The Archaeology of Cult in Middle Bronze Age Canaan: The Sacred Area at Tel Haror, Israel 9781463216412

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The Archaeology of Cult in Middle Bronze Age Canaan

Gorgias Studies in the Ancient Near East

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This series of monographs and edited volumes explores the societies, material cultures, technologies, religions and languages that emerged from the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Egypt.

The Archaeology of Cult in Middle Bronze Age Canaan

The Sacred Area at Tel Haror, Israel

Jill Katz

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34 2013

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2013 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2013

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ISBN 978-1-59333-791-9 Second Printing.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is Available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

For Aaron

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents....................................................................................................v Preface......................................................................................................................ix Bibliography ...................................................................................................xi Acknowledgments ................................................................................................xiii 1 Introduction ....................................................................................................1 A Definition of Middle Bronze Age Canaan .............................................2 2 Towards A Model for Identifying Cult in the Archaeological Record ..............................................................................................................5 Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion and Cult............5 The Search for Origins ..................................................................................5 French Sociology ............................................................................................7 Lévy-Bruhl .......................................................................................................8 British Functionalism.....................................................................................8 Structuralism..................................................................................................10 More Symbolism...........................................................................................12 The Ritual Process........................................................................................13 Religion as Ideology .....................................................................................15 Ritual as Performance and Discourse .......................................................16 Archaeological Approaches to the Study of Religion and Cult ............17 Neo-Evolution and Cultural Ecology .......................................................18 New Archaeology (Cultural Processual) ...................................................21 Marxist Archaeology ....................................................................................22 An Ideological Approach ............................................................................23 A New Approach Based on Ritual as Performance and Discourse.....23 Archaeological Correlates............................................................................25 3 The Sacred Area at Tel Haror ....................................................................29 Area K ............................................................................................................30 Stratum V (fig. 2) ..........................................................................................31 Stratum IVb (fig. 3) ......................................................................................35 Stratum IVa (fig. 4).......................................................................................39 v

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN Typological Study of Material Finds..........................................................42 Ceramic Remains..........................................................................................43 Bowls ..............................................................................................................44 Faunal Remains.............................................................................................58 Faience Remains ...........................................................................................58 Metallic Remains...........................................................................................59 Stone Remains...............................................................................................60 Clay Remains.................................................................................................61 Stratigraphic Comparisons..........................................................................61 Contextual Study of Material Finds and Faunal Remains......................67 (1) Main Building (Locus 8630)..................................................................69 (2) Passageway (Locus 8661) ......................................................................69 (3) Entryway (Locus 8603)..........................................................................69 (4) Stairs (Locus 8497) .................................................................................70 (5) Southern Courtyard (Locus 8558) .......................................................70 (6) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), West...............................................71 (7) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), East................................................74 (8) Grave (Locus 8740)................................................................................80 (9) Bench Room (Locus 8094) ...................................................................81 (10) North Space (Locus 8651) ..................................................................83 (11) South Space (Locus 8672)...................................................................84 (12) Corridor (Locus 8686) .........................................................................85 (13) Space 1 (Locus 8698) ...........................................................................85 (14) Space 2 (Locus 8149) ...........................................................................86 (15) Space 3 (Locus 8560) ...........................................................................87 (16) Space 4 (Locus 8676) ...........................................................................88 (17) Space 5 (Locus 8637) ...........................................................................89 (18) East of Five Spaces ..............................................................................89 (19) Beyond the Walls..................................................................................91 Summary ........................................................................................................91 Test Against Archaeological Correlates ..................................................115 Additional Middle Bronze Age Sacred Areas in Canaan......................121 Hazor............................................................................................................122 Nahariya .......................................................................................................125 Tel Kitan ......................................................................................................129 Megiddo .......................................................................................................131 A Village Near Kfar Rupin .......................................................................134 Tell el-Hayyat ..............................................................................................135 Tell el-Farah (North)..................................................................................139 Shechem.......................................................................................................140

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Kfar Shemaryahu........................................................................................145 Gezer ............................................................................................................146 Nahal Rephaim ...........................................................................................147 Manahat........................................................................................................148 Givat Sharett ...............................................................................................150 5 Analysis of Middle Bronze Age Sacred Areas in Canaan.....................153 6 Conclusion...................................................................................................161 Appendix...............................................................................................................169 Bibliography .........................................................................................................225 Index......................................................................................................................249

PREFACE Nine years have passed since I submitted this doctoral dissertation to the faculties of arts and sciences of the University of Pennsylvania. Major revision has proved unnecessary because the corpus of material from Tel Haror has not changed. In fact, the site has not been excavated since 1992. However, there have been a few recent publications that mention Tel Haror directly, and I would like to mention these briefly. The most significant work is B. Nakhai’s Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel (2001). In this revised version of her doctoral dissertation, she includes a survey of all known temple and sacred sites in the Land of Israel from the Middle Bronze Age. Her survey, by definition, is more inclusive than mine, as she seeks to record any site with potential cultic associations. While this approach is useful in its thoroughness, for my purposes it does not present any new sites of consequence. For example, she includes the sites of Gezer and Dan (2001: 94–5) based solely on the presence of female figurines at each of these sites. These figurines are intriguing evidence, but according to my model (which I stand by), their presence alone is not sufficient to warrant status as a cultic site. One of the many strengths of Nakhai’s presentation is that, by breaking down the MB evidence by phase, she is able to discern shifting patterns in cultic sites. For example, in the early MB IIA phase, cultic evidence is found only at regional or village sanctuaries (2001:92), whereas, by the later MB IIC, new shrines were constructed at large fortified cities (2001:107). She argues that such trends in where to locate shrines and temples not only reflect the growing urbanism of the MB but also point to the relationship between tribal groups that populated the cities and countryside (2001:111). Nakhai’s analysis falls short, however, on one occasion. She asserts that the “fortress temple was a regional phenomenon, almost exclusively restricted to rural and urban settings in the Jordan Valley and environs” (2001: 111). This is not accurate, as a fine example of a fortress (or migdal) temple has been found at Tel Haror, in the northern Negev. The migdal temple should therefore not be thought of as a regional phenomenon but rather as a broader Canaanite one. ix

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The relationship between migdal temple and city receives further refinement in an article by L. Stager (1999:236). Stager correlates the size of the temple edifice itself with the relative importance of the city as a spiritual and political center. Thus Shechem, with the largest temple, lies at the top of the hierarchy, followed by Megiddo and then Tel Haror. The model can even be applied beyond Canaan’s borders to the Hyksos capital, Avaris (Tel el-Daba), where archaeologists have recently uncovered the largest known migdal temple (21 m x 32 m) (Stager 1999:238). As far as Tel Haror is concerned, therefore, its migdal temple gives it status as a religious and political center, albeit on a more modest scale compared with the other sites mentioned above. A third recent source focuses not on temples or spheres of influence, but on the early history of metal driving bits (Littauer and Crouwel 2001). It turns out that the bronze bridle bit found in the donkey burial at Tel Haror is not only the earliest known actual example of a bit but also the only one to have been found in the mouth of an animal (Littauer and Crouwel 2001: 329, 333). The authors speculate that the cheek pieces were not originally made for the same bit; one piece has four spokes and four studs, while the other has five spokes and five studs (Littauer and Crouwel 2001: 330). In addition, the authors provide the rationale for the use of such bits, namely, to control animals at high speeds, which became crucial with the introduction of the light chariot during this time period (Littauer and Crouwel 2001: 332–3). Finally, my source for the animal bones from Tel Haror, a doctoral dissertation by J. Klenck (1996) of Harvard University, has since been formally published (Klenck 2002). I would also like to take this opportunity to thank all those who have encouraged me to submit this work for publication. I am especially grateful to Yeshiva University for providing such a supportive environment to carry on research. I am also indebted to the editors at Gorgias Press, especially Dr. Steven Wiggins. While I have benefited by the wisdom and counsel of many, any errors found herein must be mine alone. June 2007 New York City

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Klenck, J. 2002 The Canaanite Cultic Milieu: The Zooarchaeological Evidence from Tel Haror, Israel. BAR International Series. Oxford: Archaeopress. Littauer, M. A. and J. H. Crouwel 2001 The Earliest Evidence for Metal Bridle Bits. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20: 329–338. Nakhai, B. A. 2001 Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel. Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research. Stager, L. E. 1999 “The Fortress-Temple at Shechem and the ‘House, of El, Lord of the Covenant.’” Pp. 228–249 in Realia Dei: Essays in Archaeology and Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Campbell, Jr. at His Retirement, edited by P. H. Williams, Jr. and T. Hiebert. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful to all my teachers, friends, and family who helped me throughout the research and writing of my dissertation. I extend thanks to my advisor, Dr. Richard L. Zettler, who guided me through early outlines and later drafts. I also thank the other members of my committee, Dr. Bruce E. Routlege, Dr. Brian Spooner, and Dr. Josef Wegner, who offered further comments and suggestions. I am further indebted to Prof. Eliezer D. Oren, who first approached me about this topic while I was working as a field assistant at Tel Haror in 1992. He subsequently provided me full access to the material remains, field notes, computer data, maps, and drawings necessary for my research. Yuval Yekutieli, the area supervisor, translated for me his field notes and clarified the area’s stratigraphy. Thanks are due also to my parents, Dr. Harry and Rosalind Citron, whose home offered the periodic chance to work without interruption. Husband Aaron gently coaxed, children Joshua and Nathaniel often distracted, and, lastly, friend Edit Gerelyes made it all possible by appearing each afternoon to baby-sit.

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1 INTRODUCTION The identification of religious behavior in the archaeological record is not an easy task. On what grounds is one bowl dismissed as a domestic vessel, while another is seen as a ritual artifact used to contain sacred offerings? How is one figurine classified as a religious idol, while another is regarded merely as a child’s doll? To make such determinations archaeologists have relied on haphazard methods, including intuition, equivocal analogies, and inability to explain by function. All three methods are dubious and highlight the need for a more systematic approach. In my dissertation, I attempt to address this problem by constructing a theoretical model for determining cult in the archaeological record. I begin with a review of how anthropologists and archaeologists have approached the study of religion in their respective disciplines, with a special emphasis on the growing consensus among anthropologists to view ritual as performance. I explore this theory fully in order to create a series of potential correlates to be found in the archaeological record as evidence for religious or, more specifically, ritual behavior. These correlates then form the hypotheses to be tested against the archaeological remains from a number of Middle Bronze Age Canaanite sites to ascertain whether or not areas claimed to be sacred are indeed sacred. While no precise number of correlates must be achieved, general weight of evidence will be used in making the determination. The first site I test is Tel Haror, which is located in the northern Negev, near Beer Sheva. According to the excavator, E. Oren, a sacred complex from the Middle Bronze Age exists in area K. There are many reasons for focusing on this site, including its recent discovery, controlled excavation, and availability for scrutiny. The testing process begins with a detailed presentation of the relevant stratigraphy, architecture, features and installations, material finds, and faunal remains. I then evaluate this data in light of the potential correlates, while taking into account alternative functional explanations, the absence of which may fortify the case in favor of an argument for sacred character. After initial testing against the Tel Haror material, the scope of the investigation is expanded and applied to sites throughout Canaan. I have selected thirteen sites based on published assertions that reasonably suggest a 1

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Middle Bronze Age sacred area has been discovered therein. I present the archaeological evidence for each area as fully as possible and then perform systematic testing against the proposed correlates. The aim, as above, is to determine whether or not these areas can justifiably be termed sacred. The sites to be investigated are (from north to south): Hazor, Nahariya, Tel Kitan, Megiddo, a Middle Bronze Age village near Kfar Rupin, Tell el-Hayyat, Tell el-Farah (North), Shechem, Kfar Shemaryahu, Gezer, Nahal Rephaim, Manahat, and Givat Sharett. The testing of all these sites not only validates and refines such a methodical approach but also provide a considerable corpus of information. This data, culled from the areas with sufficient corroborating evidence, serves as a foundation for subsequent analysis of what constitutes Middle Bronze Age cultic activity in Canaan. Finally, in a concluding chapter, I attempt to reconstruct the underlying ritual behavior practiced at Tel Haror, and, to the extent it is typical, at other Canaanite sites as well.

A DEFINITION OF MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN The dominant themes of the Middle Bronze Age (2000–1550 B.C.E.) in Canaan are the renewal of urban life and the emergence of city-states. Scholars write of revival or restoration because an earlier urban foundation had been laid during the Early Bronze Age (3300–2300 B.C.E.). Except for a few small pockets on the Lebanese coast and in northern Syria, this initial phase did not sustain itself, and, by the end of the third millennium B.C.E., social complexity deteriorated throughout Canaan, with the population reverting to pastoral nomadic and village modes. Around 2000 B.C.E., this process of decline was reversed, and vigorous urban life reappeared, accompanied by a host of cultural and technological changes. These changes affected settlement patterns and types of sites, town planning, fortifications, gateways, dwellings, burial customs, social ranking, epigraphy, pottery, weapons, and tools (Dever 1987b; A. Mazar 1990; Kempinski 1992; Ilan 1995). The nomenclature of the Middle Bronze Age has been the focus of much debate. Disagreement stems from the initial classification proposed by W. F. Albright (1932, 1933), which he based on his excavations at Tell Beit Mirsim. He divided the Middle Bronze Age into two phases, MB I and II, and then further divided the latter phase into three parts. However, upon subsequent analysis, Albright’s “MB I” was no longer tenable as the first phase of the Middle Bronze Age. Instead, it has been reclassified either as the final phase of the Early Bronze Age (Oren 1971, 1973; Dever 1976, 1980; Richard 1980, 1987) or as its own distinct era falling between the Early Bronze and Middle Bronze Ages (Kenyon 1973; A. Mazar 1990; Go-

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phna 1992). The tripartite division of the “MB II” has also been challenged, although without consensus (see Dever 1980, 1987b; Gerstenblith 1980, 1983:2–3; Kempinski 1992:177). One scholar has even proposed abandoning the Middle Bronze Age as an independent era, instead incorporating it into a long phase of urbanization together with the Late Bronze Age (Finkelstein 1996:116). Because of these new understandings and disagreements, the status of Middle Bronze Age classification remains chaotic. Refinements to Albright’s “MB IIA-C” scheme include: (1) renumbering the sequence so that the Middle Bronze Age begins with phase I, and (2) reducing the number of phases by combining the latter two. Consequently, three alternatives have been proposed: the first retains the tripartite division yet renames the phases I, II, and III (Dever 1980, 1987b; Gerstenblith 1980, 1983); the second also renames the phases yet reduces the number of divisions—I and II (Kenyon 1973; Oren 1973); and the third also reduces the number of divisions yet does not renumber them—IIA and IIB (or IIB-C) (A. Mazar 1990; Kempinski 1992). I adopt this last scheme throughout this dissertation because it retains some continuity with Albright’s classification yet modifies it in light of evidentiary concerns: Middle Bronze IIA: 2000–1800/1750 B.C.E. Middle Bronze Age IIB: 1800/1750–1550 B.C.E.

Overall, the transition between the two phases was gradual and peaceful, without any startling changes. Even with the benefit of contemporary documents from Egypt and Mari, the precise transition can only be said to occur sometime after 1800 B.C.E. and before 1750 B.C.E.1 The close of the Middle Bronze Age is correlated with Hittite raids in northern Syria, expulsion of the Hyksos in Egypt, and widespread destruction in Canaan. Scholarly debate has also focused on the origins of the Middle Bronze Age culture in Canaan because it bears so little resemblance to what preceded it. The striking nature of the contrast coupled with its seemingly fully developed form led many scholars to posit external migration, usually of Amorites, as the key factor underlying this change (Albright 1933; Kenyon 1966; B. Mazar 1968; Dever 1976). This simple reconstruction is no longer considered adequate, and recent studies often emphasize a multiplicity of factors many of which are indigenous—invention, population growth, agri1 A chronology proposed by M. Bietak (1991: fig. 24) based on his excavations at Tell ed-Daba lowers this date to ca. 1700 B.C.E.

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cultural intensification, and peer polity interaction, to name a few (Gerstenblith 1983:123–126; Tubb 1983; Ilan 1995). Nevertheless, analysis of Middle Bronze Age material culture suggests that exogenous factors such as migration, diffusion, itinerant craftsmen, and long-distance trade were instrumental. On the Lebanese coast and in northern Syria, sites did not lose social and political complexity at the end of the Early Bronze Age. Urban life flourished and cultural development continued unabated. Specific cultural precedents found in these regions include massive earthen ramparts, tri-partite gateways, planned houses with a courtyard, intramural burials, cuneiform writing, wheel-made pottery, and bronze tools and weapons such as the distinctive “duckbill” ax. These examples represent a small but significant fraction of the corpus of Middle Bronze Age culture. These northern ties continued well beyond the formative stages of the Middle Bronze Age. Indeed, one of the hallmarks of the entire period was an increasing internationalism that linked Canaan politically and economically with its neighbors to the north and south. From the late MB IIA on, Hazor became the largest and most important site in Canaan, serving as a gateway to Syria and as a focal point for distributing valuable imports such as tin. Canaan’s relations with Egypt were also motivated principally by trade. They grew stronger when, in about 1720 B.C.E., a Canaanite dynasty began to occupy the eastern Delta city of Avaris (Tell el-Daba). Significant bilateral exchange between the Delta and southern Canaan ensued, stimulated further by the political ascendancy of the Fifteenth (Hyksos) Dynasty at Avaris, a half century later. Such broad international connections render somewhat arbitrary all attempts to define the geographical limits of Middle Bronze Age Canaan. I choose to adhere to the core area, defined by material culture and certain natural boundaries. Consequently, the northern border extends only to (and including) the mountains of northern Galilee and not beyond into northern and western Syria. While certainly influential over Canaan, these excluded areas belong culturally to other systems. The Mediterranean Sea and the desert east of the Transjordanian highlands demarcate the western and eastern borders, respectively. I have excluded the eastern Delta from the southern part of Canaan because, like Syria, it shares more culturally with an exogenous system. Therefore, Canaan’s southern border extends to and includes the Negev Desert. By this definition, Middle Bronze Age Canaan is situated in parts of the modern states of Israel and Jordan.

2 TOWARDS A MODEL FOR IDENTIFYING CULT IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF RELIGION AND CULT All societies possess notions about the sacred and about supernatural being(s) or power(s). This universality has for more than a century afforded anthropologists the opportunity to pose general questions about the nature of religious beliefs and practices. While individual cultures have been evaluated, the ensuing discourse has focused on such broad topics as what religion is, how it originated, and what purpose it serves. The initial preoccupation with origins in the nineteenth century has since been replaced by two divergent trends, one that views religion as concerned with meaning and another that views religion as an ideology. This debate of meaning versus ideology has directed anthropological inquiry for many decades and does not appear to be near resolution. However, the emergence of new paradigms, such as religion as performance and discourse, are causing the debate to swing in alternative directions. What follows is a brief review of anthropological approaches to the study of religion and its institutions. The Search for Origins Nineteenth-century anthropologists developed primarily psychological theories to account for the origins of religion. In addition, they formulated an evolutionary scale or ladder that directly linked religious sophistication with social development. Most believed that this scale represented only progressive development towards civilization, although some notable exceptions argued that regression from an original perfection had occurred (e.g., Lang 1898). Among the earliest formulations was that proposed by the German nature-myth school, which argued that deities the world over consisted of no more than personified natural phenomena. F. M. Müller (1892) further explained that humans possess an intuition of the divine derived from their sensory experiences. Yet to express the idea of the infinite, they 5

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necessarily turned to metaphor, which over time ceased to be regarded as symbol, becoming the thing itself. A series of myths mandated by the desire to account for anthropomorphic activities accompanied this transformation. Thus contemporary religious belief, rooted in semantic error, resulted directly from a “disease of language.” Classical evolutionists, however, rejected nature as the source of religion. Both H. Spencer and E. B. Tylor searched for the origins of religion in the sub-conscious realm of dreaming. Spencer (1876) maintained that the belief in ghosts, especially of remote ancestors, served as the foundation for religious development. Tylor (1871) stressed the idea of the soul, asserting that “belief in spiritual beings” constituted a minimum definition of religion, which he called animism. Tylor further developed an evolutionary sequence of religion, culminating, of course, in monotheism. His foremost disciple, J. G. Frazer, continued the tradition of psycho-evolutionary theory. In The Golden Bough (1906–1915), Frazer explained precisely the evolutionary relationship between magic, religion, and science: the rational methods of the scientist eventually superseded the illusions and errors of magic and religion. According to both Tylor and Frazer, those who practice magic do so because they reason incorrectly from their observations, not because they cannot deduce logically. Tylor’s influential views were challenged by some of his own students. A. Lang (1898) questioned both the enterprise and the scheme. He proclaimed the question of origins futile and the evolutionary scheme faulty in failing to account for sophisticated religious ideas among tribal peoples. R. R. Marrett (1909) suggested that the origins of religion were to be found not in animism but in the concept of an impersonal, awe-inspiring, supernatural force. Despite these objections, most scholars eagerly embraced many of Tylor’s underlying notions, especially those which degraded religious practice as superstitious. One writer added that the basis of religion lies in taboos created by primitive man’s fears, ignorance, and inexperience (Crawley 1902). The fundamental weakness in these evolutionary theories is that they are impossible to verify. The origin of religion is not testable; religion already exists. Furthermore, the theories do not explain how people advance from one stage to another. Most problematic, however, is the very methodology employed, i.e., the notion that self-reflection devoid of actual contact with people is sufficient to explain the thinking and actions of even the most exotic populations. Yet these armchair anthropologists did make an important contribution in perceiving that other peoples had their own beliefs and practices, and in beginning to collect and sift the available evidence.

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French Sociology The scholars of the French Année Sociologique appreciated the futility of using individual psychology to interpret religious beliefs. Instead, they proposed a social interpretation of religion. Underlying this approach was the notion that the collective representations and sentiments of a society molded the individual mentalities of its obligated members and, consequently, that every type of society possessed a distinctive mentality, manifest even in such seemingly intuitive notions as those of time, space, and classification. Influenced by the writings of Semitic scholar W. R. Smith (1889) for whom clan totemism was the earliest form of religion, E. Durkheim (1915) attributed the origin of religion to the collective feelings arising out of a group’s sacrifice and subsequent consumption of its sacred totem. He defined religion succinctly as a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden—beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them (1915:47).

Expanding on this, Durkheim and his students (Hubert and Mauss 1964; Mauss and Beuchat 1906) maintained that religion is preeminently a social fact, existing among all social groups, with rites designed to create, maintain, and reestablish certain mental states and solidarity within the group. In other words, the essential function of religion is to inculcate the sentiments necessary to society’s survival; through religious ritual the authority of the social group is asseverated. While M. Mauss (1972) further refined the definition of religion by excluding magic because of its private, secret, and mysterious nature, R. Hertz (1973) illustrated Durkheim’s dichotomy of sacred and profane in a compelling discussion of the ideas of right and left, represented by the two hands. The tremendous impact that the French sociologists had on the study of religion does not preclude successful criticism. First, even though Durkheim characterized as inaccurate the attempt to explain a social fact in psychological terms, his own reasoning holds that religion arises from the emotional effervescence of a multitude. Second, the members of the Année Sociologique did not perform any scientific testing of their theories. Even when field work was conducted, it concluded only that the performance of religious ceremonies requires a significant number of people with leisure time (Mauss and Beuchat 1906). Proper testing of the hypothesis might have involved either demonstrating that the conception of the divine varies according to the type of society, or illustrating from the historical record that

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structural changes in societies cause concomitant changes in religious ideology and vice versa. Third, they constructed the dichotomy between sacred and profane too rigidly, without regard to temporal and spatial variables. And fourth, they limited religion to a specific function, i.e., establishing and reaffirming group solidarity within a homogeneous society. They considered neither alternative functions nor heterogeneity within society. Despite these valid criticisms, the notion of religion as an eminently social fact has been fully accepted and integrated into anthropological studies. Lévy-Bruhl A contemporary of Durkheim, L. Lévy-Bruhl shared with the French sociologists a preference for a socially motivated origin of religion over an individual and psychological one. However, his approach diverged by greatly simplifying Durkheim’s view linking society type with mentality; indeed, Lévy-Bruhl (1923, 1926) reduced the number of society/thought types to two, primitive and civilized. Concerned with modes of thinking, he argued that civilized thought, which is logically oriented, critical, and positivistic, diametrically opposes primitive thought, which is supernaturally oriented, pre-logical, and mystical. He concluded that primitive people commune emotionally with the natural world rather than perceiving it cognitively, and portrayed them as functioning continuously upon a mystical plane. LévyBruhl deliberately emphasized the differences between primitive and civilized peoples at a time when most of his contemporaries stressed the similarities. Such contrast, if carried to its extreme, would mean that individuals from one type of society would hardly be able to communicate with those of the other. Equally distorting was his lumping together of all peoples in a society: does the professor think like the clergyman or merchant? (EvansPritchard 1965:86–87). While no one today accepts Lévy-Bruhl’s theory of the two distinct and mutually exclusive types of mentality, questions still linger about our ability to understand objectively the exotic ideologies and concepts of people both past and present (e.g., Shanks and Tilley 1988; Hodder 1991). British Functionalism Gradually, scholarly interest shifted from seeking the origins of religious beliefs and practices to studying what such beliefs and practices do for individuals and societies. This displacement in theoretical orientation was certainly influenced by the growing popularity of ethnographic research. The functionalist scholars assumed that religious systems not only existed in all cultures but also served the same purpose everywhere. While they held in

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common the notion that religion, particularly through ritual performance, contributed to the stability and proper ordering of society, they disputed how precisely this goal was achieved. A precursor to many of the later studies was A. Van Gennep’s (1960) treatise on rites of passage, in which he argued that initiation rituals ease the transition of an individual from one social status to another. Other scholars suggested that religious rituals, arising and functioning in situations of emotional stress, relieved the chronic anxieties that are apt to afflict members of a given society (Homans 1941; Kluckhohn 1942; Malinowski 1925). Indeed, to endure, society must provide outlets for people’s angst, lest increasing frustration prompt people to engage in socially destructive behavior (Spiro 1952). According to B. Malinowski, religion gives people a sense of purpose and a feeling of peace, particularly in the face of death (1925). A. R. Radcliffe-Brown (1945, 1952) proffered a contrasting view, based on his analogy to an organism: just as an organ of the body helps preserve the proper functioning of the body as a whole, so does a social custom function in maintaining society as a whole. Thus, rather than reducing anxiety, the rituals, properly performed, prevent anxieties from ever arising. Like Radcliffe-Brown, E. E. Evans-Pritchard emphasized that religion is just one of many systems that comprise society as a whole. Furthermore, to understand fully a single system such as religion, the anthropologist must view it holistically in relation to the other systems such as those of kinship, economy, and politics. He demonstrated these principles in his monograph on Azande religion (1937): the religious system consists of witchcraft, oracles, and magic, which, within the context of the larger society, provide answers for otherwise unanswerable questions. He gave the example of an old granary collapsing after being eaten by termites, injuring the people sitting beneath it. While the Azande acknowledge the pernicious role of termite damage, their religion provides the meaningful explanation (i.e., not simple coincidence) for the precise timing of the collapse in the presence of particular individuals. In sum, the contribution of the functionalists to the study of religion is two-fold: first, they conducted and based their theories on ethnographic research; second, they isolated religion as one of the essential components of society while simultaneously relating it to the greater system. More crosscultural comparisons would have strengthened the functionalist approach, but its most acute deficiency was its stasis.

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Structuralism To the sociologists and functionalists mentioned above, the basis for drawing comparisons between people lay in the universality of social groupings. C. Lévi-Strauss (1978), however, postulated an even more fundamental correspondence: the structural uniformity of the human mind. This not only makes possible the study of any religion, but also mandates that multiple expressions of ritual and belief be taken into account (Lévi-Strauss 1963b). For example, in analyzing myths, he eschewed the general practice of looking for a perfect paradigm; on the contrary, he collected all extant versions, plotted their components, and compared them for essential structural regularities. In addition to formulating this innovative approach to the study of beliefs in general and of myths in particular, Lévi-Strauss argued that myths serve the ubiquitous purpose of portraying and then resolving the prevailing contradictions of a culture. For Lévi-Strauss, anthropology is intrinsically the study of mankind’s thoughts, which serve to mediate between culture and nature. He argued that magico-religious thought, like science, is primarily concerned with intellectual understanding and that they both are positivistic: These [magico-religious thought and science] are certainly not a function of different stages of development of the human mind but rather of two strategic levels at which nature is accessible to scientific enquiry: one roughly adapted to that of perception and the imagination; the other one at a remove from it (Lévi-Strauss 1966:15).

Thus, he disavowed both Lévy-Bruhl’s strict dichotomy and Durkheim’s evolutionary scheme of progressive science. He further departed from Durkheim by defining totemism not as an early form of religion or institution but as an illustration of “savage” or “untamed” thought, which like scientific thought mediates between social categories and relationships and people’s perceptions of the natural world (Lévi-Strauss 1963a, 1966). He also argued that totemism should be construed within the larger cultural and natural context. In another departure from Durkheim, Lévi-Strauss neither attempted to explain religious phenomena nor dealt with religion as a unique category of human experience. M. Douglas shared with Lévi-Strauss a structuralist orientation. This is manifest in her attempt to interpret food taboos by reference to a system of classification (Douglas 1966). In her discussion of Levitical dietary regulations, she postulated a Biblical world view of three inhabitable domains: sky, land, and water. For each of these separate domains, there is a conception of the paradigmatic animal. For example, land animals stand on four

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feet and do not creep or crawl, whereas fish swim with fins and bear scales. Animals that do not conform morphologically to this scheme or blur the rigid boundaries between spheres are by definition ambiguous and cannot be admitted to the dinner table. The Biblical evidence, however, does not support Douglas’s theory. Many tabooed animals are not anomalous according to her ecological scheme, and their prohibited status must be derived elsewhere. Nevertheless, in relating dietary restrictions to how people symbolically structure their environment she profoundly altered anthropological studies (Morris 1987:213). Douglas further elaborated her social-structural approach to symbolism in Natural Symbols (1970). In this study, she focused on delineating structural correlations between symbolic patterns and social experiences. Based on the orderliness of a culture’s symbolic system (grid) and on the tightness of social relationships (group), she attempted to link specific cosmological ideas with varying types of social constraints. The basic pattern is as follows: (1) When there is no coherent world view (weak grid) and there are few social constraints (weak group), the cosmology is benign and unritualistic. (2) When there is a coherent world view (strong grid) and there are strong social controls over the individual (strong group), piety accords with authority and its symbols, and people believe misfortune directly correlates with moral transgression. (3) When there is no coherent world view (weak grid) but there are strong social controls over the individual (strong group), cosmology is witch dominated and belief system dualistic. (4) When there is a coherent world view (strong grid) but there are few social constraints (weak group), the cosmology is secular and pragmatic. In addition to the above correlations, Douglas stated that the human body is a microcosm of society and that the physical experiences of the body correspond with particular world views. She then postulated two forms of religion, one of control and the other of ecstasy, and suggested that the latter—exemplified in spirit-possession cults, Pentecostal sects, and millenarian movements—occurred in unstructured and loosely knit social

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situations. This view contrasted sharply with the more accepted notion that spirit-possession and millenarian movements arise out of conditions of deprivation and oppression (Lawrence 1964; Worsley 1968; Lewis 1971). Douglas has been further criticized for making her correlation between religious experience and social structure too rigidly binding and for failing to account for the individual practitioner (Morris 1987:232–233). More Symbolism While the social-structural approach to symbolism has been dominant in anthropology, three other approaches are worthy of consideration. The first seeks to interpret religious symbols in terms of archetypal primordial chaos. This theory presupposes a universal religious experience and then approaches it in religious terms. Influenced by the psychological theories of C. G. Jung, M. Eliade (1959, 1969) argued that religion, arising out of mankind’s search for cosmic meaning and significance, is historically and culturally determined. This multiplicity of expression for a universal phenomenon implies that the most effective way to study religion is by considering and comparing many religions. In so doing, Eliade concluded that myths function to delineate a sacred cosmos out of primordial chaos and that religious rituals and symbols function to manifest and mimic the paradigmatic events suggested by the mythology (1958). The success of religious symbols derives from their intrinsic multivalence, which allows them to simultaneously express several meanings, some of which are not readily apparent and instead bespeak cosmic structure (Eliade 1959:99–100). Through the use of these symbols, people are able to connect with the larger universe, creating for themselves a sense of unity, belonging, and attachment. A second approach to symbolism assumes that the meaning of symbols is hidden to the users and in need of uncovering by the anthropologist (Turner 1967, 1973). In advancing this “cryptological” approach, V. Turner refined Eliade’s notion of multivalence by arguing that symbols “exhibit the properties of condensation, unification of disparate references, and polarization of meanings” (1977:52; emphasis in original). In other words, multivocal symbols draw referents of varying magnitude from various domains of social and moral experience. These referents tend to gather around two opposing semantic poles, one oretic and the other normative. At the oretic (sensory) pole, referents of a natural and physiological character cluster, relating to basic human experiences and arousing emotional responses. At the normative, or ideological, pole referents to principles of social and moral facts cluster, arousing culturally appropriate responses.

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In order to reveal the meanings of these ritual symbols, Turner (1967, 1973) developed three levels of symbolic exegesis: exegetical, operational, and positional. The first is characterized as the indigenous interpretation of a symbol either by layman or ritual specialist; the second by how the symbol is used within the ritual context; and the third by the meaning of the symbol based on its relationship to other symbols, i.e., within the totality of the symbolic system. While the exegetical and even the operational meaning might be familiar to the members of a society, only the anthropologist can fully understand and appreciate the range of meanings associated with ritual symbols. Despite this sophisticated approach to meaning, Turner falls back on the functional, sociological view that the purpose of rituals and symbols is to maintain the social order by restoring the equilibrium and solidarity of the group. A third approach to symbolism rejects the “cryptological” assumption that the role of the anthropologist is to reveal the hidden meanings of symbols. On the contrary, anthropologists should desist from the very enterprise of assigning meanings to symbols. According to D. Sperber (1975, 1985), symbolism is best explained as a cognitive mechanism or as a form of knowledge complementing scientific knowledge. Whereas scientific knowledge concerns verifiable truths, symbolic knowledge provides the means for all people (who are assumed to operate rationally) “to entertain an idea without fully understanding it . . . [and] to process information— and in particular verbal information—which exceeds our conceptual capacities” (1985:53). In other words, people take seemingly incomprehensible notions, conflicting ideas, and unformed propositions and store them as symbols for subsequent evaluation and interpretation. For Sperber, both the members of a society and attending anthropologists should have little trouble distinguishing between scientific facts and symbolic representations, and they should respond appropriately. The Ritual Process Influenced by Van Gennep’s study of rites of transition (1960), V. Turner developed a theoretical framework for interpreting the ritual process at a social level (1974, 1977). He argued that rites of passage involve a transition from one firmly rooted and relatively stable condition to another. This construction directed him to a dualistic paradigm of social structure (structure) contrasting with ritual (communitas). The former is static and unchanging; the latter is fluid and creative. This dichotomy is summarized thus: All human societies implicitly or explicitly refer to two contrasting social models. One . . . is of society as a structure of jural, political and eco-

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN nomic positions, offices, statuses, and roles, in which the individual is only ambiguously grasped behind the social persona. The other is of society as a communitas of concrete, idiosyncratic individuals who, though differing in physical and mental endowment, are nevertheless regarded as equal in terms of shared humanity (Turner 1974:177).

For Turner the communitas aspect of social life corresponds to the liminal period of transition rituals as outlined by Van Gennep (1960). Simply put, liminal periods are characterized by ambiguity of status, physical separation, moral authority, and suspension of normative classifications and obligations. As a result of this liminality, outsiders to the social structure such as shamans, diviners, mystics, mediums, priests, gypsies, or hippies figure prominently in this process. Traditional power relations and socioeconomic inequalities dissipate. In their place a spirit of egalitarianism and camaraderie reigns, and leadership spontaneously arises out of personal charisma or mystical experiences. The communitas aspect of social life is manifest in various social events and movements. Two striking examples are pilgrimages and millenarian movements (Turner 1974). Pilgrimages exhibit many liminal characteristics. For example, the shrines themselves are often located away from urban areas, pilgrims treat each other as penitent equals, and the pilgrimage act itself removes the participants from the routine and structure of everyday life. A fresh sense of community emerges, binding people of varying political and national associations. Millenarian movements, which may be construed as a form of social protest against the established order, are characterized by such liminal attributes as the renunciation of property, abandonment of status differences, increased costume uniformity, primacy of spiritual values, and complete submission to a cult leader. While pilgrimages are an integral part of established religious life, millenarian movements occur as rebellion to the normal structure with the goal to transform it. Both are liminal. Pilgrimages permit spontaneity and creativity to flourish in a socially constructive, regenerative manner. The outlet makes the normal constraints of everyday life more manageable and bearable. Millenarian movements often occur when societies themselves are in transition. The previous social structure has broken down, and the movement galvanizes people into creating a new social order. As the transformation succeeds, the movement itself sheds its communitas in favor of institutional structure and stability. In his innovative approach, Turner transformed the anthropological study of religion and ritual process. But certain limitations were apparent in his approach, most deriving from his rigid distinction between communitas

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and structure (Morris 1987:258–263). His model of structure suffered by ignoring the informal, egalitarian, and interpersonal relationships that are part of most people’s everyday lives, and, more significantly, by disregarding the dynamism and creativity that prevail in daily life. Equally problematic, his notion of communitas elided the intimate relationship between religion and political authority and the hierarchical nature of religious institutions themselves. In short, he failed to appreciate the ideological nature of religious symbolism. Religion as Ideology In contrast to the above approaches which view religion internally as concerned with meaning, Marxist scholars have taken an external perspective, construing religion as an ideology. They have rejected the notion that religion is an independent cultural phenomenon that needs to be explicated on its own terms and, consequently, have not produced a general theory of religion. Instead, they have sought to explain religion as an ideology which, like all ideologies, arises out of historic material conditions. By exposing the ideological character of religion, they hoped to assist in creating a new social order (Marx 1887; Marx and Engels 1957). They perceived a need to expose religion because it serves essentially contemptible functions: as a moral sanction, as a false consciousness masking truth, and as a consolation of and justification for inequalities and injustice. Religion dupes people into illusory happiness much like opium operates on one who smokes it, providing temporary release and contentment. But because religion arises out of material conditions, attacking it without attacking the underlying conditions is useless. Only by changing the socio-economic order can real ideological change occur, and only by abolishing irrational and unjust society— contemporary capitalism for Marx—would religion itself disappear. In outlining a Marxist approach to religion, S. Feuchtwang (1975) suggested three elements for investigation. They are: (1) the presentation of social forms to the ideology, and the formation of points of view and shared experience which are the fields of ideological operation; (2) the internal coherence of the ideology, in which social forms are structured as categories and subjects; (3) the constant formulation of identities and actions by the ideology and the effects of this formulation in the rest of the social

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN practices—that is in the practices of domination, or economic productions and exchange, or science (1975:73).

Implicit in this strategy is the understanding that in pre-communist society ideas are shared and distributed differentially. The ideology of exploited workers is not the same as that of dominating managers. Yet these disparate ideologies do not mutually exclude one another; rather, they are integrated into a dynamic system, which has its own internal contradictions and its own pace of internal change. This entire system of beliefs and rituals is therefore explained by the correlation of ideologies with their bearers, the revelation of divisions of labor and hierarchical relationships, and the detection of occasions of dominance and exploitation. Moreover, ideology not only reflects the social formation but also creates and shapes it. Changing religious beliefs mandate concomitant changes in the structural base as much as changes in the structural base mandate changing religious beliefs. Ritual as Performance and Discourse A final approach again draws on the work of Turner whose interest in modern theater led him to conceive of ritual as “social drama” (1974). Just as dramatic productions follow a pattern of initial conflict, escalation, redress, and resolution, so too societies experience breaches in normal relations, phases of mounting crisis, attempts to limit the spread of crisis, and finally reintegration of problematic relations. Ritual behavior is present in all phases of these social processes, yet it is particularly active at the phase of redressive action. Here, elites ardently and swiftly employ symbolism to contain the crisis and to suggest harmonic relations. In the process, symbolic meaning mutates somewhat in order to accommodate structural transformations necessary to reintegrate the disaffected group. While Turner emphasized the role of ritual in social dramas, other scholars have focused on the dramatic processes within rituals themselves. Central to this approach is the understanding of rituals as culturally constructed systems of symbolic communication that embody both statements and actions (Bloch 1986:181). This duality leads to difficulty in analysis. On the one hand, public rituals seem to reproduce in their enactments sequences of rigidly invariant, stereotyped, and repetitive motions (Tambiah 1985:124). Such conformity creates an illusion of timelessness and changelessness. On the other hand, each performance is fresh because of variability in oral recitation and social characteristics of actors that affect size and interest of audience, economic extravagance, and so forth (Tambiah

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1985:125). This helps explain the known reality that rituals do change and do disappear. Yet just how do rituals achieve this potential for change? Two opposing approaches dominate the debate. One stresses the semantic content or propositional character (meaning-centered approach) of symbols, in which transformations of self and the social state of the participants are linked to changes in the symbolic meaning within the ritual. The second approach stresses the nonsemantic and nonpropositional aspects of symbols. Against a necessary structural background, transformations occur as the spirit medium and audience together create a new reality that “recontextualizes particular problematic social circumstances and enables action to be taken in regard to them” (Schieffelin 1985:707). According to the latter approach, once the ritual reality is created, it may carry over into daily life. Such dynamic feed-back between reality and performance mandates that full exploration of ritual move beyond scripts, texts, and symbolic meanings to embrace the feed-back relationship between the performer and the other participants (and among the participants themselves) while the performance is in progress. Furthermore, the performance is likely to mean different things to different people (Schieffelin 1985:722). These differences in meaning are certainly tied to the different responses and negotiating strategies individuals pursue within the ritual context. People are skillful actors, keenly aware of the stage upon which they act (Thompson 1984:151); they appreciate boundaries and react to internal, dynamic processes. Within the constraints and freedoms of the structure, they produce social action, ultimately transforming not only it but also the larger system. Every act of production is simultaneously an act of reproduction, and even action that disrupts the social order is mediated by structural features that are reformed by the action, albeit in a slightly modified configuration. The evolution of religion and ritual, then, consists of the interplay, shifts, and transformations of microprocesses. In such a manner, individual actors are empowered and become masters of their improvised destinies (Giddens 1981).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF RELIGION AND CULT One of the ironies in archaeology is that while religious structures such as temples are among the most desirable and exciting to excavate, archaeologists have often relegated religion to a minor role in their interpretations. The lure of temples is obvious; here the excavator unearths ancient treasures renowned for their beauty, uniqueness, and craftsmanship. Museums

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and private collections attest to the global appreciation for the intrinsic value of these exotica, and art historians fortify this notion by contributing detailed studies of individual pieces. But archaeologists do not share this emphasis on inherent value because archaeological interpretation evolves from material context and usually addresses issues of process. A small broken potsherd with a few painted lines may prove more significant than a complete vase that fetches thousands of dollars at auction. Nonetheless, a brief review of archaeological interpretative trends demonstrates that an initial reluctance to incorporate religious behavior into frameworks for social complexity and cultural evolution has been surmounted, due in large part to the influence of alternative paradigms within anthropological thought in general. Neo-Evolution and Cultural Ecology After World War II, evolutionism reemerged as a popular trend in anthropological archaeology. In contrast to nineteenth century evolutionists who postulated stages of unilineal, independent evolution through which all societies would eventually evolve (e.g., Morgan 1878), the neo-evolutionists emphasized ecological, demographic, and technological determinism. Principal advocates L. A. White (1949, 1959) and J. H. Steward (1955) proposed distinct versions of neo-evolutionary theory: general evolution and multilinear evolution, respectively. White’s concern with the main line of cultural development prompted him to focus on the most advanced culture of each successive period, regardless of historical ties. He argued that more progressive societies, which were capable of generating more technological inventions, eventually superseded and absorbed less developed ones (White 1959). He assumed that the primary function of culture is to harness and control energy, hence his law of cultural evolution which states that, all things being equal, culture evolves as the amount of energy harnessed per capita increases, or as the efficiency of putting energy to work is increased (White 1949:390–391). In contrast, Steward did not deal with general evolutionary stages, but tried to account for variability in the adaptation of specific “culture types” or “levels of cultural integration” (Steward 1955). He assumed that the natural environment sets certain limits on cultural development and that societies occupying similar environments would manifest the same forms and developmental trajectories. M. D. Sahlins and E. R. Service attempted to reconcile these two approaches by distinguishing between specific and general evolution: “[T]he former is a connected, historic sequence of forms, the latter a sequence of stages exemplified by forms or a given order of development” (1960:33).

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In stressing the necessary and dynamic relationship between societies and their environments, neo-evolutionism radically altered the study of cultural and social change. Nevertheless, this approach had deleterious affects for the study of ancient religion. Deemed trivial and epiphenomenal, religion was at best simply ignored, with no perceived relevance in the reconstruction of ancient ecologies and economies. Instead, the hallmarks of explanation derived from population dynamics (Young 1972), irrigation management (Steward 1949; Wittfogel 1957), information and product exchange (Rathje 1971; Johnson 1973, 1978; Wright and Johnson 1975), or resource competition (Carneiro 1970; Webster 1975). Potentially ever more harmful were studies that insisted that religious institutions and rituals themselves be interpreted in strictly economic and materialist terms. Such dogmatism led to a complete deconstruction of religious behavior as thinly disguised ecological engineering. Among the more outlandish proposals were those accounting for Aztec human sacrifice as the means for alleviating either population pressure (Cook 1946) or protein deficiency (Harner 1977a, b; Harris 1977, 1979). While scholars more familiar with particular cultural histories (Simoons 1973, 1979) and with the pricey yet poor nutritional value of human flesh (e.g., Garn and Block 1970; Garn 1979) dismissed this clandestine economic rationality of religious beliefs and practices, the general materialist approach influenced archaeological fieldwork for the next generation by providing a theoretical framework, especially evident in studies regarding the origins of state society. The resultant functionalist theories manifested a conviction that state government wields superior managerial capabilities (see Brumfiel 1983). Accordingly, it was argued that as societies experience stress, or as populations grow and pressures increase, integrative needs may arise that can be resolved by the emergence of managerial hierarchies. Examples of this approach include the needs to: (1) construct and maintain large-scale irrigation (Steward 1949; Wittfogel 1957); (2) procure and distribute essential extralocal raw materials (Rathje 1971); (3) increase the capacity for information processing, storing, and analyzing (Flannery 1972; Johnson 1973, 1978; Wright and Johnson 1975);

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN (4) organize both increased food supplies through intensified agriculture and trade and external relations with neighbors (Sanders 1968; Sanders and Price 1968); (5) store and redistribute goods (Isbell 1978; Sahlins 1958; Service 1975); and (6) defend, capture, and, in general, compete for increasingly scarce resources (Carneiro 1970; Webster 1975).

As assumptions were challenged and empirical evidence collected, the materialist paradigm began to crumble. Challenging an underlying tenet, scholars began to argue that there is no reason to assume that human population tends to increase naturally over the long run, leading to stressful population pressures (Cowgill 1975a, b). It may be true as T. C. Young (1972) suggests that people will only pursue economic intensification when forced to, but assuming a priori that population pressure must be that compelling force is neither required nor justified. Equally problematic were the results from extensive regional survey projects that concluded that early state formation was not the simple result of population and hydraulic dynamics (e.g., Adams 1965, 1969; Lanning 1967; Adams and Nissen 1972; Wright and Johnson 1975; Butzer 1976; Blanton et al. 1981). Because the rise of the state could no longer be explained by various prime movers, scholars embarked on a search for new models. They maintained their materialist biases while exploring increasingly sophisticated theories that relied on a variety of inter-related variables with complex feedback relationships between them. R. M. Adams (1966) pioneered such syntheses. He delineated a series of transformations commencing with small-scale irrigation, which, in creating disparate land values, favors those plots adjoined to water sources. The resulting disparity in wealth supports craft specialization and stimulates a shift from kin-based to class structured society. As wealth becomes concentrated in cities, new challenges emerge, such as the protection of this surplus from the outside and the regulation of social tensions within the community. These tasks gradually shift from a religious authority to a secular one. According to C. L. Redman (1978) the process is less linear, with incremental changes accruing through a complex positive feedback relationship of five factors: three ecological ones (population pressure, specialized food production, need for foreign raw materials) and two stimulated by early urban development (warfare and class stratified society with an administrative elite). This dynamic feedback is further ex-

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plained by reference to the “multiplier effect,” in which changes occurring in one field of human activity induce changes in other fields, which in turn induce further modifications in the original field (Renfrew 1972). This cycle, which begins slowly, eventually spirals wildly out of control until actual structural change occurs and reestablishes equilibrium. In both these syntheses, discussion of religion and ideology is mainly limited to the topic of Mesopotamian temples. Archaeological excavations and ancient cuneiform tablets leave little doubt that temples featured prominently in ancient Mesopotamian proto-urban and urban life. Not surprisingly given a materialist perspective, these temples are regarded foremost as economic institutions, where taxes were collected, rations distributed, and equipment loaned out. Religion is relegated to the predictable position of explaining and justifying priestly authority. According to Adams’s model (1966), Mesopotamian society underwent a critical advancement when secular leadership superseded a theocratic one. He sees in antiquity foreshadowing of the inevitable triumph of the secular over the religious. New Archaeology (Cultural Processual) Impressed by neo-evolutionary concepts of cultural regularity and systems modeling as well as the emphasis on ecological factors, the New American archaeologists of the 1950s and 1960s concentrated on isolating and understanding the various processes at work within a society and between societies. L. Binford (1962, 1964, 1965) outlined a scientific approach, which called for testing specific hypotheses against data before explaining cultural change and increased reliance on proper sampling techniques and accompanying statistical analysis. He viewed culture like many functionalists as humanity’s extrasomatic means of adaptation, interpreting changes as adaptive responses to fluctuations in the natural environment, primarily, and in neighboring societies, secondarily (Binford 1965). Following Binford’s lead, two divergent trends emerged, one “deductive-nomological” and the other “systems-ecological.” The former, with its emphasis on generating general laws of human behavior, had dubious success (Fritz and Plog 1970; Watson, LeBlanc, and Redman 1971; critique by Flannery 1973); the latter contributed significantly to the growing appreciation for the complexities of human adaptation and cultural change. Systems theory allowed archaeologists to explore both structure-maintaining and structure-generating processes by reference to negative and positive feedback, respectively (Flannery 1968, 1972; Rathje 1975; Johnson 1978). In identifying many interlinking factors involved in the process of cultural change, New Archaeologists demonstrated (1) that key variables may not have been as important as pre-

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viously maintained, (2) that the same factors might have different effects or different ones the same effect depending on circumstances, and (3) that no aspect of society should be overlooked or ignored. Mainly because of this last consideration, systems theory injected religion and ideology into the ongoing debate of cultural process. As K. V. Flannery advocates, ecologists must cease to regard art, religion, and ideology as mere “epiphenomena” without causal significance. In an ecosystem approach to the analysis of human societies, everything which transmits information is within the province of ecology (1972:400).

Unfortunately, even as the models grew more complex with computer simulations accounting for hundreds of disparate factors, the systemsecological approach remained descriptive rather than explanatory because of its reliance on the narrowly deterministic interpretations of neoevolutionism. In discussions of cultural change, scholars referred solely to externally and locally motivated factors such as ecological adaptation and demographic pressure (Hill 1977; Longacre 1970). New Archaeology dismissed the roles of diffusion and migration even when stylistic evidence required such a connection. Also, they ignored Marxist ideas of change as internally driven (see below). Despite these limitations, archaeological interpretation was significantly enriched by adopting increased scientific rigor, by constructing models, by using systems theory, and by conducting ethnoarchaeological research. Marxist Archaeology Renewed interest in Marxism during the last thirty years has further enhanced archaeological interpretations involving ideology. While maintaining the primacy of the economic base, Marxist theories furnish a role for ideology in the superstructure in the form of legitimating authority. Such legitimation performed a crucial function in the delicate power relations of burgeoning complex societies. These theories overcome the (neo-evolutionary) problem of assuming natural population growth by asserting instead that internal structural dynamics alone propel societies toward greater social complexity. Favoring political rather than economic structures, the most commonly invoked mechanism is that of social conflict. Drawing on Marxist precepts, many scholars argue that chiefdoms and archaic states emerged to protect the privileges and the privileged position of the ruling class (Chang 1983; Diakonoff 1969; Fried 1967; Gilman 1981; Haas 1982). Others prefer to see this dynamic emerging out of competition either within the elite class itself in a so-called struggle for succession (Service 1975) or be-

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tween elites of neighboring polities (Brumfiel 1983; Conrad and Demarest 1984). But what these scholars fail to address is how this stratification came to exist in the first place. Individual differences alone (see Service 1975) are not enough to account for stratification based on the accumulation of agricultural surplus. Furthermore, the rise of complexity, which integrationist theories attributed to population-wide needs, is here ascribed to the selfish ambitions of the few, who exploit the majority and then dupe them with ideological smoke screens. An Ideological Approach Out of this brew of theoretical paradigms, archaeologists have attempted a new synthesis that fully integrates ideology into reconstructions of cultural evolution (Demarest 1989, 1992). They have dismissed strict determinism and reformulated societies as collections of diverse and often competing interests. In such a framework, ideology rises to a “major component which affects the decision-making processes (in both maladaptive and adaptive ways) and which motivates, legitimates, and at times, shapes human social action” (Demarest 1989:97). It does more than just legitimate authority; it stimulates the creation of new social order. Religion and Empire by G. W. Conrad and A. A. Demarest (1984) convincingly portrays this new dynamic view. The authors argue that elite manipulations of religious ideology profoundly influenced the imperial expansions of both the Inca and Aztec empires. These contrived state religions, implemented by the self-interests of a powerful few, assumed an uncontrollable vitality of their own, upset the homeostatic balance of society, and ultimately initiated a maladaptive trend that would have surely—and quickly—destroyed both empires, had the Spaniards not intervened. While one can speculate whether or not the predicted scenarios would have transpired as described, the major contribution of this work lies in its recognition of ideology as a source of power. Ideology legitimates, certainly, but it also creates, compels, disrupts, and transforms. Even though the emphasis here is not on understanding ideologies and cosmologies in and of themselves, they must still be fully explicated in order to successfully discern their effects in the process of the negotiation of power. Thus, the role of ideology has come full circle from the cultural materialist paradigm: no longer trivial, religion has moved into scintillating prominence. A New Approach Based on Ritual as Performance and Discourse The successful identification of ritual behavior in the archaeological record presupposes a clear understanding of ritual and its observances. In light of a

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growing anthropological and archaeological consensus of interpreting ritual as performance and discourse (Barrett 1991), S. Tambiah’s (1985:128) proposed definition of ritual is adopted here: Ritual is a culturally constructed system of symbolic communication. It is constituted of patterned and ordered sequences of words and acts, often expressed in multiple media, whose content and arrangement are characterized in varying degree by formality (conventionality), stereotypy (rigidity), condensation (fusion), and redundancy (repetition). Ritual action in its constitutive features is performative in these three senses: (1) saying something is also doing something as a conventional act; (2) In the quite different sense of a staged performance that uses multiple media by which the participants experience the event intensively; and (3) in the sense of indexical values being attached to and inferred during the performance.

The above definition incorporates many critical concepts. While humans everywhere participate in ritual behavior, set-off and so designated, the specific cultural content is grounded in particular cosmological and ideological constructs. Even when the same act appears to occur crossculturally, its meaning may vary according to local tradition. For example, crying as part of ritual observance in certain cultures indicates sadness, whereas in others it indicates joy. The definition also insists that rituals exhibit certain features of form and patterning and make use of specific communicational and semiotic vehicles. Rituals usually specify in advance procedural rules and then proceed along a preordained and predictable path. The audience is fully aware of the individual stages leading to a climax and is not surprised by its outcome. Such expectancy does not, however, diminish from the excitement and enthusiasm of the crowd. On the contrary, the very predictability expressed in the set of features referred to as formality, conventionality, stereotypy, and rigidity are necessary in order to both project the present into the mythical past and bring the supernatural world into the human domain to achieve purification and reinvigoration of moral potency. The formalization of ritual contributes to ritual’s being conventionalized action, and this conventionality in turn physically distances the participants from the ritual action (Tambiah 1985:132). Such distancing may result in the severing of the actors’ personal emotions from their commitment to public morality. Thus, participants required to cry do so as part of ritual mourning regardless of whether or not they feel sad or any attachment to the deceased. In a positive sense, such distancing is what enables the cul-

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tural elaboration of the symbolic; but in a negative sense, it intrinsically presents opportunity for dishonesty and hypocrisy. The efficacy of rituals, particularly complex ones, relies on more than established and fixed patterns. The media of communication are so numerous—speech, song, poetry, dance, musical instrument, text, image, inanimate and animate objects, choreographed movement, acrobatics, fire, water, food, drink, mind-altering substances, and so forth—that certain tools are required to make the intensified messages more explicit and accessible. Two such tools are condensation and redundancy (Tambiah 1985:137). The former refers to various kinds of abbreviations and elisions that create a shorthand for communication, whereas the latter refers to repetitive and recursive behavior (including parallelism) which reinforces certain patterns. The success of the ritual performance thus rests on the ability of the audience to discern and anticipate within the multiple media meaningful patterns in which the underlying messages are conveyed. In addition to its ritual aspect, no discussion of cult activity would be complete without some mention of its sacred quality. Religious belief maintains the existence of some (or many) transcendental, supernatural force(s) or power(s). One of the primary purposes of the cult is to bring the participants, and those whom they represent, into contact with the supernatural. Cult activity serves as an important conduit for people to experience, worship, and form relationships with transcendental realities. Such an intensely spiritual occasion requires a particular focus of mind to induce religious experience, a special setting to reflect the boundary between sacred and profane, physical objects to indicate divine presence, and appropriate acts and gestures to fulfill the participants’ obligations (Renfrew 1985:18). The sanctity of a religious area not only dictates the ways in which people behave but also requires that the structures and artifacts found therein be of a certain character and quality. A place where the divine rests (or visits) must be suitable for such an esteemed inhabitant (or guest).

ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES Potential archaeological correlates of cult activity are based on the above discussion of behavior associated with ritual, cult, and religious belief. The list (adapted and modified from Renfrew 1985:19–20) is no doubt incomplete and selective, yet it is hoped that it provides a solid core of deductive propositions to inform the argument of whether or not a particular area or site can convincingly be termed sacred.

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN (1) Rituals may be performed in special locations, either natural (e.g., mountain top, cave) or man-made (e.g., building). (2) These special locations may be set apart from other areas of activity. (3) These areas may reflect a particular richness and craftsmanship of materials, artifacts, and structures. (4) Adjoining and within these special locations, there may be patterns of increasing exclusivity. (5) Within the sacred precinct, there may be structures and artifacts used for ritual purification. (6) If a building is included in the area, its architecture may be distinct and reflect a conspicuous public display, including highly decorative portals to symbolize the transition between sacred and profane. (7) Special facilities (e.g., altars, hearths, benches, favissae) may be used to perform certain tasks. (8) To induce and participate in religious experience, celebrants may employ a variety of aids: texts, music, images, inanimate and animate objects, fire, water, food, drink, and narcotics, etc. (9) Special garments may be worn. (10) Within the special precinct, there may be a high concentration of symbols, including repeated symbols (redundancy). (11) The symbols may have specific associations with particular deities worshipped. (12) The association with transcendent power(s) may be reflected in cult image or other aniconic representation (e.g., standing stones, or massevot). (13) Special movements of propitiation, prayer, adoration, or blessing may be reflected in depictions.

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(14) Sacrifices and offerings (e.g., human, animal, plant, liquid) may be brought. The necessary equipment may include knives, basins to collect blood, area for burning, incense vessels (for smoke and perfume), votive vessels, libation vessels, and loaf pans, etc. (15) Other portable equipment such as lamps may be employed. (16) The overall structure and material assemblage may reflect a greater investment of wealth than elsewhere. (17) Nearby the special area, there may be areas for baking and craft production or holding pens to supply ritual needs. The list as presented suggests some of the material consequences of ritual, but it does not address processes by which the materials become part of the archaeological record. As in any archaeological endeavor, certain items of the past have a greater frequency of being preserved than others such that the chances of uncovering broken pottery far outweigh those of finding delicate textiles. Nor does the list give clear guidance as to the relative merits of each correlate. They are not ranked in any order and no single correlate can be held up as determinative of cult activity. Instead, the process of establishing religious ritual is one of weighing the evidence. All the material from the test area must be presented and considered. That which supports a contention of cult activity must be further scrutinized in light of the evidence that seemingly does not. Moreover, additional hypotheses that may account for the positive evidence must be explored and rejected before a significant argument can be advanced in support of religious ritual. If a fully secular explanation of the assemblage and site area can be articulated, there is little to be gained by pursuing a religious explanation, for direct material evidence of the supernatural is at best inferred. Despite these potential hurdles, in many instances the identification of an area as a cult site is perfectly warranted. When the spatial layout, architecture (if any), and material remains conform to patterns consistent with ritual behavior, and no equally compelling non-religious hypothesis is apparent, the area may be favorably supported as cultic. The strength of the argument is, of course, dependent on the quality and quantity of the evidence. In particular, the most convincing cases will be those in which there is abundant evidence of symbolism, separation between sacred and profane,

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enrichment of the sacred, attention focusing devices, and evidence of human participation, propitiation, and celebration. The application of this model begins with the area identified as sacred at Tel Haror, Israel, which the author had the privilege to help excavate and subsequently study. Following an overview of the architectural and stratigraphic sequences, the material finds and faunal remains will be discussed typologically (material finds only) and contextually. The evidence will then be scrutinized in light of the above suggested list of correlates in order to assess the merits of the case for identifying the area as truly sacred.

3 THE SACRED AREA AT TEL HAROR The site of Tel Haror lies on the northern bank of Nahal Gerar in the western Negev desert. It is situated along the main road from Gaza to Beer Sheva, approximately 20 km northwest of Beer Sheva and 7 km west of Tel Sera. Two superimposed mounds comprise the ancient site: a lower tell, shaped like a horseshoe and covering about 16 ha.; and an upper tell in the northern corner, spanning 1 1/2 ha. and rising above the rest of the site 10– 15 m to an altitude of 130 m above sea level. The grade of the western and southern slopes is relatively steep whereas that to the east is gentle. The ancient name of Tel Haror remains elusive. Early attempts to identify it with cities in the portion allotted to the Israelite tribe Simeon, such as Beit-Merkavot (Albright 1924b:157), relied on the premise that the site had not been inhabited prior to the Iron Age. When surface surveys during the 1950’s revealed occupation at the site as early as the Middle Bronze Age and continuing down to the Iron Age, this identification was superseded by one which linked the site to Canaanite and Philistine Gerar, the city of Avimelech (Gen. 20, 26). The principal weakness of this suggestion is that, excepting one reference in Genesis, the Bible speaks of Gerar as a region and not as a city or town (B. Mazar 1986:54). Others have suggested that the site be identified as either the Canaanite capital Sharuhen (Rainey 1993) or the Philistine urban center Gat (Stager 1995:343). While neither of these latter two suggestions can be dismissed immediately, the identification of Tel Haror as Gerar has been most widely adopted. The lingering uncertainties, however, dictate that this identification be used tentatively, and, therefore, throughout this thesis I will refer to the site simply as Tel Haror. Officially known as the Land of Gerar expedition, excavations at Tel Haror (fig. 1) began in 1982 under the auspices of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and in cooperation with the French Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in Jerusalem. Over the next ten years, E. D. Oren directed seven seasons of excavations, which focused on seven distinct areas and a well. While the earliest remains dated from the Chalcolithic, the main 29

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periods of occupation stretched from Middle Bronze Age to Persian period (Oren 1993:580). Evidence of the MB community was recovered from three areas (B, K, L), a well, and four sections made along the perimeter of the site. The overall picture is that of a large, well-fortified settlement, encompassing approximately 16 ha. The fortifications comprised the natural channels of the wadi, a moat, and a rampart, 20 m wide at its base and 8–10 m high (Oren and Yekutieli 1996). A city wall atop the rampart has not been detected, although one was erected at the base of the rampart when the latter fell into disuse. At the base of the inner slope of the rampart (in area B) a shallow grave was uncovered containing the remains of four people (one adult and three children), ceramic vessels, and a Hyksos scarab (Oren 1993:582). At the southern edge of the tell, excavations of a well revealed MB pottery both local and imported (Middle Cypriot) in a matrix of brick, tabun fragments, and animal bones. The scale of the MB settlement was further elaborated by the recovery of a large building in area L. The size and plan of the building suggest either a public edifice or an elite residence, perhaps even a palace. The remainder of the MB evidence comes from area K.

AREA K Area K is located in the southwestern part of the tell, along a gentle rise which elevates this area 5 m above the rest of the lower tell, thereby commanding an excellent observation of Nahal Gerar and the plateaus of the Negev. This view was appreciated in the modern area by the Ottoman Turk army which built a series of trenches here and in other parts of the tell to defend against the approaching British troops during World War I. Four seasons of excavation (1986, 1988, 1990, 1992) have yielded seven distinct stratigraphic levels. Analysis of the ceramic assemblage revealed this chronology: Stratum I II IIIa IIIb IVa IVb V

Period post-Iron Age Iron I, II Late Bronze III Late Bronze III Middle Bronze IIB Middle Bronze IIB Middle Bronze IIB

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Stratum V (fig. 2) As can be seen above, strata V, IVb, and IVa are dated to MB IIB. Stratum V is the earliest and least well preserved. Based on excavations thus far, this stratum covers an area of approximately 750 m2 and lies on top of kurkar bedrock except in the easternmost extant where the kurkar is replaced by loess soil. While no evidence of previous settlement occurs here, it does appear that the first building activity was preceded by a leveling of the natural, gentle slope. In the west of area K, overlooking Nahal Gerar, lies the most prominent feature of this stratum: remains of a massive mud-brick structure (locus 8630). Oriented along a southeast-northwest axis, the building is rectangular in shape, and its external dimensions are estimated at a minimum of 9 by 15 m. These dimensions cannot be definitely stated because of the poor state of preservation of the walls. Instead, assuming an even thickness of the walls, the dimensions are calculated based on the existing portion of the eastern wall, which at the southeast corner of the building extends 1.7 m. The damage to this building is extensive. In the northern part, a large Iron Age (stratum II) pit (dia. 4.5 m), intrudes into the floor, back wall, and open space outside, thereby obliterating any feature, installation, or object that may have rested at the back center of this room. A hand of an MB figurine was among the objects recovered from this pit. Much of the center of the building was destroyed by a Turkish trench, whereas the southwestern section of the structure has suffered severe erosion. The assumed wall and buttress have been completely destroyed. Not all traces of the ancient walls have been effaced, however. Besides the mud-bricks of the southeastern corner, a band of thick white plaster that lined the inner wall has been preserved in many places. This lining was used along three of the four walls. The mud-bricks lie directly on top of the kurkar. The interior dimensions of the building are 5.5 m x 7.5 m. The location of the northern wall posed the greatest challenge, but fortunately, the burnt remains of the plaster running along the northwest corner was found. In the western part of the room, a group of decorated storage jars were excavated. They are painted with stripes and wavy lines in red, black, and blue. In the center of the room, along the main axis, remains of a circular installation (locus 8704) were uncovered. Constructed of broken mudbricks and small stones, it contained the charred remains of organic material and some ashes. The installation is 1.5 m wide and its length is unknown because a Turkish trench destroyed its southern section. The floor was difficult to discern. What little bit remained consisted of a soil and crushed kurkar or limestone mixture which lay on top of kurkar

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bedrock. The floor was relatively bereft of remains, as if it had been deliberately swept. Indeed, right outside of the structure and its entrance lay a much richer concentration of artifacts (from stratum IVa). Access into the room was made through an opening in the middle of the southern wall. Adjoining this opening were two poorly constructed stone installations. Entrance itself was made through a passageway (locus 8661), 1.5 m wide and 2.8 m long, which was fashioned out of rectangular mud-bricks originally set into the foundation, slightly lower than building 8630. Sunk into the 3–4 rows of bricks was a random scattering of stones, the significance of which is unclear. Two possible explanations are either a stone pavement or a deliberate obstruction. Flanking the passageway on both sides are large buttresses. Although the western buttress is hardly preserved, enough of the eastern one was found to determine the width (2.8 m) and size of the square bricks used (40 cm by 40 cm by 15 cm). The length is at least 4.2 m, but its full dimensions are obscured due to the twin forces of erosion and trench building. At the southern end of the passageway lies another opening into an area (locus 8603) that is also flanked on its eastern and western sides by buttresses and is met at its southern edge by a series of stone steps (locus 8497). This rectangular area, which serves ultimately as an entry to building 8630, is 4 m by 2 m. Evidence of its northern and eastern walls is manifest in a thick white plaster lining. The buttress adjoining the eastern wall is also preserved to a width of 2 m and a length of 2.5 m. Like the buttress east of locus 8661, the eastern buttress of the entry is truncated due to trenching. The western buttress is not in evidence at all and is postulated based on the principle of symmetry. The depth of the buttresses suggests the possibility that a second floor may have existed for both loci. Moreover, many objects were found on the floor in situ crushed by mud-brick debris. This phenomenon may be explained by the collapse of a second story. The floor itself consisted of compacted brick material on top of kurkar. Leaning against the buttress in the northeastern section of the entry, a cooking pot resting on a stone slab was uncovered. No ashes or marks of burning were discerned on the pot. In front of the eastern buttress, above the level of the highest stair, 3 adjoining stones were found. They are at the same level although not as wide as the buttress and therefore seem unlikely to be part of its foundation. No objects were recovered resting on them, but their function as a shelf may be further strengthened by their proximity to locus 8705 (see below).

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Leading up to locus 8603 was a stairway of three rows of steps, about 6 m long. The steps were constructed of large, roughly shaped kurkar slabs, with an average size of 1 by 0.5 m. The distance between steps was 20 cm. Small stones were used in places to stabilize the steps, and white plaster was found at the base of the stairs, perhaps suggesting an original plaster coating of the steps in stratum V preceding the laying of stones at a later date. Overall, the four loci described above can be viewed as a unit along a common axis. Stairs (locus 8497) lead up to an entry (locus 8603) which connects to a passageway (locus 8661) which then reaches a large room (locus 8630). The entry, passage, and main room are supported by massive mud-brick walls, and the unity of the structure is fortified by its solitary location. Open spaces, or courtyards, surround the building in all four directions. The courtyards do not appear to be enclosed, although those in the north, west, and south have suffered the most damage and are consequently more difficult to define. All the courtyards consisted of cleanly leveled kurkar and were relatively flat. The one exception was the southern one (locus 8558), which dipped gently to the south. It is in this southern courtyard that an approach to the stairs is expected, although not yet found. Much of this area was covered with mud-brick debris mixed with a large amount of white plaster and broken pottery. These remains are from a collapse at the end of stratum IVa and therefore do not reflect activity during stratum V. Thus far, few remains have been uncovered here from the earliest stratum due no doubt to deliberate removal. Where the southern and eastern courtyards join, and opposite the stairs and buttress of entry 8603, a rectangular feature (1 by 2 m; locus 8705) with an abundance of burnt brick and baked mud plaster was uncovered. Included therein was a large basin with a thick mud-plaster coating, containing much burned material and ashes mixed together with oily organic matter. Most likely, the basin was used to burn organic matter. In the southwestern part of this feature, a small limestone pendant depicting an ’ayal, or he-goat, was found. As mentioned, the expanse of the eastern courtyard (locus 8361) is the best preserved with a leveled kurkar floor and surface area of approximately 150–200 m2. Throughout this courtyard, particularly near wall 8213 of stratum IV, are many ancient pits containing faunal and ceramic remains. Because of the nature of such deposits, their stratigraphy is not easily discernible, thereby rendering the assignment of specific dates nearly impossible. One large pit, however, may be readily assigned to stratum V: locus 8253. Sealed by wall 8213 and elliptical in shape (3 by 5 m), this pit was dug at the

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juncture where the exposed kurkar dips below loess soil. Unlike most garbage pits or favissae, pit 8253 appears to have been used and redug over a long period of time so that the original 1 m deep pit came to be filled with numerous smaller ones. The ash, bone, and ceramic deposits found in this locus reflect an unusual richness and diversity: complete and nearly complete skeletons of puppies, crows, and ravens together with miniature bowls and regular vessels such as dipper juglets. Two additional features of stratum V remain: locus 8264 and locus 8740. The first, located north of pit 8253, is a small section of a wall. It is preserved to a height of 40 cm and a length of 1.5 m. It abuts wall 8262 of stratum IVb but its lower position indicates a prior construction. Unfortunately, only this small slice of the wall remains. North of both pit 8253 and wall 8264 is a monumental burial complex, which has been only partly excavated. Two main elements compose the tomb: an entryway (locus 8753) and a circular burial chamber (locus 8740). Between these two parts lies a very narrow, rectangular passageway (locus 8752), which runs along a northeast-southwest axis and is parallel to wall 8022 of strata IVb and IVa. The tomb is located at the top of a knoll at the point where the kurkar dips under the loess soil. In fact, the burial chamber is quarried into the kurkar, whereas the entry and dromos are carved out of the loess. The entrance to the passageway was either deliberately blocked with a mud-brick wall or roofed with a mud-brick structure (locus 8658). In addition, it was cut from above by the foundation trench of wall 8022 and perhaps by a second wall as well. All this activity supports the contention that the grave complex was used and sealed during stratum V. Nonetheless, subsequent construction during strata IVb and IVa manifests an awareness and appreciation of the tomb’s presence. Partial excavations of the burial chamber (including one side) have exposed walls, debris, bones, pottery, and a metal object. While the walls are carved out of kurkar and lined with mud plaster (5 cm thick), the top of the chamber was probably formed out of another material because the debris excavated is not consistent with a kurkar covering. The shape of the roof is suggested by the domelike form of a mud plaster lining (locus 8747), and in the space between this lining and the pit, there was a soil mixture (locus 8734) filled with ashes, pottery, and bones. Near the entrance to the chamber, two skeletons of mature donkeys were exposed from their skulls to their forelegs. A bronze bit was found in one of their mouths. The skeletons were covered with a deliberate fill of soil and ash (locus 8748), which also contained pottery sherds and bits of animal bones. In the south side of the burial room, above this mixture yet below the plaster layer that sealed

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the tomb, an upside-down storage jar (locus 8737) was found with its base intentionally broken and a bowl placed in it. A complete mandible of a third donkey was also found. Entrance into the burial chamber is from the northeast, and the opening was quarried through the kurkar. The adjoining passageway is 75 cm wide and at least 60 cm long. To compensate for a 30 cm difference in floor level, there is a step leading down from the passage into the main room. Although there was some construction above the tomb in later phases, the actual burial was not disturbed. Overall, ancient activity in area K during stratum V was mainly confined to the kurkar hill which overlooked both Nahal Gerar and the rest of the site. While subsequent activity obscured much of the original plan, excavations have revealed a massive mud-brick building, composed of an entry, passageway, and main room, surrounded by courtyards. Pits of a very specific nature dot the eastern courtyard, while, at the edge of the knoll, there stood a monumental donkey tomb. At this point, a causeway leading to building 8630 has not been identified. Speculation has centered on the springs of Nahal Gerar as potentially influencing access, and future excavations will investigate this possibility. Stratum IVb (fig. 3) Directly on top of stratum V is stratum IVb. This new phase is indicated primarily by new construction and not by any catastrophic event at the end of stratum V or by any significant change in the nature of the area’s use. For the most part, previous activity seems to have persisted, although in modified and augmented form. The size of the area was enlarged, rooms and features were added, the main architectural complex (locus 8630) continued to function, pit-creation in the courtyards carried on, and the tomb remained integrated into the area’s layout. One of the most noticeable changes made in stratum IVb was the construction of numerous walls. Chief among these is wall 8022, which stretches eastward 30 m from just north of building 8630 to 4–5 m beyond the donkey tomb (locus 8740). Stratigraphy clearly indicates that the construction of the wall post-dates that of the building: (1) the foundation of wall 8022 cuts into the floor of the northern courtyard (locus 8750) of building 8630; and (2) wall 8022 meets the building at an angle of 80° rather than forming a right angle. Because of its length, this wall extends eastward beyond the natural kurkar onto the loess soil. The change in soil type and topography—the loess lies lower—created the need for a deep stone foundation on the loess, while only a shallow foundation, one course high, was

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required on the kurkar. The deep foundation further served as a revetment. A mud-brick wall (1.1 m wide) rested on top of the foundation and is preserved in places up to 2 1/2 courses, or 35 cm high. The wall is not consistently preserved; in fact, in parts, even the stone foundation is absent. Like stratum V, main building complex 8630 is surrounded by courtyards of which the eastern one is the best preserved. In stratum IVb, however, the northern boundary is clearly defined by wall 8022 with the consequential reduction in area of the northern courtyard. The eastern courtyard (locus 8631) remained sizable, and it remained a popular location for digging of pits, particularly near wall 8213. Some of the larger pits have been identified as loci 8346, 8401, 8407, and 8408. Most of the pits are circular, 30 cm to 1 m in diameter, with an average depth of 50 cm. Pottery, bones, and organic matter formed the bulk of the deposits as illustrated by the example of locus 8346. This pit is 50 cm across and 30 cm deep. Its contents include ash, charcoal, eshel (tamarisk) wood, bird bones, complete dipper juglets, and an upside-down bowl as a covering. In the northeast courtyard, much activity and construction centered around a new installation (wall 8269). Initially thought to be a wall, excavations revealed instead a free-standing, mud-brick structure, square in shape (1 m2) and preserved to a height of 2 courses, or 27 cm. Three new walls were built equidistant (1.5 m) from this installation: wall 8213 to the south, wall 8262 to the east, and wall 8069 to the north. Furthermore, the installation was surrounded by a large concentration of pits featuring the familiar litany of ash, charcoal, bones, and pottery. The repertoire of charred woods—eshel (tamarisk), rotem (broombush), and ’ela (terebinth) testify that a variety of fuels were used. Objects of a more exotic nature were also found in the pit deposits such as bowls with rim decorations of snails and ram heads (some of the snails were juxtaposed antithetically), a rim of an imported Cypriot jug, a base of a bowl with a mark of a five-pointed star, miniature vessels some of which were hand-made, and dipper juglets. Northwest of installation 8269 and attached to wall 8022, a large room (locus 8094) was found. The room is defined by three walls: 8022 in the north, 8062 in the west (length 2 m, width 0.5 m, height 0.4 m, or 3 courses), and 8069 in the south (length 6 m, width 0.5 m, height 0.4 m, or 3 courses). The eastern side is open, and the inner dimensions of the room are 2.5 m by 5.5 m. The length and positioning of wall 8069 create an opening in the room for a direct access to installation 8269. In the southeast of the room, a few isolated bricks were found that may have served as pedestals. Two rows of mud-brick benches (loci 8092 and 8095) were found in the center of the room, parallel to walls 8022 and 8069. The walls show

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evidence of niching, the most prominent of which is niche 8321 set into wall 8069. Some of the niches were plastered and their walls lined in white plaster. The floor of the room was covered with ash, bones, and pottery, particularly bowls and miniature vessels, indicating a continuous and varied use of the interior. Throughout the room, many floor levels and brick installations were discerned. To the south and east of installation 8269, two walls were found: wall 8262 and 8213. The dimensions of wall 8262 are 3.7 m long, 52 cm wide, and 38 cm high (maximum), or 2 1/2 courses, whereas those of wall 8213 are 7 m long, 50 cm wide, and 60 cm high, or 4 1/2 courses. The walls are parallel to each other and perpendicular to wall 8022. Although they were later joined during stratum IVa, these two walls were unconnected during stratum IVb. This separation is significant because the opening between them presented another opportunity—this time from the southwest—for direct access to installation 8269. On the eastern side of the walls, this opening led to another room complex, which unfortunately is very damaged, especially in the northern section, by LB (stratum III) pits. Nevertheless, two large spaces can be identified: locus 8651 to the north and locus 8672 to the south. These loci are further demarcated by wall 8751 in the middle and wall 8349/8547 in the east. Two sections of this latter wall were found with deep stone foundations to compensate for the gentle slope and soft loess soil. The northern section (wall 8349) was preserved to a length of 7.5 m and a width of 0.5 m. It was constructed of medium-sized fieldstones, with the foundation stones rising above floor level. No mud-bricks of the actual wall remained. The southern section (8547) comprised a stone foundation, 70 cm high, and a mud-brick wall above, preserved to a height of 60 cm, or 4 mud-brick courses. Mud-bricks alone rose above the floor level. The postulated missing segment joining these two sections would have been obliterated by LB pits. The total wall length would have been approximately 18 m. On the other hand, the possibility that the walls never did join must be considered, particularly in light of the fact that the opening would have been aligned along the same axis as the passageway that exists between walls 8262 and 8213 to the west. Perhaps this second opening led to another room complex. As mentioned, the northern room, locus 8651, suffered much damage by pits of stratum III. Nevertheless, its dimensions can be approximated at 8.5 by 6.5 m. Small portions of the floor were found. The southeastern part of the room exhibited a large quantity of ash and other evidence of burning, whereas the southern section appears to have been dedicated to several in-

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dividual pits. Three of these pits (loci 8386, 8707, and 8714) highlight the type of activity occurring here. The first pit (40 cm across and 40 cm deep) contained a miniature vessel and dipper juglets; the second pit (40 by 20 cm [oval]) consisted of pottery and skeletal remains of ravens and caprids; and the third pit (50 cm across, 50 cm deep) held 31 miniature vessels and dipper juglets. Locus 8672 is defined by 3, or possibly 4, walls. To the north lies wall 8751, which itself is poorly preserved to a length of just 50 cm, width of 47 cm, and height of 30 cm, or 2 courses. To the east and west lie walls 8729 and 8213, respectively. The southern boundary is not obviously walled, although a continuation of wall 8693 may be postulated. This space is slightly smaller than the northern one because of the presence of a corridor (locus 8686) between walls 8729 and 8547. The dimensions of the room are 8.8 by 5.8 m and those of the corridor are 3 by 1.8 m. The description of this room is also incomplete due to the need for further excavation and the destruction caused by LB pits. Despite this, portions of the floor were exposed, and they were found littered with finds including a decorated ceramic jug, a trumpet-shaped stand with an applied wavy decoration, and stone slabs regularly cut. Unlike in room 8651, there is no evidence in locus 8672 for the digging of pits during stratum IVb. East of wall 8349/8547, additional rooms may have existed, although more excavation is needed. Again, LB pits disturb and interfere with the MB levels. A few observations, however, can be made at this time. The first is that access to these prospective rooms may have been through the above mentioned passage in between wall 8349 and 8547 and, therefore, may be considered part of the same complex. Second, all four walls that abut and are perpendicular to wall 8349/8547—walls 8754, 8612, 8593, and 8693— lie on deep stone foundations. Third, the character of the finds in these easternmost rooms is distinct from that found elsewhere. For example, the northernmost room, locus 8375, contains an unusual amount of large storage installations made of clay, indicating perhaps either a store room or a kitchen. In sum, area K during stratum IVb witnessed an expansion in size and complexity. The area was enlarged eastward beyond the kurkar hill onto the loess, covering a total area of approximately 1,000 m2. The main structure and donkey burial of stratum V remained integrated into the new plan, even though only the former continued in use. The latter was simply preserved, with two new walls (8524 and 8525) erected to protect it from encroachment. Courtyards remained essential to the setting of the main building, the northern one truncated somewhat by a new wall. In the eastern courtyard,

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the digging of pits persisted as an important activity, although now accompanied by a variety of new installations such as a free-standing square installation with superb accessibility and an enclosed room containing benches and niches. New construction on the loess consisted primarily of walled spaces, two large ones and potentially four additional smaller ones further east. Stratum IVa (fig. 4) Stratum IVa is the third and final phase of MB IIB activity in area K. Directly on top of stratum IVb, this new layer is attested throughout by raised floor levels, which in many cases concealed prior elements. Existing walls were altered and new walls were built, effectively dividing large rooms into smaller ones. The consistency and character of the modifications suggest that this last phase was instituted as a pre-planned reorganization of the entire complex. This may have been in response to a partial destruction of layer IVb as suggested by a fissure in wall 8262 and a preponderance of burned material nearby. As in strata V and IVb, the main building and its courtyards dominate the landscape. The courtyard in front (locus 8558) was found covered with mud-brick debris mixed with large amounts of white plaster and broken pottery. The accumulated debris is 0.5 - 1.0 m above floor level and is especially thick above the eastern buttress (the western buttress is completely eroded). The origin of much of the debris may have been an upper floor which collapsed at the end of the phase. The resultant assemblage of crushed pottery includes a rich array of vessel types and decorations such as painted stands, vessels decorated with snakes, kraters, bowls, and miniature vessels. The stairs (locus 8497) were also found completely covered with crushed pottery. While the main building remained integral to the new plan, many older features and installations were buried or destroyed. These include square installation 8269, some benches and niches in room 8094, walls 8751 and 8729, and part of wall 8262. In the missing section of this last wall, a new stone foundation was laid and wall 8155 was freshly fashioned. This new wall extended southwards beyond earlier wall 8262, effectively blocking the passageway that had previously existed between walls 8262 and 8213. At the southern edge of wall 8155, the width was almost doubled to 2 m, in order to link up with wall 8213. In the eastern courtyard, stratum IVa is attested by a higher floor level, which covered, among other things, square installation 8269. It is unclear whether the disappearance of this installation was intentional or not, and,

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where it once stood, some bowls and a dipper juglet were found. Nearby, a new niche (locus 8270) was carved into wall 8155 and filled with miniature ceramic vessels. To the west of the former square installation, a concentration of ceramic vessels was exposed (locus 8146). The assemblage included complete and crushed examples of large, painted cylindrical stands and painted bowls and kraters with funnel-shaped bases. Inside the funnelbased bowls, remains of a black, burned material were found. Room 8094 retained its original (stratum IVb) shape but not its original benches or niches which were hidden by a new floor and deliberate masking. New benches and niches substituted in their place. In one of the niches lining wall 8069, a series of cylindrical clay objects with perforated tops and an average length of 10 cm were discovered. The entrance to the room was partly obstructed by a sizable heap of mainly crushed, ceramic vessels: bowls, pedestal jar with rope decoration and herring bone incisions, storage jar, miniature vessels and plastic decorations. The stratum V donkey burial was not seriously harmed, even though a large structure (locus 8157) was constructed on top of it and a pit (locus 8738) was dug into it. The pit, which fortunately did not reach the floor of the tomb, was lined at its base with an ash layer and then filled in with mostly soil but also a large chunk of a storage jar. As in stratum IVb, the tomb was protected somewhat by walls 8524 and 8525. To the east of the now jaggedly joined walls 8155 and 8213, in what had previously been divided into two large spaces (loci 8651 and 8672), five separate areas were delineated: loci 8698, 8149, 8560, 8676, and 8637. Locus 8698, the northernmost area, had been damaged by LB pits (stratum IIIb) and a Turkish trench. Stratum IVb walls (8022 and 8349) confined the room in the north and east (another possibility for the eastern limit could be a continuation of wall 8376, which, unfortunately, is severely damaged), whereas a new wall (8263) was built in the south. Wall 8263 is preserved in two parts, the longer of which extends 2.5 by 1.0 m and stands 25 cm, or 2.5 courses, high. Thus far no wall has been found delimiting the western boundary of the room, suggesting, perhaps, that an opening may have existed leading to bench room 8094 which continued to function as mentioned. In the southern section of this room, a small portion of the floor (1 m2) was found, upon which were scattered ashes, pottery sherds, a bowl, and a storage jar. To the south of room 8698 is locus 8149. This room is bounded to the north and west by walls 8263 and 8155, respectively. While wall 8349 may have served as the eastern boundary, a more likely candidate may be a continuation of wall 8376. If this were so, the width of the room would be ap-

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proximately 5 m. Two earlier walls (8262 of stratum IVb and 8264 of stratum V) that had previously stood in this area were incorporated into the floor of the new room, and many ceramic remains were found including a tall, hallow cylindrical stand with an amphora-shaped top, bowls, and juglets. To the south of locus 8149 is locus 8560. Even though the boundary between the two loci is unclear, the entrance to locus 8560 was probably through locus 8149. The other sides of the room are more readily apparent: wall 8213 to the west, wall 8454 to the south, and wall 8376 to the east. Wall 8454 is preserved to a length of 3 m, a width of 35 cm, and a height of 25 cm, or 2 1/2 courses, whereas wall 8376 is preserved to a length of 1.5 m, a width of 35 cm, and a height of 15 cm, or 1 1/2 courses. Assuming that the northern perimeter extended to the base of wall 8155, the dimensions of the room are roughly square: 2.5 by 2.6 m. In the middle of the room, a large kurkar slab was found, which may have served as a base for a roof support. Additional kurkar slabs were found adjoining wall 8213 and thought to be another wall (8214). Subsequent excavations revealed, however, that walls 8213 and 8214 coexisted and that the shallowness of wall 8214 relative to wall 8213 is more consistent with the interpretation that the row of slabs functioned as a bench or shelf rather than a wall. Several stands were found crushed on the floor. The next locus to the south is 8676. It is enclosed by walls 8454 to the north, 8213 to the west, and 8635 to the south. This last wall is preserved to a length of 3 m, a width of 35 cm, and a height of 10 cm, or 1 course. Because the room is severely damaged by an LB pit intruding from stratum III, only a small section of the floor area could be exposed. Nevertheless, an assortment of pottery emerged including a krater, a lamp, and a miniature vessel. The southernmost of the five areas is locus 8637. Walls 8635 and 8213 lie to the north and west, respectively. The southern and eastern sides are more difficult to determine, although a continuation of wall 8693 presents a likely possibility for the southern one. Much of this room is covered by an oily, claylike material which appears similar to the raw material out of which mud-bricks are fashioned. The material is spread out over a rectangular area, 3.2 by 2.2 m and is preserved to a depth of 10 cm. Ashes, soil, bones, and pottery were all found aloft this material. No obvious function for this installation presents itself, perhaps it was used as a platform or a basin. The sizes of these rooms (including 8698 if it was indeed walled by 8376) coupled with the stone slab found in room 8560 fortify the argument that the rooms were roofed.

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East of these five rooms, wall 8349 still existed. Between this wall and the set of rooms described, a few more spaces were found: loci 8382, 8598, and 8626. Locus 8382 is located just east of the existing portion of wall 8376; locus 8598 lies further to the east, just west of wall 8547; and locus 8626 lies to the south of locus 8598 and to the east of room 8637. Unfortunately, LB (stratum III) pit diggers were again active in this area, thereby obfuscating any attempt to fix the limits of these spaces. Much broken pottery remained, however, such as sherds of a painted krater, decorated stands, and bowls. Contrasting sharply with the deliberate modifications mentioned above are the collapsed mud-brick walls and crushed pottery that also constitute stratum IVa in area K. This latter jumble signifies the sudden and unexpected termination of the phase when walls fell so quickly that vessels had to be forsaken. Portions of collapsed walls have been found north of wall 8022 (loci 8010 and 8081), east of wall 8349 (locus 8375), and between walls 8376 and 8547 (loci 8356 and 8367). The most impressive brick collapse, however, is right in the middle of the eastern courtyard (locus 8343). Its maximum dimensions are 3.6 by 4.8 m with 22 mud-brick courses represented. Because there is no evidence of violent behavior or of fire, such destruction, which ultimately brought to an end MB IIB activity at Tell Haror, may be attributed best to seismic activity such as an earthquake.

TYPOLOGICAL STUDY OF MATERIAL FINDS The majority of material finds from the Middle Bronze Age strata of area K consist of fired clay, i.e., pottery. This corpus is dominated by normal-sized vessels (299 identifiable examples) and, to a lesser extent, those in miniature (128 identifiable examples). Some figurines are present as are a number of plastic adornments both geometric and zoomorphic. While many of the finds do not indicate any special treatment or unique characteristics, a significant number do manifest burnishing, buffing, or painted decoration, and a handful of pieces even bear a potter’s mark. The entire ceramic inventory is locally made save for a few examples of imported ware, including a fragment bearing Minoan graffito. The only other type of material found in copious quantity is faunal. More than 10,000 bits of animals bones were unearthed, and initial analysis reveals a variety of elements and species from both mammals and birds. This initial analysis was carried out by J. Klenck and can be found in his Ph.D. thesis (Harvard, 1996). The remaining materials are composed of faience, metal, stone, and unburned clay. Although their numbers are lim-

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ited, these non-ceramic relics add some spice to an otherwise redundant inventory. This analysis of the material remains will begin with a typology of the artifacts discovered—the exposition of which will lean on the works of preeminent ceramicist R. Amiran (1969) and Middle Bronze Age cultural expert I. Ziffer (1990). Only the non-faunal remains will be analyzed in this manner because, as mentioned, the bones are themselves subject to intense inquiry in a separate dissertation. The second part of the analysis will be contextual, i.e., the establishment of the spatial and temporal organization of the finds and their relationships to each other and to the immediate architectural landscape. In this second half, the faunal remains will be very much included. Ceramic Remains Underlying this analysis of the ceramic inventory are the methods of modern scientific excavation and careful record-keeping. Excavations were conducted within squares of a horizontal grid, with the vertical stratigraphic record preserved in balks. As the pottery was unearthed, it was collected into numbered buckets and transferred to a laboratory nearby. Here the ceramics were cleaned, counted, and studied. The initial analysis conducted by Oren identified diagnostic pieces by vessel type and chronological period. Special features such as decoration or non-local origin were also noted. These diagnostic pieces were given an inventory number and saved together with other sherds that may have potentially been from the same original object. Many of these pieces and their associated sherds were later put back together by expert restorers, thereby providing an important collection of whole or nearly whole vessels. The results of this “field-lab” analysis were then entered into a computer database for safekeeping and further scrutiny. The following presentation is based on this database and subsequent refinements. Before beginning the typology, brief mention should be made of Middle Bronze Age ceramic technology. One of the innovations which occurred at the dawn of the MB IIB period was the introduction of the fast potter’s wheel (Ziffer 1990:26*). Previously, almost all vessels had been made by hand or to a limited extent on a rudimentary (“slow”) version of the potter’s wheel. Now, nearly the entire assemblage was wheel-made. This switch to mechanization radically altered not only the vessels themselves but also the nature of the industry. While vessel forms improved in both sophistication and quality, production achieved greater efficiency, economy, and diversity of yield. In fact, there was a profusion of new types and

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forms, which were superior in quality and elaboration than heretofore known in this region. Bowls The most common vessel type found in area K is the bowl (fig. 5). Excavations yielded 140 examples [42% of regular-sized vessels; 31% of all vessels]2 of rounded (plate 1; fig. 6) and carinated bowls (plate 2). Nearly half (60, or 43%) are decorated, the majority of which (36) are covered simply with a highly burnished slip either dark red (plate 3) or ivory-like white (plate 4). Sixteen of the slipped bowls further display black and/or reddishbrown painted decorations, primarily in the form of concentric lines and bands that are either straight or wavy and often on top of a white slip (plate 5). Other geometric patterns exist as well (fig. 7). Applied to the rims of four other slipped bowls are plastic decorations of snail-like curls (plate 6) including one that is back-to-back and another that also features ram heads (fig. 8). A potter’s mark appears on the exterior of three bowls, one on the side and two on the base. The mark that is on the side is comprised simply of three parallel lines (plate 7); the second consists of two crossed lines with a third line slightly askew of one of them (fig. 9); and the third mark is composed of a small spiral curl surrounded by a five-pointed star (fig. 10). A small number of imported specimens are also present, three from Cyprus—red-on-black ware and white-painted ware—and one carried over from the Minoan cultural sphere (fig. 11). Although somewhat limited and not spanning the entire range of known MB IIB bowls, this assemblage does manifest many significant forms and trends. Moreover, the relative high percentage of bowls found here is consistent with their abundance at other sites and their indispensable use for eating and drinking. When used for drinking, the bowl was held in the palm of the hand (Ziffer 1990:33*). Two types of bowls are known to prevail during this period. The first is the open, rounded bowl, which developed out of a long tradition with the recent improvement (due to the potter’s wheel) of thinner walls. In general, these bowls are gently, often widely, rounded with flat or low bases that are distinct from their bodies (Amiran 1969:91). Of the 137 area K bowls, 110, or 80%, are of this type. In this section, percentages given in brackets refer to the larger ceramic inventory of either regular-sized vessels or all vessels including the miniatures, while those given in parentheses relate to the specific vessel type under consideration only. 2

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The second kind of bowl is carinated, which, strictly speaking, is an innovation. Angular in form and covered by a dark-red, highly burnished, slip, carinated bowls seem contrived to mimic contemporary metallic bowls, especially copper ones as suggested by their coloring. These small, closed vessels are further distinguished by the wheel-marks that cover—like combing—the entire surface of the bowl including the base (Amiran 1969:94). As in the rounded bowls above, the bases are sharply demarcated from the bodies in most cases. The impetus for manufacturing such vessels derives no doubt from a desire to provide an attractive yet economical alternative to precious metal wares (Ziffer 1990:26*). This innovative ware comprises 20% (27 bowls) of the bowl assemblage in area K. The overall emphasis on form over decoration that prevailed in the MB IIB is not borne out by this assemblage. During this time, red burnished and ivory-like slips are not uncommonly applied to vessels, with the general preference for the red in the earlier part and for the white in the latter. The area K bowls are also predominantly (60%) decorated simply with a slip with the majority covered by a white slip. Whether this is related to chronological concerns or to a preference for white as a background for painting is not clear. It is, however, in the realm of painted decoration that this assemblage truly distinguishes itself for painting occurs only rarely in the MB IIB, whereas, among these bowls, 15% (20 bowls including imports) are so decorated. Moreover, even though the existence of rim applications does not necessarily signify anything beyond a slight extravagance, the bowl with juxtaposed spiral-shapes and zoomorphic heads is curiously peculiar.

Stands Next in quantity is a category of vessels often identified as incense stands or incense burners. Because it is not yet clear that the burning of incense was their primary function, they will be referred to here simply as stands. (Even though they are included here under the rubric “vessels,” perhaps they are more accurately posited as “furniture.”) Fifty examples [17% of regularsized vessels; 12% of all vessels] have been recovered, none of which is complete (fig. 12). A composite of two stands, which is shown in plate 8, typifies in form the area K stands. Tall and cylindrical, the bottom resembles an inverted funnel, the cylinder itself is hollow, an onion-shaped bulge occurs just below the top, and a bowl which is independently made sits perched on top. The bowl is secured into the cylinder by a cone-like extension which protrudes from the bottom of the bowls into the hollow below (plate 9). In most cases, the cylinders were discovered without their bowls, a

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hazard no doubt of being disparate pieces, but also the result of the difficulty in associating the bowls with the stands when the distinctive protrusion was broken off. There remains the possibility, therefore, that some of these bowls have been included in the more general category of open, rounded bowls. Many of the stands enjoy some sort of special surface treatment. Twenty-one, or 42%, are covered by a white slip, and, of these, eleven possess painted decorations consisting of black and/or reddish-brown concentric lines and bands that are either straight or wavy (fig. 13). Two of these painted stands are further adorned by zoomorphic applications. The first, that of a wavy snake ensconced between two applied bands, encircles a cylinder near the base (plate 10), whereas, the second, that of a four-legged mammal with head and tail missing, comes from a sherd that covers perhaps just 10% of the circumference (fig. 14). As a result, it is not possible to determine whether or not this animal was part of larger sequence, although the presence of black and brown wavy lines, which are usually concentric, suggest that this may have been the case. The literature on Middle Bronze Age IIB stands is scant indeed. A few examples exist from this period from sites such as Megiddo, Nahariya, and perhaps Hazor. While stands first appeared during the Chalcolithic period (Amiran 1969:302), they are sufficiently rare that their occurrence calls for special interpretation. In technical terms, the size, shape, and complexity of stands make them much more difficult to manufacture than bowls or other basic household wares. Two general types of stands are known from the Middle Bronze Age (Amiran 1969:302–303). The first is a tall, often fenestrated cylindrical stand, topped by a bowl, the entirety constructed of a single piece. The second is similarly shaped, but the cylinder and bowl are individually constructed prior to assembly. The stands from area K appear to fall into this latter category. Certainly the sophistication of the vessels contributed to their rarity, and vice versa, thus making the discovery of fifty stands in area K that much more astonishing. Furthermore, the fact that these stands represent 17% of the total number of regular-sized vessels and 12% of all vessels including the miniatures renders the situation even more extraordinary.

Dipper Juglets The third most popular regular-sized vessel type found in area K is the dipper juglet of which forty examples [14% of regular-sized vessels; 10% of all vessels] have been found. Five of them, or 13%, are covered with a dark red, highly burnished, slip, whereas half of them have been preserved or

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reconstructed almost completely (plate 11). None is painted or in any way decorated beyond a slip. Dipper juglets, with their long and narrow bodies, funnel-shaped necks, pinched rims, and graspable handles, are perfectly suited for drawing liquids out of jars and then pouring them (Ziffer 1990:30*). The form of the body grants easy access to the jars, the neck hastens the flow of liquid into the juglet, the rim facilitates pouring, and the handle, when suspended in the jar by a stick placed across the top, assures ready-use. The dipper juglet, therefore, should be construed as an indispensable accessory to the storage jar (see below), both of which are frequently found in MB IIB contexts.

Storage Jars The fourth most popular regular-sized vessel type found in area K is the storage jar of which seventeen examples [6% of regular-sized vessels; 4% of all vessels] have been found. They are distinguished by flaring or stepped rims, narrow necks and elongated ovoid bodies that taper towards the bottom. Their walls are fairly thin and of uniform thickness. Many have handles attached at the point of widest circumference (plate 12), although certainly not all; for some, it is not possible to determine based on the existing evidence. In three of the vessels (19%), the area above the handles, known as the shoulder, is decorated with bluish-black and reddish-brown alternating wavy and straight lines and bands painted over a white slip (plate 12). During MB IIB, storage jars, used to store both dry and liquid commodities, were produced in two primary sizes: the pithos with a capacity of approximately 60 liters and the regular jar with a capacity of approximately 25 liters (Ziffer 1990:29*). Except for size, the vessels are identical in form which, like that of the dipper juglets above, is eminently suited to function. The egg-like shape ensures that pressure along the walls is equally distributed throughout the entire height, without which the safety of a large and heavy load would be jeopardized. Their shape also allows them to be packed closely together, thereby minimizing storage space. The handles provide advantage for carrying, tilting, or fastening the jars, whereas the narrow necks facilitate sealing, often just with a lump of clay. In addition to their primary function, storage jars with their necks deliberately broken were sometimes used for burial of infants and children (Ziffer 1990:30*), although this is not the case here. Overall, storage jars are commonly attested at sites during the Middle Bronze Age IIB, and thus their occurrence in area K suggests slightly lower than usual frequency, but with a higher than normal percentage bearing painted decoration.

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Cooking Pots With fifteen examples, the cooking pot is the next most frequently represented of the regular-sized vessels [5% of regular-sized vessels; 4% of all vessels]. The area K cooking pots, two of which have been reconstructed, are globular in shape with rounded bases that do not permit independent uprightness on a flat surface (fig. 15). None is decorated in any manner, although most are cloaked by a black residue caused by smoke. Besides their blackening, they are further marked by a coarseness of composition. Both are related to function—the grittiness of the clay prevents the vessel from cracking during heating, whereas the blackened walls result from burning—and are typical of MB IIB cooking pots. During this time period, cooking pots manifest two distinct forms, which were probably designed for different cooking installations and perhaps even for the preparation of different foods when used side-by-side (Ziffer 1990:39*). The first type has a flat base, thick straight walls, and decoration below the rim of thumb-pressed, applied bands. It is handbuilt—the only vessel type not thrown on the wheel during this time— employing an earlier technique of coiling. The second type is spherical, slightly closed at top, rounded at the bottom, and designed to lean against hearth stones. Although both versions are found during the Middle Bronze Age IIB, the rotund one is predominant (Amiran 1969:102). Indeed, by the end of the period, the straight one disappears whereas the round one continues on with minor modifications. The area K cooking pots, in accordance with general preference, are of the rotund variety only. However, their relative proportion [5% of regular vessels] is somewhat lower than normal.

Jugs Remains from eleven jugs [4% of regular-sized vessels; 3% of all vessels] have been found in area K. None is completely preserved or reconstructed; instead, the sherds tend to be rather small, yet nonetheless informative. A composite drawn from the various fragments suggests that the jugs are medium-sized spheres with solitary handles abutting narrow necks. Additional morphological characterization is not really possible due to the limitations of the assemblage. Five of the eleven vessels (45%) bear some sort of painted decoration, either of black concentric lines, bands, or cross-hatched lines. One (9%) of these decorated vessels is further distinguished by its non-local origin, namely, white-painted ware from Cyprus. MB IIB jugs can be generally described as decanting vessels of medium capacity, with long necks, individual handles, and, in some cases,

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pinched rims. The assertion that they functioned to serve and pour drinks is fortified by the very common association of jugs with personal drinking vessels at many sites (Ziffer 1990:37*), although this is not necessarily the case at Tel Haror. Overall, the area K jugs can be said to conform to this general picture and do not appear to be unusual in any manner except for the very high percentage of decorated vessels including the imported Cypriot vessel. If anything, the assemblage here is marked by its lack of diversity and its failure to represent the extensive range in forms that is known to prevail during the Middle Bronze Age IIB (Amiran 1969:106–112). These variations are expressed throughout the vessel: in the neck, from columnar to funnel-shaped; in the body, from globular to ovoid shape; in the handle from single to double to triple, attached either to the shoulder or to the rim; in the width and shape of the bases, from flat to ringed; in the height; and, in the decoration, from undecorated to covered with a red-burnished slip or painted with red and black bands. This lack of diversity in the area K jugs is certainly linked to the limited collection assembled, and together they indicate the relatively modest role that the jug played at this site, no doubt affected by the significant numbers of the smaller, more nimble, juglet. The preponderance of decorated vessels, however, suggests that this small role did attract a certain measure of distinction and value.

Oil Lamps One complete, three reconstructed, and remains from four other oil lamps (for a total of 8 [3% of regular-sized vessels; 2% of all vessels]) have been found in area K. The lamps show no evidence of decoration, while most of them (88%) are comprised simply of a wheel-made, shallow bowl with a single pinch in the rim used as a spout (plate 13). These spouts are blackened with soot, not surprising considering that this is where the wicks were placed—the bowls contained the oil. The one lamp not of this variety offers a more complex version. Also a shallow bowl, instead of one spout, seven spouts are pinched into its rim (fig. 16). Eminently suited to their function, oil lamps routinely occur in Middle Bronze Age IIB contexts, with somewhat higher frequency than experienced here in area K. The single-spouted version like those found in area K are by far the most predominant, although improvised lamps from broken vessels are also encountered not infrequently (Ziffer 1990:40*). The clue that such sherds, usually bases of drinking vessels, were used as lamps is found in soot marks along the edges, thereby signaling that the imperative for light often triumphed over the preference for correct and proper apparatus. Unusual lamps are also found. One from Jericho is hand-made with a

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central tube which allowed for the lamp to be raised on a pole, like a torch, thereby augmenting the dispersion of light (Ziffer 1990:40*). Seven-spouted lamps, like the present example, are found at only a few MB IIB Canaanite sites such as Nahariya, Megiddo, and Givat Sharett. This scarcity, the possible ideological connotations of the number seven, and particularly the brilliance of the light—when all seven wicks are lit, their light is seven-fold that of ordinary lamps—strongly attest to the distinctiveness of these vessels.

Kraters Scant remains of five kraters [1.7% of regular-sized vessels; 1.2% of all vessels] have been recovered from area K. None of the kraters is complete or even reconstructable, rather just one or two sherds remain from each vessel. The diagnostic pieces that exist suggest relatively large vessels with a wide mouth, thick walls, and an attached handle. The only form of decoration is red burnishing, which appears on one (20%) of the vessels. Unfortunately, the limited nature of these remains precludes a more extensive account. The MB IIB krater is best described as a large deep bowl with a wide mouth that was used for mixing and serving drinks. The mixing of beverages was a very common practice—especially of wine which required flavoring or dilution—and its performance required a certain expertise. The krater’s role in this process is suggested by its size and shape, contemporary (MB IIB) banquet scenes, and the regular occurrence in archaeological contexts of drinking vessels lodged within kraters, reminiscent of modern-day punch bowls (Ziffer 1990:36*). Within these general parameters, however, there is much variety among the vessels: in body shape, base size and shape, definition of neck, presence, location, and type of handles, presence of spout, and decorative motifs. Body shapes ranged from bowl-like to globular, bases from wide to narrow and from ring to built-in tripod (three loop feet attached to the bottom), necks from well-defined to hardly defined, handles from none to two, from high to low placement, attached to shoulder and rim or to shoulder only, and from single to triple loops, and decorations from burnishing and painting to applications and incisions (Amiran 1969:99–100). Not surprising in light of the paucity of remains, area K kraters do not reflect this diversity and seem to have been less popular here than at other sites.

Pedestal Vases (Footed Goblets) Remains from five pedestal vases [1.7% of regular-sized vessels; 1.2% of all vessels], have been recovered from excavations, four of which have been

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partially reconstructed. Delicate and thin-walled, the pedestal vases consist of three parts: a deep, closed rounded bowl, a high neck with a slightly flaring rim, and a tall, trumpet-shaped base. All five (100%) are covered by an ivory-white slip, and two (40%; plate 14) are further adorned by the traditional design of concentric lines and bands in either reddish-brown or bluish-black paint. The pedestal vase, also known as a footed goblet, served as a drinking vessel during the Middle Bronze Age IIB, as attested by its common juxtaposition at sites with other personal drinking vessels, liquid storage containers, and dining tables (Ziffer 1990:34*). Technically speaking, the pedestal vase is a local innovation during this period that evolved out of the tradition of rounded necked bowls. Simply by adding a tall foot, ancient craftsmen transformed ordinary bowls into attractive goblets. In another sense, the pedestal vase shows affinity for the chalice (see below), both of which are drinking vessels, elegantly designed with thin walls and high bases. The pedestal vase is almost always covered by a slip and at times painted as well. The area K pedestal vases, although not as widespread as at other sites, do conform to normal expectations both morphologically and in slip decoration. They do seem, however, to enjoy a higher than normal frequency of elaboration by painting.

Chalices Excavations have yielded remains from four chalices [1.4% of regular-sized vessels; 1.0% of all vessels]. One complete example (plate 15) and the remaining sherds provide evidence of the delicate nature of these chalices, with a high narrow foot, paper thin walls, and a sharply angular shape. The bodies of the vessels are either straight, gently rippled (as in the complete example) or gently flaring. More description of form is not possible based on the limited repertoire. Two of the chalices (50%) are covered with a white slip and bear some sort of additional decoration, one painted and the other applied. The painted decoration comprises the popular pattern of concentric black and brown lines and bands, whereas the application is in the form of a herring-bone pattern placed at the juncture of the neck and the body. The chalice is a third type of drinking vessel—the other two are the bowl and the pedestal vase. Sophisticated and elegant in design, the chalice is the most delicate of three, yet by no means rare or exceptional. On the contrary, it seems to have been a popular addition to the drinking set and has been found in considerable numbers at many Middle Bronze Age IIB (Ziffer 1990:35*), although this is not the case in area K where only a few

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examples prevail. Like the pedestal vase, the chalice is an innovation of this period, deriving its shape from open carinated bowls and, ultimately therefore, from metal prototypes. This explains the sharp angles that so distinctly mark this vessel type (Ziffer 1990:35*). As represented in the examples above, the foot of the chalice is tall and slender, the walls are egg-thin, and the body-shape is either gently flaring or straight, the difference arising out of whether or not a second sharp angle is present; if so, the walls above the top angle flare-out, and, if not, the walls continue vertically uninterrupted. The flaring chalice is more common. Chalices are often covered in a slip, either white or red-burnished, as is the case for two of the area K chalices (50%). Painted decoration and particularly applications are, however, more rarely encountered and their occurrence (each once) among this small assemblage of four vessels is noteworthy.

Pedestal Jars Two outstanding vessels [0.7% of regular-sized vessels; 0.5% of all vessels] that have been reconstructed seem to defy traditional classification. They are proportioned like pedestal vases but on a much larger scale. Their walls are not as delicate, yet like pedestal vases their shape is composed of three parts: a deep, closed rounded bowl, a high neck with a slightly flaring rim, and a tall, trumpet-shaped base (plate 16). The two vessels are not themselves equally proportioned for one is taller, less round, and more narrow in neck diameter. Both are covered by a white slip. The popular pattern of concentric lines and bands in either reddish brown or bluish-black paint decorates the entire outer surface of the shorter vessel whereas the taller one bears full perimeter herring-bone applications at two junctures: where the body meets the neck and where the body meets the base (fig. 17). The applications are of similar thickness, although they run in opposite directions. These vessels are here given the name pedestal jars because of their high feet and similarity in size and shape to jars, particularly to Middle Bronze Age IIA handleless jars, which are themselves related to Khabur ware (see Amiran 1969:102). Regardless of nomenclature, these vessels are somewhat unusual and with few known MB IIB parallels. The sophistication of their decoration serves to confirm this specialness. Their forms are not, however, completely unprecedented. As mentioned, pedestal jars appear to be larger versions of pedestal vases, and just as the latter derives out of a traditional vessel form (i.e., rounded necked bowls) with the addition of a high footed base, the former itself derives from a traditional vessel shape—in this case, the handleless jar—onto which a pedestal base is applied. As for function, size and

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shape suggest that they were used for storage, as their pedigree also implies, although probably for short-term purposes only because of the width of their openings.

Serving Dishes (Plates) One example of a serving dish [0.3% of regular-sized vessels; 0.2% of all vessels] has been uncovered in area K. Missing only a rim fragment, reconstruction reveals a wide and shallow, bowl-like vessel that is covered by a red burnished slip under which the wheel marks are clearly visible (plate 17). No handles are present nor is there any evidence of charring—the presence of which may suggest that meat had been roasted. It should be noted that the smallness of the sample may be affected by the similarity of serving dishes to rounded open bowls, albeit shallow ones. In fact, Amiran’s ceramic typology itself does not include a separate category for serving dishes; rather, they are lumped together under the rubric of open rounded bowls (Amiran 1969:91, 93). Serving dishes are a common form of MB IIB tableware. Primarily composed of pottery although on occasion of wood, their function is attested by the presence of foodstuffs upon them and their regular location on or next to tables (Ziffer 1990:31*). In keeping with their purpose, the vessels are wide and open in form, often covered with a slip and burnished, and at times show marks of charring. In special cases, the ledge handle is adorned with four projecting knobs, a practice believed to derive from wooden bowls where such an occurrence is much more natural (Kenyon 1965:408). While morphology is fairly consistent, vessel size ranges widely from small to large and anywhere in between. With only one example, the frequency of serving dishes in area K is low compared to that at other sites. Furthermore, this single plate is inherently incapable of representing the full spectrum of MB IIB serving dishes. Nevertheless, its form and decoration do accord with normal expectations, while its size indicates a somewhat larger vessel.

Figurines The figurines mentioned here are not known to be associated with any vessels (hence, they are not applications), and therefore are not included in the category of regular-sized vessels for purposes of statistical calculations. This does not preclude, however, the possibility that such attachment did indeed originally prevail, although this is more likely in the case of zoomorphic subjects. In light of this caveat, remains of seven ceramic figurines have been uncovered in area K. None is complete and most are quite small and

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uninstructive beyond their identification as either zoomorphic (1, or 13%) or anthropomorphic (6, or 87%). Two, however, bear special mention. The first is a zoomorphic head of a ram (fig. 18). It is 2.3 cm long and 1.8 cm wide. It shows a long, narrow head with nostrils, two eyes, ears, and a broken tip of a right horn. Less than 1 cm of the neck exists, thus completing this small and tantalizing fragment. The other is a fragment of an anthropomorphic arm that is bent at the elbow (fig. 19). The arm begins below the shoulder and extends roughly 3 cm and then bends at an angle of 120° before extending an additional 3.5 cm. to reach the bottom section of the palm. No fingers remain. Because this fragment is not at present attached to a body, it is not possible to determine the orientation of the arm or to whom it belongs. Ceramic figurines are extremely rare in MB IIB contexts. As previously noted, the incomplete nature of the seven examples from area K disallows categorically resolving that these figurines stood independent of host vessels. The distinction is crucial for determining not only morphologic context but also function. A figurine that is part of a vessel has meaning that is secondary to that of the vessel, relegated perhaps to mere ornamentation, whereas an independent figurine must be interpreted on its own terms, with meaning steeped directly in that which is depicted. Such independent figurines often served as icons, or sacred images to be used for religious purposes. During the MB IIB both zoomorphic and anthropomorphic subjects are portrayed, and they are confined to miniature scale—as opposed to lifesize or larger than life (Kempinski 1992:197). In both these respects, the area K figurines are typical of contemporary standards, and, even if one or a few are not originally independent, the presence here of even a few figurines is extremely unusual, and the preponderance of ceramic anthropomorphic subjects is without parallel in Canaan during this era.

Plastic Decorations In addition to the plastic applications mentioned above, a number of similar examples have been uncovered in area K, but without sufficient evidence to determine vessel origin. These fragments are thus not incorporated into the typology above, yet the sophistication and richness of their designs merits further consideration. There are twenty-four such decorations from unidentifiable vessels, of which sixteen (67%) are snakes, five (21%) are snails, two (8%) are unspecified zoomorphic, and one (4%) is anthropomorphic. The snakes range from a simple wavy line to having a real head with open mouth, and they are attached to either the body, neck, or handle (plate 18). Of the three that are found on handles, two spiral upward, while one hugs

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the outer trajectory of the handle with its head stretching forth at top. The snakes on body or neck sherds are primarily of the wavy-line variety, their amplitude dictated and confined by the presence of two parallel bands, which are also applied decorations (fig. 20). Two other snakes are in a coil shape, with their attachment, if any, not recognizable. Four of the snakes are further distinguished by the presence of red-painted or punctured dots. The snails meanwhile are primarily in the shape of curls and are attached to either rim or body sherds (plate 19). The remaining specimens (2 unspecified zoomorphic and one anthropomorphic) are too poorly preserved for further comment. Snake, snail, zoomorphic, and anthropomorphic decorations are found in the ceramic repertoire of the MB IIB, although not with regularity, and thus their preponderance here can be regarded as highly unusual. These motifs can be interpreted as simply decorative elements meant to add creativity and beauty to vessels. This can be particularly argued for the snail-like curls and the wavy-line snakes, and non-specific zoomorphic representations. Even these, however, may resonate with more meaning, which is certainly the case for anthropomorphic representations and for the more lifelike snakes, such as those with heads or whose scales and eyes are marked by punctured and painted dots. Of direct spiritual consequence, anthropomorphic representations signified particular divine beings, whereas snakes, because of their mysterious nature, symbolized both generative and destructive forces (i.e., the phenomenon and its opposite), which is paradigmatically expressed in the supernatural power to regenerate from the nether world (Ziffer 1990:86*-88*).

Miniature Vessels As mentioned above, miniature vessels comprise a significant component of the area K ceramic assemblage. In fact, three out of every ten vessels is diminutive in size [127 out of 421 total vessels], many of which (79, or 62%) can be further characterized by analogy with their regular-sized counterparts. The following discussion is based on observations pertaining to these 79 complete or nearly complete vessels and is informed in part by a seminar paper written by M. Reifenberg (Ben-Gurion University, 1994). Except in six cases, the miniature vessels, like their regular-sized counterparts, are wheel-made, and like oil lamps or cooking pots, nearly a third (27 examples) are blackened by soot. Upon first glance, these carefully crafted containers can be divided into two general categories, open vs. closed, of which the open vessels (bowls) are by far predominant—sixtythree examples as opposed to sixteen. The bowls can be further divided

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into six classes based on morphological variations concerning walls, rims, and bases (plate 20; figs. 21, 22): rounded (24 examples), pedestal (17), carinated (6), wide open (6), straight flaring (5), and hand-made (5). The rounded bowls are characterized by their gently curved walls; pedestal by their high footed bases; carinated by their angular walls; wide open by their expansive diameters; straight flaring by the absence of any curves or bends in their walls; and hand-made by their craftsmanship. They range in height from 1.2 to 4.6 cm and in diameter from 4.5 to 11.0 cm., while their surface color runs the spectrum from reddish brown to gray. One bowl is covered by a white slip while two others display evidence of combing. One carinated and one hand-made bowl show evidence of attached handles, whereas one of the hand-made bowls resembles a lamp, being wide and shallow with a slight indentation in the rim (fig. 23). The closed vessels also manifest diversity in miniature with five bottles, four jars, four juglets, and three indeterminate cylindrical vessels (plate 21; fig. 24). The bottles do not have regular-sized counterparts in area K and are therefore unique to the miniature vessel collection. Overall, their shape is tall and narrow with a high, acutely angled base, rounded body, narrowed neck, and flaring rim. The jars with their flat bases, spherical bodies, flaring rims, and handles (in one case) and the juglets with their long and narrow bodies, funnel-shaped necks, pinched rims, and handles (in three cases) both successfully mimic their respective regular-sized parallels. The indeterminate cylindrical vessels, which are also long and narrow, do not recall any regular-sized vessel shape and thus like the bottles probably served a purpose specifically linked to miniature vessels. The presence of miniature vessels is unusual in MB IIB contexts and rare in such relative numbers. They are found at a minimum of seven other sites in Israel and Jordan, but only at Nahariya (see below) are they found with similar frequency and diversity. That they were to a certain extent mass-produced is suggested by their string-cut bases (Dever 1974:43), yet their small size thwarts regular explanations regarding function. This apparent impracticality of size, together with their evidence for burning and common stratigraphic association with cultic remains, has led scholars to assign a cultic role to them as well. Specifically, they are believed to contain diminutive ritual offerings (sometimes burned), which are an important dimension of Middle Bronze Age IIB cultic practice (see below). In fact, this role is so readily accepted—none other is even seriously contemplated— that the very presence of such miniature vessels is usually interpreted as despositive of ritual behavior. With so many examples from area K, the

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interpretation of these vessels is critical, and while this linkage with ritual behavior will not be assumed a priori, it certainly cannot be disregarded.

Summary of Ceramic Finds The area K ceramic assemblage is distinguished by both the frequency of certain types of vessels (figs. 25, 26) and by the presence of rich and varied decorative motifs (figs. 27, 28). Most striking is the high ratio and corresponding diversity of forms among miniature vessels and stands. The frequency of bowls, dipper juglets, and storage jars appear more-or-less average, whereas cooking pots, jugs, oil lamps, kraters, pedestal vases, chalices, and serving dishes are underrepresented. The low frequency of these vessels yields a corresponding abridgment in morphological variety. Pedestal jars emerge as a new form, yet with only two examples, their significance may be relegated to stylistic concerns. In interpreting these frequencies, three trends emerge. The first is that the underrepresented vessels are linked primarily to aspects of domestic or funerary settings. The second is that storage accouterments, while not representative of a store-room per se, do occupy a reasonable amount of space and certainly indicate that some storage and retrieval are part of the activity occurring within the excavated area. The third is that the exceptional concentration of miniature vessels and stands indicates a specific use of the area, certainly not domestic, perhaps associated with religious ritual, based on the customary correlation of miniature vessels and incense stands with cult practice. The specialness of the area’s use is fortified by the second distinguishing feature of the assemblage, namely the prevalence of decorative designs even among the underrepresented vessels. While it is common to find stands, pedestal vases, and chalices decorated with at least a slip, the overwhelming majority of Middle Bronze Age IIB vessels are not decorated. This is certainly not the case for area K’s assemblage. Slightly more than one of every three normal-sized vessels is covered with a slip, of which more than one third are also painted and one thirteenth have applications. This last figure increases dramatically—to one third—when the plastic decorations that are no longer attached to identifiable vessels are included in the calculation. All these decorative motifs potentially served not only to enhance the beauty of the vessels but also—as can be said of the figurines—to convey a sense of value and meaning. The extra effort and expense that went into creating this sophisticated and meaningful corpus must be not only acknowledged but also viewed as a key ingredient in interpreting the archaeological context. Finally, the presence of a few ceramic imports (5 examples), all of

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which are decorated, testify to cultural contact and again to the overall costliness of the material remains. However, their modest number suggests that the activities occurring in area K represent for the most part a local phenomenon. Faunal Remains The faunal remains from Area K consist mainly of sheep and goat (62%), ravens and crows (25%), and dogs (5%) (Oren 1993:581). The remaining 5% is divided among cattle, gazelle, equid, deer, pig, buffalo, sparrow, stork, and fish species. According to Klenck, these remains derive primarily from middens and pits, which can be further characterized by the nature of their contents, namely, ungulates in the middens and canids and caprids in the pits (Klenck 1996). Of the midden ungulates, sheep and goat appear most frequently followed distantly by cattle. The former species range in age from six months to two years, whereas the latter occur at all ages. Approximately 16% of these ungulate bones are charred—92% fully charred— with a particular high frequency present among bones near loci 8705 and 8269 in the eastern courtyard. Teeth are the most common type of bone encountered (50%) followed by those of the upper hindlimb and the feet (13% each). Butchering marks are identified on 8.5% of the midden bones. In contrast to the haphazard deposition of ungulates within midden deposits, the remains of young dogs and mature birds, specifically crows and ravens, were purposefully placed in small pits, which, when excavated, exhibited a range of completeness and articulation. Physical evidence that these animals were killed by having their necks broken is also attested (Klenck 1996:241). Faience Remains Excavations have yielded three small beads and a scarab all of faience. The manufacture of the material is, technically speaking, an innovation in Canaan during the Middle Bronze Age IIB—having been known in Egypt since pre-dynastic times—and is utilized more toward the end of the period (Kempinski 1992:201–202). To make faience, sand is molded over a core, dried, and then fired to 800°C, resulting in a semi-fired core with a glazed surface. The colors of the glaze (as in glass) derive from mineral additives. The ring-shaped beads originated most likely as part of necklaces that were worn for decorative purposes. During this time period, beads are most often found in funerary and, to a lesser extent, domestic contexts, whereas objects of faience are more specifically associated yet not restricted to tombs following Egyptian practice (Kempinski 1992:202). The scant nature

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of the evidence in area K, therefore, does not argue in favor of either of these overriding contexts, yet these associations may inform understanding of their appearance in this area. The scarab is an Egyptian amulet and seal fashioned in the form of a dung beetle, and its presence here, like that of its material composition, points to interconnections between Canaan and Egypt. Scarabs, fashioned out of a variety of stones and faience, are frequently encountered in MB IIB Canaanite contexts (Ziffer 1990:61*). Their use encompassed both talismanic and administrative purposes, and their popularity in daily life and in burial practices, is not aptly reflected in the area K assemblage. The reason for this inconsistency is more likely to lie in the particular special use of the area rather than in particular unfamiliarity with the object per se. Metallic Remains Area K excavations yielded only two examples of metallic (bronze) finds: a toggle pin and a horse bit. The pin is shaped like a nail, with a gently bulging eye in the middle, above which is an incised decoration. During the Middle Bronze Age IIB, the toggle pin was an important sartorial accessory used to fasten the robe at the shoulder and was tailored to levels of expense by the type of metal chosen—copper, bronze, silver, electrum, and gold (Ziffer 1990: *60). Specifically, a string wound round the lower portion up to the thickened eye secured the pin as it penetrated the garment. The hole of the eye provided another opportunity for fashion, namely, the suspension of a cylinder seal. The shape and decoration of the toggle pin gradually evolved during the time period from a mushroom headed undecorated pin to a nail-like pin with first an incised upper shaft and then a ribbed one, giving a beaded appearance. Toggle pins, as well as those of a second type shaped as a heavy fibula (safety pins), are most often found in burial contexts, serving the same function in death as in life. However, to account for this single pin, in a context which otherwise does not suggest burial, the most likely explanation is that the pin came loose from a garment and fell to the ground, and, as the proverbial “needle in a haystack” suggests, was not recovered by its partially derobed owner. Nevertheless, even though the deposition of the pin in area K may not have been a deliberate act, its presence does indicate that the area was home to at least some pedestrian traffic. In contrast to the quotidian pin, the horse bit represents a more exotic side of ancient life. The bit, which was found in situ in a donkey’s mouth, is comprised of three elements: a narrow rod that inserted in the mouth and (one for each end) two spiked cheek pieces shaped like pin wheels (plate

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22). The spikes protrude at the junctures of the five spokes and the outer perimeter of the wheel. The presence of spikes suggests a willingness to inflict pain in order to maintain control over the animal. This may reflect a relative wildness of domesticated equids, a lack of experience in dealing with them, or simply a preference for handling them harshly. Horse bits are extremely rare in MB IIB contexts with only one other local example from Tell el-Ajjul (Petrie 1934:555, 558, pl. XXXV; Petrie et al. 1952: 210, pl. XVII). The area K horse bit resembles closely the one from Tell el-Ajjul in that they both are composed of three discrete parts and have spiked cheek pieces. Furthermore, they are both associated with equid burials, thereby forming a deliberate part of their respective landscapes. The presence alone of such a unique artifact suggests something special about the archaeological context, how much more so in light of its relationship to an equid burial, the significance of which goes beyond both the assertion that donkeys and horses are now fully domesticated and the speculation that the horse bit testifies to the introduction of the light chariot into Canaanite warfare (Kempinski 1992:191–192). Stone Remains The stone remains are as equally sparse as the metallic ones. The assemblage is limited to two ring-shaped carnelian beads (like the faience beads, most likely originally part of necklaces), a small limestone pendant, and a dipper juglet. It is not uncommon to find carnelian beads during the Middle Bronze Age IIB; in fact, necklaces were often composed of beads of more than one material such as faience and carnelian. As mentioned above, beads are most often found in funerary and, to a lesser extent, domestic contexts and their presence here attests more to a missing or fallen bead than to the deliberate placement of a complete necklace. The zoomorphic subject of the pendant is a male goat, the depiction of which is not often encountered, yet typical enough considering the prevalence of goats in the region. The pendant most likely falls under the rubric of personal ornamentation, although the line between this and iconography is somewhat blurred. The pendant is unusual in that it is made of stone; most jewelry during this time period is composed of metals such as gold, sliver, or electrum. Stone, however, has the advantage of being readily available and relatively inexpensive. Explaining the presence of the stone dipper juglet is, however, more challenging. Fashioning such a vessel out of stone requires such great effort that this alone makes the dipper juglet special, and once completed the significant advantage in durability was most likely appreciated.

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Clay Remains Two types of unbaked clay remains have been found in area K. The first is a bulla, or clay ball, which could easily be mistaken for a clod of dirt but on closer inspection recalls parallel examples from the Near East, thereby implicating deliberate man-made manufacture. Bullae have been known to serve a variety of functions from containers for tokens (Schmandt-Besserat 1992) to stoppers in jars. In two instances, their function appears to be that of the latter. The second type is a rectangular lump of clay (avg. length is 10 cm) with a perforated top of which four examples exist (plate 23). These appear also to be deliberately manufactured, but, with few parallels and no obvious purpose, their significance remains shrouded in mystery. These unbaked clay objects remain the most difficult to comprehend, which is not surprising considering the ease with which archaeologists can overlook (and ultimately discard) them by assuming that they are just part of the earthen debris. Stratigraphic Comparisons As mentioned above, the majority of material finds from area K are from stratum IVa, the third and final MB IIB stratum. Nevertheless, enough finds have been determined to date to the earlier two strata that meaningful comparison between the three strata is appropriate.

Stratum V Excavations of stratum V have yielded 35 material finds: 18 normal-sized vessels, 11 miniature ones, 2 figurines, 2 plastic decorations, 1 horse bit, and 1 clay bulla. The number of normal-sized vessels (18) represents slightly more than 6% of the total, and these vessels are limited to just five of the known types from area K: bowls (10 examples, or 56% of stratum V assemblage), storage jars (3, or 17%), dipper juglets (2, or 11%), jugs (2, or 11%) and a cooking pot (1; or 6%). Of the ten bowls, eight are rounded and two are carinated, and only a single vessel, a jug with painted black crosshatched lines, bears any kind of decoration. The number of miniature vessels (11) represents slightly less than 9% of the total miniature ones, and, of these, nine are bowls and two are closed vessels. Four of the bowls can be further identified as carinated (1), straight flaring (1), rounded (1) and wide open (1). Remains from two anthropomorphic figurines, one of which depicts a bent arm (fig. 19), represent 29% of the total number of figurines, whereas the two plastic decorations are one each, snake and snail, representing 6% of the total snakes and 20% of the total snails, respectively. The horse bit and unidentified bulla are the only ones found in area K.

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The total number of finds from stratum V corresponds to approximately 7% of the total. With such a small percentage, it is not surprising that the repertoire is more limited and less varied than that of the whole. Nonetheless, a careful comparison between this stratum’s finds and those of the entire collection yield some interesting results. The first is that with only five types of regular-sized vessels present, the activity was of a more limited range and in certain respects more intensified (fig. 29). In particular, storage jars and jugs occur much more frequently than they do in subsequent strata suggesting greater emphasis in this phase on activities that employs these objects. Bowls and cooking pots occur slightly more frequently than in later phases, whereas the proportion of dipper juglets is more than that of stratum IVa but less than that of stratum IVb. Most startling is the absence of stands, which comprise 12% and 19% of the normal-sized assemblage, of strata IVb and IVa, respectively. This suggests that whatever activity stands were used for—and, by sheer numbers and sophistication of design, it is a significant one—most probably did not occur in this earliest phase. Also absent are oil lamps, which may either signify that lighting was achieved by other make-shift means or that most of the activity occurred by natural night, i.e., outdoors. The absence of kraters, pedestal vases, chalices, pedestal jars, and serving dishes should be noted yet is not as significant because these vessels occur relatively infrequently (< 3%) in the larger assemblage. The second point is that the relative proportion of miniature vessels to normal-sized ones is higher than that of the entire assemblage (35% for stratum V vs. 30% for entire assemblage). This indicates that miniature vessels formed an important part of behavior in area K from the very beginning not withstanding the fact that only half of the known types are present. With only six vessels that can be identified by one of the ten categories, it is probably wise not to read too much into the relative percentages that show that four of the five stratum V miniature types (rounded bowls excepted) to occur with higher frequency in this layer than overall (fig. 30). Caution is further advised in interpreting the high percentage of figurines since only eight have been found in total. The same applies to the horse bit and bulla of which these of stratum V are the only examples, although their unique roles in this early phase should not be discounted. Finally, in the realm of decorative motifs, another surprising comparison emerges. With only a single example of a painted vessel (a jug), stratum V normal-sized vessels are one-seventh as likely to be covered with a slip, and one-third as likely to be painted than overall. None bears an applied decoration, although the relative percentage of unattached plastic decorations is consistent with that of

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the larger corpus. The reason for this disparity may lie in a general unfamiliarity with the techniques at this early phase or with a reluctance to undertake the extra work involved. Another possibility is that activity in area K during stratum V neither attracted nor required the sophisticated designs that it did subsequently.

Stratum IVb Excavations of stratum IVb have yielded 149 material finds: 83 normalsized vessels, 63 miniature ones, 2 beads, and 1 plastic decoration. The number of normal-sized vessels (83) represents 28% of the total, and these vessels are limited to seven of the known types from area K (fig. 31): bowls (42, or 51% of stratum IVb assemblage), dipper juglets (20, or 24%), stands (10, or 12%), cooking pots (5, or 6%), jugs (3, or 4%), storage jars (2, or 2%), and chalices (1, or 1%). Of the forty-two bowls, thirty are rounded and twelve are carinated, resulting in the highest ratio of carinated bowls among the strata. Two of the rounded bowls bear a potter’s mark, one in the form of two perpendicular lines with a third slightly askew of one of them (fig. 9), and the other in the shape of a five-pointed star enclosing a small spiral (fig. 10). Twenty-three vessels bear some sort of decoration: ten are covered by a slip only (7 red-burnished, 3 white-slip), twelve are painted, and one is adorned by a sophisticated application of alternating zoomorphic (ram’s) heads and snail-like spirals (fig. 8). The number of miniature vessels (63) represents 50% of the total miniature ones, and, of those that can be further described (fig. 32), thirty-seven are bowls: pedestal (17, or 36% of stratum IVb miniature vessels), rounded (9, or 20%), wide open (4, or 9%), straight flaring (3, or 7%), carinated (2, or 4%), and hand-made (2, or 4%). The remainder are closed vessels: five bottles (11%), three jars (7%), and one juglet (2%). The two beads are of faience and they represent 40% of the total number of beads and 67% of those made of faience, whereas the single example of a plastic decoration, in this case an unspecified zoomorphic subject, represents just 4% of the total number of plastic decorations from area K. The total number of finds from stratum IVb corresponds to 33% of the total, more than four times that of stratum V, yet still just above half that of stratum IVa. As in the earlier level, not every normal-sized vessel types is present—seven of twelve are represented. Of these, bowls occur most frequently, down slightly from their high in stratum V yet still higher than in stratum IVa. Dipper juglets are the next most popular, with a frequency that nearly doubles that of any other layer. The most striking change from stratum V is the appearance of stands, which are significantly repre-

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sented, although not to the same degree as in subsequent stratum IVa. Their emergence in area K in finished form, coupled with their instant integration, suggests that the idea of stands may have originated and developed elsewhere before being adopted by the local population either to address an existing need or to add a new dimension to existing activity. Except for the appearance of this new vessel type, the continuity between the two levels is strong and the activity appears to be of a similar nature, albeit with some variation in emphasis (fig. 33). In stratum IVb, the high proportion of bowls diminishes slightly from 56% to 51%, and they continue to dominate the corpus of normal-sized vessels. Dipper juglets gain in popularity, compensated by sizable declines in the percentage of storage jars and jugs. The cooking pot is similarly represented, whereas a chalice makes its graceful appearance for the first time. The overall picture, however, is mainly unchanged with bowls, dipper juglets, storage jars, jugs, cooking pots, and a chalice creating an image of longer and shorter-term storage of liquids and food-stuffs, preparation to a limited extent, and distribution to individualized containers for consumption of some sort. Whereas the chalice can be viewed simply as a sophisticated variant to the drinking bowl, stands appear to add an independent dimension that fits more gingerly into the picture, yet nevertheless must surely complement it. Again the absence of five vessel types—in this case, oil lamps, kraters, pedestal vases, pedestal jars, and serving dishes—is noted, yet not interpreted as significant, except for possibly oil lamps, because these vessels (except oil lamps) occur relatively infrequently (< 3%) in Stratum IVa. Another salient characteristic of stratum IVb is found in the high frequency of miniature vessels. Whereas overall miniature vessels comprise 30% of the ceramic inventory, in this layer they make up 45% of the total, a jump of ten percentage points above stratum V, which itself is higher than overall. This suggests that the initial popularity of miniature vessels in stratum V rises in stratum IVb before tapering off in stratum IVa. The prominent role played by these vessels is appropriately reflected in the diversity of form among these vessels in which nine of the known ten types are present (only undefined cylindrical vessels are missing) and, of these, pedestal bowls and bottles are found only in this stratum. Indeed, the 17 pedestal bowls comprise slightly more than one-third of the total in this layer. As expected with the increased diversity and predominance of the pedestal bowl, the remaining vessels often occur with less frequency than in stratum V (rounded bowls and new forms excepted). Discerning whether or not these typological differences signify functional distinctions is not as readily apparent as among the regular-sized vessels, yet, at the very least, it can be said

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that open vessels are more suited to solids and closed vessels to liquids. This being the case, the relative proportion of open to closed vessels (80% to 20%) endorses a strong preference for containing solids over liquids. Finally, regarding decorative motifs, their frequency and range improve over stratum V yet they are still not quite as popular overall as in stratum IVa (fig. 34). Stratum IVb normal-sized vessels are more than five times as likely to be decorated than those of stratum V: more than five times as likely to be covered with a slip, more than twice as likely to be painted, and infinitely more likely to bear a plastic decoration—one example as compared to zero. As in stratum V, the preferred method of decoration is painting. Only in the realm of unattached plastic decorations does the percentage actually decrease from the previous stratum. The reason for this overall expansion of decorative motifs during stratum IVb reflects both on the craftsmen and on the function construed for the vessels. With the material evidence in strong support for continuity between all three strata, what most likely shifts is the willingness and ability to decorate, which boldly blooms in stratum IVb before attaining full flowering in stratum IVa.

Stratum IVa Excavations of stratum IVa have yielded 293 material finds: 198 normalsized vessels, 53 miniature ones, 26 plastic decorations, 5 figurines, 4 lumps of clay, 3 beads, 1 scarab, 1 pendant, and 2 clay stoppers. The number of normal-sized vessels (198) represents 66% of the total, and all twelve of the known vessel types are represented (fig. 35): bowls (88, or 44% of stratum IVa assemblage), stands (40, or 19%), dipper juglets (18, or 9%), storage jars (12, or 6%), cooking pots (9, or 4%), oil lamps (8, or 3%), jugs (6, or 3%), kraters (5, or 2.6%), pedestal vases (5, or 2.6%), chalices (3, or 1.6%), pedestal jars (2, or 1%), and serving dishes (1, or 0.5%). Of the eighty-eight bowls, seventy-two are rounded and thirteen are carinated, resulting in the lowest ratio of carinated bowls among the three strata. One of the rounded bowls bears a potter’s mark consisting of three parallel lines (plate 7). Eighty-one vessels exhibit some sort of decoration: forty-four are covered by a slip only (6 red burnished, 38 white-slip), thirty are painted, and seven are embellished with rim applications. The number of miniature vessels (53) represents 42% of the total miniature ones, and, of those that can be further identified (fig. 36), twenty are bowls: twelve rounded (44% of stratum IVa miniature vessels), three carinated (11%), three hand-made (11%), one wide open (4%), and one straight flaring (4%). The remainder are closed vessels: three juglets (11%), three cylindrical vessels (11%), and one jar (4%). Of the twenty-one plastic decorations, fifteen are serpentine, four

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snail-like, one zoomorphic, and one anthropomorphic. They represent 88% of the total, which are by far most common in this stratum. Figurines also are most likely to be found in stratum IVa with five of seven examples present, corresponding to 71% of the total. Of the three beads, two are of carnelian and the other of faience, and they represent 60% of the total number of beads, 100% of stone and 33% of faience. The scarab and pendant are the only ones found in area K as are the four mysterious lumps of clay. The total number of finds from stratum IVa corresponds to 60% of the total, more than eight times that of stratum V and nearly twice that of stratum IVb. In contrast to the more limited repertoire’s of the previous two strata, all the regular-sized vessels are represented, suggesting the full panoply of activity (fig. 33). As in the previous strata, bowls remain the most common, although their predominance is now less than 50% (44%, to be exact). Whereas dipper juglets are second most popular in stratum IVb, their percentage declines sharply in this stratum. In their place, stands ascend to their highest levels, representing nearly one-fifth of all regular-sized vessels. Storage jars and chalices also increase in frequency over stratum IVb levels, whereas jugs and cooking pots decrease slightly. The remaining vessels, i.e. oil lamps, kraters, pedestal vases, pedestal jars, and serving dishes, are encountered solely in this final stratum (fig. 37). Despite the greater emphasis on stands and the addition of new vessel types, the material culture gathered here suggests strong continuity with the previous two strata. If anything, stratum IVa can be regarded as an enriched, more diverse, version of stratum IVb. Activity still seems to revolve around the storage, preparation, distribution, and consumption of foodstuffs and liquids. Some of the percentage decline in bowls is made up by other types of drinking vessels such as chalices and pedestal vases, whereas the reason for the reduction in dipper juglets is not obvious, especially in light of the increased presence of their companion vessels, storage jars. The jump in stands reflects their increasing significance and integration into the activity sphere, whereas the initial appearance of oil lamps may signal the addition of interior spaces as loci for activity. Directly related to the rich and varied normal-sized assemblage is a relatively diminished inventory of miniatures. Whereas in stratum IVb miniature vessels comprise 45% of the ceramic inventory, in this layer they make up just 24%. Despite this steep drop, miniature vessels still constitute a meaningful and consequential aspect of stratum IVa behavior, as further evidenced by their diversity of forms. Eight of the known ten types are present—pedestal bowls and bottles are absent here—and, of these, undefined cylindrical vessels are found only in this stratum (fig. 38). Without the ped-

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estal vases and bottles which comprise nearly half of the total in stratum IVb, most of the other vessels (wide open bowls, excepted) occur more frequently in this latter stratum. In particular, rounded bowls are especially popular in stratum IVa. As in the previous two strata, open vessels are in the majority (in this case, 76% open and 24% closed). Finally, decoration of normal-sized vessels occurs most frequently in this final stratum, although the increase over stratum IVb is a more modest 50%. In comparing the two levels, stratum IVa vessels are nearly twice as likely to be covered with a slip only, slightly more likely to be painted, and three times as likely to bear an applied decoration (fig. 34). Whereas painted designs are preferred in the previous two strata, in this final level, covering with a slip only, especially a white one—in contrast to stratum IVb in which red is preferred two to one—emerges as the most dominant form of adornment; painting occurs roughly half as often and applications are a distant third. Such a strong preference for decoration, especially in light of the larger Middle Bronze Age context in which decoration was not emphasized, is one of the more remarkable characteristics of the Tel Haror assemblage. Again, the answer lies amidst the capabilities and motivations of the craftsmen, the latter no doubt dictated in part by their intended use.

CONTEXTUAL STUDY OF MATERIAL FINDS AND FAUNAL REMAINS For purposes of contextual analysis, area K is divided up into 19 spatial units that are based on the architectural layout discussed above (fig. 39). Moving from west to east and north to south, they are as follows: (1) Main Building (Locus 8630) (2) Passageway (Locus 8661) (3) Entryway (Locus 8603) (4) Stairs (Locus 8497) (5) Southern Courtyard (Locus 8558) (6) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), West (7) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), East

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN (8) Grave (Locus 8740) (9) Bench Room (Locus 8094) (10) North Space (Locus 8651) (11) South Space (Locus 8672) (12) Corridor (Locus 8686) (13) Space 1 (Locus 8698) (14) Space 2 (Locus 8149) (15) Space 3 (Locus 8560) (16) Space 4 (Locus 8676) (17) Space 5 (Locus 8637) (18) East of Five Spaces (19) Beyond the Walls

Each unit will be discussed stratigraphically, with the ceramic and other non-faunal material remains (“Material Remains”) presented prior to the faunal ones (“Faunal Remains”). The discussion of the latter will focus strictly on locating and identifying the species of animals that were found in area K,3 and, where applicable, their association with specific material finds. Ultimately, the goal will be to discern particular spatial and temporal patterns of behavior, which can be more easily followed by reference to scatter plots as shown in figures 40–42.

The species analysis is by J. Klenck; the locational analysis is by the author based on Klenck's raw data for Klenck's analysis concerns only three locations: the entire sacred area (except the donkey burial), the donkey burial, and a well that is not included in the present discussion. 3

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(1) Main Building (Locus 8630)

Material Remains Building 8630 is a massive mud-brick structure at the eastern edge of area K. Two storage jars were found in this building, both from stratum IVa. The first4 was found in the northwest corner of the building on the floor, whereas the second was found in a layer of fill amidst circular installation 8704, which lies in the middle of the room along the main axis. This second storage jar is covered with a white slip and a painted design of straight or wavy lines and bands in bluish-black and reddish brown (plate 12).

Faunal Remains The faunal remains from building 8630 are all from stratum IVa and were excavated in the southeastern portion of the building in two adjacent layers of fill. The species identified are raven, dog, cattle, sheep, caprid (sheep or goat), medium-sized ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (2) Passageway (Locus 8661)

Material Remains Passageway 8661 provides the only access into building 8630 through an opening in the southern wall. Only a random scattering of stones, not material remains, were found here.

Faunal Remains No faunal remains were uncovered. (3) Entryway (Locus 8603)

Material Remains Entryway 8603 lies at the southern end of passageway 8661 and provides access to the building complex from the outside. On the surface level, a stand covered with a white slip was found (plate 24). Below this, in a layer of fill from stratum IVa were found three objects: a dipper juglet, a lamp, and a miniature carinated bowl. Lying on floor level of stratum IVa were remains of three bowls, two rounded and one carinated and burnished, 4

Unless otherwise noted, assume vessels to be undecorated.

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while a cooking pot, resting on a stone slab, was found leaning against the northeastern section of the buttress.

Faunal Remains No faunal remains were uncovered. (4) Stairs (Locus 8497)

Material Remains Stairs 8497 consists of three rows of steps that lead up to entryway 8603. One bowl was found in a stratum IVa layer of collapsed fill on the eastern side of the steps.

Faunal Remains No faunal remains were found. (5) Southern Courtyard (Locus 8558)

Material Remains The southern courtyard lies to the south of main building complex 8630. The courtyard itself dips gently to the south and was found covered by mud-brick debris mixed with white plaster and broken pottery, resulting from a collapse at the end of stratum IVa. Many of the finds were recovered from this debris or in levels immediately preceding it. Although the courtyard and its installation (locus 8705) originated in stratum V, the material remains are restricted to stratum IVa, a likely result of deliberate cleaning in the area, which was performed until just before the final collapse. The finds come from two main areas of the courtyard: (1) locus 8530, a floor level, associated with stairs 8497, which is just below the western portion of the bottom step; and (2) installation 8705 at the northeast of the courtyard near the junction with the eastern courtyard. On the surface, a bowl and a storage jar were uncovered. The floor level (8530), yielded six crushed vessels and three decorative elements, all of which were lying flat on the surface. Specifically, the remains are from four bowls—three rounded (1 white slip) and one carinated (red-burnished)—one dipper juglet, one red-burnished krater, and three serpentine plastic decorations. Installation 8705 is a rectangular feature which enjoys a plethora of burnt brick and baked mud plaster. It contains a large basin with a thick mud-plaster coating that itself is filled with burned material, ashes, and oily

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organic matter. The installation was excavated in three parts: an upper layer of brick fill, a section, and a lower layer of fill. The upper fill layer yielded six bowls—three rounded, one of which was Cypriot white-painted ware and a second covered with white-slip, and three carinated, two of which are burnished—two lamps, one dipper juglet, one stopper, and one painted chalice. In the section, four bowls—two rounded and red-burnished and two carinated—one cooking pot, one zoomorphic plastic decoration, and two rounded miniature bowls were found, whereas the lower layer of fill yielded one each of a rounded white-slip bowl, stand, dipper juglet, and cooking pot, three figurines, including a zoomorphic stone pendant of a hegoat, and one serpentine plastic decoration. In total, installation 8705 contained 11 bowls, 3 figurines, 2 lamps, 2 plastic decorations, 2 miniature vessels, 2 dipper juglets, 1 stand, 1 cooking pot, 1 stopper, and 1 chalice. The total number of finds from southern courtyard 8558 during stratum IVa is 37: 16 bowls, 5 plastic decorations, 3 figurines, 3 dipper juglets, 2 lamps, 2 miniature vessels, 1 stand, 1 cooking pot, 1 storage jar, 1 krater, 1 stopper, and 1 chalice. Of the normal-sized vessels, 11 are decorated.

Faunal Remains As with the material remains, the faunal remains in the southern courtyard are limited to stratum IVa. Moreover, they too were found either right below stairs 8497 or within installation 8705. The location below the stairs is slightly east of floor 8530 where many of the material remains were uncovered. Here, a layer of mud-brick fill yielded the bones of medium-sized mammals. The remains from within the installation, the majority of which are charred, are divided between the upper layer of brick fill and the rest of the basin. The upper layer yielded bones of sheep, goats, caprids, and medium mammals, whereas, below this, the basin contained an increased quantity of sheep, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium mammal bones. (6) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), West

Material Remains East of main building complex 8630 is a relatively well-preserved courtyard that spans approximately 150–200 m2. The courtyard composed of kurkar is dotted with MB IIB pits, which by their very nature are difficult to link stratigraphically. Only when these pits and other loci can be positively assigned to an earlier stratum are they done so; otherwise, they are considered part of final stratum IVa. Because of the size of the courtyard, it has been divided into halves (west and east) for analytical purposes. The western half

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stretches from main building 8630 to an imaginary continuation of stratum IVb wall 8062. During stratum V, no architectural features are found in either half of eastern courtyard 8631. In the western half, no pits have been assigned to this level with a consequently low number (4) of finds. In a layer, subsequently disturbed by an Iron Age II pit, which adjoins the northeast corner of building 8630, a rounded bowl and a figurine with its arm bent at the elbow (fig. 19) were found, while a painted jug (fig. 20) and a snail-like plastic decoration were found in two separate layers, ash and sand, respectively, near the eastern border of this western half. During stratum IVb wall 8062 which forms the eastern border of this western half was constructed as the western wall for bench room 8094. Of greater magnitude was the erection of wall 8022 which spans the entire upper length of the eastern courtyard. Its construction effectively created a northern boundary for the eastern courtyard which previously had none. The material remains from this stratum are mainly concentrated in the center of the courtyard. The easternmost find, a rounded bowl (plate 1) is from a pit which lies near the imaginary continuation of wall 8062. In a layer of fill lying to the west of this pit, a miniature rounded bowl was uncovered, whereas slightly further west towards the middle of the western half of the courtyard a faience bead was found in a layer of pebbles. A second faience bead along with remains from three stands, one of which is painted, and a miniature bottle were found lying on a surface of a floor. All told, the western half of eastern courtyard 8361 yielded 8 finds from stratum IVb: 3 stands, 2 beads, 2 miniature vessels, and 1 bowl. Of these finds, only 1 is decorated. No architectural changes were made to the western half of the courtyard during stratum IVa, although, at the conclusion of the period, a brick wall fell, covering a large swath of the eastern half of the courtyard and projecting slightly into the western half near its eastern mid-point. Except for one surface find, the remains in this strata like those of the two above are restricted to the part of the courtyard that is opposite building 8630 and not the passageway or entry, effectively limiting the sphere of finds in the western half to the upper two-thirds of the courtyard. Beginning in the north, two storage jars were found in a layer of brick material that lay above a floor level upon which were remains from three stands, a rounded bowl covered with a white-slip, a juglet, and a seven-spouted lamp (fig. 16). A carnelian bead was found in a layer of fill nearby, whereas an ash layer that continues south to the middle of the courtyard yielded three stands (2 painted), three miniature vessels (1 juglet and 1 cylindrical), a carinated bowl

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(red-burnished), a juglet, and a snail plastic decoration. Two superimposed soil layers, also in the middle of this half courtyard, were particularly rich in finds consisting of thirteen stands (5 covered in white-slip, 1 also painted; plate 25), two snail plastic decorations, and one each, storage jar, krater, lamp, miniature vessel, and bronze toggle pin. Slightly to the south, a pit and adjacent floor level were uncovered. The pit contained a single miniature vessel, whereas a faience scarab rested on the floor. From the surface, remains from a jug and a dipper juglet were found. The total number of finds from stratum IVb are 42: 19 stands, 5 miniature vessels, 3 dipper juglets, 3 plastic decorations, 3 storage jars, 2 lamps, 2 bowls, 1 jug, 1 krater, 1 bead, 1 toggle pin, and 1 scarab. Of the normal-sized vessels, 12 are decorated.

Faunal Remains Within the western half of the eastern courtyard, the earliest faunal remains derive from three stratum IVb locations, two of which are previously mentioned in conjunction with the material finds. As is the case with the material finds, the faunal remains derive from the upper two-thirds of the courtyard, opposite main building 8630. Beginning in the north, between the bench room and the main complex, remains from medium-sized mammals were mixed into a layer of ashy fill. Towards the south, in a more central location, a layer of fill, which contained a miniature bowl, yielded remains of medium ungulates and medium mammals, whereas a floor level, containing stands, a bead, and a miniature bottle, was found further covered with the bones of caprids and medium and large mammals. The amount and diversity of bones increases significantly during stratum IVa. Here, too, many of the bones were extracted from loci that contained material finds in an area representing the upper two thirds of the western courtyard. Beginning in the upper third, near the intersection of walls 8022 and 8062, cattle and medium mammal bones were found within a layer of brick fill. South of this (yet still northerly), in the same layer of fill that produced a single carnelian bead, bones of caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large animals were excavated. Directly below this, another layer of fill yielded a similar litany of species excepting medium ungulates. Slightly to the south, near the eastern boundary, bones of medium and larger mammals were found mixed into a layer of brick fill. The central portion of the courtyard, or the middle third was more densely populated with faunal remains. An ash layer that is mentioned above to contain three stands, three miniature vessels, a bowl, a dipper juglet, and a plastic decoration was also filled with the remains of caprid,

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medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal bones. Slightly to the south, a pit with a miniature vessel and an adjacent floor level with a scarab were uncovered. The pit was additionally filled with the bones of crows, dogs, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals, whereas the floor yielded the bones of similar species, substituting ravens for crows and dogs. Finally, on the surface, scant remains of cattle and large mammals were uncovered. Overall, the stratum IVa faunal remains of the eastern courtyard (west) are modest with the following species of birds and mammals represented: crow, raven, dog, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (7) Eastern Courtyard (Locus 8631), East

Material Remains The eastern half of the courtyard extends east beyond the imaginary continuation of wall 8062 up to the topographical transition from kurkar to loess, which (albeit slightly truncated so the walls are built on kurkar) is marked architecturally in strata IVb and IVa by walls 8262 and 8213, and walls 8155 and 8213, respectively. Overall, more finds derive from this spatial unit than from any other, and unexpectedly, the majority of these are from the middle stratum, IVb. The landscape of the eastern half of eastern courtyard 8631 is bereft of architecture during stratum V except for wall 8264 of which only a small slice is preserved at the eastern edge of the courtyard. Near this wall and especially to the south, just west of subsequently constructed wall 8213, the stratum V finds are concentrated. In other words, the finds converge along the mid-section of the eastern border of the courtyard. Near wall 8264, two miniature bowls were found in a layer of fill. To the south, a floor level with six stratum IVb pits cut into it, yielded five miniature vessels—three bowls (1 carinated bowl, 1 straight flaring) and two closed vessels—and a clay bulla. In the same vicinity, there was found a very large pit (locus 8253) which is unusual not only by its size but also by the fact that it was reused during the stratum and consequently became filled with many smaller pits. Within this pit were remains from six bowls—four rounded and two carinated—three miniature bowls (1 rounded, 1 wide-open), two dipper juglets, one jug, and one cooking pot (plate 26). Below this pit and resting on bedrock, two layers of ash yielded remains from two storage jars, two rounded bowls, one miniature vessel, and one serpentine plastic decoration. The total number of stratum V material finds from the eastern half of courtyard

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8631 is 26: 11 miniature vessels, 8 bowls, 2 dipper juglets, 2 storage jars, 1 cooking pot, 1 jug, and 1 bulla; none is decorated. During stratum IVb, the eastern half of the courtyard was modified by the construction of numerous walls. Some walls delineated the northern and eastern boundaries of the courtyard (walls 8022, 8213, and 8262), whereas others carved out a rectangular room in the north (walls 8062 and 8069). Equidistant from several of these new walls, a free-standing, mudbrick installation (1 m2; locus 8269) was erected, which itself became a focal point for activity. Construction of walls also took place east of the courtyard thereby extending the eastern boundary of area K. This active phase of construction is accompanied by numerous and diverse material remains found primarily on floor levels surrounding the freestanding installation. In particular, one floor was covered with remains from 86 vessels: 33 bowls (plates 27–29)—23 rounded (5 painted, 1 redburnished, 1 white-slip, 1 potter’s mark of a five-pointed star [fig. 10], 1 snake application) and ten carinated (2 white-slip)—27 miniature vessels— 22 bowls (3 rounded, 1 straight-flaring, 1 hand-made), two jars, one bottle, and one juglet—14 dipper juglets (3 red-burnished), five stands, three cooking pots, two jugs (1 Cypriot white-painted ware), one chalice, and one painted storage jar. The remaining stratum IVb finds are from a second floor area, south of the installation and opposite wall 8213: three miniature bowls—rounded, carinated, and hand-made—and one normal-sized rounded bowl; and from a layer of brick fill 5 m to the south of the installation: two rounded bowls—one with a potter’s mark of two perpendicular lines and a third line slightly askew (fig. 9)—and a zoomorphic plastic decoration. The total number of finds from stratum IVb is 92, of which 20 are decorated: 36 bowls, 30 miniature vessels, 14 dipper juglets, 5 stands, 3 cooking pots, 2 jugs, 1 chalice, 1 storage jar, and 1 plastic decoration. Stratum IVa is distinguished by the construction of a new wall along the eastern boundary (wall 8155), which joins in a jagged manner stratum IVb wall 8213, and by raised floor levels, which obscure installation 8269. In addition, the area is filled with the remains of collapsed mud-brick walls and the crushed pottery underneath. Consequently, the finds come from a variety of loci such as floors, falls, fills, and pits, which are distributed throughout the courtyard in four main areas: (1) around the former installation; (2) south of the installation until the juncture of walls 8213 and 8454; (3) west of the installation leading to the western boundary; (4) and in a space contiguous with massive brick fall 8343 about 5 m south of the installation.

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Above the installation and its immediate vicinity, three layers of fill, two floors, a pit, and a layer of brick fall produced material remains. Within the layers of fill were two white-slipped bowls, a storage jar, and a miniature rounded bowl. Two bowls (1 white-slip) and a stand were found lying on floors, whereas a stopper emerged from a small pit dug into one of the floors. The fall, originating from wall 8155, contained three rounded bowls (1 painted and 1 with a potter’s mark consisting of three roughly parallel lines; plate 7), three miniature bowls (1 wide-open), one serving dish, and one jug. In the area just south of the installation, material remains were recovered from a layer of fill, a floor, a brick fall, a section, and three small pits. A miniature vessel was found in the fill, whereas two figurines, a bowl with an applied snail, and a serpentine plastic decoration were located on the surface of the floor. The brick fall contained a bowl, a cooking pot, a miniature bowl, and a zoomorphic figurine depicting the head of a ram (fig. 18). The section yielded a single find, namely, a stand covered in a white-slip with a zoomorphic application (fig. 14), and the three pits produced a total of five finds: three miniature vessels (1 rounded, 1 hand-made), a regularsized bowl, and a carnelian bead. In a zone stretching west of the installation to the boundary dividing the two halves of the courtyard, material remains derive from three superimposed loci. The earliest (lowest) locus, a layer composed of brick material, produced two rounded bowls with white-slips. Above this, a floor level was littered with a concentration of remains: four miniature bowls (2 handmade, 1 rounded), two stands, one of which is painted (fig. 13) and the other a white-slip bowl that rested on top, two rounded bowls, one of which is covered with a white-slip, a pedestal vase, a chalice with a herringbone pattern application, a storage jar, and a plastic decoration in the shape of a snail. This floor was, in turn, covered by a layer of brick fall, amidst which a painted bowl was ensconced. The southwest corner of the eastern half of the courtyard is dominated by the extensive remains of brick fall 8343. The fallen bricks lie parallel to and opposite the passageway of the main building complex. The fall itself and, below it, a section and two layers of fill yielded a small inventory of material finds. The fall and the section both produced single examples of rounded bowls, one of which is an import from Cyprus (red-on-black ware). The layers of fill contained remains from five bowls—one rounded and two carinated, both red burnished—and a cooking pot (plate 14). The total number of finds from stratum IVa is 58, of which 17 are decorated: 21 bowls, 14 miniature vessels, 5 stands, 4 figurines, 2 cooking pots, 2 storage

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jars, 2 pedestal vases, 2 plastic decorations, 1 chalice, 1 serving dish, 1 jug, 1 dipper juglet, 1 bead, and 1 stopper.

Faunal Remains The eastern courtyard (east) produced abundant and diverse faunal remains during all three strata. During stratum V, these (animal) remains are concentrated in the same sector, and often the same loci, as the material finds, i.e., to the west of the existing portion of wall 8264 and of the not yet constructed wall 8213, with a high proportion coming from within pits. Near wall 8264, two layers of fill, one of which produced two miniature bowls, contained remains from ravens, crows, dogs, goats, sheep, caprids, medium mammals, and a single example from a pig. To the south, now opposite the future site of wall 8213, a floor dotted with stratum IVb pits contained, in addition to five miniature vessels and clay bulla, the bones of crows, dogs, caprids, medium ungulates, and small, medium, and large mammals. In the same vicinity, large pit 8253 brought forth significant faunal remains in addition to bowls, dipper juglets, miniature vessels, a jug, and a cooking pot; indeed, fully one half of the stratum V bones recovered in the eastern courtyard (east) belong to this pit and smaller pits excavated within it. While crows, ravens and dogs dominate the corpus, they are especially noteworthy for their complete or near complete articulation (Klenck 1996:263). Medium birds, cattle, sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals are also attested. Faunal remains were also discovered below this pit in two layers of ash that rest on bedrock. These are the same layers which contributed two bowls, two storage jars, a miniature vessel, and a plastic decoration. The faunal remains reflect a diversity of species: ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Two smaller pits, just beyond pit 8253, yielded meager faunal remains of dogs and medium mammals. Overall, the species of birds and mammals represented during stratum V are: raven, crow, medium bird, dog, pig, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and mammals of all sizes. Stratum IVb faunal remains reflect a similar diversity of species as that of stratum V, albeit with much reduced representation. The two floors and layer of fill that produced material finds also yielded faunal remains as did an additional layer and pits. Beginning in the north near the southern wall of the bench room and west of installation 8269, meager caprovine and canine remains were excavated. A greater concentration was found on a floor level adjacent to the eastern side of the installation, stretching eastward to wall 8262. This floor, which was covered with the remains of 85

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vessels, yielded the vast majority of the bones (73%) found in the eastern courtyard (east) for stratum IVb. Ravens, crows, dogs, cattle, pig, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals are all attested in limited quantities, particularly the pig which is represented by a single tooth fragment. Directly south of installation 8269, two pits situated opposite the opening between walls 8262 and 8213 contained faunal remains. One had just a few remains of ravens and dogs, whereas the other had a more generous assemblage of ravens, particularly, as well as dogs, caprids, and medium mammals. Slightly further to the south, a second floor with the second highest count of remains (12%) was found opposite the upper portion of wall 8213. In addition to three miniature vessels and a bowl, this floor yielded remains of crows, ravens, medium birds, dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, and medium mammals. Finally, in a layer of brick fill about 5 m south of installation 8269, dogs, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals were found jumbled with the material remains of two bowls and a decorative element. Overall, the species of birds and mammals represented during stratum IVb are: raven, crow, medium bird, dog, pig, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. The number of faunal remains increases dramatically during stratum IVa to dizzying heights. Nearly 4500 bones and bone fragments (54% of stratum IVa faunal remains and 44% of all faunal remains) were excavated in the eastern courtyard (east). As mentioned, installation 8269 was covered and the opening between walls 8262 and 8213 was closed during this phase. Despite these modifications, the faunal remains continued to cluster around the site of the former installation and south of it in a zone stretching from the previous gap to alongside the northern portion of wall 8213. A third area of concentration started about 5 m south of the installation in a space contiguous with massive brick fall 8343, and smatterings of remains were found in other parts of the courtyard. Aloft the installation and its immediate vicinity, four layers of fill, three floors, a brick fall, and a pit were found to contain faunal remains. The majority of the finds are from a single layer which is distinguished by a high concentration of raven bones and a more moderate amount of dog and large mammal. The three other layers contained, in addition to a bowl and a storage jar, a jumble of raven, dog, cattle, gazelle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal bones. The floor levels also produced a moderate amount of remains from ravens, dogs, cattle, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. A miniature bowl and

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a stand were recovered from one of these floors. The fall, originating from wall 8155, contained plentiful remains of ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals, in addition to its two miniature vessels, three bowls, plate, and jug. Excavated into one of the floors, a pit, which contained a stopper, yielded caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal bones. The area just south of the installation towards the juncture of walls 8213 and 8454 is home to the highest concentration of faunal remains anywhere in area K. Here, over 2800 bones were uncovered, nearly 1700 from a single layer (locus 8430). The remains come from five layers of fill, two floors, two brick falls, two sections, and six pits, the layers of fill and the pits being the most fruitful. The species represented in locus 8430 are raven, crow, medium bird, dog, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and all sizes of mammal. This layer also contained the remains of two figurines, a bowl, and a serpentine plastic decoration. The other layers of fill contributed, in addition to a miniature bowl, remains of ravens, crows, medium birds, dogs, cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. The two floors yielded meager remains of raven, medium bird, caprids, and medium and large mammals. Amidst the brick falls more ample amounts of ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals were found in association with a bowl, a cooking pot, a miniature bowl, and a figurine. The sections made in the south of the delineated area produced faunal remains of ravens, sparrows, medium birds, dogs, caprids, and medium and large mammals in association with a stand bearing a zoomorphic application. Finally six small pits contained copious remains from ravens and dogs, in particular, and, to a lesser extent, crows, medium birds, dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and all sizes of mammals. Two miniature vessels, a bowl, a juglet, and a carnelian bead were also found in three of these pits. The third area of concentration near extensive brick fall 8343, yielded over 500 bones and fragments from three layers of fill (primarily), a floor, a layer of fallen brick, and a pit. The layers of fill contained faunal remains from ravens, crows, dogs, cattle, sheep, gazelles, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals as well as material remains of three bowls and a cooking pot. The floor produced modest examples of cattle, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals, whereas a similar quantity of cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium mammal bones were found amidst the layer of brick fall. The pit, of medium size, cuts directly into the western section of brick fall 8343. It con-

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tained a few remains from gazelle, medium ungulates, and medium mammal. In addition to these main areas of concentration, faunal remains were recovered to the west of the former installation and to the northeast. West of the former installation, a floor stretching to the imaginary border between the two halves of the courtyard yielded faunal remains of medium birds, dogs, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Covering this floor were also material finds, namely, six miniature vessels, four bowls, three stands, three pedestal vases, a storage jar, a chalice, and a plastic decoration. Above this floor, a layer of ash with a painted bowl contained slight remains of sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium mammals. Northeast of the installation, a niche carved into wall 8155 near its juncture with wall 8242, contained a few bones of caprids, medium ungulates, and medium mammals. Overall, the species of bird and mammal attested in stratum IVa are: raven, crow, sparrow, medium bird, dog, gazelle, pig, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and all sizes of mammals. (8) Grave (Locus 8740)

Material Remains Grave 8740 is the main component of a large burial complex that is situated in the north of area K on a small knoll at the juncture of kurkar and loess soil. Erected and sealed during stratum V, the burial has been excavated only minimally. Nevertheless, four finds from the chamber itself have been recovered. The first is a bronze horse bit that was found in situ in the mouth of a large equid. The jaw and the bit rested in a layer of fill at the southern quadrant of the circular grave. The second item, a ceramic figurine, was located in the eastern section of the grave, also in fill. In the south side of the chamber, in a layer above these finds, an upside-down storage jar was found with its base deliberately broken and a bowl placed within it. During stratum IVb, two protective walls (8524 and 8525) were constructed, although no finds date from this period. The walls continued in use during stratum IVa and the area remained mainly bereft of material remains save for several items that were preserved amidst or above fallen mud-brick walls. Southeast of the grave, within brick fall from wall 8207— which may itself be a continuation of wall 8524—are the remains of a rounded white-slip bowl, a jug, and a miniature rounded bowl. Both the jug and the regular sized bowl bear painted geometric designs, the former a simple pattern of a series of parallel lines, the outer ones much thicker, and

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the latter a more complex design of a band of cross-hatched lines with a thick border around the rim and perpendicular to it another series of crosshatched lines alternating with a set of two parallel lines (fig. 7). On top of the fall in what may have been a pit dug subsequent to the collapse, two rounded bowls were uncovered. In total the grave area yielded 5 items from stratum IVa: 3 bowls, a jug, and a miniature bowl, and of these finds 3 are decorated.

Faunal Remains As mentioned, the centerpiece of the burial complex appears to be dual equids, or donkeys, dating from stratum V. They have yet to be excavated so their identification is made on the basis of a few exposed elements such as jawbones. It is further believed that the donkeys are fully articulated and intact, although further excavation is needed to confirm this. A mandible of a third donkey has also been identified. Thus far, no other species is represented in the actual tomb. Outside the burial complex in the area which is protected by walls 8524 and 8525, a small amount of faunal remains were recovered from two stratum IVa levels. Both are located in the southwest corner of the area, near the juncture of the two walls. The first layer, composed of mud-bricks (perhaps a wall?), contained faunal remains from dogs, ravens, and medium and large mammals. The second, a layer of fill below the mud-bricks, produced bones from ravens, storks, dogs, and caprids. (9) Bench Room (Locus 8094)

Material Remains Bench room 8094 was constructed during stratum IVb in the northeast section of the eastern courtyard 8631. Rectangular in shape, it is open on its eastern side with two long rows of mud-brick benches in the center of the room and many niches carved into the walls. Two miniature bowls ensconced in the midst of the room’s southern wall—perhaps in a small niche—are definitely from this earlier phase. A number of other finds, particularly bowls and miniature vessels may also be from this phase, but because they were excavated with later material, they will be included among the stratum IVa finds. In stratum IVa, the room retained its original dimensions, but not its benches or niches, which were replaced as were the floors. The finds come from a variety of loci: two niches, two floors, an ash layer above a floor, and a pit. Two niches both carved into the southern wall of the room yielded

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four cylindrical lumps of clay with perforated tops (plate 23), two carinated bowls (plate 2), one jug, one lamp (plate 13), one miniature bowl, and one serpentine plastic decoration. One floor, near the northern wall, contained a carinated miniature vessel and a serpentine plastic decoration. A second floor level and a superimposed ash layer with a crush of finds significant enough to partially obstruct passage were located near the entrance to the room. Two decorated pedestal jars and a stand were found in the layer, while the floor yielded eight rounded bowls, six of which are decorated (3 white-slip and 3 painted [plate 5]), four miniature bowls—one carinated, one straight-flaring, and one hand-made—one storage jar, one faience bead, and one snake plastic decoration painted with three red dots. The pit is located in the center of the room between the central rows of benches. Inside was found a bowl decorated with a single, thick black band. The total number of finds from stratum IVa is 31, 9 of which are decorated: 11 bowls, 6 miniature vessels, 4 lumps of clay, 3 plastic decorations, 2 pedestal jars, and 1 each, stand, storage jar, jug, lamp, and bead.

Faunal Remains The bench room contained a plethora of faunal remains (1200–1300), all from stratum IVa. The remains were distributed throughout the room in many of the same loci (four floors, four niches, a layer of fill, and a pit) which yielded material finds. However, nearly 90% of the remains derive from just two floors and two niches. The first of these two floors lies in the northern part of the room and produced, in addition to a miniature vessel and a plastic decoration, remains of sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. The second floor, which was covered with a crush of finds significant enough to partially obstruct passage into the room, lies in the eastern part of the room. In addition to eight bowls, four miniature bowls, a storage jar, a bead, and a plastic decoration, this floor yielded faunal remains of ravens, medium birds, fish, dogs, red deer, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Both niches are carved into the southern wall of the room. The first yielded generous amounts of raven, crow, medium bird, cattle, sheep, gazelle, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammals’ bones. The second niche is equally bountiful with a similar emphasis on sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large animals. It adds dogs, deemphasizes crows, cattle, and gazelles, and lacks completely ravens and medium birds. The rest of the faunal remains are distributed in the west and center of the room. In the northwest corner, a pit, which contained a painted bowl,

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produced a modest amount of sheep, caprid, medium ungulate and medium-sized mammal bones. To the south, in the southwest corner of the room, a floor was littered with remains of crows and ravens, particularly, and, to a lesser degree, of dogs, sheep, caprids, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammals. Another floor in the center of the room produced a more limited amount of these identical species with the exception of large mammals. Also in the center of the room, a niche carved into one of the central rows of benches yielded a modest amount of cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium mammal bones, whereas a large niche placed in the center of the southern wall produced only solitary examples of sheep, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium mammal. Finally, a layer of fill near the niche in the southern wall contained some remains from crows, dogs, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium mammals. In sum, the species of birds and mammals represented are: raven, crow, medium bird, fish, dog, gazelle, red deer, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (10) North Space (Locus 8651)

Material Remains The north space (locus 8651) lies east of eastern courtyard 8631, beyond walls 8155 and 8213. It is bounded to the north by the continuation of wall 8022, to the south by wall 8751, and to the east by wall 8349. Activity in this area is limited to stratum IVb. Peripheral and hardly used during stratum V, subsequent architectural changes during IVa render the area’s definition stated here obsolete, replaced by a series of smaller rooms discussed below. The discernible finds from the north space derive from two pits which managed to survive despite extremely poor preservation of the area. The smaller pit, located near the opening between walls 8155 and 8213, in a reflective position vis-à-vis installation 8269, contained four items: two dipper juglets, a rounded bowl, and a miniature carinated bowl. The larger pit, located just north of stratum IVa wall 8263, lies directly opposite the opening into bench room 8094, and, since there is no evidence that wall 8155 existed this far north, it can be argued that access to the pit from the bench room was straight and unobstructed. Inside the pit, remains from thirty-one miniature vessels, two dipper juglets, and one storage jar were found. The miniature vessels can be further broken down as seventeen pedestal bowls (plate 30), four wide-open bowls, two straight bowls, two rounded bowls, two bottles, and one jar. The total number of finds, all

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from stratum IVb, is 38: 32 miniature vessels, 4 dipper juglets, 1 storage jar, and 1 bowl. None of the regular sized-vessels is decorated.

Faunal Remains Despite the poor preservation of stratum IVb activity, a small amount of faunal remains were uncovered from within three pits, a layer of fill, and a wall. Beginning in the north, amidst stones serving as a base for wall 8022, a few bones identified as belonging to dog, sheep, and medium ungulate were found. South of this, opposite the entrance into the bench room and north of IVa wall 8263, the large pit, which produced thirty-four ceramic objects including thirty-one miniature vessels, also contained raven, dog, and medium and large mammal bones. A second pit, south of the first one, on the opposite side of wall 8263, yielded more than half of the faunal remains assigned to the north space. The species identified include raven, cattle, sheep, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. In a layer of fill above this pit were found the remains of ravens, crows, sheep, and caprids. Finally, a third pit located opposite the gap between wall 8262 and 8213 contained remains of dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Overall, the species represented in the north space are raven, crow, dog, cattle, sheep, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (11) South Space (Locus 8672)

Material Remains Like north space, south space 8672 lies east of eastern courtyard 8631 and reflects activity during stratum IVb times, exclusively. As its name implies, south space lies to the south of north space, sharing walls 8213 and 8751. The south space is the smaller of the two because a corridor is carved out of its eastern flank, although it (corridor) may extend slightly into the north space as well. The southern boundary is marked by a postulated continuation of wall 8693. While no pits were found here, portions of two superimposed floors were uncovered in the northern part of the space revealing 9 finds: 5 miniature vessels (2 rounded and 1 carinated), 2 bowls (1 rounded and 1 carinated), 1 decorated jug, and 1 stand.

Faunal Remains The faunal remains derive entirely from the two superimposed floors mentioned above which contained the material finds. In contrast to the modest amount of material finds, the faunal remains were found in generous quan-

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tity, more or less evenly divided between the upper and lower floors. The species identified on both floors are raven, medium bird, dog, cattle, sheep, goat, medium ungulate, and small, medium, and large mammals. The upper floor also contained crow bones whereas the lower one yielded a single fish bone. (12) Corridor (Locus 8686)

Material Remains Corridor 8686 lies between walls 8729 and 8547 to the east of south space 8672. Although several stratum IVb loci have been defined in this area, none thus far has yielded any diagnostic material finds.

Faunal Remains Despite the absence of material finds, a single IVb floor from the center of the corridor has produced a limited amount of faunal remains from ravens, buffalo (wild ox), cattle, sheep, caprids, and medium and large mammals. (13) Space 1 (Locus 8698)

Material Remains During stratum IVa, the area east of the eastern courtyard, which had previously been divided into two large areas, was reconfigured into five separate areas. The northernmost area is space 1 (locus 8698), which is bounded by stratum IVb walls 8022 and 8349 and stratum IVa wall 8263, with an opening in its western side leading to the bench room. The area is heavily damaged, contributing no doubt to the paucity of finds, of which there has been only one so far: a dipper juglet from a layer of brick fill just above the stratum IVb pit, which yielded so many miniature vessels in north space 8651.

Faunal Remains In the northern part of space 1, a very small amount of faunal remains were recovered from the surface of a floor and within a layer of fill. The floor yielded canine and caprovine bones, whereas the fill contained remains from ravens, dogs, gazelles, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals.

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(14) Space 2 (Locus 8149)

Material Remains Immediately to the south of space 1 is space 2 (locus 8149). The room is delineated by walls 8263, 8155, and either 8349 or 8376. The southern boundary is unclear. Assuming wall 8376 in the east, the room is approximately 5 m in width and no more than 10 m in length. Despite its relatively modest size, the room contained numerous finds from its layers of brick fall, floors, fills, and niche. At the northern boundary of the room, an area between the remnants of walls 8242 and 8263 was excavated. Within this brick fill were the remains of a bowl and a stand. Spread over much of the remaining locus was fallen brick presumably from walls 8155, 8242, and 8263. Mixed into this layer were the remains from five rounded bowls, three of which are covered with a white-slip, two stands, one stone dipper juglet, and one miniature rounded bowl. Below this fall, in the northern part of the room, near walls 8263 and 8155, two superimposed floor levels were uncovered. The uppermost floor was littered with a rich diversity of finds: eleven rounded bowls—three painted and three covered with a slip (2 white, 1 red)—five juglets (plate 31), four serpentine plastic decorations, three cooking pots, two stands— one painted (plate 32) and one covered with a white slip (fig. 12)—two pedestal vases, one of which is decorated, one jug, one chalice, and one miniature rounded bowl. The lower floor yielded four finds: a bowl, a jug, a cooking pot, and a miniature rounded bowl. As a section was cleaned in the center of the space, two painted bowls were found. Finally, a niche in wall 8155 was found to contain two miniature vessels: a carinated bowl and a juglet. In total, space 2 yielded 50 material finds: 20 bowls, 6 dipper juglets, 6 miniature vessels, 5 stands, 4 plastic decorations, 4 cooking pots, 2 jugs, 2 pedestal vases, and 1 chalice. Of the normal-sized vessels, 14 are decorated.

Faunal Remains Plentiful faunal remains (more than twelve times the number from space 1) have been recovered from space 2. All of the loci mentioned above as containing material remains also produced faunal ones with the addition of a second section and a second layer of brick fall. Beginning again at the northern boundary of the room, the layer of brick fill situated between walls 8242 and 8263 yielded remains of ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. These remains are associated with a bowl and a stand. In the layer of brick fall, which was spread over much of the room and contained five bowls, two stands, one stone

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dipper juglet, and one miniature bowl, remains were recovered from dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Below this fall, two superimposed floor levels were uncovered in the northern part of the room, the upper with a rich diversity of twenty-nine material finds and the lower with just four finds. The concentration of bones, however, was greater on the lower floor than on the upper one, and, together, these two floors produced nearly half of the faunal remains found in space 2. Both floors had remains of ravens, dogs, cattle, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. The upper also had sheep bones whereas the lower added crow and small mammal bones. Also below this fall, in the center of the room, a second layer of brick fall was excavated and found to contain a limited amount of raven, dog, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium mammal bones. Cleanings of sections in the center of the room, yielded some faunal remains of ravens, fish, dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, and medium and large mammals. Finally, a niche in wall 8155 with two miniature vessels contained a few faunal remains of medium birds, dogs, cattle, and medium mammals. Overall, the species represented in space 2 are raven, crow, medium bird, fish, dog, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and all sizes of mammal. (15) Space 3 (Locus 8560)

Material Remains South of space 2 (locus 8149) is space 3 (locus 8560), which is better defined than the previous two spaces. Three walls (8213, 8454, 8376) delineate a small square room with only limited access through space 2. The interior of the room contains two additional architectural features: a large kurkar slab in the middle and a bench or a shelf along the western wall. The finds derive from three separate loci within the room. The majority came from a layer of fill in the north-central part of the room opposite the northern extent of wall 8213: two bowls—one rounded and covered with white-slip and one carinated—two stands, one dipper juglet (plate 11), one storage jar, one lamp, one miniature rounded bowl, and one serpentine plastic decoration. In the center of the room, on the floor, the remains of several stands were found, whereas in the southeast section, amidst some fallen brick, there were remains of a krater and an anthropomorphic plastic decoration. In total, space 3 yielded 14 material finds of which 1 is decorated: 5 stands, 2 bowls, 2 plastic decorations, 1 dipper juglet, 1 storage jar, 1 lamp, 1 krater, and 1 miniature vessel.

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Faunal Remains The amount of faunal remains from space 3 is slightly more than half that of space 2, with the greatest concentration coming from the southeast section of the room. Of the five loci (two layers of fill, bench, fall, and floor) that produced faunal remains, two also contained material remains. The layer of fill in the north-central part of the room which contained the majority of material finds (2 bowls, 2 stands, lamp, dipper juglet, storage jar, miniature bowl, and plastic decoration), yielded medium bird, dog, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal bones, whereas a second layer of fill in the center of the room contained scant canine, caprovine, and ovine remains. Remains also derive from the row of kurkar slabs that run parallel to and adjoin the western wall of the room. The species encountered here are raven, roe deer, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. The remains discussed thus far signify one-third the corpus from the room. The remaining two-thirds were found in the southeast corner either amidst some fallen brick or on a floor level below. In addition to a krater and a plastic decoration, remains of ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammals were found within the fallen brick, while the floor gave forth these same species, with the exception of those identified solely as medium ungulate and large mammal. Overall, the species represented in space 3 are raven, medium bird, dog, roe deer, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and all sizes of mammal. (16) Space 4 (Locus 8676)

Material Remains Further south is space 4 (locus 8676), which is also neatly confined by three walls (8213, 8454, and 8635), with the eastern extant undetermined. The room is severely damaged by a LB pit, thereby yielding only three identifiable material remains in stratum IVa. These finds—a krater, a lamp, and a miniature juglet—derive from two layers of fill and a pit located adjacent to the central portion of the western wall.

Faunal Remains Space 4 has about half the number of faunal remains and a more limited species repertoire as space 3. Scattered amidst layers of fill and fall in the northeast and central-west, these remains concentrate (> 80%) in the southwest of the room. In the northeast corner meager remains of caprids, medium ungulate, and medium mammals were found, whereas, adjacent to

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the central portion of the western wall, a layer of fill contained modest remains of dogs, cattle, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium mammals in addition to a miniature bottle. The faunal remains in the southwest corner derive from two superimposed layers of fill, and they are identified as cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. The list of species applies to the overall summation of the room, as well. (17) Space 5 (Locus 8637)

Material Remains The southernmost of the five spaces is space 5 (locus 8637). It is loosely defined by walls 8635 and 8213, with much of the room occupied by a flat platform (?) composed of ash and clay-like material. In a layer of fill above this platform, remains from a cooking pot were identified.

Faunal Remains Some faunal remains also derive from above this platform in a second layer of fill. These remains (slightly fewer than the amount in space 4) reflect the following species: raven, dog, gazelle, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (18) East of Five Spaces

Material Remains The five spaces described above (excluding space 1) occupy principally the western section of the north (locus 8651) and south (locus 8672) spaces of stratum IVb, which continued eastward to wall 8349. Although much of the eastern area is heavily damaged, it appears to have been used during stratum IVa as well. In the absence of architectural features to demarcate the area, the finds will be provenienced by their relationship to the five spaces to their west. As noted, space 1 is a likely candidate for having extended all the way to wall 8349, thus no finds are ascribed to a location opposite it. The area opposite space 2, although badly damaged by a LB II pit, contained half of the identifiable finds found east of the five spaces. In layers of fill and a single floor, sixteen such remains were unearthed. The layers of fill yielded two rounded bowls, one of which is painted, two miniature vessels, one of which is rounded, one dipper juglet, and one white-slip bowl fixture of a stand. In addition, a fragment of a vessel was found bearing an encircled x-shaped potter’s mark. Lying on top of the floor were the remains from three rounded bowls (two white-slip), two dipper juglets, two minia-

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ture rounded bowls, one white-slip bowl fixture of a stand (plate 33), one storage jar (plate 34), and one painted pedestal vase (plate 14). Opposite space 3, three pockets of finds were uncovered. The first lies opposite the northeast corner of space 3. Here a pit was found to contain a single miniature bottle. Also in the northern part of this section, but further east in what is designated corridor 8686 of stratum IVb, a second pit yielded a single rounded bowl covered with a white-slip. The third find spot is located just east of the existing portion of wall 8376. Here two layers of fill contained two bowls, one carinated and one imported Minoan red-dot, a miniature vessel, and a krater. The remaining finds east of the five spaces are located opposite space 5 (i.e., none is found opposite space 4). Here in the middle of the area, a series of four superimposed layers of fill, the uppermost brick material, yielded three miniature vessels—one rounded bowl and two cylindrical—two stands, one of which is covered with a white-slip, bearing a snake-like application (plate 10), two disassociated snake-like plastic decorations, one Cypriot red-on-black bowl, and one painted storage jar. Overall, 31 identifiable stratum IVa material finds were located in the area east of the five spaces: 9 bowls, 9 miniature vessels, 4 stands, 3 dipper juglets, 2 storage jars, 2 plastic decorations, 1 krater, and 1 pedestal vase. Of the normal-sized vessels, 11 are decorated.

Faunal Remains Bountiful faunal remains have been excavated opposite spaces 2, 3, and 5. Those found opposite space 2 were in association with the sixteen material finds mentioned to have come from this area. Distinguishing between the fills, which contained the bulk of the bones, and the floor, the former yielded bones of ravens, crows, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals, whereas the latter produced a similar litany of species excepting crows and goats. Opposite space 3, faunal remains were uncovered from three discrete loci, two of which have already been mentioned regarding material finds. The first, a pit, is located just opposite the northeast corner of space 3 and contained raven, dog, caprid, medium ungulate and medium mammal bones in addition to a miniature bottle. The second, a layer of fill, is located south of the first, to the east of the existing portion of wall 8376. Here two bowls and a miniature vessel were excavated together with remains of sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium mammals. East of the second and adjacent to wall 8547 is the third loci, a layer of brick fill, which yielded remains from ravens, dogs, buffalo, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Opposite space 5, the remains derive from a single layer of fill which

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was one of the four superimposed layers in the center of the area to yield material finds. Here, added to a serpentine plastic decoration, were remains from ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, goats, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Overall, the species represented east of stratum IVa’s five spaces are raven, crow, dog, buffalo, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and medium and large mammal. (19) Beyond the Walls

Material Remains At the eastern edge of area K, beyond wall 8349/8547, limited excavations began to expose a series of additional rooms constructed as early as stratum IVb. Opposite the northern tip of wall 8349, in what can be considered the northernmost room, large storage installations made of clay were located. Although excavations are not yet fully underway here, two probative sections, cut into stratum IVb levels, revealed seven ceramic vessels and numerous tabun fragments. The vessels are identified as two rounded bowls, two cooking pots, two dipper juglets, one of which is burnished with a red slip, and one stand.

Faunal Remains No faunal remains have yet been recovered from beyond the walls. Summary The results of the above contextual study of material finds and faunal remains are summarized in two sets of four tables (one overall and one for each stratum). The first set (tables 1, 3, 5, 7) presents artifacts and remains from all archaeological contexts, e.g., floors, fill layers, mud brick collapse, pits, and so forth, whereas the second set (tables 2, 4, 6, 8) includes only those items that derive from primary contexts such as floors, pits, and niches. As expected, the most significant change (> 50%) between the two sets of data occurs in stratum IVa where much of the material was retrieved from layers of fill and mud-brick collapse associated with the abrupt end of MB activity, particularly in the courtyards and area east of the five spaces. The one exception is the bench room, indicating that this room probably went out of use prior to the collapse, as is further suggested by the deliberate obstruction placed at its entrance. Despite the dramatic reduction in stratum IVa and the lesser one in stratum V (30% reduction)—stratum IVb has virtually no change—the evidence from “primary contexts only” accords in kind with that from all archaeological contexts; i.e., the reductions

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are in degree only. Consequently, the following analysis is based on the material collected from all archaeological contexts in order to present the fullest picture without, however, compromising spatial and functional integrity. In looking at the first table (table 1; table 2 for primary contexts only) which combines the evidence of all three strata, a general view of area K is preserved. It shows that the region of most intense activity is the eastern half of the east courtyard, followed not closely by the western half of the east courtyard and space 2 (stratum IVa), and then by the south courtyard and the north space (stratum IVb), and subsequently by the bench room, and the area east of the five spaces (stratum IVa). The dominance of the eastern half of the eastern courtyard is reflected in amount and diversity of normal-sized vessels, miniature ones, and bones. The other areas offer proportionately declining numbers and diversity with the exception of the north space which has a high representation of miniature vessels and a correspondingly low one among regular-sized ones. In general, the chart provides two avenues for analysis in addition to the area-by-area presentation above. The first is by general category (e.g., regular-sized vessels, miniature vessels, and so forth) and the second by individual vessel or species. The discussion will proceed along these lines. More than one out of three regular-sized vessels is found in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Despite such predominance in a single area, the remaining vessels are distributed throughout all but two of the areas (passageway and corridor), with significant representation in the southern courtyard, the western half of the eastern courtyard, the bench room, space 2, and east of the five spaces. Space 3 has a moderate amount of material, whereas the remaining areas, main building, entry, stairs, grave, north space, south space, space 1, space 4, space 5, and beyond the walls have only minor representation. The presence of decorative motifs follows a similar pattern, corresponding more-or-less directly with the number of vessels and not with any other independent scheme. The miniature vessels are also most heavily represented in the eastern half of the east courtyard, with more than 40% of the total. The remainder, although distributed in eleven other areas, are found in significant numbers only in the north space. Together, these two areas yielded nearly 70% of the assemblage and are equally superior in typological diversity. Area K has very few non-ceramic remains. Of the seven types, only fifteen examples exist (four with dubious identification), which are found in just five areas—south courtyard, east courtyard (west and east), grave area, and bench room. While stoppers are not unexpected accompaniments to vessels and the horse bit seems to have been deliberately included as part of

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a funerary arrangement, the remaining beads, scarab, toggle pin, and bulla (excluding the mysterious lumps of clay) are of even more limited distribution: east courtyard (west and east) and bench room. This small number and confined distribution suggests two things: first, that area K is a very specific-use site involving regular-sized vessels, miniature ones, and animal bones, and second, that the area is kept free of accumulated debris either by constant cleaning or by managed access, or both.

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As for faunal remains, they are found in every area except for the passageway, entry, stairs, and beyond the walls. Again, the highest concentration (46%, in this case) is found in the eastern half of the east courtyard, with significant representation in the bench room and east of five spaces (13% and 14%, respectively) and to a lesser extent in the south space (8%). East courtyard, west, space 2, and space 3 have more moderate representation with the remaining areas fairly light. Of the twenty species encountered, eight are very common, two common, two infrequent, and eight rare. The very common animals are ravens, dogs, cattle, sheep, caprids, medium ungulates, and medium and large mammals. Crows and goats are common, whereas medium birds and gazelles are infrequent. Rare evidence exists for sparrows, storks, fish, buffaloes, deer, donkeys, pigs, and small mammals (those identified strictly as such). The second avenue of analysis, by vessel type or species, is equally revealing. The most prevalent vessel type, bowls, are present in thirteen out of the nineteen areas, with heavy concentration (45%) in the eastern half of the east courtyard. They occur with diminished significance in space 2 (14%) and the south courtyard (11%), and to a lesser extent in the bench room (8%) and east of the five spaces (6%). The other rooms contain only small percentages of the total. The carinated bowls are found primarily in the eastern half of east courtyard and the south courtyard. Stands are present in nine of the areas, with greatest concentration in the western half of the east courtyard (44%). The eastern half of the east courtyard (20%), space 2 (10%), space 3 (10%), and east of the five spaces (8%) account for the vast majority of the remaining stands. Dipper juglets are found in ten of the areas, predominantly in the eastern half of the east courtyard (41%). Other areas with a significant presence are space 2 (15%), north space (10%), south courtyard (7%), east courtyard, west (7%), and east of five spaces (7%). Storage jars also occur most often in the eastern half of the east courtyard (31%). Of the additional seven areas with such vessels, the western half of the east courtyard possesses the next highest percentage (19%), followed by the main building (13%) and east of five spaces (13%). Of the six areas with cooking pots, the eastern half of the east courtyard is again predominant (40%), followed by space 2 (27%) and beyond the walls (13%). The entry, south courtyard and space 5 have single examples accounting for 7% each. Jugs exist in six of the areas with slightly more than a third (36%) coming from the eastern half of the east courtyard. East courtyard, west, and space 2 both yielded 18%, whereas the remaining areas—grave area, bench

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room, and south space—contain one example (9%) each. The remaining vessel types are represented by less than ten examples each, consequently curtailing the value of using percentages. Thus the absolute number of vessels will now be used instead. Oil lamps are distributed throughout six areas with dual examples found only in the south courtyard and the western half of the east courtyard. Areas with single examples are the entry, bench room, space 3, and space 4. One krater each is found in five areas: south courtyard, east courtyard, west, space 3, space 4, and east of five spaces. Pedestal Vases are present in three areas, with two examples each from the bench room and space 2, and a single example from east of five spaces. Chalices are also found in three areas, with two examples from east courtyard, east, and single examples from the south courtyard and space 2. The bench room yielded both pedestal jars, while east courtyard, east, contained the only example of a serving dish. Figurines are present in four areas: the eastern half of the east courtyard (4 examples), the south courtyard (3), the western half of the east courtyard (1), and the grave area (1). Plastic decorations, plentiful enough to justify percentages, are found in seven locations without heavy concentration: south courtyard (22%), east courtyard, west (17%), space 2 (17%), east courtyard, east (13%), bench room (13%), space 3 (9%), and east of five spaces (9%). Finally, in regard to normal-sized vessels, decorative elements (slip, paint, application) are present in twelve areas with slightly more than a third (35%) concentrated (where else?) in the eastern half of the east courtyard. The other areas with significant representation are the western half of the east courtyard (13%) and space 2 (13%), and to a lesser extent the south courtyard (10%), east of the five spaces (10%), and the bench room (9%). As mentioned above, the miniature vessels congregate primarily in two areas, east courtyard, east, and north space, with consequent concentration in regards to the individual vessel types. Rounded vessels are the most common and the most widely distributed, with examples found in nine separate areas. The highest proportion (33%) are found in the eastern half of the east courtyard, with half as many examples from east of five spaces (17%). Space 2 yielded 13%, whereas south courtyard, north space, and south space provided 8% each. All seventeen pedestal bowls are found in the north space. The remaining miniatures are present in small numbers only (six or less). Carinated bowls are found in the bench room (2), entry (1), east courtyard, east

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(1), north space (1), and south space (1). Wide-open bowls are present in north space (4) and east courtyard, east (1), while straight-flaring ones are distributed in east courtyard, east (2), north space (2), and bench room (1). All five hand-made bowls are found in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Bottles are found in north space (3) and east courtyard, west (1) and east (1). Jars come from east courtyard, east (2), north space (1), and east of five spaces (1), whereas single examples of juglets are found in east courtyard, west and east, space 2, and space 4. Finally, undefined cylindrical vessels derive from east of five spaces (2) and the eastern half of the east courtyard (1). The non-ceramic material finds are present in just five of the nineteen areas. Particularly, one stopper each has been found in south courtyard and east courtyard, east. Of the five beads, three are present in east courtyard, west, and one each in east courtyard, east, and bench room. The scarab and the toggle pin are from the western half of the east courtyard, the horse bit from the grave, the bulla from the eastern half of the east courtyard, and the lumps of clay from the bench room. Faunal remains have been found in fifteen of the nineteen areas. Those without any are the passage, entry, stairs, and beyond the walls. Of the twenty categories related to birds, fish, and mammals, thirteen are individual species and seven are broader categories. Of the bird species, ravens are the most widely distributed occurring in thirteen of the fifteen areas with animal remains. The two areas from which they are absent are the south courtyard and space 4. Crows are next in avian popularity, with specimens in seven areas: east courtyard, west and east, bench room, north space, south space, space 2, and east of five spaces. Both sparrows and storks are rare with singular occurrence each—sparrow in the eastern half of the east courtyard and stork in the grave area. The broader category of medium birds is attested in five of the areas including east courtyard, east, bench room, south space, space 2, and space 3. Small quantities of fish bones are found in three areas, bench room, south space, and space 2. Of the nine mammalian species identified, sheep are the most widely distributed occurring in thirteen of the faunal areas, absent in the grave area and space 1. Cattle and dogs are next in dispersion, with a presence in twelve areas. Cattle are absent from south courtyard, grave, and space 1, whereas dogs are not found in south courtyard, corridor, and space 4. Goats are the final species with a significant presence. Their bones are located in ten of the areas, absent from the main building, grave area, north space, corridor, and space 1.

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Gazelle, buffalo, deer, donkey, and pig occur only sporadically and in small amounts. Gazelle are found in four areas: east courtyard, east, bench room, space 1, and space 5. A few buffalo bones have been recovered from the corridor and east of five spaces, while a similarly curtailed number of red deer and roe deer occur in the bench room and space 3, respectively. Donkeys and pigs are limited to one area each: donkeys in the grave area and pigs in east courtyard, east. However, while the donkeys are the dominant presence in their location, the pigs are barely intimated in theirs. The broader categories reflecting mammal bones that cannot be more precisely identified all have significant representation throughout the site except one. The most widespread are the bones of medium sized mammals. They are found in all fifteen areas which contain faunal remains. Large mammals and caprids (either sheep or goat) are not far behind with fourteen areas of distribution each. The former are not present in south courtyard, while the latter is missing from south space. Medium ungulates are slightly less widespread, found in thirteen areas, excepting grave area and corridor. Only small mammals possess a limited range, with a presence in just four areas: east courtyard, east, south space, space 2, and space 3. Finally, brief mention will be made again of the individual areas, noting the more salient features only. The main building, passageway, entry, and stairs are relatively bereft of material finds and faunal remains suggesting that these are areas of limited activity or carefully cleaned or both, with the possible exception of the bowls and deliberately placed cooking pot in the entry. The south courtyard reflects greater activity regarding regular-sized vessels, particularly bowls, whereas the western half of the east courtyard adds animals to its varied ceramic inventory, which is heavily focused on stands. Excavations in the eastern half of the east courtyard leave no doubt that this was the central locus for activity with a completely dominant inventory of regular-sized and miniature vessels and faunal remains. Bowls and dipper juglets together with rounded and hand-made miniature vessels are especially popular here, whereas the faunal remains are distinguished by their sheer numbers as well as breadth of species. In contrast to the rich diversity of the eastern courtyard, the grave area is remarkable for its singular emphasis on the equids buried therein. The absence of much material finds, save for the bronze horse bit and the intentionally broken, upside-down storage jar with bowl inside, which are essentially part of the funerary arrangement, serve to highlight the importance of these buried animals in this area.

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The bench room is another area for a fair amount of activity, emphasizing perhaps animals more than ceramic vessels, of which bowls are the most prevalent. This is also home to the mysterious lumps of clay with perforated tops. What north space lacks in diversity, it makes up in intensity with a high proportion of miniature vessels including all known examples of pedestal bowls. South space has none of this emphasis on miniature vessels yet bears some distinction for its concentrated exploitation of animals. The slight remains from the corridor reflect a clean passageway rather than a settled locus of activity. Space 1 is similarly bereft, although this may be best attributed to the poor excavation conditions than to events during the MB IIB. Of the five spaces, space 2 is the hub of the greatest activity, with a high concentration of regular-sized vessels, particularly bowls, and an adequate amount of bones. Activity diminishes as one travels the rooms southward until space 5 of which the remains attest to only a modest amount of faunal activity. The intensity picks up again in the area east of the five spaces where a respectable amount of ceramic vessels both regular-sized and miniature is complemented by a significant proportion of faunal remains. In regions excavated thus far beyond the walls, the amount of remains is small with no faunal remains. Whether this precipitous decline indicates a change in activity or simply a lack of excavation is not clear.

Stratum V The results of the stratum V contextual study are summarized in the second table (table 3; table 4 for primary contexts only). Of the eight areas known to be in use during this time, only three bear any kind of non-architectural remains: both halves of the eastern courtyard and the grave area. Of these, the most intensely utilized is the eastern half of the east courtyard. Its remains are vastly superior in number and diversity making the following analyses by general category and individual type somewhat repetitive. Seven out of ten regular-sized vessels from stratum V are found in the eastern half of the east courtyard with the remainder divided between the western half and the grave area. The miniature vessels are even more limited in circulation with a presence only in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Non-ceramic finds and faunal remains are also found in the eastern half of the east courtyard as well as in the grave area. It should be noted that while faunal remains occur in a significant number, their percentage of the entire (faunal) corpus is roughly equivalent to that for stratum V’s vessels. In other words, the ratio between material finds and faunal remains is consistent during stratum V with that overall.

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The second avenue of analysis, by vessel type or species, is similarly redundant. Bowls, the most common of the vessel types, are present in all three areas, although with greatest frequency in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Storage jars have the second highest frequency with two examples from the eastern half of the east courtyard and another from the grave area. Dipper juglets and jugs are next with two examples each. The former is found exclusively in the eastern half of the east courtyard, whereas the latter is split between both halves. Figurines also occur in a pair, this time divided between the eastern half and the grave area. The single example of a cooking pot comes from the eastern half, whereas the plastic decoration and decorated vessel emerge from the western half. Not present during this stratum are stands, oil lamps, kraters, pedestal vases, chalices, pedestal jars, or serving dishes. With miniature vessels occurring only in the eastern half of the east courtyard, all those that can be further identified will of course occur here also. Those present are one example each of rounded, carinated, wide-open, and straight-flaring bowls. The two non-ceramic finds occur in separate locations: the horse bit in the grave and the bulla in the eastern half of the east courtyard. The faunal remains occur in these same two areas. With the exception of donkeys which are found in the grave, the remaining faunal species or categories are present exclusively in the eastern half of the east courtyard. They are: raven, crow, medium bird, dog, pig, cattle, sheep, goat, caprid, medium ungulate, and small, medium, and large mammal. Of these, ravens and dogs are most numerous and derive principally from within large pit 8253 (including the many smaller pits contained within it). Not present in this stratum are sparrow, stork, fish, buffalo, gazelle, and deer. Again, brief mention will be made of the individual areas and their salient features. The main building, passageway, entry, stairs, and south courtyard are bereft of material finds and faunal remains suggesting that these are areas of limited activity or carefully cleaned, or both. Activity involving regular-sized vessels commences in the western half of the east courtyard and grave area, whereas a full-range of activities involving regular-sized vessels (especially bowls), miniature ones, and animals (especially ravens and dogs) occurs only in the eastern half of the courtyard. The grave in contrast has a particular focus on the donkeys buried therein.

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Stratum IVb

The results of the stratum IVb contextual study are summarized in the third table (table 5; table 6 for primary contexts only). Thirteen areas are known to be in use during this time, and, of these, seven yield non-architectural remains. They are east courtyard, west and east, bench room, north space, south space, corridor, and beyond the walls. The most broadly used is the eastern half of the east courtyard, followed by north space, with south space attracting more particular intensity. The other areas are much more modestly employed. As in stratum V, the overwhelming majority of regular-sized vessels derive from the eastern half of the east courtyard. In this case, the ratio is precisely three-fourths, with the remainder distributed in four additional areas, especially beyond the walls (8%) and north space (7%). The miniature vessels concentrate in two—north space and east courtyard, east—of the five areas in which they occur, whereas the two non-ceramic finds are located exclusively in the western half of the east courtyard. The faunal remains, also distributed in five areas, converge in south space (67%) with much of the remainder emanating from north space (15%) and east courtyard, east (12%). The ratio of material finds to faunal remains is greater during stratum IVb than overall, suggesting a mild stratum preference for activities involving ceramic vessels vis-à-vis those involving animals. Analysis by particular vessel or species again alludes consistently to three principal areas: east courtyard, east, north space, and south space. Bowls, the most popular vessel type, are present in all five areas with regular vessel remains, yet are severely localized (86%) in the eastern half of the east courtyard. The other four areas contain only small percentages of the total. Dipper juglets are present in just three areas, with greatest concentration in the east courtyard, east (70%), and reduced consolidation in north space (20%) and beyond the walls (10%). Stands occur in four areas, with half the amount in the eastern half of the east courtyard. The western half of the courtyard accounts for an additional 30% with the remainder evenly divided between south space and beyond the walls.

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Five cooking pots occur in just two areas, east courtyard, east (3), and beyond the walls (2); three oil lamps are apportioned between east courtyard, east (2), and south space (1); two storage jars are split between east courtyard, east, and north space; and finally, single examples of a chalice and a plastic decoration emerge from the eastern half of the east courtyard. Decorative elements, like regular-sized vessels in general, are primarily found in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Single examples prevail in the western half, south space, and beyond the walls. Not present during this stratum are oil lamps, kraters, pedestal vases, pedestal jars, serving dishes, and figurines. As mentioned, the miniature vessels congregate primarily in two areas, east courtyard, east, and north space. The most common type during this stratum is the pedestal bowl of which all seventeen examples derive from a single pit in north space. Rounded bowls are the most widely distributed, occurring in all four areas with vessels that can be specifically labeled: east courtyard, east (4), north space (2), south space (2), and east courtyard, west (1). The five bottles are spread among three areas, south space (3) and one each in both halves of the east courtyard, whereas all four wide-open bowls are from north space. The three examples each of straight-flaring bowls and jars are inversely divided among east courtyard, east (1 straight-flaring, 2 jars), and north space (2 straight-flaring and 1 jar), while the only example of a juglet lies within east courtyard, east. The two non-ceramic finds, beads, are found in the western half of the east courtyard. Faunal remains have been found in five areas: east courtyard, west and east, north space, south space, and corridor. Of the bird species, ravens are the most widely distributed occurring in all areas (with faunal remains) save for the western half of the east courtyard. Crows are the only other particular species of bird with representation in three areas, excluding the western half of the east courtyard and the corridor. The broader category of medium birds is attested in two areas, east courtyard, east, and south space. Evidence for fish is found in south space only. Of the six mammalian species identified, sheep and cattle are the most widely distributed occurring in four of the five areas, absent in the western half of the east courtyard. Dogs are next in dispersion, with a presence in three areas, excluding the western half of the east courtyard as well as the corridor. Goats are found in two areas, east courtyard, east, and south space, while buffalo and pig are meagerly represented in one area each, the corridor and east courtyard, east, respectively.

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Except for small mammals, the broader categories of mammals are well represented in the areas with bones. Medium and large mammals occur in all five areas, while caprids and medium ungulates are present in four each. The former absent from south space and the latter from the corridor. Not present in this stratum are sparrow, stork, gazelle, deer, donkey, and small mammal. Once again brief mention will be made of the salient features of individual areas. As is the case during stratum V, the main building, passageway, entry, stairs, and south courtyard are bereft of material finds and faunal remains, implying either limited activity or conscientious cleaning, or both. Light activity of a general nature commences in the western half of the east courtyard, including deposition of beads by perhaps an unsuspecting passerby. The eastern half of the courtyard again appears to be a central locus for activity but not with the same crushing dominance as in stratum V. The emphasis here is on regular-sized vessels, especially bowls and dipper juglets, and to a lesser extant on miniature vessels. Although activity involving faunal remains, particularly of ravens and dogs, is attested, it is at best subsidiary. The grave area is devoid of material finds and faunal remains during stratum IVb, which is not unexpected considering that the grave is already sealed and that walls were erected specifically to protect the area from encroaching activity. More surprisingly, the bench room is nearly as bare, explained perhaps by the twin forces of restricted access and scrupulous maintenance. North space bears distinction for its concentration of deliberately deposited miniature vessels, including all extant pedestal bowls, whereas south space is the primary locus during stratum IVb for activity involving animals. The species or categories most prevalent are ravens, dogs, and caprids. The corridor and beyond the walls exhibit modest amounts of activity only. The former involving animal bones and the latter regular-sized vessels.

Stratum IVa The results of the stratum IVa contextual study are summarized in the fourth table (table 7; table 8 for primary contexts only). Fifteen areas are known to be in use during this time, and, of these, all but one—the passageway—yield non-architectural remains. Once again, the eastern half of the east courtyard demonstrates the broadest range of intense activity, followed by space 2, and then by east of five spaces, east courtyard, west, bench room, and south courtyard. Space 3 is the final area with evidence for sustained activity, and, together these seven areas account for nearly all

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(94%) of stratum IVa’s portable finds. Again, the chart will be further scrutinized along the lines of general category and individual type. Regular sized vessels are found in all fourteen areas with material finds. For the first time, however, the eastern half of the east courtyard surrenders its supremacy regarding these vessels. This honor belongs instead (just barely) to space 2. While these two areas—space 2 and eastern half of east courtyard—account for nearly 40% of the total, four other areas possess significant quantities: south courtyard (15%), east courtyard, west (15%), east of five spaces (10%), and bench room (9%). Space 3 has a moderate amount of material (6%), whereas the remaining areas, main building, entry, stairs, grave, space 1, space 4, and space 5 have only minor representation. Decorative motifs again correspond roughly with absolute number of vessels. The miniature vessels are most heavily concentrated in the eastern half of the east courtyard, with nearly a third of the total. The remainder are distributed in nine other areas, especially east of five spaces (20%), bench room (13%), space 2 (13%), and east courtyard, west (11%). It is worth noting that space 2 and part of east of five spaces are situated in the same location as north space of stratum IVb. Nonetheless, the extreme concentration of miniature vessels achieved during the previous stratum is not matched here as the distribution is more diffuse. Non-ceramic remains encompass just five types and eleven individual examples, including four mysterious lumps of clay. These remains are found in four areas: bench room, east courtyard, west and east, and south courtyard. Faunal remains are distributed throughout twelve areas, absent from the passageway, entry, and stairs. The highest concentration is found in the eastern half of the east courtyard (47%), followed by beyond the walls (18%) and the bench room (17%). Together these three areas comprise more than 80% of the faunal remains. The analysis by vessel type or individual species reveals an increasingly complex picture in which the eastern half of the east courtyard maintains its overall prominence. Bowls, the most popular vessel type, are present in ten out of fourteen areas with regular vessel remains. They are not as concentrated in a particular area as in the previous stratum, rather the eastern half of the east courtyard (24%) holds only a slim margin over space 2 (23%), with south courtyard (18%), bench room (13%), and east of five spaces (10%) contributing significant portions as well. The other four areas contain only small percentages of the total.

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Stands occur in seven areas, with nearly half the amount found in the western half of the east courtyard and much of the remainder divided among the eastern half of the courtyard (13%), space 2 (13%), space 3 (13%), and east of five spaces (10%). Dipper juglets are spread among eight areas, with nearly a third concentrated in space 2 and much of the rest equally apportioned in south courtyard, east courtyard, west, and east of five spaces (16% each). Storage jars are allocated in seven areas, with moderate concentration in the western half of the east courtyard (25%) and diminished consolidation in the main building (17%), east courtyard, east (17%), and east of five spaces (17%). Nine cooking pots are distributed in four areas, space 2 (4), east courtyard, east (2), entry (1), south courtyard (1), and space 5 (1); eight oil lamps span six areas with two each found in south courtyard and east courtyard, west, and singular examples from the entry, bench room, space 3, and space 4; six jugs are apportioned among five areas, space 2 (2), east courtyard, west and east, grave, and bench room. Five areas each yield a single krater, south courtyard, east courtyard, west, space 3, space 4, and east of five spaces, whereas five pedestal vases are found in three areas, east courtyard, east (2), space 2 (2), and east of five spaces (1). One chalice is found in each of three areas: south courtyard, east courtyard, east, and space 2. Both examples of pedestal jars emerge from the bench room, while the only serving dish occurs in the eastern half of the east courtyard. Figurines are present in two areas: the eastern half of east courtyard (4) and south courtyard (1). Plastic decorations, plentiful enough here to justify percentages, are found in seven locations: south courtyard (24%), space 2 (19%), east courtyard, west (14%), bench room (14%), east courtyard, east (10%), space 3 (10%), and east of five spaces (10%). Decorative elements are present in ten of the areas with nearly a quarter (24%) in the eastern half of the east courtyard. The other areas with significant representation are space 2 (20%), east courtyard, west (17%), south courtyard (16%), east of five spaces (16%), and bench room (13%). Finally, it should be noted that all known regular vessel types are represented during this stratum. Of the thirty identifiable miniature vessels from stratum IVa, nearly half (14) are rounded bowls. These are spread among six areas with four examples from east of five spaces, three each from east courtyard, east, and space 2, two from south courtyard, and one each from the grave area and space 3. Hand-made bowls are found in east courtyard, east (3), and the bench room (1); carinated bowls in the bench room (2) and entry (1); one

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wide-open bowl in east courtyard, east; and one straight-flaring bowl in the bench room. Single examples of juglets are distributed among three areas, east courtyard, west, space 2, and space 4; cylindrical vessels among two areas, east of five spaces (2) and east courtyard, west (1); and a single jar from east of five spaces. Pedestal vases and bottles are absent from this stratum. The non-ceramic material finds are present in just four of the fifteen areas. One stopper each is found in south courtyard and east courtyard, east, whereas one bead each derives from east courtyard, west and east, and bench room. A scarab and a toggle pin are from the western half of the east courtyard and the four lumps of clay from the bench room. Faunal remains obtain from twelve of the fifteen areas. Those without any are the passage, entry, and stairs. Of the avian species, ravens are again the most widely distributed occurring in ten of the twelve areas with remains. The two areas from which they are exempt are the south courtyard and space 4. Crows are next most popular, attested in five areas: east courtyard, west and east, bench room, space 2, and east of five spaces. Both sparrows and storks occur in this stratum but scarcely, with singular occurrence each—sparrow in the eastern half of the east courtyard and stork in the grave area. The broader category of medium birds is witnessed in four areas, east courtyard, east, bench room, space 2, and space 3. A few fish bones are uncovered in the bench room and space 2. Of the nine mammalian species identified, dog and sheep are the most widely diffused, with occurrence each in ten of the twelve faunal areas, the former absent from the south courtyard and space 4 and the latter from the grave area and space 1. Cattle and goat are next in dispersion rate with a presence in nine areas each. Cattle are missing from south courtyard, grave area, and space 1, whereas goats are not found in the main building, grave area, space 1, nor space 2. Seldomly and in small quantities do the remaining species of mammals occur, i.e., gazelle, deer, buffalo, and pig. Gazelles are present in four areas: east courtyard, east, bench room, space 1, and space 5. Remnants of red deer and roe deer are encountered in the bench room and space 3, respectively, whereas traces of buffalo and pig are found in just one area each— buffalo in east of five spaces and pig in east courtyard, east. The only species present in area K not attested during this stratum is the donkey. The broader mammalian categories all have significant representation except for small mammals. Caprids and medium mammals occur in all twelve areas with faunal remains. Medium ungulates follow with only one absence in the grave area, and large mammals are not far behind with ab-

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sences registered for only the main building and south courtyard. In contrast to these wide dispersions, small mammals are confined to just three areas: east courtyard, east, space 2, and space 3. Once again, the individual areas will be summarized according to their most noteworthy characteristics. The main building, passageway, entry, and stairs are relatively bereft of material finds and faunal remains indicative again of limited activity and/or careful cleaning, with the possible exception of the bowls and deliberately placed cooking pot in the entry. The south courtyard and east courtyard, west, reflect much greater activity regarding regular-sized vessels, particularly bowls in the former and stands in the latter. Excavations in the eastern half of the east courtyard again confirm the centrality of this area for whatever activities occurred in area K. Sharing dominance among regular-sized vessels, this area demonstrates unrivaled superiority regarding miniatures and faunal remains. Bowls are especially prevalent among regular-sized vessels, while the faunal remains are distinguished by sheer numbers, range of species, and particular emphasis involving ravens, dogs, caprids, and medium mammals. Although the grave area shows little evidence of use, the bench room indicates a fair amount of activity in all spheres, with particular employment of bowls and caprids. This is also residence to the intriguing lumps of clay with perforated tops. Of the five spaces, spaces 1, 4, and 5 are relatively bereft of material finds and faunal remains, no doubt arising as in the case of space 1 to poor preservation and/or as in the other spaces to absence of traffic and to cleaning. It should be remembered that a platform comprises much of space 5. Space 3 has a modest amount of activity linked primarily to regularsized vessels such as stands, whereas space 2 possesses far more material culture and faunal remains than the other four spaces combined, leaving no doubt that of the five this is the center for operations. Space 2 is particularly noted for its high number of regular-sized vessels of which bowls are dominant, although significant ratios of dipper juglets and cooking pots also prevail. The faunal remains are less impressive in amount, yet, nevertheless, show a preference for sheep and caprids. Although not dominant in any particular category, the area east of the five spaces provides evidence for a solid and balanced range of activities of which bowls, dogs, and caprids are integral.

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TEST AGAINST ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES With the presentation of the data from area K now complete, it is fitting to test the site against the archaeological correlates for ritual behavior previously elucidated. The correlates are relisted below, followed by a succinct determination and explanation of whether or not evidence exists to support the specific criteria. (1) Rituals may be performed in special locations, either natural (e.g., mountain top, cave) or man-made (e.g., building). Yes. Area K lies on a gentle rise which is elevated over the rest of the site. In addition, the main building complex may be identified as a temple. (2) These special locations may be set apart from other areas of activity. Yes. Natural wadis lie to the west and south of area K. In the earliest phase, the main area of occupation was confined to the kurkar outcropping, preserving a sort of natural demarcation between bedrock and loess soil, whereas in subsequent phases, a northern wall was erected, which confined much of the area except for the precedent grave. Only to the east is evidence for clear demarcation absent. (3) These areas may reflect a particular richness and craftsmanship of materials, artifacts, and structures. Yes. The ceramic inventory includes an array of vessel types and sizes from diminutive to quite large and an exceptionally high proportion of decorated vessels. The faunal remains impress with sheer numbers (nearly 10,000 bone fragments) and variety of species. The structures are not well-enough preserved to signify. (4) Adjoining and within these special locations, there may be patterns of increasing exclusivity. Yes. The main building complex is small and could only admit a limited number of people simultaneously. Moreover, the building possesses an entry and passageway which further restrict access. The bench room is also small with consequent curtailed capacity. In contrast, the courtyards are much more open and expansive. (5) Within the sacred precinct, there may be structures and artifacts used for ritual purification. No such evidence is present.

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN (6) If a building is included in the area, its architecture may be distinct and reflect a conspicuous public display, including highly decorative portals to symbolize the transition between sacred and profane. Yes. The structure of the main building complex is reminiscent of other “monumental symmetrical temples” in Israel, Jordan, and Syria during the Middle Bronze Age (A. Mazar 1992: 166). While the portals are not well-enough preserved to gauge the richness of decoration, its thick walls certainly imparted a weighty appearance. (7) Special facilities (e.g., altars, hearths, benches, favissae) may be used to perform certain tasks. Yes. Many such facilities exist. Hearths are found in the eastern courtyard and (one) in the temple. A basin (or altar) lies just east of the stairs and another altar is identified in square installation 8269. Benches and niches occur throughout the bench room and along walls 8155 and 8213, whereas numerous pits interpreted as favissae are scattered throughout the area, particularly in the eastern courtyard. (8) To induce and participate in religious experience, celebrants may employ a variety of aids: texts, music, images, inanimate and animate objects, fire, water, food, drink, and narcotics, etc. Yes. Although not all such aids are attested, many indeed are. The assemblage of regular-sized vessels testifies strongly to the storage, preparation, and consumption of food-stuffs and beverages, whereas the hearth implicates the use of fire. Figurines may serve as sacred images, and the preponderance of faunal remains, many charred or with cut marks, leaves little doubt that animals were deliberately and systematically employed. (9) Special garments may be worn. No. The only evidence pertaining to clothing is a single toggle pin which suggests nothing about the fastened garment. (10) Within the special precinct, there may be a high concentration of symbols, including repeated symbols (redundancy). Yes. Symbolic representation is embedded within numerous plastic decorations and applications, particularly among the snakes which occur most frequently.

THE SACRED AREA AT TEL HAROR (11) The symbols may have specific associations with particular deities worshipped. No. The figurines are too incomplete to associate them with particular deities, whereas the snakes appear to have nonspecific supernatural qualities. (12) The association with transcendent power(s) may be reflected in cult image or other aniconic representation (e.g., standing stones, or massevot). Yes. Despite the absence of a true cult image, this association may have been transmitted through anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines as well as more loosely through snakes. (13) Special movements of propitiation, prayer, adoration, or blessing may be reflected in depictions. No such depictions are present. (14) Sacrifices and offerings (e.g., human, animal, plant, liquid) may be brought. The necessary equipment may include knives, basins to collect blood, area for burning, incense vessels (for smoke and perfume), votive vessels, libation vessels, and loaf pans, etc. Yes. This is emphatically attested in several ways: first, by a vast number of animal bones; second, by concentrations of burned material within and near the basin and altar; third, by hearths; fourth, by manifold stands that are often interpreted as incense vessels; fifth, by a very large presence of miniature vessels, which are interpreted as votives; and sixth, by a high number of drinking vessels, many of which are decorated. (15) Other portable equipment such as lamps may be employed. Yes. However, they are used on a modest scale only, with one particularly distinguished by its seven spouts. (16) The overall structure and material assemblage may reflect a greater investment of wealth than elsewhere. Yes. The area K assemblage is distinguished from those of other Middle Bronze Age sites by a high frequency of stands, miniature vessels, and figurines and by a high ratio of decorated vessels. However, comparison between area K and other areas of Tel Haror is currently not possible because the latter are not yet sufficiently exposed.

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ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN (17) Nearby the special area, there may be areas for baking and craft production or holding pens to supply ritual needs. Yes. An unusual amount of large storage installations in the easternmost portion of area K (“beyond the walls”) suggests either a kitchen or store room.

In summary, thirteen of the seventeen correlates have been positively demonstrated. They have not been achieved, however, to the same degree. Very strong evidence exists for two of them: the presence of special facilities (#7) and sacrificial offerings (#14). Good evidence supports eight of the correlates: a special location that is set apart (#1 and #2), enhancement of artifacts and structure, the latter with a distinct architectural style (#3 and #6), spiritual aids (#8), symbols with redundancy (#10), aniconic representations (#11), and overall investment of wealth (#16). Much weaker support occurs for patterns of increasing exclusivity (#4), portable equipment (#15), and support facilities (#17). The remaining four correlates draw insufficient archaeological support. They are ritual purification (#5), special garments (#9), identification of particular deity (#11), and special movements (#13). Some of these absences may be accounted for by future excavations or by reinterpretation of the evidence e.g., perhaps the performance of ritual purification required simply regular bowls filled with water. Nonetheless, most of the main arguments in favor of cultic identification are present in area K. There is abundant evidence for symbolism, separation of sacred and profane, enrichment of the sacred, attention focusing devices, and human participation and propitiation. The absence of other evidence (i.e., that of the unsupported correlates) does not so much detract from this identification as render elusive some key components, namely, which particular deity (or deities) was (were) worshipped and what physical movements and gestures on the part of the celebrants did such worship entail. The question remains whether or not the evidence from area K supports an alternate hypothesis. Upon quick consideration, however, such a contention must be rejected. The structures and installations do not readily address residential, palatial, agricultural, industrial, commercial, administrative, or general mortuary needs. In short, there are no houses, no palace, no fields, no craft installations, no market stalls, no large storage rooms, no treasuries, and no regular graves to be found among area K’s buildings. The material finds and faunal remains—donkey burial excepted—point specifically to the preparation (including slaughter), serving, and consumption of food-stuffs and beverages as well as burning of incense (if that indeed is what the cult stands were used for). Such activity does occur residentially

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(including palaces) as well as in commercial eating establishments. As residences (and palaces) have been ruled out on account of architecture, this leaves the possibility of a restaurant. Besides the fact that restaurants are not attested during the Middle Bronze Age, it is unlikely that a regular eatery would require the decorative elaboration and recurrent use of symbols not to mention equid burials that are present here. There remains the possibility, however, that this was a very special dining place. In other words sustenance is being provisioned, but under divine auspices. Thus, although consideration of alternate explanations does not raise formidable opposition to the cultic hypothesis, it does compel recognition of the alimentary and nourishing character of cult behavior at Tel Haror. In conclusion, it is hereby asserted by weight of evidence that area K is indeed a cultic zone. As a consequence, its attendant structures, installations, material finds, and faunal remains must be interpreted accordingly. However, before embarking on this endeavor, the model will be additionally applied to a variety of MB Canaanite sites that may potentially be considered cultic. Such further testing will serve a dual purpose of exercising the model while augmenting the body of MB cult practice in Canaan.

4 ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN The goal of this chapter is to expand the investigation of the Middle Bronze Age cult to include all currently attested sacred areas throughout Canaan. The discussion here will be based solely on published accounts and will encompass thirteen sites that have been endorsed as cultic in character. As was the case for Tel Haror, no a priori assumptions regarding the sacredness of a particular site will be made; rather, the relevant data will be presented and then tested against the model of archaeological correlates employed above. The sites for consideration stretch from Hazor to Beit Shemesh (Givat Sharett), and from the Mediterranean coast to just beyond the Jordan River. Arranged from north to south, they are as follows: Hazor, Nahariya, Tel Kitan, Megiddo, a village near Kfar Rupin, Tell el-Hayyat, Tell el-Farah (North), Shechem, Kfar Shemaryahu, Gezer, Nahal Rephaim, Manahat, and Givat Sharett (fig. 43). Brief mention should also be made of seven sites that are not included in the list although they may possess artifacts or even architecture often associated with cultic practice. They have not been included for one of two reasons: either (1) insufficient documentation or (2) insufficient context, i.e., the artifact(s) appear(s) to be relatively isolated. The sites include Ader, Ashkelon, Tel Gerisa, Tel Hebron, Lachish, Tel Mor, and Shiloh. In two instances published accounts are insufficient. The first is a building “reminiscent of Syrian temple plans” (Albright 1924a:10) at Ader that was encountered during surface survey. Unfortunately, urban expansion in the 1920’s removed nearly all trace of this building and associated altar (?) and monolith before excavations could reliably establish their nature or date (Albright 1934:14). All that remains is a highly speculative sketch map made during survey (Kochavi 1993:36). The second is a sanctuary on the slope of the MB rampart at Ashkelon. Within one of its storerooms, a silver calf was found inside a “pottery vessel in the shape of a miniature religious shrine” (Stager 1991:25). While the calf and miniature 121

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shrine have received ample treatment in the literature (Stager 1991, 1993), the presumed sanctuary has yet to be fully described. In the remaining instances, isolated objects or small assemblages have been recovered that by themselves may bear cultic significance yet lack general contexts to further this association. The first example is a single cuneiform tablet found in a room of a building at Tel Hebron amidst ashes, animal bones, potsherds, and bulla (Ofer 1993:607). The Akkadian inscription includes a list of sheep and goat entries that may be interpreted as sacrificial offerings (Anbar and Na’aman 1986–87). The second example from Tel Gerisa is a bronze figurine with right arm raised that recalls similar images of a smiting Canaanite deity (Reshef) (Herzog 1983:56). The figurine was found in a pit together with a storage jar, juglet, and bowl that was dug into the floor of a mud-brick building believed to be a palace (Herzog 1993:482). The remaining instances occur at Lachish (Inge 1938:244; Ussishkin 1993:899), Tel Mor (M. Dothan 1960:124, 1993a:1073) and Shiloh (Finkelstein 1988:216–7, 1993:1366–7) where small collections of artifacts and (in one case) faunal remains, ostensibly cultic in nature (e.g., stands, miniature vessels, zoomorphic bowl, decorated vessels, and jewelry), have been recovered. These objects may perhaps hint at more substantial cultic activity, particularly in light of subsequent developments at Lachish and Shiloh, but this remains conjectural at best (see Finkelstein 1985:163).

HAZOR The largest settlement in Bronze Age Canaan, Hazor lies in the Upper Galilee, 14 km north of the Sea of Galilee and 8 km southwest of Lake Hula, at the crossroads of several branches of the ancient Via Maris. Initial soundings were made by J. Garstang in 1928 followed by four seasons of excavations (1955–1958) conducted by Y. Yadin on behalf of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, with a subsequent season in 1968. Yadin spread his team throughout the lower and upper tells in an effort to gain broad coverage over this large site as well as some depth. Both the lower and upper cities yielded MB IIB levels (strata 4–3 and XVII-XVI, respectively), attesting to an active urban setting. Among the manifold structures encountered, Yadin identified three separate temple buildings that were not connected in any way to each other and that reflected different architectural traditions. He likened the first (in Area F) to the double-temple at Amman airport, the second (in Area H) to a broadroom type, and the third (in Area A) to a migdal temple. The results of these excavations have been published in a series of preliminary reports, final publications, (edited first by Yadin [1958–1961]

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 123 and then by A. Ben-Tor [1989] and Ben-Tor and R. Bonfil [1997]), general publications (Yadin 1972, 1975), and interpretive studies. Renewed excavations directed by A. Ben-Tor, on behalf of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Complutense University at Madrid, commenced in 1990 and continue until today (Ben-Tor 1993). These have been published in preliminary fashion with slight incorporation into the recent Hazor V volume (Ben-Tor and Bonfil 1997). They have been particularly important in the redating of the Area A temple from MB II to LB I. The first so-called temple occurs in Area F, which is situated in the eastern section of the lower city (Yadin 1993:596). Yadin’s reinterpretation—he originally identified it as a palace—was inspired by the discovery at Amman of a “hitherto unknown temple plan” (Yadin 1972:96), which bore resemblance to both the LB structure in area F and the large MB structure below it. The MB IIB building (fig. 44), resting atop filled cave shafts, is rectangular (23 by 46 m, externally), with very thick walls (2.5–3 m). The northern wall is especially thick (5.5 m) because of an attached internal platform below where a well-built drainage channel was found. The building’s corners are aligned along the cardinal points of a compass, and access was gained through a vestibule along the western (long) wall, leading directly into two rooms, one behind the other (Yadin 1972). Symmetrically flanking these rooms were identical units composed of a central court surrounded on three sides by rooms, small and large. As a result of this symmetry, Yadin argued in favor of a “double temple” dedicated to two deities (Yadin 1972:97), despite the absence of any substantial material finds associated with the building. The second alleged sacred area occurs in area H, lying at the perimeter of the lower city, just inside the northern earthen rampart. Altogether four superimposed buildings were found, the earlier two—one MB IIB, the other LB I—were identical in plan as were the later two, which date to LB II and LB III (Yadin 1972:75). The MB IIB building (20.5 by 18 m), oriented roughly northwest-southeast, was erected on top of a specially prepared platform near the foot of the rampart, which necessitated deep foundations (1.5 m). The building (fig. 45) is composed of a large broadroom (13.5 by 8.9 m), a passageway (3 m wide) and an entrance hall made up of a central room (4.9 by 4.3 m) and two identical flanking rooms or towers (2.7 by 4.25). The exterior walls are 2.3 m thick whereas those of the interior are just 1.5 m thick. Smooth beaten clay served as the floor on top of which rested, although not in situ, two 0.5 by 0.5 m basalt capitals, which suggest a

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roof of some sort. Door sockets in the southern part of the passage indicate the presence of a double-winged door, opening inward. A niche was carved into the back (northern) wall of the main chamber, protruding 1 m beyond the rest of the wall. It measured approximately 4.0 by 2.3 m. Two basalt ashlar slabs served as steps leading to the actual entrance along the southern wall. On the other side of these steps were the remains of raised platform 3.2 m wide, beyond which stood a large, open court paved with a fine pebble floor, almost resembling a mosaic (Yadin 1967:250). Again, very few artifacts were recovered from this early level—this is in sharp contrast with the subsequent LB I phase—although perhaps some of the objects found in the LB I building were initially used during the MB IIB, e.g., a bronze plaque depicting a man, or prince, in a benedictory posture that on stylistic grounds is dated to the MB IIB (Beck 1983). The third postulated location for MB cultic activity is found in the center of the upper city, in area A. Here, ensconced within the palace precinct, although its exact relationship is unclear due to subsequent leveling operations (Ottosson 1980:60), was a structure (fig. 46) composed of a single, rectangular room, measuring 16.2 by 11.5 m (externally) with mud-brick walls 2.4 m thick that rest on a stone foundation. Oriented east-west, the entrance lay in the west, and a raised brick platform (4.8 by 1.5 m) rested on the opposing, rear wall. Both the platform and the walls were covered by painted plaster. There was no evidence for towers flanking the entrance or for columns to serve as roof supports. Recent stratigraphic evidence, however, suggests that the building was not erected during the MB II, but rather during the LB I atop two preceding LB I floors (Bonfil 1997). The possibility remains that an earlier MB II temple did exist, but this can only be determined by future excavation below the current temple (Bonfil 1997:97). As a result of this redating, the temple in Area A will not be included further in the analysis of MB II cult sites in Canaan. The remaining two areas were tested individually against the list of potential correlates with support ranging from weak to moderate in favor of a cultic identification. In the weakest instance, area F exhibits just three correlates: special location (building), distinct architecture, and special facilities. The large rectangular building is clearly of a public nature, and, in some respects, such as being a square set of rooms built around a central courtyard, does resemble the temple at Amman (Hennessy 1966:158), although in other respects it differs, e.g., two clusters of rooms as opposed to one. The internal platform counts as a special facility.

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 125 Better support exists for area H, although it too is modest with just five correlates attested. In this case, they are the same three as area F with the addition of increasing exclusivity and separate setting. In this case, a large public building is encountered bearing strong resemblance to other monumental symmetrical temples in a number of ways: elevated platform, thick mud-brick walls atop stone foundations, central longitudinal axis, clearly marked niche opposite the entrance, towers flanking the entrance, and porticoed roof. It differs in that its main room is broad rather than long. Special facilities are attested by an external platform and large niche set into the rear wall. The building of area H is the only one of the three to be surrounded by a large courtyard, and its pattern of increasing exclusivity is marked by this expansive eastern courtyard and relatively small interior which has its access regulated not only by its small size but also by doors. In summary, the archaeological evidence attests weakly in one instance and modestly in the other to MB IIB cultic activity at Hazor. In area F, where the evidence is weaker, the case in favor is further challenged by the presence of underground drainage tunnels, which are more likely associated with a residence or palace than with a temple (Dunayevsky and Kempinski 1973). Moreover, Yadin’s claim that a superimposed LB I building with a similar square plan is also a temple suffers from a similar lack of corroborating evidence. For the other area, however, the modesty of the support is strongly buttressed by the plethora of LB I evidence that attests to cultic activity. The reason that this evidence is meaningful and perhaps even dispositive is that very strong continuity exists in this area between the MB IIB and LB I when a second phase of the building is constructed along an identical scheme. The lack of more MB IIB material remains to support cultic identification, therefore, may be viewed as resulting from the strong continuity rather than from some other type of activity.

NAHARIYA In 1947, I. Ben-Dor (1950) working for the Mandatory Department of Antiquities claimed to have found an MB II sanctuary 800 m to the north of the tell of Nahariya and 9 km north of Acre. The sanctuary is situated on the coast of the Mediterranean opposite a sweet water spring which may have been at one time on land, although currently it is 2 km from the shore. Seven years later, M. Dothan (1956) conducted three more seasons of excavations, under the auspices of the Israel Department of Antiquities, concentrating on the area to the south of the building that Ben-Dor had previously uncovered. While affirming the overall sacred character of the site, Dothan reinterpreted Ben-Dor’s temple as a building auxiliary to an open-air shrine

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(Dothan 1981). The first excavation has been published in its entirety (BenDor 1950), whereas the subsequent seasons appear in preliminary fashion only (Dothan 1956, 1981, 1993b), yet with enough detail to provide a good overview of the site. The following description of the site and finds combines the results from both sets of excavations. Of the three phases (A-C) discerned in the settlement, the earliest (A) dates to the MB IIA and the latter two (B-C) to MB IIB. Each phase is marked by significant changes to the building and circular structure, interpreted by the excavators as a high place (bamah). During phase A, the settlement consisted of a flat area elevated slightly above its surroundings, on which stood an almost square building (6 by 6 m) with a circular feature abutting its southern wall (fig. 47). Only the shallow stone foundations of the square structure survive, whereas the circular structure (6 m in dia.) consists of a mélange of rubble, pebbles, and stones laid directly on the kurkar and saturated with an oily matter. The finds derive mainly from the area of the circular structure, from a refuse heap found to the north and west in what was probably a courtyard, and, to a lesser extent, from the poorly preserved floor of the square structure. These finds include a plethora of miniature vessels (bowls, jars, jugs, and so forth), seven-cupped bowls, cooking pots, a painted jar filled with metal scraps, other vessels decorated with combing, lamps with multiple nozzles, and animal bones of goats, sheep, and cattle. In phase B, the earlier square structure was abandoned and covered by an expanded circular structure (14 m in dia.) composed of rubble, sand, and stones and smeared again with an oily matter. In fact, the foundations of the square building were incorporated into a supporting framework for the enlarged circular structure which had its center now placed directly above the previous center of the square structure (fig. 44). A flight of three steps was added, leading from west to the center (and apex) of the structure. Two additional structures were constructed near this circular structure: a solid pilaster and a small, fenced platform made of large slabs of stones, next to which a foundation deposit of silver and bronze figurines was uncovered. To the north, a new and larger building was constructed, which consisted of a single rectangular hall (13 by 8 m, exterior, with walls 1 m thick), oriented east-west, with the entrance in the south and perhaps more doors in the west and north. Several preserved column bases attest to the presence of a roof, or at least a partial one. Miniature vessels again predominate the list of finds to which are added stands many of which were double-tiered with windows and handles, cooking pots, carinated bowls, knobbed bowls, jugs, juglets, seven-cupped bowls, seven-cupped lamps, zoomorphic figurines

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 127 (sheep, bulls, monkeys, doves), anthropomorphic figurines (mainly female, casts and plaques), stone molds, beads some in the shape of animals, weapons including a bronze ax, jewelry (earrings, pendants, and toggle pins), Hyksos scarabs, shells, and animal bones, mainly goat but also sheep, cattle, and chicken. Many of the vessels are decorated including some with potter’s marks and others with white decoration typical of Tell el-Yahudiyah ware. The courtyard yielded numerous hearths filled with cooking pot fragments and animal bones, whereas the floor of the building consisted mainly of charred wood, bones, and decomposed organic matter. In the final phase (C), the building was enlarged while the circular structure was elevated and reduced in size (fig. 44). The building’s foundations were widened and lateral rooms were added to the main hall. The room to the west (room 1-A) contained the same kinds of materials as the main room, whereas the room to the east (room 2) contained a hearth, numerous fragments of cooking pots, large quantities of ash, reddened walls, and a circular silo, which may in fact date to phase B. These findings led the excavator to conclude that this room had been used as a kitchen (Ben-Dor 1950:16). Two additional small rooms (3–4) adjoined the kitchen to the north. They contained only small amounts of ceramic sherds. Meanwhile, the circular structure became smaller as a result of the continual rising of the surrounding floor level. The center of the structure was further emphasized by the addition of two parallel walls, perhaps part of a rectangular structure, the remains of which are 4 m in length and 75 cm high. The finds from this phase are similar to those of the previous one with the notable additions of small metal anthropomorphic figurines, mainly female, and casting molds for a miniature weapon and for a nude woman with a pair of horns emanating from her head. Significantly, two silver horns similar in shape to those of the mold were also found separately in a jar, indicating that casting was done on the site itself (Dothan 1981:77). The uppermost ceramic finds included Cypriot ware indicating that the site was abandoned during the initial phases of the LB I (Dothan 1956:22). When tested against the proposed list of correlates, the evidence supports a strong case in favor of a cultic identification of the settlement. Of the seventeen correlates only five are not attested: increasing exclusivity, ritual purification, distinct architecture, special garments (although they were certainly fastened as suggested by toggle pins), and special movements. The remaining twelve correlates are all well attested, beginning with a special natural location opposite a sweet water spring that is also isolated from other areas of activity, in this case 800 m from the larger settlement. The area reveals a particular richness of remains and craftsmanship as evi-

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denced by the unusual vessel forms (seven cupped bowls and lamps and fenestrated stands) and figurine shapes as well as by the large number of miniature vessels and decorated vessels. Special facilities abound such as hearths in the courtyard and room 2 of the building. The fenced in large stone slabs are interpreted as an altar, whereas the large circular structure is identified as a special platform known as a high place, or bamah. Experiential aids involving images, fire, food, and drink are indicated by the numerous ceramic and metal figurines, ceramic vessels, and hearths. The figurines and molds further testify to a high concentration of symbols, especially repeated symbolic use of doves and human forms. These figurines particularly the female ones may reflect a cult image and the pilaster an aniconic one. In particular, the horned nude female for which the mold and horns exist, is identified with the deity Asherath-Yam (Asherah of the Sea), the chief goddess of Ugarit and seafarers (Dothan 1993b:1092). Animal sacrifices and other offerings are richly attested by numerous faunal remains, incense stands, miniature (votive) vessels, miniature weapons, hearths, ashes, charred wood, organic material, and oily residue on the bamah, which accumulated either as the result of poured oil (Dothan 1956:23) or burned fat (Ottosson 1980:100). Numerous lamps, including special seven-cupped examples, illustrate the presence of portable equipment. The investment of wealth at the settlement is much greater than the typical MB II site, as indicated by the number of miniature vessels, stands, jewelry, and figurines as well as by the use of silver, which is extremely rare during this time (Ben-Dor 1950:26). Finally, ritual needs are supplied by the building itself which is interpreted not as a temple but rather as a dwelling for religious functionaries to live, eat, and entertain guests (Dothan 1981:80). In addition, the stone molds and their figurines suggest the presence of artisans who both created and distributed their images at the site, and may also have occupied the dwelling. In summary, the archaeological evidence strongly attests to the presence of a sacred area at the coastal settlement 800 m north of Nahariya, composed of an open-air shrine with a bamah, altar, and auxiliary building. This last is not accepted as a temple (contra Ben-Dor 1950) because of the large amounts of accumulated debris within the structure, the presence of multiple doorways, and the absence of an internal niche or platform to rest a cult image. The material assemblage is distinguished by a large number and variety of miniature vessels, figurines, and cult stands which are all categorically tied to ritual activity, and the majority of data conforms so well with this cultic association that alternative hypotheses are rendered hollow.

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TEL KITAN On behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, E. Eisenberg directed five seasons of excavation at Tel Kitan, which lies on the western bank of the Jordan River about 12 km north of Beit-Shean. Rising slightly above the river bank, the tell was partially uncovered from its center to southern edge, revealing three MB II strata. Of these, the earliest (MB IIA) is devoid of architecture, while the other two (MB IIB) each feature a relatively significant structure identified by Eisenberg as a temple on the basis of design and attendant remains, including a female sculpted stone and other standing stones. Although Eisenberg suggests the possibility that the sacred area extends back in time to the MB IIA (1993b:880), the discussion of cult at Tel Kitan as presented in preliminary form is strictly confined to the MB IIB (and subsequent LB) strata (Eisenberg 1977, 1981; Saltz 1977). In the earlier (stratum V) of these MB IIB strata, the purported temple stood in the middle of the tell (fig. 48), enclosed by a ring of houses that have a number of infant jar burials under their floors (Saltz 1977:4). This centrally located, eastward facing building, measured 5.5 by 6.9 m, with a nearly square hall (4.3 by 4.6) and with two antae and pillars flanking the entrance. A few mud-bricks remained above the carefully constructed stone foundation, whereas, inside the hall, benches adjoined the walls and four pillar bases sat on the floor. Only a few ceramic sherds were encountered, which were dated but not identified typologically (Eisenberg 1977:78). In a courtyard east of the temple, a row of standing basalt and limestone stones separated by three small empty pits stood directly opposite the building at a distance of 5 m. The middle stone depicted in form a naked woman, her breasts cupped in her hand, and at whose foot rested a cooking pot (Saltz 1977:4–5). Two additional standing stones were found behind this row and slightly elevated. During the next stratum (IV), a newly designed, much larger building (11.5 by 14.3 m) was constructed in a manner that preserved the remains and orientation of the earlier temple and the standing stones as well (Eisenberg 1977:78–79; Saltz 1977:5). The new building (fig. 45) had thick mud-brick walls built atop a stone foundation, and its entrance lay in the center of the eastern wall, which was also the widest (2.6m). The floor is mostly eroded because it had rested on a layer of fill that was higher than the external courtyard. Again the eastern courtyard featured some activity. In this case, a semicircular installation with niches and a series of hearths filled with the ashy remains of animal bones (Saltz 1977:5). In the northern corner of the fa-

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cade, a basalt slab and two rounded basalt bases were uncovered, nearby to which were the remains of four figurines with anthropoid features. The ring of houses that had previously stood was apparently pushed back during stratum IV to the southern edge of the tell. A second wall stood towards the western edge, indicating that the central structure and its environs were at least partially enclosed and, moreover, that they occupied a significant portion of the settlement (Eisenberg 1993b:881). The test against potential archaeological correlates yields moderate support in favor of a cult area at Tel Kitan. Of the seventeen potential correlates, seven receive support, one strongly and the rest adequately: special location, special setting, distinct architecture, special facilities, iconic and aniconic representations, specific deity, and sacrifices and offerings. Excellent support exists for the presence of transcendental representations, mainly aniconic but also a single example of a cult image. The evidence all comes from the eastern courtyard and includes the row of standing stones (massevot) opposite the stratum V facade, anterior massevot (V), and (indirectly) rounded basalt bases (IV). The middle stela of the nude woman is interpreted as the cult image representing a fertility goddess (Eisenberg 1993b:880) most likely identified as the Canaanite deity Asherah. The remaining correlates are attested by the central location of the temples within the tell and temenos walls erected during stratum IV, which severely limited habitation on the site by apportioning a significant amount of the site to the sacred area. Although the architectural plans of the two buildings differ, each in its own way reflects a known temple plan. The first recalls, albeit more squarely, megaron-style temples with their open porticos and opposing antae, whereas the second reflects in certain ways monumental symmetrical temples (“Syrian temples” or “migdal”) by its size, thickness of walls, and entrance along a longitudinal central axis, and building materials (stone foundation and brick superstructure). Special facilities such as benches, niches, stone slab (table?), and hearths are encountered in the eastern courtyard and in the central hall of the first temple (benches only). Finally, evidence for sacrifices and offerings is extracted from the myriad animal bones found in the eastern courtyard. In summary, the archaeological evidence moderately attests to a sacred area at Tel Kitan during MB IIB. The only alternative hypothesis with any basis, that of a residential area, is rejected on architectural grounds, e.g., private dwellings of this period do not manifest projecting antae nor do they have benches along their walls (Eisenberg 1977:80). Thus, the (moderate) strength of the support stems not from the presence of opposing, noncorroborating data but rather from the limited size and scope of the re-

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 131 mains, which most likely is due to the subsequent re-use of the area for cultic purposes during LB I. Not surprising, this later period yields a much richer and fuller material assemblage.

MEGIDDO Strategically located along the ancient Via Maris at the juncture of the Sharon Plain and the Jezreel Valley, Megiddo has been subject to a series of archaeological endeavors throughout the twentieth century. Beginning in 1903 to 1905, excavators from the German Society for Oriental Research, under the directorship of G. Schumacher, dug a wide trench through the entire length of the site. Twenty years later, archaeologists from the University of Chicago returned to the site with the stated ambition of uncovering it entirely. While their ambitious plan could not be implemented throughout the site, they did succeed in reaching bedrock in two areas, one of which (area BB) they designated as sacred from Early Bronze through Iron Ages. The outbreak of World War II hastened the end of these excavations before final questions of stratigraphy could be resolved. Since then, these uncertainties have plagued the interpretation of the site, especially the sacred area, which due to the completeness of its excavation benefits only marginally from subsequent archaeological endeavors by Israeli archaeologists such as Y. Yadin (1960–1971), I. Finkelstein (presently), and D. Ussishkin (presently). Nevertheless, published reports, especially Megiddo II (Loud 1948), as well as interpretive studies by C. Epstein (1965) and A. Kempinski (1989), do provide sufficient information to study this well-known cult area. The sacred area at Megiddo is distinguished by its duration, originating in the Early Bronze period and continuing as such through the Iron Age. This continuity, unmatched at other sites, offers scholars insight into the development of cult practice in ancient Canaan. For purposes here, it suffices to mention that the MB sacred area was built on the ruins of a previously established sacred area in the northwest quadrant of the site, with the central structure (i.e., temple or altar) elevated above the surrounding structures, especially those to the east which were built following the natural slope of the hill (Epstein 1965:205). When this rebuilding occurred is a matter of some dispute. The American excavators originally assigned this rebuilding of the temple to the final phase of the MB IIB (stratum VIII) based mainly on the assumption that this and subsequent LB/IA reconstructions must have occurred in successive strata (Loud 1948). However, there is little supporting evidence for this (Epstein 1965:215), and it would appear that the rebuild-

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ing took place earlier, either when the rest of the area was rebuilt along a single orientation in stratum XII (MB IIA; Epstein 1965) or later in stratum X (MB IIB) as soundings have suggested (Kempinski 1989:59). With such stratigraphic uncertainty, the MB sacred area will be presented in its entirety without distinctions between the strata, unless otherwise noted. The postulated sacred area is nearly square (38 by 40 m) with a casemate-wall to its west and a street to its east that separates it from the houses that border the city wall at a somewhat lower elevation. During the earlier phases, a palace stood just west of the casemate wall before being transferred in stratum X to the opposite side of the settlement adjoining the citygate. Additional structures exist along the northern and southern perimeters of the area that are not linked with any domestic structures, yet feature small square rooms which are similar in size to those in the western casemate wall. The focal point of the sacred area is building 2048 (fig. 49), which is composed of a single large room, with interior dimensions 9.6 by 11.5 m and walls approximately 4 m thick. Oriented towards the south, its entrance faces north, flanked by pillars and two towers (the east with a staircase), which were probably not part of the original construction, but added later replacing smaller cells (Kempinski 1989:182). In the center of the rear wall, directly opposite the entry, stood a niche. The building itself was erected atop an artificial ramp serving the dual purpose of covering completely earlier structures and of elevating the new building slightly above the surrounding courtyards. An incomplete list of material finds from the sacred area includes ceramic vessels such as bowls, many of which are carinated, chalices, goblets, stands, lamps, one of which is seven-spouted, kraters, and miniature vessels. Some of the normal sized vessels are decorated with painted designs such as concentric wavy and straight lines, animals (e.g., fish) or people (e.g., “water carriers”). Two sherds of bichrome ware and a chalice bearing an application composed of bulls’ heads and snakes were also found. A wide-range of figurines were also encountered with both human and animal subjects. These were composed mainly of bronze or clay, and some of the more noteworthy consist of doves, a standing woman grasping her breasts, a seated male wearing a long robe and a conical hat who holds a cup in one hand and raises the other in a gesture of benediction, and a standing male bearing a weapon (Kempinski 1989: fig. 47). According to Kempinski (1989:184), male figurines are dominant within building 2048 while female ones prevail in the courtyard. Many of these male figurines along with bronze statues were found buried in pits within the building.

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 133 Other finds include a bronze knife, serpentine ax-head, pins and toggle pins, beads, and other kinds of jewelry. Large standing stones (many 1 m high) were frequently encountered and one example of a large square stone was also present. Finally, mixed together with many of the ceramic finds mentioned above, were unspecified (and most likely uncollected) faunal remains. The test against the list of potential archaeological correlates yields strong support in favor of a cultic identification in area BB at Megiddo. Of the seventeen correlates, only two are not attested: ritual purification and special garments, although toggle pins do suggest, at least, that some kind of fastened garment was worn. The evidence for the attested correlates is as follows. Building 2048 with elevating ramp testifies to a special location (i.e., temple) for ritual performance. The area is set apart from the rest of the settlement by a casemate wall to the west, rows of rooms to the north and south, and by the change in topography and a street in the east. Richness of craftsmanship and materials is suggested by a high proportion of decorated vessels, exquisitely crafted figurines many in metal, and jewelry. Increasing exclusivity is maintained by the relative small size of the temple, which by its size de facto limits the number of people entering at any one time, and the surrounding courtyard, which could accommodate a much larger number of people. Building 2048 falls clearly into a distinct architectural pattern that is conspicuously characterized by massively thick walls and towers flanking the entrance. Grouped under the rubric of “monumental symmetrical temples” or “Syrian temples,” building 2048 exhibits features characteristic of these migdal temples such as two architectural units, central longitudinal axis with niche and entrance at opposite ends, and front towers. Accompanying special facilities are manifest in the pits (favissae) dug into the temple building filled with cultic debris, the niche in the back wall where a divine image could be set, and the large stone slab, which may have served as an altar. Experiential aids such as images, food, and drink, are attested by the presence of figurines, ceramic vessels, and discarded animal bones. The figurines also feature prominently in four other correlates: concentration and redundancy of symbols, association with specific divinity, association with transcendental power in general, and special movements. In the first case, redundancy occurs most frequently with male and female figurines and to a lesser extent with zoomorphic motifs such as birds, bulls, and snakes. In the second instance, Kempinski (1989:185–6) suggests that the Canaanite triad, El, Baal, and Asherah are represented by the figures of the older seated figurine, the armed figurine, and the fertility figurine (i.e.,

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woman grasping her breasts), respectively. In the third instance, some of the figurines, especially those identified with specific deities, may have served as cult images, whereas additional representations are manifest aniconically by numerous standing stones (massevot). In the fourth case, a single act of blessing is depicted in raised arm of the seated deity, El. Sacrificial offerings are attested not only in faunal remains but also in stands and miniature vessels which are interpreted as incense burners and votives, respectively. Lamps, including a seven-spouted example, comprise a modest inventory of portable equipment, whereas nearby storage facilities exist along the periphery. Finally, the material assemblage, particularly rich in so-called cult objects, does reflect a greater overall investment of wealth than usually encountered at other MB sites. In summary, even though Megiddo was excavated many years ago and not according to today’s standards, the retrieved data strongly attest to the presence of a sacred area in area BB during the MB IIA and B. The demarcated sacred area has as its focus a migdal-style temple with surrounding courtyard. The material assemblage is distinguished by a large number and variety of figurines which themselves can be linked to many dimensions of cult activity, and the preponderance of evidence accords so well with this cultic association that no other hypothesis is even imaginable.

A VILLAGE NEAR KFAR RUPIN In the late 1950’s a brief survey was made of small settlement, which was located in a narrow, lower terrace of the Jordan River gorge, approximately 10 km southeast of Beit Shean. The area, which was later incorporated into fishponds, was too wet for excavation but sufficiently dry for tracing the outlines of buildings and making a plan of the site as well as gathering a few surface finds (Gophna 1979:28). The open settlement consists mainly of rectangular buildings interpreted as common courtyard houses (fig. 50). The one exception is a building that is identified as a temple and likened in plan and placement to the temple at Tel Kitan (Gophna 1979:32). Centrally located, it features a nearly square main chamber (6 x 5 m) with walls twice as thick as any other at the site. Access into the room is gained from the northeast by way of an enclosed, rectangular courtyard (12 x 16m). The ceramic finds date to MB II. Publication of this site is limited to an article that appeared 20 years after the survey was conducted (Gophna 1979). The description and interpretation of the buildings is accompanied by a regional map and plan of the site. Artifacts are referred to only for purposes of dating.

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 135 Based on the brief information available, the test against archaeological correlates is, not surprisingly, weak. Of the seventeen correlates, only two receive any kind of support: increasing exclusivity and conspicuous architecture. Evidence for both is good. The enclosed courtyard serves to restrict access into the nearly square room, whereas the exceptionally thick walls attest to expensive construction while imparting a weighty appearance. Furthermore, the nearly square building does resemble in some respects megaron-type temples, although some important differences do exist such as the absence here of an open portico between antae. In summary, the archaeological evidence does not attest to a sacred area but rather to a differentiated building with an enclosed courtyard amidst a cluster of domestic-like units.

TELL EL-HAYYAT Tell el-Hayyat is a small, unfortified settlement, situated 2 km east of the Jordan River and 5 km southwest of Pella. During three seasons of excavations (1982–1985), S. E. Falconer and B. Magness-Gardiner of the University of Arizona in cooperation with the Jordan Department of Antiquities and the American Schools of Oriental Research (Amman), exposed 8% of the site. The most striking discovery—as identified by the excavators—was as a series of four superimposed temples (phases 5–2) that were successively rebuilt and remodeled during the MB II. The buildings and associated artifacts have been published in several forums (Falconer and MagnessGardiner 1989a, 1989b, 1993; Khouri 1988), the most comprehensive of which includes a detailed comparison between the finds from the temple compound and those from nearby domestic contexts (Magness-Gardiner and Falconer 1994). The so-called “temple compound” lies in the middle of the settlement and exhibits strong continuity between all four phases. The earliest phase 5 structure (MB IIA) was built atop a deliberately leveled layer of fill, and its remains consist solely of terre pisé (compacted earth) foundations in a simple rectilinear plan (7.6 by 7.6 m) with projecting anterior buttresses, or antae (fig. 51). It is oriented east-west with walls 70 cm thick. The floor, dotted with numerous shallow, pebble-lined depressions, yielded two small, flat objects resembling ox-hide ingots and remnants of a failed crucible. A low bench lined the southern wall, while a mud-brick platform with beads embedded into it stood in the northeastern corner. The building and adjoining courtyard, which yielded a corroded anthropomorphic figurine and casting mold, are surrounded by a terre pisé enclosure wall that follows the natural curve of the hill. Beyond this wall, the presence of ash, abundant faunal

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remains, and ceramic remains attest to some activity, although actual structures to house the people have yet to be encountered in this early phase. During phase 4 (also MB IIA), the main building was rebuilt in mudbrick and slightly expanded (8 by 8 m) with the same orientation and similar plan. Inset-offset niching were added along the sides and front of the building’s exterior, whereas inside, the stepped mud-brick installation and bench continued to function as did a second bench that was placed along the front wall. Just north of the entrance in the forecourt, a series of six standing river stones (0.5–1 m high) were found in front of which were additional stones lying flat on the ground. Metal objects such as points, zoomorphic figurines, tools, and jewelry, and the equipment to cast them were discovered inside the building and out in the courtyard. Cooking pots and abundant faunal remains were also found in the courtyard. The enclosure wall was slightly modified and beyond it the first traces of domestic architecture as well as a kiln were discovered. In phase 3 (MB IIB), the building was again rebuilt in mud-brick, but this time atop a single-course stone foundation placed directly on the remains of the previous structure. The newer building is about the same size as its predecessor and similar in plan except for the new buttresses which are asymmetrical (the southern one is much larger) and shifted towards the temple’s anterior corners. The larger buttress, weighty in appearance, may have accommodated a tower. The smaller one, by not increasing, preserved the setting for the phase 4 standing stones, even as the present forecourt expanded, thereby accommodating a new arrangement of standing stones in an arc in front of the doorway. A small limestone mold for casting tanged implements was discovered in the forecourt. Outside the enclosure walls, domestic dwellings with their rooms, courtyards, and adjoining alleyways continued to prevail. Ceramic and faunal remains were encountered throughout (see below). The phase 2 (also MB IIB) building exhibited the greatest expansion and modification of all the structures (fig. 52). Substantial sub-foundations were dug into the previous building, (thereby obliterating much of it) and filled with rubble to provide a base for a five-course stone foundation. The enlargement to 11 by 10 m, with walls 2 m thick, required the moving of the enclosure wall 1 m south. Newly built were three parallel single-course stone walls, extending from the building to the enclosure wall, which may have supported an asymmetrical tower (Magness-Gardiner and Falconer 1994:139). The interior walls were plastered and painted red, while a large plastered niche (2 by 1 m) was set into the center of the rear wall. At the south end of the plastered courtyard surface, a basalt “column drum” (30

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 137 cm in dia. by 30 cm in height) stood isolated, as earlier standing stones went out of use. It is interesting to note that shallow floor depressions of the same diameter as the column drum occur in phases 4 and 5 attesting perhaps to its earlier use. As in previous levels, faunal remains and ceramic finds (including a cache of miniature vessels and lamps buried just outside the entry) abound both inside and outside the enclosure, while the outer domestic units continue to function as well. Operating under the assumption that the enclosure wall demarcated a sacred area that included a temple and courtyard within and houses without, the excavators analyzed a range of material in an attempt to expose any type of depositional patterning (Magness-Gardiner and Falconer 1994). Specifically, they compared faunal, floral, and ceramic remains from three areas, temple interior, temple courtyard, and domestic areas, during three phases, 5–3. Phase 2 was excluded because much of the surface was damaged by later, particularly Byzantine, activity. Some of the highlights of this analysis are presented below. The faunal analysis demonstrated that four species composed approximately 95 percent of the identifiable bones: sheep, goat, pig, and cattle. Of these, sheep and goats dominate the temple assemblage, particularly within the building, whereas outside the walls, the majority of bones are divided between sheep, goats, and pigs. The ratio of goat to sheep is highest inside the temple. As for particular body parts, the temple interior has the highest frequency of foot bones, whereas the courtyard and domestic areas yield higher frequencies of limb and trunk bones. Chronological trends demonstrate increasing use of sheep and goat, particularly in the temple between phases 4 and 3, the rising consumption of pig in domestic contexts, and the decreasing use of cattle everywhere. The floral evidence recovered from water flotation indicated the presence of three categories of cultigens: cereals (barley, wheat, einkorn, emmer, oat, and rye), legumes (pea, lentil, bitter vetch), and fruits (olive, fig, and grape). Of these, cereals predominate domestic areas with increasing frequency, whereas the temple interior and courtyard exhibit equally high frequencies of cereals in the earlier two phases before declining sharply in phase 3, in favor of fruits. Legumes show no clear trend. Fruits recovered in domestic contexts are evenly distributed between all four taxa, whereas those from the temple area are overwhelmingly fig. The ceramic assemblages of all areas are dominated by three categories of vessels: cooking, storage, and serving (including bowls). Smaller samples (1–3% of total) exist for jugs, miniature vessels, crucibles, and lamps. While no divergent trends in quality or typology appear between temple and do-

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mestic contexts, some temporal distinctions do appear such as a gradual increase in cooking and serving vessels concomitant with a decline in storage vessels. The preponderance of evidence culled from all four phases—justified by strong continuity—offers very good support in favor of a sacred area at Tell el-Hayyat. Overall, ten of seventeen potential correlates are attested, with overwhelming support for the correlate, “separate setting,” which is plainly indicated by an enclosure wall and reinforced by manifold examples of material patterning as elaborated above. Most of the other correlates are well attested. The stratified series of four buildings indicate that activity occurred within a special location, whereas the distinct architectural plan incorporating an open portico between antae and a nearly square cella falls into a well-known tradition of megaron-type temple architecture, particularly reminiscent of the earlier structure at Tel Kitan (see above). Special facilities are attested in the interior of the temple by benches, a niche in the back wall, and a stepped mud-brick installation, which is interpreted as an altar. Niches are also found along the exterior of the entry and additional receptacles exist in the flat-lying stones in front of the standing stones of phase 4. Numerous examples of cooking, storage, and serving vessels testify to the use of experiential aids particularly in regards to food and drink, whereas offerings and sacrifices receive corroboration in the form of miniature vessels (votives) and abundant faunal remains, particularly sheep and goat to the exclusion of pig. Standing stones (massevot) are identified as aniconic representations, while the potential for a cult image resides in the anthropomorphic figurine and casting mold. The remaining three correlates are more weakly attested. The evidence for increasing exclusivity rests in the physical constraints of such a small building compared with the larger surrounding courtyard, whereas a few examples of oil lamps comprise the corpus of portable equipment. Finally, evidence for craft production (a kiln) is found outside the sacred area as posited, in this case a bit farther away on the slopes of the site, but also, as at Nahariya, within the precinct itself (primarily tools and equipment for casting metals). To sum up, therefore, the archaeological evidence attests well to the presence of a sacred area at Tell el-Hayyat during MB IIA and B, centered around a sequence of megaron-style temples with surrounding courtyards that are separated from the rest of the site by a temenos wall. All the data collected accords with this contention, while no other alternative hypothesis comes even close to achieving this degree of concurrence.

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TELL EL-FARAH (NORTH) Tell el-Farah (North) lies on a rocky ridge, 11 km northeast of Shechem, on a road stretching from Nablus to Tubas. Nine seasons of excavations (1946–1960) were conducted at the site, under the auspices of the École Biblique et Archéologique Française in Jerusalem and directed by R. de Vaux. In the densely occupied, northwest section of the site, De Vaux encountered a subterranean chamber, filled with unbaked brick debris, which he characterized as “an underground sanctuary, apparently connected with a temple above, which has been entirely destroyed” (De Vaux 1967:375). This interpretation was influenced primarily by the presence in the chamber of suckling pig bones (Sus scofra), which recalled an underground cella at Alalakh (stratum V) that was dedicated to a chthonic deity for whom pigs were customarily sacrificed (De Miroschedji 1993:438). The sanctuary has been published by J. Mallet (1987) who supports de Vaux’s rendering of the room’s function, despite making many stratigraphic adjustments. The carefully constructed, subterranean room at Tell el-Farah is rectangular (4.8 x 3.6 m) and extends to a depth of 2.6 m. Its thick walls (1–1.4 m) have only an inner face which is plastered as is the floor. Three distinct strata were identified on the basis of interior alterations (Mallet 1987:102– 106). In the first (earliest) stratum, a low soil bench stretched along the western wall and a large storage jar was found embedded at an angle into the soil. Interior alterations of the second stratum include raising the floor and reducing the low bench to half its size. The angled jar continued in use and contained a vase and bowl as well as bones of an embryonic pig (Sus scofra) and a small ruminant. Additional ceramic and faunal remains were uncovered along the north wall. These include two bowls and bones of suckling pigs (same species). In the third stratum the floor was again raised, completely obscuring the low-lying bench, and a new bench was constructed along the southern (long) wall. The angled jar was also covered, its place now occupied by a stone-lined pit (0.8 m deep). Most of the remains were found on either the floor or the new bench, including a lamp (floor), two complete dipper juglets (bench) and fragments from several others (bench). A few sherds were also recovered from the pit. Finally, despite De Vaux’s hypothesis regarding a related superstructure, the question of access into this room and its relationship with the surface remains obscure, perhaps wooden steps descended from above. The test against the archaeological correlates yields moderate support in favor of a cultic identification. Of the seventeen correlates, six receive support: special location, special craftsmanship, special facilities, experiential aids, sacrificial offerings, and portable equipment. Evidence for the first

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five is modest based (in order) on the subterranean nature of the room; the extra care taken in constructing the chamber; the non-contemporary benches and favissae (large storage jar and pit); the few bowls, dipper juglets, and vase; and the faunal remains of pigs. The last correlate is weakly attested by the presence of a single lamp. In sum, therefore, the archaeological evidence moderately supports the identification of a sacred area at Tell el-Farah (N) during the MB IIB. This view is enhanced somewhat by the rejection of several competing hypotheses (Mallet 1987:105). For example, the soil is too permeable to permit a cistern, the chamber too carefully constructed to suggest a storage room, and, finally, completely devoid of human remains and funerary objects to substantiate a tomb.

SHECHEM Ancient Shechem is identified with Tell Balatah, at the eastern end of the pass between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim. Excavators have been working at the site intermittently since 1913, yet much of the data remains unpublished. The earlier expedition directed by E. Sellin (primarily) and G. Welter, uncovered large portions of the site from 1913 to 1934, but produced no final report prior to the destruction of the records and many artifacts in Berlin during World War II. The later expedition (1957–1973), conceived as a teaching excavation under the initial directorship of G. E. Wright and B. W. Anderson, sought to recover as much as possible from the preceding excavations and create a holistic understanding of the site’s history. To accomplish these goals, large research teams were assembled with a seminal emphasis on cross-disciplinary research. While the methodology developed here led to many new insights (and has been widely adopted) the scale of research coupled with the number of researchers has also contributed to the extremely slow pace of publication. Final reports are still forthcoming more than 25 years after the last season. Beginning with the earliest excavations, two areas have been ascribed cultic significance during the MB IIB. The first is the acropolis in the northwestern quadrant of the site. This area is bounded to the north and west by fortifications including the gate and to the east by a temenos wall (wall 900) that separated it from the rest of the city. Within this precinct, scholars have proposed three main centers for cult practice: a series of superimposed courtyard temples (Field VI) compared to Hittite temples at Boghazköy (Toombs and Wright 1963; Wright 1965), a migdal temple (Field V) (Toombs and Wright 1961; Wright 1965), and a palace chapel (Field IV) (Dever 1974). The second location with possible cultic character lies 300 m

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 141 away on the lower slope of Mount Gerizim (Tell Tananir), where a nearly isolated structure reminiscent in design to the Late Bronze Age Amman airport temple was detected (Boling 1975). While strong consensus exists among the excavators about the cultic nature of the western precinct, there is disagreement about some of the key components, except for the migdal structure which is now universally accepted as a temple (Albright 1949:90, 104). The so-called “courtyard temples” were excavated and identified by Wright in the area east and southeast of the migdal but rejected as such even among his staff (Dever 1993:1349), whereas the identification of the palace chapel involved a rethinking of Sellin’s “palace” (Dever 1993:1349). Moreover, the second sacred area on the foot of the mountain has alternatively been identified as a villa or an estate (Albright 1949:92). On the acropolis, the American expedition identified six MB IIB strata that followed on the heels of a massive filling and leveling operation during the MB IIA in an area that was then outside the city’s walls (Toombs and Wright 1963:25). The first four MB IIB strata correspond with the four phases of a large courtyard complex in Field VI, which sat in an open area, bounded only by wall 900 to the southeast and the fortifications in the north and west. A paved street ran along the building’s south side, parallel to wall 900. The architectural layout of the complex is not precisely defined for each period, although some elements of design are readily apparent. Overall, two main groups of rooms emerge, abutting a small courtyard enclosed by a larger one. This pattern persisted with subsequent enhancements in both size and complexity. Entrance into the compound was most likely from the south along the cobbled street. In addition to the courtyards that are present in each stratum, albeit in modified form, the complex included a wide range of architectural and structural features that come from a diversity of rooms. Two ovens are found in the earliest stratum with evidence for more coming from the fill used to raise the floor levels. Near these ovens in the second stratum was a limestone kneading stone and a stone-lined pit. A drain, fragments of a blowpipe, and a plaster-covered bench were found in other rooms, whereas between two rooms some burials had been made. Also during this stratum, a space between two parallel walls was divided into a series of rooms in the fashion of casemate construction. The material finds include a carinated bowl, dipper juglet, and copper slag. The third stratum is marked by the abandonment of the casemate rooms and the presence of free-standing stones, posts, or column bases in the courtyards. In the northwest corner of the large court, a storage jar was buried, protected by fragments from other

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storage jars and a small projection built out of one of the walls; it contained some bones, perhaps of a newborn. A carinated bowl and dipper juglet were found nearby. During the final phase, the structure appears to have expanded again, although not much remains. Silos were found on a nearby embankment. During the fifth MB IIB strata, the courtyard complex is abandoned and covered by a large fill, with wall 900 serving as a revetment, and to its west (Field V) a large, rectangular migdal-structure (fig. 53) was erected which continued into the Late Bronze Age (Wright 1965:87–90). The same outer boundaries prevail for the area with wall 900 to the east and the fortifications to the north and west. With the shift westward, the eastern courtyard becomes much larger. The building’s exterior dimensions are 26.30 by 21.20 m, with inner and outer faced hewn stone walls that are more than 5 m thick. The entrance is flanked by two tremendous blocks of masonry supporting tall towers in which there were stairwells. The entry itself is 7 by 5 m with a large boulder (76 cm) resting precisely in the center of its outer threshold. A square passageway (3.25 by 3.25 m) leads from the entrance to the main room whose interior dimensions are 13.50 by 11 m. Six column bases were found by Sellin. The floor was dark gray, 23–30 cm thick, and contained carbon, bones, sherds, and plaster—the last one in the first 10 cm only. In the southeast quadrant of the main room, there was a bottle-shaped cistern (2.50 deep, 1.85 in dia.) with a sump at the bottom. Both were plastered. A second cistern, or perhaps silo for grain, was found by Sellin near the center of the room. In the final MB IIB stratum, the migdal structure underwent some modifications. A new floor was laid above a layer of marl and a layer of fill, the latter containing debris from carbon, bones, and a few sherds. The northern half of the entryway was walled up, creating a smaller and indirect egress. Two standing stones were then erected, flanking this new truncated doorway. Finally, in the eastern courtyard, underneath the Late Bronze Age stone altar were the remains of two brick installations (4.2 by 4.2 m) covered with limestone plaster, the lower one erected above a ramp leading to the entrance of the structure. Contemporary with the MB IIB migdal structure is building 7300, which Sellin originally identified as part of a palace, adjoining the northwest gate. The room was apparently bereft of material, having been looted in antiquity (Dever 1975:39). However, Sellin’s version was challenged by W. G. Dever who offered a new stratigraphic interpretation based in large part on his work regarding the fortifications on the opposite side of the gate

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 143 (Dever 1975). His reconstruction distinguishes between an earlier “open-air shrine” phase and a later tri-partite building phase. In the earlier level, a plastered stone podium, four courses high (1.14 by 2.4 m) stood alone amidst a plastered expanse (at least 40 m long) adjacent to the gate and just north of the migdal temple. In the subsequent level (preceding construction of casemate wall E), Dever discerned a well-constructed, tripartite rectangular building (12 by 19.5 m exterior; 9 by 15.4 m interior) with thick walls (1.5 m) and built along a central axis (fig. 54) (Dever 1975:41). Access into the antechamber (9 by 2.8 m) was gained only through the colonnaded main hall of the adjoining palace to the south. This lead into the nearly square main chamber (9 by 10 m) which possessed two square column bases and then beyond into the rear chamber (9 by 2.60 m) by way of a narrow side entrance. The earlier stone podium was incorporated into the center of the back wall of the main chamber. It was partly reduced in height but expanded in width, even though this placed it slightly off center. Only a scattering of MB IIB sherds were encountered on the podium, several identified as belonging to string-cut dipper juglets. Below the pillar bases were remains of several miniature vessels, whereas a thin layer of debris in the south corner of the building—the only part not excavated by the German expedition—yielded faunal remains of sheep and goat (Dever 1975:43). In turning to the second area with potential cultic significance, the archaeological record is much simpler. Along the lower slope of Mount Gerizim, Sellin and Welter excavated a square building which they identified as cultic based upon the discovery of “a fetish, incense stands,” “a stone idol, [and] a phallus” (cited in Boling 1975:33). The plan of the building is 18 m2 with rectangular and square rooms arranged around a central square court (9 m2), which contains a low platform in the southeast corner and a centrally placed standing, circular stone. Welter also claimed to have found a finely carved bronze sword and two spears. In 1968, R. B. Boling reexcavated the structure and surrounding area. He found firstly that the building is not isolated; in fact, a second building similarly designed lies just “one step down the mountainside” (Boling 1975:57). He also uncovered two additional objects from foundation debris of the original building: a copper needle and a broken alabaster vase. Because of the diverse archaeological setting at Shechem, the test against potential correlates is broken down into three units: the western precinct during the first half of the MB IIB, represented by the four levels of the courtyard building; the western precinct during the second half of the MB IIB, represented by the migdal structure and tri-partite building 7300; and the buildings at Tell Tananir on the lower slope of Mount Gerizim.

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In the first case, support in favor of a cultic association is quite modest, while that in opposition is somewhat stronger. Of the five correlates that are supported only that of a separate setting is strongly attested. Indeed, the courtyard buildings are atop a newly constructed acropolis that is bounded by fortification walls which demarcate the site and another wall which separates the rest of the city. The remaining three correlates are weakly attested: experiential aids by two bowls and two dipper juglets; special facilities by a bench; and, aniconic representations indirectly by a column base. Evidence opposing the cultic view includes ovens and kneading stones, a stone-lined pit, a blow-pipe of a kiln, copper slag, and a burial of a new-born in a storage jar. The active baking and craft production that these materials suggest are more likely found outside temple complexes, whereas the burial of a human is certainly not to be expected in a sacred area. In contrast, evidence gathered from the second half of the MB IIB supports a good case in favor of a sacred area in the western precinct centered on the migdal structure and, to a lesser extent, on the tri-partite building. Overall, nine of seventeen correlates are fairly well attested: special location (building), special setting, increasing exclusivity, ritual purification, distinct and conspicuous architecture, special facilities, experiential aids, aniconic representations, and sacrifices and offerings. Briefly, the corroborating evidence is as follows. The western precinct preserves its separateness from the rest of the city, topographically, spatially, and physically. Activity within the area is centered on the migdal structure, its plan associated with temple architecture elsewhere in Canaan (called “onumental symmetrical temples” or “Syrian temples”), and secondarily on the tri-partite building reminiscent in plan with some modification (e.g., entrance to the back chamber is at the corner rather than along the central axis [A. Mazar 1992:165]) of known temple structures during the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. The migdal building lies in the center of the area surrounded by open courtyards whereas the tri-partite building runs along the fortifications with access restricted to those already in another building, perhaps a palace. Both buildings bear the distinction of thick walls, although for the migdal building, the case is quite dramatic, bordering on fortress-like, especially considering the two towers flanking the entrance. Purification rites are intimated by the bottle-shaped, plastered cistern in the corner of the migdal building, while special facilities such as altars and platforms are suggested by the square brick installation in the migdal’s forecourt and the isolated stone podium before construction of tri-partite building 7300. Subsequently, the stone podium may have served as an offering table within the central chamber of the building. The two standing stones

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 145 outside the entrance of the migdal structure during its second phase attest to the presence of aniconic representations, whereas the remaining two correlates, experiential aids and sacrifices and offerings, receive just trifling support in the form of a few dipper juglet sherds, several miniature vessels, and faunal remains from goats and sheep in the tri-partite building and faunal remains from layers of fill below the floors in the migdal. At Tell Tananir, except for the architectural parallel with the Late Bronze Age temple in Amman, a few isolated objects described unreliably by Sellin, and a low platform with a circular stone in the court, there is no evidence to merit a claim in favor of a cultic identity for either of the two buildings. Moreover, Welter’s allegation at finding a sword and spears posits a contradictory view. In summary, the archaeological evidence adequately supports the contention that a sacred area existed at Shechem during the second phase of the MB IIB. The area features a migdal temple and a smaller, less imposing tri-partite palace chapel. The absence of more material remains with ritual character is most likely due to post-excavation destruction rather than to depositional patterns. In other words, more such objects probably existed but have been lost after being excavated but before being published. While modest support for extending the sacred area back to the earlier phase of the MB IIB exists, the weight of evidence that opposes such a characterization dictates that an alternative hypothesis be posited, perhaps that of a large residence. Finally, in the case of Tell Tananir, the archaeological evidence rejects any claim of cultic character, attesting only to two large buildings better viewed again perhaps as large residences.

KFAR SHEMARYAHU In 1962, J. Kaplan (1971) excavated the site of Kfar Shemaryahu which is located on a commanding hill, 12 km north of Tel Aviv. The only architectural remains encountered in the vicinity were those of a building, reminiscent in layout and orientation (east-west) of the “phase-C temple” at Nahariya. The ceramic finds date strictly to MB IIA. The excavations were never published, although a plan of the building (fig. 55) appears in an article which discusses the dating of the successive temples Nahariya (Kaplan 1971:305). Based on the brief information available, the test against archaeological correlates is, not surprisingly, weak. Of the seventeen correlates, only three receive any kind of support: special location, separate setting, and distinct architecture. Evidence for the first two is good, for the building does lie isolated atop a hill, but much weaker for the last, primarily because the

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structure to which it is being compared (i.e., Nahariya phase C) has itself been reinterpreted not as a temple but as an auxiliary building due to the accumulation of debris, non-symmetric doorways, and absence of structural features such as niche, cella, and platform (Dothan 1981:79–80). In summary, the archaeological evidence does not attest to a sacred area but rather to an isolated building atop a hill during the MB IIA.

GEZER Gezer is strategically located 8 km southeast of Ramla, at the junction of one of the most important crossroads in ancient Israel: where the road leading to Jerusalem branches off from the Via Maris. The site was largely excavated to bedrock in many places by R. A. S. Macalister for the Palestine Exploration Fund between 1902 and 1909, with follow-up excavations by A. Rowe in 1934 and a consortium of American scholars (G. E. Wright, W. G. Dever, and J. D. Seger among others) between 1964 and 1990. Much of this later work focused on clarifying stratigraphic relationships which were nearly obliterated by Macalister without being adequately understood (Dever 1993). One of the questions that the Americans were particularly interested in was in clarifying the nature and date of the standing stones unearthed by Macalister that he had identified as a Canaanite “High Place” (Macalister 1912). Despite the thoroughness of Macalister’s digging, the renewed efforts enjoyed some success for two reasons. The first is that Macalister completely buried the stones after finding them, thus preserving them, and, secondly, he did not excavate the soil directly below the stones (for obvious reasons) or a small area of plaster pavement (probably unintentionally), thereby leaving small pockets not yet excavated (Dever 1973:68). The results of this re-excavation as recorded in Dever et al. (1971), in particular, have been incorporated into the following description. Macalister’s High Place lies in a large, open courtyard in the centralnorth side of the mound (Field V), just inside the city and walls and below the acropolis. It consists mainly of ten monoliths (all but one of local limestone) with varying heights—two more than 3 m—that are arranged linearly from roughly north to south (fig. 56). Additionally, there is a large rectangular limestone block with a deliberately cut, deep (38 cm) rectangular depression situated just west of the line between stones V and VI. The bases of the monoliths are immediately surrounded by a platform of field stones which is itself circumscribed by an outer ring of boulders, whereas the large rectangular block and western sides of stones V and VI are set into a plaster-like surface that contained charred fragments of animal bones. The American excavators further confirmed that the stones had been placed at

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 147 the same time, that the block was integral to the composition, and that construction occurred during the latter part of MB IIB (ca. 1600) with later modifications during the Late Bronze Age (e.g., marl chips were placed over the original platform and plaster surface). As to function, again the list of potential correlates provides direction. In this case, with only four correlates attested (conspicuous display, special facilities, aniconic representations, and sacrifices), the argument in favor of cultic identification is modest. The supporting evidence itself is fair, except for the presence of aniconic representations which is grandly attested by the ten massevot. The stones and block are indeed striking in arrangement as well as by size (in some cases); certainly, they made an impression on the ancient onlooker as they continue to do today. The large block may have served as an altar (or perhaps a basin?), whereas the animal bones may indicate sacrificial offerings or a meal. A similar conclusion is reached by Dever et al. (1971), who particularly emphasize the negative evidence (e.g., no temple, no enclosure, no cultic accessories) while searching for an alternative hypothesis. They consider three additional functions that standing stones (massevot) have been known to perform: memorial, legal, and commemorative (see Graesser 1972). Of these, the first can be eliminated (contra Albright 1949:104) based on the fact that the stones were erected simultaneously. Of the remaining two, rather than favoring one over the over, they propose a combined event such as the making of a covenant, which employed both commemorative and legal aspects in ancient Canaan and often involved the setting up of standing stones, oath-taking, animal sacrifices, and a meal (Dever et al. 1971:123). Such a scenario is reflected in the data from Gezer: ten unequal stones standing in a line that reflect a certain unity amidst inequality; a large, centrally located basin which could easily capture the blood of sacrificial victims that encapsulate the ceremony, and charred animal bones that derive from either offerings or feasting. In summary, the archaeological evidence modestly supports a cultic claim for Macalister’s “High Place.” On the other hand, the evidence does seem to accord particularly well with the alternative hypothesis of covenantmaking, the enactment of which combines commemorative and legal functions.

NAHAL REPHAIM The open site of Nahal Rephaim (5 ha.) lies on the southeastern slopes of a hill, along an ancient road from Jerusalem to Beit Shemesh, in an area which is currently occupied by the new Jerusalem zoo. In the course of the

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zoo’s construction, E. Eisenberg on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority carried out four seasons of intensive excavation with particular emphasis along the site’s periphery due to severe erosion in the center (Eisenberg 1993a). The excavations discerned three strata, the middle of which dates to MB IIB. During this time, scattered throughout the site were isolated structures, consisting of either single units or clusters of several contiguous units. One of the more simple units (building 500; fig. 57) was located on the southwestern edge of the site and has been identified as a megaron temple with small adjoining room (Eisenberg 1989/90:150). Preserved up to its stone foundations, the main rectangular building measured 5.7 by 9.6 m with walls 1.2 m thick. An interior wall divided the structure into two rooms, of which the western one is larger, while two antae flanked the eastern facing entrance, which was further marked by a large stone step. The adjoining square room, built on a lower level, was attached and opened to the southern wall. It contained miniature vessels, goblets, and bowls. Another building (1700) 75 m to the north resembles building 500 in plan and orientation, but no material remains were found to elucidate its function. For now, therefore, the analysis will focus on building 500. The test against archaeological correlates yields modest support with five of seventeen correlates attested: separate location (building), special setting, distinct architecture, experiential aids, and offerings. The supporting evidence is good, but not strong. The building is indeed isolated (as are all the buildings on the site) and located on the periphery of the settlement. In plan the principle room does bear some resemblance to traditional megaron temples with their long rooms and projecting antae, although the adjoining square room obfuscates this comparison somewhat. Consumption of food and drink and the presentation of offerings are suggested by the presence of goblets and bowls and of miniature vessels, respectively. In summary, the archaeological evidence proffers modest support in favor of a cultic function for building 500. This modesty is attributed primarily to the limited archaeological findings rather than to the presence of non-corroborating material.

MANAHAT The site of Manahat, also known as Malha, is situated on a small and leveled, lowland area that is surrounded by hills. It lies 1.5 km east of Nahal Rephaim and was occupied contemporaneously during the MB IIB. Indeed, excavations attest to a series of buildings stretching between the two settlements (Eisenberg 1993a:1280). G. Edelstein (1993) directed three seasons

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 149 (1987–1989) of excavation, exposing for the most part domestic units (i.e., rooms built around courtyards) including a string of houses running along the circumference of the settlement that may have facilitated defense. Within this outer belt, one building stood out by its unusual plan, size, and thickened walls that together with a few artifacts led the excavator to identify it as a “cult center or temple” (Edelstein 1993:1281). Specifically, building 106 is a long, rectangular room (12.5 by 7.5 m), running east-west, with four pairs of opposing internal piers that divide the room into six small cubicles and one larger central area (fig. 58). These buttresses probably supported the roof, fortifying already thickened walls (1.5 m). Two building phases are marked by a shift in entry from the western side to the eastern one (Edelstein and Greenhut 1988–89). Also during this second phase, walls were constructed within the building and outside of it. The interior ones closed off the areas between the buttresses, whereas the exterior ones (with a new orientation vis-á-vis the building) blocked access to and damaged some of the compartments that had previously stood opposite the entrance. The interior of building 106 is further characterized by a few centimeters of accumulated debris, two standing stones sunk partially into the floor near the southwestern buttress, a small bench in the western part, and a hearth of small stones with ashes in the eastern part. Ceramic finds identified simply as “typical MBII pottery” (Edelstein and Greenhut 1988– 89:118) were recovered near the bench. North and west of building 106, complexes of rooms, compartments, and courtyards were discerned, although not completely excavated. No buildings have been identified south or east, with none expected to the east because of the arrangement of the defensive circuit. Surface finds south of the building yielded a ceramic pomegranate and bell-shaped vessel, whereas one of the compartments to the east contained a female burial just below a floor. The evidence from Manahat when tested against the archaeological correlates offers weak support for a cultic identification. Only three correlates receive support: distinct architecture, special facilities, and aniconic representations. In the first instance, the support is quite weak because even though the architecture of building 106 is atypical within the site, its plan does not adhere to any known tradition of temple architecture. Indeed, at first glance, its layout resembles that of a gate, although, in such a case, both entrances would have to have been opened simultaneously. The second correlate is supported by the presence of a bench and a hearth, and the third by the two standing stones. While the pomegranate and bell-shaped

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vessel may indeed reflect “cultic worship throughout antiquity” (Edelstein 1993:1281), their presence here is too isolated to suggest a high concentration of symbols. In summary, the archaeological evidence does not substantiate the claim of building 106 as sacred. On the contrary, much of the evidence such as its integration within the site, layout, and size suggests a public edifice more in keeping with a city-gate. In such a context, where people are gathering or just passing through, it is not unusual to find a few isolated objects with ritual associations. Indeed, during Iron Age times, high places (bamot) situated in or near city-gates are occasionally encountered (cf. Biran and Naveh 1995; Beit-Arieh and Cressons 1991).

GIVAT SHARETT The site of Givat Sharett lies atop a mostly barren hill, 1.6 km southeast of ancient Beit-Shemesh. In the course of urban expansion (modern BeitShemesh), excavators on behalf of the Department of Antiquities completely uncovered the site between 1971 and 1973 (Epstein 1972; Bahat 1973). These excavations revealed a planned, one-period (MB IIB), open settlement, at the edge of the hill, consisting of mostly houses and store rooms that underwent no alterations (Bahat 1993:254). On the summit, however, amid sparse remains, were a series of small one-course walls, either circular or rectangular, together with significant quantities of ceramic and faunal remains. The vessels included open bowls (a few with zoomorphic applications), cooking pots, dipper juglets, storage jars, miniature vessels, and stands (Epstein 1972:157; Bahat 1978). The most exotic find was that of a seven-cupped bowl (or lamp, according to Bahat) similar to those found at Nahariya, Megiddo, and Byblos (Epstein 1972:157; Bahat 1978:11). The faunal remains are, unfortunately, not further identified. This area was initially interpreted by both excavators as an open cult place (bamah) (Epstein 1972; Bahat 1973), but, upon further reflection, reclassified by D. Bahat (1978, 1993) as a temple composed of two rooms: (1) a hall (6 x 3 m) with a bench (stone ledge) and (2) a holy-of-holies (4 x 4 m) with a platform at its western end. This platform is constructed of a “fill of stones with a single high stone in the center, projecting some 30 cm above the rest of the fill” (Bahat 1993:254). Two antae are said to separate the two rooms. However, Bahat’s failure to clearly delineate the “temple” on his site plan and his reliance on walls composed of natural rock protrusions (Bahat 1993:254) make this interpretation highly dubious. The earlier rendition of an open place is thus here preferred.

ADDITIONAL MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 151 The testing of evidence from Givat Sharett provides moderate affirmation for a cult area. Five correlates are attested: special location, separate setting, special facilities, experiential aids, and sacrifices and offerings. Evidence for the first two is good, for the designated area does lie somewhat isolated atop the summit of a hill, with the remainder of the settlement extending below. The small one-course walls, platform, and stone ledge provide fair support for the presence of special facilities, whereas the plentiful examples of bowls, cooking pots, dipper juglets, chalices, and storage jars, which signify the storage, preparation, and consumption of food-stuffs and beverages, strongly attest to the use of food and drink (experiential aids). Finally, sacrifices and offerings also receive strong support in the form of numerous animal bones, stands for the burning of incense, a seven-cupped bowl, and miniature vessels for votive offerings. In summary, the archaeological evidence does provide moderate support in favor of an open cultic area for the summit of Givat Sharett. This moderation must be construed in light of the relatively short duration and small size of the settlement as well as by the absence of any contradictory remains.

5 ANALYSIS OF MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN In the preceding chapter, sixteen potential sacred areas from thirteen different sites are tested against a list of correlates in order to determine whether or not the evidence substantiates a cultic identification. In five cases— Hazor (Area F), a village near Kfar Rupin, Shechem (Tananir), Kfar Shemaryahu, and Manahat—the evidence is so weak that such an identification is not reasonably merited. Two additional areas—Shechem (early MB IIB) and Gezer—despite modest supporting evidence yield enough opposing evidence to justify alternative hypotheses. Remaining, therefore, are nine sacred areas from nine different sites with varying (strong, good, moderate, modest) levels of support (fig. 59). Those with strong support, in addition to Tel Haror, are Megiddo and Nahariya, whereas Tell el-Hayyat and Shechem (later MB IIB) possess good support. Moderate support is attested at Tel Kitan and Tel el-Farah (North), with more modest support found at Nahal Rephaim, Givat Sharett, and Hazor (Area H). Overall, these ten sites with sacred areas (including Tel Haror) exhibit wide geographic distribution, without any meaningful clustering, from the Mediterranean coast to the Jordan Valley and from the Upper Galilee to the western Negev. One site is found on the coastal plain (Nahariya), one in the Shephelah (Givat Sharett), one in the Jezreel Valley (Megiddo), three in the hill country (Tell el-Farah[N]), Shechem, and Nahal Rephaim), two in the Jordan Valley (Tel Kitan and Tell el-Hayyat), one in the Upper Galilee (Hazor), and one in the western Negev (Tel Haror). Most of the sites lie along ancient roads including the Via Maris (Hazor) or one of its branches (Megiddo). Nahariya is alone in its proximity to an ancient harbor. There is an even distribution between urban and rural settlements, between fortified and unfortified. Urbanism is attested at Hazor, Megiddo, Tell el-Farah (N), Shechem, and Tel Haror. In addition, these settlements are generally much larger. The smaller, unfortified sites are Nahariya, Tel Kitan, Tell el-Hayyat, Nahal Rephaim, and Givat Sharett. Within the sites themselves, the sacred areas seem not to follow any discernible pattern. 153

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Some are located in the center, others in the periphery, and still others in between. However, upon closer scrutiny, it becomes clear that they never occur on the eastern side, but rather lie in the middle or, as is more often the case, on the western side. Two occur either near a palace (Megiddo, until stratum X) or in the precinct itself (Shechem [building 7300]). Chronologically, the majority are constructed during MB IIB, although three (Nahariya, Megiddo, and Tell el-Hayyat) begin earlier during the MB IIA. Megiddo’s sacred area is unique in having sacred antecedents dating to the Early Bronze Age. In contrast, nearly half the areas demonstrate cultic continuity into the subsequent Late Bronze Age (Hazor, Area H, Tel Kitan, Megiddo, and Shechem) with the sacred area at Megiddo still flourishing in the Early Iron Age. In addition to confirming the presence of sacred areas, the correlates when studied individually can provide further instruction about the nature of sacred areas and their associated structures, features, and remains. The seventeen correlates are attested with great variability among the ten areas, ranging from all to none. The most frequently attested is that of special location, which occurs at all ten areas. In eight instances, the location is manmade (7 buildings, 1 subterranean room), and in two it is natural (near a sweet water spring, summit of a hill). Special facilities are encountered at all the areas except for Nahal Rephaim. Platforms or bamahs are the most widely distributed, followed by (in order) altars, niches, benches, hearths, pits, tables, and ledges. In most cases, multiple facilities are present at each location with many examples of redundancy, especially pertaining to hearths, pits, and niches. Of the ten instances of special location, eight are distinctly set apart from other areas of activity. The degree of isolation varies as does the nature of the separation. The sacred area at Nahariya is the most isolated for it lies nearly a kilometer from the larger settlement. The area at Nahal Rephaim also exhibits some degree of physical separation by its occurrence along the periphery of the settlement far from other buildings. Some form of topographical separation occurs at Givat Sharett and Tel Haror where in one case the sacred area lies on a summit with the rest of the settlement below and in the other atop a gentle rise with natural wadis to the west and south and the rest of the settlement spread slightly lower to the east. Shechem’s area is separated by a combination of topographical features such as an elevation and architectural ones such as a wall or rampart, whereas the other areas at Tel Kitan, Megiddo, and Tell el-Hayyat are demarcated simply by walls.

ANALYSIS OF MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 155 Distinct architecture is manifest among all the buildings that are encountered. In general, two traditional temple plans exist: migdal and megaron. As mentioned, the former, also known as “monumental symmetrical temples” or “Syrian temples,” is generally characterized by thick walls; mudbrick construction atop a stone foundation; longitudinal, central axis; two (or fewer) architectural units; large, main room; niche or platform along center rear wall; and towers flanking the entrance (Mazar 1992:166–7). Five of the buildings can be said to fall under this general category, despite the presence of much individual variation. These are Hazor (Areas H), Tel Kitan (stratum IV), Megiddo, Shechem, and Tel Haror. Megaron temples, identified by their long-rooms and projecting antae with columns in between, are found at Tel Kitan (stratum V), Tell el-Hayyat, and Nahal Rephaim, which are all rural settlements. These temples are also composed of mud-brick superstructure, employing either stone or terre pisé foundation. A variation of a tri-partite temple, a style that becomes more prevalent later on, is encountered at Shechem (building 7300), whereas the subterranean room at Tell el-Farah (N) resembles another such chamber at Alalakh (stratum V) in Syria. It is noteworthy that the occurrence of these two nontypical variants occur at the two cultic sites with closest proximity, i.e., Shechem and Tell el-Farah (N), which lie just 11 km apart in the central hill country. An examination of the external dimensions and orientation among these temples as presented in table 9 yields several trends. The first is that the migdal temples are larger than the megaron temples. The second is that the large (by Canaanite standards) urban sites Shechem, Megiddo, and Hazor contain the larger temples. The third is that, with the exception of the palace chapel (7300) at Shechem, all of the temples are oriented to one degree or another towards the west. In other words, their entrances face eastward towards the rising sun. The reason for the deviation at Shechem may be due to superior concerns regarding access from the palace or perhaps to alternative ritual practices.

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Table 9. External Dimensions and Orientation of MB II Temples Temple Hazor, Area H Broad Migdal Temple Tel Kitan, Megaron Temple (Stratum V) Tel Kitan, Migdal Temple (Stratum IV) Megiddo, Migdal Temple Tell el-Hayyat, Megaron Temple (Phase 5) Tell el-Hayyat, Megaron Temple (Phase 2) Shechem. Migdal Temple Shechem, Temple 7300 Nahal Rephaim, Megaron Temple Tel Haror, Migdal Temple

Length (m) 20.5

Width (m) 18

Orientation

6.9

5.5

W/SW

14.3

11.5

W/SW

21.5 7.6

16.5 7.6

S/SW W/NW

11.0

10.0

W/NW

26.3 19.5 9.6 15.0

21.2 12 5.7 9.0

NW NE W NW

NW

Sacrifices and offerings are attested at all the sacred areas, with the exception of Areas H at Hazor. The supporting evidence includes faunal remains (nine areas), miniature votive vessels (seven), incense stands (four), and hearths (four). More rare seven-cupped bowls and miniature weapons also served in the offering process. Of the identified faunal remains, goats, sheep, and cattle are the most common, with meaningful amounts of pigs, dogs, birds, and donkeys each limited to a single site: pigs at Tell el-Farah (N) and dogs, birds, and donkeys at Tel Haror. Experiential aids are the next widely encountered with eight attestations. Of such aids, only those pertaining to images, fire, food, and drink are present at any of these sites. The evidence includes figurines, hearths, and a variety of ceramic vessels (e.g., bowls, storage jars, dipper juglets, kraters, goblets, and so forth). Evidence for the correlate increasing exclusivity is present in five areas, with the most common pattern that of a rather small building surrounded by a large courtyard (Megiddo, Tell el-Hayyat, Tel Haror). The temple’s size by itself severely limits the number of participants at any one time, whereas the courtyard accommodates a larger number of people, perhaps even the entire community. In one instance (Hazor [Area H]), sockets indicate the presence of a door within the temple. Finally, one area (Shechem) has its access further curtailed by their placement within a palace precinct.

ANALYSIS OF MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 157 Cult images and/or aniconic representations are also found in six areas. The cult image is usually an anthropomorphic figurine (or mold), although some zoomorphic examples such as snakes, bulls, monkeys, and doves exist as well. Both male and female forms are represented, with a slight preference for female ones. At only one site, Megiddo, was any gender pattern discerned: male figurines were observed to prevail inside the temple and female ones in the surrounding courtyard. The aniconic representations commonly take the form of an unadorned pillar or standing stone (masseva), with one exception from Tel Kitan where, depicted on a masseva, is the figure of a nude woman. In four areas (Nahariya, Tel Kitan, Megiddo, Tell el-Hayyat) both figurines and massevot are present, whereas Shechem contains two massevot only and Tel Haror just figurines. Of the remaining correlates, none is attested more than four times. Indeed, when encountered, they are limited to one or more of just five sites: Nahariya, Megiddo, Tell el-Hayyat, Shechem, and Tel Haror. Two correlates, portable equipment and support facilities, are found at four sites (excluding Shechem). The former is composed of lamps mostly single-spouted with several examples from three different sites (Nahariya, Megiddo, and Tel Haror) of lamps with seven spouts or cups. Support facilities range from an auxiliary building to storage rooms, and from kitchens to kilns. There is also evidence for the casting of metals in the form of slag and molds. The sacred areas at Nahariya, Megiddo, and Tel Haror are the only three sites to demonstrate richness of remains and greater investment of wealth. These two correlates are attested by similar kinds of evidence such as the number, variety, and decoration of figurines and vessels, ranging from fenestrated incense stands to miniature jars; the number and variety of figurines both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic; the use of precious metals, particularly silver, in figurines and jewelry; and the significant presence overall of objects reflective of cult practice. A high concentration of symbols is also attested at these three sites. In this case, the evidence lies primarily in the figurines and applications which replicate human and animal forms such as birds, bulls, and snakes. Specific deities are identified at three sites, Nahariya, Tel Kitan, and Megiddo. In the first instance, a mold and part of the figurine of a naked woman with horns is identified as the deity Asherat-Yam (Asherah of the Sea), the chief goddess of Ugarit and sea-farers. This identification is based on the Canaanite tradition that specifically ascribes horns to Anat and consolidates three female goddesses, Asherah, Anat, and Astarte, into one (Cross 1981:81). The “Yam” in the deity’s name is a reference to the de-

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feated sea-dragon. This identification is further buttressed by the location of Nahariya so close to the sea (Dothan 1981:81). At Tel Kitan, the carved middle stele, depicting a naked female cupping her breasts in her hands, is linked with the fertility goddess Asherah, whereas at Megiddo, among the manifold figurines, three are specifically linked to the Canaanite triad of El, Baal, and Asherah. Their identification as such relies on later Ugaritic texts and portraits which feature El as an older seated figure, Baal with weapons, and Asherah grasping her breasts (Kempinski 1989:185–6). Evidence for ritual purification is found only at Shechem in the form of a plastered, bottle-shaped cistern with a sump at the bottom. The correlate of special movements denoting prayer or blessing is also singularly attested by the raised arms of the seated El figurine at Megiddo. Finally, there is no attestation at any site of special garments. In a few instances, toggle pins were recovered, but these only indicate the method of fastening. In summary, these Middle Bronze Age II cult sites in Canaan enjoy widespread geographic distribution in both urban and non-urban settings. The sacred areas themselves are situated either in the center or western side of the site, and, in a few instances, near a palace. Except once, they are newly fashioned sacred areas which, in half the cases, maintain their sacred identity into the subsequent Late Bronze Age. Often set within courtyards, where the majority of activity occurs, migdal and megaron temples—the latter limited to small, non-urban settlements only—dominate the sacred landscapes, which are demarcated from the rest of the site by a variety of physical, topographical, and architectural features. Participation within these relatively small temples is necessarily restricted to a small number of people at any one time, most likely designated religious functionaries, who conducted their services with the aid of portable lamps. The courtyards, in contrast, are able to accommodate a greater number of people as well as a variety of outdoor activities (e.g., sacrifices and offerings and consumption of sacrificial meal) with the benefit of natural light. Because of the westward orientation of nearly all the temples, this active courtyard is the eastern one, i.e., the one opposite the entrance. Associated facilities include, platforms (bamahs), niches, benches, hearths, and pits. The most popular activities within these areas are the presentation of animal sacrifices (especially goats, sheep, cattle) and other types of offerings, the preparation and consumption of food-stuffs and beverages, and the employment of visual images both iconic or aniconic. Based on this general overview, a few highlights about specific sites can be identified. Nahariya is unique for its seaside, open-air setting with an incredibly rich material assemblage noted for its figurines (including one

ANALYSIS OF MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SACRED AREAS IN CANAAN 159 identified as the deity Asherat-Yam), miniature vessels, and incense stands. Tel Kitan is the only site to contain succeeding examples of megaron and migdal temples. Megiddo’s sacred area enjoys the longest continuity stretching back into the Early Bronze Age and extending into the Iron Age. It is also noted for its extremely rich material assemblage featuring figurines (including three identified separately as El, Baal, and Asherah), incense stands, and miniature vessels. At Tell el-Hayyat, the separation between the sacred and profane is magnified by depositional patterning among faunal, floral, and ceramic remains. The sacred area at Tel el-Farah is unlike the others with its subterranean chamber and dominant faunal species, the pig. These stark differences suggest non-conformity with typical sacred practice in MB II Canaan. Shechem possesses two temples in close proximity including the only tri-partite example, although this is linked to the palace in such a way as to suggest its identity as a “palace chapel.” Finally, Tel Haror, the southernmost site, is also noted for its exceptional material assemblage, featuring a high number of decorated vessels, incense stands, miniature vessels. The number of faunal remains collected is exponentially greater than at any other site with significant proportions of dogs, ravens, and crows added to the more typical sheep, goat, and cattle. Moreover, the presence here of an equid burial is unique among these cult sites.

6 CONCLUSION Having affirmed Tel Haror’s status as a cult site and furthered this understanding by the presentation of comparative Canaanite material, it is now appropriate to move a (speculative) step further and attempt to reconstruct the underlying ritual behavior practiced there. In order to do so, additional historical, archaeological, and anthropological sources must be considered as the main components of ritual activity—the presentation of offerings and sacrifices, the performing of healing rituals, communal feasting, and proper deposition of sacred material—are considered in detail. In general, Tel Haror reflects many typical patterns of MB II Canaanite cult sites, especially urban ones (e.g., newly fashioned, well-planned, and fortified), which attest to a relatively high degree of social and political organization. This appears to be part of an overall revival in Canaanite urbanization that lead to the creation of a series of small regional polities based on a hierarchy of settlements during the MB IIB. In particular, Tel Haror fell within the jurisdiction (at least by the seventeenth century B.C.E.) of the southern Canaanite “kingdom of Sharuhen” with its center at Tell elAjjul (Oren 1997). This political bloc represented the southernmost extension of permanent settlement within Canaan and is noted for its ties to northern Sinai and the Hyksos kingdom in Egypt (Oren 1997). The sacred area at Tel Haror is characteristically set apart in the western portion of the settlement atop a slight elevation, which enables it to receive maximum benefit from Mediterranean sea breezes and from the last rays of evening light. Its composition further reflects typical patterns with its large migdal temple, surrounding courtyards, and material assemblage rich in such items as bowls, stands, votives, and figurines. Thus, the scenario presented for Tel Haror’s ritual activity will indeed be similar to those given for other contemporary Canaanite cult sites, albeit with some differences resulting primarily from the large number of puppy bones and from the donkey burial. The spatial layout of Tel Haror’s sacred area can be roughly divided into four units: temple, courtyards, enclosed spaces, and grave. While the temple is by far the dominant architectural structure, the majority of activity 161

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occurs not within it but rather in the courtyards and, to a lesser extent, the enclosed spaces. The grave, once established, lies mainly dormant, yet remains an integral part of the landscape through its symbolism. A peripheral area, not yet fully explored, appears to lie beyond the sacred area and provide some of the support facilities, such as storage and cooking, necessary for the performance of specific rituals. The role of the temple at Tel Haror and elsewhere in Canaan is similar to that found throughout the Near East, namely, an abode of a deity (Wright 1944:68). Which deity, however, is unclear, although Kempinski has suggested that the migdal-type temple be specifically associated with the rise in worship of the young storm-god and warrior Baal Haddu whose popularity at this time is reflected in Hyksos records and in Canaanite personal names (Kempinski 1997:330). He further cites as evidence the distribution pattern of figurines at Megiddo where female ones were found either outside the temple or in strata preceding its construction whereas male ones were placed within the temple. Despite Baal Haddu’s increasing popularity at this time, it would be premature to rule out other popular Canaanite deities such as El, the patriarchal head of the Canaanite pantheon, or Asherah, Astarte, and Anat his consorts who are also linked with fertility (Cross 1973). One of the reasons, of course, that the dedicated deity remains elusive at Tel Haror is the absence of any written texts. Another is that the anticipated niche in the back of the temple where the cult statue is believed to have rested is completely missing due to a large Iron Age pit. The presence of such a niche in the center of the back wall is one of the characteristic features of the migdal temple architectural plan. Other typical features which are encountered at Tel Haror include a symmetrical plan, thick walls, two longitudinal architectural units, and dual flanking front towers (A. Mazar 1992:166–7). These last were probably higher than the rest of the building, furnishing a formidable appearance (V. Fritz 1987:44). Another clue to ritual behavior within the temple lies in its architectural arrangement (fig. 60). With only two structural units, the need for a complex analysis of spatial patterns (also known as access analysis) is mooted (see e.g., Foster 1989). Nevertheless, some insight may be gained from the recognition of simple patterns. The first is that an axis mundi runs through the center of the temple from the center of the entry to the middle of the conjectured niche in the back wall. This imaginary line not only serves as a conduit but also bifurcates the temple and its hearth into two halves, which are equal in size, structure, and, consequently, symbolic value as well. In other words, the activities in the temple do not appear to be

CONCLUSION

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weighted towards the right or to the left (to the east or to the west) but rather are balanced along a central cosmogonic axis which terminates in the image of the deity. In sum, therefore, the temple, as the domain for the deity and the single most prominent structure in the sacred landscape, should be viewed as the spot where the highest order of ritual practice occurred, i.e., where the most direct connection to the deity was obtained. Such performance was probably conducted by designated religious functionaries (priests) for the small size of the room severely limited access. As mentioned, the central focal point of the migdal temple was the image resting in the back niche. Because of the placement of the hearth in the center of the room—along the central axis—the ritual performer most likely approached the hearth, perhaps to burn incense or an offering, walked around it 180 degrees before proceeding directly to the image. The specific preordained activity then performed immediately in front of the deity remains purely speculative: possibilities include a verbal recitation, a physical gesture or activity such as eating or drinking, a silent meditation, and so forth. After this, the priest then retreated to the entrance, presumably completing the circuit around the hearth. The small number of people entering the temple, the limited ritual repertoire as compared to the courtyard, and the specialness of the building that kept it free of debris all contributed to the relative scarcity of material evidence found within. Further clues may be provided by the historical roots of this temple tradition, which, based on comparative material, appear to lie in the cultural sphere of northern Syria and northern Mesopotamia (A. Mazar 1992:169) where this architectural scheme for temples is attested from the Early Bronze to the Late Bronze Age. Some examples include the EB temple at Tell Chuera (Moortgat 1960) in northern Mesopotamia, the MB temples at Ebla (Areas B1, D, N; Matthiae 1980) and Tell Bi’a (Area C; Strommenger 1986) in northern Syria and Mari (Dagan Temple; Parrot 1938) in Syria, and the LB temples at Tell Mumbaqat (Heinrich 1973) and Emar (Margueron 1995:130–132) along the upper Euphrates. Another connection with this region lies in the actual dimensions of the Tel Haror temple which appear to be based on the standard Mesopotamian cubit of 0.5485 m (Milsom 1987), with the inner dimensions of the main room rendered as 10 by 13 2/3 cu. This practice is further reflected, even more so, at several other Canaanite temple sites: Shechem, Megiddo, and Hazor, Area H (Milsom 1987, 1989, 1992). Whether this temple type emerged in Canaan as part of a migration of peoples (B. Mazar 1968:93–94), perhaps Hurrians, or by cultural diffusion is not yet resolved. Certainly strong cultural ties are suggested and

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further elucidation of these northern temples will enlighten our view of those in Canaan. Courtyards or open spaces comprise the second spatial unit within the sacred area. It is here, particularly in the eastern courtyard, that the bulk of activity occurs, the main components of which are animal sacrifices, food and drink offerings, healing rituals, sacred feasting, and final deposition of cult material. The evidence includes regular-sized vessels such as bowls, dipper juglets, storage jars, cooking pots, jugs, and so forth, miniature vessels, stands, hearths, favissae, altars (including basin), and animal bones. Within the eastern half of the eastern courtyard, much of the remains cluster around or just south of the stratum IVb altar, even after it was no longer used. Although certainly associated with the temple, such an open-air altar expressed its own two dimensional dynamic with a vertical orientation towards the heavens and a horizontal one towards the people (Levine 1993). There is some uncertainty archaeologically about what actually occurred on the altar. While primary butchering activities are attested by the large proportions of foot bones found throughout the sacred area (Klenck 1996:286, C.4), whether or not the carefully selected victims (by age, appearance, and species) were subsequently burned is unknown. B. Bergquist (1993:30) argues that the size, composition, and shape of Bronze Age Canaanite altars precluded any such burning, partial or otherwise. The meaning behind these offerings and sacrifices is complex and may vary among successive rites at a single location as well as across time and space. Nonetheless, according to H. Hubert and M. Mauss, who are concerned primarily with animal sacrifices, the underlying procedure is always the same: “This procedure consists in establishing a means of communication between the sacred and the profane worlds through the mediation of a victim, that is, of a thing that in the course of the ceremony is destroyed” (Hubert and Mauss 1964:97; emphasis in original). The reason for wanting to establish a propitiatory relationship with the divine in the first place derives from the belief that herein lies the source for all life (Hubert and Mauss 1964:98). Textual sources reveal that Bronze Age Mesopotamian sacrifice served to provide food for the gods while at the same time sanctifying the act of human consumption of meat (Hallo 1987:7; Lambert 1993:194). It was also inextricably linked to the practice of divination, the omens of which were obtained from the animal’s behavior during and immediately after its slaughter and from marks and flaws detected on the victim’s body during inspections before and after its slaughter (Leichty 1993:239). In contrast, Iron Age Israelite sacrifices sanctified a much greater variety of human practices (meat consumption included) as well as serving

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to atone for human transgressions (Hallo 1987:11), but did not involve any form of divination. Those at Tel Haror probably served a purpose somewhere in between. To further elucidate the meaning of the sacrifices, it is useful to consider the actual species being presented. Like other Canaanite cult sites, sheep, goat, and cattle predominate. From its inception, however, Tel Haror is unusual in also having large numbers of dogs and birds, especially ravens and crows. The presence of sheep, goats, and cattle is typically explained by their relative abundance as domesticates, all of which were viewed as fit for human consumption. This prevalence, however, does not mean that their sacrifice is cheap, even though most of the animals are quite young (i.e., less than two years). On the contrary, these are among the most expensive offerings made. A person with fewer resources would be more likely to offer a whole bird or non-animal such as a grain or fruit, although these items served their own designated purposes as well. Dogs, or more precisely puppies, are somewhat different in that they were not part of the ancient Near Eastern diet and therefore not seen as appropriate for divine offerings (Collins 1993:225). Their purpose derived instead from a widespread belief in their medicinal powers, making them ideal (and highly expendable) candidates for rituals of prevention and purification (Collins 1993). As part of this widespread process, the puppies were routinely severed, as is the case at Tel Haror (Klenk 1996). In addition to the animal sacrifices and healing rites, food and drink offerings played a vital role in the ritual life at Tel Haror as suggested by numerous votive vessels and bowls, especially those decorated with paint and applications such as bulls, snakes, and curls (snail-like), and perhaps even stands if they are interpreted as being used for grain offerings rather than incense (see Haran 1993). Wine, water, and cereal are most often cited as examples of liquid and vegetable offerings, although fruit, especially firstfruits, were also common. Together, these food offerings and animal sacrifices symbolize the two main components of the Canaanite economy, namely, agriculture and pastoralism (Dever 1987a:231). Upon completion of the presentations to the deity, the worshippers themselves then feasted on the sacred meal. Cooking was performed at numerous hearths scattered throughout the courtyard, while eating and drinking is particularly concentrated in the eastern half of the east courtyard. In addition to the discarded refuse of these meals, other bones and vessels were more carefully deposited in favissae, especially the puppies, which as mentioned did not form part of the sacred offerings or meals.

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These pits are distributed throughout the eastern courtyard, with the larger ones concentrated in the eastern half. The timing for these sacrifices and offerings was no doubt highly regulated by daily, monthly, seasonal, and annual considerations. Festivals were auspicious times whereas other days were not. For example, in ancient Assyria, sacrifices and offerings were prohibited on the seventh, fourteenth, and twenty-first of each month (Hubert and Mauss 1964:25). However, the large-scale public rituals or “cult dramas” as suggested by the Ugaritic texts (see de Tarragon 1980) are simply not suggested by the small size and modest architectural layout of the sacred area at Tel Haror or elsewhere in Canaan (Dever 1987a:230). In sum, therefore, the courtyards should be viewed as the place where the relationship with the divine is most dynamic and vigorous and where the characteristic employment within ritual of multiple media is most pronounced. It is here that the repetitive and orderly presentation of sacrifices and offerings as well as the ceremonial severing of puppies was followed by a communal meal (excluding puppies) eaten by the worshippers. Although much of the actual sacrifice was scrupulously and formally carried out by trained priests (Hubert and Mauss 1964:23), there was much greater access here in the courtyards (as compared to the temple) for community members as donors, spectators, and feasters. Of the courtyard spaces, the eastern half of the eastern courtyard is by far the most active. In only one respect is it not dominant and that is in the burning of incense, which served both as an offering and as a general fragrance to combat foul odors associated with the animals. Commencing in stratum IVb, these stands occur predominantly in the western half of the eastern courtyard, perhaps where the majority of people were gathered to gaze expectantly yet enthusiastically at the rituals before them. The sacred area’s third spatial unit is composed of a series of enclosed spaces, which were constructed during strata IVb and IVa. In the earlier of the two levels, three areas were set apart: a section of the northern part of the eastern courtyard (bench room) and two sections to the east of the boundary of the stratum V courtyard (north and south space). During the later level, the activity did not really expand on the covered areas as much as redivide it into more distinct spatial units, e.g., north and south space became spaces 1–5 and east of five spaces. The conglomerate activities in these rooms were similar to those performed in the courtyards, albeit on a smaller scale: presenting offerings and sacrifices, performing healing rituals, burning incense, sacred feasting, and deposing of cult material in sacred repositories.

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The bench room, space 2, and east of five spaces were among the most active of the enclosed spaces, although others bear some distinction such as the impressive votive repository found in north space. The bench room (as its name implies) contained benches, or platforms, in the middle of the room and niches along the walls that were used to hold the offerings and particularly sacrifices. The limited number of regular-sized vessels and dog bones compared to that of the courtyards suggests that this was not a primary place for consuming sacred meals or for performing healing rituals, but rather a special area set aside for the display of propitiatory offerings and sacrifices, with access restricted to select participants. The area east of the five spaces reflects a very similar material pattern to that of the bench room with the addition of healing ritual activity, whereas evidence from space 2 suggests greater emphasis on the preparation and consumption of food-stuffs and beverages. The final spatial unit is the equid tomb, which was originally constructed at the northeastern edge of the sacred area, and subsequently enclosed and protected by a series of walls as the sacred area expanded eastward. It contained the remains of what appears to be two complete donkeys and the mandible of a third. The burial represents a unique aspect of Tel Haror’s sacred area by its separation, protection, and species type. The donkeys here are clearly not treated in the same manner as the other animal species, nor are they particularly common to Canaanite sites, especially in complete form. Indeed, deliberate equid burials (mostly partial) are attested at only four other Canaanite sites: Tell el-Ajjul, Jericho, Azor, and Tell Jemmeh (Wapnish 1997). This is not to imply that donkeys or, more generally, equids were in some way rare in MB Canaan. On the contrary, they formed an important component of husbanded stock throughout the Near East, valued primarily for their labor and prestige (Wapnish 1997:335). This special treatment may best be explained by reference to comparative material. Throughout Egypt and Mesopotamia, most equid burials are complete and found in conjunction with human skeletons and other grave offerings, indicating their likely purpose as funerary gifts (Wapnish 1997:359). The source for this custom may be found in the caravan trade, particularly among the leadership (Bietak 1996:25; 1997:103). While two of the donkeys from Tell el-Daba in the Egyptian delta have no tomb association (Bietak 1981), only at Tell Brak in northeastern Syria do equid burials diverge significantly from this pattern and instead are ritual deposits associated with an abandoned temple complex (Clutton-Brock and Davies 1993). In Canaan, however, the picture is more complex. Most of the skeletons are not complete and, of these, there is evidence that parts of the bodies were

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deliberately removed, perhaps for the purpose of consuming them in a sacred meal. In addition, the link with human burials is not as constant. In several instances (at Tell Jemmeh and Tell el-Ajjul), the equid burials are associated with building foundations (Wapnish 1997:359). Textual evidence from Mari sheds light on one such alternative, nonfunerary practice, namely, the sealing of a non-aggression pact between two parties (Finet 1993; Malamat 1995). In a letter (ARM II 37) sent by Ibal-Il to Zimri-Lin of Mari, the former reports that he had a young donkey foal killed (rather than a puppy or a goat as had originally been brought) in order to establish an alliance between the Hanaeans and the people of Ida-Maras. The text makes clear that the primary purpose of the sacrifice was not to make peace with another people nor to honor a deity but rather to seal, by solemn immolation, a pact of non-aggression between two peoples who have a territorial dispute (Finet 1993:135). The sacrifice is preceded by a gesture of “touching the throat” to affirm sincerity and by solemn oathtaking. From additional texts, we learn that the proper location for such a ceremony is in the presence of a deity or in a temple, thus conjoining the political with the religious (Finet 1993:136). Although it appears that other animals could have equally fulfilled this function, the preference for the donkey derived from a nomadic, Amorite tradition in which the donkey was symbolically elevated because of its role as a riding animal at a time when horses were much rarer and camels yet unknown (Finet 1993:136). In conclusion, therefore, ritual activity at Tel Haror derived from panregional sources, and is best conceived as a product of local adaptation and refinement. The rituals represented those authorized by the public cult under the direction of a religious elite with moderate communal participation. While most of these rituals centered on propitiating the deity and on healing followed by sacred feasting, religiously sanctioned politics were also incorporated.

APPENDIX

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Figure 1. Tel Haror, Site Plan (Oren 1997:259)

Figure 2. Area K, Statum V

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Figure 3. Area K, Stratum IVb

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Figure 4. Area K, Startum IVa

APPENDIX 173

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Figure 5. Absolute Counts for Regular Vessels and Figurines 160

140

Number of Vessels

120

100

80

60

40

20

Bo w Di S ls p p ta er nds St Ju o r gle a t Co ge s ok Ja in rs g Po ts O Jug il La s m ps Pe de Kra st t al ers Va se Pe Ch a s de lic Se sta es l rv in J ar g Di s s Fi hes gu r in es

0

Vessel Type

Figure 5. Absolute Counts for regular Vessels and Figurines

Figure 6. Rounded Bowls

APPENDIX

Figure 7. Bowl with Geometric Pattern

175

176

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 8. Bowl with Alternating Snails (Curls) and Ram Heads

APPENDIX

Figure 9. Potter’s Mark on Bowl

177

Figure 10. Potter’s Mark on Bowl

Figure 11. Minoan Bowl

178

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 13. Painted Stand

Figure 12. Stand (Base Only)

APPENDIX

Figure 14. Zoomorphic Application

Figure 15. Cooking Pot

179

180

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 16. Seven-Spouted Lamp

APPENDIX

Figure 19. Figurine Fragment of an Anthropomorphic Arm Figure 17. Pedestal Jar with Herring-Bone Application

Figure 20. Snake Application

Figure 18. Ram Head Figurine

181

182

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 21. Miniature Bowls

Cy l

es Ja in dr ic Ju rs al gl Ve ets ss el s

Bo ttl

Ro un Pe de de d B Ca sta ow l W rin l B s St id ate ow ra e d l ig Op B s ht en ow Ha Fla r Bo ls nd ing wl -M B s a d ow e ls Bo wl s

Number of Vessels

APPENDIX 183

Figure 22. Absolute Counts for Miniature Vessels 30

25

20

15

10

5

0

Open Vessels Closed Vessels

Figure 22. Absolute Counts for Miniature Vessels

184

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 23. Hand-Made Bowl Resembling a Lamp

Figure 24. Closed Miniature Vessels

APPENDIX

Figure 25. Distribution of Regular Vessels

185

186

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 26. Distribution of Miniature Vessels

5%

Rounded Bowls

4%

Pedestal Bowls

5% 30%

6%

Carinated Bowls Wide Open Bowls Straight Flaring Bowls

6%

Hand-Made Bowls 6%

Bottles Jars

8% 22%

8%

Juglets Cylindrical Vessels

Figure 26. Distribution of Miniature Vessels

Figure 27. Percentage of Regular Vessels with Decorative Element

13%

Not Painted Painted

87%

Figure 27. Percentage of Regular Vessles with Decorative Element

APPENDIX

187

Figure 28. Percentage of Each Vessel Type that is Decorated 120 100

Percent

80 60 40 20

Serving Dishes

Pedestal Jars

Chalices

Pedestal Vases

Kraters

Oil Lamps

Jugs

Cooking Pots

Storage Jars

Dipper Juglets

Stands

Bowls

0

Vessel Type

Figure 28. Percentage of Each Vessel Type that is Decorated

188

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 29. Distribution of Stratum V Regular Vessels

11% 6%

Bowls Dipper Juglets

11% 50%

Storage Jars Jugs Cooking Pots

11%

Figurines 11%

Figure 29. Distribution of Stratum V Regular Vessels

Figure 30. Distribution of Stratum V Miniature Vessels

17% 32%

Rounded Bowls Carinated Bowls 17%

Wide Open Bowls Straight Flaring Bowls Closed Vessels

17%

17%

Figure 30. Distribution of Statum V Miniature Vessels

APPENDIX

189

Figure 31. Distribution of Stratum IVb Regular Vessels

7% 2%

Pedestal Bowls Rounded Bowls

11% 36%

Wide Open Bowls

4%

Straight Flaring Bowls

4%

Carinated Bowls Hand-Made

7%

Bottles Jars

9%

Juglets

20%

Figure 31. Distribution of Stratum IVb Regular Vessels

Figure 32. Distribution of Stratum IVb Miniature Vessels

7% 2%

Pedestal Bowls Rounded Bowls

11% 36%

Wide Open Bowls Straight Flaring Bowls

4%

Carinated Bowls

4%

Hand-Made Bowls

7%

Bottles 9%

Jars 20%

Juglets

Figure 32. Distribution of Stratum IVb Miniature Vessels

190

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 33. Stratigraphic Comparison of Regular Vessels

60 50 40

Stratum V

30

Stratum IVb

20

Stratum IVa

10

Bo wl s D ip Sta p e nd r s St Jug or le ts a C ge oo Ja ki ng r s Po ts J u O il L gs am ps Pe de Kra t st al ers V as C es Pe ha lic d Se est es a l rv in Ja r g D s is he s

0

Figure 33. Stratigraphic Comparison of Regular Vessels

Percent

Figure 34. Stratigraphic Comparison of Decorative Motifs 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Stratum V Stratum IVb Stratum IVa

Total

Slip Only

Painted

Application

Decorative Motif

Figure 34. Stratigraphic Comparison of Decorative Motifs

APPENDIX

191

3% 3%

4%

3%

Bowls

4%

Stands Dipper Juglets

5% 43%

Storage Jars Cooking Pots

6%

Oil Lamps Jugs Kraters

9%

Pedestal Vases Other 20%

Figure 35. Distribution of Stratum IVa Regular Vessels

Figure 36. Distribution of Stratum IVa Miniature Vessels

11%

4%

Rounded Bowls Carinated Bowls

11%

44%

Hand-Made Wide Open Bowls Straight Flaring

4%

Juglets

4%

Cylindrical Vessels 11% 11%

Jars

Figure 36. Distribution of Stratum IVa Miniature Vessels

192

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 37. Percentage of Regular Vessels and Figurines within Each Stratum

Stratum IVa Stratum IVb

Serving

Figurines

Pedestal

Chalices

Pedestal

Oil

Kraters

Jugs

Cooking

Dipper

Storage

Bowls

Stratum V

Stands

Percent

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Vessel type

Figure 37. Percentage of Regular Vessels and Figurines within Each Stratum

Figure 38. Percentage of Miniature Vessels within Each Stratum 100% Percent

80%

Stratum IVa

60%

Stratum IVb

40%

Stratum V

20%

Ro un d Pe e d de Ca sta l r W inat St ide ed ra O ig pe ht n Fl Ha a r i nd ng -M ad Bo e ttl es Ja Ju rs Cy glet lin s dr ic al

0%

Vessel Type

Figure 38. Percentage of Miniature Vessels within Each Stratum

Figure 39. Division of Area K into Nineteen Spatial Units

APPENDIX 193

Figure 40. Material and Faunal Concentrations from Stratum V

194 ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 41. Material and Faunal COncentrations from Stratum IVb

APPENDIX 195

Figure 42. Material and Faunal Concentrations from Stratum IVa

196 ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

APPENDIX

Figure 43. Potential Middle Bronze Age Cult Sites in Canaan

197

198

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 44. Hazor, Area F. “Double Temple”— Conjectural Rendition (Yadin 1972: fig. 23)

Figure 45. Hazor, Area H. MB IIA Broadroom Temple (Yadin 1972: fig. 18_

APPENDIX

Figure 46. Hazor, Area A. LB I Long Temple (Yadin 1972: fig.26)

199

200

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 47. Nahariya. Auxiliary Building and Bamah (Dothan 1993:1090)

APPENDIX

Figure 48. Tel Kitan. Superimposed MB IIB Temples (Eisenberg 1977:80)

Figure 49. Megiddo, Area BB. MB II Temple 2048 (Aharoni 1993:1012)

201

202

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 50. MBII Village near Kfar Rupin. Building C (Gophna 1979: fig.2)

Figure 51. Tell el-Hayyat. MB IIA Temple. Phase 5 (Falcomer and Magness-Gardiner: 1989: fig.2a)

Figure 52. Tell el-Hayyat. MBIIA Phase 2 (Falconer and MagnessGardiner:1989: fig. 3b

APPENDIX

Figure 53. Shechem. MB IIB Migdal Temple, Early Phase (Campbell 1993:1349)

203

Figure 54. Shechem. MB IIB Temple 7300 (Dever 1974: fig.10)

Figure 55. Kfar Shemaryahu. MB IIA Building (Kaplan 1971: fig. 11)

204

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 56. Gezer.MB IIB High Place (Dever 1973: fig.3)

Figure 57. Nahal Rephaim. Building 500 (Eisenberg 1993a:1278)

APPENDIX

Figure 58. Manahat. Building 106 (Edelstein 1993:1281)

205

206

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Figure 59. Middle Bronze Age Cult Sites in Canaan

APPENDIX

Figure 60. Tel Haror. Isometric Plan of Migdal Temple (Oren 1997:265)

207

208

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 1. Rounded Bowl

Plate 2. Carinated Bowls

APPENDIX

Plate 3. Bowl with Red-Burnishing

Plate 4. Bowl with White-Slip

209

210

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 5. Painted Bowl

Plate 6. Rim Applications Composed of Snake-like Curls

Plate 7. Bowl with Potter’s Mark

APPENDIX

Plate 8. Composite Stand

Plate 9. Stand (Bowl Only)

211

212

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 10. Stand with Snake Application

Plate 11. Dipper Juglet

APPENDIX

Plate 12. Painted Storage Jar

Plate 13. Oil Lamp from Bench Room (Stratum IVa)

213

214

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 14. Decorated Pedestal Vase

Plate 15. Chalice

Plate 16. Pedestal Jars and Bowls

APPENDIX

Plate 17. Serving Dish

Plate 18. Plastic Decorations in the Shape of Snakes

215

216

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 19. Plastic Decorations in the Shape of Snails

Plate 20. Miniature Bowls

APPENDIX

Plate 21. Miniature Closed Vessels

Plate 22. Bronze Horse Bit

217

218

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 23. Cylindrical Lumps of Clay

Plate 24. Stand (Base)

APPENDIX

Plate 25. Stratum IVa Ring Stands from East Courtyard, West

Plate 26. Remains from Stratum V Pit (8253) in East Courtyard, East

219

220

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 27. Vessels Recovered from Floor near Installation 8269 in East Courtyard, East (Stratum IVb)

Plate 28. Vessels Recovered from Floor near Installation 8269 in East Courtyard, East (Stratum IVb)

APPENDIX

221

Plate 29. More Bowls Recovered from Floor near Installation 8269 in East Courtyard, East (Stratum IVb)

Plate 30. Miniature Pedestal Bowls

222

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 31. Dipper Juglets Recovered from Floor in Space 2

Plate 32. Portion of Painted Stand Recovered from Floor in Space 2

APPENDIX

223

Plate 33. Funnel-Shaped Bowl Fixture of Stand Recovered East of Five Spaces

224

ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT IN MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CANAAN

Plate 34. Storage Jar Recovered East of Five Spaces

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INDEX Acre, 125 Adams, R. M., 20, 21 Ader, 121 Ajjul, Tell el-, 60, 161, 167, 168 Akkadian, 122 Alalakh, 139, 155 Albright, W. F., 2, 3, 29, 121, 141, 147 Amiran, R., 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53 Amman, 122, 123, 124, 135, 141, 145 Amorite, Amorites, 3 Anat, 157, 162 Anderson, B. W., 140 Année Sociologique, 7 Asherah, 128, 130, 133, 157, 159, 162 Asherat-Yam (Asherah of the Sea), 157, 159 Ashkelon, 121 Assyria, 166 Astarte, 157, 162 Avaris. See Daba, Tell-ed Avimelech, 29 Azande, 9 Azor, 167 Aztec, 19, 23 Baal, 133, 158, 159, 162 Baal Haddu, 162 Bahat, D., 150 Balatah, Tell. See Shechem Beer Sheva, 1, 29 Beit Mirsim, Tell, 2 Beit-Merkavot, 29 Beit-Shean, 129 Beit-Shemesh, 150 Ben-Dor, I., 125, 127, 128

Ben-Tor, A., 123 Bergquist, B., 164 Berlin, 140 Bietak, M., 3, 167 Binford, L., 21 Boghazköy, 140 Boling, R. B., 141, 143 Brak, Tell, 167 Byblos, 150 Canaan, Canaanite, i, ix, x, xi, 1, 2, 3, 4, 29, 50, 54, 58, 59, 60, 119, 121, 122, 124, 130, 131, 133, 144, 146, 147, 153, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167 Conrad, G. W., 23 Cyprus, Cypriot, 30, 36, 44, 48, 49, 71, 75, 76, 90, 127 Daba, Tell el- (Avaris), x, 3, 4, 167 De Vaux, R., 139 Delta (Egyptian), 4 Demarest, A. A., 23 Dever, W. G., 2, 3, 56, 140, 141, 142, 146, 147, 165, 166 Dothan, M., 122, 125, 127, 128, 146, 158 Douglas, M., 10, 11 Durkheim, E., 7, 8, 10 Ebal, Mount, 140 Ebla, 163 Edelstein, G., 148, 149, 150 Egypt, 3, 4, 58, 59, 161, 167 Eisenberg, E., 129, 130, 148 El, xi, 133, 158, 159, 162 Eliade, M., 12 Emar, 163 Epstein, C., 131, 150 Euphrates, 163

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Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 8, 9 Falconer, S. E., 135, 136, 137 Farah, Tell el- (North), 2, 121, 139, 140, 153, 155, 156, 159 Feuchtwang, S., 15 Finkelstein, I., 3, 122, 131 Flannery, K. V., 19, 21 Frazer, J. G., 6 Galilee, 4, 122, 153 Sea of Galilee, 122 Garstang, J., 122 Gat, 29 Genesis, Book of, 29 Gerar, 29, 30, 31, 35 Nahal, 2, 29, 30, 31, 35, 121, 147, 148, 153, 154, 155, 156 Gerisa, Tel, 121, 122 Gerizim, Mount, 140, 141, 143 Gezer, ix, 2, 121, 146, 147, 153 Givat Sharett, 2, 50, 121, 150, 151, 153, 154 Hanaeans, 168 Haror, Tel, ix, x, xi, xiii, 1, 2, 28, 29, 42, 49, 67, 117, 119, 121, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168 Hayyat, Tell el-, 2, 121, 135, 138, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159 Hazor, 2, 4, 46, 121, 122, 123, 125, 153, 155, 156, 163 Hebron, Tel, 121, 122 Hertz, R., 7 High Place (bamah), 126, 128, 146, 147, 150 Hittite, 3, 140 Hubert, H., 7, 164, 166 Hula, Lake, 122 Hurrians, 163 Hyksos, x, 3, 4, 30, 127, 161, 162 Ibal-Il, 168 Ida-Maras, 168 Inca, 23

Israel, Israelite (ancient), ix, xi, 4, 28, 29, 56, 116, 125, 129, 146, 148, 164 Jemmeh, Tell, 167, 168 Jericho, 49, 167 Jerusalem, 29, 122, 123, 139, 146, 147 Jezreel Valley, 131, 153 Jordan, 4, 56, 116 River, 121, 129, 134, 135 Transjordanian, 4 Valley, ix, 153 Jung, C. G., 12 Kaplan, J., 145 Kempinski, A., 2, 3, 54, 58, 60, 125, 131, 132, 133, 158, 162 Kfar Rupin, 2, 121, 134, 153 Kfar Shemaryahu, 2, 121, 145, 153 Kitan, Tell, 2, 121, 129, 130, 134, 138, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159 Klenck, J., x, xi, 42, 58, 68, 77, 164 Lachish, 121, 122 Lang, A., 5, 6 Lebanese, 2, 4 Lévi-Strauss, C., 10 Levitical, 10 Lévy-Bruhl, L., 8, 10 Macalister, R. A. S., 146, 147 Magness-Gardiner, B., 135, 136, 137 Malinowski, B., 9 Mallet, J., 139, 140 Manahat (Malha), 2, 121, 148, 149, 153 Mari, 3, 163, 168 Marrett, 6 Marx, K., 15 Mauss, M., 7, 164, 166 Mediterranean Sea, 4 Megaron Temple, 156 Megiddo, x, 2, 46, 50, 121, 131, 133, 134, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163 Mesopotamia, Mesopotamian, 21, 163, 164, 167

INDEX Migdal (temple), 156. See also “Monumental Symmetrical Temples” and “Syrian Temple” Minoan, 42, 44, 90 Monumental Symmetrical Temples, 116, 125, 130, 133, 144, 155. See also “Migdal” and “Syrian Temple” Mor, Tell, 121, 122 Müller, F.M., 5 Mumbaqat, Tell, 163 Nablus, 139 Nahariya, 2, 46, 50, 56, 121, 125, 128, 138, 145, 146, 150, 153, 154, 157, 158 Near East, Near Eastern, 61, 162, 165, 167 Negev, ix, 1, 4, 29, 30, 153 Oren, E. D., xiii, 1, 2, 3, 29, 30, 43, 58, 161 Pella, 135 Philistine, 29 Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 9 Ramla, 146 Redman, C. L., 20, 21 Reifenberg, M., 55 Reshef, 122 Rowe, A., 146 Sahlins, M. D., 18, 20 Schumacher, G., 131 Seger, J. D., 146 Sellin, E., 140, 141, 142, 143, 145 Sera, Tel, 29 Service, E. R., 18, 20, 22 Sharon Plain, 131 Sharuhen, 29, 161

251 Shechem (Tell Balatah), x, xi, 2, 121, 139, 140, 143, 145, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163 Shephelah, 153 Shiloh, 121, 122 Simeon (tribe), 29 Sinai, 161 Smith, W. R., 7 Spencer, H., 6 Sperber, D., 13 Steward, J. H., 18, 19 Syria, 2, 3, 4, 116, 155, 163, 167 Syrian temples, 130, 133, 144, 155. See also “Monumental Symmetrical Temples” and “Migdal” Tambiah, S., 16, 24, 25 Tananir, Tell, 141, 143, 145, 153 Tel Aviv, 145 Tubas, 139 Turner, V., 12, 13, 14, 16 Tylor, E. B., 6 Ugarit, Ugaritic, 128, 157, 166 Ussishkin, D., 122, 131 Van Gennep, A., 9, 13, 14 Via Maris, 122, 131, 146, 153 Welter, G., 140, 143, 145 White, L. A., 18 Wright, G. E., 19, 20, 140, 141, 142, 146, 162 Yadin, Y., 122, 123, 124, 125, 131 Young, T. C., 19, 20 Ziffer, I., 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 59 Zimri-Lin, 168