The Arab Lands in the Ottoman Era 0979755913, 9780979755910

Table of contents :
Note on Transliteration, Dates, and Abbreviations
Contributors
Illustrations
Introduction
Endnotes
1 Some Arabic Sources concerning the First Ottoman Occupation of the Yemen (945-1045/1538-1636)
Endnotes
2 The Ottoman Conquest of Yemen: The Ismaili Perspective
Endnotes
3 Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and the Spice Trade
Endnotes
4 The “Mamluk Breaker” Who Was Really a Kul Breaker: A Fresh Look at Kul Kiran Mehmed Pasha, Governor of Egypt 1607-1611
Endnotes
5 “He was Crude of Speech”: Turks and Arabs in the Hagiographical Imagination of Early Ottoman Egypt
Endnotes
6 The Scope of Curiosity: Memorabilia in Russian Pilgrims’ Narratives of the Middle East (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries)
Endnotes
7 Moroccan Ulema and Pilgrims in Cairo: An Aspect of Intellectual Exchange in the Arab-Ottoman World of the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries
Endnotes
8 Immigrant Tradesmen as Guild Members, or, the Adventures of Umisian Fez-Sellers in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul
Endnotes
9 Syria’s “Underdevelopment” under Ottoman Rule:
Revisiting an Old Theme in the Light of New Evidence
from the Court Records of Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century
Endnotes
10 The Syrian Economy at the Turn of the Century: The Testimony of al-Muqtabas, 1906-1914—An Overview
Endnotes
11 Ottoman Musical Forms: The Sama'i, Bashraf and Longa in the Arab World and Beyond Kay Hardy Campbell
Endnotes
Interview Subjects
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

The Arab Lands in the Ottoman Era

Minnesota Studies in Early Modern History No. 2

Minnesota Studies in Early Modern History Series Editor: Edward L. Farmer University o f Minnesota

Editorial Board: Jerry H. Bentley

William D. Phillips, Jr.

University o f Hawaii

University o f Minnesota

Thomas A. Brady

Mansur Sefatgol

University o f California, Berkeley

University o f Tehran

Timothy Brook

James D. Tracy

University o f British Columbia

University o f Minnesota

Luca Codignola

Josefina Zoraida Visquez

Università di Genova

El Colegio de México

Felipe Fernândez-Armesto

Ann Waltner

University o f Notre Dame

University o f Minnesota

Anthony Grafton

Wang Gungwu

Princeton University

National University o f Singapore

Tamar Herzog

John E. Wills, Jr.

Stanford University

University o f Southern California

Carla Rahn Phillips University o f Minnesota

Titles in Series 1. Calvin B. Kendall, Oliver Nicholson, William D. Phillips, Jr., and Mar­ guerite Ragnow, eds., Conversion to Christianity from Late Antiquity to the M odem Age: Considering the Process in Europe, Asia, and the Americas

2. Jane Hathaway, ed., The Arab Lands in the Ottoman Era

The Arab Lands in the Ottoman Era

Edited by Jane Hathaway

E ssay s in Honor of P rof essor Caesar Farah

© 2009 Center for Early Modern History Printed in the United States of America

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover Design: Amy Kirkpatrick, Kirkpatrick Design Cover Photo: Jane Hathaway Interior Design and Typesetting: Multilingual Design, Seattle Index: Bruce Tindall

Published by the Center for Early Modern History, University of Minnesota The Center for Early Modern History holds research conferences and sponsors publications designed to further the scholarly understanding of the period 1350-1750. This volume is the second in the series Minnesota Studies in Early M odem History. All titles are available from: Center for Early Modern History University of Minnesota 271-19th Avenue South Minneapolis, MN 55455 [email protected] www.cemh.umn.edu/publications ISBN 978-0-9797559-1-0

N ote on Transliteration, Dates, and Abbreviations

I

n Arab and Turkish proper names, diacritical markings have been omitted except for the guttural Arabic letter cayn, repre­ sented by the sym bolc, and the Arabic glottal stop, or hamza, represented by the symbol \ Long vowel marks and dots underneath aspirated consonants have, however, been retained in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish book titles and common nouns. Here, translitera­ tion follows the International Journal o f Middle East Studies. Dis­ tinctive letters in modern Turkish have been retained, except for “c,” which has been replaced by “j,” except in book titles. Other­ wise, these Turkish letters have the following equivalents: ç = ch I = soft “g,” as in espagnol 1~

u, as in “put” ö ~ ur, as in “hurt,” or French œ ü ~ u, as in “mute,” or French u Long vowels in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish have the follow­ ing equivalents: ä = a, as in “ah” ï = ee, as in “weed” Q = oo, as in “too” Terms that can be found in English dictionaries, such as “amir,” “ulema,” and “Sufi,” retain the spellings found there. All dates are Common Era (the equivalent of A.D.) unless otherwise specified. Some contributors have elected to provide

both Islamic (hijri) dates and their equivalents in the Gregorian calendar. In these cases, the h ijri date or dates come first, fol­ lowed by a forward slash and the Gregorian date(s), as in 9451045/1538-1636. E l2 stands for Encyclopaedia o f Islam, 2nd edition.

vi

C on ten ts Note on Transliteration, Dates, and Abbreviations

v

Contributors

ix

Illustrations

x

Introduction

1

Jane Hathaway

Some Arabic Sources concerning the First Ottoman Occupation of the Yemen (945-1045/1538-1636)

19

G. Rex Sm ith

2

The Ottoman Conquest of Yemen: The Ismaili Perspective

3

Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and the Spice Trade

4 5

41

Samer Traboulsi

63

Giancarlo Casale

The “Mamluk Breaker” W ho Was Really a Kul Breaker: A Fresh Look at Kul Ktran Mehmed Pasha, Governor of Egypt 1607-1611

93

Jane Hathaway

“He was Crude of Speech”: Turks and Arabs in the Hagiographical Imagination of Early Ottoman Egypt

111

Erik S. Ohlander

The Scope of Curiosity: Memorabilia in Russian Pilgrims’ Narratives of the Middle East (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries)

137

Svetlana Kirillina vii

Moroccan Ulema and Pilgrims in Cairo: An Aspect of Intellectual Exchange in the Arab-Ottoman World of the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries

169

Vladim ir Orlov

Immigrant Tradesmen as Guild Members, or, the Adventures of Umisian Fez-Sellers in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul

187

Suraiya Faroqhi

Syria’s “Underdevelopment” under Ottoman Rule: Revisiting an Old Theme in the Light o f New Evidence from the Court Records o f Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century

209

Rhoads M urphey

The Syrian Economy at the Turn of the Century: The Testimony of al-Muqtabas, 1906-1914—An Overview

231

Sam ir Seikaly

Ottoman Musical Forms: The Samä% Bashraf and Longa in the Arab World and Beyond

251

K ay H ardy C am pbell Bibliography

275

Index

295

C on tributors Kay Hardy Campbell Boston Giancarlo Casale University of Minnesota Suraiya Faroqhi Istanbul Bilgi University Jane Hathaway Ohio State University Svetlana Kirillina Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University Rhoads Murphey University of Birmingham Erik S. Ohlander Indiana University—Purdue University, Fort Wayne, Indiana Vladimir Orlov Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University Samir Seikaly American University of Beirut G. Rex Smith Emeritus, University of Manchester Samer Traboulsi University of North Carolina, Asheville

ix

Illustrations M ap 1. T h e O tto m a n E m pire ca. 1700. M ap 2. O tto m a n Yemen. M ap 3. In d ia n O cean p o rts in th e p re m o d e rn era.

Adapted from Jane Hathaway, B eshir Agha, C h ief Eunuch o f the O ttom an Im perial Harem (Oxford, 2006), p. x

Mat> i. The Ottoman Empire ca.

Introduction Jane Hathaway

aesar Farah embodies what is best in scholarship on the Ottoman Empire, integrating examination of Arab provin­ cial societies with an appreciation of the broader impe­ rial framework within which these societies operated. During an academic career spanning nearly half a century, he has produced original studies, translations, and educational surveys on a wide spectrum of topics. Arguably his most substantial body of scholar­ ship has consisted in multiple studies of two of the Ottoman Empire’s more geographically challenging and confessionally diverse Arab provinces, Lebanon and Yemen, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During this period, both provinces were under­ going wrenching social and economic change brought on by Euro­ pean commercial penetration, external occupation, and the series of westernizing military and administrative reforms known collec­ tively as the Tanzimat. Where Lebanon is concerned, Farah’s work focuses on the three decades prior to the “civil war” of 1860-61,1 when Lebanon’s Maronite Christian and Druze populations battled for regional influence in the wake of a series of Tanzimat-inspired reforms that had steadily enhanced the Maronites’ political stat­ ure. These years witnessed the ten-year occupation (1831-40) of Ottoman Syria, including Lebanon, by the forces of Mehmed cAli Pasha, the autonomous governor of Egypt. The Egyptian presence disrupted the delicate intercommunal relations among Lebanon’s various Christian, Muslim, and Druze communities, laying the ground for strife. Farah’s studies of Yemen, in contrast, focus on the period of the second Ottoman occupation (1872-1918) and the

C

2

C^= T H E ARAB LANDS IN T HE O TT OM A N ERA

decades preceding it,2 when Ottoman military commanders trying to gain a foothold in the region, governors administering the prov­ ince, and regiments stationed there faced a near-constant insurgency by the province’s native population of Zaydi ShiMtes, just as they had during the first occupation from 1538-1636. In addition to these seminal studies, however, Caesar Farah pro­ duced an historiographical study of the dhayl, or “supplement,” a key addition to many Arabic chronicles of the premodern and medi­ eval periods.3 Shifting course entirely, he went on to publish a basic guide to Islam in Barron's Compact Studies of World Religions series; it is now in its seventh edition.4 Years later, he brought out a partial English translation of the great eleventh-century Baghdad theologian al-Ghazali’s Revivification o f the Sciences o f Religion (Ihyä3 culüm al-dtri),5 as well as a full translation and critical edi­ tion of the travelogue of Elias al-Musili, an Arab Christian from the northern Iraqi city of Mosul who visited the Spanish American colonies during the seventeenth century.6 Still, his interest in the Ottoman world never flagged: in addition to the works on Lebanon and Yemen cited above, he produced a short study of Christians in the Ottoman Arab lands7 and an edited volume on statecraft and crises throughout Ottoman history.8 His many articles on Ottoman Lebanon, Ottoman Yemen, and numerous other topics have been collected in a volume entitled Arabs and Ottomans: A Checkered Relationship which underlines his abiding concern with the inter­ play between imperial imperatives and provincial realities, as well as the contacts and tensions to which this interplay gave rise among populations of different languages, geographical provenances, reli­ gious tendencies, and local traditions. , 9

The present volume brings together eleven studies prepared in Caesar Farah’s honor. Each of the contributors has a much-val­ ued relationship with Professor Farah, whether that of former stu­ dent or colleague at the University of Minnesota; fellow scholar of Yemen; fellow conferee and member of the Comité International d’Études Pre-Ottomanes et Ottomanes (CIEPO), which Professor Farah has long served as vice president; or simply long-time friend.

I N T R O D U C T I O N =^3

3

I myself first met Professor Farah in 1987, at an international con­ ference on Arab-Turkish relations held at Bosphorus University in Istanbul. This was, perhaps, the ideal setting in which to make his acquaintance since Arab-Turkish relations—and more specifi­ cally, the relations between the Ottoman central authorities and their Arab subjects—has lain at the heart of his endeavors during his long and rich career. Appropriately, the papers collected here engage with just the sorts of interactions to which Caesar Farah has devoted his career. The authors’ subjects range from the role of Ismaili ShiMtes in the 1538 Ottoman conquest of Yemen (Samer Traboulsi) to Tunisian fez-sellers in eighteenth-century Istanbul (Suraiya Faroqhi) to Otto­ man musical modes in modern Arab music (Kay Hardy Campbell). As this sampling of topics implies, these studies go well beyond the dichotomous center-periphery approach that has historically dominated the historiography of the Ottoman provinces. Instead, these scholars draw attention to the subtler dynamics among the populations of a single province, among several provinces, between a given province and the imperial capital, and between Ottoman territories and foreign powers. Exploiting an impressive range of primary sources, both archival and narrative, in Arabic, Ottoman Turkish, and several European languages, these contributions help to further the dialogue between the historiography of the Arab provinces and that of the Ottoman center. At the same time, they shed new light on overlooked provincial populations, little-known sojourners in the territories of the Ottoman Arab provinces, and understudied processes of religious, commercial, and cultural inter­ change within these lands.

Recent years have seen a wealth of new scholarship on Yemen under Ottoman rule. Although studies of the second Ottoman period (1872-1918) are more plentiful, there has also been a steady, if mod­ est, increase of interest in the woefully understudied first period (1538-1636) and its antecedents. I would like to think that the pres­ ent book includes an excellent sampling of this new research. G. Rex

4

C== T H E ARAB LANDS IN T HE O T T O M A N ERA

Smith, one of the pioneering scholars of Ottoman Yemen, presents a unique overview of Arabic narrative sources on the first Ottoman period. Although those with a passing interest in Ottoman Yemen and the Muslim Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina may well be famil­ iar with al-Nahrawali’s al-Barq a l-y a m â n îfïal-fath al-'uthmânî (The Yemeni lightning: The Ottoman conquest) and possibly Yahya ibn al-Husayn’s Ghâyat a l-am ânîfï akhbär al-yamânî (The object of desires: Yemeni annals), most will surely never have heard of cIsa ibn Lutfallah’s Rawh al-rüft (The refreshment o f the spirit) or Ahmad ibn Yusuf ibn Muhammad Fayruz’s Mafâlical-nïrân f î ta’rfkh al-Yaman (The rising of the sun and moon: The history of Yemen). Thus, Professor Smith’s contribution is of unparalleled historiographical and bibliographical value. His paper is nicely complemented by that of a member of the new academic generation, Samer Traboulsi, who broaches the topic, virtually unexamined, of Ismaili Shi'ite sources for the Ottoman conquest of Yemen in 1538 and its immediate aftermath. Yemen’s Ismaili population dates from the early days of the Ismaili move­ ment in the ninth century C.E. and reached a critical mass during the rule of the Sulayhid dynasty (ca. 1038-1138 C.E.), an Ismaili regime allied with the Fatimid caliphate that ruled Egypt, Syria, and the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina from 969-1171. Dur­ ing the Ottoman period, Yemen’s Ismaili population was caught in-between the province’s Sunni inhabitants, mainly adherents of the ShafTi legal rite, who lived in the coastal plain, and the Zaydi ShiMte population, who dominated the northern highlands. Zaydism differs from the two larger surviving Shicite subsects, the Ismailis and Imamis, or Twelvers, in its insistence on a living imam who is present in the community and who defends that community, by military force if necessary. In Yemen, as a partial consequence, one or another Zaydi imam was almost constantly rebelling against Ottoman rule. Ottoman governors of the sixteenth century, above all Ridvan Pasha (term 1564-67), who figures prominently in Traboulsi’s paper, sought to pacify or co-opt the Ismailis. In such a milieu, the Ismailis were a politico-religious wild card who might

INTRODUCTION = 3

5

side with the Ottomans, support the Zaydi imam—although, as Traboulsi points out, they were generally considered heretics by the Zaydis—adopt a policy of quietism, or migrate to India. Through his unique access to Ismaili family archives, Traboulsi unearths the Ismailis’ own perceptions of their role in sixteenth-century Yemen. While Smith and Traboulsi introduce indigenous Arabophone sources that throw new light on Yemen during the first Ottoman period, Giancarlo Casale revolutionizes our view of the Ottoman context within which the first occupation of Yemen unfolded. From a careful reading of central Ottoman archival sources, sup­ plemented by Italian and Portuguese diplomatic reports, he is able to reconstruct the revolutionary commercial policy that prevailed under the extraordinarily influential grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (term 1565-79), who, he demonstrates, exerted centralized state control over the trade in Indian spices through the Red Sea via Yemen—even during the years (1567-69) when the Zaydi imam al-Mutahhar launched a rebellion that nearly drove the Ottomans from the province, forcing Sokollu to order a massive expedition to neutralize him. With Sokollu’s assassination in 1579, this pol­ icy whereby the Ottoman state itself acted as a master merchant gave way to private commercial initiatives. Collectively, these three richly innovative papers point toward a new appreciation of Yemen’s importance—and indeed, that of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean—to the Ottoman Empire during the much-touted “classical age.” This same sort of revisionism, featuring cross-fertilization between Arabophone provincial and Turcophone central Ottoman sources, extends to Egypt. Although Egypt’s post-conquest his­ tory is far better studied than Yemen’s, the conventional histori­ ography, which posits a veritable continuation of the old Mamluk sultanate regime, under Ottoman rule, has proved stubbornly resis­ tant to revisionist approaches that truly integrate this important province into a broader Ottoman context. My own paper seeks to recontextualize the early seventeenth-century Ottoman governor

6

C== T HE ARAB LANDS IN T H E O T T O M A N ERA

known in Arabic chronicles of Egypt as Kul Kiran (Breaker of the Kuls) Mehmed Pasha— kul here referring to the class of military and palace personnel recruited through the devçirme, the Otto­ man practice of “collecting” Christian boys from the Balkan and Anatolian provinces, converting them to Islam, and training them for the corps of palace pages or for the Janissary corps. Reread­ ing these sources in the light of chronicles produced at the Otto­ man court fleshes Mehmed Pasha out as one of the new generation of viziers who did not come from kul, or devoirme, backgrounds but who, on the contrary, had begun to challenge the hegemony of such elements in the Ottoman administration. A close reading of even the standard Arabic narrative sources on seventeenth-century Egypt reveals that Egypt's provincial administration at the time of Mehmed Pasha's governorship was dominated by men of kul ori­ gin and, in some cases, their sons. In this context, Mehmed Pasha’s efforts, which broke the hold of the kuls in Egypt, emerge as a precursor to Sultan Osman II’s (r. 1618-22) attempts to challenge the kuls* power at the center. A certain parallel could be drawn to the manner in which Mehmed cAli Pasha’s destruction of Egypt’s remaining Mamluk amirs in 1811 served as a precedent for Sultan Mahmud II’s destruction of the Janissaries fifteen years later. The injection of new elements into Egyptian society under Otto­ man rule extended beyond the military-administrative stratum to encompass Egypt’s scholar-officials (ulema) and Sufis, among whom Iranian and Anatolian immigrants were numerous even dur­ ing the late Mamluk period. One of the most celebrated of these immigrants was the Khalwati Sufi leader Ibrahim-i Gülçeni (d. 1534), a mystical luminary originally from the region of Diyarbakir in southeastern Anatolia, who arrived in Cairo around 1504. He was one of three Khalwati shaykhs who came to Egypt during these years, fleeing the growing influence of the Shicite Safavid dynasty in the vicinity of Tabriz, where they had received their mystical indoctrination. In Cairo, each of these men established a separate branch of the Khalwati order. Erik Oh lander analyzes the attitudes of indigenous Egyptian ulema to Gülçeni—and, by

I N T R O D U C T I O N ==^1

7

implication, to other such immigrants—as reflected in the wellknown biographical collection of the Cairene scholar-mystic (Abd al-Wahhab al-Shacrani (ca. 1493-1565). While a superficial read­ ing of al-Sha(rani might lead one to conclude that Egyptian ulema held these Turcophone Sufis in disdain because of their language and ethnicity, his remarks in fact point to more complex and deep­ er-seated tensions between a long-standing tendency within Egypt, exemplified by al-Sha'rani himself, toward a mysticism that tran­ scended individual Sufi orders, and the very order-specific ritu­ als of this new influx of Khalwatis from Anatolia. These rivalries may also show the lingering effects of the entrenched antagonism between the Shafi(i legal rite of Sunni Islam, to which al-Shacrani belonged, and the Hanafi rite followed by Giilçeni and his fellow Anatolian immigrants. While the Shafi(i rite had emerged in Egypt in the ninth century C.E. and was deeply rooted there, the Hanafi rite was the official rite of the Ottoman state. Svetlana Kirillina’s and Vladimir Orlov’s studies pursue the theme of immigrants and sojourners by addressing non-Ottoman arrivals in Egypt and other regions of the Ottoman Arab lands. Kirillina offers the first study of Russian pilgrims to the Chris­ tian holy lands, which included not only the familiar sites associ­ ated with Jesus’ birth, mission, and martyrdom in what was then Ottoman Palestine, but also locales in Egypt and Anatolia con­ nected with early Christian history. Studies of Christian and even Jewish pilgrims to various sacred sites in the eastern Mediterra­ nean are nothing new. Kirillina, however, introduces a population of often overlooked Christian seekers, namely, Russian Orthodox pilgrims. Given the special character of the religious competition between the Ottoman and Russian empires, a study of these pil­ grims seems long overdue. After the Ottomans conquered Con­ stantinople in 1453, the Russian empire, which had adopted the Orthodox faith from the Byzantines centuries earlier, consciously took on the role of defenders of Orthodoxy; Moscow, in this con­ text, became the new Constantinople, or even the new Rome. When we recall that the vast majority of the Ottoman sultan’s Christian

8

C== T H E ARAB LANDS IN T H E O T T O M A N ERA

subjects belonged to the (Greek) Orthodox Church and consider the lengthy border regions in the Balkans and the Caucasus within which the two empires competed, we can easily understand why encounters between the two empires tended to be especially tense. They may well have been colored by a certain fear of the familiar: in and near these regions, the Ottoman and Russian empires could seem like mirror images of each other. Perhaps for that reason, some of the most intriguing observations contained in the pilgrim* age accounts that Kirillina examines are those not directly related to sacred sites and religious identity, notably responses to what were, to the Russians, exotica: camels, ostriches, lions, deserts, and so on. These they encountered in parts of the Ottoman Empire far removed from the Russian border. It is not hard to imagine a trav­ eler from Istanbul having similar responses to the unfamiliar sights of Mount Lebanon or the Egyptian desert, just as it is not hard to imagine a traveler from Moscow making such observations during a trip to Siberia—for both of these enormous land-based empires were astonishingly diverse. Indeed, the Russian pilgrims’ travel­ ogues present not so much the encounter of “the Christian West” (or East, in this case) with “Islam” but the forays of a hitherto rela­ tively insular people into new geographical and climatic zones. Kirillina’s colleague Vladimir Orlov takes on a somewhat dif­ ferent group of pilgrims, namely, Muslim pilgrims from Morocco who sojourned in Egypt en route to the Muslim Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina. They were far more numerous than Russian pilgrims in Ottoman territory since Cairo lay directly along the route to Mecca and since, by the terms under which the Ottomans administered the Muslim pilgrimage, pilgrims from North Africa were required to join the official caravan that set out from Cairo each year. Pilgrimage was not the only thing that drew Moroccans to Cairo, however. Moroccan scholars spent years there studying at the famed al-Azhar theological seminary, acquiring religious and legal texts, and cultivating ties to Egyptian scholar-officials. Although the author is concerned primarily with religious and intel­ lectual contacts, he also notes the substantial numbers of Moroc­

INTRODUCTION = 3

9

can soldiers resident in Egypt (and Syria, as well), where they were employed as auxiliaries to the Ottoman regimental forces. As Orlov observes, the Moroccans, who, like most North African Mus­ lims, adhered to the Maliki legal rite of Sunni Islam, occasionally took exception to the ease with which Cairenes patronized differ­ ent legal rites as it suited their purposes—a phenomenon found in all major cities of the Ottoman Arab provinces, where the official Hanafi legal rite co-existed with other rites that were already wellestablished. At the same time, Orlov reveals, Moroccan mystical practices played a definitive role in shaping Sufism as practiced in Ottoman Egypt. Indeed, the legendary thirteenth-century Sufi saint Ahmad al-Badawi, whose cult cAbd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani, by Erik Ohlander’s account, viewed with much disdain, was a native of Morocco, while the Shadhili Sufi order, of which al-Sha'rani himself was a sometime adherent, had originated there. With Suraiya Faroqhi’s article, the focus of the volume shifts more overtly to economic matters, although Faroqhi, like Orlov, focuses on North African sojourners in Ottoman territory— in this case, the imperial capital. In both the imperial capital and the largest provincial capital, Cairo, these two Maghribi communi­ ties manifested a marked degree of self-identification and cohe­ sion as North Africans, and presumably as adherents of the Maliki legal rite of Sunni Islam. Faroqhi’s study of Tunisian fez-merchants in eighteenth-century Istanbul engages with a number of interre­ lated issues critical to an understanding of the Ottoman economy during this era of steadily increasing enmeshment with European markets. Changing consumption patterns are immediately notice­ able: whereas fezzes, although known, are unmentioned in Istan­ bul estate inventories before the late seventeenth century, by the middle of the following century, the Tunisian fez, usually employed as the base for a turban, had become the headgear of choice for the capital’s middle and upper classes. Otherwise, Faroqhi joins Giancarlo Casale in offering evidence that challenges the conventional vision of the Ottoman state as a commercially passive entity that followed a policy of “provisionism” in which an equitable distribu­

10

C== T H E ARAB LANDS IN T H E O T T O M A N ERA

tion of staples, raw materials, and manufactured goods took pre­ cedence over competition and profits. A key element of so-called provisionism was a fairly rigid guild structure that ensured the quality of manufactured goods while protecting the craftsmen of a given locale from outside competition. The fez-sellers' guild flies in the face of the provisionist model: an organization for foreign “interlopers” whose members, though merchants, self-identified as craftsmen, it was headed, unlike most Ottoman guilds, by a Tuni­ sian. On more than one occasion, it split into two halves that pre­ sumably competed against each other. This paper likewise provides a valuable glimpse into the Ottoman central government's policies toward immigrants from the empire’s Arab provinces during the eighteenth century; while the state’s efforts to cope with unruly Balkan, and above all Albanian, migrants to the imperial capital are fairly well-known during this period when Russia and the Habsburg Empire were advancing through southeastern Europe, similar movements from the Arab lands remain mysterious. Faroqhi points out that Tunisian fez merchants who proved disruptive were sent back to their home province—an option not always open to their Balkan counterparts. For their part, Rhoads Murphey and Samir Seikaly investigate the social changes that occurred in Ottoman Syria between the end of the eighteenth and the early years of the twentieth century. Murphey focuses on the late eighteenth and early nineteenth cen­ turies, before implementation of the Tanzimat reforms. In 1865, at the height of the Tanzimat, Syria’s administrative boundaries were redrawn, so that the old vilayet of Sham, corresponding to the southern portion of modern-day Syria, along with Lebanon, Jor­ dan, and Palestine, was combined with the southernmost portion of the Aleppo vilâyet, which encompassed the northernmost regions of today’s Syria, plus parts of southeastern Anatolia. The borders of the resulting new province, known as viläyet-i Süriye, corre­ sponded more or less to the current national boundaries of Syria. Damascus became the administrative capital of this new unit, trig-

INTRODUCTION = 3

H

gering the process whereby that city would come to overshadow Aleppo as a regional hub. Before this administrative transformation, however, Aleppo was a major center for the transshipment of goods from Iraq, Iran, India, and points farther east to the Mediterranean coast, whence they were shipped to other Ottoman provinces and to Europe. In addition, sizable quantities of silk were produced in both Aleppo and Damascus, largely for local and regional consumption. Mul­ berry trees had long been grown in the rural hinterlands of both cit­ ies, and the Ottomans had, in fact, encouraged mulberry cultivation in the region as a means of expanding the total area of cultivated land. Because groves of mulberry—and olive—trees fell under the category of private gardens rather than state-owned agricultural land (rnirf), furthermore, they were popular attachments to pious endowments (singular, waqf) founded by imperial officials and provincial notables in Syria. But did this entire system come crash­ ing down with increasing European commercial penetration of the region in the late eighteenth century? Murphey exploits a series of sultanic orders sent from Istanbul to Aleppo to demonstrate con­ vincingly that, so far from being reduced to a source of raw mate­ rials by the emerging European-dominated world economy, Aleppo continued to produce a respectable amount of silk yarn and cloth for internal and regional consumption. Thus, although he does not reject “provisionism” as the governing Ottoman economic policy, he argues against unchallenged European economic hegemony by the turn of the nineteenth century. The conclusions that Murphey draws for silk no doubt apply equally to other manufactured goods, and the conclusions that he draws for Aleppo are no doubt valid for other Ottoman provinces. In short, the Ottoman provinces in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were not caught in an irreversible trajectory of economic peripheralization; they had not been reduced to backwardness and underdevelopment. On the contrary, they may have suffered from overdevelopment, that is, too concentrated a production of certain categories of non-food cash crops such as tobacco and cotton.

12

C== T HE ARAB LANDS IN T H E O T T O M A N ERA

As for Damascus, its transformation toward the end of the Ottoman period is ably chronicled in Seikaly’s contribution. His guide to late Ottoman Damascus is the twin publication al-Muqtabas, a daily newspaper and a monthly periodical published by the famous Syrian nationalist Muhammad Kurd (Ali (1876-1953). In its pages, he finds evidence that Syria’s Muslim population was just as heavily involved in the economic transformations of the era as her Christian and Jewish populations, whom earlier genera­ tions of historians had long considered the main forces behind the new commercial and industrial efforts of the late Ottoman period. Al-Muqtabas likewise documents an emerging middle class, the publications’ core readership, who were vitally engaged with ques­ tions such as the need for industrialization and the improvement of conditions for Syria’s peasantry. They also, inevitably, comprised the market for the consumer goods, both regionally produced and imported from Europe, that were advertised in the publications’ pages (had they lived in eighteenth-century Istanbul, they would probably have insisted on Tunisian fezzes). Like Murphey, Seikaly finds a Syria that was profoundly affected by European economic (and, by this time, political) encroachment but that was not sim­ ply overwhelmed and did not, even at this late date, resign itself to peripheralization. On the contrary, the twin al-Muqtabas attest to, and no doubt contributed to, a growing sense of pan-Syrian iden­ tification in the waning years of Ottoman rule over the province; this finding supports Benedict Anderson’s well-known theory that the rise of print capitalism nurtures nationalism.10 The volume ends on a musical note, with Kay Campbell’s uniquely informed analysis of how Ottoman musical modes have been adopted, customized, and transformed by modern practitio­ ners of Arab and Turkish music, including a number based in the United States. Her focus is the forms known in Arabic as bashraf, longa, and sa m fff (in Turkish, pe$rev, longa, and semâ’î ), long associated with Ottoman Sufi, court, and secular dance music. Her paper documents, first of all, Arab modifications of these forms from the traditional manner in which they were played at the Otto­

INTRODUCTION = 3

13

man court and in other settings in the central Ottoman lands. How­ ever, she also demonstrates extensive cross-fertilization between Arab and Turkish performance styles, so that what developed in both Turkey and the Arab countries in the course of the twentieth century can truly be called a post-Ottoman synthesis. The musi­ cians—Arab, Arab-American, Armenian-American, Turkish, and plain old WASP—whom she interviews have forged a living legacy of the great modes and styles of Ottoman and Ottoman-Arab music. When we consider how comparatively rare examples of Ottomanera performances, to say nothing of Ottoman-era musical notation, are, we can appreciate anew the value of these artists’ testimony and their ample discographies.

Collectively, these contributions cover a chronological span of nearly 400 years and a geographical span of thousands of miles, from the imperial capital to the farthest-flung provinces (Iraq being the only major Arab province not represented here), and even beyond the empire’s western and southern borders. Their subjects attest not only to the Ottoman Empire’s longevity and formidable territorial extent but to its demographic diversity. Although we refer to Syria, Egypt, Yemen, and Tunis as “Arab provinces,” their populations during the Ottoman era comprised a motley collection of Arabs, Turks, Kurds, Balkan peoples, Berbers, European merchants and renegades, and others. Their interactions with the imperial capital guaranteed that Istanbul likewise absorbed some of this provincial diversity, to add to its already well-developed melting-pot character. Confessionally, these populations were similarly varied. Yemen, in particular, was home to ancient populations of Zaydi and Ismaili Shi(ites, as well as Sunnis of both the ShafiM and Hanafi legal rites whose numbers were augmented by Ottoman officials, almost all of whom were Hanafi. All the provinces in question were likewise home to venerable Jewish populations, all (except in Yemen) trans­ formed by the influx of Sephardic Jews expelled from Spain in 1492, while all boasted large Christian populations adhering to a variety of sects: Copts in Egypt; Greek Orthodox, Armenian, and various

14

C=> T H E ARAB LANDS IN T H E O T T O M A N ERA

small eastern rites in Syria and Anatolia. Istanbul also counted a non-negligible European Catholic enclave. Yet while these papers address such a varied array of peoples and locales, none of the authors focuses exclusively on a single group or place, ignoring contacts with and influences from outside. Instead, these studies demonstrate the almost breathtaking scope that the Ottoman milieu offered for interaction and exchange of all kinds: commerce, pilgrimage, shared intellectual endeavors and spiritual pursuits, even, arguably, warfare. These arenas provided opportunities for contact not only among peoples from different regions of the Ottoman Empire but between Ottoman subjects and subjects of other polities spread across Asia, Africa, and Europe. Indeed pilgrimage, to single out one arena of contact, might be called something of an Ottoman specialty, for in addition to the major Muslim and Christian holy sites, the Ottoman Arab lands were home to the Shicite shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala, as well as “minor*’ sites sacred to Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike, such as Damascus, Hebron in Palestine, and Hilla, putative site of the Prophet Ezekiel’s tomb, in Iraq, to say nothing of numerous Sufi saints’ tombs and Christian monasteries. Overall, and despite their diverse topics, these studies point up the necessity of considering the Ottoman Empire as a whole rather than emphasizing a single province to the exclusion of the imperial capital and other provinces, Arab or non-Arab, to say nothing of for­ eign polities. This entails, inter alia, not assuming that “The Otto­ man State” was somehow divorced from provincial realities below the level of the military-administrative elite. And while it is all well and good to investigate the Ottoman Empire’s interactions with foreign powers, understanding of Ottoman geopolitical, military, commercial, and religious priorities is well-served when scholars broaden their scope beyond the usual western European suspects, namely, Venice, Spain, England, and France. The contributors to this volume follow very salutary paths in this regard by focusing on Morocco, Tunisia, Russia, Portugal, India, and even southeast Asia. This broader perspective can extend to sources, and here the

INTRODUCTION = 3

15

authors break out of the straitjacket of using Arabic sources exclu­ sively, a practice that is often justified by the specious and inher­ ently nationalistic argument that these sources, simply by virtue of being composed in Arabic, are somehow more “authentic”—read “legitimate”—than Ottoman Turkish or European sources. Given the insights provided by our contributors, who collectively deploy Arabic, Turkish, French, Italian, German, Portuguese, and Russian sources, it seems clear that such an argument is, in the end, little better than an excuse for linguistic chauvinism or, worse, linguis­ tic laziness. In addition to employing sources from a wide array of provenances, the authors exploit many different types of sources: not simply Arabic-language annalistic chronicles penned by Sunni authors, long the standard source for the history of the Arab prov­ inces, but also chronicles by members of minority communities, Muslim court records in Arabic and Ottoman Türkish, Ottoman decrees, European diplomatic and commercial reports, pilgrims’ and travelers’ accounts, biographical compendia, periodicals, inter­ views, and, of course, music. This broad spectrum of sources helps to ensure the most comprehensive view possible of the peoples and places under study. O f course, it is not enough simply to be able to read diverse sources in a variety of languages. The old Orientalist methodology of “read and regurgitate” has long since been superseded by a more critical approach to primary sources that even incorporates the best of post-modernist methodologies. Thus, to take a single example, Erik Ohlander knows better than to take the Arabic expression aghlaf al-lisân, which he elegantly translates “crude of speech,” at face value, in such a way as to reinforce the crudely nationalis­ tic Arab-vs.-Turk portrayals of provincial realities that were cur­ rent half a century ago. Instead, he realizes that what seems to be a native Egyptian’s negative judgment on an Anatolian’s Arabic pronunciation—and thus, by extension, a pejorative appraisal of the Anatolian as a non-Arab—actually evokes subtler intra-con­ fessional rivalries, as noted above.

16

T HE ARAB LANDS IN T HE O TT O MA N ERA

In terms of subject matter, sources, and methodologies, then, these eleven studies offer a status report on current trends and new directions in the historiography of the Ottoman Arab prov­ inces. Their inclusion here, it is hoped, pays tribute to the contribu­ tions to that historiography of Caesar Farah, whose own work has helped to sustain this critical field of inquiry. An understanding of the Arab lands during the Ottoman era is, of course, critical to an understanding of the modern-day Middle East. But more broadly, as Caesar Farah and his colleagues and students have long recog­ nized, the Ottoman period in the Arab lands has importance in its own right as, arguably, the paramount force in the shaping of the region’s character. Before I turn over the floor to the contributors, I must express my gratitude to Professor Edward L. Farmer, Professor James D. Tracy, and Mr. Mark Aloisio of the University of Minnesota’s Department of History for organizing the October 2005 confer­ ence that brought all these authors together to honor Caesar Farah. Profound thanks are due, as well, to the University of Minnesota’s Department of History, College of Liberal Arts, Institute for Global Studies, and Center for Early Modern History for sponsoring this conference, and to the Center for Early Modern History for pro­ ducing the present volume. Ms. Jocelyn Huelsman and Mr. Chris Aldridge of the Harvey Goldberg Program for Excellence in Teach­ ing, housed in Ohio State University’s Department of History, were instrumental in creating the maps for this work.

Endnotes 1.

C aesar E. Farah, “The Problem o f the O ttoman A dm inistration in the Lebanon, 1840-1861,” Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1958; idem, The R oad to Intervention: F iscal P olitics in O ttom an Leba­ non (Oxford, 1992); idem, The P olitics o f Interventionism in O ttom an Lebanon, 1830-1861 (Oxford, London, and New York, 2000).

2.

Idem, The Su lta n ’s Yemen: N ineteenth-C entury C hallenges to O tto­ man Rule (London and New York, 2002).

3.

Idem, The Dhayl in M edieval A rabic H istoriography (New Haven, CT, 1967).

INTRODUCTION = 3

4. 3.

6.

7.

8. 9.

17

Idem, Islam : B eliefs and O bservances, 7'hed. (Hauppauge, NY, 2003 [P' ed. Woodbury, NY, 1968]). Idem, trans. and notes, A bstinence in Islam : Kasr al-Shahwatayn (C urbing the tw o appetites) fro m Ihyâ5(ulûm al-dïn (Revivification o f the sciences o f religion) (Minneapolis, 1992). Idem, ed. and trans., An Arab ’s Journey to C olonial Spanish Am erica: The Travels o f Elias al-M ûsili in the Seventeenth C entury (Syracuse, NY, 2003). Idem, “Christian Communities in the Arab World,” in Caesar Farah, et al., Three Studies on N ational Integration in the Arab World (North Dartmouth, NH, 1974). Idem, ed., D ecision-M aking a n d C hange in the O ttom an Em pire (Kirksville, MO, 1993). Idem, A rabs a n d O ttom ans: A C heckered R elationship (Istanbul, 2002).

10. Benedict Anderson, Im agined Com munities: R eflections on the O ri­ gin a n d Spread o f N ationalism , rev. ed. (New York and London, 1991 [1983]), esp. chapters 4-5.

18

C^3 T HE ARAB LANDS IN T HE O T T O M A N ERA

!

s

«Sa'dah

SAM JAWF-

/?■

r**-

/ .J

MUHAMMAD Shahärah* Khamirt M abyan.

(Luhayyah

V

T H E A R A B L A N D S I N T H E O T T O M A N E R A

Two young Boston-area composers illustrate this trend. While both are of Middle Eastern descent, others with no family ties to the Middle East are also on the experimental musical path described by Dr. Labaree. Dr. Mehmet Çanlikol, a graduate of the New England Conser­ vatory originally from Bursa, left Turkey and came to Boston to study jazz and rock music at the Berklee School of Music. Later, while finishing up a master’s degree at the New England Conserva­ tory, he became fascinated by the mehter music of the Janissaries, which he discovered one night while surfing the internet. Later, he was introduced to the principals of the maqämät. This drew him into a long period of exploration, performance, and composition of several bashrafs (or pe§revs, to use the Turkish form of the word) and säz semä’fs (a Turkish form of the samâ'i). He and Dr. Laba­ ree founded a performing and educational nonprofit organization called Dünya, which explores the music traditions of Turkey and the Middle East and looks for innovative ways to apply them. Dr. Çanlikol composed a pe$rev in honor of his new bride, entitled Hamm Sultan. His mehter group, The New England Drum and Winds Mehterhane, debuted this piece, as well as other Ottoman selections, at a Harvard University concert in October 2005. Kareem Roustom also started out in rock and jazz, then began composing film scores. In 1997, he bought his first (ûd and joined Dr. Ali Jihad Racy’s Middle Eastern Music Ensemble at UCLA. There he discovered the maqäm-based music of his Syrian heri­ tage. He has composed two samâ'îyât and earned a master’s degree in composition and ethnomusicology at Tufts University, where he formed a Middle Eastern music ensemble for students. He has com­ posed classical music for the Philadelphia Orchestra, the Boston Children’s Chorus, and the Firebird Ensemble, a group of classical musicians in Boston who perform new classical music exclusively. He discusses the sonata he composed for the Firebird Ensemble: I took the rhythms of classical Arabic poetry, the bubur, and based each movement on one of them. I’m diving into that as a form. But the actual physical form of the

O TT O M A N M USICAL FORMS

269

piece is a little bit more free-form. I can see having a movement within that, like a samä'L I guess you could say it’s like a neo-classical composition. Stravinsky at a certain point was using very old classical forms and doing new things with them. There’s something that’s very new in the very old, if you choose to interpret it in a different way. Time will tell how these Ottoman musical forms will be regarded by future audiences and musicians. Regardless of their popularity, they will remain as they have for centuries, elegant miniature musi­ cal masterpieces that encapsulate the essence of what makes the music of the Middle East distinct.

Endnotes 1.

Walter Feldman, Music of the Ottoman Court: Mal^am, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire (Berlin, 1996), 303. 2. Ibid., 314-15. 3. Ibid., 330-31. 4. Ibid., 465-66. 5. Ali Jihad Racy, Making Music in the Arab World: The Culture and Artistry o /Tarab (Cambridge, 2003), 25. 6. Idem, “Preface to the Turkish Edition’’ of Making Music in the Arab World (forthcoming), p. 2. 7. Ibid., 5. 8. The first four notes, or thejins, of the maqäm of hijäz on D, for exam­ ple, are written in Arab notation as D, E-flat, F-sharp, G. However, if it is played that way, it does not sound authentic to a discerning lis­ tener. Experienced musicians raise the E-flat slightly and lower the Fsharp slightly to shorten the interval between the two notes. Arab mu­ sicians term the “as written” hijäz “Hollywood Hijaz” since it can be heard in western-composed imitations of Arab music in film scores. 9. Interview with Dr. Robert Labaree, September 2005. 10. See the biographies and discographies of the interview subjects fol­ lowing the Notes. 11. Interview with Dr. Ali Jihad Racy, August 2005.

27 0

C== T H E A R A B L A N D S I N T H E O T T O M A N E R A

12. Marcel Khalife has written bashärifin /tiÿôz ta r tarif, rätaf al-arwäh, shaftearabän, bayäti, räst, and jahärkäh. For the scores, see Khalifeh, Oud (Beirut, 1997). 13. Telephone interview with Michel Merhej, September 2005. 14. Interview* with Dr. Robert Labaree, September 2005. 15. Khalifeh, Oud, 38; George Farah, Tamarin müsîqiyya li-älat al-'üd [Musical exercises for the (üd] (Beirut, 1986), 40. 16. Racy, Making Music in the Arab World, 135. 17. Interview with Racy, August 2005. 18. Interview with Simon Shaheen, September 2005. 19. On Charbel Rouhana, The Art of the Middle Eastern Oud (ARC Re­ cords, 2003), released in Lebanon as Vice Versa. 20. Feldman, Music of the Ottoman Court, 337: “Seyyir differs from other concepts of melodic progression in that it specifies not only a hierar­ chy of tonal centers within a scale, but a specific melodic path, which will involve not only direction, but returning to specific tones, pro­ longing of these or other tones, and deviating from the basic scale in predetermined ways.” 21. Ibid., 466; also Racy, Making Music in the Arab World, 102-03. 22. Robert Tuttle, “An Unusual Campus Love Story,” Christian Science Monitor, 12 April 2005, 12. 23. During the 2001-02 academic year, Harvard's Middle East Music Ensemble focused exclusively on studying and performing Ottoman classical music under the direction of kemence player and vocalist Dr. Nilgün Dogrusöz from the National Conservatory of Turkish Music in Istanbul. Harvard's group has also sponsored several workshops and lectures by visiting Ottoman music scholars. During the academ­ ic year 2004-05, the ensemble at Brown University invited Turkish musician Latif Bolat to work and perform with them. 24. For a comprehensive website on maqämät, see www.maqamworld. com. For sheet music, see www.xauen-music.com and www.neyzen. com/nota_arsivi.htm. Discussion groups on Middle Eastern music at Yahoo Groups include arabclassicalmusic, arabicmusicretreat, mid­ dle-eastern classical music, ney_lovers, and turkish-musicology.

O TT O M A N M USICAL FORMS = 3

27 1

Interview Subjects Alan Shavarsh Bardezbanian Mr. Bardezbanian (d. 9 November 2006) was an Armenian-American composer and performer on cüd, clarinet, and qânùn. He studied the maqäm system and the classical Turkish instrumental repertoire with the qänün master Esber Köprücü. Mr. Bardezbanian led a Middle East­ ern music ensemble in Maine, where he resided. He coached the Middle Eastern Music Ensemble at Bowdoin College and was also adjunct fac­ ulty member in eüd at the Arabic Music Retreat. Discography Oud Masterpieces from Armenia, Turkey and the Middle East. ARC Music, 2007. ReOrientalism: The Near East Lives Next Door. Cultural Exchange Discs, 2003. From K ef to Classical: Alan Shavarsh Bardezbanian and His Middle Eastern En­ semble. Cultural Exchange Discs, 2002.

Dr, Robert Labaree An ethnomusicologist, composer, and performer on the çeng, or clas­ sical Ottoman harp, Dr. Labaree serves as Chair of History and Musi­ cology at Boston’s New England Conservatory. He is also the founder and chair of NEC’s Intercultural Institute, and is a co-founder of Diinya (World). He has performed Ottoman classical music extensively in Tur­ key and in the United States, and is a founding member of the EurAsia Ensemble. He has composed several pieces in the traditional pefrev and sàz semâ}î genres. Discography For You the World, For Us the Roses (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2009. The Language o f the Birds (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2008. The Tulip and the Sword (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2007. Music o f Cyprus (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2007. The Psalms o f Ali Ufki. Dünya, Inc., 2006. Come See What Love Has Done to Me (Gel Gör Beni A$k Neyledi) (with Dünya). Recorded live, 14 February 2005, at Jordan Hall, New England Conservatory, Boston. Dünya, Inc., 2005. Çengnagme [Book of the Çeng]. Kalan, 2001. Eski Dunya ile Sohbet (Conversations with the Old World) (with the EurAsia En­ semble). N.d. _____. Boston Serna. 1998. ____ . Istanbul on the Charles. 1997.

2 7 2 P = T H E A R A B L A N D S IN T HE O T T O M A N ERA

Dr. Alt Jihad Racy Dr. Racy is a professor of ethnomusicology at UCLA. In addition to being a leading Middle Eastern ethnomusicologist, he is an active composer and a highly-regarded performer on the nay, or Oriental flute, and the buzuq (bouzouki), as well as the cüd, the violin, and folk-music wind instruments such as the mijwiz and the mizmär. He founded and contin­ ues to direct the Middle Eastern Music Ensemble at UCLA, the first and longest-running such ensemble in an American college or university. Born and raised in Lebanon, Dr. Racy was immersed in the old Otto­ man musical forms at an early age. He serves as the Associate Director of the Arabic Music Retreat, where he conducts the Retreat Ensemble, lectures on ethnomusicology and performance practice, coaches small ensembles, and teaches nay and buzüq, as well as sitar and trumpet on occasion. He is also the author of the award-winning Making Music in the Arab World: The Culture and Artistry o/Tarab (see Bibliography). Discography Mystical Legacies. Lyrichord Discs, 1997. Ancient Egypt. Lyrichord Discs, 1993. Taqäsim: Art o f Improvisation in Arabic Music. Lyrichord Discs, 1993.

Charbel Rouhana A Lebanese composer and performer, Mr. Rouhana is also professor of eü d at the Lebanese National Conservatory of Music and at the Holy Spirit University of Kaslik in Jounieh, Lebanon. His study of cûd method was adopted by the National Conservatory in Lebanon. Mr. Rouhana is considered one of the leading (u d players of his generation. He has taught cu d at the Arabic Music Retreat. Discography Hand Made. Forward Music, 2008. Dangerous. Forward Music, 2006. We Live (with various artists). Forward Music, 2006. Sourat: Trait d ’Union. Forward Music, 2004. The Art o f the Middle Eastern Oud. ARC Music, 2003. Released in Lebanon as Vice Versa. Mazaj Alani [Unveiled mood]. Voix de l’Orient, 2000. Mada [Horizon] (with Hani Siblini). Voix de l’Orient, 1998. Salamat [Greetings] Voix de l’Orient, 1997. Zikra [Memory] Relax In, 1992.

O TTO M A N M USICAL FORMS = 3

273

Kareem Roustom A native of Damascus, Mr. Roustom is a composer and performer on eûd and jazz guitar. He is the musical director of the Sharq Music Ensemble, as well as the Middle Eastern Music Ensemble at Tùfts University, where he completed his master’s degree in composition and ethnomusicology. He composes and arranges scores for film and television, and has pro­ vided arrangements for popular music artists Shakira and Beyoncé. His composition commissions include Upon Eastern Breezes for the Phila­ delphia Orchestra, a vocal work for the Boston Children's Chorus, and a sonata for Boston’s Firebird Ensemble. Mr. Roustom’s musical score for the documentary film Encounter Point won the Best Musical Score award at the 2006 Bend International Film Festival. Discography Revival (with the Sharq Ensemble). Xauen Music, 2006. The Songs o f Sayyed Darweesh: The Soul o f a People (with the Chicago Classi­ cal Oriental Ensemble). Xauen Music, 2006. A Mediterranean Christmas: Songs o f Celebration from Spain, Provence, Ita­ ly, and the Middle East (with the Boston Camerata, Joel Cohen, conductor). Warner Brothers Classics, 2005. Almitra’s Question (with El-Zafeer Ensemble). Fuller Street Music, 2004.

Dr. Mehmet Çanltkol Born in Bursa, Dr. Çanlikol is a composer and performer in Turkish music as well as rock and jazz. He earned his doctorate in composition at the New England Conservatory. Alongside Dr. Labaree, he founded the Boston-based cultural organization Dünya, and is the director of a Janissary band, The New England Drum and Winds Mehterhane. He has composed several samä(iyät and bashärif Discography For You the World, For Us the Roses (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2009. The Language o f the Birds (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2008. The Tulip and the Sword (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2007. Music o f Cyprus (with Dünya). Dünya, Inc., 2007. The Psalms o f Ali Ufki. Dünya, Inc., 2006. Come See What Love Has Done to Me (Gel Gör Beni A fk Neyledi) (with Dünya). Recorded live, 14 February 2005, at Jordan Hall, New England Conservatory, Boston. Dünya, Inc., 2005. Asitane [another name for the Ottoman capital] (with the group Audiofact). Aura Records Müzik, 2003. Blackspot (with the group Audiofact). Kalan, 1998.

2 7 4 C == T H E A R A B L A N D S I N T H E O T T O M A N E R A

Simon Shaheen Mr. Shaheen is a virtuoso on both eüd and violin. He is a well-known com­ poser and recording artist and tours frequently with his two ensembles, the Near East Music Ensemble and Qantara. In addition to a demand­ ing tour schedule, he lectures at colleges and universities around the United States and Europe. He founded and serves as the Executive and Artistic Director of the Arabic Music Retreat. His website is www. simonshaheen.com. Discography Turäth [Heritage]; Masterworks o f the Middle £as/. Times Square Records, 2002. Blue Flame. Ark 21,2001. Saltanah [Sultanate] (with Vishwa Moham Bhatt). Water Lily Acoustics, 1997. The Music o f Mohamed Abdel Wahab. Axiom, 1990.

Gregory White Mr. White is a performer on the eud, guitar, and piano. He is also pursu­ ing a doctorate in medieval Islamic and Jewish Studies at Harvard Uni­ versity. He performed on cûd with the Harvard Middle Eastern Music Ensemble and debuted his first composed samà'ï(in hijäz) at the 2005 Arabic Music Retreat’s Open Mike Night.

Bibliography Printary Sources Admiralty of Great Britain. A Handbook o f Syria, including Palestine. London, 1920. Agrefenii. “Khozhdenie arkhimandrita Agrefeniia obiteli Presviatoi Bogoroditsy” [The journey of Archimandrite Agrefenii of the Monastery of the Most Holy Blessed Virgin], Pravoslavnyi palestinskii sbornik [Orthodox Palestin­ ian collection] vol. 16, issue 3 (1896). Ahmed Çelebi ibn (Abd al-Ghani. Awfah al-ishärät f ï man tawalla Mi$r alQähira min al-wuzarä’ wa-al-bäshät [The clearest signs: The ministers and pashas who governed Cairo], edited by A.A. ‘Abd al-Rahim. Cairo, 1978. Alberi, Eugenio, ed. Le Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato. 3 series, 11 vols. Florence, 1839-63. ‘Ali ibn Muhammad ibn al-Walid. Risâlat tuhfat al-murtâd wa-ghu$$at al-addâd [Treatise on the bounty of the seeker and the agony of the opponents], edit­ ed by Rudolf Strothmann. In Strothmann, Gnosis-Texte der Ismailiten. Göt­ tingen, 1943,137-58. Anonymous. Kitâb-i Tevârih-i Mifr-i Kâhire-yi Haft-i I f asan Pa§a [The book of the history of Cairo in the calligraphy of Hasan Pasha]. SQleymaniye Library (Istanbul), MS Haci Mahmud Efendi 48. Anonymous. Muntaza‘ min Bad!* al-akhbär [Extract from The wondrous events]. Manuscript copy in the private collection of Samer Traboulsi. Al-Ayvansarayi, Hafiz HQseyin. The Garden o f the Mosques: Hafiz Hüseyin alAyvansarayVs Guide to the Muslim Monuments o f Ottoman Istanbul, trans­ lated and annotated by Howard Crane. Leiden, 2000. Al-Azhari, Muhammad al-Bashir al-Zafir. Al-Yawâqît al-thamîna f t a ‘yân madhhab ‘alim al-Madina [The precious rubies: Notables of the rite of the scholar of Medina (i.e., Malik)]. Cairo, 1906. Barkan, ömer Luth, ed. “Misir Kanunnâmesi” [Egypt’s Legal Code]. In XV ve XVhnci Asirlarda Osmanli Imparatorlugu Zirai Ekonominin Hukuki ve Mali Esaslari [Legal and fiscal foundations of the Ottoman Empire’s agricultural economy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries], edited by ömer Lutfi Bar­ kan. Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Publications, No. 256. Vol. I: Kanunlar [Laws]. Istanbul, 1943, chapter 105. Baçbakanlik Ottoman Archives (Istanbul). Maliyeden MQdewer [Finance office papers] 6919 (1649), 9983 (1171/1757-58), 9996 (1180/1766-67). Baçbakanlik Ottoman Archives (Istanbul). Mühimme Defteri [Register of impor­ tant affairs] 1, no. 1667; 2, no. 612; 2, no. 905; 2, no. 955; 2, no. 1042; 2, no. 1243; 2, no. 2038; 3, no. 1185; 3, no. 1355; 3, no. 1499; 4, no. 380; 4, no. 644; 4, no. 718; 4, no. 843; 4, no. 1214; 5, no. 1702; 6, no. 412; 6, no. 487; 6, no. 707; 6, no. 710; 7, no. 370; 7, no. 721; 25, no. 260; 26, no. 780; 27, no.

275

276

THE AR AB LA ND S IN THE O T T O M A N ERA

75; 27, no. 164; 27, no. 271; 29, no. 9; 31, no. 131; 33, no. 338; 33, no. 437; 33, no. 633; 33, no. 755; 34, no. 151; 35, no. 197; 35, no. 750; 36, no. 691; 39, no. 109; 39, no. 110; 39, no. 506; 43, no. 328; 46, no. 187; 48, no. 6; 48, no. 617; 49, no. 149; 53, no. 177; 53, no. 178; 53, no. 470. Contarini, Simon. “Relazione del N.U. Simon Contarini Cav., ritomato bailo di Costantinopoli, I’anno 1612.” In Relazioni di ambasciatori veneti al sen­ ate, vol. XIII: Costantinopoli (1590-1793), edited by Luigi Firpo. 2nd ed. Turin, 1984. Couto, Diogo do. Da Âsia. Vols. 10-24 of Da Asia de Joäo de Barms e de Diogo do Couto. Lisbon, 1777-88. Cruz, Maria Augusta Lima, ed. Diogo do Couto e a décoda 8a da Asia. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1993-94. Daniil. “Khozhenie” igumena Daniila v Sviatuiu Zemlu v nachale XII v. [“Pil­ grimage” of the abbot Daniil to the Holy Land at the beginning of the twelfth century]. St. Petersburg, 2007. DankofT, Robert, trans. and commentary. The Intimate Life o f an Ottoman States­ man: Melek Ahmed Pasha (1588-1662) as Portrayed in Evliya Çelebi s’ Book of Travels. Historical introduction by Rhoads Murphey. Albany, NY, 1991. Documentaçâo ultramarina portuguesa. 6 vols. Lisbon, 1960-73. Ducousso, Gaston. L ’Industrie de la soie en Syrie. Beirut and Paris, 1913. Evliya Çelebi. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi -1 0 . Cilt: Mtstr, Sudan, Habeç [Ev­ liya Çelebi’s book of travels - Volume 10: Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia]. Istan­ bul, 1938. Farah, Caesar E., trans. and annotations. Abstinence in Islam: Kasr al-Shahwatayn (Curbing the two appetites)from Ibyä* ‘ulüm al-dln (Revivification o f the sci­ ences o f religion). Minneapolis, 1992. ---------, ed. and trans. An Arab s’ Journey to Colonial Spanish America: The Trav­ els o f Elias al-Mûsili in the Seventeenth Century. Syracuse, NY, 2003. ---------, ed., with introduction and notes. Al-Dhayl cala Ta’rfkh Baghdad li-Ibn al-Najjâr [The addendum to The history o f Baghdad by Ibn al-Najjar]. Vols. 1-3. Hyderabad, 1982-83. Republished Beirut, 1986. ---------, ed., with English and Arabic introductions. Al-Mustafad min Dhayl Ta’rikh Baghdad li-Ibn al-Najjâr l i ’l-D im yâfi[Ahmadibn Aybak al-Dimyati s’ A useful extract from the Addendum to The history o f Baghdad by Ibn alNajjar]. Hyderabad, 1980. New ed. Beirut, 1986-87. Gagara, Vasilii. “Zhitie i khozhdenie v Ierusalim i Egipet kazantsa Vasiliia Iakov­ leva Gagary 1634-1637 gg.” [The life and journey to Jerusalem and Egypt of the man from Kazan Vasilii Iakovlev Gagara, 1634-1637]. Pravoslavnyi palestinskii sbornik [Orthodox Palestinian collection] 11/3 (1891). Gaio, Joäo Ribeiro. Roteiro das cousas do Achem: urn olhar português sobre o norte de Sumatra em finais do sèculo XVI, edited by Jorge Manuel dos San­ tos Alves. Colecçâo Outras Maigens. Lisbon, 1997. Al-Ghazzi, Najm al-Din. Al-Kawäkib al-sä}ira bi-a'yän al-mi’a al-câshira [The wandering stars: Notables of the tenth Islamic century], edited by JibraMl Sulayman Jabbur. 3 vols. Beirut, 1945.

BIBLIOGRAPHY = 3

277

Grigorovich-Barskii, Vasilii. Peshekhodtsa Vasiliia Grigorovicha-Barskago Plaki-Albova, Urozhentsa Kievskago, Monakha Antiokhiiskago, puteshestvie k vsiatym mestam, v Evrope, Azii i Afrike nakhodiashchimsia, predpriniatoe v 1723, i okonchennoe v 1747 godu, im samim pisannoe [A journey of the pe­ destrian Vasilii Grigorovich-Barskii Plaka-Albov, native of Kiev, monk of Antioch, to the holy places located in Europe, Asia and Africa begun in 1723 and completed in 1747, described by himself]. 2nded. St. Petersbuig, 1785. ---------. Stranstvovaniia Vasil’ia Grigorovicha-Barskago po Sviatym mestam Vostokas 1723 po 1747 g. [The travels of Vasilii Grigorovich-Barskii to the holy places of the East between 1723 and 1747], edited by Nikolai Barsuk­ ov. Parts 1-4. St. Petersburg, 1885-86. Gülçeni, Muhyi-yi. Menâkib-i lbrâhîm-i Gülçenîve §emleli-zâde Ahmed Efendi, ÿive-i Tarîkat-i Gülçenîye [Hagiography of tbrâhîm-i Gülçenî, and the Way of the Gülçenî Sufi order by Çemleli-zâde Ahmed Efendi], edited by Tahsin Yazici. Ankara, 1982. Al-Hallaq, Mehmed ibn Yusuf. Târîh-i Mifr-i Kähire [The history of Cairo]. Is­ tanbul University Library, T.Y. 628. Al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Walid. Al-Risâla al-wahïda f t tathbît arkân al-caqîda [The singular treatise on confirming the pillars of the faith]. Institute of Ismaili Studies (London), MS 135/924. Ibn al-Dayba‘, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Ali. Qurrat al- tuyün bi-akhbâr al-Yaman almaymûn [The delight of the eyes: Annals of Yemen the fortunate], edited by Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al-Akwa‘ al-Hiwali. 2 vols. Cairo, 1977. Ibn al-Husayn, Yahya. Ghâyat al-am ânïfî akhbâr al-qufr al-yamânî [The ob­ ject of desires: Annals of the Yemeni region], edited by Sa‘id ‘Abd al-Fattah ‘Ashur. 2 vols. Cairo, 1968. Ibn Iyas, Muhammad ibn Ahmad. Badä,T