The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Later Middle Ages [Course Book ed.] 9781400856411

Table of contents :
Table of Contents
List of Tables and Chart
List of Lists in Appendix II
List of Regional Maps
List of Figures
List of Illustrations
List of Abbreviations
Note on Methodology and Transliteration
Preface
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I. THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY IN THE HISTORY OF CAIRO
CHAPTER II. GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE
CHAPTER III. RESIDENCE PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE
CHAPTER IV. OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE
CHAPTER V. A TRIPARTITE ELITE: CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES
APPENDIX I. A SURVEY OF MAJOR INSTITUTIONS
APPENDIX II. POSITIONS HELD BY INDIVIDUALS ENGAGED IN THE TWENTY-ONE OCCUPATIONS OF THE MAJOR GROUP, and by Şūfīs AND COPTS
APPENDIX III. GLOSSARY OF OCCUPATIONAL TERMS
NOTES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

THE CIVILIAN ELITE OF CAIRO IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES

wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww THE CIVILIAN ELITE OF CAIRO IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES

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CARL F. PETRY

wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

PRINCETON STUDIES ON THE NEAR EAST

Copyright © 1981 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Guildford, Surrey All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be found on the last printed page of this book Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Northwestern University Research Committee This book has been composed in Linotron Aldus Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

To My Mother, and My Father's Memory

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST ΟΓ TABLES AND CHART

IX

LIST OF LISTS IN APPENDIX II

X

LIST OF REGIONAL MAPS

Xl

LIST OF FIGURES (CAIRO AREA MAPS)

XU

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

XV

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

XVU

Note on Methodology and Transliteration

xix

Preface

xxi

Introduction Collective Biography in the Islamic Historiographic Tradition The Sources I. The Fifteenth Century in the History of Cairo The Mamluk Institution and Its Establishment in Egypt The Administration of the Circassian Sultans The Economic Condition of the Mamluk Empire The International Scene throughout the Islamic World II. Geographic Origins of the Civilian Elite Migration to Cairo from the Delta Migration to Cairo from the Nile Valley (al-Sa'td) Migration to Cairo from Syria-Palestine Migration to Cairo from Iran Migration to Cairo from Anatolia (al-Kum) Sites of Origin in Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula Migration to Cairo from North Africa (al-Maghrib) Migration to Cairo from Other Areas of the Muslim World Conclusions Regional Maps Tables 1 through 10 III. Residence Patterns of the Civilian Elite Methodology Cairo as City and Metropolis during the Circassian Period The Institutional Types The Distribution of Geographic Groups The Metropolis of Cairo The Nile Delta The Nile Valley Syria-Palestine The Iranian Areas Anatolia

3 5 8 15 15 19 25 34 37 39 47 51 61 68 72 74 77 77 83 109 128 129 131 138 143 145 148 151 152 154 156

vii

VlIl

CONTENTS

Iraq North Africa: the Maghrib The Arabian Peninsula Conclusions on the Distribution of Geographic Groups Figures 1 through 8 IV. Occupational Patterns of the Civilian Elite The Executive and Military Professions The Bureaucratic (Secretarial-Financial) Professions The Legal Professions The Artisan and Commercial Professions The Scholarly and Educational Professions The Religious Functionaries The Sufi Mystics The Copts Figures 9 through 27 Table 11 V. A Tripartite Elite: Conclusions and Hypotheses

157 158 159 160 165 200 202 202 220 241 246 255 269 272 275 307 312

Appendix I. Appendix II.

327

Appendix III.

A Survey of Major Institutions Positions Held by Individuals Engaged in the Twenty-one Occupations of the Major Group, and by Sufis and Copts Glossary of Occupational Terms

343 390

Notes

403

Bibliography

436

Index

448

LIST OF TABLES AND CHART

1. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Military-Executive Occupations (Category I) 2. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Bureaucratic Occupations (Category II) 3. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Legal Occupations (Category III) 4. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Artisan-Commercial Occupations (Category IV) 5. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Scholarly-Educational Occupations (Category V) 6. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Religious Occupations (Category VI) 7. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Nisbas in the Mamluk Empire 8. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Birthplaces in the Mamluk Empire 9. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Nisbas in AU Regions 10. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Birthplaces in All Regions 11. Distribution of Positions Held by Individuals Engaged in Occupations of the Major Group CHART. Genealogy of the BulqTni Family

112 114 116 118 120 122 124 125 126 127 307 236

IX

LIST OF LISTS IN APPENDIX II

List 1. List 2. List 3. List 4. List 5. List 6. List 7. List 8. List 9. List 10. List 11. List 12. List 13. List 14. List 15. List 16. List 17. List 18. List 19. List 20. List 21. List 22. List 23.

X

Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational Occupational

Positions Held by Katibs Positions Held by Katibs al-Sirr Positions Held by Mubashirs Positions Held by Muwaqqi's Positions Held by Nazirs Positions Held by Nazirs Awqaf Positions Held by Shaykhs Positions Held by Muhtasibs Positions Held by Shahids Positions Held by Na'ib Qadis Positions Held by Qadis Positions Held by Qadis al-Qudat Positions Held by Nasikhs Positions Held by Tajirs Positions Held by Mu'ids Positions Held by Mudarrises Positions Held by Khazins al-Kutub Positions Held by Imams Positions Held by Khatibs Positions Held by Muqri's Positions Held by Mu'taqads Positions Held by Sufis Positions Held by Copts (Qibtis)

344 346 348 350 352 354 356 358 360 362 364 366 368 370 372 374 376 378 380 382 384 386 388

LIST OF REGIONAL MAPS

I-A. I-B. H-A. H-B. IH-A. IH-A IH-B.

Nile Delta, Sites Nile Delta, Migration throughout the Century Nile Valley, Sites Nile Valley, Migration throughout the Century Syria-Palestine and Anatolia, Sites Enlargement. Aleppo and Damascus Provinces, Sites Syria-Palestine and Anatolia, Migration throughout the Century IV-A. Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Sites IV-B. Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration throughout the Century IV-C. Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration during the First Half of the Century IV-D. Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration during the Second Half of the Century V-A. North Africa and the Mediterranean, Sites V-B. North Africa and the Mediterranean, Migration throughout the Century

88 89 92 93 96 97 98 100 101 102 103 106 107

Xl

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Cairo, Central City. Location of Religio-Academic Institutions. Based on J. Abu-Lughod's one-sheet rendition of W. Popper's four maps dividing the city into quadrants. Abu-Lughod, Cairo, 1001 Years of the City Victorious (Princeton, 1971), p. 45. Cairo and Environs. Location of Religio-Academic Institutions. From W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans (Berkeley, 1955), p. 61, Map 5.

169

170

Distribution of Individuals in Cairo by Geographical Groups Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

3-A. 3-B. 3-C. 3-D. 3-E. 4-A. 4-B. 4-C.

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

4-D. 4-E. 4-F. 5-A.

Fig. 5-B. Fig. 5-C. Fig. 5-D. Fig. 5-E. Fig. 6-A. Fig. 6-B. Fig. 6-C. Fig. 6-D. Fig. 6-E.

xii

Central City, Individuals from Cairo, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from Cairo, Occupational Sites Environs, Individuals from Cairo, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from Cairo, Residential Sites Environs, Individuals from Cairo, Residential Sites Central City, Individuals from the Delta, Educational Sites Environs, Individuals from the Delta, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from the Delta, Occupational Sites Environs, Individuals from the Delta, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from the Delta, Residential Sites Environs, Individuals from the Delta, Residential Sites Central City, Individuals from Upper Egypt, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from Upper Egypt, Occupational Sites Environs, Individuals from Upper Egypt, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from Upper Egypt, Residential Sites Environs, Individuals from Upper Egypt, Residential Sites Central City, Individuals from Syria and Iran, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from Syria, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from Iran, Occupational Sites Environs, Individuals from Syria and Iran, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from Syria and Iran, Residential Sites

171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 6-F. Fig. 7-A. Fig. 7-B. Fig. 7-C. Fig. 7-D. Fig. 8-A. Fig. 8-B. Fig. 8-C.

Environs, Individuals from Syria and Iran, Residential Sites Central City, Individuals from Anatolia and Iraq, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from Anatolia and Iraq, Occupational Sites Environs, Individuals from Anatolia and Iraq, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from Anatolia and Iraq, Residential Sites Central City, Individuals from North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, Educational Sites Central City, Individuals from North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, Occupational Sites Central City, Individuals from North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, Residential Sites

XlIl

192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199

Distribution of Individuals by Occupation FigFigFigFigFigFigFig-

9. 10-A. 10-B. 11. 12-A. 12-B. 13.

FigRg. FigFigFigFig-

14-A. 14-B. 15-A. 15-B. 16-A. 16-B. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21-A. 21-B. 22. 23-A. 23-B. 24-A. 24-B. 25-A. 25-B.

Fig-

FigFigFigFigFig-

FigFigFigFigFigFigFig-

Central City, Distribution of Katibs (Secretaries) Central City, Distribution of Mubashirs (Stewards) Environs, Distribution of Mubashirs Central City, Distribution of Muwaqqi's (Clerks) Central City, Distribution of Nazirs (Controllers) Environs, Distribution of Nazirs Central City, Distribution of Nazirs al-Awqaf (Controllers of Endowments) Central City, Distribution of Shaykhs (Legal Authorities) Environs, Distribution of Shaykhs Central City, Distribution of Shahids (Notaries) Environs, Distribution of Shahids Distribution of Na'ib Qadis (Deputy Judges) Environs, Distribution of Na'ib Qadis Central City, Distribution of Qadis (Judges) Central City, Distribution of Nasikhs (Copyists) Central City, Distribution of Tajirs (Merchants) Central City, Distribution of Mu'ids (Repetitors) Central City, Distribution of Mudarrises (Professors) Environs, Distribution of Mudarrises Central City, Distribution of Khazins al-Kutub (Librarians) Central City, Distribution of Imams (Prayer Leaders) Environs, Distribution of Imams Central City, Distribution of Khatibs (Friday Preachers) Environs, Distribution of Khatibs Central City, Distribution of Muqri's (Koran Readers) Environs, Distribution of Muqri's

277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302

XlV

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

LIST OF FIGURES

26-A. 26-B. 27-A. 27-B.

Central City, Distribution of Mu'taqads (Revered Persons) Environs, Distribution of Mu'taqads Central City, Distribution of Sufis (Mystics) Environs, Distribution of Sufis

303 304 305 306

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece. An Entrance to al-Azhar (fig. 1, no. 36) Source: George M. Ebers, Egypt: Descriptive, Historical and Picturesque (London, 1884), II, p. 65. 1. Entrance to the Maristan al-Mansuri (fig. 1, no. 28). Source: Ebers, Egypt, I, p. 247. 2. Interior of the Mausoleum of Qaytbay (fig. 2, no. 121). Source: Ebers, Egypt, I, p. 284. 3. From a Manuscript of the Koran Copied during the Reign of Sultan Sha'ban (764-778/1363-1376). Source: Ebers, Egypt, II, p. 74. 4. Lecturing in al-Azhar (fig. 1, no. 36) Source: Ebers, Egypt, II, p. 68. 5. A Night of Ramadan, Hour of Prayer Source: Ebers, Egypt, II, p. 118.

ii

137 142

243 249 257

XV

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AFDSEB

Annales de la Faculte de droit et des sciences economiques de Beyrouth (Beirut) Al Annales islamoiogiques (Cairo) 'All Mubarak Al-Khitat al-Tawfiqiya al-Jadlda li-Misr al-Qahira, 20 parts in 4 vols. (Cairo, 1888) Berlin W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der Arabischen Handschriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek, Vols. I-X (Berlin, 1887-1899) BIE Bulletin de I'lnstitut d'Egypte (Cairo) BlFAO Bulletin de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientale du Caire (Cairo) BN, f.a. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds arabs BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London) CHE Cahiers de I'histoire egyptienne (Cairo) Chronology K.A. C. Creswell, "A Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan Monuments of Egypt to A. D. 1517," BIFAO XV (1918), 39-164 E/1, E/2 Encyclopedia of Islam, first and second editions (Leiden) EMPH Etudes orientales a la memoire de Paul Hirschler, O. Komlos, ed. (Budapest, 1950) GAL Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1949); three supplementary vols. (Leiden, 1936-1942) IC Islamic Culture (Hyderabad) IGM Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume (Jerusalem, 1958) IJMES International Journal of Middle East Studies (Cambridge) Index G. Wiet, "Les biographies du Manhal Safi," MIE, XIX (1932). Intisar Ibn Duqmaq, Kitab al-Intisar li-Wdsitat 'Iqd al-Amsar, vols. IV and V (Cairo, 1309/1891-1892) JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society (New Haven) JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (Leiden) JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) Khitat Al-MaqrizI, Al-Muwaiz wa'l-l'tibar bi-Dhikr alKhitat wal-Athar, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1270/1853-1854) Leiden, Or. Oriental MS Collection of the University Library, Leiden Map K.A.C. Creswell, Map of Cairo Showing Mohammedan XVl

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

MlE MIFAO MMAFC MRB MSRGE REI ROC RSO SI SO ZA

Monuments, Survey of Egypt, 2 sheets (Cairo, 1947, 1951) Memoires de I'lnstitut d'Egypte (Cairo) Memoires de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientale du Caire (Cairo) Memoires de la mission archeologique frangaise du Caire (Cairo) Melanges Rene Basset, 2 vols. (Pans, 1925) Memoires de la Societe royale de geographie d'Egypte (Cairo) Revue des etudes islamiques (Paris) Revue de I'Orient chretienne (Paris) Revista degli studii orientali (Rome) Studia Islamica (Paris) Studi orientalistici in onore di Georgio Levi Delia Vida (Rome, 1956) Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und Verwandte Gebiete (Berlin)

XVIl

NOTE ON METHODOLOGY AND TRANSLITERATION

Information from the combined total of 4,631 biographies was recorded in a computerized data retrieval system. The criterion for selection of cases was residence and/or professional activity in Cairo during the fifteenth century, based on nomenclature and references to occupations and residence. Both dictionaries were examined in their entirety during the coding process. Only the Arabic terminology employed by the two compilers was used in this procedure. The purposes of the computer processing were to retrieve accurately all the elements of data recorded from the biographies relevant to specific subjects, and to compare these elements as variables. The first objective involved the retrieval of data to establish the statistical profile of a given type of information. All the details transcribed from the sources relating to a specific fart or person could be listed, together with all the information recorded in association with that item. The second objective involved counting variables and comparing them with others, thereby deriving a set of proportional relationships. Any variable could be contrasted with all the others that were recorded. For example, the degree to which professional activity was affected by religious identity, educational background, or political contacts could be explored. The system also presented the data with all the desired comparisons counted, referenced, and sorted in alphabetical order, thus simplifying the procedure of interpreting them. The biographies were ultimately processed on some 45,000 cards that were read onto a computer tape. The actual data used represent only a small portion of the total information recorded. Although the body of information from the biographical records is vast, it is uneven. Many items appeared irregularly, so that the resulting figures may not be regarded as "hard statistics." That is, they do not hold up uniformly well to tests of statistical validity, and the majority of patterns are to be interpreted as suggestive rather than absolute. The study thus makes no claim to being a definitive statistical analysis. The configurations we shall ponder are often highly illuminating, and entice the historian precisely because they call forth his intuitive powers. Nevertheless, the conclusions that can be drawn from these patterns in many cases remain speculative. The Library of Congress system of transliterating Arabic terminology has been followed with the following modifications: Ta marbuta, sigXlX

XX

METHODOLOGY AND TRANSLITERATION

naling feminine singular endings, is written with a terminal "a." In general usage of Arabic terms, the anglicized plural of joining an " s " to the singular form has been used. These terms include: nisba, laqab, kunya, shuhra, madhhab, occupational titles, sectarian and legal affiliations, and so on. The terms a'yan, calim, 'ulama', and Mamluk, when they appear in the text, are written without elongation of vowels.

PREFACE

I beheld in Cairo the garden of the Universe, the orchard of the world, the assemblage of the nations, the myriad flow of humanity, the portico of Islam, the seat of power. Palaces and arcades glimmer in her air. Monasteries and colleges blossom along her horizon. I beheld orbs and stars shining among her scholars. The shores of the Nile resembled the river of Paradise, the waters of Heaven. Its flow quenches the thirst of the Egyptians without cease, collecting for them fruits and riches. I walked through the streets of the city crowded with the masses of passers-by, their markets filled with luxuries. We continuously talked about this city, marveling at the extent of its buildings, the magnitude of its stature. Accounts of Cairo are frequent and varied from our savants and colleagues, returning from the Pilgrimage or commerce. I asked our colleague . . . Abu 'Abd-Allah al-Muqri' . . . upon his return from the Pilgrimage . . . saying to him, "What is this city of Cairo like?" He replied, "Whoever has not seen it has not known the glory of Islam." Ibn Khaldun, Tartf, Gharban wa-Sharqan The renowned scholar and philosopher of history Ibn Khaldun rarely permitted himself such extravagance in responding to monuments of human civilization, regardless of their outward splendor. He most often confined his interpretations of the phenomena he observed to carefully measured analyses, based on a set of previously determined principles of evaluation. Yet, upon his arrival in Cairo in Dhu'l-Qa'da 784/January 1382, Ibn Khaldun was overwhelmed by the magnificence of the city, a metropolis larger and more grandiose than any urban center of the western Mediterranean. The life and works of Ibn Khaldun are well known to students of Islamic history. His significance for this study, however, involves his place of origin. Ibn Khaldun was an immigrant to Cairo from North Africa. He moved when middle-aged, having abandoned his established, if controversial, position at the royal court of Tunis. He had lost his family during their sea voyage to Egypt. Ibn Khaldun's fame as a scholar and jurisprudent had preceded him in Cairo, and he was assured of support from the sultan and the literary elite. Yet, final departure from his homeland suggests a fundamental decision to break with his past. What motivated Ibn Khaldun to leave his homeland for Cairo, a city he had never actually visited? It is true that he desired to escape from political embroilments in Tunis; but he might have resolved these withXXl

XXIl

PREFACE

out taking so drastic a step. Ibn Khaldun was drawn to Cairo for more compelling reasons. During the later Middle Ages Cairo enjoyed a reputation as the supreme repository of Islamic culture in the central Muslim world. Most learned persons traveling east from North Africa, either on the Pilgrimage or business, passed through the Mamluk capital; and all returned with glowing reports of life in the city. Ibn Khaldun realized that if the military and learned elites of Cairo were as munificent as he had heard, an individual of his academic reputation would be able to attract patrons with little difficulty. He could be supported on the basis of his scholarship alone, released once and for all from the burdensome administrative and legal tasks at which he had proved himself competent as well as controversial. As it turned out, Ibn Khaldun was obliged to accept legal responsibilities during his Cairo years; but he also received the patronage he coveted and was able to devote himself to research, interrupted only by calls for his services in times of foreign crisis. I have selected Ibn Khaldun as a famous case, but his motives for moving to Cairo were shared by many other individuals throughout the Muslim world. Because Cairo was the major urban center of the central Islamic lands during the later Middle Ages, it attracted many of the most eminent literati from all over the Near East, who left their ancestral regions for a variety of reasons. These individuals constituted an appreciable percentage of the cases surveyed in the biographical sources I have examined in this study. Few of these people had a reputation even nearly as great as Ibn Khaldun's, but their collective presence in Cairo made the city a cosmopolitan seat of orthodox Islamic civilization unequaled by any other during the later Middle Ages. The example of Ibn Khaldun illustrates the most interesting characteristics of Cairo's foreign population, and also illustrates some of the qualities that defined the civilian elite as a social class during the period. These qualities are the object of the following analysis. Cairo itself has received the attention of a wide array of travelers, historians, and urbanists, and my own debt to them will be seen in subsequent chapters. No other Islamic city has been so thoroughly investigated in such a variety of contexts. The diverse elements of Cairo's population during the Middle Ages, when the city was at the peak of its grandeur, certainly appear in these works—often quite vividly. But to date, no systematic study of their collective behavior as members of social groups has been attempted. Undertaken as a doctoral dissertation, this project began as an experiment to determine whether such an analysis for this time period was feasible. The tale grew in the telling, as the saying goes, or rather as the data base expanded along with my own sense of its potential. Although only a small fraction of that data has been used thus far, it is enough both to broaden our knowledge of the

PREFACE

XXlIl

one group that is thoroughly documented, the civilian elite, and to modify certain prevailing interpretations of its activities. Ibn Khaldun was only one among the many illustrious scholars to fall under Cairo's spell, and yet in time he saw through the opulence of its ruling class to the more intriguing relationships between them and their civilian subordinates. His attitude toward the distinctly Near Eastern urban entity and its human components has been an inspiration to me as to many others. I have been able to complete this book because of the encouragement and generous support of several agencies, whom I recognize here with pleasure. The research was carried out under the auspices of a grant from the American Research Center in Egypt in 1970-1971, which per­ mitted me to examine source materials not only in Cairo but in the Netherlands, France, and England, as well. The dissertation committee of the National Science Foundation agreed to support the project at thesis stage and underwrote the cost of designing and implementing the com­ puterized data retrieval system. The staff of the Center for Near Eastern and North African Studies at the University of Michigan, in addition to granting me a generous allotment of computer time, rendered many services to expedite various procedures of the analysis. The director of the center at this time, K. Allin Luther, had a sustained interest in the study and supported it enthusiastically. The Faculty Committee of the Office of Research and Sponsored Programs at Northwestern University provided both funds and computer time to implement the retrieval sys­ tem at this campus. Upon completion of the final manuscript, the Com­ mittee offered me a subvention to offset cartographic expenses and overall production costs of the book. To all these agencies I express my gratitude. Without their support, the project could not have been com­ pleted. I would also like to acknowledge the scholars and archivists in several countries who have shown me both courtesy and genuine interest con­ cerning the sources I wished to consult. In Cairo the staff of the Egyptian National Library, headed by Dr. Mahmud al-Shinm, granted me access to the collection and duplication facilities. A number of scholars who were engaged in their own research in the manuscript collection of the National Library assisted me during my work. I benefited repeatedly from the insights of: Professor Hasan Habashl and Mr. Mustafa Tahir, then of 'Ayn Shams University; Professors Sa'Id 'Abd al-Fattah 'Ashur and Hasanayn Rabl', Mssrs. 'Abd al-'Αζϊζ Mahmud 'Abd al-Dayim and Yahya 'Abd al-Hamid al-Hadini, then of Cairo University. Finally, I must invoke the memory of Mr. Rashad 'Abd al-Muttalib of the Manuscript Institute of the Arab League. As for so many students of

XXlV

PREFACE

Islamic culture in Cairo, he provided me with bibliographical assistance and access to the microfilm collection of the Institute. His store of knowledge and his unique personality will be sorely missed. In Europe I was assisted by Mr. P. Sj. van Koningsveld, Keeper of the Oriental Manuscripts in the University Library, Leiden; and by Professor Georges Vajda and Dr. Jacqueline Sublet of the Bibliotheque nationale and the Institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes. I am especially indebted to Dr. Sublet for my initial exposure to a computer program collating Arabic biographical sources. A researcher venturing into new territory can only gain from the observations and criticisms of interested colleagues. During the thesis phase, my mentors, Andrew S. Ehrenkreutz and Richard P. Mitchell of the University of Michigan, provided me with wise guidance throughout the preparation of the manuscript. Mr. Stanley Mendenhall transformed my rough ideas about the range of information hidden in the sources into a working retrieval system. While at Northwestern, I have profited from the comments and advice of my colleagues in the Department of History and at centers of Near Eastern studies elsewhere. Thanks are especially due to John E. Woods and Bruce D. Craig at The University of Chicago, who advised me of the problems I would face transforming a formidable mass of data into a manageable whole suitable for publication. George Makdisi at the University of Pennsylvania shared his unrivaled knowledge of medieval curricular terminology with me. At my home institution, Kenneth Janda of the Department of Political Science contributed to the refinement of my data presentation; Janet L. Abu-Lughod in Sociology and John R. McLane, Ivor G. Wilks, and Lacey Baldwin Smith in my own department challenged me to enlarge upon the broader implications raised by my data. Although I bear sole responsibility for any defects that still persist in the study, I owe the stimulus behind many of its arguments to conversations with these scholars and friends. To conclude, the format of this book owes much to the skills of the editorial staff of Princeton University Press. Production of a monograph of this sort with its abundance of maps, tables, and technical phrases presents many organizational problems. The sound advice of Margaret Case in particular is apparent throughout the work. Given the benefits I have reaped from my association with all of the above and others too numerous to mention, I am reminded that God is truly "al-Karim." Evanston, Illinois December 1979

THE CIVILIAN ELITE OF CAIRO IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES

INTRODUCTION

WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW HE imperial state centered in Cairo during the later Middle Ages was, in the eyes of its own chroniclers, based on a threefold social division: a ruling military caste, the Mamluks; a civilian administrative elite, the majority of whom were designated 'ulama' or "those learned in the law"; and the masses upon whose labor and obedience the ruling class depended. A scholar interested in the structure of traditional Muslim societies, the roles of their notables, and the effectiveness of their bureaucracies is fortunate in the case of Mamluk Egypt during the period because of the survival of a voluminous biographical literature. The vital statistics these sources provide on prominent figures enable the investigator to examine the higher ranks of medieval Egyptian society with some precision. This study focuses on the civilian elite of Cairo as they were described in two biographical dictionaries compiled during the ninth Hijri I fifteenth Christian century. The elite warrant our attention because of their critical position between the military rulers and the civilian populace. They staffed the bureaucratic, legal, educational, and religious offices of the state, and determined the course of intellectual inquiry.

T

Because documents on them are readily available, the civilian elite have been extensively studied.1 But no one has attempted a thorough analysis of this group, which is considered relatively homogenous. This study proposes to examine the civilian elite in terms of their ethnogeographic background and urban distribution in the metropolis of Cairo. Its quantitative methodology is a means not only of presenting a more detailed and accurate picture of this group but also of assessing the nature of professionalism in a premodern; pretechnical society, the distribution of power and influence in such a society, and finally the interplay of those factors that promoted social cohesion in a noncorporate state. The general impression we have of the Mamluk epoch is rather negative. The defects of this era, which is depicted by medieval and modern authors alike as one of violence and instability, may have been exaggerated. But my aim is not to apologize for the defects but to explain how the civilian elite, inseparably bound to the Mamluk regime, managed to flourish. For the Mamluk age witnessed many positive cultural achievements, of which production of a rich legacy of sources is not the least significant. Throughout this period of extended domination by an

3

4

INTRODUCTION

arbitrary, often callous alien caste, certain elements of the civilian elite retained their autonomy. They developed survival strategies that would serve them well during the long centuries of Ottoman rule. What bearing did these strategies have on the nature of bureaucratic procedures, theories of government, scholarly pursuits, or spiritual guidance? If service in this society entailed subordination, how can this subordination be weighed against the persistence of autonomy? The legacy of this epoch clearly depicts a high level of sophistication in the several spheres of professional activity. How does the prevailing view of the 'ulama' as undifferentiated and multicompetent hold up to countless examples of specialized expertise?2 Indeed, is this view consistent with the political realities of the period? We must inquire as to which components constituted the civilian elite and whether they regarded each other as kindred parts of a larger whole, sharing common options and goals. It is widely assumed that in traditional Islamic societies no occupational field below the military hierarchy was exclusive—closed to any other. The study will test this assumption against the data yielded by the biographical evidence. I shall argue that every professional category involved differing responsibilities and prerogatives.3 Whether the same group could fulfill all of them at the same time is critical to our understanding of urban social organization in the Middle East during the medieval period. The term 'ulama' itself is often used interchangeably with a'yan or "notables." The latter actually connoted a broader social stratum than the former, who were regarded as the literati of traditional Islamic cultures. The a'yan included military personnel, and the biographers usually elected to use this term because their works were not restricted to civilians. To clarify possible ambiguities, I have coined the term "civilian elite" to embrace the nonmilitary personnel whom the biographers regarded as notables, but who may not be classified solely as 'ulama'. The research behind the study does not deal directly with the Mamluk elite per se, whose military organization has been exhaustively probed.4 Only those Mamluks whose families had close ties with the 'ulama' are considered. The analysis is confined to the city of Cairo and its suburban districts, which formed a metropolis of several hundred thousand persons during the fifteenth century: Old Cairo (Misr), Fustat, the Qarafa and Sahra' mortuary zones, Bulaq, Jiza (Giza), Minbaba, Raydaniya, Kawm al-Rish, and the Elephant Island Tract (Jazirat al-Fil). It is restricted to the ninth century A.H., and includes individuals who died from the years 800/ 1397-1398 to 900/1494-1495.

COLLECTIVE BIOGRAPHY

5

COLLECTIVE BIOGRAPHY IN THE ISLAMIC HISTORIOGRAPHIC TRADITION The evolution of a genre so rich in the materials of Islamic social history—family background, educational and career profiles, and myriad glimpses into the political process—was no happenstance affair. The vast biographical dictionaries assembled by savants of the central Arab lands during the later Middle Ages represent the culmination of scholarly procedures extending back over centuries, rather than a dramatic innovation. Thus, both the plenitude and limitations of the works supporting this study may be regarded as the result of cumulative tendencies dating from the earliest stages of Muslim historiography. The compilation of biographical works is a phenomenon indigenous to the Islamic learned community.5 The nature of their coverage, their extraordinary emphasis on certain kinds of data and virtual exclusion of others stem from the purposes these compendia were to serve, as interpreted by custodians of legal practice and spiritual guidance. The origins of this historical genre may be discerned in an early, overriding concern for accurate depiction of the Prophet's life. Minute coverage of his words and deeds was essential in order to recapture the circumstances surrounding his personal conduct (the basis for Hadith or Prophetic traditions), which, after the revelation itself (the Koran), constituted the second pillar of Islamic law. Selected as Allah's instrument for transmission of His word to the community of the faithful, Muhammad was venerated as the prototypical Muslim, the exemplar for correct patterns of behavior. Accordingly, not only was the Prophet's life probed meticulously to establish the circumstances behind his statements, but also to define a model for both public and private behavior. Such, in brief, were the motives behind the compilation of the Snat alNabi or Biography of the Prophet. The term sua itself invokes a sense of "conduct" or "manner of living."6 In other words, from the very beginnings of Muslim biography, a precedent was established for stressing certain aspects of an individual's activities. Emphasis on these aspects promoted highly stylized accounts of individuals' careers, and set durable standards for professional and social advancement in traditional Muslim societies. If it was essential to record the life of the Prophet so as to inspire the community of believers, it was equally important to preserve the history of his companions (ashab), for to them fell the task of implementing Muhammad's message. The process of transmitting statements attributed to the Prophet by those who claimed to be firsthand witnesses was

6

INTRODUCTION

soon complicated by the insertion of blatantly false or at least highly suspect allegations. Among the techniques devised to sort out accurate statements from questionable claims was the arrangement of Hadith referees in generational classes (tabaqat).7 These individuals were assessed, again according to criteria exemplified in the Prophet's Sua, as to their reliability. Due to the numbers of referees, the accounts of their lives were adapted to fit highly standardized models. Of critical importance to the transmission process was the exact identity of the individual, his lineage and family circumstances, his major dates, his abilities as measured by learned attainment, and his moral qualities as measured by social esteem. As Gibb put it, "who, when, where, intellectual powers, reputation." 8 The model established for transmitters of Hadith, influenced by the exemplary qualities of the Prophet as idealized in his Stra, thus set a precedent at the origins of Muslim historiography for subsequent prosopographic writing. From the tenth century on, a distinct genre emerged, based on an increasingly sophisticated system of collecting and collating information, and embracing ever-wider circles of individuals, but still adhering closely to the patterns established during the late eighth and early ninth centuries, the era of Hadith proliferation and codification. The progression of biographical works may be traced through companions of the Prophet, subsequent transmitters of Hadith, to early judges and pious figures who set the course of Islamic learning and spiritual observance during the classical period.9 Compendia tended initially to be limited according to generations or to categories of individuals—that is, those grouped by common activities, affiliations, or contributions. However, compendia focusing on the notables of certain regions and in particular urban centers proliferated during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The biographical tradition culminated in efforts to record the collective achievement of an entire period for a broad region during the central and later Middle Ages. Following the precedent set by al-Dhahabi in the fourteenth century,10 the major works tended to group prominent persons by centuries. The Daw' of al-Sakhawi, discussed below, constitutes an outstanding example of the centennial type of dictionary. These late works, in addition to incorporating a wide variety of notables, had greatly elaborated the range of information reported on them, especially in the second category mentioned by Gibb.11 Acknowledgment of sources was also more evident in these later works, but the basic procedure of recording an individual's life did not go beyond the classical model. For this reason there is little progress in the analytical assessment of a person's character or motives for pursuing a particular calling in life to parallel the growing sophistication in collating accepted types of data.

COLLECTIVE BIOGRAPHY

7

But indirect assessments of character are certainly apparent in these compendia, usually through selection of anecdotes and evaluatory statements made by contemporaries. The biographical style and tradition were well established and tested by our period, the fifteenth century. The perceived need for collated lists of traditionists that provided the impulse behind the prosopographic movement during the early period had been largely satisfied by the several canonical collections of Hadith. Nonetheless, meticulous study of the early transmitters remained a venerated pillar of the formal curriculum. They were the exemplars of spiritual conviction during the heroic age of faith, on whose lives the learned classes of later periods sought to pattern their own. The early biographical works thus retained their centrality in the roster of texts absorbed by educated people throughout the Islamic world. Indeed, the early works were more widely distributed, especially in non-Arabic speaking regions, as a fundamental component of the curriculum than were the later compilations focusing on districts or chronological intervals. Savants dwelled lovingly over the lives of individuals described in these works as a means of spiritual attainment second only to contemplation of the Sira itself. The maturation of the Shari' system of jurisprudence during the high Middle Ages effectively terminated controversy surrounding the issue of Hadith transmission, but the evolution of the prosopographic method continued unabated. Once the procedure of collective consensus among the 'ulama' was established by the acceptance of the four orthodox doctrines as canonical, the need for tracing the reliability of transmitters was replaced by a concern for weighing the moral fiber of the current custodians of Sunna—the tradition doctrines. Although the range of types to be considered broadened considerably during the high and later Middle Ages, the majority of cases were those with legal training. As noted below, several of the major authors, such as al-Sakhawi, expressed anxiety over the quality of such training—"quality" being measured, of course, according to their perceptions of learning and its goals. The emphasis they placed on certain lines of study are subtle measures of the scholarly values of their age. The data they provided, along with their anecdotal comments, give us an insight into their conceptualization of the background necessary for maintaining the continuity of the Sunna. But such emphasis did not preclude the inclusion of many persons not directly charged with preserving the Sunna. The final aim of these writers was to impart a historical legacy through the collective biography of all those who had an impact on the politics and culture of their times. This latter objective, so clearly evident in the Manhal of Ibn Taghri-Birdi and the necrologies inserted at regular intervals in major chronicles, rests

8

INTRODUCTION

upon the fundamental assumptions that the civilization of a period is the sum of its participants' achievements,12 and that political history may best be recorded by observing the behavior of individuals immersed in practical politics throughout their careers. This latter aspect has yet to receive the attention it merits by analysts of traditional Islamic societies—particularly since many literary works that reflect a sophisticated grasp of politics appeared during the later Middle Ages, an era widely regarded as one of cultural decline and intellectual stagnation. The political process during the period was highly innovative and well worth study through scrutiny of the sources compiled to trace it, especially since overt pamphleteering was discouraged. Although restricted in the scope of data and critical analysis of the individuals surveyed, biographical sources in the central Arab lands during the medieval period reflected the development of systematic techniques of collating information. They served to encourage the accurate procurement and reporting of details, within the guidelines of idealized models formulated during the classical age. Regardless of whether the biographer was inspired by pious respect for his subject or by a profound concern for demonstrating the integrity of the Muslim community through the lives of its guardians, he was pursuing a venerated task. Inaccuracy due to error or blatant dishonesty would defeat the very purposes of such a holy and laborious enterprise. This relationship between goals and accuracy is of critical importance. Although the authors of these works were subject to the frailties and biases that have plagued scholars in any age, their desire to record facts accurately was unswerving. For this reason, the reliability of data regarded as crucial to the genre may be assumed by the modern researcher. THE SOURCES Two biographical dictionaries form the base of this study: Al-Daw' alLami' fi A'yan al-Qarn al-Tasi' (The Light that Illumines Notables of the Ninth Century) by al-Sakhawi,13 and Al-Manhal al-Safi wa'lMustawfi ba'd al-Wafi (The Pure Spring of the Fulfillment after the Completion) by Ibn Taghri-Birdi (the last word in the title refers to the Wafi of al-Safadi).14 The first dictionary was compiled over a number of years by a prominent Egyptian exponent of classical Hadith scholarship during the later Middle Ages. Shams al-DIn Abu'l-Khayr Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sakhawi al-Shafi'i (born Rabf I 830/January 1427, died Shawwal 902/June 1497) was born in the Baha' al-Din quarter of the old Fatimid district in Cairo to an established scholarly family that had moved to the capital from the central Delta

SOURCES

9

town of Sakha two generations earlier.15 Al-Sakhawi received a formal education typical for a student who planned to specialize in and teach the Islamic sciences. He was introduced to advanced scriptural and Hadith studies by the famous exegete, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, whom al-Sakhawi revered as the pivotal influence on the direction of his own career. AlSakhawi demonstrated impressive energy and persistence throughout his life, and studied many texts dealing with Prophetic traditions and the individuals who transmitted them. During the middle years of his career, al-Sakhawi became critical of the state of contemporary studies in Prophetic traditions, convinced that they were declining in accuracy for three reasons: minimal training in the art of transmissions, inadequate knowledge of history and its applications to related disciplines, and parochial deviation from orthodox curricular norms.16 Al-Sakhawi's concern over these problems motivated him to compile his enormous biographical work, which occupied much of his time during his last productive years. The dictionary was completed in Rabi' II 896/ February-March 1491, during his sojourn in the holy cities of Makka and Madina. He modeled his compilation on the format established by Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, who confined his own work, Al-Durar alKamina, to notables living during the eighth century A.H. Al-Sakhawi's dictionary represents a survey of the notables of the central Muslim world during the ninth century A.H., and included individuals from Cairo, the Egyptian provinces (al-Diyar al-Misriya), Syria-Palestine, and the Hijaz (western Arabia)—all provinces of the Mamluk empire. More rare were references to individuals from North Africa, Nubia and the Sudan, Anatolia, Iran, India, and Central Asia who never resided in Cairo or the major cities of the empire. Of the 11,860 biographies in this dictionary, 4,067 were selected for this study on the basis of information certifying residence and/or occupations in Cairo. Al-Sakhawi's main objective was to provide accurate information on the educational and legal backgrounds of the eminent 'ulama' of his day. For this reason, the Daw' provides detailed coverage of the educational and occupational backgrounds of these people. However, alSakhawi also wished to produce a work of historical biography, and, since he possessed an extraordinary capacity for details, the Daw' provides a wide variety of other facts about his subjects. Al-Sakhawi's data on individuals from Cairo, Makka, and Madina was most complete because he lived in these cities himself. His accounts of persons from Damascus, Aleppo, Tripoli, Hama, and Jerusalem are also very detailed. He relied on his own notes and on notes provided him by his students and colleagues for his contemporaries (persons active from roughly A.H.

10

INTRODUCTION

800 to 900), and on a number of earlier sources for persons active between 750 and 850. Al-Sakhawi's biographical dictionary may be regarded as a major prosopographic achievement during the final scholarly period of the Muslim Middle Ages. Its wealth of detail and the range of individuals surveyed render it an invaluable source for the social history of Cairo during its period. Nonetheless, al-Sakhawi exhibited certain excesses of character that must be weighed in assessing his work. A highly tendentious individual, al-Sakhawi clothed a propensity for personal vindictiveness against his rivals and those of his associates with the guise of a pious desire to evaluate his contemporaries' moral fiber in order to determine the validity of their opinions, both for interpretation of the Shari'a and transmission of Prophetic traditions or historical facts. Evaluation of moral fiber is a delicate business for even the most objective observer, and al-Sakhawi was rarely objective about his contemporaries. His opinions of these people and accounts of their personal flaws make fascinating reading, but must be interpreted with extreme caution. Al-Sakhawi's factual information is reliable, however, because he had little reason to distort it, especially since he realized that his rivals would immediately expose any errors or distortions he committed in return for his criticism of them and their works.

A.H.

The author of the second dictionary, Al-Manhal al-Safi, is considered one of the two most important chroniclers for the Circassian Mamluk period, along with his teacher, al-Maqrizi. Jamal al-Din Abu'l-Mahasin Yusuf ibn Taghri-Birdi al-Atabaki (b. Shawwal 813/February 1411, d. Dhu'l-Hijja 874/June 1470)17 was the second son of a prominent Mamluk amir. His father had been purchased from Anatolia during Sultan Barquq's program to expand his personal corps of troopers. Ibn TaghriBirdi's father died when he was a child, but the boy was raised in the household of a sister who had married within the Mamluk hierarchy. Ultimately, his several sisters' relations by marriage brought the young man into contact with the highest echelons of both the military and civilian elites in the capital.18 Ibn Taghri-Birdi was provided with a substantial education, for which he showed a remarkable aptitude. He developed an interest in historical studies early, and this interest became an avocation when he studied with al-Maqrizi. Ibn Taghri-Birdi manifested the qualities of an individual firmly established in the literary elite of Cairo, but he continued to identify socially with the Mamluk ruling class. Indeed, he was able to lay claim successfully to some of his father's iqta' allotments, and received a permanent income from them, which relieved him of dependence on administrative, legal, or educational duties. No professional

SOURCES

11

positions were reported in his biography. Ibn Taghri-Birdi's contemporaries, including al-Sakhawi, who recorded him in the Daw', were keenly aware of his social position. There was a degree of ambivalence toward this "Turk" who had adopted their calling for himself. Ibn Taghri-Birdi's historical works are noteworthy for their candor and objective reporting. He was ready to admit the possibility that he might have committed errors, especially in dating events. He was very interested in economic trends, and carefully tallied price changes on staple goods, crop yields, Nile fluctuations, and natural disasters or phenomena at the end of each year's events in his two large chronicles, AlNu]Um al-Zahira and Al-Hawadith al-Duhur. Al-Sakhawi accused him of factual errors, although there is some controversy over their significance in light of the overall validity of the events reported.19 Ibn TaghriBirdi compiled the Manhal as his first substantial historical exercise, a collection based on the careers of important persons. He intended to pick up where al-Safadi's biographical compendium, Al-Wafi bi'l-Wafiyat, had left off. Ibn Taghri-Birdi's work did not aim at a comprehensive survey of all the notables of the period, as did the Daw' of al-Sakhawi. Rather, its purpose was to identify individuals prominent in the Mamluk elite or civilians closely associated with these individuals, especially in the imperial court, the bureaucracy, and the courts of law. In short, Ibn TaghriBirdi described the people he knew best: persons involved with the processes of government and with the machinations of politics. Ibn Taghri-BirdI attempted to demonstrate how power was wielded or manipulated to suit personal interests by assembling a collection of biographies depicting persons who had known power and authority, often as a right of caste or birth. Given this purpose, Ibn Taghri-Birdi did not attempt to identify as many persons as al-Sakhawi, and the entire work included only 2,822 biographies, of which 564 were selected for this study. Ibn Taghri-Birdi emphasized first-generation Mamluks, and many of the individuals included in his work died prior to A.H. 800. The Manhal differed to some extent from the Daw' in the type of information recorded. Al-Sakhawi concentrated on education and literary attainments, and included many of his personal opinions about moral qualities. Ibn Taghri-Birdi provided many intimate details revealing personal and political relationships between Mamluks and their civilian clients or associates. This information, more accessible to Ibn Taghri-Birdi than to al-Sakhawi, constitutes the primary value of his work to the social historian. Ibn Taghri-Birdi was fascinated by the processes of political maneuvering and infighting he observed. The ambiguous position of the civilian bureaucrat operating, often precariously,

12

INTRODUCTION

in a governmental system dominated by Mamluks is very clearly shown throughout the accounts in his biographical dictionary. Both al-Sakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi conformed to a standard method of portraying the individuals they described. The amount and quality of information varied widely according to the type of individuals involved, but the arrangement of details was invariable, and there are similarities between their accounts and those of a modern Who's Who. First, the individual's full title was listed, including his ism or personal name (rarely used in formal address), his kunyas (an agnomen consisting of Abu [father] or Umm [mother], followed by the name of the son), his laqabs (a title claiming religious piety or other personal attribute), his full genealogy as known to the compiler, all his family nisbas (attributes based on geographic origin, tribal ties, or a prominent ancestor), his madhhab (affiliation with one of four orthodox legal schools), and his shuhra (title of public address). This was done to render the individual readily identifiable and distinguishable from any other. The statement of nomenclature was followed by date and place of birth, if either was known to the compiler. The occurrence of dates in the biographies was irregular. The most likely to appear was the death date, which was also apt to be the most exact. The death date was the most likely to provide both the day and the month (and on occasion even the hour of the day) in addition to the year. Birth dates more rarely included the day and month. Dates of important events in the individual's life, such as the receipt of diplomas, awards, professional appointments, dismissals, arrests, accidents, and political developments appeared often but irregularly. They were included if known to the compiler on sound authority. All familial ties known to the compiler were reported. These included identification of children, parents, grandparents, brothers, sisters, wives, uncles, and other relatives. Details about the occupations of fathers, grandfathers, and uncles (both paternal and maternal) were often included, as were the names of women's husbands and male relatives. Women were likely to be included if they had important spouses who belonged to major families. These preliminaries were followed by the first large body of information: a survey of education. Al-Sakhawi provided many more details on this than did Ibn Taghri-Birdi. The survey would begin with the acquisition of basic literacy through elementary Koranic instruction. It then proceeded into the secondary and advanced levels, if these had been attained. The formal curriculum and texts studied were listed with the instructors or professors who directed the individual's study. Public recitation and subsequent disputation were mentioned, along with a

SOURCES

13

listing of those scholars who certified the individual's proficiency and granted his diplomas. On occasion, an assessment of performance and quality appeared, but this was given much less frequently than the other educational information. In general, al-Sakhawi devoted more than fifty percent of a civilian 'alim's biography to an account of his education. Ibn Taghri-Birdi devoted less space to this aspect. The second major body of information focused on professional appointments. It included details on the nature of the individual's occupation or positions held, the person who appointed the individual to office and subsequently dismissed him, places of occupation, dates and length of sojourn in office, and those who preceded or succeeded him in an office. Both al-Sakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi devoted a considerable portion of each biography to these details. Third, both compilers added miscellaneous items, such as: marriages and divorces; inheritances; political-social ties; literary works; charities and pious acts; arrests, crimes, punishments, and confiscations; residences; travels and pilgrimages; diseases and accidents; causes of death; and places of death, funeral, and burial. These items appeared irregularly but, viewed collectively, provide a critical insight to the civilian elite as a social class. Finally, both compilers identified sources they had used for individuals with whom they were personally unfamiliar or who had been active before their own time. It is apparent that not all sources were acknowledged in every instance, but the roster of sources that did appear includes many of the important biographical and narrative works for the period.20 In acknowledging his sources, al-Sakhawi provided more references than did Ibn Taghri-Birdi. Their labors were immense, and both al-Sakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi omitted certain items. For example, educational sites were reported more regularly than were occupational sites, and several major offices, such as judgeships and numerous diwan posts, were given without location. Birthplaces appeared much less frequently than geographic nisbas. In general, the most accurate data were the rarest, thus placing limits on what can be conclusively stated in contrast with what can only be hypothesized. Second, few details on fiscal matters other than fines or confiscations were reported. Accordingly, amounts of endowed institutional wealth, salary levels, fortunes inherited, fees paid, and so on, may only be surmised in a vague way. Information given on fines and confiscations, although specific, applied to individuals rather than to institutions or agencies. Therefore, unless we refer to other sources—such as waqf writs—we are in no position to determine precisely how the religio-

14

INTRODUCTION

academic network of Cairo fared financially under the vagaries of Mamluk rule. And the broader questions of income levels for the various components of the civilian elite and variations in institutional endowment remain open. Finally, the biographical records provide few evaluative or qualitative statements about many of the items they mention. The great majority of attainments—social, professional, or other—were simply listed without comment, on the assumption of common knowledge among contemporary readers. This knowledge was often lost to subsequent generations. Thus, the analyst is left with the task of imposing some index of quality according to aggregate variations and comparisons with other sources. These are the sources that constitute the foundation of the inquiry. On the basis of the evidence they yield, the study attempts to identify the major groupings within the civilian elite and to explain the reasons behind their differentiation. To pursue these goals, the analysis proceeds with chapters on the geographic origins of this elite, their distribution in the religious institutions of the capital, and their professional organization as measured by the relationships between their various occupational endeavors. To set the analysis in proper perspective, Chapter I will discuss the political turbulence and unsettled economy of Mamluk times: the behavior of the civilian elite was, in large measure, a creative response to adversity.

CHAPTER

I

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY IN THE HISTORY OF CAIRO

WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW URING the ninth Hijri/fifteenth Christian century, Cairo displayed an imposing fagade to foreign visitors such as Ibn Khaldun. Over the almost five centuries of its evolution, unmarred by the pillage of foreign invaders,1 Cairo had developed into a major cultural center of the Islamic world—a development that only such a prolonged state of security could have fostered. Before all else, however, fifteenth-century Cairo was the seat of the Burji-Circassian sultans. The complexities and shortcomings of their rule cast a shadow over almost every aspect of life in the capital. Since the civilian elite were financially dependent upon and politically subordinate to the Mamluks, the social system in which they functioned was crucially affected by their rulers' policies.

D

THE MAMLUK INSTITUTION AND ITS ESTABLISHMENT IN EGYPT The origin of the Mamluk system predates its foundation in Egypt by several centuries. Widely dispersed in the central Islamic lands during the Middle Ages, this type of regime should not be regarded as unique to any particular Muslim state, but rather as characteristic of the Islamic political tradition as a whole.2 The term Mamluk is a passive participle of the Arabic verb malaka: to own or possess, and means literally "one owned." It referred specifically to a white male slave imported for military service, primarily from Turkish-speaking regions of Central Asia, although slaves were purchased from several other areas at various times as well.3 The Mamluk institution emerged as a consequence of the Arab penetration of Central Asia, when the need for a reliable professional army arose, to replace the Bedouin forces of the initial conquests, who began to settle and be assimilated by general society, thereby abandoning many of the traits that had rendered them such effective warriors.4 Although the caliphs began sporadic use of Mamluks during the late Umayyad period (A.D. 715-750), reliance upon them as the critical element of a regime's military apparatus dates from only the first half of the ninth century during the reign of the 'Abbasid caliph, al-Mu'tasim (A. D. 833-842). The 'Abbasid empire was multinational and could not rely upon the support of some favored regional element, as the *5

ι6

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

Umayyads had relied on their Arab-Syrian elite. Instead, the 'Abbasids inaugurated a policy of developing a military machine, the core of which was composed of imported slaves. Such slaves owed their status and power entirely to the ruler or dominant oligarchy responsible for their purchase. Highly impression­ able adolescents, selected for their quick wit and physical prowess, would be trained not only to excel in the martial arts but also to bestow their undivided loyalty upon their benefactors. By such a strategy the rulers of several imperial states during the medieval period sought to secure their control over populations whose allegiance was often doubtful. Until the thirteenth century and the era of the great invasions, the success of this policy from a military perspective was outstanding. Mamluk armies, rarely larger than a few thousand troops, scored extraordinary victories against both external enemies and internal rebellions. Socially, however, the slaves' peculiar status created abiding tensions and laid the foundations for serious defects in the political and economic structures of the central Muslim zone. The training procedures devised for the Mamluk corps were designed to emphasize their elite, alien status in whatever society they dominated. Their patrons sought to separate these troops from the indigenous pop­ ulation in order to prevent their assimilation, which would have led inevitably to divided loyalties and a breakdown in morale and group solidarity. Indeed, the earliest rationale behind these policies of forced isolation and virtual encapsulation within a society stemmed from the efforts of the first caliphs to preserve the fighting spirit of their Bedouin forces by stationing them in military camps away from the conquered peoples. Since the Bedouin Arabs were free men, this attempt was doomed to failure, but the ideal of their pristine valor, unsullied by contact with the masses, remained to haunt subsequent rulers and their advisors. Separation from the general society was achieved much more effectively with the corps of purchased slaves. Yet the impact of separation on these slaves did not promote the total dependence and absolute reliability initially envisioned. The competi­ tiveness instilled in Mamluk trainees combined with their sense of iso­ lation to produce a peculiar blend of arrogance and insecurity. Rarely beloved by the masses that they were encouraged to despise, the Mamluks came to regard themselves as a privileged caste who could lay claim to the lion's share of their state's fiscal assets in return for the security they provided. They soon demonstrated that the exercise of a military monopoly must lead to political manipulation at the highest levels. Few regimes were able to restrict their Mamluks to solely military functions. Indeed, the histories of several regimes were characterized by the ef-

THE MAMLUK INSTITUTION

*7 5

fective supplanting of the ruler's independent political authority. In other words, he became the pawn of his own slaves, who maintained him as a figurehead. Over time, astute sovereigns sought to cope with this phenomenon by disenfranchising their predecessors' Mamluks, re­ placing them with their own recently imported troops. Thus, the Mamluk institution was riven with factionalism; internal strife was endemic to the system. The resultant political milieu imbued the individual Mamluk trooper with a keen sense of his personal vulnerability. He responded to it with a narrow projection of loyalty to the barracks mates of his unit and his immediate patron; he trusted no one else. To all other elements in the society, the Mamluks exhibited scornful disdain marked by a degree of self-interest unfathomable even to many of their contemporaries. Re­ stricted to a program of training in the use of arms, the Mamluks knew little of agriculture, commerce, or conditions promoting sound economic development. They were willing to delegate these matters to civilians who had the expertise to deal with them; but they always made it clear that their own demands were to be met, even if the economy suffered. Thus, the balance sheet of the Mamluks exhibits a mixture of achieve­ ments and shortcomings. Without question, their military record was extraordinary. Indeed, the Mamluk institution was responsible for the capacity of the Islamic community to sustain itself militarily against a host of enemies during the Middle Ages. The Mamluks could lay claim to many splendid episodes in Islamic history.6 They also remained the staunchest of orthodox Muslims. Although guilty of many personal excesses, over which contemporary chroniclers gloated in their works, the Mamluks uniformly supported the 'ulama' in the latter's efforts to promote solidarity of belief. Yet the vulnerability of their position, combined with the factionalism that was natural to such a system created an atmosphere of instability at the very zenith of the social hierarchy that took its toll at all levels below. This study will explore the Egyptian case as a specific illustration. At this juncture, we must be aware of the widespread cynicism and lack of public confidence in the body politic inspired by the Mamluk example, regardless of the impressive record of triumphs on the battlefield or the outward impression of security and communal cohesion. The presence of Mamluks in the Nile valley on a regular basis began with the reign of Ahmad ibn Τύΐύη (A. D. 868-883), himself a Turk from Samarra in the service of the 'Abbasids; but the Mamluk institution became entrenched in the country only as a consequence of policies implemented by the Ayyubid conqueror, Salah al-Din (A.D. 1169-1193).

ι8

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

It was Salah al-Din who expanded and modified the system of land allotment {iqta) in Egypt by introducing techniques developed in the Saljuq East as a means of supporting a professional standing army with­ out relying on taxation to pay salaries.7 Subsequent Ayyubids main­ tained Mamluk contingents, along with Kurds and other ethnic forces; but a regime actually controlled by a clique of military slaves emerged from a coup following the death of the last Ayyubid sultan, al-Salih Najm al-Din, in A.D. 1249, and the assassination of his legitimate heir, Turan-Shah, in A. D. 1250. Al-Salih's widow, Shajar al-Durr (Spray of Pearls), a woman of Armenian extraction, governed jointly with a grand amir by the name of Aybak. The new regime was torn by conflict from the start, however, and Shajar al-Durr, having instigated the dispatch of her partner in usurpation, survived him by only four days.8 Thus the real architect of the Mamluk state in Egypt, al-Zahir Baybars, did not assume the sultanate until 1260. His organizational programs, bolstered by a series of spectacular victories in Syria-Palestine, consolidated an empire and a system of government destined to last some 250 years. 9 Medieval chroniclers divided the Mamluk epoch into two broad seg­ ments: the Bahriya (to A.D. 1382), so called after Mamluks purchased by al-Salih and housed in a fortress complex on the Nile (Arabic bahr or river) island of Rawda; and the Burjiya (to A.D. 1517), after Mamluks housed in the Tower (burj) Barracks of the Citadel. The initial Bahri Corps and their successors were recruited primarily from Qipjak-speaking Turks, with sizable contingents of Mongols, while the majority of the Burjiya were imported from Circassian regions of the Caucasus. The Bahri period witnessed the solidification of the Mamluk institution in Egypt, the legitimization of its autocrat by the transferral of the 'Abbasid caliphate to Cairo for the express purpose of his enthronement, the elimination of residual Crusader elements in Palestine, and the cen­ tralization of the iqta1 system. The latter policy, rigorously pursued by Baybars and al-Mansur Qala'un (A.D. 1279-1290), fulfilled its primary objective of supporting the Mamluk elite while preserving their isolation in the capital and regional administrative and defense centers. It also had momentous consequences for Egyptian agrarian history, and indeed for the very nature of Egyptian society. By concentrating the ruling caste in Cairo and blocking the alienation of holdings to individual amirs,10 the Bahri sultans inhibited the growth of a rural aristocracy in Egypt during the later Middle Ages—that is, a gentry class familiar with the mass of peasantry and concerned in a positive way with the realities of agricul­ 11 c tural production. To the ruling elite, the iqta system served to yield revenues—and that was all. Few Mamluks extended their interest beyond

CIRCASSIAN ADMINISTRATION

19

the fiscal potential of this system, which nonetheless remained the foundation of the economy. By establishing the Mamluk institution in Egypt, the Bahri sultans formalized the separation of military and civilian spheres of influence. The consequences of this policy were to prove as fateful in shaping Egypt's future as was the centralization of the iqta' system; they are outlined below in conjunction with discussion of the Circassian administration of the fifteenth century. Assessed as a whole, the Bahri period saw considerable progress in terms of commercial growth and sophistication of the artisan. Egypt attained its medieval zenith as an imperial power during the early decades of the fourteenth century. During the latter half of the century, however, the state was sapped by famines, plague, depressions, and social unrest. No autocrat of stature emerged to deal with these catastrophes, and the subsequent rise of the Circassian faction did little to ameliorate them. THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE CIRCASSIAN SULTANS It is widely recognized that the Circassian sultans never successfully imposed a dynastic principle of succession on the imperial throne.12 Although al-Zahir Barquq (A. D. 1382-1399) designated his son, al-Nasir Faraj (A.D. 1399-1412), as his heir, the latter's unfortunate and tumultuous reign set no precedent for future successions.13 Subsequent attempts of sons and their supporters to hold their fathers' thrones were doomed to failure. Such emphatic rejection of the dynastic principle by the upper echelons of the Mamluk oligarchy was characteristic of the Circassian period. This may well accord with the principle of primus inter pares that governed the status of the sultan vis-a-vis his colleagues, the great amirs of the realm, during the early Mamluk period, but it did little to promote the stability of the central government. During the fifteenth century, the throne became the ultimate goal of every ambitious amir, and the institution of the sultanate lost much of the respect it had accrued since the reigns of Salah al-Din and Baybars. The great amirs of the fifteenth century regarded the office of sultan as a legitimate prize for their political machinations. Their attitude permeated the ranks of the entire Mamluk establishment from the viceroys, atabeks (field commanders), and provincial governors who were closest to the sultan, down to the lowest barracks trooper. Once in office, a sultan considered the security of his position the major responsibility of his administration, and took elaborate steps to confound and disrupt any possible alliances against his person.14 No one could be more familiar with the possible tactics an amir might employ to overthrow his sov-

20

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

ereign than the incumbent sultan himself, who had successfully employed such tactics to gain the throne. The highest levels of the Mamluk elite during the fifteenth century were thus engaged in an unceasing struggle between the sultan and his supporters on one side and the constantly shifting alliances among the amirs and their clients on the other.15 This phenomenon permeated every aspect of government throughout the Mamluk empire. No official in the bureaucracy, wherever he might be, felt completely secure from its effects. The civilian elite and the Mamluks whom they served functioned in a symbiotic relationship. Neither class tended to intrude upon the other's sphere of influence. Indeed, each regarded the other as naturally unsuited for its ordained function. During the Mamluk period, all military activities and most executive authority remained the exclusive prerogative of the Mamluk elite,16 while the mundane staffing and operation of the administrative bureaucracy, as well as exclusive control over the civilian legal, religious, and educational establishments (although not necessarily the power of appointment), was reserved for the civilian learned or 'ulama'. Given this state of mutual dependence, recognized by both classes, one might assume that mutual respect would automatically arise. Throughout their tenure of exclusive military and executive authority, however, the Mamluks maintained an ambivalent attitude toward the 'ulama'. In general, during the Bahri period the sultans who distinguished themselves as statesmen as well as soldiers did recognize the critical role of the learned man in society, beyond his specific duties in the bureaucracy.17 Some of these sultans were illiterate, but they possessed a keen political acumen that noted the importance of a stable and respected educated class to maintain orderly government. The Circassian period did produce individual sultans endowed with political sagacity; but they largely failed to maintain the tradition of genuine respect for the 'alim on his own terms, a tradition actively promoted during the Ayyubid period and at least paid lip service under the Bahri rulers. The resulting situation seriously demoralized the varied elements of the civilian elite. The 'ulama' were exposed to political tension caused by the incessant feuds between volatile factions of the Mamluk elite. Indeed, they found themselves compelled to take sides in the complex tapestry of alliances among the great amirs. Such alliances affected the staffs of these amirs, who in turn demanded the loyalty of the men serving them. They expected their civilian clients to engage in certain activities and forms of intrigue not open to the Mamluks. The pattern of alliances was ever changing because of the intricate ranking system of the military elite, a system established during the

CIRCASSIAN ADMINISTRATION

21

Bahri period and adjusted to the tenure of each sultan in office. Mamluks acquired their basic identity from the sultan or amir who had commissioned their purchase. Those destined for the imperial court (al-mamalik al-sultaniya) affixed their loyalty to the sultan and his associates, who supported and trained them for his particular service.18 These men, upon their manumission at early maturity, were designated purchased royal Mamluks (mushtarawat, ajlab, julban) and enjoyed a dominant position in the military hierarchy—but only as long as their patron occupied the throne. At the sultan's death or deposition, the majority of them immediately fell to a status reserved for those whose loyalties lay with a previous sultan (mamallk al-salatin al-mutaqaddima, qaranis, qaranisa).19 Since even the Mamluks who were most intimately associated with the former sultan (khassakiya), who had constituted his household and personal bodyguard, were subjected to this humiliating diminution of status, the position of even the highest offices of the realm was precarious at best. Furthermore, the new sultan tended to view the Mamluks of his predecessor as a prime source of intrigue, if not open rebellion. In general, this attitude was fully justified. Political realities and experience within the Mamluk elite stressed the importance of securing one's own position by building up a body of troops who owed their preferred status to oneself.20 If a sultan were to entertain any hopes of a stable reign, they would have to rest on his success in developing and augmenting his loyal body of mushtarawat. This volatile system was held to an equilibrium of sorts during the Bahri period by two circumstances: a partial system of dynastic succession, and the relatively long reigns of the major sultans. Neither of these conditions prevailed in the Circassian period, except during Qaytbay's reign. As a result, the tendency toward anarchy now became the normative state of political life in the empire. Of the twenty-one individuals who ascended to the sultanate during the fifteenth century, only eight reigned for more than five years.21 The political history of the empire during this century derives essentially from the activities and policies of these eight men, but it was the rapid turnover that produced the tension permeating the various Mamluk cliques. The system of formal dispossession outlined above, when applied to the pervasive phenomena of short reigns and subsequent struggles for succession, meant that individual Mamluks (mamalik al-umara'),22 who had spent their adult lives and invested their talents in the service of an ambitious amir, aiding his rise in the hierarchy, could look forward to only a few years as the most favored of the realm (khushdashiya)—if their patron actually did attain the throne. The odds were, of course, that he would not.

22

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

The mushtarawat who had been purchased by a sultan after his enthronement were often barely manumitted before they were out of royal service, facing an uncertain future. Many officials in the military hierarchy were dishonorably discharged from their positions and confined or exiled for indefinite periods. Indeed, many Mamluks at all levels were subjected to brutal torture or execution in order to rid the incumbent ruler of as many potential sources of insurrection as possible. This attitude of the sultans may appear callous, but it was pragmatic and based on personal experience. Every contender for the sultanate had to surround himself with troops of proven loyalty. All cadres of Mamluks who had served other masters or earlier rulers were suspect and viewed as potentially mutinous, and this assessment was basically sound. The effect on the state as a whole of this constant need to replace Mamluks was of great consequence. Due to the depressed economic conditions prevalent during the fifteenth century, the sultans were unable to counteract the threat of mutiny by mass purchases of new Mamluks from abroad. Historians have assumed that the sultans of both the Bahri and Circassian periods purchased large numbers of youths every year from the Black Sea steppes, Central Asia, and the Caucasus.23 This demand for the continuous importation of new Mamluks would have required enormous sums of money, however, sums that would have exceeded the capacity of the available tax base or yield from iqta' holdings throughout the empire.24 Recent research suggests that the sultans of the Circassian period were either unwilling or unable to purchase more than four or five hundred youths per year, at a cost not exceeding 35,000 dinars.25 This figure represents only a fraction of the annual revenues required by the sultans to maintain the courtly establishment and the military apparatus. The sultans could not expend vast revenues to import new Mamluks, regardless of the exigency of their own position, because of the related problems of shrinking receipts and rising overall expenses. To offset these expenses, they were forced to neglect the augmentation of their personal armies. Furthermore, the sultans turned to systematic extortion of the general population at all levels to meet their expenses.26 By doing so, they set an ominous precedent for the hordes of dispossessed Mamluks who, being out of service, were not permitted to draw revenue from the iqta' land allotments reserved for those who actually served the ruler during his reign.27 Ultimately, these individuals turned on the general population of Cairo, robbing or extorting "protection" money, with the tacit approval of the sultan who was glad to be rid of their demands for support. By the third decade of the fifteenth century, a large proportion of the

CIRCASSIAN ADMINISTRATION

2

3

Mamluks in Cairo had served masters other than the incumbent sultan.28 Their inferior status and lack of legitimate sources of revenue compelled them to realign themselves with promising new coalitions. Since the reigning sultan rarely welcomed them into the ranks of his own troops or personal associates, it was natural for these unemployed but experienced and capable soldiers to take sides with his personal enemies.29 Of course, enemies of one day might well be royal allies the next, and thus previously sought-after clients might become serious liabilities within relatively brief periods of time. Even though the Circassian epoch produced competent rulers, these individuals were neither able nor willing to prevent a process of shifting alliances—a situation conducive to plotting, intrigue, and open strife often bordering on civil war. Indeed, capable sultans manipulated such strife according to their own purposes, hoping to nullify any serious threat to their position. This internal conflict inevitably inhibited the effective operation of the governmental bureaucracy. That this did not particularly concern those responsible for generating the discord only aggravated the situation, creating an atmosphere of crisis that became the standard condition of service within the bureaucracy. Compounding the problem, Mamluk officers at all levels began to neglect their official executive responsibilities, and since no one else in the state could legally assume them, such responsibilities were increasingly left unfulfilled.30 The most important of the functions that were neglected by these officers involved public security. The system of police networks both within the major cities and throughout the provinces was organized on the basis of professional Mamluk officers at the top supervising local units of militia. The administrative governors (walls) kept an eye on commerce within their provinces and enforced the decisions of their civil officials, such as the na'ib muhtasibs (deputy market inspectors), local qadis (judges), and town or village headmen. In Cairo the heads of the guard corps (ra's nawbat al-nuwwab) and their subordinate officers backed up the authority of the civil officials who directed the commercial life of the city.31 Throughout the provinces, responsibility for maintaining open roads, irrigation systems, fortifications, and postal systems was assigned to the Mamluk provincial inspectors (kashif, kashafa).32 In theory, these officers were to guarantee a level of agrarian productivity commensurate with the fiscal requirements of the Mamluk elite. This is a crucial point. The Egyptian agrarian economy was not under civilian authority, but was reserved for Mamluk supervision, on the assumption that Mamluks should be responsible for the security of their primary source of revenue. If they failed to provide such supervision, no one else in the system could take their place. During the

24

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

Circassian period, the Mamluk officers and administrators paid attention to their executive offices only to the extent that they could extort money from them. This attitude especially characterized the administrators of the iqta' estates.33 A major cause for the neglect of official duties and executive responsibilities was the Mamluks' preoccupation with the discord among their own factions. This sapped their creative energies and encouraged them to ignore many significant developments in the outside world. The most important of these outside developments was the growth of the rival empire to the north, the Ottoman state. The fifteenth century witnessed the remarkable recovery of the Ottomans from the disasters of the Timurid invasion, and demonstrated the resiliency and pragmatism of their bureaucracy. The internal conditions of their bureaucracy compared quite favorably with those of the regime maintained by the Circassian Mamluks. The differences were to hasten the demise of the latter. The impact of this internal conflict among the Mamluks on the 'ulama' who staffed the Mamluk bureaucracy was profound. They were demoralized, and many of them corrupted, by the rampant factionalism.34 They were forced to realign themselves continuously within the shifting patterns of Mamluk dissension, seeking thereby to strike a balance between the factions—a balance in reality unobtainable. Therefore, the nature of an 'alim's bureaucratic career was rendered intrinsically unstable. In other words, the nature of the self-imposed political milieu that plagued the life of a Mamluk officer also warped and belittled the professional careers of the 'ulama' in the bureaucracy. Deprived of security in their legitimate fields, civilians were virtually compelled to involve themselves in the corrupt dealings of the Mamluks who employed them. This need for deception was not limited to individuals engaged in bureaucratic functions. The unstable nature of the Mamluk elite also affected the 'ulama' who retained their traditional functions in the legal, educational, and religious establishments. The activities of the qadis and their associates were the most obviously affected, since they took responsibility for the direction of litigation. Indeed, all the chief qadis were appointed by the sultan directly and were therefore subject to the whims of his personal idiosyncracies, as well as his ambitions or intrigues. Furthermore, the sultans of the Circassian period tended to appoint judges according to the suggestions of key associates, who nominated members of their own staffs whom they regarded as pliable to their wishes. The power to influence if not to dictate juridical decisions was a sensitive issue during the Circassian period.33 Because the scholarly and religious establishments of Cairo administered vast waqf endowments, they too did not escape the oppression

ECONOMIC CONDITION

25

and coercion of the imperial bureaucracy. Wherever new sources of revenue could be detected, Mamluk amirs were likely to ascertain whether or not their confiscation were feasible. This was true even though, as the number and magnitude of surviving monuments attest, the Mamluks invested lavishly in religious and educational endowments. The Circassian Mamluks were not embarrassed by their eagerness to expropriate any source of invested funds, however, even if they sought to immortalize their own names later by making similar endowments at the end of their careers. In an age of financial insecurity, the great amirs who struck it rich were willing to make such gifts as a token of appreciation for their good fortune—and, perhaps, to appease a vengeful God, pledged to punish rapacity and sin in the next world. The majority of Mamluks from the Circassian period did not succeed financially, and recognized no debt to society or religion, however. They did not debate the morality of confiscating educational or religious funds if the opportunity occurred. The 'ulama' administering these endowments therefore continually faced the grim task of maintaining themselves and their institutions in the face of imminent confiscation. The shaykhs in charge of colleges, monasteries (khanqahs), hospitals, shrines, and orphanages joined the ranks of the great merchants in the status of the fiscally oppressed.36 They spent much of their time concealing their wealth and confusing their accounts—or making payments to one faction of the Mamluk elite in order to ward off others. The disturbance of these unsettled times went beyond the realm of finances, however, to stain the quality of intellectual life. The Circassian period did not witness any major flowering of new ideological activity, although it did produce an enormous encyclopedic synthesis of previous work. The reasons for this may be found in part in the uncertain nature of the times. Men who dared to disagree with established canons of belief, or who even dared to offer differing interpretations of established canons, were accused of heresy, a capital offense. The Mamluk elite demanded strict orthodoxy from the mass of their subject population. Thus, the learned civilians during the Circassian period presented an imposing fagade, but they were caught up in an unstable political process that demoralized and corrupted their traditional position in Islamic society. This process was further complicated by the deteriorating economic situation throughout the fifteenth century. THE ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE MAMLUK EMPIRE The economy during the fifteenth century exhibited few positive indications of growth or innovation. The chroniclers of the period concurred that the fiscal condition of the empire was deteriorating steadily, and

26

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

that this process stemmed from numerous defects in the management of the state.37 The hindsight of contemporary economic theory permits us to note one fundamental and apparently insoluble dilemma that drove the Mamluks and their major officials to unscrupulous procedures for raising revenues. This dilemma lurks behind the divergent views held by the chroniclers, but was not explicitly articulated in their works. Basically, shrinking returns from taxes and iqta' landholdings no longer yielded revenues equal to the rising fiscal demands of the regime. Precisely why the traditional sources of revenue diminished is open to debate.38 Quite likely, the trend stemmed from causes beyond the control, and indeed the comprehension, of any premodern government. Whether the Mamluk elite could have tailored their demands to accord with these straitened circumstances and still survived is also unclear. It is important to consider the specifics of this issue here, since they bear on the question of ultimate responsibility for Egypt's precipitous decline as an economic power and the consequent impact of this decline on her civilian elite. The demands of the Mamluk caste—and particularly of the sultan— for cash funds grew throughout the century for several reasons: the demand for new Mamluks; the increasing scale of pensions paid to unemployed, out-of-service, or retired Mamluk officers and troopers; the costs of military campaigns; the extravagant tastes and requirements of the imperial court and households of great amirs; and a general price inflation throughout the century. The first three of these merit further comment. As previously mentioned, the financial straits of the Circassian regime can be detected in the declining numbers of new Mamluks imported annually. We can assume that the sultans of the fifteenth century would have liked to increase the number of youths purchased in order to secure their positions, replacing the extant cadres of Mamluks with their own men who owed them unquestioned loyalty. In practice, however, the level of importation declined until the latter part of the century, and increased moderately during the reigns of al-Ashraf Qaytbay (14681495) and al-Ashraf al-Ghawri (1501-1516). The majority of Mamluks imported during the fifteenth century were bought by the eight sultans who reigned long enough to gather the necessary funds.39 These individuals managed to remain in power because of their personal ability and tenacity, and because they possessed more purchased Mamluks than their less fortunate competitors. From a fiscal point of view, these eight rulers did the worst damage to the country, and even their relatively diminished expenditures for new troops contributed to the depressed economy. This was so in part because of the rising cost of military slaves.

ECONOMIC CONDITION

27

The trade in youths from Central Asia has a history beyond the scope of this study.40 The important point here is that the various regimes in the Near East employing a Mamluk military system rarely controlled either the source of their manpower or the trade supplying it. During the Egyptian Mamluk period, merchants of varied backgrounds gathered adolescents from the Black Sea steppes, Turkish Central Asia, or the Caucasus, and transported them to Alexandria or Damietta. Those who operated this slave trade could set the price according to their own interests and requirements, for they realized that the Circassian regime in Egypt was dependent on them for their supply of new troops, regardless of numbers demanded. Rising prices contributed to the decrease in numbers of new Mamluks purchased. The resultant shortage of mushtarawat was temporarily compensated for by the charisma of the last great sultan of the Circassian period, Qaytbay, whose ability to mitigate the intensity of strife among his subordinates for three decades and bring them together in his service may well have saved the regime from collapse.41 But Qaytbay could not escape the system of military pensions and special salaries to achieve this balance, and he placed a further strain on the economy. The system of special salaries or pensions (murattab, ratib, khubz) for out-of-service or unemployed Mamluks originated with much earlier Mamluk military systems. It was established in Egypt by the late Ayyubids, who employed Mamluks as their special elite force and bodyguard.42 The purpose of the special salaries and pensions, added to income from assigned land allotments, was to encourage or reward loyalty and distinguished service, to enable an individual to save enough for his old age, and to support the inevitable percentage of those who were out of service or retired without adequate income. As was the case for other regimes in the Near East employing similar systems of payments, however, the procedure in Egypt fell into abuse during the Circassian period. Mamluks had always regarded it as their special leverage against the demands of the state. But when their financial position declined during the fifteenth century, due to the high percentage of their number who were unemployed, the Mamluk troops at all levels came to regard this special salary as their primary source of support from the sultan.43 Indeed, this it was for those not in his service, since they were no longer entitled to an iqta' land allotment. As the percentage of unemployed and out-of-service Mamluks grew during the century, the demands on the sultan for support became unbearable. If the sultan failed to pay off at least a large percentage of those demanding support, however, he faced the certainty of insurrection. I would argue that the majority of even the military elite of Egypt during the Circassian period did not enjoy financial security, although

28

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

certain individuals did amass great fortunes. Since many of the members of this elite faced financial ruin, they became a dangerous and unpredictable faction within Egyptian society. They constituted a menace to both public order and the sultan's security, because they monopolized the military force available to the state, and had been trained to regard themselves as its pivotal element. The sultans of the Circassian period responded to this menace with three courses of action: they attempted to eliminate or disperse the mass of out-of-service Mamluks by execution, imprisonment, or exile; they paid off at least some of them; and they turned others loose on the civilian population.44 The sultans used all three policies whenever feasible. But even if they did support the many troops who rendered them no service, they realized that this did not bring them true loyalty. Throughout the century, the mass of Mamluks remained a latent threat to the sultan's personal security. Many of them entertained the hope of joining a successful insurrection that would topple the individual who stood between them and the power and wealth they expected as their right of class. Finally, the Circassian regime inherited from its predecessors, the Ayyubids and Bahris, a reputation for the successful defense of Sunni Islam against foreign invaders, specifically Franks from the west and Mongols from the east. The burden of maintaining this tradition became severe during the fifteenth century, however, when the cost of mounting military expeditions, always a major expense of the regime, had to be met in addition to the other expenses. Military campaigns had previously constituted the central, routine item of the imperial budget; but during the Circassian period, all campaigns constituted extraordinary items to be budgeted through extraordinary methods.45 Sultan Qaytbay spent some eight million dinars on his campaigns, and other major rulers spent vast sums on theirs.46 Since the requirements of these expeditions could not be predicted, their costs could not be anticipated in even the best of circumstances. When there was no appreciable reserve in the treasury, they had to be funded by forced payments from the civilian population.47 The purchase and support of Mamluks and the cost of military campaigns represent the major areas of demand by the Mamluk regime on revenues generated within the state—demands that were inflating. Even during prosperous times they would have presented difficulties, but since the very foundations of the economy were declining, their impact was devastating. The fundamental cause of Egypt's long-range deterioration was the steady decrease in agrarian production. This production provided the basic revenues funding the activities of the Mamluk elite, and thus indirectly supported the religio-academic establishment. The reason for this decrease in production, as measured by diminishing tax receipts,

ECONOMIC CONDITION

29

remains an arguable subject.48 Debate focuses on whether the decline evolved in response to natural phenomena, such as famines, plagues, and resultant demographic factors,49 or derived primarily from governmental neglect and exploitation.50 No regime functioning in a pretechnological age could effectively counteract the impact of plague and famine, of course. If Egypt's rural population was indeed drastically reduced during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, her agrarian output would reflect the effects. Population decline would also explain the progressive abandonment of large tracts of arable land, especially in Upper Egypt, and their return to waste or pastoral conditions. Even if there were severe natural disasters, however, the Mamluk regime did little to develop a policy of adjustment. No attempts were made to transfer populations and resettle underpopulated allotments.51 Nor did the Mamluk muqta's (recipients of land allotments) reserve any portion of their income for reinvesting in their estates. From their point of view, they could no longer spare income for such purposes. The primary goal of the elite vis-a-vis their land holdings thus became little more than to wring out the maximum revenue, returning as little as possible to either the land or those who worked it. As a consequence, the economic position of the peasant tenants declined drastically during the century, even with the expanded opportunities for inheritance resulting from plague deaths. It is quite possible that the peasants saw little reason to improve their output, even if they had access to more land, since resulting increases would be taken by their landlords as dues. In any case, the number of units of land under cultivation did not increase during the Circassian period. The prevalent Mamluk attitude toward maximizing profit was not confined to their iqta1 holdings, but affected the mercantile systems of the state as well. The success of medieval Islamic merchants in the highly competitive world markets of the early and central Middle Ages had become proverbial even in their own day. This success was achieved because both the mercantile classes and their governments recognized that profitable trade required both a pragmatic interpretation of the laws of Shari'a governing business and contracts52 and a keen awareness of conditions affecting foreign suppliers and consumers. From the Fatimid period to the late Bahri period, the ruling regimes in Egypt gave the merchant considerable freedom to do business.53 Above all, the regimes sought in their foreign policies to maintain Egypt's role as the central relay station or emporium in the Oriental trade that supplied Europe with exotic products.54 The major products in this trade were spices, and the spice merchants (tujjar al-karim, karimi) were at the core of the ascendant mercantile class in Egypt. The karimi merchants of Egypt during the central Middle Ages, when

3°

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

they exercised their maximum influence and created vast personal fortunes, stand as one of the brilliant commercial classes of Near Eastern history. They exhibited an abiding concern for the cultural aspects of their society and endowed it richly with waqfs in support of libraries; chairs for scholars, teachers, mystics, and poets; mosques that were magnificent architectural monuments; public fountains and baths; orphanages, hospitals, and rest homes.55 With regard to the practical requirements of their profession, they endowed guest houses along trade routes, improved harbor facilities, and built up a system of warehouses, khans (inns), and caravansarays in which business could be carried out efficiently.56 They maintained contacts throughout the ports of the Indian Ocean, and kept themselves abreast of political developments from Europe to China.57 The karimi merchants were among the best-informed people of the Middle Ages and often served their governments as bankers, wazirs, ambassadors, secretaries, and controllers of privy funds.58 During the Bahri period, a monopoly of political authority was held by the Mamluk elite, but the sultans retained the commercial pragmatism of earlier regimes. Thus, the karimis continued to thrive, maintaining their prosperity and independence because of the economic interests they shared with the regime rather than thanks to altruistic qualities of individual sultans.59 The position of the karimis was not immune to shifts in trade routes and market conditions, of course. Their independence during the Bahri period can be explained in part by a diminution of their activities in Egypt during the fourteenth century.60 When Egypt again regained her central position in the international spice trade during the fifteenth century, the regime was quick to take advantage of the opportunity for more thorough exploitation. The first sultan who both recognized the inadequacies of his fiscal base and elected to intervene directly in the commercial process was al-Ashraf Barsbay (825-841/1422-1437).61 He inaugurated a policy of imposed state monopolies over the major forms of trade and production in the empire, which lasted, with temporary lapses, until the extinction of the regime in 1517. The details of this policy have been studied elsewhere and warrant only an outline here.62 The policy of monopoly entailed establishing control over those engaged in trade in order to regulate buying and selling prices according to levels set by the sultan's bureaucracy. The sultan could then charge percentages of these prices as monopoly dues. Barsbay did not wish to involve himself personally in the lucrative spice trade, but only to exploit its profits.63 These profits, carefully and meticulously augmented by the karimis over a long period of manipulating suppliers and consumers, were interpreted by Barsbay and his successors as a state asset. Thus from now on, the individuals who

ECONOMIC CONDITION

31

made the profits could no longer operate independently, but must act as state servants. The karimi merchants and others who dealt in foreign traffic managed to survive the intermittent monopoly system for approximately fifty years before they disappeared from the scene.64 During this half century, they were compelled to operate within an elaborate network of controls. Barsbay took over the ports of the Red Sea and set up his own agents as regulators of prices and goods. He built up Jidda as the regime's major transit station, and forced merchants from his empire and the Indian Ocean to deal there rather than in Aden and Sawakin.65 His agents set the selling prices for goods and, since no other ports were available, Indian and Egyptian merchants had to comply. Producers in India faced a difficult situation because Barsbay forced down their profit margin to a level that, on occasion, did not merit loading the ships.66 Barsbay also compelled merchants in his empire to deal with the Franks or Europeans in Alexandria. In this port his bureaucratic apparatus could supervise the trade and set its artificial price levels.67 These exceeded normal market prices for Oriental goods, and to the disadvantage of European merchants buying goods to sell in their domestic markets. The system of state monopolies originating during Barsbay's reign represents one of several stimuli that prompted European exploration for direct all-water routes to East Asia.68 The mercantile groups of the empire correctly perceived the negative potential of the monopoly policies and appealed to the imperial throne itself. Although respites were occasionally granted, the ultimate response of the sultans was to replace the independent merchants with state merchants (tujjar al-sultan), who represented an extension of the bureaucratic apparatus to commerce.69 These state merchants received their positions as offices, as mercantile farms. They functioned mainly as bureaucrats who were out to provide their master with his required fiscal quotas while simultaneously fattening their own purses. The sultans were willing to permit this siphoning of funds, and indeed encouraged it, since such purses were ripe for confiscation.70 The state merchants could prosper within the empire but were powerless outside it, and they exhibited little of the independent merchants' skill in analyzing external market conditions or building relations of mutual confidence with their foreign counterparts. Accordingly, the state merchants of the Circassian period contributed directly to the decline of Egyptian prestige in world trade.71 Furthermore, because these merchants were responsible for supplying the imperial household with its voluminous inventory of imported luxuries, they soon were subjected to retaliatory price-setting by foreign

32

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

merchants.72 The sultan's household continued to live in proverbial opulence, regardless of the burden on finances. The Mamluks had become accustomed to an abundant supply of foreign luxuries—silks, fine China wares, jewelry, ornamental weapons, foreign steel for armory and weaponry, building stone, mechanical instruments, and so forth—and they continued to demand these luxuries as a service from their merchants, even though the state merchants could not keep down their prices, as had the independent merchants in an atmosphere of open trade. The consequences of the bureaucratization of commerce were farreaching and have left their imprint on Egypt into modern times. The kariml merchants have been discussed because of their relative significance to international commerce, but the monopolies over such commodities as sugar and textiles effectively crippled these industries as well.73 The weakening of foreign and domestic commerce and home manufactures contributed to a decline in domestic buying power. Thus, the relatively high standard of living with its consequent demands for quality goods that had characterized the cities of the empire during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries diminished throughout the fifteenth century. This diminution in buying power led to a corresponding decline in demand for high-quality manufactures, particularly textiles, which had always commanded high prices.74 The general depression thus affected Egypt's internal market conditions and contributed to a deterioration in the quality of goods produced by local artisans. On the question of responsibility for these complex problems of decline, we cannot deny the underlying reality of inexorable natural and social phenomena such as plagues and demographic shifts. But the Mamluk elite was psychologically ill-equipped to cope with these phenomena or even to venture an attempt to live within the means dictated by them. The fundamental cause of this inability may be traced in large part to the elite's conception of their raison d'etre, their role in the state. During the Circassian period the elite failed to grasp the relationship between their immense executive authority and their state's economic interests. The Mamluks, with the sultan as their primary exponent, quite literally owned most of Egypt and Syria's assets in real estate.75 They were steadily augmenting their control over the industrial and commercial capital of the empire.76 Yet they failed to provide pragmatic leadership or encouragement to the individuals who managed their vast holdings, and were interested solely in the immediate revenue potential.77 Again, the sultans appear as the most serious offenders, since they, by virtue of their office, held more capital assets than anyone else in the state. The attitude of the Mamluks can be explained by the nature of their

ECONOMIC CONDITION

33

self-identity. As a military elite, they scorned the activities and life styles of their subjects, who were barred from sharing their prerogatives. Their training physically separated the first generation of Mamluks from the general population and deemphasized all but their own peer values. The Mamluks therefore embodied an extreme barracks mentality, which was responsible for the ultimate direction of the economy. The Mamluks, and especially the sultan, were aware of their economic self-interest only in the sense that when they saw their critical fiscal resources threatened they took action, but of the most negative sort. Programs of local internal improvements had been established by progressive rulers and governors from Tulunid times on, and had been maintained by the major Bahri sultans. But the level and intensity of the strife among the Mamluks during the fifteenth century compelled the rulers to neglect such policies.78 The state monopolies were imposed on a self-sustaining but dependent and subservient bureaucracy, which allowed the ruler and his associates to pursue their political ambitions with no impediments. The monopolies yielded revenues, with no investment required. Thus, although the Mamluk elite was confronted by economic circumstances beyond their control, the policies they adopted ultimately intensified the negative effects of these circumstances. Another aspect of the economic deterioration within the Egyptian state was the commercial revolution, one of several far-reaching consequences of the European Renaissance. The century from 1450 to 1550 witnessed a radical readjustment of world trade. Although the commercial revolution was possible because of the rapid development of new navigational techniques, European merchants and their patrons were motivated to search for new routes in part by a desire to circumvent Near Eastern middlemen. The increasingly arbitrary policies adopted by the Egyptian sultanate concerning east-west traffic in the Oriental commodities demanded by European consumers contributed to a European desire to discover routes granting direct access to sources of supply.79 Prior to the commercial revolution, mercantile associations of the Italian city-states handled most of the goods transferred through Egypt. By the end of the fifteenth century, however, the governments of Spain, Portugal, and England had taken the lead in the search for new routes and spheres of commercial interest, followed by the French and Dutch somewhat later. The impact of their discoveries on the economy of the Near East, and particularly of Egypt, effectively diminished this part of the world as a force in world commerce. It did not prove to be a devastating blow to the region, especially after the Ottomans partially resurrected the trade network based on a new orientation of routes. From the six-

34

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

teenth century on, however, transit trade to Europe through the Red Sea ports and the delta cities of Alexandria and Damietta never regained its medieval prominence. THE INTERNATIONAL SCENE THROUGHOUT THE ISLAMIC WORLD The largely negative economic picture sketched above produced a decline in many aspects of life throughout the Mamluk empire, but even in decline, the Mamluk state was an impressive edifice, the major Sunni entity in the central Muslim world prior to the Ottoman expansion after 1453. It managed to repel the invasions from the east in the later Middle Ages, and acquired an international reputation for security and orthodoxy. As suggested in recent studies,80 the state did not entirely warrant its prestigious reputation; but prestige did accrue to it, and the central Muslim world viewed Mamluk Egypt as a bastion against the disruptive and alien forces from both east and west that threatened to dissolve the Dar al-Islam and reduce it to impotence. Therefore, when the fourteenth century ended with the upheavals of the Timurid invasions, many individuals of diverse backgrounds elected to leave their homes in the east and journey elsewhere, settling at last in Cairo, which might offer the security denied them by the spoliations of Timur Lenk. The Timurid invasions marked the final stages of an era of migration and upheaval that had intensified after the career of Jenghis Khan. The cumulative impact of the Timurid style of conquest was a weakening of urban institutions and of the control of established landed families throughout the conquered regions.81 The undisciplined conquerors imposed an arbitrary system of taxation on the mass of peasantry, who often lost tenure over their land.82 Many thousands of persons from all social classes lost their property and real estate because of either outright pillage or insupportable taxes. The upheavals accompanying the Timurid invasions also produced a shake-up within most bureaucratic institutions of the conquered regions.83 Although the Iranian elite classes administering these bureaucracies ultimately adapted themselves to the conditions imposed by the Timurid hoards, many individuals lost their positions as well as their property. At the same time, the 'ulama' of the eastern Islamic states did not remain immune to the devastations wrought by the invaders. Many college mosques lost their waqf endowments, since the conquerors did not uniformly respect documents drawn up prior to their arrival. When the ruling classes of the various Iranian regimes were dispossessed, a major source of endowment funds and protection lapsed temporarily. Although second- or third-generation Timurids tended to support the learned elite, as had the Iranian nobility,

INTERNATIONAL SCENE

35

during the intervening period many individuals left their ancestral homes and migrated west, beyond the pale of the Timurid conquests. To these people, the reputation and legend surrounding Cairo seemed attractive. The city had never fallen to the conquerors of Timur's ilk, which impressed Muslims from the east who longed to settle in a society secure from foreign conquests. The immigration of these individuals and families from the east had a significant impact on the quality and breadth of Cairo's civilian elite. A similar though less dramatic development was taking place in the far western regions of the Muslim world. Although no invader was devastating the cultures of North Africa, the area constituted something of an intellectual backwater in comparison to the heartlands to the east. Spain had been a great center of scholarly activity, but here the inroads of the Reconquista from the north threatened the future of the remaining Muslim community. As a result, many individuals from Spain and North Africa migrated to Cairo, where they hoped to take advantage of the wide variety of opportunities available in the city. The example of Ibn Khaldiin serves to illustrate this migration.84 The experience of Ibn Khaldiin in Cairo represents one individual contribution to an important social phenomenon. Regardless of misrule by its government, during the fifteenth century Cairo remained a great cosmopolitan city. In the next century, Istanbul would supersede Cairo as the major cultural center, but in the fifteenth century, Cairo offered more opportunities to the learned classes. The very fact of their presence in Cairo added a unique dimension to the city's cultural life. The range of opinion and debate over the state of the Islamic sciences and other established fields of learning was more comprehensive than in other cities, even under the restrictions of Mamluk orthodoxy. Representatives from most major schools of thought, localized in various regions of the Muslim world, were either established in Cairo permanently or resident temporarily during their travels. The city became famous as a center for public lectures and disputations by eminent scholars, and the madrasas often filled to capacity when a famous shaykh from abroad was scheduled to read or discourse on a text. These factors were sufficient to render Cairo a vital scholastic center, despite the negative conditions imposed by the Mamluks on the 'ulama' during the fifteenth century. It is possible to summarize the international status and position of Cairo during the fifteenth century as follows: ruled arbitrarily by a Turko-Circassian military elite and administered by an international community of Islamic literati bound together by a common language and educational background, Cairo was a forum for the scholarly activities of the central Muslim world. Although neither entirely Egyptian

36

THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

nor Arab, the city related to both Egypt and those regions that revered Arabic as the language of the revelation and of education. From the point of view of the scholar sensitive to the difficulties impinging upon his society and class, Cairo was not a perfect environment in which to live. But it was the best available, and the most exciting place to be for those who nurtured lofty ambitions in politics or wished to pursue a learned career.

CHAPTER

II

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE

historians of the Near East allude repeatedly in their works to highly mobile classes of soldiers, administrators, merchants, scholars, and religious ascetics who established themselves in urban centers far from their birthplaces, often leaving even their homelands behind. The famous accounts of great travelers such as Ibn Jubayr and Ibn Battuta suggest how extensive such travel could be. But any analysis of the specific nature of travel and causes for migration from one distinct region or culture zone to another during the Middle Ages poses unique problems because of the lack of archival sources such as census lists, alien subsidies, record books of foreigners registering their arrival at ports, and so forth.1 The biographical sources examined in this study, however, do include numerous references to, if not statistics of, the geographic origins of the individuals they describe. It is therefore possible to formulate certain hypotheses, though not absolute conclusions, concerning the origins of individuals not born in Cairo, or born to families who had recently settled in the city. This study does not purport to plot out the general patterns of immigration to Cairo for two reasons: the nature of the class described in the biographical sources; and the nature of the data itself. First, the individuals described in the biographical sources belonged to a specific social class, the civilian elite, whose migratory and residence patterns did not parallel those of other social groups. And they had interests and needs not shared by the general population that dictated their choices of location in which to settle. Mercantile groups, for example, would tend to gather at centers of exchange—ports, markets, transferring stations—while military groups would be associated with administrative centers and garrison posts. The civilian elite, on the other hand, were associated with the religio-academic institutions that had trained them. Though they were involved with governmental administration, they were appointed to such posts primarily on the basis of reputations they had acquired as jurisprudents or scholars, and secondarily on the basis of personal connections with individuals wielding executive authority. Only an individual who had been able to acquire certain skills in his place of origin was able to make a successful transfer to a large metropolitan center such as Cairo with any hope of meeting success in advanced studies and securing placement in a position.

M

EDIEVAL

37

38

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

The second limiting factor in our study involves the scope of the information provided and the objectives of those who compiled the biographical sources. The compilers of these sources were not geographers but prosopographers interested in identifying as precisely as possible the individuals they described. Therefore, the geographic material that they provided was meant to identify persons by their location rather than trace their own or their families' private movements. The biographies did include all the nisbas for each individual as known to the compilers, but the nisbas were employed principally to distinguish one person from any other. Since so many individuals possessed common Koranic names such as Ahmad or Muhammad, the nisba, whether geographic or other, functioned as a surname or agnomen. Because nisbas, along with the shuhra, which might uniquely characterize one person and his offspring, were the titles passed down over generations as the "family name," the geographic nisba must be interpreted with caution; it may well be an indicator of an individual's own place of origin, but it may only reflect ancestral origins. And the practice of listing several nisbas for some individuals resulted in a multiplicity of place names, which might or might not reflect an actual pattern of migration.2 It must be stressed that many terminal nisbas mentioned in the biographies do represent an individual's place of birth, but unless a birthplace is specifically identified as such, it is impossible to be sure. Origins and sequences of successive residences of individuals or their ancestors may be determined by examining the sequences of nisbas as a group, but the birthplaces must be specified to be considered accurate. In general, it is possible to ascertain a general pattern of origins by comparing the large number of place names provided by the nisbas with the smaller numbers of birthplaces cited, and working out a proportional estimate. This is the procedure adhered to in the subsequent analysis.3 Given the limitations of the biographical sources, this chapter can claim four goals. First, it will plot the origins of the individuals described in the biographical dictionaries as far as possible, and then suggest the ancestral regions of these people or their families. The patterns revealed in the maps will quite accurately depict the families' origins, but be less accurate for individuals.4 They are interrelated phenomena, however, and should be regarded as phases of an ongoing process. Second, the analysis will examine the various regions or urban centers in which these individuals or their families originated. The purpose here is to establish hypotheses explaining why certain areas produced large numbers of civilian elite during various periods and why others did not. Some individuals adapted to conditions in Cairo with considerable sue-

DELTA (MAPS I-A, I - B )

39

cess, due to their previous training and eminence elsewhere. Can we delineate zones or regions that produced more members of the elite than other areas? Is it possible to define the type of environment necessary to produce a viable class of literati capable of communicating with their peers throughout the Muslim world? What sorts of institutions were necessary to support this class, and where were they in abundance within the Near East? How would the types and number of such institutions vary according to region? These questions, based on "internal" stimuli or causes behind migration, may contribute to an interpretation of the patterns on the maps. Third, certain political and economic stimuli behind decisions to migrate will be discussed. These can be classified as "external" causes, in contrast with those mentioned above. They would have included such phenomena as political upheavals, internecine wars, foreign invasions, and imposition of control by alien ruling groups. These external factors, unique to any given region, may well have influenced the political attitudes and even the psychological qualities of persons who traveled to Cairo to rebuild interrupted careers. Such contrasting attitudes could create a unique political milieu in the city that received these people. Finally, this analysis aims to establish a general hypothetical pattern of migration to Cairo based on several broad categories of occupations and professional activities. The feasibility, and indeed the credibility, of these analytical procedures and the resultant hypotheses depend on the quality of geographic evidence available. Accordingly, the regions most suitable for this type of inquiry lay within the frontiers of the Mamluk empire: the Nile Delta, Syria-Palestine, and the Nile Valley (in the order of quantity and quality of data). Beyond the Mamluk frontiers, we must rely increasingly on assumptions derived from more isolated cases. Since the Iranian regions yielded the most geographic data of any area outside the Mamluk empire, and were also the seat of an ancient historiographical tradition, our methodology may be applied more rigorously there than to the other zones of the Muslim world—Anatolia, Iraq, the Arabian Peninsula (technically, a part of the Mamluk empire), and North Africa. For these regions, the analytical procedures are not uniformly applicable. MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM THE DELTA (Maps I-A, I-B) The biographical sources indicate, predictably, that the majority of the individuals who themselves or whose families moved to Cairo had their place of origin within the valley of the Nile River. Furthermore, the

4°

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

sources indicate the greatest general concentrations of geographical nisbas and birthplaces for these Egyptians in the Delta region.5 Because the integrity and security of the Nile Valley remained constant during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, this pattern of intraregional migration was not notably influenced by the external factors of war, foreign invasion, or confiscation of property by alien conquerors, as was true in other regions of the Near East. The reasons for an individual or family to contemplate transfer to Cairo were substantial. Cairo had been the major urban center of Egypt from its foundation by the Fatimids. The older commercial city of Fustat had developed rapidly after the Arab conquest. Only Alexandria could claim to rival the mercantile establishment of Fustat during the early and central Middle Ages. Indeed, this urban site, located just above the cleavage of the river into its Delta branches, had represented the crucial strategic control center of the country from ancient times. During the Mamluk period, however, Cairo assumed a role disproportionate even to its status under previous regimes. Since the Mamluks divided most of the real estate, commercial, and productive assets of the country among themselves in a system of allotment and tenure, most revenues from rents charged on these assets accrued to them. And because the Mamluks tended to concentrate in Cairo, they did not distribute these enormous revenues back to the provinces but spent them maintaining themselves in the capital. The city was therefore receiving an extraordinarily large proportion of the state's revenues throughout the Mamluk period. The percentage of these revenues spent by the Mamluks on the foundation and endowment of religio-academic institutions or monuments varied considerably throughout the period, but the great majority of whatever was spent was concentrated in Cairo. As a result, the city offered more of the kinds of positions sought by the 'ulama' than did any other site in Egypt. We must recall that the civilian learned were confined to a limited number of professional options, even though their training was not very specialized and they could in theory fit equally well into a variety of bureaucratic, legal, scholarly, and educational positions. Regardless of the positions they ultimately attained, these people usually began their careers as petty salaried officials, legal adjutants, teachers, or religious custodians. They were employed in the bureaucratic staffs of great Mamluk amirs or of the central governmental authority beneath the sultan, or found their place within a substantial commercial class, or in an institution supported by endowments. Under the Mamluk regime, only Cairo constituted an environment providing these conditions of employment on a massive scale. An ambitious individual who sought

DELTA (MAPS I-A, I - B )

41

to attain renown or to pursue a higher education would therefore be obliged to continue his studies and seek his fortune in the capital. Given these motives behind a move to Cairo, we can discern a series of steps or phases in the resettlement of these Delta Egyptians. In general, an individual tended to transfer to Cairo after he had completed his initial studies in the Koran and the fundamental Islamic sciences. He might have already held a post in a local mosque or madrasa. More rarely, he had occupied some minor administrative post. Often, but not always, at the behest of a relative or friend of the family who was established in Cairo, he transferred to the capital to continue his studies in one or more of the collegiate madrasas of the city. At this time, the individual would begin to specialize in some aspect of the Islamic sciences. Following successful completion of such specialized study and appropriate licensing by groups of recognized scholars, the individual would be appointed to a post in the bureaucracy, the judiciary, or the religio-academic institutions. 6 It was usually at this time that the young man married. In the majority of cases, he selected a woman from a well-established family in Cairo rather than from his home town, thereby associating himself with his wife's family and the elite of the city. Thus, the individual tended to create a family within his new environment. His only significant relationship with his place of origin was to provide opportunities for education and positions to younger members of his family once he had established himself in the capital. The concentrations of sites within the Delta mentioned in the biographical sources indicate a consistent flow of individuals to Cairo from the following areas: the two major Mediterranean ports of Alexandria (al-Iskandariya) (1) and Damietta (Dumyat) (318), the towns and villages of central Gharblya and Minuflya districts; and to a lesser degree, the towns and villages of Sharqiya, Qalyubiya, and Buhayra districts. Alexandria and Damietta were not the primary centers of migration, but they stood out as two of the major urban sites. Alexandria was exceeded only by al-Mahallat al-Kubra (99), in the heart of Gharbiya, in terms of frequency of reference in the sources. Damietta ranked behind Alexandria but also yielded a major concentration of references.7 These two cities stood out in relative isolation, since their surrounding areas did not produce a consistent flow of immigrants to Cairo. Apparently, they did not function as local administrative and cultural centers, or relate to their hinterlands as regional capitals. In the sources there is repeated reference to travel between the three cities by Mamluks, bureaucrats, the judiciary, and particularly merchants. In addition, groups of foreigners were obliged to take up residence in the two ports in order to carry on their business. The range of activities, professions, and

42

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

occupations engaged in by the Skandaris and Dumyatis differed to some degree from those of the sites in the central Delta, especially in terms of emphasis on artisanship and commerce as against education and religion, but all of the representative types did appear among the individuals originating in the port cities.8 And one relationship to Cairo that remained constant for Alexandria and Damietta was their direct tie with the Mamluk military elite and the administrative-commercial bureaucracy.9 During the early Mamluk period, the ruling regime built extensively in both cities. A significant proportion of the Mamluk elite was obliged to reside in those outposts (designated thaghr, or "frontier region") in order to oversee trading activities between Egyptians and foreigners, and guard against raids by potentially hostile naval powers. Alexandria also became famous as a center for exiled Mamluk amirs, relatives of deceased sultans, and political or religious prisoners. Therefore, these two cities appeared in the biographical sources as prominent but somewhat isolated ports, distinct from their surrounding districts and maintaining direct ties to Cairo. The pattern of migration exhibited by the central Delta differed from that of Alexandria and Damietta. In the Gharbiya10 and Minufiya districts, several large towns yielding relatively high numbers of nisbas and birthplaces were complemented by dense clusters of villages throughout their hinterlands. The most prominent Egyptian provincial town, in terms of migration to Cairo, was al-Mahallat al-Kubra (99), located in one of two salient clustering patterns of the Delta. The second-ranked town in the Delta was Minuf (160), located in the midst of the second cluster.11 The two districts yielded the majority of references to individuals moving to Cairo from the Delta. Individuals from these areas often transferred from a small village or town to one of these two cities prior to their final move to the capital. Unlike Alexandria and Damietta, therefore, the provinces of the Delta were made up of a series of interrelated centers through which individuals often moved in one or more phases before leaving the region permanently. It should be noted that the clustering patterns of sites in the districts of Gharbiya and Minufiya followed the contours of the Damietta branch of the Nile, which constituted a focus for emigration. The regions mentioned most frequently in the sources lay to the immediate west of the Damietta branch. The provinces of Buhayra and Sharqiya possessed several noticeable centers of migration, but they did not reveal any such clustering patterns. Qalyubiya district, although the closest in proximity to Cairo, was significant only in terms of four centers—Qalyub (218), Siryaqus (221), al-Khanqah (222), and Tukh (231). It too revealed no integrated cluster of sites. Al-Khanqah and Siryaqus supported a prominent monastic in-

DELTA (MAPS I-A, I - B )

43

stitution, and enjoyed the benefits of lavish endowments from the ruling elite in Cairo. The district of Jiza (Giza), immediately southwest of Cairo, revealed several distinct centers, but again no cluster, a trend that held throughout the Upper Valley. Jiza was unique; as the sultan's personal property, its estates and revenues were reserved exclusively for the requirements of the imperial court.12 Here were located, for example, the tracts of grazing land reserved for the herds of horses belonging to the Mamluk cavalry. There were substantial tracts of the Delta that were not represented in references to migration to Cairo, and the areas of highest representation can be sharply distinguished from them. Most apparent are the extreme northerly areas of the central Delta (modern Kafr al-Shaykh and western Daqhiliya), the eastern areas of Sharqiya, and the southwestern sections of Buhayra. These vacant areas may have been underdeveloped agrarian zones of the Delta with large unirrigated tracts and undrained tidal swamps or marshes. During the later Mamluk period, relatively little progress toward land reclamation was made anywhere in Egypt, except perhaps in Jiza district. The profile of underdeveloped areas, therefore, held fairly constant throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The frequency of migration by the 'ulama' from the Delta to Cairo varied only to a limited degree during the fifteenth century.13 Any variations cannot be explained without detailed studies of the local histories of the various districts, for which there are few sources. It is unlikely, however, that the general economic and social conditions saw any improvement during this period. The general provincial neglect, mismanagement, and exploitation so characteristic of the central government during the Circassian period may well have resulted in a marked decline in agricultural production throughout the country. The various mechanisms for endowing religio-academic institutions were closely tied to the revenues that flowed from such production, so the generally depressed economic conditions of the provinces could stimulate individuals associated with the 'ulama' to leave these areas for better prospects in Cairo. We can perceive in the data on migration from the Delta to Cairo certain patterns that elucidate the cultural conditions of the various Delta districts and towns, the type of individual they tended to produce, and the activities that the individual was likely to pursue. In general, the regions and centers producing individuals who migrated to Cairo possessed certain institutions that could socialize and educate these people for their subsequent careers in the capital. In addition, those towns enjoying the status of regional administrative centers for the Mamluk

44

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

bureaucracy possessed an environment conducive to training bureaucrats and jurisprudents. The more institutions there were in a center or region that corresponded to institutions in Cairo, the more likely it was for the area to produce individuals who made the transfer. Comparative figures for the various general categories of occupations engaged in by the individuals examined here (Tables 1-6) indicate dissimilar conditions throughout the Delta. In general, the two port cities of Alexandria and Damietta generated far fewer representatives of all the various occupational categories than did the central delta districts, but among those that did appear, the commercial and judicial types appeared more frequently than the executive, secretarial, and scholarly types. This would accord with the roles of the port cities as entrepots for transferring goods and as seats for district courts dealing with the constant stream of litigation arising from an active commercial establishment. The almost total absence of individuals who were successfully engaged in executive roles is striking, since the Mamluk elite maintained an elaborate administrative apparatus in both ports. Apparently, these cities did not serve as training grounds for future executives, since most decision-making officials, Mamluk or civilian, were sent directly from Cairo to supervise commercial and judicial activities. The districts of Gharbiya and Minufiya, and to a lesser degree Sharqiya and Buhayra, were well represented in all six occupational categories, particularly the religious, scholarly, judicial, and bureaucratic fields. The high figures indicate that these areas supported major cultural establishments during the later Middle Ages. Since the classical Islamic period, these areas have been known throughout the central Muslim world as a "saints zone." Many revered and pious preachers, miracle workers, and holy hermits have been buried here in tombs endowed to their memory by successive regimes over the centuries. Even today, the city of Tanta (121) is famous for the mawlids (birthdays) and 'ids (festivals) celebrating the memory of its great shaykh, al-Sayyid al-Badawi. We can postulate a large number of such endowed tombs (zawiyas) and their associated mosques, madrasas, monastic houses, and libraries supporting a group of revered men (mu'taqadun), sayyids (saints), and sharifs (descendants of the Prophet) who lent a special aura of distinction to the communities fortunate enough to maintain them. Many of these revered individuals, born to local families highly respected in their communities, moved to Cairo on their own volition to continue their educations and to join a Sufi order, or came at the bidding of an associate or relative already established in one of the urban monastic houses or zawiyas in the cemeteries to the east of the city.

DELTA (MAPS I-A, I - B )

45

Nur al-Din 'AIi ibn Muhammad al-Haythami al-Tibnawi al-Qahiri, who was born in Mahallat Abu Haytham (96) in Gharbiya in the year 800/1397-1398 to a prominent family bearing the nisba al-Ash'ari, pursued a career that exemplifies this phenomenon.14 Journeying to Cairo at the encouragement of his mentors in Mahallat Abu Haytham, alTibnawi completed his studies in Koranic commentary and jurisprudence and then joined a Sufi order. Through his influence over a Mamluk amir, he managed to gain access to the newly opened madrasa-khanqah of alAshrafiya Barsbay. He did not restrict himself to the Spartan environment of a monastic cell, however; he succeeded in persuading his Mamluk patron to purchase a house for him near Jannaq Lake. Al-Tibnawi ultimately married his patron's wife after the latter's death, and lived an opulent life until Sultan Jaqmaq confiscated the house and imprisoned him. Influential associates secured his release, however, and al-Tibnawi lived out the remainder of his life in the Ashrafiya complex. He died in Rabic I 888/March-April 1483. The notable aspect of al-Tibnawi's career is that he never held a remunerative post obliging him to perform a service in return for his income, nor did he receive a sinecure supported by a waqf endowment, except for his initial placement in al-Ashrafiya as a Sufi. He managed, as a mu'taqad, to gain first the attention and subsequently the reverence of a Mamluk amir who provided him with a lavish house and income for life. This illustrates that such individuals were able to take with them the prestige and lucrative status that they enjoyed in their places of origin when they transferred to Cairo. Their local reputation helped them to reestablish themselves in the capital. Indeed, this reputation was indispensable to them in seeking the respect and support of new patrons. The districts of Gharbiya and Minufiya produced a host of functionaries associated with the maintenance of the mosques. In particular, we note the incidence of Koran readers (muqri's), prayer leaders (imams), Friday preachers (khatibs), and prayer callers (mu'adhdhins). The large numbers of these individuals in Cairo who were born either in these districts or to families who hailed from them indicates the extent and range of the zawiya and local mosque-madrasa complexes in the central Delta. Many of the prominent scholarly and judicial families of Cairo also originated in these districts. In spite of competition from foreign scholars attracted to Cairo from all over the Muslim world, the Delta Egyptians held the edge, and some of the most eminent families of the later Middle Ages in Cairo descended from them. Few families illustrate this phenomenon more clearly than the descendants of Siraj al-Din 'Umar ibn Raslan al-Bulqini15 and Shihab alDin Ahmad ibn Abu Bakr ibn Raslan al-Bulqini.16 These two individuals,

φ

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

uncle and nephew, were born in the Gharbiya town of Bulqina (98) in 724/1323-1324 and 767/1365-1366, respectively. Omar, the more fa­ mous of the two, moved to Cairo in 738/1337-1338 at the age of fourteen, after successfully memorizing the Koran and completing his basic studies in Bulqina. He studied jurisprudence and Prophetic traditions in Cairo with some of the most reputable specialists in those disciplines. 'Umar then embarked upon an extremely successful teaching career, beginning in the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As in Old Cairo, at the invitation of his father-in-law and former teacher, Baha' al-Din ibn 'Aqil, who had previously held the position. His teaching posts culminated with an endowed lectureship in Koranic exegesis in the collegiate mosque of Sultan Barquq. 'Umar was also appointed mufti of the Justice Palace in the Citadel, and in 769/1367-1368, was appointed Shafi'i chief justice of Damascus, a position he held for a year. He also received the Shafi'i chief justiceship of Old Cairo (Misr al-Qadima). These positions outline an extremely successful academic and judicial career for an individual who arrived in Cairo as a youth of fourteen with little but the praise of his teachers to recommend him. 'Umar's nephew, Ahmad, pursued his education in both Bulqina and al-Mahallat al-Kubra before traveling to Cairo at the request of his eminent uncle to complete his education. Ahmad then returned to alMahalla and entered the local judiciary as a deputy judge. He later returned to Cairo as a deputy in the service of his cousin and uncle's son, Jalal al-Din al-Bulqini. His career culminated in 810/1407-1408, when he was appointed Shafi'i justice of al-Mahallat al-Kubra, a post he held until his retirement from the bench twenty-eight years later. Both 'Umar and Ahmad were industrious and ambitious men. The roster of the positions they held is noteworthy in its own right; but the eminence of the family only began with them. Both men fathered several sons, some of whose fame greatly exceeded that of their fathers, and they were part of the small group composing the summit of the academic and judicial elite of Cairo during the fifteenth century. They held deanships in the most prestigious collegiate madrasas, and occupied chief justiceships both in Cairo and abroad. We shall return to the career of this family in Chapter IV, but it is interesting to note here how the progenitors were able to establish themselves within the elite structure and prepare the way for their descendants. The central Delta was also prominent as a source of individuals in­ volved in the bureaucratic occupations (Table 2). These secretarial, ad­ ministrative, and fiscal activities devolved upon a distinct secretarial class that tended to maintain its integrity over time. Bureaucrats were re­ cruited principally from this class, and positions tended to be handed

NILE VALLEY (MAPS H-A, I I - B )

47

down over generations within related families. For any region to produce a large number of individuals engaged in this type of activity, it would have to maintain relatively complex local bureaucracies in which such individuals could receive their initial training. The great number of bureaucrats originating in the Delta region provides further evidence that especially Gharbiya and Minufiya, and to a lesser degree Sharqiya and Qalyubiya, possessed such administrative and fiscal institutions. The majority of individuals in this secretarial class were involved in the lower or medial ranks of bureaucratic jobs, however—the notaries (shahids), secretaries (katibs), document clerks (muwaqqi's), superintendents (mubashirs), controllers (nazirs), and supervisors of waqf foundation properties and institutions. The major positions, approaching the major executive offices in rank and authority and therefore the highest open to civilians in the Mamluk empire, were apt to be restricted to established Cairo families (Table 2, references to individuals born in Cairo) and to non-Egyptians, particularly Syrians. For example, the office of secretary of the chancellery (katib al-sirr), who functioned as minister of state under the wazir and sultan, was only rarely held by individuals who were from the Delta or who had family ties there. From this we can surmise that the bureaucratic institutions in Gharbiya, Minufiya, and Sharqiya handled procedural matters such as estate auditing, tax collection, recording of district court proceedings, and administration of the myriad waqf foundations associated with the zawiyas, mosques, and madrasas scattered through these districts. The upperlevel positions, demanding considerable experience and personal connections, were open almost exclusively to individuals who successfully penetrated the Mamluk elite and developed personal ties with some of its members. No distinct region of Egypt could be expected to monopolize this type of candidate, but other areas of the Mamluk state did tend to do so. On the basic administrative and procedural level, however, the central Delta provided Cairo with a significant portion of its bureaucratic cadres (see Tables 7-10).

MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM THE NILE VALLEY (AL-SA'ID) (Maps II-A, II-B) The biographical sources indicate that the Nile Valley between Cairo and Aswan produced approximately 20 percent of the Egyptians born outside Cairo who established themselves in the city. This general estimate was reflected in the relative paucity of Sa'idis engaged in the occupations reported in the biographies. Middle and Upper Egypt did produce individuals who achieved renown, but they appeared as somewhat isolated,

48

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

unpredictable cases. Consequently, it is more difficult to deduce what kinds of institutions existed in Middle and Upper Egypt that might have been conducive to generating distinguished members of the 'ulama'. It is only possible to describe the figures as they stand and to pose certain hypotheses. The majority of the Sa'idis, some sixty percent, who moved to Cairo or whose families had transferred there came from Middle Egypt—the districts of Atfihiya and Bahnasawiya, and to a lesser extent, Ushmunayn-Tahawiya and Fayyiim. In these regions, particularly in the vicinity of the towns of Atfih (9), Bush (25) [near Bani Suwayf (28)], Qay (33), Iqfahs (46), Tanbadi (49), Bahnasa (56), and Minyat Bani Khasib (59), some indication of site clustering is discernible, although it never approaches the density of the central Delta districts. In Upper Egypt, which accounts for about 40 percent of the Sa'idis in Cairo, we can discern little clustering, but there were several prominent centers, including Asyut (77), which yielded more nisbas and birthplaces than any other site in the valley.17 The four districts of Upper Egypt reflected the importance of their administrative towns: Manfalut (74), Asyut, Akhmim (89), and Qus (102). These four towns figured prominently in the biographical sources, as did Abu Tij (79), Tahta (83), Jirja (91), Balyana (92), Qina (101), Asna (107), Idfu (109), and Aswan (112). These towns of Upper Egypt appear to have been somewhat isolated centers of cultural activity. They did not function as intermediate steps through which immigrants passed, as did the large towns in Gharbiya and Minufiya, but rather seem to have been the only places of origin reported for the individuals who identified with them in Cairo.18 A phenomenon related to this pattern of isolated urban sites in Middle and Upper Egypt was the discrepancy between the numbers of nisbas reported and the numbers of actual birthplaces. The ratio of nisbas to birthplaces for the Delta and for much of Syria-Palestine was roughly three to one, with certain sites reporting a much higher proportion of birthplaces. For the Sa'id, however, the proportion was roughly four or five to one, and some areas did not report any birthplaces whatsoever. This implies substantial numbers of individuals whose families derived from the upper valley but who themselves were born in Cairo. The discrepancy may suggest a comparatively lower level of economic and therefore cultural development in the upper valley than in the Delta or Syria-Palestine. In certain respects, this does appear to have been the case, but there are other factors unique to the Sa'id that merit consideration. Recent research on Upper Egypt during the later Middle Ages has detected a gradual decline in the general population.19 Data from the

NILE VALLEY (MAPS H-A, I I - B )

49

biographical sources would not only corroborate this general decline but also suggest that it was reflected in the proportion of 'ulama' migrating to Cairo from this region. Several local factors may have influenced the institutional base supporting the 'ulama' class in the area. Although Middle and Upper Egypt were exposed to severe fiscal exploitation during the Circassian period, as a result of the thorough entrenchment of Mamluk infeudation and enlargement of iqta'. holdings throughout the upper valley, yields from these holdings remained roughly stable at best.20 This suggests a decrease in overall production, resulting from the population decline and diminution in the number of feddans cultivated. A decrease in yields for iqta's was almost certainly accompanied by diminishing yields for waqf properties, the primary source of support for the Muslim religious establishment.21 Thus, it is unlikely that the religious establishment of the Nile Valley was comparable to that of the Delta, if measured by prominence and number of zawiyas, madrasas, and similarly endowed institutions. The problems of infeudation, decreasing agrarian production, and diminishing population levels did not fully account for the economic and social decline of the upper valley. From the Fatimid period to around 1400, several towns of Upper Egypt had become important entrepots of the international carrying trade, particularly in spices. As a result of the increasingly elaborate monopolistic policies employed by the sultans of the Circassian period, these cities saw their lucrative trade wither away throughout the century. Indeed, such famous centers as Qus and Qina on the Nile and Qusayr and 'Aydhab (see Map IV-A :1, 2) on the Red Sea coast became virtual ghost towns. Their once affluent commercial and military aristocrats abandoned them, leaving behind empty mosques and caravansarays as mute testimony to an economy that had once flourished.22 In general, the Nile Valley during the later Mamluk period became steadily more depressed and unproductive. This was reflected in both the quality of individuals who moved out of the area and the quantity of data describing them. The occupations held by individuals who themselves or whose families had come from the upper valley suggest a lower level of development than that of the Delta. All the percentages of occupational categories in proportion to numbers of individuals settling in Cairo were lower for the upper valley than for the Delta and abroad (Tables 7-10). Variations among the categories of occupations also showed marked differences. Artisans and commercial types (Table 4) were extremely rare, and several highly specialized professions, such as medicine, jewelry, and gold inlaying, were not reported at all. Although the Sa'id supported an artisancommercial class, the region does not appear to have exported its mem-

5°

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

bers to the capital in large numbers during the Circassian period. The bureaucratic occupations (Table 2) were also sparsely represented, indicating a paucity of procedural and administrative bureaucracies in the upper valley. For the executive occupations (Table 1), theoretically the most exclusive, the pattern of birthplaces suggests that most Sa'idis who attained executive office were actually born in Cairo (Tables 8, 10). The proportions here indicate very low numbers of individuals born in Upper Egypt, and the figures for nisbas (Tables 7, 9) raise the question of the large number of Copts who were frequently employed in bureaucratic and executive positions throughout medieval Egyptian history. The ancient Coptic establishment in Middle and Upper Egypt resisted conversion to Islam, and even today, Upper Egypt includes several areas that are populated by more Christians than Muslims. During the later Middle Ages, these areas were more extensive than at the present time.23 The Coptic establishment was therefore able to tap more resources and real estate in the upper valley for its own support than could Muslims. The position of Copts is discussed in more detail in Chapter IV, but we can note here briefly that the majority of Copts who attained high office (most of whom were converts to Islam or their descendants) were born in Cairo, although often to families who had ties to Upper Egypt. Sa'idi Copts do not appear to have received any more training in Upper Egypt for high position than their Muslim counterparts. Only in Cairo did their representation in these positions loom large. In the judicial, scholarly, and religious categories, the biographical sources indicated a more even balance between individuals deriving from the upper valley and those from the Delta (compare percentages, Tables 7-10), and the wide discrepancy between nisbas and birthplaces was less extreme for these categories. It still appears, however, that Middle and Upper Egypt produced fewer scholars, teachers, and judges than did the Delta; and many of the most eminent Sa'idis to hold these posts were born in Cairo. The career of the famous polymath, Jalal al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Abu Bakr al-Suyuti serves to illustrate this situation.24 Al-Suyuti's father25 was born in Asyut and attained the posts of Shafi'i deputy judge in both Asyut and Cairo, and of instructor in Shafi'i jurisprudence in the Shaykhuniya madrasa. He was later appointed imam to Caliph al-Mustaln. Attainment of so prestigious an office was unusual for a person born in a provincial Upper Egyptian town. The son, raised in Cairo, actually never attained such a distinguished post himself, but he received a professorship at Shaykhuniya, largely through his father's connections and reputation. Here he was free to spend the considerable time necessary to compile his encyclopedic works—compositions rep-

SYRIA-PALESTINE (MAPS HI-A, Ι Π - Β )

51

resenting the apogee of eclectic encyclopedic writing so characteristic of later medieval Muslim historiography. It is doubtful whether al-Suyuti would have acquired the outlook or received the opportunities to compile such works had he grown up in Asyut rather than Cairo. Partly because some regional resources went into the endowments of Coptic institutions, and partly because of economic instability, the tra­ ditional Muslim establishment of Middle and Upper Egypt did not secure as broad a foundation as did that of Lower Egypt. The general trend emerging from the data therefore suggests that although a number of distinguished individuals were born in or derived from Middle and Upper Egypt, they never constituted an appreciable percentage of an occupa­ tional or social group in Cairo during the fifteenth century, and their collective activities evade accurate description.

MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM SYRIA-PALESTINE (Maps IH-A, III-B) During the fifteenth century Palestine and Syria were integral parts of the Mamluk empire. Evidence yielded by the sources suggests a high degree of social and political integration between the elite of Egypt and that of her southwest Asian provinces. Palestine and Syria produced the largest number of individuals transferring to Cairo or claiming foreign ancestry of any region outside Egypt—some 30 percent of the total not native to Cairo (Tables 9 and 10). There was a constant flow of travelers moving back and forth between the major cities of this area and Cairo. The biographical sources provide hundreds of references to individuals initiating, continuing, or terminating their careers in these major cities. Indeed, the pattern of migration does appear to be largely a tale of cities. During the Mamluk period, the political organization of the levant was based on its major urban centers, especially Damascus (66) and Aleppo (141), and secondarily Safad (21), al-Karak (27), Tripoli (Tarabulus) (84), Hims (88), and Hama (104). These cities were the seats of political administration and of judicial and cultural activities. Damascus (Dimashq) and Aleppo (Halab) were the two chief bases of Mamluk au­ thority in the empire after Cairo. These large centers were complemented by clusters of villages, rather evenly distributed throughout Palestine and Syria. This grouping occurred in several areas that remain relatively underdeveloped today. It is possible to see how the economic and social backgrounds of several Levantine regions varied five centuries ago in comparison with the present. The terms Filastin and al-Sham were employed in a geographic sense in the Levant by their medieval inhab-

52

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

itants and have acquired a national connotation only in modern times. The city of Damascus yielded the greatest number of nisbas and birthplaces of any site outside Cairo, indicating a substantial rate of migration to the capital.26 The reasons behind this move were both cultural and political. Damascus, more than any other city in the empire, and indeed in the entire Near East, paralleled Cairo as a social and cultural center. It duplicated the intellectual and political environment of the capital to such a degree that the Mamluks and the 'ulama' of Cairo acknowledged it alone as a cultural seat fit for civilized social intercourse. From the Umayyad period on, with only temporary relapses, the city had developed one of the most sophisticated intellectual traditions of the Muslim world. It possessed a network of wealthy college mosques, libraries, monasteries, waqf properties, endowed chairs, and zawiyas, plus a system of courts comparable to the judicial system of Cairo.27 These institutions were staffed by many educators, scholars, and judges, accompanied by swarms of auxiliaries, and attended by throngs of students. Damascus thus produced a large number of individuals with the necessary background and training for a successful transfer to Cairene intellectual life. Many of the most eminent figures of Cairo had enjoyed equally high reputations in Damascus. The cultural aspect of Damascus was not alone responsible for the high rate of migration, however. The strong Mamluk presence and influence over most economic assets, especially the receipt and distribution of revenues, is now widely recognized as a critical factor in the history of Damascus during the later Middle Ages.28 Mamluk control over the distribution of income may have been even greater in Damascus than in Cairo, since Damascus' economic recovery from the misfortunes of the Crusader and Mongol periods was due primarily to its selection by the Mamluks as their second city. Especially during the fourteenth century, the Mamluk amirs and viceroys residing in Damascus endowed the city's religio-academic institutions lavishly, imitating their superiors in Cairo. A more important consequence of the Mamluk presence in Damascus resulted from the nature of political and personal associations formed between military officers and their civilian bureaucrats. That the Mamluks relied on the 'ulama' to supervise the various aspects of the state beyond the military sphere is widely recognized.29 The great amirs who stood at the apex of Damascene society employed hosts of civilian officials to maintain their households, supply their troops, and organize their ceremonials. They were, of necessity, on familiar terms with all the civilian bureaucratic, judicial, and religious officials of the city, since their final authority enforced, and therefore influenced, the decisions

SYRIA-PALESTINE (MAPS Ill-Α, I I I - B )

53

made by everyone else who held an office. These amirs, and all the various lower grades of Mamluks who performed much of their service in Palestine and Syria, looked forward to culminating their careers in Cairo itself, where their class was concentrated. Especially if appointed to high office in Cairo, these men tended to transfer their Syrian civilian staffs with them. This accounted for a large portion of the Syrians who established themselves in Cairo during the fourteenth and fifteenth cen­ turies. Amirs coming to Cairo not only from Damascus, but also from Aleppo and other administrative centers wished to maintain the relative efficiency and loyalty of their staffs and sought to preserve the benefits of associations built up over several years of duty in Palestine and Syria. The city of Aleppo ranked second only to Damascus in terms of references to nisbas and birthplaces, and was well ahead of any Egyptian town. 30 This northern bastion of the Mamluk empire shared many of the characteristics of Damascus: religio-academic institutions, many sup­ ported by lavish endowments; a major judicial system; and one of the three largest Mamluk garrisons in the empire. Yet Aleppo differed from Damascus in a critical sense. Aleppo had known the devastation of war and the savagery of pillage at the hands of foreign invaders many times in its history. It had witnessed the destruction of its cultural institutions several times since the Umayyad period.31 The city had always recovered some degree of its economic prosperity because of its crucial location at a confluence of trade routes, but no amount of trade and income could compensate for the spiritual and cultural losses inflicted by the wars and pillaging of centuries. The Mamluks reserved a special role for Aleppo, and organized their administration accordingly. The city became a huge fortified garrison with enormous walls and a citadel that inspires awe as a monument to military architecture even today. The amirs stationed in Aleppo did not attempt to create a replica of Cairo, as the governors of Damascus had attempted to do since the reign of Baybars. Rather, they applied themselves directly to military duties, and particularly to securing the unstable northern marches that extended deep into Anatolia and bordered the Armenian Knot. 32 The history behind Aleppo's position as a bastion of defence was shared by all of Syria and Palestine in varying degrees. Even though the Levant belonged to the Mamluk empire, it did not enjoy the same security from foreign invasion that Egypt did. Indeed, the Mamluks regarded all of Syria-Palestine, particularly Aleppo, as a heavily garri­ soned buffer zone, expected to absorb the initial thrust of invasions and allow the Mamluks time to prepare a counteroffensive from their power base in Cairo. This was the policy during both the Mongol and Timurid invasions, and Damascus itself did not escape the latter. The impact of

54

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

this insecure environment on the 'ulama' of Syria was profound. Even though they were residing within the borders of the Mamluk state, they tended to regard Cairo as a more stable alternative to their vulnerable location and were thus more emotionally prepared to abandon their ancestral homes for Egypt than they otherwise might have been. This willingness to leave contributed to the high rate of migration from Syria to Cairo during the later Mamluk period. Both Aleppo and Damascus supported large learned classes. As seats of the Mamluk elite and bureaucracy, both cities witnessed the incorporation of many of these learned individuals into the personal staffs of the great amirs and viceroys. The Dimashqis and Halabis thus formed a distinct group whose subsequent careers in Cairo were often adventurous. The occupations pursued by these individuals suggest that many of those who had cultivated ties with amirs in Syria attained political and social prominence in Cairo. Indeed, a large proportion of the highest offices in several of the occupational categories was occupied by Syrians. This was especially true in the judicial fields (Table 3). The several grades of qadis and their subordinates were well represented by Syrians, particularly from Damascus, Aleppo, and Hama, which were seats of high courts. Most of these qadis had begun their judicial careers in their home cities prior to receiving an appointment to the bench in Cairo. The biographical sources indicate that Syria-Palestine actually produced about 30 percent of the qadis appointed to the highest judicial posts in the capital. The ShafTi chief justiceships of Cairo were dominated by individuals born in the city, but the Hanafi judgeships were equally distributed between Syrians and Egyptians. The influence of Mamluk amirs on the successful upward mobility of these jurisprudents was indirect, since the amirs were not empowered to make all judicial appointments. On occasion, judicial figures became associates of the amirs and moved with them to Cairo; but more often, it was the personal reputation or family connections of an individual that secured him a post in the capital.33 One qadi who did profit immensely from his connections with the great amirs was Muhibb al-Din Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Halabi, known as Ibn al-Shihna, who was born in Aleppo in 749/1348-1349.34 This judge became close to several amirs during his career, reaping the benefits and suffering the consequences of such connections. He was appointed Hanafi chief justice of Aleppo in 778/1376-1377 by Sultan alAshraf Sha'ban, after studying in Damascus and Cairo as well as Aleppo. He was later dismissed from this post but regained it through the efforts of his associate, Grand Amir al-Nasir Faraj, Viceroy of Aleppo and the reigning sultan's son. He was again dismissed from the bench when

SYRIA-PALESTINE (MAPS Ill-Α, I I I - B )

55

Sultan Barquq discharged and imprisoned his son for the latter's alleged plotting of and participation in the coup that had exiled Barquq tem­ porarily to al-Karak. Sultan Barquq imprisoned Ibn al-Shihna as well, although only briefly, for influential friends intervened on his behalf. After Barquq's death, Ibn al-Shihna gained the Hanafi chief justiceship of Aleppo a third time in 800/1397-1398, by order of Sultan Faraj, who made a point of enfranchising many of his father's political prisoners or suspects who had befriended him. Ibn al-Shihna retained this position until offered the prestigious Hanafi chief justiceship of Damascus by another close associate, al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, then Viceroy of Damas­ cus. After his dismissal from this post when al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh was discharged by Faraj, he was offered and chose to accept a professorship in the Jamaliya madrasa in Cairo; the invitation was extended by Faraj and the secretary of the chancellery. Ibn al-Shihna had taught exten­ sively before, but his reputation as a jurisconsult served to qualify him for lecturing on fiqh. He became very famous in this role, attracted notable students, engaged in juridical writing and commentary, and established al-Jamaliya as a major center for studies in Hanafi juris­ prudence. Ultimately, he was appointed Hanafi qadi of Old Cairo by Sultan Faraj. He had always maintained ties with the sultan from their old Aleppo days, but these were strained repeatedly during the final chaotic years of Faraj's reign. An enemy of Ibn al-Shihna brought about his final deposition in 813/1410-1411, when several parties were angling for power. During the last two years of his life, Ibn al-Shihna traveled to Damascus and throughout Syria as a guest of the viceroy, Nawruz, who, together with al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, dominated Syria during Fa­ raj's last years on the throne. He died in Cairo in Rabf I 815/June-July 1412. The career of Ibn al-Shihna reveals the intricate interdependence between appointments to distinguished positions and associations with members of the power elite that was characteristic of the later Mamluk period. Such associations were even more important to the careers of the bureaucrats who received their appointments to offices directly from the amirs and the sultan. The secretarial and financial occupations (Table 2) also drew a large percentage of their members from Palestine and Syria. One of the most important of these offices, that of secretary of the chancellery (katib alsirr), was held by more Syrians than Egyptians during the fifteenth century. 35 The office existed only in Cairo and the provincial capitals of Syria, and the high number of Syrians who held the position was due directly to the individuals' previous close associations with amirs who attained the office of viceroy or the sultanate itself and were entitled to appoint men they knew and trusted. In the case of the financial con-

56

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

trailers (nazirs) of the various bureaus, and particularly those relating to the army, Syrians also predominated. However, the finance ministers or controllers of the mint, the waqfs, the trust properties (ahbds), the state treasury {bayt al-mdl), as distinct from the privy funds and special bureau, were primarily Cairenes, implying that such offices tended to remain under the aegis of both the financial cliques of Cairo and the amirs who were permanently based there. Many of the notaries, accountants, and clerks employed in the bureaus (but not necessarily in the local courts) had moved to Cairo from Syria, but there is less information on their connections with either Egyptian Mamluks or civilian notables. The careers of this type of official, from the secretary of the chancellery on down, were tainted with corruption and embezzlement. The activities of Jamal al-Din Yusuf ibn Safi al-Karaki al-Shawbaki provide an example.36 His father a Christian convert to Islam, al-Karaki never managed to disassociate himself from the unsavory qualities associated with Christian officials, even those who professed Islam. Born in al-Karak (27), Jamal al-Din Yusuf entered professional life as a secretary in the service of 'Imad al-Din Ahmad al-Muqayri, qadi of the city. Al-Karaki's horizons broadened when he accompanied al-Muqayri to Cairo. Following al-Muqayri's death, he entered the service of Burhan al-DIn al-Mahalli, the eminent grand qadi, as a secretary, and prospered to the extent that he rode a donkey publicly, the noblest means of transport permissable to a second-generation Muslim in those times. In 826/1422-1423, the first year of Barsbay's reign, al-Karaki was appointed secretary of the chancellery to the sultan and immediately earned a reputation for swindling. He was dismissed in 827/1423-1424, but managed to avoid being mulcted of his fortune by the sultan.37 His corrupt reputation did not prevent his appointment as controller of the army in 823/1428-1429 by Sultan Barsbay. This was a fabulously lucrative post, and he held it for three years, a relatively long tenure in such an uncertain office. He was dismissed and returned to this office twice again by Barsbay prior to being appointed secretary of the chancellery of Damascus. Then in 841/1437-1438, he regained the controllership of the army, his final position. He left office in 843/1437-1438 and retired comfortably in Damascus until his death thirteen years later. His son, Musa, having modeled his ambitions after those of his father, also began his career as a secretary. He was appointed by Sultan alMu'ayyad Shaykh to the staff (al-simfa) of Musa's relative, 'Alam alDin ibn al-Kuwayz, controller of the army in Tarabulus (84), and managed to accumulate a considerable fortune. After succeeding to the controllership himself, and also inheriting his father's estate, Musa re-

SYRIA-PALESTINE (MAPS IH-A, I I I - B )

57

turned to Cairo a rich man. The story of al-Karaki and his son could be duplicated many times all over Syria. Indeed, Sultan Barquq was so grateful to several officials in al-Karak who aided him in his successful return to the throne after his exile in 791/1389 that he brought them to Cairo and lavished honors on them.38 The biographical sources report cases of individuals from all over the Levant ensconced in Cairo's judicial, executive, and bureaucratic offices. Scholars and educators from Syria, many of whom had become eminent in their home cities, were also attracted to the capital (Table 5). With the possible exception of patronage by Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, however, these academicians had relatively little to do with the Mamluk elite. They were invited to join the faculties of the collegiate madrasas because of their reputations as teachers and writers whose works received the avid attention of colleagues throughout the empire. Famous scholars and rhetors were often invited to Cairo to read and discourse in public upon scriptural texts and their own commentaries on them. Syrians served less frequently as religious functionaries (with the exceptions of imams and khatibs) (Table 6) and representatives of the artisan-commercial fields (Table 4), indicating that a majority of the individuals engaged in administering mosques or working at crafts were native to Egypt. The Syrians were quite evenly, if sparsely, represented in the crafts and commerce, although their distribution from sites within the Levant was uneven. Retailers of goods, merchants engaged in international commerce, and certain professionals such as copyists who successfully plied their trades in Cairo prior to pursuing scholarly activities, originated in the Levant more than in any other area outside Egypt. These individuals were concentrated primarily in the cities of Syria, however; Palestine was underrepresented and Jerusalem reported only four references to nisbas and only one, concerning a merchant, to a birthplace. The evidence would therefore suggest that the north and central Syrian cities maintained most of the commercial activities in the Levant during the later Middle Ages. Jerusalem (al-Quds) (8) and Hebron (al-Khalil) (7) held a special status among the provincial cities. As sites of two of Islam's most sacred shrines, they supported a host of religious functionaries and scholars. Since they did not administer provincial governments, however, they supported no complex civilian or military bureaucracies, nor did they maintain large Mamluk garrisons. Therefore relatively few executive, bureaucratic, or judicial officials derived from these two cities. This is not to claim that Jerusalem and Hebron failed to produce such individuals, but rather that the mechanisms for their successful transfer to Cairo did not exist there

58

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

to the same extent that they did in the provincial capitals. Jerusalem was regarded as the place where God had first chosen to provide His revelation with a permanent shrine. He had called the Messenger Muhammad to Him from the site of His temple built by David. Hebron, the site of the tomb of Abraham and Isaac, also received the veneration of the faithful, who came to view the shrine of God's first recipients of revelation. These two cities attracted pilgrims from the empire and the entire Muslim world who sought sanctuaries imbued with baraka (holy emanation). They functioned as places of residence for the pious and for those who wished to avoid the political turmoil so prevalent elsewhere in Mamluk society. They also became havens for exiled and out-ofservice Mamluks who allegedly came to these apolitical sanctuaries to repent of their many excesses as Muslims against a Muslim society. A sizable group of these disenfranchised Mamluks lived in the Jerusalem area. Many left when they were able to return to active service, but a number stayed on and formed a class of peculiar recluses—pensioners, largely unschooled in theology, the Islamic sciences, or mysticism—who nonetheless clothed themselves in a guise of affected piety. Thus an individual who resided in the two holy cities of Syria-Palestine tended to be a religious scholar, pious ascetic, holy hermit, religious functionary, member of a mystic order, the pilgrim, or outcast from the ruling elite who found sanctuary here. In this sense, Jerusalem and Hebron did not resemble Cairo or the provincial capitals, and thus did not export the 'ulama' in the same fashion. The flow of individuals from the large cities of Syria to Cairo was supplemented by a secondary flow of individuals originating from relatively dense clusters of towns and villages in the immediate vicinity of these cities and throughout the provinces under their jurisdiction.39 This clustering phenomenon, together with the sequences of nisbas reported by the biographical sources, suggests a pattern of primary and secondary stages of migration similar to that noted in Gharbiya and Minuflya districts of the Delta.40 Many individuals or their forebears who originated in a central Syrian or Palestinian town or village moved to one of the major cities, where they or their descendants established themselves in the elite structure. They or their descendants subsequently moved to Cairo, either temporarily or permanently, to take up any of a variety of positions. The birthplaces in the various Syrian and Palestinian zones mentioned in the sources indicate that this process applied to a large percentage of the total group of Syrians. This is to say that relatively fewer individuals from Syria or Palestine than from the Nile Delta moved directly to Cairo from small towns or villages. Rather, their parents or grandparents had moved to one of the major Levantine cities

SYRIA-PALESTINE (MAPS IH-A, I I I - B )

59

a generation or so before and retained the collective family memories and ties to the ancestral site.41 Because fewer of the Syrians who were born in small towns and villages moved directly to Cairo, the biographical sources provided far more data for the cities of the Levant than for the sites in the hinterlands, which was not true of the data describing Delta sites. The majority of the clustered sites in Syria-Palestine lay within the administrative jurisdiction and cultural influence of the major cities— Damascus, Aleppo, Hama, Tarabulus, Safad, Jerusalem, and al-Karak— and all occurred within fifty miles of one of these centers. References in the biographical sources to the sites within these clusters reveals considerable migration both from areas that are heavily populated today and from others that are rather sparsely populated and underdeveloped. According to the data, the concentration of sites lying between Aleppo and Damascus produced the greatest number of immigrants. This would suggest that the west central heartland of the Syrian steppe possessed the most highly developed agrarian and commercial economy of the area during the fifteenth century, since the institutions necessary for the maintenance of the civilian elite depended on this kind of an economic base. The Syrian littoral, west of this central zone, included most of modern Lebanon and all of the present-day Syrian coast. There was little evidence of site conglomeration here, but migration came from the coastal ports, especially al-Ladhqiya (121) and Tarabulus.42 A noteworthy concentration of sites appeared to the southeast, in what is now the east bank of Jordan. This area has recently experienced only modest population growth and economic development, but during the Mamluk period, according to evidence from the biographical sources, the region was moderately well developed. Its urban centers—al-Shawbak (24), al-Karak (27), al-Adhra'at (39), and Busra al-Sham (40)—were cited frequently, and a number of eminent persons may be traced to them. Al-Karak was a provincial capital and major fortress of the Mamluk state. Important political prisoners, including Sultan Barquq himself, were incarcerated in its citadel in order to isolate them from the seats of administration. These towns also possessed the cultural institutions that supported the 'ulama' class. West of the Trans-Jordanian area, in central Palestine, the number of sites referred to in the sources decreased; but there were a considerable number of nisba references to several Palestinian centers in addition to Jerusalem and Hebron. Ghazza (2) and 'Asqalan (4) were particularly prominent. In general, however, evidence suggests a relatively low migration rate from southern Palestine to Cairo. To the east and north of the Syrian heartland—specifically, in the upper Euphrates and Tigris

6ο

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

valleys and the intermediate Jazira district (234)—there was also evidence of migration, although the sources provide relatively few details about the nature of the sites located there. All these zones are sparsely pop­ ulated today. Since the number of birthplaces reported for these areas was rather meager, it is difficult to ascertain how many people actually originated there compared to those who just maintained some ancestral ties to them. Furthermore, with so few references to these areas in the biographical sources, hypotheses about their degree of economic and cultural development during the later Middle Ages are only tentative. The rates of migration from all over the Levant appear to have re­ mained relatively constant throughout the fifteenth century. The in­ crease in references to sites from the mid-fifteenth century on was reflected in the numbers of both nisbas and birthplaces from the major cities. But whether this increase, weighed against the skewing factor of death dates, actually indicates that any real change in the rate of mi­ gration is indeterminable. The increase may indirectly reflect reactions of the elite classes to the Timurid invasions. The devastations wrought upon the Levant at the turn of the fifteenth century were aimed primarily at large cities. As repositories of currency, precious articles, and portable goods, these cities were the objects of Timur's campaigns wherever he went, though his horde's enormous forage requirements led to system­ atic looting and pillaging in the countryside as well. Because of its location, Aleppo bore the brunt of the Timurid thrust and therefore suffered more physical violence, although not necessarily more loss of material wealth, than any other Syrian city. Yet it is clear from the biographical sources that there was no significant augmentation in the flow of individuals from Syrian cities, even from Aleppo, to Cairo during the first half of the fifteenth century. Quite possibly, the option of moving to Cairo was open to only a limited group. Others may well have escaped to other Syrian towns or to those rural areas fortunate enough to have escaped Timur's invasion. Because of mass executions and widespread deaths resulting from disease and the ravages of war, many who might have left may also have died before reaching Cairo, to appear in the sources. Another factor bearing on the possible increase in migration during the latter part of the century is proposed in an argument by Ira Lapidus.43 He notes that since the Mamluk elite faced increasingly severe shortages in its own sources of revenue during the fifteenth century, it invested less money in the institutions that supported the 'ulama'. This was particularly true in the Syrian cities, because the Mamluks permitted the provincial centers to decline first. The 'ulama' were increasingly thrown on their own resources to support themselves and to maintain

IRAN (MAPS I V - A — ϋ )

6l

the essentials of religious and intellectual life in their society. Eminent academicians and theologians would suffer the most from this situation, since reliance on local resources would result in a decline in the founding or expansion of large, complex institutions with specialized programs, and an increase in smaller institutions that more directly served a local constituency. This provided an inducement for the specialists to transfer to the imperial capital itself, still the primary center of higher learning and concentrated (if diminishing) investment in specialized religio-academic institutions of the state. MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM IRAN (Maps IV-A through IV-D) Iran and its contiguous areas, supplying approximately 5 to 8 percent of the total number of elite immigrating to Cairo, represent the second most important source of these immigrants outside Egypt. To shift at­ tention to Iran is to leave the confines of the Mamluk empire and the security it provided. The Iranian areas, a major locus of Islamic civili­ zation and cultural progress, were exposed to one of the longest eras of foreign invasion and political-economic disruption in Near Eastern his­ tory. This disruption was most pronounced during the first Mongol invasions of the early thirteenth century, and lasted until the successful establishment of the Safavids at the turn of the sixteenth. The fifteenth century therefore coincided with the latter part of this era, and saw its social consequences. Although we can assume a constant flow of inter­ nally generated migration of the elite from Iran to major cultural centers such as Cairo, external causes added a dimension to the phenomenon. Before the Mongol invasions, all the internal conditions requisite to the existence of the 'ulama' as a viable class were present in Iran; after 1200 the region was beset with unforeseen and initially insurmountable problems that introduced new stimuli to migration. The initial impact of the Mongol invasions on the Iranian populace was shattering—at least in those regions bearing the brunt of the in­ vasions. Local militarist-iqta' systems of government could not cope with such lethal force, and were eliminated. With the establishment of the Ilkhanid regime at mid-century, the new Mongol-Turkic elite had settled in to stay. This ruling class was alien to the type of government that had evolved in Iran over two millennia. As members of a highly specialized society of Central Asian warrior-nomads accustomed to vast expanses of grasslands, the Mongols knew little of the delicate ecological balance existing in the arid, irrigation-intensive, economy of Iran. Rarely a tolerant people, they regarded the complex agrarian system of Iran as

62

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

a needless impediment to their pastoral cycle. During their first decades, they set about methodically destroying much of the qanat irrigation network, and in doing so, reduced the affected peasantry to a state of economic ruin. They also dispossessed many members of the TurcoPersian ruling elite from their landed estates, and thus temporarily eliminated the old system of land tenure and peasant client rights. The Ilkhanids ultimately incorporated many Persians into the governing bureaucracy when they belatedly recognized that they no longer lived in Central Asia and would have to adapt themselves to their new environment. But they retained the tradition of fiercely independent local chieftains responsible for maintaining themselves in their locale. This tradition impeded the reestablishment of a rational taxation policy in Iran. Early Ilkhanid chieftains extorted irregular sums from both the peasants and the Persian commercial classes. And although Ghazan Khan and his wazir, Rashid al-Din, imposed a set of reforms to correct this situation, the reforms were abandoned after his death.44 Ghazan Khan also brought the Mongol elite of Iran into the pale of Islam when he himself converted. As time was to prove, however, Mongols who took the faith did not cease to behave as alien conquerors ruling over inferior peoples. The initial destruction of rich agrarian areas and urban centers was not compensated for by the Ilkhanids, even after the reign of Ghazan Khan; moreover, the control of the regime weakened steadily during the fourteenth century. The devastations wrought by the Mongols damaged both the agrarian system and the urban network, both of which adversely affected the 'ulama'. By damaging the irrigation-based agrarian system of Iran and abusing the peasantry that maintained it, the Mongols reduced the income base of the region. Since the types of institutions that supported the 'ulama' were dependent on a consistently high and stable income level, these institutions were reduced in both number and stature throughout the region. The openly antischolastic stance assumed by many Mongols aggravated this situation, especially during the period preceding Ghazan's conversion to Islam. In general, the drastic decline in income, erratic taxation, and debasement of coinage accompanying the Mongol occupation meant that the traditional sources of revenue in support of religio-academic institutions declined well into the fourteenth century. This was exacerbated by the Mongol's attempts to disrupt the network of cities that had become foundations of Islamic high culture in Iran. Their hostility to urban life was not attributable to any senseless desire for destruction, but rather derived from their own economic and social structure, which required a pastoral environment.45 Since the

IRAN (MAPS IV-A—D)

63

majority of the institutions important to the support of the 'ulama' were urban-based, such disruption seriously affected Iranian Muslim culture and intellectual life. In the late fourteenth century, Timur's invasions subjected Iran once again to a pattern of agrarian disruption, urban destruction, dispossession from land, and erratic taxation.46 These developments directly affected the Iranian learned elite, many of whom, once they had lost their property and wealth, left their homeland. Great numbers of these individuals migrated east into India, and a smaller number went west. Some crossed the Mamluk frontiers and ultimately settled in Cairo. During the fifteenth century, Iran witnessed no such wholesale devastation again, but the area remained divided between the later Timurids in the east and two Turcoman federations in the central and western zones. The Black and White Sheep Turcomans proceeded to adapt their form of transhumant pastoralism to Iranian geography and ecology,47 and therefore, tended not to disrupt the irrigated agrarian system, which had again begun to recover gradually, at least in certain areas. Given the conditions, outlined above, one would guess that the externally stimulated migration of the 'ulama' should have peaked around A.D. 1250 and again in A.D. 1400. The biographical sources bear out the latter date. Among the sites indicated as geographic nisbas and birthplaces, none of the major urban centers produced a high percentage of the total number of individuals migrating.48 This was in marked contrast to the site configurations in Egypt or Syria-Palestine. The Iranian sites did conform to a clustering pattern that followed the broad concentrations of population in Iran during both the medieval and modern periods. The regions adjacent to eastern Syria and Anatolia and extending down along the Zagros mountain chain yielded numerous references, with the clustering pattern actually beginning in the Armenian Knot. During the Middle Ages the polyglot population of this area was dominated alternately by regimes based in Anatolia or Iran. Persian cultural influence reached everywhere in this northwestern section of Iran, but it coexisted with Turcoman, Kurdish, or Azerbayjani traditions. The central and southern Zagros, however, had been the heartland of Persian civilization from ancient times, even though other ethnolinguistic groups retained their identity in those regions. Three other concentrations of sites appeared: Ears proper along the Persian Gulf to the Straits of Hormuz; the region of the Elburz Mountains immediately south of the Caspian Sea, including Jilan (115) and Jurjan (114) and extending northeast to the Khwarazm steppe (116); and finally, the Khurasanian regions (130), extending east into Afghanistan

64

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

and north into Transoxiana. The cities of this latter province that were mentioned in the biographical sources were among Iran's most vital cultural centers. All the prominent centers of Persian civilization were reported among the geographic nisbas, although as previously noted, none dominated the overall configuration; nor did the cities supply more immigrants than the relatively small towns or villages. None of these cities—Tabriz (56), Qazvin (69), Ray (78), Hamadan (80), Shiraz (91), Kirman (98), Bam (99), Mardan (101), Yazd (107), Isfahan (108),« Nishabur (120), Mashhad (121), Marw (122), Hirat (Herat) (126)—or the two urban centers of Transoxiana—Samarqand (124) and Bukhara (125)—yielded more than eight to ten nisbas each. Most yielded fewer than eight. Yet some one hundred Iranian place names were mentioned. Migration from Iran to the west was therefore much more random and evenly distributed than that from Egypt and Syria. Since all of the Iranian cities lay east of the Mamluk sphere of influence, none maintained the active relationship of mutual exchange with Cairo that appears to have been responsible for the high concentrations of nisba and birthplace references to a specific site. The clusters of sites supplying immigrants from Iran occurred especially along the main routes of access to the Iranian Plateau from the northeast and from the plateau into Syria and Anatolia. These routes were followed by the Mongols in the thirteenth century, and again in the fourteenth century by Timur Lenk, who managed to apply his policies of systematic destruction to all the major areas of Iran except the province of Fars south of Shiraz.50 The regions of Khurasan, the Caspian Sea, and the Armenian Knot endured the most sustained pillaging. The impact of this wave of invasions by Timur was reflected in the variation in migration rates from Iran to Cairo during the fifteenth century (Maps IV-C and IV-D). Even given the fact that more deaths occurred after 850/1446-1447 among the individuals surveyed, the number of nisbas and birthplaces indicated for Iran was greater for the first half of the century than for the second. Variations in the locations of the sites also reflected the major thrusts of the Timurid invasions. Sites for the first half of the century occurred in clusters, particularly in the Armenian Knot, the Caspian regions, and Khurasan. The configurations for the second half of the century did not indicate any true clustering; rather, sites were distributed more randomly in the areas of concentration outlined above. This phenomenon of variation in both rate of migration and concentration of sites must be considered in relation to where the Iranians traveled when they departed their homeland. The majority went east to India, because the Muslim regimes of the north welcomed recruits

IRAN (MAPS IV-A

D)

65

to the cadres of Persian scholars and bureaucrats who staffed their governments. A minority moved west; and of this minority, many, such as the family of the famous mystic poet of the thirteenth century, Jalal al-Din Rumi, settled in Anatolia rather than Egypt or Syria. Therefore, the data we have from the biographical sources on Iranians who did transfer to Cairo can only suggest the dimensions of the mass exodus from Iran by the 'ulama' during the mid-thirteenth century and again after A.D. 1400. The Iranians were not as widely distributed among the several categories of occupations as were the Egyptians and Syrians, but they did appear in all of them (Tables 1-6). Those who succeeded in establishing themselves in Cairo and in developing a sound reputation tended to pursue careers as scholars, jurists, bureaucrats, religious functionaries, and mystics, in that order. The scholars were primarily specialists in the Islamic sciences and in particular jurisprudence (Table 5). They tended to specialize in the tradition of their legal school and became prominent as authorities on the legal doctors. The natural sciences also constituted a field in which Iranian scholars excelled. It is significant that even at this late date the only instructor in alchemy (kimiya) who was reported in the biographical sources traced his family's origin to the town of Ij (64).51 Iranian scholars resident in Cairo were also prominent in literary fields both as poets and as specialists in Koranic exegesis and Arabic grammar. They maintained the long-standing tradition of Persian distinction in the Islamic literary fields. One Persian who attained renown as a scholar and jurist in Cairo was Jalal al-Din 'Ubayd-Allah ibn 'Awd al-Ardabili al-Shirwani, who was born in Ardabil (59) during the mid-fourteenth century.52 He was the son of a physician who practiced in Ardabil and Shirwan (83). AlShirwani arrived in Cairo prior to the Timurid invasions to continue his studies in fiqh at the Shaykhuniya madrasa. He was appointed a repetitor at the madrasa of Sarghatmish, and was supported there by part of a waqf endowment granted to maintain study and recitation of Hadith. He was subsequently appointed professor of jurisprudence in the madrasas of Aytmish, Abu Bakr, and Umm al-Sultan, all institutions maintained by lavish Mamluk endowments. Through his connections with several amirs, he later received an appointment to a military judgeship; no details on his tenure in office or its dates were provided in the sources. Al-Shirwani was a partisan of the two famous viceroys, Mintash and Nawruz, the latter of whom studied under him. He journeyed to Syria with Mintash when the amir broke openly with Barquq, and was later arrested and tried by the sultan because of this; but he was soon released

66

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

and returned to his teaching posts. Al-Shirwani spent his final years free from political embroilments, and died in Rajab 807/January-February 1405. An example of an individual who derived from an eminent family in eastern Iran and attained social prestige and judicial authority in Cairo is Shihab al-Din Abu 'Abd-Allah Muhammad ibn 'Ata'-Allah al-Razi al-Hirawi, born in Hirat (126) in 767/1365-1366.53 After leaving Iran during the Timurid crisis, traveling to the Ottoman court, and teaching in Jerusalem in 814/1411-1412, al-Hirawi arrived in Cairo in 818/14151416. His fame as a jurist had caught the attention of al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, who was then viceroy. In 821/1418-1419, as sultan, alMu'ayyad Shaykh appointed al-Hirawi Shafi'i chief justice of Cairo, as a replacement for Jalal al-Din al-Bulqini. Al-Hirawi's sentiments remained with Jerusalem, however, and he returned there, with the sultan's permission, as controller of the Two Shrines and as professor in the Salahiya Madrasa in 823/1420-1421, a year before Shaykh's death. In 827/1423-1424, he was appointed secretary of the chancellery to Sultan Barsbay, in place of the previously mentioned al-Karaki, but he resigned the same year to accept for a second time the office of Shafi'i chief justice of Cairo. He resigned this post a year later because of his rapidly increasing infirmity. Al-Hirawi died in Dhu'l-Hijja 829/October-November 1426. Al-Hirawi was on close terms with several great amirs of Syria, especially Nawruz and Shaykh, the latter of whom invited him to Cairo when he became sultan. He managed to develop a viable if not warm relationship with Sultan Barsbay, who was not known for his personal cordiality toward the 'ulama'. This ability to weather changes of regime smoothly became a characteristic of certain Persian notables, in contrast to many Syrians and Egyptians. Possibly, this was due in part to the relative infrequency with which corruption and greed were attributed to the Persians, although al-Hirawi was able to commission the foundation of a madrasa in Jerusalem with his assets and the contributions made by his Mamluk associates. According to the biographical sources, even individual Persians who attained major posts as bureaucrats and who were therefore given the opportunity to build immense fortunes illicitly, rarely took advantage of their positions. The example of Hasan al-Din Haydar ibn Ahmad alRumi al-'Ajami, known as Shaykh al-Taj, is a case in point.54 Born in Shiraz (91) in 780/1378-1379, al-'Ajami began and terminated his career as a scholar and pious ascetic. He received a salaried honorarium from the sultan's treasuries (murattab al-dhakhna) under Sultan Jaqmaq, and could have exploited his access to such a repository of wealth; but there

IRAN (MAPS IV-A—D)

6?

is no evidence that he did. Instead, he accepted the respectable but modest post of shaykh in the zawiya of the Qubbat al-Nasr. Individuals born in Iran or claiming Iranian ancestry often worked as silk merchants, calligraphers, and merchants in foreign commerce. Iranians also attained a prominence commensurate with their ancient reputation as scientists and physicians (Table 4). The chief physician, closely associated with the royal court, was highly respected as the leading medical authority of the state. And during the early fifteenth century, this post was held by a Persian who exemplified the highly cosmopolitan nature of the Iranian 'ulama' during the later Middle Ages, Fath al-Din Fath-Allah ibn Mustacsim ibn Nafis al-Isra'Ili alDaudi al-Tabrizi,55 born in Tabriz (56) in 749/1348-1349. His grandfather had converted to Islam from Judaism and his family was associated with the line of David, in Jewish circles a status equal to that of the Muslim sayyids. Al-Tabrizi's career falls into a pattern often repeated by his non-Iranian contemporaries. Leaving Iran with his father during the Timurid crisis, he journeyed to Cairo, where his grandfather had settled as an associate of the famous amir, Shaykhu. He established himself in the family medical practice and, on the retirement of his uncle (his grandfather's son), was appointed chief physician. Al-Tabrizi met his nemesis when he chose to accept the post of secretary of the chancellery from Sultan Barquq and entered the chaotic political milieu of the early fifteenth century in Cairo. He became deeply involved in the political factions that proliferated after Barquq's death and managed to acquire a substantial fortune during the period prior to the enthronement of alMu'ayyad Shaykh, whom he initially supported. He later plotted against al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh with several amirs, however, and after several brief incarcerations, he was mulcted of 40,000 dinars by the sultan. He was ultimately strangled in the Prison of the Burnt Gate during Rabi' I 816/June-July 1413. Al-Tabrizi was unusual, since relatively few Persians chose to involve themselves to such an extent in the politics of the court for material gain. His fame as a physician and Persian literateur was tarnished by his political ambition and greed, a fact his biographers did not overlook. Interestingly enough, none of this was attributed to his Jewish ancestry. There are many other interesting examples of individual Iranians who successfully penetrated the elite structure of Cairo. The presence of famous poets and literateurs who attracted even semi-literate Mamluks to their recitations, of mystics who maintained classical traditions of personal deprivation to prove their faith and who therefore were revered widely in Cairo, contributed to the esteem enjoyed by Iranians in the city. The Iranians, in fact, attained a preeminence in the Cairene elite

68

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

disproportionate to their relatively limited numbers. They remained conscious exponents of the Persian intellectual tradition in Cairo and were respected for this by their contemporaries. MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM ANATOLIA (AL-RUM) (Maps IH-A, III-B) All the remaining areas of the Near East from which migration was discernible together made up no more than 10 to 15 percent of the total numbers of civilian elite originating outside Cairo and no more than 3 percent were from Anatolia. It is difficult to apply exact percentages to any of these vast regions, since the returns from the biographical sources were not comprehensive enough to permit an accurate estimate, but there is no question that they produced far fewer individuals than those heretofore discussed. Since the Mamluks exercised suzerainty over a considerable portion of what is now southeastern Turkey, the nisba and birthplace references to sites in Anatolia must be subjected to further categorization in terms of political regime.56 Even after 1450, when the certainty of eventual Ottoman rule over eastern Anatolia became apparent, the Mamluks retained their control over the Anatolian portions of Aleppo province.57 Until the Mamluks were ousted from this area after 1500, the regions to the east centering at the Armenian Knot and the juncture between Anatolia and Iran remained semiautonomous, loosely administered by Turcoman tribal confederations. The political condition of this region between Anatolia and Iran is significant, because the majority of those referred to as Rumis (Anatolians) originated in this zone and the northern areas of Aleppo province. The evidence relevant to the areas west and north of Aleppo province is extremely sparse and scattered.58 The areas east of the Mamluk frontier fell within the Persian cultural sphere, but were populated largely by Turcomans, Kurds, and Armenians with Turkish, Arab, and Iranian elements scattered through their learned elite. The major centers mentioned in the sources were 'Ayntab (modern Gaziantep) (159), Mar'ash (160), Bahasna (161), Kakhta (162), Malatya (164), Adana (166), Amida (Diyar Bakir) (212), Hisn Kayfa (213), Mardin (216), and Urma (Urmia) (232). To the west of the Mamluk frontier, in Rum proper, prominent sites and regions were Quniya (Konya) (171), Sarukhan (176), Qatran (179), Bursa (183), Istanbul (186), Aqsaray (193), Siwas (197), and Irzinjan (203). None of these sites yielded more than five nisba references each. Why such a prominent and relatively close region as central and western Anatolia contributed so few members to the civilian elite of

ANATOLIA (MAPS IH-A, III-B)

69

Cairo during the later Middle Ages is difficult to explain on the basis of our minimal evidence. Two hypotheses come to mind. First, the political or external causes of migration so prevalent in Iran did not apply to Anatolia in the same way. Although this area experienced invasions, including those of the dreaded hordes of Timur, it was largely spared the devastation experienced by Iran and northern Syria. And though the beyliks (principalities) of Anatolia warred among themselves, this intermittent strife did relatively little damage to the economy or to urban institutions. Furthermore, as the Ottomans increased their authority from the mid-fourteenth century on, the area was increasingly stabilized under a central government. Timur's invasions temporarily disrupted this authority, but it was rapidly restored. Therefore, the 'ulama' of central and western Anatolia had less incentive to leave their homelands because of insecurity and threats to life and property. A second possibility is that the Anatolian learned establishment may have been numerically smaller at this time than that in other major zones of the Islamic world. Several of the Anatolian sites remain small rural towns even today, and it would be misleading to regard all Anatolians as highly urbanized, or having access to sophisticated institutions. It is widely known that the early Ottoman sultans attracted many prominent 'ulama' from the eastern Islamic lands, especially when they enlarged their bureaucratic apparatus and founded new religio-academic institutions. This may indicate that there was only a relatively small 'ulama' class established locally in western Anatolia prior to the heyday of the Ottoman state. Also, the individuals who did establish themselves in Cairo tended to exhibit a markedly regional outlook, reflected in the activities they pursued and the classes of Cairene society with which they identified—at least initially—when they settled there. The Anatolians who can be traced to a birthplace tended to fall into the judicial, academic, and religious categories of occupations (Tables 3, 5, and 6), while nisba references occurred quite evenly in all categories except the artisan-commercial group. Since the nisbas referred to individuals of a particular ancestry, not necessarily to a specific origin, their even distribution implies that over time the Anatolians tended to be assimilated into the general framework of the 'ulama' class. In addition, the academicians and jurists who were definitely born in Anatolia exhibited characteristics shared by their contemporaries throughout the Muslim world. Indeed, individuals from the cities of Aleppo province identified with Arabic civilization as much as they did with Turkish culture. The career of the famous historian al-'Ayni shows what an advantage it was to be familiar with both. His diverse cultural background served

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his interests well. Badr al-Din Mahmud ibn Ahmad al-'Ayntabi alHalabl, known to students of Islamic history as al-'Ayni,59 was born in the city of 'Ayntab, north of Aleppo, in Rajab 762/May-June 1361. His activities are widely known, and only one aspect of his erudition concerns us here: his fluency in Turkish. Al-'Ayni's education, pursued both in 'Ayntab and Aleppo, did not differ appreciably from the studies of his contemporaries. There was no reference in his biography to any formal study of Turkish, and therefore it is evident that he used Turkish interchangeably with Arabic as a language that he had learned in his youth. Upon his arrival and settlement in Cairo in 788/1386-1387, al-'Ayni entered into a long and varied career that ultimately elevated him to the presence of the sultan and great amirs. There is no question that his knowledge of Turkish aided him in his rise to prominence within the Mamluk elite. Indeed, his widely publicized competition with his great rival, al-Maqrizi, over the informal but esteemed status of court historian was ultimately decided in his favor due to his fluency in both spoken and written Turkish. That al-'Ayni's facility in Turkish stood him in good stead with the Mamluk ruling class helps us understand the unique status occupied by many of the 'ulama' who came from Anatolia and spoke Turkish. These individuals did not consider themselves a part of the Mamluk elite, nor would the Mamluks have accepted them as such. But the Mamluks regarded Turkish as their caste's vehicle of communication, even though they themselves spoke Central Asian dialects such as Qipjak, or Circassian, a Caucasic language. They rarely made an effort to develop genuine fluency in Arabic—particularly in its literary form, since their own training was hardly academic. For many of them, ignorance of Arabic acted as a barrier between themselves and the mass of population.60 The Mamluks therefore regarded native Turkish-speaking individuals as a special segment of the 'ulama'. They tended to seek out such individuals and draw them into their personal circles to a greater degree than the Arabic speakers. This was particularly true of revered holy men (mutaqadun) who came from Anatolia. The pious ascetic, regardless of ethnic background, played an important role in the Mamluk elite, as we shall see. But those who were Turkish-speaking who were descended from Mamluks, or who derived from Anatolia were particularly respected as qualified to minister to the spiritual needs of the ruling elite. Actually, these individuals are somewhat difficult to trace, since they came from diverse and often illiterate backgrounds with little genealogy to support their social status. In addition, they did not identify with the main body of the 'ulama', since their concerns were focused on mystic communication with God rather than bureaucratic or academic matters. The

ANATOLIA (MAPS III-A, III-B)

71

biographers included them in the compendia of notables because of their influence over the society in general and over the Mamluks in particular, who took care to provide for their material needs. Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Yamani al-Bursawi al-Misri al-Sufi, known as Ibn 'Arab, and born in the old Ottoman capital of Bursa during the late fourteenth century, was one of these Turkish-speaking pious ascetics.61 His father had moved to Bursa from the Yemen and had married there, so Ibn 'Arab benefited from both Yemeni Arabic and Anatolian Turkish backgrounds. After receiving his basic education in Bursa, Ibn 'Arab came to Cairo as a youth and settled in the Shaykhuniya khanqah to devote himself to the pursuit of knowledge in an atmosphere of pious abstinence. Possessing virtually no material assets, he first supported himself as a copyist, a skilled trade that permitted him considerable time for study. He was able to resign from his duties as a copyist when he was admitted to the Sufi community of Shaykhuniya, where he received the stipend of thirty dirhams per month. For the next thirty years, Ibn 'Arab patterned his daily existence around intensive scholarship and extreme piety and prayer. His reputation as a mu'taqad spread throughout Cairo, attracting the attention of the sultan himself. Ibn TaghriBirdi came to know and revere him, and recounted various anecdotes about his behavior and attitudes. During his later years, Ibn 'Arab became an institution in his own right and was offered a comfortable income by the sultan and other amirs; but he declined to accept, claiming that thirty dirhams a month was enough for any believer whose nourishment came, after all, from faith in God rather than material wealth. He died in Rabf I 830/April-May 1426 and was given a state funeral in the Citadel by Sultan Barsbay. Another Anatolian, Hanafi chief justice Badr al-Din Mahmud al-'Ayntabi (none other than the historian, al'Ayni) led the prayer service, which was attended by a host of notables. Ibn 'Arab was buried in the yard of the Shaykhuniya, where he had devoted himself to perfecting a state of pious abstinence. A second class of Anatolians occupying a unique position in the Mamluk state was a group of Turkish-speaking militarists who were granted a semi-Mamluk status. These individuals rarely appear in the sources, because they did not identify with the 'ulama' at all. Their numbers in Cairo may have been considerable, but if so, the biographers did not comment on them. These people, often renegades from their own governments, took service with the sultan, who provided them sanctuary and an income in return. They appear in the sources as a shadowy, rather ill-defined group. They were recognized as an influential and cosmopolitan body of individuals, however, who, widely traveled and familiar with a variety of political environments, formed a circle of

72

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

informants and advisers at the royal court and in the households of the great amirs. They came from exceedingly diverse backgrounds—some may even have been Europeans—but they all used Turkish as a common language. The extreme paucity of individuals from Anatolia in the artisan-commercial category of occupations must be noted (Table 4). Only one birthplace was reported for an Anatolian immigrant in this category. The only group within this category that had any notable number of Anatolian nisbas was the group of merchants, who belonged to the class that staffed the sultan's commercial bureaucracy and managed the state monopolies. Some of the merchants were also involved in the slave trade and received the title khawaja. This latter group dealt with the foreigners who transferred the future Mamluks to Cairo from Central Asia and the Caucasus. As such, they did not identify with the free mercantile classes of the Near East, who dealt with foreign goods from south and east Asia. In contrast, nisba references to Anatolia appeared frequently for individuals in the executive class (Table 1). This suggests that descendants of the immigrants from Asia Minor, over an indefinite period of time, were able to penetrate the exclusive executive offices reserved primarily for Mamluks and their immediate descendants. The Rurms or "Turks" again seemed to occupy a status unique among the civilian population with regard to their capacity to intermingle with the Mamluk elite. SITES OF ORIGIN IN IRAQ AND THE ARABIAN PENINSULA (Maps IV-A through IV-D) Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula yielded only a small number of nisbas and birthplaces, except for three urban centers—Madina (11), Makka (14), and Baghdad (41)—which ranked among the most frequently quoted sites in this study.62 During the fifteenth century, Iraq came under the rather amorphous control of several Turcoman confederations. Throughout this period Baghdad did not play an active role in Near Eastern politics. Since foreign invasions had affected Iraq as much as they did Iran, much of the population had moved west from this region. Iraq's cities, particularly Baghdad, never fully recovered from the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century. Only a remnant of the former 'Abbasid capital's bureaucratic and scholarly institutions survived into the later Middle Ages, and these were largely stripped of their previous eminence in the Islamic world. This decline was reflected by the Iraqis who themselves or whose families resettled in Cairo. As a group, they attained only modest po-

IRAQ, ARABIAN PENINSULA (MAPS IV-A—D)

73

sitions in the Egyptian capital; they did not rise to major offices, as individuals from other regions of the Near East tended to do. They appeared in all the occupational categories except the executive, from which they were virtually absent. General migration from Iraq stemmed from relatively few sites other than Baghdad: Basra (34), Makhlaf (35), Wasit (38), Kufa (39), al-Ja'fariya (40), Takrit (42), Sinjar (44), and Mawsil (Mosul) (45), among the prominent towns. None of these yielded more than six references in the biographical sources. The individuals from the Arabian Peninsula were so overwhelmingly Makkans or Madinans that migration from the peninsula might be interpreted in terms of these cities alone. During the Mamluk period, the Hijaz and its holy cities were ruled from Cairo. The Red Sea remained under the control of the Mamluks until the end of the fifteenth century, when the Portuguese, gaining access to the Indian Ocean, penetrated the area. Therefore, through the fifteenth century, the inhabitants of the holy cities were subjects of the sultan in Cairo and enjoyed the relative security provided by the empire. They also identified with Arabic culture, although many claimed ancestry from all over the Muslim world. Makka and Madina had long been sanctuaries for Muslims who wished to spend their last years on holy ground and for those who wished to devote themselves to meditation in the cities where the Prophet had received his revelation. The variety of backgrounds of individuals born in Makka and Madina, whose forebears had come from all over the Dar al-Islam, makes it impossible to distinguish their regional or ethnic characteristics in the biographical sources. These people moved back and forth between the holy cities, Cairo, Damascus, and Jerusalem rather than settling in Cairo. Predictably, Makkans and Madinans were represented in all the occupational categories of the sources except the executive. Apart from the holy cities, only one other region of the Arabian Peninsula was represented in the biographical sources—the Yemen. Relatively few individuals came from this area themselves, but a larger number traced their ancestry there or to south Arabian tribes. Several merchants and artisans derived from the Yemen, a center of commerce since ancient times. From the reign of Barsbay on, the Hijazi and Yamani ports were controlled by the sultanate, and a class of merchants commissioned by the government settled in these cities to administer the monopolies over international trade passing through the Red Sea. Sites located along the Persian Gulf did not appear as either nisbas or birthplaces, although there were scattered references to them as places visited in the course of an individual's travel.

74

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM NORTH AFRICA (AL-MAGHRIB) (Maps V-A, V-B) The Maghrib supplied no more than 3 to 4 percent of the total number of individuals described in our sources. The regions of North Africa where the sites of origin tended to cluster were predictable: Ifriqiya (modern Tunisia) and al-Maghrib al-Aqsa (modern Morocco), the vicinity of Fas (Fez) (10) in the north, and Marrakish (27) in the south. Only three important towns—Tilimsan (Tlemcen) (31), Bijaya (Boujie) (32), and Qustantina (Constantine) (33)—were located outside these two regions.63 References to these sites in the context of travel through North Africa suggest that because of their location in the areas between the more densely populated zones of the extreme Maghrib, Tunis (36), and the Nile Valley, these towns functioned as way stations and transit entrepots along the trade routes of North Africa. They were also the northern termini of caravan routes extending across the Sahara to the states of central and western Africa. The individuals who came to Cairo from the Maghrib appeared in all the occupational categories; but since their numbers were few, it is not possible to discern general trends. One trait of the Maghribis becomes obvious in studying the sources, however. Many of their contemporaries in Cairo regarded them as rustic when they arrived, aloof and austere in character. North Africans had developed their own cultural qualities by the central Middle Ages, and Maghribis who settled in Cairo or whose families had done so were regarded as a distinct group that tended to retain its own traditions. Nevertheless, many individual Maghribis rose to positions of prominence. They became famous not only in Egypt but throughout the Muslim world. The career of Ibn Khaldun64 is an outstanding case in point: he was known even to Timur Lenk. Maghribis distinguished themselves in Cairo as teachers, scholars, theologians, jurists, merchants, and physicians. One basis of identity that they shared was the adherence of the majority of them to the Maliki madhhab, and several of Cairo's eminent Maliki qadis, including Ibn Khaldun, came from North Africa. And two physicians from North Africa, erudite in several fields, became eminent in Cairo. Ahmad ibn Hatim al-Basati al-Sanhaji al-Fasi, known in Cairo as Hatim al-Fasi, was born in Fez in 751/1350-1351.65 His education completed in Qustantina and Tunis, Hatim al-Fasi journeyed to Egypt while making the Hajj; he arrived in Cairo in 773/1371-1372. Once in Cairo, he made the acquaintance of prominent scholars and Mamluk amirs alike. Upon his return to Cairo in 805/1402-1403, after a prolonged sojourn in the Hijaz

NORTH AFRICA (MAPS V-A, V - B )

75

and Syria, he gained access to the imperial court. Sultan Faraj was so taken with him that he had him spend a week at a time in the palace. Whether Hatim al-Fasi actually treated the sultan is unclear from the account in the sources, but there is no question that he impressed the entire court with his erudite stance, regardless of whether his knowledge was real or assumed. Al-Fasi continued to travel the rest of his life, but the imperial court and elite circles of Cairo remained his home base. The other individual who combined medicine and scholarship was Abu'1-Fadl Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Mashdali al-Zawawi alBija'i, known as Ibn Abu Qasim.66 He was born in the coastal city of Bijaya (now in modern Algeria) in Rajab 821/August-September 1418, and received an extensive education in all the standard literary texts of his age while growing up in Bijaya and Tilimsan. Al-Sakhawi made specific reference in his biographical sketch of Ibn Abu Qasim to subjects rarely included in a standard late medieval curriculum: philosophy, medicine, geometry (handasa), "ancient sciences" ('ulum qadima), and Sufi theology. Ibn Abu Qasim traveled widely in the Near East before settling in Cairo, where his fame as a physician and scholar had preceded him. He befriended Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani during that savant's last years, and was summoned to his deathbed as a trusted friend to attempt treatment. That Ibn Abu Qasim was chosen over native Egyptians to serve the most eminent Egyptian 'alim of the age suggests the reputation he enjoyed. He was appointed professor of jurisprudence in al-Azhar during 852/1448-1449, and subsequently received an endowed lectureship in Koranic exegesis at the madrasa of the Mansuri mausoleum complex. In 864/1459-1460 he died in 'Ayntab (IH-A :159) during a trip through Aleppo Province. He was only 43 years old at the time. This reference to travel is noteworthy. Many of the Maghribis who appeared in Cairo were seasoned travelers. Most came to the capital on their way to the holy cities or on business. Ibn Khaldun used his desire to make the Hajj as an excuse to escape from Tunis. The travels of Ibn Battuta during the fourteenth century have immortalized the adventures of North Africans, who, originating in the westernmost corner of the Islamic lands, seem to have been obsessed with a desire to see the world. Persons of North African origin or descent attained considerable economic stature in Cairo. The careers of two cousins who became royal merchants (tujjar al sultan) serve to illustrate such stature. Ibrahim ibn 'Abd al-Malik al-Barantishi al-Maghribi al-Judhami,67 born in 800/ 1397-1398, and Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn Abu Qasim al-Murtadi al-Barantishi al-Maghribi al-Judhami, known as al-Barantishi68 and born in 859/1454-1455, belonged to a family established in al-Andalus. AlSakhawi—who knew al-Barantishi personally, having lectured to him

76

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

on the Alftya of al-'Iraqi—mentioned that he was actually born in alAndalus and pursued his education in Malaga. He came to Egypt in order to claim his cousin Ibrahim's property after the letter's death in Alexandria, and succeeded to his position as a royal merchant. Al-Judhami had launched his lucrative career as a state merchant when he became an associate of the amir and future sultan, al-Ashraf Qaytbay. Al-Sakhawi noted that prior to his death, al-Judhami arranged for the division of his estate among his family back in al-Andalus. The noteworthy development involves the cousin's successful accession to alJudhami's position after the letter's death. Al-Barantishi was apparently highly recommended to Sultan Qaytbay by his cousin and thereby managed to take over the post. He acquired a considerable fortune before his own death in Sha'ban 892/June-July 1487, but there was no reference to any provision for his family back in al-Andalus. Maghribi prominence in the realm of religious activities is attested to by the career of Abu 'Abd-Allah Muhammad ibn Muhammad alAndalusi al-Maghribi, known as al-Ra'i.69 Born in the famous Spanish city of Granada (2) in 782/1380-1381, al-Ra'i received a thorough grounding in jurisprudence during his youth in Spain and was exposed to a wide variety of exegetical texts and primers on proper recitation of scripture. He left his home city to travel through the Near East, studying and reciting before famous literateurs "from the west and the east," as al-Sakhawi phrased it. He ultimately settled in Cairo in 825/1421-1422 where he attained renown as a Koran reader, poet, and author of commentaries on several texts, including the Alfiya of al-'Iraqi. He was appointed an imam in the Mu'ayyadiya madrasa. At his death in Dhu'lHijja 853/January-February 1450, al-Ra'i was given a funeral in alAzhar because of his fame as a Koran reciter. He was also granted a posthumous honor more significant than any he had known during his life by being buried adjacent to the tomb of Zayn al-Din al-'Iraqi, the author of the Alfiya, which al-Ra'i considered the most inspirational work he had studied. The careers of these persons, so successfully consummated in Cairo, suggest a high level of competence among the Maghribis who settled in the capital of the Mamluk Empire. Individual excellence, however, must be weighed against the infrequency with which Maghribis appeared in the sources. Why was an area as prominent in Islamic history as the Maghrib represented by so small a percentage of the persons migrating to Cairo? North Africa appears to have been something of a cultural backwater in comparison with the central and eastern Islamic lands. None of its cities could compare with Cairo or centers further east in terms of wealth or population. So sophisticated and keen an observer

CONCLUSIONS

77

as Ibn Khaldun was overwhelmed by the sheer magnitude of Cairo when he first saw it. Because of the lower percentage of urbanized population in North Africa, the overall incidence of institutions requisite to the maintenance of the 'ulama' was lower than in other major regions of the Near East. The religio-academic institutions of North Africa do not appear to have been inferior to those of other regions, but there were fewer of them; thus North Africa tended to produce fewer highly specialized members of the 'ulama' class than regions further east. Those it did produce were likely to fall under the spell cast by the central and eastern cities, which offered many opportunities to the talented and ambitious. MIGRATION TO CAIRO FROM OTHER AREAS OF THE MUSLIM WORLD Only a minute percentage of the total number of geographical references in the biographical sources applied to the more peripheral regions of the Muslim world. These regions included sub-Saharan Africa, the Indian subcontinent, and Central Asia north and east of Transoxiana. The references were so scattered and infrequent that no generalizations about the individuals from these regions can be made. One special class, however, was very evident in the sources and originated in Nubia, Somalia, or Ethiopia; this class was identified as Habashi. The term probably denoted any person who was black, but the sites mentioned do point to East Africa and the Upper Nile Valley. These Habashis formed an integral part of the Mamluk social system, since they were imported as slaves and personal servants to the ruling elite. Several of them attained high political office after their emancipation, and demonstrated a keen political acumen. This group cannot be classified as part of the 'ulama', although certain individuals chose to adopt a scholarly life style after amassing a personal fortune. CONCLUSIONS The geographical data provided by the biographical sources relevant to individuals who came from regions outside Cairo do not suggest a random pattern of migration by the 'ulama'. The migration of these individuals or their ancestors was influenced by specific internal and external stimuli. The internal stimuli involved the urban and cultural conditions of an individual's homeland in comparison with those of Cairo. Since the institutions supporting the 'ulama' were essentially urban, the majority of the immigrants originated in cities or towns. In

78

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

certain areas, there was a long-standing tradition of these institutions functioning in a rural environment, but such cases did not occur often in the Near East. In general, the greater the proportion of the population living in urban areas, the larger the 'ulama' class was likely to be. Accordingly, individuals from highly urbanized regions would be more likely to appear in the biographical sources. Furthermore, the more complex and specialized the urban centers and institutions in a region, the greater its propensity was to produce individuals capable of making the transfer to Cairo and adjusting to the rigors of life there. Finally, the more similar in organization, function, and attitudes the 'ulama' of a specific city were in comparison with Cairo, the more likely these persons were to possess the talents and social skills necessary for a successful career in their adopted city. One particular aspect of certain citys' relationships to Cairo that gave their 'ulama' a decided advantage over others was the presence of the Mamluk ruling elite. The more pervasive the Mamluks, the more extensive their contacts with and influence over the 'ulama' would be, as was the case in Cairo. And the 'ulama' who had acquired their professional training and social skills under the aegis of Mamluks were the most likely to make a successful transfer to Cairo. Individuals holding bureaucratic or service positions tended to maintain the closest personal ties with the Mamluks. In the urban centers of Syria, these individuals served in the staffs of Mamluk executive officers, and were well suited to assuming bureaucratic offices in Cairo, especially if their employers were relocated in the capital. Externally stimulated migration to Cairo varied from region to region. Migration from certain areas, such as the Delta or the Hijaz, was virtually unaffected by outside events. They did not experience the civil strife, foreign invasion, or other related phenomena endured in varying degrees by other parts of the Muslim world during the fifteenth century. In such areas as Syria-Palestine, external factors prompted some increase in numbers of people leaving for Cairo. But the eastern Islamic lands experienced a series of disasters that caused many members of the 'ulama' to leave their homeland in search of more stable political conditions. As measured by the geographic references in the sources, the rate of migration varied only slightly, if at all, throughout the course of the fifteenth century. And given the skewing factor resulting from the majority of deaths occurring during the second half of the century, migration appears to have been a relatively stable process for the entire century. There were several exceptions to this profile, however. Iran and the three somewhat isolated cities of Baghdad, Makka, and Madina appeared more often in references to individuals departing for Cairo during the first half of the century, implying a higher rate of migration at this

CONCLUSIONS

79

time. The reason for this increase was evident in the cases of Iran and Iraq, which experienced the Timurid invasions. But the apparently higher rate of migration from the two holy cities of the Hijaz cannot be explained in terms of known external events. Certain regions or urban centers of the Islamic world cited in the biographical sources seemed to produce individuals inclined to engage in specific kinds of occupational activities. The statistics for occupations are organized according to regions and degrees of concentration in Tables 7 through 10 and suggest that patterns of migration were broadly influenced by the type of professional endeavors pursued by the individuals who established themselves in Cairo. The occupations attracting individuals from the least disparate backgrounds are the small craftsmen and laborers, most of whom came from Cairo and the Delta. But merchants and certain elite service professions such as manuscript copying and medicine had a highly cosmopolitan background. Individuals involved in these occupations were among the most geographically diverse of any group appearing in the biographical sources. Their backgrounds are responsible for the unusual profile of the artisan-commercial category as a whole. The majority of individuals engaged in religious occupations in Cairo derived from either Cairo or the Delta (Table 8: 81 percent; Table 10: 79 percent). This general pattern was mirrored by the distribution of specific occupations (Table 6). The concentration is significant, since it emphasizes a distinct difference between religious service occupations and the legal-scholarly professions. These latter, together with the bureaucratic fields, drew their members in more equal proportions from throughout the Near East; the Cairo-Delta area was less dominant a source. This pattern, although varying among the three occupations, suggests that the requisite training, especially for the legal and scholarly fields, was relatively uniform throughout the central Islamic world. It also suggests that these professions were primarily responsible for the cosmopolitan nature of the civilian elite in Cairo. The extent to which this cosmopolitanism influenced the mass of the city's population remains unclear, however, because of a distinction between the functions of the upper and lower levels of the civil judiciary. The distribution of sites depicting the backgrounds of individuals engaged in bureaucratic occupations differed from the patterns for the legal and scholarly groups—many came from Syria and Palestine. That is, the cosmopolitanism of the bureaucratic class reflected the bureaucratic procedures refined in the urban network of the Mamluk state and in the central Arabic lands it ruled. In comparison, the origins of individuals in the legal and scholarly fields were more evenly distributed throughout

8ο

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

the Islamic world. This broad dispersion would lend support to the belief that there was a uniform process of higher learning and legal training among the orthodox 'ulama' during the later Middle Ages, regardless of their geographic origin or ethnic background. In general, the levels of the judiciary above the level of court notary (shahid) appear to have been staffed by a highly cosmopolitan group. Accordingly, Cairo seems to have maintained a major component of the consciously international judiciary extant throughout orthodox Islam during the period. However, the notaries did not follow this cosmopolitan trend. The shahids derived primarily from Cairo and the Delta (Table 3). Although we classified the court notaries with the other legal professions, many of their characteristics as well as their distribution more closely paralleled those of individuals in the bureaucratic fields.70 The localism of the notaries suggests that the lower levels of the judiciary—those affecting the majority of the civilian litigants in Cairo—were staffed primarily by long-term residents in the district or quarter they served. Much litigation considered by judges and chief justices was appellate, having been first heard by a neighborhood court. More significant, this dis­ tinction between the two levels of the judiciary highlights the difference between litigation actually practiced in the popular courts and the more abstract quality of the cases decided by the higher judiciary—and of the Shari'a itself. This issue transcends the scope of the present study. But it raises several questions, the most important of which involve the role of the shahids in litigation at the popular level.71 The pattern yielded by individuals holding scholarly positions closely paralleled that of persons in the judicial fields because of the primacy of the Shari'a in higher learning. In general, the geographic background of the scholarly establishment in Cairo, as distinguished from the re­ ligious functionaries, indicates that a standardized curriculum had evolved for the Sunni Islamic sciences and was uniformly acquired by orthodox scholars throughout the Muslim world. Reputations estab­ lished in a particular region could be attested according to procedures and documentation recognized in other orthodox areas, thus enabling— and even encouraging—geographic mobility among proven scholars. However, the cosmopolitan pattern established by eminent scholars did not apply to individuals involved mainly in elementary pedagogy. Per­ sons who taught basic literacy at the kuttabs or who functioned primarily as repetitors [muids) (Table 5) tended to originate in Lower Egypt. Thus, the less prestigious teaching positions appear to have been staffed from the local population. The military-executive category (Table 1) also reflected a broad geo-

CONCLUSIONS

8l

graphic spectrum, although the prominence of Cairo, the Mamluk capital, was obvious (Tables 8 and 10). The apparent distribution of geographic origins must also be qualified by the nature of the source. Only individuals from civilian or second-generation Mamluk origins were included in the sample. The precise geographic background of first-generation Mamluks or individuals deriving from a military elite in other regions would be difficult to determine in any case, because of peculiarities inherent in their reported nomenclature, as well as a paucity of birthplaces. But given this intrinsic flaw in the biographical sources, the overall pattern suggested a broad distribution, itself implying a highly cosmopolitan executive class. Of course, many individuals who inaugurated their careers as bureaucrats were promoted—or even coerced into accepting—executive offices. This phenomenon, to be considered further in Chapter IV, explains the prominence of Cairo and to a lesser extent the Syrian provincial capitals as places of origin. Many of these people were Muslims with Coptic Christian backgrounds, who were based primarily in the Cairo area. The pattern depicted in Tables 7 through 10 thus suggests that those executive positions open to civilians were mainly staffed by Cairenes and Syrians of urban background. Several regions outside the Mamluk empire were also prominently represented, however, (Tables 9 and 10). The highest percentages of Iranians were in the executive category. Thus, although there was a symbiotic relationship between civilian bureaucrats native to Cairo or derivative from the Syrian provincial capitals and their military patrons, the executive apparatus was on the whole geographically diverse. Of all the occupational categories staffed by civilians, the executive was the most thoroughly integrated into the Mamluk elite which, because of its own traditions, recruited its members from the periphery of the Muslim world. In general, the evidence available from the biographical sources did not depict widespread transferral of regional traditions and skills to Cairo. Rather, those individuals whose biographies clearly indicated a nonCairene or non-Egyptian background tended to pursue careers in professions widely practiced throughout the Islamic Near East during the later Middle Ages. Activities affecting the mass of local population, however, tended to recruit individuals of parochial backgrounds. Persons involved in such activities appear to have been less geographically mobile than individuals whose biographies listed no such involvement. Yet most regions represented by the geographic indicators did produce individuals engaged in every occupational category, suggesting that geographic mobility was not absolutely restricted to any broad occupational field.

REGIONAL M A P S

»4

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

The maps use a set of symbols arranged according to a scale in order to indicate the proportions of migration from various sites of origin to Cairo. The maps appear as follows: I. The Nile Delta (Lower Egypt) II. The Nile Valley (Upper Egypt) III. Syria-Palestine and Anatolia IV. Iran, Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula V. North Africa and the Mediterranean. Each map is duplicated in the following fashion: A. Name of sites and definition of political boundaries B. Overall migration throughout the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. In addition, Map IV includes: C. Migration during the first and second quarters of the fifteenth century D. Migration during the third and fourth quarters of the fifteenth century. Maps I, II, III, and V omit the C and D patterns because of a skewing factor in the data. Since the dictionaries focused on individuals active during the ninth/ fifteenth century, the majority of death dates occurred during its last two quarters. Accordingly, the configurations reported for all regions, with the exception of Iran and western Arabia, were uniformly weighted in favor of the latter period—and are thus of questionable accuracy as indicators of migration. But even given this skewing factor, Map IV reported a majority of cases during the first two quarters, warranting the inclusion of the quarter-century breakdown for these regions. Symbols Map B uses circular symbols for the geographic nisbas and " X "s for birthplaces. Maps C and D use circular symbols for the geographic nisbas reported during the first and third quarters of the century, and triangular symbols for the second and fourth quarters. Birthplaces reported for the first and third quarters are represented by crosses ( + ) and by X s, in the same proportionate sizes as the circles and triangles, for the second and fourth quarters. The four types of symbols appearing on each map are directly superimposed on the site, with the exception of very small symbols, which are arranged immediately adjacent to each other. In such cases, the circular symbols and crosses are always on the left, the triangles and X s on the right. The sites are numbered on the maps and in the text for ease of identification. The assignment of nisbas and birthplaces to quarters was done on the basis of death dates, which were the most frequently recurring dates available from the biographical sources. The actual date of migration was rarely provided in the sources, and the specific time of migration should be moved back some twenty to thirty years on the average. At this time, however, a more precise means of dating the migratory movements of these individuals is not available.

REGIONAL MAPS

85 SCALE

x and + symbols are in proportion to circles and triangles

Key to Sites on Map I-A 86

1. al-Iskandariya (Alexandria) 2. al-Ma'mura 3. Raslan 4. Idku (Itku) 5. Rashid (Rosetta) 6. Dayrut 7. Bardala 8. Bilal 9. Luqin 10. Khidr 11. Batuka 12. FakhOr 13. Birkat Ghitas 14. .Qafil 15. Tariija 16. Qabil 17. Samadis 18. DamanKur 19. Qaraqis 20. Hawwara 21. Shanhur 22. Sharnub 23. Laqana 24. Abu Durra 25. Farnawa 26. Zubayda 27. Qilishan 28. Biban 29. Salamun 30. Khirbita 31. Dist 32. Dayr al-Baramus 33. Minyat al-Murshid 34. Mit al-Gharraqa 35. Dumays 36. Nastarawa 37. Shura 38. Baltim 39. Bun 40. al-BuruIlus 41. Kawm al-Abyad 42. Qamas 43. Kawm al-Zila' 44. Nimra 45. Fuwwa 46. Shabas al-Milh 47. Nutubis 48 Sanhur 49. Mahallat 'Abd al-Rahman 50. Sandala 51. Nashart

52. 53. 54 55. 56. 57. 58. 59 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100 101. 102. 103.

Sakha Ta'if Ishaqa Matbul Masir Birkat al-Saba' Bishbish Buhut Bilqas Barnabar Shirbin Bisat Diyast Shannqash Talkha Damlra Rutama al-Sharqiya Nisha Tabanuha Tayyiba Nabariih Tannikh Minyat Siraj Banub Afnish Mahallat Zayyad Jawjar Turayna Abshit (Ibshit) Nawaj Shushayn Simirbay Bushblsh Qutur Amyut Surad Janaj Armaniya Basyun Mashal Dumat Similla' Dhirwa Sijin Mahallat Abu Haytham Zubar Bulqina al-Mahallat ai-Kubra Mahallat al-Burj Butayna Sahin Samannud

104. 105 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117 118. 119. 120 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127 128. 129 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148 149. 150. 151. 152 153. 154. 155.

Minyat 'Assas Dawakhil Dijwa Minyat Badran KafrKila Mit al-Mubashirin Baqlul Damshit Difra BTrat al-'Ajuz Rutama Shifa' Mahallat Bar Birma Nahrariya Abyar Mahallat Marhum Tanta Ikhna Nifya Jawharlya Batim Santa Sunbat Dahtura Zifta Smdbast Farsis Ziyad Bandariya 'Urjan Zunub Dinshaway Sirsma Jabliiha Batanun Janan Kalbishu Diyama Hurayn Minyat al-Rakha' Tanan Tafahna Tahat al-Marj Tambisha Mustay Ibnahs Mali] Tanbidi Kamshish 'Ashma Shubra Basyun

156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209.

Barnasht Dakama Ghamrin Tita Minuf Sudud Bihwash Shunufa Shanwan Saman Sirs Manawahla Mit Mas 'ud Mit Siraj Ashllm Qusayna Damhuj Bayjur Minshat Damallu Minyat al-Hufiyin Damallu Umm Khunan Abshish Minyat Wahla Ibkhas Subk al-Dahhak Abu Sunayta Bahnay Fisha Tilwan Hayt Qalata Nassar Wardan Ashmun Subk al-Ahad Shatanuf Sarawa Shinbar Nahiya Sharanis Minbaba al-Jiza (Giza) Minyat 'Uqba Tirsa Abu Sir Badrashayn Dahshur Shawbak al-Gharbi Hulwan Tura al-Ma'adi Dayr al-Tin Dimirdash

210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253.

al-'Abbasiya Shubra Kawm al-Rish Minyat al-Sirij Bulaq al-Matariya al-Marj Bilqas Qalyub Sanafir Nay Siryaqus al-Khanqah KirbatTaha Nawa Jana'in Sindbis Shanaway Ajhur Barshum Mashtul Tukh Nabtit Damra Mujul Marsafa Minyat Suhayl Quwaysina Binha Shubra al-Nakhla Bilbays Sanhut Nashwa Minyat al-Qamh Sufayta Burdayn Sunayka 'Amrit al-'Abbāsa Zāhirīya al-Mu'ajama Banī 'Āmir Zankaln Sahraja Shimbār

255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262.

Saft al-Hanna Salamūn al-'Alāqima Kafr Hirbīt Manzil Hayyān Karadīs Farghān Minyat Ghamr

254. Banāyūs

263. Daqādūs

264. Bashālūsh 265. Itmīd 87 266. Tahat Bush 267. Sarnajā 268. Sanafā 269. Damās 270. Safūr' 271. Baramkīn 272. Shawbak Ikrāsh 273. Barhamtūsh 274. Suwayn 275. Ikhtāb 276. Minyat Abū Husayn 277. Minyat 'Amīl 278. Qutayf 279. Barqīn 280. Ghazāla

281. Nātūra 282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. 302. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310. 311. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316. 317. 318.

Minyat al-'Izz Faqus Malkiyin al-Sharq Sammakin al-Gharb al-Jabbara San Mitjarrah Tanah Mit Fans Qibab Mahallat Dimna Shawa Salaka Jarrah Bandar Barq al-'Izz al-Mansura Buwayt Dikirms Ashmun al-Ruhman Mit Hadid Dinjaway Mahallat Ishaq Sharimsah Sarawa Mit al-Qamas Daqahla Mit Salsil Judham al-Manzala al-Duhayr Matariya Atrib Fanskur 'Atiya Hawf Dumyat (Damietta)

I-A.

sJte rna r k er

Sea

Nile Delta, Sites

•

Mediterranean

.14

13

32

.

Buhayra

.'5

·.1~11

.7

'2 • 8.9 •

.20

.'. 19

18..

2' .23 24 ••• 22 25

•

4'

47 • • • 50 48 .51 52.54• .-

Gharbi'ya

.239

·~":.~2. 24~

247

·248

249

283

285 284

.

.2~ 240~SharqTya •

255 250

257 :.256

258

. . . .

•

".

~

Lakes

B itte r

00 00

I-B.

Nile Delta, Migration throughout the Century

OO

9

Key 1. Barnasht 2. Shawbak al-Sharqi 3. Zarzar 4. Shawrā' 5. Bamhā 6. Minyat al-Qā'id 7. Muharraqa 8. Saf 9. Atfih 10. Maydūm 11. Wasta 12. Wanā al-Qis 13. Dimwa 14. al-Lāhūn 15. Sirsinā 16. al-'Idwa 17. al-Fayyūm 18. Maltūt 19. Hawwāra 20. Nawwāra 21. Nay 22. Shirā'ij 23. Dandil 24. Tansā 25. Bush 26. Dalās 27. Manqarīsh 28. Banī Suwayf

29. Bāhā'

30. Bihfyā 31. Banī Mūsa 32. Tizmant 33. Qāy 34. Ihnās 35. Nāmusīya 36. Qilla 37. Tūwa 38. Qanbush

to Sites on Map

39. Sīmūn 40. Nina 41. Saft Rashīn 42. Bibā 43. Huwwāra 44. Saft Hannā 45. al-Fashn 46. Iqfahs 47. Dahmarū 48. Malatīya 49. Tanbadī 50. Jalāla 51. Ashnīn 52 Dahrūt 53. 'Abbād Sharūna 54. Shulqām 55. Sandafā 56. Bahnasā 57. Sanqūrīya 58. Matay 59. Minyat Bani Khasib 60. Tallās

61. Māqūsa

62. Sharāra 63. Makayn 64. Naway 65. Ashmunayn 66. Itqā 67. Mallawī 68. Dhirwa 69. Tūkh 70. Dalja 71. Zurzūr 72. Dayrūt 73. Minshat al-Kubrā 74. Manfalūt 75. Sarāwa 76 Sallām

11-A 77. Asyūt 78. Badrān 79. Abū Tij 80. Banī Sumay' 81. Salamūn 82. Fazāra 83. Tahtā 84. Bihtā 85. Marāgha 86. Iqsās 87. Wannīna 88. Suhāj 89. Akhmīm 90. Bindār 91. Jirjā 92. Balyanā 93. Samhūd 94. Abū Tisht 95. Ya'qūba 96. Bakhānis 97. Farshūt 98. Hiww 99. Hish 100. Fawa 101. Qina 102. Qus 103. Tukh 104. Damamin 105. Qamul 106. al-'Uqsur (Luxor) 107. A s n r 108. Shanshan 109. Idfu 110. Sarraj 111. Salwa 112. Aswan 113. Suhayl

1

92

H-A.

Nile Valley, Sites

93

II-B.

Nile Valley, Migration throughout the Century

94 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

al-'A rīsh Ghazza (Gaza) Jibrīn 'Asqalān (Ashqelon) Ramla Lidda (Lod) al-Khalīl (Hebron) al-Quds (Jerusalem)

9. Nātūt

10. Qalqilīya 11. Mardā 12. Balāta 13. Qitt 14. Nābulus 15. 'Ayzarīya

16. Qānā 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

Qalansāwa Qaysarīya al-Nāsira (Nazareth) Shāghūr Safad al-Nahrīya Maqbara al-Shawbak Tafila 'Aynā' al-Karak Natl Sudda Hisbān Adam

32. Nā'ūr

33. al-Zarrā'a 34. Nasīb 35. 'Ajlūn

36. Bā'ūn

37. Irbid 38. Sahāmīya 39. al-Adhra'āt 40. Busrā al-Shām 41. al-Kafr 42. Sumarīya 43. al-Rahā 44. Taymā 45. al-Suwaydā 46. al-Lajā 47. Bazūk 48. Ghadīr

49. Sūrmān

50. Kafr Batnā 51. al-Dakka

Key

to Sites

52. 53. 54. 55.

Says Surayt Sāssa Khazrajīya

on Map

56. Dālwān

57. Bāniyās 58. Barāmika 59. al-Mazza 60. Sūbayna 61. Marrār 62. Musaharā 63. Bāriza 64. Dumayr 65. Nīn 66. Dimashq (Damascus) 67. al-Qabūn 68. Zamalkān 69. Hurayra 70. Hasīb 71. Qamūn 72. Qastal 73. Jayrūd 74. Sath 75. Humayr

76. Qārā

77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102.

al-Dayr Sūr (Tyre) al-Nabatīya Bayrūt (Beirut) al-Biqā' (rgn) Ba'labakk (Baalbak) 'Ashāsh Tarābulus (Tripoli) Darmīna Nahrīya Balha Hims (Horns) Nawfalīya Tadmur (Palmyra) Mahlabīya al-Sūsa Hasrat Buqrus Farwān Shanbār Salamīya Qarāmish Qubaybat al-Tizīn al-Sijn Tall 'Afar

III-A 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153.

Jibrin Hama Saskun al-Musalla Ma'arrat al-Nu'man Habita Qirata Qulayla Sakr Juhann Sutuh al-Dayr Biklifun 'Amurin Fasan Rahibiya Hubayt Qammin Arshuq al-Ladhqiya Balat Filik Shaghir Bazar Farka GhanI Bashir Bayadiya Balis' Busayliya Idlib Sarmun Dumat Makhlaf Batha Saqila Hadar Diman 'Abtin Qastalan Halab (Aleppo) Azraq Tadif Rummana Marit Sal Rahabiya Qabajiq Harran Anas Urfa Bira Sanjak

154. A'zāz 155. Hawār al-Nahr 156. Turantā (Turanda) 157. Sinbuk 158. Saylak 159. 'Ayntāb (Gaziantep) 160. Mar'ash (Maras) 161. Bahasna 162. Kakhtā (Kahta) 163. Kaykān 164. Malatya (Malatya) 165. Qudmir (Kotimir) 166. Adana 167. Sis 168. Qilimtā 169. Laranda 170. Karamān 171. Qunīya (Konya) 172. Bayt Shahīr (Beyshehir) 173. Tāz (Tazi) 174 Dunarsa 175. Lama 176. Sarukhān (Saruhan) (rgn) 177. Ajaq 178. 'Uryān (Uryan) 179. Qatrān (Katran) 180. Thīra (Tire) 181. Manisa

182. Bikādīs 183. Bursa 184. Aqfisīya (Afisia) 185. Bahz (Bahsi) 186. Istanbul 187. Alwāh (Alva) 188. Dunaysa 189. Tukuslār 190. Tarhān 191. Qirim (Kirim) 192. Bābur 193. Aqsarā' (Aksaray) 194. Qaysarīya (Keysan) 195. Malāhas (Malahaci) 196. Tūrīza (Tunsa) 197. Sīwās (Sivas) 198.Tūqāt(Tokat) 199. Kakja Kuy (Kökçekoy) 200. Sis 201. Aksar 202. Tuqus 203. Arzinkān (Erzinjan) 204. Khartbart (Hert) 205. Bāburt 206. Qalimtā 207. Sūr 208. Urumān

209. Tāgh (Tag) 210. Mayyāfāriqīn (Miyafarqin) 211. Milha 212. Amida (Diyār Bakīr) 213. Hisn Kayfa (Hasankeyf) 214. Bajās 215. Hirbita (Hirbeta)

216. Mārdīn 217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229 230. 231. 232. 233. 234.

Masai tan Marīn Shāshir Nawfalīya Surkha Ka'ka Tāww Sakir 'Alwa Sharwān Jil Qirim Hakkārīya Babān (Babanis) Win (Van) Urma (Urmia) Kurdistan (rgn) al-Jazira (rgn)

95

III-A.

S I Ie

mar ke r

Sea

.'76

·'75-

17'

.178

·,77

Syria-Palestine and Anatolia, Sites

•

Mediterranean

.'80

.'82

179

Damascus Provjnce

.207

ake

U r mia

~

232.

'D

Gu I f

0\

\0

97

IH-A.

Enlargement. Aleppo and Damascus Provinces, Sites

III-B.

Syria-Palestine and Anatolia, Migration throughout the Century

98

Key 1. Qusayr 2. 'Aydhāb 3. Suwākin 4. Tabūk 5. Taymā 6. Nawf 7. al-Muwayhha 8. Ghamr 9. Abraq 10. Yanbu' 11. al-Madīna (Medina) 12. 'Awf (rgn) 13. Jidda 14. Makka (Mecca) 15. Tā'if 16. Sharab 17. Bajīla 18. Layth (rgn) 19. Wusaym 20. Sa'īda 21. San'ā 22. Zabīd 23. al-Kadrā' 24. Muhjam 25. Ta'iz 26. Zubayd 27. 'Adan (Aden) 28 al-Miqdār 29. Yāfi' 30. Shirā' 31. al-Hadramawt (rgn) 32. al-Yamāma 33. Dahrān 34. Basra 35. Makhlaf 36. Batā'ih 37 Ya'qūba 38. Wāsit 39. Kūfa 40. al-Ja'farīya 41. Baghdad 42. Takrīt 43. Hit 44. Sinjār 45. Mawsil (Mosul) 46. Arbil 47. Tufān

to Sites

on Map

48. Sulaymānīya

49. 'Āfān (Āfān) 50. 'Amadīya 51. Tiflīs 52. Bastām 53. Ghulistan (rgn) 54. Marand 55. Kafi 56. Tabriz 57. Barzandiq 58. Bulagh 59. Ardabil 60. Rasht 61. Kazirun 62. Amad 63. Walaysh (Valaysh) 64. Ij 65. Bijar 66. Kujur (Qojur) 67. Qatwand (Qatvand) 68. Kulam 69. Qazwin (Qazvin) 70. Kakajin 71. Rudbar 72. Siram 73. Day lam (rgn) 74. Tuwan (Tovān) 75. Shahrāsār 76. Mardābād 77.Shirīn 78. Rāy 79 Alwān (Alvān) 80. Hamadān 81. Bahadur 82. Bābāzayd 83 Shirwān (Shervān) 84. Saranja 85. Malyān 86. Manār 87. Shushtār 88. Qaysarīya (Qeysanyeh) 89. Tabara 90. Dīl 91. Shirāz 92. Tafihān 93. Tabīn 94. Nīriz (Neyrīz)

99

IV-A 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140.

Marwās (Marvas) Bāshtak Faryān Kirman (Kerman) Bam Sabzawaran Mardan Nisa' (Neyseh) Zurrat (Zorratu) Sijistan (rgn) Sahamiya Kajan Yazd Isfahan Shaydan Kurand Samandil Habla Ruyan Jurjan Jilan (rgn) Khwarazm (rgn) Kuran Khakian Kafki Nishabur Mashhad Marw (Mary) Farab Samarqand Bukhara Hirat (Herat) Ghazna 'Anbari Dahan Khurasan (rgn) Mazanabad Zarkish (Zar Kesh) Raz Idinan Birjand Murtawand (Murtavand) Fal Takhtijan Jit (Git) Badamistan

IV-A.

Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Sites

O O

IV-B.

birthplace.

X

Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration throughout the Century

n is bas

•

'@

.=

I!.

o

o

,

o 00

0 o

o~

00

G

o 0' 0'

0'

o'""' '""'

IV-C.

Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration during the First Half of the Century

Ni

O

IV-D.

Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, Migration during the Second Half of the Century O

Key 1. Ashbīl (Seville) 2. Gharnāta (Granada) 3. Wajla (Ouagla) 4. Khirārka 5 Dukkala 6. Mijjāt 7. al-Hanatā 8. Zanāta (rgn) 9. 'Ināb 10. Fas (Fez) 11. Kifīfāt 12. Baskara 13. Mazūz 14. Liyāna 15. Zawāwa (rgn)

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

to Sites

on Map

Tawzirt Tāza Zarā'a Musūn Rabat Kahla Miskala (rgn) "Āssif Mihs Kharkha Ghimāra Marrākish Fuzāra (rgn) Sanhaja (rgn) Sijilmāssa

105

V-A 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45.

Tihmsān (Tlemcen) Bijāya (Boujie) Qustantīna (Constantme) Majāz Maksīn Tūnis Buna (Bone) Qayrawān Jarīr Furrīyāna Tawzar Safaqis (Sfaqs) Tarabulus (al-Maghrib) Mazzun Siqiliya (Sicily)

V-A.

North Africa and the Mediterranean, Sites

10

V-B.

North Africa and the Mediterranean, Migration throughout the Century

H O

TABLES 1 THROUGH 10

no

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

Tables 1-10 show the relationships between occupations and geographic nisbas and birthplaces. The six occupational categories are: I. Military-Executive II. Bureaucratic (secretarial-financial) III. Judicial IV. Artisan-Commercial V. Scholarly-Educational VI. Religious (those occupations associated with religious service and the administration of mosques). The classifications come from the system devised by William Popper in Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans, pp. 111-20, although I have included occupations not indexed in his notes. The military-executive category lists only those occupations in which civilians were engaged; several of the various grades of amirs and military offices were monopolized by Mamluks and did not qualify for inclusion in these tables. Tables 1-6 show the distribution of individuals according to regions and oc­ cupational categories. Tables 7-10 summarize regional, totals of positions ac­ cording to occupational categories for all surveyed regions, facilitating compar­ isons within the empire (which generated the majority of references, among which proportions are more statistically valid) and throughout the Near East (where proportions are less valid statistically due to sample size). These tables compare percentages and coefficients measuring degrees of concentration. This coefficient (CC) is computed according to the following equation:

rr -

Σ ρ 2

~" 1-1 η

where P = regional percentages, η = the number of categories. The larger the coefficient, the more concentrated were occupational references to persons from a specific region. Conversely, the lower the coefficient, the more even was the distribution of references. Note that nisbas referring to Cairo itself were not listed because of their wide use and basic inaccuracy as a geographic indicator. Tables 7 and 9 therefore do not include Cairo. In order to provide parallel opportunities for comparison, percentages and concentration coefficients in Ta­ bles 8 and 10 have been computed twice: excluding and including birthplaces reported for Cairo. Tables 8 and 10 also provide ratios of nisbas to birthplaces, based on the total number of references to individuals holding positions. These ratios indicate the discrepancy between nisbas and birthplaces according to region. Since the birth­ place is a more accurate indicator of geographic origin, the correlation between it and the nisba provides a general check on the latter's accuracy. The widest discrepancies occurred for Upper Egypt and regions outside the Mamluk empire. The ratios reported for Syria-Palestine were slightly lower than for the Delta, underscoring not only the close ties between the Syrian provincial capitals and Cairo but also the relative accuracy of nomenclature listed in the biographies of Syrians.

111

TABLES 1 THROUGH 10

KEY TO TABLES 1-6

Figures listed under regional totals refer to all sues reported in a region and are not restricted to figures appearing under specific sites in these tables.

GHZ: DM: DQ: SH: QAL: MN: GHR: BUH: Alex: Jiza: FAY: AT-B: USH: MN-AS: AKH: QUS: Jeru: East Bank: Dmshq: Halab: TARAB-BIQA': ANATOL: IRAN: IRAQ: ARAB: MGRB: AFR:

Ghazza (city) Dumyat (Damietta, city) Daqhiliya province Sharqiya province Qalyublya province Minufiya province Gharblya province Buhayra province Alexandria (city) Jiza (Giza) province Fayyumiya province Atfihiya-Bahnasawiya provinces Ushmunayn-Tahawiya provinces Manfalutiya-Asyutiya provinces Akhmimiya province Qusiya province Jerusalem (city) Regions east of the Jordan River Damascus (city) Aleppo (city) Tarabulus-Biqa' province (modern Lebanon) Anatolia Iranian Plateau Tigris-Euphrates regions Arabian Peninsula North Africa Nubia and the Sudan

112

GEOGRAPHIC

ORIGINS

TABLE 1. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Military-Executive Occupations (Category I) Figures without ( ) refer to nisbas

LOWER EGYPT Ocoupations Shadd

Cair

GHZ

DM

DQ

) (4) (18)

Dawadar

(0

Ha j i b

(2)

QAL

UPPER EGYPT

MN CHR BUH 2 13 variants 1(1)

1 2

4(2)

1

Jandar

1(3) 5

i l e x TOTAI J l z a 1

2 5 1

2

2(1)

1

(1)

Naqib

(9)

(2)

1 1

3(1)

1 1

Jayah

(2) Murattib (9) Uakll (3) " Bayt Mai (7) (1) Khazindar (1) Ziman (66) TOTAL

1(1)

1

1 1

2(1) 1(1) 1(1) 1

4(1) 6(1)

3(1)

1(1)

1

1 5(1) 1

1

3(2)

,

1

2 1(1)

77(20 )

1 1 2

1 2(1)

2

1(1); 9(4] ' 2 t ' 1 •

AT-B USB

1

| 3(1) | 14(4) ' 9(2) 1 J 4(2]

1 1

4(1) 12(5) 7

PAT

5(1) i 1

1

kashif Na'ib "

(Hlle Delta) SH

(1)

Ustadar

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces

2

1

1 1 1(1)

T A B L E S 1 T H R O U G H 10

113

TABLE 1 (cont.)

PALESTINE STRIA East QUS TOTAL Jeru Baak TOTAL Sashq Halak llqa^ TOTAL AHATO BUM IRAQ ARAB MGRB , 1 2 j 2 2(2) 1 1 3 2 1 2 13 5(1) 3(1) 2 14(2) J 4(1) 1

(Nils Valley) MN-AS AKH

1

4 2(1)

(2)

1

4

|

(2)

5(1)

(1)

3

4(2)

5(1) 1

2

4 3 1

2 1(1)

6 6(1)

1 1

4(1) 1

1(1)

4(1)

5(2)

2

1

3 2(1)

1

1(1)

1(1)

5

7(1) 3(1) 3(2)

5 3

1 1(1) 1(1)

2(1) 1

2(1) 1 1

2 1

1

1

5(3)

3

(1)

3 1

J 6(2)

6

23(6)

3

1(1)

1(1)

1(1)

1

2(1)

5 14(4)

55(10

29

19(6)

2(2) 2(2)

5

8 10(2: 20

114

GEOGRAPHIC

ORIGINS

TABLE 2. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Bureaucratic Occupations (Category II) Figures without ( ) refer to nisbas

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces

(Nils Delta) Caira GHZ (16) Awqaf Sahib

(4) 2 1

" (variants) (1) Jab (1) Katib (12) " (variants) (12) " Sirr (14) Mubashir (14) " (variants) (10) " Awqaf Mustawfi Sayrafi

(1) 1 1

2

2(2) 2 1

1

Muwaqqic " Bast

(26) (10)

4

Divan

Dawla Diwan Javali

2 1 2(2) 1

1

3

2(2)

4

1(1)

1

1(2

17(8)

1

1

3(2) 2 (1)

4(2)

15(1) (1) 9(5) (1 12(6) 9(2) 1(1 1

1

1

1

1

1

4(1) 1

Jaysh Awqaf Istabl

"

Aswaq

" ti

Bayt Mai Baraaayn

"

Kiswa

(4)

1

"

Kbass

(11) (19)

1

2 1(1)

3(1)

1(1)

1(1) 2

2

2

5(2) 1

9(3) 4

5(1) 13(3) 4(2)

1

1(1) 29(7) 5(2)

1(1) 4(1) 1

1

1

5

2(1) 1

5

21(8)

1 2(1) 37(12

5(3)

5(3)

2(1) 1

3(1) 2 4 3(1) 1(1) 7(5) 16(6)

2

3(1)

1 1(1) 3(2)

1(1) 2(2)

2(2) 5(2)

1

3

1 1 1

1

1

1

6(1) 1(1) 1 1(1)

3

1 2

1

2

3(1) 1 3 2(1) 7(4) 8(6)

1(1) 12(4) 262(84)

" Hukm

1

1

3(1)

2(1) 3(2)

1

6(1) 1

3 1(1) 2 1(1) 3(3) 1 10(3)

1

1

1(1)

1

1 274)

1

1

1

" "

1

8

1

(11) (6)

5 5(1) 1

4 5(4)

1 2

"

TOTAL

2

3 1

3(1) 1

1

(2)

(9) (14) (8)

4

4

(5)

(2) " (variants (9) Mudir (3) Nazir (30) " ibbas (3) • Bar Dart (2)

WazTr

1(1) 5

Occupations QAL Alex TOTAL Jiza FAY AT-B USB Shahid 1 12( 3)

1

(1) (11) (3)

" " "

1(1)

2(1) 2

Mutaaarrif Mutakallim " Awqaf

"

DM MN GHR BUB 1 9(3) 1 1 2 1

DQ SB 1

2

1 1 2

1

(bur

115

T A B L E S 1 T H R O U G H 10 TABLE 2 (cont.)

(Nile Valley)

PALESTINE

SYRIA East Tarab KN-AS AKH QDS TOTAL Jeru Bank TOTAL Saehq Halab 4iqa TOTAI ISATOL IRAN IRAQ ARAB 2 1 ' 4(1) ' 1 1 2 1(1)1 1(1) 1 1 1 1 2 I 1 1 1 2 2 1(1) 2 1(2) 1 1

AFR

1

1 1 2

1 1

1 1

1 1

2 1

1

1 5(2) 6(2)' 13(3] 15(8)10(7)

1 2

12(4) 43(22

1(1)' 1

1

J 2(2)

1 8 1 8(1) 4 1

3

1(1)

1

1

2(2)

1

1

1

1

1

4 1 4(2)

1(1) 1(1)

1(1)

1(1)

1

1(1) 1

1

4 1

1(1)

3(1)

2(1)

3(1) 1 I

2 3(2) (2)

1(1)

5(1) 4(1)

5(1)

3 2(1)

1

3 1

3 1

3 2

1

4 2(2)

2(1) 2

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

3 1 1

3(2)

2

8(1) 1(2) 2

8(2)

4

3 5(1] 1

4

1

(1)

2

1 7(4) 1

(2) 2 2(1) 2(1) 9(2)1 11(3) 1 1 1(1)

I 4 105(14]

1 I

1(2) 71(22

3(1) 17(5) 5(1) 1 i

2(2) I 9(5) 4^2) I

1

1 1 1 1 1

1 3(1) '23(11

1

1

4

3

"3

1

1

I 5(2) I I 1 1 1 i 3 14

2

1

1

1 3 1

1

1(1] 1(1)

• 3(2) 1 1

I

1 1

1 1

5(1)2 3(1)

4(2)

1

2(2) 1 122(12 c 4(2) I 5(2) 1

3

1

2 5 3(1)4(1)

3(2)12(9) 1 3(2) 3(1)

I

1(1)

3(1) 5(1)

2(1) 1

12 1

3

3(1)14(3)

1

1

1

1 3 1

7(2) 1 3

2 1

1 9(3) 1 2

4(3)

2

4(2)

1 1

2

5 3

1

3(1) 1

1 175(70] 34(4) 48(8) 14(2) 20(5) 13(2) 4

MG

116

GEOGRAPHIC

ORIGINS

TABLE 3. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Legal Occupations (Category III) Figures w i t h o u t ( ) refer to nisbas

LOWER EGYPT Oocuvations

Cairo

°Adl

(1)

°Aqk Sharuti

(3)

GHZ

DM

DQ

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces

(Nile Delta) SH

QAL

MN

GHR 3(2)

1(1)

2

1(1)

(2)

Shaykh

UPPER EGYPT

3

2(1)

2(2)

6(1)

6

BUH

Alex ( TOTAL

2

4(2)

8(4)

2

2

16(7) 29(11) 4

2(2)| 70(26

(54)

"

Shujrokh

"

Shafi°l

1(1)

(1)

« - - i'lam

1

1

"

Athar

"

Balad

"

Sufi

"

Fugara'

(1) 4(3)

2

Jiza PAY

AT-B

USH

5(2)

1

1

1

J(0

1 8(2)

3(0

j 2(1) ; 1 i 7(3) i

1 1 4(2)

(10 (1)

" Hanbali " Hanafi

1

"

Maliki

1(1)

"

Muwaqql !

0

Mufti c

"

Bar Ad:

2

2(1)

1

5(2)12(3)

I 20(7)

3(0

1

5

8(4)

j 18(5) 2

1

1

2

5(1) 10(4)

Shahid

(94)

°Askar

!

"

Hanball

"

Hanafl

"

Hanafl

" Mahnal Raaul TOTAL

, 6(1) 1 2(1)128(8) 2

1

1

4

16(41 6(1)

6(5)

8(4)

4

10(2)

6(2)

5(1) 29(12)58(19)10(1)

2(3)124(471 7(1)

3(2)

6(1)

3(1)

1(2)

5(4)21(9) 1 4

9

4(2)[ 55(22) 5 15 1

1(1)

5(1)

1

2

1(1)

1

1

(1) (5)

1

(3)

5

(2)

1

W (0 (435)

1

2

1

1(1)

1

5(1) 3(2) 2 1

5(1) 1

7(2)

4 1

1

j~9(2) 1 4(1) 1 1

1(1)

6(6)

1

1 1 3(1)

1

8(2) 17(1) 30(9) 59(15)15(1) 3(1) 154(57) 5

(10)

(4)

1

6(3) 15(3)

(11)

Qudat Shafi

1

(3) (44)

" Bakb a - - - " "

1 1(1)

5(1)

(2)

Hukm

"

1

(129)

Qadi "

1

1

1

1

(9) (13)

1(1)

1(1)

(8)

(11)

Na 'lb Qadi

3(1)

3(1)

(7)

Muhtasib

Naqib Aahlif

2(1) 1

3(1)

» Hukm

J

1

(1)

" Khuddam Amin Paqih

i 1 1

2(2)

1 7?2) 3

2(1); 9(3) 110(2) [ 2 559(176 )

1 1

11 ( 0

117

T A B L E S 1 T H R O U G H 10 TABLE 3 (cont.)

PALESTINE

(Nile Valley) MN-AS AKH

Tarab Basic TOTAL Dushq Halab Biqa TOTAL ANATO 1 1 1(1) 1 ' 5(1) 1 2(1)

(JUS TOTAL Jeru 3

6(2)

1(2)

4(1) 25(9)

1

1

2

6(6)

1(1) 17(9)

7(5)

9(4)

-

5

APR IRAQ ARAB MGRB

29(10 24(4) 58(15 1 1

1

1

1(1)

2(1)

6(5) 1

5

4(1)

1

1 1 1

SYRIA

East

5(2) 1

2

1

1(1)

1

1

1(1)

1(1) 1(1)

1 1(1)

1

1

1 2

1(1)

2

4(1) 3(1)

7(1)

2(1) 2

1(1)

1(1)

4(2)

11(2)

2

5 6

1 9 51(7)

7(3)

1

1 5(3)

3(1)

2(1) 1 1 1 2(2)

5(1) 6(1) 41(13 7(3) 1 1 1 1 4(1) 30(7) 4(1) 1(1) 1

1

1

4(2) 1 2(1) 207(50

I 6(1)

1

| 6(1) I 2

9(2) 1(1) 10(9)

5(5) 5(1)

6(1) 2(2)

2 5(2) 2

5(1) 9(4)

6(1) 1

5(1)

5 2(1) 9(6)

2(1) 1(1) 2 2(2) 5(2) 5(1) 2 1 4 5(1) 38(7) 2 , 7(2) 1 1 ( 3 ) 1 1 ( 1 ) 2 1 1(1) 1 5(2)

9(1)

1

5 2

5(5)

5(2) 8(2) 10(1) 5 22(4) 4 8(1) 5 "56(18 8 3(2) 2 1 1 2(1)| 54(27 10(2) 8(1) 1

2(1) 1 3(3) 17(7) 12(6) 13(8) 3(1) 3(3) 2

91(54

2 15(4) 1(1)10(4)

2(1)

1

4(2) 3 3(2) 1

1

1

5

5(1) 5

1

2(2)

6(1)

10(4)

8

3(1) 3

5 5(3) 6 9(1) 6(1)

1 6(5)

4(1) 4

8(1)

2 8(4)

2

13(1) 5(1) 38(7) » 5 J 2(1) 4(2) 269(94

5(1) 8(4)

5(2)

5 1 5(1)

78(15140(2

2 2(1) 3(3)

1 1

1

(1) 9(2) 1 1(1) 8)35(6)46( 0 2

L IRAN

n 8

GEOGRAPHIC

ORIGINS

TABLE 4. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Artisan-Commercial Occupations (Category IV) Figures without ( ) refer to nisbas LOWER EGYPT Occupations

C a i r cGHZ

DM

DQ

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces

(Nils SB

QAL

°Attār Tabīb

(5)

Bawvab

(3)

(1)

OPPER EGYPT

MN

GHR

1(1)

5(3)

BUH

Alex

1

1

1(1)

3(1)

1

1

2(2)

TOTAI

Jīza

PAY

AT-B DSH

6(4)

3(1)

Bayyö0

Bazzāz

Delta)

3(1)

2(1)

2(1)

6(2) 5(2)

5(1)

1(1)

5(2)

2(1)

9(4) 8(3)

Sana' i ° i

(7)

Dallāl Farrāsh

(1)

1 1

1

Hā'ik

(1)

1(1)

1(1)

2(2)

Habbak

(2)

2

1

1

1(1) 1

4

3

Haddād Hakim

Halwā'ī Hammāmī

1

(1)

Hariri

(2)

Jarrah

(1)

Jafharī Kutubī

(5)

1 2(1)

1

3

2(1)

1

8(1)

1(1)

2(1)

5(1)

7(2)

1

Muhandis

Nāsikh Najjār Qabbānī Simaar Tajir "

4(3)

1

6(3)

10(4)

1(1)

1

5(1)

1(1)

3

(3)

7(2)

3

2(1)

2

5(3)

1

1

1

2

22(6)

5

10(1) 61(14

3(1)

1

8(2)

(3)

Warraq

(1)

1(1)

K h a11 ttit

1

1

1

2(1)

1

1

2 Khayyat

(5)

Zarra0 Zayyat TOTAL

1(1)

1

2

1 1

(2) (91?

3(1)

1

1

5(1)

4(2)

3

2

4

1

1

1

Mujallid

51(16

2

1

1

(1)

1

1

(3)

Karimi

6(3)

1

(2)

(22) (variants

2(2)

(16)

1 2(1)

2 1(1)

1

6(2) 1

5 2(1; 86(58

1

3(1)

1(1)

1

1

TABLES 1 THROUGH

119

10

TABLE 4 (cont.)

(Nile Valley ) MN-AS AKH

QOS

PALESTINE SYHIA East TOTAL J e r u Bank TOTAL Dmshq Halab Biqa TOTAL ANATO TUN 1

1

2 1

1

1

1

1

1

AFR 11(3) 1

1 1

1

2

4(?)

1

1

1

3(1)

ARAB

3

1(1)

3(1)

1(1)

1

2

2(1)

2(1) 2

1

1(1) 1

1

1(1)

1(1) 1(1)

1

1(1) 1

2

1

1

1 1

1

2

1

1

1(1)

1

2(1)

1

1

1 1

1

6

1

2

1 1

14(3)

1(1)

2

3

3(2)

1

2(1) 12(5)

1(1)

1(2)

1

2

1(1]

1 1(1) 1

5(1)

19(4)

2

1

1(1) 1(1) 2(1)

2

8(3)

5(2)

2

2(2)

1

14(6) 14 4

3

6(1) 2

4(1) 12(6; 7 1

3 1

1 1 1

1

1 2(1) 1(11

6(2:

4(1)

2(1) 4(11 3

i

2

2

3

1

1 2

5 1 55(10

1 14(2)

66(18 )30(1) 31(4) 14(6) 2 1 ( 1 0 )25(3 ) 5

MG

120

GEOGRAPHIC

ORIGINS

TABLE 5. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Scholarly-Educational Occupations (Category V) Figures without ( ) refer to nisbas LOWER EGYPT Occupations

Cairo GHZ

Shāir Shaykh Iqrā'

(47)

"

2(1)

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces

(Nile Delta)

DM

DQ

SH

2(1)

2(1)

4(1)

4(2)

UPPER EGYPT

BUH Alex TOTAL J ī z a 7(3) 21(10) 2(1) 8(5) 52(26

QAL MN

GHR

(3)

1

(1)

1

"

(1)

Qirā'āt Tasawwuf

Adīb

(11) (2) (4)

Ismāc

(5)

I c āda

Mucīd Mudarris cArabī "

"

Shāfi c ī Dār a l Hadīth _ Farā'id Hanbalī Hanafl

(54) (95)

(1)

1 1 2

2(2)

2

4(1)

2

3

11(4) 3(2)

3(2) 1

1(1) 1 5(3)

1(1) 4(4)

1 8(5)

(6)

3(1) 1

10(3) 3 3 6(2) 19(6) 44(18) 3

1

1(1) 1 1

1

5(3) 1

(1)

8

1 1(1) 1

19(4) 1 2(3) 99(41 12

1 1

1(1) 3

1 1 10(2) 2(2) 1(1)

(1) (49) (2)

1(1)1 ( 1 ) . 1(1)

(2)

Mālikī

(2) (4)

1(2)

1(1)

(32) (3) (1)

Kashshāf Kīmiyā'

Mī°ād

2(1)

1(1)

" Mīcād

Hadīth

USH

4 1

Ismā'

"

PAY AT-B

2(1)

1 Had 7(2) 2

18(10) 2(1) 1 2(2) 16(8)

3

1

1 1

1

4(2) 1 2 12(5)5(3)

1

1(1) 1_

1(1) 1

2 1

2 1

Nahw Tasawwuf Tafsīr Muhaddith

(9)

Mukattib MuqrI-Atfal »' Mamalik

(1) (7)

Mm'addib Mu'arrikh

(7) (3)

Nahw I Khazin Kutub Mutas&ddir TOTAL*

(19) (389)

Qira'at 2(1) 1

1 1

2

1

4(2)

1

4(2)

5(4)

1

2 2(2)

4(1)

2(1)

1(1) 2(2)

1(1) 7(2) 1(2) 14(8)

1(1) 1

7(4)

2

8(4)

1

1(1)

1(1) 1

2

1(1) 2(1)

5 6(1)

2(1)

2

5

3 6(2)

1

5(1)

1(1)

(2)

(1) (17)

1

1

(2) (2) (16)

2

4

23(9)

3

1(1) 17(7)

1

1

1(1) 3(1) 9(4) 12(2]

1

(1)

338(13 7)

1(1)

2(1)

1

1

2

121

T A B L E S 1 T H R O U G H 10 TABLE 5 (cont.)

PALESTINE SYRIA Tarāb East TOTAL TOTAL Jeru Bank Smehq MN-ASHalab AKH QUS Biqa TOTAL ANATO IRAN IRAQ ARAB MGRBAPR 6(2) 18(7) 4(5) 5(2) 1(1) 11(9) 7(5) 10(4) 2(1) 43(18 8(2) 12(4) 2 (1) 1

(Nile Valley 1

1

1 1(1) 1(1) (1)

1

4(2) 1

5

1

1(1)

1(1) 1

2 1(1) 5(1) 1

4(4)

1

33(8) 14(5)

1(1) 2(1) 2(1)

2

(1) 1

6(3)2(1) 1(1) 14(6) 5(5) 51(7) 13(6) 1 1

1

1

2

2

5(1)

1

3(1) 1

4(2)

2

1

1(1) 5 ( 0 1 1

2(1) 9(4) 5(0 4(2) 46(18 19(2) 32(6)

1(1)

2(1)

6(2)

1

2 1

2

2(2) 1

3(2)

3(2)

2 ( 1 ) 1

5(3) 1

1 1(1)

2(1)

9(4)

1(1) 2

1 1

1

1

1(1) 1(1) 11(1)

1(1)

1 1

1 5(1)

2(1) 13(3) 2

3

3(2) 2(2) 4(1) 11(7)7(1) 13(3)

12(3)

9(3)

4

(1)

2(1)

3(1) 2(2)

5 5

1 1 2

1

1(1)

1

1(1) 4(1)

1(1)

1(1) 2

1(1)

1(1) 1(1)

(1)

2(1)

2(2)

2(1)

1(1)

1(1) 1(1) 1

1

1

1

1(1) 1 2 (1)

1(2)

1(1)

1(1) 1

1(1) 1 1

1

1(0 5(0 3(2) 8(5)

3(1) 1

3(0 5

5 2 1

2

5

8(2) 3

1(2) 7(3)

1

2

1(1)

1(1)

1(D 1 1(1) 2 1 1 106(35 )

1 2(2) 5(1)

1(1)

1

2(1) 1 1(1) 79(50 )

1

1 1 1

2(1

1 3(2) 2(5) 2 4(1) 5(1) 1 3(1) 1 1 2 5 168(64 )56(12 )92(17 )27(14 )26(6 )54(1 5)1

GEOGRAPHIC

122

ORIGINS

TABLE 6. Geographic Distribution of Individuals Engaged in Religious Occupations (Category VI) Figures without ( ) refer to nisbas LOVER EGYPT Ocoupations

Imām Muctaqad

Cairo

GHZ

DM

(50)

2(2)

2

(9)

DQ

Figures within ( ) refer to birthplaces UPPER EGYPT

(Nile Salta) SH

10(7) 10(5)

QAL

MN

GHR

2(1)

5(4)174(27

4(1)

5(1)

4(1) 28(4)

1

2

2

4

2

1

10(2)

2(2) 1

7(2)

8(2)

4(2)

1

5(2) 15(5) 54(9) 1(1) 6(1)

Majdhūb Muqri' Muqri' Tibaq Muqri' Java Mu'adhdhin

(56)

5

(11) (2)

1(1) 1 1

Mu'aqqit Mlqatl Waciz Khatib TOTAL

(7) (9) (65) 12 (189)

1(1)

5

2 1 1

1(1) 2 1

7(2) 12(7) 12(4)

Jīza PAY AT-B USH

BUH Alex TOTAL

6(2) 15(2) 24(6)

2 7

' i 5 5(5)75(25 2(1) 12(2)

17(7) 55(15) 4

2(1)

1

J 9(2)

1

1

5

4(1)

2

4

4(1)

5(1)

1

1 1(1)

2

2(1)| 9(2) 1(1)J 3(2) 1 [ 4

5(1)

4(2)

1

>05(41 I 2 524(10 6)

1

1 7(1)

1

4(2)

123

T A B L E S 1 T H R O U G H 10 TABLE 6 (cont.)

(Nile Valley MN-AS AKH 5(2) 1 1(1)

1

PALESTINE SYRIA East IRAN IRAQ ARAB MGRB QUS TOTAL Jeru Bank TOTAL Dmshq Halab liqa^ TOTAL ANATOL AFR 5(1) 25(7) 4(2) 2(2) 6(4) 7(1) 5(3) 2(1) 23(11) 8 6 59 3(1) 1 12( 1) 9(1) 10 10 14 2(1) 9(1) 11(1) 1 2(1) 1 1 3 2 1 2 7 1(1) 14(5) 2(2) 5(3) 8(1) 10(1) 5(2) i 1 2 1

4(1) 1

2(1)

1

1 1(1) 2(1)

(1) 1(1)

1 1

4(2) 20(6) 7(5) 88(21)

1 3(2)

1(1) 3(3) 4(2) 15(8)

1 1

1

1

4 2

1

2 1(2)

2 (1) 2 4(5) 1 3(1)28(12; 4 9(1) 2 78(32) 54(2) 41(1) 13(4) 26(4: 24

1

GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS

124

TABLE 7. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Nisbas in the Mamluk Empire Delta RT % Mil. Bur. Leg. An. Sch. ReI. RT

77 262 559 186 338 324 1746

(46) (43) (50) (58) (49) (61) (51)

Pal

Valley RT %

RT

23 105 207 53 106 88 582

14 (8) 71 (12) 91 (8) 14 (4) 79 (11) 37 (7) 306 (9)

(14) (17) (18) (17) (15) (17) (17)

%

Syria RT %

Occup. Totals

55 175 269 66 168 78 811

169 613 1126 319 691 527 3445

(33) (29) (24) (21) (24) (15) (24)

Percentages According to Regional[ Totals Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. ReI.

CC

4 15 32 11 19 19 100% of 1746 .05

4 18 36 9 18 15 100% of 582 .06

NOTE: RT = regional totals of positions CC = concentration coefficient

5 23 30 5 26 12 100% of 306 .06

7 22 33 8 21 10 100% of 811 .06

CC .12 .07 13 .21 .11 .23

(19) (18) (22) (32) (21) (29) (23) 4.3/1

6 14 50 10 33 21 134

(15) (7) (14) (11) (13) (12) (12)

3 14 30 10 24 18 100% of 581 .05 4 10 37 7 25 16 100% of 134 .08

(6) (3) (6) (6) (5) (6) (5)

Valley RT %ex %in

Percentages According to Regional Totals

(50) (44) (50) (66) (52) (61) (52)

NOTE: RT = regional totals of positions CC = concentration coefficient ex = excluding Cairo in = including Cairo

CC

5 19 30 6 27 13 100% of 1444 .06

3/1

—

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. ReI.

20 84 176 58 137 106 581

Delta RT %ex %m

(62) (59) (55) (51) (60) (52) (57)

66 274 435 91 389 189 1444

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. ReI. RT Ratio Nis/Bp

Cairo RT %

2.9/1

4 22 34 2 30 14 106

(4) (12) (4) (1) (5) (4) (4)

4 21 32 2 28 13 100% of 106 .08

(10) (12) (10) (2) (11) (8) (10)

Pal RT %ex %in

2.8/1

10 70 94 18 64 32 288

(9) (15) (12) (10) (10) (9) (11)

3 24 33 6 22 11 100% of 288 .07

(25) (37) (27) (20) (24) (18) (26)

Syria RT %ex %in

3.1/1

40 190 354 88 264 173 1109 —

106 464 789 179 653 362 2553

Occup. Totals ex in

TABLE 8. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Birthplaces in the Mamluk Empire

in .28 .24 .20 .21 .26 .20

CC .12 .12 .13 .32 .11 .23

ex

M

O

O C O X

!»

H EC

>

(42) (36) (49) (39)

.05

4 15 32 11 19 19 1 0 0 % of 1746

186 338 324 1746

77 (31) 262 (35) 559 (39)

.06

91 14 79 37 306

(6) (4) (8) (6) (7)

14 (6) 71 (10)

Pal RT % 55 175 269 66 168 78 811

(22) (23) (19) (17) (18) (12) (18)

Syria RT %

.06

5 23 30 5 26 12 1 0 0 % of 306 .06

7 22 33 8 21 10 1 0 0 % of 811

Iran RT % 19 (8) 48 (6) 110 (8) 31 (7) 92 (10) 41 (6) 341 (8)

.05

6 14 32 9 27 12 1 0 0 % of 341

Percentages According to Regional Totals

(9) (14) (14) (13) (11) (13) (13)

4 18 36 9 18 15 1 0 0 % of 582

23 105 207 53 106 83 582

Valley RT %

NOTE: R T = regional totals of positions CC = concentration coefficient

CC

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. Rel.

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. Rel. RT

Delta RT % (25) (11) (14) (21) (17) (15) (16)

02

9 12 28 14 23 14 1 0 0 % of 700

63 85 195 95 164 98 700

Other RT %

TABLE 9. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Nisbas in All Regions

251 746 1431 445 947 666 4486

Occup. Totals CC .07 .05 .08 .10 06 .14

H K> ON

(38) (40) (42) (52) (42) (58) (44)

(17) (17) (21) (29) (19) (28) (21)

3 14 30 10 24 18 100% of 581 .05

3/1

20 84 176 58 137 106 581

Delta RT % ex % in

(12) (7) (12) (9) (10) (11) (10)

(5) (3) (6) (5) (5) (6) (5) 2.9/1

4 (8) (3) 22 (10) (5) 34 (8) (4) 2 (2) (1) 30 (9) (4) 14 (8) (4) 106 (8) (4)

Pal RT % ex % in (19) (8) (33) (14) (22) (11) (16) (9) (20) (9) (17) (9) (22) (10)

2.8/1

10 70 94 18 64 32 288

Syria RT % ex % in

4 10 37 7 25 16 100% of 134 .08 4 21 32 2 28 13 100% of 106 .08

3 24 33 6 22 11 100% of 288 .07

Percentages According to Regional Totals

4.3/1

6 14 50 10 33 21 134

Valley RT % ex % in

NOTE: RT = regional totals of positions CC = concentration coefficient ex = excluding Cairo in = including Cairo

CC

5 19 30 6 27 13 100% of 1444 .06

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. ReI.

(56) (56) (51) (45) (54) (51) (52)

66 274 435 91 389 189 1444

Mil. Bur. Leg. Art. Sch. ReI. RT Ratio Nis/Bp

Cairo RT %

10 14 38 7 29 2 100% of 58 .10

5.9/1

6 (12) (5) 8 (4) (2) 22 (5) (3) 4 (4) (2) 17 (5) (2) 1 (1) (0) 58 (4) (2)

Iran RT % ex % in (12) (5) (6) (3) (11) (5) (18)(10) (14) (6) (5) (3) (11) (5)

4 9 33 14 32 7 100% of 141 .08

5/1

6 13 47 20 45 10 141

Other RT % ex % in

TABLE 10. Regional Influence on Occupations According to Birthplaces in All Regions

3.4/1 -

52 118 211 485 423 858 112 203 326 715 184 373 1308 2752

Occup. Totals % ex % in

CC

H

N '-I

.24 .26 .20 .19 .23 .24

ex % in

.06 .13 .10 .20 .11 .24

%

CHAPTER III

RESIDENCE PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE

WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW HE existence of numerous religio-academic institutions flourishing in Cairo during the central and later Middle Ages has been recognized by scholars familiar with Egyptian narrative sources for many years. Few inquiries, however, have been made into the specific nature of these institutions or their interrelationship as part of an academic system. One exception, the august mosque of al-Azhar, has received detailed study by both Egyptian and western scholars, but as an isolated case rather than in the context of a larger institutional network.1 This chapter examines one dimension of this system: the distribution of the civilian elite in Cairo as documented by biographical sources, within the context of institutional relationships—a context influenced by the internal dynamics of ideological exchange, academic competition, religious ferment, and political manipulation. By examining in detail where the various groups tended to locate within the metropolis, it is possible to distinguish those institutions most or least preferred by them as occupational sites and residences. From the resulting patterns, it is possible to rank the specific institutions according to the status of persons associated with them. Such a procedure is possible because the biographical compilers in many cases provided a detailed list of the institutions in which an individual received his formal education and where he subsequently pursued his career. By analyzing the patterns that locate these people in Cairo, one may also perceive them as a social class. To date, it has not been possible to work with such a concept because no study has been made of the class on the basis of data describing a large sample of individuals in their professional settings. Only eminent figures have been studied, and these as examples isolated from their less eminent colleagues.

T

The present study only depicts the residential and occupational patterns of the civilian elite during the fifteenth century. No claims are made for other social groups treated by the biographical sources in less detail, although it may be possible after subsequent research to relate the results of this inquiry to other elements of the medieval population of Cairo and to Islamic society in general. Another limitation of the present study is the static quality of the picture we have. Information provided by the biographical sources on geographic origins of the individuals, their occupations, and places of 128

METHODOLOGY

129

occupation and residence was available for more than 4,600 persons resident in one city during a century. It has thus been possible to make composite maps of locations where individuals tended to congregate, according to these variables. It would also be possible to plot out the various stages of careers according to where individuals moved, and, in fact, I discuss some of the data on these movements, and suggest reasons behind them. This analysis examines the distribution of the civilian elite in Cairo from three perspectives. First, in this chapter, their distribution according to geographic origin is plotted through a comparison of geographic nisbas and birthplaces with places of education, occupation, and residence. Second, in Chapter IV, the major fields pursued by the elite are compared with occupational and residential sites.2 This reveals patterns suggesting both the nature and purpose of religio-academic institutions, evolving and altering over time, and the goals of the individuals who were either employed or resident in them. Of equal importance, the interests and aspirations of the professional and political associates of these individuals, particularly influential Mamluks who supported them and their institutions as patrons, can be detected. Finally, residential and occupational distribution can be related to spiritual orientations, for which only the most prominent, Sufism, provided a sample size large enough to permit mapping.3 METHODOLOGY In this analysis, schematic maps of Cairo depict the following comparisons of biographical data: geographic origins (nisbas and birthplaces) with educational, occupational, and residential sites (Figs. 3-8); twentyone occupations with occupational and residential sites (Figs. 9-26); and individuals identified as Sufis with occupational sites and residences (Fig. 27). These schematic maps are preceded by two maps that label all sites mentioned in the biographical sources for immediate reference (Figs. 1 and 2). The geographic areas outside Cairo discussed in these comparisons are those defined in the preceding chapter: the Nile Delta (Lower Egypt); the Nile Valley (Upper Egypt); Syria-Palestine and Iran; Anatolia and Iraq; and North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. The classifications devised by William Popper constitute the basis for the following arrangement of prominent fields. Popper's classifications were checked against the examples and commentaries provided by alQalqashandi in his manual.4 The final decision as to location in a professional category, however, was taken after initial cross tabulation of data to reveal concentrations of positions. On the whole, Popper's judgments

130

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

proved to be sound, based as they were on his own thorough examination of Ibn Taghri-Birdi's works and those of his contemporaries. Nevertheless, certain offices—particularly that of shaykh—overlapped heavily with others, thus calling into question any decision as to their placement in a professional category. Nevertheless, the following classifications are the most accurate representation I could achieve to reflect both secondary professional preferences and related qualities intimately associated with professional success in this society. Problems emerging from pronounced cases of crossover are discussed when appropriate. The twenty-one occupations studied in the comparisons were selected on the basis of frequency of reference in the sources and significance in their respective categories. The military-executive fields were not used because no single occupation in this category provided a substantial number of cases. Also, these fields were somewhat ancillary to the activities of the elite. The financial-secretarial professions were represented by secretaries (katibs) of various ranks and bureaus including the office of secretary of the chancellery (katib al-sirr), steward or superintendant (mubashir), bureau and court clerk (muwaqqf), supervisor or controller (nazir) including supervisor of waqf endowments (nazir alawqaf). The legal professions were represented by shaykhs, who were involved primarily with the legal affairs of religious communities, market inspectors (muhtasibs), court notaries (shahids), deputy judges (na'ib qadis), judges (qadis), and chief justices (qadis al-qudat) of the several legal schools. The artisan and commercial professions were represented by copyists (nasikhs) and merchants (tajirs). The scholarly and educational professions were represented by repetitors or drill masters (mu'ids), professors (mudarrises)5 and librarians (khazins al-kutub). Finally, the religious functionaries were represented by leaders of prayer service (imams), preachers of the Friday prayer and sermon (khatibs), Koran readers (muqri's), and pious ascetics (mu'taqads). The biographical sources yielded information on hundreds of other occupations, many of which may be closely associated with the ones selected here (Appendix II, Lists 1-21). Although they did not occur frequently enough to warrant plotting on the maps, they do shed light on the overall patterns of location and distribution, and were considered together with the basic groups they tended to parallel. This study will discuss the movements of individuals between different institutions at various stages of their careers, but the process is not depicted on the maps, each set of which indicates only one occupation. Approximately 200 places of occupation or residence were cited in the biographical sources in relation to another variable, and about 150 of these were mentioned several times. Of these, 130 were located at least

CIRCASSIAN PERIOD

131

approximately on historical maps of Cairo during the later Middle Ages (Figs. 1-2). The maps are derivations from those drawn by Popper and Creswell, who both owe their initial introduction to the topography of Cairo to the works of Max Herz.6 The primary sources used to aid in identifying, locating, and analyzing the institutions are, above all, Maqrizi, and somewhat less, Ibn Duqmaq and 'All Mubarak.7 The secondary sources, largely produced by scholars associated with the Institut frangais d'archeologie orientale du Caire, deal primarily with the topography of Cairo prior to the Mamluk period. They are the works of Ravaisse, Casanova, Salmon, and Clerget.8 Creswell's monumental accounts of medieval Egyptian architecture constitute the major secondary source for a number of institutions during the Mamluk period.9 Unfortunately, even his works do not record every institution. More recently, Abu-Lughod and Staffa have completed studies of Cairo as an evolving urban society that contain valuable chapters on the medieval city, supported by interpretive maps.10 A survey of sources dealing with education in Egypt from the Mamluk period to the early twentieth century has been compiled by Salama.11 It includes summaries of a number of waqf documents concerning institutions of the Mamluk period. Appendix I gives descriptions of the major religio-academic institutions mentioned in this chapter.

CAIRO AS CITY AND METROPOLIS DURING THE CIRCASSIAN PERIOD During the later Middle Ages Cairo was more than a city. It was a group of distinct urban centers, all related to one another, but each retaining traits from its own past. Although Fustat and Old Cairo (Misr al-Qadima) (198) represented the earliest centers of population, they had ceased to represent the focus of Cairene political and intellectual life for centuries prior to the Circassian Mamluk period. Rather, the metropolis of Cairo still exhibited the influence of the Fatimid city, as implied by the application of its title to the entire area in modern times. In contrast, the sources of the Mamluk period applied the name "al-Qahira" specifically to the Fatimid rectangle that had developed into the northeastern section of the city (Fig. 1, NE). This rectangle, roughly a square mile in area, was originally restricted in access and reserved for the residences of the Fatimid court elite. It remained the center of both commercial and intellectual life in the Mamluk metropolis and retained elements of the plan imposed on its construction by its founders in the tenth century. The "Main Avenue," (145) which took its name from the royal square it had once bisected, the Bayn al-Qasrayn, still divided the rectangle.

132

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

By the fifteenth century, many of the Fatimid structures had disappeared and the orderly network of streets had been blurred by crowded alleys, dead-end covered streets, markets, and courts. During the Fatimid period the rectangle was the seat of both the administrative apparatus of the empire and the famous but somewhat mysterious shadow government of the Isma'ili Da'is. The two enormous palaces, the state mosques of al-Azhar and al-Hakim, the ceremonial squares, and the palaces and gardens of the wazirs and court functionaries literally filled the area between the walls.12 After Salah al-Din's nephew, al-Malik al-Kamil, transferred the executive and judicial apparatus of the state to the Citadel of the Mountain (172),13 the rectangle ceased to be the political nerve center of the government, and the Fatimid structures were replaced, largely by commercial establishments and religio-academic institutions.14 The early Ayyubid sultans inaugurated this transition by founding several of these. Because the Fatimids were not regarded as liturgically legitimate by Sunnis, the 'ulama' of subsequent periods regarded Salah al-Din and his dynasty as the true founders of the scholarly tradition of Cairo. Religio-academic institutions that dated from his reign on into the height of the Bahri Mamluk period were regarded as bastions of religious orthodoxy and seats of untarnished Sunni scholarship. Scholars and historians of later periods, keenly aware of their less favorable intellectual environments, were to look back at this age with considerable nostalgia and admiration. As a result, academic institutions established in the former Fatimid rectangle and dating from the Ayyubid period attracted more respect and reverence than any others in Cairo or elsewhere in the Mamluk empire. The institutions in the rectangle that dated from the later Mamluk period did not enjoy the same status, but they were immensely wealthy. Their founders, primarily sultans and grand amirs, seem to have wished to equal instantly the glorious reputations of their predecessors by lavishing enormous sums both on the construction of their mosques, madrasas, and khanqahs, and on the waqf endowments that maintained them. By the fifteenth century, the institutions dating from the Ayyubid, Bahri, and early Circassian periods were gradually coalescing into a collegiate system. The former Fatimid rectangle had become a university town. This northeast rectangle also included other social and economic activities, however. It remained the heart of a large city, and was not as dependent on its academic institutions for survival as were medieval Oxford or Cambridge. The seat of the highest civil judicial authority in Egypt was located in this rectangle, for example. The chief justices of the empire heard cases in several of the madrasas located here, and the majority of lower courts, although not based in any one particular in-

CIRCASSIAN PERIOD

*33

stitution, operated in this section. Also, during the Ayyubid period, many of the major streets were transformed into markets and covered bazaars (called the Qasaba district). Caravansarays and khans were founded in former gardens and squares. This formerly elite sector, reserved for government and administration, now maintained the highest concentration of mercantile and industrial enterprises in the metropolis.15 The dominant position of the former Fatimid capital within the larger city was reflected in all the contemporary sources. Historians meant this district when they used the term "al-Qahira." They referred to other urban districts by their own titles or as a part of the capital district. Institutions were designated as either inside (dakhil) or outside {kharij) al-Qahira, and especially as within or without the walls and gates that defined the rectangle. So deeply imbedded in the popular mind were these walls and gates that the local population of modern Cairo still refer to them as locators, even though several of them no longer exist. The southeastern section of the city (Fig. 1) developed into a truly urban area largely during mid-Ayyubid times on into the Mamluk period. During the Fatimid period, this zone, lying between the rectangle and Ahmad ibn Tulun's center of al-QataY, contained vacant waste and rubbish heaps, interspersed with cemeteries and individual estates or parks. The central event stimulating the transformation of this zone into an urban area was the construction of the Citadel at the base of the Muqattam escarpment during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. The Citadel was designed to accommodate the imperial court and the central bureaucracy, and fulfilled this function from its foundation into the nineteenth century. The areas lying between the Citadel and the Bab Zuwayla, the southern entrance into the rectangle, were rapidly settled, and former roads and tracks became streets. An active commercial establishment grew up here, although it did not supplant or even rival the northeast rectangle until after the Mamluk period. This section differed from the rectangle in one important aspect. It owed its growth to the relatively dense settlement of Mamluk amirs along its streets, by the shores of the Elephant Lake (Birkat al-FJl) and in the QataT and Qasr al-Kabsh districts (173). The amirs of both the Bahri and Circassian periods lavished their enormous incomes on great town houses, palaces in their own right. The proliferation of these houses supported an entire class of servants, civilian clients, and merchants who catered to the needs of the military elite.16 The Mamluks' investment in huge building programs could be considered wanton squandering of essential cash revenues, but this section of the city did benefit. The southeastern zone attained its height of development during the third and final reign of al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qala'un, 709-741/1309-

134

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

1340.17 After his reign, a series of plagues and commercial depressions weakened the demographic and economic bases of the city, and this area, rapidly settled, now rapidly declined. It began to recover during the reign of Barquq and was densely populated once again by the midfifteenth century. This southeastern section was never completely encircled by walls. The cemetery-like qualities of the areas near the Muqattam Hills and Desert Plain, and the plantation setting of the shores of the Birkat al-Fil were never forgotten and were often recalled in textual references. The Mamluk amirs did not confine their lavish spending to town houses, stables, and polo fields. Many built and endowed madrasas and khanqahs—some in the northeastern, but most in the southeastern section of the city, close to their founders' palaces. The southeastern section thus became a center of religio-academic institutions second only to the former Fatimid rectangle. Most of these institutions dated from the reign of al-Nasir Muhammad on, and were regarded as relative newcomers to the academic establishment. Although several were immensely wealthy, the nature of their influence on the 'ulama' is unclear, as will be seen below. The southwestern and northwestern sections of the city (Fig. 1), as defined by Popper, only partially developed into urban areas. They, along with the Husayniya quarter north of the Bab al-Nasr (142), remained primarily suburban-residential districts, plantations, and orchards. Indeed, these two sections had been reclaimed from the Nile swamps only during the preceding century, and several reservoir lakes testified to the high water level. Population in these sections tended to accumulate along the major roads traversing them between the northeast and southeast centers and the Nile shore ports. Only one distinct part of these sections is significant to this study. The QataY and Qasr al-Kabsh districts (173) extended into the lower southwestern section. This included the ancient Tulunid mosque and several other madrasas founded by Mamluk amirs, the most prominent of which was the madrasa of Sarghatmish. Several palaces were built here, including that of Jaqmaq prior to his enthronement. The Tulunid mosque and madrasa of Sarghatmish are included in the discussion dealing with the southeast district, because of the contiguity and functional similarity of institutions. The port of Bulaq and the Nile shore districts (Fig. 2:190-192), including Rawda Island, were somewhat removed from the city proper during the Middle Ages. The Nile shore districts were almost entirely residential and agricultural. Although several religio-academic institutions were founded there, they did not compare with those of the inner city in terms of prestige, scholarship, or numbers of students. Bulaq,

CIRCASSIAN PERIOD

*35

however, was a highly developed commercial zone, its pulse attuned to trade and transferral of goods to and from the inner city. As the port of the capital, Biilaq maintained a bustling cosmopolitan atmosphere heightened by the mercantile and foreign population, both oriental and occidental, that took up residence there during the later Middle Ages. In terms of the individuals described in the biographical sources, however, Bulaq played an insignificant role in the intellectual or political culture of Cairo. Only seven institutions were mentioned there, and these infrequently. The southernmost conglomeration of population in the metropolis was the center of Old Cairo (198), as it is called today. In late medieval times, this center was called Misr or Misr al-Qadima; the biographical and narrative sources did not consider it a part of Cairo proper, but recognized it as a separate entity. Misr had its own courts; its markets were regulated by its own muhtasib, who exercised his authority independently of his counterpart in Cairo.18 This urban center had experienced an extremely varied, indeed turbulent, history over the centuries. The later medieval town represented only a remnant of the once-flourishing commercial city of Fustat.19 The abrupt termination of that city's existence in the final years of the Fatimid period is well known. By A.D. 1400, the sites of central and southern Fustat remained an area of waste and rubbish heaps, as they do today, but the western district along the river, centering around the Mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As, had recovered elements of its former vitality. In general, this town maintained its concentration of Copts, the highest of any district in the metropolis. Several important Muslim religio-academic institutions were maintained here also, especially the ancient mosque of 'Amr, which enjoyed the status of the oldest Muslim place of worship in Egypt. Several Ayyubid and Mamluk amirs had contributed funds for the renovation of 'Ami's mosque and for the foundation of others, but very few elected to settle in Misr themselves. This section of the metropolis did not constitute a primary center of 'ulama' activity, according to the biographical sources. The final district of the metropolis possessed yet a different character. It was composed of two areas, similar in function: the great cemetery or Qarafa to the southwest of the Citadel (200), and the Desert Plain or Sahra' to the east of the city proper (202). Here the notables of Cairo had been buried for centuries, their tombs forming a city in its own right. Such an extensive mortuary zone was unparalleled elsewhere in the Muslim world. The Qarafa was filled with the tombs of notables from the Fatimid period on; the Desert Plain had been developed from the late Ayyubid period, and primarily contained tombs of Mamluk amirs and sultans. This latter zone was, indeed, selected by most of the

ι36

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

Circassian sultans for their burial. The minarets and domes of their monuments still create a spectacular skyline. These mortuary zones supported a class of tomb guards and custodians, who maintained and protected the monuments and were supported from waqfs endowed for this purpose. These people lived in the mortuary areas and formed their own social groupings, somewhat apart from the population of the other districts. Also, many of the tombs and all the great shrines of saints and revered scholars possessed munificent en­ dowments to support pious ascetics and holy hermits. Some of the mortuary mosques (zawiyas) supported the descendants of the saints buried there. Such individuals were revered by both the local population and the great Mamluks at the pinnacle of society. The sources provided many glimpses into the lives of these revered persons, but rarely on a sustained basis, since not all of them were regarded as truly learned, even if they were endowed with baraka. In summary, the zones of the city that will constitute the primary foci of the study are the northeast rectangle and the southeastern dis­ tricts, including the Citadel and Cross Street areas. Within these areas, the religio-academic institutions were very close to each other. In the northeast, most lay within walking distance of the others (one mile or less). The group of madrasas along the Bayn al-Qasrayn, for example, were built adjacent to one another. It would be quite possible to walk from hospice cell to the iwan class area for lectures and then on to a library, all of which were within a few hundred feet of each other. This proximity created an environment conducive to a continuous interchange of persons, ideas, methods, political discussion, and academic gossip— all essential to collegiate life in any age. The concentration of famous libraries here was very important, since books were rare and expensive, and relatively few institutions could afford to develop major book col­ lections. The existence of so many libraries located in these collegiate clusters provided an unparalleled environment for study. This concentration of religio-academic institutions in the northeast and southeast sections must be seen, however, in the context of the city as a whole. Cairo was no academic cloister. Beyond the gates of the madrasas and khanqahs was the teeming bustle of a commercial and political universe, and, indeed, markets were often interspersed among the madrasas. Political life was not distant from the life of the scholars: the hand of the sultan or great amir was always involved in the affairs of major institutions, even though the Mamluks were anything but learned and publicly disdained the academician's career as effete. How­ ever, the Mamluks recruited many of their civilian cadres from these institutions. And they possessed enough political acumen to recognize

1, Entrance to the Maristan al-Mansuri

CIRCASSIAN PERIOD 137

ι38

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

that politics were discussed by students and teachers, although the extent of significance the Mamluks attached to such elite civilian opinion re­ mains an unresolved question. The influence of the Mamluks was particularly apparent in the insti­ tutions they had founded and endowed themselves. These were expected to glorify the memory of their founders, usually buried there, and to serve the interests of their descendants, if any, who often used part of the endowment for their personal expenses. We shall examine the rel­ ative prestige of these institutions, mostly in the southeast quadrant, in relation to their counterparts in the northeast rectangle. THE INSTITUTIONAL TYPES The prominent institutions in the biographical texts fall into categories that are familiar to the student of Islamic culture, and their counterparts could be found throughout the Muslim world.20 The most common was the mosque (jami'), literally a house of prayer or meeting. The great mosques of Muslim cities were traditionally centers of political and commercial activity as well as prayer, and were theoretically large enough to accommodate the entire adult male population of the community. During Friday prayer services at such great mosques, political events and governmental edicts were publicly announced. The male population of Cairo had, obviously, exceeded the capacity of any single building centuries prior to the late Mamluk period. By A. D. 1400 no single mosque could claim primacy, although al-Azhar still exhibited more character­ istics of the cathedral mosque than any of its contemporaries. Indeed, mosques serving the community solely as a meeting place for worshipers were mentioned in the biographical sources, but not as often as more specialized institutions. These mosques, consistently listed as jawami' to distinguish them from other types, were probably not noted for any educational activities. The seat of higher education during the central and later Middle Ages was the madrasa or collegiate mosque. The orthodox madrasa owed its prevalence in the East to the policy of the famous Saljuq wazir, Nizam al-Mulk, who founded the college named for him in Baghdad. The establishment of such institutions, dedicated to Sunni learning, dates in Egypt from the reign of Salah al-Din; prior to the Ayyubids, the acad­ emies {diyar al-'ilm) had been centers of Isma'ili teaching.21 By the later Middle Ages, the madrasas of Cairo had evolved into elaborate institutions, supporting specialized staffs who taught advanced students. The curricula of these institutions centered around the orthodox Islamic sciences of jurisprudence; Koranic exegesis, recitation, and readings; Pro-

THE INSTITUTIONAL TYPES

139

phetic traditions; theology; and logic. All these basic areas were subdivided into numerous fields in which the specialist developed a recognized expertise. In addition to these sacred fields, the more secular disciplines, such as grammar and rhetoric, poetics and literature, history, secular philosophy, calligraphy, mathematics (arithmetics, geometry, and algebra), medicine, chemistry and alchemy, astronomy and chronometry (extremely important in a society using several calendars and time-keeping systems simultaneously) were taught, although not as part of the official curriculum.22 In addition to its scholastic and educational activities, the madrasa remained a functioning mosque. Elementary schools for orphans (that is, orphanages, complete with dormitories and kitchens), hostels, poor houses, and public fountains were often attached to the wealthy madrasas. Therefore, even the most elite institutions were linked to the most humble elements of the society. An institution in theory dedicated more directly to the care of the poor and needy and to those who sought to communicate with God by associating with a spiritual fraternity was the convent or khanqah.23 Sufi khanqahs did not exist in Egypt prior to the reign of Salah al-Din, although the Isma'ili da'Is formed a restricted community in al-Azhar during the Fatimid period, and the ancient tradition of Coptic Christian monasticism and individual asceticism was highly respected by Egyptian Muslims as well as Christians. When Salah al-Din assumed power, the time was auspicious for the foundation of retreats for mystics seeking to perfect themselves in seclusion from the temporal world. The khanqah, an institution borrowed from the cultures of eastern Islam, particularly Iran and Anatolia, rapidly became a revered and prestigious institution after the reign of Salah al-Din. By the fifteenth century, Cairo maintained several prominent Sufi khanqahs. These institutions had acquired such a level of spiritual influence that many more eminent individuals wished to establish residence in them than could be accommodated. Access to them became competitive and political. Indeed, the great khanqahs exercised a considerable influence over the Mamluk elite, which, like other military castes throughout the Muslim world, held groups of individuals dedicated to asceticism in great esteem. Sultans and grand amirs lavished substantial sums to endow the khanqahs, and subsequently arranged to place members of their own families there. Due to the prestige and attractive living conditions offered by the wealthy khanqahs,24 many of the most distinguished members of the civilian elite sought to gain admission to them, at least temporarily. Sharing in a communal life, a rather heterogeneous group of notables—including pious ascetics, worldly scholars, and even a number of militarists—lived together for a period of their lives. The

140

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

dynamic tension produced by such a dissimilar group held together by a commitment (taken for a variety of reasons) to communal self-perfection was very stimulating. The khanqahs of Cairo therefore became centers of both intellectual and political ferment, often more significant than either the madrasas or the Palace itself.25 The khanqahs of Cairo at the beginning of the Circassian period, with rich endowments from their founders and from subsequent rulers, amirs, and merchants, were expensive enterprises which, of course, produced no material assets in return. The standard of living enjoyed by their residents and expectations concerning the maintenance of such a standard were high, even though communal asceticism remained a primary goal. Teaching and scholarship took place in the khanqahs, and a variety of charitable institutions were associated with them: libraries, orphanages, kitchens, public fountains, baths, and public oratories for continuous recitation of the Koran during festivals. This last institution was usually set up in galleries (shabablk) around the tomb of the founder, if he were buried in the convent. The khanqahs thus absorbed a substantial amount of capital, and provided support for a variety of specialized groups that were associated with them. Finally, it must be stressed that, with one exception,26 the khanqahs of Cairo were urban institutions. They provided a degree of seclusion from temporal society and mundane affairs, but never total separation. The Sufis who resided in them never intended to withdraw completely from active involvement with life in their city. A fourth type of institution was the hospital or maristan, which in later medieval Islam was confined to large cities. The maristan was primarily a center for medical treatment, but it served several other social functions. It was a convalescent home for both the aged and for patients recovering from disease or accidents. And it was a retirement home for elderly infirm persons who lacked a family to support them in their old age. Most of the individuals discussed in the sources who lived out their final years in the maristan and died there had achieved renown and were recognized as 'ulama', but had no children or fiscal assets to support them. The biographical sources do not tell us whether the infirm and aged common people could gain access to the hospital in their final years. The maristan was a complex organization maintaining, first of all, a staff of physicians who specialized in various categories of disease and who also taught students. Students learned in an apprenticeship system, and were expected to aid the physician in administering treatment. The physicians were assisted by a host of nonprofessional stewards and aids (mubashirun). It is likely that these individuals functioned as orderlies

THE INSTITUTIONAL TYPES

141

and agents for the professional staff. Male and female patients were cared for by special servants (farrashun), both men and women. Direction of the maristan's bureaucracy lay in the hands of the supervisor or controller (nazir), who did not, according to the biographical sources, receive any particular training in medicine. The post appears to have been lucrative, since the nazir had access to the waqf funds supporting the institution, and could draw up the budget according to his own purposes. Appointment to the office of nazir al-maristan seems to have been based primarily on political connections. This would raise the question of how well the hospital was administered over time. The maristan represented a substantial expense, particularly since most founders wished to defray the patients' fees for treatment. Individual physicians might have charged fees, but the hospital was a charity in God's sight and, theoretically, no charges were to be assessed patients.27 To support the cost of such a diverse facility and staff, an array of waqfs were set up from all over the state. The maintenance of the waqfs in their original form, secure from manipulation and transfer, remained a controversial issue, because without them even the elites might be denied medical care. A fifth kind of institution in Cairo was built around the tombs of notables. There were two types: the shrine of a revered person (zawiya), and the burial place of a powerful and wealthy politician. The first of these types, a saint's burial place, had its counterparts throughout the Muslim world. The more ancient shrines tended to accumulate both veneration and endowments. Various regimes rebuilt and gave gifts to famous shrines continuously, until vast complexes grew up around an originally humble edifice. Individuals attached to these shrines not only benefited from the endowments, but also absorbed some of the baraka emanating from the saint buried there. Such shrines attracted individuals who, possessing their own baraka, tended to congregate around the complexes as communities of revered persons. The tombs of powerful politicians—primarily the great Mamluks during our period—could never attain the reputations enjoyed by the shrines; too many sultans and amirs had earned unsavory reputations in the popular mind. However, these men were immensely rich and sought to lure ascetics to settle in their tombs, recite prayers over their graves, and be buried there. These tombs were often associated with madrasas and khanqahs. The 'ulama' attached to them often read prayers over the sarcophagi of the founders. The tombs of sultans and amirs therefore usually formed a part of the religio-academic network, while the shrines and zawiyas were less likely to belong to an associated madrasa or Sufi hospice. Revered persons were more likely to congregate

142

2. Interior of the Mausoleum of Qaytbay

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

DISTRIBUTION OF GEOGRAPHIC GROUPS

143

voluntarily in the latter institutions, although the Mamluk tombs offered them substantial fiscal benefits. The sixth category of institutions reflected in the biographies is unrelated to those discussed above, as they served no religious or educational functions. These were the bureaucracies of the imperial court, both local and in other countries. The major organizations to be considered here were the ministries (diwans), which supported the majority of individuals engaged in secretarial and financial occupations. The diwans of the imperial court were housed in the Citadel complex and in royal residences throughout Egypt and Syria. The staffs of amirs were housed in their residences, rural estates, and urban properties. The sources were far less precise about the location of these secular activities than for the religio-academic ones, since the biographers were primarily concerned with legal, scholarly, and spiritual figures. They often mentioned the secular fields, but rarely located or described them in detail.28 Finally, the wide range of commercial enterprises must be mentioned. A great variety of shops (hawanit), markets, caravansarays, baths, and khans were mentioned in the biographical sources. These were rarely located, but other sources, particularly Maqrizi, have provided topographical details for many of them. These centers of trade were also the seats of local courts, notaries, currency changers, and service occupations such as barbers, food and drink venders, bath attendants, and so on. Since this study focuses on the civilian elite, these occupations are somewhat marginal for us, as they are in the sources.29 One must keep in mind, however, that the religio-academic institutions were scattered among myriad commercial establishments, whose presence is felt continually in the biographical literature. THE DISTRIBUTION OF GEOGRAPHIC GROUPS Just as the geographic origins of the Cairo 'ulama' can be seen to follow certain patterns, so distribution of the 'ulama' in the city reveals trends that contribute to our understanding of the urban religio-academic network. While analyzing the nature of this network, I shall be attempting to define the city's cosmopolitanism, to pinpoint where it applied, and to detect both continuities and variations that may relate to geographic origins. The broader questions of the impact of cosmopolitanism on civilian politics and legal practice, on the quality of higher learning, and on the perspectives of students—and whether the students' contact with foreign scholars and jurists served to widen or restrict their outlook— are all difficult issues, requiring consultation of a wider variety of sources

144

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than biographical literature. But the foundation for such a study consists of the geographic data this literature yields. From the narrower perspective of this analysis, two questions must be considered: first, where was there a genuinely cosmopolitan intellectual establishment, that is, institutions appointing individuals of nonCairene birth or attested derivation to their staffs? And, conversely, which elements of the religio-academic network seem to have played no appreciable role in this international legal-academic milieu? We shall see that the majority of institutions endowed for higher learning do not appear to have played an active role in the international scholarly network of the central Muslim world. Indeed, affinity with this network would seem to constitute one of the factors determining a limited group of elite institutions that were prominent in all aspects of scholarship and legal training in Cairo. The limitations on the data that applied to the analysis of geographic origins also apply here. The methodology provides the most accurate results for those regions for which there are extensive data: provinces of the Mamluk Empire. But even the limited data from the other areas may be interpreted as indicating the actual foreign presence in the religioacademic network of Cairo. Since the compilers of the biographical sources, especially al-Sakhawi, wished to be comprehensive, one may assume that the patterns appearing for the several geographic groups are as complete as possible. Therefore, even when arguments are based on the minimal evidence available for the smaller foreign elements of the civilian elite, one can be reasonably sure of accurate proportional representation. There is no indication that either compiler tried to limit coverage of any ethno-geographic group, or even that either was sensitive to national distinctions. They reported geographic data in order to distinguish individual persons as precisely as possible. Before proceeding with a survey of the geographic groups, a word on the three variables is in order. The terms "educational," "occupational," and "residential" sites are based on rather specific usages in the texts. The first refers to formal enrollment in an institution of higher learning, usually a madrasa but on occasion another type, almost invariably reported together with the instructor supervising or certifying progress in a specific discipline or curriculum item.30 The educational pattern revealed important distinctions between institutions and institutional types, even though the pattern was most complete for native-born Cairenes and Lower Egyptians, and was based on progressively less information for persons from Syria-Palestine, Upper Egypt, Iran, the Maghrib, Anatolia, the Arabian Peninsula, and Iraq (no ranking variations were discernible for the last three). Clearly, most individuals outside the

CAIRO (FIG. 3)

145

Cairo-Delta heartland had inaugurated or even completed their educations prior to their arrival in the capital. The second variable, occupational sites, refers to remunerative appointed positions in an institution or a governmental bureaucracy. The information for this variable was the most complete for all the geographic groups, and the pattern based on it therefore most accurately depicts their distribution in the religio-academic network of the city.31 However, it is important to stress the distinction between positions held within this network, which were specifically located, and bureaucratic offices, the majority of which were not.32 Thus, the occupational pattern is primarily illuminating for positions associated with institutions founded and endowed for higher learning. The third variable, residence, is the most specialized and limited. It refers almost exclusively to extended habitation in an endowed institution which, we may presume, supported the individual's housing and food requirements during his tenure there. This pattern emphasized the khanqahs and is most accurate for individuals associated with Sufi communities. However, residence in these communities did not require exclusive identification with a mystic order. Indeed, the array of backgrounds revealed in the biographies of persons involved with khanqahs is so varied that the residence pattern remains a useful indicator, provided that its limitations are recognized. The residence pattern was not, in fact, restricted to khanqahs, but it was confined within the religio-academic network. There were very few cases of residence in private households reported, and for this reason the biographical sources contribute little to our knowledge of where most of the 'ulama'—those who maintained private homes and belonged to extended families—lived. Finally, since the same geographic indicators as in Chapter II—nisbas and birthplaces—constitute the basis for the three surveys discussed above, the same problems of nisba overlap apply. Accordingly, all maps supporting the following discussion (Figs. 3-8) depict both nisbas and birthplaces. THE METROPOLIS OF CAIRO (Figs. 3-A through 3-E) Those individuals born in the city or its environs predictably constituted the largest group reported in the biographical sources. Nevertheless, they did not always constitute the largest element in the comparative surveys. That non-Cairene groups were substantially represented in several of the surveys suggests the cosmopolitan nature of the Mamluk capital. On the basis of the information available, the individuals born

146

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

in Cairo tended to pursue their studies in a limited set of institutions, a trend that also holds for other geographic groups. The noticeable concentration in the Zahiriya madrasa (23)33 was supplemented by representation in Kamiliya (19), Barquqiya (20), Nasiriya (21), and Salihiya (26)—all part of the Bayn al-Qasrayn cluster. The second concentration appeared at the Baybarsiya khanqah (13), but the representations for Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) and other major Sufi hospices (84) were small, suggesting that the student communities of these institutions included many individuals from outside the city. Such a hypothesis is further supported by the relatively low representation reported for al-Azhar (36)—nine in all—which sustains the hypothesis that al-Azhar was a center of study for non-Cairenes and foreigners. Even so, the high status of the institution and the esteem in which it was held by all inhabitants of the city make this low figure paradoxical. Outside the Fatimid district, there were only three noteworthy concentrations of Cairenes at educational institutions: Shaykhuniya (84), the Tulunid Mosque (91) and the Citadel (135).34 What may we deduce from this pattern ? In general, there is no question that madrasas dominated the educational configuration. Yet, although representation for the khanqahs was lower, the fact that some individuals studied the Sunni Islamic sciences at houses ostensibly dedicated to mysticism would suggest that these institutions were integrated into the orthodox religioacademic network, and that they served to some degree in the formal training of the 'ulama'. It is also true that both types of institution belonged to an exclusive group: the Festival Gate and Bayn al-Qasrayn clusters and the cathedral mosque—all in the northeast—and that alAzhar combined the two in one complex. The only institution in the southeast of equivalent prominence was Shaykhuniya, a college-hospice complex. It is well known that madrasas were seats of higher learning during the medieval period, and less well known that certain Sufi communal houses functioned within the formal educational system. But the predominance of a few institutions of both types permit speculation on the actual composition of the hierarchies that governed both scholastic activity and entry into the upper echelons of the 'ulama' class. The educational survey reveals little about scores of other institutions, all in theory dedicated and endowed to the same purpose. A phenomenon of preferential ranking would seem apparent. The distribution of occupations (Figs. 3-B, 3-C) involved the largest number of cases for any survey, and Cairenes appear to have been the most thoroughly dispersed of the geographic groups. Their representation in the prominent institutions, such as the two collegiate clusters, al-Azhar (36) and the two royal Circassian madrasas (30, 51), was pro-

CAIRO (FIG. 3)

147

portionally lower than for any other geographic group, although the pattern for persons from the Delta was closely parallel. Also, their representation in these institutions was relatively uniform, indicating a broad dispersion of indigenous Cairenes professionally engaged in both the major and minor institutions of the Fatimid district. The parallel between their configuration and that of individuals from the Delta suggests that these two groups shared more common characteristics in terms of distribution, education pursued, occupations, and legal-religious identities than either did with any other group. This occupational configuration for the native-born of the capital can be regarded as a model against which all the other occupational patterns can be compared. Occupational representation of these groups in the other districts of the city was more limited, also establishing a model. In the southeast, there were more Cairenes than any other group, but the trend was similar. Even this largest geographic element failed to appear at the Mamluk foundations of the district in proportions equivalent to their representation in the northeast. There were several obvious exceptions, the same as those in the educational pattern—Shaykhuniya (83-84), the Tulunid mosque (91), the Citadel—with one addition, the mosque of Sultan Hasan (74). The large concentration at Shaykhuniya was predictable: this khanqah ranked among the most prestigious institutions in the city, the only one of such high status outside the northeast. The concentration of Cairenes at the Tulunid mosque, the Hasaniya madrasa, and the Citadel (including the imperial court [131-132, 135-136], the Nasiri mosque [68] and the Mamluk barracks [134]) was not matched by any other group, suggesting that Cairenes were more visible in these institutions. The cases of the Tulunid mosque and the Hasaniya madrasa may reflect local interests and contacts, but the concentration in the Citadel complex implied association with the royal household—the administrative center of the empire and ultimate seat of political authority. Other concentrations appeared in other sections of Cairo, especially in the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) in Old Cairo, indicating that this mosque was staffed primarily by local residents. Representation of Cairenes was apparent in the two mortuary zones of the Qarafa and Sahra', but it was not noticeably greater than for other geographic groups that were numerically much smaller. These other groups, particularly the Anatolians, in other words, produced proportionately more individuals who sought out the specialized environment of the mortuary zones than did the native-born Cairenes. In the northwest and southwest districts and the Bulaq port area, there were more Cairenes reported than anyone else, but in proportion to the size of the total group from which they were drawn, their proportion was again relatively low.

148

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

The occupational pattern raises questions about the nature of the religio-academic network. The sparse distribution of the majority group indicates that many Cairene jurist-scholars were employed in institutions not mentioned in the educational survey. It is possible to hypothesize that the majority of the less prominent institutions of the city were staffed primarily by Cairenes, perhaps by less eminent persons, as measured by qualifications, family background, and political connections. This issue becomes significant when one contemplates the low number of students reported for the majority of endowed institutions, especially the wealthy amirate madrasas of the southeast. The residence pattern (Figs. 3-D, 3-E) shows the majority of individuals established in the two Festival Gate khanqahs: Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) and Baybarsiya (13). These two sites accounted for about 60 percent of the total references. Although aggregations appeared for several other major institutions, none compared with these two hospices. Such a concentration implies a pervasive identification with Sa'id al-Su'ada' and Baybarsiya, an identification shared by many Lower Egyptians. What this signifies in terms of spiritual outlook, affiliation with mystic organizations (but not necessarily formal membership in a Sufi order), and the political activities of the civilian elite in a setting providing some degree of sanctuary awaits further study. But the extraordinary concentration of persons whose birthplace was Cairo or the Delta was clearly shown, and underscores the prominence of the Festival Gate khanqahs. It may be that the smaller aggregates at Shaykhuniya (84) and Siryaqus (130) imply that they attracted a larger percentage of outsiders than did the Festival Gate houses. The social and political implications of these variations will be discussed in Chapter V. THE NILE DELTA (Figs. 4-A through 4-F) As previously noted, the largest number of individuals originating in or maintaining ties with regions outside Cairo came from the Delta districts, and their influence transcended even their numerical preponderance. The numbers and widespread dispersion of individuals from the Delta may be explained partly in terms of proximity. Cairo was their capital city, and moving there meant no long and difficult journey or change of state and culture for them. However, the concentrations of these individuals cannot be explained solely by proximity and common ethnicity. Individuals from the Delta tended to study, work, and reside in distinct sets of institutions—the same as those in which Cairenes gathered. The prominence of these institutions attests to the influence

THE NILE DELTA (FIG. 4)

I

4 9

of Delta people among the civilian elite. Indeed, so interrelated were the Cairo and Delta people that they should be interpreted as a single geographic group and their region should be considered a core zone. The educational pattern (Figs. 4-A, 4-B) was similar to the profile for indigenous Cairenes, revealing the same set of institutions. Several madrasas of the northeast predominated; Zahiriya (23) and al-Azhar (36) accounted for more than 50 percent of all references.35 The majority of the remaining references were to the institutions of the two collegiate clusters. Only the madrasa-khanqah complex of Shaykhuniya (83-84) in the southeast exhibited a concentration outside the Fatimid district. The high proportionate representation for al-Azhar constitutes the major difference between the patterns for indigenous Cairenes and those from the Delta, and we will see the prominence of al-Azhar for all ethnogeographic groups originating outside the capital. Zahiriya had only a slightly lower concentration than al-Azhar. This suggests, first, that both institutions were regarded as major centers of study in both the Hanafi and Shafi'I madhhabs; and second, that both institutions may well have maintained ties with institutions in the provincial towns of the Delta. The biographical sources repeatedly mentioned that an individual was encouraged to study at a certain madrasa because his local teacher had contacts there. Since individuals from the Delta were very influential in the dominant Shafi'I school of the Egyptian legal community, the prominence of these institutions would imply their critical role in the training of the ruling judicial establishment. Entry into and promotion within this establishment would depend in large part on admission to one of these institutions, and al-Azhar, of course, functioned as a center for students who had no family in the city. Shaykhuniya, very prominent for Hanafi jurisprudence, would also seem to have had a highly cosmopolitan student community, similar to that of al-Azhar. The pronounced concentration of the Delta people in the two collegiate clusters, al-Azhar and Shaykhuniya indicates that these institutions constituted the points of entry into the judicial establishment and thus into the 'ulama' of Cairo. The core of Cairo's learned community, originating either in the city or the Delta, was trained in them.36 The pattern of occupational sites for Delta people (Figs. 4-C, 4-D) paralleled that for indigenous Cairenes, but a tendency toward concentration in the major institutions of the northeast is noticeable. The Festival Gate and Bayn al-Qasrayn clusters revealed the largest collective concentrations, although al-Azhar (36) and Mu'ayyadlya (51) represented the largest single conglomerates.37 The concentration at al-Azhar is significant; given the sustained representation of other non-Egyptian groups at this institution (which combined mosque, madrasa, and

I5O

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

khanqah in a single structure), it stands out as a major locus of interaction between 'ulama' from all over the Muslim world, and was possibly the most cosmopolitan and standardized institution in the capital. All these foundations, in fact, produced similar training in scholarship, teaching, religious service, medicine, and administration. It is not surprising that individuals from the Delta, trained in these institutions, were widely active in these fields. The one important occupational category in which Cairene and Delta persons from these foundations did not predominate involved bureaucratic activities of the government. Here, certain nonEgyptian groups figured equally. The striking decrease in numbers of Delta people in all other districts of the city should be compared with the proportionate representation of Cairenes and certain other geographic groups. Some Delta people held positions in the southeast, particularly at Shaykhuniya (83-84), but no large concentrations appeared. The southeast quarter was primarily the seat of institutions founded by Mamluk amirs and sultans, and of the royal bureaucracy housed in the Citadel. Individuals from the Delta did not predominate in these institutions, even though they were more numerous than any other non-Cairene element. Although the biographical sources failed to locate precisely most bureaucratic offices, the location of amirate madrasas is certain, and the low proportion of Delta people in them is noteworthy. In the northwest and southwest, only the madrasa of Sarghatmish (92) and the Tulunid mosque (91) had concentrations of individuals from the Delta. The Qarafa and Sahra' districts did reveal aggregates of these people, but they were not significant. The pious ascetics and holy hermits, so many of whom came from the Delta, seem to have identified more with the great mystic hospices than with the rather isolated sites in the mortuary zones. The residence pattern (Figs. 4-E, 4-F) was so extremely concentrated that most 'ulama' of Deltaic origin seem to have been associated with three institutions: Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), al-Azhar (36), and Baybarsiya (13), in ranked order.38 Since the first and third functioned primarily as hospices for Sufis, the pattern suggests not only that a high percentage of the Lower Egyptians tended to seek membership in a spiritual community, but that they preferred these two houses to either Shaykhuniya (84) or Siryaqus (130). This should be compared to the patterns reported for non-Egyptians, in which Shaykhuniya predominates. In general, the pattern would accord with the hypothesis that the central districts of Gharbiya and Minufiya constituted a regional "saints zone" with a highly developed network of local khanqahs and zawiyas, in which individuals transferring to Cairo received their initiation into tasawwuf

THE NILE VALLEY (FIG. 5)

151

(mystic principles). The concentration for al-Azhar confirms its function as a hospice for students and scholars from outside the city. The Azhar complex certainly attracted many Sufis, although not as many as went to the two major khanqahs. THE NILE VALLEY (Figs. 5-A through 5-E) Many fewer Upper Egyptians lived in Cairo than did people from the Delta. The overall numbers for the Sa'idis throughout the metropolis were smaller than for those from Syria-Palestine, and only slightly larger than those for Iranians. Moreover, there was a more even balance in their distribution between the northeastern and southeastern districts. Their proportionate representation in the northeast, an indicator of relative status within the civilian elite, was less pronounced. This would suggest their lack of influence as a group in the religio-academic establishment. However, any such generalization must be qualified both by their consistent representation in the major institutions and by the modest size of the sample. Although data on educational sites (Fig. 5A) were sparse, all three concentrations—at al-Azhar (36), Zahiriya (23), and Sarghatmishiya (92)—were within the network of core institutions, which reflects the degree of successful entry by individuals from this group into the major training centers. Even though the sample is very small, it probably does represent the Upper Egyptian presence within the 'ulama' class of the city because the compilers tried to be comprehensive. Upper Egyptians were clearly able to gain access to the restricted circle of institutions providing entry into the upper echelons of the learned community. How did they fare once they arrived? The distribution of occupational sites (Figs. 5-B, 5-C) confirmed the placement of Upper Egyptians in the core group: the two collegiate clusters, al-Azhar, Ashrafiya (30), Mu'ayyadiya (51), and Shaykhuniya (83). Yet the relatively even balance between the northeast and southeast may suggest that Upper Egyptians tended to accept more positions in the more recent and less exclusive amirate madrasas than did their counterparts from the Delta, who managed more readily to penetrate the institutions of the rectangle (though there were, of course, individuals, such as al-Suyuti and his father, who were able to ascend to the highest levels). Upper Egyptians were virtually absent from the northwest and southwest districts and Bulaq. In the Desert Plain and the southern cemetery there were more of them, implying that the Sa'id did produce ascetics who settled in the mortuary zones.

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RESIDENCE PATTERNS

The residence pattern (Figs. 5-D, 5-E) exhibited the only substantial concentrations of the group. Many Upper Egyptians congregated in Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) during this period.39 Al-Azhar, however, did not exceed several other sites in the district. A second concentration occurred in Shaykhuniya (83-84) in the southeast.40 The concentration at Sa'id alSu'ada' suggests the geographically diverse character of that khanqah's community, a trend paralleled but not surpassed by al-Azhar and the other major hospices. The representation of Upper Egyptians in these institutions confirms the existence of mystics from Upper Egypt, and it should be compared with the Sa'idis in the Sahra' and Qarafa, who lived withdrawn from society. One of the few cases of an individual resident in the wilderness of the Muqattam (201) was a Sa'idl.41 He or his family came from the area of Minyat Ban! Khasib in Ushmunayn district. He was regarded as both a mu'taqad and a majdhub, or one who, as an elect communicant with the divine, was subject to trances and spells of holy sickness or convulsions. Such individuals were respected by the Sufi orders but appeared highly eccentric to the general population. These individuals tended to live alone in remote forbidding areas under conditions of extreme privation. They followed the tradition of Christian holy hermits, many native to the Upper Valley, from the pre-Islamic period. SYRIA-PALESTINE (Figs. 6-A, 6-B, 6-D through 6-E) This group, the largest from a non-Egyptian region, was prominently represented throughout the religio-academic establishment. The pattern for educational sites (Fig. 6-A) reflects a trend repeated for all the remaining geographic groups. The majority of individuals from SyriaPalestine had completed their formal studies before transferring to Cairo, but the data available indicate that those who elected to continue their studies in Cairo were concentrated in the major centers of legal scholarship and mystic discipline. The institutions cited belonged to the elite core, with the exception of Sarghatmishiya (92), the only amirate madrasa included. References to the hospices were to be expected, since they had been founded in part to provide foreign students with living accommodations. The Syrians seem to have been less inclined toward identification with Sufi institutions than any other ethno-geographic element in the city. But there was an even balance between Shaykhuniya (84) and the khanqahs of the Festival Gate complex (13, 15). The latter two outweighed Shaykhuniya in proportionate representation of persons from the Cairo-Delta zone. Shaykhuniya was clearly more prominent

SYRIA-PALESTINE (FIG. 6)

!53

for foreigners, and particularly Syrians engaged in formal study. Yet the one striking concentration appeared at Zahiriya (23), that paramount center of Shafi'i and Hanafi jurisprudence.42 Syrians were attracted to this college specifically to train themselves in advanced treatises on the Shari'a and to prepare for legal careers in the capital. Down the street, they could observe the four chief justices in the Salihiya court at work. This high concentration at Zahiriya suggests its reputation within the Mamluk state as the prime center of advanced juridical study in the capital. Although the pattern of occupational distribution (Figs. 6-B, 6-D) revealed a variety of fields, it did not do justice to the Syrian presence in several professional categories. The Syrians were very active in both the executive and the bureaucracy, and since we rarely have information on the location of institutions in these fields, this critical dimension of the Syrian presence eludes us. Were we to possess better data, the configuration might well reveal a majority of Syrians based in the southeast or Mamluk zone—the only probable case of a preponderance of some group in a district other than the northeast. The pattern that we do have depicts appointments within the religio-academic network, including those bureaucratic offices related to its administration. Even given the concentration in the Fatimid district, there are deviations from the model established by the Cairo-Delta group. Although the two collegiate clusters were predictably prominent, the two royal madrasas, Ashrafiya (30) and Mu'ayyadiya (51), figured large in the distribution. Most of those who received appointments to chairs in the major institutions had already attained considerable renown in their own country, but the individuals invited to the two royal madrasas came initially at the behest of the founders themselves. The concentration at Mu'ayyadiya attests to its founder's close ties with his Syrian clients.43 There were two distinct aggregates of Syrians in the southeast: at Shaykhuniya (83) and the Tulunid mosque (91). The former reconfirms the pronounced Syrian association with this madrasa-khanqah complex, a respected center of Hanafi jurisprudence, along with Sarghatmishiya (92) just down the street.44 For the Tulunid mosque, in the same quarter, Syrians constituted the largest foreign representation. The Tulunid mosque was not a major center of fiqh scholarship during the period, let alone of Hanafi studies, so the reason for this concentration of Syrians is not clear. In contrast, Syrians were only modestly represented in the amirate madrasas of the district, despite their close association with Mamluks. Surprisingly, the Iranians outnumbered the Syrians in these institutions. The residence pattern (Figs. 6-E, 6-F) reveals a modest aggregate of

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

154

Syrians in the khanqahs and hospices belonging to the elite group in the northeast. The sites paralleled those in the occupational distribution: Baybarsiya (13), Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), Barquqiya (20), Ashrafiya (30), and Mu'ayyadiya (51). Only one individual was reported for al-Azhar (36). The extraordinary paucity of Syrians in the southeast reflects the type of evidence reported in the biographical sources, but it may also indirectly clarify our concept of their presence in the city. Syrians maintained proportionately closer ties with the military elite than any other civilian group except the Copts. Yet in the southeast zone of high Mamluk concentration, there do not seem to have been many Syrians entrenched in institutions founded by those who may be assumed to have been their patrons. This pattern may confirm the proclivity of Syrians to penetrate the bureaucratic apparatus of the state. Those who pursued scholarly and judicial careers in Cairo, quite possibly a minority of the total Syrian presence, would not have migrated to Cairo unless they were eminent enough to establish themselves in the elite institutions. The Syrians who came to the capital as clients of Mamluks, possibly a majority, pursued careers that were not associated directly with the religio-academic network, and thus do not appear in these surveys. There were few Syrians in all other districts of the metropolis. The figures for the Bulaq area suggest that only a few were engaged in trade or commerce in the port district. The minimal numbers reported for the two mortuary zones support the evidence in Chapter II that few Syrians were mu'taqads or majdhubs. This reinforces the impression that the Syrian presence in Cairo was pronouncedly bureaucratic. Because only the people actively involved with the religio-academic network of the city were well depicted in the biographical sources, the majority of Syrians, whose careers were probably spent in the service of their Mamluk patrons, was not adequately described there. Accordingly, the impression we have of the Syrian distribution in the capital is incomplete. THE IRANIAN AREAS (Figs. 6-A, 6-C through 6-F) Unlike the Syrians, the Iranians in Cairo were primarily scholar-teachers and religious functionaries. Since they were tied to the religio-academic network of the city, the Iranians can be located more accurately than the Syrians, despite the smaller size of their sample. The educational pattern (Fig. 6-A) was very sparse, indicating that few Iranians who could be identified as such studied in Cairo. Most arrived after completing their educations.45 No concentrations of them appeared, and the few institutions that had as many as a handful were Baybarsiya (13), Jamaliya

IRANIAN AREAS (FIG. 6)

^55

(16), Zahiriya (23), al-Azhar (36), and Taybarsiya (37) in the northeast; Mahmudiya (57), the madrasa of Aslam (54), and Shaykhuniya (83) in the southeast. All these Iranians were pursuing advanced studies under noted scholars. Indeed, except for two people, one at each of the amirate madrasas, all Iranians doing advanced stμdy in Cairo were at the elite 46 institutions. The occupational pattern (Figs. 6-C, 6-D) reflected more of the Iranian presence. There was a relatively even balance between the numbers of individuals at the elite institutions and those at the amirate madrasas; the contrast with the Delta pattern is quite striking. There were between five and ten nisba references connected with several institutions, al­ though references to birthplaces remained relatively infrequent. Con­ centrations appeared in the two collegiate clusters, Basitiya (11), al-Azhar (36), Mu'ayyadiya (51), and Abu Bakriya (48) in the northeast; in Mahmudiya (57), Sudun min Zada (70), Aljayhiya (69), Hasaniya (74), Aytmishiya (62), the Citadel mosque (68), and Sarghatmishiya (92) in the southeast; and Siryaqus (130) north of the city. The prominence of Iranians in both the prestigious institutions of the old Fatimid district and the amirate colleges suggests that they were highly regarded by both their Egyptian peers and by the Mamluk elite, which tended to appoint at least the initial staffs of their foundations. The Mamluk emphasis on the Hanafi madhhab in the curricula of their foundations may also have influenced the appointment of large numbers of Iranians to their staffs: many of the Iranian 'ulama' in Cairo were connected with this school. Moreover, the Iranians had been less exposed to the hostile polarization between the 'ulama' and the Mamluks in the em­ pire. They and their descendants appear to have remained somewhat aloof from the mutual antagonism that often complicated relationships between the literary and military elites of Egypt and Syria. Indeed, the Iranians seem to have had a facility for accepting a condition of authority and adjusting to it in a profitable way. Many had developed such a facility of necessity after the Mongol invasions. They thus may have been more inclined, proportionately, to accept posts in the amirate ma­ drasas than were their Egyptian colleagues—who may, conversely, have been treated with greater antipathy by the Mamluk founders. The residence pattern (Figs. 6-E, 6-F) showed settlement of Iranians to have been confined largely to the northeast. 47 The concentrations appeared in all the large khanqahs except Shaykhuniya (13, 15, 130) (in contrast, note that no references to Syrians were reported for Siryaqus), in the collegiate clusters, al-Azhar (36), and the two royal Circassian madrasa-hospices (30, 51). The individuals resident in the khanqahs were uniformly Sufis. Only a few Iranians lived in other

ι56

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

sections of the city, including the two mortuary zones. Even though Iran produced famous mystics throughout the Middle Ages, Sufi shaykhs, pious ascetics, and holy hermits did not necessarily all follow the same type of life, and the Iranians tended not to locate in the isolated and austere environment of the cemeteries. The Iranians resident in the Qarafa lived in the complex surrounding Imam al-ShafiTs tomb (115). Several Iranians were teaching in the mausoleum madrasa of Yashbak and the Succor Dome (Qubbat al-Nasr) (6-D: 127, 126). ANATOLIA (Figs. 7-A through 7-D) The remaining non-Egyptians did not appear frequently enough to pro­ duce many concentrations. However, a few clusters did emerge, sug­ gesting several trends. The Anatolians or Rumis contrasted with the Iranians because many of them were not scholars, and with the Syrians because relatively few of them were bureaucrats. Their pattern of educational sites (Fig. 7-A) was sparse, and can only indicate that relatively few Anatolians com­ pleted their formal studies in Cairo. Those who did appear attended a few madrasas of the northeast and southeast. Only Shaykhuniya (83) had as many as two cases. Outside the inner city, there was one case in Siryaqus (130). The distribution oi occupations (Figs. 7-B, 7-C) was more illuminat­ ing. Due to the one discernible concentration at Shaykhuniya,48 the distribution between the northeast and southeast was fairly even. An­ atolians were only minimally represented in the Festival Gate group. However, there were definitely Sufis among them, who were admitted to monastic houses; they appeared in the Shaykhuniya and Siryaqus (130) khanqahs as well as in the two royal madrasas of Ashrafiya (30) and Mu'ayyadiya (51). Anatolians were represented in the Bayn alQasrayn colleges, where they taught jurisprudence. Their most prom­ inent concentration here was in the Mansuriya madrasa and tomb (22). The biographical sources indicated that individual scholars of Ana­ tolian origin were not at all regarded as Mamluks or unlettered Atrak, but rather as Riimis who had achieved scholarly renown. However, there were fewer of them than there were Syrians or Persians. Most tended to specialize in legal subjects—as indicated as by their presence in the Bayn al-Qasrayn group, famous for jurisprudence. The Anatolian rep­ resentation at Ashrafiya and Mu'ayyadiya bespeaks the relative wealth of these institutions and their receptivity to foreign scholars. This was a policy established by Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, in particular. In-

IRAQ (FIG. 7)

157

deed, the Mamluk elite did identify with the Turkish-speaking 'ulama' from Anatolia, even though this cordiality was not fully reciprocated. Such an attitude may explain their proportionately large representation in the royal madrasas, both founded during the Circassian period. Except for Sarghatmishiya (92) and Aytmishiya (62), the data were too sparse for the amirate madrasas of the southeast to guess whether this sense of fellow-feeling by Mamluks influenced the appointment of Rumis to their institutions.49 Sarghatmishiya seems to have constituted a unique case among these foundations, as is discussed below. There were several cases of Rumis who served the royal family personally rather than as bureaucrats, perhaps because of the bond of a common language. These Anatolians were employed in the Sultan's palace (135-136) itself, and belonged to the imperial household. The Anatolians were prominent in the two mortuary zones, although the map does not represent their number accurately. This was primarily because most of them were resident in zawiyas that were not positioned by the topographical sources.50 Those in institutions whose location is specified in these works taught in the madrasas associated with the tombs of Imam al-Shaffi (115) and three great Mamluks (120, 121, 123). It is certain that there were many other Anatolian mu'taqads and majdhubs living or teaching in Mamluk tombs, since the biographical texts constantly referred to this situation, albeit imprecisely. Anatolians were sparsely represented in the other districts of the metropolis, though there were two references to the Mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) in Old Cairo. The evidence therefore indicates that the majority of Anatolians were based in the inner city and the two mortuary zones. IRAQ (Figs. 7-A through 7-D) As noted earlier, Iraqis tended not to attain the prominence achieved by other foreign groups in Cairo, although, of course, there were several eminent individuals. Fewer of them were associated with recognized institutions, so their actual numbers are not reflected in the maps. The educational and residential patterns (Figs. 7-A, 7-D) were too limited to indicate anything except that those Iraqis who did appear were associated with institutions of the northeast. Al-Azhar (36), the haven for foreign students, had a grand total of two. The distribution of occupational sites (Figs. 7-B, 7-C) was somewhat better. The only true cluster was at the Bayn al-Qasrayn group, although there were three cases reported for the Festival Gate group. No single institution accounted for

ι58

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

more than three cases. A few scattered cases were reported for the southeast section and Cross Street area. Iraqis were virtually absent from other districts, including the two mortuary zones. In general, these figures do confirm that Iraqis were living in Cairo, but the data were too sparse to be compared with the profiles for other groups. NORTH AFRICA: THE MAGHRIB (Figs. 8-A through 8-C) Although individuals from North Africa did not constitute a large ele­ ment, they were more prominent than either the Iraqis or Peninsular Arabians. This may be explained by their conspicuous role in the ju­ diciary of Cairo. Persons of North African origin or descent were very influential in the Maliki courts of Egypt. Since Cairo possessed a large community identifying with the Maliki madhhab, these people were well represented in the biographical sources. The situation is reflected by the pattern of educational sites (Fig. 8-A), which reveals a concentration of Maghribls in the Zahiriya madrasa (23). Although Sultan Baybars had originally endowed it for instruction in Shafi'i and Hanafi jurisprudence, the other two madhhabs were also taught; we find Maliki North Africans there as well as Hanbalis from the east.51 Elsewhere, North Africans were represented, in token numbers: at al-Azhar (36), Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), and the Basitiya madrasa (11) in the northeast; and at Shaykhuniya (83) in the southeast. In other words, the institutions that tended to attract other foreign groups also drew Maghribis. The overall number of cases was too low, however, to provide an adequate picture of the distribution of North Africans studying in Cairo.52 The occupational and residential patterns (Figs. 8-B, 8-C) indicated a North African presence in both collegiate clusters, al-Azhar (36) and Mu'ayyadiya (51) in the northeast; and in Shaykhuniya (83-84), the Tulunid mosque (91), and several amirate colleges in the southeast. The lack of individuals teaching at Zahiriya, in contrast with the concentra­ tion of students there, may be explained by the fact that very few occupational sites were quoted for judges of all four schools. Al-Azhar exhibited the largest concentrations of North Africans for both config­ urations. 53 This reinforces the general hypothesis that al-Azhar had already developed its international character and reputation throughout the Muslim world. In more recent periods, North Africans have formed an established student community within al-Azhar, and there may have been a similar situation during the later Middle Ages. Instruction in Maliki jurisprudence was maintained consistently at al-Azhar, attracting Maghribis who were expert in their madhhab. Only a few North Africans

THE ARABIAN PENINSULA (FIG. 8)

159

were actually appointed to posts in the khanqahs and madrasas of the Festival Gate, but several were resident in the hospices as Sufis. This was also true for the Shaykhuniya khanqah in the southeast, but not for Siryaqus (130). In proportion to the total number of cases reported for residence, which was low, the concentration in the hospices indicated that the North African group tended to produce roughly the same percentage of individuals as the Iranians or Anatolians. The complete absence of these people from the two mortuary zones again implies that Sufi mystics were not the same as pious ascetics or recluses. North Africa is well known for its individuals endowed with holy emanation, but this type of individual does not seem to have migrated to Cairo from North Africa to any great extent. The overall representation of North Africans in mosques and the amirate madrasas of the southeast was very sparse. The cases occurring for Shaykhuniya (83), Sarghatmishiya (92), and the Tulunid mosque (91) were to be expected, since these three institutions consistently attracted individuals of foreign background. There were no cases at all reported for the Citadel complex, implying that relatively few North Africans managed to gain access to the Imperial Court, in contrast to the Syrians or Anatolians. Except for token representation in the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) in Old Cairo, North Africans were absent from the other districts of the metropolis. THE ARABIAN PENINSULA (Figs. 8-A through 8-C) Chapter II suggested that many individuals in Cairo were of Peninsular origin or derivation. Large concentrations were reported for the two holy cities, and there were representatives from areas throughout the Hijaz and the Yemen. These people were all living in Cairo, but little data was provided by the biographical sources on exactly where they lived. One must therefore regard the patterns that did appear as suggestive rather than definitive. Only three modest concentrations emerged. There were several Arabians studying at the Zahiriya madrasa (23) or residing at Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) and in the Sahra' mortuary zone during the century (202). There were other references to individuals scattered throughout the northeast and southeast districts, but these merely confirmed the presence of people from the Peninsula in the city. Not a single case was reported for al-Azhar, which is quite extraordinary. Every other foreign group was represented there. Since no cause can be determined to explain this phenomenon, we should be cautious about drawing conclusions from it. The concentration of students at Zahiriya

16ο

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

may be attributed to its status as a center of legal scholarship; the Hanafi madhhab was and remains prominent in the Arabian Peninsula. The concentration of residents in Sa'id al-Su'ada' shows that Sufi mystics of Peninsular origin or descent were present in Cairo. The appearance of several Arabians in the two mortuary zones may imply a tendency toward asceticism and seclusion, although the sources did not attest to it elsewhere. CONCLUSIONS ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF GEOGRAPHIC GROUPS A basic pattern revealed by the data shows that a limited number of religio-academic institutions, a minority of the total, seem to have played a dominant role as seats of learning, professional activity, promotion, and residence for the civilian elite of Cairo, irrespective of ethno-geographic background. The educational pattern varied least among the geographic groups. Predictably, madrasas dominated all the educational configurations, al­ though the prominence of several khanqahs suggests that the madrasas did not exercise a monopoly over higher learning or even formal training in the Islamic sciences. But certain madrasas trained the majority of those persons who became entrenched within the civilian elite, most prominently the two collegiate clusters and, in particular, Zahiriya. The elite institutions were confined primarily to the northeast quarter of the city. Only two institutions in the southeast, a zone of Mamluk influence (Shaykhuniya and Sarghatmishiya), and one outside the city (Siryaqus) can be included among them. The primacy of the old Fatimid city, formalized during the Ayyubid and Bahri periods, would seem to have persisted undiminished to the end of the Mamluk era, regardless of munificent donations to found and maintain similar institutions else­ where. That the patterns produced by the several ethno-geographic elements repeatedly emphasized the same institutions implies that these insti­ tutions established their reputations throughout the cities and towns of the Mamluk empire, as well as in regions beyond its borders. Traditions of scholarly interchange, consciously sustained on behalf of universal orthodoxy, would promote the growth of their stature, and also explain in part why renowned savants from abroad elected to join these insti­ tutions, especially if they intended to settle in the Mamluk capital. A second possible explanation for the dominance of a few houses is related to the issue of professional entry and reaffirmation of credentials. Upon their arrival in the capital, individuals seeking to penetrate the civilian elite or to duplicate 'alim status attained elsewhere sought ad-

CONCLUSIONS

l6l

mission to these institutions as the best means of realizing their objective. These institutions produced the candidates who received the bulk of the legal and scholarly positions in the city. Admission to this elite group and receipt of diplomas from their staffs would therefore seem to constitute an initial stage of entry into the upper echelons of the civilian elite. Third, it is possible that certain ethno-geographic elements had built up "interests" within the religio-academic network of the Mamluk capital. This would be very likely in the case of the Syrians, but might apply to the Iranians, Anatolians, and Maghribis, as well. The presence and influence of such hypothetical interests would vary according to specific institutions. One might speculate on a pronounced Cairo-Delta interest in the khanqahs of Sa'id al-Su'ada' and Baybarsiya, a Syrian sphere of influence at Shaykhuniya and Sarghatmishiya, a Maghribi presence at the Azhar. What such interests might provide for newcomers beyond an avenue of admission to a course of study at a certain institution remains subject to conjecture, because of the lack of direct evidence. The possibility of interests established within the religio-academic network is most discernible in the residential survey. Finally, because of their backgrounds or the intentions of their benefactors, not all or even a majority of the institutions in the capital may have drawn students and staff from beyond the Cairo-Delta zone. There is little evidence in the descriptive literature on these institutions to suggest that any madrasa or hospice was consciously closed to persons viewed as foreign, but the circumstances of their funding and the outlooks of their staffs may have encouraged recruitment of local personnel. The parochialism of the majority of the religio-academic establishment seems to be a fact. Although the curriculum of the Sunni madrasa during the later Middle Ages was supposedly standardized—and clearly was for the highly cosmopolitan elite group—the curricula of more parochial institutions may have varied according to local practice, and probably provided the training ground for individuals composing the lower strata of the civilian elite.54 These hypothetical observations are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, they may be interrelated in explaining the cosmopolitan clientele associated with the elite institutions. The widespread reputations of these institutions and the professional opportunities associated with them would appear to be the most plausible explanations in terms of available evidence. The occupational pattern, limited as it was to institutional positions, varied more widely than the educational one. Although the same institutional core prevailed in each survey, individuals, particularly Cairenes, were employed in a broader spectrum of institutional settings. The

162

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

religio-academic establishment functioned as a network and, therefore, the general impression is of social cohesiveness, with no absolute exclusion of a specific group from any one institution. Nonetheless, there are differences between the patterns, suggesting that integration into the 'ulama' class varied according to ethno-geographic origin—either because of circumstance, subtle exclusion, or self-imposed distinctions. The occupational pattern may be interpreted as a measure of two factors: cosmopolitanism versus parochialism, and relative prestige. The first involves the degree of assimilation into the civilian elite. Of all the ethno-geographic groups, only indigenous Cairenes and Lower Egyptians were broadly established at the local level. All other groups, including Upper Egyptians, tended to be employed in either the elite institutions or the amirate madrasas. The cosmopolitan elements of the 'ulama' were thus confined primarily to the institutional core. In certain cases, these elements were represented at the amirate colleges of the southeast, which may suggest diversity of function and attainment of prestige. This tendency toward confinement to the major institutions does not imply isolation from the 'ulama' class in general since, with the possible exceptions of Shaykhuniya and Sarghatmishiya, individuals from the Cairo-Delta zone were numerically dominant in them. But these institutions seem to have constituted the milieu in which the genuinely universal aspects of the orthodox curriculum were refined and taught. They were the locus of ideological exchange, and cosmopolitan elements were consistently restricted to them. The majority of foundations, rarely mentioned in the biographical sources, probably served the mass of local population primarily, including the lower echelons of the civilian elite. Whether the curricula of these institutions differed appreciably from those of the elite group is unclear, but their absence from the biographical sources, compiled in large part to bolster the orthodox curriculum, is very interesting. Although they appear to have played no discernible role in higher scholarship, they were staffed by Cairenes and Lower Egyptians, like those who rubbed shoulders with the international elements in the elite core. Indigenous Cairenes were present throughout the religio-academic network and would seem to have constituted the matrix within which all other groups functioned. In comparison, Lower Egyptians, although yery similar to the majority group, tended to be connected with a more restricted range of institutions. The contrast indicated by their representation outside the elite core is apparent, suggesting that even the Delta people did not function at the local level to the same extent as those native to the city. Moreover, the Delta people collected so markedly at certain institutions that the existence of a Lower Egyptian identity

CONCLUSIONS

16 3

with them is probable. Since all the remaining geographic groups also seem to have been concentrated at specific institutions, we are not left with an impression of uniform or routine assimilation of foreigners at all levels of the religio-academic network of the capital. Yet the biographical sources depict no systematic process of exclusion. The second factor, that of prestige, must be considered in light of the status and background of the foreign 'ulama'. We can probably assume that positions within the major institutions were the most prestigious and professionally beneficial in terms of mobility, influence, and remuneration, and that appointment to institutions outside this group carried less prestige and fewer professional options. Accordingly, the larger the percentage of positions held by an ethno-geographic element within the elite group, the more indication there is of that element's identity with and successful penetration of the upper echelons of the civilian elite. It is very likely that the majority of individuals originating outside the Mamluk state who achieved eminence in Cairo transferred there because they had already attained qualifications sufficient to position themselves within the cosmopolitan level of the 'ulama' class throughout the Sunni Islamic world. The few Upper Egyptians mentioned constitute a case in point, as they were evenly divided between the elite group and less prestigious amirate colleges. The minimal influence of Sa'idis on the 'ulama' class is quite clear from the tables in Chapter II. The Syrians, on the other hand, with perhaps the most complex pattern, were substantially represented within institutions dominated by the Cairo-Delta element, while also forming concentrations at the two most prominent amirate foundations in the southeast. Indeed, Syrians may have numerically dominated the faculties of both Shaykhuniya and Sarghatmishiya, which were famous for scholarship in Hanafi jurisprudence. Their representation in other amirate madrasas, as well as in institutions located elsewhere in the metropolis, would suggest the high degree of Syrian integration into the upper strata of the Cairo 'ulama', but the close ties between this group and the ruling Mamluk oligarchy, inadequately depicted in the survey, must also be recalled. Iranians seem to have been somewhat less well integrated into the elite group. They appear to have been more evenly divided between the elite institutions and the amirate colleges than any other foreign element in Cairo. There is no evidence that Iranians faced any barriers to assimilation into the civilian elite, and therefore the peculiarities of their distribution may imply a predisposition toward accepting positions at Mamluk foundations, a tendency influenced in part by their affiliation with the Hanafi school. The remaining ethno-geographic groups provided less data, but also tended to associate with the elite

164

RESIDENCE PATTERNS

institutions. However, there were so few cases even at these institutions that they would seem to have had little influence at any level of the civilian elite. The Anatolians and Maghribis, however, figured more prominently than some others in the patterns: the former in the mortuary zones, the latter at al-Azhar. And individual Anatolians and North Africans achieved such fame as to qualify our generalizations on prestige as measured solely according to group aggregation rather than by individual distinction. The residence pattern, restricted primarily to Sufi khanqahs and hospices, indicates a highly specific type of institutional association. Yet the concentrations were suggestive in that they most clearly signal the existence of organized ethno-geographic interests. The residential configurations, like the educational ones, centered overwhelmingly on the elite institutions. But in this case the salient exceptions involved institutions established in the mortuary zones rather than the amirate madrasas. The pattern clearly isolated those institutions in which the cosmopolitan elements of the 'ulama' class congregated. They defined the limited milieu in which the international dimensions of mysticism and fraternal communal activity occurred in the Mamluk capital. Viewed collectively with the preceding surveys, they identify, rather definitively, the restricted group of institutions constituting the seat of 'ulama' cosmopolitanism in Cairo. In Chapter II, cosmopolitanism emerged as most evident in the judicial and scholarly fields. Here, this is confirmed by the overwhelming primacy of a distinct set of colleges and hospices. It is now clear that cosmopolitan influences on the quality of intellectual life, methods of scholarship, practice of law, civilian politics, and mystic communal association were confined primarily to this set. It is also probable that ethno-geographic groups maintained a sense of common identity, an awareness of their regional heritage, while simultaneously functioning within the 'ulama' class. Such a phenomenon was possible because of the nature of Sunnism, which at once maintained tenets common to all the orthodox learned and reflected the dominant culture of the local majority from the Cairo-Delta heartland.

FIGURES 1 THROUGH 8

166

RESIDENCE PATTERNS SCALE

x and + symbols are in proportion to circles and triangles

167 Key Religio-Academic

Institutions

Northeast 1. Mosque of al-Zāhir Baybars 2. Mazharīya madrasa 3. Mosque of al-Hakim 4. Bab al-Nasr oratory 5. Mosque of al-Bulqīnī 6. Mankutamurīya madrasa 7. Mosque of Ibn Hajar 8. Qūsūnīya madrasa 9. Mosque of Ibn Mazhar 10. Tarābulusīya madrasa 11. Mosque of 'Abd al-Basit 12. Mosque of Aqmar 13. Baybarsīya khanqah 14. Qarasanqurīya madrasa 15. Sa'īd al-Su'adā' khanqāh 16. Jamāliya madrasa 17. Hijāziya madrasa 18. Sābiqīya madrasa 19. Kāmilīya madrasa 20. Barqūqīya madrasa 21. Nāsirīya madrasa 22. Mansūrīya madrasa and tomb 23. Zāhirīya madrasa 24. al-Sāhh tomb 25. Badrīya hospice 26. Sahhīya madrasa 27. Sahhiya hospice 28. Mānstān al-Mansūrī 29. Suyūfīya hospice 30. Ashrafīya madrasa 31. Jamālīya al-Qadīma madrasa 32. Bardibakīya madrasa 33. Mosque and shrine of Husayn 34. Aqbughāwīya chapel 35. Jawharīya chapel 36. al-Azhar 37. Taybarsīya chapel 38. 'Aynīya madrasa 39. Zimāmīya (Kāfūr al-) madrasa 40. Mosque of al-Fakihiyīn 41. Mosque of Ibn NasrAllah 42. Shānfīya madrasa

to Sites

in Figures

1 and

43. Mosque of Yahyā alZayni 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

Fakhrīya madrasa Sahibīya madrasa Mosque of al-Fakhrī Husāmīya madrasa Abu Bakrīya madrasa Jarkasīya madrasa Jawdarīya madrasa Mu'ayyadīya madrasa

Southeast 52. Mosque of al-Sālih Talā'i' 53. Qajmāsīya madrasa 54. Mosque of Aslam 55. Mihmandārīya madrasa 56. Maridānīya madrasa 57. Mahmūdīya madrasa 58. Inal Yūsufīya madrasa 59. Jawbakīya madrasa 60. Umm al-Sultan madrasa 61. Aq Sunqūrīya madrasa 62. Aytmishīya madrasa 63. Qūsūnīya khanqāh 64. Mosque of Manjak 65. Mosq,ue of Yūnus 66. Qalamtal tomb 67. Māristān al-Mu'ayyadī 68. Nāsirī (Citadel) mosque 69. Aljayhīya madrasa 70. Sūdtūn min Zāda madrasa 71. Jawharīya Julbānī madrasa 72. Qānibayhīya madrasa 73. Jānibakīya madrasa 74. Mosque of Sultan Hasan 75. al-Mu'minī oratory 76. Qānibayhīya al-jarkasī madrasa 7 7 . Q ū s ū n i tomb and mosque 78. Jānibak tomb 79. Zayn Yusuf al-Dawadar tomb 80. NafisI shrine 81. al-Ruqaya 82 Mosque of Ibn TaghriBirdl al-Mu'dhi 83. Shaykhuniya madrasa 84. Shaykhuniya khanqah 85. Qanibayhiya al-Mahmudi madrasa

2 86. 87. 88. 89.

Mosque of al-Fariqam Bunduqdariya madrasa Mosque of Almas Mosque of Yahya alZaynl 90. Mosque of Qusun 91. Mosque of Ibn Tulun 92. Sarghatmishiya madrasa

Southwest 93. Azbaldya al-Yusufi madrasa 94. Jawaliya madrasa 95. Mosque of Jaqmaq 96. Mosque of Bardibak 97. Mosque of Qarakhuj 98. Mosque of Bashtak 99. Mosque of Ghurab Northwest 100. Mosque of Amir Husayn 101. Mosque of al-Zahid 102. Shaykh Madyan hospice 103. Mosque of Jawhar alTawashl 104. Mosque of al-Maqs Bulaq 105. Ji'aniya madrasa 106. Mosque of al-BarizI 107 Mosque of al-Wasiti 108. Mosque of al-Khatiri 109. Mosque of Abu 'Ala 110. Mosque of Taybars Environs 111. New Nasiri mosque 112. al-Kharubiya madrasa 113. Mosque of Amr ibn al'As

114. Ribat (shrine) Athar alNabawiya 115. Imam al-Shafi'I tomb complex 116. Layth tomb 117. Uqba tomb 118. Tombs of Joseph's brothers 119. Juyushi mosque 120. Tankiz tomb 121. Qaytbay tomb 122. Yunus tomb 123. Barquq and Faraj tomb 124. Anas tomb

168

125 Inal tomb 126. Qubbat al-Na~r (Succor Dome) 127. Yashbak min Mahdi tomb 128. Yashbak tomb 129. Mosque of Qaydan 130. Siryaqus khanqiih Governmental InstItutIOns (CItadel) 131. Justice palace 132. State treasury 133. Cham Gate (Bab alSIisIla) 134. Stables and stable barracks 135. Strip~d castle 136. Sultan's palaces (mcludmg the Duhaysha) 137. VestIbule and treasury of Pnvy Funds 138. N E. Citadel barracks and Sariya Gate 139. The ramp and gate of the Steps 140. The park and the pit barracks Streets, Quarters, Dlstncts Northeast 141. CaIro canal 142. l:Iusayniya dlstnct 143. Sha'riya Gate 144. VIctory Gate (Bab alFutu~)

145. Mam Avenue (Qa~aba) 146 Succor Gate (Bab al-Na~r)

Succor Gate street Festival Fate square Baha' ai-Din street al-Juyushi street Bndge Gate Karuri street Zuwayla quarter Tent Makers' bazaar Khan al-Khalili Saqa'iba street Musk! Bndge Gate ~a~ib market Crossbow Dealers' street Book Dealers' market Amir l:Iusayn Bndge Gate Kharq Gate Jawdariya quarter Daylam street Beneath the Apartments street 166. Burnt Gate 167 Zuwayla Gate

147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165.

Southeast 168. Red street-Tabbiina street 169. Wazir Gate street 170. Elephant Lake Shore (Blrkat al-Fil) 171. Rumayla square 172. CItadel (al-Qal'a) 173. Cross street (al-Qatii'I' and Qa~r al-Kabsh dIstricts) 174 Muqanam escarpment 175. Qarafa Gate street

176. Qarafa Gate 177 Qarafa cemetary Southwest 178. Kharq Gate street 179. Luq Gate 180. Aq Sunqur bndge 181. Mihrani distnct

Northwest 182. Nii~LTi canal 183. Ratli Lake 184. al- Maqs dIstnct 185. Maqs/NIle Gate (to Bulaq) 186. NIle Gate bridge 187. Kawm Aljak! dIstnct (alUzbakiya) 188. Sha'riya street 189. Little Sha'riya street EnVIrons 190. Bulaq (NIle) port 191. Sabtiya street (to Nile Gate) 192. Khawr dIstnct 193. Mmbaba 194. Elephant Island tract 195. Kawm al-Rish 196. Mmyat al-Slri) 197. Rawqa Island 198. Old CaIro (al-Fustat) 199. Dayr ai-Tin 200 Qariifa cemetery 201. Muqanam hills 202. Desert Plam cemetery 203. Ba'i tract 204. Matariya

FIg. lIS based on Abu-Lughod's one-sheet rendltlon of Popper's four maps divldmg the City mto quadrants (Map--"The Bmlt-up area of Cairo ca. 1460" m Janet L Abu-Lughod, Cairo, 1001 Years of the City Victorious (Pnnceton' Pnnceton Umverslty Press, 1971), p. 45 Repnnted by permISSIOn of Pnnceton Umverslty Press). FIg 2 duphcates Popper's Map 5, p 61 (Pubhshed by the Regents of the Umverslty of Cahforma; repnnted by permISSIOn of the Umverslty of Cahforma Press).

169

Fig. 1.

Cairo, Central City. Location of Religio-Academic Institutions

1 7 0

Fig. 2.

Cairo and Environs. Location of Religio-Academic Institutions

171

Fig. 3.

Individuals f r o m Cairo

3-A.

Central City, Educational Sites • birthplaces

172

3-B.

Central City, Occupational Sites • birthplaces

173

3-C.

Environs, Occupational Sites • birthplaces

174

3-D.

Central City, Residential Sites • birthplaces

o

175

130

I J-

~-

3-E_

Environs, Residential Sites • birthplaces

ι76

Fig. 4

Individuals from the Delta

4-A.

Central City, Educational Sites • nisbas X birthplaces

^11

4-B.

Environs, Educational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι78

4-C.

Central City, Occupational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

*79

4-D.

Environs, Occupational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι8ο

4-E.

Central City, Residential Sites • nisbas X birthplaces

ι8ι

4-F.

Environs, Residential Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

182

Fig. 5.

Individuals from Upper Egypt

5-A.

Central City, Educational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι83

5-B.

Central City, Occupational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι84

5-C.

Environs, Occupational Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι85

5-D.

Central City, Residential Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι86

5-E.

Environs, Residential Sites • nisbas x birthplaces

ι87

Fig. 6. 6-A.

Individuals from Syria and Iran Central City, Educational Sites • Syrian nisbas X Syrian birthplaces

A +

Iranian nisbas Iranian birthplaces

188

6-B.

Central City, Occupational Sites • Syrian nisbas x Syrian birthplaces

1 8 9

6-C.

Central City, Occupational Sites Iranian nisbas + Iranian birthplaces

190

6-D.

Environs, Occupational Sites Syrian n i s b a s Syrian birthplaces

I

r

a

n

i

a n nisbas Iranian birthplaces

i9i

6-E.

Central City, Residential Sites • Syrian nisbas x Syrian birthplaces

^ +

Iranian nisbas Iranian birthplaces

192

6-F.

Environs, Residential Sites • Syrian nisbas X Syrian birthplaces

^ +

Iranian nisbas Iranian birthplaces

193

Fig. 7. Individuals from Anatolia and Iraq 7-A. Central City, Educational Sites • Anatolian nisbas X Anatolian birthplaces

A +

Iraqi nisbas Iraqi birthplaces

194

7-B.

Central City, Occupational Sites • Anatolian nisbas X Anatolian birthplaces

A +

Iraqi nisbas Iraqi birthplaces

195

7-C.

Environs, Occupational Sites • Anatolian nisbas x Anatolian birthplaces

A +

Iraqi nisbas Iraqi birthplaces

196

7-D.

Central City, Residential Sites • Anatolian nisbas x Anatolian birthplaces

^ +

Iraqi nisbas Iraqi birthplaces

w

Fig. 8. 8-A.

Individuals from North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula Central City, Educational Sites • North African nisbas A Arabian nisbas x North African birthplaces + Arabian birthplaces

198

8-B.

Central City, Occupational Sites North African n i s b a s A r a b i a n nisbas North African birthplaces Arabian birthplaces

199

8-C.

Central City, Residential Sites North African nisbas x North African birthplaces

A +

Arabian nisbas Arabian birthplaces

CHAPTER IV

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE

WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW major occupations of the civilian elite, together with their variants, from among the hundreds of occupations mentioned in the biographical sources will be discussed here. The objectives are to classify the occupations according to categories, and to form an impression of the civilian elite as a social class in the context of their professional endeavors. The first objective implies that a categorization of these occupations is justified by the configurations of data yielded by the biographies. In fact, distinctions between occupations, with no evidence of crossover between fields, rarely occurred. There are exceptions to every generalization discussed below. But it is possible to establish general categories, and thus to provide tentative answers to some fundamental questions: did the civilian elite constitute a multicompetent unspecialized social class? That is, did the same individuals, undergoing similar training in a common intellectual milieu, staff the administrative, judicial, scholastic, and religious apparatuses? Did they transfer from one office to another with relative ease, encountering little opposition from vested interests in the several spheres of professional activity? Were there, in fact, vested interests, or did the same persons appear in all the spheres ? This study will argue the case not only for distinct occupational categories, but also for a modification of the idea of an unspecialized civilian elite, simultaneously staffing the various professional settings open to civilians. It will thus test whether the terms ayan and 'ulama were, in reality, interchangeable. The analysis of occupational distribution is also intended to create a rounded picture of this group. Who were these people? What were the political, economic, social, and even psychological conditions of their existence? Can special characteristics of individuals serving in certain of the occupational categories be discerned? Were the prerogatives, benefits, and liabilities of such service similarly balanced in all of them? If any imbalance seems likely, what motivated individuals to accept vulnerable, even dangerous offices? In a political system that theoretically excluded civilians from executive authority, were civilians able to influence, directly or indirectly, either the mass of society or even the military elite? Were all elements of the civilian elite equally exposed to both the benefits

T

WENTY-ONE

200

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

201

and liabilities of close association with the Mamluk ruling caste? Did various components of the elite interact socially or professionally, or are there signs of vested interests that maintained some degree of exclusiveness? These questions will also stir up an old controversy: did the 'ulama' serve primarily as mediators between the Mamluks and the general population, who were compelled to support the entire system? Or does the concept of mediation fail to do justice to the complexities of civilian elite status during this period? Doubtlessly, the following discussion will not resolve such a broad issue. But it will add some new perspectives to the debate. One characteristic of all elements comprising the civilian elite is so prominent that it merits comment at the outset: multiple officeholding. This phenomenon has led analysts of medieval social organization in the Middle East to assume a similarity of competence that derived from uniform training. 1 There is no question that the majority of individuals examined here held more than one office simultaneously. But whether this suggests multicompetence and, if so, whether such multicompetence was due to the supposedly unspecialized nature of the offices held by these people needs to be examined. This study will suggest that some degree of specialization was, in fact, apparent, and that it varied according to the broad professional categories. But the issue of multiple officeholding raises several other questions about the nature of civilian professional activity in the Mamluk state, questions that also address realities of service in a closed political system. It is quite possible, for example, that certain positions held by an individual may not have been actively served by him. He may have drawn the pay for the post, while delegating its duties to a subordinate—or to a colleague as a favor, if illicit fees or personal connections resulted from it. The extent of sinecurism is exceedingly difficult to measure from the biographical records, which list positions with very little comment on performance of duties. But there are so many references to associates or subordinates whose careers were advanced by the individuals in return for assuming their responsibilities in an office that its widespread occurrence was probable. In discussing each occupational category, I will first briefly describe the occupations, and then compare the range of activities engaged in by persons involved with these occupations during their careers. This comparison is depicted in Table 11, which lists the relative proportions of the several types of professional activity according to the twenty-one occupations in the major group. This table indicates the degree of concentration of people in several professions within their own and other categories. The concentrations differed quite markedly according to the

202

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

specific occupations, and even within the categories configurations varied noticeably. Such variations are related to the occupation and residence patterns depicted on the city maps (cf. Figs. 9-27).

THE EXECUTIVE AND MILITARY PROFESSIONS (Table 11, Category I) These occupations, although dominant in the social and political hierarchy of Egypt during the Mamluk period, could not be analyzed here because of their infrequent mention in the texts, and our inability to establish specific occupational or residential sites for them. Mamluks and their civilian clients almost exclusively staffed this category. They monopolized most of the revenues produced in the society, and were able to afford luxurious accommodations. If they were not housed at court, these people tended to purchase or build homes in the city or suburbs. Unfortunately, only a small number of these survived into the nineteenth century to be located by Herz and Creswell.2 Occupational sites were rarely reported for this class, and these people were not attached to the same institutions as the 'ulama'. In general, this class tended not to gather in the northeast districts of the city. The Mamluks and their clients congregated in the vicinity of the Citadel, in the Cross Street-Qasr al-Kabsh area (Fig. 1: 173), along the shores of the Elephant and Ratli Lakes (Fig. 1: 170, 183), in the plantation districts of the northwest and southwest sections, and along the Nile shore (Fig. 2: 190192).

THE BUREAUCRATIC (SECRETARIAL-FINANCIAL) PROFESSIONS (Table 11, Category II) This category appears so frequently and vividly in the narrative sources that its activities are considered a quintessential aspect of medieval Islamic civilization, and rightly so. Evolving over long centuries, the bureaucracies of premodern Near Eastern states were rich in personalities, character types, and intrigue. For better or worse, their traditions defined the quality of administrative practice. Although the individuals who staffed these bureaucracies clearly belonged to the civilian elite, controversy has persisted from the writings of contemporary observers to the present over the status of these people in relation to the 'ulama'. Were the individuals imbedded in the bureaucratic network, for example, the same as those who practiced law, taught in the kuttab and madrasas, and administered religious service to the populace at large? Were their family

BUREAUCRATIC PROFESSIONS

2O3

backgrounds, training, political circumstances, and, above all, relations with the military the same? To explore these problems, we must examine the several occupational components of the bureaucratic category, keeping two things in mind. First, these occupations were linked by common functions and services, outlined below. In other respects, especially in their popular esteem, they might differ radically. These occupations thus differed among themselves in the degree of their identity with fields generally acknowledged to be the province of the 'ulama'. Second, the extent of interrelationship with other fields, both inside and outside the bureaucratic category, varied widely according to specific office. Such variation provides a rough measure of the integration of an office with other elements of the civilian elite. The offices in this category all involved processing documents or balancing accounts (cf. Appendix II, Lists 1-6). Yet the official duties of their formal appointment rarely encompassed the full roster of their activities. Indeed, success in these positions, both for the bureaucrat and his sponsor, usually involved aggrandizement through gaining broad access to political authority and funds. These occupations differed widely with respect to nature of official duties, collateral activities, quality of the position, and degree of influence gained by holding it. But they shared one characteristic: individuals engaged in the bureaucracy had access to information from all levels of society. They often procured information for persons wielding immense political authority, but who could not themselves gain access to such information because of their status. In this environment, therefore, the bureaucrat was immersed in the politics of his employer, who used him as his personal agent in areas closed to him. Since Islamic society remained essentially uncorporate, its rulers had to deal with each of its many elements on a one-to-one basis, and thus required a pragmatic bureaucratic class. Since this class had access to information from all the elements and institutions of the society, it possessed a mechanism for manipulation and exploitation of various socio-political groups unequalled by any other professional category. We shall see that the bureaucrat tended to be located close to the scene of procurement of information, although not necessarily at the scene of highest political authority.

The Katib or Secretary (Appendix II, List 1) Every secretary is condemned to perpetual loyalty and at the same time expected to tolerate adversity; that is the contradictory situation imposed on him and the dilemma that lies in wait for him. 3

204

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

Throughout the Middle Ages, historians, political theorists, and satirists commented on the role of the bureaucrat, but few writers assessed his qualities more keenly than al-Jahiz. Even though several centuries had elapsed since the heyday of 'Abbasid Basra and Baghdad, his observations apply directly to conditions in Mamluk Egypt, as depicted by the biographical sources. The office of secretary (katib) had evolved into a broad archival and administrative profession during the classical Islamic period.4 The secretary dealt in the processing of records. Accuracy in transmission and political acumen were required for accomplishment in this field, but an education in the Islamic sciences was not.5 During the fifteenth century, the katibs depicted in the biographical sources were entrenched primarily in the governmental bureaus. In this setting, secretaries were confined to archival and administrative tasks. But in their own sphere of information gathering, including military intelligence and local spy networks, they reigned supreme, and were thus able to gain considerable influence. The large bureaus, and particularly the diwan al-insha', which combined the functions of a documents repository, foreign ministry, and intelligence office, constituted the ultimate goals for holders of secretaryships.6 Those individuals who attained the highest positions were men of proven ability and learning, but they rarely came up from the lower secretarial levels. Members of the secretarial class, although skilled in bureaucratic procedures, remained objects of scorn and belittlement in the eyes of the learned, because of the alleged mediocrity of the class's scholarly attainments. Al-Jahiz referred to the lack of adequate training in an offhand manner. Indeed, the occupations reported for the diwan secretary, as contrasted with those of his more illustrious superior, the secretary of the chancellery, indicated that he was rarely employed in the legal, scholarlyeducational, and religious fields (Categories III, V, and VI, respectively)— all of which required an orthodox education. No more than 4 percent of the total positions held by secretaries were in these areas. Even in the bureaucratic category (II), secretaries were largely confined to their own occupation. Multiple officeholding was thus less evident among secretaries than among any other profession. Few occupants of the office were documents clerks (muwaqqi's) or secretaries of the chancellery. Many members of the katib class were Copts, the majority of whom were converts to Islam. Few of these converts or their descendants were credited with sound grounding in the Islamic sciences.7 Their presence reinforced the image of this class as relatively uneducated and of low status. The lack of esteem—even hostility—toward holders of this office may, in fact, be traced in part to the presence of suspect Muslims who staffed it. Because of these stigmas, the secretarial class as depicted in

BUREAUCRATIC PROFESSIONS

2O5

the biographical sources appeared less professionally mobile than other occupations in its own category. The evidence points to a quasi-caste of information procurers. There were two notable concentrations of katibs, however, indicating two critical realms the secretarial class managed to penetrate. These were the administration of revenues and revenue-collecting bureaus (nazirs), and certain executive offices within the Mamluk sphere of influence (Appendix II, List 1, Categories II and I, respectively). No other professional types except the nazirs themselves, secretaries of the chancellery, and muhtasibs in the legal category were represented in such large numbers there. These concentrations reveal the core of the secretarial class's influence within the bureaucracy. Although their formal duties did not grant them access to political authority or manipulation of funds, they managed to gain simultaneous appointments that did grant such access. The secretarial class thus managed to acquire a powerful position in the areas of information and revenue. They succeeded in doing so, of course, at the suffrage of their Mamluk overlords with whom they maintained close ties. There were thirteen references among them to the office of wazir (List 1, Category II), the largest proportion to be found in any occupation in the survey. To the Mamluks, the secretarial class constituted an ideal base for recruitment to personal service. The Copts in particular were dependent on patrons to rise in the bureaucracy since their background would otherwise impede their upward mobility. The social and professional qualities of the secretaries during the Circassian period shed light on the views so skillfully summarized by al-Jahiz. This class obviously was not fully established within the learned elite of Cairo. Although katibs exercised considerable authority, it was not based on attainments sanctioned by the learned. The fact that secretaries exercised authority at the suffrage of the Mamluk elite, who exploited them as instruments of their own greed, goes far to explain the hostility exhibited by the 'ulama' toward them. The Katib al-Sirr or Secretary of the Chancellery (Appendix II, List 2) This office, literally the "secretary of the (royal) confidence," differed in both official duties and level of prestige from the general secretaryship. The title implied a close advisory relationship with the sultan or his provincial governors.8 The secretary of the chancellery belonged to the intimate inner circle of the royal court, along with the wazir (whom he gradually supplanted) and nazirs of the royal bureaus, because he was head of the diwan al-insha'.9 He supplied the ruler with confidential information and directed the various intelligence networks in Cairo and

2θ6

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS 10

throughout the empire. The sultans personally appointed their secre­ taries of the chancellery, and tended not to select them from the ranks of the secretarial class but from among men of proven ability in the financial bureaus and the courts, the nazirs and qadis. These individuals were often men of considerable renown within the learned elite. There was no question about their established position within the ranks of the 'ulama'; in this they differed from the secretarial class. Relatively few Copts attained this office (Table 11); the biographical sources reported only three cases, each of whom had been born a Muslim. 11 Having access to more confidential information than any other im­ perial official brought the secretary of the chancellery both benefits and liabilities. Sultans relied heavily on their intelligence chiefs, but also distrusted them and often dismissed or imprisoned them without no­ tice—especially if an individual showed more aptitude or skill in the office than was thought safe. The sultan was suspicious of individuals who knew too much and who mastered every facet of the chancellery. Such persons were often approached by the sultan's open or secret rivals and promised power and wealth in return for divulging court secrets. The office of katib al-sirr tended to be dominated by powerful bureaucrats and legal figures, and the men who held it often possessed a substantial education. Yet the office also had great dangers as did all the civilian posts of the inner court circles. Although katibs al-sirr were appointed to executive offices, they did not exceed the percentage of diwan secretaries (Table 11, Category I). However, more secretaries of the chancellery were represented in the legal and scholarly categories than were their subordinates (Categories III and V). Most of the katibs al-sirr, indeed, were appointed to the office only after service in other areas of the bureaucracy or the courts. Few of the secretaries of the chancellery were enlisted from the ranks of their subordinates (Table 11, Category II). This office was reserved for those whose position in the learned elite was unquestioned, but an 12 unusually large number derived from Syria. In fact, this was one of the few offices held more frequently by foreigners than by Egyptians. This may be explained in terms of the Mamluk provincial governors' practice of bringing with them their staffs when they transferred to Cairo. Many of the Syrians who ultimately became secretaries of the chancellery first held the position in one of the provincial capitals under a viceroy, or rose to the position when their patron gained the throne. We have noted that sultans required individuals of proven loyalty as well as ability. They turned to their own staffs to find them. The Syrians seem to have combined two qualities as directors of intelligence. First, they identified with the 'ulama' of the Mamluk state.

BUREAUCRATIC PROFESSIONS

2O7

As such, they were granted access to the myriad activities of the learned elite in Cairo and throughout the empire. Most of them had seen previous service in other branches of the bureaucracy, the judiciary, and the scholarly establishment. Many belonged to prominent Syrian families that maintained ties with relatives in Cairo. These people were among the most cosmopolitan in the state, more familiar with diplomacy and statecraft than any other civilian group in the empire. Second, as Syrians, most of these individuals owed their positions in Cairo to their Mamluk patrons. In an intensely competitive environment in which many qualified persons sought limited offices, this client relationship remained important throughout an individual's career. Appointment to all these dlwan posts was at the discretion of the military elite. The Mamluks maintained their dominant position and controlled the civilian elements of the state by manipulating their clients, binding them ever more tightly to their own interests. Syrians who attained high office in Egypt owed their status to their sponsors, and to secure their status, they were obliged to accept the role of chief spies and secret agents when the occasion arose. Syrians were more suitable for this role than Egyptians because of their foreign origin and dependence on Mamluk sponsors. Their patrons were keenly aware of this when they chose their confidential secretaries. The character of the katib al-sirr may be discerned by examining careers of individuals appointed to the office. The four examples examined here, all of Syrian background, were drawn from cases in which the office was held several times along with other positions. The first two cases involve a father and son, both born in Hama: Nasir al-Din Abu 'Abd-Allah Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn 'Uthman al-Hamawi al-Shafiu, known as Ibn al-Barizi,13 and his son, Kamal al-Din Abu'lMa'ali Muhammad, who was known as Kamal ibn al-Barizi.14 They were among the most famous and influential civilian politicians in Cairo during the fifteenth century. The senior Ibn al-Barizi, born in Shawwal 769/May-June 1368, belonged to an established judicial family in Hama that traced its origins to Baghdad. He received his first judgeship in 796/ 1393-1394. He was subsequently appointed secretary of the chancellery for Hama province and controller of the army in Aleppo in 809/14061407. He became an associate of the viceroy of Damascus and future sultan, Grand Amir al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, who appointed him khatib in the Umayyad mosque. His last office in Syria was very distinguished: he was appointed Shafi'i chief justice of Aleppo by Sultan Faraj. He transferred to Cairo at the request of al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh after the latter's enthronement, and was ultimately appointed katib al-sirr of Egypt in 815/1412-1413. He resigned from the office in his last years

208

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

and became the first librarian of his patron's new mosque (cf. Appendix I, Mu'ayyadiya). Al-Sakhawi noted that Ibn al-Barizi was a prolific poet in addition to his professional duties. He died in Shawwal 823/OctoberNovember 1420. The career of the son outshone that of the father. Kamal ibn al-Barizi, born in Dhu'l-Hijja 796/September-October 1394, entered professional life in Hama as an assistant to his father in the diwan al-insha' after completing an impressive education. He accompanied his father to Cairo and succeeded him as katib al-sirr in 823/1420-1421. Throughout his career he maintained close ties with Sultans al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, Barsbay, and Jaqmaq, who appointed him to the offices of controller of the army, secretary of the chancellery of Syria, two Shaft'! judgeships in Damascus, khatib of the Umayyad mosque, secretary of the chancellery in Egypt a second and third time, and Shafi'i chief justice of Damietta, where he ended his career. He died in Safar 856/February-March 1452. The list of political involvements in Kamal's biography was enormous, indicating that he used his office as head of the chancellery to supply his employers, and particularly Sultan Jaqmaq, with secret details about amirs suspected of treason or bureaucrats who were becoming excessively rich and, therefore, ripe for mulcting. The third case involved an individual who held the office four times prior to assuming four Malik! judgeships in succession. He was 'Ala' al-Din 'All ibn Yusuf ibn Ibrahim al-Halabi al-Maliki al-Qahiri, born in Cairo in 781/1379-1380 and educated in Aleppo.15 He received his first post as katib al-sirr in Hama at the behest of the caliph-sultan alMusta'in in 815/1412-1413. He was subsequently appointed to the office twice in Tarabulus and once in Cairo. He received the first of his judgeships from Sultan Barsbay in Tarabulus and, after an interlude as controller of the army in Aleppo, from which he resigned, he went on to the chief justiceships of Hama, Aleppo, and Damascus, the last at the request of Sultan Jaqmaq. Born in Cairo of Syrian parents, this individual developed most of his career in his family's ancestral region and acted as an agent of the great amirs who had promoted him. The fourth example followed an opposite course. Born in Aleppo in 772/1370-1371, he terminated his career in Cairo as an associate of Sultan Barsbay. He was Burhan (Shihab) al-Din Abu'l-'Abbas Ahmad ibn Salih al-Halabi.16 He did not practice law, but inaugurated his career as a legal documents clerk in Aleppo. He became controller of legal documentation in that city prior to his appointment as archivist to the atabek al-'asakir, Grand Amir Yashbak, in place of his own brother, Muhammad. He was subsequently appointed secretary of the chancellery in Safad and Aleppo before he was noted by Grand Amir Barsbay, who

BUREAUCRATIC PROFESSIONS

209

made him his archivist and, after his enthronement, his confidential secretary in Cairo. His last office was the controllership of the documents bureau (nazir diwan al-insha'), at his patron's request, although he was dismissed from the office in his old age. He died in Cairo in Rajab 835/ October-November 1431. The sultan attended his funeral, and the caliph led the prayer service. These four examples suggest the type of background requisite to attainment of the office: considerable legal or bureaucratic experience and personal connections with the men most likely to win the sultanate. DISTRIBUTION OF KATIBS (Fig. 9)

Due to the source bias toward positions within the religio-academic network, the occupational and residential survey for the secretarial group, including katibs al-sirr, cannot be regarded as accurate. Few individuals engaged in secretarial activities were associated with institutions of higher learning. Not many Muslim Copts would maintain any affiliation with them, for instance. And the majority of occupational sites in the biographical accounts designated governmental bureaus not specifically located. Many references to residence were to private accommodation in the city, also of indeterminant location. The residual hardly provides a definitive pattern, but it does suggest the katibs' lack of identity with the religious institutions, and especially the Sufi khanqahs.17 Certainly the presence of Copts among the secretaries is a factor contributing to this small showing, but secretaries of the chancellery, few of whom were from this minority, were also conspicuously absent from the Sufi establishments. This provides a negative confirmation of the secretarial class's segregation from the juridical, scholastic, and religious components of the civilian elite. Whether such a phenomenon was due primarily to self-imposed isolation, Mamluk pressure, or conscious exclusion by the 'ulama' remains unclear from the biographical records. Nonetheless, the absence of civilian elements publicly regarded as minions of the ruling regime from the religio-academic network stands as a pattern repeated throughout the study. The Mubdshir or Steward-Intendant (Appendix II, List 3; Figs. 10-A, 10-B) Mubashirs served as stewards in a wide range of institutional settings.18 The stewards reported in the biographical sources were attached to the religio-academic network of the city. These people worked under the authority of shaykhs, nazirs, and katibs to process accounts and generally maintain institutional functions. They also appeared on occasion as couriers and precursors who cleared the streets for important officials, an-

210

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

nouncing their arrival at destinations. It might seem that their calling did not fit into the range of activities defining the learned elite, and yet they held a higher percentage of offices in the legal and scholarly categories (Table 11, Categories III and V) than the secretaries, and exceeded all other occupations in their class in the proportion of religious positions held (Category VI). All factors considered, stewardship emerges in the accounts of individual lives as a rather shadowy and ill-defined post, mentioned in almost an off-handed manner in the texts. The stewardship usually inaugurated a career, and its occupants often aspired to more lucrative or prestigious posts in either the diwans or the religio-academic network. Indeed, the occupational pattern suggests that stewards managed to secure a degree of upward professional mobility and demonstrated a much broader occupational span than the secretarial class. Nonetheless, these individuals rarely advanced beyond the lower or medial echelons of the 'ulama', particularly its juridical-scholastic component. Few stewards managed to penetrate the civil judiciary. Thus the impression we have of the person initiating his career with this office contrasts sharply with that of his secretarial counterpart, places him within the institutional foundation of the learned elite, and still defines him as a bureaucrat. Stewards clearly belonged to the ranks of the orthodox faithful. Few representatives of the Coptic minority were permitted to administer the procedural affairs of the religio-academic establishment. DISTRIBUTION OF MUBASHIRS (Figs. 1 0 - A , 10-B)

The occupational pattern confirms the steward's involvement with institutional maintenance. The majority of sites referred to were prominent establishments in the religio-academic network. Concentrations of mubashirs would imply both wealth and complexity in an institution. The two largest aggregates of stewards appeared in the mosque of alHakim (3) and the Mansuri hospital (28).19 The former was one of the largest religious structures in Cairo and, after its repairs and renewal of waqf endowments during the Bahri period, it employed a sufficiently substantial body of stewards to be recorded in the biographical sources. The latter employed the largest operations staff of any civil institution in the city because of its manifold social services. Other concentrations or clusterings were reported for both the Festival Gate and Bayn alQasrayn groups, al-Azhar (36), Ashrafiya (30), and Mu'ayyadiya (51), in the northeast; Shaykhuniya (83-84), the Tulunid mosque (91) (another large complex renovated during the Mamluk period), Sarghatmishiya (92), and Aljayhiya (69) in the southeast. Stewards also appeared in other districts of the metropolis, especially at the Khatiri mosque (108)

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on the Nile shore in Bulaq. They were represented in the two mortuary zones, denoting the maintenance of waqf-supported staffs here as well. The residence pattern, sparse as it is, conforms to the general trend of small Sufi representation in all bureaucratic fields. Unlike the secretarial class, the stewards were professionally associated with the religioacademic establishment.20 But the sparse data imply that few stewards were deeply immersed in the Sufi community in Cairo. Whether they were denied access or chose not to affiliate is unknown. But the absence in the major khanqahs of an office so symbiotically associated with the religious institution may point to subtle differences within the cadres staffing it. The Muwaqqi' or Documents Clerk (Appendix II, List 4) This official was responsible for copying court orders and judgments, and for transcribing state edicts both for public pronouncement and for archives.21 The highest offices to which such a clerk or scribe could aspire were the muwaqqi' al-dast—clerk of the royal council bench in the Palace of Justice—and the muwaqqi' al-darj, or clerk of the scroll in the chancellery (diwan al-insha').22 The muwaqqi' al-dast copied proceedings on petitions heard by the sultan in his capacity as final arbiter. Since decisions taken by the sultan (reflecting opinions of his close advisors) set precedents above the level of the four chief justices, maintaining accurate transcription of such proceedings was a prerogative of the throne over the civil judiciary. The muwaqqi' al-darj manned the documents bureau, preparing official statements of the imperial court and processing correspondence. Clerks in both offices were trained to inscribe the royal insignia in a manner that could not be forged. Although both were subordinate to the katib al-sirr, the clerks alone were responsible for writing the final copies of diplomatic instruments and for processing the documents, receipts, and registers deposited in the state archives. The secretary of the chancellery might draft such instruments, but his clerks gave them the force of law. Like the office of katib, a clerkship tended to be a career-length post but unlike the former, it was clearly identified as a calling appropriate for a true believer. Indeed, it is important to distinguish this office from that of both the secretary and the notary, discussed subsequently. Although a relatively high percentage of the secretarial class were Copts, few of the clerks belonged to this minority.23 The great majority were Muslims, from proven Muslim lineages. They identified with and were accepted as members of the Islamic learned elite. This relationship between religion (with its alleged traits) and office was important. Although

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Copts were credited with possessing administrative skills, they were not generally permitted to write the final word on state policy. Official documentation remained a prerogative of proven Muslims in the imperial court. The muwaqqi's appeared rather evenly distributed between the civil courts and the governmental bureaus. In the higher courts, muwaqqi's worked closely with notaries, who prepared statements but were allowed to draft neither final proceedings nor the ruling itself. The relative percentages on Table 11 (especially the ex. column) indicate that clerks and notaries held each others' positions in roughly the same proportion. In the diwans, then, the offices of clerk and secretary tended to overlap to some extent (compare Appendix II, Lists 1 and 4). There was a pronounced difference between the routine processing of documentation and the preparation of final copies for legal and archival purposes however. The clerks considered this latter duty their exclusive prerogative in government, and the Mamluk elite did not attempt to bypass or denigrate the role of the muwaqqf. This implies both the significance attributed to official documentation by the society, a significance deriving from traditions established millennia earlier, and the obsession of the Mamluks for adhering to outward forms. The Mamluks also did not subject the clerks to the pressures or coercion they exerted so ruthlessly on the katibs, nazirs, wazirs, and members of their own caste. The range of occupations pursued by the clerks during their careers paralleled those of individuals in other bureaucratic fields. They tended to remain within their category, although their representation in the legal (III) and scholarly (V) areas reinforces their status within the 'ulama'. Their representation in the artisan (IV) and religious (VI) categories was relatively minor. Like the katibs, many clerks followed the calling of their fathers, and formed a professional class handing techniques of transcription down through generations. The only noticeable group of them that appeared in the artisan category were nasikhs or copyists. The relationship between this craft and that of the documents clerks is obvious. Few of the copyists came from among the secretaries. Diwan katibs do not seem to have been widely sought as reliable transmitters of the written instrument, especially since most books dealt with the Islamic sciences. DISTRIBUTION OF MUWAQQl'S (Fig. 11)

The occupational pattern for holders of clerkships was sparse because of the office's location in the diwans and courts rather than in religioacademic institutions. Accordingly, only three isolated occupational sites were reported. But the residential configuration is quite suggestive. In

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2I3

proportion to the total number of cases, affiliation with Sufi hospices (13, 15, 30, 51) was greater for clerks than for any other bureaucratic field. The identification of clerks with Sufism, with its connotations of popularly acknowledged piety, that is implied by this pattern contrasts markedly with the image of all bureaucratic agents as arms of the state. In fact, the clerks enjoyed a special position in the bureaucracy, as indicated by their relative immunity from Mamluk harrassment. The prerogative of tawqi' or certification seems to have been granted only to individuals acknowledged as legitimate believers. Firmly grounded within the 'ulama', many of these people maintained simultaneous ties with the Sufi network—perhaps the community most immune to Mamluk tampering of any civilian establishment in the city. The correlation between association with this community and professional independence does not seem coincidental. The Nazir or Controller-Supervisor (Appendix II, Lists 5 and 6) The fiscal officer of the traditional Muslim state had acquired a wide array of powers during the Mamluk period, and may be considered the epitome of the bureaucratic class.24 The range of duties the nazir performed invariably dealt with budgeting and revenue management. All of the governmental bureaus and the major religio-academic institutions of Cairo were administered by controllers. Those placed in charge of bureaus served as the sultan's agents—of this there is no doubt. The status of nazirs appointed to religio-academic institutions, which were theoretically independent of royal control because their endowments were inviolate, is less clear, and far more varied.25 The final decision over the selection of candidates was a perennial controversy between the military and civilian elites. In general, the staffs of religio-academic institutions sought to nominate candidates for controllerships from among their own ranks, while the sultan wished to appoint a trusted client. This was the case particularly when the institution was wealthy. The evidence points to an increasing encroachment of the sultans upon the waqf endowments in Cairo through placement of their own men as fiscal controllers.26 Since these individuals were also the chief administrative officers in an institution, such appointments affected all the other staff. If the nazirs were men of no proven scholarly aptitude or interest, but rather were concerned with their own and their master's gain, the impact of their administration would bode ill for the faculties subordinate to them. Indeed, the biographies of those who held controllerships would certainly suggest that the regime made its influence felt. Fewer of them

2I4

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limited their careers to bureaucratic occupations than did any other element in the bureaucratic category. Many came from the militaryexecutive fields (I), as did the secretaries, but the similarity between the two ended here. Secretaries pursued a fixed set of tasks, most very subordinate. They could become royal stewards, butlers, intendants, and agents, but rarely military officers who formulated state policy. Nazirs, however, were often appointed from among these officers, and controllerships were held by the largest assemblage of Mamluks in the study.27 Yet the regime does not seem to have had the last word in this struggle. By no means all of the persons appointed to controllerships were Mamluks or their clients. The large numbers of shaykhs, judges, and professors (Categories III and V) who received fiscal controllerships implies that they still maintained a measure of authority over both the financial status and operational policies of their institutions. It is highly unlikely that staffs dared to risk an open confrontation with the regime over an appointment, with the possible exception of staffs in the large Sufi hospices. Rather, they developed subtle means of influencing the nomination process—through bribes or a variety of favors and services, not the least of which was prayer and public praise for the reigning sultan. And sultans themselves were not uniformly committed to placing members of their own caste in this vital office. Thus, the individuals incumbent in the office were drawn from two basic sources: Mamluk officers and 'ulama' of recognized standing. Nazirs were appointed to either governmental or institutional posts. Those in charge of religio-academic foundations operated within the sphere of the learned elite; their activities were discussed continually in the biographies. Those in the governmental bureaus dealt with payment of troops and officials; building programs; troop and staff provisioning; maintenance of roads, ports, and sanctuaries; royal privy funds; royal commercial ventures; and, above all, with taxation.28 The biographies rarely described these activities, although they named them repeatedly. What did emerge was a predominance of 'ulama' in many of these posts. For example, the controller of the army (nazir al-jaysh) was usually a civilian rather than a Mamluk—a circumstance probably not unconnected with the high rate of resignation from these jobs, even though they were lucrative and opportunities for embezzlement almost unlimited. The officials who held these positions were frequently subjected to a horrifying array of public humiliations, confiscations, punishments, and tortures. 29 This appears to have been the result of a deliberate policy. If civilians with no military or even defensive options were appointed to these positions, they could offer little resistance to premeditated harassment and confiscation, and thus the sultan retained

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215

free access to the revenues of the civilian elite establishments. By accusing these relatively dependent and defenseless clients of crimes and corruption, induced by situations from which they could not escape, the sultan and amirs were able to collect substantial sums and simultaneously avoid accusations of having violated the Shari'a: the violators were those unfortunates who held the offices. The sultan could pose as the arm of divine law and collect the monetary benefits. This cycle appears to have been fundamental to the sultans' fiscal schemes throughout the fifteenth century. A pronounced Coptic presence within the group of nazirs (Table II), 30 similar to that in the secretarial class, reinforces this pattern and supports the hypothesis that the Mamluk elite did not act without foresight when they appointed men to these vital positions. Given the declining economic health of the state and decades of erratic fiscal policies, the legitimate sources of available revenue could no longer meet the sultans' and amirs' requirements, which were inflating. Those in power responded to this situation by creating a class of dependent extorters who held their positions at the sultan's sanction and were otherwise vulnerable to public hostility as members of a minority. These individuals could be dismissed and their immense fortunes confiscated whenever the need arose. They could not look to the general population, and especially the 'ulama' class, for support. There is little doubt that the controllership combined the highest stakes with the greatest risk of any office open to civilians. Several examples of persons whose careers culminated with the office may illuminate its nature, conditions of tenure, and the prerogatives that motivated acceptance. The cases were selected to indicate the variety of individuals holding the office, willingly or not. The first was 'Ala' alDIn 'All ibn 'Abd-Allah al-Tablawi al-Qahiri, known as al-Tablawi.31 He came from a prominent mercantile family from the Delta, but elected to enter the fiscal bureaus at an early age. No education was reported in his biography. Al-Tablawi managed to gain access to the executive establishment and became famous as a supervisor of the Mansuri hospital and of the fiscal bureaus. He received the governorship of Cairo in 792/ 1389-1390, an extremely high executive office for a civilian. He attracted the attention of Sultan Barquq, who appreciated his ability to acquire wealth from taxes and endowments. He ultimately received an honorary amirate of forty (tabalkhanah) in return for his lavish contributions to the sultan's privy funds. Barquq appointed him muhtasib of Cairo in 796/1393-1394, and then made him a court chamberlain. From this point, al-Sakhawi related that al-Tablawi's fortunes soared with the blessing of royal favor. He was appointed controller of the

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sultan's mercantile activities and subsequently of the royal mint. Since the regime was issuing debased currency regularly, opportunities to embezzle gold stores would be frequent. Al-Tablawi received his most lucrative position during the late 790s, when he was appointed ustadar or overseer in charge of the royal treasuries (including clothing and furniture), estates, and privy funds. He proceeded to amass an immense store of valuable possessions that he collected as "gifts" for his services to the sultan, and adorned his home lavishly with royal or confiscated furnishings. Al-Tablawi's final offices were controller of the KVba mantle, largely an honorarium, and controller of the Mansuri hospital, where he had first entered public life. This post was extremely lucrative, since the budget of the hospital was the largest of any public institution in Cairo. Often the post was held by a high military officer. When a civilian held it, his appointment was a sign of his favor at court. However, al-Tablawi's fortunes were soon shattered, apparently as planned by the sultan and several of his grand amirs. Accused of extortion and usury, he was placed under arrest. His home and possessions were confiscated, and he was mulcted of 160,000 dinars, 500,000 dirhams, and 600,000 fulus or small coins. His former master dealt him a cruel turn by imprisoning him in the dungeons of the imperial treasury, the scene of his recent successes. Ultimately, he was exiled to al-Karak and then permitted to return to Cairo in the first years of Faraj's sultanate. He proceeded to engage in his former pursuits until his death by assassination in Ghazza in Rajab 803/February-March 1401. The case of al-Tablawi provides an insight to the sultan's attitude toward the office. Al-Tablawi did not win the opportunity to amass his wealth on his own. He was granted the opportunity as a matter of policy. He was placed in the legal position of blame for extortion and embezzlement, and therefore provided the sultan with the occasion to seize a large sum of money when the time was ripe. The sultan confiscated his wealth legally, as the sword arm enforcing the Sharf a. The second case involved the career of a Copt, Sa'd al-Din Ibrahim ibn 'Abd al-Rizzaq ibn Ghurrab al-Skandari al-Misri al-Qibti al-Muslimi, known as Ibn Ghurrab.32 He was an associate of al-Tablawi, and received his first post as secretary to the latter's brother, Mahmud. He rose rapidly through several posts, and was appointed controller of the army and of the privy funds by Sultan Faraj. His career culminated with his receipt of the vizierate under Faraj and an honorary amirate. He was also appointed major-domo or chief steward of the palace. Like alTablawi, he was suddenly arrested, stripped of his offices, and mulcted of his wealth by the sultan who had raised him to prominence. AlSakhawi did not dwell on subsequent humiliations or torture, but did

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state that Ibn Ghurrab lived out his last years in seclusion and was granted a state funeral when he died in 808/1405-1406. Only one subject of Ibn Ghurrab's formal education was mentioned, but it was noteworthy. He learned Turkish in order to penetrate the imperial court. Many of his colleagues followed a similar course. The third case involved a judge and professor of Shafi'i jurisprudence, Wall al-Din Abu 'Abd-Allah Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Safati alQahiri.33 He inaugurated his legal activities apprenticed to the famous qadi, Jalal al-Din al-Bulqini, as a deputy judge, and subsequently succeeded him. In 852/1448-1449, he was appointed controller of the Ka'ba mantle and agent of the exchequer (wakil bayt al-mal), his first exposure to high finance in government. Upon his dismissal from these two related offices, he joined the faculty of the Jamaliya madrasa as its rector (shaykh), and soon thereafter was appointed controller of the Mansuri hospital. Al-Safati also accepted a chair in jurisprudence in the mausoleum of Imam al-Shafi'i himself. He attained the zenith of his career, however, when he succeeded 'Alam al-Din al-Bulqini as Shafi'i chief justice of Egypt in 851/1447-1448, and received the chair in Shafi'i jurisprudence at the Salihiya madrasa, one of the most esteemed teaching posts in the empire. He also became controller of its waqfs. Like the other examples al-Safati did not enjoy the fruits of his rise to fame. He was arrested by Sultan Jaqmaq and imprisoned as an arch criminal (min arbab al-jara'im); even a respected jurist in this vulnerable position was subject to the rapacity of the ruler. He was mulcted of 60,000 dinars and then released to spend his final years in seclusion. He died in 854/ 1450-1451. The aging Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl followed him as Shafi'i chief justice. The final person considered here was a merchant, 1AIa' al-Din 'All ibn Ahmad al-Bakri al-Dimashqi al-Qahiri, known as Ibn al-Sabuni.34 He was born into a great mercantile family; his father had attained the status of khawaja. Ibn al-Sabuni and his father first entered the royal entourage as sultani merchants, but the son elected to accept the controllership of the royal stables from Sultan Khushqadam in 866/14611462. He resigned from this post to accept appointment as agent of the exchequer and controller of the Ka'ba mantle. He subsequently became controller of the hospitals and of pious trust foundations, even though holders of the latter had usually been trained in inheritance law, which Ibn al-Sabuni conspicuously had not. This deficiency apparently did not disturb his patron either, since Sultan Khushqadam appointed him Shafi'i qadi of Damascus in 870/1465-1466. At the same time, he also made Ibn al-Sabuni controller of the army in that city, and therefore one individual occupied the highest legal and fiscal posts in Syria. Ibn

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al-Sabuni's last benefice from his munificent patron was the controllership of the privy funds in Cairo. Khushqadam died soon after and his successor, Qaytbay, immediately arrested Ibn al-Sabuni, subjected him to a brutal public flogging, and mulcted him of 100,000 dinars. This act reflected both a new sultan's suspicions of all his predecessor's henchmen and the degree of wealth Ibn al-Sabuni managed to gain from his service to Khushqadam, who also had received a share of his client's income. These four examples serve to indicate the lucrative nature of the controllership and the jeopardy that accompanied it. A question basic to our assessment of the 'ulama' during this period is whether they sought the office on their own initiative in order to amass a fortune, or whether they were coerced into doing so by their overlords. Most cases seem to fall between the two possibilities. Service in the fiscal bureaucracies was one of the few remaining avenues to wealth open to a civilian. Evading a royal appointment could be dangerous to oneself and one's family. The result of the two stimuli was the same, in any case. DISTRIBUTION OF NAZIRS (Figs. 1 2 - A , 1 2 - B , 13)

The pattern of occupational locations for holders of this office included a large number of sites, but did not embrace several celebrated and wealthy institutions. (The data, of course, do not provide information on the large numbers employed in the diwans during the century.) Our working hypothesis was that the pattern would confirm either the continued existence or lapse of endowment funds throughout the system, and, in fact, it did attest to the importance of several specialized foundations. It also confirmed the modest levels of endowment at the majority of the amirate madrasas, none of which exhibited a concentration. Yet the near absence of references to the two royal madrasas (Mu'ayyadiya and Ashrafiya) cannot be explained by lack of endowment, since both were extremely wealthy. A possible alternative explanation may involve the status of the monastic houses, all prominently represented (13,15, 84, 130), which might have been obliged to submit to the installation of a nazir in charge of their accounts. Both Ashrafiya and Mu'ayyadiya enjoyed continual favor and support from the imperial court, and perhaps their accounts were supervised by persons less likely to appear in the biographical records. The khanqahs seem to have maintained a more independent existence and operational policy than the royal madrasas. Sultans may have elected to place a personal appointee, very likely a civilian to moderate apprehension from members of the order, to watch over internal activities in these communities as well as to manipulate the endowment. Again, the presence of controllers in these monastic

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houses provides further evidence that they functioned as something more than a collection of mystics in search of divine harmony. One major concentration of controllers occurred at the Mansuri hospital (28).35 This provided the most conclusive proof in the study that the budget of the hospital was among the most fully regulated of any civil institution in the city. The individuals who managed the hospital's budget were rarely trained in medicine. Many were Mamluk officers, and the others civilian clients of the current sultan. The concentration of controllers at the hospital does not necessarily imply that its waqfs were large, since the hospital received annual appropriations from the regime and gifts from individuals of personal means; and the occupational configuration for controllers of waqfs did not reveal a single reference to the maristan (Fig. 13). It should be recalled that the initial foundation money so lavishly granted by Sultan Qala'un dated from the late thirteenth century. Successive rulers and their agents had less reason to tamper with it than with any other donation in the capital, since they might find themselves in need oi the hospital's services. However, the steady process of inflation plus occasional inroads on capital were inevitable. The evidence thus points to an administrative staff supported by substantial funding from various sources rather than from endowments alone. There were several occupational references to nazirs in the southeast, notably at Shaykhuniya and in the Citadel. However, the Citadel figures represented only a small portion of the hundreds of controllers active there during the century. The references reported did identify major centers of budgeting and accounting in the Citadel complex: the barracks (138), the Striped Palace (135), the privy treasury, and the vestibule area (137), where the storehouses were located. The only other areas of noteworthy aggregations were the mortuary zones of the Qarafa and Sahra'. A cluster was reported for the foundations surrounding the tomb of Imam al-Shafi'i (115). There were two separate references to the Qaytbay mausoleum (121) and three for the tomb of Amir Yashbak (128). In Old Cairo only the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) was mentioned. All references pointed to institutions with recent or sustained endowments. The residence pattern of nazirs was thin and scattered, indicating both the diversity of backgrounds from which controllers were drawn and their relative wealth. The sites were almost evenly balanced between Sufi hospices and private homes. The representation in the khanqahs confirms the evidence in Appendix II, List 22 of a clear identification with the Sufi establishment by one element from which controllers were

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appointed: piety-minded civilians. Many controllers obviously maintained no such association, coming from social groups that were excluded or that abstained from participation in the mystic community. The number who lived in private houses, although small, was greater than for any other field of the major group, corroborating the vast resources available to these people. House sites were rather evenly scattered throughout the inner and suburban districts of the capital. Assessment of the Bureaucrats What image do we get of the individuals implanted in the bureaucratic apparatus? Above all, they played for high stakes. They might wield great power—rarely matched by moral influence—and manipulate vast sums, but they could never forget who elevated them. If they did, they were certain to suffer disastrous consequences. The bureaucrats who served the state enjoyed the benefits and endured the liabilities of the most intimate association with the ruling elite of any civilian group, and there is no question that those who survived possessed considerable political acumen in dealing with powerful and erratic patrons. The insecurity of their positions undoubtedly nurtured unsavory qualities— no other occupational category revealed such frequency of extortion and embezzlement—but the capacity of these people to devise new varieties of corruption, so disturbing to chroniclers of the period, may be more attributable to their patrons' expectations than to random circumstance or negative traits intrinsic to the bureaucratic class. A fiscal official succeeded to the extent that he generated revenue for his sponsors. Despite the biographers' bias against civilian bureaucrats and their delight in recounting evil practices and well-earned punishment, these bureaucrats rate serious consideration as the inevitable products of a long process of governmental evolution. And these offices were not so dangerous that they lacked for candidates to accept them. For the Coptic minority, at least, no equivalent avenue to advancement in society was open. How justified, then, were contemporary writers in their incessant, if indirect, censure of these officials? And were the legitimate 'ulama', whose exemplary character was consistently contrasted with that of the bureaucrats, able to remain untarnished by the policies of the military elite?

THE LEGAL PROFESSIONS (Table 11, Category III) No social element more clearly personified the legitimate 'ulama' than the orthodox legal establishment. In premodern Islamic societies, the

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221

term "legal" automatically denoted the Shari'a. But although the civil judiciary, composed of those professionally involved with Shari'a practice, constitutes the main subject of the following discussion, not all legal fields may be interpreted as juridical. Indeed, the first two occupations considered here were quite distinct not only from the judiciary but from each other. They are included because they demonstrate that those dominating the court establishment did not control all litigious procedures in Cairene society during the later Middle Ages. The Shaykh (Appendix II, List 7) This term denotes many functions in Islam.36 Men bearing the title shaykh were represented in every category, although fewest were to be found in the executive and bureaucratic fields. When the office was designated specifically in the texts, however, it invariably related to religio-academic institutions, especially to the Sufi khanqahs and hospices. Most shaykhs exercised legal responsibility for a spiritual community, but those entrusted with primarily educational duties (Category V) were listed in the appropriate field.37 The highest offices to which these individuals could aspire was a rectorship {shaykh al-shuyukh) of a worshiping body or teaching faculty in a religio-academic foundation.38 Persons appointed as chief justice also received the title shaykh al-Isldm for life, whether incumbent or retired, because of the respect granted to their position.39 The backgrounds of individuals holding shaykhships attest to the broad diffusion of those identified with the Sufis throughout the civilian elite. Yet the legal and scholarly fields (III and V) clearly dominated the configuration, rather than positions related directly to popular religious service (VI). This implies, at the very least, that training in the orthodox Islamic sciences was not incompatible with mysticism. Several Sharf judges were appointed to shaykhships during their careers, proving that an orthodox judge or professor could maintain a simultaneous commitment to a Sufi calling without compromising his beliefs. The reason for this most probably involves the lack of rigid dogma observed among Sufi communities in the central Islamic lands during the period. Indeed, Sufism as manifested in a region or urban center should be interpreted primarily as a localized social system providing its eminent adherents with considerable moral influence and even political advantages. The limited number of shaykhs in religious service occupations (VI) paralleled the modest involvement of all the higher echelons of the civilian elite with religious service at the mass level—indicating that holders of this office, as it emerged from the biographical sources, did

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not maintain extensive social contact with the broad popular dimensions of Sufism in Cairene society. This is further supported by the fact that few shaykhs were in artisan and commercial positions (IV), even though Sufi movements had thoroughly penetrated these fields throughout the Muslim world during the medieval period. It is quite likely, of course, that the biographical accounts do not provide a complete picture of the Sufi community in Cairo, since they focus on the \ilama' and other notables. Sufism's "grass-roots" dimensions are conspicuously absent, but the impression these sources provide about the men who rose to positions of moral guidance over the Sufi community is probably accurate, and clearly depicts dominance by persons of 'ulama' background. Shaykhs were confined almost entirely to traditional activities of the civilian elite, and only seventeen positions were reported in the militaryexecutive category (I). Several of these were held by Mamluks who carried the title of shaykh, which was not unusual. Indeed, al-Malik alMu'ayyad, one of the most interesting of the Circassian sultans, used the title as his personal name. But none of the individuals appointed to a rectorship was of Mamluk origin. (Figs. 14-A, 14-B) The occupational and residential patterns of shaykhs were complementary, reinforcing a general impression of where this office was concentrated. The configuration was dominated by several foundations in the major group, but they were not overwhelmingly concentrated in the Fatimid district. The pattern suggests a close relationship between this office and a staff, congregation, or community attached to religio-academic institutions. It certainly highlights the status of the four major khanqahs (13, 15, 84, 130), as well as hospices in the two collegiate clusters, the royal madrasas (30, 51), the Fakhri mosque (46), and the Basitiya madrasa (11).40 Many references to the khanqahs were due to the rectorships over Sufi orders resident there. Aside from the large concentration at Shaykhuniya, shaykhs were modestly represented among several amirate madrasas. The cluster at the Vizier Gate (169), one of the entrances to the tombs of the Desert Plain, was created by small hospices built there by several grand amirs. The only noteworthy concentration in an amirate foundation appeared at Sarghatmishiya. In general, aggregates of shaykhs denoted a large faculty, spiritual community, and body of students or wards, such as orphans under the care of the religious establishment. That there were few shaykhs in the amirate colleges is yet another indication of those institutions' relative lack of prestige. DISTRIBUTION OF SHAYKHS

A fairly large number of shaykhs were employed in the two mortuary

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zones (200, 202). These individuals were associated mainly with the shrines of saints, such as that of Imam al-Shaffi (115), and the royal tombs (121-123). The shrines, including many small zawiyas, attracted a floating population who revered the local shaykh. The royal tombs, commissioned by individuals widely regarded as oppressors, rarely aroused such popular esteem; but their builders had provided for large resident communities and staffs to care for their graves and pray for their souls. Consequently, the appearance of shaykhs in these vast complexes was predictable. In Old Cairo there were no references at all to the mosque of °Amr, but two cases were reported for the Shrine of the Prophet's Relics (114). The residence pattern, more restricted than the occupational sites, complemented the 'ulama' background of individuals appointed to rectorships. Again, concentrations appeared in the four khanqahs, paralleling the occupational configuration and reinforcing the tie between this office and a Sufi community. Similarly, the two collegiate clusters, the royal madrasas and al-Azhar (36), figured prominently. But references to private residences were also scattered throughout the Baha' al-Din (149), Juyushi (150), and Zuwayla quarters (167) of the Fatimid district, all zones in which the civilian elite tended to live during this period. Indeed, these sites are similar to the location of private homes reported for the juridical-scholarly bloc (see Figs. 17 and 21). The Muhtasib or Market Inspector (Appendix II, List 8) The office of muhtasib has inspired considerable research and discussion among western Islamists, who have often wished to read into it the rudiments of a corporate approach to urban commerce and regulation.41 To contemporary Muslims, the muhtasib was not the object of elaborate theories, although essayists and historians often commented wryly on the disparity between his ideal role and his actual performance, which was frequently tainted by corruption. Ideally, the muhtasib was to act as an impersonal agent of equity, enforcing standards of weights and measures and fair business practices.42 In reality, during the later Mamluk period he was increasingly entangled in the web of price controls and forced purchasing that the imperial monopolies necessitated. The muhtasib was virtually powerless against the hordes of marauding outof-service Mamluks who terrorized the markets of Cairo sporadically during the period. The office cannot have increased in prestige as a reliable defender of commercial equity under the economic conditions of the Circassian epoch. The muhtasib's duties were clearly legal. He was an arbiter whose

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judgments could be enforced by the state. Yet the incumbents of the office usually had backgrounds in the bureaucratic and executive spheres, unlike any others in the legal professions. The previous experience most frequently reported was the office of nazir (II), implying that at least during this period connections in the fiscal bureaus were more important to securing the office than formal training in the Shari'a. This trend touches upon a basic issue: the contrast between the Shari'a (orthodox law) as a moral code and practical applied law. The former stood above the state; the latter was increasingly dominated by it. The evolution of state control over many applied aspects of the legal system, of which commerce was only one, had begun long before the late medieval period. Under the Mamluks, however, the inspectorship itself fell increasingly within the regime's sphere of influence, and the preponderance of bureaucratic positions directly related to collecting revenues in the muhtasibs' backgrounds indicates that they were manipulators, an arm of the royal extortion network. This is particularly indicated by the large percentage of executive offices held by muhtasibs. Note also that there were seventeen cases of Mamluks holding the office, the highest such figure for any occupation in the legal category. The proportion of muhtasibs in the scholarly and religious categories (V and VI) was low in comparison with the other legal fields. One may conclude that a distinct cleavage in personnel separated muhtasibs from the ranks of the civil judiciary, which implies that individuals from the core of the learned elite tended neither to seek nor to attain the office. The biographical evidence suggests that the market inspectors of Cairo did not derive from the prominent 'ulama' families, although there were certainly exceptions, al-Maqrizi being one of the more famous. Most muhtasibs tended to be self-made men who had succeeded in bureaucratic posts, or individuals belonging to families associated with the imperial court, often of Mamluk derivation by marriage or blood. It is important to note that there was no report of a Copt holding the position, and only one secretary is reported to have held it. It therefore seems that although market inspectors did not belong to the inner circles of the learned elite, they were identified as genuine believers. The regime may have dominated this office and influenced its functions, but it did not install non-Muslims or converts to sit in judgment over the commercial classes. References to occupational and residential sites occurred too infrequently to justify mapping them for this group. The muhtasib was responsible for supervising a region encompassing many market and commercial zones, and was not tied to specific sites. The lack of data on

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residence indicates that few persons appointed to inspectorships appear to have developed formal ties with the khanqah network.43 Indeed, these people do not seem to have identified with either the religio-academic establishment or the 'ulama' class. So, once more, even within the legal category, where we detect the direct influence of the regime, we see few cases of individuals integrated within the learned elite. The Shahid or Notary (Appendix II, List 9) The first level of the civil judiciary, this office was both one of the most vital and most enigmatic components of the Shari1 legal system. The notaries of civil courts were official witnesses of cases. They performed the role, unique to Muslim litigation, of weighing the validity of statements made by claimants and submitting their opinions to aid a judge's decision.44 In the absence of written evidence, the act of certifying the accuracy of testimony heard by the qadl was a crucial service. The shahid was selected on the basis of his rationality {'aql) and proven long-term residence in the district of the local court to insure that he had personal knowledge of the litigants. Obviously, holders of the office were often tempted to certify dubious testimony in return for remuneration. This temptation was augmented by the notaries' function as previewers of cases. In practice, they largely determined the roster of litigation a judge would hear, and did much of the preliminary interrogation.45 During the later Middle Ages, shahids were employed as notaries in the fiscal and customs bureaus (II). Here they were responsible for certifying the accuracy of receipts accounted for by the administrative staff. They acted as legal agents, as did the muhtasibs, but were directly involved in the financial mechanism of the state, often taking advantage of their positions to extract bribes in exchange for certification of false accounts. Just as in the courts, the favorable attitude of these notaries was anxiously sought by individuals, and agencies also called upon them to assess their accounts. In general, individuals in both the bureaucratic and legal professions who were notaries held this post at the beginning of their career. The notaryship was therefore the point of entry for a lawyer into either the courts or bureaus, and appointment to the office often marked the beginning of a successful rise through a series of higher positions.46 Nonetheless, some 25 percent of the citations for notarial positions referred to individuals who never attained any other office (Table 11). This was the largest fraction for any of the legal fields, suggesting that although shahids were widely represented in the higher juridical and scholarly fields, not all sought or managed to attain a higher position. The fre-

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quency of positions reported in comparison to the number of judgeships suggests that there were more shahids than higher legal or bureaucratic positions available. The legal category clearly dominated the activities engaged in by notaries, and the most frequently cited office was the deputy judgeship. This supports a hypothesis that the successful individual proceeded from the position of notary to a judgeship in several steps. It is significant to note, however, that the higher offices of senior judge and chief justice represented only 5 and 1 percent, respectively, in Table 11 (ex), 3 and 0.4 percent (in), of the total positions held by notaries. These figures depict rather dramatically the exclusive nature of the upper judiciary. A modicum of training in the Shari'a provided no sure route to the civil bench. Professorships (in Category V) ranked as the second most frequent specific occupation of the shahids. This corresponded to the educational requirements for lawyers, although by no means did all notaries distinguish themselves scholastically. Most of the shahids who became professors taught various aspects of jurisprudence, specializing in several legal texts. There was a large number of shahids represented in the religious (VI) and artisan (IV) fields. The prominence of both these fields complements the pronounced dispersion of the notaries, in contrast with concentration of the higher judiciary in a few centers. All elements of the judiciary maintained ties with the religio-academic network of Cairo, but the proportion of notaries who were religious functionaries in comparison with those in scholarly positions was greater than for others in this category. Participation in artisan-commercial occupations was even more striking: 11 percent of the total (Table 11, ex) had once pursued or continued to pursue jobs in this area, which did not fall within the sphere of the 'ulama'. 47 Many notaries entered their legal/bureaucratic careers after experience as artisans or merchants, and if we view the religious and artisan percentages together, we can conclude that many notaries neither originated within the 'ulama' class nor sought entry to it. Thus, although the office could be an entry position, many shahids seem to have risen no further. The notaryship thus appears as the link between the judges, who tended to derive from the civilian elite, and the masses of population. Indeed, notaries may have constituted the critical element in the system of Shari'a courts. Fixed in their local districts, in contrast with judges who moved between them, the notaries were indispensable to the established procedure of litigation. Their responsibility for previewing cases becomes all the more comprehensible in the light of their backgrounds.

LEGAL PROFESSIONS

"7

DISTRIBUTION OF SHAHIDS (Figs. 1 5 - A , 15-B)

Although the occupational and residential patterns differ markedly from one another, they support the conclusions drawn above. Occupational sites were highly dispersed, scattered throughout the northeast and other sections of the metropolis. These sites tended not to be located in close proximity to the major religio-academic institutions of the city, with two exceptions: the Salihiya madrasa (26) in the Bayn al-Qasrayn cluster, and the mosque of al-Salih TaIaY (52), immediately south of the Zu way la Gate.48 The first concentration can be interpreted as a token of the myriad notaries who inaugurated their careers at al-Salihiya, seat of the highest civil court in Egypt, during the fifteenth century. The second aggregate, in the TaIaT mosque, corresponds to the institution's function as a busy court located at a convergence of streets and mercantile establishments. Other than these sites, the configuration revealed no more than one or two individuals at each site, most near large streets, markets, and especially the city gates. These would seem to have been the locations of lower courts, convened when a qadi and his subordinates sat to hear cases. Here also agents of the fiscal bureaus assessed the value of properties and goods, particularly those of merchants entering or leaving the inner city, in order to collect taxes, tariffs, and customs duties. The residential pattern, in contrast with the dispersion of occupational sites, showed a high concentration within the religio-academic network. Two institutions stood out: the khanqahs of Baybars (13) and Sa'id alSu'ada' (15).49 It is evident from this pattern that a large percentage of notaries mentioned in the biographical texts were Sufis.50 This relationship between occupation and spiritual outlook is not widely noted in the secondary literature, but the configuration is a fact and was not paralleled by other elements of the judiciary. Of course, a notary was not necessarily associated with a Sufi community while he was professionally active, but there is no reason to assume that he was not. Thus, this pattern suggests that the Sufi orders of Cairo were deeply imbedded in the local grass-roots level of the judiciary. Maintenance of some type of connection with the Sufi community may have been requisite to the notarial office if this community were widespread among the civilian masses, as is commonly assumed. The Judgeships The formal arbiter of disputes in Muslim society since its classical age, the judge has been the object of voluminous study, and no general description of his office is required here.51 There is little doubt that

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judges stood at the zenith of civilian society. Although scholars continue to debate the nature of his actual powers, the judge's moral authority was considerable, and the office carried heavy responsibilities as well as obvious prestige. The orthodox judiciary was clearly limited in jurisdiction, but the ruling military elite was extremely sensitive to its procedures. The sultanate never delegated its power of appointment over the higher judicial offices to any other agency. Judicial incumbents nominated candidates from among their own peers and advised the autocrat on their qualifications, but the choice remained his own. What factors motivated individuals to accept or deny a summons to the most influential calling open to members of the civilian elite? Did the judges manage to retain their autonomy from Mamluk pressure, and if so, what devices could they employ? And the process of advancement also merits consideration. We shall examine three stages of the judgeship: the na'ib qadi or deputy judge, the qadi or full judge, and the qadi al-qudat or chief justice. Evidence from the biographical sources indicates that these offices constituted a related series, each more exclusive than the preceding. What factors seem to have contributed to an individual's successful promotion to the top? The Naib Qadt or Deputy judge (Appendix II, List 10) The sources provided many examples of individuals born into prominent legal families inaugurating their own careers as deputy judges, often in the service of fathers, grandfathers, or uncles who were themselves judges. The deputy, who was a trained lawyer, acted primarily in a subordinate capacity. Although he might attend court sessions presided over by a judge, he did not share in the final decision. His chief function was to preside over seats of litigation that were not independent, but under the jurisdiction of a qadi. Litigants whose case was decided by a deputy could, in theory, appeal his decision to the qadi under whose authority the local court lay. These local courts did not occupy a fixed site in the capital and its environs, but could be convened in shops (hawanit), market streets, by the city gates, or in virtually any public place where tradespeople congregated. Rural towns often did not possess their own courts but were under the jurisdiction of a provincial court. The biographical records reported many cases of deputies sent to rural areas on their first assignment. Deputy judges came from all the various levels of the civilian elite. In his study of the judiciary in Damascus during the final decades of the Mamluk period, Jon Mandaville argued that deputies did not necessarily come from the same social milieu as did judges and chief justices, nor

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did their office guarantee them upward mobility in the legal profession.52 His observations on the position of deputies in Damascus were not paralleled by the evidence for their counterparts in Cairo during the same period. It is true that many deputies were unable to secure full judgeships, but a high proportion did. It is also true that professorships (mudarrisun) constituted the largest bloc of positions held by the deputies. Indeed, more were employed in the scholarly-educational category (V) than in the legal group (III) (Table 11, ex). This confirms the symbiotic relationship between the two categories, justifying introduction of the term "jurist-scholars." Some deputies ultimately became chief justices. Only thirteen chief justices were reported in the survey to have been deputies, and the full judges exceeded this figure by only one case. Although the office of chief justice was open primarily to individuals belonging to prominent legal families and to persons with recognized academic credentials and political contacts, it would be misleading to view either the judgeships or chief justiceships as closed to deputies. Members of the most eminent 'ulama' families, in fact, had begun their careers as deputies. One further point of evidence suggesting that deputy judges were relatively mobile professionally was that 87 percent of the total positions reported (Table 11) were held in sequence. This was lower than for the full judges, but higher than for the notaries, shaykhs, and muhtasibs. The proportion confirms that the office of deputy judge was often the initial phase of a legal career. DISTRIBUTION OF DEPUTY JUDGES (Figs. 16-A,

16-B)

As the level of jurisdiction and prestige increased in the judicial offices, the yield of occupational sites diminished. Indeed, genuine patterns emerged only for the notaries and deputies: these patterns are similar, and provide an indication of where district and ward courts were located.53 The fact that several madrasas were designated as courts suggests why there are fewer references to occupational sites for the higher judiciary. The colleges may have served a dual function: training in the Islamic sciences and seats of litigation. Since judges often held simultaneous professorships, it is possible that both activities occurred in the same setting, although the biographical accounts made no explicit reference to such a coincidence. Other circumstantial factors strengthen this hypothesis: the emphasis on jurisprudence in the curriculum; the practical experience to be gained by students observing cases; and the cementing of student-teacher ties indispensable to placement and promotion in the judicial establishment. It is unlikely, however, that this hypothesis applies to litigation beyond the scope of the Shari'a. There were no ref-

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erences for Bulaq or Old Cairo, both major port facilities in the capital. Commercial law, applying to most litigation in both districts, would not figure in patterns relative to Shari'a jurists. The residence pattern revealed concentrations at several institutions of the major group (13, 15, 20, 30, 36, 51). These suggest that there were many Sufis among holders of deputyships (a hypothesis reinforced by List 22), but not quite so many as among the notaries. No judicial office, in fact, seems to have excluded persons identifying with the Sufi community of Cairo, but as an individual progressed through the several levels of the legal establishment, the likelihood of such identification diminished. Already at the deputy level, the Sufi presence appears to decline. But the presence of Sufis remains more characteristic of the legal establishment at this level than of the bureaucratic establishment or market inspectors. The Qadior]udge (Appendix II, List 11) The range of occupations pursued by judges paralleled the activities of deputies, although it was slightly more restricted to Categories III and V. In general, the pattern of activities implies that a judgeship ranked as the highest office within the 'ulama' class, more prestigious even than a professorship. These figures, as well as family histories, also point to a large percentage of judgeships transferred from father to son or from uncle to nephew. Many of the deputies who did secure judgeships belonged to one of the judicial houses of Cairo, and served their apprenticeships under the aegis of their relatives. Deputies not fortunate enough to come from a major family were less successful in securing a judgeship. A large proportion of the juridical positions available in the capital during the fifteenth century were thus controlled by several prominent 'alirn families. The Mamluk rulers who made the formal appointments do not seem to have opposed this situation, but acquiesced so long as their final authority remained unchallenged. Judges rarely held positions in the military-executive category (I). This was also true of the chief justices (Appendix II, List 12). These proportions lend credibility to the theory that judges came almost entirely from the civilian sector, and neither sought nor were recruited for positions within the Mamluk sphere. This seems to have been true even to the military judges (qadi al-'askar) who presided over the special courts dealing with litigation involving Mamluk troopers. However, many judges also held bureaucratic posts (Category II), particularly fiscal controllerships. These offices were fairly evenly distributed between bureaus and institutions. The controllerships that the judges held, often

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23I

simultaneously with their legal offices, may have provided a substantial portion of their income.54 That judges were represented, although sparsely, in the religious category (VI) was predictable. Judges were certainly offered honorary imamates and Friday preacherships in the major mosques. They were able to discharge these pious duties without taking much time away from their legal, scholarly, or bureaucratic affairs. Less predictable were the thirty positions in the artisan category (IV), covering many occupations. There was even one farmer, who presumably belonged to a wealthy landholding family.55 These individuals often abandoned their trades when they had amassed some wealth and pursued a formal education. Their numbers were few but their very presence proves that it was possible for individuals who had originated outside the civilian elite to penetrate at least the lower and middle judicial levels. The Qddi al-Qudat or Chief Justice (Appendix II, List 12) Selection by the throne as a "judge of judges" granted the individual the prerogative of defining jurisdiction in one of the four orthodox schools. The four chief justices served as the final appellate judges of the Sharf legal system. Although denied genuine executive authority, they exercised great moral influence in the society. If the holders of any one office can be considered the voice of the 'ulama' and the articulate representatives of the civilian sector, the chief justices can. Appointment depended on family background, scholarly reputation, political connections, or a combination of the three.56 Especially in the three minority madhhabs, it was possible to achieve this office without family connections: both of the famous historians, Ibn Khaldun and al'Ayni, were immigrants, and yet they became so famous that they were appointed to chief justiceships without a long apprenticeship in the lower courts. However, the major judicial families maintained a long-term influence over these positions. Chief justices engaged in other activities, just as did deputies and full judges—with one exception. There were none at all reported in the artisan group (IV). Individuals who attained the chief justiceships were, without exception, noted scholars, politicians, or gifted members of famous houses. The social mobility of individuals originating outside the civilian elite thus seems not to have extended to the highest judicial level. This office, with its universally acknowledged status, the crowning achievement of a learned career, was not an unmixed blessing. As the most salient representatives of the class that mediated between the ruling

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caste and the mass of the population, chief justices were placed squarely under the gaze of the regime. Their pressures came from above and below, from the Mamluks and from their peers, who looked to them as guarantors of pious orthodoxy at a time of widespread corruption and political upheaval. The regime fully recognized the significance of this office, and drew it into the inner circle of the imperial court. Even as the judiciary as a whole was subject to Mamluk influence, the chief justices were compelled to involve themselves in the maelstrom of Mamluk politics. In practice, most judges were insulated from direct intervention by the regime in litigation. But the chief justices, as members of the imperial hierarchy without official powers, had to be adroit in their relationship with their overlords, who controlled their tenure.57 The nature of this relationship was ambivalent. Most chief justices developed a personal relationship with one or more sultans. They and the muftis were often called upon to formulate legal pronouncements as the autocrat required. They were also expected to clothe even the most arbitrary of his political decisions with appropriate legal justifications, artfully culled from the Koran and Hadith. Few chief justices resisted this pressure on their integrity, since the penalty for doing so was at best immediate dismissal. At worst, the individual might face arrest, confiscation of his assets, and physical humiliation or torture. However, there were cases of scholars who did refuse to accept the office because it required submission to the will and whim of the ruler, who in theory was beneath the Shari'a. Such refusal itself was a calculated hazard, since sultans looked askance at those who refused their summons to serve in high office. Given the liabilities of the position, what motivated persons to accept it? Perhaps this question is best explored through the example of specific cases. Indeed, the integration of the various levels of the legal establishment may be seen by examining the most brilliant judicial family in Egypt during the later Middle Ages, the Bulqinis. Prior to its rise to prominence in Cairo during the latter half of the fourteenth century, this family enjoyed renown in the central Delta province of Gharbiya. We have already noted the careers of two of its members, Siraj 'Umar58 and Shihab Ahmad ibn Abu Bakr,59 who represented the two lines of the family. Omar was the progenitor of the Cairo branch, whose descendants were among the luminaries of the 'ulama'. Ahmad remained in Gharbiya, and built his career in alMahallat al-Kubra. The descendants of Abu Bakr and Muzaffar continued the Gharbiya branch of the family. They established themselves in the local judicial posts that their ancestors had held, and were eminent enough to be included in the biographical surveys. It is significant to

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2

33

note that Siraj 'Umar's older brother, Nasir Muhammad,60 remained in the village of Bulqina as a farmer. He presumably retained direction of the family's agrarian properties. It is possible that the younger brother, Abu Bakr, followed a similar course, but his career was not included in the sources. The two elder brothers kept in touch with each other throughout their lives, and died only a year apart. Subsequent biographies indicated that the illustrious descendants of Siraj 'Umar maintained some ties to the family landholding, possibly deriving income from it. Young and ambitious members of the Gharbiya branches could expect support and appointments if they elected to seek their fortunes in the capital. Siraj 'Umar was so successful in Cairo as a professor and judge that he attracted the notice of the imperial court. His descendants over six generations never lost that attention, retaining their high position, if not their primacy, to the end of the Mamluk regime.61 'Umar fathered five sons over the course of forty-three years. All five were included in the biographical accounts, and four held legal or scholarly offices. The oldest, Badr Muhammad,62 was not the most famous. He attained a military judgeship and wrote poetry that Ibn Taghri-Birdi held to be worthy of mention. He might have achieved more, had he lived longer: he died at the age of thirty-five. His son and grandson were notable members of the family, but not as distinguished as their first cousins. Badr Muhammad was the first of his family to be buried in the madrasa founded by his father on Baha' al-Din Street in the Fatimid district. 'Umar led the funeral prayer service for his oldest son. 'Umar's next two sons became very famous as scholars, jurists, and politicians: Jalal 'Abd al-Rahman63 and 'Alam Salih.64 Both individuals took advantage of their father's status to acquire a thorough education, specializing in jurisprudence and Koranic exegesis. Collectively, the two held some fifteen professorships, most in institutions of the two collegiate clusters in the northeast. In the judiciary, they outshone their father who, although appointed Shafi'i chief justice of Damascus, never received the equivalent office in the capital. Both 'Abd al-Rahman and Salih were appointed Shafi'i grand qadl of Cairo. Salih held the post five times. Neither of the two automatically achieved this position; both served long apprenticeships as deputies and judges. The two brothers were quite distinct in terms of personalities and professional interests. Jalal 'Abd al-Rahman maintained an abiding interest in politics, occupying the office of military judge seven times. During his close dealings with the Mamluks, he established many personal associations and contacts that were to benefit his children, nephews, and nieces. He used his Mamluk connections to gain several appoint-

CHART. Genealogy of the Bulqīnī Family

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ments to lucrative controUerships of waqf funds set up by amirs who wanted a reliable civilian to manage and safeguard their endowments. There is no evidence that 'Abd al-Rahman embezzled anything from the endowments placed under his supervision, but he presumably paid himself a handsome fee for his services. 'Alam Salih became a noted scholar in jurisprudence and exegesis. He was sought as a textual expert by hundreds of students who valued his opinions and his formal certification of their qualifications. He owed his tenures as chief justice primarily to his scholarly reputation. He was a personal friend of the exegetes, WaK al-Din al-'Iraqi and Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl, and succeeded them at their recommendation. As was the case with a number of his eminent colleagues, Salih was invited into the court circle of Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, a patron of scholars. Salih was also appointed to several controUerships but, unlike his brother, who presumably gained his positions through personal contacts, Salih's posts were to old endowments, and were granted directly by the sultan. The most important of these was the controllership of the Baybarsiya khanqah, involving one of the largest waqfs in Cairo. Salih remained aloof from political embroilments, but his presence was repeatedly requested at court to lead ceremonials. He was selected to preach the khutba of the Lesser Festival ('Id al-Saghir) by Sultan Tatar, and thus he presided over the imperial court's formal observation of the close of Ramadan. The third generation of the Cairo branch continued to augment the family's position. Of the five male representatives of this generation, the two sons of 'Abd al-Rahman, Taj Muhammad65 and Zayn Qasim,66 succeeded to the highest offices primarily because of their father's and grandfather's political connections. After completing their educations, both sons were apprenticed to their father as deputy judges. Both held teaching positions, but concentrated their efforts on securing judicial and bureaucratic posts. Muhammad succeeded his grandfather in one tenure as a military judge. After teaching Koranic exegesis in the Tulunid mosque, a position provided him by his father, he succeeded to his father's lucrative controUerships and was confirmed in them by the families of their Mamluk founders. In addition, he befriended Mamluk amirs on his own and supervised the funds they set aside for pious endowments. Finally, he was appointed chief justice by Sultan alMu'ayyad Shaykh after his father, but refused the post, thus straining his relationship with the aging ruler. Apparently, his financial dealings provided a more reliable and secure avenue to success and wealth than the chief justiceship, which inevitably made numerous powerful enemies for its incumbent.

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Muhammad's brother, Zayn Qasim, also served as a deputy and taught exegesis in the Tulunid mosque, but spent several years away from Cairo as a provincial judge in Samannud (I-A: 103) and as a deputy in Jiza. His greatest personal achievement was his appointment to the chairs of jurisprudence in the Nasiriya and Zimamiya madrasas. These two professorships he attained on his own academic reputation, supported by his uncle, Salih. Many of the prominent lawyers of the fifteenth century were certified as competent in the requisite texts by Zayn Qasim. He also served as a traditionist in the family madrasa. However, he did not decline the post of controller of minority taxes (nazir al-jawali), and he managed to build a comfortable source of revenue from it. The three cousins of these two brothers, Taqi Muhammad ibn Muhammad,67 Baha' Abu Biqa' Muhammad,68 and Fath Muhammad,69 the latter two of whom were sons of Salih, developed respectable careers, but did not attain the prominence of the two sons of 'Abd al-Rahman. They all served as deputy judges, but only Fath Muhammad became a military judge, in which office he succeeded his younger cousin, Abu'lSa'adat. The two daughters of Badr Muhammad, BiIqIs70 and Janna,71 were discussed in the biographical records in terms of their marriages, as were all other women in the family. Bilqis married permanently into an elite house, but Janna entered into three marriages. Among her husbands were the son of a Mamluk and her own nephew, Wall Ahmad, discussed below. Marriage between collateral cousins, especially in the case of a first husband's death, was a typical solution to the personal and financial problems of a widow. It also kept inherited assets within the lineage. Few details were supplied on Janna's character or activities, but the facts that her funeral in the mosque of al-Hakim attracted throngs of notables and that she was buried in the family madrasa suggest that she commanded a measure of public respect. The daughter of Salih, Alif,72 also married three times, the third to the highest ranking civilian in the Mamluk state, the 'Abbasid Caliph al-Mustanjid Yusuf. Although he wielded little personal power, the caliph remained the head of the orthodox Islamic community. This marriage indicates that the Bulqini house had established itself among the leading families of Cairene society within three generations. The fourth generation produced the first reverses, the most prolific scholar, and further interesting marriages. Wall Ahmad ibn Muhammad73 developed into a respected repetitor and scholar of jurisprudence. His appointment as a wa'iz or preacher in the august Umayyad mosque of Damascus was an honor for an Egyptian, although it was understandable, given the prestige of his forebears in that city. His daughter, Zuhur,74

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went through five marriages. Her first husband, Fath Muhammad ibn Salih, was her distant cousin. Although the son of her great grandfather's brother, he was not greatly her senior in age. Zuhur's third marriage was to a Mamluk chief of the guards (ra's al-nawba). Since other members of her family were married to second and third-generation Mamluks, this marriage revealed a trend toward consolidation of civilian and Mamluk familial interests, an elusive process to trace in the narrative sources. The frequency of marriages strongly implied divorces rather than deaths, although al-Sakhawi did not comment on any tumultuous relationships. Zuhur's two aunts, Umm Hasan75 and Khadija,76 also married collateral cousins and descendants of Mamluks. They each were linked to several husbands. Umm Hasan was married first to one Ibn Qubban, a secondgeneration Mamluk trooper or Jundi. Since, in traditional Islamic society, arranging the first match was the responsibility of the parents, this deliberate choice of a Mamluk suggests that members of the military elite represented an attractive, even advantageous match to notable civilian families. The willingness of the groom's family to accept the approaches of the Bulqinis suggests that such a match was mutually beneficial. Umm Hasan's second and sixth marriages were also to Mamluks, but her third was to a descendant of Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani. The bare statistics of these unions reinforce the hypothesis that there was fusion between the two elites of Cairene society during this period. This fusion further suggests that both sides saw mutual social and economic advantages to be gained and, possibly, that caste differences between civilians and Mamluks were gradually blurring. Umm Hasan's sister, Khadija, never married a Mamluk, but married two of her cousins. The oldest son of Taj Muhammad, 'Ala' al-Din 1AlI,77 became famous for both his great personal piety and his unusual memory. He learned by rote many texts on fiqh and Hadith, and was appointed professor of jurisprudence and repetitor in several madrasas, including the tomb of Sultan Qala'un in the Bayn al-Qasrayn group and the Baybarsiya khanqah near the Festival Gate. He served Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani as a deputy judge, but did not pursue a legal career further, unlike his more ambitious relatives. Also, he accepted no lucrative administrative office, and died a poor man, fondly remembered by the local populace. Whether his own family held his poverty in such high esteem is unclear, but none of his children attained high office. The second son, Shihab Ahmad,78 demonstrated a pronounced inclination toward mysticism even in his early education, and became one of the few members of his house to join a Sufi order. He became a specialist in Prophetic traditions and held several posts, including one

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at the Hospice of the Prophet's Relics in Old Cairo, before retiring to Baybarsiya. He was significant in the history of the lineage because his offspring can be traced to the end of the century. The third son, Badr Abu'l-Sa'adat Muhammad,79 was the most prominent scion of the family during the second half of the fifteenth century. His career is an illustration of late medieval scholarship in the central Islamic lands. Abu'l-Sa'adat shared his older brother's aptitude for memorization, but evidently possessed an insatiable desire for encyclopedic mastery of a subject, for he examined a prodigious body of texts and studied a great number of subjects. He exhibited many characteristics of the polymath, al-Suyuti; that is, he developed a formidable general erudition, but pursued no discipline in depth. In contrast to al-Suyuti, however, he produced no major treatises or commentaries, but became one of the most famous professors of the day. Like his ancestors, Abu'lSa'adat specialized in jurisprudence and Prophetic traditions, and he taught these subjects at some eight madrasas during his career, including the Mansuri mausoleum and Barquqiya in the Bayn al-Qasrayn group. Unlike his older brother, Abu'l-Sa'adat developed a parallel career in the judiciary, apparently as a deputy to his grandfather's brother, Salih. He held several provincial judgeships and was appointed a military judge for one term, but never attained a chief justiceship. This may have been due to his inability to establish close personal contact with the imperial court and especially with Sultan Qaytbay. However, he carried on the family tradition of succeeding to several lucrative controllerships. He was appointed to no fewer than four of these, including that of Sa'id al-Su'ada' itself, an office that he purchased with family backing and possibly with an agreement to share future proceeds. Abu'l-Sa'adat amassed a comfortable personal fortune and was a credit to his house, but he left no children who were recorded in the biographical accounts, even though he married into both his own family and the house of a Mamluk officer, Saburbay. Only the careers of the most eminent members of the Bulqini family have been outlined here. Their examples point out qualities shared by other leading families of the civilian elite. The success of this family in Cairo was not limited to its founder, nor passed routinely along over several generations. Appointment to the highest judicial offices was normally subject to intense competition among those eligible for them, although occasionally individuals were pressured into accepting the post by sultans who wanted to exploit the chief justiceship for their own purposes. All the individuals in the Bulqini family who succeeded as judges and professors did so because of their own intellectual gifts and political skills as well as their family connections. By no means were

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all members equally successful, nor did all share an inclination for judicial affairs. Nor did the Bulqinis monopolize the judicial offices, but were only the most prominent among a number of 'ulama' families in Cairo, whose education, reputation, political connections, and wealth put them in a position to control the offices. The attractiveness of the Bulqini women and their eligibility for marriage to both their own class and the Mamluk elite constituted a measure of the family's prestige and capacity to secure its position. Three generations after its initial transfer from the Delta, this family was marrying into both the civilian and military elites of Cairo. It is to be noted that the Bulqini women—and the men, for that matter—were married to second and third-generation descendants of Mamluks who were not regarded by their own caste as pure, but rather as culturally Egyptian and thus unfit for the highest executive and military offices. Yet the very occurrence of these marriages reveals a process of merging between the two classes. Why prominent civilian houses were regarded as desirable sources of spouses by Mamluk families is unclear. Sons and grandsons of first-generation Mamluks may have required incomes, since they were theoretically shut out from the iqta' system. However, in traditional Islam the groom must present the dower to the bride. It is unlikely that, in practice, these individuals were completely cut off from the revenues flowing to their ancestors. In any case, the Bulqinis were prosperous but not immensely rich. There was not a single case of fining or confiscation of assets by the sultan—the surest sign of accumulated wealth—reported for any of them. Indeed, the Bulqinis elected to avoid the fiscal offices of the imperial diwan, so lucrative and so dangerous. They concentrated their ambitions on the judiciary, but were supported largely by their waqf-endowed professorial chairs. Did the marriage alliances provide the house greater security? Quite probably, since, as class distinctions lessened and lineage ties grew, the risks so typical of civilian contacts with the military elite would decline correspondingly. DISTRIBUTION OF THE JUDGES (Fig. 17)

There were no occupational sites reported at all for judges, which is consistent with the nature of the office. The institutions appearing in the residence pattern may actually designate seats of litigation as well as professorial chairs. If this hypothesis is valid, then the residence pattern would indicate that the court system was centered in the northeast.80 There is no question that this zone was the seat of the learned class, and the judges' concentration in this district complements previous surveys. Few judges held military-executive positions based in the Citadel, or service positions in the employ of Mamluks in the southeast or

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suburbs. Sarghatmishiya (92) was the only amirate madrasa in this area to be mentioned. This institution was unusual: many individuals there were foreigners who were able to penetrate the legal establishment.81 Concentrations of judges at the khanqahs—Baybarsiya (13), Sa'id alSu'ada' (15) and Siryaqus (130)—were not nearly as dense as those of notaries. Thus, as mentioned previously, association with the khanqah network appears to have dropped as one moved up the scale. However, not all Sufis were resident in hospices, nor were all pensioners in monastic houses Sufis.82 These trends must thus be compared with other information before reliable conclusions about a Sufi identity—or its lack—within the judiciary may be offered. The institutions that did dominate the pattern, as might be expected, were madrasas of the elite group. All of them were famous or wealthy enough to attract the most eminent legal minds in the Mamluk state and from abroad, and many of the judges resident in them belonged to their faculties. THE ARTISAN AND COMMERCIAL PROFESSIONS (Table 11, Category IV) This rather motley category might be more readily defined by what it was not than by what it was. Medieval chroniclers tended to exclude these occupations from activities commonly associated with the 'ulama', although several of them demanded a high degree of specialized training. The significant point here is that such occupations were often mentioned in the biographical sources, suggesting that many among the 'ulama' were not born into the class but gained access to it. Some had parents who succeeded at a trade or in business and provided their children with educational and social opportunities. The varieties of trade, skill, or commerce appearing in the accounts reflected most aspects of economic life in Egypt during the period, but only two fields, copyists and merchants, occurred frequently enough to warrant inclusion in the major group. But even while considering them, we should remember that there were many others, and that they were very diverse. Any study of social mobility concerning the 'ulama' during this period would necessarily take them into account. The Nasikh or Copyist (Appendix II, List 13) Manuscript copyists performed a service that could not really be appreciated by generations living after the introduction of printing. According to educational and occupational data in the biographical records, copying seems to have been a relatively specialized profession. Youths with an

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obvious talent for accurate transcription and legible script were detected early, and gravitated toward the craft. Calligraphy (khatt), a recognized discipline, emerged frequently in the curricula of these individuals. They were trained to develop a sharp eye for detecting errors. Proofreading of copy assumed an importance second only to the art of transcription itself. As indicated by collateral positions, copyists were quite distinct from secretaries and clerks associated with the diwans and courts. Copyists were tied to the religio-academic network, where the demand for written materials was focused. Those copyists who actually became instructors tended to specialize in teaching the various accepted styles of script, their appropriate uses, and the art of accurate proofreading. The case of the nasikhs is significant because it represents a highly specialized craft closely associated with the institutional establishment, whose practitioners shared the social background of the 'ulama' and yet were not integrated into it. Copying remained a trade. Few nasikhs had positions among the juridical-scholarly fields, but a substantial proportion were in religious service (VI), much of which involved pedagogical duties. Although no occupational sites were reported (Fig. 18), one may assume that copyists worked in the major libraries or in their vicinity, since books were to be read in situ and did not circulate. The limited residence pattern related this group to institutions wealthy enough to maintain libraries. Three khanqahs: Baybarsiya (13), Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), and Shaykhuniya (84), plus Salihiya (26) (the high court), al-Azhar (36), and the royal madrasas (30, 51) were represented. The clusters of residences in the three hospices coincides with the fifteen positions reported for Sufis (Table 11), and accords with the general background of individuals pursuing this craft. They were uniformly Muslims whose ties with the Sufi community were parallel to those of the lower echelons of the civilian elite. The Tajir or Merchant (Appendix II, List 14) Merchants who built their careers primarily around commerce were not included in the dictionaries. Many merchants, but by no means all, engaged in literary activities, and only those who did and had attained some degree of renown as learned men were included. Individuals most likely to appear had actually ceased to be involved in commerce. They had amassed revenues enabling them to pursue a formal education and to enter the ranks of the 'ulama' on a full-time basis. Therefore, the

ARTISAN-COMMERCIAL PROFESSIONS

3. From a Manuscript of the Koran Copied during the Reign of Sultan Sha'ban

2

43

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OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

following information from the biographies cannot be viewed as accurate for the entire mercantile class of Egypt during this period. The merchants who were described engaged in legal, artisanal, bureaucratic, academic, and executive activities, in that order. Few elected to pursue careers as religious functionaries in mosques. But merchants were represented in every major legal office (III). Their predilection for the law may be explained in part by their commercial background. Although commercial law in practice did not fall within the province of the orthodox judiciary, the configuration suggests that the mercantile ethical system was governed by the precepts and prevailing interpretations of the Shari'a. That 5 and 3 percent of positions held by these individuals were judgeships compares favorably with all the other occupational groups. Only certain legal and scholarly fields yielded a higher percentage. Among bureaucratic jobs, the merchants were unevenly distributed. Some merchants became diwan notaries and fiscal controllers, and again, their affinity to law and monetary affairs was apparent. None held secretaryships of any sort (although this may reflect a bias in the sources); their representation among the stewards and clerks was only token. There were only two reported cases of Coptic merchants, even though this minority's alleged inclination toward business and financial affairs has become proverbial in more recent times.83 Because of the prevailing prejudice toward minority converts to Islam, the absence of Copts from the mercantile survey may not adequately reflect their role. The range of artisan activities (IV) pursued by the merchants was, predictably, one of the broadest of any field in the major group (see List 14). Merchants were involved in the preparation of cloth, confections, and spices; in metallurgy, book dealing, and aromatics. Only one of them had been a sultani merchant dealing in the controversial royal monopolies.84 There were many of these royal merchants active in Cairo during the fifteenth century, when the monopolies were imposed, but there were virtually no individuals who supervised them in this sampling. Whether this reflected on the type of individual disposed toward working for the regime against the interests of his class, or even indicated some degree of hostility on the part of the compilers toward them is unclear. In the scholarly category (V), merchants tended to become professors. The individuals who taught were rather evenly distributed among the various traditional disciplines. The number of merchants who attained teaching posts suggests that the group as a whole received a fairly broad and comprehensive education. This characteristic has sometimes been

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attributed to Islamic mercantile classes as a whole, but the evidence here can be related only to those persons described in the biographical records. The proportion of positions held by merchants in the military-executive fields (I) ranked only higher than that of the religious fields (VI), but this was due in part to my placement of khawajas in the executive group. Khawaja was a title applied almost exclusively to merchants who dealt in commodities of critical importance to the Mamluk regime— slaves, for example.85 These merchants were not necessarily designated as royal agents—they might well retain their independence. Nor were all sultani merchants entitled khawaja. But khawajas almost invariably attained some executive offices during their careers.86 Many obviously purchased them since all khawajas were rich men. In general, merchants seem to have possessed more opportunities to acquire executive positions than any other element in the artisan-commercial group. Even under the adverse economic conditions of the fifteenth century, their political skills and capital assets were considerable, and provided them with connections among the Mamluk elite. DISTRIBUTION OF MERCHANTS (Fig. 19)

The mapping of occupational sites is based on a relatively limited sampling. Nonetheless, some unexpected trends were revealed. Occupational sites, like residences, were concentrated in the northeast, along the Qasaba or central market district (145). But this zone did not encompass all the commercial districts of the metropolis. The extension of the Main Avenue from the Zuwayla Gate to the Cross Street was lined with bazaars and suqs, as was the "Beneath the Apartments" Street between the Zuwayla and Kharq gates. Also, the port of Bulaq was the focus of international trade. Commodities destined for Europe arrived here from Upper Egypt and the Red Sea for processing and transferral to Alexandria or Damietta. Yet no references were reported for any of these districts. There were references to the Basitiya caravansaray area (163) of the Main Avenue, the Book Dealers' markets (160) along the Bayn al-Qasrayn, in the vicinity of the 'Abd al-Basit madrasa (11), and especially in the Juyushl Street market district (150). These aggregates implied the presence of commercial activity in these districts, but they cannot be considered to give a complete picture of the commercial community. The residence pattern was based on more data. No large concentrations appeared, but the majority of references were to institutions in the northeast. There was only one citation for the wealthy Rath" Lake section (183), and only one for Bulaq port (190). We cannot assume the cases

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provided by the biographical sources included the most prosperous merchants in Cairo, since these would presumably appear in the lakeside residential zones. However, since the pattern may be considered indicative of individuals identifying with the civilian elite, it does correspond to the cumulative impression provided by other artisan fields with a high rate of crossover into 'ulama'-related activities: a solid Muslim background with little evidence of minority infiltration, but representation in the Sufi community of the capital. The pattern thus does not permit speculation on the identities of the mercantile establishment as a whole, but does link this one section of it with the religio-academic network. THE SCHOLARLY AND EDUCATIONAL PROFESSIONS (Table 11, Category V) This vast category, or at least its scholastic component, should be considered the alter ego of the legal establishment. The profile of the scholarly group was shaped by the same individuals who composed the juridical hierarchy. Together, these two occupational spheres made up the foundation of the 'ulama' class, as distinct from other segments of the civilian elite. A person who penetrated neither area might be regarded as a notable but not an 'alim. Specific occupations within the category were all related, and were tied directly to religio-academic institutions. Yet each occupation, or groups thereof, were rendered distinct by differing educational requirements, teaching duties, and faculty contacts. And the various specialists dealt with different student clienteles. An elementary teacher (mu'allim), instilling basic literacy, did not function at the same level as a professor of Koranic exegesis (mudarris tafsir). The former was primarily a pedagogue, the latter a jurist-scholar. The two tended to come from dissimilar backgrounds. The social stratification delineating the several echelons of this category were very real, but also very subtle, and no in-depth probe of it is ventured here. For the purposes of this study, two fields were selected: the mu'id and the mudarris. Not only did these two occur most frequently, but they represent the pedagogical and scholastic poles of the category as a whole. A third field, the khazin al-kutub, was chosen primarily because of the light it sheds on academic honoraria. The MuId or Repetitor (Appendix II, List 15) This individual was involved with the drill and stylized repetition of texts required in a basic education or for competence in a special field.87

SCHOLARLY-EDUCATIONAL PROFESSIONS

247

The preponderate role of memorization in traditional Muslim education is widely known.88 The beginning student memorized the Koran, and he was considered to show promise for future work if he was able to commit it to memory at an early age. Repetitors were not necessarily involved with drill at the Koranic level; this was the responsibility of the mu'allim. They dealt with students at both the secondary and advanced levels, striving to instill in them an ability to commit to memory vast portions of difficult texts in the various disciplines. Rigorous drill followed by equally rigorous examinations were considered the necessary means of guaranteeing accurate rendition and transmission of basic materials. During the later Middle Ages, the basic corpus of knowledge, either revealed by God or interpreted by guided reason, was regarded as extant and complete. This corpus was formidable, and no single person could hope to attain mastery over all the texts of even a subdiscipline in a lifetime, although the achievements of some who possessed photographic memories were extraordinary. The repetitor's role in the educational system may be grasped if the nature of what was sought and prized is kept in mind. Accurate rendition and transmission meant not merely comprehension of a work's ideas, but literal reproduction of its contents. In theory, this reproduction must duplicate the original work without errors of grammar or pronunciation. In practice, of course, these standards were met by few, even the repetitors, but the ideal was held up as the ultimate goal of learned excellence. A student was to concentrate on absorbing the corpus of the Islamic sciences and their acceptable interpretations lest he go astray and blunder into error. Independent interpretation of legal and theological texts was forbidden in any case, and excessive conceptualization and application of ideas to improper questions could lead to dangerous, even heretical, attitudes. A repetitor had to be on guard against this possibility. He was a student's murshid, his guide to a correct approach to the scholarly corpus of the faith. If he did his job properly, the students who came under his tutelage would possess the training to carry on after him in their own generation. Repetitors shared a common educational background in the standardized madrasa curriculum. Most had been certified at least once in public and in writing by an appropriate collegium of scholars who testified that they could transmit a text of a certain level of difficulty. This certification was required before an individual could be considered for a position in an institution of learning. In general, a mu'id's duties emphasized rote technique rather than explication. The office thus ranked below the mudarris in prestige and, presumably, remuneration. Yet the occupational ranges were quite similar for both, suggesting frequent promotion

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of mu'ids to professorships. Accordingly, the repetitorship differed from other essentially pedagogical posts, such as the mu'allim, which tended not to provide opportunities for equivalent mobility into the scholastic hierarchy. The representation of repetitors in the military-executive category (I) was extremely low, as it was for all scholarly-educational fields. Nowhere was the cleavage between the military and civilian elites more clearly shown than by this uniformly minimal representation of scholars and teachers in governing circles. The high percentage of positions in the legal fields (III) at once reinforced the close relationship between judges and scholars, and confirmed the crossover between repetitors and professors. The proportion of mu'ids in the artisan-commercial category (IV) was quite low. The implications of this are discussed below in relation to the office of professor, since it applied to the entire scholarly group. That there were only a few repetitors among religious functionaries (VI) highlights the distinction between the scholarly and service aspects of the religio-academic network, while confirming the tie between mu'id and mudarris. Other pedagogical jobs included a larger percentage of religious functionaries. DISTRIBUTION OF Mu'lDS (Fig. 20)

We have enough information on the mu'ids, who were involved directly with the religio-academic network, to plot the distribution of their occupational sites. The most notable aggregates were reported for major institutions of the northeast: the Festival Gate and Bayn alQasrayn groups, al-Azhar (36), and the two royal madrasas (30, 51). The pattern showed them to be present at other less eminent institutions, as well, such as the mosque of al-Hakim (3), the Tulunid mosque (91), and several of the amirate colleges of the southeast, particularly Sarghatmishiya (92) and Aljayhiya (69). Their presence in the Hakim and Tulunid mosques confirms the sustained maintenance of these institutions, which because of their age could not be assumed, as their endowments could have lapsed or been transferred. And the fact that specialized staff were being employed at the amirate madrasas is interesting: these institutions were obviously enrolling students, although their graduates are virtually ignored in the biographical texts. There was only one reference to an institution located in the mortuary zones, the tomb of Imam al-Shafi'i (115). Again, the specialized nature of these two districts was indicated by the scarcity of instructors associated with their foundations. The residence pattern clearly placed holders of repetitorships within

SCHOLARLY-EDUCATIONAL

PROFESSIONS

2 4 9

rar

in 60 c •c

Le

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the khanqah network. In general, this pattern parallels the configuration for professors and, more broadly, for the civil judiciary. The Mudarris or Professor (Appendix II, List 16) Individuals in the sample held this office more often than any other position. Professors directed formal study at the advanced level,89 and the range of their collective erudition was quite wide. They lectured to students on the several branches of the Islamic sciences and, unofficially, on certain disciplines outside the orthodox curriculum. They exposed students to basic texts of the Islamic corpus, and recited them aloud in order to set examples of grammatical rules and pronunciation. They examined students who presented themselves as candidates for certification, and who thus sought to enter the legal-academic establishment. Many devoted much of their time to study and writing both scholarly works and literary compositions in elaborately contrived styles. Professors were both generalists and specialists. All had been nurtured on the same basic subjects. But the luminaries concentrated on certain aspects of one or two disciplines and attained an encyclopedic level of expertise. Renowned professors formed a closely knit community throughout the central Arab lands. The faculties of the major institutions of Cairo, Damascus, and Aleppo knew one another on a personal basis and periodically exchanged their positions. The numbers of individuals holding chairs in specific disciplines exceeded those designated simply as mudarris, although there were more of the latter than of specialists in any one field. The major specialties included the standard Islamic sciences; the secular sciences such as history or mathematics did not occur frequently enough to permit statistical analysis.90 The most eminent professors held chairs in specific disciplines, particularly jurisprudence. All of them had advanced from the status of assistant, in which an individual was responsible for teaching several subjects under a master. A person became famous in a field according to his erudition in the texts, the popularity of his lectures, and the frequency of his commentaries or, more rarely, treatises. During this period commentaries on earlier standard texts greatly outnumbered creative scholarship in the form of new treatises. The qualities of the mudarris group, indicated by the range of their activities, and their distributive patterns closely paralleled those of the more specialized professors. The generalists were thus selected for analysis. The occupational survey exhibited a superficially wide span of subjects taught, but closer inspection reveals a marked concentration in the legal category and, more specifically, the judicial fields. This con-

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figuration duplicates the occupational profile of the judges, although instructional offices outnumbered court posts. The collegiate network effectively monopolized instruction in the Islamic sciences, that is, the standard legal curriculum requisite to recognition as an 'alim. Such recognition was formally certified by completion of a series of durus or courses, testified to by a council of professors. Incumbents of both judicial and scholastic positions chose those who would follow them from among their own students. This personal contact was of the utmost importance for both entry to and promotion within the juridical-scholarly class. Certainly the quality of a student's performance in his dars counted heavily in a master's evaluation; his ijaza certificate dwelled on his control of a text and of the discipline treated by it. However, the concentrations at the elite institutions have repeatedly shown us that the prominent jurist-scholars dominating the civil sphere of Cairo studied and subsequently taught in these establishments. A student in an obscure amirate college was allegedly exposed to a program identical to instruction at Salihiya or Zahiriya, but did not have the contact with those in power that resulted from successful entry into the major institutions. This contact was more important for his advancement than the quality of his performance in the standard curriculum. Formal study and cementing of collegiate ties in this network became all the more important for the students there because these foundations also housed the Shari'a court system, providing their students with opportunities for first-hand observation and experience in civil litigation. The Shari'a courts retained some measure of autonomy from the regime, and stood as the one major decision-making forum supervised independently by civilians. This is of paramount importance. In practice, the Shari'a rarely influenced the regime's practical policies, at least overtly. But since the Shari'a transcended any temporal power as a moral force, those who were recognized as its interpreters by the society never completely surrendered to the state. The court system may thus be viewed as a haven for civilian politics in an otherwise authoritarian world. Not only was the judicial establishment somewhat independent of the regime, but the individuals who were filling temporary and insecure positions as judges were simultaneously holding relatively secure and stable academic positions. A judgeship was subject to termination at any time, but a professorship involved indefinite remunerative appointment. Thus, the interrelationship of these two positions explains in part how the 'ulama' managed to endure the hazards of high office in Mamluk society, and the wider implications of the legal concentration in the occupational survey become apparent. Although there were some professors in the bureaucratic category,

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almost all of them were clerks or controllers. We have noted that the secretarial profession was staffed by a particular class that included a large minority element ineligible for status as 'ulama'. Among all the Muslim Copts who appeared in the sources, only one held a professorship—a specialist in tasawwuf.91 Most stewards were Muslims, but did not belong to the jurist-scholars. There were a few religious functionaries among the professors, but these figures must be compared with the figures for category VI to develop an impression of the relationship between the two groups. The absence of revered persons (mu'taqads) from the professorial group is worthy of note. This distinct type of ascetic did not identify with the learned establishment of Cairo. Few individuals from a nonliterary background appear to have been able to acquire the requisite education for academic life. It would be misleading to suggest that the learned establishment was closed to persons engaged in skilled trades or commerce, since there were some cases of such individuals who did attain professorships. Their numbers were limited, however, and few of them attained prestigious chairs. DISTRIBUTION OF PROFESSORS (Figs. 21-A,

21-B)

Professorships were the most widely dispersed occupation in the major group. The pattern of occupational sites attests to the primacy of the elite institutions in the old Fatimid district (Fig. 21-A). The multiple concentrations for the Bayn al-Qasrayn madrasas point to their high status in legal studies.92 But the pattern extended well beyond the northeast. Professors were active in many of the amirate madrasas of the southeast, as well as Shaykhuniya (83) and the Tulunid mosque (91). Salient among these were the colleges of Sarghatmish (92), Umm alSultan (60), Sudun min Zada (70), and Aytmish (62). The large number of professors teaching in these foundations contrasts with the insignificant role of these places as training centers of the jurist-scholars, raising a question of who actually studied there. It also leads us to ask whether individuals holding chairs at these institutions spent much time in them. Many probably held sinecures, and the subordinate staff (nuwwab) apprenticing in these colleges of secondary rank taught most of the courses. That highly specialized faculty taught less often in these institutions than in the elite madrasas lends support to this hypothesis. It is also likely that the students at the amirate colleges catered to the Mamluk elite and its clients. Many of these people were not included in the biographical sources as members of the learned class, and thus were not widely represented in these surveys. But regardless of the clientele at these colleges, there is no doubt over their activity. And their faculties

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included, at least nominally, many luminaries from among the established professors. There were scattered references to institutions outside the inner city (Fig. 21-B). The suburbs of the northwest and southwest had almost no cases, but concentrations appeared at the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) in Old Cairo, the Hospice of the Prophet's Relics (114) on the Nile shore, and the Kharrubiya madrasa (112) in Jiza.93 There were scattered cases in the port of Bulaq, indicating the activity of local colleges there. Finally, a cluster occurred at the complex surrounding the tomb of Imam al-Shafi'i (115) in the Qarafa. This was the only noteworthy center of higher learning in either of the two mortuary zones. Whereas the residence pattern for shahids complemented the larger number of notarial positions held by Sufis (Table 11, Category III), the professors—some of whom clearly identified with Sufism—do not appear to have been closely associated with the khanqahs. Aggregates certainly emerged in Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) and al-Azhar (36). But the prominent monastic houses, the cathedral mosque, and the two royal madrasas, which were the primary seats of Sufi orders in Cairo, did not seem to house many professors. If the residence pattern is compared with occupational sites, the relative position of the khanqahs is diminished still further. In general, the juridical-scholarly class found its focus in the madrasa rather than the khanqah. Legal training was not the ostensible function of khanqahs, which were founded to promote an environment conducive to contemplation of divinity and spiritual self-perfection. Yet jurist-scholars were certainly represented within the mystic community.94 Conversely, inmates of the major hospices were not completely withdrawn from active participation in the larger society, including the orthodox legal system and the policies of the ruling regime. The intricacies of the 'ulama's seemingly ambiguous identity with the Sufi community thus await further analysis. The Khazin al-Kutub or Librarian (Appendix II, List 17) The librarian, literally a "treasurer of books," did not appear frequently in the texts, and the nature of his duties do not suggest that the office was widespread. The term "honorarium" may more accurately depict the nature of the position rather than "office." A librarianship was rarely included among the positions specified in a waqf writ. Yet the status of this honorarium attests to the significance of libraries, even if these surveys did not reveal all of them. The importance attached to ency-

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clopedic absorption of a fixed literary and ideological corpus rendered the maintenance of that corpus crucial. Since all textual materials had to be duplicated by hand, they were in limited supply and very expensive. Few scholars could afford to purchase many books for themselves, and a private library represented a substantial capital asset. If a scholar were obliged to sell even part of his library because of financial straits, this was viewed as a personal tragedy and a sign of his professional degradation. Since few individuals could themselves acquire the textual materials indispensable to their function, the responsibility for doing so fell to religio-academic institutions and their benefactors. There was considerable prestige attached to maintaining a library; Maqrizi often pointed to the presence or lack of a library in his evaluations of institutions (cf. Appendix I), and dwelled glowingly on the physical qualities of the major collections, describing the luxurious bindings and fine paper. The Mamluks who were moved to provide their institutions with vast sums of money and munificent endowments were eager to assemble book collections, even though few of them could understand the texts. On occasion, they were prepared to buy off, by underhanded means, a whole faculty in order to transfer a collection to their own institution, even if the collection was supported by a waqf and had been dedicated to a specific madrasa. The position of librarian seems to have been awarded under two possible circumstances: to recognize outstanding service or accomplishment in the learned community, often by the institution's founder; and to provide a sinecure in return for donation of a personal collection. In other words, a lifetime stipend was offered as an incentive to contribute valuable textual materials. A librarianship thus rarely constituted an initial position, but usually signified the culmination of an individual's career. Some extremely eminent persons were made honorary book treasurers of madrasas, particularly when their patrons were involved with the foundation or augmentation of those institutions. DISTRIBUTION OF LIBRARIANS (Fig. 22)

The data available on occupational sites identify some but not all institutions that possessed libraries during the fifteenth century. For example, the famous collection housed in the Mansuriya madrasa (the tomb of Sultan Qala'un; cf. Appendix I) did not have a librarian mentioned in the sources. Also, the largest concentrations, if such they may be called, did not conform to the order of rank and quality of institutions so evident in the other surveys. For example, the Festival Gate group revealed only a small cluster. In the Bayn al-Qasrayn group, only the

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*55

Zahiriya madrasa (23) was represented. Most institutions of these two groups possessed libraries, and yet the evidence here did not indicate a large number of librarians. Of the major foundations in the northeast, only the Ashrafiya madrasa (30) had a concentration. There were no references whatever to al-Azhar. Among institutions of secondary rank, the Basitiya college (11) yielded the only other noteworthy concentration in the northeast. In the southeast, among the amirate colleges, only Mahmudlya (57) stood out. Shaykhiiniya (83), Sarghatmishlya (92), and three other foundations (53, 60, 93) were mentioned. In summary, the data available did establish the Fatimid district as the primary repository of book collections, since the majority of references to librarians were located there. All the institutions so designated enjoyed sufficient endowment to maintain holdings, and most of them were so mentioned by Maqrizi (Appendix I). THE RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONARIES (Table 11, Category VI) The final group in this study consisted of individuals dedicated to religious service or observation. In premodern Muslim societies, the entire population, from those at the apex of power to the most humble elements of the masses, were willing, indeed felt compelled, to honor and support persons endowed with revered qualities, a sign of God's blessing. The forms that manifestation of piety could assume were almost infinite. They varied considerably even between the four fields examined here; but the objective—confirming God's ongoing concern for people in this life, his willingness to touch at least some of them directly—was the same. The data configurations discussed here and in Chapter II suggest that individuals committed to religious service or public piety were distinguishable geographically (by pronounced localism) and professionally (by some degree of separation from the mainstream of civilian literary and political life) from other components of the civilian elite, particularly the jurist-scholars. Yet those who staffed the mosque and presided over its services were regarded as 'ulama', and did not exhibit the signs of social isolation so evident in several bureaucratic fields. Predictably, almost all were Muslims. Three of these offices (imam, khatib, and muqrf) ministered directly to the local populace. Holders of these posts were responsible for whatever personal impact religion had on the people. In addition, religious functionaries performed the vital service of elementary education. This service they shared with the scholarly-educational group, although the evidence points to a larger contribution from

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them than from professors (compare Lists 16, 18, and 20, Categories V and VI). The individuals who taught beginners their basic literacy and fundamental religious principles did not attract the attention that famous authorities in jurisprudence did by their lectures and writings. Yet a variety of activities associated with elementary education were mentioned in the biographical accounts, suggesting that these fields were accepted as a legitimate calling of the 'ulama'. Only the most prominent of the religious functionaries shared the characteristics of the jurist-scholars. Professorships constituted the largest group of collateral occupations held by the imams, khatibs, and muqri's. Yet those who were not professors tended not to participate in activities of the legal-academic establishment, but were confined more to mosque-related duties. Viewed collectively, the religious functionaries came from a lower social level than the jurist-scholars, so many members of which were born into famous 'ulama' houses. The imams and khatibs may be excepted from this trend, since they were clearly represented among the jurist-scholars, but their origins tended to be restricted to the Cairo-Delta zone. Holy men and pious ascetics constituted a social type rather than a true profession. They were included in this last group because of their association with centers of worship and their impact on the popular mind. Otherwise, they were a unique element distinct from all the other occupations examined in the study. Consideration of the selection process used by the biographical compilers is particularly important with respect to the religious functionaries. The compilers sought to describe individual notables, and did not explicitly attempt to define a social class. Their stress on prominence and status as requisites for inclusion would tend to emphasize the executive, bureaucratic, legal, and scholarly fields, since people in these professions were firmly entrenched in the military or civilian elites. The artisancommercial group was considered only if someone from that field moved into the civilian elite. However, individuals in the group of religious functionaries were to be found at every level of Cairene society, as they were throughout the Muslim world. The compilers, naturally, tended to describe primarily those in the upper class. The majority of religious functionaries below the luminaries staffing major institutions were not included, and thus remain unknown to us. This is particularly true of imams and khatibs, somewhat less so of muqri's. The mu'taqads do not seem to have adhered to the general social trends and class lines characterizing the other fields. Included because of their unique spiritual qualities, they must be considered on their own terms.

RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONARIES

5. A Night of Ramadan, Hour of Prayer

2

57

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The Imam or Prayer Leader (Appendix II, List 18) The prayer leaders mentioned by al-Sakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi presided over religious service in the prominent institutions of the capital. Many held their offices as honoraria, in addition to several other positions. As they resigned, retired, or were dismissed from such positions, these individuals tended to confine themselves increasingly to their spiritual office, and terminated their careers as leaders of a congregation. The imam served two types of clientele: the community of a mosque, madrasa, or khanqah; or a household. The households retaining an imam to minister to them personally belonged to the highest levels of society, and the most important of them was the imperial court itself. Here the imam ministered to members and retinue of the current royal family as a chaplain, and led prayer service in the Citadel mosque. Many of the great Mamluk houses also retained an imam to guide prayer services and invoke supplication for their spiritual welfare. Maintenance of such a person in the home implied a show of conspicuous piety that only an aristocracy could afford. Due to the honorary nature of higher imamates, their incumbents held positions throughout the bureaucratic, legal, and scholarly categories. As was true for persons in all religious fields, imams were rarely associated with the executive sphere. Conversely, there was no appreciable Mamluk presence, even of the second and third generations, among the group of imams. Once again, the mutual phenomena of exclusion by the regime and conscious abstinence on the part of the 'ulama' were implicit in this occupational profile. Nonetheless, although the religious and executive fields exhibited few signs of crossover, one should not assume a similar degree of isolation at the social level. Religious functionaries, and especially imams, were closely associated with the Mamluk oligarchy. But the nature of their contact differed radically from that between Mamluks and their bureaucratic clients. An imam widely respected for his pious life style was held in awe by the military caste. A famous spiritual figure could exercise considerable influence over members of this caste, including the sultan himself, without wielding executive authority. Above all, he did not surrender his autonomy. His spiritual services were offered at his own discretion, unlike the substantial but subordinate powers of civilian bureaucrats. Note that overall representation of imams in the bureaucratic category was lower than in the three 'alim-related areas. The pattern was dominated by clerkships and controllerships rather than diwan offices. Not a single secretary was reported.

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259

Among the legal professions (III), holders of imamates were more likely to occupy shaykhships rather than judgeships (compare Lists 7 and 18). The shaykh and imam played complementary roles. The former interpreted the law within the spiritual community; the latter presided over its prayer service. That the same person often held both positions seems natural. The proportions of court offices suggest that individuals who ultimately became imams were fairly active in the lower ranks of the judiciary. Even given the source bias toward eminent persons, these figures may point to a connection between local litigation and local religious practice, although we may assume that less famous imams would have held fewer judgeships than did this elite sample. The figures for positions in the scholarly category confirm this group's status. The majority of professorships were in specialized disciplines, a measure of scholarly prestige, but whether the level of attainment exhibited by this sample was characteristic of the office as a whole throughout the central Islamic lands we do not know. We possess no information equivalent to the records available for the lower clergy of Europe, many of whom matched their congregations' ignorance. The cases examined here certainly compared well with high church officials, who often possessed minimal theological training—especially when they attained their positions through political and social connections. DISTRIBUTION OF IMAMS (Figs. 23-A, 23-B)

Occupational sites were widely distributed throughout the metropolis. This phenomenon would accord with both the popular role of the office and the local background of the majority of individuals. The concentrations confirm the elite status of this particular group, since they occurred at major institutions, several of which were not dedicated primarily to public worship.95 But the pattern was not limited to foundations catering to specialized clienteles. Note that al-Azhar (36), the symbolic forum of the capital's inhabitants, was referred to more often than any other institution. Many foundations of secondary rank in the northeast and elsewhere were represented, including the western suburbs, Bulaq, Old Cairo, the two mortuary zones, and Siryaqus. Overall, the pattern, especially if considered together with the distribution of preachers (khatibs), broadly outlined the zones of religious service. The residence pattern revealed two notable concentrations at the khanqahs of Baybarsiya (13) and Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15). Smaller aggregates were reported for Ashrafiya (30), Mu'ayyadiya (51), and Shaykhuniya (84). All five were hospices for Sufi mystics, and we may assume that there were many Sufis among individuals appointed to imamates. Indeed, the mappings showed a pronounced association with

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the mystic community among all the religious functionaries. In the case of the imams there was a functional relationship, since organized prayer sessions were fundamental to the daily ritual of Sufi orders. But this identity also serves to reinforce the distinction of the religious category from the juridical-scholarly group which was less inclined toward affiliation with the mystic community. The Khatib or Preacher (Appendix II, List 19) This official, whose chief responsibility was delivery of the Friday sermon, the khutba, was mentioned the most frequently of any occupation in the religious category.96 Like the imams, the khatibs often held their posts in addition to other activities. The office was not necessarily a fulltime calling, since sermons and orations did not accompany all prayer sessions, but only the Friday service. Few of the individuals holding this office would consider themselves a khatib first. They tended to regard it as acknowledgement of success in other fields and, indeed, this seems to have been the basis of appointment. Khatibs of the major religioacademic institutions in the capital were always eminent men. Many had proven their ability to lecture in the madrasas. To warrant the responsibility for publicly reminding the congregation of its obligation to follow the path God had revealed, the khatib had to exemplify adherence to such a path himself. He must be an erudite scholar learned in scripture and the Islamic sciences. The preachership involved certain temporal functions, foremost among which was invocation of the secular authority's titulary at the commencement of the khutba. The general public was thereby informed as to the continuity or disruption of the regime under which they lived. Moreover, the Friday sermon could reveal by inference and guarded phrases a wide range of political information concerning the regime's policies. Major events affecting the public interest were announced outright. The khutba therefore served as a semiofficial news medium. As such, it was eagerly attended in the great centers of worship in the city, especially during times of momentous political developments, internal upheaval, or foreign events. To blend political information with moral exhortation, a khatib had to possess political acumen along with his scholarly and religious attainment. He would presumably enjoy social connections with high officials who could keep him abreast of the regime's policies. For these reasons, more individuals appointed to preacherships appear to have been firmly entrenched in the upper echelons of the civilian elite than any of the other religious functionaries.

26l

RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONARIES

Khatibs engaged in a range of activities appropriate to their social status. Their occupational profile paralleled that of jurist-scholars more closely than did that of any other religious office. Nonetheless, this office retained the independence characteristic of the religious category. Although well informed of the regime's machinations, the jurist-scholars themselves rarely functioned as its blatant instrument of implementation. Yet their presence in bureaucratic fields (especially controllerships, but also dlwan offices) provides further evidence of the khatibs' worldly orientation. Conversely, holders of preacherships tended to be less directly involved with mundane religious procedures than were other religious functionaries. DISTRIBUTION OF KHATIBS

(Figs. 24-A, 24-B)

These configurations were broadly similar to those of the preceding office. But the occupational distribution was the most widely dispersed throughout the metropolis of any field in the major group, regardless of category. The concentrations help to identify those mosques (as distinct from khanqahs) that acted as both centers of worship and disseminators of information. These aggregates, as well as the foundations lacking concentrations, merit attention, since they imply a separation of roles. Two striking concentrations appeared, one at al-Azhar (36), and the other at the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113) in Old Cairo.97 These institutions dominated the map, but others were also prominent: the mosque of al-Hakim (3); Hijazlya Madrasa (17) near the Festival Gate; the mosque of Aqmar (12); Basitlya madrasa (11); Barquqiya (20) and Salihiya (26) colleges along the Bayn al-Qasrayn; Ashrafiya (30) and Mu'ayyadlya (51); the Zayni mosque (43) in the Bayn al-Surayn, all in the northeast. In the southeast several amirate colleges were mentioned. The salient institutions were the mosques of Aslam (54), Sultan Hasan (74), and the Citadel (68). In the southwest the Tulunid mosque (91) was frequently mentioned, as were the mosques of al-Zahid (101)98 and al-Maqs (104)" in the northwest, and the jTanl (105)100 and Khatlri (108)101 mosques in Bulaq. Several districts of the city were thus represented substantially for the first time in this study. The largest concentrations were located at the cathedral mosques of Fustat (113) and al-Qahira (36). All the others served specific quarters of the city; there were no cases of appreciable clustering. These institutions may well have defined local population conglomerates. Many of them did not appear significantly in the surveys for other occupations, implying that they were primarily social centers, rather than supporting the more specialized functions of the elite group. Although not all the wards or quarters of

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Cairo contained such centers, if the occupational sites for imams and khatibs are compared, one may develop an impression of where foundations dedicated to popular worship were located. Lacunae in the pattern of occupational sites were filled by references to residence. In general, among the major centers of higher learning only al-Azhar (36) figured prominently, although several others were represented. But the pattern was dominated by the two khanqahs so important not only for the Sufi community but the Cairo-Delta zone: Baybarsiya (13) and Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15).102 This residence profile fully conforms to the general patterns of the entire religious category: identification with the khanqah network and derivation from the hinterland of the capital. Thus, this office, as an honorarium carrying great prestige, would seem to have been recruited within the 'ulama' hierarchy—but primarily from those elements involved with the Sufi community and born into the Egyptian component of the civilian elite. This is in marked contrast with the backgrounds of the highest officials of the imperial diwans, infiltrated by indigenous minorities and foreign Muslims. The khatibs were also familiar with state policies because of their position, and yet they belonged to the most firmly established Cairo families. The absence of the Sufi network from the occupational pattern of the khatibs suggests that khanqahs maintained some degree of autonomy from the regime. These institutions are not generally interpreted as seats of public orthodox worship, and it is clear that khanqahs, at least ostensibly, did not function as centers for disseminating public information, particularly governmental decrees. The MUqTf or Koran Reader (Appendix II, List 20) The muqri' recited the Koran during annual festivals of the Muslim calendar, prayer services, and major familial events such as circumcisions, marriages, and funerals. Recitation of scripture was desirable on all these occasions, but it was considered indispensable for a funeral and subsequent wakes over the grave. Recitation of the Koran over the recently deceased bolstered his soul and, it was hoped, aided its transition to Paradise. Mamluk sultans and amirs lavishly endowed hosts of muqri's to recite the Koran in their tombs (cf. Appendix I). Muqri's were maintained by many religio-academic foundations for these purposes, and also to instruct the young in basic scriptural reading. Several wealthy institutions, such as al-Azhar and Baybarsiya, were equipped with special galleries in which muqri's sat reciting the Koran day and night during festivals or momentous occasions. The scene of these ritual recitations during a major feast day or national crisis in a mosque like al-Azhar

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must have stirred the imagination of the worshipers, inspiring them with a sense of divine presence. Muqri's were a distinct professional type. Many derived from families long attached to a religio-academic institution, and inherited their positions from their fathers. Many were born into humble circumstances, and attained renown by virtue of their extraordinary retentive powers. Few muqri's belonged to the prominent learned families of Cairo. They all pursued an education that stressed memorization of scripture and Prophetic traditions, which often built upon their proven ability to recite several texts from memory. A photographic memory and a dramatic sense of poetry were prerequisites to a successful career and to the acquisition of fame that attracted patrons. Muqri's were often dependent on wealthy patrons, since maintenance of a muqri' in a great house, like supporting an imam, was a sign of conspicuous piety. Muqri's often exhibited a physical handicap associated with their profession: blindness.103 Not all muqri's were without sight, but individuals who had suffered the misfortune and who had retentive powers were often encouraged to find their vocation in the recitation of scripture. Muqri's were more closely associated with the mundane functions of religious institutions than were either imams or khatibs. Fewer were involved with bureaucratic and legal activities (II and III), and practically none were in executive fields (I), although, conversely, a number of readerships were held by Mamluks or their descendants.104 More muqri's held positions in the scholarly and religious categories (V and VI), the former partly because of the large numbers engaged in elementary teaching, although a substantial number of professors also appeared, particularly in specialties relating to the Koran, Hadith, and the art of public recitation. It must be stressed again, however, that few muqri's belonged to the famous 'ulama' families of the capital. They attained their positions largely due to their renown as masters of recitation, and as those who were the best qualified to train their successors. The characteristics of muqri's may best be seen in specific examples. Muhayy al-DIn Yahya ibn Yahya al-Qibabi al-Qahiri al-Shafi1!105 was born in 761/1359-1360 in the Delta town of Qibab (I-A: 291). How alQibabi lost his parents or moved to Cairo was not mentioned, but he began his elementary studies in the school for orphans attached to the mosque of Sultan Hasan, where his aptitude for memorization was first noticed. In 785/1383-1384 he traveled to Damascus, and was appointed a preacher (wa'iz) and repetitor at the Citadel mosque by the Mamluk amir Nasir al-Din Muhammad ibn Manjak. Al-Qibabi remained in Damascus the rest of his life, concluding his career as a professor in the Rawahiya madrasa and as a deputy judge. He died in Safar 844/July

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1440. His biography is noteworthy because from birth he suffered from nearsightedness, and went totally blind during his early adulthood. One of the most famous muqri's of the fifteenth century hailed from Baghdad. He was Muhibb al-Din Ahmad ibn Nasr-Allah al-Tustari alBaghdadi al-Hanbali, born in that city in Rajab 765/April-May 1364.106 He was known as Muhibb ibn Nasr-Allah al-Baghdadi. The son of a shaykh in the mosque of al-Mustansir in Baghdad, Ibn Nasr-Allah was a cloth merchant (bazzaz) before turning to recitation. He memorized the Koran and attained proficiency in several traditional, exegetical, and legal texts. Before traveling west, he became an imam in the caliphal mosque of Baghdad, a mu'id in Mustansiriya, and a copyist. After his departure, he recited in Syria and Alexandria, and finally settled in Cairo. His fame had preceded him, and he was immediately befriended by Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani and Sultan Barqiiq. In 795/1392-1393 he was appointed a professor of jurisprudence and Prophetic traditions in Barquqiya (20) soon after its opening. He subsequently held professorships in Mu'ayyadiya (51), Mansuriya (22), and Shaykhuniya (83). He apprenticed as a deputy judge twice before his appointment to the Hanbali chief justiceship of Egypt. He died in Jumada I 844/September-October 1440. Successful muqri's often enjoyed the favor of great Mamluks. A case in point was Badr al-Din Hasan ibn Ahmad al-Tantada'i al-Qahiri alShafi'i, born in the Delta town of Tanta (I-A:121) in 802/1399-1400.107 He memorized the Koran in his native city before moving to Cairo. Although he never attained wide recognition as a master reciter, he won the favor of Sultan Jaqmaq, who appointed him a muqri' at court. The sultan provided his favorite with a lucrative controllership of minority tax receipts (the poll tax from Christians and Jews), which yielded a comfortable income for its incumbent. Jaqmaq thus supported his client in high style at no cost to himself. A muqri' descended from a humble family attached to the service of a large khanqah was Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn 'AIi al-Qahiri alSufi al-Shafn,108 born at Said al-Su ada' in 809/1406-1407. His father was a gatekeeper (bawwab) at the hospice, and Shams Muhammad succeeded to the post. The family's social status did not prevent Muhammad from studying texts in the community. He exhibited such talent that he was accepted as a student by the exegete, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, and was presumably certified by him, since he met the standards set by several other famous scholars. Muhammad may have been obliged to develop his retentive powers, since he suffered severely from ophthalmia (ramad) at an early age, and could only distinguish light from darkness. He was appointed a muqri' in al-Azhar and Sa'id al-Su'ada' and a khatib in the mosque of Ibn Sharaf al-Din. We may assume that Shams

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Muhammad prospered at least moderately from his recitations, since alSakhawi mentioned that he owned a private house, which was pilfered of valuable possessions by thieves. He certainly improved upon his father's status as a gatekeeper. One individual who never became famous at his vocation is interesting because of his social background. This muqri' was designated only by his personal name, cAli.109 Originally a baker (khabbaz), he was obliged to recite the Koran because of his blindness. No details on his whereabouts were given. He may have chanted Suras in the streets or public squares, depending on the charity of the local populace for support. The final example was a venerated master of recitation. He was Zayn al-DIn Ja'far ibn Ibrahim al-Qurashi al-Sanhuri al-Qahiri al-Azhari alShafn,110 born in the west Delta town of Sanhur (I-A: 48) in 810/14071408. He pursued his early studies and memorized the Koran in his home town and al-Mahallat al-Kubra before being sent off to the colleges of Cairo for advanced work. More than sixty items were listed in his formal curriculum, and he was certified to recite and lecture on many of them. Al-Sakhawi admired al-Sanhuri, and provided a detailed account of his erudition as testimony to his astonishing capacity for accurate absorption of material. Al-Sanhuri was appointed a muqri' and professor of Koranic recitation in the Mu'ayyadiya madrasa (51) and al-Azhar (36), where he established his permanent residence. Subsequently, he received the controllership of the Saruja mosque.111 He enjoyed the respect of a wide circle of colleagues and scholarly associates, and the support of the Mamluk elite. He received a stipend of five dinars a month from the famous grand amir Yashbak min Mahdi al-Dawadar, who was inspired by his flawless command of the Suras. He died in Cairo in Dhu'l-Hijja 894/October-November 1489. DISTRIBUTION OF MUQRI'S (Figs. 25-A, 25-B)

The distribution of occupational and residential sites for the Koran readers, like the general configurations for imams and khatibs, revealed a majority of cases in the northeast, but substantial numbers in other districts as well. Unlike the khatibs, the muqri's were not dispersed among local district mosques, but tended to be limited to several elite foundations. The largest aggregate was reported at al-Azhar (36), which was famous throughout the Muslim world, as Maqrizi noted, for the host of muqri's it supported (cf. Appendix 1). Smaller concentrations were reported for the khanqahs of Baybarslya (13) and Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), and for the Jamaliya madrasa (16), all in the Festival Gate group. Occupational sites were clustered here and at the Bayn al-Qasrayn group, although no major concentrations at any specific institution were re-

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ported for the latter. This was to be expected because of the emphasis on legal training at madrasas. In the southeast, several amirate colleges were represented, and a concentration was reported for Shaykhuniya (83-84). However, numerous positions were based at institutions of the Citadel, although none at the Nasiri mosque. The royal (Striped) Palace (135), the harem (136), and two barracks for household troops or guards (134,138) all maintained Koran readers. Muqri's were the only religious functionaries to be seen in such a close relationship with the imperial court. The Mamluk elite evidently revered scriptural oratory and held those who attained its mastery in great esteem. The Mamluk's attitude toward Koranic chanting may perhaps be explained by the high degree of illiteracy in Arabic among their ranks. Many could never hope to read the Koran themselves, and depended on others to quote it. This wide respect among the military caste for Koran readers was evident in their high degree of support through endowment or patronage, and the muqri' thus set an example of the practical benefits resulting from manifesting an aura of devoutness. The very capacity to memorize scripture was viewed as a sign of divine favor—especially to the Mamluk elite, who stood in awe of such a feat. References to muqri's were scattered throughout other districts of the capital. Only two appeared at the Tulunid mosque (91). Their visibility in the two mortuary zones is attributable to the role assigned the muqri' in the tombs of notables—chanting Suras over the grave to bear witness to (or compensate for the lack of) the deceased's faith, and to ensure a satisfactory transition to the Hereafter. One would expect to find muqri's established in the monuments of great Mamluks (121, 123, 124), since these individuals had reason to desire the reading of scripture over their graves. The residence pattern was consistent with the vocation of the muqri's. Aggregates appeared at Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), Baybarsiya (13), and alAzhar (36). Ashrafiya (30), Mu'ayyadiya (51), and Shaykhuniya (84) ranked somewhat below these three. All six were bastions of the Sufi community in the capital. A comparison of spiritual orientation and occupations also reveals a large Sufi presence.112 The connection between overt piety and affiliation with this community is again implied, and is strengthened in this case by the numbers of muqri's employed in Sufi establishments. The khanqahs and al-Azhar appear to have been forums of scriptural recitation. The hospices sponsored almost continuous prayer cycles to produce an ecstatic state of communication with divinity among their members. Al-Azhar was oriented more to public recitation before large throngs, particularly during major festivals and momentous oc-

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casions. These foundations, plus the vast court establishment in the Citadel, maintained the large assemblages of eminent Koran readers. The Mutaqad or Revered Person (Appendix II, List 21) Traditional Muslim societies have recognized a variety of personal and behavioral traits combined with certain attitudes toward society and the self as indicating a pious character. Individuals possessing such traits have been revered as being in harmony with the divine. Indeed, in certain regions these persons are considered to be endowed with baraka, Godly emanation, which renders them holy men or women. The biographical sources described many such persons, but in general, they were not considered to possess baraka as if it were almost a physical quality, as is true in the Maghrib in recent times or Iran during the Ilkhanid and Timurid periods. Rather, individuals noted in the sources were venerated because they deviated sharply from accepted norms of behavior. God had selected them to work His unfathomable will. These people differed so widely from one another that it is impossible to describe them as having a common profession. A better term for their condition in common would be vocation, although each attained it through a unique set of experiences. It is thus possible to define them as a social type, since they shared distinct qualities. First, mu'taqads encountered in the biographical accounts rejected for themselves a high material standard of living—not in principle or for society as a whole, but as inconsistent with the state of piety they wished to achieve. Second, the majority of these people were considered peculiar. Their unusual, even deviate, behavioral traits were often complemented by physical abnormalities, due either to accidents or deformities. Finally, several individuals had undergone extreme emotional crises that caused them to abandon their former way of life. Their contemporaries chose to interpret these phenomena as signs of God's intervention in the normal state of the human condition; He had elected to isolate certain individuals for transformation of their character. Such individuals diverged from social norms because He wished to demonstrate His omnipotence. Such individuals thus exemplified extreme holiness. The general society could not follow the path of the mu'taqad, but could venerate him and support his physical needs. Mu'taqads came from all walks of life, but few could claim identification with a family of the 'ulama'. These people were included in the biographical sources because of their revered status and extraordinary behavior. They rarely moved within the civilian elite, nor were many related to those who did. The range of occupations pursued by mu'taqads

268

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

indicated their token presence, at least, in every professional category, but there was a larger percentage of them in the artisan category (IV) than of representatives of any other field in the major group, with the exception of copyists and merchants. Few mu'taqads seem to have been associated with either the bureaucracy or the juridical-scholarly establishment. The proportion for the legal fields was augmented by eleven positions referring to shaykhs, an office not directly involved with the civil courts. Few mu'taqads staffed the administrative posts of religioacademic institutions, but the percentage for the religious category (VI) was raised by the group of majdhubs or holy ecstatics. Among the Sufis a majdhub was the elect of God, an individual who attained a state of blessed harmony without having undergone a long and arduous preparation of the mind. In general, the term applied to a person prone to fits, trances, and prolonged states of ecstasy. The presence of majdhubs among mu'taqads is not surprising, given the similarity of the two types. In the list of occupations held by mu'taqads, there was a striking variety of humble livelihoods. Category IV yielded references to a broad beans seller (fawwal), water carrier, greengrocer, oil dealer, servants, and so on. But there was also a Sultani Mamluk113 and a Maliki professor,114 indicating the wide range in social status of those who could become mu'taqads. The majority of revered persons, however, originated outside the military or civilian elites. Civilians in general, and Mamluks in particular, were acutely aware of the mu'taqads. The revered person, as the ward of God, brought favor and good fortune to the neighborhood or district in which he settled. Mu'taqads who remained in one place, often a shrine or zawiya, for many years were regarded as sages by the local populace, who sought their advice and blessings for a wide assortment of problems. Support of ascetics constituted a supremely pious act. A neighborhood counted itself fortunate to have induced a mu'taqad to remain by providing for his needs. And Mamluks showed an inordinate respect for the revered person, which may perhaps be traced to shamanistic tendencies surviving from the pagan culture of the Turkish peoples prior to their conversion. Veneration and even fear of the holy man has characterized conquering peoples from Central Asia in other parts of the Middle East. In any case, Mamluks of all ranks contributed openly to the support of mu'taqads. Mu'taqads who originated in Turkish-speaking regions were especially sought after as court attendants and personal associates, since the Mamluks could understand them easily, without interpreters. But the Mamluks courted the favor of all mu'taqads, regardless of language or ethnic background.115 Sultans proudly pointed to personal association with sev-

269

SUFl MYSTICS

eral revered persons during their reigns as a sign of God's personal endorsement of their rule. When a famous mu'taqad died, the sultan was likely to attend the funeral. Amirs encouraged mu'taqads to settle in their madrasas, although few accepted such invitations, preferring the monastic communities, great mosques, small zawiyas, and tombs in the mortuary zones. Many of these latter sites were not listed in the topographical sources. DISTRIBUTION OF MU'TAQADS

(Figs. 26-A, 26-B)

The spatial analysis of the mu'taqads rests on the residence pattern alone. The lack of occupational sites was predictable, since work was not expected of revered persons. The three "occupational sites" given were at mosques or zawiyas, which complemented the residence pattern. But this pattern was itself limited because the majority of host institutions were obscure. Three aggregates appeared: at Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15), alAzhar (36), and the mosque-shrine of the martyr, Husayn (33). These serve only to identify several ascetics who were also Sufis attached to a mystic community.116 The other locations suggest a tendency to live in or near the great mosques, the imperial court, or the two mortuary zones, but the problem of locating minor zawiyas and tombs resulted in many lacunae on the maps. The Desert Plain and Qarafa (200, 202) were the mu'taqad's special domain, where they settled along with the guards, caretakers, and their families—none of whom were included in the biographies. Their presence lent a holy, even exotic atmosphere to the mortuary zones. Families who came to visit their ancestors' monuments brought offerings of food and clothing for the local revered person. A family considered itself favored if he chose to honor its tomb with his presence. However, certain mu'taqads withdrew almost entirely from society and retired to secluded areas, such as the desert wilderness of the Muqattam Hills (201). These holy hermits would leave their solitude only to accept food and clothing from their patrons. In summary, information on the mu'taqad in the biographical sources depicted a special group which, although humble, commanded the awe of the greatest in the state. Their social role in the traditional society of Cairo merits more attention than it has received. THE SUFI MYSTICS (Appendix II; List 22) Although individuals joined a mystic community to enter an environment conducive to contemplation, self-perfection, and spiritual harmony with God, they rarely withdrew permanently from society. Members

2/0

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

of an order could engage in numerous temporal activities and still retain their identification with it; Sufis rarely spent the majority of their mature years confined to a hospice. A resident in a khanqah was not barred from involvement with the world. If he chose to seclude himself from it, this was his own decision. The activities of Sufi communities were not open to the public, but members could leave the house and return to it at stipulated times. Two Sufi orders, the Shadhili and the Qadiri, were mentioned frequently in the biographical accounts, but not all individuals identified as mystics were designated as members in one of these. Since the references to Sufis in general greatly outnumbered specific citation of either order, and since the data on members of these orders closely paralleled the information on Sufis as a whole, only the general group was subjected to analysis. The broad dispersion of popular Sufism throughout Islamic societies during the later Middle Ages is widely assumed.117 And indeed, the range of occupations pursued by individuals claiming some tie with the Sufi community was very extensive. Nonetheless, we may not assume that Sufism was uniformly dispersed throughout the civilian elite. Although the bias of the sources would tend to minimize the number of Sufis in executive fields,118 it was also true that there were few citations in diwanrelated fields (II). Allowing for exceptional cases, individuals holding executive office or embedded in the regime's bureaucratic apparatus tended neither to claim a tie with the Sufi community nor to reside in its institutions. This tendency may appear paradoxical, given the intense concern of the Mamluk caste about Sufism. But we have already suggested that the Mamluks, despite their own military and political preoccupations, tended to respect, even to fear individuals exhibiting a special relationship with the divine. Did such awe provide persons associated with Sufism with a buffer, or even a lever, against Mamluk incursion? If it did, then such leverage would constitute a powerful incentive for civilians to develop ties with the Sufi establishment—and to guarantee that the military caste did not. This is all speculation, but it is a fact that individuals who were regarded as minions of the regime cemented few ties with the Sufi community. Those elements of the civilian elite seeking to maintain their autonomy from Mamluk influence dominated the Sufi configuration. The number of Sufis in legal fields (III) constitutes something of an anomaly, as we have seen. Shaykhs, of course, were intimately involved with Sufi communities. But no level of the judiciary was closed to persons claiming some tie with Sufism, although there were fewer of them in each higher rung of the judicial ladder. The implications of widespread

SUFl MYSTICS

271

identity with the Sufi community among the lower judiciary have been discussed, and the steady diminution of such identity in the upper judiciary would seem to be in accord with the standard view of at least latent antipathy between the 'ulama' and the principles of tasawwuf. But the existence of Sufis even at the summit implies that there was no absolute break. Indeed, the pronounced representation of scholastic fields (V) is a caveat against drawing clean distinctions between the juristscholars and the Sufi establishment. Of all civilian elements, the 'ulama' were the most determined to ensure their autonomy under the Mamluk yoke. Identification with Sufism may well have provided a means to that end. There was a strong connection between people in religious fields (VI) and the Sufi community—not unexpectedly, if one assumes that personal piety was a prerequisite to leading public worship. The figures, at the very least, show that there were Sufis in the staffs of foundations dedicated to Sunni religious service. The pattern of occupational sites reveals these people to have been quite widely distributed across the city, largely outside the khanqah network. None of these configurations negated the hypothesis of a relationship between Sufism and public piety; it was quite possibly essential to be a mystic to gain popular acceptance as a spiritual guide. Finally, the concentration of Sufis in artisan-commercial fields (IV) suggests that the social origins of many lay below the civilian elite. The list of artisanal occupations reported for the Sufis, although the largest in the study, only hints at the range of activities engaged in by Sufis who never penetrated the civilian elite. Yet, though our data do not allow us to analyze popular Sufism on its own terms, it does suggest that identification with the Sufis was requisite for persons dealing extensively with the masses, among whom Sufi beliefs were deeply planted. Does it also suggest that, as an 'alim's commitment to orthodoxy intensified, his propensity to associate himself with Sufi beliefs diminished? Both possibilities may well be true, although neither can be tested with solid evidence here. DISTRIBUTION OF

suns (Figs. 27-A, 27-B)

The distribution of Sufis throughout the capital confirmed the predominance of several large khanqahs, all belonging to the elite group. The occupational survey, less focused than the residential, both complemented the primacy of the major institutions and confirmed the prominence of scholastic positions in List 22. The residential pattern showed pronounced aggregation in several institutions. The two khanqahs of Sa'id al-Su'ada' (15) and Baybarsiya (13) together accounted for half

272

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

of all references.119 Shaykhuniya in the southeast also housed a major concentration, but Siryaqus (130) to the north of the city fell well below the levels reported for several madrasa complexes in the Fatimid district. Al-Azhar (36), the multifunctional cathedral mosque, ranked below the two royal madrasas: Ashrafiya (30) and Mu'ayyadiya (51).120 This pattern is important, since it depicts the institutional foundation of the Sufi community in Cairo. The figures for the two Festival Gate hospices indicate their dominant status in this community. The prominence of Shaykhuniya (83-84) and the royal madrasas, however, suggests both the abiding interest of the Mamluk elite in the Sufi establishment and the vital nature of their support. All of these bases of the Sufi network should be studied to probe their role in the professional and political life of the civilian elite, and to see whether, in fact, Sufism gave these people leverage in civilian politics.121 THE COPTS (Appendix II, List 23) Individuals identified by the word qibt figured prominently in the biographical sources. The term referred to persons descended from Coptic lineages. Virtually all the cases in this study were themselves practicing Muslims, as were their fathers and often their grandfathers. Yet they were still regarded as "of the Coptic people" (min ahl al-Aqbat). They were depicted as having a natural aptitude for accounting and administration, but also an inclination toward treachery, dishonesty, guile, and above all, spiritual ambiguity. Several writers of the period claimed that a Muslim of Coptic descent was potentially a false Muslim.122 Even worse, he was accused of converting to the majority faith, admittedly often under pressure or duress, in order to aggrandize his own position at the expense of his genuine Muslim colleagues. Indeed, this person was frequently accused of converting in order to blaspheme against Islam and to lead true believers astray. Such a false Muslim was always, it was alleged, on the verge of retrogressing to Christian practices.123 The Copts who succeeded in Cairo during the late Mamluk period unquestionably found themselves in a delicate situation. They professed Islam, and yet were not widely accepted as true believers. How many of them were actually backsliders is difficult to assess. Most did retain some ties with their religious past, and many continued to associate with Coptic social groups. This association was the subject of wide discussion, and was viewed as a sign of indifferent adherence to the true faith. Yet Muslim Copts apparently had little choice in the levels of society open to them, since all the indicators point to a state of partial segregation

COPTS

273

from the various elements of the orthodox 'ulama' class. Had they been willingly accepted, these people might have been assimilated into its ranks. They were not accepted, however, and the range of activities they pursued implies the limited extent to which their contemporaries were disposed to allow their penetration into the Mamluk power structure— or their participation in the Islamic establishment. The Mamluks were ready to recruit Muslim Copts to their service, and it is likely that they promoted propaganda hostile to Copts in order to bind them more tightly. Indeed, only the Mamluks stood between the Copts and the potentially dangerous masses of the population: no acts of persecution could occur without their acquiescence. Individual Copts who realized that they stood to lose in any contest on their own with a legitimate Muslim were ready to accept the unattractive conditions of service imposed by their Mamluk overlords, since the latter alone opened the doors of influence and wealth. That Mamluks provided security to Copts largely because they were of use to them did not instill feelings of mutual affection. But whatever the motives, security in return for service was better than none at all. The Mamluks appointed Muslim Copts to several of the highest executive offices of the state, where they often administered the fiscal and procedural affairs of the imperial court and the households of the great amirs. Copts were occasionally rewarded for exceptional assistance in times of crisis with the honorary rank of amir (List 23, Category I). But they were never permitted to engage in any military activities, which remained the exclusive prerogative of the Mamluks, especially those of the first generation. Copts were allowed to infiltrate several levels of the governmental bureaucracy (II). They staffed many segments of the secretarial class. They were appointed to financial controllerships expressly to amass substantial fortunes that they were to share, perforce, with their patrons. Yet only one individual held the post of controller of waqfs in a religio-academic institution, and his social status deviated considerably from the usual.124 In general, Copts appeared consistently in controllerships directly associated with diwans of the government, and did not administer the funds of Muslim institutions, even though they professed the faith. The evidence points, in fact, to the general exclusion of the Copts from offices involved with the functions of the Islamic community. They were rarely recruited as official clerks (muwaqqi's) in either the civil courts or the governmental bureaus, and few ever attained the pivotal office of secretary of the chancellery. During this period, the Muslim Copts do not seem to have gained access to offices endowed with the authority to make decisions affecting

274

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

the spiritual lives of legitimate Muslims. Their role in the bureaucracy was primarily financial and procedural. Few appeared among the stewards (mubashirs) who managed the mundane operation of mosques, colleges, and hospitals. There were no cases of Muslim Copts who were court notaries, because the shahid was first a lawyer trained in the Shari'a and second a bureaucrat. Persons of Christian ancestry were not widely regarded as suited for studies in Islamic Law. Above all, they were not considered legitimate arbiters in legal questions concerning Muslims. Copts were absent from all legal offices (III); not a single case was reported for the entire judiciary. Since the legal profession was a fundamental constituent of the 'ulama' class and its most authoritative element, the absence of Muslim Copts from its ranks implies their marginal status. This hypothesis of marginality is reinforced by the virtual absence of Muslim Copts from the scholarly and religious categories (V and VI). They tended neither to pursue advanced studies in the Islamic sciences nor to minister to the spiritual needs of the Islamic community. Since they were Muslims, many of them would presumably have wished to do so, and one must conclude that they were denied the opportunity. Al-Sakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi did not say why Muslim Copts pursued no studies in the Islamic curriculum. They simply did not record any such studies, as they did so meticulously for persons they considered true believers. In summary, the Muslim Copts emerge from the biographical accounts as a highly specialized group, channeled by both the military and civilian elites into fiscal and administrative activities. There they were useful to the Mamluks who, although rarely adverse to extorting money by any available means, nonetheless displayed little interest—or finesse— in the bureaucratic techniques required by a diwan post. Moreover, a Mamluk could not justify his doings to the extent that his clients could, especially if they were not held accountable to Islamic principles, as he was. The Mamluks proclaimed themselves defenders of the faith, pledged to protect the community of believers from its enemies. In practice, they found the Copts ideal agents for unobtrusive infiltration into the revenue-yielding processes. The notables of the 'ulama' were not as subject to control, and thus were less useful as clients. The picture of the Muslim Copts that emerges from the data thus depicts little justice or fair play, but does suggest skillful adjustment to difficult conditions.

FIGURES 9 THROUGH 27

276

OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

SCALE

x and + symbols are in proportion to circles and triangles

277

Fig. 9.

Central City, Distribution of Katibs (Secretaries) • residential sites A occupational sites

278

Fig. 10-A.

Central City, Distribution of Mubashirs (Stewards) residential sites occupational sites

279

Fig. 10-B.

Environs, Distribution of Mubashirs • residential sites A occupational sites

28θ

Fig. 11.

Central City, Distribution of Muwaqqi's (Clerks) • residential sites ^ occupational sites

28l

Fig. 12-A.

Central City, Distribution of Nazirs (Controllers) • residential sites A occupational sites

282

Fig. 12-B.

Environs, Distribution of Nazirs • residential sites A occupational sites

28 3

Fig. 13.

Central City, Distribution of Nazirs al-Awqaf (Controllers of Endowments) • residential sites Ax occupational sites

284

Fig. 14-A.

Central City, Distribution of Shaykhs (Legal Authorities) • residential sites A occupational sites

285

Fig. 14-B.

Environs, Distribution of Shaykhs • residential sites A occupational sites

286

Fig. 15-A.

Central City, Distribution of Shahids (Notaries) • residential sites A occupational sites

287

Fig. 15-B.

Environs, Distribution of Shahids • residential sites ^ occupational sites

288

Fig. 16-A.

Distribution of Na'ib Qadis (Deputy Judges) • residential sites A occupational sites

289

Fig. 16-B.

Environs, Distributions of Na'ib Qadis residential sites occupational sites

290

Fig. 17.

Central City, Distribution of Qadis (Judges) • residential sites

291

Fig. 18.

Central City, Distribution of Nasikhs (Copyists) • residential sites

292

Fig. 19.

Central City, Distribution of Tajirs (Merchants) • residential sites A occupational sites

293

Fig. 20.

Central City, Distribution of Mu'ids (Repetitors) • residential sites ^ occupational sites

294

Fig. 21-A.

Central City, Distribution of Mudarrises (Professors) • residential sites A occupational sites

295

Fig. 21-B.

Environs, Distribution of Mudarrises • residential sites A occupational sites

296

Fig. 22.

Central City, Distribution of Khazins al-Kutub (Librarians) • residential sites A occupational sites

297

Fig. 23-A.

Central City, Distribution of Imams (Prayer Leaders) • residential sites • , occupational sites

298

Fig. 23-B.

Environs, Distribution of Imams • residential sites A occupational sites

299

Fig. 24-A.

Central City, Distribution of Khatibs (Friday Preachers) • residential sites A occupational sites

300

Fig. 24-B.

Environs, Distribution of Khatibs • residential sites A occupational sites

3οι

Fig. 25-A.

Central City, Distribution of Muqri's (Koran Readers) • residential sites A occupational sites

3 H

>

ζ

δ

H

Si

O η η C

15(2)

Sufi

Qibti

10 (2) (1) 15 (2) (1) 3 (1) (1)

6 (2) (1) 5 (0) (0) 4 (3) (2)

Mu'id Mudarris Khazin Kutub

Imam Khatib Muqri' Mu'taqad

91 (32) 3 (1) (1)

27 (4) (2) 7 (1) (0) 2 (0) (0)

3 (0) (0)

4 (1) (1) 3 (0) (0)

1 (1) (O)

Nasikh Tajir

Shaykh Muhtasib Shahid Na'ib Qadi Qadi Qadi Qudat

Katib Katib Sirr Mubashir Muwaqqi' Nazir · Nazir Awqaf

Nasikh % ex in

(1) (0) (1) (1)

(2) (1) (1) (1) (3) (2) (1) (1) (3) (2)

(2) (1) (1) (1)

ex in

%

Tajir

42 19 86 57 32

11 11 11 10 40 10 ' ' ' ' '

' ' ' ' ' '

ex in

(5) (4) (7) (5) (H) (7) (5) (3) (5) (4)

(7) (4) (4) (3) (7) (5) (4) (2) (6) (S) (4) (3)

ex in

%

Total-W

(1) (1) (1) (3)

2(1)

13(2)

8 9 5 3

(1) (1) (1) (1)

18

103

48 53 28 31

11 12 (1) (1) 54 7 ' ' ' '

' ' '

(6)

(13)

(8) (5) (7) (5) (8) (5) (32)(13)

(3) (3) (5) (3) (5) (4)

4 (2) (1) 17 108 (9)(38) 299 (42) 61 260 (22)(55)

13 4 20 14 23

3 2 7 2

Category IV

16 (8) (6) 23 (8) (5)

12(2)

1 (0)

92 (12)

11 (2) (1) 87 (14)(10) 15 (2) (1) 139 (18)(13) 6 (2) (1) 60 (17)(11) 1 (1) (0)

73 (17) 102 (29)(24) 48 (5) (3) 639 (38) 5 (4) (3) 34 (24)(19)

7 (4) (2)

(28)(20) (5) (4) (11) (7) (24)(17) (22)(15) (22)(17)

3 (2) (1) (1) (0) (1) (0) 14 (5) (3) (2) (2) 21 (13) (9) (1) (0) 11 (4) (3) (2) (1) 139 (32)(16) (1) (1) 50 (19)(16)

16 (2) (1) 225 15 8 (D (1) 82 31 (3) (2) 282 11 (2) (1) 138 3 (2) (2) 27

1 2 4 2 12 3

(1) (0) (1) (0) (0) (0)

(0) (0) (0) (0) (0) (0)

13 28 33 41 193 72

' '

(29)(20) (15) (9)

(40)(28) (H) (8) (21)(13) (35)(25) (32)(23) (34)(27)

(8) (5) (9) (7) (20)(15) (15)(10) (30)(22) (27)(22)

5 (1)

7

208

7 (1) (1) 200 8 (1) (1) 246 1 (0) (0) 123 8

' ' ' '

(2)

(26)

(32)(23) (31)(23) (35)(23) (8) (3)

2 (1) (0)127 200 (36)(48) 11 (1) (1)157 796 (15)(47) 38 (21) 59 97 (42)(54)

4 (2) (1) 57 41

' ' ' ' ' '

' ' ' ' ' '

ex in

%

Total V ex in

7 (D (D 316 30 4 (1) (0) 157 7 (1) (0) 414 3 (0) (0) 203 42

1 1 1 1 2 1

% /O ex in

% /O ex in

% ex in

Khazin Kutub

Mudarris

Category V Mu'id

TABLE 11. (,continued)

C/1

H H W Ι» Z

>

>

δζ

H

α >

O η η

O

M

10 (3) (2) 28 (3) (2) 9 (6) (5)

239 (27) 54 (7) (5) 39(11) (7) 1 (1) (0)

40 (5)

Mu'id Mudarris Khazin Kutub

Imam Khatib Muqri' Mu'taqad

Sufi

Qibti

12 (6) (4) 7 (3) (1)

(2) (1) (3) (2) (1) (1)

Nasikh Tajir

(4) (2) (5) (3) (2) (1)

28 5 39 39 11 1

(2) (0) (1) (2) (2) (2)

Shaykh Muhtasib Shahid Na'ib Qadi Qadi Qadi Qudat

(2) (0) (2) (3) (3) (2)

4 1 3 9 17 5

Katib Katib Sirr Mubashir Muwaqqi' Nazir Nazir Awqaf

ex in

%

Imam

(4) (2) (7) (5) (4) (4)

(1) (2) (8) (3) (4) (3)

(1) (0) (3) (0) (1) (1)

in 7 8 25 23 59 17

2 (1) (0) 38 122 24

37 23 " (11) (9) " (12) (7) " (17)(13)

" (19)(13) " (8) (5)

" (12) (9) " (5) (4) " (19)(12) " (11) (8) " (7) (5) " (7) (5)

» (4) (3) " (3) (2) " (16)(11) " (8) (6) " (9) (7) " (6) (5)

ex in

%

Total Vl ex in

96 14 1 (0) (0) 142 133 46 8

9 (1) (1)

1 (1) (0)

ex in

%

Mu'taqad

34 (4)

1 (0)

38 (5)

19(2) 1

153

(0)

(19)

60 (9) (7) 43 (7) (5) 1 (0) (0) 128 367 (20)(42) 279 (36) 23 (3) (2) 100 379 (13)(36) 20 (6) (4) 196 (36) 6 (2) (1) 74 270 (21)(49) 6 (6) (3) 136 (58) 32 168 (33)(72)

14 (4) (3) 6 (2) (1) 51 (5) (3) 31 (3) (2) 10 (7) (6) 3 (2) (2)

7 (4) (2) 7 (3) (1)

(3) 17 (2) (2) (1) 4 (1) (1) (5) 29 (4) (2) (4) 23 (2) (1) (3) 5 (1) (1) (3) 1 (1) (1)

(O) 2 (1) (1) 1 (0) (6) 7 (4) (2) 2 (1) (3) 11 (2) (2) 2 (1)

14 (7) (5) 5 (2) (1)

30 5 55 59 28 5

1 5 13 9 24 8

ex

%

in

%'

ex

Muqri'

Khatib

Category Vl

322 105 424 461 250 34 91 197 73 496 38 238 279 187 136

1126 379 1183 1642 899 157

790 274 756 1181 637 122 197 288 272 471 348 421 1037 1676 142 180 634 873 787 1066 352 548 97 233

296

785

82 100 59 116 169 56

203 252 142 80

70 451 32

73 119

263 81 317 400 234 33

67 92 50 98 162 52

(85) (90) (76) (59)

(96) (91) (84)

(80) (60)

(82) (77) (75) (87) (94) (97)

(82) (92) (85) (84) (96) (93)

>^J

Total Individuals Percentage of with Other Individuals with Total Individuals Positions Other Positions

162 252 303 403 161 227 279 409 637 872 269 321

Total Positions ex in

TABLE 11. [continued)

CHAPTER

V

A TRIPARTITE ELITE: CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES

WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW HE preceding study has explored the nature of the element that linked ruler and ruled within the greater urban society of Mamluk Egypt. Specifically, the inquiry examined the civilian elite of Cairo from two perspectives: its ethno-geographic composition and its professional organization. A picture emerged of a learned class with common values deriving from the religious consensus and uniform training of its members, but of a class nevertheless internally differentiated by its various degrees of cosmopolitanism and its occupational diversity. The members of the civilian elite derived from no single class or restricted stratum of the populace. Social mobility remained a reality as well as an ideal even during the later medieval period. It stemmed in large measure from the egalitarian principles of the faith—orthodox Islam—which were inculcated by the education that most of the elite had received. In theory at least, an individual's status within the civilian elite was determined by the extent of his formal training in the law of Islam, regardless of his personal background. The literary skills he acquired qualified him for a wide range of careers, and one of the characteristic features of the man of learning was his multicompetence—his ability to hold positions in diverse occupational fields at the same time. Yet the analysis of the biographical data revealed clear evidence of professional specialization. Numerous cases were found of individuals educated in the common Islamic foundation, but whose subsequent careers followed tracks which diverged so markedly that a person in one office might have no access to another attained by a different route. Such specialization reflected the wide variety of backgrounds revealed in the biographical records, but it also resulted from the fact that many positions required specific skills that only experience of a relevant kind could provide. Yet although certain offices were closed to those who had not followed the appropriate career track, the exclusivity of office must not be exaggerated. The analysis yielded evidence of many professional men who did indeed cross over into other fields. The matter of differentiation and exclusivity was therefore only one of degree. From the myriad patterns of officeholding yielded by the analysis, three broad occupational categories can be identified: bureaucrats, juristscholars, and religious functionaries.1 The proportion of foreigners (those

T

312

A TRIPARTITE ELITE

313

not native to the Cairo-Delta zone) in each category varied markedly. Bureaucrats tended to originate in the major cities of the Mamluk empire, although some came from farther afield. The chancellery and higher dlwans were staffed almost exclusively with personnel of urban background, well versed in diplomacy and finance. Foreigners were deliberately placed in key positions throughout those bureaus that processed domestic information or correspondence from other states. The juristscholars were recruited even more widely. The analysis suggested that regional identity was less important than their similar training and cosmopolitan outlook as a condition of their employment. In sharp contrast with both preceding groups, however, the religious functionaries came mostly from the Cairo-Delta zone, and their relative parochialism appears to have related directly to their calling. The variations in the geographic origins of individuals in each category can be correlated with their contrasting activities. The multifaceted pursuits of the three groups fit into a logical schema if official duties are distinguished from practical functions. The former were overt, the latter often covert. Yet these practical services often assumed the most importance to an individual holding a set of offices and coping with the vagaries of an erratic political environment. Bureaucrats were formally employed as administrators and archivists. They translated the regime's will, often expressed as capricious edicts, into a feasible policy. Diwan officials maintained time-tested procedures that could survive the whims of an unstable regime. They were systematizers who made the administrative apparatus work. Their techniques of documentation had evolved from policies devised by secretaries during the 'Abbasid period centuries earlier. Yet their official responsibilities did not encompass the essential services they performed, either for their patrons or themselves. Bureaucrats sought to procure revenues, legally or illegally, on behalf of their Mamluk patrons, who in return guaranteed their clients' positions. This reciprocal relationship is critical to our understanding not only of civilian-militarist relations, but the quality of government itself during this era. As the regime's tool, the administrative apparatus concentrated its innovative facilities on its primary, albeit clandestine, objective. Diwan officials were accomplished masters in the fine arts of extortion, embezzlement, bribing, and forgery, which yielded reliable revenues, possibly in excess of those obtained through legitimate channels. Thus, the relationship between bureaucratic client and military patron was a symbiotic one, and although the bureaucrat's influence reached far, it was ephemeral. Without question, of the three occupational categories, the bureaucratic was the least autonomous.

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In light of the demands it placed on the bureaucrats, the ruling elite sought to recruit particularly trustworthy personnel to staff its network of diwans. Relying on long-standing precedent, the Mamluks tended to appoint either Muslim clients of proven loyalty or members of a religious minority, both of whom could be subjected to a variety of pressures. The profile reported for bureaucrats as a whole reflected these recruitment procedures. Among those who manned the bureaus, two elements stood out: Syrian Muslims whose faith was undisputed, and Egyptian Copts who professed Islam but were regarded as suspect nonetheless. Both groups exhibited administrative sophistication and proven dependability. Both had received their training in major centers of government: the Syrians in the provincial capitals, the Copts in the imperial ministries of Cairo. These two elements contrasted sharply. On the one hand, few Coptic officials were accepted as genuine 'ulama' because of their dubious credentials as Muslims. On the other hand, the Syrians were for the most part recognized as true believers, and their status as 'ulama' was unquestioned; they managed to penetrate other professional fields more readily than their Coptic associates. Even so, the two elements were compelled to cooperate in pursuit of their objectives. Both depended on the ruling elite for their status; they rose or fell with their patrons. And both groups—along with their Muslim Egyptian colleagues—tended to restrict their careers to diwan-related activities. Service as revenue procurers branded even persons of unquestioned faith as agents of the regime, and thus as unfit to interpret the Shari'a or to guide public worship. For their own part, many bureaucrats, regardless of their credentials as believers, resigned themselves to a client relationship with the military elite. Even if they had initially aspired to a legal, scholarly, or spiritual office, their career tracks often barred access to such positions. And in the final analysis, power was attrartive, even if perilous. In Mamluk society, a civilian could pursue few alternative routes to gain it. For most bureaucrats, power and the wealth it generated compensated well enough for their unsavory image. Unlike their counterparts in the diwans, jurist-scholars saw themselves as learned custodians of Sunna. They exercised their prerogatives as lawyers and educators on the grounds of their erudition in the Islamic sciences. In contrast to the bureaucrats, jurist-scholars wielded enormous moral authority unmatched by any real capacity to compel obedience. Their prestige resulted in large part from their credibility as guarantors of orthodoxy and communal probity in the face of adverse political circumstances. Viewed from this perspective, the dichotomy between their formal duties as jurisprudents and their parallel role as educators acquired a rationale based on practical experience. As litigators, jurist-scholars were confined primarily to civil matters.

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They influenced the affairs of state only in their subordinate capacity as advisors. But by guarding their exclusive control over Sharf litigation, the jurist-scholars retained their authority to interpret divine law, which was the pillar of the Islamic community and superior to the state itself. As judges, the jurist-scholars were in practice dependent on the state to enforce their decisions. As scholar-interpreters, however, they commanded a sphere of independent action. They institutionalized their independence in an elaborate religio-academic network that they controlled by manipulating appointments and promotions. Although the regime supported this network financially through endowments, the jurist-scholars decided who among their number would fill its professorial chairs. In this light, even the regime's prerogative to appoint judges was qualified by the jurist-scholars' regulation of their own infrastructure. In theory, the sultan determined who would receive major judgeships throughout the empire. He could thus place his own candidates, influence the implementation of formal litigation, and demand official justification for his arbitrary decisions. But in reality, the regime was obliged to select its candidates for the bench from a body of individuals highly conscious of their interests, who not only set the standards for official orthodoxy but designated the roster of personnel qualified to serve as jurisprudents at any given time. Consequently, even in the courts the regime's intrusion was curbed by the solidarity of the jurist-scholars. Every stage of the educational process helped shape the outlook of the future judge toward his vocation, and equipped him to deal with those who might compromise its autonomy. The geographic composition of the jurist-scholars accorded with their formal duties and professional organization. The lawyer-teachers—and their upper echelons in particular—may be regarded as members of a truly international fraternity: the Sunni 'ulama'. In Cairo, their cosmopolitan qualities may be attributed in part to the maintenance by royal fiat of all four legal schools. Many, possibly a majority, of the individuals appointed to the three minority judgeships (Hanafis, Malikis, and Hanbalis) were born elsewhere. These qadis heard fewer cases than their Shaffl colleagues, but they maintained a living tradition of orthodox scholasticism in the colleges, where most held professorships in their respective madhhabs. A question emerges whether these judges formed interest groups centering around their legal affiliations, and whether such groups embraced foreigners in the city. So far, we have no hard evidence on this, although institutions noted for their emphasis on the minority schools of the Shari'a had concentrations of non-Egyptian scholars and students associated with them. In any case, the issue of foreign interests relates directly to the larger

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problem of professional solidarity. Foreign and indigenous scholars alike appear to have shared attitudes toward their calling and the ruling authority. No statements appeared in the biographies of foreigners to set their views on these matters apart from those of the native majority. Whatever the nature of foreign interests in the capital, they were almost certainly integrated into the upper ranks of the religio-academic system. The jurist scholars, despite their diverse origins, thus shared a universal vision of their faith, a uniform scholastic method, a self-serving conception of recruitment, and a defensive attitude toward political authority. For these reasons, erudite foreigners blended quite easily with the local literati to form a close-knit professional class. Turning from interpreters of Shari'a to religious practitioners, our perception of their contribution to society becomes clearer in light of the demonstrated correlation between their formal duties and practical services on the one hand and the patterns of their geographic origins on the other. In comparison with either the bureaucrats or jurist-scholars, religious functionaries wielded the least power. By virtue of their official duties, they stood aloof from the affairs of state, and accordingly had little or no say in the decisions that determined the political destiny of their community. But by setting moral standards through pious example, religious functionaries personified the ideals of the Prophet and his companions. These values were transmitted through the ages as their legacy. For the ordinary believer, such ideals were the essence of the faith. They were primarily communicated by those whom the local populace regarded as their own. The holy person's manifestation of piety was, in most cases, tied to his long-term residence in the local region or neighborhood. Quite often he descended from a venerated lineage. His stature as an exemplar of morality was based on his personal contact with the people who revered him. The local divine's capacity to inspire his flock grew slowly from countless examples of his commitment to the faith and special services to his constituency. His pious aura was less transferable than the scholarly erudition that learned men attained the same way throughout the Muslim world. The cosmopolitanism of jurist-scholars and parochialism of religious functionaries therefore accorded with their respective vocations. These were the three major occupational categories. I have summarized how cosmopolitanism and differentiation interacted in ways peculiar to each. The issues that remain are more speculative. They shift the discussion away from the realm of fact to the forum of hypothesis. Yet these questions merit consideration because they confront areas of controversy in the discipline more directly. These issues, as I see them,

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are as follows: the relationship between foreign and indigenous elements of the civilian elite, the curriculum pursued in the religio-academic network, and the interplay between intermediary status and autonomy. The first two questions lead into yet another: the place of orthodox doctrine in local tradition. As striking as it was among more refined circles, cosmopolitanism was less noticeable throughout the lower levels of the civilian elite, regardless of category. We are left with an overall impression of foreign groups embedded within a regional learned class whose roots extended deep into the Cairo-Delta zone. More significantly, persons who moved to Cairo from abroad were attached to a limited number of prominent religioacademic institutions. This does not necessarily imply their social isolation, since the evidence suggested mutual association whenever contact between foreign and indigenous scholars took place. But the native 'ulama' appeared as the medium that disseminated among the lower orders the universal Sunni principles professed by more cosmopolitan figures. This pattern of intercommunication between foreigners and Egyptians at the elite level provides an insight into the capacity of Cairene society to maintain a genuine commitment to universal orthodoxy while remaining true to its own local traditions. Contact between learned non-Egyptians and the masses thus seems to have been infrequent. Sporadic association certainly occurred, since specific instances of it were reported in the biographical sources. Yet there were few cases of foreigners contributing spiritual guidance to the community at large. The image that we have depicts them engaged in the litigation, scholarship, and mystic observances characteristic of other regions. There is no reason to assume that non-Egyptians surrendered their international identity after establishing themselves in the capital. As a body of scholars who were highly aware of their station, they continued to maintain ties with their peers abroad. They may have promoted their influence through circles of students and teachers from the same countries or factions based on the legal schools and Sufi orders. None of these possibilities prohibited involvement with the local 'ulama'. But whether foreigners were assimilated into the greater society is less clear. One can speculate that this tendency prevailed widely in the Islamic world. It lends plausibility to the case for universal doctrine (high Islam) thriving in the context of regional, even syncretistic, beliefs held by the masses. The probable restriction of cosmopolitanism to a limited segment of society does not imply that the public was unaware of a foreign presence in their midst. Wide respect accrued to literati of non-Egyptian origin from both the indigenous 'ulama' and the general populace. No

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disharmony was reported in the sources. Rather, this hypothesis suggests that universal theory was fused with local practice in such a way as to allow both dimensions of belief to coexist. These observations presume close ties binding the civilian elite to an institutional network. What do these ties indicate about the second issue: the topics that were discussed in this network? The prominent colleges and shrines clearly supported a well-defined professional organization. A uniform curriculum was elaborated, expounded, and transmitted in them. Yet these core institutions formed only part of a larger whole. The famous houses trained a minority of those whom the biographers designated as 'ulama'. What about the majority? Most must have received formal educations, for how else could they be classified as learned or qualify for positions requiring advanced training? Nevertheless, if this majority did pursue higher studies, the biographers rarely mentioned them. Does this phenomenon accord with genuine fact or is it the consequence of the compilers' bias? Al-Sakhawi in particular stressed the continuity of classical tradition. Did he disregard the curricula of all but eminent persons, those who made the most legitimate contributions to scholarship? Not entirely, since the studies completed by individuals of little importance were mentioned on occasion, if not elaborated on. But the pattern that emerged from the subjects and works that al-Sakhawi listed clearly stressed orthodox consistency. Few deviations from the standard mold ever appeared, and we are left with few hints of doctrinal disparity. Was there a connection between uniformity of curriculum and the absence of references to persons studying in the majority of educational institutions? Al-Sakhawi was disinclined to report any topics other than those that conformed with standardized courses in the elite colleges. Indeed, he regarded the revival of classical purity as his mission in life. He sought to inspire public confidence in orthodox solidarity by identifying individuals whose academic careers exemplified Sunni ideals. What, then, was taught in the other institutions? One is led to assume curricular uniformity throughout the central Islamic lands during this period. The scholars who composed the learned establishment were dedicated to teaching an extant, perfect, and complete corpus. Blatant defiance of the accepted disciplines and texts would be unthinkable, in any case, under the conditions of Egyptian society in the later Middle Ages. The Mamluk regime would tolerate no open break with established scholarly canons. And the judiciary, which pledged itself to uphold the unity of legal principle and to defend the integrity of the Shari'a, was distributed throughout the entire collegiate system, with several important district courts housed in otherwise undistinguished madrasas.

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There is thus no cause to postulate radical deviation anywhere in the educational system. But since the courses taught in the majority of institutions cannot be traced, the possibility of local variation cannot be ruled out. We are only certain that the more visible colleges monopolized neither litigation nor scholarship. The prominent institutions seem to have dominated higher learning because the sources included only the topics that were expounded under their auspices. Nor did doctrinal conservatism automatically imply uniformity in pedagogical procedures. AlSakhawi was preoccupied with alleged lapses of standards because he believed such lapses to be symptomatic of a greater danger: religious heterodoxy. His silence is suggestive in itself, because it could point to variations in local practice. This most informed of prosopographers may have been disinclined to record the studies undertaken by the majority of the persons he described for reasons other than their insignificance as scholars. He might have attempted to deemphasize any departure from orthodoxy by omitting references to it in his biographical compendium. But even if open dissent from orthodoxy can be discounted on the grounds of the political and intellectual climate of the age, the potential for incomplete transmission may not. The incidence of sinecurism, which was widespread in many lesser institutions, lends credence to this possibility. Even if eminent scholars occupied chairs at lesser colleges, they did not necessarily focus their attention on students enrolled there. If we consider the educational background of those individuals who ascended to the top of the learned elite, their conspicuous absence as students from the less distinguished training centers may attest to both substandard programs and minimal opportunities for cementing ties with important colleagues at these houses. These possibilities raise a host of intriguing questions. Institutions of secondary rank constituted the bulk of the religio-academic system. Yet in all likelihood, they were not as carefully monitored by either agents of the regime or theological purists among the culama'. Could unsanctioned disciplines be expounded there more openly? More significantly, could established canons within legitimate fields be criticized with less risk of detection or public outcry? In such settings, could local variants in Sharf tradition be more expeditiously collated with formal belief? These questions cannot now be answered, but until they are, our understanding of scholasticism during the later medieval period will remain defective. The final issue leads the investigator farther afield. What does the phenomenon of autonomy imply about the role of the civilian elite as intermediaries between the Mamluks and their subjects? At the very

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least, it qualifies the view of the 'ulama' as a category of persons who were equipped intellectually and psychologically to serve in many diverse capacities at the same time. The concept of mediation as a series of concrete vertical interactions within the social hierarchy is valid.2 The argument here relates the issue of social solidarity in the face of political adversity to the occupational differentiation and variations in personnel observed in the three major categories. How did intermediary status and autonomy interact to distinguish each group from the others? The activities of the bureaucrats demonstrated a systematic character as aspects of fiscal aggrandizement. Therefore, mediation in the case of diwan officials fulfilled the wishes of the ruling elite rather than the needs of the masses who bore the burden of their demands. One can assume that the civil population reacted negatively to this type of service. It certainly cannot be termed advocacy. Because of their role as procurers, bureaucrats required a dependent, symbiotic relationship with their patrons. The conditions of their employment hardly encouraged them to develop positive strategies to resolve long-term flaws in the economy. The Mamluks themselves gave their clients little incentive for maintaining a positive attitude toward government. As argued in Chapter One, if an individual attempted to apply honest standards to his duties, he undermined his own career. Thus, the roots of the regime's fiscal dilemmas were in large measure instrinsic to the system itself. As their biographies so vividly attested, most of the 'ulama' who suffered disparagement during their careers had elected to join the regime's service. Crossover between the bureaucracy and the other categories occurred, to be sure. Power and wealth could exert an irresistible attraction on the ambitious civilian. But the individuals who were coopted suffered a loss of personal prestige as guardians of correct belief since fiscal corruption was clearly a departure from the principles of the Shari'a. These people sacrificed their professional integrity by accepting a client's position and thereby reduced their credibility in the eyes of the community. Credibility was at the heart of the status enjoyed by jurist-scholars. Their designation as mediators in the traditional sense of advocacy seems appropriate if we consider occasional reports of judges authorizing popular rebellions or interceding on behalf of persons subjected to gross injustice. Nevertheless, this interpretation is qualified by the limited reach of the qadis' practical jurisdiction. Moral authority and social prestige were vital to the 'alim's position as a respected pronouncer of legal opinions, but what powers did such authority grant him? Was selfinterest compatible with the principle of spokesmanship in any case?

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These queries point to the jurist-scholars' relationship with society and their own identity as a profession. In Cairo, under the watchful eye of the sultan, the upper ranks of the juridical-scholarly establishment stood somewhat aloof from the problems of the masses. Although they were acknowledged by the common people as the leaders of the Muslim community, the impact of their litigation, especially on the lower orders, is difficult to assess. Moreover, the Shari'a courts could do little to mitigate the excesses from on high that ordinary people endured as a fact of life. But the jurist-scholars' perception of themselves as an interest group goes far to explain their approach to higher education. It also provides us with a model for analyzing their place in society. The data patterns in Chapter Four depicted the network of religioacademic institutions as the training ground for the 'ulama', the young scholar's point of entry into a learned brotherhood. The formal purposes of the instruction he received in the colleges were sound interpretation of Sunna and the preparation of lawyer-teachers who were also of true faith. Its practical purpose, however, was to determine the membership of a profession. These three objectives were fully compatible. An aspiring student's primary goal was to build up the personal contacts necessary for his placement and subsequent promotion—either in the judiciary or the madrasas. He did not aspire to become an intellectual innovator, because this would have compromised his convictions as a devout Muslim. Rather, he devoted his creative energies to developing peer ties. The peer bond grew from the student's association with his professors, who, after assessing his capacity to absorb the content and legitimate explication of a canonical text, formally certified his competence as a scholar. It was this act of certification, the ijaza, plus the professors' opinion that the novice had developed the proper conception of his calling, that admitted the student to the body of 'ulama'. A beginner's success was therefore measured primarily by his ability to duplicate his superiors' work and follow in their footsteps. This definition of success posed no threat to the underriding scholastic charge of the 'ulama': to preserve a corpus of teachings intact for future generations. Such a charge might allow for local modifications, provided that they were neither openly acknowledged nor permitted to challenge central tenets of the faith. An educational process that emphasized rote memorization and personal contact with masters whose depth of conviction was unquestioned could accommodate minor variations with little threat to the principle of orthodoxy. An instructor's reputation may have taken precedence over the specific curriculum items he taught. Unbridled inquiry,

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however, was quite another matter. It might transform the latent question of heterodoxy implicit in local discrepancies into a burning public dispute. Thus, the lack of intellectual innovation in this system derived from the fact that it neither facilitated the formation of peer ties nor promoted a method of inquiry that tolerated local custom. Returning to the broader question of the 'alim's contribution to society, does the model of an interest group accommodate the principle of advocacy? This is unlikely under the conditions of the age. The ideal of custodianship must be weighed against the realities of the Mamluks' rule in the heart of their realm. Denied the capacity to enforce their will, jurist-scholars could rely only on their moral authority and professional integrity. They sought to secure both by maintaining their independent control over the religio-academic establishment. Their autonomy was thus effectively limited to their role as guardians of Sunna.3 But this role should not be underestimated. The term "advocacy" and all that it connotes was unsuited to either the jurist-scholars' self-image or the options available to them. However, their capacity to defend their independence augmented their credibility in the eyes of the populace as guarantors of moral truths before a highly amoral regime. Jurist-scholars set an example for the faithful by demonstrating that their class could surmount the coercion of an autocracy that so flagrantly defied such truths. To the religious functionaries, moral influence derived from pious example rather than learned erudition. Unlike the schoolmen, their multifaceted activities put them in touch with every echelon of Cairene society. From their career profiles, religious functionaries appeared as the most autonomous component of the civilian elite. Yet the highest of them associated closely with the members of the ruling regime. The intimate confessional relationships between imams or khatibs on the one hand, and Mamluk amirs on the other appeared repeatedly in their biographies. Did personal association with the military caste restrict an imam's utterances or censor a khatlb's opinions? We are not sure. But the almost total exclusion of Mamluks from religious fields, and their extraordinary respect for personal baraka suggest that venerated figures maintained their own autonomy even when they accepted a patron's support. The Mamluks themselves were not disposed to manipulate religious functionaries so long as the latter avoided open confrontation. How then is the intermediary role of these figures to be defined? In their case the impact of arbitrary rule can be linked to the possibility of communal transcendance: the capacity of individuals to cope with inequity by rising above it as a group. The role of revered persons

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provides the clearest example of how a noncorporate society found cohesion in its faith and solace from its oppressors. A wide gulf separated a prayer leader in the imperial court or a Friday preacher in al-Azhar from a lowly mosque intendant or devout ascetic in a poor quarter. But their manifestation of piety joined them together and won them public esteem. Their life style persuaded others of its efficacy as well as its blessedness. Accordingly, devoutness was a vital stabilizing force in an otherwise unstable universe. The person endowed with baraka radiated security and self-confidence. At all levels of society, those who held religious offices embodied trusted values and continuity with the past. For this reason, the common people seem to have empathized more with them than with the jurisprudents or scholars. That revered figures commanded the respect, even awe, of the military caste added enormously to their stature. On the basis of such unrivaled popular esteem, the religious functionaries may be seen as the symbolic legitimators of an entire confessional community. Once again, spokesmanship seems inappropriate to their situation. Direct intercession on behalf of the downtrodden rarely emerged as a tactic resorted to by civilians during this period. Rather, spiritual figures surrounded themselves with a revered aura. It was this that qualified them in the popular mind to promulgate the regime's edicts in the mosques without surrendering their autonomy to them or even condoning them. Religious functionaries, therefore, symbolized collectively the rectitude and permanence of the Muslim community. Drawn from all its social elements, they could deal with their overlords without being coopted by them. So long as their independence, granted by God himself, remained unchallenged, so could the greater community sustain its trust in His unfailing commitment to them—and the conviction that worldly power was peripheral to His ultimate plan. In this way, symbolic legitimation contributed decisively to solidarity in the face of adversity. Unlike priests, Muslim religious functionaries radiated baraka without disassociating themselves from temporal affairs. The masses were able to identify with revered figures as an honored, yet approachable, dimension of themselves. Consequently, to the extent that they represented the whole community, their independence from the regime could be extended symbolically to all its members. Regardless of how onerous or disquieting the Mamluk presence might be, it could be endured if the community rested assured of its own permanency, which the regime could not threaten. The autonomy of religious functionaries, recruited from the most humble as well as the loftiest stations, demonstrated the validity of God's abiding promise to protect the Muslim

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community. The respect they received from the ruling elite, otherwise so impervious to civilian influence, was concrete proof that He would never abandon it. Open challenges to the Mamluks' domination or intervention on behalf of their victims were inconsistent with the stance of the holy men who, rather, through their pious example, proved that they could transcend the sufferings of this life. They could not eliminate oppression itself because no civilian possessed the power to alter the political order in any fundamental way. But they could alleviate oppression by demonstrating how superficial it was in the divine scheme of things. This stance strikes the western observer as supremely conservative. And so it was. Continuity and stability were fundamental values in the political turbulence of the Muslim world during the later Middle Ages.4 Yet from the perspective of these very values, the example set by religious functionaries meant a great deal to the common man or woman who possessed neither the education nor the outlook to indulge in abstract speculation on the conditions governing their lives. Adroit procurers, learned custodians, pious legitimators—the civilian elite embraced them all. Their ties to the seat of power encompassed widely differing relationships according to the characteristics and options of each group. Their ultimate services were equally diverse: fiscal aggrandizement, guardianship of the law, communal transcendance. These contrasts are crucial to our understanding of a social system in which prerogatives were delegated from above but not surrendered. In Mamluk Egypt, as in its Muslim neighbors, final authority was vested at the top, never to be given away through charters. This concept of delegated authority encouraged the evolution of exceedingly subtle grades of subordination. These determined an individual's rank in the political hierarchy but not his standing in society. If authority was monopolized from on high, key civilian elements never relinquished their own prerogatives either, thereby coping quite imaginatively with the grim fact of their political inferiority. This type of system differed sharply from the corporate approach to the distribution of power in western Europe. To be sure, Cairo during the fifteenth century did not encompass all aspects of social organization in premodern Islamic cities. Many distinct urban cultures flourished in the Muslim world, each exhibiting as many disparities as common traits. But the political order in a great metropolis like Cairo differed significantly from its counterpart in any European city. Since no Muslim society attributed corporate meaning to abstract institutions before the Ottoman period, the approach that evolved in Mamluk Cairo was con-

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sistent with the prevailing conditions of authority, while remaining consonant with the dictates of Islamic tradition. In closing, I wish to offer a remark concerning the interpretation of sources. Medieval Islamic documents rarely spell out the questions raised during the course of this study. This is no small matter, for if we limit ourselves to the explicit in our documents, medieval Islamic historiography offers few prospects for progress beyond description. The lack of overt commentary may well have been due to the noncorporate nature of social institutions in the traditional Near East. It may also have reflected the hesitation of writers to lay bare their strategies for dealing with adversity. In other words, they may have deliberately obscured these devices to ensure their viability. Yet the Mamluks' toleration of certain forms of social dissidence, such as popular crime and sporadic violence, suggests that they were aware of their subjects' subtler maneuverings on occasion.5 They may have recognized that their subordinates' strategies were difficult to eliminate but profitable to exploit. The Mamluks shared the concern of the civilian elite for preserving communal cohesion, if for no other reason than to simplify their own task. As a small minority, the Mamluks' effort in governing the empire was rendered less troublesome if key civilian elements helped quiet the masses, resigning them to the inertia of alien rule. But if the military elite tacitly acknowledged some of the strategies contrived by its subjects to mitigate its excesses, then the reason for their concealment is even more perplexing. In the absence of explicit commentary, this and other paradoxes can be explored only after the investigator restructures his sources to discover hidden trends. A procedure of this type invariably runs the risk of distortion. But if the historian conducts his search in the tradition of Ibn Khaldun, with an abiding commitment to accuracy of context, the rewards of his enterprise will outweigh its pitfalls.

APPENDIX I.

A SURVEY OF MAJOR INSTITUTIONS

The following institutions are described according to the groups they formed, which may be considered collegiate clusters. These were the sites most frequently mentioned in the sources, and were the centers of intellectual and spiritual life in Cairo during the fifteenth century. It is evident that none of these institutions functioned in isolation from one another, but were interrelated in a collegiate fashion. However, they were ranked at differing levels of prestige and reputation. THE FESTIVAL GATE COLLEGIATE GROUP The first cluster to be considered was located in the northeast district of the old Fatimid city, near the Festival Gate and Square (Bab al-'Id). Sa'td al-Suada (15) 1

This khanqah, the oldest in Egypt, was founded by Salah al-Din in 569/11731174. Its title derived from a laqab of an individual whose house Salah al-Din occupied as a base for his Kurdish troops. This was the eunuch (Ustadh) 'Anbar, deceased in 544/1149-1150. Salah al-Din converted the house into a khanqah "in support of the Sufi poor newly arrived from remote lands."2 The sultan endowed it with several waqfs based on an orchard near Elephant Lake, a bazaar (qaysariya) in the city, and two provincial towns: Nahiyat Dahmar and an unspecified site in Bahnasawiya province.3 Salah al-Din specified that each Sufi should receive foodstuffs, meat, and bread every day, and he had a bath built for the community.4 Ultimately, this khanqah was recognized as "the Sufi house" because of its primacy. Its rector took the title of grand shaykh (shaykh al-shuyukh). The khanqah accumulated further endowments throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Its grand shaykhs were drawn from men deeply involved in affairs of state.5 It attracted many renowned scholars, and by A. D. 1400 it was regarded as housing the most illustrious assemblage of Sufis in the Mamluk empire. The social backgrounds of the residents now rarely corresponded to Salah al-Din's wish that the convent provide for poor mystics from abroad. By the turn of the fifteenth century, the khanqah was at the zenith of its wealth and prestige. Maqrizi notes that during the reign of Barqiiq some three hundred Sufis were resident. He provided rather specific details about their support. Every day each person received: three flat loaves to weigh three ratls of bread, a portion of meat at one-third rati, and its accompanying broth. Every month each Sufi received a portion of confections and soap, and every year clothing worth forty dirhams or its monetary equivalent.6 However, during Barquq's reign disputes erupted over disposition of the khanqah's substantial

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waqf endowment.7 Maqrizi's description of these disputes and the resultant collusion of prominent grand amirs with the affected parties provides an example of the complex interrelationship between members of the military and civilian elites. The example clearly depicts the final authority of Mamluk amirs to decide between contending factions, even when a board of prominent jurists was appointed to reinterpret the waqf writ. Nonetheless, that a commission of inquiry was duly summoned by the sultan in response to complaints raised by the Sufis does suggest the extent of their influence over the military elite. In the year 806/1403-1404, when Egypt suffered a severe famine, all waqf yields diminished and several entirely ceased to produce.8 Throughout the fifteenth century, the khanqah's prosperity rose and fell according to the varied currents of the Egyptian economy, but it retained its primacy among the monastic houses. A significant percentage of the scholarly and religious establishment of Cairo spent some time as members of its community. Baybarsiya (13) 9

This khanqah, located a short distance north of Sa'id al-Su'ada', was founded by the amir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Jashankir in 706/1306-1307, prior to his enthronement. It was also referred to as al-Rukniya after its founder's laqab. The institution consisted of the khanqah itself, a hospice (ribat), and the amir's tomb, all connected by a gallery along the street that contained several shababik for public recitation of the Koran. The complex covered one-and-one-third feddans of valuable city property. After Baybars several amirs contributed waqfs to the khanqah, most of them drawn on shops in the Lance Dealers' bazaar and the Zuwayla quarter. Baybars spent an enormous sum of money on the interior decoration of the structure, and Maqrizi considered it to be the most sumptuous khanqah in Egypt. In 709/1309-1310 it maintained a community of four hundred Sufis, including those in both the cloister and the hospice. Of these, one hundred were former troopers (ajnad) and, therefore, apparently were retired Mamluks.10 The Sufis received allotments of food like those provided in Sa'id al-Su'ada'. Maqrizi also noted that Baybars established Hadith specialists and Koran readers in his tomb to recite the Scriptures and Prophetic traditions over his grave. The waqfs for this were established in Damascus, Hama, Minyat al-Makhlas in Jlza, Upper Egypt, the Delta, and on several mercantile establishments and qaysariyas in Cairo.11 After Baybars' deposition by al-Nasir Muhammad's partisans in 708/ 1309, the khanqah was closed for twenty years. It was then reopened with its waqfs restored. In 776/1374-1375, Sultan Sha'ban II added to these endowments, providing every Sufi with a monthly cash allowance of seven dirhams in place of certain food allotments. This was subsequently raised to ten dirhams. During the late fourteenth century, several famines diminished the waqf yields, and after 796/1393-1394 only jurists (fuqaha') and troopers (ajnad) were to be admitted. Maqrizi remarked that persons of humble origin were still living there in his day, but they had all entered prior to 796. u In other words, by A.D. 1400 the khanqah functioned as a residence for both the learned and retired military elites, to the exclusion of the poor.

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Jamaliya (16) This third institution of the Festival Gate group was a madrasa founded by the amir Jamal al-DIn Yusuf al-Ustadar in 810/1407." The amir equipped his madrasa lavishly in the somewhat parasitic fashion of the period by purchasing a large collection of books assembled by Sultan Sha'ban in the Citadel from Sultan Hajji for 600 dinars. This raised a controversy, since many of these volumes had been copied under waqfs in support of other institutions that held a claim over them. A staff was appointed for the madrasa consisting of a Sufi shaykh, professors in fiqh and Hadith from the four legal schools (eight in all), and a professor of Koranic exegesis. Provisions were made to support their students, each of whom was to receive three ratls of bread per day and thirty dirhams per month (with no mention of meat). Each professor was to receive 300 dirhams per month." In addition, the madrasa supported an imam and his family, prayer callers, servants, and stewards. Amir Jamal al-Din took care to outfit the madrasa like a palace because he intended to retire in it. He set up waqfs from his own fief in Jlza so that his descendants would be the executors.15 After his arrest and execution by Sultan Faraj in 812/1409-1410, these waqfs were confiscated by the crown, although the madrasa remained open. Only part of the book collection was returned to its original location. Amir Jamal al-Din's son and his niece's husband were able to regain control of the waqfs and to restore them to the family after several years. Maqrizi provides an outline of their manipulations that makes interesting reading.16 The family held the office of nazir thereafter. Maqrizi noted that Amir Jamal al-Din spent 12,000 gold dinars on the construction of the madrasa.17 Qarasanqunya, Hijaziya, Sabiqiya (14, 17, 18) Three other madrasas were an integral part of the Festival Gate group, although they were not as prominent as the institutions discussed above. They were founded during the fourteenth century by Mamluks concerned both about providing for their descendants and about establishing a scholastic institution to their memory. The oldest of the three madrasas was founded by Amir Shams al-Din Qarasanqur al-Mansuri, the viceroy, in the year 700/1300-1301.18 The complex included the madrasa, a masjid, and a Koran school (maktab) for orphans. A professorship in fiqh was endowed in the madrasa, and the amir's own house was put in a waqf trust to support it. The waqf and office of nazir remained under the control of Qarasanqur's descendants until 815/1412-1413, when the family died out. The second of these institutions was established in 761/1359-1360 by a daughter of al-Nasir Muhammad, Khiind Tatar al-Hijaziya, wife of the amir Baktamur al-Hijaz!.19 The princess established waqfs to support professorships in both Shafi'i and Malik! jurisprudence. The first individual to hold the Shafi'i chair was Siraj al-Din 'Umar ibn Raslan al-Bulqini, noted previously. An imam and Koran readers were appointed, a library was collected, and a Koran school for orphans was founded with a post for the teacher. Maqrizi supplied details on special gifts to the staff and students during festivals.20

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The third of these institutions was built at the order of the eunuch amir Sabiq al-Din Mithqal al-Anuki, commander of the sultan's Mamluks, in 763/13611362.21 This madrasa supported a professorship in Shafi'i jurisprudence. The first to hold the post was the eminent scholar Siraj al-Din 'Umar ibn 'All alAnsari, known as Ibn al-Mulaqqin, who taught many of the individuals surveyed in this study. A Koran reader was also appointed, a public fountain installed, and a library and an orphanage established. These three madrasas appear strikingly similar in terms of founders and range of provisions supported by waqfs. Their relatively small staffs did not reduce the quality of instruction, since famous scholars were attracted to the posts. THE BAYN AL-QASRAYN COLLEGIATE GROUP A group of extremely prestigious institutions was founded, starting in the late Ayyubid period, on the site of the ceremonial square that once separated the two Fatimid palaces in the center of the rectangle. This collegiate cluster consisted of seven institutions devoted primarily to legal scholarship or public service. These seven stood at the zenith of the academic hierarchy of the Mamluk state. They were the forum of the most prominent and successful figures in Egyptian scholarly life during the later Middle Ages. Virtually every important scholarteacher of the period studied or taught at at least one of them. Many did work in several. Four of these seven institutions were founded by Mamluk sultans, who were willing to allow the 'ulama' relative independence in allocating the enormous endowments they provided to bring their foundations up to the level of the others in the group. The seven were located from north to south along the Bayn al-Qasrayn, as follows: the Kamillya, Barquqiya, Nasiriya, and Mansuriya madrasas, and the Maristan al-Mansuri immediately behind Qala'un's t o m b all on the west side of the street. On the east side, continuing south, were the Zahiriya and Salihiya madrasas. These seven are discussed in chronological order of their founding. Kamillya (19) This madrasa, known also as the Dar al-Hadith al-Kamillya, was founded by Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil in 626/1229.22 It was established to train scholars primarily in Prophetic traditions and secondarily in jurisprudence. Property in several quarters of the Bayn al-Qasrayn district was placed in waqf trusts to maintain its activities. Until the turn of the fifteenth century this madrasa represented the most respected center of scholarship in Prophetic traditions in Egypt. After the famine of 806/1403-1404, however, it suffered a severe decrease in revenues and entered a prolonged decline. Most of the individuals appearing in the biographical sources who studied and taught there did so prior to this date. Salihiya (26) This madrasa was the last major Ayyubid contribution to the academic establishment in Egypt. It was founded by al-Malik al-Salih Najm al Din Ayyub in

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639/1241-1242 and was completed in 647-648/1249-1251. The madrasa formed a complex with the sultan's tomb, built by the famous Shajar al-Durr.23 In 641/ 1243-1244, professorships in jurisprudence for each of the four schools were endowed. This marked the first time all four madhhabs were maintained in a single institution. The waqfs of the madrasa were increased by Sultan Aybak in 648/1250-1251, and again by Sultan Berke Khan ibn Baybars, who established waqfs on the Goldsmith's Bazaar adjacent to the complex, on other sites in Cairo, on the town of Al-Mahallat al-Kubra in Gharbiya, the Jaza'ir of Jiza province, and Atfih province.24 The professorships in the Salihiya madrasa were thus among the most lucrative in Cairo, as were the stipends available to their students. In 730/1329-1330 Amir Jamal al-Din Aqush al-Ghazawi, viceroy of alKarak, endowed a post for a khatib in the Shafi'i Iwan (hall) at fifty dirhams per month. Subsequently, the position of imam and prayer caller were established.25 Maqrizi stated that these munificent waqfs survived the depressions and political upheavals at the turn of the fifteenth century and rendered Salihiya among the wealthiest madrasas of his day. The Koran readers of this institution were attached directly to the tomb itself, and were supported from waqfs set up on the estate of Shajar al-Durr.26 The Salihiya madrasa also functioned as the supreme judicial tribunal of the state. In its portico iwan, the four chief justices heard cases referred to them from the lower courts. Since their decisions could be questioned, if not dismissed, by the sultan alone, this madrasa was the final civilian appelate court of the empire. The grand qadls were, of course, served by a host of notaries, scribes, and jurisconsults. Therefore, al-Salihlya was much more than a center of worship and scholarship. As the most prominent seat of civil litigation in Cairo, it was a forum of state politics and intrigue. Sultans monitored its activities to assess political sentiments of the 'ulama'. No legal student aspiring to a judgeship could hope to locate himself more suitably than here to learn both the law and statecraft at first hand. Zahinya (23) Sultan al-Zahir Baybars al-Bunduqdari founded this madrasa in 660/1262 and witnessed its completion in 662/1263.27 A vast waqf was established to support it, drawn on many properties in Syria. Professorships in both Shafi'i and Hanafi jurisprudence, Prophetic traditions, and Koranic readings were set up. A Koran school for orphans was established next to the madrasa. Baybars also granted a waqf on the Sultan's quarter (rub') between Bab Zuwayla and Bab al-Kharq.28 By A. D. 1400 this madrasa was one of the most respected in Egypt, and was considered to offer the most comprehensive instruction in Shafi'i and Hanafi jurisprudence in Egypt.29 Mansunya (22) This madrasa and tomb were located inside the main gate to the Mansiiri hospital. They were built by Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur QaIa un in 683-684/1284-1285.» Professorships in the jurisprudence of the four madhhabs and in medicine were established in the madrasa. In the tomb (qubba), professorships in the four

33^

APPENDIX I

schools, Prophetic traditions, Koranic exegesis, and textual drills and recitation were established on the basis of a waqf set up by a grandson of Qala'iin. This waqf encompassed the taxes from an entire village district, Dahmashat alHammam in Sharqiya province, and yielded 4,000 gold dinars a year.31 Sultan Qala'iin himself endowed a major collection of books in the tomb, most of which were sumptuously bound. Maqrizi remarked that both scholars and students were struck with awe at the imposing atmosphere of the tomb. No other academic institution was considered to provide an equivalent setting for study and contemplation. Al-Maristan al-Mansiiri (28) The major hospital of Cairo was founded by Sultan Qala'iin in 683/1284 and completed the following year.32 The sultan wished to establish an institution unparalleled in the Muslim world, and endowed the hospital with waqf s yielding about one million dirhams a year to cover its operations.33 The hospital occupied the area behind the Mansuriya madrasa and tomb, extending back to the next street. It was built on the cruciform plan, with four central iwans and numerous adjoining chambers and halls. The iwans were each provided with fountains to guarantee a ready supply of clean water for consumption, treatment, and sanitation. The staff included both physicians and pharmacists ('aqaqir) to treat patients and administer medicines to them; a host of special servants (farrashun), male and female, waited on patients.34 Teachers (mu'allimun) were appointed to train these servants, although we have no details as to what sort of training they received. The iwans were equipped to handle specific disorders: one each for fevers, eye diseases, surgery, and dysentery; there was a separate hall for women.35 There was also an area reserved for rheumatics and anemics (mabrudun), divided into male and female quarters with separate facilities for preparation of food. There were kitchens and areas for storage of foods, herbs, and medicines, and a treasury for receipts. Living quarters for the staff, headed by the chief physician, were provided in the hospital. If one considers the role of the maristan as a home for convalescents and the aged in addition to the array of functions and facilities mentioned above, it is possible to surmise the complexity of the Mansuri hospital.36 Nasiriya (21) This madrasa constituted part of the vast building program undertaken by Qala'un's son, al-Nasir Muhammad.37 The madrasa was actually founded by Sultan al-'Adil Katbugha, but completed by al-Nasir Muhammad in 703/13031304. The building was considered one of the most impressive in the city because of its interior. Its gate had been transferred from the Roman Cathedral in Akka, lending an incongruous touch of European Gothic to the madrasa. Al-Nasir Muhammad established several waqfs on the Qaysariya of Amir 'AIi in the shurbiish38 merchants' street in the Duhaysha quarter, and on shops of the Bab al-Zuhuma section—both in Cairo—and on a property outside Damascus. Al-

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333

Nasir buried his son, Anuk, in the madrasa tomb, and endowed a waqf to support Koran teachers there. Professorships in jurisprudence of the four madhhabs were established, and an imam was appointed for the mosque. A large library was installed in the madrasa. Maqrizi noted that a special guard of eunuchs was posted in the foyer to prevent strangers from gaining access to the inner iwans.39 Every month students, readers, and faculty received an allotment of sugar, and every year the meat from the Sacrifice Festival was divided among them. Maqrizi considered al-Nasiriya among the most significant madrasas of the city. Barquqiya (20) This madrasa is the only institution of the Bayn al-Qasrayn cluster dating from the Circassian period. Sultan Barquq founded it in 786/1384-1345, and established a khanqah there as well.40 Barquq chose this site for his own pious contribution to Islamic society because he was keenly aware of the renown of the extant institutions along the Bayn al-Qasrayn. He was willing to acquire the site from descendants of Qala'un at great expense in order to establish there the institution named for him. Since this madrasa played a role comparable to those of its sister schools, it is certain that Barquq endowed it lavishly, and directed its scholars to form the curriculum based on jurisprudence in the four madhhabs and the related Islamic sciences. Barquq took a personal interest in the construction of the madrasa, and visited it on occasion to view its progress and to attend prayer services in the completed sections. The institutions discussed above formed the two major clusters discernible in the biographical sources. The other prominent institutions of the northeast and southeast districts did not have similar patterns. There were considerable differences between them in terms of relative wealth, reputation, numbers of students, and their backgrounds. THE MOSQUE OF AL-HLAKIM AND THE BAB AL-FUTUH—BAB AL-NASR AREA (3, 144, 146) This immense structure is one of the most imposing monuments surviving from the Fatimid period.41 Because of the controversial reign of its founder, the early history of the mosque has always been well known. Successive rulers continued to keep the mosque in good repair. After the earthquake of 702/1302-1303, much of the structure was rebuilt.42 Sultan Baybars II al-Jashanklr organized a madrasa based on waqfs drawn on properties in Jiza, Upper Egypt, and Alexandria.43 The by-then standard policy of establishing a professorship in each of the four orthodox schools was followed here. Also, a professorship in Prophetic traditions was endowed. Maqrizi noted that provisions were made to support a large number of students. The first appointee to the chair in Shafi'i jurisprudence was Badr al-Din Muhammad ibn Jama'a, who became one of the most eminent lecturers in Cairo during the fourteenth century. A substantial library and school for orphans were founded, a host of Koran readers was appointed,

APPENDIX I

334

and a large cistern fountain was built, drawing its water directly from the Nile. All told, Baybars invested about 40,000 dinars on the renovations and new endowments.44 These endowments were maintained throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and yet this institution cannot be said to have ranked with the great madrasas of the later Middle Ages in terms of students. The north walls of this mosque belonged to the northern ramparts of the northeast rectangle, and separated the Victory and Succor Gates. The Victory Gate represented the terminus of the Main Avenue (Qasaba) (145), and led into the populous Husaynlya suburb (142). The areas immediately north and south of it were important market centers. The Succor Gate led directly into the cemetery bearing its name. Many little zawiyas were clustered about it, and one of the two funerary oratories of Cairo (4) was located here. The Succor Gate was considered a holy place imbued with baraka and spirits. Groups of pious ascetics tended to congregate in its vicinity. AL-AZHAR AND ITS CHAPELS (34-37) The foremost mosque of the Mamluk empire and one of the most illustrious of the Muslim world requires no general description.45 During the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods, successive sultans and amirs added fagades, halls, chapels, and minarets to the original simple rectangular structure, until the present assemblage of different styles emerged. Maqrizi tells us something about the quality of academic and spiritual life at al-Azhar while describing the disruptive actions of Amir Sudun al-Qadi, the grand chamberlain, who was appointed nazir in 818/ 1415.46 This rapacious figure appeared on the scene at a time when the mosque had attained an extraordinary degree of wealth and influence. Maqrizi stated that resident students, referred to as '"poor" or "indigent," alone totaled some 750 persons, drawn from Iran, Egypt, and the Maghrib. These students, organized into arwiqa or nations, enjoyed a level of popular support unequalled by their colleagues in other institutions of the city. The opportunity for plunder presented by charitable bounty accumulated over generations was not lost on Amir Sudun. He drove the students out of the compound and confiscated their possessions. Al-Azhar ceased temporarily to function as either a mosque or a madrasa. Ultimately, Amir Sudun, accompanied by a retinue of "servants, slaves, and riff-raff," set upon the remaining occupants of the mosque while they were at evening prayer, beating many and confiscating hoards of booty. Although the nazir was arrested some months later by the sultan and exiled to Damascus, his actions illustrate quite clearly that not even the most revered institution in Cairo was secure from Mamluk spoliation. The biographical sources do not indicate that al-Azhar enjoyed scholastic primacy over comparable institutions. Rather, it seems to have combined a number of functions more varied than those of its contemporaries. In any case, al-Azhar never truly identified with either of the two collegiate clusters of the central city, and retained its own distinct character. Two chapels, serving as collegiate hospices, were built into the Azhar complex.

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335

The earliest of these was founded by Amir 'Ala' al-DIn Taybars al-Khazindari in 709/1309-1310.47 A Shafi'I professorship was established and a library assembled. Maqrizi dwelled on the sumptuous furnishings of the chapel, particularly the carpets spread out for Friday prayer. The second chapel was commissioned by Amir 'Ala' al-Din Aqbugha 'Abd al-Wahid, an ustadar of Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad. It was completed in 740/1339.48 The institution was specifically reserved for Sufis and Koran readers, and a staff consisting of a shaykh, mu'adhdhin, imam, and servants was appointed. Aqbugha stipulated in his waqf endowment that the office of nazir go to the Shafi'i qadi of Cairo, and provided subsequently for the support of his own descendants. The waqf was established on shops in the "Below the Apartments" section (165) due west of the Bab Zuwayla (167). Maqrizi stated that these chapels were functioning in his own day and retained their separate identity. ASHRAFIYA (30) The last two institutions considered here that were located in the Fatimid rectangle were both founded by Circassian sultans. Neither of them formed an element of a collegiate cluster; like al-Azhar they stood out as distinct institutions. What they lacked in age and in prestige of cumulative academic reputations they compensated for by wealth. Both institutions functioned as madrasas and as hospices for Sufis. The first was the work of Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf Barsbay, constructed between 826 and 827/1423-1424.49 It was located immediately to the west of the Main Avenue, at the entrance to the Amber Dealers' bazaar. Although Maqrizi provided no information on the endowment program established to support the madrasa, the sultan's waqf testament gives the specific details. A scholar from each of the four madhhabs who specialized in Prophetic traditions and jurisprudence was to be maintained at the compensation of 3,000 specie dirhams per month (the equivalent of fifty silver dirhams) and six loaves of wheat bread per day. These four professors were to teach their disciplines according to a prescribed curriculum, with the books specified. The extent to which the sultan himself selected the works is uncertain. It is likely that he merely approved the decisions made by influential scholars he respected, who supervised the drawing up of the waqf testament. The number of students in all four madhhabs was not to exceed sixty-five at any one time. Sultan Barsbay displayed the preference of his caste for the Hanafl affiliation by providing five Hanafl students with 1,500 specie dirhams per month and twenty students in the three other madhhabs with the same amount, to a total of 7,000 dirhams. Each student was to receive three loaves of bread per day. Two nazirs were appointed to administer the madrasa, one in charge of registration and student attendance, and the other of the budget. Each was to receive 100 dirhams per month and three loaves of bread per day. Positions for two librarians and one calligrapher were established, each to be compensated at 300 dirhams per month and three loaves per day. The relative salaries for these offices are noteworthy.

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APPENDIX I

The two controllers were paid much less than any of the resident scholars, suggesting their lower rank and possible lack of formal education. Thus they might well have been prone to manipulating budgets and charging students special "fees" in order to narrow the gap between their salaries and those of the faculty. An elementary school for thirty orphans was established for the purpose of their instruction in writing, recitation, Koran, and calligraphy. The orphans were to receive collectively 2,000 dirhams per month and ninety loaves a day. Individually, they were to receive two sets of clothing per year, one for winter and one for summer. The orphans were placed under the care of a teacher (mu'addib) who was paid 300 dirhams per month and the predictable three loaves a day. The level of his salary would indicate that he was a recognized faculty member of the madrasa. Sultan Barsbay maintained an active interest in the construction of his madrasa, and attended Friday prayer services even when the structure was only partially finished. He also buried his wife in the madrasa prior to its completion.50 In general, the biographical sources indicated that this madrasa remained a major scholastic institution throughout the fifteenth century. Its faculty chairs offered attractive benefits to recognized scholars. MU'AYYADIYA (51) The second of these institutions was founded by Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh in 819/1416.51 It was located immediately north of the Bab Zuwayla (167) on the west side of the Main Avenue, and occupied the sites of a former caravansaray and prison. The structure included the mosque-madrasa and the tomb of the sultan and his family.52 Sultan al-Mu'ayyad spent 40,000 dinars on its construction. He inaugurated the core of a library by transferring a large collection of books from the Citadel to the madrasa. He had appointed his close associate and secretary of the chancellery, Qadi Nasir al-Din Muhammad ibn al-BarizI, khatib and librarian of the madrasa, and the latter presented some five hundred volumes to the collection at a cost of 1,000 dinars.53 Ibn al-Barizi had personal reasons for investing in the library, since the two posts to which he was appointed were reserved for his descendants. Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh was eager to seek out the most eminent scholars of the day to fill professorial chairs in his madrasa, and he succeeded in engaging the most famous specialist in Koranic exegesis in Egypt, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, who accepted the post of lecturer in Shafi'i jurisprudence. Chairs in the other three schools were occupied by men of similar fame.54 A chair in Prophetic traditions was also established. A rector or shaykh of mystic principles to head the Sufi community of the madrasa and an imam to lead public prayer were appointed, thus completing the basic staff. Throughout the remaining years of his life, al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh maintained a keen interest in his madrasa, attending services and lectures, and interring members of his family there. Due to his lavish endowments, the madrasa became one of the prominent academic institutions of the fifteenth century.

337

MAJOR INSTITUTIONS INSTITUTIONS OF THE SOUTHEAST SECTION

With a few exceptions, the religio-academic institutions of the zones between the northeast rectangle and the Citadel represented the efforts and aspirations of Mamluk sultans and amirs. Only the mosques of Ibn Τϋΐϋη in the Qata'f area and al-Salih TaIaV (52) below the Zuwayla Gate were founded before the fourteenth century. The imprint of the expectations of the Mamluk elite may be detected intermittently throughout the scattered references in the sources to the institutions they founded. Shaykhiimya (83-84) The most prominent of the institutions established in the southeast was the madrasa and khanqah complex founded by Grand Amir Sayf al-Din Shaykhu al-Nasiri, ra's al-nawba, in 756/1355.55 It was located on the Cross Street (173) between the Tulunid mosque and the Citadel Square. The complex, bisected by the street, occupied more than a feddan of properties purchased from merchants and householders of the QataT district. Maqrizi considered the complex to be one of the most important centers of learning in Egypt. Amir Shaykhu estab­ lished professorships in the four madhhabs, Prophetic traditions, and Koranic readings. He placed control of the critical office of nazir al-awqaf for the khanqah in the hands of its shaykh and rector, apparently aware that a member of his own caste would be certain to exploit the office to the detriment of the order.56 Maqrizi mentioned that positions for twenty Sufis were endowed in the madrasa, but did not provide a figure for the much larger khanqah itself.57 However, he stated that the waqfs set up to support both the madrasa and khanqah were so vast as to cause widespread comment and to attract scholars and mystics from all over Egypt and the Muslim world. The institution retained its great wealth until the famine year of 806/1403-1404. Its holdings would have been enough to weather the crisis, but Sultan Faraj confiscated some of the waqfs, thus inaugurating a period of gradual decline throughout the fifteenth century. Dur­ ing its prosperous years, both staff and students enjoyed a high standard of living, virtually identical to the level provided by Sa'Id al-Su'ada', which Amir Shaykhu wished to emulate.

INSTITUTIONS OF THE CITADEL SQUARE AREA The Maydan al-Rumayla or Citadel Square (171) was the focus of royal cere­ monial activity in the capital. It was also the terminus of many important streets. To the immediate south, the Cemetery Gate (176) led into the vast Qarafa mortuary zone (177) with its specialized population. The second funerary oratory of Cairo, al-Mu'mini (75), was located at the Qarafa Gate. The entire square was surrounded with monuments, and the Chain Gate (Bab al-Silsila) (133) on the east side of the square constituted the formal entrance to the imperial court. The largest of the royal mosques in Egypt was founded on the west side of the square by Sultan Hasan in 757/1356 (74).58 The building has never ceased to

33«

APPENDIX I

inspire awe in those who view it, despite the vicissitudes it has experienced. Yet it did not play a significant role in the academic system during the fifteenth century. Maqrizi noted that the sultan spent 20,000 dirhams a day on its construction, which lasted three years. The total amounted to 1,000 mithqals of gold. As a result of the collapse of its northern minaret in 762/1360-1361, 300 persons died. Many of these were orphans maintained in the mosque elementary school. This would suggest the large number of persons maintained in the institution. Sultan Hasan established waqfs in several cities both in Egypt and Syria, and confiscated the estates of many amirs to support the mosque. Yet this was not reflected in biographical references to academic activity during the fifteenth century. Quite possibly, the political embroilments of the later fourteenth cen­ tury that engulfed the structure discouraged scholars from teaching there. There were other madrasas around the square, but the only one meriting comment was built in the Citadel itself (68) by Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qala'un in 718/1318.59 It served as the mosque of the sultan and his family, and subsequently of the long line of Ottoman pasha governors and autonomous Shuyukh al-Balad until Muhammad Άΐϊ erected his Byzantine edifice. Maqrizi did not provide details about its staff or endowment, but a number of individuals in the biographical sources resided there. The mosque is important because members of the royal family received their educations in it. The office of khatib in this royal mosque was reserved for the Shafi'i grand qadi, the civilian chief justice of Egypt. THE AMIRATE MADRASAS These institutions, which set the standard for the southeast sections of Cairo, shared several characteristics. All were founded (from A.D. 1300 into the fifteenth century) by Mamluk amirs who lavished enormous sums on their construction, regardless of the state of the economy or vitality of the regime. These institutions may be said to represent an expression of anxiety on the part of the amirs who sought to enshrine an aspect or memory of themselves in something permanent, even if they used extorted money to do so. They realized how transient and ephemeral their own careers were. Actually, several of these madrasas are note­ worthy expressions of late medieval architecture, due primarily to the vision of the architects who were not obliged to spare in their efforts. Since these insti­ tutions had so many characteristics in common, a description of one of the most prominent will serve to illuminate the group. 60 Sarghatmishiya (92) The most eminent representative of the amirate colleges was founded by Sayf al-Din Sarghatmish al-Nasiri, ra's al-nawba, in 757/1356,61 who purchased the site to the immediate east of the Tulunid mosque. Amir Sarghatmish endowed his madrasa with several waqfs established on sites in Egypt and Syria in support of higher studies of the Koran, Prophetic traditions, and Hanafl jurisprudence.

MAJOR INSTITUTIONS

339

One senior and three junior (na'ib) professorships were established, and all those appointed to them were to have demonstrated their scholarly erudition in Hanafi studies. The madrasa was to accommodate sixty students, who were to devote themselves exclusively to research in works by Hanafi scholars. The senior professor was to present a lecture on Hadith and one on jurisprudence each working day. Members of the junior staff each gave three courses or recitation sessions in basic principles of Hanafi jurisprudence every working day. An orphanage school accommodating forty children directed by a teacher (mu'allim) and an assistant ('arif) was established as an annex to the madrasa. The pupils were taught the Koran, calligraphy, and arithmetics. The dedication of the madrasa was a major event, attended by the four grand qadis and many luminaries among the 'ulama'. The biographical sources indicated that the madrasa maintained a distinguished faculty during the fifteenth century. The unusually high percentage of foreign-born scholars who studied there was due partially to its exclusive concern for interpreting works of the Hanafi madhhab to students. THE TULUNID MOSQUE (91) Another institution requiring no general description, the mosque built by Ahmad ibn Τϋΐϋη 62 in the ninth century A.D. to provide his Turkish and Nubian troops with a place for worship had a varied history. It had on occasion been used as a storehouse and hospital. Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qala'iin restored it to active prayer service, and endowed it with waqfs drawn on estates confiscated from several rebellious amirs in support of professorships in jurisprudence, Koranic exegesis, Prophetic traditions, and medicine. Provisions were also made for the appointment of a khatib, imam, farrashun, and prayer callers. A library and elementary Koran school for orphans were established.63 By the early four­ teenth century, therefore, the Tulunid mosque was functioning as a madrasa with a substantial endowment. During the fifteenth century, it had a lowered status in terms of staff and students, even though its fame from earlier centuries was clearly recalled by contemporary historians. INSTITUTIONS OF THE QARAFA AND SAHRA (128, 200, 203) Since these two districts were mortuary zones, the institutions located there were always associated with tombs. Only the great saints whose memories were evoked by the construction of chapels and hospices, or amirs and sultans who wished to embellish their tombs with learned and pious men left institutions capable of attracting members of the 'ulama'. The major mortuary complexes, as indicated in the biographical sources, are described here. The Tomb of Imam al-Shafi'i (115) The earliest of these was constructed around the tomb of Imam al-Shafi'i by Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil in 608/1211.64 The tomb of al-Shafi'i was and remains

340

APPENDIX I

today the holiest Muslim shrine in the metropolis of Cairo. During the fifteenth century it was regarded as a source of healing emanations, of baraka. Pilgrims flocked there from all over the Muslim world to recite prayers while circumambulating the sarcophagus of the great legal doctor. The sick and infirm congregated there either to be cured or to die at the holy site. There were chapels and small schools attached to the tomb, but the complex never assumed the role of a true collegiate madrasa. Indeed, no major college mosque functioned in the Qarafa area. THE MAMLUK TOMBS In the Sahra' or Desert Plain due east of the city, several great Mamluks of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries built their mausoleums. Six of these are cited in the biographical sources: the Mausoleum of Amir Tankiz-Bugha (120), completed in 764/1362,65 the Mausoleum of Amir Yunus al-Nawruzi al-Dawadar (122), completed in 783/1382,66 the joint Mausoleum of Sultans Barquq and Faraj (123), completed in 810/1407,67 the Mausoleum of Sultan Barsbay, completed in 835/1432,68 the Mausoleum of Sultan Inal (125), completed in 859/ 1456,69 and the Mausoleum of Sultan Qaytbay (121), completed in 879/1474.70 Although several of these institutions are in a semiruined state today, they were all built on a grand scale. The obsession of the Mamluks to surround their graves with pious individuals drove them to establish lavish waqfs in support of their mortuary hospices and madrasas. However, the biographical sources indicated that these institutions never achieved a primary or even secondary rank in the intellectual establishment. Their relatively isolated location appears to have been a factor behind this phenomenon. THE OLD CAIRO AREA Although Old Cairo (Misr) and the Nile shore districts maintained numerous religio-academic institutions, only two appeared frequently in the biographical sources. These were the mosque of 'Amr ibn al-'As (113)71 and the Hospice of the Prophet's Relics (Ribat al-Athar al-Nabawiya) (114).72 Both institutions dated from the first century of Islamic rule in Egypt, and were continually restored. Maqrizi's discussion of the mosque of 'Amr did not include details on new waqfs or staff during the Mamluk period. The evidence suggests, however, that the mosque remained an active madrasa of secondary rank throughout the fifteenth century. It definitely received endowments. The Ribat al-Athar functioned primarily as a hospice for pilgrims. Sultan al-Ashraf Sha'ban established a lectureship in Shafi'i jurisprudence there and endowed the post and places for students with a waqf that was still yielding revenue during Barquq's reign. Since the hospice was located on the east bank of the Nile, it was protected by a dyke, the maintenance of which was expressly provided for in the waqf writ. Even so, the hospice was damaged during the floods of 806/1403-1404, and required repairs.

MAJOR INSTITUTIONS

341 SIRYAQUS 73

(130)

The khanqah at Siryaqus some twelve miles north of Cairo represented yet another aspect of the building program inaugurated by Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad. It provided cells for one hundred Sufis to live in seclusion suitable for meditation. The first khatlb of the khanqah, Badr al-Din ibn Jama'a, was also appointed the specialist in Prophetic traditions, and personally witnessed the recitation of twenty traditions by the sultan's son, 'Abd al-'Αζϊζ. Ibn alJama'a became rector of the khanqah and received the title of grand shaykh (shaykh al-shuyukh), the only individual so honored other than the rectors of Sa'Id al-Su'ada' and al-Azhar. During the next half century a market town grew up around the khanqah, which was extremely active on Fridays, when persons came from all over the countryside to deal there. Maqrizi stated that the scholars attracted to the khanqah were among the most eminent in Egypt because they were so luxuriously maintained. Daily, each Sufi received a rati of mutton precooked in broth and four ratls of fine (naqqt) bread. Every month he received forty silver dirhams worth two dinars, a rati of confections, two ratls of olive oil, and two ratls of soap. Every year new clothing was distributed, and special gifts were provided during the annual festivals.74 The khanqah maintained a resident physician, surgeon, and oculist to deal with medical problems. Personal drinking and washing vessels were distributed to each Sufi every Ramadan. AlNasir Muhammad had built a bath into the complex, and in 790/1388 a separate bath for women was added. Therefore, until 806/1403 the institution was ex­ tremely prosperous, supported by the waqfs al-Nasir Muhammad established. After this year of famine and confiscation, its revenues were diminished but never eliminated. The khanqah at Siryaqus remained the most important religioacademic institution outside the city proper during the later Middle Ages.

APPENDIX II.

POSITIONS HELD BY INDIVIDUALS ENGAGED

IN THE TWENTY-ONE OCCUPATIONS OF THE MAJOR GROUP, and by SUFIS AND COPTS

Figures appearing in these lists constitute the basis for Table 11. Totals appearing in the table are derived from the totals of occupational categories in these lists. Definitions of terms appear in Appendix III. Asterisks indicate the positions on the list against which all others are compared.

344

APPENDIX II LIST 1. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY KATIBS

Category I shadd amir mashwara ustadar kashif muqaddam na'ib naqib TOTAL

1 1 7 1 1 1 2 14

Category Π sahib diwan jaysh 1 katib 82* katib 'aliq 1 katib dukkan 1 katib diwan 1 katib diwan jaysh 1 katib mamalik 1 katib muwaqqi' dast ....1 katib sifara 1 katib sirr 9 katib khizana 1 mushrif hawasil 1 mubashir 5 mubashir aqraba' 1 mubashir diwan 1 mubashir diwan jaysh ...1 mubashir awqaf 1 milk umara' 2 mustawfi 2 mustawfi diwan mufrad 2 mustawfi khass 2 muwaqqi' 5 muwaqqi' dast 2 muwaqq' diwan insha' .1 na'ib mustawfi dawla ...1 na'ib katib sirr 1 nazir 5 nazir istabl 4 nazir bandar 2 nazir dawla 4 nazir mufrad 7 nazir jaysh 12 nazir kiswa 1 nazir awqaf 1 nazir khass 7 muhassil 1 wazir 13 TOTAL

185

Category III shahid sharuti shaykh muhtasib na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi maliki mutahaddith wakil bayt mal TOTAL

7 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 22

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV sana'i'i khatt hariri kahhal nasikh mudhahhib khadim TOTAL

345

Category V 1 1 1 1 1 6 11

sha'ir mu'id mudarris mukattib muqri' bukhari muqri' mashaf mutasaddir taktib khazin kutub TOTAL

Category Vl 2 1 1 3 1 .... 1 2 ,,. 1 ,,.. 1

imam muqri' khatib

4 2 1

TOTAL

7

346

APPENDIX II LIST 2. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY KATIBS AL-SIRR

Category 1 shadd amir 'ashara amir rakb ustadar 14 dawadar hajib kashif kashif wajh qibli muqaddam murattib mu'tamin mamlaka .. na'ib 4 rasul firanj 1 TOTAL

30

Category 11 sahib diwan insha' 1 katib 9 katib 'alama 1 katib umara' 1 katib insha' 2 katib diwan insha' . . . 3 katib sifara 1 katib sirr 100* mubashir 2 mubashir diwan insha' .1 milk umara' 2 muwaqqi' 17 muwaqqi' dast 5 muwaqqi' diwan insha' 2 muwaqqi' hukm 1 na'ib katib sirr 9 na'ib nazir jaysh 1 nazir 12 nazir dhakhira 1 nazir ahbas 2 nazir istabl 5 nazir aswaq 1 nazir bandar 2 nazir dar darb 2 nazir diwan insha' 1 nazir diwan mufrad 1 nazir diwan musta'jir ...1 nazir diwan khass 1 nazir haramayn 1 nazir jawali 2 nazir jaysh 33 nazir kiswa 1 nazir mufrad 1 nazir mazalim 1 nazir tawqi' 1 nazir awqaf 1 nazir khass 8 wazir 9 TOTAL

245

Category III shahid shaykh shaykh muwaqqiln shaykh khuddam mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi naqib ashraf qadi qadi shafil qadi hanafi qadi maliki qadi qudat wakil bayt mil

1 7 1 1 1 8 1 1 11 5 22 5 5 7 1 4

TOTAL

81

347

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV tabib rals tabib khattat khadim khadim band TOTAL

Category VI

Category V 1 2 1 6 1 11

mutasaddir mutasaddir iqra' khazin kutub

9 2 11 2 1 1 1 1

TOTAL

?8

mudarris mudarris fiqh

imam muqri' khatib khalawi

1 1 5 1

TOTAL

8

348

APPENDIX II LIST 3. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MUBASHIRS

Category I bardadar murattib jawali ... wakil TOTAL

1 1 1 ,

Category Il shahid diwan mufrad ....1 shahid awqaf 1 sayrafi 1 katib 4 katib ghayba 1 katib sirr 1 mushrif 1 mubashir 59* mubashir hammam 1 mubashir dhakhira 1 mubashir mufrad 1 mubashir hukm 1 mubashir awqaf 3 muqassim 1 mustawfi 1 mustawfi mufrad 1 mutasarrif 1 mutakallim 5 mutakallim awqaf 1 muwaqqi' 3 muwaqqi' dast 1 na'ib nazir awqaf 1 nazir 9 nazir istabl 1 nazir jaysh 1 nazir kiswa 2 nazir mufrad 1 nazir mukus 1 nazir awqaf 2 nazir khass 1 wazir 2 TOTAL

111

Category 111 'aqid shahid sharuti shaykh shaykh sufi amin hukm faqih mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib muhtasib na'ib qadi naqib ashraf qadi qadi hanbali qadi hanafi qadi maliki wakil bayt mal wakil kiswa TOTAL

1 8 1 8 1 1 1 1 3 1 8 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 44

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category bazzāz tājir tajir sukkar tashshāt khādim TOTAL

IV 1 2 1 1 6 11

349

Category V shaykh tasawwuf ismā' mu'allim mu'Id mudarris mudarris shafi'i mudarris fiqh mudarris hadith mudarris tasawwuf muqri' atfāl muqri' aytam nā'ib mudarris khāzin kutub

1 1 1 4 10 1 6 3 1 2 1 1 1

TOTAL

33

Category imam mu'taqad muqri' muqri' tibāq muqri' jawq nā'ib imām khatīb TOTAL

VI

3 1 4 2 1 1 13 25

APPENDIX II

350

LIST 4. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MUWAQQI'S Category I ustadar dawadar na'ib na'ib nuwwab .... naqib TOTAL

Category II 1 shahid kiswa 3 shahid awqaf 4 katib ? katib insha' 1 katib dast 1 katib diwan jaysh katib mawakib turk ... 1 17 katib sirr 1 1 3 mubashir diwan insha'1 1 ? mustawfi ? 1 mutakallim awqaf muwaqqi 116» muwaqqi' insha' 3 I muwaqqi dast K muwaqqi' hukm 1 muwaqqi' mufrad .... 1 na'ib katib sirr 4 nazir 9 1 3 nazir ahbas 1 ? nazir diwan insha' .... 7 nazir diwan khuddam ...1 3 3 1 ? 1 ? 1 7 3 f> TOTAL

223

Category III 'aqid shahid shariiti amin hukm mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi shafi'i qadi kabir qadi mahmal qadi qudat qadi rakb wakil bayt mal ....

2 23 3 2 2 2 1 5 9 27 11 1 1 3 1 2 2

TOTAL

97

shaykh

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV ha'ik hariri nasikh tajir khadim

1 1 4 2 2

TOTAL

10

351

Category V sha'ir shaykh tasawwuf adib mu'id mudarris mudarris shafi'i mudarns nqh mudarris hadith mudarris tafsir muhaddith mukattib muqri' hadith mu'addib mu'addib atfal mu'arrikh mutasaddir muwaththiq khazin kutub

7 2 1 2 11 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 1

TOTAL

41

Category VI imam muqri' jawq na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib T n T J I

9 2 2 1 9 ,,,

APPENDIX II

35*

LIST 5. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY NAZIRS Category I shadd amir 'ishrin amir 'ashara amir tabalkhana amir hajj amir mashwara amir mahmal amir khamsa ustadar ustadar dhakhira ustadar amlak ustadar khass atabek dawadar hajib jundi kashif IaIa

5 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 1 1

mudabbir mamlaka muqaddim murattib murattib jawali na'ib rals nawba saqi wakil wall khassaki khazindar

1 4 1 1 15 1 1 2 1 3 2

TOTAL

62

Category II shahid awqaf 2 sahib 1 muhassil 1 katib 4 katib mamalik 1 katib sirr 9 katib khizana 1 mubashir 7 mubashir hammam 1 mubashir aqriba' 1 mubashir diwan 1 mubashir awqaf 2 muqassim 1 mustawfi 3 mutasarrif 2 mutasarrif sadaqat rumiya 1 mutakallim 5 mutakallim 'ama'ir 1 muwaqqi' 7 muwaqqf dast 2 na'ib mustawfi dawla ...1 na'ib mutakallim 1 na'ib nazir 2 na'ib nazir jaysh 1 na'ib nazir awqaf 2 nazir 169* nazir 'imara 2 nazir ahbas 7 nazir istabl 4 nazir awsiya' 1 nazir buyut 1 nazir sadaqat 1 nazir dar darb 5 nazir dawla 2 nazir diwan ashraf 1 nazir diwan mufrad 1 nazir diwan khuddam ...1 nazir haramayn 1 nazir jawali 6 nazir jaysh 15 nazir kiswa 7 nazir masjid 1 nazir matjar 1 nazir mawarith 2 nazir awqaf 21 nazir awqaf ashraf 1 nazir awqaf jariya 1 nazir khass 6 nazir khizana 1 wazir 4 TOTAL

322

Category III shahid shaykh shaykh sufi shaykh khuddam amin hukm faqih mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib 'aqid na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi naqib ashraf qadi qadi 'askar qadi shafi'i qadi hanafi qadi qudat rasiil wakil bayt mal wakil kiswa TOTAL

12 38 7 1 3 5 5 4 12 1 2 6 31 2 30 6 8 7 2 3 10 1 196

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'amil sarasij 'amil maqass bayya' shira' bayya' marathiyat ghassal lazuward halwal nasikh nahhas qassab sukkar

1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1

mudhahhib tajir khattat khadim khadim dawawin khawaja zarra'

1 7 1 16 1 1 1

TOTAL

40

Category V sha'ir 7 shaykh tasawwuf 6 ishtighal 1 isma' 2 mu'allim atfal 1 mu'id 12 mudarris 73 mudarris shafi'i 5 mudarris fiqh 32 mudarris hadith 11 mudarris hanafi 1 mudarris kashshaf 1 mudarris mi'ad 3 mudarris qira'at 2 mudarris tasawwuf 1 mudarris tafsir 10 muhaddith 5 muqri' bukhari 1 muqri' saffa 1 muqri' hadith 4 muqri' mashaf 1 mu'arrikh 1 na'ib mudarris 2 na'ib mudarris fiqh 1 na'ib mudarris hadith ..2 mutasaddir 4 mutasaddir hadith 1 khazin kutub 2 TOTAL 193

35}

Category VI imam muqri' muqri' hidaya muqri' jawq muqri' khutbat 1Id mu'adhdhin miqati na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib

17 7 1 2 1 1 1 3 1 24

TOTAL

59

APPENDIX II

354

LIST 6. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY NAZIRS AWQAF Category I shadd amir 'ashara kashif kana'is muqaddam murattib na'ib naqib khalifa

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

TOTAL

8

Category II shahid 'imara shahid awqaf katib katib 'allq katib umara' katib diwan katib sirr mubashir mubashir awqaf mustawfi khass muwaqqi' muwaqqi' darj muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' dast diwan Insha' na'ib katib sirr na'ib nazir na'ib nazir awqaf nazir nazir 'imara nazir ahbas nazir istabl nazir buyiit nazir sadaqat nazir dar darb nazir dawla nazir diwan nazir diwan mufrad nazir jawali nazir jaysh nazir kiswa nazir masjid nazir awqaf nazir khass TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 6 1 2 1 1 1 1 27 2 7 4 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 6 1 52* 2 135

Category III shahid shaykh shaykh sufi amin hukm mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib hukm qadi na'ib qadi qadi 'askar qadi shafi'i qadi hanafi qadi maliki qadi qudat rasul wakil bayt mal

7 6 2 3 3 2 8 4 10 10 3 6 2 1 3 2 7

TOTAL

79

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV tajir khadim khadim jawall zarra' TOTAL

2 6 1 1 10

Category V sha'ir shaykh tasawwuf mu'allim atfal

355

1 1 1 1 •>,

18 mudarris λ mudarris shafi'i mudarris athar 1 14 mudarris fiqh mudarris hadith 9 .S mudarris tafsir muhaddith 4 1 muqri' saffa mu'arrikh ? na'ib mudarris fiqh .. 1 na'ib mudarris tafsir ....1 ? 1 mutasaddir hadith .... mutasaddir qira'at ... ? khazin kutub 1 TOTAL

7?

Category VI imam muqri' mu'adhdhin na'ib khatib khatib ...'. TOTAL

5 2 1 1 8 17

APPENDIX II

}56

LIST 7. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY SHAYKHS Category I 1 1 1 1 ? murattib dhakhira .... 1 1 murattib matlub 1 murattib sadaqa 7 murattib tasawwufat ...1 7 1 1 rasul muluk atrak .... 1 1 TOTAL

19

Category Il shahid diwan jawali .. shahid kiswa

1 1 1 3 shahid awqaf sahib 1 katib 1 katib 'alama 1 8 S mubashir mubashir awqaf 1 musta'jir awqaf 1 mutakallim 4 mutakallim awqaf .... 1 muwaqqi 3 muwaqqi' dast 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha ' 1 na'ib nazir 7 nazir 40 7 nazir ahbas nazir buyut 1 nazir dar darb 1 nazir haramayn 1 7 nazir jaysh in nazir kiswa S 1 nazir mazalim 1 S nazir awqaf nazir awqaf jariya 1 TOTAL

106

Category III 'aqid ankiha shahid

shaykh sufi shaykh hanafi amin hukm faqih faqih aytam mufti mufti dar 'adl .... muhtasib na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib muhtasib ... na'ib qadi qadi qadi 'askar qadi shafi'i qadi hanafi qadi maliki qadi mahmal qadi qudat qadi rakb mulaqqin wakil bayt mal ....

1 18 ....322* 2 1 1 9 1 1 10 1 9 8 19 4 12 1 44 34 7 13 16 3 1 3 1 1 4

TOTAL

....547

shaykh shaykh shuyukh .. shaykh shah'i ....

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'amil maqass 'amil mirwah bayya' 'ibar bayya' simsim .... bayya' waraq bayya' khayt sana'i'i harir ghannam habbak kutubi nasikh naqqash tajir burr mukaffit khadim khadim band

TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 12 1 1 8 1 2 1 42

357

Category V 1 shatranji sha'ir in 1 shaykh fiqh shaykh tasawwuf 8 shaykh tadris 1 ishtighal 1 isma 4 ? isma' hadith mu'id 14 ? muld hanafi Ill mudarris S mudarris shafi'i mudarris dar hadith . 1 S7 mudarris fiqh ? mudarris fara'id mudarris hadith ?f> 3 mudarris hanafi mudarris kashshaf ... 1 1 mudarris maliki 1 mudarris mi'ad 1 mudarris qira'at 2 mudarris tasawwuf 13 mudarris tafsir 1 mudarris taqsim 8 muhaddith 1 mukattib 4 muqri' atfal 1 muqri' saffa 1 muqri' sahih 1 muqri' fara'id 2 muqri' hadith 1 muqri' mamalik 1 musiqi ? mu'addib atfal na'ib shaykh tasawwuf .1 na'ib mudarris ? na'ib mudarris hadith ..2 3 nahwi 7 mutasaddir 1 mutasaddir amla' 1 mutasaddir iqra' mutasaddir qira'at ... 1 7 khazin kutub TOTAL

316

Category VI Imam Imam ribat mu'taqad muqn muqri' hidaya .... mu'adhdhin miqati na'ib imam na'ib khatib khatib TOTAL

27 1 1 9 16 1 3 1 2 2 2 30 1 96

35»

APPENDIX II LIST 8. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MUHTASIBS

Category I shadd shadd 'ama'ir sultan amir 'ashara amir tabalkhana amir akhur amir rakb ustadar ustadar dhakhira ustadar amlak ustadar suhba ustadar khass dawadar hajib kashif mihmandar na'ib naqib naqib jaysh saqi wali wakil istabl khassaki TOTAL

3 .... 1 1 1 1 1 8 1 1 2 1 2 5 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 4 43

Category Π \ shahid awqaf 1 katib 1 katib sirr 8 mubashir 5 mubashir 'imara 1 mubashir hukm 1 mubashir awqaf 1 mutasarrif 1 mutakallim 3 muwaqqi' 4 muwaqqi' diwan insha' 1 muwaqqi' hukm 1 na'ib katib sirr 1 na'ib nazir 1 nazir 11 nazir ahbas 8 nazir aswaq 1 nazir buyut 1 nazir dar darb 2 nazir diwan mufrad 1 nazir jawali 2 nazir jaysh 8 nazir kiswa 7 nazir matjar 1 nazir mawarith 1 nazir awqaf 1 nazir awqaf 'ama 1 nazir khass 9 wazir 9 TOTAL

97

Category 111 shahid shurta shaykh shaykh khuddam amin hukm mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi naqib hukm qadi qadi 'askar qadi hanafi qadi maliki rasul wakil bayt mal

6 1 12 1 2 1 105* 1 5 9 1 13 3 5 1 2 8

TOTAL

176

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV ballan kutubi 'amil sukkari tajir khattat khadim

1 1 1 1 4 1 10

TOTAL

19

Category V sha'ir isma' mu'allim mudarris mudarris fiqh mudarris hadith mudarris tafsir muhaddith mukattib minhaji muqri' saffa mu'addib mu'arrikh TOTAL

359

4 1 1 5 6 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 4 30

Category VI imam muqri' muqri' jawq khatib TOTAL

5 2 2 5 14

360

APPENDIX II LIST 9. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY SHAHIDS

Category I amir 'ishrin amir 'ashara amir rakb ustadar dawadar kashif kanals murattib murattib jawali na'ib naqib rasul sultani safir wakil khazin TOTAL

1 1 1 3 2 1 ...2 1 6 14 1 1 1 2 37

Category Il shahid 'ama'ir awqaf ...1 shahid diwan 1 shahid kiswa 1 shahid mahmal 1 shahid awqaf 3 shahid khass 2 ibtal awqaf 1 amr nafaqa 1 sayrafi 1 katib 6 katib amla' 1 katib insha' 1 katib ghayba 1 katib qisas 1 katib sirr 1 mubashir 9 mubashir 'imara 1 mubashir diwan 4 mubashir diwan mamalik 1 mubashir tasawwuf 1 mubashir awqaf 4 mudir 2 mustawfi 2 mutakallim 2 mutakallim 'ama'ir 1 mutakallim awqaf 2 muwaqqi' 25 muwaqqi' umara' 1 muwaqqi' insha' 2 muwaqqi' darj 2 muwaqqi' dast 3 muwaqqi' diwan 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha' 1 muwaqqi' hashariya ....1 muwaqqi' hukm 1 muwaqqi' mawarith 1 muwaththiq 1 na'ib nazir 2 na'ib nazir bayt mal ....1 na'ib nazir sunduq 1 na'ib nazir awqaf hanafiya 1 nazir 13 nazir istabl 1 nazir diwan khuddan ....1 nazir jawali 4 nazir jaysh 1 nazir amlak 1 nazir maqam 1 nazir mawarith 1 nazir hashariya 1 nazir awqaf 6 nazir khass 4 muhassil 1 wazir 2 TOTAL

133

Category III 'adil 'adil majlis maliki 'aqid 'aqid ankiha shahid ...'. shahid jura

sharuti shaykh shaykh sufi arnin hukm faqih mufti muhtasib na'ib 'aqid na'ib 'aqid ankiha na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib hanafi na'ib jura na'ib muhtasib na'ib qadi qadi ....' qadi 'askar qadi shafi'i qadi hanafi qadi mahmal qadi qudat qadi rakb wakil bayt mal wakil kiswa TOTAL

2 1 7 2 424* 3

2 19 3 5 1 1 5 4 1 2 5 1 1 3 89 31 1 3 1 4 1 3 2 1 628

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category 'attar 'amil mawa'Id tabbakh tabib bayya' qutn bazzaz sana'i'I khatt hariri kutubi 'amil mawardi ghassal mujaddid nasikh qazzaz sukkari tajir tajir shurb tajir bitana tajir bahr tajir burr tajir hanut mujallid warraq khashshab khadim kharraz khayyat zarra' TOTAL

IV

1 1 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 1 27 1 1 15 1 1 1 1 — 1 1 1 1 12 1 1 1 86

Category V sha'ir shaykh tasawwuf shaykh sab'a isma' mu'allim mu'allim atfal mu'Id mudarris mudarris shafi'I mudarris iqra' mudarris athar mudarris fiqh mudarris hadith mudarris hanafi mudarris kitaba mudarris qira'at mudarris tasawwuf muhaddith minhaji muqri' atfal muqri' saffa muqri' hadith muqri' mamalik mu'addib atfal mu'arrikh na'ib khazin kutub nazim nahwi mutasaddir mutasaddir qira'at khazin kutub TOTAL

3

18 3 1 1 1 2 8 45 4 1 1 17 8 2 1 1 2 4 2 8 1 9 1 4 1 1 2 1 2 1 4 157

Category imam imam qasr mu'taqad majdhub muqri' muqri' tibaq muqri' jawq mu'adhdhin mu'aqqit miqati na'ib imam na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib TOTAL

VI

6l

38 1 1 1 19 1 9 1 1 2 3 7 3 55 142

APPENDIX II

362

LIST 10. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY NA'IB QApiS Category I agha dawadar murattib na'ib na'ib nuwwab rasul sultan! safir TOTAL

....

1 1 3 3 6 2 11 1 2 1 31

Category !I ahbas 1 7 istabl sufi 1 diwan 1 diwan jawali .... 1 kiswa 1 1 makhbaz awqaf 3 4 1 katib sirr 8 katib warraqin 1 R 1 mubashir hukm mubashir tasawwuf .... 1 6 mubashir awqaf mudir dawalib 1 mudir ma'asir 1 makkas 1 mustawfi 1 mutakallim 6 7 mutakallim awqaf 76 7 muwaqqi' insha' 3 muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' diwan insha ' 1 3 muwaqqi' hukm 4 na'ib nazir awqaf .... 7 39 nazir unara 7 3 nazir ahbas 7 nazir istabl nazir aswaq 1 nazir buyut 1 nazir sadaqat 1 nazir dar darb 7 1 nazir jawali nazir jaysh 7 nazir kiswa I nazir masjid 1 nazir qamhiya 1 nazir awqaf 1? muhassil 1

shahid shahid shahid shahid shahid shahid shahid shahid katib

TOTAL

169

Category UI 'aqid 'aqid ankiha

3 1 81 1 shari' 1 sharuti 42 shaykh shaykh shuyukh ... 1 9 shaykh sufi 1 shaykh fuqara' 1 shaykh khuddam .. 13 4 faqih 1 hakim 12 mufti mufti dar 'adl 14 9 muhtasib 1 damin na'ib 'aqid 2 na'ib shaykh 2 1 na'ib shaykh sufi . 8* 1* na'ib hanafi na'ib muhtasib .... 8 ....461* 2 naqib ashraf ....103 qadi 8 qadi 'askar 3 qadi shafi'i 1 qadi hanbali qadi hanafi 8 1 qadi kabir 1 qadi matlubin qadi maliki 5 11 qadi mahmal 10 qadi qudat 2 qadi rakb 2 rasul 3 wakil bayt mal TOTAL

....838

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'amil 'amil mawa'id tabbakh tabib bayya' marathiyat bazzaz sana'i'i dahshat sana'i'i maqati' sana'i'i naft hariri jabban jarrah jawhari nasikh qazzaz simsar mudhahhib tajir tajir bahr tajir burr mujallid mutakassib hanut khadim zayyat

2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 1 1 1 12 1 1 1 2 14 1

TOTAL

57

363

Category V shatranji 2 sha'ir 14 shaykh athar 1 shaykh mi'ad 2 shaykh tasawwuf 6 isma' 4 isma' hadith 1 mu'allim atial 1 mu'id 31 mudarris 144 mudarris 'arabiya 1 mudarris shafi'i 3 mudarris tibb 2 mudarris tahawi 1 mudarris i'ada 3 mudarris iqra' 1 mudarris athar 1 mudarris fiqh 68 mudarris fara'id 2 mudarris hadith 22 mudarris hanbali 2 mudarris hanafi 2 mudarris kashshaf 1 mudarris maliki 7 mudarris mi'ad 5 mudarris qira'at 3 mudarris tasawwuf 2 mudarris tafslr 11 mudarris taqsim 1 muhaddith 5 minhaji 1 muqri' atfal 6 muqri' aytam 1 muqri' bukhari 2 muqri' saffa 1 muqri' hadith 8 muqri' mashaf 1 mu'addib atfal 1 mu'arrikh 3 na'ib mu'allim 1 na'ib mudarris 5 na'ib mudarris fiqh 5 na'ib mudarris hadith ..2 na'ib mudarris tasawwuf 1 nazim 2 mutasaddir 16 mutasaddir fara'id 1 mutasaddir hadith 1 khazin kutub 7 TOTAL

414

Category VI imam imam qasr athari muqri' muqri' jawq muqri' khutbat 'id mu'aqqit na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib khalwal TOTAL

38 1 1 18 4 1 1 5 4 59 1 133

APPENDIX II

364

LIST 11. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY QADIS Category 1 murattib na'ib naqlb TOTAL

1 3 1 ,-

Category Il shahid makhbaz shahid awqaf katib katib shar' katib insha' katib sirr mubashir mubashir awqaf mudir dawalib mudir ma'asir mustawfi mutakallim muwaqqi' muwaqqi' insha' muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' hukm na'ib katib sirr na'ib nazir na'ib nazir awqaf nazir nazir ahbas nazir aswaq nazir buyut nazir dar darb nazir diwan mufrad nazir haram sharif nazir jawali nazir jaysh nazir kiswa nazir awqaf nazir awqaf jariya nazir khass TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 22 4 4 1 1 1 2 9 1 2 1 1 1 1 26 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 3 6 1 2 112

Category III 'aqid shahid shahid jura shari' amla' shaykh shaykh sufi shaykh khuddam amin hukm faqih hakim mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib 'aqid na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib muhtasib na'ib qadi naqib ashraf qadi qadi 'askar qa4i shafi'i qadi hanbali qadi hanafi qadi matltibin qadi malild qadi mahmal qadi qudat wakil bayt mal TOTAL

3 24 1 1 27 2 2 1 7 1 9 8 9 1 1 19 2 91 1 250* 8 7 5 4 1 4 3 6 3 501

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'attar 'amil mawa'id bayya' marathiyat hariri mahhadh nasikh rahhal tajir tajir burr tajir sabun tashshat mutakassib hanut warrad khadim khawaja zarra'

1 1 1 1 1 2 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1

TOTAL

32

Category V shatranji sha'ir shaykh athar shaykh hadith shaykh tasawwuf isma' mu'id mudarris mudarris shafi'i mudarris fiqh mudarris fara'id mudarris hadith mudarris hanbali mudarris hanafi mudarris kashshaf mudarris maliki mudarris mi'ad mudarris qira'at mudarris tasawwuf mudarris tafsir muhaddith muqri' atfal muqri' bukhari muqri' saffa muqri' hadith mu'addib atfal mu'arrikh na'ib mudarris na'ib mudarris fiqh nazim mutasaddir mutasaddir fara'id mutasaddir hadith khazin kutub TOTAL

365

1 13 1 1 4 2 11 82 3 28 1 10 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 5 6 3 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 1 5 1 1 3 203

Category VI imam muqri' muqri' haram muqri' khutba 'id na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib

11 3 1 1 1 1 28

TOTAL

46

366

APPENDIX II LIST 12. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY QADIS AL-QUDAT

Category I No positions reported

Category U katib sirr muwaqqi' muwaqqi' darj muwaqqi' dast diwan Insha' muwaqqi' hukm nazir nazir 'imara nazir sadaqat nazir jaysh nazir kiswa nazir masjid nazir awqaf TOTAL

4 2 1 1 1 6 2 1 1 1 1 6 27

Category 111 shahid shaykh shaykh shuyukh shaykh islam shaykh sufi amin hukm faqih mufti mufti dar 'adl na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi 'askar qadi hanbali qadi malild qadi qudat rasul wakil bayt mal

1 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 2 7 6 7 7 1 1 34* 1 1

TOTAL

80

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV No positions reported

367

Category V shā'ir 2 shaykh tasawwuf 1 mu'allim mīqāt 1 mu'īd 3 mudarris 11 mudarris shāfi'ī 2 mudarris i'āda 1 mudarris fiqh 3 mudarris hadīth 6 mudarris mālikī 1 mudarris tafsīr 3 muhaddith 2 na'ib mudarris 3 nā'ib mudarris tasawwuf 1 mutasaddir 2 TOTAL

42

Category imam muqri' nā'ib khatīb khatīb TOTAL

VI 1 1 1 5 8

368

APPENDIX II LIST 13. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY NASIKHS Category I

murattib na'ib khassald TOTAL

1 4 1 g

Category U shahid hanut amr naqafa katib katib dukkan katib dast makkas mustawfi muwaqqi' muwaqqi' darj muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' hukm nazir TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 3 18

Category UI 'aqid shahid shaykh shaykh sufi faqih mufti na'ib 'aqid ankiha na'ib hukm na'ib muhtasib na'ib qadi qadi qadi 'askar qadi fard qadi hanbali qadi kabir TOTAL

3 29 3 1 2 1 1 4 1 10 3 1 1 1 1 62

369

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'attar bazzaz sana'i'I kutub ghassal lazuward habbak jammad kutubi fannan nasikh qazzaz mudhahhib tajir tajir bazz warraq khadim TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 91* 1 1 3 1 2 1 108

Category V sha'ir sharih shaykh tasawwuf mu'allim mu'allim atfal mu'id mudarris mudarris iqra' mudarris fiqh mudarris hadith mudarris kitaba mudarris qira'at mudarris tasawwuf muhaddith mukattib muqri' atfal muqri' hadith muqri' mamalik mu'addib mu'addib atfal na'ib khazin kutub mutasaddir khazin kutub TOTAL

3 1 1 1 4 7 7 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 5 2 1 4 1 1 4 57

Category imam imam jami' muqri' muqri' jawq na'ib imam na'ib khatib wa'iz khatib TOTAL

VI

11 1 3 4 2 1 1 14 37

APPENDIX II

37°

LIST 14. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY TAJIRS Category I shādd bardadār hājib mudabbir mamlaka murattib murattib jawālī mawlan rasūl malik firanj safir wakīl TOTAL

2 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 3 2 17

Category II shāhid kiswa shāhid makhbaz sahib mushrif 'amā'ir mubāshir mudīr tāhūn mutasarrif mutakallim mutakallim awqāf muwaqqi' nā'ib nāzir nā'ib nāzir jaysh nāzir nazir ahbās nāzir istabl nāzir jāwali nāzir jaysh nāzir kiswa nāzir awqāf nāzir khāss qabbānī muqaddir dār darb

1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 8 1 1 3 3 2 2 4 2 1

TOTAL

42

Category III shahid sharūtī shaykh shaykh shāfi'i shaykh islām shaykh sūfl amīn hukm faqīh muftī muhtasib nā'ib shaykh nā'ib hukm nā'ib muhtasib nā'ib qād naqīb hukm qadī qādi shāfi'ī qādī hanafī qadī mālikī qādī mahmal rasūl mutahaddith matjar wakīl bayt māl

16 1 13 1 1 1 1 2 1 4 1 2 3 13 1 12 7 1 1 1 1 1 3

TOTAL

88

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

,

_

Category IV

anar ....................... 1 tabbakh sukkar ........... 1 bawwab ..................... 1 bayya' qumash ........... 1 bazzar ....................... 1 bazziiz ...................... 5 farrash ...................... 2 ghazzal ..................... 1 haddad ...................... 1 hariri ........................ 1 iammiil ..................... 1 jawhari ..................... 2 nrimi ...................... 8 kutubi ...................... 1 'ami! ........................ 2 'ami! azrar ................ 1 'ami! mala'iq ............. 1 mallaJ:t ...................... 1 nasikh ...................... 3 nahhal ...................... 1 nahhas ...................... 1 sukkari ..................... 1 tajir ...................... 197' tajir kabir .................. 1 tajir sul~ani ................ 1 mujallid .................... 1 khadim ..................... 8 khadim fuqara' ........... 1 kha~,aja .................. 11 zarra ....................... 2 TOTAL .................. 260

37 1

Category V

Category VI

sha Ir ....................... 6 shaykh ta~awwuf ......... 1 shaykh sab'a .............. 1 sahib madrasa ............. 1 ~~'allim ................... 1 mu'allim atfal ............ 1 mudarris ."................ 13 mudarris fiqh ............ .4 mudarris hadith .......... 3 mudarris kashshiif ....... 1 mudarris mi'iid ........... 1 mudarris tafsir ............ 1 muhaddith ................. 1 min·hail ..................... 1 muqri' i).adith ............ 1 mu'addib atfal ............ 1 na'ib muda~ris fiqh ...... 1 nai).wi ....................... 1 n~im ....................... 1

Imam ....................... 7 mu'taqad .................. 2 muqri' .................... .4 muqri' jawq ............... 3 mu'adhdhin ............... 1 na'ib imam ................ 1 kha~ib ....................... 5

_,.

TOTAL ................... 41

TOTAL ................... 23

372

APPENDIX II LIST 15. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MU'IDS

Category I dawadar murattib murattib jawali ... na'ib naqib TOTAL

shahid shahid shahid shahid katib

Category II sufi kiswa mufrad khass

mubashir mustawfi muwaqqi' muwaqqi' muwaqqi' muwaqqi' insha' muwaqqi'

insha' .... darj dast dast diwan

Category III 1 1 1 1 1 ? λ 1 λ 1 1 3

1 1 3 na'ib nazir awqaf .... 1 17 nazir jawali 1 1 nazir kiswa ....1 nazir masjid 1 nazir awqaf 5 TOTAL

hukm

51

'aqid shahid

amin hukm

na'ib shaykh na'ib qadi qadi qadi shafil qadi hanbali qadi hanafi qadi mahmal qadi qudat TOTAL

3 8 15 2 2 2 8 3 1 7 32 13 4 2 1 2 1 2 7 115

373

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'iimil maqii~~ .............. 1 bazziiz ...................... 1 nasikh ...................... 6 khadim ..................... 2 khayya! .................... 1 TOTAL ................... 11

Category V

Category VI

sha If ....................... 1 shaykh J:tadith ............. 1 shaykh ta~awwuf ......... 5 mu'id ..................... 73· mu'allim a!fiii ............ 1 mudarris ................. 61 mudarris shiiH'i .......... 2 mudarris !ahawi .......... 1 mudarris dar J:tadith ..... 1 mudarris Hqh ........... 21 mudarris hadith .......... 8 mudarris ~iiliki .......... 1 mudarris mi'ad ........... 2 mudarris qirii'iit .......... 1 mudarris ta~awwuf ...... 1 mudarris tafsir ............ 3 muJ:taddith ................. 2 muqri' a!fai ............... 1 muqri' bukhari ........... 1 muqri' J:tadith ............ 2 mu'addib a!fai ............ 1 na'ib mudarris fiqh ...... 1 na'ib mudarris hadith .. 1 muta~addir ..... : ........... 5 muta~addir J:tadith ........ 1 khiizin kutub .............. 2

imam ..................... 10 muqri' .................... .4 muqri: J:tidaya ............ 1 muqn khu!bat 'id ...... 1 mu'adhdhin ............... 1 na'ib kha!ib ............... 2 wa~ ....................... 5 kha!ib ..................... 14

_,.

TOTAL .................. 200

TOTAL ................... 38

APPENDIX II

374

LIST 16. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MUDARRISES Category I amir dawadar murattib murattib jawali ... na'ib naqib rasul firanj rasul muluk atrak TOTAL

..1 ..1 ..1 ..2 ..4 ..1 .. 1 ..1 ,,

Category U shahid istabl 1 shahid sufi 1 shahid dar tuffah 1 shahid kiswa 7 shahid makhbaz 1 shahid awqaf 7 katib 3 katib 'alama 1 katib shar' 7 8 katib sirr S mubashir mubashir diwan ? mubashir tasawwuf ... 1 mubashir awqaf 1 mudir 1 mutakallim 4 muwaqqi in muwaqqi umara I muwaqqi' darj 1 muwaqqi' dast 7 muwaqqi' dast diwan insha' 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha' ..2 na'ib katib sirr 1 na'ib nazir 5 na'ib nazir awqaf 1 nazir 54 nazir imara ? nazir ahbas 1 nazir bayt mal 1 nazir sadaqat 1 nazir haramayn 7 nazir jaysh 4 nazir kiswa 4 nazir masjid 1 nazir mazalim 1 nazir awqaf 16 nazir awqaf jariya 1 nazir khass 1 149 TOTAL

Category Ul 'aqid 1 'aqid ankiha 1 shahid 11 shaykh 96 shaykh shuyukh .... 1 shaykh islam 1 shaykh sufi 12 shaykh hanbali 1 amin hukm 3 faqih 16 mufti 38 17 mufti dar 'adl muhtasib 7 na'ib shaykh 4 na'ib shaykh sufi . 2 na'ib hukm 39 na'ib hanafi 1 na'ib jura 2 na'ib muhtasib 1 na'ib qadi ....110 naqib ashraf 1 qadi 78 qadi 'askar 14 qadi shafi'i 25 qadi hanbali 3 13 qadi hanafi qadi maliki 7 qadi mahmal 1 qadi qudat 12 wakil bayt mal 5 TOTAL

543

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'iimi! maqii~~ .............. 1 'anbari ..................... 1 tabbiikh sukkar ........... 1 tabib ........................ 1 itkkiir ........................ 1 bayyii' marathiyiit ....... 1 bazziiz ...................... 2 ~anii'i'i dahshiit .......... 1 ~anii'i'i naft .............. 1 ghazziiI ... : ................. 1 ~addiid ...................... 1 jammiid ..................... 1 jawwiiI ...................... 1 ka~~iiI ...................... 1 kutubi ...................... 1 naqqiish .................... 1 niisikh ...................... 5 simsiir ...................... 1 tiijir ....................... 10 tiijir burr ................... 1 tiijir kutub ................. 1 mutakassib ~iiniit ........ 1 waqqiid ..................... 3 warriiq ...................... 1 khiidim ..................... 9 kha~¥iit .................... 3 zarra " ..................... 2 TOTAL ................... 54

Category V shatranji .................... 1 shii'ir ..................... 17 shiirih ....................... 1 shaykh ~adith ............. 2 shaykh qira'iit ............ 2 shaykh ta~awwuf ......... 9 isht~~hiiI .................... 1 Isma ...................... .4 mu'allim ................... 1 mu'aIIim 'arabiya ....... 1 mu'aIIim miqat .......... 1 mu'id ..................... 44 mu'id ~adith .............. 2 mu'~d, ~anafi .............. 2 mutah,._ ..................... 1 matbaJI .................... 1 mudarris ............... .496' mudarris shaii'i .......... 8 mudarris tibb ............. 2 mudarris tahawi ....... , .. 1 mudarris iithar ............ 1 mudarris dar ~adith "'" 1 mudarris fiqh ........... 65 mudarris fara'id .......... 2 mudarris ~adith ...... " 32 mudarris hanan " .. " " ,,2 mudarris kashshiif ....... 2 mudarris maliki .......... 3 mudarris tasawwuf ...... 2 mudarris tafsir .......... 17 muhaddith ................. 9 muqri' adaI .............. .4 muqri' b~khari ........... 1 muqri' fiqh ................ 1 muqri: hadith ............ 3 muqrl ~usnad ........... 1 mu'addib atfiiI ............ 2 mu'arrikh .................. 2 na'ib mudarris ........... 5 nii'ib mudarris fiqh ...... 5 na'ib mudarris hadith .. 4 nahwi ""'" .... : ........... 3 m~ta~addir ............ ". l3 muta~addir iqra' ......... 1 muta~addir ~adith ........ 1 muta~addir qira'at ....... 1 khiizin kutub ." ......... 11 TOTAL .................. 796

375

Category VI imam ..................... 28 muqri' ................... 28 muqri' ~idaya ............ 1 muqri: jawq ............... 1 mu~n .khutbat 'id ...... 1 mu aqqlt ................... 2 miqati ....................... 2 na'ib khatib ............... 5 wa IZ ....................... 3 khatib ..................... 51 TOTAL .................. 122

376

APPENDIX II LIST 17. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY KHAZINS AL-KUTUB

Category I murattib jawali khassaki

1 1

TOTAL

2

Category II katib 1 katib sirr 2 mubashir 1 mubashir diwan 1 mutakallim 1 muwaqqi' 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha" 1 muwaqqi' diwan wazir ..1 na'ib nazir 2 nazir 2

Category III 'aqid shahid shaykh faqih mufti mufti dar 'adl na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi shafi'i ...

1 4 10 ...2 ...1 ...1 ...1 ...9 ...4 ...2

"*** W * nazir awqat TOTAL

TOTAL

.35

} 1 15

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category

IV

tabīb habbāk nāsikh khādim

1 1 4 1

TOTAL

7

3 7 7

Category V shatranjī shā'ir shaykh tasawwuf ismā' mu'allim kitāba mu'īd mu'īd hadīth mu'īd hanafī mudarris mudarris shāfi'i mudarris iqrā' mudarris fiqh mudarris hadīth mudarris hanafī mudarris tasawwuf mudarris tafsīr muhaddith muqri' atfāl muqri' aytām muqri' hadīth muqri' atfal na'ib mudarris hadith na'ib khazin kutub nahwi mutasaddir mutasaddir qira'at khazin kutub

1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 16 2 1 6 3 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 2 ..1 1 1 3 1 38*

TOTAL

97

Category imam muqri' muqri' jawq muqri' kutub mu'aqqit mlqatl khatib TOTAL

VI

9 1 1 1 1 1 10 24

378

APPENDIX II LIST 18. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY IMAMS

Category I murattib murattib jawali ... na'ib na'ib nuwwab .... safir TOTAL

1 1 1 2 2 7

Category U shahid awqaf 2 sahib 1 katib 4 katib amla' 1 katib sirr 1 jawali 1 mubashir 3 mubashir saqi ma 1 mubashir tasawwuf 1 mubashir awqaf 1 mustawfi 1 mutakallim 1 mutakallim awqaf 2 muwaqqi' 10 muwaqqi' insha' 1 muwaqqi' dast 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha' 1 muwaqqi' hukm 2 na'ib nazir 2 nazir 23 nazir ahbas 2 nazir dar darb 1 nazir haramayn 1 nazir jaysh 2 nazir kiswa 2 nazir masjid 1 nazir awqaf 7 qabbani 1 TOTAL

77

Category 111 'aqid shahid shari' amla' sharuti shaykh shaykh shafi'i shaykh sufi amin hukm faqih mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib 'aqid na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi 'askar qadi shafi'i qadi hanbali qadi hanafi qadi mahmal qadi qudat qadi rakb rasul wakil bayt mal TOTAL

2 39 1 1 33 1 4 2 3 4 2 5 1 3 4 42 11 2 1 1 4 3 1 1 2 1 174

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'iimi!,n~ariiwiJ:t ............ 1

shara Ibl ................... 1 bayya' qu!n ............... 1 bazziiz ...................... 1 ~an~:i~ dahshiit .......... 1 ~ana II naf! .............. 1 ghanniim ................... 1 hariri ........................ 2 iawwii! ...................... 1 kutubi ...................... 3 nasikh .................... 10 najjar ....................... 1 tajir ......................... 7 tiijir burr ................... 1 mutakassib hiiniit ........ 1 khattat ..... : ................ 1 khadi~ ................... 11 khayya! .................... 3 TOTAL ................... 48

379

Category V

Category VI

sha!ranji .................... 1 sha'ir ..................... 12 shaykh qirii'iit ............ 3 shaykh ta~awwuf ......... 9 shaykh sab'a .............. 1 adlb ......................... 1 mu'allim ................... 1 mu'allim a!fa! ............ 3 mu'allim aytiim .......... 1 mu'allim kitaba .......... 1 mu'id ..................... 11 mudarris ................. 39 mudarris shafi'i .......... 2 mudarris !ibb ............. 2 mudarris iqra' ............ 1 mudarris fiqh ........... 20 mudarris J:tadith ........ 10 mudarris hanafi .......... 1 mudarris kitaba ........... 1 mudarris qira'at .......... 5 mudarris tasawwuf ...... 2 mudarris tafsir ............ 4 muJ:taddith ................ .7 mukattib ................... 3 muqri' ada! ............. 12 muqri' a~!ad ............. 1 muqri' hadith .......... 10 muqri' ~ashaf ........... 1 muqr!: ,:,a~alik .......... 2 muqn slra ................ 1 mu'addib .................. 1 mu:addib a!fa! ............ 3 mu arnkh ................. 1 na'ib mu'id ............... 1 na'ib mudarris ........... 3 nii'ib mudarris fiqh ...... 2 na'ib mudarris hadith .. 1 na'ib mudarris tafsir .... 1 na'ib muqri' J:tadith ..... 1 na'ib khiizin kutub ...... 1 naJ:twi ....................... 1 muta~addir ................. 5 muta~addir qira'at ....... 1 khiizin kutub .............. 7

Imam .................... 238· imiim sU!!iini .............. 1 mu'taqad .................. 1 muqri: .................... 38 muqn Jawq ............... 5 mu'adhdhin ............... 6 mu'aqqit ................... 1 miqati ....................... 1 na'ib imam ............... .4 na'ib kha!ib ............... 7 wa I~ ••.......•••.•........ .4 kha!ib ..................... 60 kha!awi ..................... 1

TOTAL .................. 200

TOTAL .................. 367

380

APPENDIX II LIST 19. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY KHATĪBS

Category I murattib murattib jawālī nā'ib nā'ib nuwwāb naqīb safir wakil TOTAL

1 2 2 1 3 1 2 12

Category II shahid kiswa shahid awqaf shahid khass sayrafi muhassil katib katib ghayba katib sirr mubashir mubashir tasawwuf mubashir awqaf mudir makkas mustawfi mutakallim mutakallim awqaf muwaqqi' muwaqqi' darj muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' dast diwan insha' muwaqqi' hukm na'ib katib sirr nazir nazir ahbas nazir istabl nazir haramayn nazir jawali nazir jaysh nazir kiswa nazir awqaf qabbani TOTAL

1 4 2 1 1 1 3 7 11 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 7 1 1 1 1 1 30 1 1 1 1 4 2 9 1 104

Category III 'aqīd shāhid shahid jura shāri' amlā' sharūtī shaykh shaykh sūfī shaykh fuqarā' amīn hukm faqīh mufti mufti dār 'adl muhtasib nā'ib shaykh nā'ib shaykh sūfī nā'ib hukm nā'ib jūra nā'ib muhtasib

nā'ib qadi

qādī

qādī 'askar

qādī shāfi'i qādī hanbalī qādī hanafī

qādīqudāt qādīrakb

rasūl mulaqqin wakīl bayt māl TOTAL

2 53 2 1 1 37 3 1 1 8 7 4 5 2 1 10 1 2

63

37 3 7 1 4

6 1 2 1 3

272

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'attar bawwab bayya' kutub bazzaz halwal hariri jawwal kutubi mujaddid makhbazi nasikh nasikh islah nahhas najjar qassab sukkar tajir tajir bazz tajir jubna tajir kutub tajir zayt warraq khashshab khadim khayyat zarra'

1 2 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 15 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 1 2 1 6 1 1

TOTAL

53

3

Category V shatranji 1 sha'ir 14 shaykh muhaddithin ....1 shaykh mi'ad 1 shaykh qira'at 1 shaykh tasawwuf 6 isma' 2 mu'allim atfal 2 mu'allim kitaba 1 mu'allim miqat 1 mu'id 13 mu'id hadith 2 mudarris 66 mudarris shafi'i 3 mudarris i'ada 1 mudarris iqra' 1 mudarris fiqh 35 mudarris hadith 19 mudarris hanafi 1 mudarris mi'ad 2 mudarris qira'at 3 mudarris tasawwuf 1 mudarris tafsir 6 mudarris taqsim 1 muhaddith 8 mukattib 1 muqri' atfal 8 muqri' abna' 1 muqri' bukhari 1 muqri' saffa 1 muqri' hadith 10 muqri' mamalik 1 mu'addib atfal 6 mu'arrikh 2 na'ib mudarris fiqh 1 na'ib mudarris hadith ..1 na'ib mudarris tasawwuf 1 na'ib muqri' hadith 1 riyadi 1 mutasaddir 9 mutasaddir qira'at 1 khazin kutub 8 TOTAL

246

8l

Category VI imam imam maliki muqri' muqri' jawq muqri' khutbat Id mu'adhdhin mu'aqqit miqati na'ib imam na'ib khatib ra"is miqati wa'iz khatib

53 1 19 3 1 3 1 2 1 6 1 9 279*

TOTAL

379

APPENDIX II

382

LIST 20. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MUQRI'S Category I nā'ib naqīb safir

1 1 1

TOTAL

3

Category shāhid awqāf kātib kātib sirr mubāshir mubāshir awqāf mutakallim nāzir nāzir 'imāra nāzir sadaqāt nāzir jaysh nāzir kiswa nāzir awqāf qabbānī TOTAL

II 1 2 1 3 1 1 9 2 1 2 2 3 1 29

Category III shāhid shaykh shaykh sūfī shaykh fuqarā' shaykh khidma faqīh muftī muhtasib nā'ib 'aqīd ankiha nā'ib hukm nā'ib muhtasib

20 19 3 1 1 3 4 4 1 5 1

nā'ib qādī qādī qādī 'askar

20 4

TOTAL

95

qadi hanball qadi hanafi qadi mahmal qadi qudat waldl bayt mal

2 1 2 1 1 2

383

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV shara'ibi tabbakh sukkar bawwab bazzaz hariri jawhari jawwal nasikh tajir tajir haniit mutakassib hanut warraq khadim khabbaz khayyat TOTAL

1 1 2 1 2 1 1 3 4 1 1 2 5 1 2 28

Category V sha'ir 6 shaykh isma' 1 shaykh muhaddithin ....1 shaykh qira'at 5 shaykh tasawwuf 3 shaykh sab'a 1 adib 1 mu'allim aytam 1 mu'id 6 mudarris 37 mudarris 'arabiya 1 mudarris fiqh 4 mudarris hadith 5 mudarris maliki 1 mudarris nahw 1 mudarris qira'at 6 mudarris tafsir 4 mudarris taqsim 1 muhaddith 2 muqri' atfal 7 muqri' isba'a 1 muqri' awlad 1 muqri' saffa 3 muqri' hadith 3 mu'addib atfal 2 mu'addib aytam 1 mu'arrikh 2 na'ib mu'id 1 na'ib mudarris 2 na'ib mudarris fiqh 6 na'ib mudarris hadith ..1 na'ib mudarris tafsir ....1 mutasaddir 3 khazin kutub 1 TOTAL

123

Category VI imam imam qasr mu'taqad muqri' muqri' jawq na'ib imam na'ib khatib rals muqri' jawq wa'iz khatib

38 1 6 187* 9 1 4 2 2 20

TOTAL

270

3

84

APPENDIX II LIST 21. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY MU'TAQADS

Category I mamluk sultani murattib jawali naqib

1 1 1

TOTAL

3

Category Π sahib mubashir mubashir diwan mutakallim ta'nan dulab

3 1 1 1 1

Category 111 shahid shaykh shaykh fuqara' shaykh zuwwar faqih

TOTAL

7

TOTAL

1 9 1 1 4 16

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV abārīqī 1 bayya' nashān 1 bayya' sadarīya 1 sanā'i'ī mu'jizāt 1 sanā'i'ī qumāsh azraq ..1 sanā'i'ī sharīt 1 fawwāl 1 ghannām 1 habbāk 1 rakkāb istabl sultānī 1 saddīr 2 shaqqā' 1 sawwāq 2 suyūfī 1 tājir 2 tājir ghazl 1 warrāq 1 khādim 3 khādim maqām 1 kharīzātī 1 khawwās 1 khayyāt 1 khudarī 1 sāqīqirba 1 sawwāq ghanam 1 zayyāt 1 TOTAL

31

385

Category V shā'ir adīb mu'allim atfāl mudarris mālikī muqri' atfal mu'addib atfal

2 1 1 1 2 1

TOTAL

8

Category VI imam darwish mu'taqad majdhub muqri' murabbit mu'adhdhin sutuhl wa'iz

1 1 136* 16 6 1 2 1 4

TOTAL

168

386

APPENDIX II LIST 22. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY SUFIS

Category I amir ustadar jundi murattib murattib jawali mawlan naqib rals zimam TOTAL

...1 ...1 ...2 ...1 ...2 ...1 ...2 ...1 ...1 •I2

Category II shahid sufi shahid awqaf shahid khass amr nafaqa sahib sayrafi jabi awqaf katib katib diwan umara' katib ghayba katib sirr mubashir mubashir diwan mubashir riyasa makkas musta'jir mustawfi mutakallim mutakallim awqaf muwaqqi' muwaqqi' insha' muwaqqi' darj muwaqqi' dast muwaqqi' hukm nazir nazir 'imara nazir dhakhira nazir ahbas nazir istabl nazir buyut nazir sadaqat nazir diwan musta'jirat nazir diwan khass nazir jaysh nazir kiswa nazir masjid nazir awqaf qabbani wazzan

2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 5 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 10 1 2 3 1 17 2 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 6 5 1

TOTAL

93

Category III 'aqid shahid shahid hanbali shahid jura sharuti shaykh shaykh shafH shaykh sufi shaykh hanafi shaykh muwaqqi'in amin hukm faqih mufti mufti dar 'adl muhtasib na'ib 'aqid na'ib shaykh na'ib hukm na'ib qadi qadi qadi 'askar qadi shaft'! qadi fard qadi hanbali qadi hanafi qadi mahmal qadi qudat rasul wakil bayt mal TOTAL

1 45 1 1 1 42 1 12 1 1 1 5 5 2 17 1 3 6 34 14 2 1 1 1 9 1 3 2 2 216

387

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV 'attar 'amil sarasij 'amil mala'iq 'amil maqass 'amil azrar shara'ibl tabbakh tabbakh sukkar tabib bawwab bayya' shabbari bayya' 'ibar bayya' fuqqa'a bayya' samsis bayya' saqat bayya' waraq bayya' khayt bazzaz sana'i'i tajlid kutub sana'i'i qabban sana'i'i harir dallal ..: farrash haris hammamat hammami hariri jarrah jawhari jawwal kutubi mallah nasikh naqqash rals jarrahin rals mujabbirin simsar kutub saqati tajir tajir bazz tajir sukkar mukaffit mutakassib hanut warraq khadim khayyat dulab hammamat zajjaj zarra' zayyat TOTAL

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 3 1 1 5 1 15 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 3 3 13 4 1 1 1 1 103

Category V sha'ir 20 shaykh athar 1 shaykh hadith 1 shaykh tasawwuf 12 adib 3 isma' hadith 1 mu'allim 'ilaj wa thaqafa 1 mu'allim 'arabiya 1 mu'allim atfal 4 mu'allim arbab harb ....1 mu'allim jarr qaws 1 mu'allim kitaba 1 mu'allim rami 1 mu'id 12 mudarris 39 mudarris shafi'i 2 mudarris i'ada 1 mudarris atfal 1 mudarris atrak 1 mudarris fiqh 22 mudarris hadith 12 mudarris hanbali 1 mudarris hanafi 1 mudarris kitaba 1 mudarris malild 1 mudarris qira'at 1 mudarris tasawwuf 3 mudarris tafsir 5 mudarris khuddam 1 muhaddith 2 mukattib 1 muqri' atfal 14 muqri' saffa 4 muqri' fiqh 1 muqri' fara'id 1 muqri' hadith 7 muqri' mamalik 2 muqri' sira 1 muthaqqif 1 mu'addib 1 mu'addib atfal 1 mu'arrikh 2 na'ib shaykh tasawwuf ..1 na'ib mudarris 1 na'ib mudarris fiqh 1 na'ib mudarris tasawwuf 1 na'ib mudarris hadith ..1 na'ib khazin kutub 2 nazim 1 mutasaddir 4 mutasaddir qira'at 1 khazin kutub 5 TOTAL

208

Category VI imam imam ribat mu'taqad majdhub muqri' muqri' shubbak muqri' hidaya muqri' jawq muqri' kutub mu'adhdhin miqati na'ib imam na'ib khatib rals jawq rals sufi wa'iz khatib TOTAL

39 1 19 2 30 1 1 5 1 5 3 1 4 1 1 5 34 153

388

APPENDIX II LIST 23. OCCUPATIONAL POSITIONS HELD BY COPTS (QIBTIS)

Category 1 shadd shadd khass amir amir mashwara .... amir mi a ustadar ustadar dhakha'ir ustadar amlak ustadar musta'jirat ustadar awqaf dawadar kashif muqaddam na'ib naqib jaysh wall waldl TOTAL

19 .. 3 2 1 3 2 2 42

Category Π 'amil 1 'amil awqaf 1 sahib diwan 1 sahib diwan ashraf 1 sahib diwan jaysh 1 katib 24 katib umara' 1 katib dawalib 1 katib dawawin 1 katib diwan 2 katib diwan jaysh 1 katib diwan mamalik ....1 katib diwan murtaja'at ..1 katib jaysh 1 katib lala 1 katib mufrad 1 katib mamalik 3 katib sirr 3 mubashir 1 mubashir istifa' mufrad 1 mubashir diwan 2 mubashir diwan jaysh ...1 mubashir khass 1 milk umara' 3 mustawfi 3 mustawfi dawla 2 mustawfi diwan jaysh ...1 muwaqqi' diwan insha' ..1 mustawfi khass 4 mustawfi khizana 1 mutakallim diwan 1 mutakallim mukus 1 mutakallim awqaf 1 muwaqqi' 3 muwaqqi' dast 1 muwaqqi' diwan insha' 1 nazir 3 nazir istabl 9 nazir aswaq 1 nazir bandar 3 nazir dawla 18 nazir diwan 3 nazir diwan mufrad ....10 nazir jaysh 15 nazir mufrad 8 nazir awqaf 1 nazir khass 28 nazir khizana 1 nazir khizana kabir 1 wazir 49 TOTAL

228

Category III No positions reported

389

OCCUPATIONS OF MAJOR GROUP

Category IV bazzaz tajir awlad tajir firanj khadim khadim dawawin khadim diwan 2 khadim diwan sultani ...1 TOTAL

18

Category V sha'ir adib mudarris tasawwuf muhaddith

4 1 1 1

TOTAL

7

Category VI muqri' shubbak

1

TOTAL

1

APPENDIX III.

GLOSSARY OF OCCUPATIONAL TERMS

Definite articles of genitive constructs omitted.

abdriqi: pitcher and jug maker adib: literateur, man of letters 'adl, 'ddil: juristic adjunct assigned to a judge 'adl majlis al-Mdliki: adjunct of the Maliki court akkar: plowman 'amil: worker, laborer; tax official 'amil awqdf: tax official of pious trust foundations 'amil azrdr: button, tassel maker 'amil mald'iq: spoon maker 'amil maqdss: sheers maker 'amil mawd'id: time keeper, appointment fixer 'amil mirwdh, mardwih: fan maker 'amil sardsij: saddler amin: trust officer amin hukm: trust officer of the judiciary amir: commander, Mamluk officer amir 'ashara: officer of ten Mamluk troopers: official military rank amir ha)): officer of the Pilgrimage amir 'ishrin: officer of twenty Mamluk troopers: official military rank amir khamsa: officer of five Mamluk troopers: official military rank amir mahmal: officer of the Pilgrimage caravan amir mashwara: officer of the (royal) consultation amir mia: officer of one hundred Mamluk troopers: official military rank amir rakb: officer of the royal escort during military campaigns amir shikar: officer of the hunt amir tabalkhdna: officer of forty Mamluk troopers: official military rank atnr nafaqa: bursar, treasurer of a bureau 'anbari: ambergris perfume dealer 'aqid: legal contract maker 'aqid ankiha: marriage contract maker atdbek: second commander-in-chief of the armies (after Atdbek al-'Asdkir): official military rank dthdri: custodian of religious relics 'attdr: perfume, aromatics dealer balldn: bathhouse attendant bardaddr: bailiff, court official bawwdb: gatekeeper, doorman bayyd': seller, vendor 390

GLOSSARY

391

bayya fuqqaa: mushroom dealer, seller of dish prepared with the bun fish bayya 'ibar, 'ablr: seller of fragrances, perfumes bayya khayt: seller of thread, twine, cord bayya kutub: book dealer bayya marathtyat: seller of water-softened foods, such as dates or chick peas bayya nishan: seller of emblems, decorations, bridal attire bayya qumash: cloth dealer bayya qutn: cotton dealer bayya sadariya: seller of black velvet headgear bayya samsis: seller of spiced (ginger) bread covered with sesame seeds bayya saqat: junk dealer, rag man; seller of baskets bayya shabban: dealer in camel litters and equipment bayya shira: tent cloth dealer bayya simsim: seller of sesame seed foods bayya waraq: paper dealer bazzar: seedsman bazzaz: draper, cloth merchant dallal: auctioneer; broker, jobber damm: bailsman, bondsman, guarantor darwlsh: dervish, religious ascetic dawadar: executive secretary of the imperial court dawdhv. lamp maker dulab hammdmdt: bath wardrobe attendant fannan: artist faqih: legist, jurisprudent faqih ay tarn: instructor and interpretor of elementary principles of jurisprudence in an orphanage school farrash: servant, attendant, one who spreads the carpets fawwal: seller of broad beans [fHl) ghannam: shepherd, sheep dealer ghassal: washerman ghassal lazuward: worker in lapis-lazuli ghazzal: spinner of yarn habbak: weaver hadddd: ironsmith, blacksmith hd'ik: weaver hdjib, hujjdb (pi): chamberlain of the imperial court hakim: governor, judge hakim: legal scholar, physician hallaq: barber halwa'I: confectioner, candy-pastry dealer hammamt: bath attendant

392

APPENDIX III

harm: silk merchant haris hammdmdt: bathhouse guard, custodian ibtdl aioqdf: validity inspector of pious trust foundations imam: prayer leader imam jami': prayer leader of the mosque, usually referring to the Citadel mosque imam malikx: prayer leader of the Maliki madhhab imam qasr: prayer leader of the royal palace imam ribdt: prayer leader of the Hospice (title undesignated) ishtighdl: scholar isma: professor, witness of formal textual recitation isma hadtth: Witness of formal textual recitation from the Prophetic traditions jab: tax collector, revenue officer jabbdn: cheese merchant jdbx awqdf: collector of contributions for pious trust foundations jdlis: legal assistant in a civil court jamdar: wardrobe keeper in the imperial court jammad: plasterer, mortar mixer jammdl: camel driver jarrah: surgeon jawhari: jeweler jawwal: traveler, itinerant merchant jundl: Mamluk trooper, official military rank jura: pertaining to a legal office in a local (neighborhood) court kahhdl: eye doctor, oculist kdrimx: spice merchant kashif: inspector, governor kashif kanais: inspector of churches kashif wajh al-qiblx: inspector of Upper Egypt katib: secretary katib 'aldma: secretary of the (royal) insignia katib 'alxq: secretary in the royal provender (fodder) bureau katib amid': public secretary katib dast: secretary of the Royal Bench katib dawalib: secretary in the bureau of the royal mills katib dtwdn, dawdwin: secretary in the financial bureaus katib diwan al-jaysh: secretary in the army bureau katib dukkdn: secretary in a shop, warehouse katib ghayba: interim secretary (during absence of the secretary of the chancellery or interim viceroy) kdtib insha", diioan al-: secretary in the documents bureau (chancellery) katib khizdnd: secretary in the royal depository of robes

GLOSSARY

katib katib katib katib

393

laid: secretary to the lala mamdllk: secretary to Mamluks or the barracks staff murtaja'dt: secretary of reclaims muwakib al-Turk: secretary in the bureau of Mamluk ceremonials and pageants. katib muwaqqi' al-dast: secretary to the scribe of the royal bench in the Palace of Justice katib qisas: secretary of accounts, accountant katib shar: legal secretary katib sifdra: secretary to an officer's staff, or to a legation katib sirr, sirr khass: secretary of the chancellery (lit., secretary of the confidence) katib umara: secretary to Mamluk amirs katib warraqm: secretary to the stationers khabbdz: baker khddim: servant khddim band: servant in the postal service khddim dtwan, dawdwln: servant in the financial bureaus khddim dlwdn al-sultdnv. servant in the royal bureau khddim jawali: servant in the (minority) tax bureau khddim maqdm: servant in the holy sanctuary (Mekka) khaldwl, khald't, khalwd'i: pious recluse, holy hermit khaltfa: the caliph, formal head of government; in practice, subordinate to the sultan kharizdtv. Pearl stringer, borer of finework—precious metal and jewelry kharrdz: shoemaker khashshdb: lumber merchant khdssakv. an intimate or favorite amir, associate of the sultan khatlb: preacher (esp. of the Friday prayer, invocation, and sermon) khattdt: calligrapher khawdjd: royal merchant elevated to official standing in the imperial court, with executive responsibilities khawwds: basket maker, palm-leaf plaiter khayydt: tailor khdzin: treasurer, royal wardrobe custodian khdzin kutub: librarian khazinddr: royal treasurer khudari: greengrocer kutubl: book dealer laid: adjunct, instructor to a royal prince; court page

mahhddh, hadhdhd': cobbler majdhub: holy or pious ecstatic, regarded by Sufis as the elect of God makhbazi: proprietor of bakery, baker's assistant makkds: tax collector

394

APPENDIX III

mallah: salt merchant, mariner mamluk sultanl: A Mamluk purchased by a sultan preceding the incumbant ruler; transferred to the incumbent's service but identifying with his comrades purchased and trained at the same time matba'jl: publisher, issuer of manuscripts; later a printer mawardl: dealer in rosewater mawlan: (royal) client, individual attached to service of the sultan; often a manumitted black slave. mihmandar: royal host, official escort of visiting dignitaries to the imperial court milk ashrdf: official concerned with properties belonging to the Prophet's descendants milk umara: Official concerned with property belonging to Mamluk amirs minhajl: systematic scholar, writer of specific analyses of or commentaries on scholarly subject matter for use in curricula mlqatl: time keeper, regulator of calendrical variations muaddib: elementary teacher in a Koran school muaddib atfal: elementary teacher in a Koran school muadhdhin: prayer caller muallim: elementary or secondary teacher muallim 'arablya: teacher of the Arabic language muallim arbab al-harb: teacher of "the lords of war," i.e., Mamluk troopers muallim atfal: elementary or secondary teacher muallim ay tarn: elementary teacher in an orphanage school muallim 'ilaj wa thaqafa: literally, teacher of "treatment and culture" muallim jarr al-qaws: teacher of archery muallim jawall: teacher of tax auditing muallim kitaba: teacher of writing muallim mlqdt: teacher of time keeping and calendrical regulation muallim rami: teacher of lance casting muaqqit, muwaqqit: time keeper muarrikh: chronicler, historian mubashir: steward, intendant mubashir aqriba: steward of the (sword) sheaths mubashir awqdf: steward of pious trust foundations mubdshtr dhakhlra: steward of the sultan's treasures and munitions mubashir diwan: steward of the financial bureau mubashir diwan al-insha: steward of the documents bureau, chancellery mubashir diwan al-jaysh: steward of the army bureau mubashir diwan al-khass: steward in the bureau of privy funds mubashir diwan al-mamallk: steward in the bureau of troops mubashir hammam: steward of the bathhouse mubashir hukm: steward of a civil court mubashir 'imdra: steward of the royal constructions mubashir istifa al-mufrad: steward in the accounts department of the special bureau

GLOSSARY

395

mubashir riydsa: steward in service of the chief justice mubashir saqi al-ma: steward of the irrigation bureau mubashir tasawwuf: steward of a mystic order mudabbir mamlaka: director of the government, Mamluk official mudarris: professor mudarris 'arabiya: professor of the Arabic language mudarris atfdl: secondary instructor mudarris dthdr: professor of traditions, deeds, and utterances relating to the Prophet mudarris atrak: instructor of Mamluk troopers (lit. "Turks") mudarris dar al-hadith: professor of Prophetic traditions in the Dar al-Hadlth mudarris faraid: professor of the law of descent and distribution of inherited property mudarris fiqh: professor of jurisprudence mudarris hadtth: professor of the science of Prophetic traditions mudarris hanafi: professor of the Hanafi legal madhhab mudarris hanball: professor of the Hanbali legal madhhab mudarris i'dda: professor of repetitions, scholastic drill mudarris iqra: professor of the art of recitation mudarris kashshdf: professor of elucidation of texts mudarris khudddm: instructor of officials stationed in the sanctuary mudarris kimiyd': professor of chemistry, alchemy mudarris kitdba: professor of writing mudarris mdliki: professor of the Malik! legal madhhab mudarris mTdd: professor of religious lessons in Sufi ceremonials mudarris nahw: professor of grammar mudarris qiradt: professor of Koranic recitation, readings mudarris shdfVv. professor of the Shafi'I legal madhhab mudarris tafsir: professor of Koranic exegesis mudarris tahawi: professor of the works of al-Tahawi mudarris taqstm: professor of the law of property division and distribution, of arithmetic division mudarris tasawwuf: professor of mystic principles mudarris tibb: professor of medicine mudhahhib: gilder, inlayer mudtr: director, supervisor mudtr dawdltb: director of the royal irrigation mechanisms mudir ma'ash: director of the royal cane and oil presses mudtr tdhun: director of the royal mills mufti: jurisconsult mufti dar al-'adl: jurisconsult in the Palace of Justice muhaddith: transmittor of Prophetic traditions muhandis: architect, engineer muhassil: tax collector muhtasib: market inspector mu'id: repetitor, drill instructor of textual recitation

396

APPENDIX III

mu'td hanafv. repetitor of the Hanafl madhhab muid hadith: repetitor of Prophetic traditions mujabbir: bonesetter mujaddid: renewer, rebuilder, repairman mujallid: leather worker, book binder mukaffit: inlayer, specialist in metal plating mukattib: teacher of writing, librarian mulaqqin: prompter, a faqih muqaddam: commander, an office restricted to the highest Mamluk amirs muqaddir ddr al-darb: appraiser, assessor in the royal mint muqassim: divider, distributer of property, cosmographer muqri': Koran reader, reciter muqri' abna: Koran teacher and reader to children of Mamluks and high officials muqri' atfdl: elementary Koran teacher muqri' ay tarn: elementary Koran teacher in a Koran school muqri' bukhdri: reader of the commentaries of al-Bukhari muqri' hadith: reader of Prophetic traditions muqri' hiddya: reader of the divine guidance, i.e., the Koran muqri' isbd'a: reader of the seventh variant of the Koran muqri' jawq: Koran reader in a choir that chants the scriptures muqri' khutbat al-'id: reader of the Friday sermon during the Great Festival muqri' kutub: reader of the books, i.e., the 7 variants muqri' mamdlik: Koran reader to Mamluk troopers muqri' mashaf: Koran reader muqri' musnad: reader of the Islamic traditions muqri' saffa: Koran reader of a (Mamluk) military drill class muqri' sahth: reader of the Sahih of al-Bukhari muqri' shubbak: public Koran reader in a recitation gallery built into a major religio-academic institution muqri' sua: reader of the Prophet's biography murdbit: marabout, individual endowed with divine emanation (baraka) murattib: governor, salaried or pensioned executive official murattib dhakhira, murattib jawdli, murattib matlub, murattib sadaqa, murattib tasawwufat: These terms represent sources of revenue—minority taxes, the sultan's treasures, claims and debts, the prescribed alms tax, and offerings presented to Sufi communities. The office of murattib implied executive authority in the bureaus handling these revenues or that the official received his salary from them. mushrif 'ama'ir: overseer of royal constructions mushrif hawdsil: overseer of tax receipts musiqv. musician musta'jir: leaseholder, official in bureau of leases musta'jir awqdf: official in the bureau of leases based on pious trust foundations

GLOSSARY

397

mustawfi: accountant mustawfi dawla: accountant of finances in the vizirate mustawfi diwan al-jaysh: accountant in the army bureau mustawfi diwan al-mufrad: accountant in the special bureau mustawfi khass: accountant in the bureau of privy funds mustawfi khizana: accountant in the royal wardrobe of the treasury mutahaddith matjar: spokesman or agent of merchants mutakallim: spokesman; Muslim theologian, scholastic mutakallim 'amair: official in the bureau of royal constructions mutakallim awqdf: official in the bureau of pious trust foundations mutakallim dast: official of the royal bench in the Palace of Justice mutakallim diwan: official in the financial bureau mutakallim mukus: official in the bureau of tolls and imposts mutakassib haniit: proprietor of a shop mutali": reciter, public reader mutamin mamlaka: security officer of the province mutaqad: revered person, pious ascetic mutasaddir: professor, instructor mutasaddir amid': public or popular instructor mutasaddir faraid: professor of religious duties, esp. the law of descent and distribution mutasaddir hadith: professor of Prophetic traditions mutasaddir iqra: professor of reading and recitation mutasaddir qiraat: professor oi Koranic readings mutasaddir taktib: professor of writing mutasarrif: administrator, particularly in the financial and taxation bureaus mutasarrif sadaqat al-riimiya: administrator of obligatory alms revenues from Anatolia muthaqqif: educated, cultured person muwaqqi': clerk, scribe muwaqqi' darj: scribe of the scroll in the bureau of documents muwaqqi' dast: scribe of the royal bench in the Palace of Justice muwaqqi' diwan: scribe in the financial bureau muwaqqi' hashriya: scribe in the bureau of escheats muwaqqi' hukm: scribe in the civil courts muwaqqi' insha, diwan al-: scribe in the bureau of documents (chancellery) muwaqqi' mawarith: scribe in the bureau of escheats muwaqqi' mufrad: scribe in the special bureau muwaqqi' umara: scribe in the service of Mamluk amirs muwaththiq: notary nafaqa: expenses, budget, charitable gift to the poor nahhal: bee keeper nahhas: coppersmith nahwi: grammarian

398

APPENDIX III

na'ib, nuwwdb (pi.): viceroy (Mamluk official); deputy, assistant to an official naib jura: deputy judge in a local (neighborhood) court najjar: carpenter naqib: syndic, adjutant (military office) naqib ashraf: syndic of the Prophet's descendants naqib hukm: sergeant of a civil court naqib jaysh: adjutant of the army (Mamluk officer) naqqash: engraver, carver, sculptor nasif: servant nasikh: copyist (of manuscripts) nazim: poet, versifier nazir: (financial) controller, supervisor nazir abbas: controller of trust properties nazir amlak: controller of the sultan's estates nazir ashraf, diwan al-: controller of properties and revenues held by the Prophet's descendants nazir aswaq: controller of markets (horses and slaves) nazir awqaf: controller of pious trust foundations nazir awqaf 'amma: controller of general pious trust foundations nazir awqaf al-ashraf: controller of trust foundations endowed in support of the Prophet's descendants nazir awqaf jariya: controller of current, continuously yielding trust foundations nazir awsiya: controller of executors, trustees, and testators nazir bandar: controller of the port nazir buyHt: controller of the sultan's storehouses nazir dawla: controller of the financial bureaus nazir dhakhira: controller of the sultan's treasures and munitions nazir diwan: controller of the financial bureaus nazir diwan al-khuddam: controller of the bureau of sanctuary officials nazir diwan musta'jir (at): controller of leases and receipts nazir haram al-shanf: controller of the sanctuary at Medina nazir haramayn: controller of the two sanctuaries (Mekka and Medina) nazir hashriya: controller of escheats nazir 'imara: controller of royal constructions nazir istabl: controller of the royal stables nazir jawali: controller of (minority) taxes nazir jaysh: controller of the army nazir khass, diwan al-: controller of the privy funds nazir khizana (al-kabir): controller of the royal depository of robes nazir kiswa: controller of the Ka'ba covering nazir maqam: controller of the sanctuary (in Mekka) nazir masjid: controller of the Ka'ba complex nazir matjar: controller of commercial establishments nazir mawarith: controller of escheats

GLOSSARY

399

nazir mazalim: reviewer of wrongs, injustices, complaints, petitions. Appelate judge who may call upon the authority of the sovereign to enforce a judgment nazir mufrad, diwan al-: controller of the special bureau nazir mukus: controller of tax, toll, and tariff receipts nazir qamhiya: controller of the granaries nazir sadaqat: controller of the obligatory alms tax nazir tawqf: controller of registration and documents qabbanv. weigher qadi: judge qadi 'askar: military judge, judge of the army qadi fard: judge of religious ordinances, specifically of inheritance cases qadi hanafr. chief justice of the Hanafi legal madhhab qadi hanbalv. chief justice of the Hanbali legal madhhab qadi kabtr: synonym for the qadi al-qudat qadi mahmal: judge of the pilgrimage caravan qadi malikv. chief justice of the Maliki legal madhhab qadi matlubin: judge of claims cases (debts and liabilities) qadi qudat: chief justice of the Mamluk state qadi rakb: civil judge of the sultan's military expeditions qadi shafi'r. chief justice of the Shafi'I legal madhhab, usually synonomous with the qadi al-qudat qassab sukkar: sugar cane cutter qazzaz: silk merchant, glazier rabbab istabl al-sultanl: controller of the royal stable rahhal: traveler, camel driver, caravaneer ra'is, ras: chief, head of a profession or syndicate ra'ts jawq: director of the scriptural choir ra'ts miqatv. chief timekeeper (to the imperial court) ra'ts mujabbirm: chief bonesetter (to the imperial court) ra'Is muqn al-jawq: director of the scriptural choir ra'ts tabtb: chief physician (to the imperial court) ras nawba: chief guard (Mamluk official) rasul: ambassador, delegate rasul firanj: ambassador to the Franks (Europeans) rasul malik al-firanj: ambassador to a European monarch (not the Byzantine Emperor) rasul muluk al-atrdk: ambassador to the kings of the Turks rasul sultam: ambassador of the sultan riyddi: mathematician; director of military exercises saddar: maker oi headgear and headcloths, caps safu: agent of a retinue, normally of a Mamluk amir or the imperial court

4θο

APPENDIX ΠΙ

sahib diwan al-insha : intendant of the bureau of documents (chancellery) sahib diwan al-jaysh: intendant of the army bureau sahib madrasa: intendant of a madrasa i: craftsman, manufacturer Γ dahshat: magician sana t i harir: silk producer sana'i i khatt: craftsman of the (royal) seal; geomancer bookbinder sana'i Γ kutub: sanai i maqati': manufacturer of cutting instruments magician, performer of miracles sana'i imu'jizat: i naft: manufacturer of naphtha sanai i qabbdn: manufacturer of weight scales, steelyards T qumdsh azraq: manufacturer of blue cloth (for uniforms) sana ι sharit: manufacturer of ribbon, cord, string sanai'itajlid al-kutub: bookbinder saqati: trash, junk dealer saqi: cupbearer (in the imperial court) saqi qirba: water carrier sawwaq: driver of animals sawwdq ghanam: sheep driver sayrafi: moneychanger shadd: superintendant shadd 'amair al-sultdn: superintendant of royal constructions shadd khass: superintendant of the privy funds shahid: notary of the judiciary and/or the bureaus shahid ahbas: notary in the bureau of trust properties shahid 'amair awqaf: notary of constructions supported by trust foundations shahid awqaf: notary in the bureau of pious trust foundations shahid dar al-tuffah: notary in the Dar al-Tuffah shahid diwan al-jawali: notary in the bureau of (minority) tax receipts shahid hanbali: court notary of the Hanbali legal madhhab shahid haniit: notary in a shop (hanut) shahid 'imara: notary in the bureau of the sultan's constructions shahid istabl: notary in the royal stables bureau shahid )ura: notary in the local (neighborhood) civil courts shahid kiswa: notary of the Ka'ba covering shahid makhbaz: notary of the royal bakery shahid mufrad, diwan al-: notary in the special bureau shahid siifi: sufi notary shah: poet shaqqa: woodcutter, lumber dealer sharaibi: apothecary shararibi: tassel maker sharih: writer of expository textual commentaries shiri': legal agent

GLOSSARY

401

shari' amla: public legal agent sharutv. contracts officer, policeman shatranjv. chess player shaykh: learned person; legal authority in a religious community or institution shaykh dthar: shaykh of religious relics shaykh fiqh: shaykh of jurisprudence shaykh fuqara : shaykh of the poor and needy shaykh hadtth: shaykh of Prophetic traditions shaykh hanafv. shaykh of the Hanafi legal madhhab shaykh islam, al-balad: shaykh of Islam, term applied to retired chief justices shaykh khidma, khuddam: shaykh of the staff of the two sanctuaries shaykh mt'ad: shaykh of religious lessons in Sufi ceremonials shaykh muhaddithtn: shaykh of transmitters of Prophetic traditions shaykh muwaqqi'in: shaykh of clerks, scribes shaykh qiraat: shaykh of Koranic readings and recitations shaykh sab'a: shaykh of the seven riwayas (variants) of the Koran shaykh shafi'J: shaykh of the Shafi'i legal madhhab shaykh shuyiikh: grand shaykh, title applied to the rectors of Sa'id al-Su'ada' and Siryaqus shaykh sufi: mystic shaykh shaykh tasawwuf: shaykh of mystic principles shaykh zuwwar: shaykh of pilgrims (specifically to Medina) simsar: broker, business agent, middleman simsar kutub: book dealer sukkarl: confectioner sutuhl: (pious) resident of a religious institution (literally, a roof dweller) suyufv. sword maker ta'nan dHldb: caretaker of a mill, bureau tabbakh: cook tabbakh sukkar: worker in a sugar mill tabtb: physician tajir: merchant tajir awlad: purchaser of Mamluks for the sultan tajir bahr: maritime merchant tajir bazz: cloth merchant tajir bitana: merchant of utensils (cooking ware, etc.); of a special sort of cloth tajir burr: wheat merchant tajir firanj: merchant dealing with the European import-export trade tajir ghazl: merchant of thread, yarn tajir haniit: merchant of a shop, proprietor tajir jubna: cheese merchant tajir kabxr: merchant of recognized stature, not necessarily involved in the Mamluk bureaucracy tajir mamalik: purchaser of Mamluks for the sultan

402

APPENDIX III

tajir sdbiin: soap merchant tdjir shurb: merchant of medicines, pharmacist tajir sukkar: sugar merchant tajir sultdnv. royal merchant, involved in the Mamluk bureaucracy tajir takfit: merchant of inlaid work, engraved work, metal plate tajir zayt: oil merchant tashshdt: maker of bowls, basins ustddar: major-domo (official in the imperial court) ustddar amldk: overseer of the sultan's estates ustddar awqdf: overseer of pious trust foundations ustadar dhakhtra, dhakhair: overseer of the sultan's treasures and munitions ustddar khdss: overseer of the privy funds ustddar musta'jirdt: overseer of leases and reclaims ustddar suhba: chief steward of the imperial court wd' 12: preacher wakil: commissioner, financial agent of the government wakil bayt al-mdl: agent of the exchequer, treasury wakil istabl: commissioner of the royal stables wakil kiswa: commissioner of the Ka'ba covering wall: governor of a district waqqdd: stoker (in a bathhouse) warrdd: dealer in rose petals and other flower products for aromatics and dyes warrdq: stationer, paper dealer wazir: vizier, prime minister wazzdn: weigher zajj-dj: glazier zarrd': farmer zayydt: oil dealer zimam: registrar, financial officer; chief eunuch in the imperial court

NOTES

INTRODUCTION 1. The most significant recent contribution to the subject is Ira M. Lapidus' monograph, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1967). His analysis takes account of earlier studies by such figures as Brunschvig, Cahen, Gibb and Bowen, Marcais and Sauvaget, but then develops a new thesis based on the Mamluks' "privatization" of power and impact of this on the urban population. Richard W. Bulliet has produced the first systematic examination of the learned class in medieval Iran: The Patricians of Nishapur (Cambridge, 1972). His study focuses on genealogical ties and legal affiliations. 2. As argued by Lapidus, Muslim Cities, pp. 108-10. His interpretation is qualified by my findings, but remains an insightful portrayal of the diverse contacts between the civilian elite and other elements of society. 3. This argument is tempered by repeated instances of crossover between professional categories. With the exception of the military-executive, no occupational group was totally absent from any of these categories. All such groups included some individuals regarded as suitable for service in the legitimate spheres of 'ulama' activity. The argument in this book is therefore based on variations in proportions between categories rather than complete exclusion of any group from them. 4. The most important work in the field of Mamluk studies has been done by Professor David Ayalon, whose series of articles explores several aspects of the military and social organization of the ruling elite. 5. H. Gibb, "Islamic Biographical Literature," in B. Lewis and P. Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East (London, 1962), p. 54. 6. G. Levi Delia Vida, "Sira," El· IV, 439-41. There is a little doubt that the SIra that finally appeared in literary form incorporated apocryphal elements. The work of Ibn Ishaq was completed more than a century after the Prophet's death. Indeed, one could argue that apocryphal additions were necessary in a biography of an individual whose life was regarded as a standard for personal conduct and yet was incompletely recorded. However, such additions were less justifiable for other persons who merely knew Muhammad and served as transmitters of his utterances. Rather, the absence of information was tacitly acknowledged by omission rather than by speculation on the basis of hearsay or unsound isnads (chain of authorities). 7. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1968), pp. 8284; I. Hafsi, "Recherches sur Ie genre Tabaqat dans la litterature arabe," Arabica XXIII (1976), esp. the section on traditionists, pp. 241-65. 8. Gibb, "Literature," p. 56. 9. Ibid., p. 55.

403

4°4

NOTES, PP. 6-14

10. Al-Dhahabi's Ta'rikh al-lslam (History of Islam) {GAL II, 58-59, nos. 1-3, Suppl. II, 45-47) began from the death of the Prophet and proceeded up to the first decades of the eighth century A.H. The arrangement of its necrologies established a model followed by subsequent compilers. 11. Gibb, "Literature," pp. 56-57. 12. Ibid., p. 56. 13. GAL II, 43, no. 1; Suppl. II, 31-32; in print, Husam al-Din al-Qudsi, ed., 12 vols. (Cairo, 1353/1934). Al-Qudsi based his edition on the manuscripts held in the Egyptian National and al-Azhar libraries (Dar al-Kutub, Ta'rikh: 675, 676, 887, 3270, 1510; al-Azhar, Ta'rikh: 6547 [239], 52502 [3791], 52853 [3882], 52854 [3883]) and on the manuscripts held in Damascus (Zahiriya, Ta'rikh: 70) and Istanbul (Asafiya, I, 782) for the first volume. 14. GAL II, 52, no. 4. The first 220 biographies of this work have been printed in one volume: A. Y. Najati, ed. (Cairo, 1956), based on several manuscripts (Dar al-Kutub, Ta'rikh: 230, 1113, 2355; Hadith: 11765, 13475, 1381, 13834; BN, f.a.: 2068-73). The Dar al-Kutub, Ta'rikh 1113, and the BN manuscripts were consulted for the work as a whole. See also Index (in List of Abbreviations). 15. Daw' VIII, p. 2, no. 1. 16. He expressed these views in a treatise on historical methods: Γ Ian bi'lTawbtkh li-Man Dhamma AhI al-Ta'nkh (The Open Denunciation of the Ad­ verse Critics of the Historians), edited by F. Rosenthal (Baghdad, 1963); English translation in F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1968), pp. 195-450. The work is important because it offers definitions and explains applications of historical terminology as well as cataloguing major types of historical works and their authors from the classical period to al-SakhawI's own day. 17. Daw' 3245, X, p. 305, no. 1178. See also G. Wiet, "L'historien AbulMahasin," BIE XII (1930), 89-105. 18. A. Darrag, "La vie d'Abu'l-Mahasin ibn Taghri-Birdi et son oeuvre," Al XI (1972), 165-67. 19. William Popper ("Sakhawl's Criticism of Ibn Taghri-Birdi," SO, pp. 37189) rightly dismissed these as relatively minor. However, David Ayalon has noted this historian's occasional misinterpretation of both nomenclature and political terminology ("Names, Titles and 'Nisbas' of the Mamluks," Israel Oriental Studies V (1975), 202, 204-205). But, as Ayalon corroborates, Ibn Taghri-Birdi's information on individuals involved in court circles was of great importance—and very accurate, especially concerning his own contemporaries. 20. The major sources are listed here. See bibliography for editions consulted by the author or noted in catalogues: Al-'Aynl, 'lad al-Juman ft Ta'rikh AhI al-lslam. Al-Biqa'i, 'Anwan al-Zaman ft Tardjim al-Shuyukh wa'l-Aqran. Ibn Fahd al-Makki (Taqi al-Din), Lahz al-Alhaz bi-Dhayl Tabaqat alHuffaz. Ibn Fahd al-Makki (Najm al-Din), Al-Mu jam. , Dhayl al-Mu'jam.

405

NOTES, PP. 15-16

Ibn Fahd al-Makkl ('Izz al-Dīn), Al-Kamīn bi-Dhayl al-'Iqd al-Thamīn fi Ta'rīkh al-Balad al-Amin (continuation of al-Fasī). Al-Fāsi, 'Iqd al-Thamīn fi Tarīkh al-Balad al-Amīn. , Shifa' al-Gharam bi-Akhbār al-Balad al-Haram. Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalāni, Inbd' al-Ghumr bi-Anbā' al-'Umr. , Raf al-lsr 'an Qudāt Misr. , Al-Durar al-Kāmina fi A'yān al-Mi'a al-Thāmina. Ibn Khatīb al-Nāsirīya, Muntakhabāt min Kitāb al-Kawākib al-Wadī'a fi Dhayl 'alā Ta'rīkh Ibn Khatīb al-Nasiriya. Ibn Khatīb al-Nāsirīya, Al-Durr al-Muntakhib min Ta'rīkh Mamlakat Halab. Al-Maqrīzī, Kitāb al-Sulūk li-Ma'rifat al-Duwal wa'l-Muluk. , Durar al-'Uqūd al-Farīda. , Kitāb al-Muqaffa. Ibn Nāhid, Al-Sīrat al-Mu ayyadiya. IbnQādīShuhba, Tabaqāt al-Shāfi'iya. , Al-A'lam bi-Ta'rikh Ahl al-Isldm. Al-Sakhawi, Al-Tibr al-Masbuk fi Dhayl al-Suluk. , Dhayl 'ala Raf al-lsr. Ibn Taghri-Birdi, Al-Nujum al-Zahira fi Muluk Misr wa'l-Qahira. , Al-Hawadith al-Duhur fi Mada al-Ayyam wa'l-Shuhur. CHAPTER I. THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY IN THE HISTORY OF CAIRO 1. Prior to the fifteenth century, the metropolitan area surrounding the walled city of Fatimid al-Qahira itself had experienced occupation by foreign military forces, including the Franks in 1168-1169. During the termination of the Fatimid dynasty at the hands of Shirkuh and Salah al-Din, there was local rioting on various occasions, although no major disruptions or destruction of property took place within the city proper. These various incidents wrought damage but cannot compare with the ravages of a thorough pillage, such as befell Baghdad at the hands of the Mongols in 1258. 2. D. Ayalon, "Aspects of the Mamluk Phenomenon—I," Der Islam LIII, no. 2 (1976), 196. 3. Ayalon summarizes the major regions or fronts adjoining the Dar al-Islam: the European zone, the Sudan and sub-Saharan Africa, the Indian Subcontinent, and Central Asia. This fourth zone constituted the great reservoir for manpower throughout the Middle Ages. Ayalon rightly stresses that the majority of those "entering Muslim territory or invading it from the fourth front almost always adopted Islam sooner or later, as far as they were pagans"; ibid., p. 204. Although Turks were the most prominent element in the Mamluk corps of Egypt and elsewhere, slaves were also recruited from among Circassians, Greeks, other Europeans, Kurds, and Turcomans. See G. Wiet, L'Egypte Arabe, in Gabriel Hanotaux, ed., Histoire de la nation egyptienne, IV (Paris, 1937), 389. 4. Ayalon, "Aspects—I," p. 205; Wiet, Egypte, p. 387.

406

NOTES, PP. 17-21

5. D. Ayalon, "Preliminary Remarks on the Mamluk Military Institution in Islam," in V. J. Parry and M. E. Yapp, eds., War, Technology and Society in the Middle East (Oxford, 1975), pp. 44-58; C. E. Bosworth, "Recruitment, Muster and Review in Medieval Islamic Armies," ibid., pp. 59-77; and C. E. Bosworth, "Barbarian Invasions: The Coming of the Turks into the Islamic World," in D. S. Richards, ed., Islamic Civilization, 950-1150 (Oxford, 1973), pp. 1-16. 6. Wiet, Egypte, p. 401. 7. On the iqtac system and its Egyptian variant, see C. Cahen, "!/evolution de l'ikta' de IXe au XIII" siecles," Annales Economies, Societes, Civilisations VIII (1953), 25-52; and his condensed statement in El2, III, 1088-90; see also A. N. Poliak, Feudalism in Egypt, Syria, Palestine and the Lebanon, 1250-1900 (London, 1939); A. N. Poliak, "Some Notes on the Feudal System of the Mamluks," JRAS (1937), pp. 97-107; and D. Ayalon, "The System of Payment in Mamluk Military Society," /ESHO, I, no. 1 (August 1957), 37-65, and no. 3 (October 1958), 257-96. 8. Wiet, Egypte, pp. 403-407. Aybak was killed on April 11,1257, and Shajar al-Durr on the 15th. 9. Ibid., pp. 410-38 for an outline of Baybars' career and legacy. See also R. Paret, "Sirat Baybars," EI2, I, 1126-27, for the popular literature on this figure. 10. Enforcement of this policy lapsed somewhat after the death of al-Nasir Muhammad in 1340, especially in Upper Egypt. See Chapter II, note 20. 11. On the social implications of the Mamluk modification of the iqtac system, see J. Abu-Lughod, Cairo, 1001 Years of the City Victorious (Princeton, 1971), p. 31. 12. D. Ayalon, "The Circassians in the Mamluk Kingdom," JAOS LXIX (1949), 145. 13. Ibid., pp. 141-42; Wiet, Egypte, pp. 521-22, 529-31, 538-40; A. Darraj, L'Egypte sous la regne de Barsbay (Damascus, 1961), pp. 58-59. 14. Ayalon, "Circassians," pp. 145-46. 15. D. Ayalon, "Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army—I," BSOAS, XV (1953), esp. pp. 208-11. Ayalon's series of articles on the organization of the Mamluk army provides a detailed analysis of the system that produced this condition. The Circassian attitude toward the throne intensified the existing problem of competition between differing factions of Mamluks. The reader is referred to these articles for an outline describing the specific ranks and designations used among the Mamluk military class itself. 16. W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans, in University of California Publications in Semitic Philology XV (1955), 87-88. 17. Wiet, Egypte, pp. 401-402, 426-30, 456-58, 505-506. 18. Ayalon, "Studies—I," pp. 206-207; Popper, Egypt and Syria, pp. 87-88. 19. Ayalon, "Studies—I," pp. 217-19; Popper, Egypt and Syria, p. 88. 20. Ayalon, "Studies—I," pp. 209-10; Ayalon, "Circassians," p. 146. 21. C. E. Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties, Vol. V of Islamic Surveys, edited

NOTES, PP. 21-24

407

by M. M. Watt (Edinburgh, 1967), p. 64; S. Lane-Poole, The Muhammadan Dynasties (London, 1894), pp. 80-83. These were: al-Zahir Barquq, 784-791/1382-1389 and 792-801/1390-1399 al-Nasir Faraj, 801-808/1399-1409 and 808-815/1405-1412 al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, 815-824/1412-1421 al-Ashraf Barsbay, 825-841/1422-1437 al-Zahir Jaqmaq, 842-857/1438-1453 al-Ashraf inal, 857-865/1453-1461 al-Zahir Khushqadam, 865-872/1461-1467 al-Ashraf Qaytbay, 872-901/1468-1495 22. D. Ayalon, "Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army—II," BSOAS XV (1953), 459-61. 23. E. Ashtor, Les metaux precieux et la balance des payements du procheorient a la basse epoque (Paris, 1971), p. 88. 24. S. Labib, Handelsgeschichte Agyptens im Spatmittelalter (1171-1517) (Wiesbaden, 1965), pp. 163-64. Barquq proceeded to expand the offices of ustadar (major domo), nazir al-khass (controller of the special bureau), and nazir aldawla (controller of the privy fund) in order to centralize the bureaucratic control over revenues under officials who were members of his personal staff. 25. Ashtor, "Balance," pp. 92-94. 26. Ibid., pp. 402-403. 27. Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 40-42. 28. Ibid., pp. 39-40. 29. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 409-10. 30. Ibid., pp. 166-67,410. 31. Popper, Egypt and Syria, pp. 95-96; D. Ayalon, "Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army—III," BSOAS XVI (1954), 60-61. 32. Popper, Egypt and Syria, pp. 102-103. 33. Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 63-64. 34. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 411-13; Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 110-19. 35. In addition to the influence of the sultan and amirs on the qadis and, therefore, over the administration of the Shari'a, the military judges of the Mamluk state (qudat al-'askar, hujjab), who exercised jurisdiction in cases dealing with members of the military elite, functioned independently from the civil judiciary. A. N. Poliak went so far as to argue that they based their decisions in part on the Yasa, the Mongol legal code, which was alien to the principles of the Shari'a. See Poliak, "The Influence of Chingiz Khan's Yasa upon the General Organization of the Mamluk State," BSOAS X (1942), 863-76; and Poliak, "Le caractere colonial de l'etat mamelouk dans ses rapports avec Ie horde d'or," REI IX (1935), 231-47. Ayalon has recently contested Poliak's conclusions concerning the Yasa and its influence over Mamluk legal procedure, arguing that available textual evidence does little to support Poliak's arguments. See D. Ayalon, "The Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan, A Re-Examination," Si,

408

NOTES, PP. 25-29

XXXVI (1972), 136-56. In general, the military judges seem to have remained within the framework of the Shari'a, but were independent of the civil judges. They distinguished between Mamluk and civilian litigants, recognizing the legal prerogatives of the former. 36. Ayalon, "Payment," no. 3 (1958), pp. 291-92. 37. For example, al-Maqrizi emphasized price inflation and debasement of coinage. He quoted prices at regular intervals in his chronicles not only to demonstrate the severity of the problem but also to show that it was measurable. For an analysis of al-Maqrizi's data on prices and coinage, see J. Bacharach, "A Study of the Correlation between Textual Sources and Numismatic Evidence for Mamluk Egypt and Syria, A.H. 784-872/A.D. 1382-1468," Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan, 1967. 38. Most recently discussed by A. Udovitch, "England to Egypt, 1350-1500: Long-term Trends and Long-distance Trade," in M. A. Cook, ed., Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East (London, 1970), pp. 115-28. See also E. Ashtor's summary in his Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), pp. 319-31. 39. Ayalon, "Studies—I," pp. 209-10, 224-28. 40. D. Ayalon, "L'esclavage du mamlouk," Oriental Notes and Studies, Jerusalem Oriental Society, no. 1 (1951). 41. Wiet, Egypte, pp. 589, 606-607. 42. D. Ayalon, "Discharges from Service, Banishments and Imprisonments in Mamluk Society," Israel Oriental Studies, II (1972), 27-28; Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 414-15. Note that this was distinct from the forms of payment to the Mamluks in active service. For details, see Ayalon, "Payment," pp. 3765, 258-96. 43. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 414; Ayalon, "Studies—III," pp. 76-77. 44. By the mid-fifteenth century, both royal and out-of-service Mamluks had organized themselves into gangs with lists of clients who paid them protection money to guarantee their own personal security and that of their businesses. This phenomenon reached its peak during the reigns of Jaqmaq and Khushqadam, and subsided somewhat during the reign of Qaytbay. It seems that Jaqmaq encouraged the formation of such groups in order to relieve the pressure on him for payments. Later, he was obliged to encourage the organization of countergangs to combat the former groups. See Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 415. 45. Ayalon, "Payment," pp. 287-89. 46. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 402; Ayalon, "Payment," p. 273-74. Note that Ayalon lists a figure of 7,165,000 dinars based on a statement by Ibn Iyas, in Badai' al-Zuhur /f Waqai' al-Duhur, edited by Muhammad Mustapha (Cairo, 1963), III, 256, 317. This figure does not, however, include extraordinary payments that Labib includes, raising the total expenditures to eight million dinars. 47. Ayalon, "Payment," pp. 289-90. 48. Udovitch, "England to Egypt," pp. 115-16. 49. Ibid., pp. 118-20. Plague epidemics struck Egypt every seven years on the average, and claimed especially children and the foreign-born. See D. Neustadt

NOTES, PP. 29-31

409

(Ayalon), "The Plague and Its Effects upon the Mamluk Army," JRAS (April 1946), pp. 69-71; M. DoIs, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, 1976), ch. V, esp. pp. 185-93. 50. Udovitch, "England to Egypt," pp. 117-18. 51. That the Mamluk regime made no attempt to transfer and resettle the population underscores the lack of a pragmatic policy to cope with the agrarian decline. No consideration was given to the possibility of regrouping the peasant population in a more efficient pattern of distribution. The network of iqta's could have been reorganized, with certain provinces, especially in Upper Egypt, reserved for pastoral purposes (wool production, horse pasturage, and so forth). Whether the Mamluk regime could actually have carried out a population transfer, of course, or how effective it would have been is debatable. 52. For an analysis of medieval Muslim commercial practices and their relationship to the Shari'a, see A. L. Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam (Princeton, 1970). 53. This is not to deny the impact of depressions, monetary crises, commercial failures, and natural disasters. However, these factors do not detract from the generally pragmatic attitude of the medieval Egyptian regimes up to the Circassian period. An exception may be the partial debasement of coinage inaugurated during the late Fatimid and early Ayyiibid periods to counteract the debasements of the Crusaders. Refer to A. Ehrenkreutz, Saladin (Albany, 1972), pp. 17-18; Ehrenkreutz, "The Standard of Fineness of Gold Coins Circulating in Egypt at the Time of the Crusaders," JAOS LXXIV (1954), 162-66; and Ehrenkreutz, "The Crisis of the 'Dinar' in the Egypt of Saladin," JAOS, LXXVI (1956), 174-84. 54. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 237; Wiet, Egypte, pp. 450-56, 489-90, 49197. 55. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 405. 56. Al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-A'sha fi Sinaat al-Insha (Cairo, 1914-1928) VI, 32; W. Fischel, "The Spice Trade in Mamluk Egypt," JESHO I (1958), 16264; G. Wiet, "Les marchands d'epices sous les sultans mamlouks," CHE VII (1955), 94. 57. Fischel, "Spice Trade," p. 164. 58. Ibid., pp. 169-72; W. Fischel, "Uber die Gruppe der Kariml-Kaufleute," Scripta Arabica, Annalecta Orientalia (1937), 80-81; Wiet, "Marchands," p. 89. 59. Qalqashandi, Subh, III, 464-66; Wiet, "Marchands," pp. 93-96; Fischel, "Spice Trade," pp. 167-68. 60. I. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1967), p. 89; Udovitch, "England to Egypt," p. 122. 61. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 355-56; Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 109-158. 62. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 402-408; Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 146-51,195237. 63. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 355-56, 372-73, 382-85, 402-404; Wiet, "Marchands," p. 103. 64. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 403; Fischel, "Spice Trade," pp. 172-74. The

NOTES, PP. 31-37

4io

monopoly system was not enforced uniformly. After Barsbay's death, the system lapsed temporarily—due, however, to bureaucratic difficulties rather than to recognition of its adverse effects. The system was renewed periodically, especially during the reigns of Qaytbay and al-Ghawri. 65. Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 159-237; Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 373-82. 66. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 385-86, 388. 67. ZW., pp. 392-93. 68. Ibid., pp. 337,439. 69. Ibid., pp. 403-404,409. 70. The phenomenon of systematic confiscation as a policy mutually planned and anticipated by the sultan and his clients who bore the confiscations is a topic worthy of future study. 71. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 412-13. 72. Ibid., p. 165. 73. Ibid, ι p. 422; M. Sobernheim, "Das Zuckermonopol unter Sultan Barsbai," ZA XXVII (1912), 75-84. 74. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 420-21; Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 68-73. 75. Refer to Poliak, Feudalism; and Poliak, "Notes on the Feudal System," pp. 97-107. 76. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 338-39. 77. Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, translated and edited by Franz Rosenthal (New York, 1958) II, 93-96, 102-103, 124-28. 78. Darraj, Barsbay, pp. 59-66. 79. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 441-80. The European commercial revo­ lution involves multiple causes, of course. It would have occurred regardless of the policies undertaken by regimes in the Near East, although these policies certainly influenced its timing. European interests in the region continued be­ yond the Mamluk period, as the capitulatory privileges granted to them by the Ottomans during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries attest. 80. Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, pp. 233-38. 81. A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Iran (London, 1953), p. 100; J. Aubin, "Comment Timur-Lenk prenait les villes," SI XIX (1963), 95-105; V. Minorsky, "The Aq-Qoyunlu and Land Reforms," BSOAS XVII:3 (1955), 449-62. 82. Lambton, Landlord, pp. 77-78, 80-83. 83. Marshall Hodgson provides a perceptive statement about social change following the Mongol invasions. See The Venture of Islam (Chicago, 1974), II, bk. IV, ch. 1, esp. pp. 391-410. 84. Walter Fischel, Ibn Khaldun in Egypt (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), pp. 18-19, 20-22. CHAPTER II. GEOGRAPHIC ORIGINS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE 1. A unique body of source materials that do belong to this category is extant: the Cairo Geniza documents. Due primarily to the efforts of Solomon Goitein,

NOTES, PP. 38-41

411

these varied materials, which bear upon many aspects of Egyptian and Mediterranean social and economic history during the central Middle Ages are in the process of publication and analysis. The Cairo Geniza documents were not an archive, but a random repository of documents bearing Hebrew characters, in a chamber belonging to a synagogue. See S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), I, especially ch. 1 for details on the documents and their subject matter. See also S. Shaked, A Tentative Bibliography of Geniza Documents (Paris, 1964) for information as to location of current collections. The Geniza documents provide considerable information concerning geographic origins and travel patterns. However, it must be stressed that these documents apply to the Fatimid and early Ayyubid periods rather than to the era under study here, the Circassian regime during the fifteenth century. 2. There was a qualifier inserted into the stream of nisbas by the biographers. They categorized nisbas as asl (ancestral site), thumma (intermediate site of residence), and the general nisba that usually included the final place of residence, if it was mentioned at all. Only 1,486 individuals of the 4,631 selected for this study actually bore the nisba "al-Qahiri," even though all of them lived in Cairo. 3. Of 4,631 biographies, 1,286 listed birthplaces; some 4,074 biographies reported at least one geographic nisba. The two indicators must be compared together in order to depict a probable pattern of migration. There were 850 identifiable place names derived from the geographic nisbas, birthplaces, and references to travel. Of these, 433 were located within modern Egypt and 417 distributed unevenly throughout other regions of the Near East. This chapter does not include a survey of places of death outside Cairo, since the overwhelming majority of individuals died either in Cairo or in Makka or Madina during a pilgrimage. 4. The actual percentage of foreign-born among the 'ulama' was high during the fifteenth century. Of the birthplaces recorded by the compilers of the two sources, between one-half and two-thirds referred to Cairo and its environs, the remainder being located elsewhere in Egypt or in other states. This, plus the great range of nisbas relating to identifiable place names, would suggest a firstgeneration foreign-born percentage of about 30 to 40 percent among the 'ulama'. Note that the overwhelming majority of all individuals in the biographical sources did identify with ancestral areas, and used such geographic nisbas as family surnames. However, those whose families had lived in Cairo for generations were distinguishable from those born elsewhere or from the children of recent immigrants. 5. Of the individuals who originated outside Cairo, about 40 percent of the total sample, some 60 percent came from the Egyptian districts between the Mediterranean ports and Aswan. Of these, in turn, the breakdown is roughly 65 to 35 percent (possibly 70 to 30 percent) for the Delta and the valley, respectively. 6. This is a general statement referring to a complex process. The critical

412

NOTES, PP. 41-48

elements in the appointment procedure were the personal connections and relations the individual had established rather than rating of academic performance, which was only occasionally noted in the biographical accounts. It must be stressed that this pattern held true only for the individuals or families who were relocating in Cairo from places of origin within Egypt. The pattern of immigration from regions outside Egypt, with the possible exception of Syria-Palestine, was not supported by complete enough figures or by sufficient density of sites to establish our hypothesis. 7. There were 50 references to Alexandria in nisbas and 16 to it as a birthplace. There were 30 references to Damietta in nisbas and 11 to it as a birthplace. 8. Refer to Tables 1 through 6 for the Delta districts and towns, which compare data according to professional category with geographic sites. 9. This relationship was modified during the fifteenth century, since Alexandria suffered a gradual decline in terms of maintenance by the sultans and importance as an entrepot of trade. The later Mamluk sultans actually transferred much of the commercial establishment of Alexandria to Cairo, primarily because of the dramatic increase in raids by European pirates against the city during the fifteenth century. By the time of the Ottoman conquest, Alexandria was already diminished to the level of a depressed semi-abandoned port town, and recovered little before the reign of Muhammad 'All. 10. During the Mamluk period Gharbiya included all of the territory between the Damietta and Rosetta branches of the Nile north of Minufiya. The modern governorate of Kafr al-Shaykh therefore constituted a part of this district. The northernmost region of the district appears to have been relatively underdeveloped and unpopulated during the fifteenth century. 11. Al-Mahallat al-Kubra yielded 59 nisbas and 25 birthplaces. Minuf yielded 39 nisbas and 13 birthplaces. 12. Ibn al-Ji'an, Al-Tuhfat al-Saniya bi-Isma al-Bilad al-Misrtya (Cairo, 1897), pp. 138-47; Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans in University of California Publications in Semitic Philology XV-XVI, 99. 13. Given the skewing of data toward the second half of the century, the overall rate of migration would appear to have remained relatively constant. No radical shifts in the proportions of either nisbas or birthplaces were reported for any twenty-five-year period. 14. Daw' 1547, V, p. 287, no. 975. 15. Daw' 1704, VI, p. 85, no. 286. 16. Daw' 170, I, p. 253, line 11. 17. For Asyut there were 19 msba references and 7 birthplaces. 18. This may be due to a degree of geographic ignorance on the part of alSakhawi and Ibn Taghri-Birdi, since the former was fairly familiar with the Delta but never mentioned traveling through Upper Egypt. Ibn Taghri-Birdi was a Mamluk by class, and identified entirely with Cairo. He visited certain cities of the South during official expeditions of the sultan's bureaucracy, but did not reveal any detailed knowledge of Upper Egypt. Biographers such as al-Suyuti or al-Adfuwi might provide considerable information on clustering of Upper Egyptian villages and fill out this pattern of isolated centers.

NOTES, PP. 48-52

413

19. J.-C. Garcin summarizes the social and political conditions contributing to this phenomenon. See "La mediterraneisation de l'empire mamelouk sous les Sultans Bahrides," RSO XLVIII (1974), 109-16. 20. A comparison between the iqta' yields reported for the Delta and the upper valley districts based on the cadastre ordered by Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad in 715/1315, and recomputed in 777/1376 during the reign of alAshraf Sha'ban, is provided by Ibn al-Jf an, Tuhfa, pp. 3-5, and listed in detail subsequently. Note that on the average there were fewer individual holdings per district than in the Delta. However, the mean yield in dinars per fiscal unit (nahlya) was considerably larger in the upper valley (the overall mean yields were: 6554.3 DJ/unit for the upper valley, 3772.5 DJ/unit for the Delta). Nonetheless, since the Delta yielded nearly twice the revenue collected in the valley, it is more likely that even during the Bahri period Upper Egyptian infeudation embraced larger holdings of real estate which, however, produced less revenue per feddan than comparable units in the Delta. There is little evidence to suggest any reversal of this situation during the fifteenth century. Indeed, although there are no formal cadastres, other general demographic and economic trends imply a further decline of the area. See J.-C. Garcin, Un centre musulman de la haute Egypte medievale: Qus (Cairo, 1976), ch. V, esp. pp. 231-44 for the complex distribution and redistribution of iqta' units; ch. VIII, 453-59 for the enlargement of iqta's; pp. 499-506 for the agrarian decline; and ch. VII for the growing influence of Bedouin tribes. See also Darraj, Barsbay, 59-66. 21. Garcin has outlined a process of deurbanization accompanying the general demographic and agrarian decline. Given the primarily urban character of waqfsupported institutions in Egypt (cf. C. Cahen, "Reflexions sur Ie waqf ancien," SI XIV [1961], 54), the religio-academic establishment of the upper valley would reflect the effects of this process. See Garcin, Qiis, ch. V, esp. pp. 244-45; ch. VI, 287, 303, 343; ch. VIII, 445-52, 499-506. 22. J.-C. Garcin, "Le Caire et la province, constructions au Caire et a Qus sous les Mamelouks Bahrides," Al VIII (1969), 52-53; Garcin, Qus, pp. 413-24. 23. G. Wiet, "Kibt/'E/ 1 , II, 996-98; Garcin, Qus, pp. 44-45, 57-59, 120-23, 169-70, 507-11. 24. Daw' 705, IV, p. 65, no. 203. 25. Daw' 705, XI, p. 72, no. 201. See also J.-C. Garcin, "Histoire, opposition politique et pietisme traditioniste dans Ie Husn al-Muhadarat de Suyuti," Al VII (1967),32-35. 26. There were 127 nisbas and 41 birthplaces. This flow of individuals was reciprocal. A large number of Cairenes held a wide variety of posts in Damascus. 27. For information on the cultural milieu of Damascus during the later Middle Ages, refer to N. Elisseeff, "Dimashk," EP, 284-86; J. Sauvaget, "Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas," REl VIII (1934), 456-67; H. Sauvaire, Description de Damas, 2 vols. (Paris, 1895); K. Wulzinger and C. Watzinger, Damaskus, Die lslamische Stadt (Berlin, 1924); N. Ziadeh, Damascus under the Mamluks (Norman, 1964); and N. Ziadeh, Urban Life in Syria under the Early Mamluks (Beirut, 1953). 28. For a survey of the Mamluk elite in the major cities of Syria, see

414

NOTES, PP. 52-58

I. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1966), esp. chs. 1 and 2. 29. Ibid., pp. 116-42. 30. There were 95 references to nisbas, 36 to birthplaces. 31. Jean Sauvaget, Alep, essai sur Ie developpement d'une grande ville syrienne, des origines au milieu du XIX' siecle (Pans, 1941). Sauvaget's grasp of the impact of historical events on Aleppo and its society was profound. His analysis of the psychological reaction of the populace to repeated destruction and looting resulting from invading armies is basic to an understanding of the city's outlook during the late Mamluk period. 32. Aleppo province included less territory in modern Syria than in the Turkish Republic. The populations of this heterogeneous area spoke Turkish, Armenian, Kurdish, and Persian dialects as well as Arabic. Culturally, the region was highly developed and produced many individuals who became prominent in Cairo. The frontiers of this province extended, at their maximum, from roughly fifty miles west of Tarsus on the Mediterranean coast in a diagonal northeast to the Kizil and Qara Su rivers, then to the southeast into modern Iraq and the northwestern Euphrates Valley. 33. J. Mandaville discusses the importance of influential associates in the appointment process for the Damascus judiciary. See "The Muslim Judiciary of Damascus in the Late Mamluk Period," Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1969, pp. 52-54. 34. Daw' 2906, X, p. 3, no. 5. 35. Of 100 references to this position, 56 designated Syrians or Palestinians. Of the 48 references to birthplaces, 25 were located in Syria-Palestine. Other regions of the Near East contributed several of these ministers of state, (second only to the wazir in rank and authority among civilian officials), making the Syrian preponderance more apparent. 36. Daw" 3253, X, p. 318, no. 1196. See also Gaston Wiet, "Les Secretaires de la chancellerie en Egypte, 784-922/1382-1517," MRB, I (1925), 291-92. 37. In such cases, successful avoidance of mulcting or confiscation usually suggested a payoff to the sultan or high officials on good terms with the sultan. 38. For example, the case of Abu 'Abd-Allah Muhammad ibn Salama alTawzari al-Maghribi al-Karaki (Daw' 2200, VII, p. 255, no. 640) who attached himself to Barquq when the latter was imprisoned. 39. Damascus province included all of modern central and southern Syria from about thirty miles south of Hama to and including most of modern Jordan, with the exception of the area east of the Dead Sea, which was administered by al-Karak, and all of modern Palestine-Israel from Ghazza east. This was an area of diverse regions, and several of the larger towns maintained their own courts and administered their hinterlands with considerable autonomy. Foreign, fiscal, and military policies were administered directly from Damascus, however, which was also the seat of the four chief justices for the province. Aleppo province was even more diverse than the area under Damascus' jurisdiction. Finally, the intermediate provinces of Hama and Tarabulus included the west central regions of Syria and the modern north Lebanese and Syrian coasts, respectively.

NOTES, PP. 58-65

415

40. The density of the clustering was, of course, significantly less for SyriaPalestine than for the Delta. Note that the scale of the maps of Egypt is four times that of the map of the eastern Mediterranean. But here we are interested in the pattern of clustering, suggesting secondary migration, rather than density. This phenomenon was similar to the configuration in the central Delta. 41. For example, al-Maqrizi (Daw' 338, II, p. 21, no. 66), the eminent historian, used his nisba as his shuhra or public title. This nisba was derived from a quarter in the ante-Lebanon town of Ba'labakk, now famous for its ancient Roman monuments, but widely known in medieval times as a local center of scholarship. Al-Maqrizi's family never abandoned its identification with its ancestral quarter. 42. Note that Beirut was comparatively insignificant, underscoring its relative underdevelopment during the Middle Ages and early modern period. 43. Lapidus, Cities, pp. 37-38. 44. The best brief account of the economic adjustments in Iran after the Mongol conquests is A.K.S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Iran (London, 1953), ch. 4. 45. Ibid., pp. 83-87. The Mongols seem to have envisaged a society and environment as ideal if they approximated the conditions of the Central Asian steppes: a vast region of semi-arid plains open to unhindered movement for thousands of miles, with few city-states to hinder pastoral activities. The Mongols were advanced pastoralists who sought to recreate this ideal environment in their conquered territories. Attempts to reproduce the topography of Central Asia in Iran were doomed, of course, to failure. The Mongols succeeded only in disrupting urban culture in several Iranian provinces. 46. J. Aubin, "Comment Tamerlan prenait les villes," SI, XIX (1963), 86-88, 90-91, 101-102, 121-22. Aubin has developed an interpretation of Timur's policies based on the Mongol "Weltanschauung." It sheds light on the enormity of the pillaging and devastation of the Mongols and their successors by explicating their attitudes as to what a society ought to be. 47. It is significant that the Aq-Qoyunlu dynasty initiated tax and land reforms in the tradition of the Ilkhanid ruler, Ghazan Khan, in order to stabilize the economic conditions they had inherited. See V. Minorsky, "The Aq-Qoyunlu and Land Reforms," BSOAS XVII (1955), 449-62; J. E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu (Chicago, 1976), pp. 121-22, 156-57, 169. 48. The sites located in Central Asia: Farab (123), Bukhara (125), and Samarqand (124), plus the Khwarazm steppe (116), were included in the Iranian region since their learned elites identified as Persians culturally. 49. Isfahan yielded only two nisba references and no birthplaces. This city had not yet attained the cultural status it was to achieve under the Safavids. 50. See H. Hookham, Tamburlaine the Conqueror (London, 1962), pp. viiiix for a schematic map tracing the routes of Timur's campaigns. Hookham bases her routing of the invasions on the accounts of contemporary chroniclers, both in Timur's company and resident in the cities he pillaged. 51. Daw' 4044, IX, p. 137, no. 315. 52. Daw' 1358, V, p. 117, no. 417.

416

NOTES, PP. 66-75

53. Daw' 2419, VIII, p. 151, no. 359. See also Wiet, "Secretaires," p. 202. There is no evidence that al-Hirawi was a Hindu or an Indian, although his family may have served in the Muslim royal courts of northern India. 54. Daw' 3864, III, p. 168, no. 649; Manhal 426, I, f. 304b; Index, no. 637. 55. Daw' 1174, VI, p. 165, no. 556. See also Wiet, "Secretaires," pp. 28186. 56. During the fifteenth century, Anatolia had not yet experienced total domination by the Ottomans. The Timurid invasions and disastrous rout of the Ottomans in 1402 at Ankara set back the course of Ottoman consolidation in Anatolia for several decades. Ironically, the Mamluks owed their final century of influence in southeastern Anatolia in large part to the devastations of their terrible enemy against the Ottomans, who at that time maintained cordial relations with Cairo 57. They owed their sustained rule also to the efforts and campaigning of Sultans al-Mu ayyad Shaykh and Barsbay, who sought to restore their Syrian and Anatolian dominions to the degree of control prevailing under Sultan Baybars. See Lapidus, Cities, p. 32. 58. Note that the circle in Map IH-B located in the Armenian Knot indicating 21 nisba references applies to Kurdistan as a general area. No birthplaces were reported for Kurdistan alone, although the nisba Kurd! appeared quite frequently. This phenomenon implies that the majority of individuals who bore the nisba did not originate in Kurdistan. 59. Daw' 3082, X, p. 131, no. 545. 60. This was a rationale behind all Mamluk regimes, of course. The elite troops were to remain alien in their adopted countries, and were to show loyalty only to themselves and their masters. Their sustained use of Turkish in Arabophonic Egypt posed a barrier between themselves and the mass of population that heightened their sense of separateness. 61. Manhal 44, I, p. 203, no. 110. 62. There were 17 nisbas and 4 birthplaces reported for Madina, 58 nisbas and 28 birthplaces for Makka, and 20 nisbas, 12 birthplaces for Baghdad. 63. The references for the well-known North African sites were as follows: Nisbas Birthplaces Tunis 15 6 Tawzar 3 0 Qustantina 2 2 Bijaya 12 4 Tilimsan 3 0 Fas 7 2 Marrakish 2 0 64. Daw' 65. Daw' 1447-1448. 66. Daw' 67. Daw'

768, IV, p. 144, no. 387; Manhal, II, f. 300a; Index, no. 1383. 182, I, p. 268, line 16. The birthdate is incorrectly given as 851/ 2803, IX, p. 180, no. 466. 53, I, p. 12, line 20.

NOTES, PP. 75-81, 128-31

417

68. Daw' 2604, VI, p. 288, no. 800. Ibrahim was the son of Muhammad's father's paternal uncle. 69. Daw' 2831, IX, p. 203, no. 499. 70. Refer to Chapter IV, section on the shahids. The distinction between bureaucratic and legal functions was difficult to draw in the case of the notaries. Their pronounced localism would skew the representation of Cairo in either the bureaucratic or legal categories. 71. If the notaries indeed handled the majority of cases heard in the local courts, then their own backgrounds might suggest their primary reliance on local custom and tradition to decide cases. How the Shari'a would fit into this practice would depend in part on the legal affiliations of the notaries. The great majority were Shafi'is during this period. However, the upper levels of the judiciary were more evenly distributed among the four madhhabs and, moreover, these judges were often familiar with the tenets of the several schools. Thus, the majority of Cairo's population may have had relatively little contact with the more cosmopolitan elements of the court system. CHAPTER III. RESIDENCE PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE 1. For a concise account in English of the history of al-Azhar and the scholars who have studied there, see B. Dodge, Al-Azhar, A Millennium of Muslim Learning (Washington, D . C , 1961). For bibliography see J. Jomier, "Al-Azhar," E/ 2 1, 813-21. 2. Cf. Chapter IV, supported by Table 11, which compares positions held by individuals engaged in the twenty-one occupations of the major group. 3. Cf. Appendix II, list 22. 4. W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian Sultans, vol. XV in University of California Publications in Semitic Philology (1955), 111-20; alQalqashandi, Subh al-A'shd fi Sina'at al-Inshd (Cairo, 1914-1928). Drawing upon his wide experience as a secretary in the royal chancellery during the first half of the fifteenth century, Qalqashandi compiled a monumental survey of scribal techniques as they had evolved in the central Islamic lands since the classical period. Many offices, particularly in the bureaucratic and legal categories, were described in detail. Qalqashandi often quoted directly from primary documents that were subsequently lost, thus providing us with invaluable glimpses into diwan procedures and policy formation. 5. Only the term mudarris or professor was used for the maps. The patterns revealed by the professors were duplicated almost identically by the specialists in hadith, tafsir, fiqh, nahw, ma'an, and bayan, and so on. These fields are discussed in relation to the general category of professors. The mudarrisun represented the largest group of occupations reported by the biographical sources. 6. Popper, Egypt and Syria. Popper based his maps and notes on data provided by Ibn Taghri-BirdI, Maqrlzi, and Qalqashandi; as well as the subsequent work of Herz and Creswell. K.A.C. Creswell, Map of Cairo Showing Mohammedan Monuments (Cairo, 1947, 1951). Max Herz et al., Proces verbaux, Comite de conservation des monuments de I art arabe (Cairo, 1885-1913).

4i8

NOTES, PP. 131-38

7. Al-Maqrizi, Al-Muwaiz wa'l-I'tibdr bi-Dhikr al-Khitat wa'l-Athdr (Cairo, 1853-1854), vol. II. Ibn Duqmaq, Kitdb al-Intisdr li-Wdsitat 'lqd alAmsar (Cairo, 1891-1892), vols. IV and V. 'AIi Mubarak, Al-Khitat alTawftqiya al-Jadtda li-Misr al-Qdhira, 20 parts in 4 vols. (Cairo, 1888). 8. P. Ravaisse, "Essai sur l'histoire et sur la topographie du Caire d'apres Makrizi," MMAFC I (1887), fasc. 3, pp. 409-80; and III (1889), fasc. 3, pp. 31115. P. Casanova, "Histoire et description de la citadelle du Caire," MMAFC, VI (1897), fasc. 4 and 5, pp. 509-781; P. Casanova, "Essai de reconstitution topographique de la ville d'al-Foustat ou Misr," MlFAO XXXV, fasc. 1 and 2 (1913); fasc. 3 (1919). G. Salmon, "Etudes sur la topographie du Caire, la Kal'at al-Kabch et la Birkat al-Fil," MIFAO VII (1902), entire volume. M. Clerget, Le Caire, etude de geographie urbaine et d'histoire economique (Cairo, 1934). 9. K.A. C. Creswell, "A Brief Chronology of the Muhammadan Monuments of Cairo to A.D. 1517," BIFAO XV (1918), 39-164; The Muslim Architecture of Egypt (Oxford, 1952, 1959). 10. J. L. Abu-Lughod, Cairo, 1001 Years of the City Victorious (Princeton, 1971); S. J. Staffa, Conquest and Fusion, the Social Evolution of Cairo, A.D. 642-1850 (Leiden, 1977). 11. I. Salama, Bibliographie analytique et critique touchant la question de lenseignement en Egypte depuis la periode des Mamliiks jusqu'd nos jours (Cairo, 1938). See especially "Documents contemporaines a l'epoque des Ayyubides et des Mamliiks," pp. 1-40, and "Documents recents concernant la periode des Mamliiks," pp. 43-50. 12. Clerget, Le Caire I, 133-43. The Fatimid rectangle of Cairo could remain aloof to the mundane demands of commerce and economics because such activities were relegated to Fustat, which was the center of trade and industry for the country, until its population was ordered out and the city was incinerated by Grand Vizier Shawar, for reasons of defense, against the Crusaders. 13. Casanova, "Citadelle," pp. 510, 570-73, 591-601. 14. See Ravaisse, "Essai" I, 428-79. Ravaisse's objective was to reconstruct the Fatimid buildings, but in so doing, he described the districts and structures that replaced them. The maps accompanying his survey of the city's transformation superimpose the earlier Fatimid structures on the Mamluk-period topography still extant in part today. 15. Clerget, Le Caire I, 144-50. Clerget summarizes the basic topographical sources in detail. 16. Ibid., pp. 150-53. 17. Abu-Lughod, Cairo, pp. 33-36. 18. S. Labib, Handelsgeschichte Agyptens im Spdtmittelalter (1171-1517) (Wiesbaden, 1965), p. 180. 19. Casanova, "Foustat." References to the port, river front, and markets are scattered throughout all three fascicles. 20. Refer to George Makdisi, "Muslim Institutions of Learning in EleventhCentury Baghdad," BSOAS XXIV (1961), 4-17 for a discussion of institutional types and their descriptive nomenclature. The variants treated here represent

NOTES, PP. 138-145

419

the range of institutions in Cairo during the later Middle Ages and do not correspond in all respects to the religio-academic establishment of Baghdad during the eleventh century. 21. The early Fatimids were very interested in higher learning, but emphasized the elaboration of Shi'i theology. Their academies (dar al-'ilm) were designed primarily to train Isma'ili missionaries or da'is sent forth to convert the Dar al-Islam. By the twelfth century, the Fatimid network of academies had declined, and Salah al-Din encountered little resistance to his establishment of Sunni religio-academic institutions. 22. The core of the curriculum always remained the Islamic sciences, which represented the essence of a genuine education. The product of such an education was, in theory, the pious scholar, sufficiently learned to adhere to God's ordinances through accurate interpretation of revealed scripture and law. Every madrasa offered variants of the Islamic sciences, but few maintained the expense of supporting several secular disciplines, which did not belong to the official curriculum. 23. The term "monastery" might be the most apt translation of the Muslim khanqah, since the great majority (although not all) of its members were men, but the term "convent" appears in many secondary works. Here we retain the Arabic original, since neither translation seems quite appropriate. 24. The needs of individual Sufis were comfortably met in the great houses, and they received a monetary allowance per month. Such an allowance permitted a Sufi to deal with the outside world and purchase personal possessions, in striking contrast to his monastic counterpart in Christian Europe. There are descriptions of specific khanqahs in Appendix I. 25. This also is in striking contrast to the monasteries of Europe. The entire question of the role played by the urban khanqahs of later Medieval Islam remains unstudied. 26. This was the khanqah at Siryaqus several miles north of Cairo (130). 27. It is not possible to deduce who actually paid fees for what services and to whom from the biographical sources. 28. The biographers were also discussing governmental activities well known to any literate person in Cairo. It would be unnecessary to provide detailed descriptions or locations. The religio-academic monuments are known to us because many survived into the modern period. 29. Occupations regarded by the biographers as unrelated to the 'ulama' were mentioned only if an individual engaged in them prior to his learned career. 30. All information on instructors and curriculum items reported in the biographies has been filed for future analysis, and has not been examined at this stage. 31. Of 1,187 cases with birthplaces cited, some 700 referred to Cairo and its environs. The nisba count here would be misleading because a high percentage of the 4,631 individuals of the total sample would take the title "Qahiri" once they were established there, regardless of their place of origin. For the survey of individuals from Cairo, therefore, only the birthplace count was used.

420

NOTES, PP. 145-52

32. The general location of the major branches of the imperial bureaucracy during the Mamluk period is summarized by Popper, Egypt and Syria, pp. 81100. The central bureaus were housed in the Citadel complex, but by no means all the myriad functions of even the major administrative-fiscal bureaus were confined to the Citadel area. Many offices, in fact, were not fixed at a specific site but moved about according to the type of service performed. The failure of the biographical compilers to designate the location of many administrative and legal offices stands as a serious defect in this type of source. 33. There were 23 cases of individuals born in Cairo for the Zahiriya madrasa. 34. Note that the Citadel {al-Qal'a) itself was reported, not the Citadel mosque founded by al-Nasir Muhammad. The four individuals who form this group received their educations within the imperial court itself. 35. There were 26 nisba and 16 birthplace references for al-Azhar; 29 nisba and 7 birthplace references for Zahiriya. 36. On the figures for birthplaces in Cairo, there were 9 for al-Azhar and 23 for Zahiriya. Thus, there were more cases of individuals born in the Delta than in Cairo for al-Azhar, and the opposite for Zahiriya. In both cases, the large contingent of Delta people may be noted. 37. References occurred as follows: Birthplaces Nisbas •stival Gate Group 11 Sa'id al-Su'ada' 16 2 7 Sabiqiya 4 6 Hijaziya 5 13 Jamaliya 7 17 Baybarsiya 4 Qarasunquriya 5 %yn al-Qasrayn Group Kamiliya Barquqiya Nasiriya Mansuriya Maristan Mansuri Zahiriya Salihiya

17 13 7 12 19 10 10

7 8 4 3 2 4 3

al-Azhar Ashrafiya Mu'ayyadiya

35 13 19

22 5 4

Nisbas 32 51 38

Birthplaces 10 21 22

38. References are to: Baybarsiya Sa'id al-Su'ada' al-Azhar

39. There were 19 nisba and 2 birthplace references cited. Note that this discrepancy in the ratio of nisbas to birthplaces held true for most citations of

NOTES, PP. 152-61

421

Upper Egyptians in the biographical sources. The settlement of first-generation migrants seems to have been infrequent and irregular. 40. There were 10 nisba references and 3 birthplaces cited. 41. Daw'3144, X, pp. 186-87, no. 781. 42. There were 12 nisba references and 7 birthplaces cited. 43. Mu'ayyadiya had the second-highest concentration (after al-Azhar): 17 nisba and 7 birthplace references. Al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh's career in Syria and the many associates he cultivated there was reflected in this concentration. Shaykh also maintained an interest in scholars from Egypt, Syria, and elsewhere, and set a tradition for appointing a cosmopolitan group to staff his madrasa. 44. There were 18 nisba references and 5 birthplaces cited for Shaykhuniya. 45. According to the biographical sources, the Iranians as a group were geographically mobile. Even in Iran, relatively few confined themselves to institutions of one city. Many of the prominent Iranian scholars had studied in Iran, Afghanistan, India, Syria, and even Anatolia before settling in one or more of the institutions in Cairo. 46. Note that there was only one reference to an actual birthplace reported for any Iranian in the education survey. This occurred at Taybarsiya (37), Daw' 1080, III, p. 139, no. 552 (Shiraz). AU other references were to nisbas. 47. The one exception was the khanqah at Siryaqus (130). 48. There were 14 nisba and 2 birthplace references. 49. Mamluk amirs who founded and maintained these madrasas, it should be pointed out, did not always determine appointments themselves. That they did so on occasion, however, was clearly indicated by the biographical sources. The question of Mamluk attitudes toward the Anatolians is complex, but the fragmentary and scattered evidence in the biographies suggests a special relationship. 50. Several years of surveying at the site would reveal several of these institutions, but people of this area are not receptive to foreigners conducting research. A survey of the Desert Plain, the Southern Cemetery, and the Bab al-Nasr Cemetery would uncover many of the zawiyas or tombs mentioned in the medieval texts. 51. Individuals adhering to one legal school often studied with specialists in another, of course, especially at the advanced level. Many legal scholars had become familiar with the canons of all four. 52. Like other non-Egyptians, many North Africans completed most of their formal studies prior to their move to Cairo, and yet there were scattered references which suggests that many of them were students in Cairo. Research on the modern period also reveals a steady flow of North African students and scholars east to Egypt and beyond. Nevertheless, the biographical sources for the medieval period provided only a limited number of cases in which places of education were cited. 53. For the group distribution, there were 15 nisba and 4 birthplace references; for the residence pattern, 13 nisba references. 54. The formal educations of a large percentage of individuals described in the biographical sources were not mentioned. This tendency is emphasized among the less eminent individuals. The dictionaries, and particularly the Daw',

422

NOTES, PP. 201-206

were remarkable for their thorough coverage, but they did not dwell on the studies (often rather modest, admittedly) of individuals who failed to gain much recognition in learned circles.

CHAPTER IV. OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS OF THE CIVILIAN ELITE 1. Most succinctly stated by Ira Lapidus in Muslim Cities, pp. 108-109. Lapidus' assertion summarizes the established view, which is based upon the consistent appearance of multiple offices in contemporary biographical literature. Such occupational multiplicity has been largely accepted on face value, and has been assumed to have occurred at random, thereby supporting the image of the 'ulama' as an unspecialized, multicompetent elite. 2. These surviving structures are important because they suggest the quality of life enjoyed by the wealthiest classes. However, too few remain to provide information on the residence pattern of the class as a whole. 3. Al-Jahiz, cited by C. Pellat, The Life and Works of fahiz (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), p. 273. 4. F. Krenkow, "Katib," Ei1 II, 819. 5. This statement must be qualified by a distinction between the two functional aspects of the office: the katib al-insha' (documents, archival secretary), and the katib al-amwal (fiscal secretary). The former clearly exhibited qualities of the 'ulama' class; its duties required broad learning as well as special skills; see Qalqashandi I, 13, 130-466 (a detailed, possibly idealized, survey of requisite knowledge). The katib al-amwal did not have equivalent characteristics: Qalqashandi I, 9, 54-56; II, 441-43; III, 150; V, 452; VI, 41. The biographers used the term "katib" when referring to the latter function. In cases of the former, they used the appropriate terminology or, more frequently, designated such individuals as muwaqqi's or clerks. Because of this distinction in roles, clerks have been analyzed separately. For a recent analysis of the secretary-clerk issue, refer to J. Escovitz, "Vocational Patterns of the Scribes of the Mamluk Chancery," Arabica XXIII (1976), 42-62. 6. Qalqashandi I, 50. 7. Qalqashandi comments on the advisability of requiring an established identification with Islam as a prerequisite for holding an archival or documentary post: I, 61-64, 89-91; V, 443. 8. Ibid., I, 19; III, 487, 552; IV, 17, 44, 189, 196-97, 225-30, 238; XII, 89, 96, 160; XIII, 310 (for his special relationship with the sultan). 9. Ibid., I, 104, 110, 137; IV, 19, 29-30; VI, 206-207; VII, 164; VIII, 214; XI, 114, 294. See also Labib, Handelsgeshichte, p. 166. 10. Qalqashandi IV, 59-60; VI, 209-14. 11. See Manhal 25, I, f. 23, Index, no. 47; G. Wiet, "Les Secretaires de la chancellerie en Egypte sous les Mamlouks circassiens, 784-922/1382-1517," MRB I (1925), 277-83, no. VIII; Daw' 1830, VI, p. 235, no. 812; Wiet, "Secretaires," pp. 283-84, no. IX; Daw' 920, IV, p. 313, no. 848; Manhal 332, II, f. 345; Wiet, "Secretaires," pp. 296-99, no. XXI; Index, no. 1461.

NOTES, PP. 206-11

423

12. See C. Petry, "Geographic Origins of Diwan Officials in Cairo during the Fifteenth Century," /ESHO XXI (1978), 171-77. 13. Daw' 2751, IX, p. 137, no. 350; Wiet, "Secretaires," pp. 286-88, no. XI. 14. Daw' 2859, IX, p. 236, no. 583; Wiet, "Secretaires," pp. 288-89, no. XII, pp. 299-300, no. XXII, p. 303, no. XXVII. 15. Daw' 1652, VI, p. 51, no. 140. 16. Daw' 235, I, p. 314, line 4; Wiet, "Secretaires," p. 296, no. XX. 17. Only one concentration appeared, at the Baybarsiya khanqah (13): four occupational references, and two for residence. Three of these occupational references named "secretaries of the absence" (kuttab al-ghayba), or those with interim duties, while the nazir was away or otherwise preoccupied. There were eight other similar references to institutions in the northeast and other districts. There was only one reference to the Citadel complex (138). The residence pattern may be regarded as more indicative of where these people lived, but it did not approach a comprehensive survey. Sa'Id al-su'ada' (15) was the only site having more than one person. Most of the references in the northeast were near the Festival Gate or the Bayn al-Qasrayn groups. In other districts, one area was worthy of mention: Ratli Lake, (183), which was surrounded by spacious houses and gardens inhabited primarily by wealthy amirs and officials. Three of the katibs were reported in this vicinity, the only references to residences in this area in the entire survey. A private house in this district required a substantial income and also social acceptance by its dominant class, the Mamluks. The secretarial element appears to have been among the few groups who could qualify on both accounts. There were two cases of katibs living in the tomb areas of the Desert Plain (120, 202). Both individuals had retired to a life of seclusion from temporal affairs. 18. Qalqashandl III, 451-54; IV, 466; VII, 201, 230. 19. There were five occupational references for each institution. 20. In addition, there were references to residence along the shores of the Elephant Lake (170), along the Bulaq road (185), and in the Nile port itself (190). These private homes were all owned by individuals who had attained more remunerative positions subsequent to their stewardships. For example, the individual in the Birkat al-Fil district {Daw' 43, I, p. 70, line 9) held nineteen positions during his career. He was Burhan Ibrahim ibn 'Abd al-Rahman alKarakl, and was a Koran reader, imam, nazir, repetitor, faqlh, khatib, Hanafi judge, shaykh, and professor. 21. C. E. Bosworth comments on the evolution of the term tawqi, which denoted the editing and transcription of official correspondence. See his "Christian and Jewish Religious Dignataries in Mamluk Egypt and Syria: Qalqashandi's Information on Their Hierarchy, Titulature and Appointment," I]MES III: 2 (1972), 199, note 1. 22. Qalqashandl refers to these officials as katibs. However, al-Sakhawi consistently chose variants on the term tawqi' to designate their positions. For the muwaqqi' (katib) al-dast see Qalqashandl I, 103, 137; III, 486-87; IV, 30; V, 464; XI, 229, 333. For the muwaqqi' (katib) al-darj see 1,104,138; IV, 30, 193; V, 465. See also Popper, Egypt and Syria, p. 97.

424

NOTES, PP. 211-15

23. There were 38 references to Coptic secretaries; only 5 to Coptic clerks. Yet the total number of secretaryships reported only exceeded the number of clerkships by roughly a third. There was clearly a greater percentage of Copts (including converts to Islam) in the secretarial class. 24. Qalqashandi V, 465; IX, 257-58; Popper, Egypt and Syria, pp. 117-18. See also Labib, Handelsgeschtchte, pp. 164-68. Labib mentions the highest financial officers of the state, but the nature of their functions and social position as he described them characterized the entire occupational category during the Mamluk period. 25. Qalqashandi XI, 252; XII, 302 (refers to a letter of appointment to the controllership of the Umayyad mosque in Damascus). 26. For example, the case of Amir Sudun al-Qadi, appointed nazir of al-Azhar (cf. Appendix I, description of al-Azhar). 27. There were 42 references to these positions held by Mamluks, but the actual percentage of nazirs among the total group of Mamluks would be much higher than indicated by these figures, since the study considered only persons born in Egypt to a Mamluk parent or first-generation Mamluks with children. 28. Qalqashandi V, 465 (description of the office): nazir al-jaysh (army) IV, 17, 30; (the office in Damascus) IV, 190; (titulary) VI, 61; (example of tawqi' of investiture) XI, 323-24, XII, 153-54; nazir al-khass (privy funds) IV, 30; (description of the office) VI, 44; (connections with other bureaus) VI, 216; (supplanting of wazir) VIII, 231; nazir al-dawla (fiscal bureaus) XI, 117; (description of the office) IV, 29, XI, 316; nazir bayt al-mal (treasury) IV, 31; (titulary) IX, 257; nazir al-jami' (mosque) XI, 252; (example of tawqi' of investiture for the Umayyad mosque) XII, 302; nazir al-bimaristan (hospital) IV, 34, 38; (note references to special preference given to grand amirs) IX, 256; (refers to "notables" of the pen) IX, 256, XI, 117; nazir al-ahbas (trust properties) IV, 38; nazir al-awqaf (pious trust foundations) IV, 220 29. From among the holders of 80 occupations, representing all six categories, the nazirs accounted for between 20 and 25 percent of those accused of a crime and suffering some form of arrest and punishment. Most of the crimes had to do with embezzlement, and the great majority of all references were to people in Category II. 30. There were 104 cases of these positions held by Copts. This figure must be compared with the 571 controUerships reported in the general occupation count. Only the offices of nazir and nazir awqaf were included in the major group. Also, the presence of Mamluks in this category must be weighed. Copts appeared frequently in controUerships of the special bureau (dlwan mufrad), privy funds (khass), army (jaysh), and fiscal bureaus (dawla)—all dealing with manipulation of royal accounts and military pay.

NOTES, PP. 215-25

425

31. Daw' 1504, V, p. 252, no. 846. 32. Daw' 44, I, p. 65, line 11. 33. Manhal 450, III, f. 120; Index, no. 2054. 34. Daw' 1425, V, p. 184, no. 630. 35. There were 24 occupational references, but none for residence. 36. Qalqashandi VI, 17; A. Cour, "Shaikh," El·, IV, 275. 37. Placement of this office in the legal category was decided primarily on the grounds of function. References to shaykhs based in religio-academic institutions most often depict individuals serving as arbiters who guide their communities according to their recognized expertise in the Shari'a rather than serving as custodians of religious observance (Category VI). This occupational distribution supports the impression we have from random references to duties and prerogatives in the biographical accounts and narrative sources. 38. Qalqashandi (references to Sufi shaykhs in various counseling capacities) VI, 18, 163, 165; IX, 264, 275; XI, 83-84; XII, 284; (references to rectorships) IV, 37-38; XI, 90, 98, 118, 121, 370; XII, 7; (references to titulary) VIII, 172, 175, 191, 198-212. 39. Ibid., Ill, 277; VI, 57; VII, 239; VIII, 172; IX, 180; XIV, 204, 226, 228, 348. See also Popper, Egypt and Syria, p. 100; J. Kramers, "Shaikh al-Islam," El· IV, 275-76. 40. The references to these occupations were as follows: Occupation Residence Baybarsiya 16 8 Sa'id al-Su'ada' 27 8 Jamallya 6 2 Barqiiqlya 8 3 Zahiriya 6 4 Ashrafiya 7 3 Mu'ayyadlya 6 2 Fakhriya 5 2 Basitiya 6 1 Shaykhuniya 31 5 Siryaqus 11 3 41. See R. Levy, "Muhtasib," El· III, 702-703; C. Cahen and M. Talbi, "Hisba," EP III, 485-89; see A. 'Abd ar-Raziq, "La hisba et Ie muhtasib en Egypte au temps des Mamluks," AI XIII (1977), 115-78, and Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 179-84 for the scope of the muhtasib's office and occupations subject to his supervision. 42. Qalqashandi (description of the office) IV, 37; V, 451-52; X, 150; XI, 96, 209; (references to protocol in the Council of Justice) III, 483; IV, 45; (copy of tawqi' of investiture to the office in Damascus [al-Sham]) XII, 337. 43. However, 17 cases were reported of Sufis holding this office. 44. E. Tyan, "Le notariat et Ie regime de la preuve par ecrit dans la pratique du droit musulman," AFDSEB, no. 2 (1959); Tyan, Histoire de !'organisation judicaire en pays d'Islam (Leiden, 1960), pp. 236-52; J. Schacht, An Introduction

426

NOTES, PP. 225-30

to Islamic Law (Oxford, 1964), p. 82; T. de Juynboll, Handbuch des Islamischen Cesetzes (Leiden, 1910), pp. 315-21; W. Heffening, "Shahid," Ei1 IV, 261-62. On their qualifications, see Qalqashandi IX, 311, 393-94; X, 270, 342, 355; XI, 194-95; XII, 47. 45. Qalqashandi, XI, 197, 201; XII, 47, 52; (for services rendered in court proceedings) X, 289; XI, 186, 192-93. The occupational pattern reported for notaries suggests a broad network of neighborhood and ward courts distributed according to local political configurations and concentrations of commercial activity. Most civil litigation may well have taken place in these courts. The biographical sources referred repeatedly to service in them. The pattern (Figs. 15-A, 15-B), widely scattered as it is, may be regarded as only a rough indication of the actual range of sites. 46. The shahid, although trained in the law, performed a bureaucratic as well as a judicial role in the court. In both capacities, he processed evidence for a superior's judgment. See Qalqashandi V, 466; (service in Provincial administration) III, 451, 454; (taxation and escheats) III, 458, 460, 490; (office of controller of the army) IV, 31,190; (treasury) IX, 257-58; (archival service) X, 188; (special bureau) XI, 229. 47. Although many of these occupations required considerable training they were not considered learned professions, like the other four categories (II, III, V, VI). 48. There were 6 references to each institution. 49. There were 25 references to the former, 24 to the latter. 50. The biographical sources reported 53 cases of Sufis who were also notaries, paralleling the concentrations in the khanqahs. 51. The following basic works each contain a bibliography: Schacht, Introduction, esp. ch. 25; N. J. Coulson, A History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh, 1964); M. Khadduri and H. J. Liebesny, eds., Law in the Middle East, vol. I: Origin and Development of Islamic Law (Washington, D.C, 1955); T. de Juynboll, "Kadi," EI1, II, 606-607; de Juynboll, Handbuch, pp. 309-15. For prerogatives of the judge, see Tyan, Histoire, esp. ch. 2. 52. J. Mandaville, "The Muslim Judiciary of Damascus in the Late Mamluk Period," Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton, 1969, pp. 8-9. 53. Concentrations of occupational sites were reported for the Salihiya madrasa (26), the seat of the high tribunal; for the Sha'riya (143), Futuh (144), and Zuwayla (167) Gates; and for a relatively obscure institution, the Jami' alFakihiyin (40) (Khtat, II, 293; Map, sec. 5-G, no. 109; Chronology, p. 64). There were no details on the judicial role of this foundation. It apparently served as the seat of a local court, since three references were made to deputies appointed to it. In the southeast there was one concentration at the mosque of al-Salih TaIaY (52), seat of a court for the area below the Zuwayla Gate. Other than these, references were scattered throughout the northeast, especially in market districts. Outside the old city, there were references along the Cross Street: the Tulunid mosque (91), Sarghatmishiya (92), and Jawaliya (94); to the northwest at al-Maqs (104); and to Siryaqus (130). The sparse representation for both notaries and deputies at Bulaq (190) indicate that the Nile port was not a center

NOTES, PP. 231-40

427

of Shari' litigation. The lack of occupational sites in the two mortuary zones (Fig. 16-B) was consistent with their function. 54. The biographical accounts rarely elaborated on either salaries or prices. What an individual received either legitimately or illicitly from an office may therefore not be determined directly from them. However, the controllerships clearly represented a lucrative source of personal income for all who held them. 55. He was Zayn 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Misri (Daw' 765, IV, p. 140, no. 370). He was also a professor and khatib in the Tulunid mosque. 56. On the evolution of four chief justiceships in Cairo, one for each madhhab, see Qalqashandi 1,419; IV, 34-35; XI, 174; (for examples of tawqi' of investiture) XI, 177, 181, 196, 204; (for a reference to salary of 100 dinars per month) III, 522. 57. On court protocol and ceremonial duties, see ibid., III, 260, 482, 496, 506, 515-16, 523-25. 58. Daw' 1704, VI, p. 85, no. 286; Manhal 279, II, f. 473; Index, no. 1723. 59. Daw' 170, I, p. 253, line 11. 60. Daw' 2189, VH, p. 244, no. 596. 61. Analysis of the family fortunes after A.D. 1517 awaits examination of biographical sources compiled during the sixteenth century. Several branches had died out by the late fifteenth century, but the central line descending from 'Umar was still flourishing. 62. Manhal 283, III, f. 230; Index, no. 2288. 63. Daw' 739, IV, p. 106, no. 301; Manhal 282, II, f. 297b; Index, no. 1381. 64. Daw' 1230, III, p. 312, no. 1199; Manhal 278, II, f. 210; Index, no. 1197. 65. Daw' 2258, VII, p. 294, no. 762; Manhal 288, III, f. 176b; Index, no. 2180. 66. Daw' 1798, VI, p. 181, no. 620; Manhal 284, III, f. 2; Index, no. 1807. 67. Daw' 2788, IX, p. 171, no. 439; Manhal 285, III, f. 272; Index, no. 2350. 68. Daw' 3308, XI, p. 8, no. 19; Daw' 2222, VII, p. 268, no. 683. 69. Daw' 2223, VII, p. 268, no. 684. 70. Daw' 4005, XII, p. 14, no. 74. 71. Daw' 3522, XI, p. 17, no. 90. 72. Daw' 3506, XII, p. 7, no. 39. 73. Daw' 524, II, p. 188, no. 519. 74. Daw' 4015, XII, p. 38, no. 221. 75. Daw' 3668, XII, p. 137, no. 847. 76. Daw' 3543, XII, p. 31, no. 180. 77. Daw' 569, V, p. 310, no. 1025. 78. Daw' 3806, II, p. 119, no. 357. 79. Daw' 2713, IX, p. 95, no. 260. 80. Concentrations appeared at the khanqahs of Baybars (13) and Sa'id alSu'ada' (15), and at the madrasas of Barquqiya (20), Ashrafiya (30), al-Azhar (36), and Mu'ayyadiya (51). The clusterings emphasized the Festival Gate and Bayn al-Qasrayn groups and the Azhar quarter. Both references to Baha' alDin Street (149) involved members of the Bulqini family. These aggregates are further evidence of the prestige of these institutions. The paucity of sites in

428

NOTES, PP. 241-52

other districts of the capital, with the exception of Sarghatmishiya, emphasized the tendency toward residential concentration within the judiciary. 81. The concentration at Sarghatmishiya was, in fact, the largest for the judges anywhere. There were seven cases reported, all of whom were of Syrian or Anatolian background. 82. The tendencies reflected in the residence pattern must be compared to positions held by Sufis regardless of residence. There were 47 positions for notaries (11 percent of 427 total), 40 for deputies (9 percent of 470), and 17 for judges and chief justices together (6 percent of 284). The level of active association with the Sufi community implicit in the residence pattern thus sustains the trend toward diminishing identification as one proceeded up the scale. 83. These were Badr Hasan ibn Suwayd al-Misri al-Qibtl, a merchant in youths, that is, slaves (tajir awlad), Daw' 1042, III, p. 101, no. 406; and Sa'd Ibrahim al-Nasiri al-Muslimi al-Qibtl, Daw' 103, I, p. 184, line 23, who held several bureau and tax controllerships in addition to being a royal merchant to the Franks (tajir firanj). A figure of 30,000 dinars income was mentioned for this position. This individual was married to the mother of the famous scholar, Zayn ibn Mazhar, and therefore provided one of the few cases of a Muslim Copt marrying into the 'ulama'. 84. He was Zayn 'Amran ibn GhazzI al-Maghribi al-Malikl (Daw' 1677, VI, p. 63, no. 216) who became a royal merchant (tajir sultan!) in the port of Alexandria. Al-Sakhawi did not specify whether he was actually born in Morocco, but he became a prosperous merchant in Cairo prior to his appointment to the sultan's mercantile staff. 85. Qalqashandl VI, 13; XIII, 40 (example of tawqf of investiture). 86. For examples of titles accruing to the tujjar al-khawajakiya, refer ibid., VI, 10,15, 30-31, 38-39, 41-42, 52, 55-57, 62, 68-69, 71,165-66,167-68. These titles designated persons exercising executive or administrative authority. 87. Ibid., V, 464. 88. Marshall Hodgson provides a brief but perceptive statement about the role of education as cultural conservation in his Venture of Islam, II, 437-45. 89. Qalqashandl: (definition of the position) IV, 39; V, 464; IX, 256; XI, 97; (reference to the final authority of the chief justice over curriculum taught in madrasas) XII, 440; (titulary included in tawaqi' of investiture) XI, 122, 124, 227, 231; XII, 78. 90. The disciplines that were taught by large numbers of professors were: jurisprudence (with further specialization according to legal school, types of legal application, and so on), prophetic traditions, logic, grammar, the Arabic language, rhetoric, literature, Koranic recitations and readings, law of descent and distribution of inheritances, Koranic exegesis, calligraphy, medicine, and mystic principles (tasawwuf). 91. He was Fakhr al-Din ibn Ghunnam al-Qibtl al-Sufi (Daw' 3450, XI, p. 164, no. 520), who taught mystic principles at Sa'id al-Su'ada' and Baybarsiya. He was also a Koran reader in the galleries (shabablk) of both houses. 92. Several other madrasas of the northeast were mentioned frequently, in-

NOTES, PP. 253-69

429

eluding the mosque of al-Zahir Baybars (1), a vast but relatively obscure institution during the fifteenth century. 93. Khitat, II, 426. 94. Of 496 individuals who held a professorship during their careers, 93 were identified as Sufis, of whom 23 were designated as either Shadhilis or Qadiris. Therefore, about 20 percent of the professors were mystics. In contrast with the 93 professorial positions, 53 notarial positions were held by Sufis. 95. These appeared at the mosque of al-Hakim (3), the Mankutamuriya madrasa (6) on Baha' al-Din Street; Sa'Id al-Su'ada' (15) in the Festival Gate group; Kamillya (19), Zahiriya (23), and Salihiya (26) colleges along the Bayn al-Qasrayn; al-Azhar (36); Ashrafiya (30), and Mu'ayyadiya (51); the Zayni mosque (43) in the Bayn al-Surayn, and Shaykhuniya (83) in the southeast. 96. Qalqashandi: (description of the office) IV, 39; V, 463; XI, 97; (examples of tawaqi' of investiture) XI, 70, 222; XII, 370, 440; (titulary) VI, 47; (rank) IX, 256. See also J. Pedersen, "Khatib," Ei1 II, 927-29. 97. There were 19 references to the former, 20 to the latter. 98. Khitat, II, 327; Map, sec. 3-F, no. 83; Chronology, p. 120. 99. Khitat, II, 283. 100. Popper, Egypt and Syria, p. 34. 101. Khitat, II, 312; Map, sec. 2-A, no. 341; Chronology, p. 98. 102. There were 15 positions held by khatibs who were Sufis. 103. Forty-eight individuals engaged in 30 occupations (64 positions) during their careers suffered from blindness and were designated as darir. Of these 48, 11 were muqri's, about 22 percent of the total. 104. There were 15 positions as readers held by Mamluks or their descendants, in comparison with 3 executive positions held by muqri's. The implication is that these Mamluks themselves did not belong to the first-generation core of the elite that monopolized most executive offices. 105. Daw' 3215, X, p. 263, no. 1051. 106. Daw' 565, II, p. 233, no. 656. 107. Daw' 1031, III, p. 94, no. 382. 108. Daw' 2485, VIII, p. 195, no. 509. 109. Daw' 1672, VI, p. 61, no. 194. 110. Daw' 999, III, p. 67, no. 278. 111. Khitat, II, 315. 112. There were 68 positions held by muqri's who were Sufis. This would include individuals who taught the Koran to children. 113. Daw' 1508, V, p. 255, no. 857. 114. Daw' 1311, III, p. 74, no. 272. 115. Of 96 prominent associates listed for the mu'taqads, 36 were Mamluks, or some 38 percent of the total—one of the higher percentages appearing among the major occupations. No other social group of such humble origins approached this level of association. 116. There were 19 cases of Sufi mu'taqads reported. Not all of these resided in Sa'id al-Su'ada', al-Azhar, or the Husayn mosque.

430

NOTES, PP. 270-74, 312-21

117. Cf. H.A. R. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam (Boston, 1962), pp. 27-30, 217. 118. This phenomenon held only for individuals included in the two biographical dictionaries. The nature of Mamluk involvement with Sufi orders is a broad question this study does not examine directly, since Mamluks were not its focus. Not all persons resident in the major hospices were necessarily civilians; see, for example, Maqrizl's references to troopers (junud, ajnad): Appendix I, description of Baybarsiya. — 119. There were 54 references to Baybarsiya, 96 to Sa'Id al-Su'ada', 22 to Shaykhuniya, and 8 to Siryaqus. 120. There were 11 references to al-Azhar, 25 to Ashrafiya, and 19 to Mu'ayyadiya. 121. Aside from the above-named institutions, there were very few references to residence and no clusters were reported in other districts. The paucity of references to either of the two mortuary zones suggests that few mu'taqads who chose to live there were Sufis. The residence pattern for Sufis was based on the largest number of references to any specific group; their location in the city, of course, was not necessarily the same at the time of their professional activity. 122. See M. Perlmann, "Notes on Anti-Christian Propaganda in the Mamluk Empire," BSOAS X (1940-1942), 843-61; Perlmann, "Asnawi's Tract against Christian Officials," IGM II, 172-208. 123. For the literature on the subject of deterioration of dhimmi status in Egypt during the Mamluk period, refer to G. Wiet, "Kibt," £71 II, 990-1003. See also Bosworth, Christian and Jewish Dignatanes, III, no. 1 (1972), 66 for further bibliography; and particularly E. Ashtor-Strauss, "The Social Isolation of the AhI al-Dhimma," EMPH, pp. 73-94. 124. Daw' 98, I, p. 183, line 11. He was Sa'd Ibrahim ibn Fakhr al-DIn, known as Ibn al-Sukkar wa'l-Limun, whose father was noted previously as the husband of Khadija, daughter of Taqi Muhammad al-Bulqlnl. His father's faith in Islam was recognized as sufficient by the BulqinI family to permit his marriage to one of their own. We may assume that his economic assets contributed to his social recognition. Sa'd Ibrahim's family connections through his mother granted him a legitimate place in the learned elite. Few Muslim Copts shared his good fortune. CHAPTER V. A TRIPARTITE ELITE: CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES 1. A fourth category, composed of artisans and merchants, was too diverse to provide clear trends. And in any case, the statistics for this group are questionable, since artisan-commercial positions appeared only in the accounts of individuals established in the first three fields. 2. Summarized by I. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 113-15, 141-42. In the chapters preceding these conclusions, he outlines the structure of urban society in the Mamluk state. My hypothesis speaks to a related but distinct issue that has yet to receive the attention it

NOTES, PP. 322-28

431

warrants in the literature: the concept of advocacy, and whether it is appropriate to the political climate of Mamluk times. 3. The self-serving implications of such custodianship did not promote a closed system. Although the influence of prominent families pervaded the upper levels of the 'ulama' hierarchy, mobility characterized the group as a whole. The jurist-scholars drew their members from many segments of society and denied access only to those whose faith was suspect. The 'ulama' did not regard themselves as ethnically distinct from the greater community. 4. The perennial outbreak of violence in the cities of the Mamluk state cannot be ignored. The repeated flaring up of disorder in the form of demonstrations, riots, and assaults bespeaks unarticulated popular frustration over abuse from on high. Food shortages, erratic taxation, price fixing, and feuding between Mamluk factions were salient causes of unrest. In the absence of institutionalized means of adjudicating these sorts of grievances, the masses had no other outlet for venting their anger. But in Cairo, the presence of the largest garrison in the empire discouraged all-out revolt. For most of the time, the populace was resigned to its fate. It is in light of these circumstances that communal transcendence must be weighed. I submit that it is a more accurate term than fatalism. 5. Lapidus (Muslim Cities, pp. 159-61) makes a perceptive point when he notes how the amirs in Damascus were able to exploit these phenomena to suit their own interests. His observation could be applied to other social groups to broaden our understanding of Mamluk-civihan relations. APPENDIX I. A SURVEY OF MAJOR INSTITUTIONS 1. Khitat, II, 415; 'All Mubarak, IV, 102-103; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 480. 2. Khitat, II, 415, lines 8-9. 3. Ibid., lines 9-10. 4. Ibid., lines 11-12. The daily provisions are noteworthy. Meat was provided for each Sufi every day, a luxury in a society in which meat was scarce and so expensive that the majority of the population purchased it only on feast days. The residents of the major houses were thus allowed to enjoy the standard of food reserved for the elite. 5. Ibid., lines 14-16. Maqrizi mentions that the khanqah attracted notables from the highest military and civilian circles. 6. Ibid., p. 416, lines 1-3. If the relative prices of bread, meat, confections, and soap could be ascertained, they and the cost of the clothing could be multiplied by the numbers of resident Sufis to determine how much money was actually required to support the community. Whatever the figure, it would be less than the total yield of the waqfs, since the khanqah elite and other agents always appropriated some of the yield for personal expenses. In any case, since meat in particular was expensive, it is obvious that the khanqah required substantial funds to maintain its community. 7. Ibid., p. 415, lines 29-38; p. 416, lines 5-20. The grand amirs were: the viceroy, Siidun al-Shaykhuni, who altered the allotment of revenues to favor

432

NOTES, PP. 328-32

his civilian client, and Yalbugha al-Salimi, appointed nazir of the khanqah in order to supervise the inquiry proceedings resulting from the dispute. Siraj alDin al-Bulqlni, the eminent judge, served on the board. It is possible that the involvement of Mamluks in this incident was motivated by personal greed, as suggested by the discovery of illicit patronage relationships. 8. Ibid., p. 415, line 13. 9. Ibid., p. 416; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 32; Chronology, pp. 86-87. 10. Khitat, II, 417, lines 7-8. 11. Ibid., p. 417, lines 10-11. 12. Ibid., p. 417, lines 19-20. 13. Ibid., pp. 401-403; 'AIi Mubarak, V, 121; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 35; Chronology, p. 119. 14. Khitat, II, 402, lines 6-7. 15. Ibid:, lines 19-29. 16. Ibid., p. 403 entire. 17. Ibid., p. 402, line 25. 18. Ibid., II, 388; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 31; Chronology, p. 86. 19. Khitat, II, 382; 'AIi Mubarak, II, 77, vi, 6-24; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 36; Chronology, p. 110. 20. Khitat, II, 38, lines 36-37. 21. Ibid., p. 393; 'AlT Mubarak, II, 13; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 45; Chronology, p. 110. 22. Khitat, II, 375; 'AIi Mubarak, II, 14; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 428; Chronology, p. 75. This individual was almost certainly a black, and would be termed a habashi. 23. For the madrasa, see Khitat, II, 374; 'AIi Mubarak, VI, 9; Map, sec. 4H, no. 38; Chronology, p. 76; and for the tomb, Khitat, II, 374; Map, sec. 4H, no. 38; Chronology, p. 77. 24. Khitat, II, 374, lines 15-20. 25. Ibid., lines 21-26. 26. Ibid., p. 375, lines 3-7. 27. Ibid., p. 378; Map, sec. 4-H, no. 37; Chronology, p. 78. 28. Khitat, II, 379, lines 31-37. 29. It is significant that this madrasa, of which only remnants survive today, greatly surpassed the huge mosque Baybars built north of the rectangle (ibid., p. 299; Map, sec. 1-H, no. 1; Chronology, pp. 79-80) in terms of reputation and numbers of students during the fifteenth century. No detailed discussion of the mosque is provided here, since it did not play any noteworthy role during our period. 30. For the madrasa see Khitat, II, 379, 406; 'All Mubarak, V, 99-100, vi, 15; Map, sec. 4-G, no. 43; Chronology, p. 82. For the tomb see Khitat, II, 380, 406; Chronology, pp. 81-82. 31. Khitat, II, 380, lines 23-27. 32. Ibid., p. 406; Map, sec. 4-G, no. 43; Chronology, p. 81. 33. Khitat, II, 406, lines 28-29.

NOTES, PP. 332-36

433

34. Ibid., line 32.

35. / ω . , lines 33-37. 36. The Mansuri hospital remained the primary medical center of Cairo throughout the fifteenth century. Although there were several other hospitals in Cairo, and especially one founded by Sultan al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh, none equalled this institution. More important, the biographical sources referred spe­ cifically to the Mansiiri hospital. 37. Khitat, II, 382; Map, sec. 4-G, no. 44; Chronology, p. 85. 38. The shurbush was a triangular headdress worn in place of a turban by amirs and others permitted military garb. Men of law and scholarship could not wear it. See R. Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, II, 742. 39. Khitat, II, 382, line 24. 40. Ibid., p. 418; 'Ali Mubarak, VI, 4. Maqrizi referred only briefly to the khanqah here. The absence of a description of the madrasa itself in his account prevents a discussion of the waqfs set up in support of the institution. See also Ibn Taghri-Birdi, Al-Nujum al-Zahira /i Muluk Misr wa'l-Qahira, edited by W. Popper in University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, V, part 4 (1935), 378; English translation in same series, XIII, part 1 (1954), 12. 41. Khitat, II, 277; Map, sec. 3-H, no. 15; Chronology, pp. 51-52. 42. Khitat, II, 278, lines 10-20. 43. Ibid., lines 21-22. 44. Ibid., line 33. 45. Ibid., p. 273; Map, sec. 5-H, no. 97; Chronology, pp. 49-51. 46. Khitat, H, 276, lines 34-39; p. 277, lines 1-14. Maqrizi did not list prom­ inent figures resident in al-Azhar, as he did for other institutions. 47. Ibid., p. 383; 1AIi Mubarak, VI, 9; Chronology, p. 87. 48. Khitat, II, 383; 1AIi Mubarak, VI, 3; Chronology, p. 96. 49. Khitat, II, 330; Map, sec. 4-G, no. 175; Chronology, p. 123; Salama, Bibliographie analytique et critique touchant la question de I'enseignement en Egypt depuis la periode des Mamluks jusqu'a nos jours (Cairo, 1938), pp. 3536. See also A. Darraj, L'acte de waqf de Barsbay (Cairo, 1963), pp. 2-9, for information on the sources of the waqf endowments. The list of commercial establishments in Cairo and villages in the Delta and Jiza province gives an impression of the revenues tapped by the sultans to support their academic projects. The consistently large concentrations of scholars and Sufis reported by the biographical sources coincided with the formidable list of revenue-producing sites. Since these waqfs were recently established, they were yielding their quotas of revenues throughout the fifteenth century. We may therefore assume that Ashrafiya was one of Cairo's wealthiest madrasas during our period. 50. Ibn Taghri-Birdi, Nujum, XVIII, part 4 (1958), 16-18, 20. An element of haste is implied here. The sultans of the Circassian period were anxious to prove their outward piety by worshiping in their monuments even before they were completed. These men realized that their power base was ephemeral and that they might be overthrown and executed at any time. Pressure was placed on the laborers to speed up construction so that the founders might personally

434

NOTES, PP. 336-38

witness the dedication. Barsbay could not have realized in 826/1423 that he would survive on the throne until his natural death in 841/1437. 51. Khitat, II, 328; Map, sec. 5-G, no. 190; Chronology, pp. 120-21. Since Maqrizi personally observed the construction of this mosque and madrasa, he reported many details about the stages of its construction. Some thirty architects and one hundred laborers were employed continuously. 52. The tomb is located to the immediate left of the entrance foyer. The approach to the massive domed chamber of the mausoleum and the subsequent exit into the mosque proper provides a dramatic visual experience. No other Mamluk structure gives this same effect. 53. Khitat, II, 329, lines 10-12. 54. Ibid., p. 330, lines 9-14. Maqrizi described the khutba delivered by Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani during the dedication ceremony presided over by the sultan. 55. Ibid., II, 313, 421; 'AIi Mubarak, V, 35; Map, sec. 8-F, no. 152; Chro­ nology, p. 106. 56. Khitat, II, 421, line 13. 57. Ibid., p. 313, line 31. 58. Ibid., p. 316; 'All Mubarak, IV, 83; Map, sec. 8-G, no. 133; Chronology, pp. 108-109; Salama, Bibliographic pp. 34-35. 59. Khitat, II, 325; Map, sec. 8-H, no. 143; Chronology, pp. 93-94. 60. Other important amirate madrasas and mosques in this area were: Qajmasiya (53): 'All Mubarak, VI, 13; Map, sec. 6-G, no. 114; Chro­ nology, p. 145. The Mosque of Aslam (54): Khitat, II, 309; Map, sec. 6-G, no. 112; Chro­ nology, p. 101. Mahmudiya (57): Khitat, II, 395; 'AIi Mubarak, II, 34; V, 109; VI, 14; Map, sec. 6-G, no. 117; Chronology, p. 117. The Mosque of ΊηάΙ al-Yusufi al-Atabaki (58): Khitat, II, 401; 'All Mubarak, II, 34; Map, sec. 6-G, no. 118; Chronology, p. 117. Mihmandarlya (55): Khitat, II, 399; 'AIi Mubarak, II, 101; Map, sec. 6G, no. 115; Chronology, p. 95. The Mosque of Altunbughd al-Mdriddni (56): Khitat, II, 308; Map, sec. 6-G, no. 120; Chronology, pp. 100-101. Umm al-Sultdn (60): Khitat, II, 399; 'All Mubarak, III, 102; IV, 60-61; VI, 3; Map, sec. 7-G, no. 125; Chronology, p. 112. The Mosque of Qusiin (63): Khitat, II, 307; Map, sec. 6-F, no. 202; Chro­ nology, p. 95. The Mosque of Aq Sunqur (61): Khitat, II, 307; Map, sec. 6-F, no. 202; Chronology, pp. 102-104. Aljayhiya (69): Khitat, II, 399; Map, sec. 7-G, no. 131; Chronology, p. 113. Aytmishiya (62): Khitat, II, 400; 'All Mubarak, II, 103; Map, sec. 7-H, no. 250; Chronology, p. 116. Manjakiya (64): Khitat, II, 320; Map, sec. 8-H, no. 138; Chronology, p. 105.

NOTES, PP. 338-41

435

The Mosque of Almas (88): Khitat, II, 307; Map, sec. 7-F, no. 130; Chronology, p. 95. Bunduqddnya (87): Khitat, II, 420; 'All Mubarak, VI, 16; Map, sec. 8-F, no. 146; Chronology, p. 82. The Mosque of ]awhar al-]ulbdm (71): Map, sec. 8-G, no. 134; Chronology, pp. 124-25. Qanibayhtya al-Mahmudiya (72): Map, sec. 8-G, no. 136; Chronology, p. 152. Janibakiya (73): Map, sec. 6-G, no. 119; Chronology, p. 126. jawaliya (94): Khifat, II, 389; 'All Mubarak, VI, 3-27; Map, sec. 8-E, no. 221; Chronology, p. 86. 61. Khitat, II, 403; 'AIi Mubarak, V, 38; VI, 9; Map, sec. 8-E, no. 218; Chronology, pp. 32-33. 62. Khitat, II, 265; Map, sec. 9-E, no. 220; Chronology, pp. 44-48. 63. K/i/fot, II, 268, lines 21-39. 64. Ibid., p. 444; Map, sec. 12-G, no. 281; Chronology, pp. 74-75. 65. Map, sec. 7-K, no. 85; Chronology, pp. 110-11. 66. Khitat, II, 426; Map, sec. 7-H, no. 139; Chronology, pp. 114-15. 67. Map, sec. 4-L, no. 149; Chronology, pp. 119-20. 68. Map, sec. 4-L, no. 121; Chronology, pp. 125-26. 69. Map, sec. 3-L, no. 158; Chronology, p. 134. 70. Map, sec. 5-K, no. 99; Chronology, pp. 138-39. 71. K/iifaf, II, 246; Map, sec. 13-B, no. 319; Chronology, pp. 41-42. 72. Khitat, II, 429. 73. Ibid., p. 422. 74. /fcid., lines 34-38.

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INDEX

'Abbasid caliphate, in Cairo, 18 'Abbasid empire, military slaves in, 15 'Abbasid period, bureaucracy during, 313 'Abbasids, served by Ibn Tulun, 17 Abu Bakriya madrasa, Iranians in, 65, 155 Abu Lughod, ]., topographical work of, 131 Abu Tij, migration from, 48 academicians from Anatolia, 69 academies: of Fatimids, 419 n21; Isma'ili teaching in, 138 accountants, Syrians as, 56 accounts, balancing of, 203 Adana, migration from, 68 Aden, migration from, 31 al-Adhra'at, migration from, 59 advocacy, feasibility of, 322 Afghanistan, migration from, 63 Africa: routes to, 74; sub-Saharan migra­ tion from, 77 agent of exchequer, nazir as, 217 agrarian economy, supervision of, 23 agrarian production, decrease in, 28 Ahbas, controlled by Cairenes, 56 Aj'lab, 21 Akhmim, migration from, 48 Akka, cathedral gate of, 332 alchemy: Iranian in, 65; in madrasas, 139 Aleppo: administrative center, 51; Anato­ lian in, 70; as buffer, 53; controller of army in, 208; data from, 9; devastation of, 53, 60; Hanafi judge from, 54; ju­ risdiction of, 59; katib al-sirr in, 208209; learned classes in, 54; Malild justice of, 208; professoriate in, 250; Shan't justice of, 207 Aleppo province: Anatolian portions of, 68; Maghribi in, 75; Turko-Arabic culture of, 69 Alexandria: administration of, 44; decline of, 412 n9; European merchants in, 31; exile to, 42; Maghribi in, 76; migra­ tion from, 41-42; muqri' in, 264; ri­ vals Fustat, 40; slave port, 27; tie to military elite, 42; trade in, 34, 245; waqfs in, 333

Alfiya of al-'Iraqi, Maghribi studies, 76 algebra in madrasas, 139 Algeria, migration from, 75 Άΐϊ al-Muqri', 265 'alim, recognition as, 251 'alim status, attainment of, 160-61 Aljayhiya madrasa: Iranians in, 155; mu'ids in, 248; stewards in, 210 Amber Dealers' bazaar, waqfs on, 335 Amida, migration from, 68 amirate madrasas: cater to Mamluks, 252; Iranians in, 155; khatibs in, 261; li­ brarians in, 255; location of, 338; Maghribis in, 158; mu'ids in, 248; muqri's in, 266; professors in, 252; shaykhs in, 222 amir of forty, nazir as, 215 amirs: alliances of, 20; appoint muqri', 263; attitude toward sultanate, 19; con­ fiscations by, 25; employ 'ulama', 40; endowments of, 134-35, 139; founda­ tions of, 150; reputations of, 141; in southeast, 133; staffs of, 53, 142; sup­ port muqri's, 262 —ties: to Bulqini, 236; to Damas­ cenes, 52; to Delta Egyptians, 45; to Iranians, 66-67; to Maghribi, 274; to muqri', 265; to mu'taqads, 269; to re­ ligious functionaries, 322; to Syrians, 54; use of Copts, 273. See also Mam­ luks 'Amr ibn al-'As mosque: Anatolians in, 157; Cairenes in, 147; Delta Egyptian in, 46; description of, 340; khatibs in, 261; in later Middle Ages, 135; Magh­ ribis in, 159; nazirs in, 219; profes­ sors in, 253; shaykhs in, 223 'Amran al-Maghribi, Zayn: tajir sultani, 428 n84 Anatolia: adjacent to Iran, 63; artisans from, 72; data on, 144; individuals from in Daw', 9; khanqahs in, 139; learned establishment in, 69; migration from, 68, 70; officials from, 72; Otto­ man rule over, 68; political autonomy of, 416 n56; settlement in, 65. See also Asia Minor

449

450 Anatolians: assimilation of, 69, interest groups of, 161; distribution of, 164; militarists, 71; in mortuary zones, 147; origins of, 68. See also Rumis anarchy, normative state of, 21 'Anbar, Ustadh, 327 ancient sciences, studies by Maghribi, 75 al-Andalus, Maghnbis from, 75-76. See also Spam Anuk ibn al-Nasir Muhammad, burial of, 333 'Aqaqir, see pharmacists Aqbugha 'Abd al-Wahid, 'Ala': founds hospice, 335 'aql, quality of, 225 Aqmar mosque, khatibs in, 261 Aqsaray, migration from, 68 Aqush al-Ghazawi, Jamal: endowment of, 331 Arab conquest, urban growth after, 40 Arab lands, biographical sources in, 8 Arabia- individuals from in Daw', 9; data on, 144; Hanafism in, 160 Arabian tribes, 73 Arabic, Anatolian's fluency in, 70 Arabic culture in holy cities, 73 Arabic grammar, Iranians in, 65 Ardabil, migration from, 65 arithmetics in madrasas, 139 Armenian Knot' control of, 53, 68; pillaging in, 64; populations of, 63 artisan category: analysis of, 130, Anatolians in, 72 artisans: as judges, 231; as merchants, 244; as mu'ids, 248; as mu'taqads, 268; as professors, 252; as shahids, 226; as Sufis, 271; from Upper Egypt, 49; from Yemen, 73 arwiqa in al-Azhar, 334 Arzinkan (Erzinjan), migration from, 68 ascetics: analysis of, 130; from Delta, 150; Iranians as, 156; in khanqahs, 139-40; near Bab al-Nasr, 334; as social type, 256; in tombs, 136, 141; Turkish-speaking, 70. See also mu'taqads Ashab: implementors of Muhammad's memory, 5, reliability of, 6 al-Ash'ari as nisba, 45 Ashrafiya madrasa: Anatolians in, 156;

INDEX

Delta Egyptians in, 45; description of, 335; imams m, 259; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 255; mu'ids in, 248; muqn's in, 266; nazirs in, 218; shaykhs in, 222; stewards in, 210; Sufis in, 272; Syrians in, 153-54; Upper Egyptians in, 151 Asia Minor, immigrants from, 72. See also Anatolia Aslam mosque: Iranians in, 155, khatibs in, 261 Asna, migration from, 48 'Asqalan, migration from, 59 astronomy in madrasas, 139 Asyut: deputy judge in, 50; migration from, 48 Aswan, migration from, 47-48 Atabeks: attitude of, 19; in Aleppo, 208 Atfihiya: migration from, 48; waqfs in, 331 Atrak, status of, 156. See also Turks Aubin, J., on Mongol outlook, 415 n46 autonomy: of bureaucrats, 313; of imams, 258; implications of, 319-20; of jurist-scholars, 315; of khanqahs, 262 Ayalon, D.: on geographic zones, 405 n3; on Ibn Taghri-Birdi's errors, 404 nl9; on Mamluk ranking, 406 nl5 a'yan, interchanged with 'ulama', 4, 200 Aybak, al-Mu'izz: endowment of, 331, usurpation of, 18 'Aydhab, decline of, 49 al-'Ayni, Badr, 69-70; as chief justice, 71, 231 'Ayntab: Maghribi in, 75; migration from, 68, 70 Aytmishiya madrasa: Anatolians in, 157; Iranians in, 65, 155; professors in, 252 Ayyubid amirs, endowments of, 135 Ayyubid period- al-Azhar during, 334; Fatimid city from, 160; foundations of, 132, 330; status of 'ulama' during, 20; urban transformation during, 133 Ayyubids: defenders of Sunni Islam, 28, Mamluk institution under, 18; special payments by, 27 Azerbayjani traditions in Iran, 63 al-Azhar: Arabians in, 159; Cairenes in, 146; as cathedral mosque, 138; copyists in, 242; cosmopolitanism of, 149-50;

INDEX

Delta Egyptians in, 151; description of, 334; m Fatimid period, 132; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 155; Iraqis in, 157; Isma'ilis in, 139; khatibs in, 261-62; librarians in, 255; Maghribis in; 75-76, 158, 161, 164; mu'ids m, 248; muqn's in, 262, 264-66; mu'taqads in, 269; preacher in, 323; professors in, 253; stewards in, 210; study of, 128; Sufis in, 272; Syrian in, 154; Upper Egyptians in, 151-52 Bab al-Futuh area, description of, 333-34 Bab al-'Id, see Festival Gate Bab al-Kharq, waqfs near, 331 Bab al-Nasr: description of, 333-34; district north of, 134 Bab al-Silsila, see Chain Gate Bab al-Zuhuma, waqfs near, 332 Bab Zuwayla: entrance to southeast, 133; madrasa near, 336; waqfs near, 331. See also Zuwayla Gate al-Badawi, al-Sayyid: in Tanta, 44 Baghdad: in "Abbasid period, 204, familial origins in, 207; migration from, 7273, 78; muqn' from, 264; Nizamiya in, 138; m regional politics, 72 Baha' al-Din quarter: Bulquini madrasa in, 233; al-Sakhawi from, 8; shaykhs in, 223 Bahasna, migration from, 68 Bahnasawiya, migration from, 48, waqfs in, 327 Bahri period: building during, 132-33; commerce during, 29-30; equilibrium of, 21, Fatimid city during, 160; political developments of, 18; status of 'ulama' during, 20 Bahri sultans: defend Sunni Islam, 28; inhibit rural aristocracy, 18; military and civilian spheres under, 19 baker as muqn', 265 Baktamur al-Hijazi, wife of, 329 Balyana, migration from, 48 Bam, migration from, 64 Bani Suwayf, migration from, 48 baraka: of buried saints, 141; efficacy of, 322-23, in holy cities, 58; of revered persons, 136, 267; in al-Shafi'i tomb, 340

451 al-Barantishi, 75 Barquq and Faraj, mausoleum of, 340 Barquq, al-Zahir: alters bureaucracy, 407 n24; appoints Iranian, 67; founds madrasa, 333; in al-Karak, 59, Sa'Id alSu'ada' under, 327; succession under, 19; urban recovery under, 134 —ties: to muqn', 264; to nazir, 215, to Syrians, 55, 57 Barquqiya madrasa: Bulqini in, 239; Cairenes in, 146; Delta Egyptian in, 46; description of, 333; khatibs in, 261, muqn' in, 264; Syrians in, 154 barracks- muqn's in, 266; nazirs in, 219 Barsbay, al-Ashraf: controls ports, 73; founds madrasa, 335; mausoleum of, 340; monopolies of, 30-31 —ties: to Anatolian, 71; to Iranian, 66; to Syrians, 56, 208-209 Basitlya area, merchants in, 245 Basitiya madrasa: Iranians in, 155; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 255; shaykhs in, 222 Basra: in 'Abbasid period, 204; migration from, 73 baths: in biographies, 142; in khanqahs, 140; in Siryaqus, 341; supported by karimis, 30 bawwab, see gatekeeper Baybars al-Jashankir, Rukn: endowment of, 333, founds khanqah, 328 Baybars, al-Zahir: architect of Mamluk state, 18, endowment of, 158; founds madrasa, 331; sultanate after, 19 Baybarsiya khanqah: Bulqini in, 236, 238; Cairenes in, 146, 148, 161; copyists in, 242; Delta Egyptians in, 150; description of, 328; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 154; judges in, 241, khatibs in, 262; muqn's in, 262, 265-66; shahids in, 227; Sufis in, 271-72; Syrians in, 154 Bayn al-Qasrayn cluster: Anatolians in, 156, Bulqini in, 239; Cairenes in, 146; Delta Egyptians in, 149, exclusivity of, 146; institutions of, 330; Iraqis in, 157; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 254-55, mu'ids in, 248; muqn's in, 265, professors in, 252; shahids near, 227; stewards in, 210

452 Bayn al-Qasrayn district: location of, 131, madrasas in, 136; waqfs in, 330 Bayn al-Surayn, khatibs in, 261 bayt al-mal, see treasury bazaars, foundation of, 133 bazzaz, see cloth merchant bean seller, mu'taqad as, 268 Bedouin forces of initial conquests, 15-16 Beneath the Apartments street: markets along, 245; waqfs in, 335 Berke Khan, al-Sa'Id: endowment of, 331 Beyliks of Anatolia, 69 Bijaya, migration from, 74-75 biographers: comprehensiveness of, 144; reliability of, 8; on religious functionaries, 256 biographical literature indigenous to Islamic community, 5 biographical sources: flaw in, 81; geographic origins in, 37; limitations of, 14; local institutions in, 162; objectives behind, 38; progression of, 6-7 Biography of the Prophet, motives behind, 5 Birkat al-Fil, see Elephant Lake birthdays, see mawhds birthplaces: of Anatolians, 69; citations of, 419 n31; as geographic indicators, 411 n3; in Syria-Palestine, 58 Black Sea steppes, slaves from, 22, 27 Black Sheep Turcomans in Iran, 63 blindness of muqri's, 263-65 Book Dealers' market, merchants m, 245 Boujie, see Bijaya Buhayra, migration from, 41-43 building programs of Mamluks, 133 Bukhara, migration from, 64 Bulaq: Cairenes in, 147; development of, 134-35; imams in, 259; khatibs in, 261; litigation in, 230; markets in, 245; professors in, 253; stewards in, 211; in study, 4; Syrians in, 154; Upper Egyptians in, 151 Bulliet, R. M., biographical work of, 403 nl Bulqlna in Gharbiya, 46, 233 al-Bulqinl: Abu Bakr, descendants of, 232; 'AIa" 'All, 238; 'Alam Sahh, 233; as Shafi'I justice, 217; Ahf, 237,

INDEX

Badr Abu'l-Sa'adat, 239; Badr Muhammad, 233; Baha' Muhammad, 237; BiIqIs, 237; Fath Muhammad, 237; Jalal 'Abd al-Rahman, 46, 233; associate of nazir, 217; Iranian replaces, 66; Janna, 237; Khadija, 238; Muzaffar, descendants of, 232; Nasir Muhammad, 233; Shihab Ahmad, 4546, 232, 238; Siraj 'Umar, 45-46, 232; in Hijaziya madrasa, 329, Taj Muhammad, 236, TaqI Muhammad, 237; Umm Hasan, 238; Zayn Qasim, 236, Wall Ahmad, 237; Zuhur, 237-38 BuIqInI family: qualities of, 232, 239; avoids dlwan offices, 240 BuIqInI women, marriage of, 240 bureaucracy: crisis in, 23; in hospitals, 141; of imperial court, 142; of Ottomans, 69; secretaries in, 204; Sufis in, 270. See also financial-secretarial professions bureaucrats: access to information, 203; as fiscal agents, 320; functions of, 313; position of, 11, 220; as professional class, 312; regional distribution of, 79 bureaus: activities of, 227; muwaqqi's in, 212; nazirs of, 214; shahids in, 225. See also dlwans burj, barracks of, 18 Burjlya, definition of, 18 Burnt Gate, prison of, 67 Bursa, migration from, 68, 71 Bush, migration from, 48 Busra al-Sham, migration from, 59 Cairenes: in executive positions, 81, geographic data on, 144; at local level, 162; in southeast institutions, 147 Cairo: adaptation to, 38; contrast with European cities, 324-25, cosmopolitanism in, 79; craftsmen from, 79; deputy judge in, 50; elite in, 46; immigration from East to, 35; Iranians in, 63; Iraqis in, 73; migration to, 77; military occupation of, 405 n l ; no academic cloister, 136; opportunities in, 35, 40; population of, 22; professoriate in, 250; rehgio-academic establishment of, 24, 128; religious functionaries from, 79; repository of Islamic culture, xxii, residence/

INDEX

occupations in, 9, role under Mamluks, 15, 40; in scholarly works, xxn; security of, 35; Syrians in, 154; transfer to, 37, 40. See also al-Qahira Cairo-Delta group as model, 153 Cairo-Delta interest, 161 Cairo-Delta zone; as core area, 148; culture of, 164; individuals outside, 14445; religious functionaries from, 256, 313; students/staff from, 161; 'ulama' from, 317 Cairo families: in bureaucracy, 47 caliphs: use of Mamluks, 15; tie to bureaucrats, 209 calligraphers: in Ashrafiya, 335; Iranians as, 67 calligraphy: in madrasas, 139; nasikhs study, 242 Cambridge, 132 caravan routes across Sahara, 74 caravansarays: in biographies, 142; foundation of, 133; karimls support, 30; in Upper Egypt, 49 Casanova, P., topographical works of, 131 Caspian Sea: migration from, 63; pillaging around, 64 categorization of occupations, 200 Caucasus: Mamluks from, 18, 22, 72; slaves from, 27 cemeteries, Iranians in, 156 Cemetery Gate, location of, 337 Central Arab lands, bureaucrats in, 79 Central Asia: Arab penetration of, 15; individuals from in Daw', 9; Mongols from, 62; slave trade in, 27; source of Mamluks, 15, 22, 72; migration from, 77; Shamanism in, 268 Central Asian dialects spoken by Mamluks, 70 certification of jurist-scholars, 321 Chain Gate, entrance to Citadel, 337 Chamberlain, nazir as, 215 chancellery, urban personnel in, 313. See also diwan al-insha' chemistry in madrasas, 139 chief justices: analysis of, 130; appointment of, 24; based in madrasas, 132; deputy judges become, 229; in SaIihiya madrasa, 331; shahid as, 226; as shaykh al-Islam, 221, status of, 231-

453 32; at Zahiriya madrasa, 153. See also qadis al-qudat chief physician, Iranian as, 67 China, Karimi knowledge of, 30 Christian officials of Syrian background, 56 Christian practices, retrogression to, 272 Christians, poll tax on, 264 chronometry in madrasas, 139 Circassian language, spoken by Mamluks, 70 Circassian madrasas: Cairenes in, 146-47; Iranians in, 155 Circassian period: building during, 133; cultivation during, 29; disequilibrium of, 21, 23, expenditures on Mamluks during, 22; intellectual life during, 25; judiciary during, 24; khanqahs during, 140; monopolies during, 49; payment abuse during, 27, provincial neglect during, 43; status of 'ulama' during, 20 Circassian regime: defends Sunni Islam, 28; financial straits of, 26; foundations of, 335; succession under, 19 circumcisions, muqn's at, 262 Citadel: barracks of, 18; bureaucracy of, 150; Cairenes in, 146-47; construction of, 133; Delta Egyptian in, 46; diwans in, 142; funeral in, 71; government transferred to, 132; judges in, 240; Mamluks in, 202; nazirs in, 219, no Maghnbis in, 159. See also imperial court Citadel area, basis of study, 136 Citadel mosque: description of, 338; imams in, 258; Iranians in, 155; khatibs in, 261; muqri' m, 263. See also Nasiri mosque Citadel Square, institutions of, 337 cities under Ilkhanids, 62 civilian clients of military elite, 133 civilian elite: assimilation into, 162; autonomy, 4; bureaucrats from, 202; cohesion of, 325; cosmopolitanism of, 312, 317; distribution of, 128; in khanqahs, 139, as mediators, 319-20; multicompetence of, 200-201; mu'taqads in, 267; professional options of, 40; in religio-academic institutions,

454 civilian elite (cont.) 37; in religious service, 221-22; social position of, 3; Sufis in, 270-71, symbiosis with Mamluks, 20, 200-201; training of, 160 civilians: in biographies, 81; corruption of, 24; in executive category, 202 civil strife, absence of, 78 Clerget, M., topographical work of, 131 clerks: analysis of, 130; from Delta, 47; distinct from copyists, 242; imams as, 258; merchants as, 244; as professors, 252; as professional class, 212; status of, 211; Syrians as, 56, 208. See also muwaqqi's clients, Copts as, 274 cloth merchant as muqri', 264 clustering: in Delta, 42, in Iran, 63-64; in Syria, 58, 415 n40 colleges: in Damascus, 52; dual function of, 229; ranking of, 318-19; shaykhs of, 25. See also madrasas collegiate clusters: of Bayn al-Qasrayn, 330; Cairenes in, 146, Delta Egyptians in, 149; environment in, 136; Iranians in, 155, Maghribis in, 158; prominence of, 160; shaykhs in, 222; Syrians in, 153; Upper Egyptians in, 151 collegiate mosque, definition of, 138 collegiate network monopolizes Islamic sciences, 251 collegiate system, coalescence of, 132 coinage, debasement of, 62, 409 n53 commerce, bureaucratization of, 32 commercial revolution, consequence of Renaissance, 33, 410 n79 communal transcendence of religious functionaries, 322-23 concentration coefficient, 110 Constantine, see Qustantina controller of army civilian as, 214; Copt as, 216; in Damascus, 217; katib alsirr as, 208; Syrian as, 56, in Tarabulus, 56 controller of privy funds, Copt as, 216 controller of waqfs, Copt as, 273; in SaIihiya madrasa, 217. See also nazir alawqaf controllers: analysis of, 130; Bulqini as, 239, Copts as, 273; from Delta, 47;

INDEX

imams as, 258; merchants as, 244; muqri' as, 265; professors as, 252; Syrians as, 55 See also nazirs convent, see khanqah conversion from Judaism, 67 Copts: as 'alim, 430 nl24; as amirs, 273, in bureaucracy, 50, 314; as clerks, 211; as controllers, 215, 424 n30, converted to Islam, 81; dependence on Mamluks, 205; in Fustat, 135; as katibs al-sirr, 206; as merchants, 244; mobility of, 220; no muhtasibs, 224, options of, 272-74; as professors, 252; in rehgioacademic institutions, 209; secretaries among, 204; as stewards, 210. See also qibt Coptic lineages, descent from, 272 Coptic monasticism, 139 copyists: Anatolian as, 71; background of, 79; from Levant, 57; as muqri', 264. See also nasikhs corruption by Syrians, 56 course in madrasa, 251 courts: autonomy of, 315, in Damascus, 52, imams in, 259, limitations of, 321, location of, 132-33, 227-28; muwaqqi's in, 212; of Old Cairo, 135 cosmopolitan elements: influence of, 164 cosmopolitanism in Cairo, 79, extent of, 317-18; impact of, 142 craftsmen from Cairo, 79 Creswell, K. A. C : maps and topographical works of, 131; homes located by, 202 crossover between occupations, 200, 403 n3 Cross Street: institutions of, 337, markets along, 245 Cross Street area: basis of study, 136; Iraqis in, 158, Mamluks in, 202 Crusader elements in Palestine, 18 curriculum: Islamic sciences in, 419 n22; jurisprudence in, 229; of madrasas, 138, 318; subjects outside, 250; uniformity of, 80, variation in, 162 custodians in mortuary zone, 136 Dahmashat al-Hammam, waqfs in, 332 Damascus: administrative center, 51; Bulqini in, 233; culture of, 52; data from, 9; Delta Egyptian in, 46, Hanafi

INDEX

justice of, 55; judiciary in, 208, 228; jurisdiction of, 59; learned classes in, 54; Maliki justice of, 208; Mamluks in, 52, muqri' in, 263; professoriate in, 250; qadis from, 54, Shafi'i justice of, 217, viceroy of, 55; waqfs in, 328, 332 Damascus province, location of, 414 n39 Damietta: administration of, 44, migration from, 41-42; Shafi'i justice of, 208; slave port, 27; tie to military elite, 42; trade through, 34, 245 Damietta branch, focus for emigration, 42 Daqhiliya, migration from, 43 dar al-'ilm, see academies dar al-Islam, threats to, 34 al-Dar), 211 dars, duriis, see course al-Dast, 211 dates: occurrence of, 12, skewing factor in, 78, 84 David: temple of, 58, line of, 67 Daw' al-Lami', centennial dictionary, 6; topics covered, 9 Delta: bureaucrats from, 46; concentrations in, 41; craftsmen and laborers from, 79, cultural conditions of, 43; migrations from, 42, 78; nisba-birthplace ratio, 48; pedagogues from, 80, religious functionaries from, 79; similarity to Cairo, 147, 149; variation in migration, 43; waqfs m, 328 Delta Egyptians: concentrations of, 16263; dominate scholarship, 45; at local level, 162; marriage patterns of, 41; resettlement of, 41. See also Lower Eqyptians Delta pattern, Iranian contrast with, 155 demographic factors, cause of decline, 29, 32 depressions in fourteenth century, 19, impact on southeast, 134 deputy judges· muqri's as, 263-64; shahids as, 226. See also na'ib qadis Desert Plain: cemetery of, 134-35, mu'taqads in, 269; shaykhs in, 222. See also Sahra' al-Dhahabi, biographical compiler, 6 Dimashqis in Cairo, 54 Diwan al-insha'· definition of, 204;

455 head of, 205; in Syria, 208; Syrian controller of, 209. See also chancellery diwan offices: khatibs in, 261; given by Mamluks, 207 diwan officials, revenue procurement by, 313 diwans: Copts in, 273-74; overlap of duties in, 212; personnel in, 313-14; of regime, 142; stewards in, 210. See also bureaus Diyar Bakir: migration from, 68 diyar al-'ilm, see academies al-Diyar al-Misriya, individuals from in Daw', 9 documents, processing of, 203 dower, 240 Duhaysha quarter, waqfs in, 332 Dumyat, see Damietta Dumyatis, activities of, 42 al-Durar al-Kamina, scope of, 9 Dutch, exploration by, 33 ecology in Iran, 63 economy, deterioration of, 25 education: in biographies, 12; of Coptic nazir, 217, elementary level of, 25556; memorization in, 247; objectives of, 247 educational pattern of geographic groups, 160 educational sites, usage of, 144 educators in Damascus, 52 Egypt: economic decline of, 26, 28; famine in, 328; as imperial power, 19, in oriental trade, 29-30, 33; real estate in, 32 Egyptian merchants under monopoly, 31 Egyptian provinces, individuals from in Daw', 9 Egyptians in al-Azhar, 334 Elburz mountains, migration from, 63 Elephant Island tract in study, 4 Elephant Lake: Mamluks near, 202; settlement near, 133-34; waqfs near, 327 elite institutions: clientele of, 161, cosmopolitanism of, 144; functions of, 162; influence of, 164; Iranians in, 155; reputation of, 160 embezzlement by Syrians, 56 endowed chairs in Damascus, 52

456 England, exploration by, 33 ethno-geographic elements, interest groups of, 161, 164 Ethiopia, migration from, 77 eunuchs in Nasiriya madrasa, 333 Europe: commercial revolution of, 410 n79; Karimi knowledge of, 30, trade to, 245 European merchants circumvent Near East, 33 European Renaissance, consequences of, 33 Europeans, Turkish-speaking, 72 Euphrates valley, migration from, 59 executive offices, Anatolians in, 72; Copts in, 273; secretaries in, 205-206

Fakhri mosque, shaykhs in, 222 familial ties in biographies, 12 famine: as cause of decline, 29; in fourteenth century, 19; of 806/1403, 330, 341 Faraj, al-Nasir: arrest of amir by, 329; confiscation by, 337, Succession under, 19 —appointment: of Copt, 216; of judges, 55; of Syrian, 207 —ties: to Maghnbi, 75; to nazir, 216; to Syrian, 54 farmer: Bulqini as, 233; as judge, 231 farrashun: in hospitals, 141, 332; in Tulunid mosque, 339 Fars, migration from, 63-64 Fas (Fez), migration from, 74 Fatimid city, influence of, 131, 133, 160 Fatimid district: Bulqinis in, 233; collegiate clusters in, 327; Delta Egyptians in, 149; institutions of, 147, 335; Iranians in, 155; librarians in, 255; professors in, 252; al-Sakhawi from, 8; shaykhs in, 222-23, Sufis in, 272; Syrians in, 153; as university town, 132. See also northeast district Fatimid elite, location of, 131 Fatimid palaces, square between, 330 Fatimid period: Fustat during, 135; Isma'ilism during, 139; monuments of, 333; southeast during, 133; trade during, 29, 49

INDEX

Fatimid structures, disappearance of, 132 Fatimids: found Cairo, 40; Sunni attitude toward, 132 fawwal, see bean seller Fayyum, migration from, 48 fees in hospitals, 141 Festival Gate cluster- Anatolians in, 156; Delta Egyptians in, 149; exclusivity of, 146; institutions of, 327; Iraqis in, 15758; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 254, mu'ids in, 248; muqri's in, 265, stewards in, 210; Sufis in, 272; Syrians in, 152-53 festivals, muqri's at, 262. See also 'ids field commanders, attitudes of, 19 fifteenth century, depression during, 22 Filastin, see Palestine financial-secretarial professions, analysis of, 130. See also bureaucracy fiscal aggrandizement by bureaucrats, 203 fiscal matters, details on, 13 foreign consumers, conditions affecting, 29 foreigners: in Cairo, xxii; integration of, 316; occupational variations among, 312-13; role of, 317; in Sarghatmishiya, 339; among 'ulama', 411 n4 foreign suppliers, conditions affecting, 29 fountains: attached to madrasas, 139, 330; in Hakim mosque, 334, in khanqahs, 140; supported by karimis Franks, threat to Islam, 28 French, exploration by, 33 Friday prayer, function of, 138 Friday preacher, see khatibs Friday sermon, delivery of, 260 funerals, muqri's at, 262 funerary oratory: near Bab al-Nasr, 334; of al-Mu'mim, 337 Fuqaha' in Baybarsiya khanqah, 328 Fustat: as commercial center, 135; as earliest city, 131; khatibs in, 261; location of , 40; in study, 4 galleries for Koran recitation, 140 garrisons: absent from Palestine, 57; in Aleppo, 53 gatekeeper as muqri', 264 gates: courts near, 228; shahids near, 227

INDEX

Gaziantep, see 'Ayntab Geniza documents, 410-11 nl gentry class, absence of, 18 geographic nisba, interpretation of, 38 geometry: in madrasas, 139; studied by Maghribi, 75 Gharbiya: administrative institutions in, 47; Bulqinis in, 232; location of, 412 nlO; migration from, 41-42; religious functionaries from, 45; saints' zone, 44, 150; towns in, 48; waqfs in, 331 al-Ghawri, al-Ashraf: Mamluks imported by, 26 Ghazan Khan, conversion of, 62 Ghazza: migration from, 59; nazir in, 216 Gibb, H.A.R.: on biographical literature, 6 Giza, see Jiza Goitein, S.: on Geniza documents, 410-11 nl gold enlayers, Upper Egyptians as, 49 goldsmiths' bazaar, waqfs on, 331 Gothic in Nasiriya gate government, scholars in, 248 governors, duties of, 23 grammar in madrasas, 139 Granada, Maghribi from, 76 greengrocer, mu'taqad as, 268 guest houses supported by karimis, 30

Habashls, 77 Hadith: in Islamic law, 5-6; muqn's erudition in, 263; policy sanctioned from, 232; study of, 65. See also Prophetic traditions Hadith scholarship by al-Sakhawi, 8 Hadith specialists in khanqahs, 328 Hadith transmitters and spiritual conviction, 7 hajj, Maghribi on, 74 Hajji, al-Sahh: library of, 329 al-Hakim mosque: Bulqini in, 237; description of, 333-34; in Fatimid period, 132; khatibs in, 261; mu'ids in, 248, stewards in, 210 Halab, see Aleppo al-Halabi, 'Ala', 208 al-Halabi, Burhan, 208-209

457 Halabis in Cairo, 54 Hama: administrative center, 51; bureaucrat from, 207; data from, 9; jurisdiction of, 59; katib al-sirr in, 208; Malik! justice of, 208; qadis from, 54; waqfs in, 328 Hamadan, migration from, 64 Hanafi affiliation of Ashrafiya madrasa, 335 Hanafi judgeships, holders of, 54 Hanafi jurisprudence: in amirate madrasas, 163; in Sarghatmishiya, 338; Syrians in, 153; in Zahiriya, 153, 158, 331 Hanafi justice: Anatolian as, 71; of Damascus, 55 Hanafi madhhab: Iranians in, 163; Mamluk emphasis on, 155; prominence in Arabia, 160; study m, 149 Hanafis, role in Cairo, 315 Hanbali justice, muqri' as, 264 Hanbalis: role in Cairo, 315; in Zahiriya, 158 handasa, see geometry hanut, hawanit, see shops harbor facilities supported by karimis, 30 harem, muqn's in, 266 Hasaniya, see Sultan Hasan mosque Hatim al-Fasi, 74 al-Hawadith al-Duhur, 11 headmen of villages, 23 Hebron: exile to, 58; migration from, 59; patriarchal tombs in, 58; status of, 57 heresy during Circassian period, 25 Herz, M.: homes located by, 202; topographical works by, 131 heterodoxy, threat of, 319, 322 Hijaz: individuals from in Daw', 9; Maghribi in, 74; in Mamluk period, 74; migration from, 78-79 Hijaziya madrasa: description of, 329; khatibs in, 261 Hijazis in Cairo, 159 Hims, administrative center, 51 Hirat (Herat), migration from, 64, 66 al-Hirawi, Shihab, 66 Hisn Kayfa, migration from, 68 history: instruction in, 250; in madrasas, 139 holy cities, inhabitants of, 73

458 holy hermits: Iranians as, 156; as mu'taqads, 269; in tombs, 136; from Upper Egypt, 152 holy men from Anatolia, 70 honorarium: imamates as, 258; khatib's office as, 262; librananship as, 253 Hormuz, Straits of, migration from, 63 Hospice of Prophet's Relics: Bulqini in, 239; description of, 340; professors in, 253 hospices: parochialism at, 161, residence in, 164. See also khanqahs hospitals: controller of, 217; shaykhs of, 25; supported by kanrms, 30. See also manstan hostels attached to madrasas, 139 houses: of Mamluk amirs, 134; muqri' owns, 265; nazirs own, 220 Husayniya quarter: development of, 134; location of, 334 Husayn mosque, mu'taqads in, 269 Ibn Abu Qasim, 75 Ibn 'Aqil, Baha', 46 Ibn 'Arab, al-Bursawi, 71 Ibn al-Barizi, Kamal, 207-208 Ibn al-Barizi, Nasir; 207; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336 Ibn Battuta, travels of, 37, 75 Ibn Duqmaq, topographical works of, 131 Ibn Fakhr al-Din, Sa'd, 430 nl24 Ibn Ghurrab, Sa'd, 216-17 Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani: influence on alSakhawi, 9; in al-Mu'ayyadiya, 336; as Shafi'i justice, 217 —ties: to Bulqims, 236, 238; to Maghrib!, 75; to muqri', 264 Ibn Ishaq, author of S\ra, 403 n6 Ibn Jama'a, Badr: in Hakim mosque, 333; khatib in Siryaqus khanqah, 341 Ibn Jubayr, travels of, 37 Ibn Khaldun: accuracy of, 325; career of, 74; as chief justice, 231, patronage of, xxn; reaction to Cairo, xxi, 15, 35, 77 Ibn al-Kuwayz, 'Alam, 56 Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Siraj: in Sabiqiya madrasa, 330 Ibn Nasr-AHah, Muhibb, 264 Ibn Qubban, marriage to Bulqini, 238

INDEX

Ibn al-Sabuni, 'Ala', 217-218 Ibn Sharaf al-Din mosque: muqri' in, 264 Ibn al-Shihna, Muhibb, 54 Ibn Suwayd al-Qibti, Badr: tajir awlad, 428 n83 Ibn Taghri-Birdi: background of, 10; on Copts, 274; on imams, 258; objectives of, 7, 11; methodology of, 12; omis­ sions of, 13; tie to Anatolian, 71; trib­ ute to Bulqini, 233 Ibn Τϋΐύη, Ahmad: founds al-Qata'i', 133; Mamluks under, 17; mosque of, 339 'ids in Delta, 44. See also festivals 'Id al-Saghir, see Lesser Festival Idfu, migration from, 48 Ifriqiya, migration from, 74 Ϊ], alchemist from, 65 ijaza, see certification Ilkhanid chieftains, extortion by, 62 Ilkhanid period, ascetics during, 267 Ilkhanid regime, appointments of, 62, in Iran, 61 illiteracy of Mamluks, 266 Imam al-Shafi'i tomb: Anatolians in, 157; description of, 339-40; Iranians in, 156; mu'ids in, 248; nazirs in, 217, 219; professors in, 253; shaykhs in, 223 imams: analysis of, 130; in Aqbughawiya, 335; definition of, 258; distribu­ tion of, 259; in Hijaziya, 329; Maghribi as, 76; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336; in Nasiriya, 333; as professors, 256, in Sahhiya, 331, in Tulunid mosque, 339; Upper Egyptians as, 50. See also prayer leaders imperial court: Anatolians in, 157; chief justices in, 232; Copts in, 273, imams in, 258; muqri's in, 266, mu'taqads in, 269; requirements of, 26 See also Citadel Inal, al-Ashraf, mausoleum of, 340 India: individuals from in Daw', 9; mi­ gration from, 77; migration to, 63-64 Indian merchants under monopoly, 31 Indian Ocean: karimis in, 30; Portu­ guese in, 73 infeudation in Upper Egypt, 49

INDEX

inflation during fifteen century, 26 inspectors, responsibilities of, 23 Institut fra^ais, associates of, 131 intellectual establishment, cosmopolitanism of, 144 interest groups: m rehgio-academic network, 161; in residence patterns, 164 invasion, absence of, 78 inns: supported by kanmis, 30 Iqfahs: migration from, 48 iqta' holdings: administration of, 24; revenue from, 22; title to, 27; in Upper Egypt, 49; yields from, 22, 26, 413 n20 iqta' system: centralization of, 18; expansion of, 18, in Iran, 61; removal from, 240 Iran: adjacent to Anatolia, 68; data on, 144; government of, 61; individuals from in Daw , 9; invasion of, 61, 63; khanqahs in, 139; migration from, 64, 78-79; population concentration in, 63 Iranian elite under Timurids, 34 Iranian-Muslim culture after invasions, 63 Iranian Plateau, routes to, 64 Iranian sites, patterns of, 63 Iranians: in amirate madrasas, 153; in alAzhar, 334; in executive category, 81; geographic mobility of, 421 n45; impact of invasions on, 61; integration of, 163; interest groups of, 161; occupations of, 65; preeminence of, 67; studies of, 154. See also Persians Iraq: control over, 72, data on, 144, migration from, 79 Iraqis in Cairo, 72 al-'Iraqi, Zayn, tomb of, 76 al-'Iraqi, WaIi: tie to Bulqini, 236 Isfahan, migration from, 64 al-Iskandariya, see Alexandria Islam, blasphemy against, 272 Islamic community, exclusion of Copts, 273 Islamic historiography, limitations of, 325 Islamic law: closed to Copts, 274; training in, 312 Islamic sciences· closed to Copts, 204, 274; in curriculum, 138-39, 247; erudition in, 314; instruction in, 41, 250; Iranians in, 65; khanqahs involved in,

459 160; khatibs' erudition in, 260; and mysticism, 221; uniformity of, 80 Islamic societies: Sufism m, 270; uncorporate nature of, 203 Islamic tradition, dictates of, 325 ism, definiton of, 12 Isma'ili da'is: of Fatimids, 132, 419 n21, in al-Azhar, 139 Isma'ili teaching in academies, 138 Istanbul: migration from, 68; supersedes Cairo, 38 Italian city-states, mercantile associations of, 33

al-Ja'fariya, migration from, 73 al-Jahiz on bureaucrats, 204-205 Jamaliya madrasa: description of, 329; Iranians in, 154-55; muqn's in, 265; nazir in, 217; Syrian in, 55 jami', jawami', see mosque Jannaq Lake, house near, 45 Jaqmaq, al-Zahir: arrests nazir, 217; confiscation by, 45; palace of, 134 —ties: to Iranian, 66; to muqri', 264; to Syrian, 208 Jaza'ir of Jlza, waqfs in, 331 al-Jazira district, migration from, 60 Jazirat al-Fil, see Elephant Island tract Jenghis Khan, career of, 34 Jerusalem: artisans from, 57; data from, 9; exile to, 58; Iranian in, 66; jursidiction of, 59; migration from, 59; status of, 57 jewelers, few Upper Egyptians as, 49 Jewish ancestry of Iranian, 67 Jews, poll tax on, 264 Ji'ani mosque, khatibs in, 261 Jidda, transit station, 31 Jilan, migration from, 63 Jirja, migration from, 48 Jiza: Bulqini in, 237; professors in, 253; m study, 4; sultan's property, 43; waqfs in: 328-29, 333 Jordan river, east bank of, 59 Judaism, Iranian convert from, 67 judges: Bulqinis as, 239; in Damascus, 52; function of, 227-28; as imams, 259; as jurist-scholars, 315; merchants as, 244; as nazirs, 214, 217; shahids

460 judges (cont.) as, 226; as shaykhs, 221. See also qadis judgeships in families, 230 al-Judhami, 75 judicial establishment, entry into, 149 judicial fields: instruction in, 250-51; Syrians in, 54 judiciary: Bulqinis in, 240; closed to Copts, 274; composition of, 221; cosmopolitanism of, 80; in Damascus, 52; distinct from muhtasibs, 224; imams in, 259; katibs al-sirr in, 207; location of, 132; in madrasas, 229, Maghnbis in, Mamluk influence on, 232; moral authority of, 228; orthodoxy in, 318, promotion within, 321; Sufis in, 227, 270 Julban, 21 jundi, ajnad: in khanqahs, 328; marriage to civilians, 238. See also trooper jurisprudence: in curriculum, 138-39, 229; shahids teach, 226 jurist-scholars: from Anatolia, 69; autonomy of, 315; custodians of Sunna, 314; definition of, 229; distribution of, 148; in elite institutions, 251; foundation of 'ulama' class, 246; as interest group, 321; as khatibs, 261; mediation of, 320; moral authority of, 322; as professional category, 312; promotion by, 251; as religious functionaries, 256; trained in amirate madrasas, 252 Jurjan: migration from, 63 Justice Palace: Delta Egyptian in, 46 Juyushi quarter: merchants in, 245; shaykhs in, 223

Ka'ba mantle, controller of, 216-17 Kafr al-Shaykh, migration from, 43 Kakhta, migration from, 68 al-Kamil, al-Malik: completes Citadel, 132; founds madrasa, 330; enlarges Shafi'i tomb complex, 339-40 Kamiliya madrasa: Cairenes in, 146; description of, 330 al-Karak: administrative center: 51, 59; bureaucrat from, 56; exile to, 55, 216; jurisdiction of, 59

INDEX

al-Karaki, Burhan, 423 n20 al-Karaki, Jamal: 56, Iranian replaces, 66 al-Karaki, Musa, 56 Karimi merchants: influence of, 29; under monopoly, 31, services of, 30 kashif, kashafa, see inspectors Katbugha, al-'Adil: foundation of, 332 katib al-amwal, 422 n5 katib al-insha', 422 n5 katib al-sirr: analysis of, 130; definition of, 205-207; Syrians as, 206; tie to clerks, 211. See also secretary of chancellery katibs: analysis of, 130; as copyists, 212; from Delta, 47; distribution of, 209, 423 nl7; pressures on, 212; as Sufis, 209. See also secretaries Kawm al-Rish, in study, 4 khabbaz, see baker al-Khalil, see Hebron khans: in biographies, 142, foundation of, 133 al-Khanqah, migration from, 42 khanqahs: associated with tombs, 141; in Barquqiya, 333; Cairenes in, 146, in central Delta, 150-51; copyists in, 242; definition of, 139-40; in education, 160; in elite group, 271; expenses of, 140; function of, 253; imams m, 258-59; influence on Mamluks, 139; Iranians in, 155; judges in, 241; katibs in, 209; khatibs in, 261-62; of later Mamluk period, 132; Maghribis in, 158; muhtasibs in, 225; mu'ids in, 248, 250; muqri's in, 264-66; mu'taqads in, 269; muwaqqi's in, 213; nazirs in, 218-20; professors in, 253, regulations of, 270; residence in, 145, 164; shahids in, 227; shaykhs of, 25, 221-23; in southeast, 134; Syrians in, 152-54; Upper Egyptians in, 152; usage of, 419 n23. See also hospices; monasteries, Sufi hospices Kharq Gate, markets around, 245 Khariibiya madrasa, professors in, 253 khassakiya, 21 khatibs: analysis of, 130; in Citadel mosque, 338; definition of, 260; from Delta, 45; distribution of, 261; muqn'

INDEX

as, 264, as professors, 256; in SaIihiya, 331; in Tulunid mosque, 339 Khatiri mosque: khatibs in, 261; stewards in, 210-11 khatt, see calligraphy khawaja: Anatolians as, 72; father of nazir, 217; merchants as, 245 khazins al-kutub: analysis of, 130; definition of, 253-54; distribution of, 25455. See also librarians khubz, 27 Khurasan, migration from, 63-64 khushdashiya, 21 Khushqadam, al-Zahir: appoints nazir, 217 khutba, function of, 260 Khwarazm Steppe, migration from, 63 kimiya', see alchemy Kirman, migration from, 64 kitchens in khanqahs, 140 Koran: initial studies m, 41; memorization of, 46, 247, 265; muqri's' erudition in, 263; recitation of, 140, 262, 328; sanctions policy, 232 Koranic exegesis: in curriculum, 138-39, Iranians in, 65; Maghribi teaches, 75; professor of, 246; in Tulunid mosque, 339 Koranic recitation: Mamluk respect for, 266 Koran readers: in Aqbughawiya, 335; from Delta, 45; in Hakim mosque, 333; in khanqahs, 328; Maghribi as, 76; in madrasas, 329-30. See also muqri's. Koran school in Qarasanqunya, 329. See also kuttabs Kufa, migration from, 73 kunya, definition of, 12 Kurdish traditions in Iran, 63 Kurdish troops of Salah al-Din, 327 Kurds: in Ayyubid army, 18; east of Mamluk frontier, 68 kuttabs: bureaucrats in, 202; function of, 80. See also Koran school

laborers from Cairo, 79 al-Ladhqiya, migration from, 59 Lance Dealers' Bazaar, waqfs on, 328

461 Lapidus, I. M.: on investment, 60; on multicompetence, 422 n l ; thesis of, 403 n l ; on urban society, 430 n2 laqab, definition of, 12 Lebanon, sites in, 59 legal categories, katibs al-sirr in, 206 legal families, influence of, 228 legal fields, secretaries in, 204 legal offices, merchants hold, 244 legal-scholarly professions, regional distribution of, 79-80 Lesser Festival, khutba of, 236 Levant: commerce in, 57; devastation of, 60; insecurity of, 53; organization of, 51; rate of migration of, 60 librarians: in Ashrafiya, 335; Syrians as, 208; as final position, 254. See also khazins al-kutub libraries: concentration of, 136; copyists in, 242; in Damascus, 52; in Delta, 44; in Hakim mosque, 333; in khanqahs, 140; in madrasas, 329-30, 332-33, 336; supported by karimis, 30; in Taybarsiya, 335; in Tulunid mosque, 339 hterateurs, Iranians as, 67 literati in Cairo, xxn literature in madrasas, 139 logic in madrasa curriculum, 138-39 Lower Egyptians: data on, 144; in khanqahs, 148. See also Delta Egyp-

madhhabs: in Ashrafiya, 335; definition of, 12, in Hakim mosque, 333; in Mansiiriya, 331; minority, 231; m Nasiriya, 333; in Sahhiya, 331; in Shaykhuniya, 337 al-Madina: al-Sakhawi in, 9; migration from, 72, 78; as sanctuary, 73 Madinans in Cairo, 73 madrasas: associated with tombs, 141; bureaucrats in, 202-203; Cairenes in, 146; courts in, 229; curriculum of, 161, deanships in, 46; definition of, 138; in Delta, 44; dominate education, 160; founded by Iranian, 66; imams in, 258; khatibs in, 260; of later Mamluk period, 132; Maghnbis in, 158-59; as mosque, 139; mu'taqads in, 269; parochialism in, 161; professors in,

462 madrasas (cont.) 253; promotions within, 321; proximity of, 136; repetitors in, 247; in southeast, 132; Sufis in, 272; in Upper Egypt, 49. See also colleges al-Maghrib: ascetics in, 267; data on, 144; migration from, 74, See also North Africa Maghribis: in al-Azhar, 334; character of, 74; distribution of, 164; mfrequency of, 76; interest groups of, 161; migration of, 421 n52, in Malik! madhhab, 158, occupations of, 74; as travelers, 75. See also North Africans Mahallat Abu Haytham, Sufi from, 45 al-Mahallat al-Kubra- Bulqinis in, 232, migration from, 41-42; muqn' from, 265, Shafi'i justice in, 46, waqfs in, 331 al-Mahalli, Burhan; tie to Syrians, 56 Mahmudiya madrasa: Iranians in, 155; librarians in, 255 Main Avenue: location of, 131; markets along, 245; terminus of, 334 See also Qasaba majdhubs: Anatolians as, 157; mu'taqads as, 268; Syrians as, 154, Upper Egyptian as, 152 major-domo, nazir as, 216 Makhlaf, migration from, 73 Makka: data from, 9; migration from, 72, 78; al-Sakhawi in, 9; as sanctuary, 73 Makkans, occupations of, 73 Malaga, Maghribi in, 76 Malatya, migration from, 68 Maliki judgeships, held by katibs al-sirr, 208 Maliki jurisprudence at al-Azhar, 158 Maliki madhhab, Maghribis in, 74, 158 Mahkis, role in Cairo of, 315 mamalik al-salatln al-mutaqaddima, 21 al-mamalik al-sultaniya, 21 mamalik al-'umara', 21 Mamluk armies, successes, 16 Mamluk barracks, Cairenes in, 147 Mamluk Egypt: bureaucracy in, 204; distribution of power in, 324 Mamluk elite: demand for orthodoxy, 25; dependence on agriculture, 28, extravagance of, 32; favor Turkish speakers,

INDEX

157; fiscal demands of, 26; individuals in, 11, influence of khanqahs on, 139, investment by, 60; from Muslim periphery, 81, prerogatives of, 20; in provincial cities, 78; respect for Iranians, 155 —ties: to bureaucrats, 47, to Delta ports, 44 Mamluk empire; cities of, 313; elite institutions in, 132, 160; individuals from in Daw', 9; northern marches of, 53, regions outside, 81 Mamluk epoch: achievements of, 3, segments of, 18 Mamluk foundations: Cairenes in, 147; Iranians in, 163 Mamluk frontier: areas east of, 68; Iranians cross, 63 Mamluk governors, staffs of, 206 Mamluk houses, imams in, 258 Mamluk institution: achievements/shortcomings of, 17; origin of, 15 Mamluk metropolis: Fatimid center of, 131 Mamluk period: al-Azhar during, 334; Cairo during, 131; Hijaz during, 73; judiciary during, 228-29, land reclamation during, 43; population during, 138; southeast during, 133 Mamluk regime: oppression of, 323; response to natural disasters, 29; slaves m, 245 Mamluk rulers, appointment of judges, 230 Mamluk sphere, exclusivity of, 230 Mamluk state: bureaucrats in, 47, 79; individuals from outside, 163; juridical study in, 153; prestige of, 34, professional activity in, 201; 'ulama' of, 206-207 Mamluk tombs: Anatolians in, 157, description of, 340 Mamluk trainees, isolation of, 16 Mamluk troops, payments to, 27 Mamluk zone, Syrians in, 153 Mamluks: as aliens, 16; appointment policies of, 314, 421 n49; in biographies, 81; coalitions of, 23; costs of, 22; in Damascus, 52; definition of, 15, discord among, 20, 24; dissidence under, 325;

INDEX

economic policies of, 33, 320; endowments of, 138, 254; entitled shaykh, 222; in executive category, 202; favor Turkish speakers, 70; exile of, 58; fiscal insecurity of, 25; foundations of, 329; identity of, 21, 32; importation of, 26; influence judiciary, 232; investments of, 25; in khanqahs, 328; litigation involving, 230; marriages of, 237-38, 240; as muhtasibs, 224; as muqri's, 263; mutiny of, 22; as nazirs, 214, 219; neglect of duties, 23; in Nile valley, 17; out of service, 22, 223, 408 n44; privileged caste, 16; provincial decline under, 60; real estate of, 32; reject dynastic principle, 19; reliance on 'ulama', 52; revenues of, 26; rule in Anatolia, 68; source of intrigue, 21; in southeast, 154; spoliation of, 334; stress on orthodoxy, 318; support of, 28; symbiosis with civilian elite, 20; threat to sultan, 28; tombs of, 141; torture of, 22; vulnerability of, 17. See also amirs —attitude: toward civilians, 136, 138, 155; toward Syria, 53 —respect: for clerks, 212; for Sufis, 270, 272 —ties: to ascetics, 71, 136; to BuIqInIs, 233, 236, 239; to bureaucrats, 313; to civilians, 129, 201; to clients, 11, 207; to imams, 258; to merchants, 245; to muqri's, 264-66; to mu'taqads, 268; to religious functionaries, 322; to secretaries, 205; to Syrians, 153; to 'ulama', 4 —use: of Copts, 273-74; of foreign luxuries, 32 Mandaville, J. on judiciary, 228-29 Manfalut, migration from, 48 al-Manhal al-Safi, 2 Mansuri hospital: description of, 332; nazir of, 215-17, 219; stewards in, 210 Mansuriya madrasa/tomb: Anatolians in, 156; description of, 331-32; BuIqInIs in, 238-39; librarians in, 254; Maghribl in, 75; muqri' in, 264 maps, use of, 129 al-Maqrizi: influences Ibn Taghri-Birdi, 10; as muhtasib, 224; rivals al-'Aynl,

463 70; shuhra of, 415 n41; topographical works of, 131 —on: 'Amr ibn al-'As mosque, 340; Ashraflya, 335; al-Azhar, 334; Baybarslya, 328; Citadel mosque, 338; commercial institutions, 142; Hakim mosque, 333; Hijaziya, 329; inflation, 408 n37; Jamallya, 329; libraries, 25455; Mansuriya, 332; muqri's, 265; Nasiriya, 333; Sa'Id al-Su'ada', 327; Salihlya, 331; Shaykhunlya, 337; Siryaqus, 341; Sultan Hasan mosque, 338; Taybarslya, 335 al-Maqs mosque, khatibs in, 261 Mar'ash, migration from, 68 Mardan, migration from, 64 Mardln, migration, from, 68 maristan, definition of, 140-41. See also hospitals market inspectors, analysis of, 130. See also muhtasibs markets: in biographies, 142; courts near, 228; of Old Cairo, 135; shahids near, 227; spoliation of, 223 Marrakish, migration from, 74 marriages, muqri's at, 262 Mashhad, migration from, 64 masjid in Qarasanquriya, 329 Marw, migration from, 64 mathematics: instruction in, 250; in madrasas, 139 mawlids in Tanta, 44 Mawsil (Mosul), migration from, 73 mediation: of civilian elite, 20, 231-32; of religious functionaries, 322-23 medicine: in madrasas, 139, 331; no Sa'Idls in, 49; studied by Maghribl, 75; in Tulunid mosque, 339 Medieval Europe, distribution of power in, 324 Medieval historians allusions to immigration, 37 mercantile systems under Mamluk rule, 29 merchants: Anatolians as, 72; background of, 79; Iranians as, 67; Maghribls as, 75-76; in Mamluk service, 133; as nazir, 217; residence patterns of, 37; shahids as, 226; in slave trade, 27; success of, 29; from Yemen, 73. See

464 merchants (cont.) also state merchants; sultani merchants; tajirs Middle Ages: Sufism during, 270; travel during, 37 Middle East: social organization of, 201 Middle Egypt: Copts in, 50; migration from, 48; nisba-birthplace ratio, 48 migration: patterns of, 77-78; stimuli behind, 39; rate of, 60, 64, 78 militarists: in khanqahs, 139-40; Turkish-speaking, 71 military campaigns, costs of, 26, 28 military elite: clients of, 314, ranking of, 20 military-executive category: analysis of, 130; regional distribution of, 80-81 military groups, residence patterns of, 37 military intelligence, secretaries in, 204 military judges: Bulqlni as, 233, 236, 239; jurisdiction of, 407 n35; litigation of, 230 military slaves, cost of, 26. See also slaves Mmbaba in study, 4 ministries, see diwans minority taxes: Bulqlni controller of, 237; muqn' controller of, 264 mint, controlled by Cairenes, 56 Mintash, tie to Iranian, 65 Minufiya: administrative institutions in, 47; migration from, 41-42; religious functionaries from, 45; as saints' zone, 44, 150; towns in, 48 Mmyat Bani Khasib: migration from, 48; mu'taqad from, 152 Minyat al-Makhlas, waqfs in, 328 miscellaneous items in biographies, 13 Misr, see Old Cairo Misr al-Qadima, see Old Cairo Mithqal al-Anuki, Sabiq: founds madrasa, 330 monasteries: in Damascus, 52; shaykhs of, 25. See also khanqahs monastic houses in Delta, 44 monastic institution at Siryaqus, 42 monasticism in Egypt, 139 Mongol invasions: in Iran, 61, 155; in Iraq, 72; Mamluk reaction to, 53 Mongol-Turkic elite- in Iran, 61

INDEX

Mongols: after conversion, 62; agriculture under, 61, environment of, 415 n45; as Mamluks, 18; routes used by, 64; threat to Islam, 28 monopolies of Mamluk regime, 30-32. See also spice monopoly Morocco, migration from, 74 mortuary zones: Anatolians in, 157, 164, Arabians in, 159-60; Cairenes in, 147; class supported by, 135-36; Delta Egyptians in, 150; imams in, 259; institutions of, 339; Iranians in, 156, Maghribis in, 159; mu'ids in, 248; muqri's in, 266; mu'taqads in, 269; nazirs in, 219; professors in, 253; shaykhs in, 223; in study, 4, Syrians in, 154; Upper Egyptians in, 151 mosques: definition of, 138; in Delta, 4445; imams in, 258; khatibs in, 261, of later Mamluk period, 132; mu'taqads in, 269; supported by karimis, 30 mu'alhm, distinct from mu'id, 248. See also teachers Mu'ayyadiya madrasa: Anatolians in, 156; Delta Egyptians m, 149, description of, 336; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 155; khatibs in, 261, Maghribis in, 76, 158; mu'ids in, 248; muqri's in, 264-66; nazirs in, 218; shaykhs in, 222; stewards in, 210; Sufis in, 272, Syrians in, 153-54, 208, Upper Egyptians in, 151 Mubarak, 'AIi: topographical works of, 131 mubashirs: analysis of, 130, definition of, 209-10; from Delta, 47, in hospitals, 140-41. See also stewards mudarnses: analysis of, 130; definition of, 250; distribution of, 252. See also professors mudarns tafsir, function of, 246 Muhammad: ascent from Jerusalem, 58; biography of, 403 n6; prototypic Muslim, 5 Muhammad 'Ali, mosque of, 338 Muhammad, al-Nasir: buildings of, 13334; daughter of, 329; founds khanqah, 341; founds madrasa, 332; mosque of, 338, partisans of, 328; restores Tulumd mosque, 339; ustadar of, 335

INDEX

Muhammad ibn Manjak, Nasir: appoints muqri', 263 muhtasibs: analysis of, 130; definition of, 223-24; distinct from judges, 224; in executive and fiscal offices, 205; nazir as, 215; of Old Cairo, 135. See also market inspectors mu'ids: analysis of, 130; definition of, 246-47; distribution of, 248, function of, 80. See also repetitor multicompetence of civilian elite, 312 multiple officeholding: of civilian elite, 201; among secretaries, 204 al-Mu'mini, funerary oratory of, 337 al-Muqattam: cemetery quality of, 134; Citadel near, 133; mu'taqads in, 269; Upper Egyptian in, 152 al-Muqayri, 'Imad: tie to Syrian, 56 muqri's: analysis of, 130; definition of, 262-63; distribution of, 265-66; families of, 263; patrons of, 263; as professors, 256. See also Koran readers muqta's, 29 murattib, 27 murattib al-dhakhira, Iranian receives, 66 mushtarawat: definition of, 21; insecurity of, 22; shortage of, 27 Muslim calendar, festivals of, 262 Muslim community: jurist-scholars in, 321; rectitude of, 323 Muslim Copts, distinct from 'ulama', 274 Muslim historiography, origins, 6 Muslim institutions, closed to Copts, 273 Muslim regimes in India, 64 Muslims: clerks as, 211; of Coptic descent, 81 Muslim societies, revered persons in, 255 Muslim world: scholarly network of, 144; scholasticism in, 316; 'ulama' from, 150; values of, 324; view of Mamluk Egypt, 34; western reaches of, 35 al-Musta'in, Caliph: appoints katib alsirr, 208; tie to Upper Egyptian, 50 al-Mustanjid Yusuf, Caliph: marriage to Bulqini, 237 al-Mustansir mosque: mu'id in, 264 mu'taqads: analysis of, 130; from Anatolia, 70-71, 157; definition of, 267; in Delta, 44-45; distribution of, 269; pro-

465 fessors as, 252; Syrians as, 154; from Upper Egypt, 152. See also ascetics al-Mu'tasim, Caliph: reliance on Mamluks, 15 muwaqqi's: Copts as, 273; definition of, 211; distribution of, 212-13; secretaries as, 204; as 'ulama', 212. See also clerks mystic principles, see tasawwuf mysticism and Islamic sciences, 221 mystics: Iranians as, 67; supported by karirms, 30; Upper Egyptians as, 152. See also Sufis Nahiyat Dahmar, waqfs in, 327 na'ib muhtasibs of districts, 23 na'ib qadis: analysis of, 130; definition of, 228; distribution of, 229, 426 n53; mobility of, 229. See also deputy judges nasikhs: analysis of, 130; definition of, 241-42; muwaqqi's as, 212. See also copyists al-Nasiri al-Qibti, Sa'd: tajir firanj, 428 n83 Nasiri mosque, Cairenes in, 147. See also Citadel mosque Nasiriya madrasa: Bulqini in, 237; Cairenes in, 146; description of, 332-33 natural sciences, Iranians in, 65 Nawruz: ties to Iranians, 65-66; as viceroy, 55 Nazir al-awqaf: analysis of, 130; of Shaykhumya, 337. See also controller of waqfs nazir al-jawali, see minority taxes nazir al-jaysh, see controller of army nazir al-manstan, see controller of hospital nazirs: in Ashrafiya, 335; definition of, 213; distribution of, 218; harassment of, 214; of hospital, 141; Mamluks as, 214; as muhtasib, 224; pressures on, 212; as qadis, 230-31; of royal bureaus, 205; secretaries as, 205; Syrians as, 56; waqf doner as, 329. See also controllers Near East: bureaucracies of, 202; social institutions in, 325; urban institutions in, 78

466 necrologies in chronicles, 7 Nile: fortress on, 18; ports of, 134 Nile shore district: development of, 134; institutions of, 340; Mamluks m, 202; professors in, 253 Nile swamps, reclamation from, 134 Nile valley: depression of, 49; integrity of, 40; religious establishment in, 49; tie with North Africa, 74; upper reaches of, 77 nisbas: definiton of, 12; distinctions between, 411 n2, to distinguish persons, 38, as geographic indicator, 411 n3; sequences of in Syria, 58; as surname, 38 Nishabur, migration from, 64 Nizam al-Mulk, founder of madrasa, 138 North Africa: ascetics from, 159, cultural backwater, 35, 76; immigration from, xxi; individuals from in Daw', 9; physicians from, 74; travel through, 74. See also al-Maghnb North Africans: in al-Azhar, 158; culture of, 74; economic stature of, 75; in Festival Gate cluster, 158-59; proportions of, 159. See also Maghnbis northeast district: Anatolians in, 156; Arabians in, 159; basis of study, 136; Delta Egyptians in, 150; development of, 131; dominance in education, 160; during Fatimid period, 132; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 155; Iraqis in, 157; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 255; Maghribis in, 158; merchants in, 245; mu'ids in, 248; muqn' in, 265; Syrians in, 154; Upper Egyptians in, 151; zone of 'ulama', 240. See also Fatimid district northwest district: Cairenes in, 147; development of, 134; Mamluks in, 202 notanes: from Delta, 47; distribution, 426 n45; function of, 417 n71; localism of, 80; merchants as, 244; no Copts as, 274; prerogatives of, 212; Syrians as, 56. See also shahids notaryship initiates career, 225 Nubia: individuals from in Daw', 9; migration from, 77 al-Nujiim al-Zahira, 11 nuwwab as subordinate faculty, 252

INDEX

occupational categories: Iraqis in, 73; Makkans and Madinans in, 73; selection of, 130 occupational pattern of geographic groups, 161-62 occupational sites: analysis of, 130; usage of, 144-45 occupations, regional variation in, 79 oculist in Siryaqus khanqah, 341 oil dealer, mu'taqad as, 268 Old Cairo: Anatolians in, 157; Cairenes in, 147; development of, 135; as earliest center, 131; Hanafi qadi of, 55; imams in, 259; institutions of, 340; khatibs in, 261; litigation in, 230, Maghnbis in, 159, nazirs in, 219; professors in, 253; Shaft'! chief justice of, 46; shaykhs in, 223; in study, 4 omissions by biographers, 13 ophthalmia of muqn', 264 oratories in khanqahs, 140 orphanages: in khanqahs, 140; in madrasas, 139, 330; shaykhs of, 25; supported by karimls, 30. See also schools for orphans orthodoxy: under Mamluks, 35; al-Sakhawi stresses, 318 Ottoman court, Iranian at, 66 Ottoman Pasha governors in Citadel, 338 Ottoman period, political order before, 324-25 Ottoman rule: in Cairo, 4; over Anatolia, 68-69 Ottoman state, growth of, 24 Ottoman sultans attract 'ulama', 69 Ottomans, trade under, 33 Oxford, 132

palace, muqri's in, 266 Palestine, artisans from, 57, Crusader elements in, 18; in Mamluk empire, 51; migration from, 59 pastorahsm of Turcomans, 63 peasantry: economic decline of, 29; under Ilkhanids, 62 peer ties among jurist-scholars, 321 pensions for Mamluks, 27 Persian civilization, centered in Zagros, 63

INDEX

Persian commercial classes under Ilkhanids, 62 Persian cultural sphere, 68 Persian Gulf, migration from, 63, 73 Persian intellectual tradition, 68 Persians: in India, 65; under Ilkhanids, 62. See also Iranians pharmacists in Mansuri hospital, 332 philosophy: in madrasas, 139; studied by Maghribi, 75 physicians: background of, 79; in hospitals, 140; Iranians as, 67; Maghnbis as, 74; in Mansuri hospital, 332; in Siryaqus khanqah, 341 piety: parochialism of, 316; social function of, 255; and Sufism, 271 pious trust foundations, controller of, 217. See also waqfs plague: cause of decline, 29, 32, in fourteenth century, 19; impact on southeast, 134 plantation setting of southeast, 134 poetics in madrasa, 139 poets: Iranians as, 67; supported by karimis, 30; Syrian as, 208 polarization between Mamluks and 'ulama', 155 Poliak, A. N.: on Yasa, 407 n35 police networks, organization of, 23 polo fields of Mamluk amirs, 134 poor, exclusion from khanqah, 328 poor houses attached to madrasas, 139 Popper, W.: on bureaucracy, 420 n32; maps of, 131, occupational classifications of, 129; on northwest-southwest districts, 134 ports, litigation in, 230 Portugal, exploration by, 33 Portuguese in Indian Ocean, 73 prayer callers: from Delta, 45; in SaIihiya, 331, in Tulunid mosque, 339 prayer leaders from Delta, 45. See also imams preacher, muqn' as, 263 prestige in religio-academic network, 163 principalities of Anatolia, 69 privy funds, control of, 56, 218 privy treasury, nazirs in, 219 professional activity of civilian elite, 201

467 professional appointments in biographies, 13 professional entry, elite institutions in, 160-61 professional solidarity, 316 professorial chairs, Bulqinis hold, 240 professors: in Ashrafiya, 335; Bulqinis as, 239; certification by, 251; deputy judges as, 229; in Hakim mosque, 333; in Hijaziya madrasa, 329; imams as, 259, in Jamaliya, 329; m Mansuriya, 331; merchants as, 244; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336; mu'ids as, 248; muqri's as, 263-65; as mu'taqad, 268; in Nasiriya, 333; as nazirs, 214, 217; religious functionaries as, 256, in SaIihiya, 331; in Sarghatmishiya, 339; shahids as, 226; in Shaykhuniya, 337; security of, 251; in Taybarsiya, 334; in Tulunid mosque, 339; in Zahiriya, 331. See also mudarnses Prophet: cities of, 73; ideals of, 316 Prophet's life, model for behavior, 5 Prophetic traditions: Bulqini in, 239; in Kamiliya madrasa, 330; in madrasa curriculum, 138-39; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336; in Sarghatmishiya, 338; in Tulunid mosque, 339. See also Hadith prosopography as genre, 6 qadi al-'askar, see military judge Qadiri order in Cairo, 270 qadis: analysis of, 130; definition of, 227-28, 230; distribution of, 240-41; of districts, 23; jurisdiction of, 320; as katibs al-sirr, 206, in minority madhhabs, 315; pressures on, 24; from Syria, 54; testimony heard by, 225; ties to amirs, 54. See also judges Qadis al-qudat: analysis of, 130; definition of, 231. See also chief justices al-Qahira' usage of, 131, 133; khatibs m, 261. See also Cairo Qala'un, al-Mansur: descendants of, 333, endowment of, 219; founds madrasa, 331, founds hospital, 332; iqta' system under, 18; tomb of, 254 al-Qalqashandi: commentaries of, 129; manual of, 417 n4

468 Qalyubiya: administrative institutions in, 47; migration from, 41-42 qanat network in Iran, 62 Qarafa: Cairenes in, 147; cemetery of, 135; Delta Egyptians m, 150; institu­ tions of, 339; Iranians in, 156; location of, 337; mu'taqads in, 269; nazirs in, 219; professors in, 253; m study, 4, Upper Egyptians in, 152 qaranis, qaranisa, 21 Qarasanqur al-Mansuri, Shams: founds madrasa, 329 Qarasanquriya madrasa, description of, 329 Qasaba, merchants in, 245. See also Main Avenue Qasaba district, evolution of, 133 Qasr al-Kabsh district: Mamluks in, 202; settlement in, 133-34 QataY district: settlement in, 133-34; institutions in, 337 Qatran, migration from, 68 Qay, migration from, 48 Qaysariya of Amir Άΐϊ, waqfs on, 332 Qaytbay, al-Ashraf: arrests nazir, 218; charisma of, 27; Mamluks imported by, 26; mausoleum of, 340; military ex­ penses of, 28; reign of, 21; ties to Bulqim, 239; ties to Maghnbi, 76 Qazvin, migration from, 64 al-Qibabi, Muhayy, 263-64 Qibt, usage of, 272. See also Copts Qina: decline of, 49; migration from, 48 Qipjak spoken by Mamluks, 70 Qipjak Turks as Mamluks, 18 Qubbat al-Nasr, Iranians at, 67, 156 al-Quds, see Jerusalem Qunlya (Konya), migration from, 68 Qus: decline of, 49; migration from, 48 Qusayr, decline of, 49 Qustantina, physician from, 74 al-Ra'i, 76 ramad, see ophthalmia ra's al-nawba, civilian marries, 238 ra's nawbat al-nuwwab, 23 Rashid al-Din, reforms of, 62 ratib, 27 ratio, nisbas to birthplaces, 48

INDEX

Ratli Lake area: Mamluks in, 202; mer­ chants in, 245 Ravaisse, P. on topography, 131, 418 nl4 Rawahiya madrasa, muqri' in, 263 Rawda Island: barracks on, 18; develop­ ment of, 134 Ray, migration from, 64 Raydaniya in study, 4 recitation: in madrasa curriculum, 13839; muqri's' erudition in, 263 reconquista, threat to Muslim commu­ nity, 35 rectors, see shaykhs Red Sea: commodities from, 245, control of, 73; ports on, 31, 34, 49 regional traditions, transfer of, 81 religio-academic establishment: muhtasibs in, 225; parochialism of, 161 religio-academic institutions: from Ayyubid period, 132; in commercial setting, 142; Copt in, 273; elite group of, 160, foreigners in, 317; imams in, 259; judges in, 240; khatibs in, 260; libraries in, 254; muqri's in, 262-63; mu'taqads in, 268; nazirs of, 213-14; of North Africa, 77; of Ottomans, 69, shaykhs in, 221-22; in southeast, 134, Syrians in, 153; system of, 128, as training ground, 321; in urban context, 136 religio-academic network: interest groups in, 161; jurist-scholars in, 315; localism of, 144; ranking in, 319; shahids in, 226; stewards in, 210 religious functionaries: analysis of, 130, autonomy of, 322; Iranians as, 154; as professional class, 312; shahids as, 226; social role of, 316; as symbolic legitimators, 323 religious occupations: copyists in, 242; of Maghnbi, 76; regional distribution of, 79; secretaries in, 204 renegades, Turkish-speaking, 71 repetitor: muqri' as, 263. See also mu'ids residence pattern of geographic groups, 164 residential sites: analysis of, 130, usage of, 144-45

INDEX

rest homes supported by karimis, 30 revenue, procurement of, 313 revered persons, see mu'taqads rhetoric in madrasas, 139 ribat, see hospice Ribat al-Athar al-Nabawiya, see Hospice of Prophet's Relics royal mint, controller of, 216 royal stables, controller of, 217 Rum, see Anatolia al-Rumayla, Maydan, see Citadel Square Rumi, Jalal al-Din, 65 Rumis: in Mamluk foundations, 157; status of, 72, 156; ties to royal family, 157; usage of, 68. See also Anatolians rural population, reduction of, 29 Sabiqiya madrasa, description of, 329 Saburbay, tie to Bulqini, 239 sacred fields in madrasa curriculum, 139 Safad: administrative center, 51; jurisdiction of, 59; katib al-sirr in, 208-209 al-Safadi: compendium of, 8, 11 al-Safati, Wall, 217-18 Safavids, 61 Sahara, routes across, 74 Sahra': Arabians in, 159; Cairenes in, 147; Delta Egyptians in, 150; institutions of, 339; nazirs in, 219; in study, 4; Upper Egyptians in, 152. See also Desert Plain al-Sa'id, artisans from, 49. See also Upper Egypt Sa'id af-Su'ada' khanqah: Arabians in, 159-60; Bulqini controller of, 239, Cairenes in, 146, 148; Cairo-Delta interest in, 161; copyists in, 242; Delta Egyptians in, 150; description of, 327; judges in, 241; imams in, 259, khatibs in, 262; muqri' in, 264-66; mu'taqads in, 269; professors in, 253; shahids in, 227; Sufis in, 271-72; Syrians in, 154; Upper Egyptians in, 152 Sa'idis: in al-Muqattam, 152; paucity of, 47. See also Upper Egyptians saints, shrines of, 136, 223. See also sayyids saints' zone in Delta, 44, 150 Sakha, migration from, 9

469 al-Sakhawi: attitude toward training, 7; background of, 8; on Bulqini marriages; 238; character of, 10; compiler of centennial dictionary, 6; comprehensiveness of, 144, on historical methods, 404 n!6; methodology of, 12; objectives of, 9-10, 318-19; omissions of, 13; on Ibn Taghri-Birdi, 11; tie to Maghribi, 75 Salah al-Din: activities in Egypt, 405 n l ; image of, 132; khanqah dates from, 139; founds khanqah, 327; madrasa dates from, 138; Mamluk institution under, 18; nephew of, 132; sultanate after, 19 Salahiya madrasa, Iranian at, 66 Salama, I., work of, 131 salaries for Mamluks, 27 Salihiya madrasa: Cairenes in, 146; chief justices in, 153; copyists in, 242; description of, 330-31; as high court, 331; instruction in, 251; khatibs in, 261; nazir on faculty, 217; shahids near, 227 al-Salih Najm al-Din Ayyub: death of, 18; foundation of, 330-31 al-Salih TaIaY mosque: foundation of, 337; shahids near, 227 Saljuq wazir founds madrasa, 138 Salmon, G., topographical works of, 131 Samannud, Bulqini m, 237 Samarqand, migration from, 64 Samarra, 17 Sanhur, migration from, 265 al-Sanhuri, Zayn, 265 Sarghatmish al-Nasiri, Sayf: founds madrasa, 338 Sarghatmishiya madrasa: Anatolians in, 157, cosmopolitanism of, 162; Delta Egyptians in, 150; description of, 33839; in education, 160; Iranians in, 65, 155; judges in, 241; librarians in, 255; Maghnbis in, 159; mu'ids in, 248, professors in, 252, shaykhs in, 222; in southwest, 134, stewards in, 210; Syrians in, 152-53, 163; Syrian interest in, 161; Upper Egyptians in, 151 Saruja mosque, muqri' in, 265 Sarukhan, migration from, 68

470 Sauvaget, ]., on Aleppo, 414 n31 sawakin, 31 sayyids in Delta, 44. See also saints scholarly categories: katibs al-sirr in, 206; secretaries in, 204 scholarly-educational professions, analysis of, 130 scholars: in Damascus, 52; Iranians as, 154; in khanqahs, 139-40; library of, 254; regional background of, 80; supported by kanrms, 30; ties to Maghribi, 74 schools for orphans: attached to madrasas, 329, 331, 336, 339; in mosques, 333, 338-39. See also orphanages schools of law in Cairo, 315 scientists, Iranians as, 67 secretarial class: ranking of, 47; segregation from 'ulama', 209 secretaries: belittlement of, 204; contrast with katib al-sirr, 204; Copts as, 273; distinct from copyists, 242; in executive and fiscal offices, 205; mobility of, 204205; subordination of, 214. See also katibs secretary of chancellery: Copts as, 273; rarely from Delta, 47; Iranians as, 6667; Syrians as, 55-56. See also katib al-sirr secular disciplines: instruction in, 250; in madrasas, 139 servants: in hospitals, 141; of military elite, 133; mu'taqads as, 268 shababik, see galleries Sha'ban II, al-Ashraf: endowments of, 328, 340; library of, 329; tie to Syrian, 54 Shadhili order in Cairo, 270 Shafi'i jurisprudence: nazir in, 217; in Zahiriya, 153, 158, 331 Shafi'i justice: of Aleppo, 207, Bulqini as, 233; Cairenes as, 54; Delta Egyptian as, 46; Iranians as, 66; as khatib in Citadel mosque, 338; as nazir, 217, 335 Shafi'i madhhab, Delta influence on, 149 Shafi'i qadi, see Shafi'i justice al-Shafi'i tomb, see Imam al-Shafi'i tomb

INDEX

shahids: analysis of, 130; definition of, 225; distribution of, 227; residence of, 253; role of, 226 See also notaries Shajar al-Durr- career of, 18; husband's tomb, 331 al-Sham, see Syria shamanism, influence on Mamluks, 268 shari'a: centrahty of, 221; on contracts, 29, contrast with applied law, 224; departure from, 320; influence on merchants, 244; integrity of, 318, interpreters of, 314, in litigation, 80, 22930; minority schools of, 315; shahids trained in, 274; sultan enforces, 216, 232, Syrians studying, 153; training in, 226; variants m, 319; violation of, 215 shari'a court system, autonomy of, 251 shari' jurisprudence, maturation of, 7 shan' legal system: chief justices in, 231; jurist-scholars dominate, 315 sharifs in Delta, 44 Sharqiya: administrative institutions in, 47, migration from, 41-43; as saints' zone, 44; waqfs in, 332 Shaykh al-Islam as chief justice, 221 Shaykh, al-Mu'ayyad: enthronement of, 67; favors foreign 'ulama', 156-57, founds madrasa, 336; patronage of Syrians, 57; title of, 222, as viceroy, 55 —ties: to Bulqini, 236; to Iranian, 66; to Syrians, 55-56: 153, 207-208 shaykhs, analysis of, 130; in Aqbughawiya, 335; definition of, 221; distribution of, 222; fiscal oppression of, 25; imams as, 259; in legal category, 425 n37; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336; mu'taqads as, 268, as nazirs, 214, overlap with other offices, 130; of Shaykhumya, 337; Sufis as, 270 Shaykh al-Shuyiikh: office of, 221; of Sa'id al-Su'ada', 327, of Siryaqus, 341 Shaykh al-Taj al-'Ajami, 66 Shaykhu, Sayf: foundation of, 337; tie to Iranian, 67 Shaykhuniya madrasa/khanqah. Anatolians in, 71, 156; Cairenes in, 14648, copyists in, 242, cosmopolitanism of, 162; Delta Egyptians m, 149-50, description of, 337; m education, 160,

INDEX

Hanafi jurisprudence in, 149; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 65, 155; librarians in, 255, Maghnbis in, 158-59; muqn's in, 264, 266; nazirs in, 219; professors in, 252; shaykhs in, 222; stewards in, 210; Syrian interest in, 161; Syrians in, 152-53, 163, Sufis in, 272; Upper Egyptians in, 50, 151-52 al-Shawbak, migration from, 59 Shiraz, migration from, 64 Shirkuh, activities in Egypt, 405 nl Shirwan, migration from, 65 al-Shirwani, Jalal, 65 shops: in biographies, 142; courts near, 228 shrines: of revered person, 141; shaykhs of, 25. See also zawiyas shuhra: definition of, 12; as family name, 38 Shurbush merchants' street, waqfs in, 332 Shuyukh al-balad in Citadel, 338 silk merchants, Iranians as, 67 sinecurism: by civilian elite, 201; implications of, 319 Sinjar, migration from, 73 Sira: definition of, 5; of Prophet, 403 n6 al-Sirafa as staff, 56 Strat al-Nabt, 5 Siryaqus khanqah: Anatolians in, 156, Cairenes in, 148; Delta Egyptians in, 150; description of, 341; in education, 160; imams in, 259; Iranians in, 155; judges in, 241; Maghnbis in, 159; Sufis m, 272 Siryaqus village, migration from, 42 Siwas, migration from, 68 Skandaris, activities of, 42 skewing factor: of dates, 84; in migration rates, 78 slaves: dependence on purchasers, 16; for military service, 15; trade in, 27, 245. See also military slaves slave traders, Anatolians as, 72 social unrest in fourteenth century, 19 Somalia, migration from, 77 sources used by biographers, 13 southeast district· Anatolians in, 156-57; Arabians in, 159; basis of study, 136; Cairenes in, 147; Delta Egyptians in,

471 149-50; development of, 133; institutions in, 337; Iranians in, 155; Iraqis in, 158; judges in, 240-41; khatibs in, 261; librarians in, 255, Maghribis in, 158-59; mu'ids in, 248; muqn's in, 266; nazirs in, 219; professors in, 252; Sufis in, 272; Syrians in, 153-54; Upper Egyptians in, 151 southwest district: Cairenes in, 147; Delta Egyptians in, 150; development of, 134; khatibs in, 261; Mamluks in, 202; Upper Egyptians, 151 Spam: center of scholarship, 35; exploration by, 33. See also al-Andalus special bureau, control of, 56 specialization in professions, 312 spice monopoly, outline of, 30. See also monopolies spy networks, secretaries in, 204 stables of Mamluk amirs, 134 Staffa, S. } . , topographical work of, 131 standard of living, decline in, 32 state control over applied law, 224 state merchants as bureaucrats, 31. See also merchants stewards: Copts as, 274, duties of, 210; merchants as, 244; Muslims as, 252. See also mubashirs, supermtendants storehouses, nazirs in, 219 streets, shahids near, 227 Striped Palace, nazirs in, 219 students: contact with foreigners, 142; in hospitals, 140 student-teacher ties, function of, 229 Succor Dome, see Qubbat al-Nasr Sudan, individuals from in Daw', 9 Sudun al-Qadi, nazir of al-Azhar, 334 Sudun min Zada madrasa: Iranians in, 155; professors in, 252 al-Sufi, Shams, 264-65 Sufi communities: residence in, 145, stewards in, 211 Sufi hospices: Cairenes in, 146; nazirs in, 219. See also khanqahs Sufi institutions: autonomy of, 214; Syrians in, 152 Sufi orders- Delta Egyptians in, 45; foreigners in, 317; in judiciary, 227; membership in, 148; respect for ascetics by, 152

472 Sufi shaykh in Jamaliya madrasa, 329 Sufi theology studied by Maghnbi, 75 Sufis: Anatolians as, 71, 156, in Aqbughawiya, 335; Arabians as, 160; autonomy of, 270; in artisanship and commerce, 222; in al-Azhar, 151; Bulqini as, 238; copyists as, 242; deputy judges as, 230; distribution of, 27172; hospices for, 150, 241, 335; imams as, 259; Iranians as, 155; in khanqahs, 140; as khatibs, 262; Maghnbis as, 159; merchants as, 246; in Mu'ayyadiya, 336; as muqn's, 266, mu'taqads as, 268-69; muwaqqi's as, 213; professors as, 253; shahids as, 227, 253; shaykhs as, 221; in Shaykhuniya, 337; support of, 327, 419 n24. See also mystics Sufism: distribution of, 129; and public piety, 271; as social system, 221 sugar, monopoly over, 32 Sultan Hasan mosque: Cairenes in, 147; description of, 337-38; Iranians in, 155, khatibs in, 261; muqri' in, 263 sultani merchant: in monopolies, 244; as nazir, 217. See also merchants, tujjar al-sultan sultans: accept renegades, 71; appoint judges, 24, 228, 315; appointment policy of, 215; attitude toward controllers, 216; confiscation by, 240; demand for funds, 26; economic policies of, 33; encroachment on waqfs, 213; endowments of, 139, 433 n50; extortion by, 22; foundations of, 150, 330; monitor jurist-scholars, 321; peer status of, 19; purchase Mamluks, 22; reputations of, 141; response to unemployed Mamluks, 28; response to Sufis, 328; security of, 19; support muqn's, 262 —ties: to chief justices, 232; to imams, 258; to katib al-sirr, 47, 205, to mu'taqads, 268-69 sultan's agents, nazirs as, 213 sultan's household, opulence of, 32 sultan's palace, Anatolians in, 157 Sunna: custodians of, 7, 322; interpreted in colleges, 321 Sunni ideals, exemplars of, 318 Sunni learning in madrasas, 138

INDEX

Sunni religious service, Sufis in, 271 Sunni scholarship, Ayyubid centers of, 132 Sunnism, nature of, 164 superintendants: analysis of, 130; from Delta, 47. See also stewards supervisor of waqf endowments, analysis of, 130 surgeon in Siryaqus khanqah, 341 al-Suyuti, Jalal, 50; as polymath, 51, 239; status of, 151 symbiosis between bureaucrats and militarists, 81 Syria: in Mamluk empire, 51; katibs alsirr from, 206; Maghnbi in, 75; migration within, 58; muqri' in, 264; provinces of, 414 n39, real estate in, 32; scholars from, 57; waqf in, 331 Syria-Palestine: as buffer zone, 53, bureaucrats from, 79, clustering in, 59, data on, 144; individuals from in Daw', 9; migration from, 78; nisbabirthplace ratio, 48; qadis from, 54 Syrian cities, devastation of, 60 Syrian coast, sites along, 59 Syrian steppe, sites in, 59 Syrians· in bureaucracy, 47, 153-54, 314; in commerce, 57, distribution of, 163; in executive positions, 81; in intelligence, 206-207; interest groups of, 161; as jurist-scholars, 154; as religious functionaries, 57, from rural areas, 59, studies of, 152; in Sufi institutions, 152; ties to patrons, 207; transfer to Cairo, 53 Tabalkhanah, see amir of forty Tabaqat, Hadith referees in, 6 al-Tablawi, 'Ala', 215-16 Tabriz, migration from, 64, 67 al-Tabrizi al-Isralli, Fath, 67 Tahta, migration from, 48 tajir awlad, Copt as, 428 n83 tajir firanj, Copt as, 428 n83 Tajir sultani, Maghribi as, 428 n84 tajirs: analysis of, 130; definition, 242, 244; distribution of, 245. See also merchants Takrit, migration from, 73 Tanbadi, migration from, 48

INDEX

Tankiz-Bugha, mausoleum of, 340 Tanta: mawlids in, 44; migration from, ' 264 al-Tantada'i, Badr, 264 Tarabulus: administrative center, 51; controller of army in, 56; data from, 9; jurisdiction of, 59; katib al-sirr in, 208; migration from, 59 TaViWi al-Islam, 404 nlO tasawwuf, principles of, 150-51, 271 Tatar al-Hijaziya, Khund: founds madrasa, 329 Tatar, al-Zahir: appoints Bulqini, 236 taqqi': definition of, 423 nn21, 22; prerogative of, 213 taxation: control over, 214; under Hkhanids, 62 tax base, capacity of, 22 taxes, returns from, 26 Taybars al-Khazindari, 'Ala': founds hospice, 335 Taybarsiya Chapel, Iranians in, 155 teachers: function of, 246; in Mansuri hospital, 332; supported by karimis, 30. See also mu'allim textiles, monopoly over, 32 thaghr, definition of, 42 theology in madrasa curriculum, 138-39 throne, goal of amirs, 19 al-Tibnawi, Nur, 45 Tigris valley, migration from, 59 Tilimsan, migration from, 74-75 Timur Lenk: campaigns of, 60, 415 n50; knew of Ibn Khaldun, 74; routes used by, 64; spoliations of, 34 Timurid conquest, impact of, 34 Timurid crisis, cause of migration, 67 Timurid invasions: into Anatolia, 69; end migration era, 34; into Iran and Iraq, 63-64, 79; Mamluk reaction to, 53; migration before, 65; against Ottomans, 24; stimulate migration, 60 Timurid period, ascetics during, 267 Timurids, support of 'ulama', 34 Tlemcen, see Tilimsan tomb guards in mortuary zone, 136 tombs: in Delta, 44; fiscal benefits of, 142; in khanqahs, 140; of Mamluks, 141; muqri's in, 266; mu'taqads in, 269; shaykhs in, 223

473 Tower, barracks of, 18 towns under provincial courts, 228 Transoxiana, migration from, 64, 77 treasury controlled by Cairenes, 56 Tripoli, see Tarabulus trooper, attitude of, 19. See also jundi trust properties controlled by Cairenes, 56 tujjar al-karim, see karimi merchants tujjar al-sultan: under Barsbay, 31; Maghribis as, 75. See also sultan! merchant Tukh, migration from, 42 Tulunid mosque: Bulqini in, 236-37; Cairenes in, 146-47; Delta Egyptians in, 150; description of, 339; khatibs in, 261; Maghribis in, 158-59; mu'ids in, 248; muqri's in, 266; professors in, 252; in southwest, 134; stewards in, 210; Syrians in, 153 Tunis: Ibn Khaldun in, xxi, 75; physician from, 74 Tunisia, migration from, 74 Turan-Shah, assassination of, 18 Turco-Persian elite of Iran, 62 Turcoman confederations: east of Mamluk frontier, 68; in Iran, 63; in Iraq, 72 Turkish; favored by Mamluks, 70; learned by nazir, 217 Turkish peoples, pagan culture of, 268 Turkish-speaking regions, mu'taqads from, 268 Turks, status of, 72. See also Atrak Two Shrines, Iranian controller of, 66 'ulama': admission to, 321; from Anatolia, 157; associated with tombs, 141; attitude toward controllership, 218; attitude toward Copts, 215, 273; attracted to Anatolia, 69; autonomy of, 251, 274; allocate Mamluk endowments, 330; artisan activities of, 241; in bureaucracy, 214; consensus among, 7; copyists as, 242; chief justices in, 231; cosmopolitanism of, 162, 315; from Cairo-Delta zone, 317; demoralization of, 24; exclude secretaries, 209; exposed to political tension, 20; of foreign background, 163; in hospitals, 140; hostility toward secretaries, 205; households of, 145; impact of invasions

474 'ulama' [cont.) on, 62; interchanged with a'yan, 4, 200; from Iran, 63, 155, jurists among, 319; legal function of, 220-21; mediation of, 201, 231-32; merchants as, 242, 244; migration by, 77; muhtasibs as, 224; multicompetence of, 4, 320; mu'taqads as, 267; muwaqqi's as, 21213; as nazirs, 214; from North Africa, 77; political sentiments of, 331; prerogatives of, 20; in regime's service, 320; relationship with bureaucracy, 202-203; religious functionaries as, 255; self-reliance of, 60; separation from militarists, 258; shaykhs as, 223; in southeast, 134; status as, 252; stewards as, 210; Sufis as, 222, 271, in Syria, 54; Syrians as, 163, 314; training as, 80; Turkish-speaking, 70; under Timurids, 34; from Upper Egypt, 49, 151; urban background of, 77 'ulama' class: in Anatolia, 69; cosmopolitan elements of, 164; integration into, 162; judges in, 230; Shahids in, 226 'ulama' families: deputy judges in, 229; judges in, 230; muqn's in, 263 'ulum qadima, see ancient sciences Umayyad mosque: Bulqini in, 237; khatib in, 207-208 Umayyad period: use of Mamluks during, 15; fate of Aleppo from, 53; role of Damascus from, 52 Umm al-Sultan madrasa: Iranian at, 65, professors in, 252 Upper Egypt: commodities from, 245; Coptic establishment in, 50; data on, 144; depopulation of, 29, 48; deurbamzation of, 413 n21; holy hermits from, 152; literati from, 50; migration from, 48; mystics from, 152; nisba-birthplace ratio in, 48; trade in, 49; waqfs in, 328, 333. See also al-Sa'id Upper Egyptians: paucity of, 162-63; in 'ulama' class, 151. See also Sa'idis urban centers in Muslim world, 324 Urma (Urmia), migration from, 68 Ushmunayn district: migration from, 48; mu'taqad from, 152 ustadar, nazir as, 216

INDEX

vestibule area, nazirs in, 219 viceroys: of Aleppo, 54; attitude toward sultanate, 19; of Damascus, 55; staffs of, 206; ties to Iranian, 65 vizierate, Copt receives, 216 Vizier Gate, shaykhs at, 222 violence in cities, 431 n4 al-Wafi tn'l-Wafiyat, 8, 11 wa'iz, muqri' as, 263 wakil bayt al-mal, see agent of exchequer walis, see governors waqf endowments: of later Mamluk peiod, 132; pressure on, 24 waqf funds: Bulqini controls, 236; of hospitals, 141 waqf properties: in Damascus, 52, revenues from, 433 n49; in Upper Egypt, 49 waqf supervisors from Delta, 47 waqf writ, hbrananship in, 253 waqfs: controlled by Cairenes, 56; controllers of, 219; encroachment on, 213; of karimi merchants, 30. See also pious trust foundations warehouses supported by karimis, 30 warrior-nomads, Mongols as, 61 Wasit, migration from, 73 water carrier, mu'taqad as, 268 wazirs: pressures on, 212; secretaries as, 205; supplanted by katib al-sirr, 205 White Sheep Turcomans in Iran, 63 Yamanis in Cairo, 159 Yashbak mm Mahdi, al-Dawadar support of muqri', 265 Yashbak, atabek: tie to Syrian, 208 Yashbak tomb: Iranians in, 156; nazirs in, 219 Yazd, migration from, 64 Yemen: Anatolian's ancestor from, 71; migration from, 73 Yunus al-Nawruzi, mausoleum of, 340 Yusuf al-Ustadar, Jamal: founds khanqah, 329 Zagros mountains, population of, 63

INDEX

al-Zahid mosque, khatlbs in, 261 Zahiriya madrasa: Arabians in, 159-60; Cairenes in, 146, Delta Egyptians in, 149; description of, 331; instruction in, 251; Iranians in, 155; librarians in, 255; Maghribis in, 158; prominence of, 160; Shafi'i and Hanafi jurisprudence in, 158; Syrians in, 153; Upper Egyptians m, 151 Zawiyas: Anatolians in, 157; near Bab al-Nasr, 334; in Delta, 44-45, 150-51;

475 in Damascus, 52; Iranian in, 67; mu'taqads in, 268-69; persons supported in, 136; shaykhs in, 223; in Upper Egypt, 49. See also shrines Zayni mosque, khatibs in, 261 Zimamiya madrasa, Bulqini in, 237 Zuwayla Gate: markets around, 245; shahids near, 227. See also Bab Zuwayla Zuwayla quarter: shaykhs in, 223; waqfs on, 328

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING IN PUBLICATION DATA

Petry, Carl F., 1943The civilian elite of Cairo in the later Middle Ages. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Elite (Social sciences)—Egypt—Cairo—History— 15th century. 2. Social classes—Egypt—History—15th century. 3. Professions—Egypt—History—15th century I. Title. HN786.C3P48 305.5'2 80-8570 ISBN 0-691-05329-4 AACR2