The Distribution of Occupations as a City Yardstick 9780231893145

Table of contents :
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
CONTENTS
CHARTS
TABLES
I . THE PROBLEM AND THE HYPOTHESIS
1. THE PROBLEM, THE ASSUMPTIONS AND THE HYPOTHESIS
2 . THE FUNDAMENTAL IMPLICATIONS OF OCCUPATIONS
II. THE METHOD AND ITS APPLICATION
3 . DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE OF A CITY
4. THE DERIVATION OF AN OCCUPATIONAL SCORE OF A CITY
III. APPLYING THE OCCUPATIONAL INDEX
5. THE INDEX OF EDUCATION
6 . THE OCCUPATIONAL SCORE AND EDUCATION
7. THE HEALTH INDEX
8. OCCUPATIONAL INDEX AND HEALTH
9 . DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS AND OCCUPATIONAL INDEX
10. TYPING CITIES BY OCCUPATIONAL SCORE
IV. CONCLUSION
11. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
APPENDICES
NOTES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

THE DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS AS A CITY YARDSTICK

The Distribution of Occupations as a City Yardstick by PAUL BATES GIILEN

KING'S CROWN PRESS Columbia University, New York, 1951

COPYHIOHT 1951 BT PAUL BATES GILLEN

is a subsidiary imprint of Columbia University Press established for the purpose of making certain scholarly material available at minimum cost. Toward that end, the publishers have adopted every reasonable economy except such as would interfere with a legible format. The work is presented substantially as submitted by the author, without the usual editorial and typographical attention of Columbia University Press. K I N O ' S C R O W N PRESS

Published in Great Britain, Canada, and India by Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford University Press London, Toronto, and Bombay M A N U F A C T U R E D I N T H E U N I T E D STATES O F A M E R I C A

To My Wife Her encouragement and understanding have helped greatly

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS evolve from the efforts and thinking of numerous persons. While the a u t h o r usually gets the credit f o r a research publication, he knows t h a t much of what he has accomplished has depended in large measure upon the previous efforts of others who found and weighed many hypotheses, considered variables, created new methods, and in other ways passed on to their successors i m p o r t a n t road signs t o pitfalls and firm ground. T o these innumerable persons who must remain unnamed, the a u t h o r gives recognition and thanks. Most researches are never done in complete isolation. T h e investigator almost invariably tries his ideas on persons who have especial interest and a p t i t u d e in the field of study. I n the case of this present effort, considerable credit is due to Professor Wilbur C. Hallenbeck, of Teachers College, Columbia University. T h r o u g h his display of unlimited patience coupled with his knowledge of and experience with u r b a n problems, he afforded deep insight and perspective d u r i n g the developmental period of this task. T o him must go the full credit f o r kind but firm insistence t h a t while the means and ends must be consistent, such means should not be adopted t h a t would involve other t h a n the simplest of methods to accomplish the desired goal. Special thanks are due Professor Edmund deS. Brunner, of Teachers College, Columbia University. H e gave valuable advice and encouragement on numerous occasions. The a u t h o r wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Helen V. P r u i t t f o r assistance in reading the manuscript and f o r technical advice on the Bibliography. Appreciation of the stenog r a p i c help of S a r a h H . Frenkel and Elsie W a n a t are likewise acknowledged.

R E S E A R C H INVESTIGATIONS

N E W YOKK CITY, 1 9 5 0

P . B . G.

CONTENTS I.

THE

PROBLEM

AND T H E

HYPOTHESIS

1.

T H E P R O B L E M , T H E A S S U M P T I O N S AND T H E H Y P O T H E S I S

1

2.

THE

7

F U N D A M E N T A L IMPLICATIONS OF II.

THE

M E T H O D AND I T S

OCCUPATIONS

APPLICATION

3.

DETERMINING T H E OCCUPATIONAL P R O F I L E OF A C I T Y

4.

THE

DERIVATION

O F AN O C C U P A T I O N A L

SCORE

OF A C I T Y III.

15

32 APPLYING THE OCCUPATIONAL

INDEX

5.

T H E INDEX OF EDUCATION

51

6.

T H E O C C U P A T I O N A L S C O R E AND E D U C A T I O N

62

7.

T H E HEALTH

72

8.

O C C U P A T I O N A L I N D E X AND

9.

D E M O G R A P H I C F A C T O R S AND O C C U P A T I O N A L

10.

INDEX

T Y P I N G CITIES BY OCCUPATIONAL IV.

11.

HEALTH

C O N C L U S I O N S AND

SCORE

81 INDEX

85 95

CONCLUSION

RECOMMENDATIONS

107

APPENDICES

127

NOTES

133

BIBLIOGRAPHY

139

INDEX

143

CHARTS I.

II.

T H E O C C U P A T I O N A L P R O F I L E S OF F O U R CITIES

THE

R A N G E S IN O C C U P A T I O N A L G R O U P S IN

24

CITIES

1 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E IN P O P U L A T I O N , 1 9 4 0

III.

26

O C C U P A T I O N A L D I S T R I B U T I O N P R O F I L E S FOR

CITIES

R A N K I N G AT T H E H I G H E S T AND L O W E S T T E N

SCALE

POINTS

ON

OCCUPATIONAL

SCORE

BY

CITY

SIZE

GROUPS

IV.

THE

45

RANGES

EDUCATIONAL

AMONG INDICES

FACTORS FOR

COMPRISING

CITIES

50,000

THE AND

M O R E IN P O P U L A T I O N , 1 9 4 0

V.

A

60

COMPARISON OF T H E M E A N S FOR T H R E E

TIONAL

FACTORS

FOR T H O S E

CITIES

EDUCA-

HAVING

THE

T E N H I G H E S T AND T E N L O W E S T S C A L E P O I N T S ON O C C U P A T I O N A L S C O R E A C C O R D I N G TO C I T Y G R O U P S

68

TABLES 1.

INTERCORRELATIONS

AMONG

OCCUPATIONAL

CATE-

GORIES IN F O U R G R O U P S O F C I T I E S 2.

AVERAGE

ANNUAL

EARNING

UNDER

INCOME $5,000,

IN

29

1939

BROAD

OF

WORKERS

OCCUPATIONAL

G R O U P I N G S FOR C I T I E S 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E IN LATION

IN

1940

TOGETHER

WITH

POPU-

INCOME

RATIOS

AND E S T I M A T E D W E I G H T S 3.

35

M E A N S AND S T A N D A R D D E V I A T I O N S O F T H E BUTION OF E M P L O Y E D W O R K E R S

BY

DISTRI-

OCCUPATIONAL

CATEGORIES FOR S I Z E G R O U P S OF C I T I E S OVER

10,000

I N P O P U L A T I O N IN 1 9 4 0 4.

T H E R E L A T I O N S H I P S AMONG O C C U P A T I O N A L C L A S S E S IN F O U R

5.

87

GROUPS

OF

CITIES

IN W H I C H

WERE

SIGNIFICANTLY D I F F E R E N T

THE

DISTRIBUTION

AMONG

1,075

OF

CITIES

THE

39

OCCUPATIONAL

ACCORDING

MEANS

TO

INDICES

CITY

SIZE

GROUPS 6.

RELATIONSHIPS AND G

7.

42 BETWEEN

OCCUPATIONAL

INDICES

S C O R E S IN T H R E E G R O U P S O F C I T I E S

C I T I E S O C C U P Y I N G T H E T E N H I G H E S T AND T H E LOWEST

POSITION

SCORES

IN O C C U P A T I O N A L

44 TEN INDI-

CES BY C I T Y S I Z E G R O U P S 8.

INTERCORRELATIONS

AMONG

46 FACTORS

COMPRISING

THE EDUCATIONAL INDEX 9.

57

M E A S U R E S O F C E N T R A L T E N D E N C Y AND AMONG

FACTORS

COMPRISING

INDICES BY CITY GROUPS

THE

DISPERSION

EDUCATIONAL 57

TABLES

Iii 10.

THE

R E L A T I O N S H I P S AMONG O C C U P A T I O N A L

EDUCATION

INDEX,

AND

G

SCOKE

INDEX,

ACCORDING

TO

CITY GROUPS 11.

A

63

COMPARISON

OF

OCCUPATION

INDICES FOR CITIES 5 0 , 0 0 0

AND

EDUCATION

AND M O R E IN

POPULA-

TION 12.

A

64

COMPARISON OF O C C U P A T I O N A L AND

EDUCATION-

A L I N D I C E S FOR C I T I E S IN G R O U P S I AND I I

LOCATED

AT T H E T E N H I G H E S T AND T H E T E N L O W E S T P O I N T S P O S I T I O N S ON T H E O C C U P A T I O N A L 13.

COEFFICIENTS HEALTH,

OF

AND

CORRELATION

OCCUPATIONAL

AMONG

SCALE

INDEX G

66

SCORE,

I N D E X FOR

CITIES

5 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E IN P O P U L A T I O N 14.

CORRELATION

BETWEEN

81

OCCUPATIONAL

INDEX

AND

CITY SIZE 15.

86

M E A N S AMONG S E L E C T E D P O P U L A T I O N

COMPOSITION

F A C T O R S IN C I T I E S 1 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E 16.

COEFFICIENTS TIONAL

OF

SCORES,

CORRELATION PER

CENT

87

AMONG

NATIVE

OCCUPA-

WHITE,

PER

C E N T F O R E I G N B O R N W H I T E , AND P E R C E N T N E G R O BY C I T Y G R O U P S 17.

RELATIONSHIP

88

AMONG O C C U P A T I O N A L

SCORES,

C E N T O V E R C R O W D I N G IN L I V I N G U N I T S , AND AGE

MONTHLY

RENTS

PAID

ACCORDING

PER

AVER-

TO

CITY

GROUPS 18.

91

MEAN

PER

UNITS

AND

CENT

OF

AVERAGE

OVERCROWDING MONTHLY

IN

RENTS

LIVING

PAID

AC-

CORDING TO C I T Y G R O U P S 19.

91

I N T E R C O R R E L A T I O N S AMONG S E L E C T E D

POPULATION

F A C T O R S , P E R C E N T OF LIVING U N I T S

OVERCROWD-

TABLES ED,

xiii AND

MONTHLY

RENT

ACCORDING

TO

CITY

GROUPS 20.

THE

92

NUMBEB

POPULATION

OF

CITIES

OF M O K E

THAN

A C C O R D I N G TO T H E H A R R I S

50,000

CLASSIFI-

CATION S C H E M E 21.

97

M E A S U R E S OF C E N T R A L T E N D E N C Y A M O N G ED CITY T Y P E S ACCORDING

SELECT-

TO O C C U P A T I O N A L

IN-

DEX AND G S C O R E 22.

98

M E A S U R E S OF C E N T R A L T E N D E N C Y A M O N G ED

CITY

TYPES

ACCORDING

TO

SELECT-

EDUCATION

AND

H E A L T H INDICES 23.

98

M E A S U R E S OF C E N T R A L T E N D E N C Y AND

HEALTH

BASED

ON

S C O R E S FOR F O U R

OCCUPATIONAL

OF

TYPES

INDEX

EDUCATION OF

CITIES

QUARTILES

FOR

CITIES 5 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E , 1 9 4 0 24.

FOUR

TYPES

OF C I T I E S

BASED

101 ON

OCCUPATIONAL

SCORE QUARTILES 25.

104

SIX T Y P E S OF CITIES B A S E D ON T H E O C C U P A T I O N A L SCORE

105

Parti THE PROBLEM AND THE HYPOTHESES Chapter 1 THE

PROBLEM, AND

THE

THE

ASSUMPTIONS

HYPOTHESES

PEOPLE AEE aware of surface differences among cities, but they are almost totally unaware of the fundamental differences which must be considered f o r an a c c u r a t e interpretation of cities. While residents often are inordinately p r o u d of their communities, they cannot defend adequately the value j u d g m e n t s they place upon their municipalities. T h e difficulty lies in the habit of totalling the so-called advantages based upon mere comparison of d a t a . Obvious disadvantages are played down or ignored altogether. The g r e a t m a j o r i t y of u r b a n dwellers know relatively little about their cities as entities and much less about the forces and trends t h a t shape the destinies of u r b a n places. City officials, community leaders, students of u r b a n problems, and others have tried t o appraise the overall quality of cities or the relative levels of municipal functions without the use of an adequate measuring instrument. N o simple yardstick has been devised whereby interested persons may determine with relative ease the levels of living, education, health, and other functions of a given city. M a y o r s and others have compared t a x rates, educational or health expenditures, and the like f o r similar-sized cities and have inferred from such d a t a the relative adequacy of the functions in question. I t has long been recognized t h a t this

2

THE PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS, HYPOTHESES

time-honored method leaves much to be desired, partly because of the failure to take account of numerous variables, but chiefly because the method is not closely related to some base that includes most if not all of the life and activities of the city. T H E PBOBLEM

An instrument is needed that will permit an overall measurement of cities and which at the same time will indicate the relative levels of various municipal functions such as education and health, for example. The chief effort of this study has been to discover a suitable yardstick for measuring cities. Certain criteria have been adopted to which the index must conform if it is to be useful and dependable. The device must be capable of uniform application to any city, regardless of size, location, type, age, or any other consideration. Simplicity of derivation and marked convenience of use must characterize the instrument. The relative overall quality or the levels of municipal functions should be indicated directly. The yardstick, therefore, must be of such nature that it is basic to all that goes on in a city — in short, it must be involved in any important consideration respecting a city and its functioning. The distribution of occupations offers the basis of a device for measuring cities. All workers in 1940 were classified by the Bureau of the Census according to their occupations regardless of industry; this fact presents an opportunity to study urban places in terms of the distributions of occupations. T H E ASSUMPTIONS

All cities differ on numerous counts ; no two cities are exactly alike. Just as human beings have common characteristics such as the senses, the bone structure, and the like, cities also have certain essentials in common. Among these are a central government, provision for education, a water system, and other func-

T H E PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS, HYPOTHESES

3

tions. Even though all cities have these common features, nevertheless, considerable uniqueness characterizes urban places. The degree of overall variation or difference is the chief element that best describes a city. The differences among cities are measurable. A simple comparison of data for separate functions among cities, such as, for example, the expenditures for police protection, or for schools, or for some other city function does not constitute measurement in any comprehensive way. The important problem in measuring cities is to derive an instrument which will have extensive implications. The migration of workers in 1940 was not a significant factor in the distribution of occupations in cities for that year. Several reasons account for this. One is that marked migration of workers does not occur in any single year, a fact demonstrated by long-term trends in migration of workers. Another reason is that migration of workers in the United States caused by the European conflict was not of sufficient magnitude to affect the distribution of workers among cities in 1940. I t will be recalled that the United States did not enter the conflict for a number of months after the 1940 census enumeration. Horizontal or vertical mobility of workers within cities is not unique to types of cities or regions. The same forces which cause a worker to change trades or callings operates everywhere more or less to the same degree. In like manner, the changing of occupational status through promotions, vacancies, and for other causes within industries and business is universal and therefore not unique to any city. General trends in changes in occupations which have been observed for a number of decades are true of cities as a group. The shifting from rural work pursuits to occupations in cities has been a rather uniform phenomenon. Since only the year 1940 is under consideration and not a series of years, the chang-

4

THE

PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS,

HYPOTHESES

ing trends have no i m p o r t a n t effect upon the distribution of occupations f o r t h a t year. T h e economic "lump of labor theory for wages" which roughly states t h a t a given amount of work exists to be done and which therefore controls the number of workers has no bearing upon the distribution of workers. Under ordinary circumstances, supply and demand control t o a large extent any occupational shifting which occurs. I t cannot be shown t h a t there is a more or less fixed number of workers f o r any occupational category. As a m a t t e r of f a c t , m a n u f a c t u r i n g alone has been constantly changing and currently the service occupations are growing in numbers and extent. T h e industrial f a c t o r s peculiar t o regionalism in the United S t a t e s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y affects the incomes of all occupations. All types of workers in the New England area, for example, receive their p r o p o r t i o n a t e share of the income arising from the industries and businesses there. No one g r o u p benefits at the expense of another. T h e same argument holds for industrial areas like Chicago, Birmingham, northeastern New Jersey, and others in the nation. Metropolitan areas do not create a special problem here. Satellite places receive a m a j o r share of the incomes of their inh a b i t a n t s whose occupations are located in the metropolis. Such persons together with those whose occupations do not require commutation constitute the employed groups of satellite cities. T h e bulk of the income of the workers is spent in cities in metropolitan areas in the numerous basic ways t h a t the inhabitants usually spend money in any city. T H E HYPOTHESES

T h e p a t t e r n of occupational distribution varies from city to city. No two cities have configurations which are exactly alike. T h e differences among the p a t t e r n s are the bases from which

T H E PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS, H Y P O T H E S E S

6

spring the individualities of cities. These differences when adequately measured will have comprehensive implications. Occupational profiles or p a t t e r n s of occupational distribution can be designated by a composite score or occupational index. T h i s device can be calculated with ease and convenience. Differences among scores indicate the degree of variability among occupational p a t t e r n s . T h e occupational index involves the f a c t o r s of m a j o r importance which make cities basically different, t h a t is, the incomes of the people of the city and the amount of education the citizenB possess. These are the chief f a c t o r s which make f o r the differences among the p a t t e r n s of occupational distribution in cities. Where the income level and the amount of education are relatively high, the occupational profile or distribution will be markedly different from cities where the income and educational levels are low. PRACTICAL V A L U E

T h e index will be useful in several ways. I t may be used t o determine the relative quality of a city, t h a t is, the ranking t h a t a city holds as a place t o live and r e a r children. Cities v a r y in overall q u a l i t y ; hence the occupational score will indicate high, medium, and low quality cities. T h e yardstick will also be useful f o r indicating the relative levels of municipal functions such as education, health, and other city functions which admit of dependable quantification. T h e score will be useful f o r the p l a n n i n g function of a city, for example, the activities of city planning bodies, Chambers of Commerce, religious interests, and others. Finally, it will be a very useful tool f o r u r b a n research. SUMMARY

Cities are like human beings — no two a r e precisely alike. T h e differences among cities are measurable. T h e important problem

6

T H E PROBLEM, ASSUMPTIONS, HYPOTHESES

in measuring cities is to derive an instrument that will reflect comprehensively the relative levels of city functions. The main hypothesis is t h a t the pattern of occupations in any city indicates differences which by measurement have comprehensive implications. One corollary hypothesis is that the degree of variability of occupational patterns can be designated by a composite occupational index. Another corollary hypothesis is that the occupational index involves the factors of major importance which make cities basically different, that is, income and education of the people. The practical values of an occupational index are that it may be used for measuring the various functional areas of city life and it may also be used as the basis of constructive planning for any city.

Chapter 2 THE

FUNDAMENTAL OF

IMPLICATIONS

OCCUPATIONS

factors that affect a city are the quality and financial ability of its people. These characteristics tend to move together, although the possession of money does not automatically and invariably produce individuals of high quality. People of quality usually are persons possessing good character, a high degree of honesty, a good code of ethics, personal integrity, appreciation for the culturizing elements such as the theatre, music, literature, the public forum, formal education, and museums. Such persons usually have better than an average amount of schooling. They are opposed to graft, degrading amusements, and the like, preferring to defend and uphold those traditions and activities that make a city a worthwhile place in which to live and work. As a rule, cities with a high income per capita have populations which are more distinctive on many counts of worthwhileness than cities of low per capita income, a condition widely known by observers of cities. T H E PRINCIPAL

T H E M E A N I N G OF P E O P L E OF Q U A L I T Y FOE A C I T Y

The quality of the people of a city can be described and measured. It is difficult to express small degrees of difference in quality in people and in cities, but broad levels of difference can be determined easily, namely, the differences in the quality of the people in a mining town as compared with those in a so-called

8

IMPLICATIONS

OF

OCCUPATIONS

university town. In like manner, it is possible to show that the presence of people of quality directly influences the worthwhileness of a city whereas the marked absence of such people leaves much to be desired. Where good people are present to a significant degree, progressiveness and creativeness are also present to such an extent that the city easily stands out among its fellow« as being a good place in which to live and apply one's talents. A previous study by Thorndike 1 indicated that "good people with money" make a city good. In the earlier study, he assembled data from public sources for thirty-seven characteristics of 310 cities. These data were classified in several broad categories including income, education, health, indicators of services and institutions organized for cultural purposes, and others. The data for each city were cumulated into a score which he termed the Goodness or G Score. The base line for city comparison was derived by adopting the lowest score in each of the thirty-seven items. Thorndike ascribes 60 per cent of the variation among cities to the mental and moral qualities of the people, 25 per cent to differences of income, and the remaining 15 per cent to all other factors. This study is important in that it was the first comprehensive effort to measure cities. The chief criticism of the work is that the thirty-seven items used by the author constitute the effects or results of something more fundamental in cities. There is little point in taking the blood pressure in each of the fingers when one place on the upper arm will suffice. This is in effect what Thorndike did for cities. He paid little attention to the comprehensive use of occupational data. A M O U N T O F E D U C A T I O N AS A M E A S U R E O P Q U A L I T Y O F P E O P L E

This stud}' accepts as a point of departure Thorndike's conclusion that good people with money make a city good. Some observations on the meaning of the quality of the people of a city have already been made. A method of quantitatively indicating

IMPLICATIONS OF OCCUPATIONS

9

the goodness of people is needed to measure cities and make comparisons among them. The nearest that the goodness of people can be measured is by quantity of education. Increasing the amount of formal schooling does not automatically confer goodness upon each individual, but the evidence is plain that as society has raised the educational level of its members, numerous benefits have resulted. These improvements include higher levels of health, improved housing, increased standards of living, creative recreation patterns, and others. The great increase in attendance at college is a direct reflection of the aspirations of people to have their children exposed to a form of conditioning which usually results in stimulating young people to desire the finer things of life. This kind of experience, for the great majority of student-citizens, creates a demand for good living and its accompaniments. The same argument holds to a lessened degree for the lower levels of formal schooling. Not too long ago, great social importance was attached to "finishing the eighth grade." Only recently has society recognized the value of completion of high school. Society has great faith in the power of education to produce good people and ergo good citizens. Some cynicism has been expressed that the chief reason many Americans send their children to high school and college is to enable them to make money. This is true, but only in part, since it is also obvious that most parents want their children to come as near as possible to being the kind of people that idealists have described down the centuries. There can be little doubt that the amount of education a people possess has much to do with their quality. The number of years of schooling is not a wholly adequate indicator of people's degree of goodness but it is as close an approximation that can presently be made. N o one could question that, generally speaking, education to a considerable degree and in a number of ways is closely related to any concept of goodness of people.

10

IMPLICATIONS

OF

OCCUPATIONS

P R E V I O U S R E S E A R C H S H O W I N G T H E R E L A T I O N S H I P OF O C C U P A T I O N AND E D U C A T I O N

Education and occupation are closely related. The work a man does is indicative of his education. This has been demonstrated factually by previous research. The records of 9,075 incoming workmen in the Scoville Manufacturing Company, in Waterbury, Connecticut, were studied by Millicent Pond.2 Data were collected from the men regarding their ages and amounts of schooling. Several tests were given to discover the intelligence levels of the new employees. The intelligence demanded by each of the forty-four occupations represented was ranked by eight competent judges. The intelligence test scores and the intelligence rankings yielded a correlation coefficient of .768. The relationship between the occupations and length of schooling was indicated by a coefficient of .741. This research shows clearly the substantial relationship between intelligence, occupation, and education. A study by R. O. Beckman3 sought to determine the meaning of the requirement of the broad occupational categories for counselling needs indicated by the work of the Adjustment Service in New York City in 1933-34. At that time, no adequate and comprehensive guide existed for assisting those attempting to advise unemployed workers regarding the training and skill requirements of various jobs. According to Beckman, " W h a t seemed needed under the circumstances was some grouping which would readily indicate the rank of any occupation on the basis of intelligence, capacity or skill, education and training, required for its pursuit.'"4 After classifying some 13,000 cases according to the broad occupational scheme used by the Census Bureau in 1930, all available data were studied. Beckman concluded that When the highest year of schooling was compared with the grades of the past and the recommended occupation, in the case of the five thousand clients for whom the data were coded, it was found that the

I M P L I C A T I O N S OF

OCCUPATIONS

11

length of education correlated directly with the occupational grades; the higher the grades, the longer the educational training.8 The results substantiate the work of Fond and show that education and occupation are directly related. Beckman made an additional contribution by showing that each broad occupational category has its unique educational demand. Another study which showed the high relationship of occupation to education was made in San Jose, California, in the winter of 1933-34. P. E. Davidson and H. D. Anderson 6 studied the responses to a prepared schedule returned to the investigators by 1,242 gainfully employed men, a group which represented 7 per cent of all the gainfully employed male workers of that city. The authors made use of the stratified sampling procedure in distributing the schedules. Questions were asked on the work histories and on personal matters of a social and economic nature. The 314 occupations of the group were classified according to the broad categories of the 1930 census occupational structure. Analysis of the data led to the conclusion that The correlation (Pearson P - M ) between the amount of schooling and occupational level is .601 ±.01. The ration of curvilinear correlation (eta) for predicting level from schooling is .687±.01. Correlations of this magnitude are indicative of a very substantial relationship.7 While the magnitude of this result is somewhat less than that of Pond, it is very indicative of a direct relationship between occupation and education. OCCUPATION AND INTELLIGENCE

Intelligence is one of the ingredients that helps to produce good people. Pond showed that intelligence and occupation are highly related. Irving Lorge and R. D. Blau, 8 recognizing the need for some convenient and comprehensive guide to the intellectual requirements for various pursuits, tested the occupational classification scheme in the Dictionary of Occupational

IMPLICATIONS OF OCCUPATIONS

12 9

Titles. They selected from the B a r r Scale, 1 the F r y e r Scale, 11 and the Dictionary, the occupations common to all three lists. Before checking the intelligence levels of the broad occupational categories in the Dictionary, they determined t h a t a correlation coefficient of .76 existed between the B a r r and F r y e r Scales, indicating the substantial relationship between measured and estimated intelligence demands of occupations. When they applied the B a r r and F r y e r ratings to the occupations listed in the Dictionary, they discovered that each broad group of workers has its peculiar demands upon intelligence. Their results were : Occupational Group

Intellectual

Professional Managerial and Official Semiprofessional Clerical and Kindred Sales and Kindred Protective Service Skilled Agricultural, Horticultural and Kindred Personal Service Semiskilled Domestic Service Fisheries

Demand 10 9 8 7 6% 6 ey 2 5 4y 2 3 2 1

T h e scale of intellectual demand shows among other considerations t h a t a man's occupation indicates much about the kind of person he is. The previous studies cited demonstrated t h a t amount of education substantially relates to occupational level, and t h a t occupation and intelligence are related highly; hence there can be little doubt that intelligence and the amount of education are highly related. Goodness of people can be measured relatively by the amount of education; likewise, intelligence has much to do with their quality. Since both intelligence and edu-

IMPLICATIONS OF OCCUPATIONS

13

cation are highly related to occupation, there can be little doubt that occupation indicates goodness of people. T H E B A S I S OF INCOME OF A C I T Y

Society has long had value systems concerning the relative worth of various occupations. P a r t of the worth may be called social and the other economic. Generally speaking, the scale of income for various kinds of workers has a highly direct relationship to any good scheme of occupational classification. This fact was inferentially shown by the work of Lorge and Blau already described. Intelligence, capacity, and skill are the things upon which society places a high premium. The professions, as an occupational group, are accorded the highest respect and the highest average income while at the other end of the occupational scale, the reverse is true. The occupational classification together with the numbers of workers constitutes a scale of income for a city. A simple calculation using the average income and the number of workers in each broad occupational category would make possible a gross figure indicating roughly the financial ability of the people of a city. The occupational distribution, therefore, represents a basic pattern of the chief source of income of a city. Cities are characterized by varying degrees of financial ability. Recourse to the census data will reveal wide variations on municipal financial matters. 12 A high tax rate usually points to a fairly high per capita income and vice versa. This is not always true, however, for reasons of numerous political considerations. City tax rates and city expenditures on the whole bear a high relationship to the financial ability of the people of an urban place. The important thing is that the economic base of a city is the collective occupations of its people. The productive capacity of a city, despite the claims of capital investment, lies in the abilities, skills, and capacities of the people of that municipality. The distribution of occupations represents both the quality

14

IMPLICATIONS

OF

OCCUPATIONS

and the income of the people of a city, which are the two chief factors that condition a municipality. The occupational structure is basic to the life and activities of any c i t y ; hence it can be used to develop a scheme for measuring the relative quality of urban places, and the relative effectiveness of city functions. SUMMARY

The quality and income of the people of a city have much to do with the overall worth of that place. Quality of people may be indicated roughly by the amount of education they possess. Occupation indicates level of education and also intelligence which are basic ingredients of quality. The income of the workers is the chief economic base of a city. A scale of occupations is also a scale of income. The distribution of occupations includes both education and income of people, and therefore controls the relative quality of a city. As such, the pattern of occupations may be used as the basis for deriving an index of the relative worth of cities.

Part II THE METHOD AND ITS APPLICATION Chapter 3 DETERMINING

THE

PROFILE

OCCUPATIONAL

OF A

CITY

Iv N U M E R O U S respects a city may be compared with a human being. Periods of development from birth through senescence are discernible among cities. Some of the traits which describe human beings may also be used to describe cities in the collective sense. These include personality, mentality, physique and physical environment, economic and social worth, and others. Not unlike human beings, cities have aberrations and pathologies. Relatively speaking, some cities might be said to excel all others in many traits while a goodly number of cities could be distinguished by their mediocrity and in some instances by a pathetic dullness. A good deal has been learned about how to measure and compare individuals, but thus far, not much progress has been made in measuring and comparing cities. The chief concern of this chapter is the description of a new way of measuring and comparing cities. The main instrumentality to be used, an occupational profile of an urban place, may be compared with the general ability profile of an individual. T H E P R O F I L E OF A N I N D I V I D U A L

For some time, psychologists, educators, personnel officers, and others have given considerable attention either to the deline-

16

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL

PROFILE

ation of those traits which best describe an individual or to the combining of such known traits into what is called a profile. Based upon the observation and the testing of thousands of individuals, norms have been derived f o r such human characteristics as mental ability, mechanical and social aptitudes, personality, and other traits. B y the use of various tests, those traits which have been deemed most dependable and revealing with respect to actual and potential ability among human beings have been discerned and used as the raw material f o r making profiles. The data f o r profiles are frequently presented in graphic form which makes f o r ease of comparison and also for quickly grasping the capabilities of a given person or group of people. In addition to what might be called a general ability profile, numerous variations could be constructed. F o r example, a psychiatrist would need to know much more about physical, mental, and emotional traits of individuals than would a credit manager of a department store. The kind of profile needed by an educator would vary still again. Hence, when we talk of profiles, considerable attention must be given to the use to which they are to be put, and more importantly, to the traits that are included in the profile with respect to the particular use. The whole movement of measuring people and presenting the findings either in data, text, or graphs has grown rapidly since the turn of the century. While there is still much to be learned, applied science has discovered much about human beings that formerly was merely guesswork or was totally unknown, and has been able to use this knowledge to great advantage to help people make necessary adjustments and make more constructive use of their capabilities. Among the specific profiles which have been widely used is the so-called occupational profile f o r an individual. Personnel officers have been concerned to place their workers in shops, factories, and offices in such ways that optimum usefulness might ensue. Some notion of what is included in an occupational profile f o r

D E T E R M I N I N G T H E OCCUPATIONAL P R O F I L E

17

an individual may be found in the words of Carlo L . L a s t r u c c i , who stated in a recent article t h a t construction of "occupational profiles" . . . by the use of batteries of tests which attempt to measure formal education, I.Q., clerical ability, spatial relations, self-sufficiency, extroversion, dominance, etc., have become quite numerous. 18 J u d g i n g from r e p o r t s in personnel j o u r n a l s and elsewhere, the efforts which have been made t o study workers in many ways f o r various purposes have been quite profitable. I n f a c t , the growth and success of the whole personnel movement may be a t t r i b u t e d t o the construction and use of tools and techniques which enabled the creation of profiles and other devices f o r the comparison of the worth and potentialities of human beings. P R O F I L E S F O E G R O U P S OF P E O P L E

Profiles may be used to describe groups. T h u s , if the various t r a i t s of policemen in one hundred cities were studied, it would be found t h a t this g r o u p of persons — or workers — would have a composite profile distinctive f r o m t h a t of g r o u p s of workers in other pursuits. T h i s point is illuminated by the statement of f o u r psychologists: we may say that generally (1) different occupational groups differ in general intelligence, in special abilities, and interests, and (2) the members of a given vocation resemble one another in these respects . . . present indications are that an occupational profile shows characteristic deviations from the profile of the population at large and also from the profiles of other occupations. 14 T h e authors were discussing specific occupations and not the broad vocational classifications represented in the 1940 census reports. However, it is logical to assume t h a t were the d a t a available, occupational and other profiles might be constructed f o r each of the broad groupings and, moreover, t h a t each grouping would have its own distinctive profile. Some work has been done

18

DETERMINING

THE

OCCUPATIONAL

PROFILE

t o indicate the intellectual and educational levels of each of the broad occupational categories. Such efforts have already been described. FBOFILES FOE CITIES

Cities like individuals or groups of persons may be described by profiles of various kinds, depending upon specific interests. F o r example, housing might be a given subject of interest. I f all the data on housing were assembled by individual cities, it would be possible to portray such data in profile form. In like manner, profiles describing other functions could be derived. But when we are interested in whole cities as units, we are confronted with the necessity of selecting those traits which best describe cities. A s seen earlier, Thorndike had a workable plan f o r creating overall profiles of cities. H e selected thirty-seven traits or characteristics which he declared would be acceptable to any reasonable person. 15 These traits, however, constituted a mixture of indices of city functions. In this investigation, attention is given to the creation of a base profile for a city which does not

directly

include indices of municipal functions, but nevertheless indicates them. T h e raw materials f o r such profiles presently described are the 1940 occupational data reported in broad vocational categories by the U.S. Census Bureau reports. The

basis for

a city profile — occupational

classification.

T h e enumeration, tabluation, and reporting of data for millions of workers make necessary some kind of broad classification scheme. I t has been estimated that there are between 30,000 and 35,000 separate jobs or occupations in the United States. 16 A dependable scheme of classification is useful because it represents in convenient and compact form the occupational picture f o r the area enumerated. The same titles are used f o r the same occupations wherever they are found. Thus if it is desired to com-

D E T E R M I N I N G T H E OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

19

p a r e the occupational distribution of one state with another, or region with region, the classification scheme becomes quite useful. Evolving an occupational distribution scheme is f r a u g h t with numerous difficulties. Some callings are characterized by the requirement of rigorous educational experience, special training, high skill levels, independent judgment, and largely unsupervised work activities. Other occupations by their nature do not have very high requirements except the performance of routine tasks involving little in the way of skill, judgment, education, or the like. Many occupations are either so specialized or so broadly general t h a t they do not fit easily into the criteria developed f o r classification purposes. Another m a j o r difficulty is t h a t industry-wise there are many jobs or occupations having only roughly the same work requirement characteristics. Lumping together all similar occupations whether by industry, manufacturing, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , commerce, and so on, is somewhat debatable, if one is especially interested in interpreting what an occupational category involves. This is particularly true if the main dependence in classifying occupations is solely by title. However, it is better to be in possession of a classification based solely on occupations than it is to t r y to work with one based on a mixture of occupations and industries. In the latter type, the question of how t o handle skill may well be a vexing problem. Too often efforts have been made to denote skill as being the possession of certain types of mechanical workers to the exclusion of commercial or professional or service workers. Various occupational classification schemes have been constructed. Some of them have been useful for indicating socioeconomic levels, f o r indicating the numbers of skilled versus unskilled workers, and for other purposes. Three methods of classifying occupations have been selected to illustrate differing purposes. A scheme of classification for socio-economic purposes was de-

20

D E T E R M I N I N G T H E OCCUPATIONAL

PROFILE

veloped by Alba M. Edwards. 17 He devised socio-economic groupings wherein industries were crossed and occupations requiring similar qualifications were brought together. While his scheme is useful, it offers some combinations of occupational and industrial factors that would make it difficult to derive comprehensive use of the 1940 census data. His groups are as follows : 1. Professional persons 2. Proprietors, Managers, and Officials a. Farmers (Owners and Tenants) b. Wholesale and Retail Dealers c. Other Proprietors, Managers, and Officials 3. Clerks and Kindred Workers 4. Skilled Workers and Foremen 5. Semiskilled Workers 6. Unskilled Workers a. Farm Workers b. Laborers, except Farm c. Servant Classes

This arrangement would offer problems that another based solely upon occupations would avoid. Edwards' chief use of his classification system was the derivation of trends in occupations and industries from 1870 to 1940, since many of the earlier schemes for reporting occupational data used in decennial reports were quite similar. However, in order to include the 1940 data, for which the classification scheme was different, Edwards devised a set of conversion ratios. Another classification scheme of recent origin and considerably like that of the Bureau of the Census for 1940 was developed by those responsible for the Dictionary of Occupational Titles.18 During the 1930's considerable interest was generated in j o b studies and analyses. Various efforts of a local nature were reported, largely by personnel officers in private industry. J u s t

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

21

prior to American entrance into World W a r II, and probably accentuated b j the shadow of coming events, the United States Employment Service of the national government at Washington engaged upon a comprehensive study of job characteristics and requirements. The staff of the study group made some 100,000 j o b analyses in numerous industries and occupations. Suitable titles were created according to the characteristics of the jobs. A broad classification scheme was developed as follows: Professional and Managerial Occupations Clerical and Sales Occupations Service Occupations Agriculture, Fishing, Forestry and Kindred Occupations Skilled Occupations Semiskilled Occupations Unskilled Occupations This form of distribution is somewhat similar to that employed by the Bureau of Census in the 1930 and earlier decennial reports. In spite of the fact that the Dictionary scheme is based in p a r t upon j o b analyses, it is subject to some weakness because both industry and occupation are involved in the same classification arrangement. The 1940 census reports adopted for the first time a scheme wherein all workers, regardless of their industries, were tabulated in thirteen broad categories. 1 9 The data were gathered for jobs which were in turn put into categories. Undoubtedly, there were some inaccuracies inasmuch as enumerators had only job titles and not job descriptions by which to enter data in their schedules. Accuracy depended consequently upon the judgment and skill of the enumerators and upon the memory, veracity, and understanding of housewives and women relatives. On the positive side it was possible to break down the amorphous grouping of skilled workers into functional groups which escaped the nullification of socio-economic implications when skilled workers are

22

D E T E R M I N I N G T H E OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

t r e a t e d t o g e t h e r . T h e inaccuracies could scarcely be significant in dealing with such l a r g e numbers a n y more t h a n they a r e in other census d a t a . I n this s t u d y , consequently, it is deemed wholly justified t o depend on this only source of comprehensive occupational d a t a . T h e 1940 census scheme of classification a d o p t e d the following broad occupational groupings: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Professional Semiprofessional Proprietors, Managers, and Officials Clerical, Sales, and Kindred Workers Craftsmen, Foremen, and Kindred Workers Operatives and Kindred Workers Domestic Service Workers Service Workers, except Domestic Laborers, except Farm Farmers and Farm Managers Farm Workers (wage workers) and Farm Foremen Farm Laborers (unpaid family workers) Occupation Not Reported

D a t a f o r all u r b a n places of 2,500 and above in p o p u l a t i o n a r e r e p o r t e d , a c c o r d i n g t o the above scheme. E x c e p t f o r the cities 100,000 and above in p o p u l a t i o n , the numbers and not the perc e n t a g e of workers a r e r e p o r t e d . I n the cities over 100,000 p o p u lation, both numbers a n d p e r c e n t a g e s of workers by o c c u p a t i o n a r e given a c c o r d i n g to sex. Since the p r i n c i p a l p u r p o s e of this s t u d y is t o create a basic y a r d s t i c k by which c i t y f u n c t i o n s might be indicated, the y a r d stick in t u r n depends u p o n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupations o r more simply, the o c c u p a t i o n a l profile. I n order to achieve b o t h the profile and subsequently the occupational score f o r a c i t y , complete dependence was placed u p o n the occupational d a t a r e p o r t e d by the Census B u r e a u in 1940. N o t all of the o c c u p a -

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

23

tional groupings reported there have been retained in this effort, largely since by their very nature, some would have little to do with urban functioning. T h e three groups related to fanning activities were eliminated ; likewise, that group under the title of Occupation N o t Reported was dropped.The percentages of workers in the eliminated groups were infinitesimal. T h e groupings which were retained for this study are as follows: 1.

Professional

2.

Semiprofessional

3.

Proprietors, Managers, and Officials

4.

Clerical, Sales, and Kindred Workers

5.

Craftsmen, Foremen, and Kindred Workers

6.

Operatives and Kindred Workers

7.

Domestic Service

8.

Service Workers, except Domestic

9.

Laborers, except Farm

Unemployed workers, whether f o r a short or long-term period, are not considered in this investigation. Determining

the occupational

profiles for cities.

T h e occu-

pational distribution profile f o r a city may be readily determined from data given f o r the above nine groups. T h e percentages of workers in each of the broad occupational categories may be calculated using the number of employed workers as a base. W i t h these results, a bar diagram may be constructed. Four cities have been selected to illustrate this method. See Chart I. The four profiles in Chart I illustrate variability of occupational distribution among cities. Attention is called to the kinds of workers preponderant in the four profiles. The clerical, crafts, and operative groups in Irvington, New Jersey, are in command of the situation with all three groups ranking above 20 per cent each of all the workers of that city. Relatively little opportunity exists there f o r workers in the professional, domestic service,

24

DETERMINING

THE

OCCUPATIONAL

PROFILE

Percentage 25

Percentage 25

20

20

15

15

10

5

Lr

La

tü

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Fig. 2 Rochester, Minn.

1 2 8 4 5 6 7 8 0 Fig. 1 Irvington, N.J.

•

Percentage 40 85 80

25

Percentage 25

20

20

15

15

L n DU 10

10

D=J

1 2 8 4 5 6 7 8 0 Fig. 8 Reading, Pa.

1. Professional 2. Semiprofessional 3. Proprietors

4. Clerical 5. Crafts 6. Operatives

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Fig. 4 Youngstown, Ohio 7. Domestic service 8. Service 9. Laborers

CHART I . THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES OF FOUR CITIES

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

25

service, and laboring groups. Rochester, Minnesota, on the other hand, has a very unusual number of professional workers of whom many are likely to be engaged in some form of health service and health protection. Relatively few opportunities are present for craftsmen, operatives, and laborers. A rather unique situation exists in Reading, Pennsylvania, where the operative group of workers amounts to about 40 per cent of all workers. Note that such a preponderance of this class of worker creates a situation where relatively few proprietors, clerical workers, and craftsmen are present. The profile for Youngstown, Ohio, indicates that the kinds of business and industrial enterprises present have more need for laborers than any of the other three cities depicted on the chart. An occupational profile could be constructed for any city, and were profiles of different cities compared, no two of them would be mathematically identical, even though they may appear to be exactly alike. This variability was taken as the basis for the main hypothesis of this research; the differences among occupational profiles are the bases for the individuality among cities. These differences are, moreover, the fundamental means of measuring cities. The occupational data for 1,075 cities of 10,000 or more in population in 1940 were tabulated from the census reports, and converted to percentages for each occupational group for each city. Inspection of the data for each category of workers indicated the maximum and minimum percentages for all the cities. For example, the range of percentages for professional workers in the 1,075 cities was roughly from 3 to 25 per cent. This means that one city had only 3 per cent of professional workers and another had slightly over 25 per cent, while all other cities had percentages of professional workers between these two figures. The same procedure was applied to the other eight occupational categories and the results may be seen in Chart II. No single city had a maximum or minimum percentage of work-

26

DETERMINING

THE

•

i

OCCUPATIONAL

PROFILE

65%

60 55 50 45 40 35 30 25

20 15

10 5

1

2

1. Professional 2. Semiprofessional 3. Proprietors

3

4

5

4. Clerical 5. Crafts 6. Operatives

6

7

8

9

7. Domestic service 8. Service 9. Laborers

C H A R T I I . T H E R A N G E S IN O C C U P A T I O N A L G R O U P S I N C I T I E S 1 0 , 0 0 0 AND M O R E I N P O P U L A T I O N ,

. .

1940

ers for more than one occupational group. Thus each solid or dotted line in Chart I I represents a city and the chart as a whole is based upon data for eighteen cities. The chief usefulness of the chart is to indicate the ranges within which the occupational profiles for all the 1,075 cities will be expected to be found. Interdependability of occupational categories. Cities in order to operate have need for numerous kinds of workers, as is

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

27

suggested in Charts I and I I . W h a t the proportions of the various kinds of workers should ideally be has not been determined. T o d a t e the number in each c a t e g o r y has been largely a m a t t e r of supply and demand. Cities must have persons t o meet the needs of the industrial, commercial, and other establishments present and to man the governmental s t r u c t u r e . How the workers are distributed is of great importance. F o r example, where the occupational s t r u c t u r e of a city is such t h a t many workers are needed in automatic and semiautomatic machine operations, it is usually found t h a t such a city offers something considerably less t h a n a desirable way of life f o r the m a j o r i t y of the citizens. Tending machines requires relatively little skill, capacity, intelligence, education, or creative ingenunity. When a city, by the n a t u r e of its overall work enterprises, a t t r a c t s or demands the t y p e of workers who are marginal in numerous ways, both the quality and the income of the city suffer. All the occupations of a city are interdependent in one way or another. E a c h work g r o u p makes its own unique contribution, but t h a t contribution is usually not an independent one, t h a t is, carpenters, f o r example, build houses, but to do so they need the services of many other kinds of workers either f o r their vocational pursuits or f o r their personal needs. E v e r y occupational group, therefore, depends upon the presence of other if not all the worker groups. Occupations other t h a n professions, business executives, or those representing high technical skill are sometimes regarded as inferior socially and even as economically insignificant. But the reverse is nearer the t r u t h . Professional occupations follow so-called inferior occupations. T h a t is to say, the needs of the non-professional workers produce a demand f o r the skills, training, and j u d g m e n t of the professional g r o u p . Since no kind of work enterprise exists whererein all the workers possess the same duties and responsibilities, considerable dependence f o r o p e r a t i n g must be placed u p o n various kinds of workers.

28

DETERMINING THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE

Whatever one's occupation may be, his long and short-term needs demand services and activities which by proclivity, convenience, or degree of ability, he is not in a position to perform. The same principle operates with respect to businesses and industries. To assume that a city may be characterized by one or a few occupational classes is to deny or disregard worker interdependability in the complex structure of urban life. The degree of interdependability among workers is not uniform. High numbers of workers in one category do not necessarily imply like magnitudes in other groups, but it is true that certain groups tend to go together. Little is known about the ratios that should exist among classes of workers. Homer Hoyt claims that "one person is required in the retail trades, the professions, personal service, and public service for every one employed in the fundamental sources of employment." 20 To determine the degree to which the various groups are intercorrelated, coefficients of intercorrelation were computed 21 for four groups of cities — Group I (91 cities), 100,000 and more; Group II (107 cities), 50,000 to 99,999; Group III (213 cities), 25,000 to 49,999; Group IV (664 cities), 10,000 to 24,999. 22 The 144 intercorrelations which resulted are given in Table 1. The table of intercorrelations is susceptible of some interesting observations. Size of city appears to have little to do with the relationships among the occupational groups because the coefficients are for the most part of the same sign and roughly of the same magnitude in the corresponding cells. The coefficients of .49, .10, .17, and .16 between the professional and the semiprofessional workers in cities in Group I, II, III, and IV, respectively (see first cell, upper left hand corner), clearly indicate for the most part a very low degree of relationship between the two worker groups, suggesting that semiprofessional workers have work functions largely independent of the professional group. Reference to the table shows further that the semiprofessional

H H Ü

fa

O » b D O

tí

O a

&

o

pH

c a

.2 2 3a - 3a

a, a. o o fi. cu

•S .S

Oî oì S ® S Cl IM O « s

O o si

o a

s

H
1i s s l-a, a« £0 cu _o I & o g z ^ l i t re " £ ¡Zj. o K S" 2. » • W y Si O S.r 0 § O" o pB • r* g. O "a C ç(to p a era e s J e¡ i 9 < b a Sf -S3--3 i-*S i g S « 3 »a i» Of Q ci a s ci S ^ i o F I l p* & § coo* o SfO e t-i P P s s?-^ O p •s C D O p a p ps » •îIH 3 i S " sa O > ò M H a00 Oì O S 00 c o LOg COo 2 g CO o o co o o C

-

§

§

OCCUPATIONAL S C O R E AND E D U C A T I O N

67

the population was denied an effectively free and adequate education. I f the claim is made that a city has a high proportion of marginal workers, mostly Negro, and that, therefore, some allowance should be made for that condition, the only answer worth recording would be that here we are concerned with whole cities and not with portions of them. I t is not possible to ignore a significant portion of the population for any purpose if one has in mind the improvement of the life of a city. Consideration must be given to all groups in such ways that the life of all becomes improved. T h e cities scoring high on the occupational index in Group I did not have the same occupational score range as did the corresponding cities in Group I I . T h e high cities in Group I I outscored those in Group I. Reference to Chart V shows the same relative condition respecting educational index. Chart I I I , page 5 3 , also reveals the basis for the relative positions on education of the two groups of cities. In that chart, for the Group I I cities registering at the highest score on occupation, the professional, semiprofessional, proprietor, and clerical groups had higher percentages of workers than did the corresponding classifications for the high cities in Group I. Conversely, the high cities in Group I did not have percentages of workers in the operative, service, and laborer groups as low as those in the same categories of workers for the corresponding Group I I cities. T h e low cities, irrespective of city size group, are almost identical respecting means of the three educational factors (see Chart V ) . A large part of the explanation for this condition resides in the likelihood that regardless of occupational distribution, each city group has an endemic amount of education. I t is fully anticipated that the educational scores for the cities in Groups I I I and IV would also bear a very high relationship to their respective occupational indices. Had it been possible to secure sufficient data on education for the cities in Groups I I I

H B

M

O X

IO

M

»

o>

e

0»

t — r -

z » > X

-

" g —•

e i '

i

H

Í ^

o o S >Tí

H

9

s

S

X

o "1 H

"

X

1

s

•

to

>ïj

2

dq

2 . -

O

n

3

en

X

ET

8 I '

5-: !»


O JO

hs S ÜS H m

*< I»

58

1-1

S -

9

-

H w Z

S

X » B H

§^ > H

Î

g.

- î, ^ 2

5-:

2 1 Z o