wyfaulowac, Polish native speakers cannot provide even an approximate interpretation to the effect of “he ‘obtained’ something by committing a foul, but I don’t know what it was”. It is only when the prefixed verb takes an object that the ‘obtain’ interpretation arises, and that is a problem for mainstream Generative Grammar, as there are no general rules of syntax saying that combining a prefixed verb with an object yields this meaning. The best that can be achieved by way of general principles is the direct causation interpretation (directness effect) or wholeness interpretation (holism constraint) associated with direct objects (Pinker 1989: 66). But unlike these, the ‘obtainment’ interpretation is a more local semantic effect, and as such this meaning can only be imputed to the unique operation of the MOCs. It is thus an idiomatic construction in the sense of Fillmore et al. (1988), who suggest it is “something a language user could fail to know while knowing everything else in the language” (1988: 504).

4. The mechanisms behind the ‘obtainment’ meaning 4.1. MOCs as resultative constructions To appreciate the resultative nature of the MOCs, it is useful to start by looking at the behaviour of one of its English instantiations, the X’s way construction. Although the syntactic status of the X’s way construction is still uncertain, some researchers, most notably Levin, suggest that “it shows certain resemblances in its distribution and its syntax to the resultative construction and might be subsumed under that construction” (1993: 99). One such resemblance is that the X’s way construction serves to express a resulting location or state. In fact, the inherent relation between the expression of a path and a change of state is so strong that in some resultative sentences it is hard to 28

dissociate the two readings. In (12), a large river could be both a location or a final state. 12.

The stream broadens into a large river.

In the X’s way construction, the resulting state is conceptualized as a final destination reached by performing an activity which serves as a way towards that final destination, as in (13). 13a. 13b. 13c.

After a rough first game, the Cougars found their rhythm in the second and swept their way to the win. (http://www.byucougars.com/Filing.jsp?ID=6188) Man U just fouled their way to a 7-1 pasting. (http://blogs.guardian.co.uk/sport/2007/04/10/blip_or_trend.html) Portugal dove, taunted and cried their way to the win. (http://www.cbc.ca/sports/worldcup2006/yourview/2006/07/your_view_portugal_vs_france_w_1.html)

It could further be ventured that the resulting locative and state readings are not only related, but that the latter reading is built on a spatial/locative syntax. Ettlinger (in print) shows that, when a resultative contains a prepositional phrase, the preposition must be directional, not locative: 14.

The bull broke the china into/*in pieces. (Example 18c in Ettlinger in print)

A locative preposition is allowed only if the verb is inherently directional. In other words, the resultative construction is based on the metaphor of directed motion. This characteristic also holds for the MOCs. The phrase one’s way obviously expresses a path in English, the prefix wy- is directional in Polish, and so is er- in German. Another distinctive feature of resultative phrases is that they cannot be duplicated. This is captured by the “Unique Path Constraint” (Goldberg 1991: 368): If an argument X refers to a physical object, then more than one distinct path cannot be predicated of X within a single clause.

Thus the sentences in (15) are ungrammatical because they have a pile-up of phrases attached to the object. 15a. 15b.

* The soldier kicked the door open to his unit. * The house burned to a crisp to the ground.

Non-resultative phrases can be serialized freely: 16a. 16b.

The soldier kicked the door open on the first floor in a fraction of a second. The house burned to a crisp in front of our eyes.

29

The Unique Path Constraint also applies to the MOCs. Here, too, no extra resultative path phrase can be added because one path, that of ‘obtainment’, is already attached to the object. 17a. 17b.

*Kahn erbolzte den Ball zu Klose. *Borowski arbeitete zu Podolski mehrere Chancen heraus.

4.2. ‘Obtainment’ as a path The assumption that the ‘obtainment’ reading of the MOCs uses the metaphor of directed motion could be taken on trust, based on the observation that such constructions do not allow extra path phrases. But it can be substantiated more directly by examining the morphology of the MOCs. In many languages that have such constructions, ‘manner of obtainment’ is conflated by means of directional markers, be they prepositions, adverbial phrases, prefixes or verbs. For example, in Slovene the equivalent of the German prefix er- is the suffix pri-, which expresses ‘bringing in’ or movement ‘to oneself’. This is also the underlying function of the Chinese verb particle lai added to verbs of manner for the ‘obtainment’ interpretation. The Polish wyconveying the meaning of ‘retrieving’ or ‘pulling out’ is similar to the Estonian adverbial välja. Although at first look the German er- does not seem to be a directional prefix, it should not be eliminated from the sample prematurely. The prefix er- is historically related to the Old German uz-, us- and ur- prefixes, all of which convey the meanings of ‘aus, hinaus, hinauf’ (Krahe 1967: 39). To be sure, in German the directionality is less straightforward than it is in Polish or other languages with the MOCs. It is certainly not the case that native speakers are aware of the directional frame in er- verbs, but it nevertheless serves as a source domain for the ‘obtainment’ reading.

5. Complex event structure 5.1. In other languages If a language allows manner conflation, it is also likely to have the MOCs in its inventory of constructions. Although a comprehensive list of languages allowing or disallowing these conflations has not been compiled yet, those that have been studied seem to confirm a strong correlation. To take just a few random examples of languages studied by Slobin (2003), Chinese, all Slavic, Finno-Ugric, and most Germanic languages have some form of conflating manner with the ‘obtainment’ interpretation. On the other hand, languages without manner conflation, such as the Romance, Semitic, Turkic languages as well as Japanese and Basque, do not have an equivalent of erverbal formations. Why should this cross-linguistic correlation be true? It is our hypothesis that manner conflation and the MOC are driven by a common mechanism. That is, whatever their surface disparity, sentences representing both syntactic forms, as in (18), exhibit the same event structure. 18a.

30

Anton Vötter zirkelt den Ball ins rechte Eck. (Manner Conflation)

18b.

Die Gastgeber erzwangen zwei Ecken in den ersten fünf Minuten. (Manner Obtainment Conflation)

In both cases, within one clause a complex event is expressed, where manner is conflated with a qualitative change of state. In (18a), manner combines with directional movement involving a boundary crossing, and in (18b), manner is paired with the resultative reading of ‘obtainment’. Here it should be stressed that manner conflation is not merely about a change of location, but about crossing a boundary, as in entering a specific place or leaving it. The following example illustrates the difference: 19.

Owen scampered into the penalty area before dinking the ball over the exposed Carlo Cudicini. (Guardian)

Only the first clause is an example of a true boundary-crossing manner conflation: Owen traverses the line separating the penalty area from the surrounding area. What happens to the ball in the second clause is movement over a simple trajectory, but one which does not place the ball in a qualitatively different location. The second clause could be translated freely into languages which block manner conflation. However, in those languages the first clause would have to be rendered using two verbs, namely enter and a manner verb. Although the nature of the above correlation is still not well understood, it could be ventured that the pairing of conflation and the MOCs in some languages has to do with the fact that combining manner and a resultative is a rather delicate operation which languages handle with caution. Many languages (e.g. the Romance languages, Japanese) do not allow it within a single clause; others (including English, German and Polish) do allow it at the clause level, but block it within a verb (Levin / Rappaport Hovav 2006). As a result, in languages blocking the combination, neither manner conflation nor the MOCs are found. In languages which allow the combining within a clause but not within a single verb, one finds manner conflation and the MOCs (but of course, not unprefixed verbs which would convey at the same time a resultative meaning and a manner in which a result was ‘obtained’). These cross-linguistic contingencies not only suggest that conflation and the MOCs both contain a resultative component, but also that the resultative nature of ‘obtainment’ has an element of Slobin’s motion across a boundary. 5.2. The container metaphor The complex event structure of ‘manner of obtainment’ is clear from the morphology of the constructions in different languages discussed in section 4.2 above. In all these languages, there is some marker of change of location involving a boundary-crossing. The question remains why constructions use this event structure, most probably universally, to convey ‘obtainment’. A possible answer is that since in constructions ‘obtainment’ is not expressed directly by means of a specific verb or other morpheme, an alternative option that can be used is a metaphor. In this case, it is the container metaphor. More specifically, this particular metaphor expresses the idea that to take something out of a container (or to put something into a container) is to come to possess it. This ‘obtainment’ reading of the container metaphor is also found in more traditional 31

non-constructional figures of speech such as snatch victory from the jaws of defeat. In Polish, the MOCs use the very same morphology as verbs conveying retrieval across a boundary: 20a.

20b.

Magik wyciagnal królika z kapelusza. Magician *wy- pulled rabbit-ACC from hat. ‘The magician pulled a rabbit out of the hat.’ Zawodnicy wybiegali remis. Players *wy- ran draw-ACC. ‘The players secured a draw by running around the pitch a lot.’

In both English and German, the container metaphor is clearly visible in verbs accompanied by the particles in, out, up and home in English, and heraus and ein in German, as in fire home, battle out, herausspielen, or einköpfen. The X’s way construction, too, is based on the container metaphor, and it additionally involves the metaphor of the path. Here, ‘obtainment’ is conceptualized as entering or bringing something into a container (just like putting something ‘in the can’ means completing it) or moving up/forward along a path (despite potential difficulty).

6. Differences with the English translational equivalent The different instantiation of the container metaphor in English, along with a few other differences discussed below, entails some differences in usage. Although the X’s way construction can be used to render in English most meanings conveyed in German or Polish by the MOCs, for reasons of non-analogous argument structure it behaves differently, and there are meanings which are not expressed by means of this construction as felicitously as they are in German or Polish. In these languages, the ‘obtainer’ is an agent and the ‘obtained’ is a theme. 21a.

21b.

Beckham wydrylowa gola. Beckham *wy-dribbled goal. AGENT THEME. ‘Beckham won a goal by dribbling’. als Scholes einen Elfmeter as Scholes a eleven meter AGENT THEME. ‘as Scholes won his team a penalty.’

herausholte. *heraus- took.

In English, the X’s way construction is configured differently, with the ‘obtained’ being expressed as a location, and the ‘obtainer’ as a theme: 22a. 22b.

32

Beckham dribbled his way into the box. Beckham worked his way to several scoring chances. THEME PATH? LOCATION

One consequence of this is that, because locations are not open to passivization, the following sentence is not possible in English, whereas its Polish or German translation in the passive voice would be well formed. 23a. 23b. 23c.

*Several scoring chances were worked his way to by Beckham. Mehrere Torchancen wurden von Beckham erarbeitet. Okazje strzeleckie zostaly wypracowane przez Beckhama.

It is important to rule out alternative causes behind the incorrectness of (23). Surely, the reason why this sentence is ungrammatical is not that in the active voice the verb and the object are separated by an extra phrase (24a), for English freely allows such passives as long as the object is a true theme or patient, as in (24b) 24a. 24b.

Beckham took advantage of the absentmindedness of the defense. The absentmindedness of the defense was taken advantage of by Beckham.

Another difference is that the X’s way construction cannot express ‘obtainment’ in scenarios where the agent and the recipient are two different participants. It can render ‘obtainment’ where the subject is at the same time the agent and recipient. 25a. 25b.

Odonkor erkämpfte sich ein Tor. Odonkor battled his way to a goal. Odonkor erkämpfte seiner Manschaft ein Tor. *Odonkor battled his team his way to a goal.

7. Conclusions We have presented an analysis of examples of what we have termed ‘Manner of Obtainment Constructions’. We have argued that instantiations of the MOCs such as edge your way to victory, ein Tor erkicken, or einen entscheidenden Sieg erbolzen, typically found in the language of football, carry an idiomatic meaning of ‘obtainment’ which is entailed by the construction and not by any overt lexical items used. In the MOCs, the ‘obtainment’ reading is expressed along with a manner which is specified overtly by means of a concrete verb. We hope to have demonstrated that, in terms of their syntactic behaviour and semantic composition, the MOCs are similar to event conflation (Talmy 1985, 2000), where, within one clause, manner is expressed alongside directional movement. In fact, the syntactic structure of the MOCs is analogous to that of Talmy’s event conflation in so far as the MOCs, too, involve the simultaneous expression of manner and directional movement, and the ‘obtainment’ interpretation is a consequence of an event structure involving directional movement. A complex event structure associated with directional movement across a boundary (Slobin 2003) calls up the container metaphor, which serves to convey the ‘obtainment’ interpretation. This parallel with event conflation justifies postulating a deep verb ‘OBTAIN’ which is present in the interpretation of the MOCs without being overtly realized as a lexical item. 33

References Aarts, Bas / McMahon, April (eds.) (2006): The handbook of English linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell, http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405113823_chunk_g97814051 1382316, 05/03/2007 Ettlinger, Marc (in print): The syntactic behavior of the resultative phrase: Evidence for a constructional approach. To appear in: Proceedings of 41st Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society. Chicago Linguistics Society: Chicago Fillmore, Charles / Kay, Paul / O’Connor, Mary C. (1988): Regularity and idiomaticity in grammatical constructions: The case of let alone. In: Language 64, 501–538 Gärtner, Hans-Martin / Beck, Sigrid / Eckardt, Regine / Musan, Renate / Stiebels, Barbara (eds.) (2006): Between 40 and 60 puzzles for Krifka: A web festschrift for Manfred Krifka. Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie und Universalienforschung (ZAS), http://www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/40-60-puzzles-for-krifka, 10/02/2008 Gentner, Dedre / Goldin-Meadow, Susan (eds.) (2003): Language in mind: Advances in the investigation of language and thought. Cambridge: MIT Press Goldberg, Adele E. (1991): It can’t go down the chimney up: Paths and the English resultative. In: BLS (Berkeley Linguistics Society) 17, 368–378 Goldberg, Adele E. (2003) Constructions: A new theoretical approach to language. In: Trends in Cognitive Sciences 7/5, 219–224 Goldberg, Adele / Casenhiser, Devin (2006): English constructions. In: Aarts / McMahon Jackendoff, Ray (1997): The architecture of the language faculty. Cambridge: MIT Press Krahe, Hans (1967): Germanische Sprachwissenschaft. III: Wortbildungslehre. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Levin, Beth (1993): English verb classes and alternations: A preliminary investigation. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press Levin, Beth / Rappaport Hovav, Malka (2006): Constraints on the complexity of verb meaning and VP structure. In: Gärtner et al., http://www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/publications/40-60-puzzles-for-krifka /pdf/levin_and_rappaport.pdf, 10/02/2008 Makkai, Adam (1972): Idiom structure in English. The Hague: Mouton Nunberg, Geoffrey / Sag, Ivan / Wasow, Thomas (1994): Idioms. In: Language 70, 491–538 Pinker, Steven (1989): Learnability and cognition. Cambridge: MIT Press Schmidt, Thomas (2006) Kicktionary, available at http://www.kicktionary.de/, 10/02/2008 Shopen, Timothy (ed.) (1985): Language typology and syntactic descriptions. Volume 3: Grammatical categories and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Slobin, Dan I. (2003): Language and thought online: Cognitive consequences of linguistic relativity. In: Gentner / Goldin-Meadow, 157–191 Talmy, Leonard (1985): Lexicalization patterns: Semantic structure in lexical forms. In: Shopen, 57–149 Talmy, Leonard (2000): Toward a cognitive semantics. Volume II. Cambridge: MIT Press

Konrad Szczesniak Uniwersytet Slaski Instytut Jezyka Angielskiego Zytnia 10 41-205 Sosnowiec, Polen Tel.: +48-601-143-668 email: [email protected] http://ultra.cto.us.edu.pl/~kport/

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Marcus Callies Philipps-Universität Marburg Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik Wilhelm-Röpke-Str. 6D 35032 Marburg, Deutschland email: [email protected] http://www.staff.uni-marburg.de/~callies/

CHINEDU UCHECHUKWU

IGBO VERB ROOTS AND THEIR REALIZATION OF THE ‘ROOT SCHEMA’ WITHIN THE FOOTBALL DOMAIN The ‘newness’ of football within the Igbo-speaking region of South-Eastern Nigeria raises the interesting question of how the language comes to terms with the various activities involved in the game, especially in playing football itself and the emotions it raises. Language and football have not been a major issue in Igbo language studies, in spite of the prominence of football in Nigeria. This paper presents the first attempt at an analysis of specific Igbo verb roots used within football. First of all, the majority of the verb roots of the language are usually not given simple equivalents in Igbo dictionaries (Williamson 1972; Igwe 1999); instead, they are given such equivalents mainly in their combination with nominal or prepositional phrases. This gives rise to a [Verb+NP/PP] structure. For example: -gbá s ‘run’, -gbá bl ‘kick football; play football’, -gbá égwú ‘dance’. A system of image schema motivation (Lakoff 1987; Johnson 1987) in the form of the ‘Root Schema’ has been confirmed for some verb roots like -gbá, -mà, and -kpá (Uchechukwu 2004, 2005, 2006). The schema has not been related to football at all. The paper explores how the identified Root Schema of these verb roots is productively used in football within the Igbo speech community. Football further strengthens the initial conclusion concerning the image schema motivation of these verb roots.

1. Introduction Although there have been some discussions in Igbo linguistics on the structure and semantics of the Igbo verb roots, these discussions have not been extended to their use within football. This gap needs to be addressed. According to Uchechukwu (2004), the traditional view is that the Igbo verb root is empty. This view was pioneered by Ida Ward, who observed that the verb root gbá, for example, usually combines with different nominal and prepositional phrases to express what in many European languages is realized with one lexical item. Examples of such structures are: -gbá s ‘run’, -gbá égwú ‘dance’, -gbá mír ‘exude water’, -gbá àkwùnà ‘prostitute’, -gbá n’éz ‘lay about’. The author came to the conclusion that the verbal complement of the structures is vague, with the nominal or prepositional phrases providing the meaning of the whole expression (Ward 1936: 129). The entire structure [Verb + NP/PP] has been described as a “verbal complex” (Emenanj 1975) or “inherent complement verb” (Nwachukwu 1987) in Igbo linguistics, while the nominal or prepositional phrases are described as the ‘inherent complement” to the verb. The traditional view of the ‘emptiness’, ‘vagueness’ or ‘lightness’ of the verbal component of the structure has been extensively explored in various forms over the years (Emenanj 1978; 2005, Nwachukwu 1983a; 1987; Hale / Ihionu / Manfredi 1995). Williamson’s (1972) Igbo-English Dictionary seems to strengthen this position because the lexical semantics of the inherent complements are used to form various sub-sense groups for each verb root. For example, the verb root -gbá has 18 sub-senses, and each sub-sense is determined by the lexical semantics of the specific nouns that fall within the group. 35

What, however, has often been acknowledged but neither addressed nor resolved in the course of examining the [Verb + NP/PP] structure in Igbo linguistics (Emenanj 1984; walaka 1988) is the simple fact that these verb roots do not just combine with any noun or prepositional phrase. The traditionally assumed emptiness of the verb root cannot explain the fact that the verb restricts the possible NP/PP it can combine with. For example, a combination of b l ‘football’ with different verb roots yields the following equivalents: 1.

-gbá b l ‘kick football’

-má b l ‘throw football’

-kpá b l ‘dribble football’

If, in the above verbal complexes, the verb roots -gbá, -má and -kpá are ‘empty’, ‘light’ or simply ‘dummies’, their inherent complement, b l , should give them the same or similar meanings. There should not be any difference in the activities involved in playing the ball with each one of the verbs. It is also relevant to mention that most of the football commentaries in Nigeria are usually in English. While this has had the aim of reaching the wide multilingual audience within the country, it has not stopped the average native speaker of the Igbo language from speaking about or describing the game in his mother tongue. The consequence is that there is an uninfluenced use of the Igbo verb roots in such a manner that indicates a non-emptiness of these verb roots. For some years now, the image schema approach has been used to address this issue of the emptiness of the Igbo verb root (Uchechukwu 2004, 2005, 2006). The approach indicates that these verb roots are not vague, empty, or dummies. Football, which is indeed a ‘new’ domain within the Igbo-speaking region, is a useful domain for exploring both the kind of meanings given to the verb roots within this domain, as well as the conclusions arising from my earlier image schema approach to the phenomenon. Section 2 summarizes the main points in this approach and the concept of the Root Schema connected with it, while section 3 elaborates on the Root Schema of specific Igbo verb roots and illustrates their individual applications within football. Section 4 forms the summary and conclusion.

2. The Root Schema of Igbo verb roots The concept of the Root Schema arose from the recognition of the Image Schema motivation of specific Igbo verb roots. This section presents a summary of the basic points of the Image Schema approach, explains its application within Igbo language studies, and the connection with the Igbo Root Schema. 36

Image schema has been explained as a condensed and abstract dynamic redescription of perceptual interactions or experiences of human beings that not only function as organizing structures for partially ordering and forming human experiences, but are also modified by concrete human experiences. They are not specific to any sensory modality (Johnson 1987: 29–30; Lakoff, 1987: 453). Image schemas are also seen as being made up of “a small number of parts standing in simple relations” (Johnson 1987: 28). Image schema can be transformed through mental operations that are analogues of spatial operations (Johnson 1987: 25). For example, Lakoff explains the path-focus end-point-focus transformation as when we “follow the path of a moving object until it comes to rest, and then focus on where it is” (Lakoff 1987: 442). The same can also be applied to the movement of an object that has been set in motion by throwing it. The concepts of image schema and schema transformation are most prominent within the framework of Cognitive Linguistics and have been used extensively in the analysis of the English preposition over (Brugman 1983: 22; Lakoff 1987: 434; Tyler & Evans 2003: 86; Kreitzer 1997: 296). It has also been applied in the analysis of the linguistic phenomena in various languages. The application of the concepts in Igbo language studies began with my initial attempt at an image schema analysis of the verb root -gbá (Uchechukwu 2004), followed by the analysis of two other verb roots, -má (Uchechukwu 2005) and -kpá (Uchechukwu 2006). It can be confirmed that the apparent ‘emptiness’ of these Igbo verb roots is connected with an oversight of their cognitive motivation in the form of their specific image schemata. A recognition of their image schema motivation, however, not only gives a great insight into the role of the verbs in the Verb + NP/PP combinations, but also highlights the connection between the verb roots and their selectional restrictions in terms of the combinability with specific nouns, as well as the role of their image schema in the productivity of the verb root in forming new verbal complexes. Finally, I have also adopted the approach of designating the image schema of the verb roots as the Root Schema. There are various reasons for this, but the two most important are as follows. Having confirmed that the image schema of some verb roots do have the ‘gestalt’ of some of the image schemata already identified in the literature, the need for a terminological distinction becomes unavoidable. For example, the arcshaped image schema identified for the English preposition over is similar to the arcshaped trajectory of the image schema of the Igbo verb root -t (Uchechukwu, forthcoming). To describe the image schema of this verb root as OVER would blur the difference and also bring about some confusion. The second reason is that the root is not only the least divisible morphological unit, but it is also a concept or expression that is widely accepted in the study of African languages. For example, although one speaks generally of the ‘verb root’ in the different African languages (Hyman 2004), it is a known fact that its actual realization can vary to some extent from language to language. Similarly, the term ‘Root Schema’ is a general categorization of the image schema associated with the verb roots, while its actual instantiations are the verb roots themselves with their specific image schemas. For example, the Root Schema is instantiated in the verb roots -gbá , -má , -t, etc., as the -gba-Schema, the -má-Schema, the -t-Schema. This approach avoids a possible terminological confusion and also imbues the traditional term of ‘root’ with a new insight. 37

3. Instantiations of the Root Schema in football The four verb roots whose Root Schema will be explored here are -gbá, -má, -t and kpá. 3.1. The -gbá-Schema According to Uchechukwu (2004), the schema associated with the verb root -gbá is the ‘gestalt’ of a general release of force. The nature of the force can be in the form of MOTION, SOUND, PROJECTILE, or DISPERSAL, all of which could be spelt out in the different domains of experience. For football, this involves MOTION of various sorts, including that of a projectile, all of which could also be highlighted through a schema transformation. First of all, the simple, forceful impetus given to a football is expressed as -gbá b l ; this can be specified through different suffixes with which -gbá forms a compound verb: 2.

Èméká gà - àgbá b l áh . (gbá ‘kick’). Emeka AUX-kick ball DET ‘Emeka is going to kick that ball.’

3.

Èméká gbáp - r

b l áh . (gbá ‘kick’). Emeka kick.off –rV-Past ball DET ‘Emeka kicked off that ball.’

4.

m ák nà-àgbá b l . (gbá ‘play’). Children AUX-kick football. ‘The children are playing football.’

5.

 gbábà - rà b l nà góòlù. (gbá ‘kick’). He kick.enter-rV-Past ball PREP goal ‘He kicked the ball into the goal.’

6.

 gbànyè -rè gòlíì b l n’ áká. (gbá ‘kick’). he kicked.into -rV-Past goal keeper ball PREP hand ‘He kicked the ball into the goalkeeper’s hands.’

7.

 gbàlì - rì b l él. he kick.up-rV-Past ball up ‘He kicked the ball upwards.’

38

In all of the above sentences, -gbá has the meaning of ‘kick’. It is the forceful impact or release involved in the -gba-Schema that facilitates the encoding of ‘kick a football’ with this verb root. An additional point is that the general activity of kicking a football and the football game itself is also expressed with this verbal complex. Thus, ígb b l

‘to play football’ is used to encode both the act of forcefully kicking a football, as well as the general activity of playing the game of football. In most Igbo dialects the activity of forcefully hitting something with a hard object is expressed with the verb -k ‘hit’. The different acts of kicking a football that are all expressed with the verb root -gbá can also be expressed with this verb root within some dialects. However, -gbá b l is more widely used in everyday Igbo speech. Nevertheless, the possibility of using both verbs to express the same activity points to what they have in common. For the -gbá-Schema, this is a profiling of the sudden motion arising from the ‘impact of released force’: this harmonizes with the impact when something is ‘hit’ as expressed through the verb -k. 3.2. The -t-Schema and the-má-Schema Both verb roots, -má and -t, are often glossed as ‘throw’. A closer look at their image schema, however, indicates that there is a fine difference in the particular trajectory described by the thrown object. This is connected with the transformation of their image schemas. The -t-Schema involves an arc-shaped trajectory as when someone at point A throws an object and it rises high through the air and lands on the opposite side B. In connection with the ball (and not just football), the verbal complex ít b l ‘to throw ball’ involves the activity of more than one person i.e., one person throwing a ball to another, as in a game of handball. This verbal complex is also always used in this sense, even within football, as in the following examples: 8.

Gòlíì gà - àtú - rú Èméká b l . Goal keeper AUX-throw-APPL Emeka ball ‘The goal keeper is going to throw the ball to Emeka.’

9.

Gòlíì t -r Èméká b l

Goal keeper throw -rV-Past Emeka ball ‘The goal keeper threw Emeka the ball.’

There are not many such sentences with -t + bl.; but even in combination with other verbs or suffixes, the verb still retains the schematic arc-shaped trajectory of a thrown object: 10.

Gòlíì túpù - tà - rà b l

Goal keeper throw.go.out -DIR -rV-Past ball ‘The goal keeper threw out the ball.’

39

11.

Gòlíì tbà -rà b l nà gòolu. Goal keeper throw.enter -rV-Past ball PREP goal post ‘The goal keeper threw the ball into the goal.’

From sentences (10) and (11) above, it can be seen that the arc-shaped trajectory of the t-Schema is maintained within football. Hence, within this domain, the verb root can rightly be translated as ‘throw in an arc-shaped manner’. The verb root -má, which can also be glossed as ‘throw’ in the language, differs in how the -má-Schema is profiled. First of all, the -má-Schema involves a schematic flatness (Uchechukwu 2005), which can be in the form of the horizontal flatness of a plane or the flatness of a surface. This can easily be illustrated with the combination of this verb root with different flat body parts. For example, a combination of -má with  rá ‘slap’ gives rise to -má  rá, which involves giving a slap with the flat of the palm. Similarly, áká n’àkpà means ‘hand in the pocket’; when combined with the verb root we get -má áká n’àkpà, which means to flatten one’s hand and slip it into another’s pocket, in other words, ‘to pick someone’s pocket’. With regard to its general use for handling any form of ball (whether football or not), the verb root -má differs from -t because while ít b l means both ‘to throw a ball’ as well as ‘to play a game of throwing and catching balls (involving the arc-shaped movement of the ball from one end to the other)’, ím b l has the general meaning of ‘to throw a ball at’. This meaning is connected with the horizontal plane of the -má-Schema and can be profiled as: 12.

Gòlíì ma - ra Emeka b l

goalkeeper throw.at -rV-Past Emeka ball ‘The goal keeper threw the ball at Emeka

The activity ‘throw’ executed with -má is always conceived as a straight line or horizontal trajectory, as when one aims a throw/shot at an object. Thus, although both verbs -t and -má can be used to express ‘throw’ within football, they differ with regard to how their image schema contributes to the conceptualization and specification of the trajectory of the thrown object. 3.3. The -kpá-Schema The verb root -kpá has a schema motivation of an oblong ‘gestalt’ (Uchechukwu 2006), and can involve the manipulation of any oblong object like a stick, a spoon, a human hand, or even the human leg. It is especially the use of the (oblong) human leg to move the ball that is involved in football:

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13.

Èméká kpà - rà gòlíì b l . [kpá ‘dribble’] Emeka verb -rV-Past goal keeper ball ‘Emeka dribbled around the goal keeper.’

An interesting illustration of the -kpá-Schema is the combination of the verb root -kpá with the suffix ghari ‘around’, which gives rise to the compound verb -kpághari, with the general meaning of ‘move around [+oblong object]’. The nature of the object can, however, be specified through the inherent complement that the verb combines with. For example, the combination of -kpághari + ófé ‘soup’ involves the use of an oblong object to stir the soup: a long spoon. Similarly, -kpághari + b l involves the use of an oblong object to move the ball. The oblong object in this case refers to the human leg. No other verb root of the language is used in a similar manner to express ‘dribble’ within football.

4. Summary and conclusion The focus in this paper has been to show how the image schema motivation of the Igbo verb root is relevant within football. The examples presented here not only strengthen the image schema approach to the Igbo verb roots, but also explain the use of the Igbo verb root within football in a principled manner, in contrast to the different forms of the traditional approach, which would only explain them as meaningless dummies.

References Akinlabi, Akinbiyi (ed.) (1995): Theoretical approaches to African linguistics. Trento et al.: Africa World Press Inc. Brugman, Claudia M. (1983): Story of OVER. Indiana: Indiana University Linguistics Club Echeruo, Michael J.C. (1998): Igbo-English Dictionary. New Haven et al.: Yale University Press Emenanj, Nolue (1975): Aspects of the Igbo verb. In: Ogbal / Emenanj, 160–173 Emenanj, E. Nolue (1978): Elements of Modern Igbo Grammar. Ibadan: Oxford University Press Emenanj, E. Nolue (1984): Igbo verbs: Transitivity or complementation? Paper presented at the Linguistics Association of Nigeria conference at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka Emenanj, E. Nolue (2005): Igbo verbs: Transitivity or complementation? In: Ndimele, 479–497 Hale, Kane / Ihionu, U. P. / Manfredi, Victor (1995): Igbo bipositional verbs in a syntactic theory of argument structure. In: Akinlabi (ed.) 83–108 Hyman, Larry M. (2004): How to become a ‘kwa’ verb. In: Journal of West African Languages 30/2, 69– 88 Igwe, Egemba G. (1999): Igbo-English Dictionary. Ibadan: University Press Plc Johnson, Mark (1987): The body in the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Kreitzer, Anatol (1997): Multiple levels of schematization: A study in conceptualization of space. In: Cognitive Linguistics 8/4, 291–325 Lakoff, George (1987): Women, fire, and dangerous things: What categories reveal about the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Ndimele, Ozo-Mekuri (ed.) (2005): Trends in the study of languages and linguistics in Nigeria. A Festschrift for Philip Ak juoobi Nachuckwu. Port Harcourt: Grand Orbit Communications and Emhai Press Nwachukwu, P. Akujuoobi (1983a): Transitivity. In: Nwachukwu 1983b, 99–120

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Nwachukwu, P. Akujuoobi (ed.) (1983b): Readings on the Igbo verb. Onitsha: Africana-Fep Publishers Ltd Nwachukwu, P. Akujuoobi (1987): The argument structure of Igbo verbs. (Lexicon Project Working Papers, 18). Cambridge: The Center for Cognitive Science, MIT Ogbal , F. Chidozie / Emenanj, Emmanuel Nolue (eds.) (1975): Igbo language and culture. Vol. I. Ibadan: Oxford University Press Solovyev, Valery / Polyakov, Vladimir (eds.) (2004): Text processing and cognitive technologies. Moscow: MISA Tyler, Andrea / Evans, Vyvyan (2003): The semantics of English prepositions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Uchechukwu, Chinedu (2004): The cognitive basis of the Igbo verb cluster: The ontology of the –GBÁ cluster. In: Solovyev / Polyakov, 256–269 Uchechukwu, Chinedu (2005): How many meanings should a verb root have? The example of an Igbo verb root. In: APAL 3, 67–87 Uchechukwu, Chinedu (2006): Was verrät uns das Image-Schema der Igbo-Verbwurzeln über die deutschen Funktionsverbgefüge? Sprachwissenschaft 31/3, 293–326 Uchechukwu, Chinedu (forthcoming): Igbo verb configuration: The case of the verb root -t walaka, M.A.A.N. (1988): The Igbo verb: A semantico-syntactic analysis. Wien: Afro-Pub Ward, Ida C. (1936): An introduction to the Ibo language. Cambridge: Heffer and Sons Williamson, Kay (1972): Igbo-English Dictionary. Benin City (Nigeria): Ethiop Publishing Corporation

Dr. Chinedu Uchechukwu Institut für Deutsche Philologie LMU München Schellingstr. 3 RG 80799 München email: [email protected] www.okwuigbo.org

42

ANITA PAVI PINTARI

ENGLISH AND GERMAN LOANWORDS IN CROATIAN FOOTBALL LANGUAGE The aim of this paper is to investigate the use of Anglicisms and Germanisms in the Croatian language of football. The corpus comprises borrowings used in the sports section of a Croatian daily newspaper. It is shown that the English language is the source of football and sports terminological borrowings, whereas most of the Germanisms analysed appear in everyday communication and many fields of use. The following aspects are taken into consideration in the analysis: a) determining Anglicisms and Germanisms used in the language of football; b) the morphological and semantic adaptation of loanwords (many loanwords, especially Germanisms, show a change in meaning); c) the use of loanwords in the texts analysed (whether the loanwords appear in headlines or in the text, whether they are used more in interviews, commentaries or reports); d) the presence of the borrowed football terminology in the dictionaries of the Croatian language.

1. Introduction Sports pages are usually a separate section in newspapers, designed both to inform and entertain the reader. Sports journalists have developed a specialised code’ (Beard 1998: 48) when writing about different sports. “To understand how sport is represented to the public, you need to look at the language that is used and the values and associations which come with that language. In doing this you will gain a greater understanding of sport’s place in society and how it reflects the values that society holds.” (Beard 1998: 33) “In sport you either know the language or you don’t – you’re either an insider or an outsider. […]”1 Football is the most popular sport in many countries around the world. Croatia has a long tradition of playing football. According to football chronicles, the sport goes back to 1880, but there are discrepancies as to when and where in Croatia football was played for the first time. Some records mention the first football matches played by English sailors in 1866 in Zadar and in 1873 between Hungarian and English workers in Rijeka.2 In 1893 football was introduced in Zagreb, while the rules of the game were published in 1896 in Zagreb. The game was originally called football, but soon Slavko Rutzner Radmilovi suggested calling it nogomet, as it has been called to the present-day. (Gifford 2006: 56) When writing about football, Croatian journalists use German and English loanwords which belong to sports jargon and are often used as a sign of prestige. The number of German and English loanwords differs in terms of use. English terms prevail in denoting players’ positions or rules of the game, whereas German loanwords are not so specialized and can be found in everyday communication. 1 2

British Council s.a. Jutarnji list, 8.06.2006, p. 64, author J. eevi .

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2. Corpus The basis for this paper are sports pages in Jutarnji list, one of Croatia’s daily newspapers. The sports section comprises 8–9 pages (4–5 of which refer to football). The analysis covers 202 editions from January 2006 to June 2007. The corpus consists of 112 German and 111 English loanwords (30 Anglicisms and 16 Germanisms referring to football terminology). Nouns Verbs Adjectives Adverbs

English 80 18 11 2

German 64 34 12 2

Table 1: Anglicisms and Germanisms in the corpus

2.1. English loanwords The Croatian language, as almost all languages in the world, has been greatly influenced by English. English loanwords in Croatian belong to different semantic fields, e.g. computer technology, economy, fashion, sports, food, politics and others. In many cases there are equivalent Croatian words, but Anglicisms are often preferred. “With respect to Anglicisms, one can discern two basic trends: descriptivist, trying to approach the phenomenon in a detached and objective way, and ideological, i.e. purist, demanding the purging of foreign, especially English, influences from the language” (Soanac / Nikoli -Hoyt 2006: 307). Babi (2004: 229) believes that especially journalists should avoid the overuse of Anglicisms. Soanac / Nikoli -Hoyt (2006: 313) note another interesting fact concerning Anglicisms: “[S]ome Anglicisms which were borrowed and adapted in earlier periods, today appear in the non-adapted, English form, which is characteristic of recent borrowings from English into Croatian starting from the 1990s.” Nikoli -Hoyt (2005: 181) sees the reason for this phenomenon in the prestige of the English language, which adapts less to the system of the receiving language. Our corpus shows the tendency of using English words in their original form but highlighted in texts by using quotation marks (e.g. bookmaker, dream team, knock down, look, playmaker, pole position, score, team spirit, top-ten, trademark).3 2.1.1. Morphological level English loanwords have gone through phonological and morphological adaptation to the system of Croatian. (see Filipovi 1986, Filipovi 1990, Filipovi / Menac 2005)

3

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A number of sports terms originate in England, the cradle of many sports. When the USA took over the role of leading sports nation, English influence was not weakened (cf. Kolka 1988: 55).

2.1.1.1. Nouns The morphological adaptation of nouns includes both the form and the gender of loanwords.4 • Some of the loanwords keep their (natural) gender, especially nouns denoting male persons, e.g. bek (< back), skaut (< scout). • Nomina agentis from our corpus kept their original suffix -er, “which is considered an innovation” (Veli 1972–1973: 759), e.g. dribler, fajter (< fighter), lider, sprinter, starter, trener. • Nouns ending in a consonant (neuter in English) took the masculine gender in Croatian5 (e.g. bunker, dres, dribling, dril, faul, fotofiniš < photofinish, klub, korner, kup < cup, limit, ofsajd, skor < score, sprint, rejting < rating, tim < team, trening). • There is also a case of borrowing an English word in its plural form, but using it in Croatian as a singular form with features of loanwords ending in a consonant: kiks (< kicks, ‘faux pas, gaffe; blunder’). • Some nouns ending in a vowel also took masculine gender (e.g. derbi, lobi). • Feminine gender can rarely be found among the loanwords in our corpus – e.g. press-konferencija / presica, top-forma, gol-linija, mixed-zona. • Verbal nouns are derived with the suffix -nje and are of neuter gender (e.g. blokiranje, lobiranje, šutiranje, treniranje). Other examples of derivation are trenirka (‘tracksuit’; feminine gender, derived from to train), šut (a masculine noun derived from the verb to shoot). 2.1.1.2. Verbs, adjectives, adverbs Verbs from our corpus took the Croatian infinitive suffixes -ati and -irati6. Some examples: -ati: driblati (< to dribble), drilati (< to drill), kiksati (< kicks), miksati (< to mix), startati (< to start). -irati: bojkotirati (< to boycott), ekirati (< to check), faulirati (< to foul), iskeširati (< to cash), lobirati (< to lobby), skautirati (< scout), stopirati (< to stop), šutirati (< to shoot), trenirati (< to train). Croatian verbs express perfective and imperfective aspect. Imperfective verbs in our corpus are: miksati, trenirati; perfective: nokautirati, startati, izdriblati, iskeširati, izlobirati7. English adjectives borrowed into Croatian have either kept their original form and cannot be inflected (e. g. fer, fit) or have been derived from English nouns by means 4

5

6

7

Gender in the Croatian language is determined grammatically and the natural gender in English must be converted when a word has been borrowed into Croatian. A great number of loanwords take masculine gender according to the principle called ‘masculine tendency’ (Filipovi 1986: 130). The suffix -irati is actually a hybrid suffix consisting of German –ier and the Croatian infinitive suffix –ti. The suffix –irati was borrowed from German in the 17th c. and is still very productive (cf. Muhvi - Dimanovski 1995: 268-269). The perfective aspect can easily be identified by prefixes iz/ is-, na-, od-/ot-, po-, pro-, za-.

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of Croatian adjectival suffixes: -ski, -ki, -ni, -an, -ov (finalni, klupski, rekordan, sprinterski, timski, trenerov). The adjective cool, which appears very frequently in Croatian (cf. Nikoli -Hoyt 2005: 182), was not found in the language of football, except as a noun – kuler (‘a person who acts cool’). Adverbs are not often borrowed from other languages8. The English adverb aut /out is frequently used in the Croatian language of football, but as a noun. An adverb is used in its original form: 1.

Iako je dan ranije ‘off the record’ kazao…. (13.5.2006, 90; ‘Though the day before he said off the record that….’).

2.1.2. Semantic level English loanwords in the Croatian language of football can be divided into several semantic groups. The most interesting are the following ones: a) players: bek, centarhalf, centarfor, play / playmaker, starter; b) technical performance: bunker, centaršut, centrirati, hat-trick, driblati / dribling, pas / dupli pas / double; c) rules of the game: aut, korner, ofsajd; d) other sports: faul / faulirati, fer igra ‘fair play’, (top-)forma, fotofiniš, kup, me ‘match’, playoff, skaut / skautirati, skor / score, sparing partner, sprint, šut / šutirati, trening; e) others: bookmaker, dril, drilati, fan, hendikep / hendikepirati, imperativ, kiks / kiksati, lider, lobirati, presing, tandem, trend. There are also pseudo-Anglicisms, hybrid Anglicisms and calques in the corpus analysed. The prestigious position of the English language worldwide favours both the increasing tendency of keeping English words in their original form, as well as the playful use of English and the hyperproduction of pseudo-Anglicisms, words that look like English words, but are actually not to be found in English […] As an issue of new, hybrid forms of languages (and cultures), pseudo-Anglicisms are a result of global influences meeting local traditions. (Soanac / Nikoli Hoyt 2006: 317)

According to Filipovi (1986: 193–194), pseudo-Anglicisms are formed by means of composition (in our corpus – aut-linija ‘out + line’, centaršut ‘centre shoot’ – kicking the ball from the furthest wing of the sports field into the penalty area, autogol ‘own goal’), derivation (presing from pressure in the meaning ‘stress, urgency; compulsion’) and ellipsis (centarfor ‘centre-forward’, hepiend ‘happy-ending’, parking ‘parking space’). Hybrid Anglicisms (cf. Filipovi 1990:71) are formed with one borrowed and one Croatian component: fer igra ‘fair play’, gol-crta ‘goal-line’, gol-razlika ‘goal difference’, test-utakmica ‘test match’.

8

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Muhvi -Dimanovski (1995: 267) cites the ratio of frequency of borrowing nouns, verbs and adjectives in many languages given by Haugen (1969: 406): noun: verb: adjective – 75%: 18%: 3%.

The corpus shows football terms translated from English (‘calques’), e.g.: prijateljska utakmica < friendly match; crveni karton < red card; žuti karton < yellow card9; slobodan udarac < free-kick, duga lopta < long ball. There are also Anglicisms in the corpus which are used in the text together with Croatian equivalents, e.g. oproštajni party / bye bye party; ofsajd / zalee; gol-linija / gol-crta. The semantic adaptation of English loanwords in the language of football as well as in other sports (cf. Veli 1972–1973: 761) can be analysed according to zero semantic extension (no change of meaning), restriction of meaning and extension of meaning (Filipovi 1986: 161–174). Zero semantic extension can be found in the following examples: centarfor, centarhalf, fotofiniš, gol-linija, hat-trick, ofsajd, trener, trening. “The most frequent semantic change is the restriction of meaning; as is well known, in cases of polysemy, loanwords do not retain all the meanings they had in the donor language. In rare cases the meaning of some anglicisms has become specialized in Croatian due to the specific social context.” (Soanac / Nikoli -Hoyt 2006: 312) The original meaning from English is restricted and specialized in sports jargon: driblati, faul, korner, kup, skaut (‘one employed to search for talents in sports’ – however, this meaning has not been recorded in Croatian dictionaries: it only appears in the corpus), skor. Loanwords expand their meaning after they had been integrated into the receiving language (cf. Filipovi 1986: 169). The following examples from the corpus show this expansion of meaning: • aut (‘1. lines of the sports field; 2. the space outside the lines of a sports field’); bunker (‘defensive game style in football’); • derbi (‘an important or the most important match, a match between the best contestants or teams’); when used in the original meaning it is denoted with the adjective ‘local’: lokalni derbi; • dres is an English loanword, but the meaning ‘jersey’ was taken from the German language; • džoker (‘a player who can help win the match’); • sparing partner (expanded to all sports not only boxing). 2.2. German loanwords The long history of the contact with German has left traces in the Croatian language10. As Babi (2004: 207) says: “Living in the Austrian Empire from 1527 until 1918 we lived together with the German language […] and during these 400 years we borrowed about 4000–5000 German words, to be exact in our dialects and spoken language (only 40 German loanwords came into the standard Croatian language.)” German loanwords in our corpus are mainly those present in everyday communication and are mostly used by speakers (journalists, players, trainers) coming from the northern parts of Croatia, where the German influence has been especially strong. One more reason for the wide 9 10

Red and yellow cards were first used at the World Championship in 1970 (Gifford 2006: 14). There are numerous studies of German loanwords in Croatian. For the history of the German language in Croatia, see Žepi 2002.

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spread of German loanwords is also the position of German as the mediator language. According to Dragievi (2005: 89), many international or European loanwords (mostly lexemes from science and art) have come into Croatian through German. 2.2.1. Morphological level German loanwords in Croatian were borrowed in different historical periods (cf. Babi 1990a: 219) and have been well adapted to the system of Croatian. 2.2.1.1. Nouns There are different ways of morphological adaptation of German nouns in Croatian. • German -e (denoting the feminine gender) < Croatian -a (feminine gender): generalna proba, rang-lista, rola, špica (< Spitze). • Masculine nouns have kept their consonant endings and gender: feler (< Fehler), liebling, respekt, štos (< Stoß), transfermarkt, zicer (< Sitzer). Only in one example from the corpus has the German ending -er changed to -ar: Becher < pehar. Neuter and feminine nouns in the corpus have taken masculine gender (see 2.1.1.1.), e.g. animozitet (< Animosität), ceh (< Zeche), fušeraj (< Pfuscherei), šlagvort (< Schlagwort), štimung (< Stimmung). • Nomina agentis have kept the suffix -er: druker, gastarbajter, golgeter, hohštapler, špilmaher. Compound nouns are typical of German, but not of Croatian11, so they are written either hyphenated or as two words: rang-lista < Rangliste, generalna proba < Generalprobe, kardinalna greška < Kardinalfehler. 2.2.1.2. Verbs, adjectives, adverbs German verbs ending in the suffix -en take the Croatian suffix –ati, whereas verbs ending in German -ieren take the Croatian suffix -irati. Verbs of German origin also show the perfective and imperfective aspect (see 2.1.1.2.). Some of the examples from the corpus are: -ati: drukati, pumpati, (iz)raubati, šmekati, šopati, štimati, štopati, zaribati. Many of the verbs with the suffix -irati have stems from other languages (French, Latin) but were adapted to German and borrowed into Croatian, e.g. Latin stem12: asisitirati, demonstrirati, detektirati, figurirati, inicirati, isfabricirati, izolirati, kalkulirati, konkurirati, korigirati, lamentirati, potencirati, profititrati, respektirati; French stem: debitirati, forsirati, garantirati, konsolidirati, kotirati, motivirati, plasirati se, poentirati. The verb živcirati has the Croatian stem and is a translation of the German verb nervieren (cf. Babi 2002: 508). Two German verbs with the infinitive suffix -en appear in Croatian with the suffix -irati: pakirati (< packen), planirati (< planen). Adjectives in the corpus do not show their original form, but are derived from German nouns (bundesligaški < Bundesliga), adjectives / adverbs (ziheraški < sicher). 11

12

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The Croatian language, like other Slavic languages, prefers derivation over composition (cf. Turk / Sesar 2003: 331). The etymological entries with these verbs denote German as the mediator language, Latin and French as origin (cf. Ani / Goldstein 2004).

Other examples are participle forms of German verbs, e.g. ispeglan (< bügeln), raštiman (< stimmen). Among adverbs, only glat has its original form (the form adapted to the Croatian system is glatko): 2.

etiri puta smo ih ‘glat’ tukli u prvenstvu… (6 5.2006, 95) ‘We beat them easily four times in the championship’.

The adverbial phrase pod mus (‘obligatory’) is often heard and read in Croatian. It consists of the Croatian preposition pod (‘under’) and the German verb müssen in the form for 1st and 3rd person singular. 2.2.2. Semantic level Semantic grouping of German loanwords in the Croatian language of football is a little different from grouping English loanwords. There are fewer football terms and more other, generally used German loanwords. a) players: elf (denoting the whole team), golman, golgeter13, rezerva, stoper, špica / špic-igra / polušpica (< Spitze), špilmaher; b) technical performance: škare (< Schere), španer, zicer14 (‘a certain opportunity to score a goal, sth. that cannot be missed’ – the meaning used not only in a game, but also in an everyday situation, cf. Ani / Goldstein 2004); c) rules of the game: jedanaesterac (translation of < Elfmeter); d) other sports: drukati / druker, hakl, rezerva; e) others: fajrunt, feler, fušeraj, pikzibner, produkt, rola, šmeker, štih, štimung. Some Germanisms appear as calques, e.g. pun pogodak (< Volltreffer). German loanwords which do not belong to sports terminology were borrowed into the Croatian language a long time ago, and most of them have changed their meaning. Specialized terms mostly show the restriction of meaning (e.g. rezerva, stoper, špica). The most interesting feature of language contact is the extension of meaning. The following nouns have expanded their meaning in sports: • parirati (< parieren; ‘sports: respond accordingly to offensive moves’), • pehar (< Becher expanded its meaning to ‘trophy, cup’), • škare (< Schere, ‘kicking the ball over the head when the player is with his back to the goal’), • šopati (‘constantly pass a player balls to kick the goal’), • španer (< Spanner15) has a completely different meaning in Croatian – ‘a football player showing good technical skills’. 13

14

15

Croatian dictionaries denote golgeter as an Anglicism, but it is a German pseudo-Anglicism, especially used in Austria and Switzerland (cf. Duden Deutsches Universalwörterbuch, p. 665). The Croatian dictionary of foreign words by Ani / Goldstein (2004) gives the German word Sitzer as the etymology of the loanword zicer. Sitzer probably came from English sitter into the German language. (cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sitter_(football)). The etymology according to Ani / Goldstein 2004.

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Some of the many Germanisms with expanded meaning used in the corpus are: fajrunt (< Feierabend; ‘closing time of bars and restaurants’), marka (< Mark; ‘sb. who is an expert, has a good reputation’), štih (< Stich; ‘a recognizable trait of a whole’), štos (< Stoß; ‘a trick, a stunt’).

3. Anglicisms and Germanisms in context The readers of daily newspapers have different educational and social backgrounds. Thus, the texts must be written for all and the headlines should attract the reader. The information a text contains is often condensed in headlines since their purpose is to attract the reader’s attention. (cf. Burger 1998: 147) The entertaining part of sports pages lies in the fact that there are interviews with football stars, articles about their personal lives, as well as gossip items or stories about money and power. (cf. Beard 1998: 85) In fact football reports rarely provide only news; many people who read the sports pages already know the result, and may have seen the game live on television. This helps to explain some of the vivid language used in newspaper reporting, as its function is not just to give the score. Reports also have to give opinions and explanations, and engage the reader on an emotional level. […] There is also an obsession with after-match quotes from players or managers; another ‘angle’ on the game has to be found.“16

“One of the most common pieces of sports coverage is the post-event interview. In many sports players and officials are obliged by contract to give interviews […]. Football team managers are some of the most frequently interviewed, being asked to account for the performance of their team.” (Beard 1998: 65) Among the sports pages analysed, most headlines contain information on match results or statements of players, trainers and selectors. 83 loanwords were found in headlines (48 German and 35 English loanwords); 14 Germanisms and 8 Anglicisms refer to European leagues and the World Cup, while others refer to the Croatian football league. 45 of the headlines were players' and trainers' statements. Our analysis shows that players are not keen on using specialized terms in their statements. They used 62 loanwords, trainers 95, whereas journalists used by far the most – 345 (this number includes 37 loanwords in interviews, 270 in commentaries or reports, 38 in headlines).

4. Football terminology in Croatian dictionaries The choice of words to be included in a dictionary depends to a large extent on the authors themselves. There are three important criteria when deciding which loanwords to record: frequency of usage, phonological adaptation, and morphological adaptation. (cf. Muhvi -Dimanovski 1994: 218)

16

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British Council s.a.

Croatian dictionaries17 contain football terminology with etymological entries. They also include other generally used Anglicisms and Germanisms. There are some recent borrowings which are used in their original form in the corpus and have not been recorded in Croatian dictionaries yet. Neither of the dictionaries analysed contains the following (non-adapted) examples from the corpus: pole-position, roster, staff, team spirit. However, Ani / Goldstein (2004) recorded hat-trick, but as an adapted form hettrik, bookmaker as bukmejker, playmaker as plejmejker. The loanword skaut is recorded without the meaning used in the corpus – ‘sb. who searches for talents in sports’. Among German loanwords only transfermarkt, elf and špilmaher have not been recorded yet. The biggest confusion when investigating the etymology of loanwords is caused by verbs ending in -irati. This suffix is often misleading and signalizes German origin although German is in most cases only the mediator language18. Croatian dictionaries mark pseudo-Anglicisms in different ways. All three denote golman as a Germanism, while golgeter, on the other hand, is marked as an Anglicism. There is also no mention of the fact that the meaning of dres was borrowed from German.

5. Conclusion Croatian sports journalists use both English and German loanwords in their texts. English borrowings are often used in their original forms. German loanwords are adapted to the system of the Croatian language. The semantic level shows the most interesting results of the analysis, especially the change of meaning. English loanwords show more restriction of meaning, and German loanwords more expansion of meaning. The conclusion from analyzing the use of loanwords in texts is that journalists used the most loanwords, while trainers and selectors used football terminology slightly more than players. Croatian dictionaries have entries of both German and English loanwords; only recent English borrowings have not been recorded. The language of football in Croatia shows borrowings not only in terminology, but also in the use of colloquial language, which makes the texts understandable and interesting to the majority of readers.

References Ani , Vladimir (2004): Veliki rjenik hrvatskoga jezika. Zagreb: Novi liber Ani , Vladimir / Goldstein, Ivo (2004): Rjenik stranih rijei. Zagreb: Novi liber Babi , Stjepan (1990a): Njemake posuenice u hrvatskom književnom jeziku. In: Babi b, 214–224 Babi , Stjepan (1990b): Hrvatska jezikoslovna itanka. Zagreb: Globus

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18

While analyzing the corpus, three Croatian dictionaries were consulted: Ani , V. (2004): Veliki rjenik hrvatskoga jezika, Šonje, J. (2000): Rjenik hrvatskoga jezika and Ani , V. / Goldstein, I. (2004): Rjenik stranih rijei. One of the difficulties is determining the original language of a loanword because there is a mediator language, which may lead the author off the track (cf. Muhvi -Dimanovski 1994: 221).

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Babi , Stjepan (2002): Tvorba rijei u hrvatskome književnome jeziku. Zagreb: HAZU, Nakladni zavod Globus Babi , Stjepan (2004): Hrvanja hrvatskoga. Hrvatski u koštacu sa srpskim i u klinu s engleskim. Zagreb: Školska knjiga Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London / New York: Routledge British Council (ed.) s.a.: The language of sport – an essay, http://elt.britcoun.org.pl/elt/s_lang.htm:, 23.08.2007; 11:20 Burger, Harald (1998): Phraseologie. Eine Einführung am Beispiel des Deutschen. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag Collins Thesaurus: The Ultimate Wordfinder (22003). Glasgow: Harper Collins Publishers Dragievi , Dragica (2005): Hrvatski u dodiru s njemakim jezikom. In: Soanac et al., 85–113 Duden Deutsches Universalwörterbuch (52003). Mannheim et al.: Dudenverlag Filipovi , Rudolf (1986): Teorija jezika u kontaktu. Zagreb: JAZU / Školska knjiga Filipovi , Rudolf (1990): Anglicizmi u hrvatskom ili srpskom jeziku: porijeklo – razvoj – znaenje. Zagreb: JAZU / ŠK Filipovi , Rudolf / Menac, Antica (2005): Engleski element u hrvatskome i ruskom jeziku. Zagreb: Školska knjiga Gifford, Clive (2006): udesni nogomet. Zagreb: Školska knjiga Haugen, Einar (1969): The Norwegian language in America: A study in bilingual behavior. Bloomington: Indiana University Press Kolka, Aleksandar (1988): Strani jezik i društvo. Zagreb: Školska knjiga Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture (2002). Harlow: Longman Muhr, Rudolf (ed.) (2006): Innovation und Kontinuität in Sprache und Kommunikation verschiedener Sprachkulturen. Innovation and Continuity in Language and Communication of different Language Cultures. Wien et al.: Peter Lang Verlag Muhvi -Dimanovski, Vesna (1994). Mjesto posuenica u jednojezinim rjenicima. In: Filologija 22–23, 217–224 Muhvi -Dimanovski, Vesna (1995): Glagolski anglicizmi u njemakom. In: Filologija 24–25, 267–273 Nikoli Hoyt, Anja (2005): Hrvatski u dodiru s engleskim jezikom. In: Soanac et al, 179–205 Soanac, Lelija / Dabo-Denegri, Ljuba / Dragievi , Dragica / Menac, Antica / Nikoli -Hoyt, Anja (eds.) (2005): Hrvatski jezik u dodiru s europskim jezicima: adaptacija posuenica. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Globus Soanac, Lelija / Nikoli -Hoyt, Anja (2006): English in Croatia: Past and present. In: Muhr, 305–322 Šonje, Jure (2000): Rjenik hrvatskoga jezika. Zagreb: Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krleža i Školska knjiga Turk, Marija / Sesar, Dubravka (2003): Kalkovi njemakoga podrijetla u hrvatskome i u nekim drugim slavenskim jezicima. In: Rasprave Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje 29, 325–338 Veli , Ivana (1972–1973): The English Element in the Croatian Sports Vocabulary. In: Studia Romanica et Anglica Zagrabiensia 33–36, 757–771 Žepi , Stanko (2002): Zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache in Kroatien. In: Zagreber Germanistische Beiträge 11, 209–227

M.A. (mr.sc.) Anita Pavi Pintari Department of German Language and Literature University in Zadar M. Pavlinovi a bb 23 000 Zadar e-mail: [email protected] http://personal.unizd.hr/~apintari/

52

SEBASTIAN SPEK

IS ENGLISH INJURING POLISH? AN ANALISIS OF THE SPREAD OF ENGLISH TERMINOLOGY IN (AND THROUGH) POLISH FOOTBALL The modern game of football originated in Great Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century and shortly after spread to the European continent (Guttmann, 1994: 42). Along with the spread of football to the European continent, English football terminology spread to several languages. According to Kachru (1986: 9), the spread of English offers alternative ways of expression, which could lead to the creation of new varieties of English. An opposing view discussed by Phillipson (1992: 47) states that any spread of English should be considered as linguistic imperialism, which leads to continuous reconstruction of socioeconomic and cultural inequalities between English and other languages. In this paper, I analyse the spread of English football terminology into Polish to see if it offers alternative ways of expression. Has this caused, is causing or could cause the creation of a new variety of English or can this be considered English linguistic imperialism? This paper explains the process(es) involved in the spread of English terminology in Polish football. Moreover, it also explains which type(s) of influence the spread of English football terminology has had on Polish in general. Thus, this paper provides insights into not only issues of the spread of English in the sport of football, but also issues concerning the influence of the spread of English through football on a specific language in, according to Kachru’s terminology, the ‘Expanding Circle of English’.

1. Introduction The modern game of football (also known as soccer in the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand) originated in Great Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century and shortly after spread to the European continent (Guttmann 1994: 42). Along with the spread of football to the European continent, English football terminology spread to several languages. For example, words such as football, goal and shoot are commonly used in many languages in today’s football broadcasts. According to Kachru (1986: 9), the spread of English, which has become the lingua franca in today’s world, offers alternative ways of expression which could lead to the creation of new varieties of English. An opposing view discussed by Phillipson (1992: 47) states that any spread of English should be considered as linguistic imperialism, which leads to a continuous reconstruction of socio-economic and cultural inequalities between English and other languages. Having been interested in football and linguistics for several years, I decided to analyse the spread of English football terminology into Polish to see if it offers alternative ways of expression. Has this caused, is causing, or could cause the creation of a new variety of English or can this be considered English linguistic imperialism? I will examine Polish football match broadcasts and post-match articles to see which role English football terminology plays in them.

53

2. Literature review Football, a “game complex enough not to have been invented independently by a number of premodern cultures and yet simple enough to have become unquestionably the world’s most popular team sport” (Guttmann 1994: 41), is considered to have originated in Great Britain. According to Guttmann, the modern form of football is a nineteenth century adaptation of the folk football that had been played in several different forms throughout England since medieval times. In 1848, a group of collegians who played different forms of football at their universities met in Cambridge and unified the rules of the game of football. This unification of rules enabled the universities to compete with one another, which popularized the sport so greatly that on October 26, 1863, the Football Association1, a body that organized and promoted football, was founded. Shortly after, several football clubs were established, for example Aston Villa FC and Bolton Wanderers in 1874, and Manchester United and Coventry City in 1880. At the time of the founding of the Football Association in England, the game of football was introduced to the European continent (Guttmann 1994: 44). There it was first introduced in Belgium in 1863. Shortly after, it was also introduced in other European countries on the continent such as Holland, Switzerland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Hungary, Sweden, and Poland. As football spread to many countries, English football terminology spread to various languages. One of the terms which were commonly adopted by other languages was the term football itself. This term was directly borrowed (though sometimes its pronunciation and spelling were slightly changed) by languages such as Rumanian: fotbal, French: le football (which is often shortened to le foot), Russian: futbol (), Turkish: futbol, and Serbian: fudbal (). Some languages adopted the term football through literal translation of the morphemes foot and ball e.g. German: Fußball2, Dutch: voetbal, Norwegian: fotball, Swedish: fotboll, Danish: fodbold, Finnish: jalkapallo, Greek: podosfero ("#$). There are also some languages which use two forms of the term football, one borrowed directly from English (with slight pronunciation and spelling changes), and one adopted by translation of its constituent parts, e.g. Spanish: fútbol and balompié, Polish: futbol and pika no%na, and Hungarian: futball or labdarúgás (meaning ‘ball-kicking’). Apart from the term football, other English football terms commonly borrowed by other languages include words such as goal (often gol in Romance languages), shoot, schútte (Basel) or tschuutte (Zürich), meaning ‘to play football’ in German-speaking Switzerland, and penalty kick, in French, le penalty; however, the phrase tir au but is also used in the context of a penalty shootout (Wikipedia, 2007). 2.1. World Englishes framework Kachru (1986: 9) argues that the spread of English does not reconstruct inequalities but provides alternative ways of expression. He bases his argument on the results of his research which showed that, in certain parts of the world, e.g. South Asia and West 1

2

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The term soccer derives from Association Football, a name coined to distinguish other versions of football played at the time of the founding of the Football Association. In German the word Football refers to ‘American football’.

Africa, English had become locally adapted and institutionalized, which as a result caused the development of different varieties of English. These locally institutionalized varieties of English, Kachru (1986: 53) adds, can successfully carry the “weight” of local “experience”. Thus, the fact that the locally institutionalized varieties of English can successfully express the local “experience” indicates that the spread of English cannot be considered linguistic imperialism. Moreover, Kachru (1992: 356) also introduces a model of the spread of English which is based on “…the types of spread, the patterns of acquisition, and the functional allocation of English in diverse cultural contexts.” In this model, he divides World Englishes into three concentric circles: the Inner Circle, where English is spoken as a native language, e.g. USA, Canada, Australia; the Outer Circle, where English is spoken as a second language, e.g. India, Nigeria, Philippines; and the Expanding Circle, where English is spoken as a foreign language, e.g. China, Israel, Poland. Furthermore, he also explains that the English spoken in the Inner Circle is “norm-providing”, that spoken in the Outer Circle “norm-developing”, and that spoken in the Expanding Circle “normdependent”. This model, introduced in the early 1990s, is currently considered to be one of the best-known and most influential models of the spread of English in World Englishes studies. 2.2. Linguistic imperialism Phillipson (1992: 42), however, presents an opposite view to that of Kachru’s. He argues that any spread of English, a language that in today’s world “…has become a lingua franca to that point that every literate educated person is in a real sense deprived if he does not know English”, is linguistic imperialism (Burchfield 1985: 160, quoted in Phillipson 1992: 5). The definition of English linguistic imperialism which he develops states “that the dominance of English is asserted and maintained by the establishment and continuous reconstruction of structural and cultural inequalities between English and other languages”; he defines “structural” as referring to material properties, e.g. institutions and financial allocations, and “cultural” as referring to immaterial or ideological properties, e.g. attitudes and pedagogic principles (Phillipson 1992: 47). Thus, Phillipson, as he explains in his review of David Crystal’s (1997) English as a Global Language (Phillipson 1999), believes that the spread of English is tied to “…an uncritical endorsement of capitalism, its science and technology, a modernization ideology, monolingualism as a norm, ideological globalization and internationalization, transnationalisation, the Americanization and homogenization of world culture, linguistic, culture and media imperialism” (Phillipson 1999: 274, quoted in Pennycook 2007: 19). In other words, Phillipson believes that, since ideology is inscribed in the language (see Hodge / Kress 1993), along with the spread of English spreads the ideology of the English-speaking countries, which in turn causes linguistic diversity to disappear and, in consequence, contributes to linguistic genocide, a concept developed by Skutnabb-Kangas 2000. 2.3. Purpose of study As discussed above, one of the ways in which the English language spread was through football. This spread of English either offers alternative ways of expression which have 55

caused the development of a new variety of English, a view proposed by Kachru, or can be considered linguistic imperialism, a view proposed by Phillipson. Thus, to verify whether the spread of English through football provides alternative forms of expression which have indeed caused the creation of a new variety of English or can be considered linguistic imperialism, I have analysed Polish match broadcasts and post-match articles to see which role English football terminology plays in them.

3. Method 3.1. Materials For the purpose of this study, football match broadcasts and post-match articles were analyzed. All of these broadcasts and articles (16 in total) were taken from the websites of the Polish first division clubs (one from each website) shortly after the final day of the football season in Poland. They are all written in Polish. 3.2. Research design Having gathered the materials, first, with the use of a Polish dictionary of foreign words, I analyzed them by looking for English football concepts that have entered the Polish language. Second, I looked at those concepts and verified whether they are charged with imperialistic ideology, and consequently, are eroding the Polish language, or whether they are ideologically neutral alternative forms of expression that have gained, are gaining, or could gain meanings different form the ones that they have in English. Thus, to verify if the English football concepts belonged to either of the two above-mentioned categories, I referred to the Polish dictionary to see if Polish equivalents of the English football concepts existed. Moreover, in the case where the Polish equivalent did exist, first, I examined the data once more to see if the Polish equivalent was used in the same football match broadcast or post-match article in which the English form was found, and second, I analyzed the connotative meanings of both the English football concept and Polish equivalent to see if any differences existed.

4. Results The results of my analysis are presented in the following table3.

3

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Although the word telewizja was borrowed from English, I did not include it in this table because the morphemes, tele- and wizja, which are Greek and Latin in origin, were taken into the Polish language before the word telewizja was.

English borrowing

Polish equivalent

English meaning

Polish meaning

aut4 (from out)

miejsce poza boiskiem, wrzut z poza linii bocznej boiska.

expressing position or situation beyond the bounds of a space.

in sports, expressing position beyond the bounds of a field; in football, a throw-in.

blokowa (from block)

zatrzymywa

none

przyblokowa (from block)

zatrzymywa na chwile

none

zablokowa (from block)

zatrzyma

none

doping (from doping)

kibicowanie

none

dopingowa (from doping)

kibicowa

none

drybling (from dribbling)

zwodzenie

fan (from fan)

kibic, sympatyk

to keep (the ball) moving along the ground in front of and close to one by a rapid succession of short pushes. a keen and regular spectator of a (professional) sport.

an act of obstructing or closing with obstacles. an act of obstructing or closing with obstacles for a short period of time. a finished act of obstructing or closing with obstacles. shouts of encouragement, or expressions of applause of a company or crowd during games. to encourage, inspire, animate, or incite, by shouts. same

4

same

Polish equivalent used in the same broadcast or article in 0 out of 1

Difference in connotative meaning

in 0 out of 1

none

in 0 out of 2

none

in 1 out of 3

none

in 0 out of 3

none

in 0 out of 3

none

in 1 out of 1

none

in 4 out of 4

none

none

In this table, all English borrowings with the exception of the words blokowa, przyblokowa, zablokowa, dopingowa, faulowa, sfaulowa, lobowa, przelobowa, which are verbs in the infinitive forms and the word futbolówka, which is a noun with a Polish inflectional suffix -ówka, are used in the third person singular nominative case and without Polish inflectional affixes, despite sometimes being used otherwise in the transcription.

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faul (from foul)

faulowa (from foul)

sfaulowa (from foul)

finisz (sezonu) (from finish) futbol (from football)

futbolówka (form football) gol (from goal)

golkiper (from goalkeeper) klub (from club)

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przewinienie, nieprzepisowe zatrzymanie, nieprzepisowe zagranie, kopnicie, podcinanie nieprzepisowo zatrzymywa, nieprzepisowo zagrywa, kopa, podcina nieprzepisowo zatrzyma, nieprzepisowo zagra, kopn&, podci& koniec (sezonu)

pika no%na

pika do nogi

bramka

bramkarz

dru%yna, zespó

violation of the rules or to violate the rules.

violation of the rules.

in 1 out of 7

none

none

to violate the rules.

in 0 out of 4

none

none

a finished act of violating the rules.

in 0 out of 2

none

the end (of the season).

same

in 1 of 1

none

an open-air game played with a ball by two sides, each of which endeavours to kick or convey the ball to the goal at the opposite end of the field or an inflated ball used in the game of football. none

an open-air game played with a ball by two sides, each of which endeavours to kick or convey the ball to the goal at the opposite end of the field.

in 0 out of 1

none

an inflated ball used in the game of football. same

in 6 out of 6

none

in 9 out of 13

none

same

in 7 out of 7

none

same

in 3 out of 4

none

the point in the game when the ball is driven between the posts. a player whose special duty is to protect the goal. an association formed to combine the operations of persons interested in the promotion or prosecution of some aim.

korner (from corner)

rzut ro%ny

lider5 (from leader) live (from live)

prowadz&cy

lobowa (from lob)

przerzuca pik nad bramkarzem

przelobowa (from lob)

przerzuci pik nad bramkarzem

none

mecz (from match)

spotkanie pikarskie, gra, pojedynek, zawody

media (from media)

dziennikarze

online (from online)

w sieci

pressing (from pressing)

nacisk

show (from show)

przedstawienie

snajper (from sniper)

napastnik

a contest of skills in a particular sport in which two or more players, teams, are pitted against each other. the main means of mass communication. of an operation or process: carried out while connected to a computer and under its direct control. the action of causing to move in a particular direction, or into a certain position. an appearance which makes a strong impression on the beholder. a sharp-shooter.

5

na %ywo

free kick from the corner of the field obtained by the opposite side when a player sends the ball over his own goal-line. the leading team.

same

in 3 out of 3

none

same

in 0 out of 1

none

taken from or made at a live performance. none

same

in 0 out of 1

none

to strike a ball well into the air so as to fall behind the opponent’s back. a finished act of striking a ball well into the air so as to fall behind the opponent’s back. same

in 0 out of 2

none

in 0 out of 1

none

in 11 out of 14

none

same

in 1 out of 1

none

same

in 0 out of 1

none

same

in 0 out of 2

none

same

in 0 out of 1

none

same

in 0 out of 1

none

I did not consider the words, vice-lider and lider as separate borrowings (although the meanings of the words are different) because the prefix vice-, which is Latin in origin, was attached to the word lider after the borrowing of the English form had already taken place.

59

stoper (from stopper)

obro'ca, defensor

trener (from trainer)

szkoleniowiec

a player whose function is to block attacks on goal from the middle of the field. one who puts a person through a course of training with a view to proficiency in something.

same

in 2 out of 2

none

same

in 1 out of 8

none

Table 1: English borrowings

5. Discussion The results show that, first, in Polish, equivalents of the English borrowings found in the data do exist; second, the equivalents are generally used in the same football match broadcasts and post-match articles (although the words faul 1/7 and trener 1/8 seem to be exceptions; their Polish equivalents are not used in the same football match broadcasts or post-match articles very often, which is possibly due to their greater length and broadcast time and limitations of article length); and third, both the English football terms and their Polish equivalents do not have any connotative meanings. Thus, the fact that Polish equivalents of the English football terms do exist and are generally used in the same contexts indicates that the spread of English into Polish does not cause linguistic diversity to disappear. Moreover, the fact that neither the English football terms nor the Polish equivalents found in the data have any connotative meanings indicates that the English football concepts which spread into Polish through football are not charged with the ideology of English-speaking countries. Consequently, since the spread of English into Polish through football neither causes linguistic diversity to disappear nor is it charged with the ideology of English-speaking countries, it cannot be considered linguistic imperialism. Consequently, this suggests that the spread of English through football into Polish offers alternative ways of expression. The results show that the English borrowings aut and doping have gained new meanings in Polish. Moreover, the results also reveal that Polish affixes are added to the English loan words, which causes the creation of words with meanings slightly different from the meanings of the English borrowings. For example, the suffix -owa in the words blokowa, przyblokowa, zablokowa, dopingowa, faulowa, sfaulowa, lobowa, and przelobowa indicates that the words are verbs in the infinitive form, the prefixes za- in the word zablokowa, the prefix s- in the word sfaulowa and the prze- in the word przelobowa indicate that the acts of blocking, fouling, and lobbing are finished, the prefix przy- in the word przyblokowa changes the meaning of the word block from ‘to obstruct or close with obstacles’ to ‘to obstruct or close with obstacles for a short period of time’. The suffix ówka added to the word futbol creates a separate word which means ‘an inflated ball used to play football’, as well as indicating the feminine gender of the word (in Polish, the English borrowing futbol only refers to the game of football and its gender is masculine). Thus, based on the facts that two out of thirty English borrowings found in 60

the data have gained new meanings in Polish and that Polish affixes can be attached to the English loanwords to change their meanings, we can conclude that the spread of English through football into Polish is possibly causing a development of a new variety of English. The reason why I claim that the spread of English through football into Polish is possibly causing rather than has caused the development of a new variety of English is due to the fact that the number of English loan words that have gained new meanings in Polish is rather insignificant. Consequently, the results of the study are in line with Kachru’s claim, which states that the spread of English offers alternative ways of expression that could cause the development of a new variety of English. However, although the findings of this study validate the above-mentioned claim, they challenge the structure of Kachru’s three circles model. According to this model, Poland belongs to the Expanding Circle, and therefore English there is norm-dependent. The results of this study, however, have shown that the spread of English through football into Polish is causing the development of a new variety of English which indicates that the English spoken in Poland is developing its own norms. Thus, the findings of this study reveal that Kuchru’s three circles model of the spread of English fails to account for the fact that English spoken in countries belonging to the Expanding Circle might also be normdeveloping. 5.1. Conclusion and call for further research The findings of this study have shown that the spread of English through football into Polish offers alternative ways of expression and is causing the development of a new variety of English. Consequently, this study illustrates that within the field of football the influence of the spread of English into Polish is relatively significant. Chopicki (2005: 121) suggests that the influence of the spread of English into Polish is also “considerable and very strong in areas such as electronics or advertising”. Thus, it would be interesting to analyze whether the spread of English into Polish through digital media or advertising offers alternative ways of expression and is causing the development of a new variety of English. Further research will perhaps give more insights into this aspect of the spread of English.

References Anderman, Gunilla / Rogers, Margaret (eds.) (2005): In and out of English: For better, for worse? Clevedon: Cromwell Press Ltd Burchfield, Robert (1985): The English language. Oxford: Oxford University Press Chopicki, Wadysaw (2005): Polish under siege. In: Anderman / Rogers, 108–122 Guttmann, Allen (1994): Games and empires. New York: Columbia University Press Hodge, Robert / Kress, Gunther (²1993): Language as ideology. New York: Routledge Kachru, Braj (²1986): The alchemy of English. Urbana and Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press Kachru, Braj (²1992): The other tongue. English across cultures. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press Pennycook, Alastair (2007) Global English and transcultural flaws. London: Routledge Phillipson, Robert (1992): Linguistic imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press Phillipson, Robert (1999): Voice in global English: unheard chords in Crystal loud and clear. [Review article of English as a global language]. In: Applied Linguistics 20/2, 265–276

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Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove (2000): Linguistic genocide in education – or worldwide diversity and human rights? Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Wikipedia (2007): Football (word). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Football_%28word%29, 15/06/2007

Sebastian Spek Linguistics Department Northeastern Illinois University 5500 N. St. Louis Ave Chicago IL, 60625 e-mail: [email protected]

62

VLADIMIR DOSEV

FOOTBALL LEXIS AND PHRASEOLOGY IN CONTEMPORARY BULGARIAN The paper aims to introduce Bulgarian football lexis and the types of terms available in the language. It focuses on lexical specificity in communication in established football social groups, and studies the lexical and phraseological problems in the media.

1. Introduction The paper aims to introduce Bulgarian football lexis and the ways of extending the vocabulary of the language. The basic ways of providing the necessary lexis for socalled “football language” in Bulgarian are loan words from English, word-formation and loan translations. The vocabulary in the paper has been collected from: The Bulgarian Unilingual Dictionary (Science and Art 2002); Dictionary of Foreign Words in the Bulgarian Language (Science and Art 2000); Dictionary of New Words and Definitions in the Bulgarian Language (Science and Art 2001); the electronic edition of “World Football Encyclopedia” by Rumen Paitashev (2004); and from “Rules of the Game – Commentary” by Borislav Aleksandrov (2005).

2. Loan words from English Lexical loan words from English are the most characteristic way of providing footballspecific lexis. Most of the football vocabulary in Bulgarian is borrowed from English, which is also the case in most European languages. According to Boyadzhiev, “the borrowing of lexical elements is a completely natural and regular occurrence in language development and one of the important sources for the completion and enlargement of lexical composition. The thesis in linguistics that a language without loan words does not exist was confirmed a long time ago. In this respect all languages have a compound character”1 (Boyadzhiev 2002: 162). Clear evidence of this statement is football vocabulary. Some lexical units are loan words in English itself, but in Bulgarian they come with the mediation of English as part of the football terminology. All rules of the game are expressed with loan words from English:  / out, outside, |` / corner, ~ / match, €{>{`{`, ^`>|` / corner – |\‚ `, €{>{`^„{> €{, `{{` / referee – †| ‡‚|`@>{, ,  / foul – >^„{{> `. Only the term for penalty is borrowed from French („€ from douze-pas) and means twelve steps. The exception is probably due to the fact that the first proponents of football in our country were French-speaking Swiss, working as teachers at the close of the 19th century, after Bulgaria obtained its independence from the Ottoman empire. The football players, according to their positions on the pitch, can be {^ / back, †€{` / stopper, ‡ / half, \^{†ˆ – Mannschaft (Ger.). It is characteristic of football vocabulary in German to consist mostly of ‘home’ vocabulary and not of English loan words. (Out – aus, referee – Schiedsrichter, penalty – Elfmeter, goal – Tor, goal-keeper – Torwart, Tormann, touch – Einwurf, etc.) German and Italian loan words are used to refer to German and Italian football. In Bulgaria there is great interest in the German and Italian football languages.

3. Loan translations Lexical loan translations are a special kind of loan words, by which the morphological structure of a foreign word is filled with material from the native language or the semantic structure of a home word is added with a new meaning under the influence of a foreign language. Loan translations are defined as indirect loan words, literal translations or copies of the morphological and semantic structure of a word, which originate from another language and society. The literal pronunciation of the morphological structure and the semantic motivation of the foreign word with its own verbal means is ‘loan translating’. (Boyadzhiev 2002: 198)

‰‚\ / Own goal – a goal scored by a player against his own team. Š‚`{~{ is a result of the loan translation of half-time. Š„‹{„€> †~|` (Engl. sudden death), >„  ‚`{~{ (official game clock), ^‚‹ ` (offensive team), €|> ‚`{~{ (overtime), †‚{> ` (free kick), €„{>{ > €^ (carrying the ball), Œ{>`{> ^`|\ (centre circle), €`@^ †‚{> ` (direct free kick), >{€`@^ †‚{> ` (indirect free kick). “With reference to phrasal loan translations, the words in the word group are translated separately from their components and are joined according to the pattern of the foreign word group”. (Boyadzhiev 2002: 199) As regards abbreviations, all abbreviations of proper names of international institutions related to football are also borrowed. •  / FIFA - Fédération Internationale de Football Association •  / CONCACAF - Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football 64

•  / CAF - Confédération Africaine de Football; Confederation of African Football • /UEFA - Union of European Football Associations 4. Word-formation The forming of new derivatives is one of the main ways of providing the necessary vocabulary in everyday life. They are made when the name of a new object or phenomenon through its relation to another object or phenomenon is needed, and this is how they are formed from units already existing in language – root, stem, affixes. “However, in many languages, there are productive (derivational) rules for what is traditionally called word-formation, which enables their users to construct new wordexpressions out of pre-existing lexically simpler expressions.” (Lyons 1995: 51) Through derivation (Latin – derivatio: ‘obtaining from a source’) new words constantly arise. We will look at some examples with the stem being borrowed from English. For example, the word { – | (touch), >^„{> €{ – €{>{` (fan) is more prevalent than „€@>^. We can also notice here some generational discrimination. The young only occasionally use the lexeme „€@>^. They accept it as dated and part of the football language of the communist period. We offer research with statistical methods on the frequency of use of each unit of the synonym cluster {> (fan), „€@>^. The present research complies with the classical scheme for the statistical study of quantitative phenomena: 1) statistical observation, 2) statistical grouping, and 3) statistical analysis. The aim of the research is to describe the quantitative side of synonymy in this group. The research is based on the three sports daily newspapers in Bulgaria and the sports pages of the 24 † / 24 hours newspaper of 6.11.2005. Newspaper

{> (fan)

„€@>^

24 † (24 Hours)

18

2

7 >< †€` (7days Sport)

22

6

–€ †€` (Top Sport)

7

2

—{` (fan) vs. „€@>^

The research clearly shows the great difference in the frequency of use of the two lexemes (Dosev 2006: 108–114); the total absence of the lexeme „€@>^ is striking. 7.1. Lexis suggesting aggressiveness, military lexis and vulgarisms A win in football is most often expressed in the pages of Bulgarian newspapers with expressions like: team A beat, battered, crushed, humiliated, submerged, sent down, shattered, sapped team B. The articles before matches of Bulgarian teams playing foreign ones are specifically characteristic of the language of newspapers: aggression is very typical before a match. It seems as if the Bulgarian press are wilfully generating tension before important matches. It suggests to readers that this is the most important 68

match and everything depends on it, and we must almost hate the opponent who is trying to take something away from us. The analogies with war are very strong. We will present examples from the Bulgarian press before the match between Bulgaria and Sweden in the qualification for the World Championship in Germany. 1.

Bulgaria is with you, boys! The black Swedish terror must end today!; Crush them for the sake of your country! Let the Swedish misery, going on for 13,648 days, end today! (26.03.05 –€ †€`; Top Sport)

The article itself is full of aggressive lexis appropriate more for a war correspondent or a National Revival author. It speaks of bloody attacks, generals, wounded heroes, and even makes an analogy with one of the biggest Bulgarian military victories on that date. We can add two headlines from the newspaper 7 >< †€` (7 Days Sport) before the same match and another one from before a match between CSKA and Bayer Leverkusen: 2.

It is easy to hate Ljungberg; The Swedes: We’ll be punching Berbatov in the chest (23.03.05); Smash the Germans! (29.09.05)

One more example of the use of improper language from one of the most popular Bulgarian newspapers, again 7 >< †€` (7 Days Sport): 3.

Levski magnificent, the referee a homosexual (31.03.2006)

As Krasimir Stoyanov asserts, Bulgarian journalism felt the socio-political change after 1989, but did not always find an appropriate tone. (Stoyanov 1999: 118)

8. Conclusion In Bulgarian, football lexis for the most part is borrowed from English. The ways of obtaining the necessary football lexis are generally loan words and calques (loan translations) from English. There are also loan words from other languages. Since the social changes of 1989, attempts to avoid clichés have been noticed in the media. Language has turned into a powerful marketing tool for newspapers in the new market conditions. More detailed research could study the use of military terminology in football language and of football lexis in the language of politicians. Football lexis in Bulgarian offers metaphors for topics involving competition and opposition.

References Cruse, Alan (2004): Meaning in language. Oxford University Press Dosev, Vladimir (2006): Football lexis in the contemporary Bulgarian language. In: Papers in Linguistics from the University of Manchester; Department of Linguistics and English languages; School of Languages, Linguistics and Cultures; University of Manchester, 108–114 Lyons, John (1995): Linguistic semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

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Saeed, John (2003): Semantics. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd "$*>Q, \>*^Q (2005): `*Q^ " ^|* – >€"*. >‚^„; \ (Aleksandrov, Borislav (2005): Rules of the game – commentary Sofia. BFS \>„$†^Q, ‡>$>* (2002): \ˆ|* ^>>|^„. >‚^„ "‰Š^ (Boyadzhiev, Todor (2002): Bulgarian lexicology. Sofia: Anubis) \ˆ|*^ ˆ>Q" *‹"^ (2002): >‚^„: ‰ ^ ^’‰Q> (Bulgarian Unilingual Dictionary (2002), Sofia: Science and Art) “^$">Q, ”^•^ (1999): ^^^‹" *Q>–˜^„ QˆQ Q"^*^„ ’^: ’^ˆ " €$^^. “*""^ Q>Š>$" ‰"^Q*^ š*">*^’˜ ›*Šˆ* (Videnov, Mihail (1999): The stylistic revolution in the newspaper language: The language of the media. Varna: Free University Press) œ˜>Q, ‚" (2000): ’^>Q^ €"^Ÿ‰˜^^ Q Ÿ>*" Ÿ*. “^> ‡ˆ*">Q>: Š* (Getzov, Stefan (2000): Language manipulations in the sports press. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber) ` ¡Q, ¢‰€" (2004): Q>Q" ‚‰Š>" "˜^>Ÿ$^„. >‚^„: ‡*‰$ (Paitashev, Rumen (2004): World football encyclopedia. Sofia: Trud) ¢‹"^ " ‹‰†$^ $‰€^ Q Šˆ|*^ ’^ (2000) >‚^„: ‰ ^ ^’‰Q> (Dictionary of the foreign words in the Bulgarian language (2000), Sofia: Science and Art) ¢‹"^ " ">Q^ $‰€^ ^ $‚^"^˜^^ Q Šˆ|*^ ’^; (2001) >‚^„: ‰ ^ ^’‰Q> (Dictionary of the new words and definitions in Bulgarian language (2001), Sofia: Science and Art) >„">Q, *^€^* (1999): Š£Q"^ Ÿ*>€"^ (1989–1996) ^ Q"^*^„ ’^. >‚^„: ”†$‰"*>$"> >˜^>^"|Q^^‹> $*‰†Q> (Stojanov, Krasimir (1999): The social changes (1989–1996) and the newspaper language. Sofia International sociolinguistics press) ¤Q>Q, ”*^ (1999): ¥ „^’€*"^„” " Ÿ*>€"^ Q Šˆ|*^„ ’^ (Q>,  ^ ’£>  Ÿ*>€"^); http://www.slav.uni-sofia.bg/bgspeech/sites/en/publ/bgsp_mtz_za-izmpeneniata.pdf (Tsvetkova, Marieta (1999): About the „dimensions” of changes in Bulgarian language (what, why and how exactly changed); http://www.slav.uni-sofia.bg/bgspeech/sites/en/publ/bgsp_mtz_za-izmpeneniata.pdf

Lecturer Vladimir Dosev Department “Slavic languages” University of Economics – Varna “Knjaz Boris ¦” 77 9000 Varna, Bulgaria e-mail: [email protected] http://www.ue-varna.bg/en/index.php?page=25&id=536&

70

MÉLANIE BERNARD

FOOTBALL IN FRANCE: ITS HISTORY, VOCABULARY AND PLACE WITHIN FRENCH SOCIETY Football is a well-established worldwide phenomenon, and its vocabulary is found in almost any culture. In France, the status of football as the ‘king’ of sports has continued since its very beginning, and vocabulary has been borrowed from the English language ever since. In this paper, I will study a set of lexical items borrowed from English to be found in the sports newspaper L’Équipe (a leader in terms of circulation nationwide) and analyse how these items have become integrated into the French language – grammatically, morphologically and semantically. I will also report on a sociolinguistic survey in which a questionnaire distributed to 250 people spread across the country assessed the knowledge and use of football items borrowed from English.

1. Introduction Football is a well-established worldwide phenomenon, whose vocabulary is now to be found in most cultures. In France, its status as ‘king’ of sports has continued since its beginning. Vocabulary from English has been borrowed by French ever since. Let me first briefly deal with the history of football from its origins to its codification in the middle of the 16th century in England. I will also consider its French history from its early beginnings to its being officially established in 1872 with the founding of the first football club in Le Havre. Then I will study a set of lexical items borrowed from English found in the sports newspaper L’Équipe (a leader in terms of circulation nationwide) and will analyse how these items have become integrated into French. Integration, as described in this study, can take four forms: lexical integration, grammatical integration (I will examine specifically how grammatical gender is attributed to English items borrowed into French), morphological integration (compound and derived words will be examined more closely) and semantic integration (into French culture). In my corpus, the words borrowed from English do not necessarily belong to the domain of football, and not even to that of sports, but they belong to other domains, such as the cinema or economics. This reflects the fact that football, and sports in general, has come to occupy a central place in contemporary society and culture. When writing or talking about football and sports, speakers often use words from other domains of activity. This particular place of sports in contemporary society has been confirmed by my sociolinguistic survey. A questionnaire distributed to 250 people spread across the country assessed the knowledge and use of the lexical items borrowed from English. The results can be said to reveal the permeability of the borders between domains of social activity: sports is not only a physical activity, but it is also a way of life.

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2. History 2.1. Europe Men have been kicking a ball forever, but a sport only exists when codified with precise rules. The ancient Greeks already had games with four different sizes of balls. During the Middle Ages, our ancestors played ‘soule’, an early and more violent version of football. During the 16th century in England, schools adopted a ball game called hurling at goales. In Renaissance Florence, they played the only ball game with rules, calcio, the ancestor of football, but “this calcio did not last and what is nowadays called calcio in Italy is nothing but an imported version of English football” (Le Floc’hmoan, 1962: 52, translation M. B.). Indeed, as Rethacker / Thibert (1977: 23) point out: “Great Britain may not have been where football was born, but it has certainly been its cradle and home” (translation M. B.). Despite its unclear origins, football has been prominent in England since the 17th century, and in 1846 the first rules were established at Cambridge University. During the 19th century competitions grew from regional to national levels. English sailors brought the game to all European ports and the sport spread to the whole of Europe. The first international game between Austria and Hungary took place in 1902 in Vienna. In 1904 seven countries founded FIFA (Fédération Internationale de Football Association): Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Holland, Sweden and Switzerland. In the middle of the 20th century Meyer (1966: 15– 16) wrote: It is true that, in the middle of the century, with its simple and accessible rules, football remains the most popular sport. In view of its dramatic aspect, its unity of time and place (reminding us of classical tragedies), its uncertainty as to the result and how it is played, it reflects the deep character of people; finally, it releases passions which are deeply rooted in regional and national pride. (translation M. B.)

This claim is still valid, and in many countries football is the most popular sport. What follows is intended to shed some light on the origins of football in France and its current status. 2.2. France According to Durry / Jeu (1992: 64, translation M. B.), “the true revolution brought by British sport is football, and there is no denying that the British master it”. Its integration in France happened through students and teachers who practised it at English universities and then brought it back to their home country. Football crossed the Channel in 1872 and settled first in Le Havre. In 1904, the French national team played its first game in Brussels. On July 12, 1998, it reached its climax in France: the French national team won the World Cup after beating Brazil. In 2000 they won the European Championship. According to French Football Federation (FFF) figures, in 2006–2007 there were more than 2 million registered players, about 50,000 of whom were women. Football and TV have always been closely linked: as early as in 1927, Ernest Chamond worked on developing the broadcasting of football on French TV and predicted that it would become the biggest show event. In fact, the 2006 World Cup final attracted more than 22 million viewers in France alone. A survey of the most 72

popular TV shows in 2006 in France shows that 9 of the top 10 programmes were football games. According to AFP (French Press Agency), football was the most popular sports broadcast in 2006, with 46.3% of air time. As far as other media are concerned, there are, for example, about forty magazines dedicated to football.

3. The corpus My corpus is taken from the French press, which, since it reflects current language usage, is a useful way to gain insights into the grammatical integration and morphology of borrowed lexical items. In 1920, when writing about English terms used in the French language, Bonnaffé stressed: [These] words are collected on site, in England and the US, by tourists, writers, businessmen, traders, and more importantly journalists, professional news recorders, word inventors, who give them their concrete form. They then penetrate the public domain through the press, books, the theatre and so imprint people’s memories. (p. IX; translation M. B.)

As Le Bidois (1970: 253) also stresses: “No one will deny that the French press offers to English words an extremely favourable cultural medium” (translation M. B.). The origin of these borrowings often comes from the written language, especially the print media. 3.1. Data collection The study took place during the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens. The corpus was collected by extracting English words from the sports newspaper L’Equipe between August 14–30, 2004. L’Equipe, a daily newspaper, is a national point of reference for sport and is representative of the vocabulary used in the media. A close reading of all pages of L’Equipe covering football resulted in the collection of 59 lexes. They are presented in Table 1. bookmaker boss casting challenge club coach compétition corner cerby cribbleur entraînement entraîner entraîneur fair-play fan

fighting spirit finale finaliste foot football footballistique goal-average groggy handicap head coach hold-up interview leader manager match

out outsider pénaliser penalty performance pressing pro professionnel punch qualification qualifier record remake reporter score

self-control soccer speaker sponsor sponsoring sprint staff standing star stopper supporter suspense tabloid test

Table 1: Borrowings from English in football

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3.2. Lexical integration The analysis of the corpus of lexemes extracted from articles covering football is as follows: 52 nouns (88.1%), 4 verbs (6.8%) and 3 adjectives (5%). These figures are very similar to those found in a corpus four times as large, in which I analyzed ten sports and 220 lexemes (Bernard 2006), which were, respectively, 82.9%, 9.4% and 6.7%. These numbers seem to make sense: in borrowing, the most widely borrowed lexical category is that of nouns, as these stand for a notion or an object, easily transferable from one language to another, whereas adjectives do not have this autonomy to the same degree. 3.3. Grammatical integration Grammatical integration presents the greatest difficulty for terms borrowed from a foreign language. Indeed, the grammar of the language which borrows does not necessarily follow the same rules as that of the original language: when French, with its grammatical genders, borrows lexemes from English which do not have the same grammatical gender (only animate nouns being masculine or feminine), the borrowed terms take on a gender in order to adapt to the French grammatical system. Among the 52 borrowings in my corpus which belong to the lexical class of nouns, 40 are masculine (77%), 6 feminine (11.5%), and 6 are epicene2 (11.5%). These figures are quite similar to those of my previous research (Bernard 2006), where masculine was the most frequent gender (87.4%), then feminine (9%) and epicene (3.6%). 3.4. Morphological integration I will now examine morphological integration, which relates to the structure of the lexical item. Most lexemes are made up of several elements (roots, prefixes and suffixes) and every language has its own combination system. Guiraud (1965: 105–106) writes: Thus, the French, Spanish and Italian languages share suffixes and prefixes which all come from a unique Latin form […] similarly, the English language has prefixes and suffixes that derive from medieval French or Latin and which can be easily adapted […] but other languages send us words whose forms do not merge into the system of our language. They then live there in an isolated state, viewed as a mere root: roast beef, jockey, pergola, etc. (translation M. B.)

English, unlike French, does not organise its verbs into types (named ‘groups’ in French), and, also unlike French, some English lexical items can belong to more than one lexical class. For example, putt can be both a verb and a noun (the context clears up any ambiguity). In French, simple verbal forms are made up of a root, which represents the meaning of the verb, and of a grammatical ending, which indicates mode, tense and person. The root is generally invariable. Traditionally, three groups can be distinguished: the first group includes verbs which have an infinitive ending in -er; the 2

74

Epicene designates a word which is used in either gender.

second group of verbs ends in -ir; the third group includes all verbs that do not belong to any of the first two groups. This classification is important in that it dictates how a verb is going to be conjugated. Moreover, French, unlike English, does not allow any change in the grammatical class of the lexical item without appending a suffix to it. Verbs thus created generally belong to the first group (e.g. the verb sprinter is a derivative of the lexeme sprint and of the suffix -er). This statement is true for most of the neologisms created or borrowed in French. Dauzat (1950: 149, translation M. B.) explains: “Generally speaking, the language gradually eliminates abnormal constructions and generalizes the most common types. During the classical period, the first conjugation becomes prominent and has constantly gained ground since”. When they are borrowed, the English verbs have to follow the morphological rules of the verbal paradigm of French. Borrowings are therefore adapted, which generally happens through the suffix of the first conjugation. Indeed, every single verb of my corpus belongs to that conjugation: it represents the most regular type and includes 90% of French verbs (cf. Riegel / Pellat / Rioul 1994).

4. The sociolinguistic study The borrowed lexical items in the domain of football have been partly integrated, grammatically and morphologically, but we know that successful integration of foreign language borrowings involves not only conformity to the rules of the target language, but also their appropriation by its speakers. The description of the integration of a foreign word must therefore be associated with the study of its actual use. In the presentation of the corpus, I pointed out that even a paper that refers to itself as “the sports and automotive daily” uses anglicisms that do not necessarily belong to the field of sports. Most of the lexical items in the corpus covering football belong to this sport, but some of them, such as star, casting, tabloid or test, belong to other domains, such as the cinema or social sciences. This characteristic of the borrowings partly exemplifies the role and importance of football in our society. Indeed, even though the language of football is a technical language, this sport, thanks to its development and success, has opened up new areas of activity. Football players are considered stars, they feature in movies and some producers even make whole movies about their lives (for example Zidane, a portrait of the 21st century). They support charities for sick children and make millions doing commercials. In this article, however, only lexical items have been considered whose first meaning belongs to the domain of football (or sports in general). 4.1. The subjects In order to determine what the real uses of these lexical items are among French speakers, I conducted a sociolinguistic survey using a written questionnaire, which was distributed to 250 people. Table 2 below shows the categories sex, age and education level. The first level of education corresponds to basic qualifications, the second to Alevels and the third to university.

75

Sex age 18–34 age 35–54 over 55 TOTAL

First level of education (1) M F 9 6 15 13 10 10 34 29

Second level of education (2) M F 8 11 8 12 7 9 23 32

Third level of education (3) M F 32 27 26 22 15 10 73 59

Total

93 96 61 250

Table 2: Distribution of surveys

4.2. Knowledge of lexical items The subjects were asked whether they knew the lexical items presented to them in a list. The question asked was as follows: “What are the words you do not know?” Let me clarify first what “knowing a word” means. Any individual has in his vocabulary a series of lexical items he has already heard or read without necessarily being able to give an accurate definition of them. According to Charles Muller (1977: 41), we define the lexicon of an individual, the idiom he usually uses (his mother tongue in general), as the set of lexemes he ‘knows’, in other words the series of phonical or graphical images he has already perceived in the speech of other members of his linguistic community and which he associates with a certain semantic content. (translation M. B.)

For this question about the knowledge of lexical items, I had to use simple, nontechnical vocabulary that could be understood by everyone. The verb ‘to know’ has a meaning that is vague enough for everybody to find sense in it; in everyday language, it means ‘to understand’ and doesn’t necessarily refer to the use of a lexical item. According to Le Petit Larousse Illustré (Dictionary, 2007), it means: ‘to have a more or less exact idea, understand more or less accurately’. We have to bear in mind that the subjects in this study belonged to all social classes and therefore the questionnaire had to remain accessible to allow for those who did not have in-depth metalinguistic knowledge Table 3 displays the 38 lexical items belonging to the domain of football and the percentage of answers depicted as follows: total for all categories (sex, age and education level), total for all male subjects, then female subjects. I then analysed answers according to age: 18–34, 35–54 and above 55. Finally, I consider the answers for each level of education: basic qualification (1), A-levels (2), university (3). Remember that the question was “What are the words you do not know?”, i.e. a percentage of 0 means that the lexical item was known by all participants.

76

Sex Female

Age 18–34 35–54

+55

1

Education level 2 3

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N°

Lexical item

Total

Male

1 2 3 4 5/6 7/8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38

compétition entraînement/ entraîneur/ entraîner finale/finaliste foot/football handicap manager match pénaliser penalty performance pro/ professionnel punch qualification/ qualifier record score sponsor / sponsoring challenge coach outsider dribbleur supporter bookmaker fair-play corner derby footballistique groggy goal-average soccer fighting-spirit head-coach

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 1,2 1,2 1,2 1,6 1,6 3,2 3,6 5,6 8 9,2 19,6 21,6 26,8 29,6 34,4

TOTAL

4,4%

3,1%

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1,5 0,8 0 2,3 1,5 1,5 1,5 4,6 3,1 5,4 16,2 7,7 12,3 20 37,5

0,8 1,7 2,5 0,8 1,7 5 5,8 6,7 13,3 13,3 23,3 36,7 42,5 40 31,5

0 0 2,2 1,1 0 2,2 4,3 5,4 12,9 5,4 36,6 22,6 16,1 28 31,2

1 1 1 2,1 3,1 3,1 3,1 7,3 6,3 15,6 13,5 22,9 27,1 28,1 36,5

3,3 3,3 0 1,6 1,6 4,9 3,3 3,3 3,3 4,9 3,3 18 42,6 34,4 36,1

0 0 1,6 0 1,6 7,9 7,9 4,8 11,1 11,1 19 23,8 39,7 38,1 33,3

3,6 3,6 3,6 3,6 1,8 5,5 5,5 5,5 14,5 9,1 30,9 29,1 40 41,8 34,5

0,8 0,8 0 1,5 1,5 0 0,8 6,1 3,8 8,3 15,2 29,1 15,2 20,5 34,8

5,9%

4,4%

4,7%

4,3%

5,3%

6,1%

3,6%

Table 3: Anglicisms in football

Among the 38 lexical items belonging to the domain of football, 23 were known by all subjects, 7 by more than 95% of them, and only 8 were known by between 65% and 95% of the subjects. The results show that, if a lexical item is not known by men, it is not known by women either, and women declare a knowledge of fewer lexical items than men do. Rethaker / Thibert (1977) remind us that football is a sport created by men for men, and

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even if more and more women are playing it today, most of the registered players are men. For the age group from 18 to 34, the results for less known lexical items are identical to the totals. Conversely, the subjects above 55 years of age showed that they know more that the other two groups. An explanation for this might be that the older an individual, the more likely he is to have played the sport and therefore the more knowledgeable he will be about its specific vocabulary. Finally, the results show that the level of education influences the knowledge of these anglicisms. Level 3 subjects had a lower percentage, which could be explained by their knowledge of English, since we know that the higher the educational level of individuals, the more likely they are to have an advanced knowledge of the language. Indeed, an individual is all the likelier to have had significant exposure to the English language if he has received higher education. However, I also noticed that people with the lowest level of education are more knowledgeable than people with A-levels education. I think this might be due to their greater knowledge of popular culture and football culture in general.

5. Conclusion With more than two million registered players, record TV ratings and extensive coverage in the print media, there is no denying that football is the ‘king’ of sports in France. Football was codified in England, but its development in France has influenced both its practice and the expansion of its vocabulary. This analysis shows that its vocabulary, mostly inherited from English, has experienced lexical (thanks to the borrowing of nouns), grammatical (all nouns have acquired a gender) and morphological integration (verbs have integrated through the first conjugation) into French. The sociolinguistic analysis shows the level of knowledge of borrowed lexical items used in football: of 38 items, 23 are known by 100% of the surveyed population, 7 are known by more than 95% and 8 are known by between 65% and 95% of the subjects. The study also allows for some attempts at defining the relationship between French speakers and their language and the vocabulary of football: football is the ‘king’ of sports; it plays a very important role in French society; and its vocabulary is largely known by the sample surveyed, irrespective of age, level of education or sex. Unlike most research on anglicisms based on corpora put together from dictionaries, this research yields only partial results, since the corpus that was used originated from newspapers, in other words authentic texts, which both reflect the thoughts of their authors and readers and exemplify actual usage. The language of journalists may not be extremely formal, but it is closer to speakers’ usage. Moreover, the aim of this study was not to present thorough results that could be considered significant on a large scale, but rather to suggest trends which further studies can build upon. More lexical items could be submitted to subjects of another survey, and the integration and knowledge of the items could also be compared across different French-speaking countries.

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References Bernard, Mélanie (2006): Les anglicismes dans le sport en langue française: modes d’intégration et aspects sociolinguistiques. Bordeaux: thèse de doctorat Bonnaffé, Édouard (1920): Dictionnaire des anglicismes. Paris: Librairie Delagrave Dauzat, Albert (1950): Phonétique et grammaire historiques de la langue française. Paris: Larousse Durry, Jean / Jeu, Bernard (1992): L’histoire en mouvement. Paris: Armand Colin Garnier, Yves / Vinciguerra Mady / Jeuge-Maynard, Isabelle (2007): Le Petit Larousse Illustré, Paris: Larousse Guiraud, Pierre (1965): Les mots étrangers. Paris: PUF Le Bidois, Robert (1970): Les mots trompeurs ou le délire verbal. Paris: Hachette Le Floc’moan, Jean (1962): La genèse des sports. Paris: Payot Meyer, Gaston (1966): L’athlétisme. Paris: Éditions La Table Ronde Muller, Charles (1977): Principes et méthodes de statistique lexicale. Paris: Hachette Rethacker, Jean-Philippe / Thibert, Jacques (1977): La fabuleuse histoire du foot. Paris: ODIL Riegel, Martin / Pellat, Jean-Christophe / Rioul, René (1994): Grammaire méthodique du français. Paris: PUF

Mélanie Bernard Université Michel de Montaigne, Bordeaux 3 Rés. La Mirandole, Apt 3A 141 route de Toulouse 33400 TALENCE, France e-mail: [email protected]

79

ADEL EL SAYED

EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC AND THE BRITISH OCCUPATION THE CASE OF FOOTBALL Great Britain’s occupation of Egypt (1881–1882), as a part of the Ottoman Empire, was not the first but the ultimate encounter between Europe and the Orient. The occupation helped in moving the whole region, especially Egypt, in evaluating itself and comparing its own capabilities with those of alien ‘others’. When the national issue dominated British-Arab-Egyptian encounters, issues like language, cultural customs and traditions, as well as forms of entertainment became important for Egyptians. The main topic of this paper deals with the question of Egyptian colloquial Arabic being ‘infected’ with a huge amount of British vocabulary around football, despite the will of the natives to nationalize all spheres of life. The conflict of Arabic equivalents existing for the vocabulary used, on the one hand, and the will to practise some form of flexibility, on the other, emerges. The separation of Classical from Colloquial Arabic was the main consequence of that encounter: there are in fact two languages used in the Arabic homelands.

1. A socio-political introduction The French expedition under Napoleon Bonaparte into Egypt (1798) was the first European invasion in modern times to shock the Arabic-speaking world, which was at the time an essential part of the Ottoman Empire in Southwest Asia and North Africa. This expedition revived memories in the Egyptian people concerning the violence that had occurred during the time of the European Crusades, but the new French invasion was completely different. At the beginning they tried to attract as broad a spectrum of Egyptian Arabs as possible for modernization, development and brotherhood among the peoples of the Orient and Europe, but without success1. The French expedition lasted only three years due to the resistance of the Egyptian people and British ambitions to gain its part of the area to secure its route to Asia. The impact on all levels of the ‘Arab-Oriental way of life’ was big enough to influence the whole region, including Egypt. After this the Egyptian people asked themselves: “What are the reasons that we are underdeveloped?” and “Why are the Europeans so advanced?” With these two questions the period of ‘The Modern Orient’ began, sending thousands of young men, with their religious ‘supervisors’, mainly to France to accumulate ‘all the missed sciences’, beginning with the translation of European literatures and ending with studying European philosophy. When the Arab-Ottomanli young men returned back home, they gave reports on their scientific studies and on the life of people in Europe. It is still interesting to read such reports about what they had found in Europe. Mohammed Abdo wrote at the time that he himself had found “Islam” in Europe, “An Islam without Muslims”, whereas at home (Egypt) there were “Muslims without Islam” – an expression still used in Arabic, 1

See Al Sa‘id 1978: 21–51.

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which means that the people of Europe were living in a spirit of high values, whereas at home this was not the case. Soon after the evacuation of the French troops from Egypt (1801), a small contingent of British troops tried to invade Egypt (1807), without success. One consequence followed with the rise of a new dynasty under the Albanian Governor of Egypt, Mohammed Ali, breaking with the Ottoman Empire. He then declared his ideas for modernizing the country, putting it on his agenda to break with the underdevelopment prevailing in the region. Most historians have called the time of Mohammed Ali “the establishment of modern Egypt”. As with other Arabs, the Egyptians strove for ‘self-rule’ within the Ottoman Empire. Among politicians and intellectuals a heated discussion ensued, which led to the idea of independence, only a short time before the outbreak of World War I and under the British occupation of Egypt. They knew of the high costs involved in connection with independence and modernization, but how to accomplish this without high risk? This was the key question. The Ottoman Empire was situated on a solid religious basis as its legitimacy for controlling the Arab-speaking areas from Tunisia to Iraq to Palestine and Egypt. The Arab leaders at the time thought one way or another that their independence from the Ottoman Empire could be based on a secular base, contrasting with the religious legitimacy of the Ottoman Empire. Cooperation with Europe was one of their first goals. At the time the cooperation with Europe meant they would become a modern nation, but should the Arabs erase their language to become modern?2 The second generation of Mohammed Ali’s dynasty, Khedive Ismail, began to invest in huge projects such as the Suez Canal, which led to the revival of foreign ambitions, mainly on the part of the French and British. Mismanagement and corruption within the Egyptian leading class led to British occupation from 1881 to 1882. Egyptian resistance to the occupation could not stop the British from gaining control of the Suez Canal and then the whole country including Sudan, which belonged to the Egyptian government at the time.

2. Colloquial versus classic Arabic Shauqi Ðaif3 proved that Egyptian colloquial language had begun to ignore classical Arabic grammar from the 12th century onwards, which in turn led to adopting foreign vocabulary in daily use. From the same century onwards, different Turkish dynasties ruled the Arab-speaking region; by the 16th century the Ottoman Empire was gradually consolidating its authority in the entire region. The Turkish language was the main administrative language, which led to a lot of Turkish and Farsi vocabulary entering different Arabic colloquial languages, especially Egyptian colloquial language. During that time another European influence, mainly Italian, Greek and French vocabulary, was making its way into colloquial Arabic through Turkish. We find a lot of vocabulary influence through the military, technical and artistic foreign words used in Egyptian

2 3

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See ‘Abd al Hakim, 1979: 61–69. See aif 1994: 11–14.

colloquial Arabic. With the British occupation of Egypt, these words were used daily and dramatically expanded the colloquial language.

3. Great Britain in Egypt Great Britain concentrated its troops in Egypt. With the Suez Canal being their main area of interest, the cities in the coastal areas became their focus of interest. In the end, Britain had spread its main forces to gain control of the whole country. At the beginning of the occupation, the British troops lived in their own camps and military zones around or near the main cities, like Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said, Ismailiyya, and others. Their military camps were quite a distance from the mainstream Egyptian population to avoid any problems. The British tended to spend their free time inside their own camps before getting into contact with the Egyptians. The camps were fenced off and the Egyptians were not allowed to get close. While the British were in the fenced-in areas, the Egyptians were able to watch the activities of the military. Football was one of their favourite games. In fact, they spent a great part of their free time playing football. Their dress, games, language and appearance were very different from that of the Egyptians. Concerning dress, before the British occupation, the French expedition had introduced a new European look that differed dramatically from that of the oriental tradition with its long dress (Djalabiyya), which had prevailed for centuries and was still intact. From the French the Egyptians got their Qami˜ (Qum˜an) for shorts and Banšalon (Banšalonat) for trousers in the colloquial language4. There were no suitable equivalents in Arabic for shorts and trousers. The acceptance of such terms was limited only to colloquial Arabic. This linguistic development became evident on the streets through contact with foreigners. Concerning games, the Egyptians were accustomed to games which were largely individual. While two or four persons, or more, played some sorts of traditional games, such as different domino-like board games, a Ta›œib was a war-skill game or a duel between two men playing with a wooden stick. A group of other people would stand around, forming a circle and watching them. Even riding in a festive manner was individual. Their own separate playground was close to or at home, at the corner of a street. Singing and dancing were particular activities for celebrating specific occasions, like marriage, birth and so on. Watching the British occupiers playing football was new. They were dressed in short trousers and had special shoes. It took a long time to break with social reserve and to make contact with them. The British in their camps invited the neighbours to watch them play and then to play a game with them. The Egyptians accepted the invitation of the occupiers and had a pleasant time playing. The students were the first to adapt to the game, but in which language? In Arabic there were no equivalents for the words which the British were chanting during the game. The Egyptians accepted those words only for the time they were playing.

4

For more details, see Woidich 1990.

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Football became a national sport when football clubs were established5, with names like Football Club Al Ahli (The National), established in 1907 in Cairo, Football Club Al Ita›ad (The Union) established in 1914 in Alexandria, and Football Club Al MiŸri (The Egyptian) established in 1917/1920 in Port Said. Following that, The Egyptian Football Association, EFA, was founded (1920). Radio and TV showed great interest in spreading football and helped popularize it not only inside Egypt but through the whole Arab region. Radio and TV led people to accept the foreign football language, and to make it everybody’s language.

4. From head to toe Most of the English football vocabulary is still used in daily Egyptian colloquial Arabic; the following table shows some of the words used and their Arabic equivalents6:

English expression

Equivalent in Arabic Transcribed into English

Equivalent in Arabic

Expression used

Football

Qurat al ¨adam

Foodball

Olympic

Olymbi

©ª«¬­ ®¯± ³´µ¶¬·¸

Olympian

Olymbi

³´µ¶¬·¸

Olympic games

Al ‘ab olymbiyya

Stadium

Mal‘ab

Match

Mubarah

Team

Fari ¨

Centre

Markaz

Game

Mubarah

Half-time

NuÅ -l- Waqt

Half-time

aÍÎaut al Awal

¹¶´µ¶¬·¸ º»¼¬¸ ½¼¾¿ ®­À»´¿ Á¯à ı¯¿ ®­À»´¿ ÆÇȬ­ ÊËÌ Ï·Ñ­ ÒÈÔ¬­

Extra time

Al Wa ¨t al I afi

Referee

×akam

Goalkeeper

×aris Marma

5 6

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See http://www.efa.com.eg, 28/10/2007. See Elias / Elias 1974: 72–101.

³Ã»ÕÖ­ ÆÇȬ­ ÙÚØ Û¿¯¿ ÝÀ»Ø

Olymbi Olymbiat (Pl.) Olymbi Olymbiyya (Fem.) Olymbiyyada (I) stad Much Team Centre Game Half-time AÍÎaut al Awwal Half-time Extra time ×akam Ref Goan Goal Goalkeeper

Goal

Hadaf

Þªá

Left back

Mudafi‘ Aisar

¯â¸ ãíª¿

Right back

Mudafi‘ Aiman

åµÂ¸ ãíª¿

Backs

Mudafi‘ iin

Libero

-

Left wing

Gina× Aisar

Right wing

Gina× Aiman

Wings

Agni×a

嶼íª¿ ¯â¸ æ»ëì åµÂ¸ æ»ëì ¹íëì¸

Centre Forward

Ras ×arbah

Corner

Ðarbah Rukniyya

Foul

ðaltah

Penalty

Ðarbat Gaza

ó­Äì ¹ï¯Õ

Out

ôarig

õÀ»÷

Offside

Tasallul

ø¾âù

Head

Ras

Over

Kurah ‘aliyyah

Ý­À ¹¶¬»ú ®¯±

Shoot (Noun)

Raklah

Shoot (Verb)

Ðarbah Îaû Bi Îuû

Slippers

Gazmah ôafifah

Boot

Gazmat Kurah

Shorts

¨amiÅ

ÿ¶µÇ

Shorts

Bantaloon (-at)

Hard Luck

×az wi××iÍ


Ⱦñëï »ÌȾñëï Ø· Ø

¹ï¯Ø Ý­À ¹¶ë±À ¹ï¯Õ ¹ñ¾ò

¹¾±À ¹ï¯Õ ʶý÷ ó­þØ ®¯± ó­þØ

Goan Goal Left back Back Îimal Right back Back Yamin Backat (Pl.) Libero Left wing Right wing Agni×a Wingat (Pl.) Centre Forward Corner Foul ðaltah Benalty Benaltiyyat (Pl.) Out Outat (Pl.) Offside Offside-at (Pl.) Head Over Overat (Pl.) Îuûa Îuûaat (Pl.) Îaû ByÎaû Slibs Boot Bootat (Pl.) Fanillah Fainallat (Pl.) Shorts Shortat (Pl.) Hard Luck

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Good Luck

×az Kiwaiyis

Good Play

-

Fair Play

Li‘ b Nazif

Âȱ Ø Ê¶Ì ½¼¬

Good Luck Good Play Fair Play

Table 1: Some English expressions and their Arabic equivalents

5. English football vocabulary and its use in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic There is a linguistic dilemma prevailing in the biggest of the Arab world countries concerning the use of English football vocabulary. Egypt, with its 75 million inhabitants, sets linguistic standards in this field7. Several million Egyptians work abroad in the wealthy oil countries of the Gulf area. There are also Egyptians working in all educational fields of most Arab states. In addition to this, another strong factor concerns the spreading of the ‘word’ through Egypt’s music, cinema and radio, which facilitates adopting foreign vocabulary in every field. To understand how important football has really become to the life of the average Egyptian (and also the average Arab), it is sufficient to see how Abd arRahman Fahmy summarizes “Egypt’s period of encountering the greatest civilization” in the “establishment of Al Ahli Football Club, Cairo University and the production of the first cinema film in Arabic in 1907” (Fahmy s.a.). Despite all this, the linguistic dilemma continues to be heard and seen by Egyptians who use English football vocabulary. It is claimed that a limited group of Egyptians, namely ‘high society’ or the ‘elite’, use numerous French words like merci, pardon and au revoir in their daily colloquial language. In this case, the use of words originating from a different language is directly related to the educational level and the financial situation of that ‘elite’. On the other hand, people get to hear (and only to hear) English football vocabulary on the radio or the TV channels. People in the street use it, and we realize that there is no boundary separating the ‘elite’ from the ‘lower classes’ – they all use the same words. In order to resolve this linguistic dilemma, print media act like a dam, stopping all the foreign vocabulary from infiltrating the language. Even writers who use English football vocabulary in all the above-mentioned media tend to use the Arabic equivalents in writing and publishing. There is no other way to get access to the print media.

6. Mixing colloquial with classic Arabic, the Egyptian way Some of the football terminology originating from English and used by the Egyptians, and with them by most Arabs, represents a kind of fusion with classical Arabic. The word shoot, for example, has no direct Arabic equivalent. But there is a word with a similar spelling. It means ‘a period’, or  aut (singular) and A aut (plural). Speakers often swap the two words and their meanings in English and Arabic, which inspired the Egyptians to adopt the English verb shoot, constructing their own equivalent to it in 7

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For more details, see Badawy 1973.

Arabic:  aœ (to shoot or to kick in past tense) and Bi uœ (to shoot or kick in present tense). At the same time, the Arabic word ( aut for ‘a period’) is used to create an equivalent for half-time and also for the noun (shot). Another example of such a confusing blend of words and meanings is the term head, with its similar Arabic verb hadd (‘to destroy’). This inspired the Egyptians to use head with an ambivalent meaning to comment on ‘a head’ shot by the opponent’s team: (Allah yi-‘head’- ak) or “May God destroy you”. 7. Mixed sentences It is interesting to hear how foreign words are mixed with the native colloquial vocabulary in a linguistic synthesis. Here are some examples to illustrate how present they are already in Egypt’s daily language: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Al Much fir Radio. = The Match (is to be heard) on the radio. Raye› bil Baas lil Istad. = I am taking the bus to the stadium. Di mush Goan di Out! = It is not a goal, it is out! Er Ref edda Benaltiaat wi Faulaat ketira. = The referee gave a lot of penalties and fouls.

8. Conclusion The use of English football vocabulary in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic is common among all classes of Egyptian society. This shows a high degree of linguistic flexibility in describing what is only an issue of relatively minor significance, a game. Its use is limited to the spoken media, TV and radio. Print media exclude foreign terminology. Ultimately, the reason for not using vocabulary originating from a foreign language is a nationalist one.

References ‘Abd al Hakim, Shauqi (1979): ‘Almanat adDawlah wa ‘Aqlanat AtTurath (To secularize the state and to rationalize the traditions). Beirut: Dar al Awdah Al Sa‘id, Rif‘aat (1978): Al Mualafat al Kamilah (Complete Works). Part I. Cairo: Dar ath-Thaqafa al Gadiah Badawy, AsSaiyyd (1973): Mustawaiyyat Al ‘Arabiyyah Al Mu‘airah fi Misr (Standards of modern Arabic in Egypt). Cairo: Dar al Ma ‘arif

aif, Shauqi (1994): Ta×rifat al ‘Amiyyah lil Fu ×ah (The colloquial distortion of classic Arabic). Cairo: Dar al Ma ‘arif Elias, A. E./ Elias, Edward (1974): Elias’ practical grammar and vocabulary of colloquial Arabic. A simple course for non-grammarians, containing the most useful words only, with the necessary tenses of the verbs, and plurals of the nouns and adjectives. Cairo: Al Muassasah al ‘Asriah li ûibaah Fahmy, Abd arRa×man, s.a.: a× anNom (Get awaken!). http://gom.com.eg/algomhuria, 14/11/2007 Woidich, Manfred (1990): Ahlan Wa Sahlan. Eine Einführung in die Kairoer Umgangssprache. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag

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Mag. Dr. Adel El Sayed Internationales Spracheninstitut (ISI) Institut für Politikwissenschaft Universität Innsbruck Innrain 52 6020 Innsbruck e-mail: [email protected]

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MUHAMMAD Y GAMAL

THE FINAL WHISTLE: HOW FOOTBALL TERMINOLOGY TOOK ROOT IN ARABIC Egyptian football effectively kicked off with the establishment of football clubs as early as 1905. The British occupation of Egypt in 1882 brought football to the Nile Valley. When the Egyptian Cup began in the twenties of the last century, the language of the sport was predominantly English. The course of football terminology is essentially an audiovisual trip dramatically affected by the media. When Egypt won the African Cup in 2006 and again in 2008, a century had passed since the early matches were played and the language of football had taken root. This paper examines the long journey of football terminology in Arabic. It will examine the effects the mass media have had on the coining of Egyptian football terms.

1. Historical note Ancient Egyptian paintings depict a game where players “kicked” a round object on the ground with their feet. Whether this is accepted as the earliest evidence of what is today known as football or not remains to be seen. However, historians agree that one of the more positive side-effects of the British occupation of Egypt was the introduction of football. Egyptians watched British soldiers play the game in Cairo as early as the 1890s.1 In the early years of the new century, Egyptians began kicking the ball themselves. They played against British soldiers and, when sporting clubs were founded in the major cities of Cairo, Alexandria and the Suez Canal, football was the main sport played. Two major teams were founded: Ahly in 1907 and Zamalek2 in 1911, both clubs based in Cairo. However, the game was essentially played by the bigger and richer high schools and also among various university colleges. Initially, the British played one team at a time. With the Sultan’s Cup Competition formed in 1922, football had officially kicked off. Back then, the print media were the only source of information while the game was slowly becoming known outside of Cairo and Alexandria. With the advent of radio in 1934, sports commentary began and the language of football was born. However, it was not until the League Competition was introduced in 1948 that the sport became really popular and the famous derby of Ahly – Zamalek was a prominent event. The two teams have been the backbone of Egyptian football, although other derbies in Alexandria and the Suez Canal were also established. With the advent of 1

2

There is a scene in the film Gallipoli (1981) where Australian soldiers, stationed in Egypt during WWI, play rugby near the pyramids. It is interesting to observe that the scene in the film is not dissimilar to what the British were doing: playing football in Egypt. Zamalek, the second largest club in Egypt, was initially founded as the Mukhtalat (‘Mixed’), which referred to its members being a mixture of Egyptians and foreigners. Later, under the patronage of King Farouk, it changed its name to Farouk Club. When the King was deposed in the wake of the 1952 Revolution, the club changed its name for the third time by taking the name of the suburb it had moved to, Zamalek.

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television football entered every home and the game became the national sport of the country.

2. From foreign concepts to native expression El kora (‘the ball’) is the popular term used for football in Arabic. Although several sports use different shapes of balls, the term has been exclusively reserved for football. Egyptian boys started with kora sharab (‘socks ball’), which was usually made of sponge stuffed into a sock or pantyhose and played almost everywhere indoors and outdoors, in school and house yards and outside in streets big and small, and is commonly known as ‘street football’. It is amazing how small children understood and absorbed the rules of the game. While they may have disagreed on how to interpret the action on the pitch, they still understood the rules, appreciated the game and coined their own terms. Street football in Egyptian cities has its own type of language. The print media popularised the sport and disseminated knowledge of the game. Egypt’s early participation in the World Cup in 1934 served as a great boost to the emerging national pastime. However, it must be taken into account that the terminology did not take root at that stage and it has since then been full of foreign terms, mostly ambiguous Arabic terms and even contradictory ones. That was mainly due to two factors: 1) The game was still ‘foreign’ and the masses did not understand the language of football. 2) Arabic is a diglossic language with two forms (see Ferguson 1959). The first is the High variety reserved for literary discourse and formal occasions, the language of writing and speeches. The other is the Low variety, which is the spoken language of everyday use, jokes, small talk and conversation. Thus, football terminology was borrowed into Arabic, such as for instance centre, corner, out, offside, over, double-kick, third back, libero, goal, foul, hattrick, placing and linesman. However, other terms underwent certain phonological changes,: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

goan (goal keeper) ref (referee) farawda (forward players) backat (defenders) blenty (penalty)

It is also interesting to observe that some foreign terms were borrowed as verbs, such as 6. 7. 8.

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Ye-centre (to kick off) Ye-basi (to pass the ball), Ye-shoot (to kick).

In early attempts to assimilate the terms, some principles were followed, with varying degrees of success. Thus, 9. 10. 11. 12.

The stretcher became ‘the transporter’, The substitutes became ‘reserves’, Stoppage time became ‘lost time’, The linesman became ‘the flag carrier’.

Further, with the popularity of sports commentary more than one equivalent for the same foreign term has been introduced, for instance: 13. 14.

The quarter final is also ‘the Round of Eight’, as well as the Quarter final. The semi final is the round of four or simply the semi final.

Today, most football terminology has been integrated and the terminology has taken root in Arabic. It is interesting to watch old soccer matches on video and DVD and to listen to the commentary of early matches when commentators used terminology that is not only outdated, but also outmoded: outdated in the sense that Arabic terms have been coined and popularised through print, audiovisual and electronic media, and outmoded in the sense that the sport itself has in its development introduced new rules (extra-time, penalty shootout, yellow/red cards, the number of substitutes allowed, golden/silver goals etc.). Some of these developments have since been dropped. El Wahsh, one of Egypt’s football stars in the fifties and early sixties, argues that “football received a boost with the advent of television and sports commentary which occupied a permanent section in the print media.” (1997: 17)

3. The audiovisual journey Football began as a foreign game brought to the Nile by the occupying British soldiers and through contact with the British in Cairo and other foreigners working for the Suez Canal Company in the Suez Canal cities of Port Said and Ismailia, as well as in Alexandria. Through the numerous multilingual communities in that city the game, but not the terminology, was popularised. The language of football remained foreign through the use of many foreign terms. The long journey of assimilation went through four major stages, which can be traced through the development and proliferation of audio-visual media: print media, radio, television and, with digital technology, satellite channels. (Gamal 2007) The process of assimilation through the media also involved a multi-faceted process of translation, interpretation and integration in the broadest sense of the word. For instance, translation meant searching for equivalents in Arabic. At times translators were searching for direct equivalents, but in some cases they opted for literal translations as well. It is symptomatic of new concepts that foreign terms take precedence over local equivalents despite their availability (Crystal 1993). Thus foul, corner, out, over, ref, off-side and goal proved to be ‘superior’ to their Arabic equivalents and remained for a long period in the Arabic lexicon. It is also interesting to observe that some foreign terms did not become popular in Arabic at all, such as striker, 91

where Muhajim as the Arabic equivalent was more popular. Likewise, some terms were incorrectly translated, such as: 15. 16.

‘stoppage time’ was translated as ‘lost time’, ‘substitutes’ was translated as ‘reserves’.

It is interesting to observe that some terms were translated descriptively rather than functionally, such as: 17.

The linesman became the ‘flag bearer’.

As the rules of the game were constantly being interpreted to the audience and viewers, the terminology underwent a massive change where terms became more local with a rise in the lexicon and with the idiomatic expressions of the game. There is no denying that television gave football a boost: commentators vied for the viewers’ ears as the eyes were able to see what was happening. This put pressure on commentators to inform and to entertain. This early form of ‘infotainment’ was brought about by the new technology. This period witnessed the interchangeable use of foreign terminology with their Arabic equivalents. TV commentary, rather than describing what was taking place on the pitch (as in radio commentary), attempted to interpret the events by providing analysis and commenting on the formations used, strategies and techniques. This required a level of football knowledge which soon became available through video libraries. Live, pre-recorded and delayed transmission meant that a lot of commentators (and indeed fans) began to seek information from different (albeit limited) sources. Yet, international games and competitions opened viewers’ eyes to different levels of football culture and with it came the process of linguistic assimilation (see Mikhael 2007). With digital technology came satellite channels. Football commentary became an art in its own right and commentators now had to have an encyclopaedic knowledge of football: names, dates, histories, formations, foreign coaches and records, as well as a vast repertoire of terms and unlimited linguistic abilities. In a nutshell, the language of football has taken root where it now seeks to inform and to entertain in the true sense of the multi-media word.

4. Print media Journalism gave football a launching pad that continued for the first fifty years of the game as we know it today. News, commentaries and clever plays on words in the headlines and photo captions all led to the popularisation of the game. Newspaper journalism in Egypt played a vital role in making football the sport of the masses.3 Football competition fever in Egypt began in the early years of the twentieth century with the Universities League. This took place during the British occupation of Egypt, when the English language domination of the sport became evident. Later, the 3

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The same thing could be said about football in Saudi Arabia and indeed most Arab countries. Sa’atie (1986) gives a detailed review of the role of the print media in popularising football in Saudi Arabia.

sports audio commentary would pick up on what the newspapers had said and gave it a further boost. What newspapers said is worth examining for two reasons. First, there is the development of the sports headline, and second the introduction of team nicknames. The presence of the British in Egypt during the First and Second World Wars, the establishment of the world governing body of football (FIFA), the establishment of the Egyptian Football Federation (1921), the organisation of the World Cup, have all necessitated a permanent link with the outside world, with translation providing such an invaluable link. Two Egyptian sports journalists are credited with giving Egyptian (and, to a large degree, Arab) sports journalism its solid foundation. Hamdi An-Nahass, writing for Al Goumhoria newspaper in Cairo, is credited with being the one who introduced the sports headline to Egyptian print media. His headline on the back-page of Al Gouhmoria would attract millions for packing so much into a headline of a few words. Such power in coining, phrasing, turning or even twisting a phrase was coupled with a refined sense of alliteration and rhyming slang. Examples of his flair are: 18. 19. 20.

When Ahly of Cairo meets Red Sea FC , he writes: “Al Ahly will try to cross the Red Sea” When Ismaily loses to the Suez Canal FC, he says: “Ismaily drowns in the Suez Canal” When Sekka Hadeed FC beats Ahly 6–0, he wittily writes: “It’s Setta Hadeed” “Setta” is six in Arabic and rhymes with Sekka.

The other influential journalist is Naguib Mestekawy, writing in the national newspaper Al Ahram; he is credited with many of the nicknames football clubs have today. Mestekawy, an avid reader and translator, helped to popularise the terminology of the sport through his post-match analyses.4 In his commentaries he would use a wide variety of techniques describing the events of the match. Though his headlines were not as powerful as those of An-Nahass, his nicknames are the reason why fans still remember him today. He was the one who gave the big teams of Cairo, Alexandria and Suez Canal and others their nicknames. Thus the major Egyptian teams are known as: 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

Ahly are El Shayateen El Homr (The Red Devils), Zamalek, El Khawagat (The Foreigners), Tersana, El Shawakeesh (The Hammers), Mahalla, El Fellaheen (The Farmers), Ismaily, El Daraweesh ( The Dervishes).

When Egypt won the African Cup in February 2008, Egyptian and Arab media continued the fine tradition of sport commentary inititiated by both Nahas and Mestekawy. Thus in their solid march to retain the trophy they won in 2006, the Pharaorahs overpowered the Nile Crocodiles (Zambia), snared the Desert Hawks (Sudan), tamed the Indomitable Lions (Cameroon) in the group stage before outfoxing the Black Antelopes (Angloa) and stampeded on the Elephants (Ivory Coast); and when the Pharaorahs met Cameroon in the final again they had to fight the wounded lions for the trophy.

4

To many sport reporters in the Arab world, Mestekawy is the doyen of Arabic sport journalism.

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5. Radio commentary The advent of radio is perhaps the first interface between football and communication technology in Egypt. Audio-commentary of football matches undoubtedly increased the popularity of the sport. Such commentary, being a spoken language, employed the colloquial variety of Arabic and helped in ‘localizing’ football discourse. In the absence of a formal strategy to ‘localize’ the sport’s terminology, most of the Arabic terms were actually lexically-borrowed English terms, but, interestingly, some Arabic verbs were derived from English nouns, such as /yesanter/ (to kick off) and /yebasi/ (to pass the ball) examined above. Penalty kick is another example of popular translation and ‘localization’ at work: it was modified to suit the local phonetic constraints where the non-existent /p/ is converted into /b/ and /n/ changed its position, creating Blenty. The skills of the commentators created a new discourse that was soon to become a genre of its own, with expressions specific to football, such as: 26. 27. 28.

“Football is goals” “More opportunities will be created” “A flag and a whistle”

Egypt’s illustrious commentator Muhammad Lateef (1909–1990), a veteran of Egypt’s first appearance at the World Cup in 1934, played an instrumental role in popularising the game. He followed in the footsteps of Mahmoud Badruldin, Egypt’s first football commentator, and began providing radio commentary from 1955. With the advent of television he established himself as the Arab World’s doyen of football commentators. His voice sounded in the background in several Egyptian films and he even starred in one Egyptian film, A Stranger in my House (1982). Radio commentary gave birth to Kora Sharab (‘socks ball’), or what is commonly known as street football.5 What listeners heard on the radio also applied to the schools and the streets of almost all Egyptian cities. Street football, apart from giving football the roots of the game, also gave the game its popular language and terminology. It invented verbs, nouns, adjectives and indeed whole expressions. This was a major step towards the integration of football terminology in Arabic. Later radio commentators would base their own success and popularity on their ability not only to interpret the rules and the terminology of the game, but also to coin phrases, verbs and idiomatic expressions. The long tradition of football commentary would give birth to a breed of commentators who would later popularise the game in several Arab capitals, particularly as the national sport became more established and teams began to participate at the African and Asian competitions, such as the Moroccan, Tunisian, Saudi and Iraqi teams (see Sa’aatie 1986, Hateet 1995, Mansha 2005).

5

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Football has featured in several films in Egyptian cinema and it is linguistically interesting to observe the terminology employed. In the film’s spoken variety of Arabic, the terminology is essentially derived from street football.

6. Television The advent of television has had an obvious impact on the sport. For instance, the tight programming constraints have led to the phasing out of the ‘replay’ rule and the introduction of ‘extra-time’. However, it also led to the birth of a different form of audio-visual football commentary, which required more skills than telling viewers what they could already see. This undoubtedly put more pressure on commentators to entertain viewers in a way that complemented the picture. Commentators resorted to particular syntactic and idiomatic structures and naturally the Arabic terms become more accepted and eventually integrated. However, this did not happen overnight. What began as visual description of the action taking place on the small screen was to develop into a form of infotainment in the modern sense of the word. Entertaining statistics, historical information, comparisons and reviews of previous matches complemented the commentary. The camera moves also helped commentators to catch their breath and to energize their linguistic imagery. One striking development in Arabic commentary was the appearance of the Arabic equivalents side-by-side with their English terms. Bilingual usage was a lesson in terminology translation and acquisition for young viewers. As the game developed, new terms were invented and confusion was later to develop when the modern terms stood, more or less, for the same position, albeit in different formations, such as libero, sweeper and third back. They were interchangeably used till the advent of a new genre of well-versed football commentators who were actually capable of describing to the viewers the formation of each team and how to spot changes on the pitch. Television and televised commentary gave football a big boost in the Arabic language. Teams in the south or outside the main cities in Egypt, and most Arab countries, appeared on television, which added to the popularity of the terminology in different linguistic communities within the same country (regional variations) and in different countries (local dialects). In the early sixties, delayed broadcasts, imported games and the coverage of major football events, particularly the World Cup, first gave fans a taste of international football, as well as a different type of football commentary. The new form of audio-visual commentary popularised the terminology, especially among young viewers who went out to play street football. Though no study of street football is known, it remains to be seen how the younger generations have modified and indeed codified the Arabic terminology of football. Hedadah speaks of the “significant role played by televised matches and the influence Egyptian football commentary has had on the sport in general in the Arab world” (2002: 7).

7. Satellite technology Live broadcasts of foreign matches have made it not only possible to watch good teams but also to experience many aspects of the game: from the pitch to the stands, the stadium screen, the lights, the technical facilities for filming the match (number of cameras, camera angles and the re-play facility), foreign-language commentary and, most importantly, the behaviour of crowds (from the Mexican wave to hooliganism). Commentators were soon to introduce English idiomatic structures such as saint or 95

sinner, an own goal, to play a role, and man to man, rather than employing local expressions. Satellite technology made watching international competitions possible and more enjoyable as many commentators would work on the same competition. This introduced Egyptian viewers to football commentary in different dialects of Arabic, from Tunisia to the Gulf. Like other technical fields in Arabic, football terminology is subject to two major factors: 1) Regional variation resulting from the source language. The eastern part of the Arab World has traditionally sourced its terminology from English, whereas the western part (North Africa) from France. This is why milliard is used in Arabic rather than billion, Olympiade rather than the Olympic Games, the Mundiale rather than the World Cup, and throughout the Middle East (including Iran) Merci is much more favoured than Thank you! 2) Regional variation (local dialects) resulting from the socio-cultural gap between formal and colloquial Arabic. This is essentially a cultural/historical factor and affects some countries (Egypt and Lebanon) more than others (Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States). Regional variation adds a fresh touch to terminology and makes sports commentary a linguistic challenge in its own right. For instance, a corner is Korner (lexical borrowing) in Egypt, but Rukenya (direct equivalence) in North Africa and Zawya (lexical variation) in Lebanon. Satellite technology gave commentators the opportunity to compete in the linguistic art of football commentary, which varies from mere audio description to infotainment with lots of elucidation on the match (formation, tactics, errors, solutions, interpretation, etc.), as well as interesting historical information and factual statistics. It even encourages stage performance mimicking of the Latin American commentators’ famous and incredible cry “Goooooooooooooooooooooooool, Goal, Goal, Goal!” In the digital age and since the proliferation of satellite channels in the midnineties, and in the age of sports sponsorship and advertising, live football commentary has been changing fast. With more championships being televised live, such as the Arab, African and Asian League and cup competitions, more dialects are being heard. As more and more commentators from various Arab countries are being employed by various sports-dedicated channels to provide match commentary, the following trend has been observed over the last ten years: a greater tendency towards streamlining the terminology (see Hedadah 2002). Since France 1998 and with subsequent World Cup coverage, which has been watched by millions in the Arab World, football terminology in Arabic has been streamlined with virtually all terms been adequately translated into Arabic. The odd occasion appears when the commentator wishes to stress a point or to explain a rule and the English term is mentioned, though followed by its Arabic equivalent. In his entry on semantic change in the Encyclopedia of Language, David Crystal rightly comments on the nature of “lexical borrowing” by saying that “this term is not a very appropriate one as new words are not given back at a later stage” (1993: 330). As this paper has shown, some terms, given the right context, could be returned! However, a common observation is that, when a team wins, the Arabic congratulatory term Mabrouk is used, yet when it loses, the English phrase hard luck is 96

employed, perhaps in a bid to soften the point of defeat. And the only English term that appears to have defied domestication is hattrick!

8. Conclusion This examination of how football terminology took root in Arabic provides applied translation studies with a rich source for research at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. It has direct relevance for terminology studies in other fields, such as information technology and aviation, as well as the teaching of hard-core disciplines such as medicine, engineering and digital technology. One particularly significant area is the audio-visual influence on the process of linguistic integration and how technology has influenced terminology. However, this cannot be examined in isolation from linguistic, historical and demographic changes. For instance, when Egypt hosted and won the African Cup in March 2006, young female viewers were markedly present in the stadium. Football terminology has come full circle and is now totally localized with even different Arabic variations, from Tunisian to Saudi, Lebanese and Iraqi Arabic. In Ghana 2008, it was interesting to hear a myriad of Egyptianisms in the live commentary of the final won by Egypt. The commentary was superbly and passionately given in Arabic by a Tunisian.

References Crystal, David (1993): The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Langauge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press El Wahsh, Abdou Saleh (1997): Assasiyat Kurat Alqadam [Basics of football]. Cairo: Mukhtar publications Ferguson, Charles (1959): Diglossia. Word 15, 325–337 Gamal, Muhammad Y (2007): Audio Visual Translation in the Arab world: a changing scene. TWQ Vol 3, No 2. Translation Standards Institute. Pattterson Lakes, Australia. Hateet, Basheer (1995): Mawsou’at kurat alqadam lubnaniyah [Encyclopedia of football in Lebanon]. Beirut: Ezzedin Publishing Hedadah, Mohamed (2002): El mundiale [The World cup]. Beirut: Shoot Publishing Mansha, Diya’(2005): Mawsou’at kurat alqadam aliraqiyah [Encyclopedia of football in Iraq]. Baghdad: Iraq Football Association Mikhael, Yaccoub (2007): Alta’leek ’ala Al mubarayat [Football commentary] http://www.kululiraq.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=29642, 08/02/2008 Sa’atie, Ameen (1986) Tareekh al –haraka al- riyadiyah fil mamlakah assou’diyah [History of Sport in Saudi Arabia] . Jeddah: Darul’ilm Films cited A stranger in my house, 1982. Egypt Gallipoli, 1981. Australia Useful and relevant web sites Most Egyptian and Arab football clubs have their own websites and some have the contents translated into English.

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The website of Egypt’s most loved “Brazilian team” www.ismailyonline.com The websites of the two teams forming Egypt’s famous football derby: www.el-ahly.com www.zamalek.com The website of the Egyptian Football Federation: www.efa.com.eg The website of the Arab Federation of football: www.ua-fa.com

Muhammad Y Gamal University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected]

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2. FOOTBALL LANGUAGE

ŽELJKA MATULINA AND ZRINKA ORALI

IDIOMS IN FOOTBALL REPORTING In this paper the authors present the results of research into idioms in the context of football. The research is based on a corpus of Croatian, Bosnian, German and Austrian daily and sports newspapers published between 2005 and 2007. Croatian newspapers (CRO): Slobodna Dalmacija (SD), Zadarski list (ZL), Sportske novosti (SN), Nogomet (NO); Bosnian newspapers (BOS): Dnevni avaz (DA), Osloboenje (OS), Sport avaz (AS); German newspapers (GER): Kicker (KI), Bild (BI), Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FA); Austrian newspapers (AUS): Salzburger Nachrichten (SA), Kurier (KU), Wiener Zeitung (WZ), Die Presse (PR). The aim of the paper is to find out if there are any common and specific tendencies in the use of idioms in texts on football in the newspapers of these four geographically and linguistically neighbouring areas. The focus of the research is on the following issues: in which kind of newspaper articles and in which ways idioms are used, who the producers of idioms are and what the communicative intention is, and finally which extralinguistic domains the idiomatic ‘figures’ (“images”) belong to. The research shows that there are similar tendencies in using idioms. The study also shows that most idioms in football texts do not derive from the domain of sport itself, but rather from many other domains, which in a much more expressive way demonstrate the emotional involvement of the producers of such texts.

1. Introduction In this paper we deal with a description of common language idioms which are used in newspaper texts on football.1 Phraseological terms used in football are not considered in this paper. The two groups of expressions, phraseological terms on the one hand and idioms on the other, differ primarily in their basic function: football terms serve exclusively for internal communication among professionals2. Idioms3 have not only an important text-structuring and rhetorical function, but also an entertaining purpose4. It depends on the creativity of the text producer as to which idioms he will choose and how he will incorporate them into the text. The rule of formal invariability and 1

2

3

4

The dictionaries used for this research are Ani 2000, Back 2006, Duden 1992 and 1996, as well as Röhrich 1994 and Simrock 1988. „Das Besondere dieser Gruppe von Ausdrücken besteht darin, daß sie in ihrer Bedeutung strikt festgelegt (normiert)“ sind, wobei „diese Festlegung primär nur innerhalb des fachlichen Subsystems der Sprache“ gilt. „Nicht nur wissenschaftliche Fächer haben eine Terminologie, sondern beispielsweise auch Spiele (jmdn. matt setzen, ein Tor schießen)“ (Burger 1998: 47). An ‘idiom’ is a multilexical expression having a meaning different from the literal. In this paper we rely on Burger: idioms are part of “phraseology in a restricted sense” because of their “idiomaticity”. “Idiomaticity” means „dass die Komponenten eine durch die syntaktischen und semantischen Regularitäten der Verknüpfung nicht voll erklärbare Einheit bilden“ (Burger 1998: 15). Brandt (1982: 109–110) emphasizes the entertaining function of sport reporting: „Die unterhaltende Funktion der Sportberichterstattung erfordert neben der sachlichen die narrative und emotive Differenzierung des Vokabulars. Sportberichte und -reportagen würden ihren funktionalen Zweck verfehlen, wenn sie lediglich ‘objektive’ Protokolle wären. Sie sollen und wollen aber möglichst spannende ‘Erzählungen’ zum Mit- oder Nacherleben eines realen Geschehens sein“.

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neutrality is typical of the first group of phraseological units while exactly the opposite holds for idioms in the second group, i.e. they are mostly modified intentionally, turned round and used as a play on words (Matulina 1994: 119–120, Mieder 1999: 10); the text producer uses them in order to impress the receiver of the text. In the group of football terms the journalist also uses, wherever possible, witty lexical extensions or attributions (e.g. auf der Ersatzbank schmoren /SA/; George Best oder: Der nicht nur mit dem Ball tanzte /PR/ etc.). The original football term (auf der Ersatzbank, mit dem Ball) tends to remain intact since any kind of modification might render difficult the professional communication between experts or disturb the understanding of sport reports by receivers.

2. Corpus analysis 2.1. Frequency of idioms We had at our disposal a corpus of newspaper texts on football comprising a total of 562 pages, where we found 722 idioms. The Croatian subcorpus contains 202 pages with football topics and 258 idioms in them, which means that the idiom frequency is 1.27 per page. The Bosnian corpus contains 87 pages of football topics with 122 idioms, with the frequency being 1.40 per page. The German subcorpus is made up of 257 pages and 271 idioms, which means approximately 1 idiom per page. The Austrian subcorpus has 16 1/2 pages with 71 idioms, the frequency being 4.30 per page. The order is therefore as follows: the most frequent use of idioms in football texts is found in Austrian newspapers, which are followed by Bosnian and then Croatian. German newspapers have the lowest frequency of idioms in football texts. 2.2. Distribution of idioms in text types In the corpus idioms are distributed in the following types of texts5. In the Croatian subcorpus most idioms occur in ‘reports’ (118 idioms or 46% of the entire Croatian subcorpus), followed by ‘interviews’ (39 idioms or 15.11%). Within the Bosnian subcorpus most idioms are found in ‘reports’ (25 idioms or 20.49 %) and the same quantity in ‘short news’ (25 idioms). It has to be mentioned here that ‘reports’ in both subcorpora are, in all 25 examples, combined with fragments of ‘interviews’ or ‘talks’ with football players or leading persons of football clubs (trainers, managers, et al.). In the German subcorpus most idioms are also used in ‘reports’ (128 or 47.23%), while ‘commentary’ follows with 35 idioms (13%). It is only in the German subcorpus that the text type ‘readers’ letters’ appears with 11 idioms (4.05%). In the Austrian subcorpus most idioms are found in ‘commentaries’ (34 idioms or 48%), while ‘reports’ follow with 29 idioms (41%). The conclusion is that most idioms in all the four subcorpora are distributed in journalists’ ‘reports’ (300 idioms). They are followed by ‘commentaries’ (121 idioms) and finally by ‘interviews’ (92 idioms).

5

We have taken up Burger’s (Burger et al. 1982: 145) term ‘type of text’ (‘Texttyp’) instead of ‘sort of text’ (‘Textsorte’).

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2.3. Distribution of idioms in relation to text content What we were also interested in was the content of the newspaper articles on football in which the idioms occur. For this reason we classified the content of newspaper texts on football into five groups: (a) football matches, (b) players of football, (c) trainer, manager or other people in football clubs, (d) internal activities of a football team, and (e) external football events. In the Croatian and Bosnian subcorpora most idioms are distributed in the texts on football matches: in the Croatian subcorpus there are 125 idioms6 or 47%, while in the Bosnian subcorpus there are 45 idioms or 35%. In the German subcorpus most idioms are found in the texts on football players (111 idioms or 38.54%), while in the Austrian subcorpus most idioms are used in the texts on internal team activities (15 idioms or 21.12%). 2.4. Location of idioms in newspaper articles on football In addition, we wanted to find out in which part of the article idioms appear most frequently. The analysis of the material has revealed that in all the four subcorpora idioms are mainly integrated in the central part of the article (425 idioms or 59%), then in the last sentence (61 idioms or 8.44%) and finally in the introductory part of the article (57 idioms or 7.89%). These results confirm previous research on idioms in the mass media. It has been shown that idioms and proverbs very often appear already in the headlines as an introductory formulation or at the end of the article as a concluding, summarizing expression (Matulina: 1990, 1991a, 1991b). 2.5. Producers of idioms Another important issue in the analysis is who the producer of idioms is, i.e. who uses idioms most. We have come up with the following results. In the Croatian subcorpus, in most cases (166 examples) the producer of idioms is the journalist, who has signed his text with his full name. In the Bosnian subcorpus most idioms (54 examples) are also used by the journalist, signed only with initials, which might suggest that the editorial board participated in the selection of idioms. Only in the Bosnian subcorpus does a member of the player’s family appear as a producer of idioms (3 examples). In the German subcorpus most idioms are not only used by the journalist signed with his full name (161 examples), but also by readers of the newspapers in their letters to the editor (10 examples). In the Austrian subcorpus, the journalist is the most frequent producer of idioms. However, in the majority of cases (34 examples), there is either the journalist’s full name or the initials. (Most texts are without a byline, which might mean that the choice and use of idioms were made by the editing board.) 2.6. Classes of idioms in texts on football A further relevant point for discussion is which classes of idioms occur in texts on football. The following results were obtained. Among six main idiomatic classes (A. 6

These statistics should not be compared with the final number of idioms because some idioms belong to two or more different groups.

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verbal idioms, B. nominal idioms, C. idioms with the verb ‘to be’ /mostly similes/, D. proverbs, E. slogans and F. communicative idioms), verbal idioms are the most widely represented in all four subcorpora (412 examples or 57%), followed by nominal idioms (108 examples or 15%). In the German and Austrian subcorpora all the idiomatic classes are represented, whereas in the Croatian and Bosnian corpora there are no slogans. On the other hand, the Croatian and the German subcorpora contain most proverbs (19 + 14 examples). 2.7. Typology of idiom modifications In the whole corpus there are about 100 modified idioms. The modifications are of different types; there are 14 types of modifications in the corpus, but most idioms retain their original form. I.

Partial lexical substitution, which is the most frequently used modification type in the whole corpus. One lexeme of the idiomatic construction is replaced by another lexeme from the same or another lexical field (synonyms, antonyms, words from other languages or even personal names of players or football teams are among the most common substitutes).

1.

Cacau zeigt sich von seiner Schokoladenseite. (KI) (original idiom: sich von seiner besten Seite zeigen)

II.

Total lexical substitution. The original syntactic structure is retained.

2.

Die Geister bleiben, der Star geht. (KI) (original idiom: die Hunde bellen und die Karawane zieht weiter)

III.

Partial lexical substitution and partial syntactic modification.

3.

Österreichs Vereinsfußball hat sich die Misere selbst eingebrockt, jetzt müssen die Klubs die dünne Suppe selbst auslöffeln. (PR) (original idioms: eine dünne Suppe; die Suppe auslöffeln müssen, die man sich selbst eingebrockt hat)

IV.

Partial lexical substitution and total syntactic modification.

4.

Trainer Tschertschessow beendet Schmusekurs und packt die Peitsche aus. (SA) (original idiom: mit Zuckerbrot und Peitsche vorgehen)

V.

Piling up of the same idiom in the same sentence or in several successive sentences: (a) without lexical substitution or (b) with (either) partial substitution of lexis or/and modification of the syntactic structure.

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Kad im daš mali prst uzmu cijelu ruku. Nama daš ruku, ne možemo uzeti niti prst.7 (SN) (original idiom: daš mu mali prst, a on uzme cijelu ruku) […]die Unzufriedenheit über die ablaufende Runde erlaube keine Zuckerl. (KI) (original idiom (?): mit Zuckerbrot und Peitsche vorgehen)

5a. 5b.

VI.

Piling up of different idioms without lexical substitution.

6.

Lagan poput pera i s teškim teretom godina ima skok do neba.8 (SN) (original idioms: lagan poput pera; skok do neba)

VII. Contamination of two or more different idioms with partial lexical substitution or syntactic modification. Za što joj treba skinuti kapu do poda za predstavu koju su juer priredili svojoj publici.9 (ZL) (original idioms: skinuti komu kapu; nakloniti se komu do poda)

7.

VIII. Morphological substitution: (a) from a negative to an affirmative form or (b) from an affirmative to a negative form. 8a.

Waren fast im Himmel und sind abgestürzt. (KI) (original idiom: nicht vom Himmel fallen) Der Kloß ist nicht im Hals, sondern eher im Herzen. (KI) (original idiom: einen Kloß im Hals haben)

8b.

IX.

Total change of the syntactic structure.

9.

Zellhofer beherrscht die kleine Trommel, aber offenbar die Pauke nicht. (PR) (original idioms: etwas auf die Trommel bringen; auf die Pauke hauen)

X.

Extension of the idiom: (a) with a new sentence/clause which has at least one lexical element from the original idiom (or its substitute) and (b) the idiom is extended by adding at least one attribute.

10a.

Kua se ne gradi od krova ve od temelja, a temelj je u Tallinu.10 (SN) (original idiom: kua se gradi od temelja) Klub se mora staviti na vrste noge kad je organizacija u pitanju .11 (OS) (original idiom: stajati na vrstim nogama)

10b.

XI. 7

8 9

10 11

Lexical metathesis i.e. lexemes of the same idiom exchange their places.

Literal translation from Croatian: “When you give them your little finger, they take your whole hand. They give you their hand and you are not able to take even a finger”. “Light as a feather and with the heavy burden of his age, he is able to jump high up to the sky”. “And for that we should take our hats off to the floor for the show she gave to her audience yesterday”. “One doesn’t build a house from the roof but from the ground, and the ground is in Tallin”. “So far as the organization is concerned, the club has to put itself on a firm footing”.

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Nama daš ruku, ne možemo uzeti niti prst.12 (SN) (original idiom: daš mu mali prst, a on uzme cijelu ruku)

11.

XII. Reduction. A part of the idiom is omitted. 12.

Fernando Meira: Wie Wein. (KI) (original idiom (?): immer besser /reifer/ sein wie ein guter Wein)

XIII. Semantic word plays. 13.

Von Kuh und saurer Milch. (PR) (original idiom: bei ihm ist die Milch sauer)

XIV. Semantic play between a concrete (literal) and a figurative (idiomatic) meaning of the same idiom. 14.

Der große Talentschuppen für Fußballjunioren öffnet seine Tore. (PR) (original idiom: einer Sache Tür und Tor öffnen) Wer ist die Nummer 1 mit der Nr. 1? (KI) (original idiom: Nummer eins sein)

15.

In the corpus there are also sentences with combinations of different modification types. 2.8. Source domains of idiomatic figures We wanted to find out which extralinguistic domains (‘source domains’) the idiomatic figures in our football corpus belong to. As a starting point we took the definition by Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 5): “Metaphor is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another”. In the corpus we found 19 extralinguistic domains with various idioms and several quantitatively less important domains, which for practical reasons we incorporated into one group. The target domains relate to the contents discussed in 2.3.: (a) a football match, (b) a player of football, (c) leaders of football clubs (trainers, referees, managers, et al.), (d) internal activities of the football clubs, and (e) external activities. Here are all the domains with corresponding examples. HUMAN BODY (CRO 53 + BOS 17 + GER 69 + AUS 9 = 148)13 16.

[Und so] nahmen die Protagonisten ihre Beine in die Hand und machen sich auf in die Richtung Südeuropa. (KI) [Franz Grad:] Da müssen sich alle an der Nase nehmen: Bundesliga, ÖFB und alle anderen. (PR)

17.

12 13

“You give us your hand, and we are not able to take even a finger”. The numerals denote the number of examples in each subcorpus.

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ARTEFACTS (38 + 9 + 46 + 10 = 103) 18. 19.

Bei den Innsbruckern ist nach dem Debakel Feuer am Dach. (SA) Auch in Portugal mussten die Deutschen schon nach der Vorrunde die Koffer packen. (KI)

NATURE (18 + 7 + 20 + 3 = 48) 20.

Sturm14 ist im Aufwind. (SA)

EMOTIONS (10 + 3 + 32 + 1 = 46) 21. 22.

FC Schalke: Der Meister der Schmerzen. (KI) Bayern in Angst. (KI)

ABSTRACT PHENOMENA (12 + 2 + 15 + 9 = 38) 23. 24.

Jogi hat die Qual der Wahl! (FA) [...] während draußen die Beteiligten in Gut und Böse aufgeteilt werden [...]. (KI)

ANIMALS (11 + 6 + 9 + 3 = 29) 25. 26.

Ein noch dickerer Fisch wäre freilich Kaka. (PR) Sonst wird der BVB zur grauen Maus. (KI)

LOCAL (7 + 5 + 11 + 6 = 29) 27. 28.

Nabelschau im Niemandsland. (KU) ‘Zagora’ igra dobro, no u svom dvorištu mi smo favoriti.15 (ZL)

STAGE AND PERFORMANCE (4 + 7 + 13 + 3 = 27) 29. 30.

Rotweißrot hat keine Rolle spielen können. (PR) U Sloveniji je konano spuštena zavjesa na prvenstvo.16 (DA)

BATTLE/WAR AND WEAPONS (14 + 7 + 6 + 0 = 27) 14 15 16

“Sturm” is the name of a football club from Graz, Austria. “[The football club] ‘Zagora’ plays well, but in our own yard we are the favorites”. “In Slovenia the curtain of the championship finally dropped”.

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31.

Ich fühle mich wie ein Gladiator, der vor fanatischen Fans in einen Kampf Mann gegen Mann gehen muss. (KI) ‘Milan’ je objavio rat ‘Realu’ i uinit e sve da mu zagora život.17 (DA)

32.

SPORTS AND GAMES (8 + 7 + 6 + 2 = 23) 33. 34.

Der Trainer spielt mit offenen Karten. (KI) Bili smo bolji rival, držali smo ih “u šahu” veim dijelom utakmice.18 (SD)

FOOD (8 + 4 + 6 + 3 = 21) 35. 36. 37.

Nun ist aber der Kapitän der Schwaben wie ein guter Wein gereift. (KI) [Hernan Crespo:] Recimo da sam kao vino, poboljšavam se iz godine u godinu.19 (ZL) [Ivan Klasni:] Meni je super u Sevilli, koja je u kremi španjolskog nogometa.20 (SD)

MUSIC AND DANCE (3 + 6 + 3 + 9 = 21) 38.

Deshalb muss ihnen immer bewußt gemacht werden, dass sie international nur die dritte Geige spielen.21 (KU) Bis zur WM könnte die Teenie-Band mit ihrem Dirigenten Ivanschitz schon manch gutem Gegner den Marsch blasen. (KU)

39.

PHYSIOLOGICAL PROCESSES (9 + 5 + 1 + 5 = 20) [Markovi:] U svakom sluaju mirno spavam.22 (ZL) Gosti su trenutno u boljoj formi, stoga e Visoani dresove dobro natopiti znojem da bi došli do (OS) pobjede.23

40. 41.

17 18

19 20 21 22

23

“‘Milan’ declared war on ‘Inter’ and is going to do its best to give them a hard time”. “We were a better rival and most of the time during the game we held them in check”. In a recent analysis of Croatian and Russian sports idioms, Željka Fink comes to the conclusion that the most widely used metaphor in the source domain of sports and games is CHESS (Fink 2000:126–127). Most examples in our corpus contain the figure of CARDS. Also in Italian the metaphor of CARDS is among the most frequently used in this field, see Casadei (1996: 328): “[...] ad esempio i giochi di carte sono un caso tipico di compresenza di abilità e sorte [...] oltre che per la loro rilevanza nella tradizione culturale italiana, compaiono in molte espressioni idiomatiche e sono tanto usati per la metaforizzazione della vita”. “Let us say I am like wine because I am getting better and better from year to year”. “I feel very well in Sevilla, which is among the cream of Spanish football”. A journalist’s comment on Austrian football. “Markovi : Anyway, I sleep peacefully”. Vlatko Markovi is the president of the Croatian Football Association. “The guests are in a better physical condition, so the players of Visoani must drench their shirts with sweat in order to win”.

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SUPERNATURAL PHENOMENA (9 + 4 + 2 + 1 = 16) 42.

Wenn Borussia gespielt hat, ist hier die Hölle los. (BI)

PLANTS (4 + 5 + 2 + 3 = 14) 43.

Rotweißrot war zu spät dran, um schon in drei Jahren Früchte von Akademien ernten zu können. (PR)

SEAFARING (5 + 6 + 1 + 0 = 12) 44. 45.

Bila je to stota Mancinijeva pobjeda za kormilom Intera.24 (NO) Alle sitzen mit im Boot. (KI)

VEHICLE MOVEMENT (2 + 3 + 6 + 1 = 12) 46. 47.

Die Spieler haben begriffen, dass sie Gas geben mussten. (KI) Otto Baric, die Fußballlegende, ist voll in Fahrt. (PR)

FINANCE AND TRADE (2 + 6 + 3 + 0 = 11) 48. 49.

Am Samstag machten ihm die Fans einen Strich durch die Rechnung [...]. (KI) Juve me želi pod svaku cijenu. Trebaju me za glavnog režisera igre.25 (NO)

CLOTHES (2 + 3 + 5 + 0 = 10) 50.

Ich kann mir vorstellen, dass die Verabschiedung total in die Hose geht. (KI)

THE REMAINING DOMAINS (COLOURS, LIGHT AND SHADOW, SOUNDS, SOCIAL HIERARCHY, etc.) 51. 52.

Zudem traf er selbst ins Schwarze. (KI) Grant und der lange Schatten seines Vorgängers. (FA)

In the corpus many sentences contain idioms from different source domains, e.g.:

24 25

“It was Mancini’s hundredth win at the steering wheel of Inter”. “Juve wants me at any price. They want me to be the chief (theatre) producer of the game”.

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MUSIC + STAGE AND PERFORMANCE 53.

Doch das Wetter hat auch seine Schattenseiten. Nicht nur für die Landwirtschaft: Der deutsche Fußball wurde von einer Frühjahrsmüdigkeit erfasst und verabschiedete sich sang- und klanglos von der europäischen Bühne. (KI)

WAR + STAGE AND PERFORMANCE Iza kulisa se vodi borba i za francuskog reprezentativnog vezistu Patricka Vieiru.26 (DA)

54.

SPORTS AND GAMES + PHYSIOLOGICAL PROCESSES 55.

Die Würfel waren an jenem Abend [...] gefallen, ins Leben wurde eine Austria-Kommission gerufen. (PR)

3. Conclusion It can be confirmed that idioms are used in a similar way in all four subcorpora. Such tendencies could be called international and global. Idioms in football texts belong mainly to the same extralinguistic source-domains. The most commonly used in all four subcorpora are idiomatic figures of the HUMAN BODY and ARTEFACTS. However, there are some specifics in the subcorpora. So, for example, in the German subcorpus the most striking figures come from the domains of EMOTIONS, ABSTRACT NOTIONS and VEHICLE MOVEMENT. The Austrian subcorpus is characterized by figures of MUSIC AND DANCE and, like the German subcorpus, by ABSTRACT NOTIONS. In the Bosnian subcorpus the most widely used idiomatic figures are those from the field of SPORTS AND GAMES, then SEAFARING and FINANCE AND TRADE. The Croatian subcorpus is characterized by figures of NATURE, SUPERNATURAL PHENOMENA and figures of SPORTS AND GAMES, where card-playing is most often used. The analysis of the corpus has shown that the greatest number of producers of football texts – the journalists – cover the topic ‘football match’ in the text-type ‘report’. However, it should be emphasized that in the German and Austrian subcorpora journalists use idioms exclusively to describe the ‘football player’.27 Word plays and modifications are not – contrary to our expectations – a primary means of expressiveness and emotional involvement of the recipient, as is the case in the advertising and fiction. The producers in our corpus rather achieve these effects by selecting idiomatic figures from very different extralinguistic, non-football domains.

26

27

“Behind the scenes fierce fighting is going on for that member of French national football team, Patrick Vieira”. It could be remarked here that in only one edition of the German newspaper “Bild Zeitung” do all the nine examples of idioms refer to the topic “football player” and no idioms are found in reports on “football matches” or other topics.

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References Ani , Vladimir (2000): Rjenik hrvatskoga jezika. Zagreb: Liber Badurina, Lada / Pritchard, Boris / Stolac, Dijana (eds.) (2000): Primijenjena lingvistika u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb / Rijeka: HDPL (Hrvatsko društvo za primijenjenu lingvistiku) Back, Otto et al. (2006): Österreichisches Wörterbuch, Bde 1–2. Wien: News Edition Brandt, Wolfgang (1982): ‘Schwere Wörter’ im Sprachbereich ‘Sport’. In: Jahrbuch 1982 des Instituts für deutsche Sprache (= Sprache der Gegenwart, Ids: Wortschatz und Verständigungsprobleme), 92– 118 Burger, Harald / Buhofer, Annelies / Sialm, Ambros (1982): Handbuch der Phraseologie. Berlin et al.: Walter de Gruyter Burger, Harald (1998): Phraseologie. Eine Einführung am Beispiel des Deutschen. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag Casadei, Federica (1996): Metafore ed espressioni idiomatiche. Uno studio semantico sull’italiano. Roma: Bulzoni editore Duden (1992): Redewendungen und sprichwörtliche Redensarten. Wörterbuch der deutschen Idiomatik. Mannheim et al.: Dudenverlag Duden (1996): Deutsches Universal Wörterbuch A–Z. Mannheim et al.: Dudenverlag Fink, Željka (2000): Sport u frazeologiji. In: Badurina e.a., 123–128 Lakoff, George / Johnson, Mark (1980): Metaphors we live by. Chicago et al.: The University of Chicago Press Matulina, Željka (1990): Upotreba poslovica u sportskim novinama s hrvatskog ili srpskog i njemakog govornog podruja. In: Tir, 216–224 Matulina, Željka (1991a): Sprichwörter in Artikelüberschriften der ‘Slobodna Dalmacija’ und einiger vergleichbarer österreichischer Tageszeitungen. In: Znanstvena revija 3, 97–108 Matulina, Željka (1991b): Upotreba poslovica u dnevnim novinama. In: Tošovi , 48–66 Matulina, Željka (1994): Sprichwort und Wortspiel. In: Linguistica 34/1, 119–136 Mieder, Wolfgang (1999): Phrasen verdreschen. Antiredensarten aus Literatur und Medien. Wiesbaden: Quelle & Meyer Röhrich, Lutz (1994): Lexikon der sprichwörtlichen Redensarten. Freiburg et al.: Herder Simrock, Karl (1988): Die deutschen Sprichwörter. Stuttgart: Reclam Tir, Mihal (ed.) (1990): Kontrastivna jezika istraživanja. Novi Sad: Domentijan Tošovi , Branko (ed.) (1991): Jezik i stil sredstava informisanja. Sarajevo: Svjetlost

Univ.Prof. Dr. Željka Matulina Institut für Germanistik Universität Zadar Obala kralja P. Krešimira IV, 2 HR-23000 Zadar (Kroatien) e-mail: [email protected] http://www.unizd.hr

Univ.-Doz. Dr. Zrinka orali Institut für Germanistik Pedagoški fakultet Biha Universität Biha Džani a Mahala 36 BIH-77000 Biha (Bosnia-Herzegowina) e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] http://www.pfbihac.com.ba

111

HENRIK NORDIN

THE USE OF CONCEPTUAL METAPHORS BY SWEDISH AND GERMAN FOOTBALL COMMENTATORS – A COMPARISON1 Football is one of the biggest sports both in Sweden and in Germany. The language used for reporting and commenting on it, the so-called ‘football language’, will be the focus of this paper. The football language used by Swedish and German football television commentators will be analyzed according to the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) (Lakoff / Johnson 1980). The CMT is a theory belonging to holistic cognitive semantics, where the cognitive process in our minds is connected with the language used. In this connection the metaphor plays a very important role. Mostly it is not used on purpose, but still systematically (Baldauf 1997: 11). This character shows that the use of metaphors reflects the cognitive processes in our minds (Baldauf 1997: 16). The aim of the paper is to analyze which metaphors are used by football commentators and if there is a difference in use between the Swedish and the German football commentators. The data analyzed is the first half of the match between Bayern Munich and Juventus Turin in the Champions League game of 18th October 2005, which was transmitted live on German (Sat.1) and Swedish (ZTV/Viasat) television.

1. Introduction On 18th October 2005, Bayern Munich played against Juventus Turin in the Champions League. The game could be seen on television in Germany and in Sweden. In this game, as in any other football game, you could say that the language used by the commentators is part of so-called “football language” (Dankert 1969: 5). The commentators of this particular game were Henrik Strömblad and Glenn Hysén on Swedish television, and Erich Laaser and Oliver Bierhoff on German television. I recorded both the Swedish and German version and analyzed the first half of the game according to the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) (Lakoff / Johnson 1980). The CMT is a theory belonging to holistic cognitive semantics, where cognitive processes in our minds are connected with the language being used. In this connection the metaphor plays a very important role. Mostly it is not being used on purpose, but still systematically (Baldauf 1997: 11). This systematic use reflects that it’s all about the work of the cognitive processes in our minds (Baldauf 1997: 16). In applying this theory, I have used the same categorising methods as Christa Baldauf (1997). The theory will be described in more detail in the next section. The Swedish and German languages have some similarities, but also a lot of differences. Applying CMT theory, which metaphors are being used by the Swedish and German commentators? Which metaphors are used often, and which seldom? Do the Swedish and the German commentators use the same metaphors or is there a difference in use? These were the questions I asked and have tried to answer. 1

This paper is based on a part of my master thesis at the University of Umeå, Sweden.

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2. Conceptual Metaphors 2.1. Metaphors we live by Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) is part of holistic cognitive semantics. In other words, its aim is to find a link between structures of thought and language. To analyze language would then mean to gain knowledge of the way we think. Language could be seen as a mirror of our thoughts (Baldauf 1997: 11–12). In trying to find this link between the structures of thought and language, metaphor plays an important role and an analysis of metaphorical structures and processes would therefore be of interest (Schwarz-Friesel 2004: 83). Traditionally we understand metaphors as an aesthetic phenomenon, but in CMT the metaphor is a very important part of our everyday language, something we don’t really notice, but something that is more or less ubiquitous. According to Lakoff / Johnson (1980), these metaphors form systems, which in turn indicate that we are dealing with the structure of our thoughts (Baldauf 1997: 15–16). This systematic aspect suggests that we use metaphorical processes to conceptualize a complex world. With the help of more elementary, concrete experiences (source domain), we conceptualize vague, complex experiences (target domain). The source domain then means the direct, physical and cultural experiences that we use to structure abstract experiences (Baldauf 1997: 16–17). One example from my data is the concept FOOTBALL IS WAR, where we use the experience from war to structure football. Some would say that most of us do not have any experience of war, but indirectly we have – through television, newspapers and other media (Eckard 2005: 241). Examples of metaphors belonging to the concept FOOTBALL IS WAR from my data: 1. 2.

Cannavaro im Duell mit Roque Santa Cruz. (Cannavaro in a duel with Roque Santa Cruz.) […] das war schneller Angriffsfußball. ([…] that was fast attacking football.)

There also exist non-metaphorical concepts, as in these examples: 3. 4.

Mark is in the kitchen. Mark is in pain.

In the first sentence the kitchen is really a room/container as we see it, and hence not a metaphor. In the second sentence an emotional condition (abstract) is conceptualized as a container (physical, concrete), and hence is more like a metaphor (Baldauf 1997: 17). Clearly, we need to classify in some way the metaphors used. There are several possible ways of doing this (Kövecses 2002: 29), and I’ve chosen to classify the metaphors in the same way as Baldauf (1997). One important part of her classification is the Theory of Idealized Cognitive Models, ICMs, developed by Lakoff 1987. The ICMs are idealized models of reality, that is, structures that represent experiences. These idealized models can be used to structure more abstract experiences (Baldauf 1997: 79–80). 114

Another important aspect of Baldauf´s classification (1997) is the theory of Image Schemas that Mark Johnson developed (Johnson 1987). The image schemas are schematic pictures of structures that we meet in our interaction with the world around us. For example, the DIRECTION-schema organizes many of our experiences. It could be the experience that for a journey we need not only a starting point A and an end point Z, but also the time dimension of the journey. Another example is the CONTAINERschema, of which we saw an example above in (4) (Baldauf 1997: 66–69). 2.2. The classification Based on the theories of Lakoff and Johnson, Baldauf (1997) uses four categories into which she classifies metaphors. The different categories contain different metaphors, the difference being that the metaphors do not structure the target domain in equal measure. Attribute metaphors constitute the smallest category. They give persons, objects or situations, that is the target domain, attributes of direct physical perception. The target domain only becomes a simple, additional, judgemental, metaphorical attribute (Baldauf 1997: 83–84). Examples from my data on the concept POSITIVE IS BRIGHT: 5. 6.

Bayern har börjat matchen strålande. (Bayern has started the game brilliantly.) Sagnol fortsätter att spela lysande fotboll. (Sagnol continues to play blazing football.)

Ontological metaphors give vague, abstract target domains a very simple structure as they assign them an object or substance character. Abstract target domains can be conceptualized as objects or substances that we might see or touch. With the help of these metaphors we can quantify or locate something abstract (Baldauf 1997: 119–122). It can be rather difficult to recognize an ontological metaphor. The difference between the concrete and abstract characteristics of a statement is not always easy to see (Baldauf 1997: 122). Some examples from my data on the concept IDEAS ARE OBJECTS/ SUBSTANCES: 7. 8.

[…] som letar efter alternativ inne i mitten […] ([…] who looks for alternatives in the middle […]) (Fractions of seconds) Bruchteile von Sekunden.

The orientational metaphors structure an abstract or unstructured target domain with our spatial experience. According to Baldauf (1997: 124–125), this is one of the largest categories. Some examples from my data on the concept PERIODS OF TIME ARE CONTAINERS: 9. 10.

[…] die sind stärker als im letzten Jahr. ([…] they are stronger than [in] the last year.) Deislers allra första Champions League mål i karriären. (Deisler’s very first Champions League goal in his career.)

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With structural metaphors a large structured source domain is used to structure an abstract target domain. The source domain can be very complex and have more information than the other categories; it can consist of several elements and active sequences that represent prototypical, complex everyday situations (Baldauf 1997: 178). Some examples from my data on the concept FOOTBALL IS WAR: 11. 12.

[…] das ist die Innenverteidigung des FC Bayern […] ([…] that is the inner defence of FC Bayern […]) Jag minns ett par räder i EM […] (I remember a couple of raids in the Euro 2004)

The four categories bring structure to a target domain, but to a varying extent. In the next section I will use this classification to classify and to be able to compare the metaphors used by the Swedish and German television commentators.

3. Sweden vs. Germany Sweden versus Germany in football could be a tough game. Two well organized teams with a strong defence. The Swedes did not do well the last time the teams met at the 2006 World Cup. This paper also focuses on Sweden versus Germany, but this was more like a friendly game. The German commentators spoke a little less than the Swedish ones. The reason could be that the Swedish commentators offered more of a dialogue. On German television one commentator spoke almost all the time (Erich Laaser) and the other one only now and then from his position as an expert (Oliver Bierhoff). To be able to compare the number of different metaphors being used, I first looked at the total number of words spoken by the commentators during the first half of the game. The Swedish commentators spoke 5061 words, the German commentators 3596. I then multiplied the number of German metaphors with a factor of 1.4 (5061/3596  1.4). In this section I will use this factor frequently. In the comments of the German commentators I found 292 metaphors (x1.4  409), and in those of the Swedish commentators 481. There is a difference in number, but not so big that we can really draw any conclusions from it. What we can see is that the Swedish commentators used a lot more orientational metaphors than the German commentators. Table 1 shows the result: Category Attribute Ontological

Number of German metaphors 22

Number of German metaphors x 1.4 31

Number of Swedish metaphors 22

15

21

33

Orientational

135

189

267

Structural

120

168

159

Total

292

409

481

Table 1: The distribution of metaphors

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3.1. Attribute metaphors This category is very small. As mentioned above, the attribute metaphors give the target domain a simple additional metaphorical attribute of direct physical perception. In total I found 22 (x1.4  31) attribute metaphors used by the German commentators. 12 of these conceptualize the experience of physical strength as something positive. Some examples from my data for the concept POSITIVE IS PHYSICAL STRENGTH: 13. 14.

Der Gegner ist stark genug, der stärkste, der sich bisher in der Allianz Arena vorstellt. (The opponent is strong enough, the strongest […]) Ein junger Mann, stark in der Defensive. (A young man, strong defensively.)

In the comments of the Swedish commentators I also found 22 metaphors. This same concept is the biggest one, but here only with 5 metaphors. The German commentators use more of the metaphors from this category. In view of the small number of metaphors in this category we can’t draw any certain conclusions. 3.2. Ontological metaphors Ontological metaphors conceptualize abstract target domains as object or substances. We find more metaphors from this category by the Swedish commentators (33) than by the German commentators (15, x1.4  21). In view of the difficulty, firstly, to define these metaphors as metaphors and, secondly, to allocate them, the difference is not always clear. Some examples from my data on the concept IDEAS ARE OBJECTS /SUBSTANCES: 15. 16.

Thuram mit seiner ganzen Routine. (Thuram with all of his routine.) Tappar Bayern lite bredd. (Bayern loses some width.)

3.3. Orientational metaphors These metaphors are used to structure our spatial experience within a target domain. The three concepts used in this category are the CONTAINER-concept, the DIRECTION-concept and the GRADATION-concept. Table 2 displays the results: Concept CONTAINER

Number of German metaphors 70

Number of German metaphors x 1.4 98

Number of Swedish metaphors 187

DIRECTION

44

62

40

GRADATION

20

28

37

Total

135

189

267

Table 2: The distribution of the orientational metaphors.

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Before we try to analyze the results, let us look at some examples that can give a better understanding of the different concepts. Some examples from the data on the concept SITUATIONS ARE CONTAINERS: 17. 18.

Offside på Deisler i den där situationen. (Deisler offside in that situation.) Lucio är snabbare än Zlatan in i den duellen. (Lucio is faster than Zlatan into that duel.)

Some examples from my data on the concept THE FOOTBALL PITCH IS A ROAD (and, by implication, a direction): 19. 20.

Er zieht den Weg in die Mitte vor. (He prefers the way in the middle.) Ballack, viel unterwegs. (Ballack, often on the move – (literally) ‘way’.)

Some examples from my data on the concept THE FOOTBALL PITCH IS UP/DOWN (a gradation): 21. 22. 23.

Han har klarat sig hur bra som helst däruppe, Santa Cruz […] (He has made it terrific up there, Santa Cruz […]) […] att han går med upp i anfallen […] ([…] that he comes up into the attacks […]) Es war eher gleiche Höhe. (It was rather at the same level.)

From table 2 we can clearly see that the Swedish commentators use a lot more container-metaphors than the German commentators. By contrast, the German commentators use a few more direction metaphors and especially the concept of THE FOOTBALL PITCH AS A ROAD. This concept is also used by the Swedish commentators, but not to the same extent. The Swedish commentators use more graduation terms and especially the idea of THE FOOTBALL PITCH AS UP/DOWN. Here we find 9 Swedish metaphors and only one German one (example 23). One conclusion could be that the Swedish commentators use more containermetaphors than the German ones, the reason being that they use the prepositions i, in and ut (in, into and out) more often. While the German football players go to the front when they attack, the Swedes also go up front (graduation) when they attack. 3.4. Structural metaphors The source domain of the structural metaphors represent more complex, prototypical everyday situations. In other words they carry more information than the others. From table 1 we can see that the numbers of structural metaphors used by the commentators do not differ that much. Let us turn to some of the concepts being used and see if we can find any difference there. Some examples from my data on the concept TO DEFEND IS TO CLEAN UP:

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24. 25.

Men då får Kahn hjälp att städa av Demichelis […] (But then Kahn gets help in cleaning up from Demichelis […]) Thuram städar undan. (Thuram cleans up.)

Some other frequently used concepts are KNOWING IS SEEING, SPORT IS BUSINESS and IDEAS ARE PERSONS but by far the most extensively used concept is FOOTBALL IS WAR. Some examples of this concept from my data: 26. 27. 28. 29.

Deisler am Schuss von Ballack. (Deisler on to the shot from Ballack.) […] nur Stürmer Nummer drei ist […] ([…] only forward number three is […]) […] und hatte eine Bombensaison gemacht, […] ([…] and had a ‘bombing season’ (i.e. a highly successful one), […]) Det blir Makaay som är exekutor. (Makaay becomes the executor.)

Many of the words we connect with war, like shooting or defending, belong to the terminology of football (Dankert 1969: 123). That war is an important source domain for structuring football may not be so astonishing. The war-metaphor is the most central metaphor used in ball games (Burkhard 2006: 61). But when we compare the number of metaphors from this source domain used by the commentators, the result is a little unexpected. The German commentators used 69 (x1.4  97) war-metaphors, the Swedish commentators 48. What could be the reason why the German commentators use almost twice as many warmetaphors as the Swedes? One reason could be that war as an experience is closer to the Germans than the Swedes, who have not been involved in a war since 1809. That language is a delayed mirror of what happens in society (Baldauf 1997: 238) might support this conclusion. But the reason could also be found in the media, where a lot of martial reporting appears.

4. Summary According to this analysis, the concepts used by the Swedish and German commentators are largely the same, but there are some key differences. The Swedish commentators use many more ‘container’ metaphors than the German ones. The German commentators conceptualize the football pitch as a road with a direction to a greater extent than the Swedes. When Swedes attack, they go up. With the concept of FOOTBALL IS WAR, the German commentators use almost twice as many metaphors as the Swedish commentators. Clearly, in a small-scale study like this one, one can only partly show how conceptual metaphors tend to be used.

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References Baldauf, Christa (1997): Metapher und Kognition: Grundlagen einer neuen Theorie der Alltagsmetapher. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Burkhardt, Armin (2006): Sprache und Fußball. Linguistische Annäherung an ein Massenphänomen. In: Muttersprache 116, 53–73 Dankert, Harald (1969): Sportsprache und Kommunikation (Volksleben 25). Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde E.V. Tübingen Schloss Eckard, Rolf (2005): Metaphertheorien. Typologie, Darstellung, Bibliographie. Berlin: de Gruyter Kövecses, Zoltán (2002): Metaphor: A practical introduction. Oxford et al.: Oxford University Press Johnson, Mark (1987): The Body in the Mind. The bodily basis of meaning, imagination and reason. Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press Lakoff, George (1987): Women, Fire and Dangerous Things. What categories reveal about the mind. Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press Lakoff, George / Johnson, Mark (1980): Metaphors we live by. Chicago et al.: The University of Chicago Press Schwarz-Friesel, Monika (2004): Kognitive Linguistik heute – Metaphernverstehen als Fallbeispiel. In: Deutsch als Fremdsprache 41/2, 83–89

Mag. Henrik Nordin NTI-skolan V. Norrlandsgatan 11 D SE-906 27 Umeå e-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

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STEPHAN VIERKANT

METAPHOR AND LIVE RADIO FOOTBALL COMMENTARY This article presents a case study that is about testing a specific method for metaphor identification. This procedure is tested on a German live radio football commentary corpus taken from the 2006 football World Cup in Germany. Neither to the German language in use nor to live radio football commentary has this method been applied so far. From the problems occurring during the study, modifications to the procedure are made. Since the case study is part of a master’s thesis that is still in progress, the presentation will merely provide first results, discussing in detail two identified metaphorical expressions. In the end the results are compared to another study on football live commentary. The practicability of the metaphor identification procedure, and the identified metaphors in German live radio commentary on football, are the two fields touched on in this article. The interesting outcomes provide the basis for further discussions in both fields.

1. Introduction If we believe the Italian supporters’ Poo Po Po Po Po Bastardo, then studying football language means studying vulgar Italian. If we believe the English supporters’ Football’s coming home, then studying the language of football means studying English homes. If we believe the German supporters’ You can only win with your heart in your hand and your passion in your leg, then studying the language of football means studying anatomy. I perfectly agree with these opinions, but I am convinced that studying the language of football is about the feelings such words generate in us. These feelings are strongly linked to the images the fans use in their chants. Here, as in many other cases, linguistics can reveal the way people think. For almost thirty years (Lakoff / Johnson 1980; Ortony 1979) the study of figurative language has represented a promising tool for finding out about the mind’s structure. In this case study I will first apply a specific metaphor identification procedure to German football language and then look at its advantages and shortcomings. Live radio commentaries on three football matches of the 2006 World Cup make up the corpus.

2. Why Metaphor? The story of metaphor research is a long one, beginning with Aristotle, who is believed to have regarded metaphors as merely ornamental. However, even Aristotle judged metaphors to be the product of an innate ability. Mahon writes that “Aristotle was thus the first thinker to argue for an entirely natural origin for true literary genius, and hence, the first to argue that the ability to coin marvellous new metaphors was indeed a wholly natural ability” (Mahon 1999). Nevertheless, metaphor was considered to be an ornamental part of language until the beginning of the 20th century. Despite the impressive impact of generative grammar on linguistics, figurative language seemed to 121

be unexplainable with this approach. As a result of this inadequacy, new approaches were developed. With their conceptual metaphor theory, Lakoff / Johnson (1980) stimulated the study of figurative language. According to them, metaphors are a product of the structure of our conceptual system. They believe that “most concepts are partially understood in terms of other concepts.” (2003: 56) We are able to conceptualize abstract entities only because we use a metaphorical way of describing them. Many other linguists have followed, developed and modified the initial idea of Lakoff / Johnson. Kövecses describes “metaphor as understanding one conceptual domain in terms of another conceptual domain.” (2002: 4) Such domains are based on experience. The conceptual domains people try to understand are called target domains. The conceptual domains people use for understanding are called source domains. The process of understanding a target domain by the application of a source domain is called mapping. Conceptual metaphors can be classified according to the cognitive functions they perform. Three kinds of conceptual metaphor exist: 1. the structural metaphor, of which the source domain provides a vast amount of knowledge about the target concept. 2. the ontological metaphor, which serves to assign an ontological status to general categories of abstract target concepts. 3. the orientational metaphor, which is based on basic human spatial orientations. This kind of metaphor serves to render a set of target concepts more coherent in our conceptual system. These three kinds of metaphors are claimed to be omnipresent in our everyday language. The spectrum of concepts is mainly influenced by one factor: our spatial experiences structure our spatial concepts. By interacting with our physical environment we build up an elementary knowledge about our world. From the first day human beings are confronted with physical laws and somehow they have to deal with them. For survival a child has to learn the consequences of physical actions. These experiences form the pattern of the spatial concept of human beings. Thus basic cognitive concepts are crucial for the creation of metaphors. To find out more about the origins of metaphor, one has to study the objects of research in detail. Almost all discussions of metaphors have been based on introspection on the part of the linguists. On the border of subjectivity and objectivity, metaphor research has to find a reliable method to provide data and arguments for claims that until today have been proved only by ideal examples chosen by the linguists themselves. A hopeful new approach has been developed within the Pragglejaz project (Pragglejaz Group 2007), realized by several linguists in order to develop a method to identify metaphors in discourse. Their “aim is to provide metaphor scholars with a tool that may be flexibly applied to many research contexts” (Pragglejaz Group 2007: 1) The aim of this study is to find metaphors in football live radio commentary by using the metaphor identification procedure (MIP). On the one hand, the procedure can be tested as to its practicability for the German language; on the other hand, the results could offer interesting aspects about the nature of football.

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3. Why football language? When analysing metaphors in football language, the selection of the corpus is quite important. A written media corpus is easily produced, but the language is never fully spontaneous enough to be considered not ornamental. The speed of the spoken language is almost proverbial; sometimes people say things without reflecting on their meaning or the consequences they could have. Spontaneity seems almost guaranteed in spoken discourse, and many different types can be analysed. The language of football players and other persons involved in the game itself does not guarantee spontaneity because they are much too concerned about how to express their actions. The after-match analysis either on radio or TV could be a possibility, but again the spontaneity is doubtful because commentators have probably reflected several times on how to comment on the scenes under discussion. Thus there remains only live commentary, where promptness is more important than searching for the ideal expression. The crucial difference between radio and TV live commentary is that the TV commentator only needs to comment on the images on the screen, whereas the radio commentator has to transmit an instant image of what is happening on the field. So promptness as well as the constraint of transmitting information through language only make live radio commentary the ideal object of study for metaphor research.

4. Method Some studies on metaphor in football language (Dankert 1969; Schweickard 1987; Gabriel 1998; Döring / Osthus 2002; Michels 2002) discuss the nature of metaphor in football language in detail, but they lack clear criteria as to how metaphors are identified. As a statistically reliable procedure, the MIP can provide data for further interesting issues like frequency, diversity or variation of football metaphors. In contrast to other metaphor detection approaches, the MIP does not start from considering a “preconceived set of conceptual metaphors from which to base further identification of metaphorically used words” (Pragglejaz Group 2007: 33). Below follows a checklist which is applied to each lexical unit of the corpus. The procedure used in this study is the MIP (Pragglejaz Group 2007: 3): Read the entire text-discourse to establish a general understanding of the meaning. Determine the lexical units in the text-discourse. (a) For each lexical unit in the text, establish its meaning in context, that is, how it applies to an entity, relation, or attribute in the situation evoked by the text (contextual meaning). Take into account what comes before and alter the lexical unit. (b) For each lexical unit, determine if it has a more basic contemporary meaning in other contexts than the one in the given context. For our purposes, basic meanings tend to be —more concrete (what they evoke is easier to imagine, see, hear, feel, smell, and taste); —related to bodily action; —more precise (as opposed to vague); —historically older. Basic meanings are not necessarily the most frequent meanings of the lexical unit. (c) If the lexical unit has a more basic current or contemporary meaning in other contexts than the given context, decide whether the contextual meaning contrasts with the basic meaning, but can be understood in comparison with it. If so, mark the lexical unit as metaphorical.

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This procedure is carried out for each word; hence it is extremely time-consuming. Furthermore, in order to have reliable results, it is necessary to engage several analysts, whose results should be tested against the results of this study.

5. Test sample This study being a part of my master’s thesis, I have limited the analysis to a manageable task. To minimize the time for analysis, I have applied the procedure to a ten-minute sample in order to determine the possible procedure modifications. The sample contains the first ten minutes of the opening match of the 2006 football World Cup between Germany and Costa Rica. I assumed that the first ten minutes of this match would offer high tension and maybe even a goal, and so I expected to find several metaphorical expressions. In order to have a relatively representative and manageable study, I needed to either minimize the corpus or minimize the number of word classes to be analysed. A smaller corpus is less representative, whereas concentrating on two or three word classes would mean only a necessary and acceptable modification of the MIP. As metaphorical language is liable to be more present in open word classes than in closed word classes, in this sample I concentrated only on nouns, verbs, and adjectives. The analysis of nouns was fast and uncomplicated; therefore nouns will be analyzed in this study. The analysis of verbs was far more complicated because participles sometimes function as adjectives. Here it is necessary to decide whether to concentrate on a syntactic or semantic analysis of metaphors. To simplify matters, I chose a semantic analysis, leaving the syntactic one aside, which does not, however, mean that syntactic issues are of no importance in metaphor research. This decision also includes leaving out adverbs. Complications occurred with verbalized nouns, for example, tunneln (to nutmeg so.), which are only used in football language and have no other meaning but are still metaphorical with respect to their etymology. So here etymology is an additional help for analysing such expressions. In spite of these complications, verbs constitute a large group of metaphorical expressions and so will be included in the study. The problems with adverbs and participles indicate that there are great difficulties also with adjectives. Not only are there few adjectives and even fewer metaphorical expressions in this category, but the detected adjective metaphors are not clearly categorizable in terms of metaphor. Stark (strong), for example, could refer to physical strength, high functionality, and many other characteristics, so here the analysis becomes too vague. As a consequence, adjectives are eliminated from the list of categories to be dealt with. In the following, the categories of nouns and verbs are analysed with respect to their current basic meaning (see Duden deutsches Universalwörterbuch 2006). If they were marked as problematic according to the MIP, etymology (Kluge / Seebold 2002) helped to clarify the problems. Calculations based on this sample led to the conclusion that three entire matches would be a feasible challenge.

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6. Important aspects regarding corpus choice When Totti nutmegs somebody (English) or ‘makes the teaspoon’ (Italian), non-native speakers have great difficulties figuring out the meaning of these actions. To avoid such problems in the analysis, I chose German, for it is my mother tongue. The selection of matches was problematic with respect to the homogeneity of events during the matches, participating teams and possible biased commentaries. Since even objective commentators support their national teams unconsciously, the decision was either to take no match with the participation of the German team or only matches with German participation. The 2006 World Cup created an astonishing new atmosphere of patriotism in Germany (see Becker et al. 2007), so an analysis of exclusively German matches seemed to be promising. From the data gained in this study further aspects could be discussed in the light of patriotism and language. Finally, the opening match Germany vs. Costa Rica, the last-sixteen match Germany vs. Sweden and the semi-final Germany vs. Italy were chosen for analysis. The first match was the opening match of the World Cup and one of the matches with the most goals in the tournament. The Sweden match was a clear victory for Germany, containing also a penalty kick. The defeat against Italy was analysed until the end of regular time; it is therefore regarded as a draw. Four different commentators commented on the three matches, never working together twice. The diversity of these matches was the main reason why they were selected.

7. How can metaphor in football language be analyzed? The corpus was put together by recording the live radio commentaries and transcribing them. Although the documented material does not reflect pitch, intonation or other aspects of transcription, I will use the term ‘transcript’ in order to avoid misunderstandings. These transcripts were split up into sentence or phrase segments, because an exact transcription would have taken much more time than a simple transcription. Such a simple transcription is sufficient, given that the lexical unit is analyzed according to its context, and not according to any fuzzy sentence or phrase borders. From these segments verbs and nouns in their context segments were extracted and then analyzed according to the MIP. The categorization into different topics is not indicated by the MIP, so I tried to provide an adequate one. Here, the final categories were not chosen according to the similarity factor; otherwise each lexical unit could have received a proper category. Therefore, the lexical units were grouped according to the previous knowledge the speaker or hearer has to have in order to understand the metaphor. This process of categorization might be subjective, but it is practical because it can include also indirect uses of metaphor. Klären (to clear), for example, is as sensory-dependent as sehen (to see) is. Both verbs demand a previous knowledge of the human sense of sight. Each step received its own column, as shown in table 1.

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Token

15

1

Linguistic Expression (GER)

Word Main Meaning Context (GER) Meaning (GER)

Similarity Catego Literal Translation Previous ry translation of the word knowledge of the phrase der das sehen mit dem beurteilen, seeing Verb who has see Human natürlich ganz Gesichtssinn, einschätzen corresponds seen it senses anders mit den Augen to judging completely gesehen hat, optische differently Eindrücke wahrnehmen Und der sagen (Wörter, Sätze als Schluss telling Verb And the tell Human Beifall sagt o. Ä.) zulassen; corresponds applause senses uns und artikulieren, besagen; to signifying tells us and Ihnen: aussprechen heißen you

Table 1: Examples of categorization steps

8. Results The results for verb metaphors show that about a third of the metaphor tokens have to do with conflict. The conflict type percentage is still the highest one, but not as dominant as in the token ranking, as shown in the verb ranking tables:

Verb Token Ranking Previous Knowledge

Verb Type Ranking

Token

Type

Token Percentage

Previous Knowledge

Token

Type

Type Percentage

conflict go-comestand physical contact

279

54

31,14

conflict physical contact

279

54

17,03

172

30

19,20

93

52

16,40

93

52

10,38

78

35

11,04

8,71

physical work go-comestand

physical work

78

35

human senses

55

20

172

30

9,46

6,14

administration

44

30

administration

44

9,46

30

4,91

36

24

7,57

36

24

4,02

nature complex motion

nature complex motion

35

23

7,26

transport

35

23

3,91

human senses

55

20

6,31

35

17

3,91

transport

35

17

5,36

construction

33

10

3,68

construction

33

10

5,36

technology

18

9

2,01

technology

18

9

2,84

container

10

7

1,12

container

10

7

2,21

game

5

3

0,56

game

5

3

0,95

unique

3

3

0,33

unique

3

3

0,95

total

896

317

100

total

896

317

100

Table 2: Verb token ranking

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Table 3: Verb type ranking

The noun metaphors statistic is different because there are more categories, but again there is a predominance of conflict-knowledge dependent metaphors. Noun Token Ranking

Noun Type Ranking

Previous Knowledge

Token

Type

Token Percentage

Previous Knowledge

Token

Type

Type Percentage

conflict

1032

126

59,48

conflict

1032

126

30,96

construction

198

23

11,41

nature

70

42

10,32

2D space

93

29

5,36

administration

51

34

8,35

nature

70

42

4,03

93

29

7,13

administration creative performance

51

34

2,94

2D space creative performance

45

25

6,14

45

25

295

technology

39

25

6,14

technology complex motion

39

25

2,25

construction

198

23

5,65

31

10

1,79

unique

28

13

3,19

unique

28

13

1,61

physical work

17

12

2,95

human senses

23

11

1,33

game

14

12

2,95

family

20

7

1,15

human senses

23

11

2,70

container go-comestand

20

6

1,15

11

11

2,70

18

6

1,04

imagination complex motion

31

10

2,46

physical work

17

12

0,98

20

7

1,72

game physical action

14

12

0,81

family physical action

14

7

1,72

14

7

0,81

20

6

1,47

imagination

11

11

0,63

container go-comestand

18

6

1,47

3D space

9

6

0,52

3D space

9

6

1,47

transport

2

2

0,12

transport

2

2

0,49

total

1735

406

100,00

total

1735

406

100,00

Table 4: Noun token ranking

Table 5: Noun type ranking

The categories were taken over from the verb metaphors, whose 14 categories were applied to the noun metaphors, with the addition of five extra categories, namely geometric, creative performance, social, imagination and spatial.

9. Problems Several problems occurred during the analysis of the lexical units. The fact that in German both verbs and nouns often tend to be compound words leads to complications in defining the meaning of the compound. Phrasal verbs including prepositions like aufbauen (to build up) were easy to decode since they are already lexicalized. 127

Nonetheless, the border between lexicalized and non-lexicalized is fuzzy. In cases of compound verbs like hereinspritzen (to squirt in), the meaning of the stem itself is metaphoric although the word as such is not listed in current dictionaries. Compound nouns like Nationalmannschaft (national team) are problematic because -mannschaft represents a metaphorical expression whereas National- modifies the meaning of mannschaft. In fact, in the Duden dictionary Nationalmannschaft only has the meaning of ‘national football team’ and nothing else; hence, strictly following the MIP, it would not be a metaphor. My solution is to denote each compound noun as metaphoric if it includes a metaphorical expression because, seen etymologically and socio-historically, this expression, as a constitutive part of football language, would not exist without its precursor in a military context. As an additional step to the MIP, I propose first checking the head of a compound, and if it cannot be classified as metaphorical, applying the procedure to the modifier of the compound. This compound analysis step is important for the further classification, which will be explained below. Differences between novel metaphors and normal metaphorical language were not problematic because each lexical unit was analysed with respect to its context. A necessary modification of the MIP was to exclude idiomatic expressions. The Pragglejaz Group admits that not all idioms are decomposable and, furthermore, the central idea of the MIP is to refer to the basic current meaning, which is problematic with expressions of several words having only one meaning in a specific context. Which word in an idiom needs to be analysed and which not? Analysing metaphors means working on the edge of metaphors close to other figurative expressions like idioms, metonymies and so forth. The MIP can provide the identification of words that have not been lexicalized yet. So my criterion for separating idioms from metaphors was to rely on the classification in the Duden. Metonymy is not included in this study, either; examples were detected by applying the common ‘like’ test. Even the Pragglejaz Group admits that metonymy can at times lead to some confusion about coding for metaphoricity, but the use of procedures such as check the context or apply the ‘like’ test serve in most cases to resolve the problem (e.g., if ‘like’ fits meaningfully in an ‘A is B’ statement, such as in ‘Lawyers are like sharks’, then the expression is metaphorical). Once more, even if a word is ultimately determined to be non-metaphorical, MIP does not presently provide a mechanism for then suggesting whether the word may have metonymic meaning. (Pragglejaz Group 2007: 31)

10. Discussion 10.1. Verb metaphors To give an idea of which kinds of verb metaphors dominate, I will discuss two different category examples:

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Token Linguistic Expression (GER)

Word Main Meaning (GER)

Context Meaning (GER)

Similarity Catego Literal Translati Previous ry translation on of the knowledge of the word phrase 64 Deutschland schießen einen Schuss, Den Ball mit gun Verb Germany shoot conflict schießt ein Schüsse dem Fuß shooting shoots a Tor. abgeben; von anstoßen od. corresponds goal der werfen, sodass to kicking Schusswaffe er in eine the ball Gebrauch bestimmte machen Richtung rollt od. fliegt 11 Podolski löst lösen bewirken, dass Sich von etw. rigid Verb Podolski break physical sich, etw. lose wird, frei machen, fixation breaks free free contact nicht mehr fest trennen corresponds verbunden ist, slight body nicht mehr contact [an]haftet

Table 6: Examples of identified verb metaphors

Both verbs occur in the context of football with meanings different from their current basic ones. These examples are now briefly discussed in detail: Football is a game, but in this case study the category with the most verb metaphor types is the conflict-knowledge category. This may be due to the conflictual nature of the game. One might ask: Which came first, conflict or play? The unidirectionality of metaphors shows that the answer can only be that features of the football game can more easily be understood by using conflict metaphors, not the other way around. PLAYING FOOTBALL IS BATTLING, but not BATTLING IS PLAYING FOOTBALL. The overwhelming number of conflict tokens shows that conflict is central to the game. The highest number of metaphor types confirms this because playing football is not like battling in only one way, but in many ways. Attack, conquer, fight and fire off are only a few examples of a great variety of verb conflict metaphors. Where battles take place, physical contact is inevitable, but fighting for the ball does not necessarily include touching the opponent. So, a football player can also sich lösen (‘to break loose’) from an opponent without actually having physical contact. Besides, sich lösen basically means unfixing a strong connection between two objects. A further example is when one player keeps ahead of the other in a running duel, as in vorne liegen (‘to be ahead’), meaning ‘staying ahead of somebody’. Another case is rausnehmen (‘to take out’) in connection with the tempo of a football match, which is clearly seen as a container, with tempo as an object. The situation regarding nouns is very similar, as will be shown in the following. 10.2. Noun metaphors The noun metaphors are also dominated by conflict expressions. As in the verb knowledge categories, the number of conflict tokens is extremely high, amounting to two thirds of all the metaphor tokens. This is due to the fact that Mannschaft (‘team’) is categorized as a metaphor because of its older use in the military context. The words containing Mannschaft constitute almost 40 percent of the conflict category tokens. If one removed the Mannschaft metaphors from the conflict tokens, this category would still represent half of the token number. If one does the same with the noun metaphor 129

types, the conflict category still remains the biggest group of types, losing only three percent of the overall type percentage. However, the current meaning of Mannschaft refers to a sports team and to a military group. This military concept is older than the sport of football, and so counts as metaphorical. In contrast to the verb statistics, the noun type number of conflict metaphors is as large as the four following knowledge categories taken together. This result could be explained by the high number of 84 compound noun types in the conflict category.

11. What do the results indicate? The fact that both verb and noun conflict metaphors represent the highest number of metaphorical expression in football commentary matches the findings of other studies: Michels (2002), in a study of French football commentary, found that about 22 percent of TV live commentary metaphors are of a war/military nature. Similar results exist for football-related language in Romance language press reports (Gil / Schmitt 1998; Gabriel 1998). The comparability between these studies and the present study is relative because each analyst followed his/her own categorization of metaphors. In the present study, metaphors were first identified according to a concrete procedure and then, in addition, a categorization of previous knowledge to the metaphors was applied. Michels (2002), for example, started with identifying metaphors by the common Bildspenderbereich (semantic fields). Therefore a comparison is difficult but, on the other hand, interesting if one takes a closer look at the categories she claims to be present (2002: 52) in the comparison of several languages: war, economy, religion, mythology, death, theatre, music, nature and fauna (translation St. V.).

In fact, these Bildspender correspond to my previous knowledge categories. My category of administration includes both economy and religion. Mythology is included in the category of imagination. In this study death occurred only once, namely in the verb totmachen (‘to make dead’, or rather ‘kill’), which forms part of the conflict group; so it will probably fall into either conflict or nature. Theatre and music are merged in the category of creative performance. Creative performance is different from the category of imagination because it represents a purposeful act of imagination. Imagination is more vague and involuntary, like fear, for example. Nature and fauna in this study are included in the nature category, which is huge but useful because splitting it up into biology, physics, human or animal would lead to countless other categories. The general question of categories is difficult as there are different ways to start the categorization. One could first make up categories and apply them to the metaphors identified, or create categories depending on the kind of metaphors one finds. The first one could end up in many empty categories; the latter one could lead to in a onemetaphor-one-category system. Both methods could turn out to be impracticable, but only trying out a specific approach can help to develop a practical technique for the categorization of metaphors identified. My previous knowledge scheme is the proposal to build up a concrete procedure similar to the MIP, with the previous knowledge as one factor of probably many in the system. 130

12. Discussion In this study the MIP has turned out to be useful although problems specific to the German language occurred. Compound words can be analyzed by splitting them up into their basic meanings. As a consequence, the creation of categories for metaphors is problematic because it is not clear according to which part of the compound the word should be categorized. Respecting the modifier-head structure of compounds, one could argue for categorizing according to the head of a compound. Defensivarbeit (‘defensive work’) would be a good categorizable example, but there aren’t many others; instead, a lot of compounds have heads with abstract meanings like Nachschussmöglichkeit (‘follow-up shot’), where a concrete meaning comes only from the metaphor Schuss (‘shot’). Analysing also completely abstract words would mean turning away from the concrete approach of the MIP, and this would probably lead to philosophical problems of abstract categories. As in the procedure of identifying metaphors, the compound analysis step could function also as a way to categorize metaphors. In this way compounds could be first checked if the head is metaphorical, and if so, classified according to the head; otherwise they would be classified according to the next metaphorical modifier. The categorization of metaphors remains as the next step to be taken. With a complete procedure, results become comparable and useful for other disciplines, like sociology, ethnology or any other fields of cultural studies.

13. Outlook This study has shown the practicability of the MIP for the German language and demonstrated that football language in live radio commentary, and probably football language in general, is based on the previous knowledge of conflict. Metaphor research offers the possibility of collecting data which can be useful for cultural and linguistic studies.. The more “metaphors in the wild” (Pragglejaz Group 2007: 1) are analysed with this method, the clearer its practicability becomes. Another outcome of this case study is that the previous knowledge of conflict is deeply linked with football language, football reasoning and probably football itself. To conclude, further studies on football language and football culture will show how right the legendary Liverpool coach Bill Shankly was when he said: “Some people believe football is a matter of life and death. I’m very disappointed with that attitude. I can assure you it is much, much more important than that.”

References Becker, Julia / Wagner, Ulich / Christ, Oliver (2007): Nationalismus und Patriotismus als Ursache von Fremdenfeindlichkeit. In: Heitmeyer, 131–149 Cameron, Lynne / Low, Graham (eds.) (1999): Researching and applying metaphor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Dankert, Harald (1969): Sportsprache und Kommunikation. Untersuchungen zur Struktur der Fußballsprache und zum Stil der Sportberichterstattung. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung f. Volkskunde

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Döring, Martin / Osthus, Dietmar (2002): Black, Blanc, Beur. Metaphorische Identität – identische Metaphern? Zur Presseberichterstattung in französischen und deutschen Zeitungen zum Mondial 1998. In: http://www.metaphorik.de/03/, 2/11/2007, 17–43 Duden deutsches Universalwörterbuch (62006). Mannheim: Dudenverlag Gabriel, Klaus (1998): Zur Metaphorik in der italienischen Fußballberichterstattung. In: Gil / Schmitt, 57–85 Gil, Alberto / Schmitt, Christian (eds.) (1998): Kognitive und kommunikative Dimensionen der Metaphorik in den romanischen Sprachen. Bonn: Romanistischer Verlag Heitmeyer, Wilhelm (ed.) (2007): Deutsche Zustände. Folge 5. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Kluge, Friedrich / Seebold, Elmar (242002): Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache. Berlin: de Gruyter Kövecses, Zoltàn (2002): Metaphor. A practical introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press Lakoff, George / Mark Johnson (22003): Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Mahon, James Edwin (1999): Getting your sources right. In: Cameron / Low, 69–80 Michels, Anke (2002): Metaphern in französischen Fußballreportagen. In: http://www.metaphorik.de/02, 2/11/2007, 42–68 Ortony, Andrew (ed.) (1979): Metaphor and thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Pragglejaz Group (2007): MIP: A method for identifying metaphorically used words in discourse. In: Metaphor and Symbol 22/1, 1–39 Schweickard, Wolfgang (1987): Die cronaca calcista. Zur Sprache der Fußballberichterstattung in italienischen Sporttageszeitungen. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer

Stephan Vierkant Freie Universität Berlin Linguistics (General and German Linguistics) Habelschwerdter Allee 45 14195 Berlin, Germany e-mail: [email protected]

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ERIC A. ANCHIMBE

“BEND IT LIKE A BANANA”: REPRESENTING THE ECOLOGY IN LIVE FOOTBALL COMMENTARIES This paper uses data from two locations to show that events or objects in the physical environment serve as figurative tools for the representation of events or actions on the football field. Based on unscripted live commentaries from Cameroon and the West Bank, the paper shows that football commentators use names of events specific to their physical and socio-political environment to describe action on the football pitch. While the Cameroonian commentators borrow largely from the physical and cultural environment, the West Bank commentators borrow from the socio-political environment dominated by the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. This pattern of language usage enriches vocabulary, but also gives speakers the chance to evoke sensitive issues in a light-hearted manner. This strategy fits closely with recent goals in football, i.e. to strengthen unity among people, fight racism and ensure equality for all humans.

1. Introduction Football is perhaps the most popular sport in the present century. It has established itself not only as the most prestigious club and national sport, but also as one of the most lucrative sports (consider player contracts, transfers, club take-overs, television transmission rights, sale of T-shirts, etc.). Football more than many other team sports is unique in its ambiguous ability to unite and divide at the same time – consider national/regional unity during football competitions and (in)famous hooligan violence during and after games or tournaments. Besides this, football is now a battlefield for several issues: the fight against racism (e.g. banners and flyers during games or information slots on television during transmission of football games); the resolution of conflicts (e.g. the match Israel-Palestine vs. World Stars 2006); the alleviation of poverty (e.g. Michael Schumacher + friends vs. World Stars, or Team Ronaldo vs. Team Zidane (2005 and 2006) both under the UN). What all this points to is that the sport has become so dynamic and diverse that it is used – both consciously and unconsciously – to represent reality, political and social issues, tastes in fashion, as well as racial and minority awareness. This paper aims to show that language and society are so closely knit that extricating the study of one from the other is difficult. The paper stresses the place of the external ecology (cf. Mufwene 2001) in the ways speakers interpret reality and how these influence the evolution of their languages. By using existing elements and events from the outside world to qualify actions and events on the football field, commentators are in fact involved in re-attributing new functions to certain expressions or creating new expressions that metaphorise action on the field on the basis of reality in their immediate environment. So commentators are involved in two linguistic processes: 1) borrowing expressions from other situations to use them in football commentaries – see military vocabulary in the West Bank data, and 2) creating expressions based on the 133

physical and socio-cultural environment – see Cameroon data. In both cases, the way the discourse is framed creates a solid link between the world of entertainment (i.e. football) and that of reality (i.e. politics). The paper is structured as follows: the next section presents a general analysis of framing in various football commentaries from other parts of the world, especially England. It is followed by the main part, which deals with live commentaries from the West Bank (broadcast via loudspeaker) and Cameroon (broadcast on radio). The conclusion evaluates the impact of these commentaries or expressions on the evolution of language, on society and the resolution of societal differences or conflicts. Overall, this contribution emphasises the need to benefit from the multifaceted status of football today to achieve such goals as battling racism, discouraging armed conflicts, reconciling warring factions, and achieving international peace.

2. Framing in football commentaries Framing in discourse is important for understanding speakers’ intentions and the messages they transmit. In all contexts of communication, interlocutors choose frames that represent their intentions either directly – mediation – or indirectly – avoidance, evasion – but still keep their message intact. This has been succinctly established in political discourse (Harris 1991, Fairclough 2000), courtroom discourse (Janney 1999), interviews (Jucker 1986, Bull 1994), and religious discourse (Pennycook / Makoni 2005, Omoniyi / Fishman 2006, Varghese / Johnston 2007). Some work has been done on football as well (Bryant et al. 1977, Beard 1998, May 2000, Chovanec 2005, Delleman 2005, Thaler 2005, Müller / Mayr 2007, Schmidt forthcoming). The football commentary box differs from all of the above domains in that football is, in the first place, entertainment, and it involves an event that is going on under the eyes of the commentators. Framing the discourse therefore becomes delicate in that, especially with audio-visual media, the commentator may risk misrepresenting events on the field in his/her commentaries while televiewers and spectators see them as they happen. Again, metaphors chosen by the commentator may not suit the situations well, or from another perspective, the use of certain stereotypical expressions may not serve the purpose of entertainment, but rather incite discontent and even violence. Some expressions may be misunderstood if taken out of context, while others may simply make viewers smile. Examples (1–2) from Delleman 2005 and (3) from Ezzedine 2006 below could sound interesting if taken out of the football context. The verbs traded, threatening and fires seem to recreate military tension that could threaten peace and hence result in the trading of missile fire. Especially (3) would clearly suggest military action if the bracketed part were to be left out. 2. 3. 4.

[…] England and Slovakia traded miss for miss […] […] Slovakia were threatening an upset […] […] who fires a ground-to-ground missile (scoring the first goal)

Framing in live football commentaries is also delicate because as a fast action sport, with close to two dozen participants besides team and match officials, there is much happening at the same time that has to be described or commented on. As a result, the 134

“commentator must necessarily be selective of the degree of detail and also strike a balance between rapidity of delivery and grammatical structure” (AQA 2005: 21). What this means is that there is bound to be excessive use of shortening strategies like ellipsis and substitution, which gives the commentator time to say more on the unfolding action. The elliptical devices used in live football commentaries are framed into the discourse in a way that listeners are not confused. The following examples from Delleman’s 2005 analysis of live football commentaries in England illustrate how and which elements are often elided. These elements are generally references to the ball – since every verb semantically related to ‘kick’ would be understood to refer to ‘kicking the ball’ – and also to goals. As (4) shows, the verb sliced makes it clear that it is the ball that is sliced into the crowd and nothing else. Similarly, the verb scored in (5) leaves no doubt that the reference is to ‘goals’, although it is not mentioned. In (6), the use of the noun touches might be initially misleading, but this is taken care of by the verb deflect that comes after it, which makes the reference less problematic. 5. 6. 7.

[…] but he sliced [the ball] into the crowd. […] have scored five [goals] on the night. […] to get the merest of touches [to the ball] to deflect it […]

Substituted chunks, very often long ones, generally do not leave viewers wondering what they actually correlate to. In the same way as ellipsis, this is used to gain time and also to avoid verbosity. In (7), also taken from Delleman 2005, the expression the same replaces look suspect defensively, which appears in the subordinate clause “Although ... defensively”. 8.

Although Slovakia continued to look suspect defensively…the same could be said of England […]

Although most of the examples above do not say anything specific about the sociopolitical environment of the country or town in which the commentaries were given, they still emphasise the importance of framing in this domain of language production. The examples in the main section (3.1, 3.2) of the paper pay more attention to the ecology of their respective regions – Cameroon and the West Bank. Commentators, as mentioned earlier, constantly borrow from the landscape and the socio-political environment – what I refer to here as the ‘ecology’ (cf. Mufwene 2001, Anchimbe 2006) – to draw listeners and viewers closer to on-the-field and off-the-field realities of the community. In fact, the commentaries or the specific socio-politically-laden expressions serve several purposes besides simply transmitting news-like snapshots of what is happening on the pitch. They also, as emphasised in the conclusion, indicate at which point events in society (the external ecology) influence linguistic systems and patterns of communication (the internal ecology). Before going any deeper into this, it may well be necessary at this point to discuss the impact and nature of radio, television, and loudspeaker football commentaries.

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2.1. Radio or television or loudspeaker: Does it really matter? As far as representing the ecology in commentaries and getting a clear picture across to the audience are concerned, it really does matter whether the commentator reports on radio, on television, or over the loudspeaker. Framing in live radio, television, and loudspeaker (see West Bank) commentaries differs in several important ways. This is because these media differ, and connecting to their respective audiences is dependent on the choices available to each of them. While radio uses voices and other sounds (e.g. background noises – chants, shouts, etc. – from the stadium, imposed music from the studio) to create a communicative impact on the audience, television relies on visual images enlivened by noises from the spectators, adding these to the voice of the (often unseen) commentator(s). The loudspeaker commentator merges both, since the commentator is in the stadium with the audience, interacts with them and relates to them more closely. The absence of images on radio is compensated for by the voice of the commentator: when it rises and his speech becomes fast, this indicates there is the possibility of a goal. So the commentator’s voice is significant, not only in the way ecologically-based expressions are rendered, but also in terms of the stress placed on certain other elements. This includes prosodic features such as volume, rhythm, intonation, tempo, and stress that are relevant for catching the audience’s attention and engaging with them. The commentator gets the audience to live the experience in the stadium through the descriptive and engaging expressions s/he uses. To do this, s/he needs to be creative and cautious in the choice of words and especially metaphors, provide adequate information, and of course, avoid silence or leaving gaps, which may cause the audience to wonder what might be going on. On television, the commentator lives the game together with the audience through the images. The audience share in the atmosphere in the stadium not only through audio, but also through visual image. The impact of the commentator’s voice is not as decisive as in radio commentaries because the audience see what is happening. Silences or gaps may, therefore, go unnoticed, since the audience have visual contact with the pitch, in addition to the audio contact represented by the chants and the shouting of the spectators in the stadium. This reduces the job of the television football commentators, for instance, to dropping in one or two decisive comments on the state of the game or specific incidents, providing background information on players, teams and trainers, reporting on the state of the competition and the stakes for the teams and doing interviews. As far as commentaries on a loudspeaker are concerned, a different set of factors emerges. Certainly, this is not a standard method of reporting football, but it is conditioned by the resources and technology available. Loudspeaker commentaries resemble, in some degree, audio-visual or television commentaries. The commentator and the audience both experience the action. But in this case there is more contact between the commentator and the audience or listeners. They function in a form of communicative communion because the audience’s feedback is immediate and accessible to the commentator. Again, other events outside the stadium are followed by both commentator and audience. For instance, in the West Bank commentaries, as an Israeli helicopter flies over the pitch during the game, the commentator says: “The match is such a hotbed that even the occupation forces want to intervene”. Other forms 136

of commentary often do not pay attention to such events for fear of distracting, or in some cases inciting, the audience or viewers.

3. Representing the ecology in football commentaries The ‘ecology’ has been of interest to geographers, environmentalists, biologists, and lately, linguists. In all these fields, it has been viewed as the decisive environment that sets the rules for competition, both among individuals within a species and among species that share the same habitat (cf. Gould 1993, Anchimbe 2006). Linguists have therefore sought to establish that human languages exist in an ecology analogous to a biological ecology in which individuals (represented here by languages or linguistic elements within languages) compete for selection (as standard language or as standard elements within the norm). If we accept that languages live in such decisive environments or ecologies, then it becomes clear, as Mufwene (2001: 16) explains, that languages are in a way parasitic species of the Lamarckian or symbiotic type [...] whose genetic makeup can change several times in its lifetime [... and] whose life and vitality depend on (the acts and dispositions of) its hosts, i.e., its speakers, on the society they form, and on the culture in which they live.

The ecology of a language has two faces: the internal and the external. The internal ecology has to do with the “nature of the coexistence of the units and principles of a linguistic system before and/or during the change” (Mufwene 2001: xii). The external ecology covers all aspects of contact between the language and other languages, its use or appropriation by its and other speakers. In short, it consists of the ethnographic and socio-economic atmosphere in which the language evolves (cf. Anchimbe 2006). So, language use and the changes the language undergoes – through the differing creative impulses of its hosts – all form part of its ecology. For purposes of the analysis carried out here, attention is paid predominantly to the external ecology and how this influences the evolution of the internal ecology of the language – in this case, English. The regions selected for study use English in ways peculiar to them and hence the commentaries make reference to external ecological features available in their environment. As the next sections show, a banana kick would most likely be heard in Cameroon, where bananas are grown, than elsewhere, and a ground-to-ground missile is most familiar to the West Bank, which is due to its long acquaintance with war. 3.1. The Cameroonian ecology Situated between Central and West Africa, Cameroon has a rich geography and a great variety of cultures that serve as input for innovation of the (foreign) languages used there. Football commentators, therefore, borrow extensively from these sources to colour their commentaries in a bid to provide listeners or viewers with accurate images of the action on the field. Several of the examples described below are taken from Bashi 1996 and from my recordings of live radio football commentaries in August and September 2007. 137

The expressions can be classified into two categories: 1) those that represent the physical ecology of the country, and 2) those derived from metaphorical recreation of the social and physical reality of the country. The first set of examples (8–11) makes use of geographical elements specific to Cameroon, while the second set (12–17) captures certain aspects (e.g. ‘the mouth’) that could be metaphorically said to be found on the football pitch or in the game of football. 9.

A banana shot or a banana kick: a shot that curves like a banana. It forms a curve or a semi-circle, generally overhead, from the flanks of the field towards the goal area.1 The lava boys: the common name for the team, Mount Cameroon FC, from the South West Province of Cameroon, where Mount Cameroon (also called Mount Fako) is found. It is an active volcano and often spits out lava. The sand-sand boys of Batie: this is a reference to the team Sable de Batie (Batie sand). The region is noted for its sand. Most inhabitants make their living by digging and selling sand, which is used for the construction of houses, bridges, etc. The Shaba end of the stadium: this is used only in the Yaounde Omnisports stadium. The Shaba end of the field refers to that part of the stadium occupied by spectators or supporters with the cheapest tickets. This part of the stadium also happens to be on the same side as a poor neighbourhood of the city. These two components (i.e. cheap tickets and poor neighbourhood) come together to make it a perpetual corner for poor, noisy, and rowdy spectators. According to Bashi (1996: 56), the word Shaba comes from the poor mining Shaba zone of the Democratic Republic of Congo and is characterised by poor inhabitants, dirty streets, and general disorder.

10.

11.

12.

Examples 12–17 are based on social and cultural interpretations of certain actions or positions on the field. The scores of socio-cultural beliefs and the understanding of the functions of certain body parts, territory, etc. are borrowed and metaphorised for action on the football field. 13.

The mouth of the goal area: this is the entrance to the 5.5-metre area of the football field, close to the goal posts. Perhaps it recaptures the notion of the ball being fed into the goal, just as food is fed into the body.

14.

The mouth of the penalty area: this describes the semi-circle at the entrance to the 16.5-metre zone. It is the entrance or access point to this zone, hence conceived of as the ‘mouth’. The crater of the lava boys: this highly creative expression makes a link between the reference ‘lava boys’ and the crater of a volcano. So it does not refer to the half of the pitch occupied by the lava boys (Mount Cameroon FC), but rather to their 16.5-metre zone. A thundering shot: this refers to a hard shot at goal. It is said to have the force of thunder – the roaring sound that comes after lightning. Clear the living room: the living room in this expression refers to the 16.5-metre zone. It is, as Bashi 1996 emphasises, treated as a vital area for each team. Whenever the ball is inside this area, it means the ‘living room’ is in danger, and has to be cleared by getting the ball out of it as soon as possible. The Lions’ territory: the national team of Cameroon is called ‘The Indomitable Lions’. It is common for Cameroonian football commentators and reporters to refer to the part of the field occupied by the Cameroonian team as the ‘Lions territory’.

15.

16. 17.

18.

3.2. The West Bank ecology 1

Cf. the expression Bananenflanke, which had been used in German commentaries as far back as the 1970s to describe shots by Manfred Burgsmüller, and the 1980s and 1990s to describe shots by Andreas Brehme.

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I asked the children to pick the names of big clubs such as Real Madrid or Barcelona but they selected other names [like Beit Lahiya-Palestine, Jenin, Beit Hanun, Aita al-Shaab-Lebanon, and Fallujah]. Yussef Zaghlul (Organiser of West Bank U-14 football tournament, 2006)

Having been exposed to violence for a long time, West Bank commentators, just like the under-14-year-olds who took part in the football summer camp tournament organised by Yussef Zaghlul, use mostly words or expressions they often hear on the news and around the streets. They tend to visualise action on the football field through the lens of resistance to Israeli occupation forces. As the above quote shows, the children do not choose names of famous football teams, but rather go for names of towns that are known for their resistance to Israel (see examples 22–23) and for the 2006 IsraeliHezbollah clash (24). The commentators also adopt the vocabulary of the conflict and equate action on the pitch with action on the conflict front (see examples 18–21) – i.e. language “laden with military metaphor” (cf. Ezzedine 2006). The commentaries (i.e. examples 18–24 as well) used for this part of the paper were collected during this tournament by Hossam Ezzedine (see appendix). 19. 20.

21.

22.

23. 24. 25.

A ground-to-ground missile: a powerful shot along the ground of the pitch that turns out to be, or comes close to being, a goal. Go on the offensive: an onslaught by a team in the opponent’s part of the field, especially in the 16.5-metre zone. The expression echoes Palestinian militants and Israeli occupation forces that often go on the offensive against each other. A hotbed: a reference that is most heard on the news to describe certain areas where conflict often occurs between Israeli forces and Palestinian militants. It is used here to refer to the match and to capture the tense action on the pitch. The occupation forces want to intervene: The use of occupation forces and intervene here does not refer to action on the field, but to something off the field. The commentator makes this statement as he sees an Israeli helicopter flying past (“The match is such a hotbed that even the occupation forces want to intervene”). It shows the flexibility of giving commentaries using a loudspeaker. Beit Lahiya-Palestine: The U-14 children choose this name in order to show their support for one of the major resistance zones to Israeli occupation and settlement. Jenin and Beit Hanun: This is another Palestinian resistance zone. Aita al-Shaab-Lebanon: Reference to one of the areas in which Israel clashed with Hezbollah in the summer of 2006. Another name from Lebanon used by the U-14 teams is Bint Jbeil.

4. Conclusion: On language, ecology and social construct We are far from claiming that the above examples cover all expressions used in football commentaries to capture events on the field (metaphorically). What these examples show, however, is that the domain of football commentary is strongly influenced by local colour – the physical, socio-cultural, and socio-political ecology. This local ecology exerts a strong effect on the communicative event. For instance, outwitting an opponent by passing the ball between his legs is called differently in various contexts: e.g. nzoulo in Cameroon, eshebobo in South Africa, and kobri in Saudi Arabia (Bashi 1996: 54). The corresponding word in the English language for this is ‘to nutmeg so’. 139

Other communities of speakers derive words for it according to local tastes and communicative appropriateness. What impact does this pattern of language use have on the system of the language? And on the community or communities at large? First, if we accept that language change begins at the idiolectal level, change in language might happen even faster than imagined, given that these expressions are used by sports reporters (journalists) who belong to the group of the most often heard speakers of a language. As a result, these expressions may well spread beyond the football domain. Their spread may be fast owing to the vast numbers who follow football. Second, if the ecological trend remains consistent (which it generally does), then regional ecologies will tend to be reflected in varieties of the language, hence making them more distinct from one another (cf. variation in varieties of English). As far as the impact of these linguistic elements on social and societal constructs is concerned, some of the expressions could intensify negative feelings – especially in conflict areas. For instance, Yussef Zaghlul makes this statement in relation to the choice of team names by the Palestinian children: “Our greatest achievement is to be able to contain children’s aggressive tendencies towards one another during these camps”. In all, language and society cross-fertilise each other; and it is not always a ‘negative’ experience. Football commentaries will, therefore, continue to enrich several domains of societal life, but this interaction will always be treated as a great source of entertainment. After all, football is in fact entertainment – and can only be considered as war in metaphorical terms.

Appendix “Bending it like WEST Bank resistance fighters” by Hossam Ezzedine DURA AL-QAREI, West Bank (AFP) They look and play like young footballers everywhere, but peers from outside the Middle East would be hard pressed to follow teams competing in the playoffs at a West Bank summer camp. The junior Palestinian sides are not named after world-class football clubs like AC Milan, Barcelona, or Manchester United. Instead they are called Beit Lahiya-Palestine, Jenin and Beit Hanun – towns that are hotbeds of resistance to Israeli troops. There is also Aita al-Shaab-Lebanon and Bint Jbeil, where Hezbollah clashed with Israel during the month-long Lebanon war. And Fallujah or Ramadi, insurgent lairs familiar to USled forces in Iraq. “I asked the children to pick the names of big clubs such as Real Madrid or Barcelona but they selected other names,” said Yussef Zaghlul, 45, the organizer of a tournament for under 14-year-olds in the West Bank village of Dura al-Qarei. Sociologists say the “militarisation” of a juniors’ sporting event reflects the impact of regional conflicts on children and Palestinians in general. “Palestinian children watch what is going on around them. This affects their behaviour, be it on the street, at home or at school,” said sociologist Abdelrahman al-Turk. The commentary as teams competed on a piece of open land in the heart of the village was also laden with military metaphor. “The Aita al-Shaab defender has the ball. He wants to go on the offensive. He passes the ball to a player on the right flank, who fires a ground-to-ground missile scoring the first goal,” shouted Naim Fawzi into a megaphone. When an Israeli helicopter gunship flies over the village, which is very close to a Jewish settlement built on Palestinian land, he shouts: “The match is such a hotbed that even the occupation forces want to intervene!” Turk, the sociologist, says that the psychological impact of war continues to influence children’s behaviour after they grow up. “No one

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knows how they will behave in the future after being exposed to this kind of environment. There is a risk they’ll adopt extremist tendencies,” he warned. Various Palestinian organisations arrange summer camps during school breaks to entertain children and help them forget the violence to which they are too frequently exposed in daily life. “We cannot totally isolate a child from his surroundings, or stop him from thinking or reacting,” noted Mussa Abu Zeid, the general coordinator of summer camps organised by bodies affiliated to the Palestinian Authority. “Our greatest achievement is to be able to contain children’s aggressive tendencies towards one another during these camps,” he said. Friday August 25, 2006 06 :39 PM http://uk.news.yahoo.com/25082006/323/bending-west-bank-resistance-fighters.html

References Anchimbe, Eric A. (2006): Cameroon English: Authenticity, ecology and evolution. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang AQA [Assessment and Qualifications Alliance] (2005): GCE English Language: Support materials for language and technology, Unit 2. Manchester: AQA Bashi, Joseph (1996): The English of live football commentaries in Cameroon: A lexico-semantic analysis. MA Thesis, University of Yaounde 1 Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London: Routledge Boas, Hans C. (ed.) (forthcoming): Multilingual FrameNets in computational lexicography: Methods and applications. New York: de Gruyter Bryant, Jennings / Comisky, Paul / Zillmann, Dolf (1977): Drama in sports commentary. In: Journal of Communication 3, 140–149 Bull, Peter (1994): On identifying questions, replies, and non-replies in political interviews. In: Journal of Language and Social Psychology 13, 115-131 Chovanec, Jan (2005): Czeching out puns and clichés in football reporting. In: Theory and Practice in English Studies 3, 61–67 Delleman, Nick (2005): Discourse analysis of a football match. In: Karen’s Linguistic Issues. http://www3.telus.net/linguisticsissues/football, 23/10/2007 Ezzedine, Hossam (2006): Bending it like West Bank resistance fighters. In: Yahoo News Online. http://uk.news.yahoo.com/25082006/323/bending-west-bank-resistance-fighters.html, 26/08/2006 Falkner, Wolfgang / Schmid, Hans-Jörg (eds.) (1999): Words, lexemes, concepts – Approaches to the lexicon. Studies in honour of Leonhard Lipka. Tubingen: Gunter Narr Verlag Fairclough, Norman (2000): New Labour, New language? London: Routledge Gould, Stephen J. (1993): Eight little piggies: Reflections in natural history. New York: Norton Harris, Sandra (1991): Evasive action: How politicians respond to questions in political interviews. In: Scannel, 76–99 Janney, Richard W. (1999): Linguistic avoidance in the O. J. Simpson transcripts. In: Falkner / Schmid, 259–272 Jucker, Andreas (1986): News interviews: A pragmalinguistic analysis. Amsterdam: Benjamins May, Pete (2000): British Football chants. In: Verbatim: The Language Quarterly 25/1, 8–11 Mufwene, Salikoko (2001): The ecology of language evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Müller, Torsten / Mayr, Robert (2007): Speech rate, time pressure and emotion in English and German football commentary. In: Weinert, 160-181 Omoniyi, Tope / Joshua A. Fishman (eds.) (2006): Explorations in the sociology of language and religion. Amsterdam: Benjamins Pennycook, Alastair / Sinfree Makoni (2005): The modern mission: The language effects of Christianity. In: Journal of Language, Identity & Education 4/2, 137–155 Scannel, Paddy (ed.) (1991): Broadcast talk. London: Sage Schmidt, Thomas (forthcoming): The Kicktionary – A multilingual lexical resource of football language. In: Boas Thaler, Engelbert (2005): Popular culture. Football, films and fashion. Paderborn: Schöningh

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Varghese, Manka M. / Johnston, Bill (2007): Evangelical Christians and English language teaching. In: TESOL Quarterly 41/1, 5–31 Weinert, Regina (ed.) (2007): Spoken language pragmatics. An analysis of form-function relations. London: Continuum

Dr. Eric A. Anchimbe English Linguistics University of Bayreuth Universitätstraße 30 D-95440 Bayreuth, Germany e-mail: [email protected] http://www.bayceer.uni-bayreuth.de/engling/

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MAGNUS LEVIN

“HITTING THE BACK OF THE NET JUST BEFORE THE FINAL WHISTLE”: HIGH-FREQUENCY PHRASES IN FOOTBALL REPORTING1 In this study football language is shown to consist largely of semi-fixed phrases with conventionalized functions. Superficially similar phrases have developed separate functions. The phrases under study are largely restricted to football and sports reporting, and therefore it is argued that they are register markers. As such, they both support social cohesion and social exclusion. The investigation comprises match reports, and, to a lesser extent, play-by-play commentary. The phrases typically have fixed cores and variable slots. The focus is on phrases containing the words net, minute(s) and whistle. Goal-scoring phrases are based on metonymy (hit the back of the net) while time is usually expressed with metaphors (in the nth minute). This study uses an interface developed by Fletcher 2003/2004 to extract frequent phrases. The material comes from the British National Corpus, on which Fletcher’s database is based, with additional material from The Independent on CD-ROM.

1. Introduction In recent years there has been a growing realization that language to a large extent consists of fixed or semi-fixed strings of words that are pasted together, rather than individual words that are combined one by one according to abstract syntactic rules (Moon 1998; Erman / Warren 2000; Wray 2002). Linguists working on phraseology have increasingly come to rely on corpora rather than introspection for their data, since, as Stubbs (2007a: 90) argues, many features of phraseology, such as frequency, variability and pragmatic connotations, are “habitual, unnoticed and often deeply unconscious”. Many frequent phrases have been found to be based on metaphorical and metonymic links. For example, Lindquist / Levin (forthcoming), using a method similar to the one used in this paper, have found that some of the most frequent phrases containing the words foot and mouth are either based on metaphorical links (e.g. the foot of the mountain, where the human foot is mapped onto the lower part of another entity) or metonymic links (e.g. get cold feet, where a physical reaction is linked to an emotion). Perhaps even more so than language in general, play-by-play commentary of sports events has been shown to consist of formulaic sequences (Ferguson 1983; Kuiper 1996; Reaser 2003). Ferguson (1983: 169) argues that recurrent routines in sportscasting stem from the communicative needs of the register and that they thus develop into the specialized language of a particular social group. In contrast to the present investigation, studies of the language of sports have generally been qualitative in nature and have been based on fairly limited material. The present large-scale corpus study combines the study of phraseology, metaphor, metonymy and football language with corpus methodo1

I thank Charlotte Hommerberg, Hans Lindquist and Carita Paradis for reading and commenting on an earlier draft of this paper.

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logy developed by Stubbs 2007a, forthcoming a, forthcoming b and tested in a number of papers (Levin / Lindquist 2007; Lindquist / Levin forthcoming). The aim is to explore frequent phrases containing the words net, minute(s) and whistle occurring in play-by-play commentary and match reports; (ii) examine the role of metaphor and metonymy in the creation of football-related phraseology; (iii) investigate the functions, use, fixedness and variability of formulaic sequences in football reporting.

(i)

2. Material and method The method developed by Stubbs has the advantage of retrieving what is frequent and typical in a corpus rather than relying on intuition or dictionaries. A very large corpus is often required in phraseological studies to provide reliable results about the frequency (what is typical should be given more prominence), structure (canonical forms and variants), function (meaning and communicative purpose) and distribution (text-types in which they occur) of phrases (Stubbs forthcoming a). For the initial part of the investigation, I used Fletcher’s 2003/2004 database Phrases in English (PIE), which is based on the British National Corpus (BNC). The BNC, which consists of 90 million words of written and 10 million words of spoken British English, is a standard corpus containing all kinds of texts (Aston / Burnard 1998), of which football commentary only forms a minute part. Additional material was therefore gathered from the British newspaper The Independent (Ind) on CD-ROM from the years 1990, 1995 and 2000. PIE searches for all n-grams with a length between 2 and 8 words occurring 3 times or more in the BNC. The term ‘n-gram’ refers to recurring strings of words that may or may not have linguistic integrity, while ‘phrase’ or ‘pattern’ in this study refers to meaningful, linguistically structured recurring sequences of words. N-grams of different lengths and with the key word in different positions were detected. Thus all 8grams down to 2-grams containing the key words selected for this study were retrieved. Figure 1 illustrates the extraction of 4-grams. In the figure, N represents the key words (minute(s), net or whistle) and + represents any other word (the hash # is used for numerals in PIE). In this way lists of n-grams were generated that were examined manually for linguistically interesting material. For instance, “minutes from the end” (166 tokens) was found to have linguistic integrity, and was therefore analyzed further, while “of the net and” (11 tokens) was not. This method of extracting phrases has been called “from lexis to n-grams” by Stubbs forthcoming a. N+++ +N++ ++N+ +++N

minutes from the end # minutes from time of the net and back of the net

Figure 1: The extraction of 4-grams

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This study is restricted to n-grams with a minimum frequency of 3 that contained one of the words net, minute(s) or whistle, although some references will be made to related phrases containing other words. To some extent the researcher’s intuition affected the choice of key words, but these particular words were chosen mainly because exploratory searches had indicated that they were frequent enough in themselves and also that they occurred in football-related phrases. Most of the phrases analyzed are also used in other sports (and some rarely outside sports), but the vast majority are from football.

3. Phraseology, metonymy and metaphor An underlying assumption of this study is that formulaic sequences are not only used to maintain a high degree of fluency in commentary, but that they also constitute an integral part of human language in general. As in previous studies (e.g. Ferguson 1983; Kuiper 1996; Reaser 2003), the socially cohesive effects of using a common phraseology in sports will be discussed. Research into phraseology has produced a large number of terms and definitions. Kuiper’s (1996: 16) study of the speech of sports commentators defines the term ‘formulae’ as fulfilling the following criteria: (i) they consist of sequences of words, (ii) they have syntactic structure, and (iii) they carry out particular tasks for speakers in given situations. These criteria all fit the phrases investigated in the present study; they are made up of sequences of words with linguistic structure and they express specific meanings (e.g. the final whistle is a noun phrase referring to the end of a game). Kuiper’s discussion of his third criterion only includes oblique references to noncompositionality, which is one of the features in Moon’s (1998: 7–8) definition of units of meaning. This would seem to be a defining criterion for fixed phrases. In noncompositional phrases, meaning is allocated to the whole unit and not to the individual words, and such meanings are typically conventionalized. For instance, the phrase have the ball in the net often refers to a situation where a goal is disallowed, a meaning which cannot be deduced from its parts. Other criteria discussed by Moon relate to institutionalization and fixedness. Institutionalized phrases are often frequent, but there are several exceptions to this, as mentioned by, for instance, Moon and Kuiper. Fixedness, as discussed by Stubbs 2007a, relates to the non-exchangeability of features. This can concern a lack of singular/plural distinction, no definite/indefinite alternation and restrictions on adjective insertion. The present material, nevertheless, shows that some adjectives allow substitution and that some semi-fixed phrases allow variation between definite and indefinite articles without any notable meaning differences. Several studies, e.g. Nattinger / DeCarrico (1992: 31– 58), Moon (1998: 120–177) and Wray (2002: 48–51), have found very widespread variability in phrases. The phrases discussed in this paper are “conventional ways of expressing common meanings” (Stubbs 2007a: 100), consisting of holistically stored, noncompositional sequences of words having a linguistic structure. As will be seen below, many of these phrases are fairly unremarkable prepositional phrases with variable slots (cf. Stubbs forthcoming b). For quite a few of the phrases, it is difficult to determine just how much variation is possible and to identify the boundaries of linguistic units (Stubbs 145

2007a). In some cases, phrases were found to adhere to such abstract patterns that they can even be argued to be constructions, i.e. they carry meanings independently of the words and are “form-meaning correspondences that exist independently of particular verbs” (Goldberg 1995: 1). Stubbs (2007a: 97) argues that the reason some words are frequent is that they occur in frequent phrases, and that such frequent phrases express frequent meanings, such as time, place or cause. Kuiper (1996: 22) proposes that recurring events tend to be associated with formulaic language. Kuiper (1996: 27) stresses that it is culturally significant events in the sport that are connected to formulaic language. In football, such frequent, culturally significant situations involve goal scoring and measuring time, and therefore formulaic language is likely to be used with reference to these events in football reporting. There are a number of reasons why certain phrases are restricted to football (or sports) reporting. Firstly, specific meanings that do not occur outside sports, such as goal scoring, need to be expressed, and such meanings are likely to be conveyed by recurrent semi-fixed phrases, as with other types of recurring human experiences. Secondly, the use of recurrent phrases facilitates rapid production for speakers as well as fast comprehension for listeners who receive information in well-established, prepackaged format. The phrases allow the neat expression of information that is of interest in football reporting. And thirdly, the phrases thus used may serve as register markers. The phrases in this paper only contain a narrow range of all possible lexical alternatives, and occur not only out of necessity, but out of convention and can therefore be argued as having become registerized (Reaser 2003: 314). Kuiper (1996: 96) proposes that traditions developed in sports commentary are often unintelligible to the uninitiated. Therefore such specialized registers both serve to include those who are familiar with the phraseology and to exclude those who are not. Crystal / Davy (1969: 142) argue that certain fixed phrases appear to be “an acceptable or perhaps even an expected part” of sports reporting. Special phraseology is thus necessary to express certain recurrent meanings and is expected by those who follow football, but it may also serve to exclude others. The phrases in the present study are based on metaphoric and metonymic links, which means that they are by definition non-compositional. It should be noted that phrases are generally more or less literal, and more or less metaphorical and metonymic (see, e.g., Goossens 1990; Lindquist / Levin forthcoming). The final whistle is an example where literal and non-literal meanings exist side by side; the literal meaning refers to the referee blowing the whistle for the last time, an action which is metonymically linked with the end of a match. Cognitively inspired work has devoted a great deal of attention to metaphor and metonymy, which have been found to be pervasive in human language. The distinction between metaphor and metonymy is defined in cognitive linguistics in terms of metaphor involving a mapping across two conceptual domains, while metonymy involves only one domain (Lakoff / Johnson 1980). Metaphor has been defined as “understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 5). As an example of this, Lakoff / Johnson (1980: 42) show how the abstract concept of time can be conceptualized as a moving object (e.g. the time for action has arrived). In contrast, metonymy can be described as making one entity stand for another (e.g., the face can stand for the person) (Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 36). 146

According to Lakoff / Johnson, metonymy enables speakers to highlight a certain aspect of an entity or an event. For example, if a football coach wants “fresh legs in midfield”, the focus is on the player’s ability to run rather than, say, his or her ability to head the ball. According to Partington (1998: 107–108), one characteristic of genres is probably the kinds of metaphors occurring in them. This would seem to be a natural result of writers needing a set of variable phrases to describe recurrent events in games. The present paper will, therefore, also explore to what extent the phrases under study, which are based on metaphors and metonymies, are restricted to football reporting.

4. Results 4.1. The phraseology of goal-scoring In view of the focus on phrases with net, all phrases connected with goal scoring in this study are based on metonymy. It should, nevertheless, be stressed that one of the most frequent verbs related to goal-scoring, namely shoot (‘kick the ball’), is based on a metaphor. However, although shoot is very frequent in itself, there are very few types of goal-scoring metaphors in English, while there are quite a few metonymies. As proposed by Stubbs (2007a: 97), it can be argued that the high frequency of a word such as net in a corpus is caused by it occurring in phrases expressing a frequent concept (in this case, goal scoring). The net is metonymically linked with the goal in, e.g., hit/find the back of the net and [Verb] (the ball) into the corner/roof of the net, where one aspect of scoring is highlighted, namely that the ball (usually) reaches the goal net when a goal is scored (e.g. Craig Hignett fired a hard shot into the roof of the net (Ind 1995)). Another phrase, (the ball) over the line, illustrates that the ball does not need to hit the net in order for there to be a goal (e.g. Chapman eventually forced the ball over the line (BNC)). Different metonymies thus allow speakers to highlight different aspects of scoring (cf. Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 36). According to Warren (1999: 122), some linguists have argued that the ability to access a whole state or event from the mention of a salient subpart of it constitutes “the hallmark of metonymic thinking”. The goal-scoring phrases in this section are the most frequent ones with net: the back/corner/roof of the net, (the ball) in the net, empty net and (into his) own net. It should be stressed that, although these phrases are metonymic in that they highlight a salient aspect of an event, they are also literal (the ball really ends up in the net). The most frequent goal scoring phrases with net consist of the n-grams the back/roof/corner of the net. These occurred 280 times in the material, and mostly in the constructions hit/find the back of the net and [Verb] the ball/cross (etc.) into the roof/corner of the net. While the former is usually used simply as a synonym to score a goal, as in 1) below, the latter construction is a neat way of describing how and by whom a goal was scored, and where the ball went in. The verb slot for the back of the net is mostly filled by the verbs hit or find, whereas the roof/corner of the net occurs with a wide variety of transitive and intransitive verbs. Curl, as in 2), bury, hammer, poke and sidefoot only constitute a handful of the more than 50 types found. Some of these verbs, like bury or hammer, are metaphorical, while others like sidefoot can be argued to be metonymic. 147

1. 2.

Sooner or later we had to start hitting the back of the net. (BNC) But Scunthorpe withstood the pressure and scored in injury time with the very last kick of the match, Ian Helliwell curling a free kick into the corner of the net. (BNC)

The “roof/corner of the net construction” (cf. Goldberg 1995) is similar to empty net and own net below in that there is a core in the constructions, which is hard to specify, with slots allowing almost limitless variation. For the roof/corner of the net there is a real-world limitation to the number of specifiable places where a ball can hit the net, while no such limitations appear to apply to the number of ways a ball can be conveyed into it. The next phrase, (the ball) in the net, occurs with a restricted set of verbs, normally only have, put and get. Like the metonymic constructions above, the ball reaching the net is highlighted as a salient feature of scoring. Two distinct meanings are expressed with this phrase, the first of which refers to the superficially simple task of scoring the goals (usually with put or get), as seen in 3) and 13) below. 3.

Bobby told me he needs somebody to put the ball in the net. (BNC)

The second meaning (usually with the verb have) relates to cases where the goal is disallowed, as in 4), 5) and 19) below. This was the case for more than half of the 23 instances in the BNC, and about a third of the 55 instances from Ind. Usually, it is mentioned explicitly that the goal did not count, with phrases like was ruled offside or was disallowed, as in 4) and 19), but sometimes more implicit means are used, as in 5), where readers have to infer that a free-kick was awarded to the defending side. Hilpert (2006: 147) argues that, although phrases are motivated by metonymy, their meanings are not always predictable. Similarly, some knowledge of the conventions of football reporting is required for readers to be able to interpret phrases such as the ball in the net expressing meanings particular to the field. 4. 5.

Peacock had the ball in the net after 65 minutes but the effort was disallowed. (BNC) Paul Sturrock’s men had the ball in the net in injury time but only after Alex Mathie had bundled Leighton over the line. (Ind 2000)

Another goal-scoring construction with net is based on the 2-gram empty net. An/the empty net is a metonymic expression used when there are no defending players obstructing the passage to the goal, as in 6). The net in empty net does not, as in the previously discussed phrases, refer to the meshed fabric at the back of the goal, but rather to the goalmouth. 6.

But Foyle sealed Stoke’s fate when he rounded keeper Ronnie Sinclair to stroke the ball into an empty net with a minute to go. (BNC)

This phrase is another illustration of both the fixedness and the variability of language. In the material there were 91 football tokens of empty net, and only a handful from other sports. Similar to the back/roof/corner of the net above, it can be argued that there is an 148

“empty net construction” (Goldberg 1995), abstractly described as “[Verb] (the ball) into an/the empty net”, allowing a great deal of variation as regards the verbs. There are no fewer than 34 different transitive and intransitive verb types describing how the ball was put into the empty net (e.g. belt, lob (as in 7) and 8) below), shoot, tap and wobble). As with the roof/corner of the net above, some of the verbs are metonymic and some metaphorical. The empty net construction is also variable as regards article usage, as illustrated in 7) and 8) (an being more frequent with 69 (74%) out of 93 instances). This is interesting in view of Fellbaum’s finding (1993: 282) that pragmatically presupposed referents both in idioms (hit the roof/ceiling) and literal strings (put this in the freezer) take the definite article, in contrast to the use of the indefinite article (When John heard the news he hit a roof; When you get home, put this in a freezer). 7. 8.

(…) Ince, who lobbed the eighth goal into an empty net from 30 yards. (Ind 1995) (…) Lu Jun, who lobbed the ball into the empty net while Seaman lay in agony. (Ind 1995)

There is further variation in this construction, since empty can be replaced with unguarded, as in 9) (19 instances with roughly equal preferences for an and the). Variation between (near-)synonymous adjectives was rare in Moon’s (1998: 127) study of idioms. In view of the typically unequal distribution of alternatives in phrases, Stubbs (forthcoming b) suggests that some choices can be seen as canonical, and here it can be argued that empty is the canonical alternative. 9.

The winger passed inside to Platt, who had to check his stride but kept his balance, dragged the ball away from Steve Bruce, danced round Leighton, and rolled it into the unguarded net. (Ind 1990)

Open goal, which would superficially seem to be similar, serves a different function than empty net. While the latter phrase almost exclusively occurs in contexts where goals are scored, the most frequent collocate of open goal is the verb miss (16 of 62 instances), as in The Soviet Union missed an open goal and Italy missed everything (Ind 1990). It is not surprising that a fixed phrase like open goal develops fixed collocates, since this is usually the case in lexicalization, according to Brinton / Traugott (2005: 105). Overall, 52 (83%) instances of open goal involved missed chances. Therefore, experienced followers of football expect a miss when a player is described as being faced with an open goal in 10). 10.

In the ninth minute, Marc Degryse’s shot was palmed out by Eike Immel to David Hirst who, faced with an open goal, could only hit the post. (Ind 1995)

The 2-gram own net obviously relates to the scoring of own goals, and the form of the “own net construction” can be summarized as [Verb] (the ball/cross (etc.)) into his own net. 11) shows how the construction allows the neat packaging of the relevant information (who scored the goal and how). There were 79 instances related to football in the material, and the most frequent verbs were, in increasing order, punch, head and turn. The alternative, probably older, phrase score an own goal only occurs three times in the BNC, which suggests that the own net construction has become the default way of expressing the act of a player accidentally scoring against his own side. 149

11.

Lawrie McMenemy’s men went ahead when a free-kick by Tottenham striker Darren Anderton was headed into his own net by defender Nuno Luis. (BNC)

The above findings related to the phraseology of goal scoring can be summarized as follows: to begin with, there are many different metonymic phrases in English referring to goal scoring. Metonymy permits the highlighting of different aspects of the goalscoring process, such as how the ball was hit and where it reaches the net. Fixed phrases with empty slots allow, in the words of Kuiper (1996: 96), “both for those aspects of the situation that are the same for all comparable situations to be given expression, as well as for those aspects that are unique.” Secondly, these metonymic phrases have obtained conventionalized, non-compositional meanings that have to be learnt. Although the present material supports Hilpert’s (2006: 146) claim that figurative language is organized in patterns, as with the net representing the goal in numerous phrases, it should be pointed out that superficially similar phrases like hit the back of the net and have the ball in the net usually refer to different events, the former involving goal scoring and the latter a disallowed goal. This demonstrates that there are some ways of describing a sports event that are taken for granted by reporters and fans alike. Kuiper (1996: 29) argues that “commentators exclude and to some extent occlude. They can say only certain things and in only certain ways. They are limited by the way their culture expects them to represent and re-represent events.” Apart from expressing concepts that are central to football, the phrases studied here can therefore be seen as register markers. This also applies to the phrases related to time, as will be seen in section 4.2.

4.2. The phraseology of football time In contrast to the phraseology of goal scoring, football time is mostly expressed with metaphors. Time expressions like in the nth minute are based on the conceptual metaphor TIME IS SPACE, in which time is conceptualized as having physical dimensions (Knowles / Moon 2006: 35, 41). Prepositions like in can be claimed to have both more literal spatial meanings and metaphorical meanings related to time. This is the position taken in the present paper, but it should be noted that, e.g., McGlone (2007: 123) argues that such prepositions instead are polysemous, and can be used either more literally or more abstractly. Football time is often specified in minutes, but time references also occur in relation to the final whistle, in relation to the two halves of the game (midway through the first half) or in relation both to minutes and halves (minutes into the second half). The phrase the final whistle was included because preliminary searches had indicated its strikingly high frequency, while the minute(s) phrases were selected because of their extremely high individual frequencies (in the nth minute and minute(s) from time) or because they were frequent in conjunction with related phrases (in the dying/closing/opening minutes and minute(s) from the end). Turning to the present data, it appears that the unremarkable phrase in the nth minute is probably the most common way of specifying time in football. This phrase is rather transparent semantically, since it is based on the firmly entrenched idea TIME IS 150

SPACE, but it presupposes familiarity with the length of a football match. In the nth minute, as seen in 12) below and 10) above, occurs more than 700 times in the BNC. Out of a random sample of 100 instances, 88 were from football and only 12 from other sports. It is worth noting that 12) consists entirely of holistically stored, slightly variable items (TEAM NAME take the lead, in the nth minute and against the run of play), and is thus an illustration of the extent to which a specialized register like football reporting is made up of pre-constructed phrases.

12.

Villa took the lead in the 15th minute against the run of play. (BNC)

In the dying/closing minutes and in the opening minutes, referring to, respectively, the final and the initial minutes of a match, are similar to in the nth minute in their origin in the conceptual metaphor TIME IS SPACE. The dying minutes also involves personification (Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 33–34), since a sporting event is conceptualized as a living entity. The dying minutes is exemplified below in 13). 13.

Slaven put the ball in the net in the dying minutes but the goal was disallowed for offside. (BNC)

The phrases in the dying/closing/opening minutes are virtually limited to sports, and to football in particular. The phrases the dying minutes (92 tokens; 48 from football; 39 other sports; 5 non-sports), the closing minutes (111 tokens; 47 football; 56 other sports; 8 non-sports) and the opening minutes (as seen in 14) below) (88 tokens; 41 football; 39 other sports; 8 non-sports) could conceivably be used outside sports relating to events with fixed beginnings or ends, and where time is measured in minutes, but there were only very few instances of this (referring to, e.g., concerts). 14.

Everton, urged on by a frenzied support, grabbed hold of the game in the opening minutes and only briefly loosened their grip. (Ind 1995)

The preposition from also occurs in phrases expressing the number of minutes remaining in a game, as in minute(s) from time and minute(s) from the end (as seen in 15) and 16) below). These phrases are based on the conceptual metaphor TIME IS STATIONARY AND WE MOVE THROUGH IT (Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 42–44). As with in above, it can be argued that from is used metaphorically, and the same can be said for end, whose oldest records in the OED refer to concrete objects; only later does this noun appear to have been used with abstract concepts. 15. 16.

Pat Nevin scored the third five minutes from time. (BNC) Mark Bowen’s goal two minutes from the end brought some consolation to Wales. (BNC)

Minute(s) from time and minute(s) from the end are (almost) entirely restricted to sports reporting, and mostly to football (out of 329 tokens of minute(s) from time, 256 (78%) are about football; out of 147 minute(s) from the end, 116 instances (79%) refer to football, 28 to other sports, and only 3 are used outside sports). Like the time phrases discussed above, the findings for minute(s) from time/the end indicate that football (to

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some extent together with other sports) has developed its own register-specific phraseology to express time. In contrast to the phrases discussed so far, the final whistle is mostly used to place events after a football match rather than within it. The metonymic link is here between full time and the official signal that the game is over, namely the referee blowing the whistle. As mentioned in section 3, this phrase is both metonymic and literal. A large majority of the 452 instances found occur in football reporting in prepositional phrases, such as after the final whistle (88 tokens), at the final whistle (88 tokens), before the final whistle (37 tokens) and on the final whistle (24 tokens). Three of the four most frequent phrases, and some others like as/when … blew/went (36 tokens), are used to place events taking place immediately after the game, rather than during the game. (The title of this paper is therefore slightly atypical.) At usually occurs with expressions of emotions or reactions to the result, as seen in 17), or as in gave the French side standing ovation at the final whistle and Leeds … were jeered off at the final whistle. After the final whistle, which sometimes includes further specification of time, such as just/soon/long after, also typically occurs with reactions to the result, but the use of this phrase is slightly more varied in that it co-occurs with descriptions of other post-match events such as crowd trouble and, as in 18), violent incidents on and off the field. 17. 18.

The boos ringing round Morumbi Stadium at the final whistle must have sounded sweet to the visitors. (Ind 2000) This game was played in a sporting manner until moments after the final whistle when Middlesbrough’s Mark Proctor was apparently elbowed in the face by the Sunderland full-back Paul Hardyman. (Ind 1990)

The final whistle can be compared with another metonymic phrase also referring to the end of a match, namely the (very) last kick (of the match/first half). This is similar to the final whistle in that it refers to the last important event of a match, but in contrast to the final whistle, the last kick evidently relates to events during the match rather than after it. It is noteworthy that, in the material analysed, this phrase is more commonly associated with rugby than with football (34 football tokens and 47 rugby tokens). 19) below and 2) above illustrate uses from football. 19.

Leeds also had the ball in the net with the last kick of the first half but it was disallowed for no apparent reason. (BNC)

This exploration of the phraseology of football time has shown that there are some highly conventionalized ways of expressing time in football reporting, some of which are used with exact time (minutes from time), while others are vaguer (in the dying minutes). The use of such phrases follows naturally from the fact that we know when a game is supposed to end, the time usually being measured in minutes. In contrast to goal-scoring phrases, which are generally metonymic in nature, phrases related to football time were found to be mostly metaphoric in nature (with some exceptions). This is in line with non-corpus based findings that time is conceptualized as space and motion (Lakoff / Johnson 1980: 42; Kövecses 2002: 33; Knowles / Moon 2006: 35). Furthermore, as with goal-scoring phrases, it was found that time phrases have been 152

conventionalized to serve different functions, the final whistle typically being used to refer to events taking place after the game, while others refer to events before the end of the 90 minutes. The fact that a frequently appearing phrase is mainly used in connection with post-match events highlights the cultural significance of such occurrences in match reports. Finally, the results show that the time phrases discussed above may conceivably be used outside football and sports, but are rarely so. This is in line with Partington’s (1998: 107–108) proposal that some metaphors are restricted to certain registers. Thus, it could be argued that they, like the goal-scoring phrases, are markers of the register of football/sports reporting.

5. Conclusion The present study has investigated some frequently occurring phraseological patterns in football reporting. The phrases are motivated by typical patterns of conceptualization. Phrases related to goal scoring were found to be mostly metonymic, while phrases related to time tend to be metaphoric. Naturally, this may be due to the selection of phrases, yet it would seem that English usually expresses time with metaphors, while metonymy allows speakers to focus on one aspect of goal scoring at a time, e.g., by referring to the ball hitting the net. Previous corpus studies (e.g. Moon 1998; Stubbs 2007a) have produced striking findings both about the variability and fixedness of language. The present study is no exception as it has shown that the language of football is to a large extent built up from semi-fixed chunks of language. The variation in these phrases is both of a straightforward kind, as with in the nth minute requiring an ordinal, but other more complex cases occur, such as [Verb] (the ball) into an/the empty/unguarded net. For such instances where it is difficult to determine how much variation is possible and to specify the edges of the units, and thus to identify linguistic units (cf. Stubbs 2007a), it makes more sense to talk about constructions (Goldberg 1995) rather than phrases. Moreover, it was found that constructions or phrases that appear to be superficially similar have developed different functions, as empty net usually refers to goals being scored while open goal mostly refers to misses. Most of the phrases investigated are largely restricted to sports reporting in general and football reporting in particular. This finding supports Partington’s (1998: 107–108) suggestion that specific metaphors are used in specific genres, and also provides support for the idea that this is true also of metonymies. It is noteworthy that some metonymies, such as [Verb] the ball into his own net, have become the default way of referring to an event. In addition, it can be argued that these phrases have become markers of the register of football reporting because of their association with this register. Conventionalization plays a crucial role in the production of register variation as social groups develop shared norms (Ferguson 1983: 170). Since these phrases are typical of football reporting, and some of them have conventionalized nontransparent functions, it is important for the followers of the game to be familiar with these phrases. They both serve to describe typical events in succinct, and to the experienced devotee, unambiguous, ways, but also to exclude those who are not so well versed in the phraseology and terminology of the sport (cf. Kuiper 1996: 96).

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This paper has only investigated a limited set of typical football phrases. Future studies are not only valuable for the study of football language, but also for the investigation of fundamental properties of human language in general.

References Aston, Guy / Burnard, Lou (1998): The BNC handbook. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Brinton, Laurel J. / Traugott, Elizabeth (2005): Lexicalization and language change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cacciari, Cristina / Tabossi, Patricia (eds.) (1993): Idioms: Processing, structure, and interpretation. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Crystal, David / Davy, Derek (1969): Investigating English style. Harlow: Longman Erman, Britt / Warren, Beatrice (2000): The idiom principle and the open choice principle. Text 20/1, 29– 62 Facchinetti, Roberta (ed.) (2007): Corpus linguistics 25 years on. Amsterdam: Rodopi Fellbaum, Christiane (1993): The determiner in English idioms. In: Cacciari / Tabossi, 271–295 Ferguson, Charles (1983): Sports announcer talk: syntactic aspects of register variation. In: Language in Society 12, 153–172 Fletcher, William (2003/2004): PIE: Phrases in English. http://pie.usna.edu, 16/08/2007 Goldberg, Adele (1995) A construction grammar approach to argument structure. Chicago: Chicago University Press Goossens, Louis (1990): Metaphtonomy: The interaction of metaphor and metonymy in expressions for linguistic action. Cognitive Linguistics 1, 323–340 Granger, Sylviane / Fanny Meunier (eds.) (forthcoming): Phraseology: An interdisciplinary perspective. Amsterdam: Benjamins Hilpert, Martin (2006): Keeping an eye on the data: Metonymies and their patterns. In: Stefanowitsch / Gries, 123–151 Hoey, Michael / Mahlberg, Michaela / Stubbs, Michael / Teubert, Wolfgang (eds.) (forthcoming): Text, discourse and corpora. London: Continuum Knowles, Murray / Moon, Rosamund (2006): Introducing metaphor. London: Routledge Kövecses, Zoltán (2002): Metaphor: a practical introduction. Cary: Oxford University Press Kuiper, Koenraad (1996): Smooth talkers: the linguistic performance of auctioneers and sportscasters. Mahwah, N.J.: L. Erlbaum Associates Lakoff, George / Johnson, Mark (1980): Metaphors we live by. Chicago: Chicago University Press Levin, Magnus / Lindquist, Hans (2007): Sticking one’s nose in the data. Evaluation in phraseological sequences with nose. ICAME Journal 31, 87–110 Lindquist, Hans / Levin, Magnus (forthcoming): Foot and mouth. The phrasal patterns of two frequent nouns. To appear in: Granger / Meunier McGlone, Matthew S. (2007): What is the explanatory value of a conceptual metaphor? Language & Communication 27, 109–126 Moon, Rosamund (1998): Fixed expressions and idioms in English: A corpus-based approach. Oxford: Clarendon Nattinger, James R / DeCarrico, Jeanette S. (1992): Lexical phrases and language teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, http://www.oed.com, 03/09/2007 Panther, Klaus-Uwe (ed.) (1999): Metonymy in language and thought. Philadelphia: Benjamins Partington, Alan (1998): Patterns and meanings. Using corpora for English language research and teaching. Amsterdam: Benjamins Reaser, Jeffrey (2003): A quantitative approach to (sub) registers: the case of “sports announcer talk”, Discourse Studies 5/3, 303–321 Stefanowitsch Anatol / Gries, Stefan Th. (eds.) (2006): Corpus-based approaches to metaphor and metonymy. Berlin: Mouton

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Stubbs, Michael (2007a): An example of frequent English phraseology: Distributions, structures and functions. In: Facchinetti, 89–105 Stubbs, Michael (forthcoming a): Quantitative data on multi-word sequences in English: The case of the word ‘world’. To appear in: Hoey et al., 163–189 Stubbs, Michael (forthcoming b): Quantitative data on multi-word sequences in English: The case of prepositional phrases. Lecture given at the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 3 November 2006 Warren, Beatrice (1999): Aspects of referential metonymy. In: Panther (ed.), 121–135 Wray, Alison (2002): Formulaic language and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Magnus Levin School of Humanities Växjö University SE-351 95 Växjö e-mail: [email protected] http://www.vxu.se/hum/eng/staff/english.xml

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MARIETTA CALDERÓN KAKÁ, GALLINAS, GENT BLAUGRANA AND OTHER SOCCERRELATED ONYMIC PHENOMENA IN THE TEACHING OF ONOMASTICS1 When Edson Arantes do Nascimento checks into a hotel, he can be quite sure that his name will not be spelled correctly by the receptionist. Ronaldinho is not a lesser Ronaldo. What are the differences between Camp Nou, Hanappi and Arnold Schwarzenegger? Some years ago, Lass es polstern, Toni! would not have been understood as an order to improve the quality of one’s furniture. Onymic phenomena of soccer-related name bearers are useful examples in the teaching of onomastics (especially name theory). The aim of this experience-based contribution is to present a systematic way for their use in order to make this linguistic discipline more attractive to students and to shed a methodological light on such ‘ordinary’ phenomena as surnames, name systems, word formation and naming fashions and traditions, using for this purpose the names of not so ordinary people – namely soccer players.

1. Introduction In order to promote onomastics in the teaching and curricula of German-speaking universities (especially in Romance Philology)2, doors to students are more easily opened if the examples used are interesting in themselves. Soccer-related proper names (and other onymic phenomena) provide motivation since soccer and/or knowledge3 about it can be considered part of general cultural knowledge4.. This allows students to contribute actively to the discussions by providing examples, to stimulate their curiosity and competence in using the adequate terminology and asking about methodologically relevant aspects (which, afterwards, may lead them to do research on onomastic topics). Generally, the three traditional subdisciplines of onomastics, namely anthroponomastics – dealing with personal names, toponomastics – dealing with place names, and chrematonomastics – dealing with names of things, are involved, anthronomastics being the most important subdiscipline concerning soccer-related proper names. In the following article, I shall use examples from this field of reference in order to demonstrate important onomastic concepts, some aspects of their terminology5, and their usefulness for understanding societal structures and developments. 1

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This contribution is based on my experience in lecturing on different aspects of onomastics at the universities of Vienna (Institut für Judaistik) and Salzburg (Fachbereich Romanistik). Over the last few years, research in this area has moved ahead (see, for instance, the respective articles in the still representative Eichler et al. 1996). Various degrees of familiarity with this knowledge and other social (such as gender or class-related) differences can be used as starting points for discussions. It is an essential part of the luso-, gallo-, italo-, and, partly, of the hispanophonic worlds. I will rely here especially on Kamianets 2000 because he has developed onomastic terminology. His attempts might both iconically resume its problems and represent its state of the art (which includes constant discussions on terminology, especially in Eastern European countries). For a general survey, see Lindner 2007. In addition, I am indebted to Irene Theodoropoulou for her suggestions concerning

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2. Examples Starting with a comparison between two samples of single names, i.e. Barthez, Thuram, Lebœuf, Dessailly, Lizarazu, Deschamps, Zidane, Petit, Karembeu, and Guivarc’h, on the one hand, and Rottenberg, Hingst, Minnert, Stegemann, Garefrekes, Lingor, Müller, Gottschlich, Wiegmann, Wunderlich, Meinert, Prinz, on the other hand, the extralinguistic world knowledge of most of the participants in a lecture on onomastics may help to understand that the two groups represent soccer teams. Turning to describing similarities and differences between the two groups of names will show the helpfulness of onymic functions as defined, for instance, by Werlen 1996,1740 (translation and underlining M. C.): 6 a) identifizieren [= identification]: der Name ermöglicht die Identifizierung des Referenzobjektes. b) individualisieren [Kalverkämper 1978: passim: individuieren] [=individualization]: der Name stellt das Referenzobjekt als Individuum dar. c) charakterisieren [= characterization]: der Name charakterisiert das Referenzobjekt in einer bestimmten Hinsicht d) erinnern [= memorization]: der Name wird gelernt und kann leichter erinnert werden als etwa eine Beschreibung. e) anmuten [= positive connotation]: […] der Name soll […] ansprechen und so eine […] Bewertung des Referenzobjektes darstellen.

This will help to explain, for instance, why usually just one name is required on the player’s shirt (namely, for individualization and identification) and why numbers on the players’ backs contribute to their identification but do not replace completely the corresponding names. Through societal aspects – and thus, entering socio-onomastics, a subdiscipline that provides an exciting range of approaches, and combining these with Werlen’s functions – it is possible to understand why it is easy to remember and/or recognize some names and what can be symbolized by names (the functions involved are, above all, characterization and connotation.): for instance, language politics (by giving the example of Lizarazu), colonial history (by giving the example of Zidane), or the development of soccer and its place in different societies. Some very basic questions can be raised, such as: • What is a proper name? (e.g. Barthez is not as appellative a description as bold white goalkeeper of the male French soccer team which in the match against Brazil in 1998 became world champion or (former) lover of a top model called Linda Evangelista, see also Windberger-Heidenkummer 2001, 19 ff). • What kinds of names exist or were defined, and what for? (In the examples above, for instance, family names are used as single names.)

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Greek elements in the terms used by Kamianets. Instead of geortonyms (see 2.3.), an adaptation of Kamianets’ Geortonyme, she prefers, for instance, eortonyms or giortonyms; additionally, she suggests the term gepedonyms for ‘names of courts or stadiums’ (see 2.3.). For general aspects, see, for instance, Witkowski 1996. For other possible definitions see e.g. Diederichsen 1996, 1762 f. Werlen’s categorization might, by the way, stem primarily from his work on brand names, see Calderón 2007, 106.

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• How can onymic demands be satisfied? By names themselves and/or by other onymic phenomena (e.g. name stock, semantic, syntactic or morphological restrictions such as name systems)? This may lead to further intradisciplinary concerns on the one hand (i.e. other subdisciplines of onomastics such as name morphology or pragmaonomastics), and to interdisciplinarity on the other hand (for instance, differing legal regulations of names or psychology). We may assert that Zidane, for instance, is a quasi-synomym of Zizou (a morphologically interesting case of name shortening7) and can also be quasisynonymically used alternately with its equally pragmatically constrained alternative Zinédine Zidane (a name set formed in accordance with the French personal name system valid at the time Zinédine Zidane was inscribed in the corresponding document8). We may infer what kind of information is lost, what kind of information is added when Zizou/Zidane/Zinédine Zidane are used. The functions of characterization and of connotation may also explain the naming of Zinédine Zidane’s son, Enzo9. Vieira would normally be seen as a Portuguese name, thus giving rise, for instance, to questions such as what is a Portuguese name doing here if its bearer is French, and how to pronounce it ‘correctly’ (if this is possible at all since not all French people are able to produce a Portuguese intervocalic r), and what would happen if Vieira were to have this name put on his shirt when playing, say, for Brazil. 2.1. Anthroponymy: names of individuals The most obvious difference between onymic traditions typical of Brazilian soccer players and those of other countries lies in their function of characterization. It is the choice of the name that will be written on the shirt, which traditionally involves more possibilities than the mere use of family names. It starts with a legal name system where long chains and choices of family names are unmarked10 – e.g. Diego Ribas da Cunha, Ricardo Isecson dos Santos Leite, Edson Arantes do Nascimento, Ronaldo de Assis Moreira, Sócrates Brasileiro Sampaio de Souza Vieira de Oliveira or Marcos Evangelista de Moraes. Add to it some pragmatically-based decisions: for instance, you cannot put Ricardo Isecson dos Santos Leite on the back of a T-shirt11. There are many ways to construct a personal “soccer player identity” by choosing elements for a personalized brand name; among these are, for example, the following: 7

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For an introduction to the morphology and word-formation of names, see Schmitt 1996, especially 424f. Here, this subject will not be dealt with exhaustively due to lack of space. The official civil French name system has slightly changed since. Since 2005, French citizens have been given more freedom concerning the transmission of their family names (see Consulat de France en Autriche 2007). Talking about changes in name systems may contribute to awareness in society, for societal values and their changes are reflected in name systems (see Calderón 2007). Naming patterns are usually very interesting for students, because everybody feels personally involved. One among many topics illustrated by the example of a soccer player’s child is that of onymic identity constructions among migrants. For the Brazilian name laws, see Brandhuber / Zeyringer 2000 [fascicle Brasilien], 13. Double names can be put on shirts, e.g. Wright-Phillips (of the English team player Shaun WrightPhillips), as can long single names, e.g. Schweinsteiger. But more or less individual solutions of problems may occur due to lack of space on the shirt, as on Ruud van Nistelrooy’s shirt: v. Nistelrooy, with an abbreviated particle. Shirts are not the only medium personal names are written on; there are diamesic distributions of synonymic variants – e.g. in team compositions, inserts, etc.

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• Diego Ribas da Cunha simply uses his first name, Diego; he does so even when he plays for a European club (Werder Bremen, see [Werder]12), where other players stick to the tradition of using family names (e.g. Vranjes, Sanogo, Wiese, etc.), thus connoting ‘Brazilianness’13, which in itself is positive on the international soccer market, while also underlining the international orientation of its club. • Ricardo Isecson dos Santos Leite already had his byname Kaká during childhood (see [de.Kak]). The information given in [es.Kak] highlights different onymic phenomena: see appendix for comments on this name and on other famous players’ nicknames. Carrying bynames can in itself be partly considered as connoting high value (primarily of the name bearer) if their bearers are soccer players.14 Often, they acquire their bynames in the language(s) of the club(s) they work for. There are different types of bynames, such as de-appellativized common names, which have to do with the way the player operates (e.g. Goleador, ‘scorer’, designating an Austrian, Hans Krankl, when he played in Spain, or Kaiser, ‘emperor’, designating the German Franz Beckenbauer) or which are chosen (additionally or alternatively) by other criteria, e.g. the euphonious name [El] Buitre, ‘the vulture’, – which does not exclude an additional metaphorical motivation in its interpretation – for Emilio Butragueño Santos, or the already mentioned Zizou, which follows French morphological patterns productive in names. These show different levels of acceptance and spread (ranging – as has been mentioned – from spontanous appearances in press articles to names displayed on shirts or in team lists and sometimes even leading to the gradual disappearance of the civil name set), but at least in his passport, Pelé is still Edson Arantes do Nascimento. Bynames can follow onymic fashions, while intercultural influences may be observed. Of course, all onymic phenomena related to the players mentioned may also be observable among other people related to soccer, for instance, coaches.15 The importation [X] [Hicke] [Y] in Josef Hicke Hickersberger is morpho-syntactically an Americanism which follows the pattern of inserted bynames,16 and it is part of a name set of the current trainer of the Austrian soccer team.17 12

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In this article, I rely on information available from different Wikipedia articles, which are quoted in square brackets. Interestingly, the Spaniard Raúl González Blanco, currently of Real Madrid (see [Ra]), is referred to relatively rarely (and in fewer text types) by his first name, Raúl, as compared with Brazilian soccer players. For other connotations and general aspects of bynames see Van Langendonck 1996, especially 1231. A morphologically marked game involving a name (for the term games with names, see Földes 1996, 586) is the blending of the family name of the current coach of the Greek national team, i.e. Otto Rehhagel, Rehhagel, with Heracles (the successful hero of ancient Greek mythology) resulting in Rehacles (used with and without the first name, Otto). Connoting both success and national pride, while serving the function of characterization, the result of the morphological procedure may symbolize also respect for the name-bearer’s origin (since the original name is not replaced completely) and fulfills, due to the density of information, also the functions of memorization and of individualization in an iconically and therefore noticeable way; it develops a playful tradition with this name by replacing the negatively connoted Torhagel (see [fanlager], [Otto], and – for the English Rehacles – [sagepub]). For some examples of this type of bynames, see Ashley 1996, 1754. See, for instance, also Otto “Maximale” (Baric), in, e.g.: Ein „Otto Maximale“ wird niemals leiser treten ([diepresse]), or, metaonymically: Seinen Spitznamen Otto „Maximale“ Baric verdankt er der Ver-

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2.2. Anthroponymy/chrematonymy: names of collectives Ergonyms (see Kamianets 2000: 49ff, especially 53)18 are another name type, situated at the intersection of anthroponymy and chrematonymy, which needs to be considered in soccer-related discourse. They include the names of organizations, ranging from spontaneously formed groups to clubs, leagues, and even to the names of umbrella organizations, such as UEFA and FIFA. Soccer-related acronyms, such as AS in AS Roma or FC in FC Barcelona, are usually deappellativized abbreviations of the compounds comprising appellatives: AS, for instance, stands for Associazione Sportiva, the entire official name being Associazione Sportiva Roma S.p.a (see [AS]), FC is an abbreviation of Futbol Club (see [FC]), and CABJ is used quasi-synonymically for Club Atlético Boca Juniors (see [Boca]). Some acronyms such as UEFA and FIFA are lexemes (their appellative counterparts function as their quasi-synonyms whose realization is linked to pragmatic circumstances). Like other brand names, they often, but not always, appear in their graphic realizations in combination with the corresponding logos. Another semiotic element which is closely related to the logo (and through the logo to the brand name) is color. Colors are frequently displayed on visible products such as shirts, with the intention of contributing to a corporate identity.19 Sometimes, they enter the discourse by becoming deappellativized proper names such as: • gent blaugrana20 (referring not only to the paid staff of FC Barcelona but also to the fans, as can be seen in the club’s anthem quoted below), • Giallorossi (referring to the team(s) of AS Roma – see [AS] –), or • [Les] Bleus (referring to the French national soccer team, which is quasisynonymically and also less officially called Equipe Tricolore (see [Franz]); [Les] Bleus is deappellativized also in the sense that its translation would lead to misunderstanding, thus damaging the byname function of identification.

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wendung seines Lieblingswortes „maximal“ (welches er „maximale“ ausspricht). Er scheut nicht, dieses Wort ständig zu verwenden (Beispiel: maximale Einsatz, maximale Konzentration). ([Otto Baric]). This “American-style” byname set seems to be mainly, if not entirely, endonymic, because to my knowledge it has not been used in other languages than German. Without the first name, Maximale has not been used as a byname. Kamianets 2000, 53 claims: Der inneren Struktur der meisten Ergonyme gehören Appellativa an, die ihre appellativische Bedeutung bewahren. Abgesehen davon gehören die Ergonyme zu den EN [= proper names], da sie unabhängig von der Erhaltung der appellativischen Bedeutung von ihren strukturellen Elementen als individuelle sekundäre Bedeutungen einzelner Objekte funktionieren, deren Denotate bestimmt sind, was folglich ihre Konnotationen begrenzt.

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There are rules concerning the dresscode that include the use of colors. Teams have to be able to adapt to circumstances (having more than one set of shirts). The graphic realization of its initial letters in capital letters would be the next step towards onymization. In languages that do not use capital letters for appellatives, proper names are characterized in written realizations as proper names by the simple use of capital initials (e.g. Primera División) (see also footnote 22 and below).

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Effectively, there is a parallel name in Italian, [Gli] Azzurri or Squadra Azzurra (see [Italienische]).21 • The same goes for leagues: Bundesliga, for instance, refers to two different entities, namely the Bundesliga of Austria, and the Bundesliga of Germany, and must therefore be disambiguated. Although formally still close to their appellative origin, they are not translated, and so they can be seen as proper names; they may have quasi-synonyms, too. Polysemously, Premier League may primarily signify something different to soccer fans (see also below), than, e.g., to poker fans.22 A socio-onomastically relevant phenomenon that might disturb the functions of identification, of memorization and sometimes also that of connotation, is altering parts of a club’s name when changing the main sponsor. Usually the sponsor’s name (or part of its name), is integrated in the name of the club, e.g. Red Bull Salzburg (a name of a soccer club formerly called SV [i.e. Sportverein] Austria Salzburg – see [FC ]). There are pragmatic similarities between name changes of clubs and, e.g., name changes of individuals, such as legal regulations, consequences and other questions of identity construction. As for name theory and/or terminology, this phenomenon may be described as ‘sequential synonymy’, for there are different (chronologically distributed) ‘signifiants’ in combination with one ‘signifié’. For pragmatic reasons, there is a widespread type of synchronic quasi-synonymy concerning names of soccer clubs. In the following example, in the anthem of FC Barcelona23, neither FC Barcelona nor its longer form is used. The proper name used instead is the (non-acronym-)abbreviation Barça24, which can be interpreted as an idionym connoting more intimacy than more official synonyms.25 The use of this name (its repetition, its position at the end of the refrain, and the anaphoric metaonymic reference, Tenim un nom, el sap tothom) may be interpreted as manifesting its value as an element in the construction of a corporate identity. What follows is the text of the anthem (see [FC]):

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But just imagine, especially after the final match of the of the 2006 World Cup, both Marco Materazzi and Zinédine Zidane playing for a ‘national soccer team of blue ones’ without specifying for which one they play by using the names of the corresponding languages. An interesting example of the necessity of providing metaonymic information in addition to other documentary information in Wikipedias is the following one (my underlining, M.C.): Die Serie A ist die höchste Spielklasse in vielen italienischen Sportligen. Es gibt eine Serie A zum Beispiel im Eishockey, Volleyball und Basketball. Gleichbedeutend gibt es in manchen Sportarten auch eine Serie A1 (Handball). Außerhalb Italiens ist damit fast immer die italienische Profifußballliga gemeint. [Die Serie A] gehört gemäß der UEFA-Fünf-Jahreswertung nach der Primera División (Spanien) und vor der Premier League (England) zu den drei bedeutendsten europäischen Ligen. Der formelle Name der Serie A lautet Lega Nazionale Professionisti Serie A TIM. Ausrichter der Meisterschaft[…] ist die Lega Nazionale Professionisti (ital. Nationale Profiliga), eine Unterorganisation des italienischen Fußballverbandes F.I.G.C. (Federazione italiana giuoco calcio). In der Regel wird der Verband jedoch schlicht „Lega Calcio“ genannt. […] am häufigsten wurden Spieler der Serie A zu Europas Fußballer des Jahres gewählt, am häufigsten Spieler von Juventus Turin […]. ([Serie]).

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Names of anthems may be called ‘artionyms’ (see Kamianets 2000, 49ff, especially 51f). El Futbol Club Barcelona, popularment conegut com a Barça, es l’entitat esportiva futbolística més important de Catalunya pel que fa a projecció i massa social ([Futbol]). The variant Barcelona – in different phonetic endo- and exonymic forms – see Lindner 2007: 217 – may be realized, for example, on television.

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Tot el camp !/És un clam !/Som la gent blaugrana,/Tant se val d’on venim,/Si del sud o del nord,/Ara estem d’acord, estem d’acord,/Una bandera ens agermana.//Blaugrana al vent,/Un crit valent/Tenim un nom, el sap tothom,/Barça, Barça, Barça !//Jugadors !/Seguidors !/Tots units fem força,/Són molts anys plens d’afanys,/Són molts gols que hem cridat./I s’ha demostrat, s’ha demostrat,/Que mai ningù no ens podrà torçar.//Blaugrana al vent,/Un crit valent/Tenim un nom, el sap tothom,/Barça, Barça, Barça !

In the anthem there is a second element that may contribute to the collective identity of the paid and non-paid individuals associated with Barça26: [la] gent blaugrana, originally appellative and therefore still set entirely in small letters, might be seen as a signifier on its way to deappellativization, forming an (unofficial and quasisynonymical) proper name. Since in the anthem there are explicit definitions of its ‘signifié’, which include both players and fans, it might be seen as referring to a greater entity than e.g. FC Barcelona, which is a meronym to la gent blaugrana. Starting from the traditional onomastic term ‘allonymy’ (as usually comprising exonymy/endonymy27)28, one could forge the terms ‘polemionym’29 for a proper name used from an external perspective, and, accordingly, ‘philonym’ for a proper name from an internal perspective. The existence of many quasi-synonyms can be generally understood as a result of positive – but, theoretically, also negative – social appraisal and, simultanously, as a sign of the name-bearer’s position on the market. Attention should be paid, in addition, to the discursive importance that is put on name etymologies. They are often part of collective identity constructions (resulting, in turn, in narratives about names). Another kind of distinction can be found in the case of La Máquina and La Maquinita – an example of discursive need for signifiers referring to different teams of the same club, e.g. belonging to different generations (see [River]). If the need for differentiation is not felt (or if it is not satisfied), there is (apparent or implicit) polysemy. Polysemy or homonymy can be fâcheuse not only concerning proper names of individuals, but also teams or even clubs.30 2.3. Chrematonymy: names of buildings and names of events Proper names of soccer (and other) stadiums belong to the group of ‘oecodomonyms’ (names of buildings, see Kamianets 2000, 48), i.e. chrematonyms at the intersection 26 27

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For text linguistic aspects of proper names, see Kalverkämper 1978 or Kalverkämper 1996. The terms ‘exonym’ (a name given/used from outside) and ‘endonym’ (a name given/used from inside) are traditionally used for toponyms (see Back 2002, quoted also in Lindner 2007, 215, and Lindner 2007). The generally lesser known term ‘allonomy’, however, is used mainly for anthroponyms such as Mary, Marie, María, etc., and, at least theoretically, also Miriam (see Haas 1996, 1233f). The possibilities of onomastic terminology (some of the terms being hybrid compounds, i.e. having partly Latin, partly Greek components) can be seen in Kamianets 2000. For Gallinas and Bosteros see [River] and [Boca]. I am indebted to Andrew Skinner and other participants of our workshop for adding British quasi-synonyms such as The Magpies (designating ‘Newcastle United’), The Gunners (designating ‘Arsenal’) and The Canaries (designating ‘Norwich City’). I remember an interesting misunderstanding with neighbors in Jerusalem: they invited me to watch a game of Maccabi; I was proud of having guessed correctly that they were fans of Maccabi Tel Aviv (and not of another team having Maccabi in its name), but a little disappointed when I realized that I was supposed to watch a basketball game (theoretically, it could have been a volleyball game, too, as I learned afterwards).

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with toponyms.31 Many phenomena already mentioned are found also in this group. Usually, there are compounds of the appellative ‘stadium’ in their endonymic (and usually subsequently formal) exonymic versions, and originally anthroponymic and/or toponymic elements. One name that, at first sight, seems to be a famous exeption to this naming practice – and therefore is perhaps so easy to remember – is Camp Nou. It is the result of a deapellativization of both camp and nou (graphically marked by capital letters at the beginnings of each single word). Stadiums are often named after people influential in soccer, e.g. Santiago Bernabéu Yeste , who, according to [Santiago], was president of Real Madrid from 1943 to 1978, and is still remembered in the name Estadio Santiago Bernabéu (the Spanish name set32 is slightly abbreviated but still contains a former first and a former family name). Until 1955, the stadium, opened in 1947 and extended in 1953, was called Nuevo Estadio Chamartín (see [Estadio]). In Vienna, a stadium which until 1992 bore a name containing a toponymic element, Prater-Stadion, was renamed after an Austrian soccer player and trainer, Ernst Happel, and another stadium was built by a former soccer player, Gerhard Hanappi, who after his career as a soccer player worked as an architect: its first name, WestStadion, containing geographical information, was later replaced by a name containing the familiy name of its architect and is nowadays called Hanappi-Stadion (see [Hanappi] and [Hanappi-Stadion]). The honor of having a stadium named after one’s personal name can also be given to people who are famous chiefly for reasons other than soccer, for instance, politics. In Jerusalem, the stadium that, in English, is known under both Teddy Stadium and Teddy Kollek Stadium, in Hebrew is called    (Itztadion Teddy), i.e., it does not even need the family name of the city’s former mayor to be a constituent of its name. This may be interpreted as especially honorific and, at the same time, typically Israeli (especially in its abbreviated form,  (Teddy), instead of Theodor).33 The opposite of honor, namely shame, can also be used in politics as far as the name of a soccer stadium is concerned: the former Arnold-Schwarzenegger-Stadion in Graz was renamed UPC-Arena34 in 2006 after face-threatening discussions because of the Californian governor’s refusal to pardon a man sentenced to death. This led to his withdrawal of the name rights (see [Arnold]). In both cases, it is the function of connotation that is in the center of the respective metaonymic deliberations.

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Kamianets 2000, 48, approximates them more to toponyms, as follows: Die EN einzelner Gebäude, sakraler Bauten, Friedhöfe, Innenräume können den Urbanonymen auf einer niedrigen Gradationsebene der Toponyme zugegliedert werden. In der Regel wird nicht jedes Gebäude und nicht jeder Bau proprial bezeichnet, nur die bekanntesten, attraktivsten, Interessantesten unter ihnen, z.B. der Zwinger, der Stephansdom, Schloss Sancoussi [sic], Schloss Cecilienhof u.a. Diese EN können mit den Termini Oikodomonyme (gr. oikodome ‘Gebäude’ + -onym), die einzelne Gebäude benennen, Ekklesionyme (gr. ekklesia ‘Versammlungsstätte, Kirche’ [christianocentrically chosen term] + -onym), die sakrale Gebäude benennen und Nekronyme (gr. nekros ‘Toter’ + -onym), die Begräbnisstätten benennen, bezeichnet werden.

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For Spanish name sets, see, for instance, Brandhuber / Zeyringer 2006 [fascicle Spanien], 17. Teddy Kollek was one of few official representatives of the time who did not change one or all of their civil names into Hebrew ones. In current German renaming, there is a gradual move from the appellative element Stadion to the equally appellative element Arena.

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In view of the 2008 European Championship, it may be of current interest that the names of events are, terminologically (see Kamianets 2000, 49ff), ‘geortonyms’.35 Morphologically, they are usually compounds containing appellative constituents (there can be other constituents, too). Not all of them show such a large number of relevant aspects as the UEFA European Football Championship. Starting with EURO 72, the respective events are referred to officially by the hyperonym UEFA European Football Championship – until 1968, the corresponding hyperonym was European Nations Cup. Apart from this name change at the hyperonymic level, which is very close to appellatives, there must have been a need to fill the lexical gap felt at the hyponymic level by creating a geortonym close to a brandname and containing stable elements: the X in Euro [X] is filled in accordance with the year the event takes place; this reference to the year includes, from 2000 on, also the explicit indication of the century (whereas from 1972 to 1996, X was filled by just two ciphers). Despite little graphical allonymy (where the realizations in Latin characters dominate), there is a considerable number of different realizations in speech due to the simple fact of different languages. Furthermore, for some cup events, there are quasi-synonyms (differing, among other things, in their degree of officiality), including appellatives with contextual delimitations. I limit myself here to mentioning Copa Libertadores and Supercopa Sudamericana36, adding that the appellative prefix super- implies a hierarchy of denoted events.

3. Conclusion The wide range of onymic phenomena observable in soccer-related contexts has been presented here, in selected examples (including metaonymic texts), and mainly according to different name-bearers. It has been argued that interesting name-related phenomena may inspire name-users to utilize language more consciously. The vast terminological field has been tackled both in actu (culminating in the innovative terms ‘polemionym(y)’ and ‘philonym(y)’), as well as from a metacommunicative point of view. The main aim of this contribution has been to shed light on onomastics as a valuable discipline for analyzing social changes and societal representations. In my opinion, onomastic studies, therefore, should be promoted more in academic curricula.

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Kamianets 2000, 50f states: [Es] können […] die EN von Feiertagen, Jubiläen, Feierlichkeiten usw. sowie die EN von gewissen Aktionen, Kampagnen, Kriegen u. ä. ermittelt und mit dem Terminus Geortonyme (gr. heorte ‘Feier’+ onym) bezeichnet werden. […] Obwohl das von einem Geortonym bezichnete Denotat keine Zeit ist, sondern ein Ereignis, dass [sic] einen gewissen Komplex von Merkmalen beinhaltet, sind die oder jenige [sic] Feierlichkeiten, Kampagnen usw. trotzdem mit bestimmten Zeitabschnitten und Zeitpunkten verbunden […]. Die Benennungen verschiedener Aktionen, Kampagnen u.ä., die einmal stattfinden oder stattgefunden haben, können auch, wenn sie gut genug bekannt sind, als eigenartige Chrononyme betrachtet werden, denn sie sind in jedem Fall an einen bestimmten zeitlichen Raum angewiesen [sic], z. B. die Völkerschlacht, der 30-jährige Krieg, der Krim-Krieg u.a.m.

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There is a longer quasi-synonymical form of this name, formed by adding the abbreviation af a long name set, namely Jean-Marie Faustin Godefroid de Havelange (see [Jo]) to Supercopa Sudamericana, namely Supercopa Sudamericana João Havelange (see [Supercopa]). João Havelange was a famous Brazilian soccer official.

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Appendix: Important soccer players and their nicknames (my remarks in brackets, M.C.): Kaká Apodo[:] El sobrenombre [byname] Kaká, viene del portugués [name etymology: endonymy], y lleva un acento en la segunda ‘a’ para darle énfasis a esa sílaba. En italiano, el idioma de su actual equipo, la fonética equivalente es escrita como Kakà [partial allonymy, partial (name) homonymy: exonymic allography in Italian for a Portuguese word], que es usada por la televisión italiana [diamesic allonymy]. Sin embargo, la camiseta del jugador [diamesic allonymy], ya sea la de la selección nacional o la del Milan, llevan escritas la palabre KAKA’ (con un apóstrofe al final, similar a una ‘A’ acentuada) [partial allonymy, partial (name) homonymy: internationalized compensatory allography (reducing two different diacritic signs to one by replacing them)]. En Brasil este apodo es comúnmente usado [unmarkedness] en personas llamadas „Ricardo“ [name morphology: name shortenings, name doubling]. Kaká supuestamante [reconstruction of personal name history = part of discursive identity constructions] obtuvo [name usage: naming] este sobrenombre ya que su hermano menor [name usage: name-chooser, name-giver] cuando era pequeño no podía pronunciar la palabra [name choice motivation] ‘Ricardo’ y lo llamaba ‘caca’ [homonymy with an appellative], que con el tiempo cambió [name change] a ‘Kaká’ [disambiguation of the homonymy] (aconsejado [name change motivation] por el empresario [name-chooser] que lo representaba [name change-authority] ya que creía [function of connotation] que sería más comercial [partial name conversion by shift in name types in favor of brand names] el segundo [personal history of name changes]. ([es.kak]) Pelé [= Edson Arantes do Nascimento] Als kleiner Junge begeisterte er sich für den Torwart der Mannschaft seines Vaters [external/depending on interpretation: internal naming after somebody] namens „Bilé“ [name model] und erklärte, dass er auch so spielen wolle wie „Pilé“ [phonetic change (supposedly: phonologic overgeneralization) but euphonic name]. Daraus entwickelte sich [naming] der Spitzname [nickname, later name conversion], der ihn zunächst [personal onymic history] ärgerte [name usage: function of connotation, name scorn]. Der bürgerliche Vorname [civil given name: onomastic terminology implies, of course, perspectives and positions, see Calderón 2007, 110ff] lautet „Edson“ […]. Der Name bezieht sich auf den amerikanischen Erfinder Thomas Edison [external naming after somebody; the conversion from family name to a given name is a change not excluded in the Brazilian name regulations, see Brandhuber / Zeyringer 2000 [fascicle Brasilien], 13]. Heute wird Pelé in Brasilien auch „O Rei“ [byname] (der König) genannt. ([Pel]) Ronaldinho Ronaldinho is a diminutive of Ronaldo.37 Identification and individualization are made possible in this case by characterization, i.e. by adding Gaúcho38 to Ronaldinho, thus fulfilling the same functions, as does de Assis Moreira in situations where its bearer is referred to also by Ronaldo. (Other possibilities of disambiguation are the shortening Naldo, referring to Ronaldo Aparecido Rodrigues, and the suffixation of this shortening, which results in Naldinho, being used to refer to Naldo’s son – see [Naldo]). The same goes for ergonymic phenomena (see above). Disambiguating, for instance, appellative meanings of ‘deutsche Fußballnationalmannschaft’ by explicitly adding one or more semes (e.g. [+female], [+under a certain age] [– after the peak of their soccer careers]) permits insights into discursively constructed expectations. According to [S], Sócrates Brasileiro Sampaio de Souza Vieira de Oliveira, a physician, was called Sócrates as well as Dr. Sócrates. These synonyms differ in the addition Dr., result of a slightly 37

38

With the productive suffix -inho typical of Portuguese. According to [Ronaldinho], in Brasil both Ronaldo Luís Nazario de Lima (known internationally as Ronaldo (see [de.Ronaldo], and [pt.Ronaldo]) and Rolando de Assis Moreira (known internationally as Ronaldinho) are called Ronaldinho. Which refers to Ronaldo de Assis Moreira’s regional origin from the Rio Grande do Sul and whose initial letter is, due to the conversion of gaúcho to a personal name, a capital letter.

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marked onymic practice (consisting in combining an addition not with an element out of a family name position, but with a given name). Cafu Metaonymic information available in the internet about Marcos Evangelista de Moraes (see, for instance, [de.Cafu]), nationally and internationally known best under the following byname, is varied – I consider the following examples of onomastic interest and add explanations in brackets: Fue bautizado[christianocentricly based designation of the naming practice] „Cafu“ [byname] por sus compañeros de equipo [name-givers] cuando era muy pequeño [personal onymic history]. Su juego penetrante por las bandas era muy parecido al de un jugador [name model] […] llamado Cafuringa [morphology: base], de ahí el apodo [byname]. ([superfutbol]). Cafu is correct [metaonymic opinion] as opposed to Cafù [partial quasi-homonymie fâcheuse]. He was given this nickname [no metaonymic differentiation between byname and nickname] because [naming motivation] his speed up and down the right flank was reminiscent of that of Cafuringa [name model], […]. He is sometimes referred to by the European [mostly exonymy] media [name-(set)-givers] as Marcos Cafu [combination of his first name and his byname for the functions of individualization and identification follow usual pattern of one-name systems changing into systems consisting of more than one single name – see, e.g., Calderón 2007)]. ([en.Cafu]). [Ad Cafù: The similarity with the byname given to Arlindo Gomes Semedo (which is – according to [de.Caf] – a soccer player from the Cap Verde Islands who holds a Portuguese passport) may contribute to the necessity of producing the amount mentioned of metaonymic information, which consists in reactions to misunderstandings based on graphic accents. Tras un breve regreso a Brasil, trasladándose al [grammatical rules concerning proper names] Palmeiras [for ergonyms, see 2.2.] en 1996, Cafú [sic, see above] firmó por el equipo italiano de AS Roma [ergonym, see 2.2.] en 1997, y ganó el título de la Serie A [ergonym – see 2.2 (and especially footnote 22)] en 2001. Cafú [sic, see above] fue firme favorito de la afición local, ganándose [name use: naming practice – naming motivation: honorific name] el apodo [byname] de Il Pendolino [name conversion from chrematonymy to anthroponymy] (‘el tren expreso’) […]. ([es.Caf]).

References Ashley, Leonard R.N. (1996): Nicknames and sobriquets. In: Eichler et al., 1750–1758 Back, Otto (32002): Übersetzbare Eigennamen. Eine synchronische Untersuchung von interlingualer Allonymie und Exonymie. Wien: Praesens Brandhuber, Rupert / Zeyringer, Walter (2000, 2006 et al.) [loose-leaf; different numbers]: Standesamt und Ausländer. Sammlung systematischer Übersichten über die wesentlichsten Rechtsnormen ausländischer Staaten, Frankfurt am Main et al.: Verlag für Standesamtwesen Calderón, Marietta (2007): Wechselwirkungen europäischer Personennamensysteme. In: Danler et al., 125–129 Consulat de France en Autriche (2007): Le nom de famille. http://www.ambafrance-at.org/article.php.3?id_article=926, 02/01/2007 Danler, Paul / Ertler, Klaus-Dieter / Krömer, Wolfram / Pfeiffer, Erna / Rodrigues-Moura, Enrique (eds.) (2007): Österreich, Spanien und die europäische Einheit. Austria, España y la unidad europea. Innsbruck: Innsbruck University Press Diederichsen, Uwe (1996): Namensrecht, Namenpolitik. In: Eichler et al., 1762–1780 Eichler, Ernst / Hilty, Gerold / Löffler, Heinrich / Steger, Hugo / Zgusta, Ladislav (eds.) (1996): Namensforschung. Ein Internationales Handbuch zur Onomastik (Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 11/2). Berlin et al.: Walter de Gruyter Földes, Czaba (1996): Namenspiele, Spiele mit Namen. In: Eichler et al., 586–593 Haas, Walter (1996): Personennamen in mehrsprachigen Ländern und Regionen: Schweiz. In Eichler et al., 1232–1241 Kalverkämper, Hartwig (1978): Textlinguistik der Eigennamen. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta

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Kalverkämper, Hartwig (1996): Textgrammatik und Textlinguistik der Eigennamen. In: Eichler et al., 440–447 Kamianets, Wolodymyr (2000): Zur Einteilung der deutschen Eigennamen. In: Grazer Linguistische Studien 54, 41–58 Lindner, Thomas (2007): Von Preßburg [sic] nach Bratislava und zurück. Zur Problematik der Exonymie. In: Moderne Sprachen 51, 213–220 Schmitt, Rüdiger (1996): Morphologie der Namen: Vollnamen und Kurznamen bzw. Kosenamen im Indogermanischen. In: Eichler et al., 419–427 Van Langendonck, Willy (1996): Bynames. In: Eichler et al., 1228–1232 Werlen, Iwar (1996): Namenprestige, Nameneinschätzung. In: Eichler et al., 1738–1743 Windberger-Heidenkummer, Erika (2001): Mikrotoponyme im sozialen und kommunikativen Kontext. Flurnamen im Gerichtsbezirk Neumarkt in der Steiermark (Schriften zur deutschen Sprache in Österreich 30). Frankfurt am Main et al.: Lang. Witkowski, Teodolius (1996): Probleme der Terminologie. In: Eichler et al., 288–294

http://ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Futbol Club Barcelona, 08/22/07 [= Futbol] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arnold Schwarzenegger, 08/19/07 [= Arnold] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/AS Rom, 08/22/07 [= AS] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boca Juniors, 08/25/07 [= Boca] http://de.org.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caf%C3BA, 08/22/07[= de.Caf] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cafu, 08/22/07 [= de.Cafu] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deutsche Fu%C3%9Fballnationalmannschaft der Frauen, 08/28/07 [=Deutsche] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fabul%CE%B6se Thekenschlampen, 08/19/07 [= Fabul] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/FC Barcelona, 08/06/07 [= FC] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/FC Red Bull Salzburg, 08/22/07 [= FC_] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franz%C3%B6sische Fu%C3%9Fballnationalmannschaft, 08/22/07 [=Franz] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fu%C3%9Fball-Weltmeisterschaft 1998/Frankreich, 08/22/07 [= Fu] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerhard-Hanappi-Stadion, 08/25/07 [Hanappi-Stadion] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerhard Hanappi, 08/25/07 [Hanappi] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italienische Fu%C3%9Fballnationalmannschaft, 08/22/07 [= Italienische] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jo%C3%A3o Havelange, 08/25/07 [= Jo] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kak%C3A1, 08/06/07 [= de.Kak] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naldo, 09/19/07 [= Naldo] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otto Baric, 09/16/07 [= Otto Baric] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otto Rehhagel, 09/30/07 [= Otto ] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pel%C3%A9, 08/06/07 [= Pel] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ra%C3BAI_Gonz%C3%A1lez_Blanco, 09/19/07 [= Ra] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/River Plate, 08/06/07 [= River] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronaldinho, 08/06/07 [= Ronaldinho] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronaldo, 08/22/07 [= de.Ronaldo] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santiago Bernab%C3%A9u, 08/19/07 [= Santiago] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/S%C3%B3crates, 08/07/07 [= S] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serie_A, 08/22/07 [= Serie] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toni Polster, 08/19/07 [= Toni] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Werder_Bremen, 09/16/07 [= Werder] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cafu, 08/06/07 [= en.Cafu] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teddy_Kollek Stadium, 08/19/07 [= Teddy] http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caf%C%BA, 08/06/07 [= es.Caf] http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Camp Nou, 08/06/07 [= Camp] http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estadio Santiago Bernab%C3%A9u, 08/28/07 [= Estadio] http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kak%C3A1, 08/06/07 [= es.Kak] http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supercopa Sudamericana, 08/25/07 [= Supercopa] http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronaldo_Luis_Naz%C3%A1rio_de_Lima, 09/16/07 [= pt.Ronaldo] http://www.diepresse.com/home/sport/fussball/311137/index.do, 09/16/07 [= diepresse]

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http://www.fanlager.de/fussball-stammtisch/als-rehakles-noch-torhagel hiess-18666.html, 09/30/07 [=fanlager] http://www.superfutbol.com.ar/jugadores/BrasilCafu.htm, 08/06/ 07 [= superfutbol] mcs.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/28/4/483pdf, 09/16/07 [= sagepub]

Ass.Prof.in Dr.in Marietta Calderón FB Romanistik Universität Salzburg Akademiestraße 24 A-5020 Salzburg e-mail: [email protected]

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KHATIJAH SHAMSUDDIN AND FAUZIAH KAMARUDDIN

“CANARIES VERSUS ROARING LIONS”: LANGUAGE AND FOOTBALL IN MALAYSIAN NEWSPAPER REPORTING Language plays a crucial role in everyday communication activities. There are different language styles used for different purposes of communication. In the field of sports reporting in newspapers, writers are required to be highly competent in language relating to sports as reading about sports requires a vivid representation of the game in readers’ minds. In addition, readers of sports sections in newspapers tend to be those who have emotional attachment to the game that they read about. Thus, to understand how sports are represented to the public, we need to look at language that is used and the values and associations which come with that language. In doing so, we will gain a greater understanding of the sports that take place in society and how this reflects the values that society holds. This paper presents some findings on text analysis of media reports on the national professional Football League, the Merdeka Cup and the Asian Cup tournaments held in Malaysia, as reported in two Malaysian English-language newspapers ‘The New Straits Times’ and ‘The Malay Mail’ from May to September 2007. It will focus on language use and preferences among Malaysian sports writers. The findings will show that, besides using technical words in the genre of sports, a lot of reporting is often expressed in metaphorical terms. This makes reading about football an emotional experience.

1. Introduction Language plays a crucial role in everyday communication activities. There are different language styles used for different purposes of communication. In the field of sports reporting in newspapers, writers are required to be highly competent in language relating to sports as reading about sports requires a vivid representation of the game in readers’ minds. Beard 1998 states that there are many types of sports writing and what is important is the primary purpose that lies behind such writing. In writing match reports, the main purpose is to inform readers about the game so that they pick up the details of the matches, as well as the actual description of how the game was played. Sometimes reporters will also try to persuade readers to take a particular point of view. Thus, when writing, writers also need to take the target readership into account. In recent years, the purpose of sports coverage has not been as straightforward as simply informing the reader. It also involves gossip, intrigue and the personal lives of the players (Beard 1998: 83). So, a good deal of sports coverage is more concerned with entertainment than information. Sports writers must then be able to inform readers in an entertaining way as the target readership tend to be those who have emotional attachment to the game that they read about. This paper will discuss the findings on text analysis of newspaper reports in ‘The New Straits Times’ and ‘The Malay Mail’ on the national Professional Football League, the Merdeka Cup as well as the AFC Asian Cup, tournaments that were held in Malaysia recently. The reports were written by three local writers: two Malays and an 171

Indian. It will focus on language use and preferences among Malaysian sports writers in their football match reports. Besides using technical words in the genre of sports, a lot of reporting is often expressed in metaphorical terms. These forms of expression create an emotional experience for readers.

2. Professional football league tournaments in Malaysia At present, the professional football league in Malaysia is divided into three groups: 1. First Division: Malaysian Super League 2. Second Division: Malaysian Premier League Group A 3. Second Division: Malaysian Premier League Group B The Malaysian Super League is the top flight of football in Malaysia. It is the highest division a professional football team in Malaysia can participate in. It was introduced in 2004. Initially it catered for only the top eight football teams in the country. The bottom two teams at the end of the season are usually relegated to the Malaysian Premier League. Since 2006/2007 the league has had 14 teams and all teams play each other twice, or 26 matches in total. The Malaysian Premier League is the second-tier football league in Malaysia. It was introduced in 2004. It has two groups: Group A and Group B. At the end of the season, the top team of each group of the Premier League is promoted to the Malaysian Super League. The two group champions also face off to determine the Malaysian Premier League Championship. We have many imported players, hired to play for the local teams. Many of them come from African nations like Zambia and Zimbabwe. There are also players from Bosnia, Croatia, Indonesia and Brunei.

3. The Merdeka Cup The Merdeka Cup was founded to commemorate Malaysian independence from British colonial power in 1957. The inaugural tournament was then the premier football competition in Asia. It has been held annually in honour of Malaysian National Day, which falls on August 31. However, from 1989 to 2007, it has been held only 7 times. Malaysia played Myanmar in the finals and won the game in the recent Merdeka tournament.

4. The AFC Asian Cup The Asian Cup football tournament is organised by the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). The winning team becomes the champion of Asia and automatically qualifies for the FIFA Confederations Cup. The Asian Cup has been held once every four years from 1956 onwards. In 2007, the tournament was held in the Southeast Asian nations of Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and Thailand. The Malaysian team did not fare very well. They were placed in Group C together with China, Uzbekistan and Iran. They lost all 172

three matches with an aggregate of 12-1, becoming the only team that finished the tournament with no points.

5. ‘The New Straits Times’ ‘The New Straits Times’ is a Malaysian English-language newspaper. It is Malaysia’s oldest newspaper. It was founded in 1846 and has a circulation of over 200,000 throughout the nation. ‘The New Strait Times’ is printed by New Straits Times Press, which also produces ‘The Malay Mail’, which is an afternoon tabloid.

6. ‘The Malay Mail’ ‘The Malay Mail’ was first published in December 1896. The Malay Mail grew with the nation, developed a social conscience and in recent years received its much-loved nickname, ‘The Paper That Cares’. From its early years, ‘The Malay Mail’ established itself as the newspaper for office workers, urban executives and homemakers who keenly followed developments in the world, the neighbourhoods they lived in, sports, fashion and the retailing industry. At present the paper is widely read in the urban areas around the capital, Kuala Lumpur.

7. Related studies A considerable number of studies have been carried out on language in sports. Most of them concern the linguistics studies of sports commentary (Delin 2000: 43). Delin 2000 presents a linguistic analysis of two sports commentaries, namely on horse racing and football. In the studies she mentions the many characteristics of language use in sports, especially vocabulary. Commentaries are verbal descriptions of sport events: utterances with a range of different functions. Besides vocabulary, other linguistic characteristics include nongrammatical structures, such as the use of ellipsis due to the speed of delivery and errors in clause structures. Intonation can also be analysed in sports commentaries. It arises out of the desire to create excitement. Sometimes intonation is exaggerated on purpose. All these linguistic characteristics are basically the features found in the verbal description of a sports event. Beard 1998 discusses the language used in a text taken from a football fanzine called ‘Follow Follow’, which supports Glasgow Rangers. The text ‘Rangers’ is about how a new player has helped Rangers to win several games: this new player is black. The inclusive plural pronoun we used throughout the article implies that the writer is a supporter of the team and that he is writing as though speaking to fellow like-minded supporters. The type of language used is persuasive so as to gain support for the idea that Rangers fans must change their attitude towards black players.

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8. Research methodology The study is essentially descriptive in nature, using a text analysis method in which 30 match reports provide a corpus of data; close to 100 metaphors are extracted from these reports. The long-term focus of the research is on lexical features, covering choice of vocabulary, idiomatic expressions and metaphors. This paper, however, will only concentrate on the use of metaphors in football reporting in the local newspapers. Carter et al. 2001 state that an analysis of text starts at the level of the word, as words are clearly visible units in a written text. There is a complex relationship between words and their meanings. Lexical ambiguity looks at the way users of text exploit the capacity of words to carry more than one meaning. Another feature of the text that can be analysed is the use of idiomatic expressions. This paper will focus on the use and effects of metaphors that operate within the text. The metaphors extracted from the reports are listed in a table and later analysed for their purpose and effective use in the newspaper reports. The findings are represented in a table with five columns. Each column is given one of the following headings: Source field, Metaphorical Expression, Abstract Component, Concrete Component, Meaning and Description (Cameron / Low 1999).

9. Results of the study From the 30 newspaper reports studied, phrasal and sentential level metaphors were found to be predominantly used by the three sports writers of the newspapers. Examples of these include marketing arm, goal drought, a studded side and Super League leaders Kedah gave UPB-My team a good taste of top flight football by whipping the League Campaigners 4-1. For the purpose of this study, the metaphors were identified based on Nielsen / Nielsen’s (1978, quoted in Sahuri / Sahuri 2000: 158) distinction between the abstract and concrete components found in a metaphorical expression, which tend to comprise words from two different semantic fields. In this context, the ‘abstract’ component refers to the word/expression that functions as the ‘topic’ of the utterance while the ‘concrete’ component refers to the expression which explains the topic. It was found that the metaphors in the newspaper reports tend to fall into the following categories (in Sahuri / Sahuri 2000): 1) Grammatical construction (Brooke-Rose 1958) Grammar-based metaphors include noun metaphors, verb metaphors, prepositional and adjectival metaphors. Examples of grammatical metaphors in the context of football reporting include on the right track, suicidal mission and whipping boys. 2) Image-based metaphors (Ullman 1962 and Nilsen / Nilsen 1978) These are expressions which ‘humanise’ things or objects being discussed. Thus, they involve the personification of an inanimate entity. In addition, a popular metaphorical device of employing animal characteristics for human activity is also apparent in football reporting. 3) Conceptual-based metaphors (Lakoff / Johnson 1980) 174

Part of the aims of this study is to identify conceptual metaphors, which might reveal the writers’ professional perceptions and their ways of thinking. As evident in the collection of reports studied, football metaphors reflect the writer’s perception regarding the players’ performance, the context in which the game itself is set (that it is a battleground, a conflict), and the writer’s thinking, attitude, frustration and hope. As with any kinds of communication systems, football writers in Malaysia reach out to inform and influence readers, as well as narrate and evaluate the games. More often than not, the metaphors are emotional and an aspect of individual style (Leezenberg 2001). While some of the metaphorical expressions used can be categorized as ‘dead’ metaphors, in that they are now used almost as clichés, such as cold storage and in the running, there are also an observable number which are more actively akin to constructions with a local flavour, such as curse of the seven generations.

10. Discussion of analysis Based on the textual analysis conducted, most of the metaphorical devices used generally describe the following: 10.1. The game Malaysian sports writers are quite keen on using metaphors. The progress and the quality of a game are described in quite elaborate metaphors. Below are several examples of utterances which reflect the writers’ emotional and professional descriptions of a finished game or a game in progress. 1.

Super League leaders Kedah gave UPB-My Team a good taste of top flight football by whipping the League Campaigners 4-1 …

The expression a good taste of top flight football may be considered as metaphorical by virtue of the fact that taste and football are two words from two different domains that are not compatible; the former is a word expressing a sensory experience whilst the latter has to do with a specific type of sport. A combination of both results in the creation of an ‘artificial’ metaphor (Fowler / Fowler 1979), which suggests a different sense of tasting: one that is almost elitist in expression. 2.

The Canaries are flying high and they will be …

As in example 1, there is a metonymic relation to be understood here in example 2 as the Canaries in this construction is an expression used to refer to an actual football team. Instead of functioning as a metaphor, Canaries is primarily referential, that is, it is used as one entity to stand for another (Lakoff / Johnson 1980). The Canaries are flying high is a metaphorical expression to describe the position of this particular football team that is doing well at that moment in the tournament. Canaries in full flight suggests that the Canaries are not just another football team, but, more importantly, it gives the impression that it is a team on the up. 175

3.

We have warriors to do the battle and they have promised to go the extra mile…

This is another example of a construction that highlights a metonymical relationship in that warriors is used to stand for the players. In addition to highlighting a metonymic relationship, this construction also has a metaphorical aspect to it. Football is perceived as a battlefield and the players or the warriors fight and attack in order to win the ‘war’. This is supported by Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) position on their conceptual metaphor ARGUMENT IS WAR. In their discussion, an argument is seen in terms of war where there are opponents and attacks and there emerges a winner and a loser. In much the same way, winning a football tournament involves the players viewing themselves as warriors out to win a war. The expression to go the extra mile… is again a form of figurative language to emphasize the degree of commitment necessary to secure success in this ‘battle’. It is idiomatic in nature and suggests that a special effort is a necessary ingredient for winning the game. 4.

The race for the title may well go down to the wire.

This construction and usage is identified as metaphorical for the simple reason that the expressions race and wire do not collocate with each other and therefore the tension which results from this combination produces an image that is abstract in nature. This metaphorical expression suggests a very close and tense race to secure the coveted title. Rather than impersonally narrate the direction of a game in a purely objective manner, writers can effectively influence readers and players using image-laden metaphors to report events on the field. The effect is that without watching the game, the metaphors enable readers to experience and imagine the game blow by blow and this is made possible especially because metaphors present not just the course of the game, but also the emotions, attitude, jubilation and exasperation felt by the writers. 10.2. Winning a game / victory 5.

The strike has changed the entire complexion for the return match in Ipoh.

In this example, strike, complexion and return match are not words that are normally closely related, but which are still used in this same sentence. Strike, which here refers to a ‘goal’, has affected (either negatively or positively) the ‘chances’ in the return match. 6.

The Northern Lions are fresh from delivering a 5-1 thrashing to Sarawak…

The impact of winning is exaggerated by this construction, in which the abstract delivering is explained by the concrete form thrashing. The Northern Lions are here depicted as fierce animals that befit the nickname given to them. Many of the other expressions are not associated with winning but rather with the act of scoring a goal, as can be seen in the following examples: 176

7. 8. 9.

A sharp Kedah line-up took only 11 minutes to open the floodgates last night… Hassan then seized centre-stage by bagging a double in the 40th minute… four minutes later he headed home a cross from Wan…

In example 7, we find an example of a metonymic relation in which floodgates refers to the goal area and, once opened, led to a series of goals. The expression seized centre-stage by bagging a double is really a contrast in domains in that centre-stage is associated with stage drama whereas bagging a double relates to scoring a brace of goals. This metaphoric construction dramatizes the event. In addition, the metaphor here may be said to highlight the thrill experienced by the writer. Headed home a cross may be regarded as an implicit metaphor whereby the object referred to is not explicitly stated. Though metaphorical, this construction is rather matter-of-fact and, as such, does not really have the typical effect which accompanies a metaphoric usage. 10.3. Losing a game / defeat In contrast to the three earlier aspects of football discussed, based on the data gathered, expressions to describe the notion of losing or having lost a game are less frequent. 10. 11. 12.

There was little sympathy offered to the national team in the aftermath of the 5-1 walloping by China… The curse of seven generations FAM (Football Association Malaysia) RIP

Example 10 sees China humanized by walloping the opponent. The curse of seven generations is culturally specific. It comes from the title of a legend about Princess Mahsuri on the Island of Langkawi, who was accused of adultery. Prior to being executed, the princess laid a curse on the island whereby there wasn’t to be any growth on the island for seven generations following her execution. The legend had it that, as a testament to her innocence, the blood which flowed out of her body was white in colour. So the sports writers attempts to explain the future of football in Malaysia in terms of the curse laid on the island of Langkawi. All local readers will have understood the message perfectly. In example 12, RIP expresses the writer’s perception regarding the status of football in Malaysia. It is considered dead and buried: a dramatic and shocking effect.

11. Conclusion The study finds that the majority of metaphors identified in the newspaper reports are used to describe the game itself, as well as winning and losing. The analysis also reveals that in Malaysian newspapers sports writers use metaphors in their reports mainly for three distinct reasons. Firstly, in some cases, by using metaphorical expressions the writers are able to economise on the number of words used. Secondly, metaphors are used in an emotionally charged manner. Thirdly, 177

carefully chosen metaphors have the effect of persuading readers to agree on a stance. It can be concluded that the use of metaphors is relatively common in football reporting in Malaysian newspapers.

References Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London: Routledge Brooke-Rose, Christine (1958): A grammar of metaphor. London: Secker and Warburg Cameron, Lynn / Low, Graham (eds) (1999): Researching and applying metaphor. Mebourne: Cambridge University Press Carter, Ronald et al. (2001): Working with texts – A core introduction to language analysis. New York: Routledge Delin, Judy (2000): The Language of Everyday Life. London: Sage Publications Fowler, Henry W. / Fowler, Francis G. (1979): The King’s English. London: Oxford University Press Lakoff, George (1993): The contemporary theory of metaphor in metaphor and thought. 2nd edn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Lakoff, George / Johnson, Mark (1980): Metaphor we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Leezenberg, Michiel (2001): Context of metaphor. Amsterdam: Elsevier Nielsen, Don L.F. / Nielsen, Alleen Pace (1978): Language play: An introduction to linguistics. Massachusetts: Newbury House Publishers Sahuri, Sakina / Sahuri, Suffian (2000): Manusia dan Alam Sebagai Medan Sumber Metafora Melayu: Satu Kajian Semantik. Phd Thesis Ullman, Stephen. (1962): Semantics: An introduction to the science of meaning. Oxford: Basil Blackwell The Malay Mail 15 May – 15 September 2007 The Straits Times 15 May – 15 September 2007 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Premier_League http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Super_League http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AFC_Asian_Cup http://www.nstp.com.my

Khatijah Shamsuddin Lecturer Department of English Language Faculty of Languages and Linguistics University of Malaya Kuala Lumpur Malaysia e-mail: [email protected]

Fauziah Kamaruddin Part-time Lecturer Department of English Language Faculty of Languages and Linguistics University of Malaya Kuala Lumpur Malaysia e-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

178

BARBARA SONNENHAUSER

‘FIDONESS’ IN FOOTBALL REPORTING: PROPER NAMES BETWEEN DEMONSTRATIVES AND COMMON NOUNS The present paper deals with the combination of the indefinite article ein and a proper name. Based on a semiotic (Peircean) framework, the development of proper names from pure demonstratives to (almost) common nouns is sketched, arguing that from a semiotic point of view neither proper names as such nor their combination with an indefinite article need to be regarded as exceptional. The popularity of ‘ein + proper name’ in football reporting can be explained by one specific effect this construction gives rise to. Combining the individuating indefinite article ein with a proper name introduces the presupposition of the existence of a category, one element of which is picked out by ‘ein + proper name’. This in turn suggests that there exist certain properties allowing this class of elements to be distinguished from other classes. Using ‘ein + proper name’, the speaker assumes the hearer to be familiar enough with the proper name and its bearer and to be in a position to infer the properties alluded to. In this way, a community of experts is created as opposed to those who either do not recognise the proper name at all, or are not familiar with its bearer.

1. Introduction Paraphrasing Russell, Jakobson (1971/1957: 131) distinguishes proper names from appellative (common) nouns as follows: The appellative pup means a young dog, mongrel means a dog of mixed breed, hound is a dog used in hunting, while Fido means nothing more than a dog whose name is Fido. The general meaning of such words as pup, mongrel, or hound, could be indicated by abstractions like puppyhood, mongrelness, or houndness, but the general meaning of Fido cannot be qualified in this way. […] there are many dogs called Fido, but they do not share any property of ‘Fidoness’.

The absence of ‘fidoness’ seems to be the distinguishing feature of proper names. However, examples as illustrated in (1), which are quite commonly found in sports reporting, undermine this characterisation of proper names:1 1a.

Glauben Sie, daß sich ein Borowski that REFL INDEF.ART Borowski:PN think:PRS you, ein Mertesacker nervös machen lassen […], INDEF.ART Mertesaker:PN nervous cause to become,

oder or fragte Frings. ask:PST Frings:PN [SZ, 5./6.5.07]

1

The following glosses will be used: AUX (auxiliary), INDEF.ART (indefinite article), INF (infinitive), NEG (negation), PART (particle), PN (proper name), PRS (present tense), PST (past tense), REFL (reflexive). For a short introduction of the proper names dealt with, cf. the appendix.

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1b.

Einen Namen one Name streichen. cancel:INF immerhin still

mussten die Bayern von der Wunschliste have.to:PST the Bayern from the shopping.list Zwar auch kein Ronaldinho, dafür certainly likewise INDEF.ART:NEG Ronaldinho:PN, but ein Deco. INDEF.ART Deco:PN [Sportbild 21/07, 23.5.07]

In these cases, the combination of the indefinite article ein with a proper name suggests some kind of ‘fidoness’. The present paper deals with such prima facie deviant uses of proper names from a semiotic, more precisely Peircean, point of view.

2. Deviant uses of proper names There are various so-called deviant uses of proper names, cf. (2): 2a. 2b. 2c. 2d.

Trieste is no Vienna He is a Smith. I wish I were Paul Getty. Es gibt nur einen there is only one

[Boer 1978: 178] [ibd.] [Boer 1978: 183] Rudi Völler. Rudi.Völler:PN

[German saying]

According to Boer (1978: 179), in cases like (2a, 2b) we are not dealing with proper names at all. Rather, Vienna and Smith function as a shortcut for a referential name (‘Trieste is no match for Vienna’) and a fused part of a referential description (‘he is a member of the Smith family’). The proper name in (2c) does not function as a singular term, but as a predicative device; it is used attributively. The utterer of (2c) would not express the desire to inherit Getty’s body, but the desire to be the world’s richest person (Boer 1978: 183). Another interesting case is illustrated in (2d). On the one hand, assuming that bearers of proper names are singular individuals, it is superfluous to use the quantifier ein (‘one’). On the other hand, granting that there might be different individuals bearing the same name (2d) would simply be false. Again, the proper name is used attributively, attributing a certain property or set of properties to one specific individual, which is then unique for these properties.2 The present paper focuses on yet other another kind of allegedly deviant uses of proper names, namely proper names combined with the indefinite article3, as illustrated in (1) above and (4):

2 3

This property, or set of properties, does not have to be the same for all utterers and interpreters. Proper names may very well be accompanied by the definite article. This is common in South German dialects, like Bavarian. An interesting case not dealt with here is proper names used in the plural: 3. Nichts gegen die Ottls, Lells, Podolskis und wie sie alle hießen. nothing against

180

DEF.ART

Ottl:PN.PL, Lell:PN.PL, Podolski:PN.PL

Gegen

Inzaghi & Co.

hat

es

Against

Inzaghi:PN & Co.

Aux.PST it

nicht

gereicht

not

enough

and how

they all

call:PST [RTL 12.4.07, 6:10]

4a.

Ein

gesunder Lincoln well Lincoln:PN einen Stammplatz, sagte er. a firm.place say:PST he

hat […] have:PRS

Denn diesmal sollen Stars kommen, since this.time are.to stars come:INF, Ribery – die sind nicht so pflegeleicht not as easy.to.get.along Ribery:PN – they are oder Pardo. or Pardo:PN

Kaliber wie Toni […] types as Toni:PN wie ein Hilbert as INDEF.ART Hilbert:PN

INDEF.ART

4b.

immer always [Sportbild 20/07, 16.5.07] oder or

[Kicker 44/07, 29.5.07]

Such cases are frequently encountered in sports reporting. Sports reporting is interesting also insofar as it nicely serves to illustrate the various stages involved in the development of proper names, leading to and making possible the uses illustrated in (1) and (4).

3. Towards a semiotic analysis of proper names Most controversies about proper names concern questions of sense and reference. Simplifying matters drastically, with respect to their semantic description, proper names are assumed to be devoid of sense or connotation (Mill, Kripke), or shortcuts for a definite description (Russell) or a cluster of descriptions (Searle). As regards the referential mechanisms, proper names have been analysed, e.g., as directly referential (Kaplan) or as rigid designators (Kripke).4 Basic to all these accounts seems to be some form of the semiotic triangle, according to which a sign representamen (A), mediated via some concept associated with it (B), denotes a set of possible referents (C): B

A

C

Figure 1: The semiotic triangle

The lack of either B or C, or the unusual character of one of both is commonly taken to distinguish proper names from common nouns. Consequently, in (1) and (4) we are dealing not only with proper names as exceptional linguistic signs, but also with exceptional uses of these exceptional signs. There is, however, one alternative to the semiotic triangle approach which allows us to regard proper names as ordinary signs and to account for their various possibilities of usage without considering them exceptional: Peirce’s triadic conception of signs.

4

A collection of various standpoints on proper names can be found in Wolf 1993.

181

3.1. Peirce on signs Peirce considers signs as triadic relations of a representamen (R) standing in relation to an object (O) and causing an interpretant (I) to stand in the same relation to that object. The interpretant constitutes the representamen for further sign processes. Crucially, these three parts of a sign are not resolvable into dyadic relations; together – and only together – they constitute a sign: I

O

R

Figure 2: The triadic sign

What is commonly understood by ‘reference’ of linguistic entities can roughly be captured by the object relation, the ‘sense’ of linguistic entities by the interpretantrelation.5 There may be various such interpretants – effects in an interpreting mind – for one and the same representamen. Accordingly, Peirce (2000a: 347f.) attributes the interpreter a certain latitude with respect to the interpretation – the sign concedes the interpreter the right to deliver part of its meaning. The decisive point is that the various effects, i.e. the various interpretants, of one and the same representamen all share one and the same object. Every sign is specified for the full triad, with the degrees of this specification ranging from mere possibility via actual existence to habits and rules:

possibility (firstness) existence (secondness) habit, rule (thirdness)

representamen

object relation6

interpretant relation

qualisign sinsign legisign

icon index symbol

rheme dicent argument

Table 1: Peirce’s classification of signs

Possibility, existence and habit are instantiations of Peirce’s three universal categories firstness, secondness and thirdness. These categories allow for a characterisation of signs with respect to their determination of the three relations:

5 6

Note, however, that Peirce does not speak of ‘sense’ and ‘reference’. The object-relation is the most well-known dimension of the sign. An icon allows reference to an object because of some inherent property, an index refers to an object due to a relation of contingency or causality, and the object relation of a symbol is determined by a rule or habit.

182

1. rheme 2. dicent 3. argument

I

O 1. icon 2. index 3. symbol

R 1. quali 2. sin 3. legi

Figure 3: The three sign dimensions

Based on these different categories, the special nature of proper names – as opposed to pure demonstratives on the one hand, and to common nouns on the other – can be illustrated, and prima facie unorthodox uses of proper names can be explained. 3.2. Peirce on proper names Peirce himself drops a few remarks on proper names, stressing how they may develop from genuine indices to symbols: A Proper name, when one meets it for the first time, is existentially connected with some percept or other equivalent individual knowledge of the individual it names. It is then, and then only, a genuine Index. The next time one meets with it, one regards it as an Icon of that Index. The habitual acquaintance with it having been acquired, it becomes a Symbol whose Interpretant represents it as an Icon of an Index of the Individual named. (Pape 1982: 344; cf. also Peirce 1983: 88)

Thus, a proper name has a purely demonstrative (indexical) function only the first time it is encountered: on this occasion it does nothing but identify the individual it is indexically connected with. From then on, a percept is connected with the proper name, i.e. the index includes an icon. Basic to this process is the accumulation of more and more information associated with the proper name. However, this ‘meaning’ is not derived from the author, but ascribed to it by the interpreter: Yet the name itself will remain a designation devoid of essential signification, and so much of the accidental kind as it may at any time have acquired will not have been derived, in however slight measure, from the utterer of any sentence which it may furnish with informatory interest, – at least, not from him in his capacity as utterer of that sentence. (Pape 1990: 386f)

Being used in more and more situations, a proper name acquires more and more regularity not only with respect to its form, but also with respect to its object – it becomes a symbol. This symbol-quality allows for cross-referential use, i.e. for using the proper name when the bearer of that name is not present in the actual situation. Thus, in a Peircean account of proper names, demonstrative identification and crossreference are distinguished, but at the same time integral parts of one and the same sign (cf. Pape 1982).

183

With their demonstrative feature, proper names resemble indexical signs such as demonstrative pronouns, quantifiers or the personal pronoun I; with their capacity for cross-reference, proper names resemble common nouns. In order to capture the semiotic development7 of proper names and their differences to demonstratives and common nouns, it is necessary to have a closer look at the specification of the sign triad. The context of football reporting proves quite useful in this respect. 3.3. The development of proper names Step I: rhematic indexical sinsign On the first encounter, a proper name resembles a spontaneous cry, merely directing someone’s attention to some object. Even though this spontaneous cry does not yet have a conventionalised form, it is existent and thus a sinsign as regards the representamen. The object relation is existent, hence it is an index, whereas the interpretant relation is a mere possibility, hence the sign is rhematic in this respect. Imagine watching the first round in the UEFA-Cup, with Bayern Munich playing, say, Drava Ptuj (Slovenia). At the beginning, a supporter of Bayern Munich (who is used to watching Champions League only) most probably will not know a single name of the Slovenian team. Observing a player entering the penalty area and hearing the reporter scream a string of sounds, he probably infers that this cry was intended to direct his attention to that specific player. Step II: rhematic indexical legisign With the second and third encounter of the same cry, it manifests itself not as spontaneous and ad hoc, but as an instantiation of one and the same basic type of articulated sounds, say Damir Zagoršek. The representamen has become a replica (token) of a legisign (type). The object relation is not yet established as a habit, the interpretant remains a mere possibility. A proper name as a rhematic indexical legisign serves to create a situation and accentuate it by bringing the indicated object into the focus of attention (Scherer 1984: 261). At this stage, the former cry becomes similar to a demonstrative pronoun (e.g., Peirce 1983: 129), which is fixed in shape (hence a legisign), but does nothing more than direct attention to an object indicated by an accompanying symbolic sign (usually a common noun). One decisive difference between proper names and demonstrative pronouns8 consists in the following: whereas the different replicas of the latter signify different things, each replica of the former “signifies whatever earlier replicas signified, going back to its original replicas, assigned, by an act of naming” (Short 1982: 295; cf. also Peirce 2000b: 153). This act of naming does not have to be an act of baptizing; the first acquaintance with that name may also be taken as the starting point for the chain of replicas signifying the respective individual. Step III: dicentic indexical legisign Gaining more information about the indicated object, e.g. that Damir Zagoršek is a striker, was born in 1988, is 172 cm tall, etc.9, the former cry can be interpreted as 7 8 9

Crucially, the stages of this development are a matter of use, not an intrinsic property of the name. The same holds for pronouns like I, relative pronouns or quantifying words. (accessed 5-23-2007)

184

shortcut for ‘this is Damir Zagoršek’, that is, the interpretant relation changes from mere possibility to existence. Signs of this class include an iconic legisign in order to express some information, and a rhematic indexical legisign in order to denote the object of this information. Denotation is combined with signification. The inclusion of an icon distinguishes proper names from demonstrative pronouns – proper names both denote (index) and signify (icon) their object. Even though the sign at this level gives a rule of how to identify the object, the functioning of the index is still dependent on the existence of the object within the same situation (Scherer 1984: 264). Step IV: rhematic/dicentic symbolic legisign Contrary to demonstrative pronouns, fully-fledged proper names are able to cross-refer, i.e. to signify an individual without it having to be present in the actual situation. The possibility of cross-reference is the second defining characteristics of proper names: An expression is a proper name, if and only if it is possible to introduce it as an index of an individual object so that this name is used as a symbol in all other situations different from the one where the object is present and indexically identified. (Pape 1982: 346)

Once the object does not have to be present in the actual situation, the proper name is characterised as rhematic/dicentic10 symbolic11 legisign. Since this characterisation is true of common nouns as well, the question arises as to whether there is a difference at all, and if so, what it consists in.

4. Proper names and common nouns If proper names were just ordinary common nouns, the uses in (4) should not sound as marked as they do. And indeed, the combination ‘ein + proper name’ is not possible in all contexts where common nouns are perfectly acceptable: 5a.

6a.

Das this *Das this Das this Eine

6b.

*Ein

5b. 5c.

INDEF.ART INDEF.ART

10

11

ist is ist is ist is

eine INDEF.ART

ein INDEF.ART

Zitrone. lemon. Lukas Podolski. Lukas.Podolski:PN.

Lukas Podolski. Lukas.Podolski:PN. Zitrone ist eine Zitrusfrucht. lemon is INDEF.ART citrus.fruit. Lukas Podolski ist ein Fußballspieler. Lukas.Podolski:PN is INDEF.ART football.player.

As an abstract entity, it is a rheme (possible), but as soon as it is uttered, it becomes a dicent (existing). Short (1998: 120f., fn 9) does not regard proper names as symbols. Relying on Peirce (2000b: 153), he takes them as indexical legisigns. Peirce (ibd.), however, emphasises that he is not yet sure about this characterisation.

185

6c.

Lukas Podolski Lukas.Podolski:PN Eine Zitrone INDEF.ART lemon

7a. 7b.

*Ein

ist is

Lukas Podolski INDEF.ART Lukas.Podolski:PN Lukas Podolski ist Lukas.Podolski:PN is

7c.

ein INDEF.ART

ist is

Fußballspieler. football.player.

sauer. sour.

ist schnell.12 is fast. schnell. fast.

These examples reveal one specific feature of proper names, distinguishing them from common nouns: the proper name symbol has only one replica. This difference cannot be captured in terms of the sign elaborated in Figures 1–3. Starting around 1905, however, Peirce developed a more fine-grained categorisation of signs, which eventually led to a classification into sixty-six signs. Decisive for the purposes here is the relation of the sign to its immediate object – the object signified by the sign – as indefinite, singular or general, and the nature of the real object – the object that brings the sign into being – as abstract, concrete or collective (e.g. Pierce 2000b: 212–227).13 Whereas a common noun is characterised as general and collective, proper names are singular and concrete. Contrary to the examples in (1) and (4), the indefinite article in (5)–(7) is used generically, that is, it denotes a class as such and not a single individual. (5) illustrates that the object of the proper name Lukas Podolski is a single individual and does not belong to a category, a member of which could be picked out. (6) shows that the object of a proper name is not part of hierarchically ordered categories. The oddness of ‘ein + proper’ name in (7) illustrates that such an object does not have a set of defining properties. Proper names are thus symbols of a special type – they are singular symbols (Pape 1982: 345) having only one unique argument: Symbols are like functions in that they take as arguments an unspecified number of individual objects fitting a certain description as their possible values. This important property of symbols is restricted by the uniqueness clause to the one individual object which is the one and only argument of a proper name. (Pape 1982: 345f.)

The uniqueness of their argument explains the markedness of the uses of ‘ein + proper name’ in (1) and (4), and the unacceptability in (5) – (7). Still, proper names are not devoid of descriptive content. It is this descriptive content provided by the iconic component that distinguises proper names from demonstratives. The point that there is a description a proper name fits is illustrated by the uses of ‘ein + proper name’ in (1) and (4). Just like any other signs, proper names have – and as signs, they must have – the potential to produce effects in the interpreting mind, that is, to produce various interpretants. By their interpretants, proper names have as much ‘meaning’ as any other sign.14 Thus, there is nothing special about proper names, except for their having only one object. Proper names represent a specific stage

12 13 14

Intended reading: fastness as defining characteristic. The relation to the real object is that of a symbol for both proper name and common noun. Peirce (2000b: 336) uses the term ‘meaning’ for any kind of effect (= interpretant) a sign may have.

186

in the development of signs, more specifically, linguistic signs. Repeated use of a sign leads to its habitualisation in terms of form, object and interpretant. That proper names may continually develop with respect to their interpretants is illustrated in the following examples: the set of descriptions (of possible interpretants) associated with Werner Lorant in (8a) had to be updated in the course of the football season 2006/2007 with (8b); (8c) represents a prediction concerning the possible future enrichment of this set:15 8a.

Ein

Werner Lorant steigt Werner.Lorant:PN be.relegated:PRS Ein Werner Lorant steigt INDEF.ART Werner.Lorant:PN be.relegated:PRS Wenn ein Werner Lorant if INDEF.ART Werner.Lorant:PN auch wieder auf. also again PART INDEF.ART

8b. 8c.

nicht ab […]. NEG PART [Sportbild 20/07 16.5.07] doch ab! does PART [SZ 22.5.07] absteigt […] steigt er be.relegated:PRS promote:PRS he [SZ 22.5.07]

One crucial prerequisite for the use and interpretation of a proper name is prior acquaintance with it, by means of direct or indirect experience (Pierce 2000b: 337f.). If the interpreter is not acquainted with the object signified by the proper name, his mind cannot distinguish it from a common noun (Pierce 2000b: 196), as is illustrated in the following example, taken from Mendoza (2004: 162f): 9.

[The bell rings. A opens the door, a man introduces himself with “Schmidt” and wants to talk to B] A to B: Ein Herr Schmidt möchte dich sprechen INDEF.ART Mr Schmidt want:PRS you talk:INF

In this case, the proper name functions as an ordinary common noun; the indefinite article introduces a discourse-new referent, which A is not in a position to accommodate from the context or his knowledge. Given that A does not have any acquaintance with Herr Schmidt, this is not an unusual use of a proper name, but rather quite an ordinary use of a common noun. Now what about the uses of ‘ein + proper name’ in cases where utterer and interpreter are familiar with the object of that proper name?

5. Creating a group of experts Comparing examples (1), (4) and (8) with (5) – (7) reveals that in the odd examples the indefinite article is not used in an individuating, but in a non-referential function. This is not possible for proper names, which cannot but denote individuals.16 The overcoding of individuation in (1), (4) and (8) presupposes the existence of more than one exemplar, i.e. of a category encompassing a set of individuals, one of which is selected by ‘ein + 15

16

In the meantime (October 2007), reality has proven the contrary: Werner Lorant quit his job after a not too successful start to the 2007/2008 season. Given, of course, the proper name is recognised as a proper name and thus functions as such.

187

proper name’. This in turn suggests that there exist certain properties allowing this class of individuals to be distinguished from other classes. Compare Peirce’s distinction (2000b: 217) of indefinite article plus noun vs. proper name: the former has a simple quality as immediate object17, whereas the latter has a familiar, existent aspect as immediate object. This does not hold, however, for an interpreter who is not acquainted with this existent aspect. This latter property of proper names can be regarded as the basis for the effect created by ‘ein + proper name’. Combining ein with a proper name turns the immediate object of the proper name into a simple quality. Even though in this construction the proper name resembles a common noun, only if the hearer is familiar with the proper name and its bearer will he be in a position to accommodate or infer (by deduction) at least one appropriate quality. Using ‘ein + proper name’, the speaker assumes the hearer to be familiar enough with the proper name and its bearer, and to be in a position to infer the properties alluded to. This serves to create a community of experts as opposed to those who do not recognise the proper name as a proper name at all and those who recognise it, but still are not familiar with the bearer18 – a subtle way for reporters to demonstrate their expertise while at the same time pretending not to show off.

6. Conclusion Within a semiotic approach as sketched here, the distinction of sense and reference and the question which of the two is lacking with proper names becomes irrelevant. Just as any other sign, proper names exist in a triad of relations. Just as with any other sign, these relations may develop from mere possibility via existence to a habit or rule. That proper names cannot be ascribed a definite meaning, or a definite description or cluster of descriptions, does not make them something special either. Just like any other sign, a proper name may cause various effects in the minds of the interpreters, which all relate to the immediate object indicated by the sign representamen. Contrary to common nouns, however, proper names are singular symbols; that is, their object types may be instantiated only with one object token. This property is in conflict with the additional, individuating use of the indefinite article, thus creating the expert-group-effect outlined above.19 Instead of regarding proper names as defective in some respect, they can be taken as the most complete kind of linguistic sign. As “indexico-iconico-symbolic articulations” linking saying to showing, they are the only terms “capable of showing in actu the three categorical moments of reality in process.” (Thibaud 1987: 534) Appendix: Proper names mentioned in the paper BOROWSKI, Tim 17 18

19

German player, Werder Bremen (Germany)

This is independent of the nature of the real/dynamic object. Jokes about Francesco Totti, for example, have their intended effects only to those who are familiar with the clichés, i.e. the set of properties, associated with him. Proper names may, of course, have developed from common nouns by the principle of iconicity. In most cases, the iconic connection has been lost.

188

DECO FRINGS, Torsten HILBERT, Roberto INZAGHI, Filippo LELL, Christian LINCOLN LORANT, Werner MERTESACKER, Per OTTL, Andreas PARDO, Pável PODOLSKI, Lukas RIBERY, Franck RONALDINO TONI, Luca TOTTI, Francesco VÖLLER, Rudi

Portuguese player, FC Barcelona (Spain) German player, Werder Bremen (Germany) German player, VfB Stuttgart (Germany) Italian player, AC Milan (Italy) German player, Bayern Munich (Germany) Brasilian player, Schalke 04 (Germany) former German coach, 1860 Munich and SpVgg Unterhaching (both Germay) German player, Werder Bremen (Germany) German player, Bayern Munich (Germany) German player, VfB Stuttgart (Germany) German player, Bayern Munich (Germany) French player, Bayern Munich (Germany) Brasilian, player, FC Barcelona (Spain) Italian player, Bayern Munich (Germany) Italian player, AS Roma (Italy) former German player, former coach of the German national team

References Boer, Steven E. (1978): Attributive names. In: Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic 19:1, 177–185 Jakobson, Roman (1971/1957): Shifters, verbal categories and the Russian verb. In: Jakobson (ed.) 130– 147 Jakobson, Roman (ed.) (1971): Selected Writings. Vol. II. The Hague: Mouton Mendoza, Imke (2004): Nominaldetermination im Westslavischen. Habilitationsschrift, München Oehler, Klaus (ed) (1984): Zeichen und Realität. Band I. Tübingen: Stauffenberg Pape, Helmut (1982): Peirce and Russell on proper names. In: Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 18:4, 339–348 Pape, Helmut (1990): Charles S. Peirce on objects of thought and representation. In: Noûs 24:3, 375–395 Peirce, Charles S. (1983): Phänomen und Logik der Zeichen. Herausgegeben und übersetzt von Helmut Pape. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Shapiro, Michael (ed): The Peirce Seminar Papers 3. New York: Peter Lang Scherer, Bernd M. (1984): Peirces Analyse der Referenz im Rahmen seiner pragmatisch begründeten Semiotik. In: Oehler (ed) 259–266 Short, Thomas L. (1982): Life among the legisigns. In: Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 18, 285–310 Short, Thomas L. (1998): Jakobson’s problematic appropriation of Peirce. In: Shapiro (ed) 89–123 Peirce, Charles S. (2000a): Semiotische Schriften II. edited by Christian Kloesel and Helmut Pape. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Peirce, Charles S. (2000b): Semiotische Schriften III. edited by Christian Kloesel and Helmut Pape. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Thibaud, Pierre (1987): Peirce on proper names and individuation. In: Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 23, 521–538 Wolf, Ursula (ed.) (1993): Eigennamen. Dokumentation einer Kontroverse. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp

Dr. Barbara Sonnenhauser Institut für Slavische Philologie Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1 D-80539 München e-mail: [email protected]

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3. FOOTBALL DISCOURSES

ARNAUD RICHARD

TELEVISED FOOTBALL COMMENTARIES: DESCRIPTIONS, NARRATIONS & REPRESENTATIONS OF A NON-VICTORY. THE EUROPEAN CLUB CHAMPIONSHIP FINAL 1976 (BAYERN MUNICH VS AS SAINT-ÉTIENNE) May, 12th, 1976, in Glasgow, nearly thirty years after the end of the Second World War, two of the most renowned soccer team from France and Germany faced each other in the final of the European clubs championship. International sports events provide great evidence of the way national cultures frame their view of other nationalities. I will seek through various examples to point out links between the operation of media sports discourse and the possible interests of countries as they occur in practice. This is examined through qualitative discourse examples from the transcription of the French television broadcast. Past and present issues of identity politics between France and Germany can be illuminated through this analysis. Attention is paid to whether national stereotyping, I/we images, established/outsider identities/relations were evident in the direct broadcast of this soccer game. I will examine how television has transformed sport as a form of popular culture, focusing on sport as a form of political ritual and sport as an arena in which representations of nation and nationhood are continually being worked through.

1. Introduction The theoretical basis of this work is Critical Discourse Analysis, with an emphasis on grammar and rhetoric, through the use of the concept of dialogism.1 Starting from the assumption that language is never neutral, I will consider the point that language privileges certain realities and conceals others. With language we actively create our identities and our social worlds.2 Sport is generally considered to be a scene where hegemony is fully represented. Masculinity is one of the figures well studied and documented (Miller 2001; McKay et al. 2000). I will describe this work, along with research on forms of discrimination. I will focus on another part of the identity: nationality and nationhood. This topic has also been documented (Bass 2005; Bishop / Jaworski, 2003; Wenner 1998; Blain et al. 1993; Chandler 1988). I would now like to offer another approach, thanks to the theoretical angle of dialogism. I will examine how television has transformed sport as a form of popular culture, focusing on sports as a form of ritual and sports as an arena in which representations of nation and nationhood are continually being worked out. One specific genre will be treated, namely television broadcast commentaries. One game, broadcast on a French national television channel, will be analyzed. 1

2

This study is part of a PhD thesis, started three years ago with Professor Claire Kramsch for the University of California, Berkeley, and Professor Paul Siblot of the University of Montpellier 3. I would also like to address special thanks to Professor Bres for his interesting comments on my research. See Van Dijk 1992; Fairclough / Wodak 1997, Wodak / Meyer 2001 for examples.

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Fist of all, I will present briefly the data and methods that I have used for this research, then I will deal with the social considerations regarding sports and football in particular. I will emphasize the particularities of the linguistic elements in the genre of television commentaries. Finally, I will present an analysis in three stages: from the rhetorical account of the non-victory (not: defeat!), to the more generalized assumption of dialogism with some markers (like aussi/’also’, for example) and then more precise expressions using double negation.

2. Data and method 2.1. Data May, 12th, 1976, in Glasgow, nearly thirty years after the end of the Second World War, two of the most renowned soccer teams from France and Germany faced each other in the final of the European clubs championship. This game was a huge event all over France, covered extensively by the country’s media. After the game, despite the defeat, the French players were received in Paris like national heroes. They walked down the Champs Élysées in Paris, as the French military troops had done in 1944 (and as the national team were to do in 1998 after winning the World Cup). Those elements are important when we consider the symbolic impact of that game. So much material was analyzable, but I decided to focus on one aspect in particular, the event itself and the television live broadcast. Only a part of a single soccer game is the focus of this analysis here: one game, but an important one: the final of the European Championship.3 One game, but between two famous clubs from two major European countries: Germany and France. The game was broadcast nationally in France, on the only national public channel (at the time). Commercials were not included in the live broadcast. Only few replays in slow motion were presented, probably because of the few video cameras and less advanced technology in general, compared to now. The recording of the game led to a complete transcript, but for my analysis, only the last ten minutes were chosen because of the degree of tension mounting towards the end. The only goal of the game had already been scored and the final outcome was slowly but surely emerging. Two journalists commentated on the game. Bernard Père (BP in the transcription) is the sports specialist, and Thierry Roland (TR in the transcription) is the prime commentator. Their roles are different. Père has more an analytic role; Roland is more descriptive and his duration of speaking is twice as long as his colleague’s. During his career Thierry Roland has been noted several times for making comments close to racism or discrimination in general. At the time of the game, he was at the beginning of his career and Père was his first fellow-commentator.

3

However, I was not interested in the analysis of the representations and interactions of different European stereotypes.

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2.2. Method A real mythology has sprung up around this game. This football game is perhaps the one in France that has been the most widely discussed in history. VHS recorders were barely appearing on the market, so relatively few recorded copies of the match were available. Surprisingly, a recording of this final has never been commercialized in France, probably because of the defeat and the grief felt by most of Saint-Étienne’s supporters. The first approach was a purely quantitative one. I registered the names of each player and team, and counted the number of mentions for each. Then, the naming of each participant was documented. After that came the transcription of the game. Looking carefully at all these discursive elements, I finally picked those that seemed relevant and original for this study.

3. Soccer and TV comments 3.1. Soccer and its social implications International sports events provide interesting examples of the way any culture frames its view of other nationalities. If the expression ‘opium of the masses’ has been applied to sports and football in particular, it’s because it can reveal unconscious dimensions of identity. Sadly, football has also been a field of violence. It has sparked off tragic events sometimes not really covered by the media. For example, in 1969, after a football game between the two national teams of EL Salvador and Honduras, a real war spread from the pitch between players to the rest of the stadium and then to the armies and the whole countries. Issues of past and present identities between France and Germany can be illustrated through this analysis. Attention is paid to whether national stereotyping, I/we images, established/outsider identities/relations and national codes of social conduct were evident in the live broadcast of this football game.4 Drawing attention to stereotypes on a national basis as a result of the description of a single player also draws attention to general stereotypes and considerations of the country itself. It reflects the relations and possible tensions between two parts: the commentators and what is described. 3.2. Televised comments as a genre We invariably speak in a specific genre. Each linguistic product belongs at least to one genre. We speak only in definite speech genres […] We are given these speech genres in almost the same way that we are given our native language, which we master fluently long before we begin to study grammar […] The forms of language and the typical forms of utterances, that is, speech genres, enter our experience and our consciousness together, and in close connection with one another. (Bakhtine 1986: 78) 4

See Bruce 2004, for another complete analysis.

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The humanities and social sciences show an increasing interest in sports and the study of ‘sports announcer talk’ (Reaser 2003; Ferguson 1983). This research deals with sports announcer talk as a certain (sub)register or genre. Reaser makes a quantitative analysis of some of its specificities. Four different criteria are considered: (1) Subject simplification e.g.: [He] dribbles into the lane. (2) Copula absence

e.g.: The rebound [is] pulled by Damian Wilkins.

(3) Subject action inversion (3a) e.g.: Ball is knocked out-of-bounds by Anthony Grundy. (3b) to be compared with a non-inverted example e.g.: Anthony Grundy knocks the ball out-of-bounds. (4) Use of heavy modifiers e.g.: Tap is controlled by big jelly, Nigel Dixon. It seems also that a particular sport, through its specificities (its ‘rhythm’), can influence the genre. The matching of the speed of speech to the action is one of the elements. However, Reaser’s study remains focused on two combined approaches, i.e. rhetoric and grammar, whereas I shall take into account these specificities of the genre he points out, but will try to go beyond.

4. Rhetoric and grammar 4.1. Individualization of victory and sympathy in defeat On first looking at the material, it seems that a real dialectic is present. On the one hand, there is individualization of the victory (emphasis of the scorer for Bayern Munich, for example). On the other hand, there appears sympathy for the defeated team of AS SaintÉtienne. •

Individualization of the victory

The team of Bayern Munich won this game, but it never really just appeared as a simple victory. Precise details tend to illustrate this win by ‘diluting’ it:5 1. [TR11]6

5 6

Monsieur Palotai siffle la fin du match qui se termine j’ai envie de dire [β]contre le cours du jeu par [A] la victoire du Bayern mais que voulez-vous [δ] seul le résultat compte dans ces matchs de football et [μ] grâce à un but de Roth marqué sur coup franc à la 58ème minute [Β] le Bayern remporte sa 3ème coupe d’Europe et [ω] surtout l’autorisation de pouvoir la défendre l’an prochain alors que les Allemands ne seront sans doute pas champions de leur pays

Letters between square brackets are used to point at certain moments of the comment. There are two commentators: BP is Bernard Père, TR is Thierry Roland. The numbers after these names refer chronologically to the turn in the overall commentary dialogue.

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= Mister Palotai whistles the end of the match that ends I would like to say [β] against the flow of the game [A] with Bayern’s victory but what do you expect [δ] only the result matters in such football games and [μ] thanks to a goal by Roth scored from a free-kick in the 58th minute [Β] the Bayern wins its third European cup and [ω] above all the opportunity to defend it next year although the Germans will probably not be champions in their country

According to Grice and the theory of maxims he developed, quantity is important. Having enough information is necessary, but not too much. The commentary picks up on who scored. But it also focuses on the exact nature of the action, the uniqueness of the free-kick, showing by extension the particularity of the goal. Bayern Munich won by the smallest difference possible and thanks to the individual skill of Roth. The precision of the exact timing of the goal is given, but there is no indication of the quality or excellence or the kick. This information needs to be added, for it is directly relevant. Instead of a positive comment on the German team or players, the two commentators focus on a negative aspect to undermine them. Their role as journalists is to give information, and they are supposed to be neutral. However, in an ‘international’ confrontation like this one, the presence of a French team leads them to show some preference. Sometimes the line between analysis and critical evaluation is thin, although they should balance this equally between the two teams. Critical evaluation needs to be justified and not always directed at a single team. At [ω], Thierry Roland emphasizes with surtout that ‘above all’ the German team has the right to compete in the tournament next year; as if the winning of the trophy was not the most important aspect at the time. Projecting the consequence of the win, he passes over the actual moment of victory. He seems to reject present reality as being perhaps too painful to realize. Looking at the phases of the commentary, there is clearly an alternation between negative and positive arguments: [ β, - ],[ A, + ], [ δ, - ], [ Β, + ],[ ω, - ] Moreover, the initial and final arguments both disfavour the German team. It’s not only the fact that a positive comment needs to be balanced with a negative one. Positive evaluation is hedged by two negative remarks. The ratio between positive and negative comments is unbalanced. In the same process of individualizing victory, another one is also at work: sympathy for the defeated team. • 2. [BP1] 3. [BP2]

Sympathy for the defeated team alors que St-Étienne est mené par 1 but à 0 = while St-Étienne is down by 1 goal to 0 et si les stéphanois sont éliminés ils auront beaucoup de regrets = and if the Stephanois are eliminated, they will have a lot to regret

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The French team (2 and 3) is placed in the passive in French. Bayern Munich is rarely the active subject. The commentators most of the time speak from the French team’s point of view. 4. [BP3]

et là aussi on aura des regrets, on se dira et si Rocheteau avait joué la première mi-temps de ce match Saramagna à gauche qui faisait ce qu’il voulait enfin n‘ayons pas de regrets, ces stéphanois ont fait quoi qu’il arrive une très belle rencontre

From 3 to 4, the commentator slides from ils (‘they’) to on (‘we’). In view of an impending defeat, he includes himself in the imaginary group of people who are going to have regrets. He adopts the attitude of a faithful fan. Rejecting the loser is less important than nationalistic identification. Boundaries are not fluid here. 5. [TR4]

si on regarde le match que nous venons de vivre = if we look at the match we have just experienced

In this final expression, there is clearly identification with the team. Here emotions are involved. The identification is, like the language, dynamic, while ‘ces stephanois’ (4) is a step back to the position of neutral commentator. Even so, some commentators become personally and even emotionally involved, letting ‘their heart speak’. 4.2. Dialogism: a victory in defeat Dialogism is a concept inherited from M. Bakhtine and his studies on literature in particular. This concept has been readapted by some linguists (Ducrot, Nølke, etc.), and has been renamed either polyphony or intertextuality. Each word presents a miniature arena where social accents possessing contradictory orientations meet and do battle. In the individual’s mouth, the word proves to be the product of the interaction between living social forces. (Bakhtine 1977 [1929]: 67)

Three particularities, sometimes specific marks, will be discussed in this sub-section. The common interest remains to show in detail the importance of different linguistic elements. • Extraction The general definition of extraction in grammar is: “any syntactic process by which something is moved from within a clause or other unit to a position outside” (Matthews 1997: 124). In French this is realized through ‘stratégies de mise en relief’ (‘emphasizing strategies’) like c’est…qui/que: 6. [TR12]

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ils ont manqué ce petit quelque chose pour faire la différence mais c’est cette réussite qu’il faut saluer les saluer = they missed this little something to make the difference but it is this success that has to be saluted

Here the proposition c’est cette réussite qu’ is extracted for a specific reason. The speaker wants to emphasize the achievement but not the victory. To recognize the victory is to recognize a fact. He substitutes this fact for a more relative recognition. He highlights the difference by talking about ‘a little something’ that the French team ‘missed’. Moreover, he qualifies the outcome of the game as a ‘réussite’ (‘success’). But ‘réussite’ can also include the dimension of chance. Finally, St-Étienne did lose, but not for lack of trying. •

Dialogism because of the negative particles

7. [∗]

pas gagné ≠ perdu not won ≠ lost

‘Not won’ is not the same as ‘lost’. Anytime you deny something – put it in the negative form – you are presupposing that the corresponding affirmative has been considered or said before. It’s also a common expression of regret. Among Trujillo’s research, an interesting one is the one done on sports victory related to the American dream, taking as an example the American football team of the Dallas Cowboys. Vande Berg / Trujillo show how “[s]ports discourse can constrain and liberate readers by enriching or restricting interpretations of sports reality for readers” (1989: 219). Starting from one and the same reality, different words can shape our representations in totally different ways. One of the criteria of these conscious and unconscious choices when we speak is the criterion of listeners’ expectations, which are partly accommodated by the commentator. The notion of dialogism (an imaginary dialogue between speaker and listener) integrates this principle. 8. [TR12]

finalement ils avaient fait tout ce qu’on attendait d’eux et même plus en venant ici en finale, ils n’ont pas gagné, là gagner ça aurait été le supplément = finally they had done all we expected them to do and even more coming here in final, they didn’t win, winning it would have been a supplement

The expression of the unwanted anticipated loss is visible throughout the game. From the optimistic start to the positive descriptions at the end, the commentators are never criticising anything. The expectations have changed and ultimately just reaching the final was already a victory. The victory is characterized as a supplement, an extra, as if at the end it did not matter who has won… •

A typical marker: aussi [= ‘also/too’]

The concept of dialogism has sometimes been criticized because of a lack of formal linguistic evidence. Some linguists (like Bres 1999) have tried to work upon markers, in order to show marks of dialogism in a text. Aussi [= ‘also/too’] is one of these markers. One point here would be to distinguish anaphora from dialogism. Anaphora would be a reformulation of something which has already been said (where the initial speaker is still visible: Pierre m’a dit que X: Peter told me that X), while in dialogism, 199

there is no trace left of this initial speaker, whose utterance is completely integrated into the new discourse (Pierre aussi est venu: Peter came too). Aussi can be related to the verb, but also to the noun. That means it can have different and complex relations with different parts of the sentence. Example 9 is a ‘typical’ one: 9. [BP11]

10. [BP11]

les 25 000 spectateurs stéphanois qui sont ici crient « les Verts » car eux aussi ils ont le sentiment que les Stéphanois méritaient cette victoire = the 25 000 spectators from St. Étienne who are here are screaming “les Verts” because they too have the feeling that the Stéphanois (would have) deserved this victory d’accord le Bayern a gagné sur ce coup franc de Roth, ils méritent aussi peut-être aussi cette victoire mais les stéphanois ont fait un match en tous points remarquable = It’s true that Bayern has won on Roth’s free kick, they too deserve maybe this victory too but the Stéphanois have played a game which was in all points remarkable

In (10), aussi is interestingly combined with peut-être (‘maybe’), which reduces the meaning admitted by aussi. ‘Maybe’ plays down the victory. The commentator mitigates his personal disappointment by sharing it with the audience. In this particular case, peut-être (‘maybe’) is surrounded by aussi (‘also/too’) as if peut-être (‘maybe’) was too much agreement and recognition of this victory. 4.3. Double negation The last aspect analyzed in this paper is double negation. It was the first striking specificity in my data that inspired me to undertake the research. See the following two sentences from the same long comment: 11. [TR10] 12. [TR10]

Ah ils ne sont pas malheureux ces joueurs du Bayern. = Ah they are not unhappy these Bayern players Monsieur Kitakian ne leur avait pas été défavorable… Mr. Kitakian had not been against them…

In a literary analysis, this figure could be described as a litotes (see Matthews 1997): Term in rhetoric for understatement, especially by ‘ironic’ use of a negative, e.g. ‘That wasn’t at all a bad dinner’, meaning it was a good one. (Matthews 1997: 211)

As the commentator is trying to reduce the impact of the German victory, the described process is fully relevant here. In a dynamic view of language production, I would even use the term ‘euphemistication’ to traduce the idea that discourse is created actively. While euphemism can be defined as a “word, etc., used in place of one avoided, e.g. ‘Girls’ for ‘Prostitutes’,” (Matthews 1997: 119), the concept of litotes refers more to a syntactic structure (negation), which is the case here. In the two examples, the structure is the same: negative particles (ne and pas)7 + negative prefix on the adjective (mal- and dé-). The double negation in that case 7

It is well known that they always come in pairs in standard French.

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conveys overall a positive meaning.8 Roland is not saying bluntly: ‘they are happy’ or ‘the referee is in their favour’ (which is a classic complaint in sport), but he is expressing quite the same with more sophisticated means. In examples 11 and 12, the positive equivalent (with the same subject) would convey a different evaluation. Doing as he does, the commentator denies something which, in fact, is highly improbable. The benefit is that there is no direct evaluation but an indirect one, like a rectification of something, as if someone had asserted ‘they are unhappy’ or ‘he was against them’. It’s a reactive utterance and not an evaluative one. This procedure can be classified as a linguistic ‘detour’ because it can be understood thanks to a fictive utterance (‘they are unhappy’ or ‘he was against them’), which it seems to react to.

5. Conclusion This is work in progress, and the same data (as well as some comparable ones) might be analysed from a different angle. One interesting theory to apply to them would be the notion of face developed by Goffman, for example. The commentators should have tacit neutrality, and have to keep a positive face. But their use of personal pronouns creates a totally different story: All discourse is heterogeneous, meaning it contains many references to other discourse, other subjects, other opinions, other social classes, and other languages. Each use of ‘I’ is haunted by the image and the discourse of ‘you’ and of ‘he/she/they’. (Bres 1988, cité dans Barbéris et al. 2003: 10)

I would like to end with the assumption I presented in the introduction: language is never neutral. I hope this analysis has revealed the social meanings embedded in any kind of discourse, and especially in sports announcer talk.

References Bakhtine, Mikhaïl (1977 [1929]): Le marxisme et la philosophie du langage. Paris: Minuit Bakhtine, Mikhaïl (1986): Speech genres and other late essays. Austin: University of Texas Press Barbéris, Jeanne-Marie (ed.) (1999): Le français parlé: variétés et discours. Montpellier III: Praxiling Barbéris, Jeanne-Marie / Bres, Jacques / Lafont, Robert / Siblot, Paul (2003): Theoretical frames in specific French sociolinguistic schools. Praxematics: a linguistics of the social production of meaning. In: International Journal of Sociolinguistics 160, 81–104 Bass, Amy (ed.) (2005): In the game. Race, identity, and sports in the twentieth century. New York: Palgrave MacMillan Bres, Jacques (1988): Bakhtine, une paternité rétrospective pour la praxématique? In: Cahiers de praxématique 10, 33–55 Bres, Jacques (1999): Textualité narrative orale, genres du discours et temps verbal. In: Barbéris, 107– 133 8

However, this is not always the case in French, see: il n’a jamais rien fait (‘he has never done anything’, literally: ‘he has never done nothing’), where the double negation remains negative semantically. (A special thank to Eva Lavric for her remarks that emphasize even more the complexity of negation itself.)

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Bishop, Hywel / Jaworski, Adam (2003): ‘We beat’em’: nationalism and the hegemony of homogeneity in the British press reportage of germany versus England during Euro 2000. In: Discourse & Society 14/3, 243–273 Blain, Neil / Boyle, Raymond / O’Donnell, Hugh (1993): Sport and national identity in the European media. Leicester: Leicester University Press Bruce, Toni (2004): Making the boundaries of the ‘normal’ in televised sports: The play-by-play of race. In: Media, Culture and Society 26/6, 861–879 Chandler, Joan M. (1988): Television and national sport. Urbana et al.: University of Illinois Press Fairclough, Norman / Wodak, Ruth (1997): Critical discourse analysis. In: van Dijk, 258–284 Ferguson, Charles A. (1983): Sports announcer talk. In: Language in Society 12/2, 153–172 Matthews, Peter H. (1997): Concise dictionary of linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press McKay, Jim / Messner, Michael A. / Sabo, Don (eds.) (2000): Masculinities, gender relations and sport. Thousand Oaks: Sage Miller, Toby (2001): Sportsex. Philadelphia: Temple University Press Reaser, Jeffrey (2003): A quantitative approach to (sub)registers: The case of ‘sports announcer talk’. In: Discourse Studies 5/3, 303–321 Vande Berg, Leah R. / Trujillo, Nick (1989): The rhetoric of winning and losing: The American dream and America’s team. In: Wenner, 204–224 van Dijk, Teun A. (1992): Discourse and denial of racism. In: Discourse & Society 3/1, 87–118 van Dijk, Teun A. (1997): Discourse as Social Interaction, vol. 2. London: Sage Wenner, Lawrence A. (ed.) (1989): Media, sports & society, Newsbury Park et al.: Sage Wenner, Lawrence A. (ed.) (1998): MediaSport, London et al.: Routledge Wodak, Ruth / Meyer, Michael (2001): Methods of critical discourse analysis. London: Sage

Arnaud RICHARD Département Sciences du Langage et Médiation Culturelle et Communication Université Paul-Valéry, Montpellier 3, France 34 090 Montpellier e-mail: [email protected] http://www.praxiling.com

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JULIA KUHN

GIANNI AGNELLI – ‘UN TIFOSO VERO’: THOUGHTS ON THE DISCOURSE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITIES IN ITALIAN PRINT MEDIA In the present study we consider an aspect of the discourse construction of identity in Italian print media. The (hyper-real) figure we focus on is Gianni Agnelli. The aspect of his represented identity we choose is his passion for football. We show that identities can be constructed by the use of nominations and other means. We illustrate that, for the discourse construction of Gianni Agnelli’s identity, his interest in football is not only a way to show his involvement in sport, but also a symbol of the solidarity and loyalty existing between the Agnelli family, the players of Juventus Turin and its fans, FIAT and its collaborators, as well as the city of Turin.

1. Introduction The theoretical framework of this study is critical discourse analysis (CDA), where the construction of identities in the media is based on works in the tradition of critical discourse analysis (van Leeuwen 2005, Fairclough 2003), as well as critical studies (CS) (Dyer 1998, Fiske 1996). The linguistic background is systemic functional linguistics (Halliday 1994). Discourse and discourse practice are considered to constitute society, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, to be constituted by society (cf. Fairclough / Wodak 1997: 264f., Fairclough 1998, Fairclough 1995: 18). Discourse is considered to be a multimodal phenomenon in which verbal and semiotic modes (of realization) cooccur: A multimodal approach assumes that the message is ‘spread across’ all the modes of communication [...] each mode is a partial bearer of the overall meaning of the message. All modes, speech and writing included, are then seen as always partial bearers of meaning only. (Kress 2002: 6)

Different concepts of identity1 coexist: identity is, on the one hand, seen as a static, homogeneous, unchangeable concept (cf. Reisigl 2003: 31–48); on the other hand, it is seen as a changing phenomenon produced by discourse activity (Schmidt 2000: 113ff., Chouliaraki / Fairclough 1999: 96ff.) Schmidt (2000: 115) calls identity a communicative construction. In recent media-dominated societies, images are produced by semiotic and discourse means and aim at evoking “folgenreiche Aufmerksamkeit” (‘attention with due effect’) (Schmidt 2000: 235) for persons like Gianni Agnelli, 1

Constructions of identities in the media are based on texts, but since they have points of reference in extra-linguistic reality, they are hyperreal (cf. John Fiske (1996: 2, 68ff.: hyperreal figure)). Even if these hyperreal figures show traces of extralinguistic existence, they are independent. Fairclough illustrates the tendency to significations without reference: “There is no real object, only the constitution of an object in discourse.” Norman Fairclough (1998: 139)

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products or organizations (cf. Chouliaraki / Fairclough 1999: 96, Schmidt 2000: 235f., Fairclough 2002: 163f., Hellmann 2003, Hellmann 2005).

2. Nominations as a way to represent identities There are many ways of representing the construction of identities in media discourse. They can concern the unit of reference (the figure or the brand), like nomination, or go further and concern relations, actions or textual structures. Nomination is a special form of reference to an extra-linguistic entity, reflecting by connotation2 or denotation the attitudes, values and perspectives of a language user towards an entity he refers to (Reisigl 2003 with Girnth 1993)3.

3. Nominations for Gianni Agnelli CDA approaches to the naming of social figures (cf. van Leeuwen 1996, Reisigl / Wodak 2001, Reisigl 2003, Wetschanow 2003) distinguish proper names (Gianni Agnelli) and classifications (faro della classe imprenditoriale (Z 218), padrone della Fiat (I 30), presidente della Juve (Z 349), tifoso vero (I 42)). Classification is the designation of an entity by an essential characteristic (like the external appearance of a person, his conviction, his social position, his functions, etc.).4 Another area that can be a source of nomination is discourse representation or the construction of interpersonal relations: e.g. the family (Gianni Agnelli: padre (Z 207), capofamiglia (I 51), guida del gruppo di famiglia Z 202)), the isotopy of identity (Gianni Agnelli: uno di noi (Z 210)) or of difference (Gianni Agnelli: il vero re d’Italia (I 26)) (cf. Reisigl 2003; van Leeuwen 1996). The following list contains the nominations for Gianni Agnelli found in the newspaper ‘La Repubblica’ in the years 2003–2007 and shows how diverse these nominations are: Leader: capo (I 26), leader (I 38, Z 206), senatore a vita (I 30), uomo di stato (Z 215); Monarch: il re di Torino (Z 216), il vero delfino (I 30), il vero re d’italia (I 26), il re senza corona (Z 185), sovrano (I 30), sovrano costituzionale (Z 206), successore per autonomasia (Z 206), patriarca (I 2), principe (I 44), monarca in forza (I40); Industry: campione dell’impreditoria italiana (I 32), capitano d’industria (I 30), capo (I 26), il faro della classe imprenditoriale (Z 218), padrone della Fiat(I 30); Dandy: play boy (I 30), signore del mare (I 42), simbolo nel mondo (I 31), imprenditore cosmopolita (Z 210), gentiluomo (I 30); Political Figure: senatore a vita (I 30), uomo di stato (Z 215); Family: padre (Z 207), capofamiglia (nel senso più antico e più classico) (I 51), la guida del gruppo di famiglia (I 51), erede (I 25), ereditiere (I 30), il patriarca (I 2), anziano patriarca (Z 244), leggendario capo (I 26); 2

3

4

The basic concept of the constitution of signification is connotation (van Leeuwen 2005: 29-43), which can be understood with Roland Barthes (1967a, 1967b, 1977) as signification determined by social and cultural facts. Nomination in the tradition of CDA is described by van Leeuwen 1996, Reisigl 2003, Wetschanow 2003, Wodak / Reisigl 2001. Nomination and predication are linked cf. Reisigl 2003, van Leeuwen 1996, Halliday 1994.

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Hope: filo di speranza (I 27); Protagonist: figura centrale (I 27), personaggio leggendario (I 42), personaggio più coraggioso (I 51), grande protagonista della vita italiana (I 32), grande statista (Z 215), protagonista consapevole del secolo (I 46), rappresentante del secolo, rappresentante più conosciuto dell’italia industriale I 32); Myth: l’icona (I 31), mito (I 31); Solidarity: uno di noi; (Z 210) Italianità: Torinese DOC (I 37), il grande italiano (I 32), grande protagonista della vita italiana (I 32), un torinese melange (Z 214), il re di Torino (Z 216), rappresentante più conosciuto dell’Italia industriale (I 32), il vero re d’Italia (I 26); Honour: persona benemerita (I 41), pilastro fondamentale (I 37), vecchio saggio (Z 185); Functions: presidente onorario della Fiat (I 27, I 28), lavoratore instancabile (Z 349); Juventus: proprietario (I 42), presidente (Z 349), azionista (I 42), tifoso vero (I 42); Nome d’arte: Avvocato (I 30).

The nominations proprietario (I 42), presidente (Z 349), azionista (I 42), tifoso vero (I 42) reflect Gianni Agnelli’s relation to the football club Juventus. Gianni Agnelli is owner, president, shareholder and true fan. If one looks at the whole citation, Gianni Agnelli is not only a true fan, but he also displays considerable competenza and intuito: La passione di Agnelli non era solo quella del proprietario, del presidente, dell’azionista, cariche che ha ricoperto nel corso della sua vita. Agnelli era un tifoso vero, attento e spesso con un intuito e una competenza che lasciava sbalorditi gli addetti ai lavori. (I 42). [Agnelli’s passion was not only the passion of owner, president, shareholder, functions he has fulfilled in the course of his life. Agnelli was a true fan, he was devoted and he possessed an intuition and competence that fascinated workers.]

4. Beyond nomination Agnelli’s fascination for football is one of many aspects that contribute to the construction of the media figure Gianni Agnelli. In general, the identity created by the media for the Agnelli family is sports. The clan is represented as a family interested in ‘la vela, lo sci’ (I 42) [‘sailing, skiing’] and ‘lo sport in generale’ [‘sport in general’] (I 42). An Agnelli „[ama] lo sport per tradizione familiare, ma solo quello divertente“ (Z 358) [‘An Agnelli loves sport by family tradition, but only the entertaining type’]. In media discourse, football and Juventus are represented as the family’s biggest passion, as shown in the previously mentioned quote from ‘La Repubblica’. Agnelli has the image of a tifoso [‘fan’] and a football expert. His presence at football games is represented as being appreciated. “Il suo arrivo al campo di allenamento [...], era sempre atteso – e desiderato – dai cronisti, sicuri di avere da lui battute destinate immancabilmente a fare titolo.”(I 42) [His arrival at the training field was always expected and appreciated by the reporters since they could be sure they would hear comments from Agnelli that could make a headline.] The image of a close relationship between the players of Juventus and the Agnelli family was defined by the presence of the family at important games. The image of the loyalty of the players towards the family and FIAT is established in a semiotic way: “I giocatori quando vanno all’allenamento possono entrare nel parcheggio solo con la macchina corporata della società, Fiat o Lancia, altrimenti entrano a piedi” (Z 288). [When the players come to practice, they are only 205

allowed to enter into the stadium’s parking area if they drive a car of one of the firm’s own labels like FIAT or LANCIA; otherwise they have to walk.] Also the former president of the football club, Umberto Agnelli, came in a “nuovissima Lancia Ypsilon grigia” [brand new grey Lancia Ypsilon] (Z 321) to address the players before an important match. The image of mutual support goes further. The football season begins with a friendly get-together of Juventus with the Agnellis at the family’s summer house in Villar Perosa. “E l’appuntamento di metà agosto a Villar Perosa, per la tradizionale amichevole in famiglia della Juventus nella Valle Chisone, era il prologo alla stagione calcistica”. (I 42) [The traditional friendly meeting of Juventus and the Agnelli Family in Valle Chisone was the prologue to the football season.] Success is celebrated together with the players’ families: “La Juve a un certo punto ha festeggiato il suo ultimo scudetto in maniera affettuosa, con mogli e bambini in campo”. (Z 288) [Juventus celebrated its last title in an endearing way with the players’ wives and children on the football field]. Players are given nicknames like members of a family: Alessandro del Piero is called Pinturrichio (I 37). The closeness is not limited to a representation of the Agnelli-Juventus relationship. An image of solidarity is also constructed for the players and the FIAT workers: “La maggior parte degli operai della Fiat sono nostri tifosi: anche per questo siamo vicini a loro e alle loro famiglie. In passato siamo riusciti a regalare loro molte soddisfazioni, e giochiamo anche per questo. Anche se mi rendo conto che non potrà essere un successo della Juve a risolvere i problemi.” (Z 198) [The majority of FIAT workers are our fans: this is another reason for our close feelings towards them and their families. In the past we were able to give them a lot of joy and this is one good reason for us to play. Even if I am aware of the fact that Juventus won’t be able to resolve all problems.] In addition to the multiple representations of close relationships, there is the discourse representation of conflict issues like the one of Juventus Turin vs. AC Milan or, in other words, of Gianni Agnelli vs. Silvio Berlusconi. “Diranno che la partita non è solo tra la Juve e Milan, ma tra l’Italia di Agnelli e quella di Berlusconi” (Z 288). [They will say that the match is not only the one of Juventus Turin vs. AC Milan, but between the Italy of Angelli and the Italy of Berlusconi.] This tension is also felt by the fans: for politicians to book a flight organized by a Milan club, they were forced to sign a form declaring that they were fans of AC Milan. For many Juventus Fans this was not acceptable. “Ma non tutti i parlamentari juventini hanno accettato di salire sul volo per un motivo di fede calcistica. ‘Per andare con loro (…) ci veniva chiesto di firmare un foglio in cui si dichiara di essere tifosi del Milan, essendo il volo organizzato da un Milan club.’” (Z 289) [But not all parliamentarians who were Juventus fans were prepared to take the flight out of their football conviction. ‘To be allowed to fly with them, we were asked to sign a form, in which one declares oneself to be a fan of Milan, since the flight was organized by a Milan club.’] In the struggle between Agnelli and Berlusconi, the quality of the respective football clubs is considered to be important. So the Agnellis buy expensive players with the aim of maintaining the status of Juventus. The glory of an excellent football club is meant to reflect on the image of the Agnelli family.

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The tension between the Italy of Silvio Berlusconi and the Italy of Gianni Agnelli went far beyond football. Berlusconi was blamed for not supporting Fiat in times of crisis and causing workers and their families to suffer more than necessary. The struggle between Gianni Agnelli and Silvio Berlusconi was ended by the death of Gianni Agnelli. Even the funeral of Gianni Agnelli was instrumentalized semiotically in the media. The relationship of the Juventus Fans to their former president Gianni Agnelli was represented as being very close. At Gianni Agnelli’s funeral, Juventus fans wore Tshirts and scarves in the colours of Juventus. “Molti i giovani che hanno partecipato al funerale dell’Avvocato indossando la maglia bianconera oppure sciarpe coi colori della Juve.” (Z 211) [Many young people came to the funeral of the ‘Avvocato’ wearing black and white T-shirts and scarves with the colours of Juventus.] As a reference to the deceased Gianni Agnelli, a Juventus shirt was laid on the seat that had remained empty. “Dieci come il numero della maglia che qualche attimo prima dell’inizio della partita il presidente della Juventus, l’avvocato Vittorio Chiusano, aveva depositato sulla potroncina 32 fila 7 della tribuna vip dello stadio delle Alpi.” (Z 212) [Ten, like the number on the shirt that the President of Juventus, the lawyer Vittorio Chiusano, had placed on seat 37 in row 7 of the VIP stand of the ‘Stadio delle Alpi’ shortly before the beginning of the game.] “Prima dell’inizio, era stato il presidente Chiusano, tra lo scrosciare delgi applausi, a deporre una maglia bianconera sul suo sedile rimasto vuoto.” (I 45) [Before the game started, the president, Chiusano, placed a black and white shirt on the seat that had remained empty.] The close relationship between Gianni Agnelli, FIAT and the city of Turin is represented verbally by stressing the difficult situation of Juventus after Gianni Agnelli’s death. “La Juve a un certo punto ha dovuto elaborare il lutto: fare senza Torino, fare senza la Fiat, fare senza l’Avvocato.” (Z 288) [Juventus from a certain point had to start mourning: to be able do without Turin, without Fiat and without the ‘Avvocato’.]

5. Conclusion It has been shown that the close relationship of Gianni Agnelli and Juventus Turin plays an important role in the construction of identity of the hyper-real figure Gianni Agnelli . His identity is reconstructed by names such as owner, president, shareholder and true fan. Furthermore, he is represented as a football expert who cares about loyalty, the close relationship of the Agnelli family, the players of Juventus, the Fiat workers, the fans. Gianni Agnelli is constructed as a medial figure interested in and an expert on football, devoted to Juventus, fighting against AC Milan and Berlusconi. Loyalty transcends his life; the fans continue to show their devotion even after his death.

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Wodak, Ruth / De Cillia, Rudolf / Reisigl, Martin/ Liebhart, Karin / Hofstätter, Klaus / Kargl, Maria (1998): Zur diskursiven Konstruktion nationaler Identität. Frankfurt a/M: Suhrkamp Corpus Z 152: S.N.: La famiglia Agnelli e l’Italia dei prodotti, 28.01.2003, 28 Z 159: TROPEA, Salvatore: Barberis alza le barricate “L’auto non sarà scorporata”, 10.01.2003, 6-7. Z 185: D’AVANZO, Giuseppe: L’ultimo saluto all’Avvocato. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003, 1. Z 198: RICOLFI, Luca: L'altra città che guarda oltre l'auto. La Repubblica, 09.01.2003, 13. Z 202: TROPEA, Salvatore: La Fiat riparte da Umberto, primo vertice con Fresco, 28.01.2003, 10. Z 206: SOFRI, Adriano: Agnelli e il carisma del leader nel paese dei fichi d’India. La Repubblica, 28.01.2003, 15. Z 207: SERRA, Michele: Il lutto degli operai di Torino. La Repubblica, 28.01.2003, 15 Z 211: STRIPPOLI, Sara: La sua Fiat deve rimanere qui. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003, 5 Z 212: TRABUCCO, Marco: Silenzio, poi il gol di Del Piero, il regalo dei ragazzi all'Avvocato. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003, 6 Z 214: BOFFANO, Ettore: I centomila al Lingotto? Perché lui incarnava Torino. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003, 7 Z 215: Il Senato onora Agnelli. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003, 8 Z216: DE MARCHIS, Goffredo: ‘Mi disse: il quest’aula mi trovo come in famiglia’. La Repubblica, 27.01.2003 Z 288: ANDISIO, Emanuela: Il match Agnelli-Berlusconi e quei dodici da padroni. La Repubblica, 26.05.2003, 46 Z 289: LUZI, Gianluca: Berlusconi, felicità e ironia "Ecco la verifica ai rigori". La Repubblica, 29.05.2003, 11 Z 321: TARGO, Florio: La Juve a Napoli. Agnelli: voglio un altro anno così. La Repubblica, 22.08.2003, 51 Z 349: BIAGI, Enzo: L’Italia e la Fiat, addio anche a Umberto. La Repubblica, 29.05.2004, 1 Z 358: PERRONE, Roberto: La Juventus, un amore sbocciato due volte. La Repubblica, 29.05.2004, 6 I 2: L’Avvocato contro le speculazioni “Un mio problema personale”. , 10.05.2002 I 26: E la notizia della morte fa subito il giro del mondo. , 24.01.2003 I 27: Riunita la scocietà di famiglia. Umberto diventa presidente. , 24.01.2003 I 28: È morto Gianni Agnelli. , 24.01.2003 I 30: L’Avvocato, una vita nel segno dell’azienda. , 24.01.2003 I 31: Uno stile davvero inimitabile: così l’avvocato diventò leggenda. , 24.01.2003 I 32: Agnelli, il cordoglio di Ciampi “Lascia un grande vuoto”. , 24.01.2003 I 37: È morto Giovanni Agnelli. , 24.01.2003 I 38: ZUCCONI, Vittorio: Era un leader, in America lo stavano ad ascoltare. , 25.01.2003 I 40: TURANI, Giuseppe: Dopo l’Avvocato, che cosa cambia. , 24.01.2003 I 42: Juventus e Ferrari in lutto, i grandi amori restano orfani. , 24.01.2003 I 44: SCALFARI, Eugenio: Il principe Incostante. , 25.01.2003 I 45: Un sedile vuoto e tanti striscioni. Gli stadi ricordano l'Avvocato. , 26.01.2003 I 46: MAURO, Ezio: Il destino incompiuto. , 25.01.2003 I 51: TROPPEA, Salvatore: Gianni, un fratello che tutti vorrebbero. , 11.03.2003

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ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Julia Kuhn Institut für Romanische Sprachen Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien Nordbergstr. 15 A-1090 Wien e-mail: [email protected] http://www2.wu-wien.ac.at/roman/index.php?category=Services&item=Personen&EmployeeID=67

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RICHARD W. HALLETT AND JUDITH KAPLAN-WEINGER

“THE PLACE EVERY FOOTBALL FAN WANTS TO VISIT”: A DISCURSIVE ANALYSIS OF FOOTBALL AND SOCCER HALLS OF FAME This paper looks at the role of two sports Halls of Fame in the US, the Pro Football Hall of Fame (www.profootballhof.com) and the National Soccer Hall of Fame and Museum (www.soccerhall.org), in terms of organizational self-promotion and, in particular, at the multimodal semiotic of these halls’ respective websites in performing this function. The goal is to examine not only how these sites differ (or do not), but also how they incorporate linguistic and visual text in their discursive construction as ideological shrines of the physical places they represent. These sites can be seen in a critical discourse analytic perspective as enticing sports enthusiasts to undertake a pilgrimage to a holy memorial to the individuals, teams, and events they revere (see Kirshenbaum 1971, Redmond 1973, Snyder 1991, Gammon 2002, and Hinch / Higham 2003). Adopting the view that tourism websites serve as promoters of social action, this analysis focuses on the Web as an ideological mediator of tourism. Findings reveal that through the use of a multimodal array of lexical and visual texts, sports websites function to call sports fans to action, i.e. to demonstrate respect and devotion.

1. Introduction In the United States, football refers to a game – some might argue a religion (see Gammon 2004) – that involves helmets, ‘pigskin’, touchdowns, and – of course – the Super Bowl. What the rest of the world calls football is known in the US as soccer, an increasingly popular game that, despite the acquisition of David Beckham by the Los Angeles Galaxy, has still not reached the stratospheric level of popularity of other major American sports (nor ‘football’ in the rest of the world), especially not American football. Sports in the United States are more than a game; they are a business. Accordingly, ‘organized’ athletics in the United States adopt a sophisticated, systematic corporate structure. Aside from individual teams’ efforts to promote their respective sports’ ‘business’, major individual sports themselves must self-promote. This paper looks at the role of two sports Halls of Fame in the US, the Pro Football Hall of Fame (www.profootballhof.com) and the National Soccer Hall of Fame and Museum (www.soccerhall.org), in this organizational self-promotion and, in particular, at the multimodal semiotic of these halls’ respective websites in performing this function. Our goal is to examine not only how these sites are constructed and what they include, but also how they incorporate linguistic and visual text in their discursive construction as ideological shrines of the sports they represent. In contrast to the website for the British National Football Museum (www.nationalfootballmuseum.com), these sites of homage to two American sports can be seen in a critical discourse analytic perspective as enticing sports enthusiasts to undertake a pilgrimage to a holy memorial, a shrine, honouring/celebrating the individuals, teams, and events they revere (see Kirshenbaum 1971, Redmond 1973, Snyder 1991, Gammon 2002, John 2002, and Hinch / Higham 2003). 211

Adopting the view that tourism websites serve as promoters of social action, this analysis focuses on the Web as an ideological mediator of tourism. As Robinson / Smith (2006a: 10) have noted, “Football, and sport generally, has the power to define new tourist opportunities”. Findings reveal that through the use of a multimodal array of lexical and visual texts, the American football and soccer websites function to call sports fans to action, i.e. to demonstrate respect and devotion. In so doing, fans also act as tourists, contributing to the economic maintenance and/or improvement of the organization.

2. Halls of Fame Sports tourism researchers frequently note how much of an American tradition halls of fame, particularly sports halls of fame, are. For example, Redmond (1973: 42) claims, “the specialized sports hall of fame in the United States is a peculiarly modern concept and closely allied with the development of American sport”. At this point, we should also note that sports tourism researchers do not use the terms hall of fame and museum synonymously; while both are examples of nostalgia sports tourism (see Snyder 1991, Gibson 1998, and Standeven / De Knop 1999), halls of fame revere the players whereas museums commemorate the sport itself. As Gammon (2002: 65–66) aptly summarizes, Sports museums have a longer past than halls of fame and can be described as general celebrations of a particular sporting past (e.g. Lords Cricket Museum and Wimbledon Museum). They tend to not just honour the elite, but also proudly display any miscellaneous heritage connected to the sport […] In contrast, halls of fame are attractions, which specifically venerate the famous, the gifted or the exceptional. They are very elite clubs whose members consist of the dead[,] the retired and, in some cases, the still playing. Indeed, such is the profile of halls of fame, they have become important indicators of how successful, accomplished and popular a sports career has been.

Over time and across the globe, these halls of fame and museums have become quite important in terms of tourism. Snyder (1991: 229) states, On the surface it appears that halls and museums attract people because of their fascination with sport, including idolized figures and memorabilia from the past. But this is only part of the explanation; the attraction may also be based on the contrasts in incongruity between past and present. This juxtaposition of the past with the present creates the context for feelings of nostalgia.

Concurring with Snyder, Gammon (2002: 66) writes, They [i.e., sports halls of fame] act as provocative reminders and endorsers that sport is important in our lives by glorifying and ossifying a sporting heritage that feeds off both private and collective nostalgia. It involves more than just hero worship; for a visit can evoke deeply felt memories that take on an almost religious context […]

It is this notion of a religious context that we will take up later in this paper.

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3. Pro Football Hall of Fame website As aforementioned, religious imagery and allusions abound in American sports halls of fame promotional materials. On the Pro Football website is also found the Hall of Fame’s mission statement. The ‘mission’ (not to read too much religious symbolism into the website) is in four parts: • To honor individuals who have made outstanding contributions to professional football • To preserve professional football’s historic documents and artifacts • To educate the public regarding the origin, development and growth of professional football as an important part of American culture • To promote the positive values of the sport (http://www.profootballhof.com/hall/release.jsp?release_id=932, accessed 7/13/07, original emphasis)

As a tourist destination, the hall is promoted as a “sparkling and modern” building that for football pilgrims “serves as a hallowed honoring spot for the greats of the professional world” and “represents its sport in a great many other colorful and entertaining ways.” The website explains that the renovated Hall of Fame Enshrinement Gallery “presents a dynamic new look […] using elegant and timeless forms and materials to create a space with a sense of wonderment and reverence for each of the Hall of Fame members”; renovation condensed “the previous twin corridor-like enshrinement halls into one large awe-inspiring gallery”. In addition to the Gallery and complementing its spiritual aura, “[t]he expanded Enshrinees Mementos Room dominates” one of the five buildings in the Hall of Fame complex. (http://www.profootballhof.com/hall/release.jsp?release_id=932&title=HOF+opened+o n+ Sept.+7,+1963, accessed 4/3/07) Testifying to the Hall of Fame members’ honored stature and the desire of pilgrims to express their admiration of them, members are addressed as enshrinees; they are enshrined for their contributions and they participate in an enshrinement attended by more than 20,000 fans in the summer of each year. Writing about religious imagery in sports halls of fame, Gammon (2004: 35) states, “Players take on the mantle of hero, super hero or ‘savior’, and are in some cases mythologized in order to protect a special moment or a special age”. Such is the case in the Pro Football Hall of Fame, where “[E]ach Hall of Fame member is honored with his bronzed likeness” that hangs in the Hall to serve as an altar at which fans can gather, having paid the entrance fee of $16.00 per adult and $13.00 per child, for that opportunity. Sports Halls of Fame in the US capitalize on fans’ devotion. For example, the Pro Football Hall of Fame website encourages fans to join the Insider’s Club by stating, “The Insider’s Club is every football fan’s chance to become a part of the living history that is the Pro Football Hall of Fame. By joining the Insider’s Club, you are helping the Hall of Fame continue to operate as the place every football fan wants to visit and every pro football player wants to be remembered.” (http://www.profootballhof.com/InsidersClub/)

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4. National Soccer Hall of Fame and Museum website Similarly, the National Soccer Hall of Fame and Museum website encourages soccer fans to donate to the Hall: “Imagine your name, your team’s name, a coach, or your favorite Soccer Mom’s name immortalized at the home ‘Where Soccer Legends Live’ [...] It’s inexpensive, and makes a great gift! Buy a commemorative brick, laser engraved with your name, placed in the Walk of Fame! Plus your name and brick will be on the ‘Walk of Fame’ web page for only $150.00.” (http://www.soccerhall.org/walk_of_fame_Intro.htm) The Soccer Hall of Fame is promoted as “dedicated to Celebrating the History, Honoring the Heroes, Inspiring the Youth, and Preserving the Legacy of the sport of Soccer” (http://www.soccerhall.org/ MissionStatement.htm). This appeal to the past, present, and future is couched in the actions of celebrating, honoring, inspiring, and preserving, and the appeal to courage and innocent morality is couched in the semantic properties of the nominals history, heroes, youth, and legacy. Thus, the Hall is positioned as a place where those who have earned recognition can be memorialized.

5. Halls of Fame: Linguistic and visual analysis Members of the Football Hall are chosen by a Board of Selectors made up of sports writers and other representatives who, based on their own recommendations and the nomination of “any fan”, vote for the addition of a new member. Board members and Hall of Fame enshrinees are an elite group, but not one that ignores its popular masses. Rather than functioning in an ‘us’ and ‘them’ semantic with football fans, the Hall of Fame reaches out to them to create a unified, interacting community of practice. Evidence of this is visible in these website banners (1) which incorporate the tourist with the inclusive and possessive pronoun your and the imperative structure in inviting him/her to purchase artifacts from the Hall of Fame’s online store. 1.

Figure 1: Hall of Fame Banners (http://www.profootballhof.com/multimedia/PhotoGalleries.jsp)

Think of the co-membership marked by the visual texts in these banners. Helmet icons, jersey colors and numbers, the reflection in the mirrored football – those who recognize the ‘meanings’ of these texts share in the identity of ‘football fan’ and decorate our living spaces with. Enshrinement activities are presented as an American tradition, but by association with the players who are present and the game that is played that weekend, 214

this identity as an American tradition extends to the game of football itself. Clad in the American flag’s colors of red, white, and blue, the visual and linguistic texts that head the enshrinement page and populate other pages reinforce that football is not just a game; it is a part of America (see examples 2, 3, and 4, below). Quoted in the Our Flag publication of the 105th session of the US Congress in 1997, President Wilson intoned, “This flag, which we honor and under which we serve, is the emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and purpose as a nation” (http://www.access.gpo.gov/uscode/ uscmain.html). Such is the power of this symbol that its colors trigger, consciously and subconsciously, a recognition of membership in and identity with a nation and its people. 2.

. Figure 2: Pro Football Hall of Fame Logo 3.

Figure 3: NFL Logo (http://www.profootballhof.com/history/index.html) 4.

Figure 4 : Pro Football Hall of Fame Logo (http://www.profootballhof.com)

The Soccer Hall of Fame website greets viewers with the following banner: 5.

Figure 5: Soccer Hall of Fame Banner (http://www.soccerhall.org/index.htm)

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A prism of red, blue, and white engraved with upper case white letters and the Soccer Hall logo (also a mix of red, white, and blue with gold stars) acknowledges that the past and its legends can be forever preserved. This banner heads every Soccer Hall page. When accessed following the 2007 induction ceremonies, the Soccer Hall website recognizes the soccer fan’s roles in this preservation with its homepage headline just below the prismed banner above: 6. Thanks for Making Induction 2007 Great! Figure 6: Soccer Hall of Fame Statement (http://www.soccerhall.org/)

The thanks are directed to the fan through linguistic ellipsis of the pronoun you as in “Thanks to you who are a soccer fan for making induction 2007 great!” Below these words, viewers see a collage of induction events including induction speakers wearing red blazers, inductees (one in a red uniform, another in a blue uniform) playing in the Hall of Fame game, and posed shots of inductees and fans. Inductees wear medals at the end of red, white, and blue ribbons. The photos, in encompassing the words Induction 2007, convey the ‘world’ of activity that surrounded the Hall events, as they envelop the viewer in those activities: 7.

Figure 7: Soccer Hall of Fame Induction Webpage

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A ‘Support the Hall’ link on the website invites visitors to contribute to the Hall as well as to the sport by buying commemorative bricks that will pave the ground of the Hall. These bricks will be engraved with “your name” or “names of your choice”, thus making that name a physical part of the Hall’s campus (http://www.soccerhall.org /Support_the_Hall.htm). Anticipating these contributions, the page ends with a photo, headlined “Thank you for your continued support”, of a brick-paved courtyard leading to a hugely-sized soccer ball bearing the Hall of Fame seal that appears to have been kicked into the side of the building that houses the Hall (see example 8, below). The courtyard that is foregrounded in this photo is paved with lightly stained red and gray bricks; darker red commemorative bricks are interspersed among those that lie waiting to be engraved with the name of a fan. The placement of these bricks symbolizes that these names and contributors are responsible for the Hall’s existence; eye movement is drawn from foreground to background, from the real (monetary contributions) to the ideal (a shrine to honor soccer’s greats) marked by an enlarged soccer ball, seemingly breaking through a wall. It is the fans who have provided the power that has put the soccer in the building – literally. The fans are the ones whose contributions assure that this building stands as the Soccer Hall of Fame. 8.

Figure 8: Soccer Hall of Fame Link

Of particular significance to the theme of Hall of Fame as sacred/spiritual/pilgrimage site are the many verbal and visual texts that unite fan to sport. Beside the words of thanks mentioned above, the site speaks to its fans including them in the patriotic spirit of the game. For example, at the ‘Monthly Column’ link, essays written by soccer enthusiasts may be found. The following column capitalizes on the metaphor of justice in America and the power-filled words of Martin Luther King and American forefathers in calling for equal opportunity among the ranks of soccer players:

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9.

I say to you today, my soccer friends, so even though we face the difficulties and frustrations of today and tomorrow, I still have a soccer dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American soccer dream. I have a dream that one day this Soccer Community will rise up and live out the true meaning and purpose of its existence: “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all children are created equal and that all adults involved in the game must protect and secure their rights to development and enjoyment.” I have a dream that one day the sons of urban immigrants and the sons of current suburbanites will be able to play together on the pitch of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Florida, a sports crazy state, sweltering with the heat of ultracompetitive youth coaches, will be transformed into an oasis of rationality and sanity. I have a dream that my three children will one day engage in a soccer community where they will not be judged by the color of their uniform, but by the content of their character. I still have that dream today. (http://www.soccerhall.org/Monthly%20Column/MC.February.2005.htm).

6. Conclusion Hall of Fame websites offer fans the opportunity to view and learn about the sport, its players, and their successes and failures without having to engage in physical travel. Additionally, as portals into the halls, they function in absentia for the Halls themselves. Snyder (1991: 233) says of such Halls, “the halls of fame and museums are agencies of socialization wherein the memories symbolically transmit values and norms”. He adds, “The sport halls of fame and museums are secular temples dedicated to the sport muses – gods and goddesses and the spiritual world of sport. They are also archives of sport material culture from an earlier time. The preservation of historical objects allows the observer to cross the barrier of time” (Snyder 1991: 237). Halls of Fame sites offer the patriot/pilgrim a chance to indulge in the spiritual – a chance to adore and revere. As research into pilgrimage and tourism illustrates, pilgrims are not tourists in the more common use of that term. Rudolph (2004: 34) explains, A pilgrim is not a tourist. You have a deeper experience because you are not an observer in the traditional sense of the word […] You are part of the cultural landscape, part of the original reason for being and the history of many of the towns through which you pass […] This is why the pilgrimage is not a tour, not a vacation, not at all a trip from point A to point B, but a journey that is both an experience and a metaphor rather than an event.

The journey through sports Halls of Fame, then, is a journey not only through the respective games, but also through the legacies of their players in a way that can make the pilgrim at one with the player.

References Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London: Routledge Gammon, Sean (2002): Fantasy, nostalgia and the pursuit of what never was. In: Gammon / Kurtzman, 61–71 Gammon, Sean (2004): Secular pilgrimage and sport tourism. In: Ritchie / Adair, 30–45 Gammon, Sean / Kurtzman, Joseph (eds.) (2002): Sport tourism: Principles and practice. Eastbourne: Leisure Studies Association

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Gibson, Heather J. (1998): Sport tourism: A critical analysis of research. In: Sport Management Review 1/1, 45–76 Hinch, Thomas / Higham, James (2003): Sport tourism development. Clevedon: Channel View John, Geraint (2002): Stadia and tourism. In: Gammon / Kurtzman, 53–59 Kirshenbaum, Jerry (1971): Bats and busts, size-15 sneakers and a dead bird. In: Sports Illustrated 34/26, 63–74 Redmond, Gerald (1973): A plethora of shrines: Sport in the museum and hall of fame. In: Quest 19, 41– 48 Ritchie, Brent W. / Adair, Daryl (eds.) (2004): Sport tourism: Interrelationships, impacts and issues. Clevedon: Channel View Robinson, Mike / Smith, Melanie (2006a): Politics, power and play: The shifting contexts of cultural tourism. In: Robinson / Smith b, 1–17 Robinson, Mike / Smith, Melanie (eds.) (2006b): Cultural tourism in a changing world: Politics, participation and (re)presentation. Clevedon: Channel View Rudolph, Conrad (2004): Pilgrimage to the end of the world: The road to Santiago de Compostela. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Snyder, Eldon E. (1991): Sociology of nostalgia: Sports halls of fame and museums in America. In: Sociology of Sport Journal 8, 228–238 Standeven, Joy / De Knop, Paul (1999): Sport tourism. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics

Websites http://www.access.gpo.gov/uscode/uscmain.html (2001), 10/10/2007 http://www.nationalfootballmuseum.com (n.d.), 10/10/2007 http://www.profootballhof.com (2007), 13/7/2007 http://soccerhall.org (n.d.), 3/4/2007

Dr. Richard W. Hallett and Dr. Judith Kaplan-Weinger Department of Linguistics Northeastern Illinois University 5500 North St. Louis Avenue Chicago, IL 60625-4699 USA e-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

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RENÉ SCHIERING REGIONAL IDENTITY IN SCHALKE FOOTBALL CHANTS1 The football rite is structured by a strict succession of ritualized, verbal and non-verbal practices, such as football cheers and chants. Collective fan utterances fulfill the same function as other forms of ritual communication: they establish and strengthen a bond of unity within a group. Due to the organizational format of football from local leagues to world championships, the negotiation of regional identity is a salient ingredient of this process. This paper presents a first ethnolinguistic analysis of how regional identity is expressed in Schalke football cheers and chants. Essentially, the group defines itself by referring to romanticized concepts of the industrial area of the Ruhr. Although the regional substandard Ruhrdeutsch provides a linguistic means to demonstrate one’s own regional background, the fans’ cheers and chants exhibit only very few substandard features. The complementary distribution of ritual communication and substandard usage can be explained with reference to the sociolinguistic status of the variety. On the one hand, patterns of situative variation disfavour substandard usage in public domains, such as a football arena. On the other hand, the short history of the variety, which until lately has been highly stigmatized, did not allow it to be promoted as an appropriate register for song.

1. Introduction Football shows the typical structure of a rite and is thus comparable to other forms of ritual behaviour, such as, for example, a church service. First, a football match takes place in the particular spatial configuration of urban stadiums or arenas. Secondly, the distribution of spectators within the stadium follows fixed hierarchies which are related to social classes (e.g. VIP guests), the football world itself (e.g. league representatives) or differences within the fan community (e.g. Ultras). Thirdly, football is characterized by temporal and rhythmic affinities, such that matches are scheduled according to a regular and cyclical calendar. Fourthly, the spectacle rests on a number of different roles, e.g. the fans who codify their support in action, dress and accessories. Fifth, football has its own organization, ranging from local clubs to FIFA, and its own working principles. Sixth, the sequential framework of the match structures the event, for instance marking its beginning and end by proper opening and closing ceremonies. Finally, during the football match ordinary hierarchies are loosened and a bond of unity is created between the supporters of a team irrespective of, for example, differences in social status (Bromberger 1995; see also Scheidhammer 2006 for parallels between football and religion). 1

The research for this paper was carried out at the University of Konstanz and the University of Leipzig as part of the SFB 471 ‘Variation and Evolution in the Lexicon’ and the project ‘Typology and Theories of the Word’, respectively, both supported by the German Science Foundation (DFG). For support during field work, general suggestions and comments on earlier versions of this paper, I am grateful to Balthasar Bickel, Markus Denkler, Ralf Dreischer, Tatsiana Mayorava, Sebastian Ritsch, Gunter Senft, Fritz Serzisko, Katrin Sump and Frank Zimmerer. I am also indebted to Manuel Schwiertz, who supplied the music notations included in this paper, and Kristine A. Hildebrandt, who proof-read the manuscript.

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If football shows prototypical ritual structure, it is worth analyzing its constituting communicative practices in the context of ethnolinguistic theories about the social function of ritual communication. One of the most important functions of rituals lies in establishing and strengthening a bond of unity among the members of a community (Eibl-Eibesfeldt / Senft 1987: 75). In this sense, the rituals of football fans define the group of supporters and distinguish these fans from fans of opposing teams or other spectators. Due to the organizational format of football from local leagues to world championships, the negotiation of regional identity is an essential part of this process. The fans’ ritualized, verbal and non-verbal behaviour thus does not only delimit the group of supporters, but also locates the group within a region, which is not necessarily coextensive with political or administrational borders. This paper discusses how regional identity is constructed by means of ritual communication in the football arena AufSchalke in Gelsenkirchen, Germany. As will be detailed in Section 2, the geographic location of Gelsenkirchen offers a number of identification options. Section 3 will analyze the opening ritual in order to demonstrate that Schalke fans identify with a romanticized concept of the Ruhr area as an industrial centre. Section 4 surveys first observations on the ritual language. Although the regional substandard Ruhrdeutsch provides a means to express one’s own regional background, it is rarely used by Schalke fans in ritual communication. Section 5 closes the paper by offering explanations for the complementary distribution of ritual communication and substandard usage in terms of the sociolinguistic status of the variety.

2. The Ruhr area 2.1. Political and administrational facts Gelsenkirchen is located in Germany’s westernmost federal state, North RhineWestphalia, which borders the Netherlands and Belgium in the west. This state encompasses the geographical areas of North Rhine and Westphalia and is further subdivided into five administrative districts: Arnsberg, Detmold, Düsseldorf, Köln and Münster. The latter also hosts the city of Gelsenkirchen. The football club ‘FC Gelsenkirchen-Schalke 04 e.V.’, which is of focal interest for the present study, is named after one of Gelsenkirchen’s districts, i.e. Schalke. From a purely political perspective, Schalke fans are thus North Rhine-Westphalians, or, going down the administrational hierarchy, Westphalians proper or even Münsterländers. However, in constructing one’s regional identity, the political borders are less relevant than the comparably recent concept of the Ruhr area. This term refers to a conglomerate of towns and cities close to the river Ruhr which are perceived as sharing a number of salient features. In particular, cities in the region stretching from Duisburg in the west to Hamm in the east and from the river Ruhr in the south to the river Lippe in the north all participated in the 19th century industrialization. As a result, most of the cities in question were dependent on coalmining and steel manufacturing until the end of the 20th century. Note that the Ruhr area, which by now has a semi-official status due to the regional umbrella organization ‘Regionalverband Ruhr’ (‘Regional Association of the Ruhr’), cross-cuts the borders of the administrative districts Arnsberg, Düsseldorf

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and Münster. Gelsenkirchen is thus located in the very centre of this recent regional construct (see Becker 2003: 3-21 for the numinosum of the Ruhr area). Gelsenkirchen’s location in the centre of North Rhine Westfalia and the Ruhr area thus provides Schalke fans with a number of clues for the construction of regional identity. They may either define their group with reference to the traditional concept of Westphalia, which forms the basis for the present administrational borders, or with reference to the recent socio-psychological construct of the Ruhr area. 2.2. The linguistic situation In terms of German dialect geography, the Ruhr area is north of the maken-machen ‘do’ isogloss and thus on Low German territory. Right in the centre of the area, the drinketdrinken ‘drink’ isogloss, which approximately forms a north-to-south axis, divides the Low Franconian dialects in the west from the Westphalian dialects in the east. The original dialect of Gelsenkirchen belongs to the Westphalian branch of Low German. However, the old dialects in the Ruhr area are by now highly endangered or even moribund, i.e. if, at all, fluent speakers of Low German dialects can only be found in older generations (see also Wirrer 1998 for the present status of Low German). Starting with the end of the 19th century, varieties of Standard German have gradually replaced the old Low German dialects of the area. In the course of this development, a regional variety evolved, which, on the one hand, shares the majority of linguistic features with Standard German, but, on the other, is also characterized by a bundle of substandard features, which in part can be attributed to Low German substrata (Menge 1977, Mihm 1982). The features which are bundled in this recent regional variety Ruhrdeutsch are spread over all levels of linguistic description. In phonology, unshifted consonants, e.g. in dat vs. das ‘the/that’ and wat vs. was ‘what’, are typical of a colloquial variety on Low German territory. In morphology, case assignment often adheres to principles different from that of Standard German, e.g. aus dat Bett vs. aus dem Bett ‘out of bed’. The divergent use of prepositions constitutes one example of syntactic substandard features, e.g. na’m Arzt vs. zum Arzt gehen ‘to the doctor’. Finally, a number of lexemes seem to be restricted to the Ruhr area, such as the Polish loans Mattka ‘(pejorative) old woman’ and Mottek ‘hammer’ (see Mihm 1997 for an exhaustive list). A further complication of the linguistic situation in the Ruhr area stems from the various parameters of variation which affect the realization of substandard features (Harden 1981, Scholten 1988, Salewski 1998). First, in continuation of the Rhenish Fan, the occurrence of unshifted consonants decreases in the eastern parts of the region. Secondly, the usage of Ruhrdeutsch diastratically correlates to some extent with social variables such as school education. Thirdly, in certain text genres, e.g. technical descriptions, fewer features are realized than in everyday conversation. Finally, the nature of the communicative situation imposes restrictions on substandard usage, for instance in public situations. The social function of Ruhrdeutsch usage is adequately described with reference to its general connotation of warmth and social proximity. It signifies group membership and is perceived differently than Standard German, which is often taken to be formal and highbred (Mihm 1997: 31). Ruhrdeutsch thus defines a regionally and socially delimited group and distinguishes it from others. In this sense, substandard 223

usage fulfills the same function as ritual communication and provides Schalke fans with a linguistic means to articulate their regional identity.

3. Regional identity in ritual communication 3.1. Ritual communication in the football arena Within the subculture of fan groups, a football event is considerably longer than the 90 minutes of the actual match. On the day of a home match, Schalke fans meet as early as 11 o’clock and travel to the arena in small groups by public transportation. When the match starts at 15:30, they have already spent some two hours in the arena. After the final whistle at 17:15, they typically do not leave the arena immediately, but collectively reflect on the past match. A football fan’s home match day usually ends late at night, for instance in a pub, in which the successful or unsuccessful day is celebrated or mourned with a circle of choice friends. For each phase of this day, ritualized forms of verbal and non-verbal behaviour structure the overall ritual (see also Rühlemann 1996 for a survey). Most prominently, a rich repertoire of cheers and chants is available for the journey to the arena, during the strict succession of events in the arena and in the final journey from the arena to the local pub. The expression of regional identity is a recurring topic which is distributed evenly across the opening ritual, during match-accompanying rituals including ritualized support and insults, and in the closing ritual. 3.2. Regional identity in the opening ritual The clearest case of ritual communication expressing regional identity in the context of Schalke football fans can be found in the opening ritual. This ceremony is especially striking, even for outsiders, because it is institutionalized to such an extent that it is conducted by the stadium announcer, and the collective singing is supported by a playback sounding from the stadium loudspeakers. The opening ritual begins roughly 15 minutes before the football match starts. The first step in this ritual consists of the collective singing of the club anthem Blau und Weiß, wie lieb’ ich dich (see Song 1). While singing this song, all fans in the arena stand up, even if they have purchased more expensive tickets for seats, and hold their fan scarves stretched out between their hands above their foreheads. The first three stanzas of the song each praise the team’s colours blue and white from different perspectives. The last stanza, which is musically emphasized by a sudden key change from B to C, refers to the industrial heritage of the region and stresses the original link between the football club and the local industry in Gelsenkirchen. The first line of this fourth stanza, 1.000 Feuer in der Nacht (‘1,000 fires burning in the night’), captures the overall perception of the Ruhr area at the beginning of the 20th century as being dominated by coalmining and steel manufacturing. Industrialization is conceived of as a fortunate development in the second line of the song, haben uns das große Glück gebracht (‘they brought us great fortune’). In a parallel construction, the bond of unity among the club’s members is celebrated as a guarantee for the club’s survival in the third and fourth line of the stanza: 1.000 Freunde, die zusammen steh’n / dann wird der 224

FC Schalke niemals untergeh’n (‘1,000 friends who stick together / so that the FC Schalke will never perish’).

Song 1: Blau und Weiß, wie lieb’ ich Dich (Hans J. König 1959)

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The second song which is collectively sung in the course of the opening ritual is the traditional coalminers’ song Glück auf, der Steiger kommt (see Song 2). While singing this song, the still-standing fans wave their fan scarves in circles above their heads. Alternatively, other accessories which carry the team’s colours, e.g. banners, are presented during the ritual.

Song 2: Glück auf, der Steiger kommt as sung by Schalke fans on 5/13/2006

The Steigerlied is first documented around 1700 in the Bergliederbüchlein, which contains coalminers’ songs from the Ore Mountains in Eastern Germany. The song is thus an import from a distant region which has a longer coalmining tradition than the Ruhr area and is not part of the genuine Westphalian song tradition. The song’s first stanza, which is sung before every home match, describes how the ‘overman’ arrives with his light, which will guide the coalminers into the coalmine. The playback which underlies the collective singing of the song is a recording of a performance of the choir of the local coalmining society Ruhrkohle AG, i.e. Schalke fans literally team up with coalminers during the opening ritual. In the course of this ritual, the players of the teams begin with their entrance into the arena. Due to the parallel timing of these two events, a complex metaphor is realized in this ritual practice: Schalke fans identify themselves as coalminers while granting the team’s players ‘overman’ status. The second stanza of the song, which continues this theme, is only sung at special occasions, e.g. the final match of the season in the version given above. Although the entering of the teams is staged in a further institutionalized step in which Status Quo’s Whatever you want resounds through the stadium loudspeakers, the fans’ behaviour at this stage is less rigorously dictated by the ritual. Usually the scarf is still waved above the head as a non-verbal concomitant of this phase, and the verbal behaviour consists of less ritualized primary reactions and chants. Depending on the occasion, the ritualized chant Wer nicht hüpft, der is’ Borusse (‘He who doesn’t hop, is

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Borusse [i.e. a supporter of the local rival Borussia Dortmund]’) is sung while hopping up and down. 3.3. Fan identity and the present situation in the Ruhr area The evidence from the opening ritual clearly shows how Schalke football fans negotiate regional identity in their chants and songs. Ignoring their cultural heritage as Westphalians, they see themselves as part of the recent regional concept of the Ruhr area. By appealing to the general perception of the region as an industrial centre, they commit themselves to the coalmining tradition of Gelsenkirchen. In the course of their ritual practices, Schalke fans actively construct their identity as that of coalminers, which is taken to be prototypical of the region in general and of Gelsenkirchen in particular. Although this finding seems to follow naturally from the history of the region as outlined in 2.1., it is at odds with the present socio-cultural situation. In the last few decades, the Ruhr area has undergone major changes which have been initiated by the successive closing of coalmines in the region since the late 1950s. As a reaction to the decrease of industry, a number of cities in the Ruhr area have sought other economic options in a process of deliberate structural change. In this context, the re-definition of the region as a cultural area, which boasts a number of theatres, operas, museums and the like, has taken a leading role in the process. These more recent developments are suppressed in the Schalke fans’ construction of regional identity. Accordingly, their identification with coalminers bemoans the loss of coalmining as a stable economic base and mystifies a glorified past in which the coal and steel industry guaranteed a bond among members of the working class.

4. Substandard usage in the football arena 4.1. Types of communication in the football arena The communicative situation in the AufSchalke football arena is highly complex since more than 60,000 people participate in the event of a home match, with several subevents. Fans in the fan block constantly engage in conversations with their immediate neighbours. Apart from such spontaneous exchanges, several types of fan utterances can be distinguished, which differ in structural complexity and their degree of ritualization. The simplest fan utterances can be grouped under the umbrella term ‘primary reactions’. These include noises, whistles, one-word utterances and shorter yells. Rhythmic reactions, such as rhythmic clapping and rhythmic yells, are more complex and less spontaneous, since their rhythmic structure has to be learnt and their performance is conducted by the fans. The category of chants includes sung yells, i.e. rhythmic yells, which come with a fixed melody, and short songs, which often consist of several lines of lyrics and have a more complex rhythmic and melodic structure. Songs with fixed rhythmic and melodic structure and several stanzas of lyrics form the most elaborate type of collective fan utterance (Kopiez / Brink 1998). The two songs of the opening ritual discussed in 3.2. are prototypical examples of a fan composition and a traditional song. 227

4.2. Substandard features across communicative events Although the audio recordings which form the basis for the present observations are not yet transcribed in their entirety, the available material exhibits substandard features across the various types of communicative events in the fan block. The following preliminary conclusions are based on qualitative analyses and will be backed up by quantitative analysis in due course. Spontaneous conversations which football fans engage in while watching the match are characterized by a high density of substandard features. Consider the brief exchange in (1). 1.

A: Ah! Ich krich eine Gänsepelle nache andern. B: Geil! A: Is dat geil! B: Viel zu lange Pause, ne? A: Mann, do!

Among the various substandard features which are evidenced in these data, we note in particular the regional variant krich (1st. sg. present tense) of the verb kriegen ‘to get’, the typical contraction of preposition and definite article in nache ‘after the’, the loss of the final dental /t/ in is ‘is’, the unshifted consonant in dat ‘the/that’, the tag ne? ‘right?’ and the special vocalism in do ‘you’. Further evidence of substandard usage is given in (2). 2.

A: Hinein! Hinein! Hinein! B: Ja, wo rein? A: Ja im Tor! B: Ja dat musse auch dabei sag’n.

In this exchange, the contracted form of the preposition in and the definite article differ from what one would expect in Standard German (Schiering 2005). Apart from the unshifted consonant in dat that was already discussed above, the contraction of musst ‘must’ and du ‘you’ also points to the regional background of the speaker, as well as the specific use of the preposition bei, ‘by’. In the context of primary reactions and rhythmic yells, there is still considerable colouring through the regional variety. The following examples illustrate this point with substandard features related to the vocalism (3a), the consonantism (3b), non-standard case assignment (3c) and the phonetic realization of high vowels (3d). 3.

a. Mann, do! b. Dat Runde muss in dat Eckige! c. Frank, bleib auf deine Linie! d. Lutscher, Lutscher, Lutscher!

Less spontaneous and more complex chants and songs show considerably fewer substandard features. Most dramatically, none of the typical Ruhrdeutsch features which have been discussed so far can be found in these types of fan utterances. If at all, very 228

specific lexical items point to the regional origin of the speakers. For instance, the lexeme Bude, which in the Ruhr area is not only used to denote a small house or a kiosk, but also the goal, surfaces prominently in a chant that is occasionally sung over the melody of Whatever you want during the opening ritual (4). 4.

Die Bude brennt!

A significant exception to the overall lack of substandard features in chants and songs concerns the lexicalized expression auf Schalke gehen ‘to go to Schalke’, in which the preposition auf ‘on’ is used in a highly marked way (Wagener 1999a). This use of the preposition is only possible with the place name Schalke if it refers to the football arena and not the district of Gelsenkirchen. Since this expression is so obviously a specialty of the local language, it is used as a means to express regional identity in songs. Example (5) gives the chorus of one such song. 5.

Ob ich verroste und verkalke, ich gehe immer noch auf Schalke! Ob ich erlahme und ergrau, ich liebe Königsblau!

In one fan composition, the directional use of auf is even overgeneralized and used in the context of the spatial adverbial überall, ‘everywhere’. The lines of the song in example (6) are sung to the melody of Rod Stewart’s I am sailing. The collective singing of this song constitutes one ritual accompanying the journey to away matches. 6.

Wir sind Schalker und wir folgen, uns’rem Team auf überall!

4.3. Substandard use and ritual communication Although the observations made above still need to be backed up with quantitative analyses, the overall impression of substandard language use in the football arena AufSchalke is clear enough. Whereas Ruhrdeutsch provides the primary linguistic means to communicate with one’s neighbour in the fan block in the course of spontaneous conversations, the substandard is clearly disfavoured in less spontaneous and structurally complex fan utterances. In other words: the more ritualized communication gets in the football arena, the less the substandard is used by Schalke fans. In the light of the fans’ striving for a regional identity which rests on the coalmining heritage, this finding comes as a surprise if one considers the stigmatization of the variety as working class language. This case study on regional identity and ritual communication in the football arena can be summarized as follows. Ritual communication and substandard use in principle fulfill the same social function in establishing and strengthening a bond of unity within a group. The rituals of football fans are framed in a regional organizational format and thus allow the negotiation of regional identity. In a similar way, the regional substandard offers rich opportunities to demonstrate one’s own regional background. Nevertheless, in the AufSchalke football arena, ritual communication and substandard use are in complementary distribution. 229

5. Towards an explanation 5.1. Situative distribution of the substandard The need for explaining the observations made in the context of Schalke football chanting becomes even more urgent if we compare them to ritual practices in football stadiums of other geographical areas in Germany. In Cologne, which is located in Middle German territory, carnival songs sung in the local dialect form an essential ingredient of Cologne football chanting. The same situation is found with traditional teams in Southern Germany, for instance in Freiburg, where a significant proportion of the football chant repertoire contains dialect lyrics. The most promising route, arguably, towards explaining the verbal behaviour of Schalke fans makes reference to the sociolinguistic status of the regional variety in the Ruhr area. As noted in 2.2., among other various parameters, the communicative situation has a strong impact on the realization of substandard features. In the football arena, the situation is complicated by simultaneous communicative sub-events. The spontaneous conversation can be classified as normal or even relaxed because the interlocutors consider themselves to belong to the same group and to share the same set of beliefs and attitudes. In such situations, the occurrence of substandard features can be expected to multiply, following the overall situative variation which characterizes the substandard. Collective singing, on the other hand, addresses a wider audience which not only includes less vociferous Schalke fans outside the fan block but also the opposing team’s fans. Accordingly, the communicative situation exhibits higher degrees of interpersonal distance and can be considered public. In such formal situations, substandard use is, in general, disfavoured. 5.2. Appropriate registers for song Another possibility for explaining the Schalke case starts with the question as to which language registers are considered appropriate for singing. In his seminal analysis of the Beatles’ songs, Trudgill 1983 notes that the group mimicked the American English variety of their idols in the earlier years of the band’s history and that they did not consider their local Liverpool dialect appropriate for performing pop songs. Ruhrdeutsch has a very short history, spanning approximately 120 years. During this time, the variety could not develop its own song tradition. In sharp contrast, the lack of substandard features encountered in the context of fan chanting carries over to other song genres as well. The only exceptions to this general incompatibility of Ruhrdeutsch and song are found in German-style punk bands (e.g. Lokalmatadore, Borussia Pillemann), which consciously break this rule for a subversive effect, or in comedy acts (e.g. Missfits, Herbert Knebel), which aim at a comic effect by singing Ruhrdeutsch (see also Becker 2003 for the vis comica of Ruhrdeutsch). In this sense, football fans follow a general pattern in the use of their regional substandard when they switch to Standard German in performing their chants and songs. It can be assumed that the Ruhr area is special in lacking by and large regional traditions of song which could be recruited in order to construct regional identity in ritual practices in the football arena. This process is arguably fed by the gradual extinction of the older dialects, which originally had a stronger sociolinguistic status.. 230

However, given the fact that Schalke fans deliberately use stereotypical substandard features in the context of away match chants hints at a growing awareness of the potential of the regional substandard in construction regional identity in the Ruhr area.

References Becker, Anne Katrin (2003): Ruhrdeutsch: Die Sprache des Ruhrgebiets in einer umfassenden Analyse. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Freiburg Bromberger, Christian (1995): Football as world-view and as ritual. In: French Cultural Studies 6, 293– 311 Ehlich, Konrad / Elmer, Wilhelm / Noltenius, Rainer (eds.) (1997): Sprache und Literatur an der Ruhr. Essen: Klartext Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenaus / Senft, Gunter (1987): Studienbrief Rituelle Kommunikation. Hagen: Fernuniversität-Gesamthochschule Harden, Theo (1981): Untersuchungen zur R-Realisation im Ruhrgebiet: Analyse einer diatopischdiastratischen Variation und ihrer Bewertung. Wiesbaden: Steiner Kopiez, Reinhard / Brink, Guido (1998): Fußball-Fangesänge: Eine Fanomenologie. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann Menge, Heinz H. (1977): Regionalsprache Ruhr: Grammatische Variation ist niederdeutsches Substrat. Eine forschungsleitende Hypothese. In: Korrespondenzblatt des Vereins für niederdeutsche Sprachforschung 84, 48–59 Mihm, Arend (1982): Zur Entstehung neuer Sprachvarietäten: Ruhrdeutscher Kasusgebrauch und seine Erklärung. In: Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik 10, 263–294 Mihm, Arend (21997): Die Realität des Ruhrdeutschen – soziale Funktion und sozialer Ort einer Gebietssprache. In: Ehlich et al., 19–38 Rühlemann, Thorsten (1996): Die Fans im Stadion: Die kleinen Rituale des Alltags im Verhalten von Fußballfans. In: Rheinisch-westfälische Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 41, 143–163 Salewski, Kerstin (1998): Zur Homogenität des Substandards älterer Bergleute im Ruhrgebiet. Stuttgart: Steiner Scheidhammer, Franz-Josef (2006): Kicker, Kutten und Choräle: Fußball und Religion – eine Projektmappe. Mülheim an der Ruhr: Verlag an der Ruhr Schiering, René (2005): Flektierte Präpositionen im Deutschen? Neue Evidenz aus dem Ruhrgebiet. In: Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik 72, 52–79 Scholten, Beate (1988): Standard und städtischer Substandard bei Heranwachsenden im Ruhrgebiet. Tübingen: Niemeyer Trudgill, Peter (1983): On dialect: Social and geographical perspectives. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Wagener, Peter (1999a): Auf Schalke! Auf als lokative Präposition ohne Artikel im Ruhrdeutschen. In: Wagener b, 243–251 Wagener, Peter (ed.) (1999b): Sprachformen: Deutsch und Niederdeutsch in europäischen Bezügen. Festschrift für Dieter Stellmacher zum 60. Geburtstag. Stuttgart: Steiner Wirrer, Jan (1998): Zum Status des Niederdeutschen. In: Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik 26, 308–340

René Schiering Institut für Linguistik Universität Leipzig Beethovenstr. 15 D-04107 Leipzig e-mail: [email protected] http://www.uni-leipzig.de/~schier/

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JOANNE LUHRS

FOOTBALL CHANTS AND ‘BLASON POPULAIRE’: THE CONSTRUCTION OF LOCAL AND REGIONAL STEREOTYPES Football chants have been identified as a crucial vehicle in keeping the little-known traditional linguistic genre of ‘blason populaire’ alive in England today. In brief, ‘blason populaire’ can be described as: An expression of one’s group outlook and self-image, often involving the implied simultaneous detraction and/or detriment of another (rival) group. (Green / Widdowson 2003: 9) As such, the genre is vital in maintaining and contesting identities and rivalries at all levels, with football chants playing a key role in its continuity. In this paper, I focus on the use of local and regional stereotypes in football chants and how they portray these identities and rivalries, which are integral components of ‘blason populaire’. From ‘Dee-das’ to ‘Dingles’ and ‘Scrubbers’ to ‘Scabs’, I illustrate how the same themes that were used in the older village rhymes and sayings of the past, such as economic status, lifestyle, cleanliness, sexuality and promiscuity, form the basis of the insults that are traded between rival sets of football fans today.

1. Introduction In research conducted in England in 2003 assessing the continuity and change of traditional English language genres, it was established that football chants were the main vehicle for keeping the little-known linguistic genre of ‘blason populaire’ alive in England today (Green / Widdowson 2003). I will provide an overview of ‘blason populaire’, describing its main forms, functions and themes, before moving on to discuss how the football chants of today remain true to the genre by relying on the same popular themes of the expressions of the past. I will use data collected through participant observation at English football matches during the 2002/03 and 2003/04 football seasons.

2. An introduction to ‘blason populaire’ 2.1. What is ‘blason populaire’? ‘Blason populaire’ is a folkloric term apparently coined by Frenchman Auguste Canel in the 19th century. However, despite holding an important place in English folklore and playing an integral role in the portrayal of local, regional and national rivalries, there is no English equivalent of the term. Alan Dundes (1965: 43) has suggested that the sense of the term in English is “roughly ‘ethnic slur’”, although such a definition is highly problematic for reasons that will be discussed shortly. In our recent study on the 233

continuity and change of traditional language genres, John Widdowson and I applied the more useful and accommodating definition: An expression of one’s group outlook and self-image, often involving the implied simultaneous detraction and/or detriment of another (rival) group. (Green / Widdowson 2003: 9)1

To help in understanding how the term has been derived, it is useful to consider several definitions of the word ‘blazon’ taken from the OED. As a noun, it is defined as “a shield in heraldry; armorial bearings, coat of arms; a banner bearing the arms”. As a verb, it is “to publish vauntingly or boastfully, boast of” and “to proclaim, make public; ‘trumpet.’’ Taking into account these dictionary definitions, together with the definition of the genre, it becomes apparent how ‘blason populaire’ emerged as a description of a linguistic genre focussing on the traditional expressions of identities and rivalries referring to particular communities, groups or places. When using an expression of ‘blason populaire’, taking into account the application of the noun ‘blazon’, the speaker is in essence using a verbal coat of arms to display his or her allegiances. Similarly, when considering the application of ‘blazon’ as a verb, the speaker is boasting of his/her identity, often at the expense of another rival group.2 ‘Blason populaire’ is a term that has so far received little attention from scholars. Apart from a small number of articles and a scattering of student projects and theses, only a handful of complete volumes are dedicated to the genre, the majority of which concern French examples. At present, there exists no comprehensive work dedicated solely to the genre in England. It is surprising that it has not yet been subjected to more detailed and up-to-date, in-depth investigation as it is a genre that can provide a wealth of information in relation to identities and rivalries on a number of levels. Widdowson, one of the few scholars who has given ‘blason populaire’ the attention it deserves, highlights this gap in academic literature available on the genre, suggesting that it is worthy of more serious examination: It is clear that the forms and functions of ‘blason populaire’ merit comprehensive and systematic study. In common with other traditional verbal genres, the references are scattered and inconclusive, and few such forms have been studied in the full context of living speech. (Widdowson 1981: 44)

It is one of the aims of my current research to fill this gap. 2.2. The functions of ‘blason populaire’ As already mentioned, Alan Dundes has suggested that the English sense of ‘blason populaire’ translates as “roughly ‘ethnic slur’” (Dundes 1965: 43). However, this is too simplistic a definition. Generally, when a piece of ‘blason populaire’ is used, a value judgement is made, frequently stereotypical and often disparaging about the referents or 1

2

Green is in fact one and the same person as the author of the present contribution, namely Joanne Luhrs. To avoid confusion, it is necessary to point out that ‘blason’ is the French form of ‘blazon’; hence I have used the latter in the discussion of definitions of the word, but still continue to refer to the genre as ‘blason populaire’, which has no English equivalent.

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the referent community, but this is by no means a pre-requisite, as Dundes’ use of the word “slur” would seem to imply. The genre can function other than as an insult to an outsider group as a display of rivalry. When used by insiders within a group about their own group, it can function as a unifying force, an expression of partisanship, and ultimately a marker of a shared identity. Widdowson provides a useful framework, illustrating how the positive and negative attributes operate on opposing levels for the group who use the expressions and the group at which they are aimed. He writes of ‘blason populaire’: Its principal function is to present a stereotype of a particular group or region. It therefore serves the dual function of presenting a specific group or region in a favourable light, and in doing so implies or intends a slight upon other groups. The first of these functions is integrative while the second is divisive and calculated to initiate or maintain conflict, at the verbal level at least, between the groups concerned. (Widdowson 1981: 36)

This framework demonstrates how the functions are often implicitly reversed for the outsider group from the insider group who uses them. It will be adopted in the forthcoming discussion of football chants. 2.3. The forms of ‘blason populaire’ ‘Blason populaire’ can be expressed in a variety of forms. As Dundes has highlighted: Names, phrases, rhymes, songs and jokes which one group uses to characterize specific peoples and places fall under a general category which folklorists call ’blason populaire’. (Dundes 1965: 43)

All of these forms can be classified as traditional linguistic genres in themselves, but when concerned with issues of identities and rivalries, frequently in relation to location, they also fall under the genre of ‘blason populaire’. For example, “from Hell, Hull and Halifax . . the good Lord deliver us” indisputably falls within the genre of traditional sayings and expressions. However, its focus on location and its derogatory content about the three places stated also mark it as an item of ‘blason populaire’. To avoid confusion in the coming pages, I will refer to the forms of ‘blason populaire’ as subgenres. While it is true that all of the sub-genres can be treated as linguistic genres in their own right, in the context of my investigation their belonging to the genre of ‘blason populaire’ is of primary importance, and their forming a smaller unit within that. There appear to be six main sub-genres, namely: nicknames; proverbial usage; traditional sayings and expressions; jokes; rhymes; and football chants. 2.4. The themes of ‘blason populaire’ Any subject matter can be used in expressions of ‘blason populaire’. However, some themes are more common than others. Looking firstly at integrative expressions of the genre, it is not unusual for the alleged attractiveness of females to serve as a reflection of all that is positive about a particular group, community or place. For example, there is the expression “Lancashire Fair women” that operates in this way. Sometimes, a place may be famed for its food produce, and this may serve as a signifier of all that is good 235

about the community in general, as in the old expression “Buckinghamshire beef and bread”. As these few examples show, any product or character trait that a place or group is famous for can be used as a cause for celebration, and ultimately a display of superiority, in integrative examples of ‘blason populaire’. In contrast to integrative expressions, divisive statements contain any elements that can serve to belittle a rival group, with the ultimate aim of making one’s own group appear superior. While any putdown or abusive term can be used to achieve this, we still tend to find the same themes recurring again and again. Scott has suggested that the subject matter of old divisive village rhymes can be split into two distinct groups: those that are about lifestyle and those that concern character traits: There are two basic categories of derision which appear in the rhymes: the first deals with the way of life or style of living in a town; and the second comments on the character of the people in that town. The elements of lifestyle which appear often in ‘blason populaire’ are poverty, dirt, cleanliness and workmanship. Intelligence, morality and pride are the elements of character which most often receive comment in rhyme. (Scott 1975: 15)

However, while the two categories may be sufficient for a discussion of one form of the genre, the older village rhyme, they are not comprehensive enough for broader discussions of ‘blason populaire’ more generally, and further themes have been identified. Widdowson, for example, has provided a more inclusive listing of the common themes for divisive expressions: 1. Comparative geographical isolation often with the added suggestion of hereditary defects among the inhabitants, especially slow-wittedness and foolishness, due to inbreeding. 2. The size, architectural features and furbishing of the local church. 3. The poverty, pride, dirtiness, foolishness, wickedness or other supposed reprehensible characteristics of the inhabitants. (Widdowson 1981: 42)

Whilst some of the themes listed by Widdowson above may have become less popular now, such as church features, his list is more satisfactory than Scott’s in providing an overview of typical subject matter for divisive expressions. For example, it also accounts for those that are not only about the inhabitants or members of a group, but also those offering direct comment on a place. 2.5. Football chants as ‘blason populaire’ One of the key findings of our research conducted into the continuity and change of traditional language genres between 1950 and 2000 was that dramatic changes had occurred to the forms of ‘blason populaire’ (Green / Widdowson 2003). In particular, the research suggested a widespread decline in the knowledge and use of county nicknames (for example, nicknames such as “Essex Calves”, “Buckinghamshire Beef and Bread”, “Hertfordshire Hedgehogs” and “Wiltshire Moonrakers”) and rhymes and sayings (for example, “From Berwick to Dover, three hundred miles over” and “Fast and true like Coventry blue”) about inter-village rivalry which had been popular during the nineteenth century. However, the findings also confirmed a much more positive change in that football chants were emerging as a modern form of the genre:

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[T]he analysis identified a recent and radical change in the genre, in this case a development which bids fair to sustain such usages in the future. This is the establishment and dramatic rise in popularity of chants and songs exchanged by rival fans attending football matches and other sports events […] they appear to be taking over the role of old expressions of inter-community rivalry, breathing new life into a genre which otherwise appeared to be potentially under threat. (Green / Widdowson 2003: 514)

Others have noted the importance of football chants as a continuation of older forms of ‘blason populaire’. For example, Snell, in his discussion of local xenophobia, states that football chants are a modern type of older village rivalries: ‘Oi can’t read and oi can’t write, but I can drive a trac-tor’ chant the Chelsea football fans to infuriate their rival Ipswich supporters – a modern urban equivalent of a kind of inter-village rivalry and abuse that ran rampant in the past. (Snell 2003: 9)3

However, ours was the first study to examine the role of football chants in any detail, and my current PhD research extends this finding further by looking more closely at how football chants function as ‘blason populaire’ in England today. For the remainder of the paper, I will concentrate on the divisive chants, in particular those aimed at rival fans, and how their use relies on the staple themes of ‘blason populaire’ of the past, including economic status, (lack of) cleanliness, (lack of) intelligence, and sexual behaviour, to bring the genre into the twenty-first century.

3. Football chants and local and regional stereotypes 3.1. Economic factors Firstly, I will consider those chants that are based on insults about economic status. The economic standing of a community, or the people from that community, has always proved to be a common factor on which to base slights about a rival group. This has been noted by Scott, who has stated that the theme is the most prevalent: The elements of character which receive scrutiny in ‘blason populaire’ – intelligence, modesty, honesty and morality – are not as universal in their degree as are the economic elements. It is interesting, for example, that most of the exchanges of insults are based on economic rather than moral evidence or inherent stupidity. (Scott 1975: 17)

In some village rhymes that are rarely, if ever, used now, the theme recurs again and again. One popular rhyme of this type is the following, of which there are many variants: 1.

3

A wooden church, a wooden steeple, Rascally church, rascally people. Market Weighton, Robert Leighton, A brick church, a wooden steeple, A drunken priest and a wicked people. (Green / Widdowson 2003: 350)

‘Local xenophobia’ can be seen as encompassing those expressions that resemble the divisive elements of ‘blason populaire’.

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2.

Proud Preston, poor people, High church, no steeple. (Green / Widdowson 2003: 350)

These examples (and their variants) were very popular in the nineteenth century and illustrate the tendency of people of that time to judge the economic and moral status of a village primarily on the size and grandeur of its church. Numerous variants abound about different places. However, the rhymes are practically obsolescent in England today, no doubt a result of the church no longer holding the pivotal place in the community that it once did, with people relying on other groups and affiliations, such as football teams, to provide that community feel. However, other motifs have been introduced to keep the economic theme alive in other forms. For example, in the football chants of the twenty-first century, it is not unusual for a set of fans to be derided because they are from a traditional working-class town with above average unemployment rates. The following two chants are examples of this, both of which are frequently aimed at clubs in and around Liverpool, as well as other towns and cities perceived to be in economic decline: 3.

4.

Get to work, Get to work, Get to work you lazy twats, Get to work you lazy twats (Sung to the tune of “Bread of Heaven”) Sign on, sign on, With pen in your hand, Cos you’ll never get a job, You’ll never get a job (Sung to the tune of “You’ll Never Walk Alone”)

Example three was aimed at Everton fans by Manchester City fans, suggesting that people from Liverpool are unemployed and cannot be bothered to find jobs. The second example was once sung by Manchester United fans to Liverpool fans and once by Brighton fans to Barnsley fans, Barnsley in South Yorkshire also being a town not known for its prosperity. Example four is a parody of Liverpool’s anthem, the normal words of it being: 5.

Walk on, walk on, With hope in your heart, Cos you’ll never walk alone, You’ll never walk alone. (Sung to the tune of “You’ll Never Walk Alone”)

This in no doubt strengthens the force of the insult as Manchester United fans have taken Liverpool’s beloved anthem and twisted the words to make it not a song of uniting, but of criticism and ridicule. 3.2. Lack of cleanliness Both Scott (1975) and Widdowson (1981) have noted how cleanliness, or rather lack of it, is a also a key theme in divisive ‘blason populaire’ . This remains true of the insults 238

traded through football chants today. The theme is closely connected to the previous one of economic status, with elements of dirtiness being inevitably linked to poverty. However, the chants presented under this heading are blatant statements of hygiene rather than embroiled within those primarily about the poor: 6.

7.

Town full of scrubbers, You’re just a town full of scrubbers (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”) Have you ever, Have you ever, Have you ever had a wash? Have you ever had a wash? (Sung to the tune of “Bread of Heaven”)

In each case, the chants were aimed at Barnsley fans by their local rivals Sheffield Wednesday, implying that they are dirty. Example six uses the nickname scrubber. We will see it again when discussing the theme of promiscuity, as its primary meaning is a prostitute or a promiscuous woman. However, in Barnsley it can also be used to describe someone who is dirty; this is why it has also been included in this section. Example seven again stereotypes Barnsley inhabitants as having a lack of personal hygiene. 3.3. Lack of intelligence Suggesting that a rival group has less intelligence than one’s own is another successful way to promote one’s own superiority. We have already seen an example of a football chant which does this in Snell’s earlier quote, aimed at Ipswich fans by their Chelsea counterparts. I will repeat it here: “Oi can’t read and oi can’t write but I can drive a trac-tor” (Snell 2003: 9). Here, Ipswich fans are mocked through the suggestion that they are illiterate, as well as through the exaggerated mimicry of their accent to make them sound unintelligent. Another way to imply simplicity is through the use of localised nicknames. For example, dingle is frequently used by fans of both Sheffield United and Sheffield Wednesday to deride their Barnsley rivals. The nickname can be used as either a stand-alone phrase or incorporated into longer chants and songs: 8. 9.

Dingles, dingles, dingles Town full of dingles, You’re just a town full of dingles (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”)

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to define what exactly a dingle is. It is used derogatively to describe people who are allegedly simple and lacking in intelligence, making comparisons with the infamous Dingle family in the Yorkshire soap opera ‘Emmerdale’, who are stereotyped as country yokels. On each occasion that the chant was heard in the present research, it was aimed at Barnsley fans by Sheffield Wednesday fans. However, its use is not restricted as an insult term for Barnsley inhabitants only. It is sung frequently by the Lancashire teams of Blackburn, Burnley and Preston, as well as the Cheshire team of Stockport, about each other. Teams in the 239

West Midlands, including Walsall, West Bromwich Albion and Wolverhampton Wanderers, also use the song. Like many divisive football chants, its use tends to occur between fierce local rivals from neighbouring towns and cities. Widdowson has stated this tendency for ‘blason populaire’ to be strongest under such circumstances and it is fitting that it continues to be so in modern forms of the genre: The usages are employed mainly within a comparatively small radius of the community concerned. Their immediate relevance and the strong cutting edge of their derision obviously decrease with distance. Within the circumscribed area, however, the sayings are used with maximal impact, the names and characteristics of each local community being familiar to both speakers and hearers who themselves owe allegiance, however slight, to the place in which they live. (Widdowson 1981: 37)

Further chants about simplicity are evident through references to incest and inbreeding; these will be discussed in the next section, which deals with sexual behaviour. 3.4. Sexual behaviour The perceived sexual morals of a particular group have always served as a reflection of the group overall in ‘blason populaire’, particularly the behaviour of women. For example, consider the following old rhymes in which places are compared in terms of the characteristics of their female inhabitants: 10.

11.

Rudgwick for riches, Green for poors, Bilinghurst for pretty girls, Horsham for whores (Simpson 1973: 153) Halifax is made of wax, And Heptonstall of stone; In Halifax there’s many a pretty girl, In Heptonstall there’s none (Thiselton-Dyer 1991: 128)

In the case of football chants, this trend continues, with certain places being associated with loose women, whether such an allegation is accurate or not. This is evident in the following chants: 12.

13.

Town full of scrubbers, You’re just a town full of scrubbers, Town full of scrubbers, You’re just a town full of scrubbers (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”) Town full of slappers, You’re just a town full of slappers, Town full of slappers, You’re just a town full of slappers (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”)

We have already seen the dual function of the word scrubber, most commonly used to describe a prostitute, although sometimes used to describe someone as unclean in Barnsley. In these divisive chants, both of which share the same formula, and others like 240

them, the referent community is considered in a negative light because of the apparent behaviour of its women. However, it is ironic that in many integrative football chants, i.e. those that operate by creating a bond between the in-group, a heterosexual masculine identity is celebrated through chants which depict women as no more than sexual objects. This is highlighted in the following integrative chants: 14.

15.

Oh Manchester is wonderful, Oh Manchester is wonderful, It’s full of tits, fanny and City, Oh Manchester is wonderful (Sung to the tune of “Oh When the Saints Go Marching In”) Get your tits out, Get your tits out, Get your tits out for the lads, Get your tits out for the lads (Sung to the tune of “Bread of Heaven”)

Thus, we are faced with the paradox that the sexual promiscuity of women can be seen as a negative trait to be derided in divisive chants or, alternatively, as a cause for celebration when used to express in-group solidarity. As well as promiscuity, charges of incest are also aimed at opposing fans. Two chants blatantly state charges of incest in order to mark the opposition as sexually deviant: 16.

17.

Home to shag your mother, You’re going home to shag your mother, Home to shag your mother, You’re going home to shag your mother (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”) Na na na na – inbreds, Na na na na – inbreds, Na na na na, na na na na, Na na na na – inbreds Your sister is your mother, Your uncle is your brother, You only shag each other, The Barnsley family (Sung to the tune of “The Addams Family”)

The first of these aims for ultimate effect, if not potency, by also aiming the insult at the mothers of the fans as well. Indeed, in many cultures, insults against one’s mother are insults of the highest order, as Romaine has illustrated: Insults against mothers are highly shocking because they heap abuse on one of the roles for which women are otherwise revered in many cultures. (Romaine 1999: 99)

Thus, implicating the mother into the sexual deviancy adds extra force to the insult, as this is often worse than throwing insults only about the targets at which they are aimed. The second chant carries on the theme of incest, but does not limit it to the relationship only between the fan and his/her mother, but to other members of the supposed family 241

as well. The charge of incestuous relationships and inbreeding also suggest that the group at which they are aimed are simple, or lacking in intelligence. Both of the examples of this chant that were collected in the current research were aimed at Barnsley fans, once by Sheffield Wednesday fans and once by Bristol City fans. It is a common one and can be aimed at any group of fans. However, it is often used between fans of clubs with strong local rivalries. This is evident in the Sheffield Wednesday version aimed at Barnsley fans in the present data, and it is also used between local rivals Southampton and Portsmouth; Fulham and Chelsea; York and Scarborough; Queens Park Rangers and Chelsea; and Derby and Nottingham Forest, to name but a few. This is further evidence of the trend for ‘blason populaire’ to be strongest between the closest neighbours. Staying with the theme of sexual behaviour, homosexuality is sometimes used as the basis for insults in football chants, as in the following example: 18.

Town full of queers, You’re just a town full of queers, Town full of queers, You’re just a town full of queers (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”)

This variant was collected only once in the present data and was applied by Barnsley fans to Brighton fans during a match at Oakwell. In this particular instance, it draws on Brighton’s reputations as the gay capital of England, and uses this to make the generalisation that all Brighton residents are homosexual. By describing the opposition as queers, the Barnsley fans are implicitly stating that they themselves are superior in comparison by adhering to a heterosexual norm. In the present data, only this one homophobic chant was collected. However, this does not reflect the frequency of homophobic chanting at English football grounds, where such abuse has become an increasing problem in recent years. For example, Brighton fans have regularly been subjected to homophobic chanting, as a result of the stereotypical image of their town, and chants such as “you’re going down with your boyfriend”, “does your boyfriend know you’re here?” and “we can see you holding hands” are not uncommon (Bremner 2004: 58). As the examples suggest, homophobic chanting is a problem at English football grounds, so much so that in 2007 the Football Association introduced legislation against it. Only time will tell how successful this move will be. However, that it still persists at the present time should not surprise us, considering the strength of the masculine, heterosexual norms that are endemic at all levels of the game. 3.5. Miscellaneous insults Some of the stereotypes expressed in divisive football chants cannot be categorised under any of the traditional themes of ‘blason populaire’, but are centred on other topics. The first of these mocks the speech of a particular community in order to create a stereotypical image. We have already seen an occurrence of this in the “oi can’t read and oi can’t write” example aimed at Ipswich fans by Chelsea fans, with the dialect of the former forming the basis of the ridicule, as well as the supposed slowness of the inhabitants. The second example of this is evident in the nickname applied to fans of the Sheffield clubs, Sheffield United and Sheffield Wednesday: 242

19.

Dee das

This is used to mock their pronunciation of the dialectal terms thee and tha. On all of the occasions that this chant was collected, it was used by the neighbouring clubs of Barnsley and Chesterfield to Sheffield Wednesday fans. The remaining group of chants playing on local and regional stereotypes are those that are used between former mining communities in reference to the 1984–85 national miners’ strike. Scab is a term used to describe strike-breakers and is still frequently exchanged in football chants when matches take place between the opposite factions involved in the strike. For example, South Yorkshire was a region deeply committed to strike action whereas Nottinghamshire coalfields were not as involved, with many miners returning to work. Even over twenty years after the strike, animosity still exists between the two communities, and it continues to be played out through football chants. This is reflected in the chants that were collected in the present data during a game between Notts County and Barnsley in January 2004, Notts County being a Nottinghamshire club and Barnsley from South Yorkshire: 20.

21. 22.

23.

Scabs until you die, You’re scabs until you die, We know you are, we’re sure you are, You’re scabs until you die (Sung to the tune of “HAPPY”) Twenty years and you’re still a scab (Sung to the tune of “Go West”) Town full of scabs, You’re just a town full of scabs (Sung to the tune of “Guantanamera”) Where were you in, where were you in, Where were you in ’84? Where were you in ’84? (Sung to the tune of “Bread of Heaven”)

All of these chants were aimed by Barnsley fans at Notts County fans in reference to a rivalry between the two communities that goes back over two decades, which has led to all Nottinghamshire inhabitants still being stereotyped as scabs.4 This section illustrates that, although the same themes may occur again and again, they are not exclusive. Ultimately, any topic can provide ammunition with which to insult the rival out-group.

4. Summary This paper has illustrated how football chants keep ‘blason poplaire’ alive in England today through the adoption of the same themes that were evident in expressions of the past. They draw on popular topics such as economic status, sexuality and cleanliness to pour scorn on rival groups. In doing this, the chants help to create the local and regional 4

For further details of the use of “scab chants”, see Luhrs 2007.

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stereotypes so important in the maintenance of inter-group rivalries and identities. The themes discussed here are not exclusive, which is illustrated by the miscellaneous chants in the last section. Rather, any perceived weakness, whether real or imagined, can be chosen in order to deride and stereotype the rival group. It matters little whether there is any truth in the accusations that are levelled. Ultimately the only thing that is of concern is that verbal supremacy is achieved and that a rival group is depicted in a derogatory and inferior light, thus sustaining the in-group’s notion of superiority.

References Bremner, Jack (2004): Shit Ground No Fans: it’s by far the greatest football songbook the world has ever seen. London: Bantam Dundes, Alan (ed.) (1965): The study of folklore. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall Green, A.E. / Widdowson, John (eds.) (1981): Language, culture and tradition. Leeds: The Institute of Dialect and Folklife Studies, School of English, University of Leeds Green, Joanne / Widdowson, John (2003): Traditional English language genres: Continuity and change, 1950–2000. Sheffield: NATCECT Occasional Publications No. 9 Luhrs, Joanne (2007): Football chants: a living legacy of the 1984–85 miners’ strike. In: The International Journal of Regional and Local Studies 3/1, 94–120 Romaine, Suzanne (1999): Communicating gender. Mahwah: Erlbaum Simpson, Jacqueline (1973): The folklore of Sussex. London: Batsford Snell, KDM (2003): The culture of local xenophobia. In: Social History 28/1, 1–30 Thiselton-Dyer, Thomas (1991): Folk-lore of women: as illustrated by legendary and traditionary tales, folk rhymes, proverbial sayings, superstitions, etc. Thornhill: Tynron Widdowson, John (1981): Language, Tradition and Regional Identity: ’blason populaire’ and social control. In: Green / Widdowson, 33–46

Joanne Luhrs National Centre for English Cultural Tradition University of Sheffield Sheffield S10 2TD UK e-mail: [email protected]

244

HENRYK DUDA

THE WORDS ‘KIBIC’ (SPORTS FAN) AND ‘PSEUDOKIBIC’ (HOOLIGAN) IN POLISH. REMARKS ON NAMES OF SPORTS ENTHUSIASTS USED DURING SPORTING EVENTS In Polish, a person who attends a sporting event to support his/her team is referred to by means of the word kibic, a borrowing from German. Apart from that, Polish offers a series of lexemes, usually slang expressions, falling within the same denotational field, often with emphatic or emotive character (e.g. kibol, with the depreciating suffix -ol, as in Polish gupi ‘stupid’ – gupol ‘blockhead’, or szalikowiec – a football fan with a scarf showing the colours of his favourite sports club, etc.). Of special interest is the word pseudokibic, which denotes a hooligan, frequently and deliberately involved in fan rage and violent acts of vandalism. This term is most often used by sports commentators. The author of the paper sees this expression as a case of manipulating language: on the one hand, it serves to marginalize the aggravating problem of violence during sporting events (in Poland it only concerns football); on the other hand, the expression in question tends to suggest that there are ‘true’ sports fans present at the events, in contrast to the quasi- or pseudo-fans.

1. Introduction Changes in our life bring about changes in our language. It comes as no surprise that the rise of mass sports, like football, has its influence on language. This influence is most clearly noticeable in the lexical field. A lot of lexical items in the domain of sports have been imported into Polish predominantly from English (Du Feu 1959, Odyski 1970: 18–35). There are certain neologisms in Polish that have been coined so as to avoid borrowing. Handball, for instance, has its native Polish name: szczypiorniak, and a handball player is often called szczypiornista (a woman player is szczypiornistka). The Poles were taught the game by the Germans, when they were kept as prisoners of war in the German camp of Szczypiorno near Kalisz during World War I. Mass sports mean, on the one hand, players, clubs, leagues and cups and, on the other hand, live and TV audiences, sports fans and supporters of local or national teams. The last category is referred to as kibice (nom. sg. kibic) [‘sports-fan’]. The period after World War II and particularly the 1980s witnessed a rise and a considerable growth of the phenomenon of sports hooliganism. In the last decade hooligans have been active especially in the new EU member states. This state of affairs is mostly due to political factors: social discipline and rigorous authority, typical of Communist regimes, are no longer there to prevent acts of vandalism. Economic factors have also played a role: sporting facilities in post-Communist countries failed to accommodate crowds of fans and provide them with a safe environment for participating in sporting events. These issues have already been discussed in a number of publications in the field of sociology, political sciences or sports studies (see, for example, Beyer 2004, Carnibella et al. 1996, Smolik 2004, Sahaj 2002, 2004). Polish authors often make mention of the so-called ‘ultras subculture’ (Polish: subkultura szalikowców [‘the Ultras wearing scarves’]), and 245

of the hooligans, or pseudo-fans (Polish: pseudokibice). In this paper I focus specifically on this last group.

2. Kibic – a neutral name for a sports fan In Polish, a person who participates in a sporting event as a viewer and supporter of their team is called kibic. This noun constitutes a derivational base for the verb kibicowa, that is ‘to participate in a sporting event as a sports fan’. The word kibic is relatively new in the Polish lexicon. The data gathered in the 11-volume Dictionary of the Polish Language by W. Doroszewski (1959–1969), the prime source in lexicographical studies of Polish, suggest that the word was first used in the first half of the 20th century. Although it was noted in the so-called Warsaw Dictionary (Karowicz et al. 1952; the first edition of this work dates back to 1900), the authors defined the main meaning of the word as that of ‘a fashionable man, a guy.’ Later on, the word was also used with the meaning of ‘a frequent customer at bars or saloons’. Third on the list was the meaning ‘one who observes others playing cards, chess or billiards’. No mention of football was made. “The use of the word becomes frequent in the second half of the 20th century, in its new, sports-related meaning, that is ‘a sporting event spectator’ (it mirrors a new meaning of the word in German)” (Bakowski 2000: 660). Older speakers of Polish sometimes reject the word kibic as a borrowing from German, and they prefer the native Polish term widz [‘spectator’] (Miodek 2002: 303). Lexicologically, kibic is an isolated item, unknown to the Slavic languages (see, for instance, Russian {¤‹ €`{††-^>{`{>Œ¬ ^~{>> € > > > > > > > > > > > > >>>>

Minute



Carlos [v]

5DPRV6HUJLR5DPRVTXHODSHOHDODDIURQWD   SDUD;DYLIXHUDDDV! >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> > < <
1s, duration timed (in seconds) (llegar) supposition in the case of an uncertain utterance ((laughs)) non-phonological phenomenon … interrupted utterance

356

/ repair […] omission in the transcript ೌ ligature speaker emphasis Mascherano Terms used for the specification of tempo and of modulation or volume: Volume: very low, lower, low, loud, louder, very loud Tempo: slow, slower, faster, fast, very fast >>>>>> increasing tempo

References Alcoba López, Antonio (2005): Periodismo deportivo. Madrid: Editorial Síntesis Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London et al.: Routledge Bernárdez García, Julio (1998): El deporte correctamente hablado. Oviedo: Universidad de Oviedo Blanco, Josep M.a (2002): Las retransmisiones deportivas. Técnicas de narración radiofónica. Barcelona: Editorial CIMS Brookes, Rod (2002): Representing sport. London: Arnold Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (s.a.): El triunfo en la Copa del Mundo: la fiesta de las palabras, http://www.elcastellano.org/copa1.html, 24/05/2006 Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (1999): Idioma y deporte. Valladolid: Edición del autor Drescher, Martina (2003): Sprachliche Affektivität: Darstellung emotionaler Beteiligung am Beispiel von Gesprächen im Französischen. Tübingen: Niemeyer Edwards, Jane / Lampert, Martin (eds.) (1992): Talking data - Transcription and coding in discourse research. Hillsdale: Erlbaum Ehlich, Konrad (1992): HIAT - a Transcription System for Discourse Data. In: Edwards / Lampert, 123– 148 Ehlich, Konrad / Rehbein, Jochen (1976): Halbinterpretative Arbeitstranskriptionen (HIAT). In: Linguistische Berichte 45/76, 21–41 Fries, Norbert (2000): Sprache und Emotionen. Ausführungen zum besseren Verständnis, Anregungen zum Nachdenken. Bergisch Gladbach: BLT Fuchs, Volker (ed.) (1998): Von der Unklarheit des Wortes in die Klarheit des Bildes? Festschrift für Johannes Thiele. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Garrido Medina, Joaquín (ed.) (1999): La lengua y los medios de comunicación. Actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en 1996. Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid Gil, Alberto (1998): Metaphorik bei der Fußballberichterstattung: Vergleichsstudie Französisch – Katalanisch – Spanisch. In: Fuchs, 271–284 González Ramallal, Manuel (2003): La configuración del fútbol español como deporte espectáculo. http://www.efdeportes.com/efd66/espect.htm, 28/07/2006 González Ramallal, Manuel (2004): El reflejo del deporte en los medios de comunicación en España. In: RES-Revista Española de Sociología, 2004/4, 271–280, http://www.fes-web.org/revista/archivos/res04/12.pdf, 23/07/2006 Gruneau, Richard (1989): Making spectacle: A case study in television sports production. In: Wenner, 134–154 Guerrero Salazar, Susana (1999): La función poética en el lenguaje futbolístico. In: Isla de Arriarán. Revista Cultural y Científica 14, Diciembre 1999, 461–469 Guerrero Salazar, Susana (2002): El lenguaje deportivo, entre coloquial y literario. In: Isla de Arriarán. Revista Cultural y Científica 19, Junio 2002, 365–382 Gutiérrez, Mario (2003): Géneros informativos en televisión. Lima: Universidad de Lima Hafner, Ute (2004): Namengebung und Namenverhalten im Spanien der 70er Jahre. Tübingen: Niemeyer Hasselrot, Bengt (1957): Etudes sur la formation diminutive dans les langues romanes. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz

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Holtz-Bacha, Christina (ed.) (2006): Fußball–Fernsehen–Politik. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Knobbe, Thorsten (2000): Spektakel Spitzensport. Der Moloch aus Stars, Rekorden, Doping, Medienwahn, Sponsorenmacht. Münster: LIT Koch, Peter / Oesterreicher, Wulf (1990): Gesprochene Sprache in der Romania: Französisch, Italienisch, Spanisch (Romanistische Arbeitshefte 31). Tübingen: Niemeyer Müller, Jochen (2004): Von Kampfmaschinen und Ballkünstlern. Fremdwahrnehmung und Sportberichterstattung im deutsch-französischen Kontext. Eine Presse- und Fernsehanalyse. St. Ingbert: Röhrig Universitätsverlag Neugebauer, Eva (1986): Mitspielen beim Zuschauen: Analyse zeitgleicher Sportberichterstattung des Fernsehens. Frankfurt am Main et al.: Peter Lang Palacios, Azucena (1999): Aspectos lingüísticos de la prensa deportiva: la crónica futbolística. In: Garrido Medina, 350–361 Roters, Gunnar / Klingler, Walter / Gerhards, Maria (eds.) (2001): Sport und Sportrezeption. BadenBaden: Nomos Rowe, David (22004): Sport, culture and the media: the unruly trinity. Maidenhead: Open University Press Schaefer, Jürgen (1989): Sprachliche Strukturen in Texten der Sportberichterstattung. PhD Thesis, RuhrUniversität Bochum Schmidt, Thomas (2004): Transcribing and annotating spoken language with EXMARaLDA In: Proceedings of the LREC-Workshop on XML based richly annotated corpora, Lisbon 2004. Paris: ELRA, http://www1.uni-hamburg.de/exmaralda/Daten/4D-Literatur/Paper_LREC.pdf, 29/09/2006 Trouvain, Jürgen / Barry, William J. (2000): The prosody of excitement in horse race commentaries. http://www.coli.uni-saarland.de~trouvain/trouvain_barry _2000.pdf, 15/08/2006 Trouvain, Jürgen (2004): Tempo variation in speech production. Implications for speech synthesis. PhD Thesis, Universität des Saarlandes Wehrle, Thomas (2001): Sportjournalismus und Moral oder: Dichtung und Wahrheit in der ballorientierten Unterhaltungsindustrie des 21. Jahrhunderts. In: Roters et al., 203–210 Wenner, Lawrence (ed.) (1989): Media, sports, and society. Newbury Park et al.: Sage Publications Wernecken, Jens / Bacher, Joachim (2006): Willkommen in Deutschland… Zur Integrationsfunktion der Fußballweltmeisterschaft 2006. In: Holtz-Bacha, 214–238 Wodak, Ruth / de Cillia, Rudolf / Reisigl, Martin / Liebhart, Karin / Hofstätter, Klaus / Kargl, Maria (1998): Zur diskursiven Konstruktion nationaler Identität. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Web sites: Web site FIFA World Cup 2006: http://fifaworldcup.yahoo.com/06/de/index.html, 14/09/2006

Kerstin Jung Romanisches Seminar Universität Mannheim Gebäude L15,16 D-68131 Mannheim e-mail: [email protected]

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EVA LAVRIC, GERHARD PISEK, WOLFGANG STADLER, ANDREW SKINNER AND ERIKA GIORGIANNI (THE INNSBRUCK FOOTBALL RESEARCH GROUP)

“ZIDANE, ZIDANE, WHAT HAVE YOU DONE?” – EMOTIONS ON TV IN SIX LANGUAGES This article analyses the expression of emotions in television sports commentary in six languages (German, English, French, Spanish, Italian, and Russian), as illustrated by the famous ‘Zidane incident’, i.e. the foul by Zinédine Zidane against Marco Materazzi, which led to Zidane’s sending off in the 109th minute of the 2006 World Cup final between France and Italy. The transcription starts with the moment of uncertainty, when the only thing that is clear is that something has happened, and it ends with the comments on Zidane’s sending off and the end of his career, where, ex post, a tragic moment is constructed discursively. The phases in the seven versions (there are two German-language versions, one from Austria and one from Germany) are quite similar; this is due to the similarity of the television images, with two emotional peaks corresponding to the first images of the actual foul and to the presentation of the red card. In fact, not only the phases of the event, but also the means of expressing emotions are surprisingly similar in all seven versions, and (nearly) all of them are represented in the fictitious quotation in our title, “Zidane, Zidane, what have you done?”: direct address to Zidane, repetitions, rhetorical questions, exclamations/interjections. The more emotions rise, the more all these means cumulate in each single utterance. At the climax, there is one more means that is added: pauses. This is the only element that marks a real difference between the seven versions, as it is much more strongly represented in the French one. Faced with the unthinkable becoming reality, the French commentators simply remain speechless – witness their even stronger emotional involvement in comparison with the others. Apart from this, there seems to be something of a common kind of ‘emotionese’ in European football/sports commentary.

How are emotions expressed in football commentaries in different languages and cultures? Is there a gradation in the expression of emotion? And is this dependent on the partiality of the commentator(s)? These questions will be addressed in this article, drawing on the example of the ‘Zidane incident’, i.e. the foul by Zinédine Zidane against Marco Materazzi, which led to Zidane’s sending off in the 109th minute of the 2006 World Cup final between France and Italy. Zidane’s head-butt (in French ‘coup de boule’) against Materazzi was certainly the most salient and emotive incident of the whole World Cup, giving rise, for example, to endless comments, web games, satirical programmes and even to a song that stayed in the charts for weeks.1 1

To readers who are not familiar with football or who might read this years later when the incident might have been forgotten, it must be explained that Zinédine Zidane was a legendary football star who had already won the World Cup with the French team in 1998 and was, arguably, about to win it again. He had announced that he would retire immediately after the competition. So this World Cup final was his very last game and, when the incident occurred, the game was already in extra time. Zidanes’s foul against Materazzi and the subsequent sending off were decisive insofar as the game

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Without knowing beforehand, of course, that such a salient episode would occur, we (i.e. the Innsbruck Football Research Group), wishing to study football commentaries in different cultures, recorded the World Cup final on TV in seven versions and six languages: German (two versions, one from Austria, one from Germany), English, French, Italian, Spanish, and Russian. We then transcribed the passage corresponding to the famous ‘Zidane incident’, its preliminaries and consequences (i.e. minutes 108 to 111)2 and arranged the seven transcriptions in a parallel table (see appendix). What we wanted to study initially was the cross-cultural differences and similarities in football commentaries on TV, together with the aspect of involvement or bias due to the nationality of the commentator (comparing the Italian and French versions with the other ones). What we discovered, though, is an unexpectedly high number of similarities between the seven versions. In fact, the differences due to the number of co-commentators are more striking than the differences due to nationality or partiality on the part of the commentator. The table in the appendix shows that the German and the Austrian versions have only one commentator each, while the English and the Russian versions have two commentators and the Spanish, the Italian and the French versions even three commentators each. This is a significant difference and the most salient aspect of national style we found in our corpus. It has a direct influence on the rhythm of the commentary, as for instance one single commentator is more likely to make pauses in what might otherwise be too pushy a monologue, while with two or three persons the commentary is more like a conversation, all gaps of one commentator tending to be filled by the other participant(s).3 Furthermore, it is a question of the general policy of broadcast stations, as for example in Austria commentators are advised not to speak all the time.4 So the balance in the German and Austrian commentaries is between speech and silence, whereas in all other versions it is between the different commentators.5 As for the question of national bias, what is striking in the different versions is the fact that none of the commentators, not even the Italian one, takes a hostile stance towards Zidane. This might be due to the fact that Zidane played in Italy for a number of years.6 Nor do the French speakers try to defend him. The commentators all condemn Zidane’s behaviour but still pay tribute to him as a great player (see appendix).

2

3

4

5

6

went into a penalty shoot-out (where Zidane could have made all the difference), and was finally won by Italy. Thanks to Catherine Lederbauer, Alfonso Merello-Astigarraga and Angelo Pagliardini for helping with the transcription. This seems to be the reason why some versions are shorter than the others, especially the Austrian and the German ones, where there is only one commentator. Two- or three-commentator versions are in general longer – but the French one isn’t: we shall see below why this is the case. These details are the result of a discussion we had with Italian, French and Austrian TV commentators (Marco Civoli, Erik Bielderman, Thomas König) on the occasion of a presentation of our results to a wider public, in Vienna and Innsbruck on 17 and 18 April, 2008. We are grateful to our guests for their helpful comments. It is important to distinguish this type of silence in the German and Austrian version from the type of silence that will be commented upon later in this article, which is due to speechlessness as a result of emotion. Which answers also one more interesting question about the infamous incident: in which language did the verbal exchange between Materazzi and Zidane (and hence Materazzi’s alleged insult of Zidane’s sister) take place? It must have been Italian, which would be the common language between the two players. For the question of language choices in multilingual football teams, see also Giera et al. in this volume.

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The high degree of similarity we found in the different commentaries is true of all seven versions, including the Italian one; the only exception is the French version, which shows the same characteristics as the other ones, but in a much stronger, more pronounced way. Actually, this high degree of similarity might be due, on the one hand, to the nature of the commentary guided by TV images and, on the other hand, to the incident itself, which produced a strong emotional impact combined with a certain degree of reflection. First, we found that the phases of the incident were parallel in the seven versions because the TV images were identical for all of them.7 In general, it seems that all the commentators, in spite of being in the stadium, watch the match on their TV screens, as all comments are in line with the TV images.8 This is important because the incident took place outside the main action of the game, and was not picked up by the main camera. The incident itself was therefore neither seen by the commentators nor by the referee, who had to resort to consulting a linesman.9 • The first phase is marked by confusion and uncertainty: something seems to have happened, but the commentators cannot say what. This is shown linguistically in all versions by a large number of indefinites and questions (in italics in the transcription). • The next phase is the incident itself, which will be analysed in more detail below. As for its different phases, it has two climaxes: the first one is the presentation of the incident on video, the second one the showing of the red card and Zidane being sent off. • After that comes a phase where this incident is reflected on in a larger context, as it obviously means the end of Zidane’s career. The commentators look back briefly on the player’s background and history and give general evaluations of Zidane as a legendary footballer, as opposed to his momentary lapse and inglorious end. From this contrast emerges the idea of a tragic moment, construed as such by all commentators. The linguistic means involved include all types of antithetical expressions, like concessive clauses, and especially antonyms (often in parallel constructions). They are marked in yellow in our transcription (see appendix). It is interesting to observe, by the way, how Zidane is referred to by the commentators throughout the different phases of the incident. The neutral, unmarked designation seems to be Zidane, while especially in the French version we find the nickname Zizou (until the incident), and later, at the climax of emotions, the direct address to Zinédine. By contrast, when looking 7

8

9

In fact, there is a little divergence in the German version, where the slow-motion replay of the incident is played twice rather than only once, as in the other versions. Where there is a team of commentators, it seems that one of them might be in charge of watching the game directly, or at least it seems so from a remark in the Spanish version. This is also what reported Marco Civoli reported, who told us that in Italy two of the commentators normally sit in the special commentators’ area, while the third one stands ‘next to the field’. It was the so-called ‘fourth man’, Luis Medina Cantalejo, who played the decisive role as he had witnessed the incident with his own eyes and was thus able to report it to the referee, Horacio Elizondo. Had the incident only been seen on video, as seemed to be the case at first, it would have been illegal to sanction it, according to FIFA regulations.

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back at his career, all commentators refer to him by using his full name, Zinédine Zidane. This may be out of a sense of respect for the great player.

As for reflections and rationalizations of emotions and the construction of a tragic moment, here again we find strong similarities in all seven versions, with the only difference being that the general reflections start a little earlier in some versions and later in others – which seems to be related to the involvement and the bias of the commentator (i.e. they come later in the French version).10 In fact, the idea of the tragic moment is not the only point of reflection. There are also comments of other types in the course of the incident, which are all highlighted in yellow in the transcription. These other themes of reflection are also fairly similar in the seven versions, and they concern: -

-

the legal or rule-related problem, as the incident had not been seen by the referee and it seemed that it would be judged on the basis of the video recording alone (the ‘technology’ problem), a point referred to in all versions. For whatever reason, this point receives particular attention in the Italian commentary; the question of whether the referee’s red card can or cannot be contested (the ‘contestation’ problem); present in several versions but particularly strong in the French one; comparisons with and memories of past incidents of a similar type in Zidane’s career, but also in the career of the referee; comments on the French trainer (triggered by footage that shows him applauding sarcastically when Zidane is given the red card); questions about what the incident and its outcome might mean for the continuation of the game and for the World Cup as a whole.

All these themes can be found in almost all of the seven versions. They mark moments where the immediate expression of emotions is replaced by a more reflective, more distanced stance. The similarity of the themes touched on and the ways they are commented on seems to suggest that there might exist something like a common European style of football discourse, where the do’s and don’ts of commentary are fairly clear and even similar.

But let us now turn to the incident itself and the way it is commented on. What is striking in all seven versions is the expression of emotions through a series of linguistic means that can be found in a similar way in all languages and that tend to be cumulative. Emotionality / affectivity in interaction has received comparatively little attention in language and discourse studies until now. For bibliographical reference on this topic, we can cite Fiehler 1990, Marten-Cleef 1991, Niemeyer / Dirven 1996, Battachi / Suslov / Renna 1997, Günthner 2000 and Drescher 2003 (for more titles, see references at the end of our contribution). Fiehler, for example, was one of the first to deal with the manifestation, interpretation and processing of emotions; Marten-Cleef exemplifies emotions through expressive speech acts. The problem seems to be that emotion or affectivity is difficult to define and can only be dealt with by applying an interdisciplinary or intercultural approach (see Wierzbicka 1999). It is related to the inner nature of individuals, which is difficult to research (but can be done through critical self-reflection). Therefore scholars like Drescher 2003 have recently confined their research to the way emotional concern is represented in conversations, that is, emotion is seen as something that is socially constructed and enacted in conversation. Certain linguistic and paralinguistic means 10

These general reflections correspond to what Adelmann et al. (2001: 54-55) refer to as the ‘narrativization’ (“Narrativisierung”) of events.

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contribute to the affective synchronisation of the participants. These means can be studied through an interaction analysis approach.

Studies of emotion show that the expression of emotion is realized through a combination of various linguistic means. Among the means studied until now, we find, above all, interjections (see Kryk-Kastovsky 1997, Drescher 2003) and reduplications (see Drescher 2003). We will focus on the whole variety of means present in our corpus and the way they are combined with and relate to each other. Our own findings suggest that there is a significant accumulation and overlap of such means at crucial points (in our corpus, two such crucial points can be identified: the first images of the head-butt, and the presentation of the red card). Moreover, the expression of emotion follows a climactic pattern, with a clear hierarchy existing between the various emotive devices. What is striking here is how similar our seven versions are. Let us now turn to the details of the linguistic means we have found in our corpus at the crucial emotional points of the Zidane incident. Each of these means has been marked in our transcription by a special colour code: • Interjections/exclamations and the corresponding intonation (red) The most salient and perhaps most common means of expression in all seven versions are exclamations of all types: there is a great number of interjections, and a general exclamatory intonation pattern (rising, or rising-falling) can be observed in nearly all sentences; the syntax tends to be exclamatory, i.e. it is drastically reduced.11 • Repetitions and parallel constructions (blue) The second and equally salient device includes repetitions and parallel constructions, which are iconic means of intensification. These repetitions concern not only single words (Drescher’s ‘reduplication’), but also parts of or even whole sentences. At the climax of emotion, sentences are repeated once, twice, or even three times, while parallel constructions give a sense of accumulation. • Direct address to Zidane (green) One more means that can be found in various versions is when the protagonist, i.e. Zidane, is addressed directly, with the second person singular being used. This is stronger in the French version and seems to be due to the commentators’ involvement or even bias. But it is encountered in other versions, too.

11

The most prominent football exclamation – which is not present in our corpus – is of course when a goal is celebrated. In Spanish and Latin American commentary, this often takes the form of an extreme lengthening of the vowel (see Jung in this volume): GOOOOOOL, as long as the breath lasts. (The Austrian commentator Thomas König reports that in the Argentinian radio commenting team, there is one special man whose only task is to perform this ‘canto del gol’.) This is a national or culture-specific speciality, which shows that, despite the great similarities in expressing emotions, there is still room for national styles. See also the contributions by Gerhardt and Theodoropoulou in this volume.

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• Rhetorical questions (purple) Another means strongly related to exclamations as well as to direct addresses is the use of rhetorical questions (see the fictitious quotation in our title). • Pauses/silence (speechlessness) (turquoise). Particularly striking in the French version is the speechlessness of the commentators. Although there are three commentators, when the incredible incident happens, all of them seem to be at a loss for words. Long pauses of 2–3 seconds occur, not once, but several times.12 This is something that distinguishes the French version from the other ones, where pauses also occur, but less frequently and they are dependent on the number of commentators. In general, the ‘speechless’ form of silence occurs in versions with more than one commentator, where it is especially conspicuous as pauses normally do not occur in this context.13 The use of the colour code allows us to dispense with long multi-version examples in our main text and to refer the reader directly to the multilingual transcription sheet (see appendix). However, there is one problem with this kind of representation, which is at the same time one of our main findings. Let us look at the transcription of the crucial moment in the French version: 1.

TG: Ouhh ! Ouhh ! Zinédine ! Oh ! Zinédine ! Pas ça, Zinédine ! […] Pas ça, Zinédine, oh non ! Oh non pas ça ! (Pause 1’) Pas aujourd’hui, pas maintenant, pas après tout ce que tu as fait ! (Pause 2’’) Aïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïe ! (Pause 3’’)

In this whole passage (as in many others), it is almost impossible to assign one particular colour to each of the elements, as most of them would have to be assigned two or three colours at the same time. The first and the second lines contain exclamation/interjections, repetition, and a direct address to Zidane; the fourth line is exclamation, repetition/parallel construction, direct address, and the beginning of reflection, with a contrast being established between now (the incident) and then (his whole career); at the end comes one more exclamation/interjection with repetition. Note also the long pauses in-between. This is characteristic of the core moments of emotionality, where all or nearly all possible means of expressing emotion are present simultaneously; they overlap and accumulate in one and the same sentence, or even on one and the same word – while inbetween, in the less dramatic moments, colour assignment is easier; this means that between the peaks the emotional means occur in a more isolated way and can thus be 12

13

For literature about silence and pauses in conversation, see quote Philips 1995, Ghita 1997, Kurzon 1998, Müller/Ingwer 1999, Yakovleva 2004 and Stadler 2007. RAI commentator Marco Civoli explained to us that, if in an Italian commentary a longer pause occurs, the audience will immediately think that something must be wrong.

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more easily separated. Our transcription shows further that some devices (interjections/exclamations, direct addresses, pauses) tend to occur only at the climax of emotion, while others (repetition, reflection) can be found also in passages where the emotional aspect is weaker and the density of emotional expression not as great. The strongest emotional level seems to be expressed especially through long pauses of speechlessness, as found mainly in the French version. The following may be concluded from our investigation: • The expression of emotions follows a climactic pattern, with peaks, valleys and intermediate levels. • The expression of emotions is cumulative and overlapping, i.e., different emotive devices occur together at emotional peaks. When emotion grows particularly strong, these devices converge on the same linguistic elements. • There is a hierarchy of emotion signals, some of them (exclamations, interjections, direct addresses) occurring more at peaks and at extremes (speechless silence!), with others (repetitions, parallel constructions) not only at high points, but also at low ones. Reflection, on the other hand, seems to be rather characteristic of slopes, i.e. falling moments of emotion. • Drawing on this idea of hierarchy and accumulation, we are now able, by analysing the linguistic means described, to take the temperature – so to speak – of a given utterance. We can thus compare the emotionality of different moments in a comment or of different versions of it, and in general of any moment in a communicative event. This confirms Drescher’s (2003) approach of studying emotions through their linguistic expression. • Coming back to our first and initial research question, the one about cross-cultural differences, we can now claim that linguistic devices of emotionality are similar in the six languages and seven cultures studied, and that their hierarchy as well as their use of accumulation and climax does not show any significant differences in the various versions of our corpus. • As for partiality or bias, it can only be found in the French version in the form of intensification of emotion and involvement, shown mostly through long pauses and an even stronger and more intense use of all the means described. The other versions, including the Italian one, are fairly similar. In conclusion, we would like to ask what it is that is being enacted through the use of the linguistic and prosodic means described? If emotion is a socially constructed category, what is it that is being constructed in our seven commentaries? What is it that commentators enact in order to share with their audience? The first answer might be: shock and dismay, which is the basic reaction in our seven versions. But how are shock and dismay enacted? Looking at the linguistic means involved, we follow the well-known idea that emotion leads to a loss of control, to an involuntary outcry, where the use of language is strongly affected. Interjections are the simplest form of expression. Exclamatory sentences tend to have very simple syntax, while repetitions and parallel constructions minimize the need for elaboration. Rationality, elaboration, syntax are all suspended when a human being is overwhelmed 365

by emotion.14 At the climax, language ceases to exist and is replaced by animal-like cries (Aïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïe!) and speechless pauses as the preferred means of emotive expression.15 The means of expressing emotions in football commentary are thus surprisingly similar in the six languages and seven cultures we have studied: as illustrated by our title, the German/Austrian, English, French, Spanish, Italian and Russian commentators use repetitions/parallel constructions, interjections/exclamations, direct addresses to Zidane, as well as rhetorical questions and pauses (silence) to express the fact that they are overwhelmed by what is happening. Repetitions/parallel constructions occur throughout the episode, while interjections/exclamations, direct addresses, rhetorical questions and, above all, pauses seem to belong to a stronger register and tend to occur mostly at emotional peaks. As emotion rises, these means tend to accumulate and overlap in each single utterance. The rationalization of emotions (in our case, the construction of a tragic moment), on the other hand, tends to occur later when the emotional excitement is beginning to subside. We can conclude that a common emotional language in European football commentary seems to exist. The ways of enacting and expressing emotions are quite similar in different cultures. This might be due to the fact that with strong emotions and their more or less involuntary expression we are touching on something that is in some way universal. Further studies of other sports and other kinds of emotional situations in other countries and cultures might show that the features we have identified in football commentary are in fact the essentials of a general human language of emotions, a kind of universal ‘emotionese’.

14

15

One interesting sign of this is that commentators tend to make errors, really serious mistakes, due to their emotional involvement: one commentator constantly calls Zidane Zinidane, while another keeps referring to Grosso instead of Materazzi, and the Russian commentator says, the game has been given a 360° twist. Adelmann et al. 2001, who have worked on the enacting of positive emotions in football reporting, dedicate a special chapter to the expression of speechlessness (“Sprachlosigkeit zur Sprache bringen”, p.52). They see in “fragmentarischen Äußerungen und sprachlichen Fehlleistungen eine kanonische Form für die Sprachlosigkeit”, i.e., mistakes, stammering and fragmentary sentences are standardized ways of staging an emotional peak and of expressing the experience of being overwhelmed by emotion.

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Ger/Austria [ORF]: RS (Robert Seeger): 1 commentator

Na, da bin ich jetzt natürlich bei all diesen Szenen (Pause 1’’) immer skeptisch. (Pause 6’’) Die Italiener reklamieren beim Schiedsrichterassistenten. (Pause 2’’) Was wir brauchen, ist die Zeitlupe. (Pause 5’’) Zidane. (Pause 1’’) Grosso. [sic] (Pause 1’’) Oh! (Pause 2’’) Zinédine Zidane, das hat er nicht notwendig. (Pause 1’’) Das hat er nicht notwendig. Das wäre Rot. Ohne

Ger/Germany [ARD]: RB (Reinhold Beckmann): 1 commentator

Irgendwas ist auf der anderen Seite passiert – irgendeine Nigglichkeit, ich hoffe, nicht irgendeine Tätlichkeit. (Pause 3’’) Es scheint Materazzi zu sein. (Pause 4’’) War Zidane da im Spiel? (Pause 8’’) Buffon geht jetzt auf die französischen Spieler zu, beschimpft sie. (Pause 2’’) So, da haben wir’s noch mal: (Pause 0,5’’) Zidane (Pause 2’’)− warum hat er das nötig? Dieser ML: Ah! JM: Oh, hang on! ML: This is interesting. This is Trezeguet we think. Trezeguet with Materazzi, is it? JM: Yes, and the assistant referee has seen something. Buffon has run across to him.. There’s been an incident here. (Pause 3’’) I think, I think, it’s Zidane, Mark. I think a head may have gone in there, (Pause 2’’) I think a head went in there somewhere.

Engl [BBC]: JM (John Motson), ML (Mark Lawrenson): 2 commentators

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Ru [Pervyj kanal 1]:  (   ), . ( ): 2 commentators

Uncertainty, not knowing (indefinites, questions…): italics Mean of expression emotions: Interjections/exclamations & intonation Repetitions and parallel constructions Direct addresses to Zidane Rhetorical questions Pauses/silence (speechlessness) Rationalizing emotionality: Constructing a tragic moment = an antithesis: Concessive clauses, antonyms (in parallel constructions), etc.

Appendix: Transcriptions

It [RAI1]: MC (Marco Civoli), SM (Sandro Mazzola), CP (Carlo Paris): 3 commentators, 2 main ones (MC, SM) MC: Ma c’è un giocatore azzurro a terra. (Pause 2’’) Forse sullo scontro precedente (Pause 1’’), dovrebbe trattarsi di Materazzi. SM: C’è Buffon che sta parlando con il guardalinee perché Buffon ha visto sicuramente più di tutti noi. MC: Sì. (Pause 1’’) Vedremo naturalmente nella riproposizione che cosa è successo esattamente. Probabilmente una scorrettezza, perché se Buffon… SM: Esatto! Buffon anche

Sp [cuatro]: CM (Carlos Martinez): 3 commentators, 1 main one (CM)

C2: No, ahí pasó algo. Yo no sé … se está quejando Buffon de que ha habido una agresión. No sé. C3: Está diciendo Buffon que el línea lo vio. (Pause 1’’) CM: Sí. ¿El siete, Trezeguet? C2: No sé si Trezeguet que estaba ahí. (Pause 2’’) […] Al linea le están presionando. (Pause 2’’) Vamos a ver ahí. (Pause 3’’) CM: Huy – oh – huy lo

JML: Y a faute sur Materazzi, il y a quelque chose ici… TG: De l’autre côté on s’est expliqué entre Trezeguet et Materazzi. C’est en tout cas ce que Buffon vient dire à l’arbitre assistant. Que s’est-il passé entre Trezeguet et Materazzi ? JML: J’espère qu’il s’est rien passé parce que… TG: Ouais, ouais, ouais, ouais, ouais ! JML: Non le juge, le juge ne semble pas intervenir. Makelele avec Buffon, tiens.

French [TF1]: 1 main TG (Thierry Gilardi) and one secondary commentator JML (JeanMichel Larqué), plus a third one: 3 commentators

große Spieler. (Pause 2,5’’) Hier in der Verlängerung. So ein Aussetzer. (Pause 4’’) Keiner hat’s gesehen. Der Linienrichter hat’s nicht gesehen. Aber die Kamera hat’s gesehen. Immer wieder diese Momente in der Karriere von Zinédine Zidane. Kopfstoß gegen Materazzi. (Pause 8’’) Und das in seinem letzten Fußballspiel überhaupt. (Pause 5’’) Was hat ihn da geritten? (Pause 2’’) Es ist nicht das erste Mal (Pause 2’’) . . . in der großen Fußballbiographie von Zinidane [sic]. Voller Absicht hinein! Auf die Brust! (Pause 3’’) Wie kann man sich so seinen Abschied zerstören? Alle lieben diesen Fußballer. Alle verehren ihn. (Pause 4’’) Und jetzt hat er Meldung gemacht, jetzt ist’s klar: Zinidane [sic] muss gehen. (Pause 3’’) Jetzt ist die Information (Pause 3’’) über den vierten Offiziellen und möglicherweise auch den fünften Offiziellen an den Schiedsrichter gegangen. (Pause 2’’) Da kann Raymond Domenech abwinken (?) wie er will. Da gibt’s

Diskussion. Da haben die Italiener recht und völlig zu Recht reklamiert. Und wenn das der Schiedsrichterassistent nicht gesehen hat, dann weiß ich nicht, wo er hingeschaut hat. Zinedine, sind dir da die Nerven durchgegangen? (Pause 1’’) Also meiner Meinung nach (Pause 2’’) dass alle da weggeschaut haben, (Pause 1’’) das kann ich mir fast nicht vorstellen. (Pause 5’’) Was war da los? (Pause 3’’) Sicherungen durchgebrannt. (Pause 5’’) Und die Pfiffe werden ihn in den letzten Minuten jetzt verfolgen. (Pause 2’’) Denn diese Unsportlichkeit, die hat er nicht Not gehabt. Aber noch ist nicht klar. Vielleicht gibt’s noch ein Aviso. Denn der Schiedsricherassistent holt jetzt Elizondo heraus (Pause 2’’) und der sagt es war nix, glaub ich. Oder? Oder? (Pause 1’’) Er sagt es ihm. Um Gottes willen, was ist das für ein Karriereende! (Pause 1,5’’) Zinédine Zidane! Vor Minuten wäre er der gefeierte Held gewesen, mit einem Tor. Auch das ist unsportlich. Es war ein Kopfstoß gegen Grosso [sic], den Zidane nicht notwendig gehabt hat. ML: Well… JM: The assistant referee… ML: Ne… I was saying neither of the officials have seen this. (Pause 2’’) JM: It’s Zidane into the chest of Materazzi… that’s what it is (Pause 1’’) And Zidane, who was sent off in the 1998 World (Cup). If the referee has seen that, he’s surely in trouble again here. ML: He’s off. (Pause 1’’) There’s absolutely no doubt about it. [It’s violent conduct. JM: [He’s… JM: He’s already served one suspension in this World Cup for two yellows. ML: You know, the other thing as well, John? If it goes to penalties and he scores one. JM: What are the (Italians) (must) be saying to the referee that you and your assistant have missed this. Buffon has come tearing out of goal, made the point to both officials. [Neither… ML: [Well he… ML: Well, he has. But the problem is that, if they haven’t seen it, they can’t give it … (Pause 4’’) you cannot give something on somebody’s ‚says so’. Buffon, the referee’s

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que acabo de ver (Pause 1’’) – Zidane C2: Zidane tiene que estar en la calle. CM: …está – debería ya de estar en la calle. CM: Y si no lo ha visto Materazzi, Zidane se va a despedir de un campeonato del mundo con alguna de las cosas que le han pasado a lo largo de su carrera. A veces le ha pasado esto. Ha perdido el control. Y la verdad es que yo quiero cerrar los ojos porque me parece que no merece Zinédine Zidane. A veces le ha pasado. Pero no merece Zinédine Zidane (Pause 1’’) irse de un campeonato. (Pause 1’’) Digo que no lo merece. A ver. Me explico. Lo merece porque eso es una agresión. Y ademas sin ninguna…(Pause 1’’) no hay no hay pelota en juego no hay nada. ¿Pero por qué le pasan estas cosas a Zidane a veces? ¿Y por qué le pasa hoy? Que le pase cualquier día. Pero me parece que... CM: Lo llama, lo llama el línea. C3: El linea le está llamando. (Pause 1’’) El linea le está llamando a Elizondo. (Pause 1,5’’) CM: El linea le está Makelele. Rivediamo. Zidane. SM: E sta parlando con Zidane. MC: Materazzi – uuh! (Pause 0,5’’) Questo è un gesto sconsiderato. SM: Strano. MC: È un gesto sconsiderato. SM: Zidane deve aver perso la testa. La stanchezza. Perché uno come lui non può fare una cosa simile. MC: È un gesto sconsiderato da parte di un grande campione. (Pause 2,5’’) La testata di Zidane sul petto di Materazzi. Una testata violenta che gli sarebbe costata l’espulsione immediata. (Pause 2’’) E ci dispiace che termini la sua carriera, se davvero la terminerà stasera. E fra le cose che ha fatto in questa finale rimarrà anche questa immagine. SM: Questa è una macchia. È una macchia per qualunque giocatore…ma soprattutto per un campione. MC: E pensate che i fischi da parte naturalmente dei tanti sostenitori francesi sono indirizzati a Materazzi. (Pause 2’’) SM: E adesso sono indirizzati anche da parte

con Domenech, ha indicato Domenech adesso.. MC:Adesso ce l’ha con

On voit Zizou. TG: Ouhh ! Ouhh ! Zinédine ! Oh ! Zinédine ! Pas ça, Zinédine ! JML: Pas du tout avec Trezeguet TG: Pas ça, Zinédine, oh non ! Oh non pas ça ! (Pause 1’’) Pas aujourd’hui, pas maintenant, pas après tout ce que tu as fait ! (Pause 2’’) Aïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïe ! (Pause 3’’) JML: Je pensais que c’était Trezeguet qui était dans le coup, ben pas du tout. Parce que c’était… TG: Oh non, Zinédine ! (Pause 3’’) JML: C’est très très très très très chaud entre Materazzi, Raymond Domenech… C3: et entre Didier, et entre Didier et Domenech… Ils essaient de faire intervenir le quatrième arbitre sur la télé. Non mais ça se fait pas, ça peut pas se faire comme… TG: Ça peut pas Il sort un carton, il sort un carton regarde Zidane… C’est carton rouge, oh non ! (Pause 1’’) Et voilà ce que je redoutais, c’est épouvantable, (Pause 3’’) c’est pas possible. (Pause 1’’) JML: Il n’y a même pas lieu de contestation. TG: Mais non, on peut pas contester, on peut pas

kein Verständnis für (Pause 5’’) Ein unwürdiges Ende, kein krönendes Ende, ein unwürdiges Ende. (Pause 1’’) Okay, er wird da ein bisschen gekniffen, gehalten von Materazzi. Sie reden. Beide sind des Italienischen mächtig. So, es geht weiter. Materazzi scheint da ein paar nette (Pause 1’’) und nicht so feine Worte gefunden zu haben. Und dann rastet er aus. Da knallen die Synapsen in die falsche Richtung. (Pause 4’’) Mann, Zidane, (Pause 1’’) du kennst das Geschäft seit so vielen Jahren. (Pause 2,5’’) Lässt sich verbal ein bisschen provozieren, und da knallt die Sicherung durch. (Pause 4’’) Eine große Fußballkarriere (Pause 2’’) geht so unrühmlich zu Ende. (Pause 6’’) Barthez ist jetzt der Kapitän, aber das ist nur eine kleine Formalie. (Pause 1’’) Wird die französische Mannschaft (Pause 2’’) diesen Verlust (Pause 1’’), ja diesen Schock (Pause 2’’), jetzt hier verknusen können? (Pause 3’’) Malouda hat gemeckert, hat dafür die gelbe Karte bekommen.

Zidane muss hinaus und beendet mit roter Karte seine Karriere. (Pause 1’’) Korrekt gesehen vom Schiedsrichterassistenten. (Pause 1’’) Tadellos gemacht. Zugewartet ... Achtung! (Pause 3’’) Die ganze Vorgeschichte. Da war es noch gar nix. (Pause 5’’) Da war amal überhaupt nix. So, Achtung, und jetzt kommt’s. So, Kopfstoß von Zidane. Also was in [sic] da in diesen großen Fußballer gefahren ist? Ehrlich gestanden, da verstehe ich ihn nicht. (Pause 2’’) Mit Rot muss er vom Platz. (Pause 3’’) Ein Kapitän (Pause 2’’), der eine Unsportlichkeit begangen hat, die ich nicht nachvollziehen kann. In einer Phase, in der seine Mannschaft dem Erfolg deutlich näher war. Aber Kompliment dem Schiedsrichterassistenten – er hat zugewartet, er hat alles gesehen. Der Schiedsrichter ist dann herausgegangen ... ... da gab’s noch Gelb für Malouda. (Pause 10’’) Egal, was möglicherweise verbal Grosso [sic] Zidane gesagt habe – diese Unsportlichkeit rechtfertigt nichts! So, damit Frankreich zu

assistant, they’ve seen it, so they’re incensed, but the officials haven’t, so they can’t give it (Pause 2’’) JM: Lippi has come down the line, and is being restrained by the fourth official (Pause 1’’) there’s a push and a shove there on the Italian coach, or by the Italian coach (Pause 4’’) and the referee has gone across now, with his hand in his pocket JM: he’s been told about it. It’s off. It’s red. It’s Zidane (Pause 2’’) and the assistant referee … and the fourth official saw something, (there was) a bit of delay. Domenech (Pause 2’’) is sarcastically applauding (Pause 2’’) ML: You can’t argue with that JM: The referee, belatedly, the man who sent off Wayne Rooney, is about to send off Zinedine Zidane (Pause 2’’) ML: In terms of the decision, as long as they’ve seen it, it is impossible to argue against it. This is the incident. (Pause 1’’) Materazzi had an arm around Zidane there …(Pause 1’’) then they looked at each other (Pause 3’’) $^"Q"">, ‹> ¢‰"^ Š^ ">|>  ^ Q $*‰|> €>. €>*^€! (Ÿ‰’ 1,8’’) `>*„–£^  (Ÿ‰’ 1,3’’) Ÿ>*„–£^  ‚^"! ¥^"$^" ¥^$" ‰$„„  Ÿ>„ (Ÿ‰’ 0,7’’) Q Q>P€ Ÿ>$"€ €‹, Ÿ>$"€ €‹ Q Q>  †^’"^. *>"^‹^ Ÿ>$^*‰ *Š^*‰ ¢ €>"$ O>€" (Ÿ‰’ 0,2’’) ‰ ? “P >Q*¡""> Ÿ*Q^">. “P >Q*¡""> Ÿ*Q^">, > Ÿ*Q^"> Ÿ>‚‰Š>">€‰. € >‹" Ÿ>"*Q^„ " >€ ‹€Ÿ^>" ¥^"$^" ¥^$", € ^€ Q>•^£^, "> ‚‰Š>  ‚‰Š>, Ÿ*Q^ ( /->?)  Ÿ*Q^ ( /->?). , "Q*">, ^ Š  ‹ *|"^"^  *Š^* Ÿ*>^ ‰ Q•>$‰ ¥^"$^"‰ ¥^$"‰, € Q|$ Š QŸ>€^"^ > Ÿ*>£"^ ¥^’‰  Š>¡^€ ‚‰Š>>€ Q>  >  >|>Q>*> . (Ÿ‰’ 1,5’’)  ‹ >|>Q>*^ " Š‰$ "‰ ^ " Ÿ> Š>¡ " Š‰$ ¥^"$^" ¥^$". “œ: O! ” Q^$^, ‹> ”*˜˜^ ‹>-> ’ €‰. ”>† Š, >" ‹>-> ’ Ÿ> Ÿ>Q>$‰ ‰•>$

llamando a Elizondo, y Zidane se va a ir. (Pause 0,5’’) Se va a ir. (Pause 1’’) Se va a ir porque evidentemente si le ha visto no puede interpretar amarilla. (Pause 1’’) Se lo acaba de decir, Zidane va a ser expulsado. (Pause 1’’) ¡Qué lástima! ¡Qué tristeza de verdad! Zidane se va a marchar del partido. (Pause 2’’) Zidane se va a marchar del partido. (Pause 1,5’’) Se va a quedar con diez. (Pause 2’’) Pero sobre todo no es que se quede con diez, sobre todo es que Zidane va a tener que recordar este último minuto de su carrera deportiva de una manera tremendamente amarga. Como lo vamos a recordar todos porque (Pause 1’’) tantos años de grandeza de Zinédine Zidane en un terreno de juego, es una absoluta lástima que se vayan así. (Pause 1’’) Evidentemente le había agarrado ahí pero eso no es nada. C2: Es que de vez en cuando … yo me acuerdo de una jugada parecida una vez en el mundial de 1998 contra Arabia Saudí. En un partido intrascendente. CM: Algo le dice Materazzi. Algo le dice

dei sostenitori italiani a Domenech che sta insultando – non, non sento le parole – ma sta insultando anche con i gesti Buffon. MC: Io ricordo Domenech alla guida dell’Under 21. Delle battaglie epiche. MC: Cartellino rosso. SM: Espulsione! MC: Rosso! Rosso per Zidane! (Pause 2’’) E qui è intervenuta la tecnologia. SM: Sicuramente. Ma è probabilmente anche il guardalinee di destra che aveva tutto il campo per poterlo vedere, a mio avviso. MC: Secondo me è intervenuta la tecnologia (Pause 2’’), non c’è, non c’è altro. Altrimenti ci sarebbe stata…(Pause 1’’) ci sarebbe stato il provvedimento immediato. MC: E comunque è un atto di doverosa giustizia. (Pause 1’’) Ci dispiace per un campione come Zidane. Qui ecco vediamo anche perché si è arrivati a questo. Materazzi colloquia con Zidane, confabula, qualche parola, si ferma Materazzi, gli dice qualcosa, e questa è la reazione di Zidane. (Pause 1’’) L’espulsione di Zidane è netta. Ma Elizondo ci ha messo un bel po’. Ricordiamo che Elizondo aveva espulso anche Rooney in Inghilterra/Portogallo.

contester. Sans (Pause 1’’) Même s’il s’est passé des choses avant. (Pause 1’’) Zinédine ne doit pas répondre, ne doit pas mettre ce coup de tête. (Pause 2’’) C’est pas vrai, c’est son dernier match, c’est la finale de la coupe du monde. (Pause 6’’) C’est pas possible. Ah non non non non non! (Pause 3’’) Sur l’image qu’on a vue on peut pas reprocher à l’arbitre argentin de sortir le carton rouge évidemment. (Pause 2’’) Mais c’est terrible. (Pause 3’’) C’est terrible. (Pause 1,5’’) On était dans un conte de fées jusque-là. JML: Oh, ce qui s’est passé avant, hein… TG: Et voilà, ça… JML: J’sais pas, on n’a pas vu, mais…(Pause 1,5’’) TG: Mais quoi qu’il arrive, il ne doit pas répondre, JeanMichel JML: Absolument/non non (Pause 0,5’’) Aucune (Pause 1,5’’) aucune circonstance atténuante TG: Aïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïeaïe ! (Pause 2’’) TG: Et c’est la dernière fois, et c’est la dernière fois, il nous a fait tant rêver, (Pause 0,5’’) il nous a donné tant de bonheur ! (Pause 2’’) Ah, c’est à pleurer ! (Pause 0,5’’) C’est à pleurer !

[...] Wir wissen nicht – […] – was Materazzi ihm da ins Ohr geflüstert hat, aber das ist schnurzegal.

zehnt. Zu spielen noch achteinhalb Minuten.

why did this go on so long? ML: Well, I think words were obviously said, obviously Materazzi said something there JM: You can’t excuse that. (Pause 3’’) Zidane’s career ends in disgrace. (Pause 3’’) ML: You can’t boo the referee… JM: The fourth man to be sent off in a World Cup Final (Pause 1’’) two Argentines in 1990, and Desailly – of all people – in ’98… and Zidane goes (Pause 1’’) France will play the remainder with ten men (Pause 2’’) … ML: Well, there’s no doubt that Materazzi said something ...and, just as he turned his back, it was obvious he said...as to what it was, we can only speculate. JM: There’s a yellow here for Malouda, I think. Somebody else got a yellow there in the fracas, in the argument. I think it’s Malouda. (Pause 5’’) Well, the World Cup Final explodes. The man who dismissed Wayne Rooney for the step (Pause 2’’) dismisses Zinédine Zidane. ¥^"$^" ¥^$" ^’ Š>¡>|> ‚‰Š>, €>† Š, > Š> >‹" ^ >‹" >Š^$">. > ‰$„ " ¡ >Q. ", >ŠQ"">, ^ " Q^$ Ÿ>‰Ÿ ¥^$". €‰ Ÿ>$’^. > Ÿ>$’ Š>>Q>  *Š^*, >>*>€‰, Q Q>– >‹*$, Ÿ>$’ \‰‚‚>". $"^€ >Q>€, ¥^"$^" ¥^$" (Ÿ‰’ 0,8’’) " $>^|*Q Q>  Ÿ>$"^  €‹ ^ ‰$„„  Ÿ>„ Q $>Ÿ>"^"> Q*€„. : > ’$, >"‹">, "Ÿ*Q ”*˜˜^: >" Ÿ*>Q>˜^*>Q… -… ¥^$", ^… (Ÿ‰’ 1,5’’) ’$, >"‹">, *‰$"> Ÿ*^"„ >*>"‰ ^ ¥^$", Q >€ ‹^,  >" >*|^*>Q. “>’€>†">, ‹> > ’ ‚‰Š>. “œ: ”‰$ (Ÿ‰’ 0,3’’) ”‰$ Ÿ>‰‹ †P‰– *>‹‰, @ ~”, ‹> > ’ *’|>Q>*, "Q*">, ’ Ÿ„˜^–  *Š^*‰, >ŠQ"">, > ‰† "  Q†">, Ÿ>>€‰ ‹> |Q">, ‹>  Ÿ>„ ‰$P" ¥^$".  >, ^> , „ $‰€–, €>†  ‹ ^’€"^ *^"‰ €‹ " *^ ¡$„ |*$‰>Q. : , ‹> >" " Materazzi. Pero da igual. C3:Es una… CM: Da igual. C3: Es una lástima. No, no hay justificación. Porque por más que, diga lo que le diga Materazzi me parece que…(Pause 1’’) Pero…(Pause 2’’) Y además que le pase a Zidane. Que le desequilibre alguien como Materazzi. Es el mundo al revés. C3: Es verdad. Es verdad, ¿eh? (Pause 1’’) Materazzi tiene que pegarle una patada a Zidane porque pasa de largo. (Pause 1’’) Y pierde, pierde el partido la gran figura, y sí éste era suyo el partido. Se hubiese llevado la copa del mundo, hubiese pateado el penal seguramente. Otro penal más con la categoría de Zidane. (Pause 2’’) C3: No lo merece la final. CM: Y ahora Francia además se puede venir abajo también. Pierde un hombre para lanzar un penalti de los mejores que tenía Francia. Esto sí que es… Además de hacerse un daño a sí mismo, ha hecho un daño al equipo tremendo. (Pause 2’’) C3: ¡Qué lástima! Bueno, bueno, bueno,

Qui, secondo me, è intervenuta la tecnologia. SM: Sì, perché l’arbitro stava correndo verso la parte opposta e quindi non poteva vederla. O è la tecnologia o il guardalinee, a mio modo di vedere. MC: È chiaro che la tecnologia c’entra. C’entra probabilmente anche Medina Cantalejo. Ma è chiaro che il supporto delle immagini c’è stato. SM : Ah beh sicuramente, eh! CP: Marco MC: Sì, Carlo CP: Mi sembra che sia stato ammonito anche Malouda. (Pause 1’’) C’è stato un cartellino giallo qualche istante fa proprio. MC: Grazie Carlo, preziosa questa tua precisazione. MC: Francia in dieci uomini. (Pause 1’’) Una macchia enorme sulla carriera di Zidane. (Pause 1’’) SM : Sì. Incomprensibile.

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pues a ver lo que le pasa al partido.

References Adelmann, Ralf / Keilbach, Judith / Stauff, Markus (2001): „Soviel Gefühle kann’s nicht geben!“ Typisierung des Feierns und Jubelns im Fernsehsport. In: montage/av. Zeitschrift für Theorie und Geschichte audiovisueller Kommunikation 10/2, 43–57 Battacchi, Marco W. / Suslow, Thomas / Renna, Margherita (1997): Emotion und Sprache. Frankfurt a.M. et al.: Peter Lang Doleschal, Ursula / Hoffmann, Edgar / Reuther, Tilmann (eds.) (2007): Sprache und Diskurs in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Slawistische Perspektiven. München: Otto Sagner Eggert, Hartmut / Golec, Janusz (eds.) (1999): „…wortlos der Sprache mächtig“. Schweigen und Sprechen in der Literatur und sprachlicher Kommunikation. Stuttgart / Weimar: Metzler Fiehler, Reinhard (1990): Kommunikation und Emotion. Theoretische und empirische Untersuchungen zur Rolle von Emotionen in der verbalen Interaktion, Berlin: de Gruyter Drescher, Martina (1997): French interjections and their use in discourse. In: Niemeyer/Dirven, 233–246 Drescher, Martina (2003): Sprachliche Affektivität. Darstellung emotionaler Beteiligung am Beispiel von Gesprächen aus dem Französischen, Tübingen: Niemeyer (+ reviews by Arnulf Deppermann in: Gesprächsforschung 5 (2004), 84–90 and by Eva Lavric in: Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 121 (2005) 4, 663–665) Ghita, Andrea (1997): Pragmatic aspects of silence. In: Pietri, 377–388 Günthner, Susanne (1997): The contextualization of affect in reported dialogues. In: Niemeyer/Dirven, 247–276 Günthner, Susanne (2000): Vorwurfsaktivitäten in der Alltagsinteraktion. Grammatische, prosodische, rhetorisch-stilistische und interaktive Verfahren bei der Konstitution kommunikativer Muster und Gattungen, Tübingen: Niemeyer Kryk-Kastovsky, Barbara (1997): Surprise, surprise : The iconicity-conventionality scale of emotions. In: Niemeyer/Dirven (eds.) 155–169 Kurzon, Dennis (1998): Discourse of silence. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins Marten-Cleef, Susanne (1991): Gefühle ausdrücken. Die expressiven Sprechakte. Göppingen: Kümmerle Müller, Cornelia / Ingwer, Paul (1999): Gestikulieren in Sprechpausen. In: Eggert/Golec, 265–282 Niemeyer, Susanne / Dirven, René (eds.) (1997): The language of emotions. Conceptualization, expression, and theoretical foundation, Amsterdam et al.: Benjamins Philips, Susan U. (1995): Interaction structured through talk and interaction structured through ‘silence’. In: Tannen / Saville-Troike, 205–213 Pietri, Etienne (ed.) (2005): Dialoganalyse V. Referate der 5. Arbeitstagung Paris 1994. Tübingen: Niemeyer Šaronov, I.A. (ed.) (2005): Smocii v jazyke i rei. Moskva: RGGU Stadler, W. (2007a): Prolegomena zu einer Pragmatik des Schweigens. In: Doleschal et al., 283–297 Tannen, Deborah / Saville-Troike, Muriel (eds.) (1995): Perspectives on silence. Norwood / New Jersey: Ablex Wierzbicka, Anna (1999): Emotions across languages and cultures. Diversity and universals. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Yakovleva, Elena (2004): Deutsche und russische Gespräche. Ein Beitrag zur interkulturellen Pragmatik. Tübingen: Niemeyer

The Innsbruck Football Research Group Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner, Wolfgang Stadler, Erika Giorgianni Philologisch-Kulturwissenschaftliche Fakultät Universität Innsbruck Innrain 52 A-6020 Innsbruck e-mails: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] http://www.uibk.ac.at/msp/aktuelles/sprache_fussball/

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6. FOOTBALL AND MULTILINGUALISM

IRENE GIERA, ERIKA GIORGIANNI, EVA LAVRIC, GERHARD PISEK, ANDREW SKINNER AND WOLFGANG STADLER (THE INNSBRUCK FOOTBALL RESEARCH GROUP)

THE GLOBALIZED FOOTBALL TEAM: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON MULTILINGUAL COMMUNICATION International football teams can be seen as complex linguistic ecosystems in which players and coaches with different mother tongues and cultural backgrounds interact with each other. In particular, mixed international teams with large numbers of foreign players might seem likely to meet problems caused by language and communication barriers. Despite linguistic (and cultural) barriers, effective communication within the team is vital for efficient and goal-oriented interaction and co-operation at all times. Types of communication range from everyday practice sessions, tactical instructions and analyses before, during and after a match, to conflicts with referees and contact with fans and the media. In communicative processes, multilingualism (foreign-language communication), lingua franca communication and non-verbal semiotic systems interact in many different ways, while improvisation and proactive language strategies (language training, translation services) all complement each other. The problems arising and the coping strategies in such situations are the subject of the research project described, which will focus on international clubs from various countries; data will be collected through interviews, observation of practice sessions and matches, as well as audio and video recordings, including both examples of difficulties and of successful approaches to the problems in question. Apart from a detailed description and analysis, the aim of the project is to produce a handbook of guidelines as a service to international football clubs. The first part of this paper gives an overview of the planned project, while the second part presents first results based on interviews with an international player/trainer and a referee.

1. Introduction The international structure of modern football teams (but of other sports teams as well) represents a great challenge for clubs. A trainer with a specific language and cultural background has to form a team with players speaking different mother tongues and coming from countries with different cultures; this team has to be as successful as possible, also from a financial point of view. In this context the question arises how communication works in multilingual teams and how team members understand each other on the verbal and non-verbal level. At the same time there might also be questions concerning the integration of the players in the club and their cultural identification with a club, with its culture and country. We may suppose that multinational football teams have developed special communication strategies for dealing with the challenges typically present in a “globalized team”. The Innsbruck Football Group is planning a research project, “Communication strategies in multilingual football-teams: Achieving exemplary

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practice”1, which aims at studying these strategies in great detail and which will be presented in this article. Despite linguistic (and cultural) barriers, effective communication within the team is vital for efficient and goal-oriented interaction and co-operation at all times. Types of communication range from everyday practice sessions, tactical instructions and analyses before, during and after a match, to conflicts with referees and contact with fans and the media. A corpus of transcribed tape- and video recordings of different international clubs from several European countries represents the basis for this analysis, which aims at examining and subsequently improving the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies that have been developed to cope with communication problems as well as all the characteristics of communication in multinational football teams. The study focusses on communication within the team, that is, communication between trainer and players on the one hand, and communication between the players themselves on the other hand. It will also deal with the linguistic and cultural integration of new players. Applying the methods and procedures of conversation analysis, a detailed corpus analysis will be carried out. This analysis is approached by the researchers without prejudices and expectations; even so, certain hypotheses will need to be formulated. So it can, for example, be supposed that in coping with communication barriers, multilingualism and, as a consequence, the phenomena of ‘code choice’ and ‘code switching’ play an important role. Lingua-franca communication could – at least in some cases – be important as well. Moreover, it can be assumed that in the process of mutual understanding an important role is played by non-verbal semiotics systems (like facial expressions, gestures, body language, graphic representations of game situations etc.), other players acting as interpreters, the common frame of reference and the fact that football playing is mainly a practical activity.

2. Purpose of the research and its aims This project aims at analyzing communication in multilingual international football teams. The following three questions are of particular interest: (1) How does communication work in multilingual teams? (2) What are the reasons that make communication work – or not work, i.e what strategies and structures have been developed by the different clubs to make communication successful? (3) How can these strategies be improved to make communication more effective and to enable new players to integrate more quickly? In order to answer these questions, selected teams will be examined. In a pilot study, three Austrian clubs will be analysed, namely Red Bull Salzburg, FC Wacker Innsbruck and SV Josko Fenster Ried. First of all, this study will contribute to exploring the technical possibilities (for instance, recording the discussion of strategies before the game and during half time). At the same time, by critically analyzing the pilot study itself, the best way of combining the different methods for gathering data (observation, video- and audio recording) should be found. 1

The project was presented to the Austrian Research Fund (FWF) in February 2008. It has so far received grants from the Austrian-Czech Cooperation 2008 and Innsbruck University (through the Swarovski sponsorship programme 2007).

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Afterwards the main study of the project will focus on major international clubs in Europe. Visits to one club in each of the following countries are planned: Germany, France, Italy, Spain, England and Russia. The selection of clubs will, of course, have to be flexible, depending on which clubs are interested in participating in this project at all. The first clubs which will be contacted are the ones that regularly hold their summer trainig camps in Austria: Lazio Rome, Arsenal London, Real Madrid and Spartak Moscow. By observing the training sessions and team discussions and by interviewing trainers and players, the difficulties and strategies for successfully coping with communication barriers will be found out and analysed. The starting point of the study is the hypothesis that successful clubs have also developed successful strategies to overcome difficulties. The project is interdisciplinary in its nature (Romance languages, English, Slavic languages, translation studies)2. It aims at describing the football team as a multilingual and multifaceted ecosystem. Our study will record, describe and analyse the communicative behaviour of all the participants within this complex sytem. Our aim is to develop an efficient strategy that can serve as a model, integrating existing strategies that have proved to be successful and discarding those that are less successful. We aim first and foremost at producing a (descriptive) scientific study of the specific communication processes and strategies in multilingual football teams; the results of this study will be published as a book. But our approach is also prescriptive, one of the aims being the development of a handbook based on our research results, which will provide the clubs with the specific know-how generated by our study. Ultimately, this might even lead to a consulting service offered by members of the research team. Interviews with trainers (for instance, Costantini 2006) and the study of the scanty secondary literature on this topic (especially Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen 2006) suggest that communication does indeed play an important role in in multinational football teams. However, until now research has largely ignored this topic, and only the way communication takes place has been examined to some extent; improving the strategies has not been dealt with at all, and a reference model has not been created yet, either.

3. State of research Football has always attracted the interest of researchers. Linguists have mainly dealt with the language of football reporting and commentary (for instance, Brandt 1983 and 1988, Müller 2004, Mackenzie 2004/2005), with the use of metaphors in the language of football (for example, Döring / Osthus 1999, Buchauer 2004), with football jargon or with the terminology of football (for instance, Puyal Ortiga 1972, Nomdedeu Rull 2004). There are also some works which analyse football from a media studies or 2

See the composition of the research team, with Eva Lavric and Irene Giera coming from Romance linguistics, Gerhard Pisek and Andrew Skinner from English linguistics, Wolfgang Stadler from Slavic philology and Erika Giorgianni from translation studies. (We are grateful to Carmen Konzett, an English and Romance linguist specializing in conversation analysis, who contributed to the methodological part of the article without actually being a member of the research group.)

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cultural studies point of view (for instance, Horak / Reiter 1991, Adelmann / Parr / Schwarz 2003, Settekorn 2007). Works from the fields of psychology and sports science (for instance, Brosius / Tullius 1993, Winkler / Reuter 2000) can be quoted as well.3 Only very few works deal with real interaction in team sports. Three decades ago Digel (1976) wrote on language and speaking in team handball, and in 2005 Fiedler wrote a paper – in the form of an interview – on communication between trainer and players in basketball teams from the point of view of the trainer. Until now the specific topic of football has only been dealt with in a book by Schilling (2001), who writes about communication between trainer and players in amateur football, and in an article (Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen 2006) in which the language situation in Dutch and British football clubs is examined. Schilling (2001), who bases his work on ethnographic and conversation analytic methods, is not interested in multilingualism and in communication within the team. Instead, he focusses his attention on the way trainers interact and on “representing the structures of the social world of top-level amateur football.” (Schilling 2001: 17) The article by Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen (2006) examines the language situations in Dutch and – to a lesser extent – British clubs from the point of view of club managers and trainers, as well as from the perspective of the players. This study is an analysis of the present situation; the authors are, on the one hand, interested in studying the language situation in the clubs and, on the other hand, in depicting the attitudes of both sides – i.e. club management and players – towards the topics of language, language choice and language acquisition. The article also analyses how foreign players are helped by their clubs in learning the new language. As mentioned above, the main focus is on the Netherlands, whereas the situation in English clubs is only briefly touched on. This article can basically be seen as a summary of the opinions of Dutch clubs playing in the first and second leagues on the relevance of language, and especially the knowledge of the Dutch language, with some comments on the situation in England. The way team members (players and trainer) really interact is not examined in any detail. The survey was made through telephone interviews (with the manager or the press spokesperson) and questionnaires sent to the players by post. The teams were not directly observed by the article’s authors. To date, no descriptive study has been made that describes the (linguistic) interaction in multilingual football teams and that aims at improving the observed processes on the basis of a prescriptive approach, even if successful communication and the knowledge of the club’s language are generally considered to play an essential role (see Fiedler 2005, Constantini 2006, Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen 2006). The very fact that no other article in the present volume focusses on multilingualism phenomena in football teams confirms how little this issue has been addressed so far and encourages us to include this project description in the volume, in spite of it being merely ‘work in progress’.

3

See also the comprehensive football (/sports) and language bibliography at the end of this volume.

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4. Communication in football: Tasks and functions This project starts from the three main tasks communication has in football: 1) Communication in order to convey information; 2) Communication as a means of facilitating integration in the team, which is associated with feeling at home in the club and, as a consequence, in the society and culture of the respective country as well; 3) Communication in order to convey emotions. Communication in order to convey information relates to the trainer especially, in so far as he has to communicate with all the players in the same way. He must make sure – in particular during training sessions and strategy discussions, but also in private conversations – that he can be understood by all the players, at least to the extent that it is clear what he wants them to do. In this respect the trainer can, if necessary, make his message more efficient by also using non-verbal communication. If the team fails to perform, the mass media may well attribute this failure to the trainer’s lack of linguistic competence and argue that he is not able to provide the correct instructions to the players so that they can play successfully. The fact that players are sometimes not able to communicate with each other is often perceived to be less relevant. Unsuccessful communication among players may, however, lead to the formation of subgroups within the team, which also jeopardizes the integration and the personal well-being of a player in his new environment. Furthermore, it can be assumed that this, in turn, influences the performance of both the individual player and of the whole team. Moreover, the knowledge of the club language in certain cases seems to contribute to a more effective integration in so far as the effort of the new player to learn the foreign language makes him better accepted by the other players.4 Parallel to the integration into the new team, social integration into the new country and its culture takes place (see Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen 2006). Communication outside the team (i.e. communication between individual team members and people outside the club, for instance, journalists, doctors, postmen, mechanics, et al.) is, of course, also relevant. In our study, this type of communication will not be directly accessed through observation, but only through interviews. Finally, language appears to be an important tool for conveying emotions (for example, towards the referee, the other players, on the field, during the training sessions or interviews). Being unable to speak the language of the club can also be frustrating when, for example, a player has scored three times in a single match and cannot be interviewed because he doesn’t even understand the questions asked by the reporter (cf. Constantini 2006). In this context it is interesting to observe that the first words players usually learn in a new language are words expressing strong emotions (insults, swearwords, words expressing feelings of happiness).5

4

5

In particular this might be the case when a well-known player joins a club in a so-called ‘football developing country’, which may cause a certain social gap between him and the rest of the team. On the other hand, in international clubs with many foreign players this aspect might play a less important role. The Innsbruck Football Research Group has already done research on emotions in sport, taking into consideration different cultures (see Lavric / Pisek / Skinner / Stadler / Giorgianni in this volume).

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5. Peculiarities of multilingual football communication The specific structures of football teams also raise some special questions concerning language and communication. First of all, a multilingual football team represents an extremely complex field from a linguistic point of view; it can be seen as a special case of a multilingual working environment.6 In a team consisting of international members each individual player and each trainer has his personal “linguistic biography”, that is, each player and trainer acquired one (or maybe even two) mother tongue(s) as a child and has learned other languages during his education and/or his football career. So in the team several different mother tongues will be spoken which co-exist with other languages which each player can speak at different levels. This leads to the following questions: Who in the club speaks which language(s) with whom? Which language(s) does the trainer speak and how does he communicate with his team? How effective is the communication by means of the languages used between trainer and players, on the one hand, and among the players themselves, on the other hand? In this context, strategies of ‘code choice’ and ‘code switching’ have to be described. Furthermore, it cannot be assumed that each player is able to communicate with all the other players. Trainers also work with interpreters in some cases to communicate either with individual players or with the whole team.7 When looking at the structure of a team, one also has to take into account possible groupings of players of the same nationality and language (though one should not disregard internal rivalries within players of the same group). Moreover, one should not forget that language acquisition is a dynamic process, i.e. the individual linguistic development strongly depends on the amount of time a player or a trainer spends with a club or in a country. It is a fact that a new language can be more or less ‘foreign’ (for a Spanish-speaking player Italian is obviously less foreign – foreign in the sense of new and different – than for a Russian player) and that the speed of the language acquisition process may be largely determined by the origin and linguistic background of a player or a trainer and by the language of the new team. Finally, one has to examine the role of communication that involves using a ‘lingua franca’, which by no means has to be English, but depends on the country and the mother-tongue and/or foreign language backgrounds of the players (cf. Constantini 2006). The central question is what the criteria are according to which a certain language becomes a ‘lingua franca’ in a team or in a club. One has to examine not only the role of the respective country’s, language but also the influence of the linguistic situation within the team and the influence of the club’s management (in this regard, see Kellermann / Koonen / van der Haagen 2006). Besides the complexity of the linguistic field, the specific kind of communication in a football team also has to be taken into account. In football (as in other team sports as well) the participants communicate not only verbally but also in a non-verbal way. Facial expressions, gestures and body language, on the one hand, and graphics illustrating strategies and tactical moves as well as video studies of the 6

7

See a series of publications by Lavric: Bäck / Lavric (forthcoming), Lavric 1991, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2007 and forthcoming a, b, c, d, e, f, g, as well as Lavric et al. (forthcoming). Cf. Karl Ritter and Alfred Riedl, Austrian trainers of the Saudi Arabian U-19 and U-17 national teams (Constantini 2006), as well as Otto Rehagel in his highly successful work with the Greek national team.

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opponents, on the other hand, are essential for conveying information. Verbal and nonverbal means of communication act synergetically, the non-verbal aspect helping to make multilingual communication more successful. In order to achieve the intended optimization of the integration process in general and of the adopted communication strategies in particular, it is important not only to analyse how communication works within the team, but also to scrutinize the tools for learning the language provided by the club. The following questions have to be addressed in this context: Does the club promote linguistic integration at all and, if so, how does this happen? How are new trainers supported? Do players and trainers accept the offer to help them improve their language skills? If this is not the case, why do they not accept it? Finally, it is important to find out how effective the measures taken by the clubs really are. Are these just token gestures or does language promotion really matter to them?8 Since language acquisition is a dynamic process and players often stay for several years with a club or in the same country, one should distinguish between shortterm strategies, used when a player or a trainer joins a new team (for example, interpreters, language courses, etc.), and long-term strategies, which are instrumental for players for developing their linguistic abilities and for integrating into the team, and for trainers to communicate fluently with the team. At this point the role played by ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’ interpreters has to acknowledged. The latter are usually experienced players who have been with the club for a long time and therefore speak the language of the club and of the country well enough to be able to act as interpreters for new players (above all for those coming from their own country) and to help them integrate. The question also arises whether the language(s) spoken by the players and especially by the trainers – who have to communicate with all the players of the team, as explained above – play(s) an important role when they are signed on. How important is, for instance, the correct use of the target language, or is it enough simply to communicate? In this respect one should not forget that in football communication has to be conveyed not on a theoretical level, but practically. Language acquisition on the pitch during training sessions (and perhaps during the game as well) may be seen as following the principles of ‘total physical response’ or of ‘trial and error’. An additional aspect not to be disregarded when clubs offer conventional language courses is the fact that players may not be familiar with the Latin alphabet, but with the Cyrillic or the Arabic alphabets instead. Moreover, as explained above, each player has his own linguistic background. This background determines whether a player needs individual help, for example, or more or less time for learning a new language than other players who are in the same situation. A winning strategy should always address the individual needs of the players or of the trainer. Even though verbal and non-verbal communication are the central topics of this study, more general cultural aspects also have to be taken into account in so far as they affect communication within a team. For example, political and ethnic conflicts may hamper communication and have negative effects on the homogeneity of the team and its ability to perform successfully.

8

Regarding these questions, it is necessary to bear in mind that only clubs seriously interested in language promotion can be expected to be sympathetic to this project. On the other hand, measures in clubs with active language promotion may fail for various reasons.

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6. The method: Interaction analysis and sociogram The first phase of the project will be centered on the collection of empirical data. We are planning to closely observe the chosen teams and to interview players and trainers (in addition to observation and interviews, audio- and video-recordings will be made), thus collecting a large data basis for our research. Approximately 45 hours of interaction will be recorded, transcribed and analysed. All material will, of course, be anonymised. This first phase of the project will focus on fundamental communication schemes within the teams (choice of a specific language or of a specific medium/channel of communication, involvement of translators, etc.), in order to generate questions and hypotheses for the analysis of the recorded and transcribed material. The analysis itself will be guided by the methods and principles of conversation analysis – and thus of ethnomethodology – as developed by Garfinkel (1967). This approach has the advantage of giving a very complex and comprehensive account of communication, allowing researchers to analyse the interaction of all means of communication (facial expressions, gestures, pauses, overlaps, etc.). Hence communication is not only reduced to what is explicitly said. This is of particular importance in football communication, where gestures and diagrams of strategic and tactical moves play a special role. Our analysis will therefore include elements of linguistic anthropology, which focuses on the situational interplay of language, gestures, body postures and the use of artefacts (e.g. a football). (See the groundbreaking studies by Goodwin 1981 and 2000.) One of the great advantages of conversation analysis is that it allows an analysis ‘from the inside’, i.e. one that is based on the linguistic and visual data collected. This is possible thanks to the principle of ethnomethodology (Garfinkel 1967), according to which participants in a social interaction (= ‘members’) always make clear to each other the meaning of their actions (e.g. of their linguistic utterances). This means that they will always ‘contextualize’ their utterances (Gumperz 1976, 1992), showing, for example, by switching their code or by using a specific lexicon that they are passing from the official, formal part of the interaction to a more informal, private part. Conversation analysis thus allows, on the basis of the hints given by the participants themselves, to pinpoint and analyse the relevant contexts and structures of a given interactional episode. For our project this means distinguishing different moves of the conversation (e.g. greeting, trainer’s instructions, analysis of the game, private and professional chat, etc.) as well as the individual acts of communication (e.g. ‘explaining something’, ‘defending one’s opinion’, ‘telling a story’, ‘complaining’, ‘praising / blaming somebody’, etc.) and analysing in detail their sequence, function and structure. Another principle of conversation analysis is the concept of interactional, collaborative construction of all aspects of social reality. Participants interact with their different perspectives towards social reality; they negotiate as to which perspective (or which combination of perspectives) will constitute the relevant frame, the relevant context, for the current interaction. This is of great importance especially in multilingual and multicultural contexts like football teams with players of different origin. Here, negotiating the context means first and foremost negotiating language choices. This is an issue that has to be settled anew in every encounter, even and especially if there is no extrinsic authority to set up rules. Language choice has to be negotiated in every single 382

situation, and this choice also affects and indicates the relationships between interactants. This can take place through different channels: verbal, paraverbal (prosody), non-verbal (facial expressions, gestures, body posture), but also through discourse-structuring features like pauses, overlaps or repairs. All these factors are taken into account and put into relation in a conversation analysis study. Our project aims to show how this negotiation works in the context of multilingual football teams in the context of spontaneous informal speech as it occurs during training sessions and matches, as well as how language issues are dealt with in a long-term perspecive: a football team is a very closely related group – at least for one season – and its members are likely to develop special techniques, be they conscious or unconscious, to settle their language choice conflicts. In order to discover these long-term strategies and to analyse them in a larger context, it is necessary to go beyond traditional conversation analysis methods by carrying out a broader ethnomethodological field study. Only if we combine a detailed analysis of various ‘snapshots’ (i.e. the data gained throug audio- and video recording) with a thorough longitudinal study based on observation and interviews can we hope to gain relevant findings. Furthermore, several ‘data sessions’ (another conversation analysis method: analysis sessions in a group) will have to be held in order to prevent a biased approach to the data (expectations, hypotheses, etc.) and to examine them from various angles. Such data sessions can be held within the project group, but they will also have to be organized (e.g. in the context of scholarly conferences) with researchers who are not familiar with the project in order to get different views concerning the data. Data sessions consist, at first, of an uncommented presentation of the data, which generally leads to a refinement of the transcriptions. Then the group either tries to answer a specific research question dealt with by the researcher who has presented the data, or it looks at the material without a specific aim and just comments on and analyses any relevant issues that might come up. One more method that seems very promising when it comes to the study of communication in multilingual football teams is the sociogram (see Oswald 1977), where relationships and communication processes within a group are depicted graphically through a kind of network. In our case it will be the choice of language as well as additional aspects like gestures, illustrations, etc. that can be shown through a multi-coloured scheme. The adaptation of the sociogram method to the study of communication and especially language choice issues was suggested in Lavric (2000) and Lavric (2001); it was then applied by Mrázová (2005) in her study of the communication processes in the foreign department of a Paris bank. Her scheme showed, however, only the communication network surrounding one single working place. In the case of a football team, the graphic depiction would have to show the communication processes within the whole team, as well as with the coaching staff, their languages and their modalities/channels. Such a graphic overview can be very revealing, as it is known that there are similar schemata showing the interaction of the players during a game, which could be compared with the sociogram of the training and strategy meeting sessions, for example. Significant parallels are likely to emerge between the two. In general, our research needs to have two dimensions on the time axis, which have to be investigated through different methods: on the one hand, there is a long-term 383

and habitual aspect which can be analysed through questionnaires and interviews (Who speaks which language with whom? How much is spoken, when and why?), dealing with long-term solutions and changes (see the studies by Lavric 2000 and 2001 in a university language department). And there is a snapshot-like short-term aspect which has to be investigated through observations, recordings, and transcriptions (e.g. How did the team communicate during a particular strategy meeting or training session?). Both aspects are complementary, the first one providing the background for the second. And both are of great importance. Of course, in all these aspects the study has to include not only the team itself, but also the coaching staff, team doctors, physiotherapists, et al. In order to develop our study and to test our hypotheses about communication problems in multilingual football teams, we carried out interviews with two persons directly involved in the football ‘business’. The results of these interviews are presented in the following sections.

7. First findings: Interview with a referee (Plautz 2007) In January 2007 the Innsbruck Football Group had the opportunity to interview the Austrian international referee Konrad Plautz, considered by FIFA to be among the top 30 European referees (see www.konradplautz.com). He offered a unique perspective on international football games, explaining that language and communication are indeed important, and that English as a lingua franca, together with non-verbal semiotic systems, usually guarantees successful communication. This communication not only takes place within the football teams, but also among the teams of referees. In fact, the latter is described by Konrad Plautz as being very important, though a large part of it functions non-verbally. The gestures and flag signals employed during the game (which have to be unequivocal) are not, however, the whole story, as the referee and linesmen also communicate through radio (beep signals). In Champions League matches the referee and his assistants meet some time (30-40 minutes) before the starting whistle in order to discuss the game. Trouble-free communication within this team is considered so important that UEFA employs referees only in teams, i.e. all referees of a game come from the same country and hence speak the same language. For communication with the players, especially with the captain, English as a lingua franca is of crucial importance.9 Not having learnt English at school, Konrad Plautz had to take a series of courses in order to be able to work as an international referee. The specialized vocabulary is of course part of the referee training courses. Konrad Plautz reports that about 75% of the players and all of the team captains speak English to some extent; if necessary, another player or the captain (or a coach) has to act as interpreter – but this, in practice, never really happens. Of course, in the Austrian national league, the lingua franca is German – with some exceptions for certain players with whom the referee has to speak English. Konrad Plautz also pointed out the importance of non-verbal means of communication, like the yellow or red card, or the conventional whistle signals for fouls, etc. These are international and should be clear and not subject to discussion. In 9

Konrad Plautz reports that, when he started as an international referee in 1996, UEFA still used to work in three languages, i.e. German, English and French. (These are also the languages in which the rules are available.) Since then, English has emerged as international football’s lingua franca.

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critical situations, it might happen though that the referee has to explain a yellow or red card to a player. In fact, every red card must receive a written justification after the game, to which the player is allowed to react. When insulting the referee, players tend to use their mother tongue, which often enables them to escape possible sanctions. Only when the referee understands the words being used to insult him can he give the player a red card, as he is required to give a written report of the insult after the game.10 In this respect, it is relevant to consider nonverbal communication as well. Insulting gestures, for example (which according to Plautz, are internationally understood), can be sanctioned by the referee with a yellow card without having to speak the same language as the player.

8. First findings: Interview with a player/trainer (Constantini 2006) Many of our ideas and expectations regarding communication problems in football teams were confirmed and developed by our interview, in December 2006, with Dietmar ‘Didi’ Constantini, a former Austrian international player and, at present, coach of Austria Wien, one of the country’s top clubs. He provided us with his perspective on a football team ‘from the inside’, drawing mostly on his experience as a trainer. In fact, he pointed out that the communication problem is much more urgent for trainers than for players. Players face different kinds of problems when coming to a new club, but they are usually well looked after: they receive language training and often even have a personal language coach, for their difficulties are often more cultural than linguistic. As for the trainer, he has to communicate with all players and therefore faces a much greater language challenge. Constantini himself had to deal with different types of situations in his career: coming to a foreign club without knowing a word of the local language, both as a player and as a trainer. Working as a trainer for various Austrian clubs, he has been responsible for integrating a great number of players of diverse origins (e.g. Africa, Latin America, Russia). In this function, he once had to coach a team of eighteen players from nine different nations. He reported that he was always very open towards new languages and, instead of relying on a lingua franca, tried to learn the local language as quickly as possible. This was the case when he came to Greece as a player (where he was lucky to have a coach who spoke German but still had to communicate with his teammates), and also when he came to Saudi-Arabia as a trainer, where his willingness to learn Arabic helped him to be accepted by the team and, of course, to convey instructions. Even when he was working as a trainer in Austria, he once had three Spanish-speaking players in his team; instead of getting them to learn German (as would have been normal), he preferred to take a Spanish course himself in order to be able to communicate with them. The common linguistic basis, he says, helps in gaining the trust and respect of the players. Constantini’s remarkable multilingualism, so it seems, is by no means exceptional in the training profession; he mentioned, for example, the Austrian coach 10

Plautz adds that it also depends on the loudness of the insult, as the referee does not always have to acknowledge everything he has heard (but his authority should by no means be undermined). He himself has never given a red card for being insulted in an international game.

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Heinz Peischl, who, when working in Switzerland, had to speak five different languages in order to communicate with the whole team. The commitment to learning languages is also related to the problems that can arise through translation. Of course, football clubs always provide for an interpreter when they hire a foreign coach. The interpreter, however, might not know enough about football and hence produce bad translations, or he might know too much and wish to add his own advice and interpretation. Only by having at least some basic knowledge of the target language can the coach checkl whether his instructions are rendered faithfully. In general, even with a very good interpreter, interpreting is not always a good solution when it comes to communicating with the team. It is much more difficult to address players through translation, which can never convey the whole of the message with all its emotional connotations (e.g. tone of voice, pitch). Furthermore, in some situations translation might be too slow, for example, when instructions during the game need to be received by the players without any delay. When a new player joins a team, what often helps are of course other players with the same mother tongue who have been there for some time and have already learned the local language. (But, says Constantini, if they are three or more, they might form a subgroup and try to conspire against the coach or other players in their language). In general, language training in the local language is provided in all clubs, but players might not always be willing to accept it. If the club is wealthy and the player important, he is often provided with a language coach and interpreter, who also acts as a sort of personal assistant, helping the family to integrate in their new environment. In general, the family is often a bigger problem than the player himself, who is pampered by the club and has continuous contact with his teammates, while the wife and children often completely lack orientation in the new surroundings. Integration might still be difficult even for the player himself, for example, when he has to face a different climate - the harsh Austrian winters can really be a problem for players of African or South American origin! What also helps a coach in his communication with the team (and a player in his communication with the coach and other players) are, not surprisingly, all kinds of nonverbal channels like gestures, as well as graphic means of communication: actually, trainers regularly use flipcharts for tactical instructions. In addition, Constantini pointed out the importance of reading a player’s body language in order to learn how he feels and whether he has understood the message. Where language becomes an obstacle to communication, the practical aspect, though, helps a lot. Players are, in general, experienced professionals who know perfectly well all the moves and tricks that can be applied in a given situation, and who understand on the spot which of them can be used effectively. This means that, even with very poor language skills, a good player will always be accepted by his teammates, as “the language he speaks is football” (Constantini 2006, translated by us). Thus it seems that football is a kind of universal language, helping to overcome the communications problems that could be expected in globalized multilingual teams. In Kellermann / Koonen /van der Haagen’s (2006) terms: “Feet speak louder than the tongue”.

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9. Relevance and effects of the project The globalized football team is a special case of a multilingual ecosystem, worth investigating through a comprehensive sociolinguistic and ethnographic/conversation analytic study. The results of the project could be transferred to other kinds of team sports, where the mechanisms can be assumed to be very similar. Furthermore, the football team can also be viewed as a microcosm or a micromodel of a pluralistic society, where people from different cultures meet to constitute a new multicultural society; therefore our study is likely to have some relevance for and impact on modern society in general. The integration of migrants is an issue that is increasingly viewed as being closely linked with language competence. In this context, a study of football teams as linguistic microcosms could lead to new insights and fresh views. In our globalized 21st century world, the questions of multilingualism, of code choice and especially of code switching have to be dealt with in a new and creative way. Since football is a very popular subject, it can serve as a vehicle for raising public consciousness for issues of multilingualism. Here again, the small world of the football team, where a multitude of nationalities meet as small groups and often as single persons, can help to provide new answers to relevant social questions. Actually, national and linguistic confrontations seem to be inevitable in a football team, which nevertheless has to function as a group and integrate every single member in order to be successful. At the same time, each foreign player has to integrate into a larger community outside the club. This leads to issues that are generally dealt with in sociology and cultural studies. The integrational impact of a successful team on the society it is rooted in is shown by the national football teams of several countries. When the French team, composed of players of different origin, won the World Cup in 1998, this victory created a feeling of unity among the whole population, regardless of an individual’s origin or colour. For a few happy moments, football made people believe that a pluralistic multicultural society was possible. When Iraq, where Sunnites and Shiites play together in the national team, won the Asia Cup in 2007, this was seen as a triumph for the whole country. The football victory became a symbol of what can be achieved by mutual tolerance and trying to live and work together peacefully.

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Lavric, Eva (2001): Qui parle quelle langue avec qui? Sociogramme linguistique d’un institut de langues. In: Cigada et al., 195–216 Lavric, Eva (2002): Zur Rolle der Muttersprache im Fremdsprachenunterricht. Eine empirische Untersuchung. In: Fill et al., 195–218 Lavric, Eva (2003): Welche Sprache warum? Code choice in Arbeit und Wirtschaft. In: Språk & Marked 27, 1–54 Lavric, Eva (2007): Tiroler Variationen zum Thema der Sprachwahl in der Unternehmenskommunikation. In: Doleschal et al., 61–74 Lavric, Eva (forthcoming a): 15 Theses about business language choices. In: Proceedings of the conference on multilingualism and applied comparative linguistics, Brussels, 8-10 February 2006 Lavric, Eva (forthcoming b): Stratégies et identités plurilingues des entreprises et des individus dans les entreprises. 15 thèses sur les choix linguistiques. In: Transmission/appropriation des langues et construction des identités plurilingues. Actes du colloque tenu à Paris du 6 au 8 juin 2007 Lavric, Eva (forthcoming c): Code choice / Code switching in professional contexts: FL departments, business, FL classrooms. In: Lavric et al. Lavric, Eva (forthcoming d): Code Choice in der internen und externen Unternehmenskommunikation. In: Menz / Müller Lavric, Eva (forthcoming e): Par-delà l’idéologie de l’« English only »: entreprises et langues – 30 études de cas qualitatives. In: Kuhn et al. Lavric, Eva (forthcoming f): Über ‚English only hinaus: Sprachen in Unternehmen im Licht qualitativer Fallstudien. In: Archan Lavric, Eva (ed.) (forthcoming g): Sprachwahl in Unternehmen: Tiroler Fallstudien. Ergebnisse eines Projektseminars an der Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck. Innsbruck: Innsbruck University Press Lavric, Eva / Kuhn, Julia / Fischer, Fiorenza / Wochele, Holger / Konzett, Carmen (eds.) (forthcoming): People, products and professions. Choosing a name, choosing a language. Proceedings of two workshops at the Austrian Conference of Linguists, Graz, 29.-30.10.2005 (Sprache im Kontext). Frankfurt a.M. et.al.: Peter Lang Long, Michael H. (ed.) (2006): Second language needs analysis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Mackenzie, J. Lachlan (2004/2005): Incremental functional grammar and the language of football commentary. In: British and American Studies (2004) 10, 237–248 again in: Butler et al. (2005), 113–128 Menz, Florian / Müller, Andreas (eds.) (forthcoming): Akten der Sektion ‚Kommunikation in Organisationen‘ bei der GAL-Tagung in Koblenz, 22.-24.9.2005 (Reihe Managementkonzepte). Mering: Rainer Hampp Müller, Jochen (2004): Von Kampfmaschinen und Ballkünstlern. Fremdwahrnehmung und Sportberichterstattung im deutsch-französischen Kontext. St. Ingbert: Röhrig Nomdedeu Rull, Antoni (2004): Terminología del fútbol y diccionarios: elaboración de un diccionario de especialidad para el gran público. PhD Thesis, University of Barcelona, http://www.tdx.cesca.es/TDX-0728105-135948/index_cs.html, 19/09/2007 Oswald, Wolf D. (1977): Grundkurs Soziogramm. Eine programmierte Einführung in die Technik und Auswertung für Pädagogen und Psychologen. Paderborn: Schöningh Plautz, Konrad (2007): Interview with the Innsbruck Football Group. University of Innsbruck, 17/01/2007 Puyal Ortiga, Joaquim M. (1972): Aportación al estudio de las lenguas especiales. Terminología futbolística. Master’s Thesis, University of Barcelona Settekorn, Wolfgang (ed.) (2007): Fußball – Medien. Medien – Fußball. Zur Medienkultur eines weltweit populären Sports (= Hamburger Hefte zur Medienkultur 7). Hamburg: Institut für Medien und Kommunikation, Universität Hamburg Schilling, Marcel (2001): Reden und Spielen. Die Kommunikation zwischen Trainern und Spielern im gehobenen Amateurfußball. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Winkler, Waldemar / Reuter, Alexander (2000) (eds.): Computer- und Medieneinsatz im Fußball. 13. Jahrestagung der dvs-Kommission Fußball vom 20.-22.11.1997 in Barsinghausen. Hamburg: Czwalina

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The Innsbruck Football Research Group: Irene Giera, Erika Giorgianni, Carmen Konzett, Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner, Wolfgang Stadler Philologisch-Kulturwissenschaftliche Fakultät Universität Innsbruck Innrain 52 A-6020 Innsbruck e-mails: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] http://www.uibk.ac.at/msp/aktuelles/sprache_fussball

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ENGELBERT THALER

TWO GLOBAL LANGUAGES: FOOTBALL AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEACHING “Football and English are the only truly global languages”, stated Sir Bobby Charlton. So why not combine the two in our classrooms? This paper attempts to outline a framework in which football can be integrated into TEFL (Teaching English as a Foreign Language). As a modern mass phenomenon, football has met with severe criticism from various angles (1). That is why convincing arguments for including football in TEFL have to be put forward (2). In the next step, some astonishing parallels between TEFL and football will be revealed (3). Even if English teachers may be convinced of the relevance of football, they still need to know more about the what and how, i.e. the football topics to choose from (4) and the methods and techniques that can be used in the classroom (5).

1. Criticism It is easy to criticize football. If Jean-Paul Sartre claims that in football everything is complicated by the presence of the opposing team, then the version of our modern media-driven society reads: in football everything is complicated by the presence of the players – who have more contact with journalists than with the ball. “Fußballstars in ihrer multifunktionellen Omnipräsenz als ballversierte Sportsmänner, aktienbesitzende Millionäre, rhetorikseminargeschulte Interviewpartner, managergestützte Werbepartner und affärengestählte Familienväter sind Heroen der Neuzeit, die schnell von ihrem brüchigen Sockel gestoßen werden können.“ (Thaler 2006b: 2) There is indeed no lack of arguments against football: • mass phenomenon and low-culture image • ignorance and arrogance among presidents, managers and commentators • materialism and commercialization • glorification in the media • bribery and corruption • hooliganism and chauvinism • exploitation for political goals • players as intellectual and rhetorical anti-heroes (cf. malapropisms in table 1).

391

Logical and linguistic problems -

‘A game is not won until it is lost.’ (David Pleat) ‘Samassi Abou don’t speak the English too good.’ (Harry Redknapp) ‘My parents have been there for me, ever since I was about 7.’ (David Beckham) ‘Alex Ferguson is the best manager I’ve ever had at this level. Well, he’s the only manager I’ve actually had at this level. But he’s the best manager I’ve ever had.’ (David Beckham) ‘We’re definitely going to get Brooklyn christened, but we don’t know into which religion!’ (David Beckham) ‘I think this could be our best victory over Germany since the war.’ (John Motson) ‘I would not say David Ginola is the best left winger in the Premiership, but there are none better.’ (Ron Atkinson) ‘The Bulgarian players are tried and trusted. Well, I’m not sure they can be trusted.’ (Ron Atkinson) ‘Well, Clive, it’s all about the two M’s. Movement and positioning.’ (Ron Atkinson) ‘It’s been two ends of the same coin.’ (Dave Bassett) ‘I’ve had 14 bookings this season – 8 of which were my fault, but 7 of which were disputable.’ (Paul Gascoigne) ‘I never make predictions, and I never will.’ (Paul Gascoigne) ‘If you can’t stand the heat in the dressing-room, get out of the kitchen.’ (Terry Venables) ‘It was never part of our plans not to play well, it just happened that way.’ (Terry Venables)

Table 1: Footballers’ quotes

2. Rationale In spite of all those arguments against football, it is a topic of universal interest. The latest football results form the lowest common denominator in conversations among male intellectuals. Moreover, football has advanced to a global cultural phenomenon, widely discussed in academic discourse. In numerous research fields the small round object has become a subject well investigated, e.g. in linguistics (Hutz 2006), religion (Klein / Schmidt-Lux 2006), art (Klant 2006), sport psychology (Höner 2006), sport pedagogy (Sobiech 2006), aesthetics (Bredekamp 1982, Gumbrecht 2002), economic sciences (Herzog 2002), philosophy (Thaler 2006d), individual psychology (Buytendiyk 1953). As far as teaching English as a foreign language (TEFL) is concerned, the following eleven arguments in favour of integrating football into the classroom may be put forward (Thaler 2006b).

Concepts

Aspects

1. Topicality

EURO 2008 in Austria/Switzerland

2. Popularity

-

3. Proficiency

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No. 1 sport TV viewing figures large number of active players training of four basic skills, viewing, mediating relevance for lexis, grammar, pragmatics

4. Gender

5. Intercultural awareness 6. Intermediality

7. Primary classroom

8. Literary studies 9. Bilingual teaching

10. Interdisciplinary approach

11. Sport pedagogy

-

rising number of female fans about 30 million active female players worldwide the female perspective on playing males trans-, cross-, intra- and intercultural learning real or fictitious encounters visual, auditory, audiovisual and interactive media on football comparing different media formats football boom in pre-teen ages integration of children’s interests using playful elements, movement, songs books (e.g. Nick Hornby: Fever Pitch) football poems (www.footballpoets.org) England as birthplace of modern soccer teaching module Football in P.E. in English CLIL in geography (e.g. presenting participating countries) multiple perspectives on soccer fachübergreifender/fächerverbindender Unterricht (interdisciplinary and cross-curricular approaches) raising interest for active participation positive consequences of movement for body, psyche, character

Table 2: Arguments for football in TEFL

3. Affinity At first sight, football on the one hand and TEFL methodology on the other do not seem to have a very close relationship. Looking more closely, one may, however, discover various features which the two phenomena share. To begin with, three major language acquisition theories can also be applied to football. According to behaviourism, all learning takes place through the process of habit formation, supported by (positive and negative) reinforcement and pattern drill. Likewise, progress in playing football can be achieved by behaviourist habit formation, i.e. practice, imitation and drill. Noam Chomsky and the innatists claim that children are born with a special ability to discover for themselves the underlying rules and structures of a language system – via a black box or language acquisition device (LAD), or Universal Grammar (UG). Football theorists may adhere to a ‘selective innatism’ based on the FAD (football acquisition device): either you can play or you can’t (Man kann’s oder man kann’s nicht). A third theoretical approach, the interactionist position, focuses on the role of the linguistic environment in interaction with the child’s innate capacities and holds “that language develops as a result of the complex interplay between the uniquely human characteristics of the child and the environment in which the child develops” (Lightbown / Spada 1993: 14). In football, many experts favour a sort of ‘competitive interactionism’, convinced that the more you play with and against others, the better you will eventually become (spielen, spielen, spielen!). Apart from the field of language/football acquisition, a certain affinity between the two domains may be disclosed when considering the following 11 key concepts, which dominate present TEFL discourse. 393

TEFL Methodology -

-

-

-

-

-

-

394

Football

1. Active learning Handlungsorientierter Unterricht (action- action as leitmotif based learning) - ball as driving force learning by doing, acting, talking - player as goal-oriented agent products and processes of acting 2. Holistic view combing left and right hemispheres - physical and mental fitness learning with head, heart and hands - flexibility of players’ positions appealing to various senses - search for complete player 3. Method pluralism method awareness - variety of styles reflected selection from various approaches - Italian catenaccio, English ‘kick-and-rush’, choice dependent on goal, content, group, Spanish one-touch-circle teacher - choice of tactics dependent on opponent and one’s own resources (players) 4. Communicative approach fluency, accuracy, appropriateness - coordination within team message before form - verbal and non-verbal means of communication success and misunderstandings in between players, opponents, coaches, audience communication and media - successful and failed communicative acts (Schiri: Ich verwarne Ihnen! – Lippens: Ich danke Sie! – Konsequenz: Rote Karte) 5. Task-based approach real-life tasks - ‘football is life’ negotiation of meaning - fighting for victory Willis’ TBL framework: pre-task – task - training – match – analysis cycle – language focus (1996) 6. Cooperative learning cooperation via interaction - team spirit promoting social skills - ‘the team is the star’ - rivalry within a team problems when doing group work 7. Product and process orientation producing and presenting a final product - result orientation (“Modern ist, wer gewinnt” – process learning coach’s perspective) „Der Schüler muss Methode haben“ - run-of-the-match orientation (way of playing, (Gaudig) individual performances, chances – aesthete’s perspective) 8. Differentiation heterogeneous classes - different player types different learner types - working on one’s individual strengths and weaknesses 9. Teacher personality teacher as most important variable for - importance of coach for success learners’ success and motivation - various role models: father figure (Herberger), various roles: model, coach, tutor, slave-driver (Merkel), football idol (Völler), facilitator, organiser, expert, classroom personal qualities (Hitzfeld), master of manager motivation (Daum), charismatic aura (Beckenbauer) 10. Openness criticism of teacher-fronted lessons - open outcome open learning - outsiders beating favourites use of innovative methods - new rules and technological advances

- standards, tests, exams - self, peer, and external evaluation

11. Assessment - continuous assessment (weekly matches) - final exam (Euro/World Cup) - clash between players’ and media evaluations

Table 3: Parallels TEFL methodology – football

4. Topics Teachers may not be very impressed by this (partly ironically intended) affinity. They are interested in practical classroom suggestions rather than academic theories. Once they have been convinced that football is a suitable subject, they can choose from various fields. Such a choice depends on the teacher’s own interests, the learning background and level of the students, the intended goals and the availability of materials. Younger learners may be attracted by rather down-to-earth aspects like rules and their history, players’ biographies and the make-up of famous teams. With more advanced students, teachers should also critically reflect on controversial issues such as political, economic and cultural implications of the game. No

Topic

1

rules

2

history

3

tactics

4

players

5

teams

6

VIPs

7

audience

8

media

9

business

10

politics

11

championships

Examples -

historical background meaning critical evaluation beginnings in China/Japan development in 19th century England national styles mirror of national cultures? professionals’ salaries quasi-religious status role models reasons for success women’s teams roles of sponsors and owners (Abramovich, et al.) motives of presidents (Berlusconi, et al.) influence of players’ agents mass behaviour hooliganism the female perspective players as pop stars match coverage in tabloid/quality papers globalisation marketing nation-building power chauvinism profile-raising instrument status of Champions League, Euro, World Cup impact on economy and society Table 4: Football topics in TEFL

395

5. Approaches After the topic has been chosen, the question arises as to which methods and techniques can be employed in the classroom. The following table combines a modern media approach (Stempleski / Tomalin 2001, Sherman 2003, Hobrecht 2004, Thaler 2005) with TBLL – Task-based Language Learning (Skehan 1998, Ellis 2003, MüllerHartmann / Schocker-von Ditfurth 2004, Schocker-von Ditfurth 2006). For each medium or material one task example – including various task descriptors – will be given (cf. also Thaler 2003, 2006a-e, Mendez 2006, Massler 2006, Vogt 2006). No

Medium

Task examples

1

Football feature films: Bend it like Beckham

2

TV series: Goal

3

Music videos: Football’s coming home by Lightning Seeds, etc.

4

Sketches: Monty Python’s The philosophers’ football match

5 6

Audio podcasts: Zidane heads out of football Web search: football history

7

Commercials: Football clips

8

Wiki: Football’s A – Z

9

Literature: Here are the football results by Michael Rosen

10 11

Jokes: Football humour Cartoons: National football tactics (www.networks.ecse.rpi.edu/~bsik dar/tactics.pdf)

Compare the final scene of the film Bend it like Beckham with the ending of the novel. Which parallels and differences can you detect? Let’s view an episode from this series, do the activities on the worksheets and and try to understand the protagonist’s behaviour Compare two music videos and explain the parallels and differences between them by referring to the cultural background View this Python sketch and do a dual task: Analyse the pythonesque form of British humour, and reflect on the relationship between football and philosophy. Listen to the file and make up your mind as to whether Zidane’s headbutt was justified. Find out whether the following five statements are true or false by researching the web: 1. King Henry VIII hated football. 2. Many football idioms are of military origin. 3. Football has always been a working class sport. 4. The word soccer derives from the thick socks worn while playing. 5. Traffic lights were the inspiration for the red and yellow cards. Identify both the surface and the subliminal message of this football commercial. Let’s develop a football wiki, i.e. explanations of important football terms from A – Z, and put it on our school homepage. Read the poem as fast as possible, analyse the humour, and write a further line by resorting to British place names (e.g. Liverpool: liver + pool). Identify the rhetorical devices these jokes are based on. Reflect on what these football tactics reveal about national traits and discuss whether they are prejudices.

Table 5: Media and tasks

Apart from resorting to media like these, a teacher may simply use the first warming-up minutes of a lesson to discuss the match of the evening before. A deeper and more subtle examination of the power of football can also become a classroom topic. Yet one 396

should never forget that basically there is only one aim and goal in football: Das Runde muss in das Eckige – or to put it in TEFL terms: Football (the round thing) must be part of the language classroom (the square thing).

References Bredekamp, Horst (1982): Fußball als letztes Gesamtkunstwerk. In: Sport konkret (Sonderheft), 42–46 Buytendiyk, Frederik (1953): Das Fußballspiel. Eine psychologische Studie. Würzburg: Werkbund Ellis, Rod (2003): Task-based language learning and teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press Gumbrecht, Hans-Ulrich (2002): Ästhetik und Sport – am Beispiel von Fußball und American Football. In: Martinez, 38–49 Herzog, Markwart (ed.) (2002): Fußball als Kulturphänomen. Kunst – Kult – Kommerz. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Hobrecht, Petra (ed.) (2004): Computer, Internet & Co. im Englischunterricht. Berlin: Cornelsen Höner, Oliver (2006): Vom body of information zum object for investigation. Wie lässt sich das Fußballspielen theorieorientiert analysieren? In: Thaler c, 56–67 Hutz, Matthias (2006): England v Germany – Let’s blitz Fritz! Der Fußball-Klassiker und die Kriegsrhetorik in der britischen Presse. In: Thaler c, 36–47 Klant, Michael (2006): ‘... fruchtbarste Kunstform des 20. Jahrhunderts’ – Motive und Mythen des Fußballs in der Bildenden Kunst. In: Thaler c, 48–55 Klein, Constantin / Schmidt-Lux, Thomas (2006): Ist Fußball Religion? Theoretische Perspektiven und Forschungsbefunde. In: Thaler c, 18–35 Lightbown, Patsy / Spada, Nina (1993): How languages are learned. Oxford: Oxford University Press Martinez, Matias (ed.) (2002): Warum Fußball? Kulturwissenschaftliche Beschreibungen eines Sports. Bielefeld: Aisthesis Massler, Ute (2006): Adidas, Nike und Pepsi – Football commercials im Netz und im Fremdsprachenunterricht. In: Thaler c, 135–147 Mendez, Carmen (2006): Field a team! Die Mannschaftsaufstellung als Planspiel. In: Thaler c, 126–134 Müller-Hartmann, Andreas / Schocker-von Ditfurth, Marita (eds.) (2004): Aufgabenorientierung im Fremdsprachenunterricht. Tübingen: Narr Schocker-von Ditfurth, Marita (2006): Task-based learning. In: At Work 10, 6–7 Sherman, Jane (2003): Using authentic video in the language classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Skehan, Peter (1998): A cognitive approach to language teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press Sobiech, Gabriele (2006): ‘Helden wie wir ...!’? Geschlechterverhältnisse im Fußball-Sport. In: Thaler c, 68–81 Stempleski, Susan / Tomalin, Barry (2001): Film. Oxford: Oxford University Press Thaler, Engelbert (2003): Football’s Coming Home – Materialien zum handlungsorientierten Einsatz eines Songs. In: Raabits Englisch 97, 1–16 Thaler, Engelbert (2005): Popular culture. Football, films and fashion. Paderborn: Schöningh Thaler, Engelbert (ed.) (2006a): Football. Der Fremdsprachliche Unterricht Englisch 79 Thaler, Engelbert (2006b): Gott ist rund. Fußball und Englischunterricht. In: Der Fremdsprachliche Unterricht Englisch 79, 2–6 Thaler, Engelbert (ed.) (2006c): Fußball – Fremdsprachen – Forschung. Aachen: Shaker Thaler, Engelbert (2006d): Philosophisch-satirisches Lexikon des Fußballs. In: Thaler c, 82–86 Thaler, Engelbert (2006e): Fußball-Historie – Theorie und Aufgaben. In: Thaler c, 159–165 Vogt, Karin (2006): Footy in British film. In: Der Fremdsprachliche Unterricht Englisch 79, 40–45 Willis, Jane (1996): A framework for task-based learning. Harlow: Longman

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Prof. Dr. Engelbert Thaler Didaktik der englischen Sprache, Literatur und Kultur Institut für Fremdsprachen University of Education Freiburg Kunzenweg 21 D-79117 Freiburg e-mail: [email protected] http://www.ph-freiburg.de/englisch/de/pages/www-Personen/Thaler_E/index.htm

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Abreu, Luís Machado / Miranda, António José R. (eds.) (2001): O discurso em análise: actas do encontro de estudos portugueses. Aveiro: Universidade de Aveiro Adelmann, Ralf / Keilbach, Judith / Stauff, Markus (2001): ‘Soviel Gefühle kann’s nicht geben!’ Typisierung des Feierns und Jubelns im Fernsehsport. In: montage/av. Zeitschrift für Theorie und Geschichte audiovisueller Kommunikation 10/2, 43–57 Adelmann, Ralf / Parr, Rolf / Schwarz, Thomas (2003a): Fußball, kulturwissenschaftlich! In: Adelmann/Parr/Schwarz b, 7–10 Adelmann, Ralf / Parr, Rolf / Schwarz, Thomas (eds.) (2003b): Querpässe – Beiträge zur Literatur-, Kultur- und Mediengeschichte des Fußballs. Heidelberg: Synchron Publishers Adelmann, Ralf / Stauff, Markus (2001): Spielleiter im Fernsehsport. In: Parr/ Thiele, 154–188 Adelmann, Ralf / Stauff, Markus (2002): Sportspiel und Fernsehspiel. Ein medienwissenschaftlicher Kommentar. In: Schwier, 51–72 Adelmann, Ralf / Stauff, Markus (2003): Die Wirklichkeit in der Wirklichkeit. Fernsehfußball und mediale Wissenskultur. In: Adelmann/Parr/Schwarz, 103– 121 Albrecht, Dirk (ed.) (1979): Fußballsport. Ergebnisse sportwissenschaftlicher Forschung. (Theorie und Praxis der Sportspiele 2). Berlin et al.: Bartels & Wernitz Albrecht, Dirk / Essing, Willi (1979): Auswahlbibliographie deutschsprachiger Literatur zum Sportspiel Fußball. In: Albrecht, 236–248 Anschlag, Dieter (ed.) (2006): Die WM-Show. Wie wir die beste Fußball-WM aller Zeiten am Bildschirm erlebten. Konstanz: UVK Armstrong, Gary / Giulianotti, Richard (eds.) (1999): Football cultures and identities. Houndmills: Macmillan Bale, John (1991): Angstzone Fußball? In: Horak/Reiter, 62–70 Bashi, Joseph (1996): The English of live football commentaries in Cameroon: A lexico-semantic analysis. MA thesis, University of Yaounde 1 Bass, Amy (ed.) (2005): In the game. Race, identity, and sports in the twentieth century. New York: Palgrave MacMillan Bauer, Gerhard (1988): Fußballregeln leicht verständlich. München: BLV Verlagsgesellschaft Bausenwein, Christoph (1999a): Geheimnis Fußball – Auf den Spuren eines Phänomens. Göttingen: Die Werkstatt 1

This bibliography has been compiled by the Innsbruck Football Research Group with the gracious help of our workshop participants and of Wolfgang Settekorn, Hamburg, as well as of Christine Beiler. Users are kindly asked to complete it by writing to [email protected].

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Bausenwein, Christoph (1999b): Fußball – Vergnügen für die Gentlemen. In: Sarkowicz, 204–218 Bausenwein, Christoph / Mikos, Lothar (2000): Ein Rasenspiel wird Fernsehspiel. In: Brüggemeier/Borsdorf/Steiner, 24–38 Bausinger, Hermann (1983): Familie K. am Wochenende – zur Kundschaft der Sportberichterstatter. In: Digel, 96–108 Beard, Adrian (1998): The language of sport. London: Routledge Beck, Oskar (1999): ‘Wir haben den Sumpf trockengelegt’ – Hans Kindermann und der Bundesliga-Skandal. In: Deutscher Fußball-Bund, 433–440 Beckenbauer, Franz (1982): Am schlimmsten sind die spielfreien Tage – Die Motivation beim WM–Turnier. In: Gloede/Nesslinger, 27–40 Beentjes, Johannes / van Oordt, Marianne / van der Voort, Tom (2002): How television commentary affects children’s judgements on soccer fouls. In: Communication research 29, 31–45 Benedict, Hans-Jürgen (1978): Mittelmäßiges maßlos – Die Fußballweltmeisterschaft im Fernsehen. In: medium 8, 17–18 Bengué, Laurent (1998): Les fondamentaux du foot. L’initiation pour tous. Paris: Amphora Berg, Jan (1978): Fernsehen, Fußball, Fernsehfußball. In: Ästhetik und Kommunikation. Beiträge zur politischen Erziehung 33, 121–127 Bernárdez García, Julio (1998): El deporte correctamente hablado. Oviedo: Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones Berry, Reginald / Acheson, James (eds.) (1985): Regionalism and national identity: Multidisciplinary essays on Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Association for Canadian studies in Australia and New Zealand: Christchurch, NZ Beyer, Dušan (2004): Fotbaloví chuligáni v Polsku. In: Éthum. Bulletin pro sociální prevenci, pomoc a intervenci 43, 88–94 Biber, Douglas / Finegan, Edward (1994): Sociolinguistic perspectives on register. Oxford: Oxford University Press Bideaux, François-Charles (1998): Filmer le football – La révolution impossible. In: Cahiers du cinéma 526, 70–71 Billings, Andrew C. / Halone, Kelby K. / Denham, Bryan E. (2002): ‘Man, that was a pretty shot.’ An analysis of gendered broadcast commentary surrounding the 2000 men’s and women’s NCAA final four basketball championships. In: Mass communication & society 5, 295–315 Billings, Andrew C. / Tambosi, Fabio (2004): Portraying the United States vs portraying a champion. US network bias in the 2002 World Cup. In: International review for the sociology of sport 39, 157–165 Binnewies, Harald (1975): Sport und Berichterstattung (Sportwissenschaftliche Dissertationen 4: Sportpublizistik). Ahrensburg bei Hamburg: Czwalina Binnewies, Harald (1983): Der ‘vergessene’ Fußballsport. In: Lindner, 113–127 Bisanz, Gero / Gerisch Gunnar (1980): Fußball – Training, Technik, Taktik. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Bishop, Hywel / Jaworski, Adam (2003): ‘We beat ’em’: nationalism and the hegemony of homogeneity in the British press reportage of Germany versus England during Euro 2000. In: Discourse and society 14, 243–271

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Bitter, Jürgen (1999): Kaiser und König – Kumpel und Künstler. Die großen Persönlichkeiten der deutschen Fußball-Geschichte. In: Deutscher FußballBund, 177–214 Bliersbach, Gerhard (1990a): Viewer’s digest – Die Sportschau (ARD). In: Bliersbach c, 37–54 Bliersbach, Gerhard (1990b): Die Neid-Kur – das aktuelle Sportstudio (ZDF). In: Bliersbach c, 131–184 Bliersbach, Gerhard (1990c): Schön, daß Sie hier sind!’ – Die heimlichen Botschaften der TV-Unterhaltung. Thema: Fernsehen (Psychologie heute: Taschenbuch 529). Weinheim/Basel: Beltz Blociszewski, Jacques (2000): Les dérives du football télévisé et le mirage du vidéoarbitrage. In: Véray/Simonet, 271–301 Blödorn, Manfred (1982): Sportler- und Zuschauergewalt im Dienste der Dramaturgie und Umsatzsteigerung – Gedanken eines Sportjournalisten. In: Pilz, 100–110 Blust, Robert (ed.) (1991): Currents in Pacific linguistics. Honolulu: Pacific Linguistics Boas, Hans C. (ed.) (forthcoming): Multilingual FrameNets. New York: de Gruyter Böni, Andreas (2004): Wie blinde Fans Fußball sehen. In: Sport Bild 53/29, 38–39 Bonnet, Gérard (1980): A study of intonation in the soccer results. Wolverhampton Wanderers 2 Nottingham Forest? In: Journal of phonetics 8/1, 21–38 Borchert, Bernhard (ed.) (1996): Texte und Spiele. Sprachspiele des Sports. Sankt Augustin: Academia Born, Joachim / Lieber, Maria (2006): Geschichte der Sprache des Sports in der Romania. In: Ernst/Gleßgen/Schmitt/Schweickard, 2176–2186 Borsdorf, Ulrich / Grütter, Heinrich Theodor (2000): Spielweisen der Erinnerung. Fußball und Gedächtnis. In: Brüggemeier/Borsdorf/Steiner, 48–52 Bowcher, Wendy L. (2003): Speaker contribution in radio sports commentary. In: Text 23, 445–476 Brandt, Wolfgang (1983): Zeitstruktur und Tempusgebrauch in Fußballreportagen des Hörfunks (Marburger Studien zur Germanistik 4). Marburg: N.G. Elwert Brandt, Wolfgang (1985): Der ‘Fußballgott’ und die Folgen. Wie berechtigt ist die Kritik an der Reporter-Sprache? In: Olympisches Feuer. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Olympischen Gesellschaft 1, 58–62 Brandt, Wolfgang (1988a): Zeitangaben nach dem Spielzeitsystem. In: Brandt e, 76–78 Brandt, Wolfgang (1988b): Tempusgebrauch in Fußball-Direktreportagen des Hörfunks. In: Brandt e, 78–80 Brandt, Wolfgang (1988c): Tempusgebrauch in Fußball-Direktreportagen und -Kurzberichten des Fernsehens. In: Brandt e, 80–82 Brandt, Wolfgang (1988d): Tempusgebrauch in Fußballberichten der Presse. In: Brandt e, 82–84 Brandt, Wolfgang (ed.) (1988e): Sprache des Sports. Frankfurt a.M.: Diesterweg Braun, Angelika (ed.) (2001): Beiträge zur Linguistik und Phonetik. Festschrift für Joachim Göschel zum 70. Geburtstag (Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik: Beihefte 118). Stuttgart: Steiner Braun, Peter (1998a): Die Bilder und die Wörter. Eine textlinguistische Annäherung an die Fußballsprache im Fernsehen. In: Der Deutschunterricht 2/98, 33–39 Braun, Peter (1998b): Annäherungen an die Fußballsprache. In: Muttersprache 108/2, 134–145 401

Braun, Peter (1998c): Die Bilder und die Wörter. Eine textlinguistische Annäherung an die Fußballsprache im Fernsehen. In: Der Deutschunterricht 50/2, 33–39 Bredekamp, Horst (1982): Fußball als letztes Gesamtkunstwerk. In: Sport konkret, 42– 46 Bremner, Jack (2004): Shit ground no fans: it’s by far the greatest football songbook the world has ever seen. London: Bantam Bromberger, Christian (1995): Football as world-view and as ritual. In: French cultural studies 6, 293–311 Bromberger, Christian (2002a): Passions pour ‘la bagatelle la plus importante du monde’: le football. In: Bromberger b, 271–397 Bromberger, Christian (ed.) (2002b): Passions ordinaires. Football, jardinage, généalogie, concours de dictée… Paris: Hachette littératures Brosius, Hans-Bernd / Tullius, Christiane (1993): Die Wirkung dramatisierender Formulierungen in der Sportberichterstattung – Schon wieder Immermehrismus. In: Sportpsychologie 7/3, 24–30 Bruce, Toni (2004): Making the boundaries of the ‘normal’ in televised sports: The play-by-play of race. In: Media, culture and society 26/6, 861–879 Brüggemeier, Franz-Josef / Borsdorf, Ulrich / Steiner, Jürg (eds.) (2000): Der Ball ist rund. Katalog zur Fußballausstellung im Gasometer Oberhausen im Centr0. Essen: Feuer & Flamme Ausstellungsgesellschaft / Klartext Bryant, Jennings / Comisky, Paul / Zillmann, Dolf (1977): Drama in sports commentary. In: Journal of communication 3, 140–149 Bryant, Jennings / Comisky, Paul / Zillmann, Dolf (1981): The appeal of rough-andtumble play in televised professional football. In: Communication quarterly 4, 256–262 Bryant, Jennings / Brown, Dan / Comisky, Paul W. / Zillmann, Dolf (1982): Sports and spectators: Commentary and appreciation. In: Journal of communication 1, 109– 119 Bryant, Jennings / Zillman, Dolf (1983): Sports violence and the media. In: Goldstein, 129–146 Buchauer, Klaus (1997): Textsortenvergleich. Fußballberichterstattung zu Meisterschaftsende in der österreichischen und spanischen Tagespresse unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Makrostruktur und Metaphern. Master’s thesis, University of Innsbruck Buchauer, Klaus (2004): Kontrastive Metaphorik und Metonymie in der Fußballberichterstattung Deutsch – Spanisch. Eine interkulturelle Textsortenkontrastierung aus synchroner und diachroner Sicht. PhD thesis, University of Innsbruck Burgschmidt, Ernst (2003): Hallo Sport: die Interdependenz von Gemein- und Fachsprachen am Beispiel des Sports. In: Jung/Kolesnikova, 135–146 Burkhardt, Armin (2006a): Sprache und Fußball. Linguistische Annäherung an ein Massenphänomen. In: Muttersprache 116/1, 53–73 Burkhardt, Armin (2006b): ‘Schwakt die Pille bis nach Wolfenbüttel…’ Zu den Bezeichnungen des Runden, das ins Eckige muss. In: Göttinger Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 12, 71–75 Buscombe, Edward (ed.) (1975): Football on television. London: British film institute

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Butler, Christopher S. / Gómez González, María de los Ángeles / Doval-Suárez, Susanna M. (eds.) (2005): The dynamics of language use. Functional and contrastive perspectives. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins Buytendiyk, Frederik (1953): Das Fußballspiel. Eine psychologische Studie. Würzburg: Werkbund Caillat, Michel (1996): Sport et civilisation. Histoire et critique d’un phénomène social de masse. Paris: L’Harmattan Carmeli, Yoram S. (2001): Metaphorics and nationalistic sparks: The language of Israeli soccer journalism. In: Semiotica 135, 61–76 Carnibella, Giovanni / Fox, Anne / Fox, Kate / McCann, Joe / Marsh, James / Marsh Peter (1996): Football violence in Europe. A report to the Amsterdam group. Oxford: The social issues research centre, http://www.sirc.org/publik/football_violence.html, 22/04/2008 Casado Velarde, Manuel / González Ruiz, Ramón / Romero Gualda, Ma Victoria (eds.) (2006): Análisis del discurso: Lengua, cultura, valores. Actas del I Congreso Internacional celebrado en noviembre de 2002 en la Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona, vol. II. Madrid: Arco Libros Castañón Rodriguez, Jesús (1993): El lenguaje periodístico del fútbol. Valladolid: Univ. de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (1995): El idioma del fútbol audiovisual, http://www.idiomaydeporte.com/radio5.htm, 28/05/2006 Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (1999): Idioma y deporte. Valladolid: Edición del autor Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (s.a. a): El triunfo en la Copa del Mundo: la fiesta de las palabras, http://www.elcastellano.org/copa1.html, 24/05/2006 Castañón Rodríguez, Jesús (s.a. b): La Copa del Mundo: fiesta de las palabras, http://www.elcastellano.org/copa2.html, 24/05/2006 Castillo, Juan Carlos (2007): The concept of loyalty and the challenge of internationalisation in post-modern Spanish football. In: International journal of Iberian studies 20/1, 23–40 Chazaud, Pierre (2000): L’art et la mise en scène du héros sportif de 1890 à 1990: de Coubertin au réalisme socialiste, de l’impressionnisme au Body-Art. In: Véray/Simonet, 137–149 Chovanec, Jan (2005a): From zeroo to heroo: Word play and Wayne Rooney in the British press. In: Huttová / Böhmerová / Keníž / Tandlichová, 85–99 Chovanec, Jan (2005b): Czeching out puns and clichés in football reporting. In: Drábek/Chovanec, 61–67 Chovanec, Jan (forthcoming a): Word play in the British press: Infotainment in sports reporting Chovanec, Jan (forthcoming b): Focus on form: Foregrounding devices in football reporting Christensen, Peter / Stjernfelt, Frederik (eds.) (2002): Fodbold! Forfattere om fænomenet fodbold. Kopenhagen: Gyldendal Ciapuscio, Guiomar / Jungbluth, Konstanze / Kaiser, Dorothee (eds.) (2005): Linguistik am Text – lingüística en el texto. Beiträge aus Argentinien und Deutschland (Neue Romania 32). Berlin: Freie Universität Berlin Clarke, Alan / Clarke, John (1982): ‘Highlights and action replays’ – ideology, sport and the media. In: Hargreaves, 62–87 403

Colombra, Rosa Lídia (2001): Quando o futebol tempés de barro jogo intertextuais nos títulos de impresa. In: Abreu/Miranda, 225–245 Colomè, Gabriel (1991): Der FC Barcelona und die katalanische Identität. In: Horak/Reiter, 73–79 Comisky, Paul / Bryant, Jennings / Zillmann, Dolf (1977): Commentary as a substitute for action. Sports: The medium is the stadium. In: Journal of communication 3, 150–153 Corbin, Pierre (2005): Des occurrences discursives aux contextualisations dictionnairiques. Eléments d’une recherche en cours sur l’expression en français d’expériences du football. In: Heinz, 125–156 Cornelis, Louise (2003): Ajax Is the agent: Subject versus passive agent as an indicator of the journalist’s perspective in soccer reports. In: Ensink/Sauer, 171–189 Cornell, Alan / Fischer, Klaus / Roe, Ian F. (eds.) (2003): Valency in practice / Valenz in der Praxis. Frankfurt a.M. et al.: Peter Lang Cortese, Giuseppina / Duszak, Anna (eds.) (2005): Identity, community, discourse. English in intercultural settings. Frankfurt a.M. et al.: Peter Lang Csaknady, Jenö (1997): Fußball ohne Brutalität. Erster Ehrenkodex des FußballWettkampfs. Butzbach-Griedel: Afra Dankert, Harald (1969): Sportsprache und Kommunikation. Untersuchungen zur Struktur der Fußballsprache und zum Stil der Sportberichterstattung. Tübingen: Verein für Volksleben Danneboom, Marion (1987): Der Einfluß des Kommentars bei Fußballübertragungen. In: Hackforth, 147–159 Delleman, Nick (2005): Discourse analysis of a football match report. In: Karen’s Linguistics Issues, August 2005 http://www3.telus.net/linguisticsissues/football, 22/04/2008 Dembowski, Gerd / Scheidle, Jürgen (eds.) (2002): Tatort Stadion – Rassismus, Antisemitismus und Nationalismus im Fußball. Köln: Papy Rossa Demorgon, Jacques (2005): Les sports dans le devenir des sociétés. Médiations et média. Paris: L’Harmattan Demorgon, Jacques / Lipiansky, Edmond-Marc (eds.) (1999): Guide de l’interculturel en formation. Paris: Retz Deshors, Michel / Partinico, Christian (2002): Le football. Toulouse: Milan Deutscher Fußball-Bund (ed.) (1999): 100 Jahre DFB – Die Geschichte des Deutschen Fußball-Bundes. Berlin: Sportverlag Diana, Jean-François (2000): Les enjeux du ralenti dans la représentation télévisuelle du football. Entre inquisition et réquisition. In: Véray/Simonet, 255–269 Diana, Jean-François (2004): Identité de l’image du sport, Médiamorphoses 11, 22–26 Digel, Helmut (1976): Sprache und Sprechen im Sport. Eine Untersuchung am Beispiel des Hallenhandballs. Schorndorf: Hofmann Digel, Helmut (1983a): Der Prozeß der Massenkommunikation im Sport. In: Digel b, 10–43 Digel, Helmut (ed.) (1983b): Sport und Berichterstattung. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Döring, Martin / Krauß, Werner (eds.) (forthcoming): Fußballkultur / Kultur des Fußballs. Hamburg

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Döring, Martin / Osthus, Dietmar (forthcoming): Allez l’OM! Allez Tapie? Fußball und Politik in Südfrankreich. In: Döring/Krauß; also in: http://www.metaphorik.de//aufsaetze/doeringosthus-tapie.htm, 22/01/2008 Döring, Martin / Osthus, Dietmar (2002): Bleu, Blanc, Beur. Metaphorische Identität, identische Metaphern? Formen und Funktionen der Metaphorik in der französischen und deutschen Tagespresse zum Mondial 1998. In: metaphorik.de 03, 17–43, http://www.metaphorik.de/03/doeringosthus.pdf, 22/04/2008 Dosev, Vladimir (2006): Football lexis in the contemporary Bulgarian language. In: Papers in linguistics from the University of Manchester; department of linguistics and English languages; School of languages, linguistics and cultures; University of Manchester, 108–114 Drábek, Pavel / Chovanec, Jan (eds.) (2005): Theory and practice in English studies, vol. 3. Brno: Masarykova univerzita Eastman, Susan T. / Billings, Andrew C. (1999): Gender parity in the Olympics. Hyping women athletes, favoring men athletes. In: Journal of sport & social issues 23, 140–170 Eastman, Susan T. / Billings, Andrew C. (2000): Sportscasting and sports reporting. The power of gender bias. In: Journal of sport & social issues 24, 192–213 Eastman, Susan T. / Billings, Andrew C. (2001): Biased voices of sports. Racial and gender stereotyping in college basketball announcing. In: Howard journal of communications 12, 183–201 Ecker, Hans-Peter (ed.) (2003): Legenden: Geschichte, Theorie, Pragmatik. Passau: Wissenschaftsverlag Richard Rothe Eggarter, Christoph (1991): Anglizismen in der Sportberichterstattung: Eine vergleichende Auswertung der deutschsprachigen Berichterstattung in den populären Sportarten Fussball, Tennis und Formel-1, PhD thesis, University of Innsbruck; see also: Anglicisms in sports reports: A comparative study of German, Swiss and Austrian reports on football, tennis and formula-1 racing. Dissertation Abstracts International (DAI), 54/2 1993 Eichler, Christian (2002): Lexikon der Fußball-Mythen. München: Eichborn Eisenberg, Christiane (1997): Fußball, soccer, calcio. Ein englischer Sport auf seinem Weg um die Welt. München: Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag Engel, Dulcie M. / Labeau, Emmanuelle (2005): Il était une fois un match de foot. L’événement sportif comme objet de narration. In: Revue romane 40/2, 199–218 Ensink, Titus / Sauer, Christoph (eds.) (2003): Framing and perspectivising in discourse. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins Ernst, Gerhard / Gleßgen, Martin-Dietrich / Schmitt, Christian / Schweickard, Wolfgang (2006): Romanische Sprachgeschichte: Ein internationales Handbuch zur Geschichte der romanischen Sprachen, vol.2. (Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 23.2). Berlin et al.: Walter de Gruyter Evangelisti Allori, Paola (2005): Metaphors they report by: The construction of national identity through sports commentaries in different cultural communities. In: Cortese/Duszak, 209–232 Ferguson, Charles A. (1982): Sports announcer talk. Syntactic aspects of register variation. In: Language in society 12, 153–172

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Fiedler, Matthias (2005): Die Stille nutzen. Interview mit Basketball-Trainer Mike Smith über die Kommunikation mit seiner Mannschaft, http://www.tuchemnitz.de/phil/leo/rahmen.php?seite=r_sport/fiedler_basketball.php, 15/12/2005 Fingerhut, Monika (1991): Fußballberichterstattung in Ost und West. Eine diachronische Sprachanalyse. Frankfurt a.M. et al.: Peter Lang Fleig, Anne (2007): Robert Musils Ästhetik des Sports. Berlin: de Gruyter Frank, Wolfgang (ed.) (1996): Nach dem Spiel ist vor dem Spiel. Die wunderbare Welt des Fußballs. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Freitag, Jan (2004): Mit den Ohren sehen. Auch für blinde Fußballfans ist der Stadionbesuch ein Erlebnis. In: 11freunde. Magazin für Fußball-Kultur 4/35, 60–62 Fuchs, Volker (ed.) (1998): Von der Unklarheit des Wortes in die Klarheit des Bildes? Festschrift für Johannes Thiele. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Gabriel, Klaus (1998): Zur Metaphorik in der italienischen Fußballberichterstattung. In: Gil/Schmitt, 57–85 Gammon, Sean (2002): Fantasy, nostalgia and the pursuit of what never was. In: Gammon/Kurtzman, 61–71 Gammon, Sean (2004): Secular pilgrimage and sport tourism. In: Ritchie/Adair, 30–45 Gammon, Sean / Kurtzman, Joseph (eds.) (2002): Sport tourism: Principles and practice. Eastbourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association García Candau, Julián (1990): El lenguaje en la información deportiva. In: García Domínguez/Gómez Font, 123–131 García Domínguez, Pedro / Gómez Font, Alberto (eds.) (1990): El idioma español en las agencias de prensa. Madrid: Fundación Germán Sánchez Ruipérez Garrido Medina, Joaquín (ed.) (1999): La lengua y los medios de comunicación. Actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en 1996. Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Servicio de Publicaciones Gatton, Chris / Jones, Ian (2004): Research methods for sport studies. London: Routledge General, Nele (2007): Ein Ereignis – zwei Perspektiven? Vergleichende Untersuchungen zu Live-Reportagen im deutschen und französischen Hörfunk. In: Settekorn, 53–69 Geraint, John (2002): Stadia and tourism. In: Gammon/Kurtzman, 53–59 Gerhardt, Cornelia (2006): Moving closer to the audience. Watching football on television. In: Revista alicantina de estudios ingleses (Special issue on linguistics and media discourse) 19, 125–148 Gerhardt, Cornelia (2007): Watching television: the dilemma of gaze. In: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 77, 91–101, 140 Gerhardt, Cornelia (forthcoming): ‘You could leave the bacon and eggs for just a couple of hours.’ References to food in British football commentary. In: Lavric/Konzett Gerhardt, Cornelia (forthcoming): ‘upff, yellow card, surely.’ Applying the rules of the game in talk. In: Ghosh-Schellhorn/Marti Ghadessy, Mohsen (1988a): The language of written sports commentary: Soccer – a description. In: Ghadessy b, 17–51

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Silke Höche

Cognate Object Constructions in English A Cognitive-Linguistic Account Language in Performance, Band 41 2009, XII, 312 Seiten, 31 Abb., 35 Tab., €[D] 58,00/SFr 98,00 ISBN 978-3-8233-6489-4

“Cognate Object Constructions in English” is the first comprehensive description of linguistic expressions such as Both died an unheroic death or Jamie grinned his tired grin, viewed from a Cognitive Linguistic perspective. Redefining the category of “cognate objects”, the book provides a systematic account of prototypical and less prototypical instances of this pattern. Based on real-usage data from the BNC, the study presents a family of constructions which are equipped with their own syntactic and lexical idiosyncrasies and their own semantic-pragmatic functions, such as event structuring and event intensification. In a step-by-step fashion, the author develops a network of constructional schemas ranging from abstract to concrete, thereby investigating and corroborating the plausibility of a lexissyntax continuum – one of the main assumptions of the Cognitive Linguistics enterprise. The book offers important insight on concepts such as argument structure and transitivity and demonstrates the fruitful interrelationship between Cognitive Linguistics and statistical corpus linguistics.

Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Postfach 25 60 · D-72015 Tübingen · Fax (0 7071) 97 97-11 Internet: www.narr.de · E-Mail: [email protected]

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The first collection of articles on this topic is as international and varied as football itself. The publication covers media discourse, an online-dictionary of football terms, metaphors, the grammar of football commentary, emotions, football chants and football teams as multilingual eco-systems. Contributions from Sweden to Nigeria show how language operates in football. Would you know where footballing terms in Arabic come from? How does the German coach Otto Rehagel communicate with the Greek players? Which language did Materazzi use when insulting Zidane? Which special words do German, Polish and Igbo have for running, dribbling, penalty area and foul? In which country do the Canaries play the Roaring Lions? Where are famous footballers enshrined in a ‘Hall of Fame’? Which metaphors do Swedish, German and Russian football commentators tend to use? Are the British really less emotional than the Spanish when it comes to football commentating? And why are commentators from Russia to Italy speechless as soon as emotions really run high? That and much more is covered in this first wideranging compilation on the topic of football and language.

ISBN 978-3-8233-6398-9

Lavric / Pisek / Skinner / Stadler (eds.) The Linguistics of Football

026808 LiP 38 - Lavric

Language in Performance

LiP

Eva Lavric / Gerhard Pisek Andrew Skinner / Wolfgang Stadler (eds.)

The Linguistics of Football

Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen