Spondylus in Prehistory: New data and approaches. Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies 9781407307749, 9781407337685

Table of contents :
Cover Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of Contributors
List of Figures
List of Tables
INTRODUCTION: A Volume on Spondylus
CHAPTER 1: SPONDYLUS SHELLS AT PREHISTORIC SITES IN THE IBERIAN PENINSULA
CHAPTER 2: SPONDYLUS SP. AT LEZETXIKI CAVE (BASQUE COUNTRY, SPAIN): FIRST EVIDENCE OF ITS USE IN SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOR DURING THE AURIGNACIAN IN EUROPE
CHAPTER 3: SPONDYLUS GAEDEROPUS IN PREHISTORIC ITALY: JEWELS FROM NEOLITHIC AND COPPER AGE SITS
CHAPTER 4: STATUS ON SPONDYLUS ARTIFACTS WITHIN THE LBK GRAVE GOODS
CHAPTER 5: RECONSIDERATION OF SPONDYLUS USAGE IN THE MIDDLE AND LATE NEOLOTHIC OF THE CARPATHIAN BASIN
CHAPTER 6: SPONDYLUS IN SOUTH AMERICAN PREHISTORY
II - VIEWS FROM THE “THRESHOLD”L SPONDYLUS TECHNOLOGIES IN THE AEGEAN
CHAPTER 7: SPONDYLUS GAEDEROPUS IN AEGEAN PREHISTORY: DECIPHERING SHAPES FROM NORTHERN GREECE
CHAPTER 8: THE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT AT MAKRIYALOS, NORTHERN GREECE: EVIDENCE FROM THE SPONDYLUS GAEDEROPUS ARTIFACTS
CHAPTER 9: COSMOS IN FRAGMENTS: SPONDYLUS AND GLYCYMERIS ADORNMENT AT NEOLITHIC DISPILIO, GREECE
CHAPTER 10: PERSONHOOD AND THE LIFE CYCLE OF SPONDYLUS RINGS: AN EXAMPLE FROM LATE NEOLITHIC, GREECE
CHAPTER 11: SPONDYLUS OBJECTS FROM THE THEOPETRA CAVE, GREECE: IMPORTED OR LOCAL PRODUCTION?
CHAPTER 12: THE CONTRIBUTION OF ARCHAEOMETRY TO THE STUDY OF PREHISTORIC MARINE SHELLS
CHAPTER 13: PALEOBIOLOGICAL STUDY OF SPONDYLUS JEWELRY FOUND IN NEOLITHIC (I,PC) GRAVES AT THE LOCALITY VEDROVICE (MORAVIA, CZECH REPUBLIC)
CHAPTER 14: SPONDYLUS GAEDEROPUS TOOLS AND MEALS IN CENTRAL GREECE FROM THE 3RD TO THE EARLY 1ST MILLENNIUM BCE
CHAPTER 15: PRE-HISPANIC ATTIRE MADE OF SPONDYLUS FROM TULA, MEXICO
CONCLUDING COMMENTARY

Citation preview

BAR S2216 2011

6SRQG\OXV in Prehistory New data and approaches Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

IFANTIDIS & NIKOLAIDOU (Eds)

Edited by

Fotis Ifantidis Marianna Nikolaidou

6321' 1500m

Figure 1. Map for the position of Lezetxiki Cave (Gulf of Biscay/Gascogne)

Marine Malacological Remains in Lezetxiki: The Spondylus sp. Valve (Aurignacian)

Deposit at Level III

to SW Turkey). However, currently there is no evidence of the Spondylidae family colonising either the coasts of Cantabrian Spain or any further north.

From the base of Level III, to be exact from the quadrant E22 (“semi-spit” 16) at a depth of 417cm below the base level in the cave, a fragment of the upper (right) valve of Spondylus sp. was recovered (Fig. 2). For a description of the find context and the archaeological issue on the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transitional levels from Lezetxiki, see the main references at the end of this paper (Arrizabalaga 2005, 2006; Arrizabalaga et al. 2005).

The valve from Level III at Lezetxiki measures 25mm long and 11mm wide, with a maximum thickness of 6mm. Its surface is eroded by the sea and a sandy wet beach environment, which has caused it to lose its spines and the intensity of its original colors. It has been attacked on both sides by perforating sponges. Neither the edges nor the umbo have been preserved, which has hindered its classification at species level. However, the thickness and coloring of the valve, as well as its size, suggest it probably belonged to a Spondylus gaederopus2. This bivalve species now lives exclusively in the Mediterranean Sea and the immediate areas of the Atlantic (Canary Islands, Madeira, the Azores and off the Portuguese Atlantic coast). The upper valve is large (up to 120mm), solid, oval to rounded, with weak and irregular auricles. The lower valve, in contrast, is flat and its surface is covered by strong ribs and pronounced spines. The color of the outside of the upper valve varies from violet to wine red, while the lower valve is almost white. The interior color is a porcelain white (Hidalgo 1917; Lindner 1983; Meco-Cabrera 1970/1971; Poppe & Goto 1993; Rield 1986; Serrano et al. 1995; Zenetos et al. 2004). It was precisely the bright coloring of the specimen from Lezetxiki

the from

The Spondylidae family (Class: Bivalves; Subclass: Pteromorphia; Order: Pterioidae) are found in warm waters of tropical seas. They feed mainly by filtering detritus and phytoplankton. Their valves adhere to other species (oysters, gastropods, calcareous sea weeds, etc.). According to CLEMAM1, five different species are known in European waters, belonging to this family: Spondylus gaederopus (Linné, 1758) (Fig. 3), Spondylus gussonii (Costa O. G., 1829) (Fig. 4), Spondylus multisetosus (Reeve, 1856), Spondylus senegalensis (Schreibers, 1793) and Spondylus spinosus (Schreibers, 1793). Their present geographical distribution covers very different marine provinces from the ecological point of view. Thus, for example, Spondylus senegalensis is very common on the African Atlantic coast; Spondylus spinosus and Spondylus multisetosus on the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean (from Israel 1 

2 

Check List of European Marine Mollusca, Musée National d´Histoire Naturelle, Paris: http://www.somali.asso.fr/clemam.

20

We are grateful to Dr. Oscar Soriano Hernando, Curator of the Malacology Section at the Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales, Madrid for allowing us to consult the Spondylus sp. specimens held at the museum and for assisting us in the classification of the example from Lezetxiki.

Álvaro Arrizabalaga, Esteban Álvarez-Fernández & María-José Iriarte – Spondylus sp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain)

Figure 3. Spondylus gaederopus

Figure 2. Fragment of the valve of Spondylus from Lezetxiki Cave

which made us rule out that it could be a fossil3. They live at depths of between 1 and 50m, on rocky calcareous floors and coralligenous bottoms. A fragment of an Ostrea sp. valve was found in the same level. Like the Spondylus sp. specimen, its surface showed signs of marine erosion, so it was also probably gathered on a beach. However, unlike the specimen from the Spondylidae family, this valve could have been gathered locally, on the shores of the Bay of Biscay, as this species is very common in those waters (Arrizabalaga et al. 2008). Earliest Evidence of Symbolic Behavior in the Transition from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic in the Basque Country and the Rest of Europe

Figure 4. Spondylus gussonii

The earliest evidence of the use and consumption of marine molluscs by hunter-gatherer groups in Europe goes back to the Middle Palaeolithic. Thus, for example, in the Mousterian deposit at Amalda (Level VII) specimens of Patella sp. and Littorina sp. have been found; at Cueva Morín (Level 16) a specimen each of Ostrea edulis, Patella intermedia and Patella vulgata; and further remains of Patella sp. at El Pendo (Levels XI, XII and XIII) (Álvarez-Fernández 2005/2006). Equally, fragments of two gastropods belonging to the Muricidae family were recovered from Level IVc at Lezetxiki. They

had been eroded by the sea and were possibly gathered on the shores of the Bay of Biscay (Arrizabalaga et al., in prep.). Other European sites are known for an abundance of marine molluscs, or because these were used as raw materials for making instruments (side-scrapers), as is the case of Moscerini (Stiner 1994). However, it is with the start of the Upper Palaeolithic that the numbers of shells in archaeological deposits become more abundant. As well as being gathered for their bromatological value or as simple curiosities, in the ProtoAurignacian shells were first used to manufacture suspended objects of adornment in Europe (Álvarez-Fernández & Jöris 2007: 31-44; Taborin 1974, 1993). Gastropod shells were used almost exclusively.

3  In continental Europe, fossil specimens of the Spondylidae family are known from the Miocene onwards, while in the Mediterranean area they are known in the Pliocene and the Pleistocene (Meco-Cabrera 1970/1971: 26; Zavarie 1973).

21

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

The groups living on the Atlantic coast or the Bay of Biscay would normally gather shells from their nearest beaches, as would the groups occupying the Mediterranean area. On the other hand, already in the EUP, perforated shells from both the Atlantic and the Mediterranean are found at sites located in the interior of the continent; sometimes hundreds of kilometers from the sea (specimens of Homalopoma sanguineum at Castanet in the Dordogne, or Cyclope sp. at Kostienki 14 in Russia, etc.) (Álvarez-Fernández 2007, in press; Taborin 1993). This can only be explained by the existence of some forms of long-disctance contacts among hunter-gatherer groups in the EUP. The Spondylus sp. valve from the Early Aurignacian at Lezetxiki (Level III) is, on one hand, the oldest evidence of mollusc shells of Mediterranean origin at a site in Cantabrian Spain, although it shows no signs of anthropogenic modification in any way. Until now the earliest example was the perforated Luria lurida specimen in the Gravettian deposit at the site of Bolinkoba, also in the Basque Country. On the other hand, its presence at Lezetxiki, located 500km in a straight line from the Mediterranean Sea, means it is evidence of contacts over the longest distance known in western Europe at the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic.

22

Álvaro Arrizabalaga, Esteban Álvarez-Fernández & María-José Iriarte – Spondylus sp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain)

References Álvarez-Fernández, E. 2005/2006 La explotación y utilización de los moluscos marinos durante el Paleolítico superior y el Mesolítico en la Cornisa Cantábrica y en el Valle del Ebro: Pasado y presente de la investigación. In Homenaje al Prof. Jesús Altuna. Vol. I.: 359368. San Sebastián: Munibe [Antropologia-Arkeologia, 57/2]. 2006 Los Objetos de Adorno-Colgantes del Paleolítico Superior y del Mesolítico en la Cornisa Cantábrica y en el Valle del Ebro: Una Visión Europea. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca [Colección Vítor, nº 195]. in press Personal ornaments made from molluscs shells in Europe during the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic: News and views. In Shells of Mollusca: Environmental Adaptations, Ideological Expressions. International Council for Archaeozoology ICAZ 2006 (Mexico, August 23-28th 2006) (ed. C. Çakırlar & V. Stosel). Oxford: Oxbow Books. Álvarez-Fernández, E. & O. Jöris 2007 Personal ornaments in the Early Upper Palaeolithic of Western Eurasia: An evaluation of the record. In Setting the Record Straight: Toward a Systematic Chronological Understanding of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic Boundary in Eurasia. 15th UISPP, Session C57 (Lisbon, September 2006) (ed. O. Jöris, D. Adler & W. Davies): 31-44. Eurasian Prehistory 5(2). Arrizabalaga, A. 2005 Últimos neandertales y primeros cromañones: Perspectivas desde la encrucijada vasca. In Neandertales Cantábricos: Estado de la Cuestión (ed. R. Montes & J. A. de las Heras): 557575. Madrid: Monografías del Museo y Centro de Investigación de Altamira, 20. 2005/2006 Las primeras ocupaciones humanas en el Pirineo Occidental y Montes Vascos: Un estado de la cuestión en 2005. In Homenaje al Prof. Jesús Altuna, Vol. II.: 53-70. San Sebastián: Munibe [Antropologia-Arkeologia, 57/2]. 2006 Lezetxiki (Arrasate, País Vasco): Nuevas preguntas acerca de un antiguo yacimiento. In En el Centenario de la Cueva de El Castillo: El Ocaso de los Neandertales (ed. V. Cabrera, F. Bernaldo de Quirós & J. M. Maillo): 291-310. Santander: Centro Asociado de la UNED-Cantabria. Arrizabalaga, A., J. Altuna, P. Areso, C. Falgueres, M. J. Iriarte, K. Mariezkurrena, E. Pemán, M. Ruiz-Alonso, A. Tarriño, A. Uriz & J. Vallverdú 2005 Retorno a Lezetxiki (Arrasate, País Vasco): nuevas Perspectivas de la investigación. In Geoarqueología y Patrimonio en la Península Ibérica y el Entorno Mediterráneo (ed. M. Santonja, A.

Pérez-González & A. Machado): 81-98. Almazán (Soria): Adema. Arrizabalaga, A., E. Álvarez-Fernández & M. J. Iriarte 2008 First evidences of archaeomalacological remains in the Basque Country (Spain): Marine shells at Lezetxiki. In Not only Food: Marine, Terrestrial and River Molluscs in Archaeological Sites. Abstracts and field book guide. ICAZ Archaeomalacology Working Group. 2nd Meeting (Santander, 19th-22nd February 2008) (ed. E. Álvarez-Fernández, D. R. Carvajal Contreras & L. C. Teira Mayolini): 59. Santander: IIIPC & Consejería de Cultura, Turismo y Deporte del Gobierno de Cantabria. Arrizabalaga, A. & M. J. Iriarte 2006 El Castelperroniense y otros complejos de transición entre el Paleolítico medio y el superior en la Cornisa Cantábrica: Algunas reflexiones. In Miscelánea en Homenaje a Victoria Cabrera (ed. J. M. Maillo & E. Baquedano): 358-370. Alcalá de Henares: Museo Arqueológico Regional de la Comunidad de Madrid [Zona Arqueológica, 7.I.] Baldellou, V., J. Mestres, B. Martí & J. Juan-Cavanilles 1989 El Neolítico Antiguo: Los Primeros Agricultores y Ganaderos en Aragón, Cataluña y Valencia. Huesca: Diputación de Huesca. Basabe, J. M. 1970 Dientes humanos del paleolítico de Lezetxiki (Mondragón). Munibe 22: 113-124. Falguères, C., Y. Yokoyama & A. Arrizabalaga 2005/2006 La geocronología del yacimiento pleistocénico de Lezetxiki (Arrasate, País Vasco): Crítica de las dataciones existentes y algunas nuevas aportaciones. In Homenaje al Prof. Jesús Altuna, Vol. II.: 93-106. San Sebastián: Munibe [Antropologia-Arkeologia, 57/2]. Hidalgo, J. G. 1917 Fauna Malacológica de España, Portugal y Las Baleares. Moluscos Testáceos Marinos. Madrid: Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones científicas [Trabajos del Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales, Serie Zoológica, 30]. Jordá Pardo, J. F. 1986 La fauna malacológica de la Cueva de Nerja. In La Prehistoria de la Cueva de Nerja (Málaga) (ed. J. F. Jordá Pardo): 147-177. Málaga: Patronato de la Cueva de Nerja [Trabajos sobre la Cueva de Nerja, 1]. Kalicz, N. & J. Szénászky 2001 Spondylus-Schmuck im Neolithikum des Komitats Békés, Südostungarn. Praehistorische Zeitschrift 76: 24-54. Lindner, G. 1983 Moluscos y Caracoles de los Mares del Mundo. Barcelona: Omega. 23

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Meco Cabrera, J. 1970/1971 “Spondylus gaederopus” L. del Museo Canario. El museo Canario 31-32: 20-35. Montes Bernárdez, R. 1988 Restos malacológicos y paleontológicos del Musteriense en la Costa de Murcia (Sureste de España). Anales de Prehistoria y Arqueología 4: 27-31. Poppe, G. T. & Y. Goto 1993 European Seashells (Scaphopoda, Bivalvia, Cephalopoda), Vol. 2. Hackenheim: ConchBooks. Rield, R. 1986 Fauna y Flora del Mar Mediterráneo. Barcelona: Omega. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995 La route néolithique des spondyles de la Méditerranée à la Manche. In Nature et Culture, colloque de Liège (13-17 décembre 1993) (éd. M. Otte): 291-358. Liège: ERAUL 68. Serrano, F., M. C. Lozano Francisco, J. L. Vera Peláez & A. Guerra Merchán 1995 Malacofauna en los yacimientos prehistóricos de la Cueva de Nerja. In Fauna de la Cueva de Nerja I: Salas de la Mina y de la Torca, Campañas 1980-1982 (ed. M. Pellicer Catalán & A. Morales Muñiz): 297-373. Nerja: Patronato de la Cueva de Nerja [Trabajos sobre la Cueva de Nerja, 5]. Stiner, M. C. 1994 Honor among Thieves: A Zooarchaeological Study of Neanderthal Ecology. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Taborin, Y. 1974 La parure en coquillage de l´Épipaléolithique au Bronze ancien en France (I). Gallia Préhistoire 17(1): 101-179. 1993 La parure en coquillage au Paléolithique. Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique [Gallia Préhistoire XXIX Supplément]. Zavarei, A. 1973 Monographie des Spondylidae Actuels et Fossiles. Orsay: Centre d´Etudes et de Recherches de Paléontologie Bioestratigraphique. Zenetos, A., S. Gofas, J. Templado & G. Russo 2004 Atlas of Exotic Species in the Mediterranean, Vol 3: Molluscs. Monaco: CIESM Publishers. URL: http://www.ciesm.org/atlas/index.html.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 3

Spondylus gaederopus in prehistoric Italy: Jewels from neolithic and copper age sites Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli This paper updates information on Spondylus gaederopus shell personal ornaments recovered in Italian Neolithic and Copper Age sites. These artifacts are rare in Italy, but are occasionally found far from the Mediterranean shores, thus suggesting the existence of middle and long distance exchange networks and confirming the circulation of shell ornaments between prehistoric groups. Arm rings and beads are known during the Early and Middle Neolithic phases, beads are more common in the Copper Age, while pendants are generally rare. A recent study of the shell collection of the Arene Candide Cave in Liguria reveals a great amount of eroded shells of Spondylus gaederopus probably gathered along the sea shores near the site, an important source of raw material for the manufacture of personal ornaments. Several broken and unfinished arm rings suggest that a specialized workshop devoted to the production of items of personal adornment existed on the site during the Neolithic.

Introduction Shells of Spondylus gaederopus were largely employed as raw material for different types of personal ornaments during the Neolithic and the Copper Age in Central and Eastern Europe. However, finds in the Western Mediterranean are few and poorly documented. The rarity of items of personal adornment is astonishing in Italian prehistoric sites because eroded shells can be found easily in the sea leash that dot the rocky seabed coasts of the Peninsula (Fig. 1). This paper updates the Italian finds presented in previous studies on prehistoric shell discoveries (Borrello & Micheli 2005, 2006; Micheli 2004, 2006). Cultural Background, Geographical Setting and Chronology

Jewels made of Spondylus gaederopus are known during the Italian Early and Middle Neolithic both in settlements and graves (Table 1). Pendants, arm rings or bracelets, discoidal and cylindrical beads first appeared in the Early Neolithic in both Impressed Ware and Po plain groups. In Southern Italy, some examples are provided in the archaic phase of the Impressed Ware (6000–5700 Cal BC), in the Guadone phase (5800–5300 Cal BC) and in the Painted Pottery phase (5700– 5400 Cal BC). In the North, Spondylus gaederopus ornaments are found in the Liguria Impressed Ware levels (5800–5100 Cal BC) as well as in certain sites of Fiorano (5500–4800 Cal BC) and Vhò (5100–4700 Cal BC) in the Po Plain. During the Middle Neolithic, the use of Spondylus gaederopus is known in Central-Southern Italy in Catignano-Scaloria bassa sites (5300–4900 Cal BC), in Trichrome Painted Ware and Serra d’Alto contexts (first half of the 5th millennium Cal BC), and in Sardinia in Bonu Ighinu complexes (first half of the 5th millennium Cal BC) as well as in Northern Italy, in Square

Mouthed Pottery1 culture sites (phase 1: 5100–4500 Cal BC; phase 2: 4600–4200 Cal BC). Instead, Spondylus gaederopus artifacts are unknown during the Late Neolithic2. A more sporadic use of the Spondylus gaederopus is registered during the Copper Age and Early Bronze Age, including beads and a single pendant (Table 1). The Italian Copper Age is characterized by different cultural groups related to regional variations in pottery styles and funerary traditions. Nevertheless, the chronological framework is still unclear, probably stretching from the middle of the 4th millennium to the second part of the 3rd millennium Cal BC. The Bell Beaker culture appears during the last centuries of the 3rd millennium Cal BC. Spondylus gaederopus ornaments are known in the Copper Age groups of Civate (Lombardy) and Vecchiano (Tuscany) as well as in a Bell Beaker site in Sardinia. Concerning the Early Bronze Age, only a find from a Laterza-Cellino San Marco site, in Apulia, may be included. Ornaments Typology Most ornaments denote a high level of handicraft skill and a simply perforated shell appears extremely rare. Despite the scarcity of the finds, a remarkable variety of shapes is recorded. Beads and arm rings or bracelets are very frequent, but different types of pendants are also known. In most cases,

1 The Square Mouthed Pottery, whose chronological development spans almost all the 5th millennium Cal BC, is articulated into three main phases characterized by variations in the pottery styles on the basis of ceramic decorations: geometric-linear style (phase 1), meander-spiral style (phase 2) and incised and impressed style (phase 3). 2 The chronological development of the Italian Neolithic groups and cultures is based on Pessina & Tiné (2008: 37-59).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Bead Bracelet/Arm ring Manufacturing remain Pendant Perforated plate Perforated shell Zoomorphic figurine

Figure 1. Italian sites with shell objects made of Spondylus gaederopus cited in the text 1. Arma dello Stefanin (?); 2. Grotta di San Pietrino; 3. Grotta del Galluzzo; 4. Arma delle Anime; 5. Grotta Mandurea; 6. Caverna delle Arene Candide; 7. Caverna Pollera; 8. Buca del Corno (?); 9. Le Mose (grave 13); 10. Formigine, Cave Gazzuoli (grave 2); 11. Fiorano Modenese; 12. Casalecchio di Reno; 13. San Giorgio, via Raffaello (grave 1); 14. Isorella-Cascina Bocche; 15. Ostiano-Dugali Alti; 16. Corna Nibbia (?); 17. Riva del Garda, via Brione; 18. Riparo di Moletta Patone; 19. La Vela di Trento (graves 1976 and I, III and VI); 20. Riparo Zaccaria; 21. Grotta degli Zingari; 22. Grotta dell’Orso di Gabrovizza (?); 23. Villa Badessa (?); 24. Catignano; 25. Cala Tramontana-Isola di S. Domino; 26. Ripa Tetta; 27. Passo di Corvo (?); 28. Grotta di San Biagio; 29. Torre Sabea; 30. Grotta dei Cappuccini (?); 31. Grotta del Fico; 32. Grotta della Trinità (?); 33. Vulpiglia (grave 3); 34. Grotta Rifugio; 35. Pitzu ‘e Pranu; 36. Grotta Bariles (?); 37. Padru Jossu The uncertain or under analysis shell species identifications are marked with (?)

26

Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli – Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites Ornamen Types

Site

Province

Period

Culture

Torre Sabea

Lecce

EN

IW (archaic phase)

Ripa Tetta

Foggia

EN

IW (Guadone phase)

Passo di Corvo

Foggia

EN

IW (Masseria La Quercia phase)

BR

PE

PSH

PL

ESH

MRE

References Radi 2003 Zamagni 2006

?

Tiné 1983

Fiorano Modenese

Modena

EN

Fiorano

Starnini et al. 2000

Casalecchio sul Reno

Bologna

EN

Fiorano

Ferrari et al. 2006

Ostiano-Dugali Alti

Brescia

EN

Vhò

Biagi 1995

Isorella-Cascina Bocche

Brescia

EN

Vhò

Starnini et al. 2000

EN

LIW

MN

SMP 1

Bernabò Brea 1946, 1956; Borrello 2003a

MN

SMP 1

Traversone 1999

EN / MN

LIW / SMP (?)

Soprint. Beni Archeologici della Liguria, Genova Bernabò Brea 1946

Arene Candide (L. Bernabò Brea excavations)

Savona

Arene Candide (S. Tiné excavations)

Savona

Arene Candide (19th century excavations)

Savona

EN / MN

LIW / SMP (?)

Arma dello Stefanin

Savona

EN / MN

LIW / SMP (?)

Savona

EN / MN

LIW / SMP (?)

Savona

MN

SMP 2

Trieste

EN / MN

(?)

Caverna Pollera

(19th century excavations) Caverna Pollera Grotta dell'Orso

(19th century excavations)

?

Leale Anfossi 1972 Issel 1908 Odetti 1990 Marchesetti 1890; Micheli 2006

?

Arma delle Anime

Savona

MN

SMP (?)

Giuggiola et al. 1966

Riparo di Moletta Patone

Trento

MN

SMP1

Bagolini et al. 1984

La Vela (graves 1976, I, III & VI)

Trento

MN

SMP2

Bagolini 1990; Pedrotti 2001

Riva del Garda, via Brione

Trento

MN

SMP2

Micheli in press b

Le Mose (grave 13)

Piacenza

MN

SMP2

Mazzieri & Micheli in press

Formigine, Cave Gazzuoli (grave 2)

Modena

MN

SMP2

Ferrari et al. 2008

San Giorgio, via Raffaello (grave 1)

Mantova

MN

SMP2

Castagna et al. in press

Catignano

Pescara

MN

CSB

Zamagni 2003

Villa Badessa

Pescara

MN

CSB

?

Radi 1979

Grotta Bariles

Sassari

MN

Bonu Ighinu

?

Contu 1997; Tanda 1977

Grotta Rifugio

Nuoro

MN

Bonu Ighinu

Agosti et al. 1980

Belvì, Pitzu ‘e Pranu

Nuoro

MN

Bonu Ighinu

Leonelli 2004

Vulpiglia (grave 3)

Siracusa

MN

Serra d’Alto

Chilardi et al. 2002

Grotta del Fico

Lecce

MN

TPP

Palma di Cesnola & Minellono 1961

Cala Tramontana Isola di S. Domino

Foggia

MN

TPP

Palma di Cesnola 1967; Micheli 2010

Grotta del Galluzzo

Savona

N/CA (?)

(?)

Issel 1908

Caverna di S. Pietrino

Savona

N/CA (?)

(?)

Issel 1908

Grotta Mandurea

Savona

N/CA (?)

(?)

Tozzi 1965

Grotta degli Zingari

Trieste

N/CA (?)

(?)

Marzolini 1971-72

Riparo Zaccaria

Trieste

CA

(?)

Calza et al. 1975

Corna Nibbia

Brescia

CA

Civate

?

Baioni 2004

Buca del Corno

Lucca

CA

Vecchiano

?

Campetti 1993

Padru Jossu

Cagliari

CA / EB

Bell Beaker

Grotta Cappuccini

Lecce

EB

Laterza-Cellino S. Marco

Ugas 1998 ?

?

Ingravallo 1996

Table 1. Neolithic and Copper Age sites with Spondylus gaederopus items of personal adornment Ornament Type: B= Beads; BR = Bracelets; PE = Pendants; PSH = Perforated shells; PL = Perforated and imperforate plates; ESH = Eroded shells; MRE = Manufacturing remains Period: EN = Early Neolithic; MN = Middle Neolithic; LN = Late Neolithic; CA = Copper Age; EB = Early Bronze Culture: IW = Impressed Ware; LIW = Ligurian Impressed Ware; TPP=Trichrome Painted Pottery; SMP = Square Mouthed Pottery; CSB = Catignano – Scaloria Bassa ? = Shell species identification uncertain or under analysis

27

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 2. Spondylus gaederopus items of personal adornment from Prehistoric Italy 1. Pendant from layer 26 of the Arene Candide (Early Neolithic, Ligurian Impressed Ware); 2. Discoidal blank from Caverna Pollera (Middle Neolithic, Scratched Ware/SMP 1); 3. Discoidal bead from Ostiano-Dugali Alti (Early Neolithic, Vhò group); 4. Barrel-shaped bead from Torre Sabea (Early Neolithic, Impressed Ware – archaic phase); 5.-11. Cylindrical beads from La Vela (Middle Neolithic, SMP 2); 12. Cylindrical bead from Riparo di Moletta Patone (Middle Neolithic, SMP 1); 13. Cylindrical bead from Riparo Zaccaria (Copper Age) [1.-2., 4.-11. drawings by R. Micheli; 3. after Biagi 1995; 12. after Bagolini et al. 1984; 13. after Calza et al. 1973]

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Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli – Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites

the making of the ornament implies a deep transformation of the original form of the shell3.

in Liguria (Leale Anfossi 1972: 305, fig. 29.4). Copper Age– Early Bronze Age Spondylus beads generally have a lengthened morphology: we know a barrel-shaped one from Riparo Zaccaria in the Trieste Karst (Fig. 2.13) and several cylindrical elements from Corna Nibbia in Lombardy (Baioni 2004: 71), Buca del Corno in Tuscany (Campetti 1993: 157, fig. 2, d e)5, Padru Jossu in Sardinia (Ugas 1998: 266, fig. 7.12) and Grotta Cappuccini in Apulia (Ingravallo 1996: 269).

From a morphological point of view, pendants show a wide variety of shapes. At the important Ligurian site of Arene Candide, a perforated shell (Borrello 2003a: plate 21) and a decorated half-moon pendant (Fig. 2.1) were found in the Impressed Ware levels, as well as a conical pendant in the Square Mouth Pottery 1 levels (Traversone 1999: 528, fig. 93.788). A small rectangular object bearing a central perforation appeared in the Square Mouth Pottery 2 levels of the nearby site of Cave Pollera (Odetti 1990: 121, fig. 22.19). A few interesting data stem from Southern Italy: an arc-shaped pendant with hanging groove comes from Cala Tramontana in the Tremiti Islands, (Trichrome Painted Pottery; Micheli 2010: figs. 3.5 and 4), and a small perforated oval pendant from Passo di Corvo, Apulia (Impressed Ware/Painted Pottery phase; Tiné 1983: 10, fig. 133.734). A so-called pendant from Grotta Mandurea in Liguria (Tozzi 1965: 14), dated to the Copper Age, is probably a reused fragment of a Neolithic bracelet. The small anchor-shaped pendant from Grotta Cappuccini, assigned to an Early Bronze Age horizon (Ingravallo 1996: 32, 265), is an amazing shell piece similar to the winged beads found in Southern France4.

Two types of arm rings (or bracelets) are known from Italian Neolithic sites: annular and composite. The annular type has a circular or oval shape and flattened or oval section; the composite type consists of two semicircular elements with one or two holes at the edges joined together by strings (Fig. 3.6); this type probably evolved from broken annular pieces. Arm rings appear in some Early Neolithic sites of the Po Plain groups, at Fiorano (Fig. 3.4) and Casalecchio di Reno (Ferrari et al. 2006) in Emilia and at Isorella in Lombardy (Fig. 3.6). However, the most impressive data is provided by the Square Mouth Pottery levels of Arene Candide (Fig. 3.1-3, 5.) where remains related to specialized workshops have been discovered (Bernabò Brea 1946: 218, 1956: 111-112; Borrello 2003a: 86-87, plate 16; Borrello & Rossi 2004: 84-87, fig. 1-7). Other Neolithic finds are known from Catignano (Zamagni 2003: 204, fig. 106.3) and Villa Badessa in Abruzzo (Radi 1979: 411 fig. 3.9)6, as well as from the funerary cave of Grotta Rifugio in Sardinia (Agosti et al. 1980: 91, fig. 14). Lastly, two fragmented arm rings from Cala Tramontana could be related to the Trichrome Painted Pottery horizon (Micheli 2010: figs. 2.3-4, 3.3-4).

Neolithic beads show a large variety of shapes related to discs, cylinders and barrels. The cylindrical types include two main groups (short beads with a height smaller than their diameter; long beads with a height greater than their diameter). No information allows us to describe the manufacturing process of beads, except for a small round piece found at Caverna Pollera cut off from the central portion of the shell with both surfaces partially smoothed and prepared for perforation (Fig. 2.2). Beads appear in an Early Neolithic phase at the Impressed Ware site of Torre Sabea (Puglia), where a barrel-shaped bead was recovered (Fig. 2.4), as well as at the Vhò site of Ostiano in Lombardy (Fig. 2.3). However, the largest collection of Spondylus gaederopus beads was found in a funerary context of Northern Italy (Fig. 2.5-11), the Square Mouth Pottery 2 burials of La Vela, near Trento, where cylindrical and discoidal beads formed necklaces, bangles and probably a belt decoration (Bagolini 1990; Pedrotti 2001). Two other Square Mouth Pottery examples are also known from Riparo di Moletta Patone, Trento (Fig. 2.12), and from Arma dello Stefanin 3

4

Arene Candide: A Workshop Bracelets

of

Spondylus

gaederopus

The large collection of shell remains discovered at Arene Candide offers an impressive picture of Neolithic handicraft of bracelets. Almost a hundred of left shells of Spondylus gaederopus from 19th century excavations have been recently revisited (Borrello & Rossi 2004): all of them have been eroded by the sea movement and have similar dimensions suggesting a selection when gathered (Fig. 4.1). On the other hand, eroded shells are very rare from 20th century excavations, which yielded several unfinished objects. Nevertheless, Neolithic inhabitants of Arene Candide collected on the beach, not far from the cave, Spondylus gaederopus and other shell species washed ashore which they used as raw material to produce personal ornaments and other artifacts for daily use (spoons, fish-hooks, perforators, etc.) (Borrello 2004: 34, fig. 17)7.

Particularly interesting are two zoomorphic figurines found in Apulia, whose real function unfortunately has not yet been determined: a bird head made of Spondylus gaederopus shell from Grotta di San Biagio (Coppola 2001: 115, fig. 21.7) and a similar figurine made of an indeterminate shell from Grotta della Trinità (Cremonesi 1980: 406). Both specimens were found in the Serra d’Alto complexes. Two aquatics birds made of Spondylus gaederopus are known from Zas Cave in the Naxos Island in Greece (Zachos 1999: 159, fig. 13.6); nevertheless, the Italian specimens are unlike from those of the Zas Cave, because they reproduce an awkward duck distinguishing from the naturalistic and beautiful depiction of the Greek figurines. Winged beads (pendeloques à ailettes) appear in collective burials of the Copper Age in Southern France as well as in a few funerary assemblages of Northern Italy suggesting contacts between the two areas (Micheli, in press a). In France they are known during the 3rd millennium Cal BC (Barge-Mahieu & Bordreuil 1991), while in Italy they appear in complexes dated mainly to the first half of the same millennium.

29

5

The shell species determination of the beads from Corna Nibbia and Buca del Corno is uncertain and currently undergoing new physic-chemical analysis.

6

The shell species determination is uncertain.

7

According to other researchers (Miller 2003: 370) beach-combed shell is not ideal for personal ornaments production, because it is already dried up and fragile. This situation is not recorded in Arene Candide collection where beach-combed shells are instead very well preserved.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 3. Spondylus gaederopus arm rings from Prehistoric Italy Arene Candide: 1.-2. and 5. from L. Bernabò Brea excavations (Middle Neolithic, SMP 1: 1. layer 23; 2. layer 22; 5. layer 21) and 3. from S. Tiné excavations (sporadic); Fiorano Modenese: 4. (Early Neolithic, Fiorano group); Isorella-Cascina Bocche: 6. (Early Neolithic, Vhò group) [1.-3. and 5. drawings by R. Micheli; 4. after Starnini et al. 2000; 6. after Biagi et al. 1994]

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Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli – Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites

Raw Materials, Jewels and Cultural Traditions

Personal ornaments were surely crafted on the site, as demonstrated by broken and unfinished arm rings or small plaques; however, finished arm rings are extremely rare (Borrello & Micheli 2004, 2006; Borrello & Rossi 2004). The L. Bernabò Brea excavations (Bernabò Brea 1946, 1956) revealed a large collection of Spondylus gaederopus items in the Square Mouth Pottery layers, while they are quite absent in the area investigated by S. Tiné (Traversone 1999). Such evidence may suggest a spatial division of the cave, with some areas devoted mainly to shell handcraft activities.

In Italy, the use of Spondylus gaederopus as raw material for ornaments starts in the Early Neolithic and continues into the Middle phase, being contemporaneous with the most ancient finds of the Eastern Adriatic and Western Balkans (Müller 1997: 92-94, fig. 3). During the Early Neolithic, bracelets seem to be preferred to beads, probably reflecting cultural choices of personal ornament: in fact, the most common item of adornment among the Po Plain groups is the stone arm ring made of the precious green rock of Western Alps (Pessina & Tiné 2008: 129-130, fig. 12; Tanda 1977). Stone bracelets are also documented in the Incised Lines Ware in Tuscany (Grifoni Cremonesi 1992: 319), while they are almost unknown in Impressed Ware contexts (Micheli 2003: 284-285). Besides Spondylus gaederopus, some examples of Glycymeris and occasionally Charonia arm rings are known. Even if the number of shell bracelets is very low when compared with stone examples (Micheli 2006)8, data are not enough to surmise if such differences reflect patterns in the use of prestige items or deliberated choices on some raw materials. Shell and stone beads are uncommon during the Early Neolithic; instead, simply perforated shells were a common adornment in Impressed Ware groups (Micheli 2003: 273-274).

The studies of unfinished, broken and discarded artifacts allow us to reconstruct the manufacturing process of rings (Borrello & Rossi 2004; Micheli 2006: 442-443, fig. 6). The following stages have been recorded: 1. Selection of an eroded shell according to morphology and dimensions (Fig. 4.1). 2. Leveling of the external surface of the shell through abrasion on a grinding stone in order to make the central part thin (Fig. 4.2). 3. Opening of a round/oval hole through abrasion. 4. Enlarging of the hole by means of repeated abrasion, cutting and scraping or light chipping of the internal edge with a sharp tool probably made of flint (Fig. 4.3). This is the most delicate stage of the manufacturing process, leading frequently to breakage of the arm ring. In fact, most of the fragments recovered concern this phase. 5. As the opening is finished, the abrasion of both surfaces is continued in order to eliminate, as much as possible, the reddish original color and shape the piece as closely as possible to a round ring (Fig. 4.4-6). 6. Finishing touches include polishing in order to obtain regular and smoothed surfaces.

During the Middle Neolithic, stone and shell arm rings are known in the Square Mouth Pottery sites of Liguria, as well as in different contexts of Ripoli and Catignano in Central Italy, Bonu Ighinu in Sardinia and occasionally in a few Serra d’Alto and Trichrome Painted Pottery contexts in Southern Italy (Tanda 1977). Stone ornaments are the most frequent items as demonstrated in Western Emilia Middle Neolithic, where the Square Mouth Pottery groups fully exploited primary and secondary deposits of steatite located in the Northern Apennines to produce several types of pendants and beads (Bernabò Brea et al. 2006: 698-703, fig. 3.1-30). The spreading of steatite ornaments seems restricted to Emilia, suggesting a local or regional circulation. In the same period, Spondylus gaederopus beads of the Square Mouth Pottery groups are well known from Trentino in the Alpine region and have been recently found also in some Po Plain sites (Micheli in press b). Concerning other Italian Middle Neolithic groups, it is not possible to define clear preferences in the choice of raw materials of ornaments, due to the scarcity of data.

The result is a slightly oval bracelet with a large round or oval opening moved towards the umbo to balance the fragility of the opposite thin margin. The external diameter usually varies between 6 and 10cm. Arene Candide offers important information as shell workshops are extremely rare in Neolithic Europe and seemingly absent in Italy, with the exception of some manufacturing shell remains from Cala Tramontana and possibly also from Grotta del Fico (Micheli 2010: 30-31, figs. 5-7). In fact, the manufacturing of Spondylus gaederopus arm rings has been identified only in Greece, in a Late Neolithic-Copper Age occupation at Dikili Tash (Karali 1999: 39-40, fig. 29), at Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume), at Dimini (Chapman et al., this volume; Halstead 1993; Tsuneki 1989) –where beads were also produced– and at Sitagroi (Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003; Shackleton 2003). Besides, a remarkable production of beads made from fragments of arm rings is known at Hîrşova in Romania during the Gumelniţa phase (Comşa 1973: 66-67).

The use of ornaments of Spondylus gaederopus is rare during the Copper Age, a period characterized by a high increase of personal ornaments, a large number of raw materials and variability of types of beads and pendants. This impressive change is well noted in tomb furnishings of the collective burials of Northern Italy (Barfield 1985). Spondylus gaederopus was only occasionally used; this shell was therefore only one of the numerous exploitable raw materials available. 8 Charonia arm rings are rare and attested only in Liguria at Arene Candide and at Caverna Pollera, while the Glycymeris bracelets are more common. The latter shell is instead the more employed as raw material for bracelets among the Neolithic groups of Southern France and Spain (Courtin 2000: 95).

31

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 4. Manufacturing evidence of Spondylus gaederopus arm rings from Arene Candide 1. Naturally eroded shell; 2. Shell with abraded central part; 3. Fragmented ring with irregular hole; 4. Detail of an umbo during polishing; 5. Fragmented ring during polishing; 6. Broken ring damaged during the final polishing 1., 3.-5. from L. Bernabò Brea excavations (Early Neolithic, Ligurian Impressed Ware: 1. and 4. layer 25. Middle Neolithic, SMP 1: 3. layer 23; 5. layer 21); 2. and 6. from 19th century excavations [photos 1. by R. Micheli; 2.-6. by F. Labica and S. Paba]

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Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli – Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites

Concluding Remarks The geographical distribution of finds shows that Spondylus gaederopus ornaments are not common in the Italian Neolithic. A similar situation is described in Southern France, where Spondylus gaederopus ornaments seem to be extremely rare (Taborin 1974). In the Western Mediterranean this species was not used intensively (Álvarez-Fernández, this volume), unlike in Central and Eastern Europe where beads, arm rings and other types of Spondylus jewels have become the symbol of the Neolithic Danubian cultures (Borrello & Micheli 2004; Müller 1997; Séfériadès 1995: 240-243). Despite this scarcity, it is possible that, even in Italy, these peculiar items reflected prestige, since Spondylus artifacts are quite rare and associated with burials, where the status of the dead was probably emphasized through tomb furnishings and personal ornaments. Arene Candide is an emblematic example showing a large use of Spondylus gaederopus in a site located near the sea where the raw material is easily available on the beach. Nonetheless, inland finds in the Po Plain and Abruzzo suggest the spreading of marine shell artifacts far away from Liguria and Gargano coasts. Trentino objects could have a Ligurian origin, although a Central European provenance is not excluded; Spondylus big cylindrical beads were a common item in the Neolithic Danubian area (Borrello & Micheli 2004: fig. 7; Lenneis 2007: fig. 8; Nieszery & Breinl 1993: 427-428, fig. 2-3). Neolithic contacts through the Alps are well known (Borrello 2003b; Borrello et al. 2002; Mottes et al. 2002), suggesting the existence of exchange networks on medium and long distances as well as the control of prestigious raw material supplies (Pétrequin et al. 1998; Thirault 2005). Without any doubt, Arene Candide is an extremely important site, because of the manufacturing of Neolithic arm rings obtained from Spondylus gaederopus eroded shells. The sharp quantitative differences between the numerous shells without working traces and the rare finished personal ornaments suggest a production for export. The absence of arm rings and other shell items in Square Mouth Pottery tombs of Liguria as well as in most sites of Italy, confirms such hypothesis. It is not impossible that Spondylus ornaments made in the Western Mediterranean region reached the Danubian basin, Liguria being one of the areas of production. Most of the past studies devoted to Spondylus archaeology had depicted Italy as a terra incognita, where only few sporadic finds were registered. This picture is now changing and scholars are now starting to understand the use of this peculiar shell in the Italian Neolithic and Copper Age. Nevertheless, more work is needed to improve our knowledge of the meaning and social relevance of Spondylus personal ornaments in prehistoric Italy. Re-examination of old collections could certainly bring to light Spondylus artifacts neglected in the past. However, a closer collaboration between archaeologists and malacologists in identifying the shells employed as raw material is probably the first step towards a new approach to adornment traditions in Prehistory aiming at defining their social and economic contexts. 33

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

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sick, H. Peter-Röcher, M. Roeder & B. Teržan): 91- 106. Espelkamp: Verlag Marie Leidorf [Internationale Archäologie, Studia Honoraria, 1]. Nieszery, N. & L. Breinl 1993 Zur Trageweise des Spondylusschmucks in der Linearbandkeramik. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 23(4): 427-438. Nikolaidou, M. 2003 Items of adornment. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 331-360. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Odetti, G. 1990 Saggio nei livelli neolitici della Grotta Pollera. Rivista Ingauna e Intemelia XLV(1-4): 107143. Palma di Cesnola, A. 1967 Il Neolitico medio e superiore di San Domino (Arcipelago delle Tremiti). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche XXII(2): 349-391. Palma di Cesnola, A. & F. Minellono 1961 Gli scavi nella Grotta del Fico presso S. Maria al Bagno (Lecce). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche XVI: 57-87. Pedrotti, A. 2001 Il Neolitico. In Storia del Trentino. I: La Preistoria e la Protostoria (ed. M. Lanzinger, F. Marzatico & A. Pedrotti): 119-181. Bologna: Società editrice il Mulino. Pessina, A. & V. Tiné 2008 Archeologia del Neolitico: L’Italia tra VI e IV Millennio a.C. Roma: Carocci. Pétrequin, P., C. Croutsch & S. Cassen 1998 A propos du dépôt de La Bégude: Haches alpines et haches carnacéennes pendant le Ve millénaire. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 95(2): 239-254. Radi, G. 1979 Resti di un villaggio neolitico a Villa Badessa (Pescara). Atti della Società Toscana di Scienze Naturali LXXXVI, Memorie, Serie A: 405-414. 2003 Gli oggetti di ornamento. In Torre Sabea, un établissement du Néolithique ancien en Salento (ed. J. Guilaine & G. Cremonesi): 208217. Rome: Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 315. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995 Spondylus Gaederopus: The earliest European long distance exchange system. A symbolic and structural archaeological approach to Neolithic societies. Documenta Praehistorica 22: 233256. Shackleton, N. J. 2003 Preliminary report on the molluscan remains at Sitagroi. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 361-368.

Gli ornamenti. In Le Ceramiche Impresse nel Neolitico Antico: Italia e Mediterraneo (ed. M. A. Fugazzola Delpino, A. Pessina & V. Tiné): 269-288. Roma: Studi di Paletnologia, I. 2004 Gli ornamenti in conchiglia del Neolitico dell’Italia settentrionale. In Conchiglie e Archeologia (ed. M. A. Borrello): 53-70. Preistoria Alpina 40 (suppl. 1). 2006 Bracciali in conchiglia del Neolitico italiano: Distribuzione, inquadramento culturale e tecnologia. In La Neolitizzazione tra Oriente e Occidente: Proceedings of the Conference (Udine, 23-24 Settembre 2005) (ed. A. Pessina & P. Visentini): 437-446. Udine: Comune di Udine, Museo Friulano di storia naturale. 2010 Nuovi dati da vecchie collezioni: I bracciali neolitici in conchiglia da Cala Tramontana (San Domino, Isole Tremiti). Bollettino del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona – Geologia, Paleontologia, Preistoria 34: 23-36. in press a Gli ornamenti di tradizione occidentale presenti nei corredi funerari dell’area alpina e prealpina: I pendagli ad alette e a punta e i vaghi multilobati. In Santuari e Necropoli dell’età del Rame nell’Area Alpina e Prealpina: Antropologia e Archeologia. Proceedings of the Conference (Gavardo, 29-30 Ottobre 2004) (ed. M. Baioni). Gavardo. in press b Oggetti di adorno in conchiglia e pietra dai siti de La Vela di Trento e Riva del Garda, via Brione: Alcune osservazioni sul costume dei gruppi vbq del Trentino. In Vasi a Bocca Quadrata: Evoluzione delle Conoscenze, Nuovi Approcci Interpretativi. Atti del convegno, Riva del Garda, 13-15 maggio 2009 (ed. E. Mottes). Miller, M. A. 2003 Technical aspects of ornament production at Sitagroi. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 369-382. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Mottes, E., F. Nicolis & H. Schlichtherle 2002 Rapporti culturali tra territori a nord e a sud delle Alpi centrali durante il Neolitico e l’Età del Rame. In AttraVerso le Alpi: Uomini, Vie e Scambi nell’Antichità (ed. G. Schneckenburger): 119-136. Stuttgart: Archäelogisches Landesmuseum Baden-Württemberg. Müller, J. 1997 Neolithische und chalkolithische Spondylus-Artefakte: Anmerkungen zu Verbreitung, Tauschgebiet und sozialer Funktion. In ΧΡΟΝΟΣ: Festschrift für Bernard Hänsel (Hrsg. C. Becker, M.-L. Dunkelmann, C. Metzner-Nebel36

Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli – Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites

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Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Starnini, E., F. Ghisotti, A. Girod & R. Nisbet 2000 Nuovi dati sul Neolitico antico della Pianura Padana centrale dal sito di Isorella (Brescia). In La Neolitizzazione tra Oriente e Occidente: Proceedings of the Conference (Udine, 23-24 Aprile 1999) (ed. A. Pessina & G. Muscio): 231-255. Udine: Comune di Udine, Museo Friulano di storia naturale. Taborin, Y. 1974 La parure en coquillage de l’Épipaléolithique au Bronze ancien en France. Gallia Préhistoire 17(1-2): 101-179; 307-417. Tanda, G. 1977 Gli anelloni litici italiani. Preistoria Alpina 13: 111-155. Thirault, E. 2005 The politics of supply: The Neolithic axe industry in Alpine Europe. Antiquity 79(303): 34-50. Tiné, S. 1983 Oggetti d’ornamento. In Passo di Corvo e la Civiltà Neolitica del Tavoliere (ed. S. Tiné): 100. Genova: Sagep. Tozzi, C. 1965 Un saggio di scavo nella grotta Mandurea. Rivista Ingauna e Intemelia XX(1-3): 13-15. Traversone, B. 1999 Les parures. In Il Neolitico nella Caverna delle Arene Candide: Scavi 1972-1977 (ed. S. Tiné): 283-298; 518-533; 580. Bordighera: Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri. Tsuneki, A. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. Ugas, G. 1998 Facies campaniformi dell’ipogeo di Padru Jossu (Sanluri-Cagliari). In Simbolo ed Enigma: Il Bicchiere Campaniforme e l’Italia nella Preistoria Europea del III Millennio a.C. (ed. F. Nicolis & E. Mottes): 261-280. Trento: Provincia autonoma di Trento, Servizio beni culturali, Ufficio Beni Archeologici. Zachos, K. L. 1999 Zas Cave on Naxos and the role of caves in the Aegean Late Neolithic. In Neolithic Society in Greece (ed. P. Halstead): 153-163. Sheffield: Sheffield: Sheffield University Press [Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 2]. Zamagni, B. 2003 Gli oggetti di ornamento. In Gli Scavi nel Villaggio Neolitico di Catignano (1971-1980): Origines (ed. C. Tozzi & B. Zamagni): 202-204. Firenze: Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. 2006 Gli ornamenti su conchiglia dal sito neolitico di Ripa Tetta (Foggia). In Atti della XXXIX Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria 37

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 4

Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods Jan John Some of the LBK cemeteries in Central Europe (for example Vedrovice in Moravia or Aiterhofen in Bavaria) are remarkably “rich” in artifacts made from imported Mediterranean Spondylus shells (Spondylus gaederopus). There is no doubt that the presence of these artifacts in graves reflects social, gender or chronological structures. This paper focuses on the structure of burial goods within the Neolithic LBK Culture cemeteries in Bavaria using a statistical method (factor analysis). While some Spondylus artifacts are clearly connected only with male of female graves, others are independent of gender.

Introduction The Linear Pottery Culture (known also as LBK) represents the oldest archaeological culture of the Middle European Neolithic. LBK is usually dated from about 5600 to 5000 BC and during this period spread to its maximum extend ranged from the Paris Basin on the west to the Ukraine on the East (except of north coastal areas and the Alps). In the period of LBK Culture most individuals were buried by inhumation, flexed on their left side, head to the east, although other positions of body and cremations occur as well. Most of the graves contained some kind of artifacts and their great variability doubtless represents some social structures of Neolithic society (Podborský 2002a: 296). Generally the grave goods tend to be more frequent in male burials, than in woman and children graves. Looking on the map of large LBK burial grounds in Europe (Fig. 1) is evident that in some areas with intensive LBK settlement (Bohemia, for example) there are no evidences for this kind of funerary sites and we can observe only small graveyards or isolated graves (cf. Zápotocká 1998). Probably only a small part of LBK population was buried in cemeteries. In spite of this situation, there are existing extensive sites, where the study of burial customs in statistical way is possible. The following statistic observations are based on four well published LBK funerary sites in Bavaria (Nieszery 1995). Data The dataset for statistical examination comes from a comprehensive monograph book including catalogues of graves from Bavaria. In this catalogue, 161 inhumations at Aiterhofen (the largest LBK cemetery in Bavaria), 29 at Sengkofen, 13 at Mangolding and finally 28 at Dillingen-Steinheim are re-

corded and described (Nieszery 1995). From this number, only 125 graves were used as the input for factor analysis, because graves without goods or damaged incomplete graves were eliminated. Only inhumations have been analyzed (concerning the artifacts, the cremations are generally poor, and moreover, most of the cremations are probably chronologically later than the inhumations). Table 1 summarizes the absolute and relative number of artifacts in graves within the dataset. The most frequent grave goods at these sites are pottery vessels and polished stone tools, but also 4 kinds of Spondylus artifacts were recognized: Spondylus beads have been found in 23 graves (18%), Spondylus bracelets in 12 (10%) graves, V-shaped belt buckles in 7 (6%) graves and finally perforated medallions in 6 (5%) cases (Fig. 2). The massive cylindrical Spondylus beads are usually grouped together into necklaces or headbands, but can be also found individually. The Spondylus bracelets were made generally from the lower valve of the shell, with its inner diameter ranging from 5 to 8cm (cf. Vencl 1959: 728), and very often are found on the left arm of the buried body in the area above the elbow. We can assume that these relatively small sized bracelets had to be worn in the same position since childhood, because they would no longer have fitted through an adult limb. The V-shaped buckles were made generally from the upper valve of the Spondylus shell. The fragility of these V-shaped artifacts is the reason why they are often broken and repaired by using repair perforations or resin. The repairing perforations are also the evidence of the long term use of these artifacts. In graves the buckles are mainly found near the waist, in front of the buried body (Nieszery & Breinl 1993).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Legend Spread of late LBK Spread of early LBK

0

200

400

600

800 Kilometers

Large LBK cemeteries Figure 1. Spatial distribution of large LBK cemeteries in Central Europe

On the other hand the double perforated medallions, which are found on the same places as the buckles in graves, were made from the lower valve of the Spondylus shell. That these artifacts were undoubtedly part of a belt or dress ornament in the pelvic area is indicated by their position in the grave pit and relation to the buried body.

sis has been described in the above cited papers; therefore I will only give a summary of the basic steps here. As the first step of analysis, the description database has been created, where each row contains information on each grave, its number, orientation, the result of the anthropological examination and other data. The presence or absence of each artifact (Table 1) was recorded as a binary expression (1 = presence of one or more artifacts, 0 = absence of artifact).

Factor Analysis One of the most significant benefits of statistical analyses in archaeology is undoubtedly the possibility to search quickly for patterns in large data sets (cf. Neustupný 1978). The factor analysis adopted here is a statistical technique used to detect patterns in the relationships between interdependent variables (in our case, between artifacts in graves). This type of analysis seeks to infer underlying independent variables, called factors, that can explain an observed regularity of relations among variables in the data. Factor analysis (also called vector synthesis) is a well-established method in archaeology today, with many successful applications (see, for example, Macháček 2001; Neustupný 1973, 1978; Neustupný & John 2005; Šmejda 2003). The complete procedure of factor analy-

The second step of the factor analysis is the calculation of correlation matrix. The Correlation matrix expresses the correlation coefficients between each pair or artifacts. These coefficients reflect the degree of correlation (co-occurrence or absence) of artifacts in the graves. The value of -1 express the minimum correlation (for example, a situation when stone axe is in all graves in which is no bracelet and vice versa) and the value of 1 the maximum correlation (axes and bracelets are always together). Values fluctuating near zero are not statistically significant. Naturally, the maximum correlation of 1 achieves the same artifacts to itself.

40

Jan John – Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods

inferred factors that explain the patterns of relations between these variables (for detailed results, see John 2005). For better orientation we can plot the factor loadings as bar graphs (Fig. 3). The first and strongest factor shows the highest factor loadings for Spondylus bracelets and buckles. This pair of artifacts represents the most characteristic correlation among the groupings of Factor 1, and second in strength comes the pairing of Spondylus beads and stone axes. If we compare the results of the factor analysis with the anthropological examination of skeletons, Factor 1 clearly represents a group of male graves where the characteristic combination of goods consists of Spondylus buckles, bracelets and beads. On the other hand, it is typical for the second factor the combination of Spondylus medallion, one more time beads, antler or bone combs and garniture made from freshwater shells. This factor seems to be a kind of opposite to the first factor and is connected to female graves above all.

Figure 2. Example of Spondylus beads, V-shaped buckles and bracelet from LBK graves (site Kadaň - Czech Republic, collection of National Museum in Prague)

In the case of third factor, we can see together chipping stone industry, bone industry and pyrite (iron sulfide-FeS2). This combination is not surprising, because these artifacts together with tree fungus (polyporus) served as ignescent kits for fire making (Nieszery 1992). With the exception of one grave, this package of artifacts occurs in male graves.

The disadvantage of the Correlation matrix, when dealing with number of variables, is that it doesn’t provide an easy survey and orientation (cf. Neustupný 1997: 240). Therefore, as third step of the factor analysis, followed the calculation of the coefficients for individual factors, which also express the dependencies between descriptors (artifacts-variables).

The fourth factor represents the opposition of pottery and package consisting of shoe-last adzes, arrowheads and antler belt hooks. Positive values of factor loadings show that this combination is typical for male graves.

In this case six factors (Factors 1-6, Fig. 3) were extracted, which accounts for 62% of the observed variability in the dataset). The final results of the analysis are called the factor loadings, which are in fact the correlation coefficients between the observed dependent variables (artifacts) and the

Code

Artifact

Number of Graves

Percent of Graves

KERAM

Pottery

50

40%

KOPYT

Shoe-last adze

43

34%

S_IND

Chipping stone industry

41

33%

SEKER

Stone axe

23

18%

PERLA

Spondylus bead

23

18%

SIP

Stone arrowhead

21

17%

BARVA

Mineral color

17

14%

SIDLO

Bone awl

15

12%

PYRIT

Pyrite

14

11%

SNEK

Freshwater snail

12

10%

SP_NA

Spondylus bracelet

12

10%

MLYN

Grinding slab

10

8%

ROUBI

Antler belt hook

10

8%

HREBE

Antler bone comb

8

8%

SP_ZA

V-shaped Spondylus belt buckles

7

6%

KOST

Animal bone

7

6%

SP_ME

Perforated Spondylus medallion

6

5%

Table 1. Absolute and relative number of artifacts in graves

41

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 3. Graphic representation of factor loadings [drawings of artifacts after Nieszery 1995] Factor 1 Combinations of Spondylus bracelets and buckles; Spondylus beads and stone axes (Male graves) Factor 2 Combinations of Spondylus medallions and antler/bone combs; freshwater shell garnitures and antler/bone combs (Mostly female graves) Factor 3 Packages (ignition kits) of chipped stone, bone tools, pyrite (Male graves) Factor 4 Packages of adzes, arrowheads, antler belt hooks (Mostly male graves) Factor 5 Correlation of animal bones and arrowheads (Hunting?) Factor 6 Grinding slabs under the head (Mostly female graves)

42



Jan John – Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods

Aiterhofen Legend Factor 1

0

10

20

30

40 Meters

Figure 4. Spatial distribution of factor scores values within the plan of site Aiterhofen

The fifth factor represents the structure of common presence of animal bones and arrowheads. The bones originate from animal meat, which was used as a grave good and also from the necklaces containing fox jawbones. On the hypothetical level, we could connect this combination of finds with the hunting activities (cf. Gronenborn 2003).

cemetery. As we know, the Spondylus artifacts are restricted to the earlier period of LBK Culture and the south-west part of Aiterhofen cemetery probably represents the initial stage of its development.

Finally for the sixth factor the presence of grinding slabs is characteristic. Fragments of these grinding slabs are found mainly in female graves under the head of the buried person as some kind of pillow.

The main result of the factor analysis is the exclusion of artifacts groups containing Spondylus jewelry, which are probably connected to gender of buried people. Unfortunately it is difficult to compare these results to other sites in central Europe. One of the largest collections of Spondylus artifacts in the Middle Europe has been excavated in Vedrovice (distr. Znojmo – South Moravia), where two groups of LBK graves have been discovered. Within the artifacts recovered from these two cemeteries are a total number of 194 Spondylus artifacts, mainly beads and pendants (Podborský 2002b). The typical Spondylus beads, bracelets, medallions and many pendants of various shapes occur in Vedrovice (for example, oval, discshaped, and rod or L-shaped pedants), unfortunately there are no finds of V-shaped buckles from graves at Vedrovice cemetery at all (some are known only from older field walking).

Discussion

The final step of factor analysis is the computing of factor scores. Factor scores are the values (high or low) of artifact correlation each grave receives for the variables examined under each factor, which shows how typical a specific grave is for the pattern characteristic of a specific factor. Projecting the factor scores back to the plan of the cemetery of Aiterhofen, we could observe, that graves typical for the first factor are grouped in south-west part of cemetery (Fig. 4). The “second factor graves” are also restricted on the south half of cemetery, but these are identified as female graves. The reason is probably the inner chronological development of the 43

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

In spite of the absence of this artifact type, the finds from Vedrovice are generally quite similar to the situation observed in Bavaria. There is only one exception –the grave number 9/88. In this grave a skeleton of woman is covered by Spondylus and limestone beads along with a medallion and a bracelet. The combination of bracelet and medallion is unknown in Bavaria. Unfortunately the circumstances of this find are not very clear. There is no visible bracelet on the photography at all, and according to the drawing, the bracelet was probably attached in addition to original ornaments (Podborský 2002a: 112, 245). As mentioned above, the Spondylus jewelry is typical for early LBK culture, but “went out of fashion” during the time. In fact, the reason why Spondylus gradually disappears is probably the loss of connections to the source of Spondylus, which formed part of the earlier exchange network. On the other hand, this white-colored jewelry was strongly established and played a significant role in the symbolic systems. This is probably the reason why people in the Neolithic intensively searched for sources of some substitute white-colored raw material, especially marble. A good illustration of this “hunger” for white jewelry is for example the mining site Sázava–Bílý kámen (distr. Kutná Hora) in Central Bohemia, dated to later Stroke Pottery Culture, when the marble used for the white stone bracelets was extracted in shallow pits on the top or this ridge. Polished bracelets made from this marble played probably in continual Neolithic symbolic systems the similar role as the earlier Spondylus shell bracelets (Podborský 2002b: 225; Zápotocká 1984). Conclusions Spondylus artifacts, without a doubt, played an important part of the Neolithic symbolic system and burial practices. On the basis of our observations from the LBK cemeteries, it is possible to conclude that Spondylus jewelry is very often included in grave goods accompanying prestigious male burials (buckles, beads and bracelets), but also in female graves we could find groups of partially different Spondylus artifacts (medallions and beads). The age of the buried person was probably not important, since Spondylus artifacts occur in the graves of adults, as well as in the children graves. While some Spondylus artifacts, such as buckles and bracelets, are clearly connected only to men, the medallions occur only in female graves. This gender opposition is maybe symbolically exalted by the fact that the buckles are made from the upper valve of the shell and on the contrary, medallions are made from the lower one. We have to say, that there are also exceptions to his rule; for example a V-buckle made from the lower valve of the shell has been found in a child grave in Vejvanovice, distr. Chrudim (Bohemia) as a part of necklace (Vencl 1959: 702). Except of gender differences, the variability of burial goods reflects probably also other social and chronological structures which are difficult to define so far. 44

Jan John – Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods

References Gronenborn, D. 2003 Der „Jäger/Krieger“ aus Schwanfeld: Einige Aspekte der politisch-sozialen Geschichte des mitteleuropäischen Altneolithikums. In Archäologische Perspektiven: Festschrift für Jens Lüning zum 65. Geburtstag (Hrsg. J. Eckert, U. Eisenhauer & A. Zimmermann): 35-48. Espelkamp: Verlag Marie Leidorf. John, J. 2005 Příspěvěk ke struktuře pohřební výbavy v  kultuře s  volutovou keramikou [A contribution to the structure of LBK Culture grave goods]. In Příspěvky k  Archeologii 2 (ed. E. Neustupný & J. John): 11-19. Plzeň: University of West Bohemia. Macháček, J. 2001 Studie k Velkomoravské keramice: Metody, analýzy a syntézy, modely [Study to Great Moravian Ceramics: Methods, Analysis and Synthesis, Models]. Brno: Masaryk University. Neustupný, E. 1973 Jednoduchá metoda archeologické analýzy [A simple method of archaeological analysis]. Památky archeologické 64: 169-234. 1978 Mathematics at Jenišův Újezd. In Das keltische Gräberfeld bei Jenišův Újezd in Böhmen 2. (Hrsg J. Waldhauser): 40-66. Teplice. 1979 Vektorová syntéza sídlištní keramiky [Vector synthesis of finds from settlement sites]. Archeologické rozhledy 31: 55-74. 1997 Syntéza struktur formalizovanými metodami – vektorová syntéza. In Počítačová podpora v archeologii (ed. J. Macháček): 237-258. Brno: Ústav archeologie a muzeologie, FF MU. Neustupný, E. & J. John (eds.) 2005 Příspěvky k archeologii 2 [Contributions to Archaeology 2]. Plzeň: University of West Bohemia. Nieszery, N. 1992 Bandkeramische Feuerzeuge. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 22: 359-376. 1995 Linearbandkeramische Gräberfelder in Bayer. Espelkamp: Verlag Marie Leidorf [Internationale Archeologie, 16]. Nieszery, N. & L. Breinl 1993 Zur Tragweise des Spondylusschmucks in der Linearbandkeramik. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 23: 427-438. Podborský, V. et al. 2002a Dvě pohřebiště neolitického lidu s lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích na Moravě [Zwei Gräberfelder des neolithischen Volkes mit Linearbandkeramik in Vedrovice in Mähren]. Brno: Masarykovy University, Philosophy Faculty, Dept. of Archaeology & Museology. 2002b Spondylový šperk v hrobech lidu s lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích [Spondylus decora-

Šmejda, L. 2003

Vencl, S. 1959

tions from Linear Pottery culture graves in Vedrovice]. Archeologické rozhledy 54: 223-240. Hlavní osy variability pohřebního ritu na lokalitě z mladšího neolitu a starší doby bronzové u Holešova, okr. Kroměříž [Main axes of variability at the cemetery or the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age at holešov, distr. Kroměříž]. In Sedmdesát Neustupných let (ed. L. Šmejda & P. Vařeka): 179-198. Plzeň: University of West Bohemia.

Spondylové šperky v podunajském neolitu. Archeologické rozhledy XI: 699-742. Zápotocká, M. 1984 Armringe aus Marmor und anderen Rohstoffen im jüngeren Neolithikum Böhmens und Mitteleuropas [Náramky z mramoru a jiných surovin v mladším neolitu Čech a střední Evropy]. Památky archeologické 75(1): 50-130. 1998 Bestattungsritus des bömischen Neolithikums. Praha: Archaeological Institute.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 5

Reconsideration of Spondylus usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri It is a generally accepted view in the research of the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin that there were considerable social changes between the Middle (ca. 5500–5000 BC) and Late Neolithic (ca. 5000–4500 BC). One can often read that a considerably higher amount of Spondylus was used and placed into the graves in the Late Neolithic, as compared to the Middle Neolithic, which is usually explained by increasing social inequalities. In the following, we are testing this statement thoroughly by examining Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus grave goods and by providing an estimate of the amount of Spondylus used. We were able to show that the amount of Spondylus valves used did not increase from the Middle Neolithic to the Late Neolithic but Spondylus ornaments became accessible to a larger social group in the Late Neolithic. This could have resulted in the gradual devaluation of Spondylus as prestige raw material. New prestige raw materials appeared –first of all, copper– which could have taken over the role of Spondylus.

Introduction It is a generally accepted view in the research of the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin that there were considerable social changes between the Middle (ca. 5500–5000 BC) and Late Neolithic (ca. 5000–4500 BC). Signs of vertical social differences appeared in the Late Neolithic but, according to some researchers, ascribed rank had already appeared in the Middle Neolithic in the Carpathian Basin (Bánffy 1999: 54; Bánffy & Bognár-Kutzián 2007: 216; Kalicz & Szénászky 2001: 50). Between these two periods, the population remained continuous while economic, social, and cultural changes occurred. Late Neolithic Tisza and Herpály Cultures are the descendants of Middle Neolithic Alföld Linear Pottery Culture (ALPC) and its groups, and Late Neolithic Lengyel Culture is descendant of Middle Neolithic Transdanubian Linear Pottery Culture (Chapman 1994: 80-82, 1997; Kalicz 1985b: 128132, 1989, 2001; Makkay 1982: 60, 111-163, 1991: 322-326; Raczky 1995; Sherratt 1982: 17-21, 1983a, 1983b). These social changes are reflected in the mortuary practice: not only was the number of burials multiplied, but the number and variety of grave goods also increased (Raczky & Anders 2006: 30; Siklósi 2004: 49-51; Zalai-Gaál 1988, 2002a, 2002b, 2002c). While Spondylus ornaments were prestige goods all through the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin, their usage changed considerably during this period. Different types of ornaments were used, and they were also used in different ways during the two periods. These changes might have reflected social changes (Siklósi 2004). One can often read that a considerably higher amount of Spondylus was used and placed into the graves in the Late Neolithic, as compared to the Middle Neolithic, which is usually

explained by increasing social inequalities. In the following, we are testing this statement thoroughly by examining Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus grave goods and by providing an estimate of the amount of Spondylus used. Based on this analysis, our aim is to contribute to a better understanding of social changes during these two periods. Differences Neolithic

in

Spondylus Usage

in the

Middle

and

Late

In their article published in 2001, Nándor Kalicz and Júlia Szénászky described that two Spondylus horizons can be separated in the Neolithic Carpathian Basin, which showed not only chronological but also typological differences. The main characteristic types of Middle Neolithic Spondylus horizon are pendants, wide bracelets and large beads, while during the Late Neolithic small, disc-shaped beads and thin bracelets were worn (Kalicz & Szénászky 2001: 49). We can add to this statement that the number of Spondylus finds also changed between these two periods. For the Middle Neolithic bigger but fewer items, while for the Late Neolithic a great number of smaller items were typical in graves. With reference to this observation, several questions arose: how much Spondylus was required to prepare an ornament, and whether the increase in the number of pieces signified a real quantitative increase in a grave. Is it possible that the manufacture of large Middle Neolithic objects required more raw materials than that of the small Late Neolithic ones? To put this in another way, it is not certain that more Spondylus were placed in Late Neolithic graves. Another question is whether there were Spondylus imitations in graves. In other words, how important a part did imitations play? To answer these questions, we analyzed Middle and Late Neolithic graves that contained Spondylus in the Carpath-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 1. Middle and Late Neolithic sites of graves contained Spondylus grave-goods White signs indicate sites of Spondylus ornaments which were measured 1. Lužianky (Novotný 1962: 217, pl. 7.3-8, 15, pl. 38) 2. Nitra (Pavúk 1972: 6, 8, 11, 14-15, 20, 22, 24. fig. 4, 14-19, 25. fig. 1-3, 26. fig. 1, 6, 27. fig. 1-3, 6, 8, 28. fig. 4-9, 29. fig. 3-5, 16) 3. Šarišské Michal’any (Šiška 1986: 445) 4. Garadna–Elkerülő út, Site No. 2 (unpublished) 5. Felsővadász–Várdomb (Koós 1986: 104; Csengeri 2004a: 47-48) 6. Megyaszó–Csákó (Korek 1957: 18; Kalicz & Makkay 1977: 75) 7. Mezőzombor–Temető (Csengeri 2004b: 65, 68-69, fig. 2-6, 8) 8. Tiszalúc–Sarkadpuszta (Oravecz 1996: 57, fig. 4.; Oravecz 2001: 10, chart 1., fig. 6-8) 9. Kesznyéten–Lúci Abony (unpublished) 10. Kenézlő–Szérűskert (Kiss 1939: 7, pl. 1.6) 11. Tiszavasvári–Deákhalmi–dűlő (Kurucz 1994: 126) 12. Nagykálló–Strandfürdő (Korek 1957: 17) 13. Polgár–Csőszhalom and Site No. 6 (Raczky et al. 1997: kat. IV.9., V.1-2, 6-7, 9, 14-15, 17, 20-23, 26, 35) 14. Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő (Csengeri 2004b: 66, 70, fig. 10-11, 15-16, 30, 33-34) 15. Mezőkövesd–Mocsolyás (Kalicz & Koós 1997: kat. 53, 55.; Kalicz & Koós 2000: 47-49, fig. 7, 8. fig. 2, 11.; Kalicz & Koós 2002: 47-52, 59) 16. Mezőkeresztes–M3, Site No. 10 (Wolf & Simonyi 1995: fig. 3) 17. Füzesabony–Gubakút (Domboróczki 1997: kat. 31-32) 18. Kompolt–Kistér (Bánffy 1999: 42-43, 117, 124) 19. Aszód–Papi földek (Kalicz 1985a: 22-29, fig. 30, 34, 38, 40-41 and unpublished) 20. Szentendre (Patay 1966-1967: 8, 10, 6. fig. 21) 21. Bicske–Galagonyás (Petres 1954: 22-28, fig. 19-20.; Makkay et al. 1996: 20-24) 22. Kisköre–Gát (Korek 1989: 39-44, fig. 31-41.) 23. Berettyóújfalu–Herpály (Tálas & Raczky 1991: kat. 254-255, 268-270) 24. Kengyel–Halastó (Raczky 1982: fig. 12) 25. Tiszaföldvár–Téglagyár (Oravecz 1998-1999: 47, 55) 26. Csanytelek–Újhalastó (Hegedüs 1982-1983: 25-26, fig. 13-14) 27. Hódmezővásárhely–Gorzsa (Gazdapusztai 1963: 410-411; Horváth 1987: 42-43, 45-46, fig. 7, 34, 37, 38; Tálas & Raczky 1991: kat. 259-260) 28. Čoka–Kremenyák (Banner 1960: 18, 20, 35, pl. 57.4-17; Raczky 1994: 163, fig. 1, 4) 29. Balatonszárszó–Kis–erdei–dűlő (Marton 2004: 82, fig. 1) 30. Pári–Altacker (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 20-21, fig. 4.) 31. Lengyel (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 16-20) 32. Szekszárd–Palánki–hegy (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 54-55, fig. 47-50) 33. Mórágy–Tűzkődomb (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 23-28, fig. 11-20) 34. Zengővárkony (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 32-41, fig. 27-43) 35. Villánykövesd (Zalai-Gaál 2006: 41, fig. 46)

48

Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri – Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin

Description of Spondylus Ornaments

Types

Middle Neolithic

Late Neolith

1.1

Tiny, flat, disc-shaped bead

–

+++

1.2

Medium-sized, barrel-shaped or irregular shaped bead

+++

+++

1.3

Large, barrel-shaped or irregular shaped bead

+++

–

1.4

Medium-sized, cylindrical bead

+++

+++

1.5

Large, cylindrical bead

+++

–

1.6

Large, biconical bead

+++

–

1.7

Medium-sized, flat, disc-shaped bead

+++

+++

1.8

Medium-sized, flattened, cylindrical bead

–

+++

1.9

Pyramid-shaped bead

–

+++

2.1

Massive, wide bracelet

+++

–

2.2

Thin bracelet

+++

+++

3.1

Pendant from a complete Spondylus shell valve with 2–4 perforations for suspension

+++

–

3.2

Pendant from a complete Spondylus shell valve with 1 large perforation in the middle (and 2–4 perforations for suspension)

+++

–

4.1

Animal tooth-shaped, arched pendant with perforation on the upper part

+++

–

4.2

Red deer tooth-shaped, small pendant with perforation on the upper part

+++

+++

5.1

V-perforated button

–

+++

Small plate with perforations

+++

–

7.1

Perforated ornament from pieces of massive, wide bracelets

+++

–

7.2

Perforated ornament from pieces of thin bracelets

+++

+++

6.1-6.2

Table 1. Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus ornament types

ian Basin. From the Middle Neolithic, we examined 158 items from 10 burials at 5 sites (Garadna–Elkerülő út, Site No. 2, Felsővadász–Várdomb, Kesznyéten–Lúci Abony, Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő and Mezőzombor–Temető1), and from the Late Neolithic, we examined 2,155 items from 56 burials at Aszód–Papi földek2 (Fig. 1)3. We counted the number of Spondylus ornaments in graves and measured them one by one.

graves at 35 sites (48 Middle Neolithic and 118 Late Neolithic graves). We concluded that large, cylindrical beads (e.g. Mezőkövesd– Nagy–fertő, grave No. S120, Fig. 4), large, barrel or irregular shaped beads (e.g. Garadna, grave No. S191, Fig. 5), medium-sized cylindrical beads (e.g. Garadna, grave No. S191, Fig. 5), medium-sized barrel or irregular shaped beads (e.g. Mezőzombor, grave No. 49, Fig. 6, Garadna, grave No. S191, Fig. 5), and medium-sized disc-shaped beads (e.g. Mezőzombor, grave No. 49, Fig. 6, Kesznyéten, grave No. S4, Fig. 7) dominated in the Middle Neolithic.

Based on these finds, we were able to set up a typology of Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus objects (Table 1 and Fig. 2), and could determine different scales of measure of beads for the two periods (Fig. 3). Following this, we classified the finds published from many other sites on the basis of their size and shape. We examined 5,704 items from 166

Medium-sized cylindrical, disc, or barrel-shaped beads appeared in Late Neolithic graves as well, but in considerably smaller proportion (e.g. Kalicz 1985a: fig. 30.1-2, 40.3).

1  Felsővadász–Várdomb was excavated by J. Koós between 1982 and 1984 (Koós 1986: 104; Csengeri 2004a: 47-48). Mezőzombor–Temető was excavated by J. Koós and N. Kalicz in 2000 (Koós 2003: 177; Spondylus items was not found in that year) and P. Csengeri and R. Patay in 2001 (Csengeri 2004b). Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő was excavated by P. Csengeri in 2002 (Csengeri 2004b). Garadna–Elkerülő út, Site No. 2 was excavated by P. Csengeri in 2003 (unpublished). We would like to thank Judit Koós for the opportunity to analyze the finds from Felsővadász and Kesznyéten.

Typical for the Middle Neolithic but found in smaller quantities were large, biconical beads (e.g. Mezőkövesd–Nagy– fertő, grave No. S120, Fig. 4), pendants made of a complete shell valve (e.g. Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő, grave No. S120, Fig. 4), wide bracelets, arched, animal tooth-shaped pendants (e.g. Mezőzombor, grave No. 49, Fig. 6), and small plates made from broken bracelets (e.g. Mezőzombor, grave No. 49, Fig. 6).

2  Kalicz (1985a). We would like to thank Nándor Kalicz for the opportunity to analyze the finds from Aszód. Pál Sümegi made the raw material determination of ornaments from Aszód site, we thank him for his work (Sümegi 2009: 341-342).

On the contrary, most typical types in the Late Neolithic include small, flat, disc-shaped beads, V-perforated buttons, and thin bracelets. Thin bracelets were used sometimes in the Middle Neolithic as well. Flattened, cylindrical beads, pyra-

3  In addition to graves that have already been analyzed, there are numerous graves from the Middle and Late Neolithic as well which contained Spondylus ornaments but, as there are no detailed publications available, we were unable to use them for this kind of analysis.

49

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 2. Measures of different types of Spondylus beads

The Manufacturing Technique of Spondylus Objects

mid-shaped beads, and extremely tiny beads were only typical for the Late Neolithic (e.g. Kalicz 1985a: fig. 30.4, 34.2, 40.4; Korek 1989: fig. 31.1-2, 38.1-2, 39.1, 3, 40).

It is clear that a smaller number of Spondylus objects were found in Middle Neolithic in comparison to Late Neolithic graves. However, the question is how much raw material had to be used to manufacture an ornament. To provide a rough estimate of the amount of the raw material used for making the objects found in the graves, questions about manufacturing them have to be answered first.

Several authors have already collected Neolithic Spondylus finds of the Carpathian Basin and its surroundings, and they also prepared a fine typology of the objects (recently: Kalicz & Szénászky 2001; Podborský 2002; Schuster 2002; Séfériadès 2003). Our analysis is different from theirs in that it shows well that Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus types in the Carpathian basin can be clearly separated not only by shape but also by size. Graphs illustrate this well (Fig. 3).

H. Todorova and I. Vajsov also considered theoretically the necessary amount of Spondylus raw material used for an ornament (Todorova & Vajsov 2001: 17-18). It is obvious that each Middle Neolithic pendant or belt fastener required a whole shell valve. The same is true for bracelets. However, the question arises whether the waste material from the middle part of the valve could be used to manufacture smaller ornaments such as beads. Based on semi-finished products and waste material from Greek Neolithic sites, first of all Dimini, it seems that this possibility must be rejected. Based on Akira Tsuneki’s observations, it is probable that the manufacturing of bracelets also required a whole shell valve. Differences in usage of right and left valves signify chronological and regional differences,

A considerable increase between these two periods can be detected if we compare Middle and Late Neolithic graves only on the basis of the number of Spondylus items (Fig. 8-9). At the same time, by the Late Neolithic, objects with great material requirement such as pendants and wide bracelets disappeared from graves, and extremely tiny (a few mm in width and diameter) beads appeared instead.

50

Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri – Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin

Figure 3. Measures of Middle and Late Neolithic Spondylus beads

too. Wide bracelets, which were typical of the Middle Neolithic of the Carpathian basin, can only be made from right valves, and thin, fine bracelets (typical of the Late Neolithic) can be made from left valves. This chronological difference is also observable on Neolithic finds in Greece (Tsuneki 1987, 1989). Characteristics of Spondylus valves (Tsuneki 1987: 3-6) determined that the manufacture of each large, long, cylindrical bead of the Middle Neolithic required a whole valve as well. It is highly probable that these objects could only be made from the right, lower valve because the left valve does not have the required thickness. The possibility of manufacturing thick, biconical, or barrel-shaped, and shorter but thick, cylindrical beads is similarly limited. Only the thick umbo or the thickened right valve provides appropriate raw material for these types. Thus, for each valve we can calculate with only one, and a maximum of three items.

(or even less) but a maximum of 10 pieces of smaller cylindrical beads or buttons, and 20 pieces of medium-sized, discshaped beads could be made from a shell valve. It is most difficult to estimate the number of tiny, disc-shaped beads. We could not find any reference to the amount of waste created from this type of primary raw material in the relevant literature. It is known from ethnographic cases how shell beads or money were made by using stone and wood implements in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Charles M. Woodford described the manufacture of shell money on the Solomon Islands. First, shell valves were broken into small irregular pieces by a stone hammerhead without a handle. Next, pieces were chipped roughly into a circular shape, and their surface was polished smooth on a wooden instrument with the help of a grinding stone. Then, small pieces were pierced, one by one, by a chipped stone drill inserted in a coconut shell. Finally, semi-finished discs were stringed on a strong bush fiber and irregular edges were polished smooth using sand, water and a grinding stone (Woodford 1908: 82-83). Bronislaw Malinowski described the manufacture of Spondylus beads used

Findings from Dimini and Neolithic sites of the Adriatic coast provide information for the manufacture of medium-sized cylindrical or disc-shaped beads and buttons. On the basis of Tsuneki’s examination (1987, 1989), finds from Danilo and the cave of Grabak (Korošec 1958: 153-154, pl. 51.1, 2, 5; Novak 1955) as well as our calculations, it is probable that 5 51

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 6. Medium-sized beads, animal tooth-shaped, arched pendants, red deer tooth-shaped pendant, and small plates with perforations from a Middle Neolithic grave, some of them are painted with red ochre (Tiszadob Group of ALPC, Mezőzombor–Temető, grave No. 49) [photo by László Kádas, Archaeological Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences]

Figure 4. Large, cylindrical bead, large, biconical beads and a pendant from a complete Spondylus shell valve from a Middle Neolithic grave (Szakálhát Culture, Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő, grave No. S120) [photo by Géza Kulcsár, Herman Ottó Museum]

Figure 5. Medium-sized and large beads from a Middle Neolithic grave (Bükk Culture, Garadna–Elkerülő út, site No. 2, grave No. S191) [photo by Géza Kulcsár, Herman Ottó Museum]

52

Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri – Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin

tion over time. Late Neolithic beads were probably strung and ground together in large groups. This method considerably decreases the time needed to make a shell bead (Miller 1996: 24-25). Standardized production and measurements of Spondylus beads were also documented at the Late Neolithic site of Makriyalos. Increasing production intensity can be implied between the two settlement phases (Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume). Miller’s experimental archaeological study demonstrated that special skill or practice was not necessary for making shell beads and their production did not require a significant amount of time (Miller 1996: 24-26). This manufacturing technique might not have been essentially different from how the small Spondylus beads were made. Tsuneki similarly reconstructed the manufacture of Spondylus beads on the basis of waste material and semi-finished products (Tsuneki 1989: 10-12). It is probable that they were not able to exploit a shell valve maximally in the Neolithic. Taking into consideration all these facts and only considering the size of the objects, a maximum of 50 to 100 tiny beads could have been made from a mature shell valve. At the same time, it is also possible that more tiny beads could be made from secondary raw material, that is, larger broken ornaments were used further for manufacturing small beads.

Figure 7. Medium-sized, disc-shaped beads from a Middle Neolithic grave (Kesznyéten–Lúci Abony, grave No. S4) [photo by Géza Kulcsár, Herman Ottó Museum]

Based on these calculations, it is possible to provide an estimate on the amount of minimum and maximum Spondylus raw material per grave in the two periods. Because of uncertainties, this is only a rough estimation, but it is highly likely that any mistakes in our calculations are within an order of magnitude. If we compare the two periods only on the basis of the number of Spondylus items per grave, a considerable increase can be observed (Fig. 8-9). At the same time, the graph demonstrates well that there was hardly any difference in the estimated amount of Spondylus raw material per grave. It is even possible that the average amount of raw material decreased (Fig. 10). On the basis of these observations, it can be determined that in the Middle Neolithic, as a rule, there were objects in the graves with a higher raw material requirement than in the Late Neolithic. In the majority of Late Neolithic graves, there were objects with lower raw material requirement than in the former period, mostly just a few pieces or a couple of dozens of tiny beads. However, in this period, some graves appeared which were extremely rich in Spondylus. They contained a huge amount of Spondylus objects in terms of both the number of pieces and the amount of raw material. But it appeared from the malacological analysis of Aszód ornaments that a considerable number of beads, formerly thought to be made of Spondylus, were in fact made of limestone (Sümegi 2009: 341-342). Therefore, we believe that it will be necessary to conduct further raw material analysis of Neolithic ornaments of other sites as well because we can expect similar results on other Late Neolithic sites. This clearly shows that Spondylus ornaments were imitated in considerable amounts in the Late Neolithic, a fact that resulted in further decrease of the number of real Spondylus items in Late Neolithic graves. No differences can be seen in dimensions

Figure 8. Mean Spondylus ornaments in Middle and Late Neolithic graves

in the kula ring on the Trobriand Islands in a very similar way. First, shells were broken with a stone into smaller, roughly circular pieces. Next, shells were put in the hole of a cylindrical piece of wood, they were polished and then pierced. Following this, the semi-finished pieces were stringed on a thin but tough stick and polished into a regular circular shape by rolling on a flat grinding stone (Malinowski 1922: 371-372). Michelle Miller (1996) discussed meticulously each phase of manufacture used in the production of tiny disc-shaped cockle beads (Cerastaderma edule), stone drills, and grinding stones from the Early Neolithic site of Franchthi Cave. Manufacture marks and the diversity of measurements of shell beads suggest that shells were ground individually during the Early Neolithic. Comparing the measurements of Early Neolithic beads to those of the Late Neolithic, the Late Neolithic beads are much uniform indicating increasing standardiza53

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 9. Number of Spondylus ornaments in graves Circles indicate outliers, stars indicate extremes, boxplots show minimum, first quartile, median, third quartile, and maximum values

between real and imitation beads in Aszód, so, during their wearing, differences were probably almost invisible4.

fig. 4.13; Raczky et al. 1997: 40, fig. 34.; Zalai-Gaál 2006: 21, fig. 6).

Problem of Fossil Shell Usage and Further Research

We had only restricted scientific data for the actual raw material of so-called “Spondylus” objects. It is an important question in terms of exchange relations whether the shell raw materials were recent or fossil. In 1990, Judith Shackleton and Henry Elderfield published their strontium isotope analysis which showed that all of three objects from the Central European Neolithic were made of recent Spondylus shell (Shackleton & Elderfield 1990). After that, it became a generally accepted view that there was a long-distance exchange system in the Neolithic through Europe, from the Mediterranean through the Balkan Peninsula and Central Europe to the Paris basin (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2003; Kalicz & Szénászky 2001: 46-47; Müller 1997: 8; Séfériadès 1995a, 1995b, 2000; Siklósi 2004: 9-11; Willms 1985). Researchers abandoned the possibility of fossil shell usage. Contrary to this, in relation to Vinča finds, Dimitrijević and Tripković started to suspect again that there were imitations made of fossil shells, besides recent Spondylus items (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006). Fossil shells (both Ostrea and Spondylus) can be found on several sites through the overland territory of Europe. However, according to Dimitrijević and Tripković, there are no features that could help clearly distinguish fossil and recent shells

In their publication on Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets from the Vinča site, Vesna Dimitrijević and Boban Tripković called attention to the fact that the raw material of several former findings were erroneously determined to be Spondylus instead of Glycymeris, and they found fossil pieces as well (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006: 247; Tripković 2006). Glycymeris is also a recent shell derived from the Mediterranean; therefore it does not basically influence our social archaeological conclusions. However, we would like to call attention to the fact that these shells appeared in the Carpathian basin only at the end of the Middle Neolithic, and they can be found more frequently only in Late Neolithic Lengyel or Tisza Culture graves (e.g. Aszód–Papi földek, Kisköre–Gát, Polgár–Csőszhalom, Csóka–Kremenyák, Battonya–Parázs– tanya, Györe–Bocok) (Kalicz 1985a: 140, fig. 30.5; Kalicz & Szénászky 2001: 32, fig. 4.1, fig. 8.1, fig. 9.1; Korek 1989: 119, 121, pl. 36.1-3, pl. 38.3; Raczky 1994: 169, 172, fig. 1,

4  Graphs represent the number of real Spondylus.

54

Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri – Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin

Figure 10. Estimated number of used Spondylus shell valves per grave Circles indicate outliers, stars indicate extremes, boxplots show minimum, first quartile, median, third quartile, and maximum values

(Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006: 238-240). This can be solved only by isotope analysis applied on a large scale.

(along mountains), so they can be considered as local raw materials. Among these sites, there are several ones where fossil Spondylus were also found (e.g. Nagymaros, Zebegény, Sámsonháza, Budapest–Rákosi railway cutting, Fertőrákos, Márkháza, Bánd, Mátraverebély, Piliny, and Mátraszőllős) (Fig. 11)5. Therefore, isotope analysis and the determination of species of seashell grave goods would be necessary for the whole Carpathian Basin in order to gain a more exact picture about exchange relations in the Middle and Late Neolithic and about changes between the two periods, as well as to estimate the ratio of local products and imitations.

Michele Miller’s experimental archaeological analyses showed that even Spondylus shells collected on the shore were too rigid for manufacturing and they were broken, so it is probable that fossil shells were not appropriate for ornament making either (Miller 2003). Among the material subjected recently to palaeontological analysis –Neolithic ornaments of Vedrovice LPC cemetery (Hladilová 2002: 257, 263, this volume), Chalcolithic ornaments of Durankulak cemetery (Avramova 2002; Todorova 2002: 183)– there was not any fossil raw material found.

In relation to this, another theory needs to be mentioned. Provided that fossil shells were used for ornaments in the Carpathian Basin, then people could manufacture these objects as well for they had to have the expertise. It is highly probable that they made smaller Spondylus ornaments, mainly beads. This is evidenced by the fact that secondary used materials have been found in Neolithic settlements (e.g. Csóka, Battonya, and Hîršova) (Banner 1960: 18; Comşa 1973; Kalicz & Szénászky 2001; Raczky 1994), and the grave

At the same time, István Zalai-Gaál and Pál Sümegi have recently published an analysis of seashell ornaments of Late Neolithic burials from South Eastern Transdanubia (e.g. Mórágy–Tűzkődomb, Pári–Altacker, Zengővárkony), and Sümegi determined some fossil Ostrea items besides recent Spondylus finds (Sümegi 2006; Zalai-Gaál 2006). It is a very interesting result because it shows that these objects could reach the Carpathian Basin not only via longdistance or prestige exchange, but there could also be local Spondylus imitations among them. Fossil Ostrea species are quite common at geological sites in the Carpathian Basin

5  Alfréd Dulai (Hungarian Natural History Museum), pers. comm. We would like to thank him for the help in searching for fossil shell sites in the Carpathian Basin.

55

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 11. Fossil Spondylus valve from the Carpathian Basin (left) and recent Spondylus valve from the Mediterranean region (right) [courtesy of Alfréd Dulai & Zoltán Fehér, Hungarian Natural History Museum]

no. 4 at Kisköre–Gát contained a semi-finished Spondylus bracelet (Korek 1989: 40, pl. 33.4.).

and contained intact ornaments and an extremely large amount of Spondylus was concentrated in them (e.g. Szekszárd– Palánki–hegy) (Csalogovits 1936). Based on these, it seems that there were competing, rivalry families or lineages in the Middle Neolithic that expressed and manipulated their prestige as well as social, and economic influence by exchanging and wearing exotic ornaments.

Social Archaeological Conclusions Based on what has been discussed so far, it is possible to refine our understanding of Middle and Late Neolithic societies.

Contrary to this, since the turning of the Middle and the Late Neolithic (Sopot, Szakálhát cultures, etc.), considerable changes can be observed in Spondylus usage. First, considerable changes in costumes or fashion can be witnessed: necklaces, belts, bracelets and anklets consisting of composite, multi-row tiny beads appear instead of heavy, one-row necklaces and belts of the former period (e.g. Bicske: Makkay et al. 1996: 20-23). These ornaments were also represented on Sé type figurines (P. Barna 2004: 33-34). These ornaments are smaller, and finished in a more sophisticated way. At the same time, this might mean that the “mass production” of shell ornaments started. This is also evidenced by the homogeneity of sizes of tiny beads. Secondly, according to the data from Late Neolithic graves, Spondylus prestige raw material became accessible to larger groups of society in small amounts. Taking into consideration the proportion of graves with Spondylus grave goods, there were more graves with shell/ stone ornaments than there were in the Middle Neolithic but with higher differences in their amounts (Siklósi 2004: 24). However, some burials differ by several orders of magnitude from the rest of graves containing Spondylus (e.g. Aszód, Hódmezővásárhely–Gorzsa, Polgár–Csőszhalom) (Horváth 1987: 36; Kalicz 1985a: 41; Raczky & Anders 2006: 28-29).

In the Middle Neolithic, mainly large, heavy ornaments were used with high raw material requirement which were prepared individually. In this period male, female as well as children graves contained Spondylus ornaments, although there are local differences. For example, Spondylus objects in Nitra LPC cemetery were typical especially for mature male graves (Pavúk 1972) but this is not typical for the graves of LPC found in the territory of present-day Hungary (Siklósi 2004: 48-49). Furthermore, the Spondylus ornaments or grave goods were the privilege of the few and the acquisition of Spondylus must have been strongly limited. Ornaments placed into the grave could be particularly valuable, especially if we take into consideration that in the Middle Neolithic burials without grave goods were very common. Burials extremely rich in Spondylus, containing pendants or wide bracelets as well as large beads, represented outstandingly high value (e.g. Mezőkövesd–Nagy–fertő, grave No. S120, Mezőzombor– Temető, grave No. 49, Mosonszentmiklós, Tiszaföldvár– Téglagyár) (Csengeri 2004b; Kalicz & Szénászky 2001: 38; Oravecz 1998-1999). We know about so few Middle Neolithic burials in the Carpathian Basin that they cannot represent the whole population of a settlement. At the moment, we know about only one settlement from this period where more than 100 burials were found and the possibility can emerge at all that it can be considered to be a representative sample (Raczky 2004). It seems that in this period only a narrow section of the population had the right to be buried in the territory of the settlement, and up to now, any Middle Neolithic formal cemetery could not be found in the territory of the present-day Hungary.

Much more burials are known from the Late Neolithic than from the former period, and in case of some sites (e.g. Aszód– Papi földek), it is possible that excavated graves form a representative sample of the past community (Siklósi 2007). Wearing Spondylus ornaments was limited almost only to women and children. It is highly probable that, as compared to the former period, the expression form of prestige changed: men mostly expressed their wealth and prestige through their fe-

Middle Neolithic hoards are mainly ornament hoards. They could be associated with either a certain person or a community, 56

Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri – Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin

male family members and their descendants. This is the period when status and prestige objects can be differentiated: stone mace heads, wild-boar tusks and pendants were found in graves of a narrow group of adult men who could be leaders of communities (Siklósi 2004). Status objects connected to leader’s position were found in some graves of mature men and a stone mace-head was found in a child’s grave in Villánykövesd (Zalai-Gaál 1988: 152) which suggests that in some societies rank could be hereditary. At this time, men or families communicated their economic power mainly through the costume of women and children, probably girls. Based on these observations, it could happen in some individual cases that men who held a leader’s position tried to hand down to, or express their own positions in the interment of their children.

During this process, from the Middle Neolithic to the Early Copper Age, Late Neolithic can be considered as a transitional period when the older, traditional prestige material (Spondylus) and the new one (copper) existed side by side. The decreasing role of Spondylus ornaments can be seen in a European scale as well because during the Middle Neolithic Spondylus ornaments reached Central Europe and even the Paris Basin but during the Late Neolithic the northern and western border of their spread was the Carpathian Basin. In the next period they can be found only in the Lower Danube region, except for the Mediterranean. Late Neolithic hoards contain lots of broken Spondylus objects and tools which indicate that they might be connected to secondary workshops (e.g. Csóka–Kremenyák, Hîršova) (Comşa 1973; Raczky 1994). Furthermore, these hoards contained both Spondylus and copper objects which maintain their similar role.

In this period new raw materials appeared in the manifestation and manipulation of prestige, which were gradually taking over the role of Spondylus. More and more frequently, limestone or marble beads completed Spondylus string of beads as imitations. Beads made of red deer tooth or their imitations can be found in some graves as well. On the one hand, this shows the importance and value of Spondylus. On the other hand, it indicates that short-distance connections became more and more intensive, and long-distance exchange gradually became scarce (Siklósi 2004: 24). This tendency can be seen well on the ornaments from Aszód–Papi földek or Polgár–Csőszhalom and Site No. 6 (Anders & Nagy 2007: 84 and pers. comm.; Sümegi 2009: 341-342), where a considerable amount of limestone/marble beads were found besides Spondylus beads. This trend continues in the Early Copper Age when limestone and marble beads totally took over the place of Spondylus (Bognár-Kutzián 1963: 338-345).

At the same time, the continuity of symbolic value is reflected through the fact that the types of ornament did not change and the Early Copper Age gold pendants reflect the traditional shapes of Neolithic Spondylus pendants (Jovanović 1996: 31; Lichardus 1991: 170; Raczky 1999: 27). In the future, it would be important to perform isotope and malacological analysis of great amounts of shell ornaments from several sites so that it will be possible to determine the proportion of stone and fossil raw material. In knowledge of this, it might be necessary to rethink our views about social inequality and long-distance exchange in the Middle and Late Neolithic.

In the decreasing importance of Spondylus ornaments as prestige goods not only the access of bigger social groups played a role, and therefore they lost their attraction, but a new raw material also appeared: copper. Late Neolithic was the first period in the territory of the Carpathian Basin when copper ornaments, the first signs of copper utilization appeared. This is a good example of Colin Renfrew’s idea that copper had been prestige raw material first and it was not used for making tools. It displaces stone tools only a period later (Renfrew 1986). Tiny copper beads, rings, bracelets were found in several Late Neolithic, mainly female and children graves often with Spondylus and limestone/marble ornaments (e.g. Hódmezővásárhely–Gorzsa, Tápé–Lebő, Zengővárkony, Villánykövesd, Mórágy–Tűzkődomb) (Dombay 1939: 7-8, 13, 19, 21, 1960: 78, 86-87, 123, 136, 229, pl. 37.1., 1959: 61, 64; Gazdapusztai 1963: 27, pl. 4.1; Horváth 1987: 42-43, fig. 38.1-2; Korek 1973: 278, pl. 10.6, 8.; Zalai-Gaál 1996: 23, 25, 2002b: 80-81). Graves with copper grave goods were often part of the most prominent graves in other grave goods as well. Furthermore, new raw materials as wild-boar tusk, and mainly copper appeared to express the leader’s position or wealth instead of Spondylus. This supports the idea that copper as a new prestige raw material was accessible only to a narrow group and it was able to take over the role which Spondylus ornaments were more and more unable to play.

57

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nulmányok Trogmayer Ottó 60. születésnapjára [Von der Steinzeit bis zum Mittelalter: Studien zum 60. Geburtstag von Ottó Trogmayer] (ed. G. Lőrinczy): 161-172. Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága. 1995 Neolithic settlement pattern in the Tisza region of Hungary. In Settlement Patterns between the Alps and the Black Sea 5th to 2nd Millenium B.C., Verona-Lazise 1992 (ed. A. Aspes): 77-86. Verona: Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di (IIa serie) Sezione Scienze dell’Uomo 4. 1999 Goldfunde aus der Kupferzeit: Die Anfänge der Metallurgie im Karpatenbecken. In Prähistorische Goldschätze aus dem Ungarischen Nationalmuseum (Hrsg. T. Kovács & P. Raczky): 17-34. Budapest: Ungarisches Nationalmuseum & Institut für Archäologie der Eötvös Loránd Universität. 2004 Polgár, Ferenci–hát. In Régészeti kutatások Magyarországon 2002 [Archaeological Investigations in Hungary 2002] (ed. J. Kisfaludi): 257-258. Budapest: Kulturális Örökségvédelmi Hivatal és a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum. Raczky, P. & A. Anders 2006 Social dimensions of the Late Neolithic settlement of Polgár–Csőszhalom (Eastern Hungary). Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57: 17-33. Raczky, P., A. Anders, E. Nagy, K. Kurucz, Zs. Hajdú & W. Meier-Arendt 1997 Polgár–Csőszhalom–dűlő: Újkőkor végi telep és sírok a Kr. e. V. évezredből. In Utak a múltba [Paths into the Past] (ed. P. Raczky, T. Kovács & A. Anders): 34-41. Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum és Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Régészettudományi Intézet. Renfrew, C. 1986 Varna and the emergence of wealth in prehistoric Europe. In The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (ed. A. Appadurai): 141-168. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schuster, C. 2002 Zu den Spondylus-Funden in Rumänien. Thraco-Dacica 23: 37-83. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995a Spondylus Gaederopus: The earliest European long distance exchange system. A symbolic and structural archaeological approach to Neolithic societies. Documenta Praehistorica 22: 233256. 1995b La route néolithique des spondyles de la Méditerranée à la Manche. In Nature et Culture, colloque de Liège (13-17 décembre 1993) (éd. M. Otte): 291-358. Liège: ERAUL 68. 2000 Spondylus Gaederopus: Some observations on the earliest European long distance exchange system. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum

Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 423-437. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. 2003 Note sur l’origine et la signification des objets en spondyle de Hongrie dans le cadre du Néolithique et de l‘Énéolithique européens. In Morgenrot der Kulturen: Festschrift für Nándor Kalicz zum 75. Geburtstag (Hrsg. E. Jerem & P. Raczky): 353-373. Budapest: Archaeolingua. Shackleton, J. & H. Elderfield 1990 Strontium isotope dating of the source of Neolithic European Spondylus shell artefacts. Antiquity 64: 312-315. Sherratt, A. 1982 Mobile resources: Settlement and exchange in early agricultural Europe. In Ranking, Resource and Exchange (ed. C. Renfrew & S. Shennan): 27-32. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press [New Directions in Archaeology]. 1983a The development of Neolithic and Copper Age settlement in the Great Hungarian Plain. Part II.: Site survey and settlement dynamics. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 2(1): 13-41. 1983b Early agrarian settlement in the Körös region of the Great Hungarian Plain. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35: 155169. Siklósi, Zs. 2004 Prestige goods in the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin: Material manifestations of social differentiation. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 55: 1-62. 2007 Age and gender differences in Late Neolithic mortuary practice: A case study from Eastern Hungary. In The Lengyel, Polgár and Related Cultures in the Middle/Late Neolithic in Central Europe (ed. J. K. Kozłowski & P. Raczky): 185-198. Kraków: The Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences Kraków, Eötvös Loránd University Institute of Archaeological Sciences, Budapest. Šiška, S. 1986 Grabungen auf der neolithischen und äneolithischen Siedlung in Šarišské Michal’any. Slovenská Archeológia 34: 439-454. Sümegi, P. 2006 A dél-dunántúli lengyeli kultúra tengeri kagylóékszereinek archeozoológiai vizsgálata [Archaeozoological investigation of the jewels of the S-Transdanubian Lengyel Culture]. A Wosinszky Mór Múzeum Évkönyve 28: 89-104. 2009 Őskori kultúrák ékszereinek elemzése – lokális és távolsági anyagok a csiga és kagylóékszerek között [A study of the jewellery of prehistoric cultures – local and long distance material]. In MΩMOΣ VI. Nyersanyagok és kereskedelem. Őskoros kutatók VI. összejövetele. Kőszeg, 2009. március 19-21. (ed. G. Ilon): 335-345. Szombathely: Field Service for Cultural Heri-

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tage, Budapest and Vas County Museums’ Directorate, Szombathely. Tálas, L. & P. Raczky 1991 Les agriculteurs de la Grande Plaine Hongroise (4000-3500 av. J.-C.). Dijon: Musée Archéologique de Dijon. Todorova, H. 2002 Die Mollusken in den Gräberfeldern von Durankulak. In Durankulak, Band II: Die prähistorischen Gräberfelder (Hrsg. H. Todorova): 177186. Sofia: Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Berlin. Todorova, H. & I. Vajsov 2001 Der kupferzeitliche Schmuck Bulgariens. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag [Prähistorische Bronzefunde XX, 6]. Tripković, B. 2006 Marine goods in European prehistory: A new shell in old collection. Analele Banatului 14(1): 89-102. Tsuneki, A. 1987 A reconsideration of Spondylus shell rings from Agia Sofia Magoula, Greece. Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum IX: 1-15. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. Willms, C. 1985 Neolithischer Spondylusschmuck: Hundert Jahre Forschung. Germania 65(2): 331-343. Wolf, M. & E. Simonyi 1995 Előzetes jelentés az M3–as autópálya 10. lelőhelyének feltárásáról [Autobahn M3 10. Fundstelle]. Somogyi Múzeumok Közleményei 11: 5-32. Woodford, C. M. 1908 Notes on the manufacture of the Malaita shell bead money of the Solomon Group. Man 43: 81-84. Zalai-Gaál, I. 1988 Közép-európai neolitikus temetők szociálarchaeológiai elemzése [Sozialarchäologische Untersuchungen des mitteleuropäischen Neolithikums aufgrund der Gräberfeldanalyse]. A Béri Balogh Ádám Múzeum Évkönyve 14: 3-178. 1996 Die Kupferfunde der Lengyel-Kultur im südlichen Transdanubien. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48: 1-34. 2002a A státus és hierarchia kérdései a lengyeli kultúra közösségeiben [Die Fragen des Status und der Hierarchie in den Gemeinschaften der Lengyel–Kultur]. A Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve 44-45: 43-69. 2002b Die neolithische Gräbergruppe-B1 von Mórágy –Tűzkődomb. I: Die archäologischen Funde und Befunde. Szekszárd/Saarbrücken: Wosinszky Mór Múzeum. 2002c Das „prähistorische Modell von Varna” und die Fragen der Sozialstruktur der Lengyel–Kultur.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 6

Spondylus in South American Prehistory Benjamin P. Carter The mollusk Spondylus was one of the most widely exchanged marine resources in Prehispanic Andean South America, yet we know relatively little about the living shellfish or its role within the cultures of this area. Since the original works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977; see also 1995, 2002) only one review of the prehistoric use of Spondylus (Blower 1995) has been presented despite the collection of significant data over the past three decades. While early works are invaluable and still heavily cited, new data contradict many of the assumptions and conclusions within these works. This chapter makes several arguments based upon recent ecological and archaeological data to reconstruct Prehispanic Spondylus use. First, it has often been stated that Spondylus is present only to southern Ecuador; it is now clear that waters of modern-day Peru also harbor Spondylus. Second, while it has been oft-cited that Spondylus is present only in deep waters, recent publications indicate that it resides in shallower waters as well. Third, it now appears that Spondylus arrived in the Central Andes (possibly as early as 2500 BC) before it arrived in the Ecuadorian highlands (at ca. 1400 BC) rather than the reverse as was originally proposed. Fourth, it has been assumed that Spondylus consumption increased throughout prehistory reaching a maximum during the Inka Empire, but, now there is evidence of a decline in Spondylus usage late in prehistory (after ca. AD 1300). Fifth, I also present a complete and current cultural chronology of Spondylus in South America because, while the original chronologies were very broadly accurate, recent finds illustrate a much more complex history. This work highlights the incorporation of ecological and archeological data to produce a rich and interesting cultural history of the famous shellfish, Spondylus.

Introduction Marine bivalves of the Spondylus genus have been used by South American peoples for a wide variety of purposes beginning five thousand years ago. The exterior shell and margin of this shellfish is thick and durable, can be shaped into a variety of forms, and presents a variety of colors, including purple, red, orange, pink and white. As such, this shellfish was used as a semiprecious material and incorporated into the political, economic and religious realms of many cultures in the Andes and along the Pacific Coast of South America. This has been recognized since before John Murra’s plea (1975, 1982) to study the shellfish. In response to that appeal, broad-ranging chronologies of Spondylus were presented by Paulsen (1974) and later by Marcos (1977). The latter also provided an initial theoretical grounding for Spondylus exchange in South and Central America. Since these original works, vast quantities of archaeological information have been recovered throughout Andean South America. Spondylus research, however, has been limited to studies of single geographic areas (Glowacki 2005; Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994) or specific topics, especially iconography (Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999, 2001; Davidson 1980, 1981; Pillsbury 1996, 1999). Though valuable and insightful, many of these works are based uncritically on early works. Recent archaeological and ecological data is scattered through a wide variety of published and “gray” literature. This is an attempt to bring this material together to provide a broader perspective of the use of Spondylus in Andean and Pacific South America. Five major updates, two ecological and three archaeological, are provided in this work that contradict the accepted story of Spondylus. First, it is often stated that Spondylus recovered from an archaeological site in Peru is an indicator of ancient exchange with peoples from the region known today as Ecuador. In fact, Spondylus is present (and presumably was present

in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwest Peru, as far south as Cabo Blanco (Carter 2008: 107-120; Olsson 1961). Contrary to the accepted story, archaeological Spondylus recovered in Peru does not necessarily indicate trade with Ecuador. Spondylus recovered to the south and east of extreme northwestern Peru is a likely marker of long distance exchange, however. Secondly, the shellfish inhabits coastal waters that are much shallower than previously believed. This is significant because it is often explicitly stated that, because of the depths at which Spondylus lives, divers must have been specialists or that acquiring Spondylus was particularly “expensive”; both of which make Spondylus even more attractive to the elite. It appears, however, that Spondylus may not have lived at such depth, but were available in shallow waters (intertidally or below 3 meters for Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps, respectively). Diving for these shellfish, especially the deeper water resident Spondylus princeps, was likely not easy; strong currents, turbid waters, natural camouflage, and strong attachment to substrate may have made these shellfish difficult to harvest even at shallower depths than originally thought. The third update is that the dating of the initial signs of Spondylus exchange (i.e. appearance in archaeological sites beyond its natural range- into the highlands and south of Cabo Blanco, Peru) needs to be modified. It was originally thought that exchange was initiated with the peoples of the Ecuadorian highlands first (by ca. 2500 BC; Marcos 1977: 108) and later (ca. 1100 BC; Paulsen 1974) with those who lived in modern-day Peru. It is now clear, however, that these dates need to be reversed. Spondylus arrived in coastal Peru first, sometime between 2600 and 2000 BC (Shady Solís 2005, 2006; Shady Solís, Haas & Creamer 2001), and did not arrive in the Ecuadorian highlands until later, at approximately 1400 BC (Bruhns 1989).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

characteristic used to identify Spondylus in iconography (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999; Pillsbury 1996). While there is a high degree of overlap between species, Spondylus calcifer tends to have a larger (up to 249mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102) and thicker shell with fewer, shorter spines than Spondylus princeps, which tends to have a smaller (up to 145mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99) and thinner shell with longer, more pointed spines. This generalization is complicated by the recognition that juveniles of both species may have long spines and gerontic specimens may lack them completely (Abbot 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Olsson 1961; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996). In general, while there is overlap, the two species are different in size and “thornyness”.

The fourth update is the recognition that, although it was originally proposed that Spondylus consumption increased through time peaking with the Inka empire (e.g. Marcos 1977; Murra 1975, 1982; Paulsen 1974), current evidence suggests that Spondylus use peaked on the north coast of Peru among the Moche and Sicán (a.k.a. Lambayeque) cultures and decreased during the Inka Empire. This is quite understandable since the Moche and Sicán were located on the North coast of Peru relatively close to the Spondylus beds of extreme northern Peru and Ecuador. The fifth, and perhaps most important, update is to highlight the great variability of Spondylus consumption by Prehispanic South Americans through time and space. Morphology and Ecology of Spondylus

Spondylid spines provide camouflage, not defense as was originally believed (Feifarek 1987; Jones 2003; cf. Pillsbury 1996: 318). The spines provide a framework to which plants and animals attach themselves, thereby camouflaging the shellfish. The creatures growing on the exterior of Spondylus, known as epibionts, differ between species; Spondylus princeps tends to be covered with mainly sponges and coralline algae (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99, fig. 27) as well as marine worms, mollusks and more (de León González, Leija Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; see also Lamprell 2006: 36; Norton 1986: 133). Spondylus calcifer tends to have more invasive epibionts such as small boring clams, boring sponges, and worms (Keen 1971: 96; Lamprell 2006: 36; Olsson 1961: 153; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: fig. 28-29). This means that archaeologically recovered Spondylus calcifer shells are more heavily marred by boring and encrusted with calcareous epibionts, while prehistoric Spondylus princeps tend to be relatively free of epibionts because many of them lacked mineral exoskeletons.

In order to understand the cultural history and use of Spondylus, we must first rectify current conceptions about its morphology and ecology. In the eastern Pacific, the term Spondylus refers to bivalves of the genus Spondylus, which, in this region, contains three species: Spondylus princeps Broderip 1833; Spondylus calcifer Carpenter 18571; and Spondylus leucacanthus Broderip 1833 (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; see also Abbot 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Morris 1966; Olsson 1961). Spondylus leucacanthus is currently present at depths much greater than the other two (ca. 18-90 meters below sea surface Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 96, Table 1) and has little of the red/purple/orange shell so often used to make artifacts. Since it is less likely that Pre-Columbian people used this species with any regularity, only Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer are discussed below (see Fig. 1-3). Information on Spondylids of the eastern Pacific is mainly limited to descriptions in shell compendiums (Abbot 1974; Keen 1958, 1971; Olsson 1961; Morris 1966; see also Lamprell 1986, 2006) with a few important exceptions (de León González, Leija Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; Mata et al. 1990; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Villalejo-Fuerte & García-Domínguez 1998; Villalejo-Fuerte et al. 2002). The taxonomic work by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996; see also Lamprell 2006) is particularly helpful because they use both museum specimens as well as detailed research at a single locale, Izla Danzante in the Gulf of California, to study the taxonomy and ecology of Spondylids. Although the distance between the Gulf of California and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru makes the direct projection of information from this study to South America difficult, much of the information presented by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996) is supported by evidence from coastal South America. Direct research on Ecuadorian and Peruvian Spondylids is still needed.

While spines clearly served a function, the bright coloration of Spondylus shells does not appear to have a role in ecology. Spondylus shells have bright coloration on the interior margin and much or all of the exterior of the shell. Although coloration can vary between individuals and even within a single specimen, a Spondylus calcifer shell tends to be purple and orange, while Spondylus princeps tends to be orange and red (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Lamprell 2006: 36, 80). Although significant overlap makes it difficult to identify Spondylus artifacts or fragments to species, it is most probable that a red object is made from Spondylus princeps and a purple object to be made from Spondylus calcifer; orange or pink objects may be from either species. Though mobile as a juvenile, adult Spondylids are most often cemented directly to bedrock or other hard substrate via its right (lower) shell. Spondylus calcifer tends to inhabit rocky areas and, therefore, is often attached by a large portion of its right shell. On the other hand, Spondylus princeps is more often found in sandy areas and, therefore, the attachment area may be smaller or even absent due to its attachment to a small object (e.g. a stone or other shellfish) or not at all (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102; Lamprell 2006: 36).

Shellfish in the genus Spondylus, known as the spiny or thorny oyster, are marine bivalves more similar to scallops than oysters. They are moderately large and are “strongly sculptured with spinose radial ribs” (Keen 1971: 96), which gives each species differing degrees of “thornyness” (see Fig. 1-3). It is these thorns or spines that are the principal, though not sole, 1  Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby, 1847 is the appropriate nomenclature for Spondylus calcifer.

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Figure 1. Immature Spondylus princeps from Salango [photo by the author]

Figure 2. Immature Spondylus calcifer from Puerto Peñasco, Gulf of California. 7.8cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown]

Vertical

Horizontal Distribution Spondylus calcifer

and

princeps and

of

Spondylus

been needed (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306; Marcos 2002: 28; Paulsen 1974: 597). Marcos (1995, 2002) has made such specialization one of the keys to the rise of the “Huancavilca” (i.e. Manteño) state of the Ecuadorian Integration Period (ca. AD 500–1500).

The depth at which Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer reside is particularly important because this information has been used to suggest that harvesting Spondylus, especially the red/orange Spondylus princeps, from deep water would have been “expensive” and/or that specialized divers would have

Originally, it was thought that Pacific Spondylids resided between 20 to 60 feet (ca. 6 to 18 meters; Paulsen 1974: 597) 65

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 3. Gerontic Spondylus calcifer from just below low tide, Puerto Peñasco, Gulf of California. 15cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown]

or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters; Marcos 1977). Skoglund and Mulliner’s (1996; see also Lamprell 2006: 36, 80; VillalejoFuerte et al. 2002: 105) recent review, however, indicates that, in the Gulf of California, Spondylus calcifer is available at fairly shallow depths (intertidal to 18m), while Spondylus princeps resides in slightly deeper waters (3 to 28m). These depths are supported by the admittedly sparse information available from Peru and Ecuador. Presley Norton indicated that Spondylus calcifer was present as shallow as 3 meters, but maintained, based upon his own diving experience near Salango, Ecuador, that Spondylus princeps was present only beyond 15 meters (Marcos & Norton 1981: 148, 1984: 14). Anne Marie Hocquenghem (1999: 59), citing Philippe Béarez who also dove in waters around Salango, indicates that Spondylus calcifer was probably available in the intertidal zone but is no longer due to recent overharvesting. More recently, Dan Bauer, a cultural anthropologist sudying marine resource utilization in Salango, indicated that both Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer are currently available on reefs and rocky outcrops between 4 and 20 meters (Bauer 2007; see also Fabara 2003: 25, 2008). While research on the modern Spondylids of the coast of South America and critical application of modern data to the past are still needed, it appears that both species may have been available in waters that were relatively easy to access, especially for coastal peoples who were experienced in utilizing a wide variety of marine resources. Spondylus calcifer was likely available intertidally and Spondylus princeps probably began to appear somewhere between 3 and 5 meters below the surface of the ocean. This may have changed in certain areas as the shellfish may have been overexploited locally (Hocquenghem 1999: 59, citing Béarez 1996).

Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist divers are needed, it now appears that both species may have been available at depths accessible by divers with limited ability. Therefore acquisition of Spondylus may not have been “expensive” or required a specialist. One must note, however, that other factors suggest that knowledge may have been more important than the ability to dive deeply. Experienced divers, Norton (1986) and Béarez (cited in Hocquenghem 1999: 5960), have suggested that the ability for Spondylids to be disguised by epibionts, the degree to which Spondylids (especially Spondylus calcifer) are cemented to the substrate as well as other factors may have presented problems for divers. These did not necessarily increase the cost in physical effort, but may have required specialized knowledge, such as the ability to identify Spondylus through the epibiotic camouflage and/or specific techniques to separate Spondylus from its substrate. Archaeologically there is very little evidence for specialized Spondylus harvesting, but such evidence would be particularly difficult to identify. Even the “diving weights” regularly found in the waters of Salango, indicate diving, not specialized diving for Spondylus as has been argued. It is possible that the images of Spondylus harvesting in Sicán and Chimú iconography (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996; see below) suggest specialization, but it may be that Spondylus acquisition was the only pursuit performed by divers that the Sicán and Chimú regarded as important enough to enter into their iconography. Although specialized diving cannot be eliminated as one of the possible ways in which Spondylus was harvested, it also cannot be demonstrated that it was necessary. Spondylus divers may have been maritime generalists whose submarine prey in66

Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

cluded more than just Spondylus, which may have been fished on a part-time, as-needed basis. The collection of Spondylus should be seen, not as a necessarily expensive and specialized pursuit, but as one of many strategies used by coastal peoples to obtain marine resources. Was the knowledge needed to harvest Spondylus (and other prey) shared by all or restricted to certain individuals? With current evidence we cannot determine this. If divers were generalists, costs would not be great as long as Spondylids were present in relatively shallow waters. Costs would have increased if Spondylus beds were overharvested, but demonstrating prehistoric overfishing, like demonstrating specialized divers, is a difficult task.

Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994; Hocquenghem et al. 1993) probably because the shellfish was locally available. One can now say that Spondylus lives in the waters of northern Peru and should be considered a Peruvian, as well as Ecuadorian, resource and, therefore, can no longer be seen as a necessary indicator of ancient trade between the Prehispanic peoples living in modern-day Ecuador and Peru. It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm water during an El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event may allow Spondylids to temporarily survive hundreds of miles farther south than their natural range (Lumbreras 1987; Ravines et al. 1982: 219; Sandweiss 1992: 152; Sandweiss & Rodríguez 1991: note 9; Sandweiss, Rollins & Richardson 1983: 283). Recent investigation of the movement of mollusks due to ENSOs between 1972 and 2003 have yielded evidence for the movement of twenty-five species of mollusks outside of their normal range, but no Spondylids were among them (Carlos Paredes et al. 1998; Carlos Paredes, Cardoso & Tarazona 2004; see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). Cabo Blanco appears to be the southern limit of Spondylids, even during the ENSO events.

Our knowledge of the geographical distribution of Spondylus is based upon very general, and now outdated, shell compendia. Some early archaeological discussions of Spondylus (Marcos 1977: 101, 1986a: 199; Norton 1986: 133) recognized that at least one of the species of Spondylus was present in waters off extreme northwest Peru (i.e. between the Ecuador/ Peru border and Cabo Blanco; see Fig. 4). And yet, Paulsen (1974: 597) and later authors (Anawalt 1997: 52, 1998: 247; Cordy-Collins 1990: 306, 2001, 35; Hocquenghem 1993: 702, 1994: 211; Marcos 1995: 101, 2002: 26; Pillsbury 1996: 313, 317, 1999: 151) contend that the southern extent of the natural range of Spondylids is the tropical waters of Ecuador or the Gulf of Guayaquil (although see Glowacki 2005: 258; Shady Solís 2005: 112). Indeed, this idea has lead Peruvian officials to use Spondylus as the symbol of the renewal of an ancient relationship between the two nations after the 1998 Peace Accords ended a decades long border dispute (Sandweiss 1999). Interestingly, even some of the earliest shell compendia placed Spondylids in the waters of extreme northwest Peru (e.g. Keen 1971: 96; Olsson 1961: 152-153; although Keen 1958, the edition cited by Paulsen [1974], indicated that Ecuador was the southernmost extent of their range).

An increase in demand for Spondylus from cultures in modern-day Peru through time has been used to suggest that the Spondylus beds of Ecuador were overfished. This reduction in supply drove Ecuadorians to sail farther and farther north in search of the Spondylus beds. This has been used as the driving force that caused Ecuadorians and West Mexicans to interact (Anawalt 1997, 1998; Marcos 1977, 1986a, 1986b, 1995, 2002). However, there is no evidence for the overfishing of Ecuadorian (or Peruvian) Spondylus beds. Support for this hypothesis might include a decline in the size of Spondylids along the Ecuadorian coast through time, but such evidence does not exist. Marcos has indicated that Spondylus beds are fairly limited along the Pacific Coast of Central and South America. While it is true that Spondylids prefer certain environments, Marcos has not indicated how he created his maps of the distribution of Spondylus or why they have changed (compare Marcos 1977: Map 1, 1995: Map 1). The natural distribution, the quantity of Spondylus in a “natural” environment and the potential for overfishing needs to be researched. Until then, we cannot assume overfishing because consumption increased.

Recently, multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus is present in Peru. In a regional study for the Nature Conservancy, Terán et al. (2004: 147, 190) indicate that both Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present in the Caleto Mero/Caleto Sal area (Punta Sal, see Fig. 4), the same locality as some of the specimens of Spondylus calcifer studied by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996: 102). Olsson (1961: 152-153) also gives Zorritos and Caleto Sal as localities from which Spondylus princeps were recovered. At Punta Sal, the population density of Spondylus calcifer is high enough (3-4 specimens per m2 at 10-12 meters below the surface) that Robles and Méndez (1989: 69) encourage commercial exploitation. At El Ñuro Spondylus calcifer is present, but density is significantly lower (Robles & Méndez 1989: 69). Spondylus does not appear to reside in the Paita Buffer Zone (Olsson 1961; see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993) which lies between the warmer waters of the Panama Current to the north and the cooler waters of the Peruvian (Humboldt) Current. Both species of Spondylus appear to prefer waters with an average annual temperature greater than 20˚ C (see Fig. 4).

The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids along the coasts of Ecuador and Peru is much clearer now than in the 1970s. We have convincing evidence that both Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present at significantly shallower depths (intertidally to 18 meters and 3 to 28 meters, respectively) than originally thought. Although these data are based upon recent records and extending this information into the past is not without risks, recent patterns in oceanic currents and, therefore climate, appear to date to have begun approximately 5000 years ago (Sandweiss et al. 1996; see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). This suggests that this data is at least approximately representative; more in-depth study of Spondylus habitat, modern and ancient, is needed. The relative ease with which the shellfish could have been acquired calls into

Archaeologically, it appears that a great deal of Spondylus was worked in the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999; 67

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Figure 4. Map of Ecuador and Northern Peru showing average annual sea surface temperature from 2000-3 [based upon Terán et al. 2004: fig. 2.3]

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question whether or not the harvesters of these shellfish were specialized. It is unlikely that specialized divers were needed solely due to the depth at which Spondylus lives, but it remains possible that specialized knowledge was needed for reasons other than depth, including degree of fastness of the attachment to the substrate, camouflage by epibionts and other local variables, such as turbidity and current. Either way, identifying specialized divers in the archaeological record is difficult. Similarly, there is no archaeological evidence of purported overfishing of Spondylids driving merchant sailors outwards from Ecuador in search of Spondylus beds.

nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on the Peruvian Coast to the south of the natural range of Spondylus (i.e. south of Cabo Blanco). Early Spondylus use has been recorded among the Valdivia peoples of coastal Ecuador: by Valdivia III (ca. 2900–2600 BC; Zeidler 2003) people were using the shellfish in dedicatory offerings at the site of Real Alto (site locations are shown in Fig. 5) and this is supported by the presence of Spondylus at the eponymous Valdivia site (Lathrap, Collier & Chandra 1975; Marcos 1977, 1988; Zeidler 1991; see also Blower 1995; Carter 2008; Meggers & Evans 1965). It has been argued that the absence of the colorful lip on some Spondylus valves is evidence of external exchange, but, because little data has been published, it is unclear if this is evidence for long-distance trade or deposition away from the site (e.g. in agricultural ceremonies in the fields).

Prehistoric Utilization of Spondylus The cultural history presented below provides a new archaeological view of Spondylus in South America that contradicts some of the simplified, all-encompassing interpretations of Spondylus. The story is not simple, but intricate, multifaceted and intertwining. I have retained Paulsen’s (see also Blower 1995) chronological framework, her Periods A and B (before 1100 BC and 1100–100 BC, respectively have remained intact), but I have been able to subdivide her Period C into four parts (C1-C4). During Period A, Spondylus use began among cultures where the shellfish was locally available (i.e. coast north of Cabo Blanco), but quickly spread to Coastal Peru (south of Cabo Blanco, around 2500 BC) and later into the Ecuadorian highlands (ca. 1400 BC). In Period B, as Paulsen indicated, Spondylus use and imagery is dominated by the Chavín and Cupisnique traditions. During Period C1 the most significant use of Spondylus is as tiny shell beads, known as chaquira, among the Moche as well as in the Ecuadorian highlands. Period C2 shows a marked increase in production of chaquira and other Spondylus artifacts, as well as the mass accumulation of the whole shell, especially by the Sicán. During Period C3 Spondylus is being used primarily as inlay in a variety of materials, especially wood, among the Chimú. And lastly, During C4, the Inka appear to restrict the use of Spondylus to the production of small figurines, some of which were used in the ceremonies on the high peaks of the Andes. Also at this time, whole Spondylus valves were deposited in burials on the coast, especially the Central Coast. Lastly, I highlight some of the mistakes that have been made in the interpretation of ethnohistoric documents that have made Spondylus appear more prevalent at “Contact”, when the Spanish arrived, than it truly was. Specifically, the conflation of the terms mullu and Spondylus has caused archaeologists and ethnohistorians to think that the shellfish was more prevalent than archaeological evidence demonstrates. Spondylus is only one of many types of mullu (Blower 1995, 2000).

Small fragments of Spondylus have been reported from Preceramic sites in Peru (e.g. Aspero and La Paloma) (Blower 1995: 95-96; Carter 2008; Moseley 1992: 104; Quilter 1989: 24; Zeidler 1991: 258) but these are often tiny fragments with limited contextual information. The recent discovery of Spondylus at the site of Caral (ca. 2900–2000 BC; Shady Solís, Haas & Creamer 2001; Shady Solís 2005, 2006) is the best dated and clearest early evidence for exchange of Spondylus. A Spondylus workshop has been reported at the site (Shady Solís 2005: 110), but details have not yet been published. Elsewhere in Peru, early dated Spondylus is found at La Galgada (ca. 2000 BC; Greider et al. 1988) and Los Gavilanes (ca. 1750 BC; Bonavia 1982) as well as Initial Period sites such as Garagay (ca. 1500–600 BC; Burger 1992; Ravines et al. 1982), Ancon (ca. 1200 BC; Matos Mendieta 1968), Monte Grande (ca. 1500–1000 BC; Elera 1993; Tellenbach 1987) and Punkurí (Burger 1992: 89-90). It must be noted that Spondylus does not appear at highland sites in Peru during this period, only at coastal sites and at a few located between the coast and the highlands such as La Galgada and Monte Grande. The reassessment of dates from Cerro Narrío in the Ecuadorian highlands indicates that the site dates to approximately 1400 BC rather than the original proposed date of 2500 BC, (Bruhns 1989, 2003; see also Carter 2008). The material from Cerro Narrio, however is quite significant and includes, “complete Spondylus shells without spines, square and round cuentas, chaquiras, pendants, collars [i.e. necklaces], ear spools and highly polished rim fragments” (Blower 1995: 89; see Uhle 1922: 236-238). Other Spondylus remains found at nearby sites (Chaullabamba, Monjashuaycu, Putushio, and others) may also date to a similar time period (Bruhns 2003). The purported early dates of Spondylus in the Ecuadorian Amazon at Cueva de los Tayos (ca. 2000–1500 BC; Marcos 1977: 114; Porras G. 1978) are also highly problematic (Bruhns 2003: 158).

Period A (Before 1100 BC): Initial Exchange Paulsen proposed that before 1100 BC Spondylus was used mainly by people living within the natural distribution of Spondylus and was also transported into the Ecuadorian highlands. Not until after 1100 BC did Spondylus exchange expand into modern-day Peru. However, it now appears that this chronology was inverted. Spondylus did not appear in the Ecuadorian highlands until much later, at around 1400 BC,

Spondylus consumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC) was at first centered at coastal Ecuadorian sites (and possibly at sites on the extreme northern coast of Peru). Spondylus appears at archaeological sites outside its natural range at Caral 69

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Figure 5. Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B [based upon Moseley 1992: 34]

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dence of Spondylus consumption includes beads from the Cupisnique Clásico (ca. 1000–500 BC) site of Puémape (Elera 1993: 246), iconography of an eagle holding a Spondylus on a Cupisnique Clásico stone vessel (Elera 1993: 249, fig. 10; Lapiner 1978: fig. 118), layers of ground Spondylus around a large stone (altar?) at Moro de Eten (Elera 1993: 252) and unprovenanced Cupisnique style stirrup-spout bottles that look remarkably like Spondylus shells (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999: 105; Paulsen 1974: 601).

and La Galgada before 2000 BC, but was not consumed in the Ecuadorian highlands until near the end of this period (ca. 1400 BC). There does not yet seem to be a pattern behind the types of Spondylus artifacts and ecofacts being used, although similar types of artifacts were found at Monte Grande, La Galgada and Valdivia sites (Zeidler 1991). Period B (ca. 1100–100 BC): Chavín and Cupinique During Period B (ca. 1100–100 BC; Paulsen 1974), Spondylus continued to be used on the coast and in the highlands of Ecuador, while consumption by the Chavín and Cupisnique cultures of northern Peru reaches new heights.

Beyond Chavín and Cupisnique sites only a few occurrences have been recorded during Period B. Spondylus has been recovered from Cerro Ñañañique (ca. 900–400 BC; Guffroy 1989) and some individuals in the famous Paracas burial bundles wore Spondylus as necklaces (Blower 1995: 218; Paul 1990: 39; J. C. Tello 1959; J. C. Tello & Mejía Xesspe 1979).

In Ecuador, this time period has not been well studied. Lunniss (2001) has reported on Spondylus from Salango (for site locations, see Fig. 5) during the Engoroy Period (ca. 600–100 BC). Spondylus artifacts and whole valves are buried as offerings in pits and post holes and with human burials (Lunniss 2001; see also Carter 2008: 131-132). Three Spondylus shells were also buried beneath an Engoroy period water retention structure (albarrada) in Achallan (Stothert 1995). In the Ecuadorian highlands, Spondylus decreases at Cerro Narrio and associated sites (Bruhns 2003), but is present in the poorly dated site of Chinguilanchi (Uhle 1922: 208). In the northern highlands, small fragments of Spondylus were recovered from all levels at La Chimba (ca. 700 BC–AD 250; Athens 1995; Stahl & Athens 2001).

In summary, during Period B (1100-100 BC) Spondylus consumption increased, but is mainly associated with the Chavín and Cupisnique cultures. The occurrence of Spondylus at other sites may be directly associated with the spread of Chavínoid ideology and iconography. Period C1 (100 BC–AD 700): The Age of Chaquira The major evidence for Spondylus consumption during Period C1 comes from the elite burials of the Moche culture on the North Coast of Peru and from the site of La Florida in the highlands of Ecuador. At this time, Spondylus was most commonly fashioned into chaquira, tine shell beads that were assembled into composite artifacts. Although evidence of Spondylus artifact production is limited, it appears to be focused on the coast of Ecuador.

In Peruvian territory, the story is quite different. Paulsen’s (1974) initial suggestion that Spondylus use increases at this time, especially as evidenced at Chavín de Huantar (Burger 1992), accords with new data (Carter 2008: 133-135). Spondylus iconography is particularly notable at this time. During the Urabarriu phase (ca. 1000–500 BC) at Chavín de Huantar an anthropomorphic Spondylus, with characteristic spines, is present on the Tello Obelisk. During the same time span, an undisclosed number of cut Spondylus fragments were deposited within the Gallery of the Offerings in the Old Temple at Chavín (Burger 1992). Spondylus imagery and consumption increases during the Jannabarriu phase (ca. 400–200 BC). Spondylus is depicted in the left hand of the “Smiling God”, in the hands of an individual on the cornice of the New Temple, and on the ceiling slabs in the Room of the Ornamental Beams (Blower 1995; Burger 1992; Rick 2005; John Howland Rowe 1967). Remains of Spondylus appear to be more broadly spread across the site in the later phase; it has been recovered from both elite contexts at Chavín de Huantar and at smaller sites in the area (Burger 1992). It is quite clear that Spondylus played a role in religious and sociopolitical spheres at Chavín de Huantar and that its concentration at the site of Chavín de Huantar marks that site as extraordinary in comparison with other sites. The only find comparable to those at Chavín is a burial (ca. 750–500 BC) at Kuntur Wasi that included 849 Spondylus beads and 3,653 fragments of Spondylus (Bruhns 2003: 160; Kato 1993: 216-224).

At Sipán (occupied between ca. AD 1–300; for site locations see Fig. 6) evidence is from three large tombs, Tomb 1 (known as the Lord of Sipán), Tomb 2 (the Priest), and Tomb 3 (the Old Lord of Sipán). Approximately fifty-six Spondylus valves along with a wide variety of other finely crafted goods were recovered in these tombs (Alva & Donnan 1993). The men were buried with a total of nineteen shell pectorals, seventeen of which were made from thousands of shell chaquira. Based upon photos and illustrations (Alva & Donnan 1993) of these beads, I conclude that the tomb of the Old Lord contained a pectoral made of exclusively of purple beads, which are likely Spondylus calcifer, and the tomb of the Lord contained four pectorals with some red or pink chaquira and one that is completely red, which suggest Spondylus princeps. The Old Lord was also interred with a non-chaquira pectoral made of white shell inlaid with red shell and chaquira bracelets containing some Spondylus beads (Alva & Donnan 1993). Finally, the tombs of the Lord and the Priest each contained a sacrificed individual both of whom wore a shell pectoral. Other tombs excavated at the site contained shell pectorals (Tombs 7, 8, 9), bracelets (Tomb 7), metal objects inlaid with shell (Tombs 5 and 9) and whole valves (Tomb 10; Alva 2001).

On the Peruvian coast, Spondylus appears mainly among the people classified as Cupisnique (a.k.a. Coastal Chavín). Evi-

Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylus consumption. The severely looted tomb at La Mina yielded 71

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 6. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2 Note that Cerro Juan Diaz is off the map to the north [based upon Moseley 1992: 34]

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fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narváez V. 1994). Extensive excavations of eighty-four burials at the Moche III cemetery at Pacatnamú produced possibly 218 Spondylus beads that seem to be associated with women and children, not men (Donnan & McClelland 1997; see also Carter 2008: 144-145). The evidence of Spondylus consumption at the supposed capital of the Moche, the site of Moche (Huaca de la Luna and Huaca del Sol), is curiously absent at this time, although it does appear in more recent levels.

Spondylus consumption in the Peruvian highlands appears to be centered in the Condebamba Valley at Cerro Amaru and Marcahuamachuco (ca. AD 350–800) and among the imperial Huari (ca. AD 540–900). Because these time periods overlap the boundary of Period C1 and C2 (AD 700) it is possible that consumption discussed here may fall into either period, but with current data their precise chronological placement is difficult to determine. At Cerro Amaru, part of a mausoleum floor was covered with burnt cut pieces of Spondylus (Topic 1991: 159; Topic & T. Lange Topic 2000: 197). Also at Cerro Amaru, nearly 3,000 chaquira and approximately 90 rectangular plaques were dredged from a well in 1900 (Topic & T. Lange Topic 2000: 197; T. Lange Topic 1991: 243). Within the “Castillo” at Marcahuamachuco, 9.6kg of Spondylus shell were recovered from a shallow pit, including a minimum of 20 valves with edges and exterior ground, a minimum of 270 broken rectangular pieces (ca. 10% perforated) as well as fragmented miniatures ( Spondylus, is extremely important because many of the most important citations of Spondylus use in ethnohistoric

The most important find of Spondylus in the Late Horizon Lambayeque Valley is the burial of a Spondylus and Conus 79

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

documents are based upon translations of mullu as Spondylus. For example, Murra (1975: 257, 1982: 266; see also Marcos 1977: 119) states that “millions of humans, Andean farmers, needed quantities [of mullu] that we can consider industrial”. He bases this upon a quote from Cobo (1653) that refers to the vast use of “conchas del mar” or seashells in the highlands, but does not specify Spondylus. And while Spondylus was certainly used, did millions of farmers require industrial quantities? The archaeological evidence discussed above does not support the interpretation of the “industrial” use of Spondylus by the Inka.

The apparent decrease in the use of Spondylus after ca. AD 1100 according to the archaeological record does not accord with the current interpretation of ethnohistoric accounts. However, the purported use of vast quantities of Spondylus at contact is not so obvious once one realizes that those vast quantities are of mullu, which is not necessarily Spondylus. Spondylus, however, was still being used and may have been one of the more important types of mullu. At this point, however, we simply do not know how prevalent Spondylus was after the arrival of the Spaniards. Conclusion

It is often stated that Spondylus was a favored food of the gods (e.g. Blower 2000: 215; Glowacki 2005: 260; Murra 1975: 258, 1982: 266; Paulsen 1974: 603; Pillsbury 1996: 318; Rostworowski de Díez Canseco 1999: 36), but again this is based upon the translation of mullu as Spondylus (Murra 1975: 258, 1982: 266; Saloman & Urioste 1991: 116). There is no other information, except for the “cap, cap” of the jaws of Maca Huisa as he eats the mullu, to suggest that Spondylus, or any shellfish, was being eaten as mullu. We have little evidence therefore that gods ate Spondylus, though we can be fairly confident that they did consume mullu.

Prehispanic Spondylus use was dynamic varying through time and space. This work provides five key updates to the innovative works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977). First, I have demonstrated that Spondylus may not have been difficult to acquire because it was present in waters much shallower than originally believed. This means that it may not have been difficult to collect Spondylus shells, especially for a people accustomed to harvesting other resources from the ocean. Second, Spondylus was also available as far south as Cabo Blanco, Peru, hundreds of miles south of the oft-cited border of Ecuador. Therefore, we can no longer say that any Prehispanic Spondylus recovered in Ecuador is evidence of trade between the two regions and we must refocus archaeological efforts on the extreme north coast of Peru in order to better address questions regarding Spondylus acquisition, industry and consumption. Third, archaeological evidence now indicates that Spondylus was exchanged beyond its nature environment (i.e. South of Cabo Blanco) first into Peru (ca. 2500 BC at Caral) and later into the Ecuadorian highlands, the inverse of what early research suggested. Fourth, early works all intimated, based at least partially on the work of John Murra (1975; 1982), that the use of “industrial” quantities of Spondylus by the Inka was the end result of a constant increase in the utilization of Spondylus. This now appears to be false. Maximum utilization may have occurred during the peak of the Moche, Sicán and Chimú states on the North Coast of Peru and decline during Inka domination.

The value of Spondylus is often indicated by an account by Pablo Jose de Arriaga, a seventeenth century Jesuit missionary in Peru, who states that a piece of mullu the size of a fingernail is worth four Spanish reales (Arriaga 1968: 45; see also Blower 2000: 210; Murra 1975: 260). While this does suggest that mullu is quite valuable, he indicates that mullu is a small fragment of a large seashell from which people make beads. This may or may not be Spondylus, but it does suggest the high value of sea shells in the Andean highlands. Perhaps the most convincing piece of ethnohistoric evidence of the importance of Spondylus at the time is the Samano-Xerez Relación (Samano 1844), the account of Francisco Pizarro’s captain Batolomeo Ruiz, which records the capture of a large indigenous balsa raft off the coast of Ecuador in 1525. The raft, carrying 20 men, had a capacity of approximately 25 modern tons (Currie 1995a: 511) and carried a large collection of valuable goods. “All this they brought to exchange for some shells from which they make coral red and white beads, and they had the vessel almost laden with them” (Currie 1995a: 511). Unfortunately, we know little about from where this vessel came or where it was heading and the identification that people made beads from these same shells must be seen in the light that the two foreign peoples had little means of communicating. Were the shells for making beads? Were they for trade with the coastal Late Horizon peoples who used them in mummy bundles? Were they trading them with Inka artisans who fashioned figurines? Were they making objects themselves? The current interpretation is that the voyagers inhabited the coast of Ecuador, specifically Calangome, where evidence for the production of Spondylus artifacts at this time is relatively limited. This should not make light, however, of the fact that this large capacity vessel was “almost laden” with Spondylus shells.

The final update provided herein is the most important. The new chronology highlights the variability in time and space of the forms of Spondylus artifacts and the way in which they were used. While I have made some general conclusions about trends during these times, there is also variability within those trends. It is both the change in general trends and the variability within those trends that makes it difficult to fashion all-encompassing statements about how Spondylus was used by Andean societies. For example, Spondylus may have been used to encourage rain by some cultures, but not necessarily by all. The most fascinating part of Prehispanic use of Spondylus is the complexity of the story, not the simplicity.

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Life and Death at Paloma. Iowa City: University of Iowa. Ravines, R., H. Engelstad, V. Palomino & D. H. Sandweiss 1982 Materiales arqueologicos de Garagay. Revista del Museo Nacional 46: 135-233. Ravines, R. & K. E. Stothert 1976 Un entierro común del Horizonte Tardío en la costa central del Perú. Revista del Museo Nacional 42: 153-206. Reinhard, J. 2002 A high altitude archaeological survey in northern Chile. Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena 34(1): 85-99. Rick, J. W. 2005 The evolution of authority and power at Chavýn de Huántar, Peru. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 14: 7189. Robles, A. & M. Méndez 1989 Moluscos comerciales del littoral de Tumbes y Piura. Boletín de Lima 63: 47-70. Rostworowski de Díez Canseco, M. 1999 Intercambio prehispánico del Spondylus. In Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz (ed. A. Cordy-Collins & D. Giannoni): 35-45. Lima: Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera and Fundación Telefónica del Perú. Rowe, A. P. 1984 Costumes and Featherwork of the Lords of Chimor: Textiles from Peru’s North Coast. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum. Rowe, J. H. 1967 Form and meaning in Chavín art. In Peruvian Archaeology: Selected Readings (ed. J. H. Rowe & D. Menzel): 72-103. Palo Alto: Peek Publications. Saloman, F. & J. Urioste 1991 The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion. Austin: University of Texas. Samano, J. 1844 Relación de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro. In Coleccion de Documentos Inéditados para la Historia de España: Tomo V (ed. P. Sainz de Baranda, M. Salva & M. F. Navarrete): 193-201. Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de Calero. Sandweiss, D. H. 1992 The Archaeology of Chincha Fishermen: Specialization and Status in Inka Peru. Pittsburgh: Bulletin of Carnegie Museum of Natural History 1999 The return of the native symbol: Peru picks Spondylus to represent new integration with Ecuador. SAA Bulletin 17(2): 1, 8-9.

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Shimada, I. 1990

Tantalean, H. 2006 Returning to build: Funerary practices and ideology(ies) during the Inka occupation of Cutimbo, Puno-Peru. Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena 38(1): 129-43. Tellenbach, M. 1987 El Proyecto Arqueológico “Valle de Jequetepeque”. Kuntur 6: 2-9. Tello, J. C. 1959 Paracas: Primera Parte. Lima: Empresa Gráfica T. Scheuch S.A. [Publicacion del Proyecto 8b del Programa 1941-42 de Institute of Andean Research of New York]. Tello, J. C. & T. Mejía Xesspe 1979 Paracas. Segunda Parte: Cavernas y Necrópolis. Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos and the Institute of Andean Research of New York. Tello, R. 1997 Excavaciones en la unidad 12 de la plataforma I de la Huaca de la Luna. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995 (ed. S. Uceda C., E. Mujica B. & R. Morales): 29-38. Trujillo: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de La Libertad. Terán, M., F. Campos, K. Clark, D. Ruiz, P. Guarderas, P. Jiménez, J. Derkinger, E. Ortiz & C. Suárez 2004 Portafolio de Sitios Prioritarios para la Conservación dentro de la Unidad de Planificación Ecorregional Pacífico Ecuatorial: Componente Marino. Quito, Ecuador: The Nature Conservancy. Topic, J. R. 1981 Lower class social and economic organization. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City (ed. M. E. Moseley & K. C. Day): 145-176. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico. 1991 Huari and Huamachuco. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. W. H. Isbell & G. Fr. McEwan): 141-164. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. Topic, J. R. & T. Lange Topic 2000 Hacia la comprensión del fenómeno Huari: Una perspectiva norteña. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4: 181-217. Topic, T. 1989 Ritual Offerings at Marcahuamachucco. Presented at the 29th Annual Meeting of the Institute for Andean Studies, Berkeley, California. Topic, T. Lange 1991 The Middle Horizon in northern Peru. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. W. H. Isbell & G. Fr. McEwan): 233-246. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks.

Cultural continuities and discontinuities on the northern North Coast, Middle- Late Horizons. In The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor (ed. M. E. Moseley & A. Cordy-Collins): 297-392. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. 1991 Pachacamac archaeology: Retrospect and prospect. In Pachacamac. A Reprint of the 1903 Edition by Max Uhle, ed. Izumi Shimada. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia. 1994 Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1995 Cultura Sicán: Dios, Riqueza y Poder en la Costa Norte de Peru. Lima: Banco Continental. 2000 The late prehispanic coastal states. In The Inca World: The Development of Pre-Columbian Peru, A.D. 1000-1534 (ed. L. Laurencich Minelli): 49-110. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Shimada, I., J. A. Griffin & A. Gordus 2000 The technology, iconography, and social significance of metals: A multi-dimensional analysis of Middle Sicán objects. In Precolumbian Gold: Technology, Style and Iconography (ed. C. McEwan): 28-61. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers. Shimada, I. & C. Samillán Torres 2008 Mullu procurement, distribution, usage and artifact production on the late Pre-Hispanic North Coast of Peru. Presented at the 36th Annual Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Shimada, I., K. Shinoda, J. Farnum, R. Corruccini & H. Watanabe 2004 An integrated analysis of prehispanic mortuary practices: A Middle Sicán case study. Current Anthropology 45(3): 369-402. Silverman, H. 1993 Cahuachi in the Ancient Nasca World. Iowa City: University of Iowa. Silverman, H. & D. A. Proulx 2002 The Nasca. Oxford: Blackwell. Skoglund, C. & D. K. Mulliner 1996 The genus Spondylus (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) of the Panamic Province. The Festivus 28(9): 93-107. Stahl, P. & S. J. Athens 2001 A high elevation zooarchaeological assemblage from the northern Andes of Ecuador. Journal of Field Archaeology 28(1/2): 161-76. Stothert, K. E. 1995 Las albarradas tradicionales y el manejo de aguas en la Peninsula de Santa Elena. Miscelanea Antropologica Ecuatoriana: Boletín del Area Cultural del Banco Central del Ecuador 8: 131-160.

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Ubelaker, D. H. 1981 The Ayalan Cemetery: A Late Integration Period Burial Site on the South Coast of Ecuador. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Uceda C., S. 1997 Esculturas en miniatura y una maqueta en madera. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995 (ed. S. Uceda C., E. Mujica B. & R. Morales): 151-176. Trujillo, Peru: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de La Libertad. Uhle, M. 1922 Influencias Mayas en el Alto Ecuador. Boletín de la Academie Nacional de Historia 4: 205240. 1991 Pachacamac: A Reprint of the 1903 Edition by Max Uhle. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia. Valcárcel, L. E. 1946 Cuzco Archaeology. In Handbook of South American Indians. Vol. 2: The Andean Civilizations (ed. J. Steward): 177-182. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology. Valdez, L. M., J. S. Williams & K. J. Bettcher 2006 Wari mortuary practices at Marayniyoq, Ayacucho Valley, Peru. Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena 38(1): 113-127. Verano, J. W. & A. Cordy-Collins 1986 H1M1: A Late Intermediate Period mortuary structure in Pacatnamú. In The Pacatnamú Papers Volume (ed. C. B. Donnan & G. Cock): 8594. Los Angeles: Museum of Cultural History. Villalejo-Fuerte, M., M. Arellano-Martínez, B. P. Ceballos-Vázquez & F. García-Domínguez 2002 Reproductive cycle of Spondylus calcifer Carpenter, 1857 (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) in the Bahía de Loreto National Park, Gulf of California, México. Journal of Shellfish Research 21: 103-108. Villalejo-Fuerte, M. & F. García-Domínguez 1998 Reproductive cycle of Spondylus leucacanthus Broderip, 1833, (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) at Isla Danzante, Gulf of California. Journal of Shellfish Research 17: 1037-1042. Zeidler, J. A. 1991 Maritime exchange in the Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador: Geopolitical origins of uneven development. Research in Economic Anthropology 13: 247-268. 2003 Formative Period chronology for the coast and western lowlands of Ecuador. In Archaeology of Formative Ecuador (ed. J. S. Raymond & R. L. Burger): 487-527. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks. Zevallos, C. 1995 Nuestras Raices Guancavilcas. Guayaquil: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana Benjamín Carrión, Núcleo del Guayas. 89

II Views from the “Threshold”

Spondylus Technologies in the Aegean

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 7

Spondylus gaederopus IN AEGEAN PREHISTORY: DECIPHERING SHAPES FROM NORTHERN GREECE Tatiana Theodoropoulou Spondylus gaederopus artifacts are a common find in prehistoric sites, both coastal and inland, in Northern Greece. This paper discusses the choice to use this raw material, its distribution in Northern Aegean sites, as well as the variability observed in the transformation into objects. A review of shapes and possible uses is given. The existing repertoire points to a pronounced preference of Spondylus shells for the manufacture of ornaments, with a more limited use for functional objects. This trend points to a special attribute given to this marine raw material, bringing together natural properties and symbolic values shaped to social items within Northern Aegean communities.

Introduction Both coastal and inland prehistoric sites from Northern Greece have produced numerous Spondylus remains. Although whole Spondylus valves and fragments without any secondary modification are usual finds, artifacts made from Spondylus outnumber any other group of shell artifacts, thus implying a focused exploitation of this shell in Greek prehistory. Spondylus artifacts often feature among the most prestigious objects found in Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements in Northern Aegean, from Western Macedonia to Aegean Thrace1 (Karali 1999b; Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003; Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume; Theodoropoulou 2007) (Fig. 1). This paper retraces the routes of metamorphosis of Spondylus, from extraction of the raw material indigenous to the Aegean coasts, its transport to the settlements, and subsequent transformation to a variety of cultural shapes. Fishing for Spondylus The exploitation of raw materials generally involves an ability to locate the source of these materials and transport them to a place of transformation and production. Within this chain of events, the presence of artifacts made from Spondylus gaederopus cannot be seen independently from the environment of acquisition, the route from a natural to a cultural environment, to be finally incorporated as finished products within a given human community. Spondylus gaederopus (Linnaeus 1758), the sole genus of the bivalve family Spondylidae2, is a commonly found shell in 1 

Following a natural and cultural border, dividing Northern from Central Greece (see also, Andreou et al. 1996).

2  Shells with unequal valves, with long or short spines on the ribs and widely spaced umboes of unequal size. Attached to rocks and other ob-

the tropical seas. It is distributed throughout a large portion of the Mediterranean, the Atlantic Ocean, near Gibraltar, including Madeira, the Azores, the Canaries, and the Cape Verde Islands (Fischer et al. 1987: 492). In the Greek seas, it has been recorded in the Saronic, Laconic, Messenian, Thermaic, Euboean, Patraic, and Corinthian gulfs, the Peloponnese, the Cyclades, the Dodecanese, Crete, Astakos, Kymi (Eastern Euboea), and the Chalkidiki peninsula (Delamotte & VardalaTheodorou 1994: 250). Its abundance in the Aegean, in close distance to most prehistoric sites from Northern Greece, suggests that Spondylus valves found in this region would have been collected from these coasts3. Despite the close distance of most settlements to the sea, its occurrence also in a number of inland sites allows suggesting that small-scale expeditions or exchanges of marine shells would have taken place in prehistoric Northern Greece4, a practice dating back to the Upper Palaeolithic in neighboring Epirus5. Such regional transports would of course not be comparable in scale to broader, interrejects by the anterior edge of the right valve. Left (upper) valve with conspicuous “ears”, hinge with two large teeth on each side (isodont), mantle edge free, with eye spots (Lamprell 1987; for more details on the palaeobiology of the species, see also Hladilová, this volume). Five species are known in the Mediterranean. 3

This is not such a straightforward conclusion for the origin of Spondylus artifacts from Northern Balkan sites. Although both the Aegean and the Black Sea were likely alternatives for their origin, comparison of 18O/16O values of archaeological specimens with modern ones suggested the Aegean as being a more likely source (Shackleton & Renfrew 1970).

4 In some sites, Spondylus shells might have travelled a total direct distance of 100km (for instance, 80-120km from the Aegean to Dispilio), although more common distance for N. Greece Neolithic sites is around 25km (for example, Sitagroi). For a number of sites, namely those on the western part of the studied area, it has been suggested that Spondylus was obtained from the Adriatic Sea instead (for a review, see Ifantidis 2006a: 69), yet if this was the case, the covered distance would be even greater. 5 For a discussion on the circulation of shell artifacts (not Spondylus) in Upper Palaeolithic sites from Epirus (Boila, Katritsa, Klithi), see Kotjabopoulou & Adam (2004).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 1. Map of Northern Greece with sites mentioned in the text

dylus and other shells would be collected directly by members of inland communities, during expeditions destined for this or other long-distance activities (direct access, Torrence 1986). In this case, one assumes knowledge of fishing grounds/beach shores and methods of procurement, what Taborin (2004: 70) calls “the collective memory built upon repetition”. b) marine raw materials would be part of exchanges or trade between coastal and inland communities (down the line exchange, Renfrew et al. 1965, 1968), possibly through a more complex network of itinerants middlemen (Perlès 1990)7. In the latter case, the question of transport of raw Spondylus or finished artifacts rises (see, for instance, Müller 1997), with subsequent social implications regarding the choice of a group to exchange/trade raw materials or finished items, the degree of specialization of artisan production as well as surplus of either raw or worked Spondylus within a community (Theodoropoulou 2007: 487).

gional networks involving the transport of raw or transformed Spondylus gaederopus from the Aegean coasts across Balkan regions up to Central Europe, which has been put forward as evidence of long-distance exchange (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006; Renfrew 1973; Séfériadès 1995a, 1995b, 2000; Todorova 2000). Nevertheless, the symbolic value of the circulation of Spondylus, and generally marine raw materials, even within a smallscale transport network in Northern Greece is underlined by a number of observations: although the presence of marine shells used as raw materials is a common practice in coastal sites and also found in inland sites, on the other hand, the use of freshwater shells is only limited within a local scale of inland communities, thus indicating a differential value of marine and freshwater materials respectively (Theodoropoulou 2007: 487). In this case, it is the very nature of the material rather than its distant origin which is put forward (on the supernatural value attributed to long-distance materials and worked items, see Paulsen 1974; Séfériadès 2000). The presence of marine specimens in inland sites is occasionally accompanied by marine food debris, thus implying a more complex conceptual approach of the marine environment as a whole (Theodoropoulou 2007: 488, Theodoropoulou, in press).

Local or distant communities involved with the procurement of live Spondylus gaederopus would have to take into consideration the biological characteristics of the animal. The Spondylus mollusc lives on rocky, coral or detritic bottoms of the sublittoral zone from 1m to about 50m depth, permanently cemented to hard surfaces by its right valve. It prefers exposed positions on vertical rocks with slow but steadily moving currents (Delamotte & Vardala-Theodorou 1994: 250; Fischer et al. 1987: 492; Katsanevakis et al. 2008). The species is

With respect to the presence of marine shells in inland sites, several possible transport scenarios can be addressed6: a) Spon-

7 According to some scholars (Séfériadès 2000), this type of trade can be assumed in Neolithic communities even within distances shorter than 50km.

6 Based on the general discussion on transport of raw materials in prehistory, namely obsidian.

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Why Spondylus?

often accompanied by the sponge Crambe crambe that covers the upper valve and camouflages its shell. The encoding of the ecological information on Spondylus reveals the possible methods of procurement. Modern and ethnographic data on fishing of Spondylus include the use of rakes, trawls and dredges (Fischer et al. 1987: 492; Katsanevakis et al. 2008). In very shallow waters they can be gathered by hand or with small rakes. In somewhat deeper water, long-handled rakes or oyster tongs are used to reach the beds. In some areas a dredge is used. Harvesting of Spondylus in deeper waters may also be achieved by diving from boats and detaching the camouflaged molluscs from their bed with the aid of a knife or pointed tool (Lever 1963; Sims et al. 1990). This fishing method usually involves time, skill and personal investment, which might add social meanings and symbolisms to the fishing activity, the persons involved, as well as the value of the fished shell (for example, Malinowski 1922: 366-375). Coastal populations would have probably been familiar with the aforementioned methods, and it is likely that these latter would have been permeated with both social and symbolic values. On the other hand, such a skilled activity might have been equally, if not more, valued by distant groups, thus transmitted to the object. In both cases, the individual or collective organization of the activity would be subject to practical and social/symbolic considerations (Theodoropoulou 2007: 487).

Proximity to the source or, to a regional network of exchanges, partly explains the presence of numerous Spondylus remains in most prehistoric sites in Northern Greece. But why Spondylus as a raw material rather than some other shell species? Although focus is usually put on the Spondylus shell, one should also review the possible uses of the flesh within an archaeological study of Spondylus fragments. Like most molluscs from the Greek seas, Spondylus is edible and suitable for human consumption, although its nutritional value is questioned, as it contains important quantities of uric acid (Katsanevakis et al. 2008). Modern harvesting by commercial divers primarily involves the exploitation of its succulent adductor muscle, occasionally sold in local markets (Fischer et al. 1987: 492). Spondylus is considered a delicacy in some areas and for this same reason it is given the name “royal oyster” (Katsanevakis et al. 2008)9. Yet, although unworked fragments of Spondylus gaederopus are commonly found in many Aegean sites, their exploitation for dietary purposes is rarely brought forward (Becker 1996; Prummel 2000; Theodoropoulou 2007: 441; Veropoulidou, this volume). What is then that makes Spondylus a better candidate for the use of its shell as raw material? In the case of shells the material per se might offer a good explanation for its choice. According to Taborin (2004: 67), “nature has given to humans shells as natural jewels, an available source, constantly renewed, diversified and colored, offering species of multiple sizes and shapes”. Indeed, shell shape and structure provided ancient populations a valuable raw material for the manufacture of ornaments and tools. Among shells, Spondylus gaederopus is one of the most praised raw materials from prehistoric times onwards. Its size can range from 40 to 150mm, making Spondylus one of the well-sized shells from the Mediterranean and one of the few shell shapes not limiting transformation to minimal interventions. This observation explains in part the most diversified repertoire of shapes among shell objects, sometimes only created from Spondylus specimens. Moreover, thanks to its natural properties (hard, dense, light), it is an excellent surface to work on. The shell offers a unique colored surface. The left valve is colored from brownish to violet and purple, whereas the right valve is usually white10.

Although the described methods are likely to have been used by prehistoric divers, acquisition of dead Spondylus valves found shored on the beach is also possible by both coastal and inland groups (on the uses of beach-worn shells in Aegean Prehistory, see Theodoropoulou, forth.). The discrimination between fresh and water-worn specimens is possible on a macroscopic level (worn exterior and interior surface, abraded edges, erosion, natural holes, encrustation, see also Claassen 1998: 54-77), although it is sometimes extremely difficult to distinguish the aforementioned traces, especially on worked specimens. Fossil Spondylus-bearing geological deposits are also present in Greece and might have been exploited in some areas8. Macroscopic examination as well as chemical analysis (87Sr/86Sr ratio, Shackleton & Elderfield 1990) are some of the methods proposed to discriminate a recent from a fossil Spondylus specimen (for a review of these methods, see Douka, this volume), both methods not without drawbacks. Yet, it has been suggested that fresh valves would have been preferred, being less friable and breakable than beach-worn and fossil specimens (Miller 2003). The suggested preference seems to imply a direct link between the collector and the artisan, in some cases being the same person (either sedentary or itinerant), yet this cannot be proved. On the other hand, more symbolic attributes might be added to the aforementioned technological choice of a certain raw material, namely fresh vs. beach-worn, also transmitted to the final object (Theodoropoulou 2007: 488).

Additional working of Spondylus shells by man leads to partial or more important transformation of the raw material. The colored surface may be darkened by heating or deliberately removed by friction (Leight 2002). Sometimes, a deliberate grey/black color is achieved by burning of the shell11. Further artificial coloring of shells is possible12. Other attributes that allow archaeologists to identify worked Spondylus objects as 9  A similar highly valued consumption has been suggested for Andean societies (Glowacki 2005; Hastorf 2003). 10 On the combination of white/red on Spondylus, see Chapman (2002). Also, Cambell (1983); Mester (1989); Trubitt (2003). 11 This is the case of a single fragment of a Spondylus gaederopus annulet from Promachon-Topolniča (Theodoropoulou 2007: 497).

8  Although the genus Spondylus is known since the Jurassic period, Spondylus gaederopus is a recent species.

12 Colored examples are only known from Crete (Evans 1921: fig. 21).

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quirement for identifying a perforated test as a bead or pendant is that the hole be properly placed for stringing (Francis 1991). Within this category, both naturally holed and artificially perforated examples can be included. On the other hand, the utilitarian function of these objects can vary according to the way they were used: pendants suspended by a string, beads attached to a string forming a necklace to be worn around the neck or a hairband, beads forming wrist- or ankle-bracelets attached to a string, buttons and beads on different parts of the body including the head and the shoulders, as well as for the decoration of garments and tissues, belts, basketry, use of beads as money (Borello & Micheli 2004; Leigh 2002; Lever 1963; Nikolaidou 2003; Novella 1995: 83; Velázquez et al., this volume; Woodford 1908).

such, usually involve the degree of working, grounding down the surface, as well as their reduced dimensions as compared to the original valve size. Gouging, percussion or hammering, abrasion or scratching, chipping, cutting or sawing, drilling or grinding, polishing, are the most commonly used techniques (see below; Bocquenet 1998; Francis 1991; Karali 1999b: 27; Miller 1997: 115; Taborin 1993: 52-55). The choice of the material as well as the selection of one or more methods of working and the degree of transformation would be pointed out by cognitive parameters, such as the technical skill of the craftsman, the technological level of a given human community, the desired object, as well as by less tangible motivations, such as the perception of the material as such13, the encoded message of both raw material and finished object through a complex network of aesthetics and symbolisms (Claassen 1998: 203-209; Nikolaidou 2003; Theodoropoulou 2007: 522). In the case of Spondylus, one should not forget that, although a marine shell may be preferred over a freshwater one within an inland community as “speaking to a fascination with the distant” (Nikolaidou 2003)14, yet its very marine origin, different from the natural environment of man, symbolically linked with water and the sea, involving an effort and skill for its acquisition, would wrap it up with a remote identity, even within coastal Aegean communities15. From Shells to Shaped Objects: Some Examples Prehistoric Northern Greece

Pendants usually are unique, non-repetitive pieces of adornment within a site. Pendants are defined as finished artifacts with a suspension trimming (perforations, grooves, notches) that is off-center, to be able to wear the ornament as a pendant on a string (Lammers 2007: 61). The valve may be given a rough shape to form a pendant, usually keeping the valve’s original dimensions (typical single-holed valve from Limenaria and double-holed valve from Kitrini Limni-Megalo Nisi Galanis: Theodoropoulou 2007: 532, 458 v. 2). It seems that all types of Spondylus were collected for pendants: fresh-caught, water-worn and fossil tests, with water-worn being the most usual one. Shapes vary from semi-circular, oval or discoid (Avgi: Theodoropoulou, study in progress; Dimitra: Karali 1997; Promachon-Topolniča: Theodoropoulou 2007: 401 v. 2; Rodochori Cave: Rodden 1964; Servia: Mould et al. 2000;) to triangular (Dimitra: Karali 1997), rectangular, cross-shaped or other (Dikili Tash: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992; Dispilio: Ifantidis 2006a: 114; Kryoneri: Theodoropoulou 2007: 286 v. 2; Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume; Megalo Nisi Galanis: Theodoropoulou 2007: 504; Olynthos: Mylonas 1929; Poliochni: Bernabò Brea 1964: Tabl. xxxvi; PromachonTopolniča: Theodoropoulou 2007: 504; Sitagroi: Miller 2003) (Fig. 2). In most cases, the desired shape is achieved by rough cutting, then abrasion. In other instances fragments of damaged annulets were modified into holed elongated pendants (Ifantidis 2006a: 74; Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume). The surface could be either left intact, as in the case of Kryoneri (Theodoropoulou 2007: 504), or, most often get a more or less intense abrasion; sometimes the natural growth lines of the shell are intentionally preserved. Perforation is obtained by drilling or cutting, usually on the weaker edge of the shell, which is near the posterior margin of the valve. In the case of multiple holes (for instance, Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume), they are most usually spotted on the same side of the object; nevertheless, rectangular or elongated tests are given one hole on each side, which makes their application on clothes or other surfaces also possible. The shape of the holes is usually round, but other types have also been recorded (for instance, Promachon-Topolniča: Theodoropoulou 2007: 504, 403 v. 2). Some of the specimens show use wear on the inside of the hole indicating rubbing against a thread, a string or a fabric (Ifantidis 2006a: 95; personal observations on Koukonisi, Limenaria, Megalo Nisi Galanis, as well as ornament or tool from Mikro Vouni: Theodoropoulou 2007: 505). In rare cases, namely at Dikili Tash, the thread would

from

Deciphering the use of the finished artifact can be equally intriguing and complex as decoding the meanings behind the transformation of a raw material. The unique or multi-dimensional repertoire of shapes and uses related to a single raw material, such as Spondylus gaederopus, may involve different levels of perception of this latter. The archaeological record from Northern Greece points to a rather diversified exploitation of Spondylus as raw material for the manufacture of a range of objects, namely ornaments. In the following, the most frequent types of artifacts from Neolithic Greece made of Spondylus gaederopus are presented. This is not in any case an exhaustive listing of artifacts but rather a general panorama of shapes and types found in Northern Aegean, with the aim of comprehending the role of this shell in prehistoric craftsmanship, possibly indicating some standardization in the choice and transformation of this raw material to a finished object. Beads, buttons, pendants The valves of Spondylus provide an excellent raw material for the manufacture of beads and pendants. The minimum re13 On the comparison of Spondylus with marble, see Chapman (2002). 14 The value of marine shells increases with distance from the coast in different cultures (see examples in Trubitt 2003). 15 The study of kula exchange in the Trobriand Islands (Papua New Guinea) provides evidence for highly valued marine shell objects within these island societies (for a review, see Trubitt 2003). On the perception of seascapes by prehistoric coastal and inland communities, see Theodoropoulou, in press.

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Figure 2. Pendants from: a. Servia b. Dispilio c. Poliochni d, f. Avgi e. Sitagroi g. Promachon h. Kryoneri i. Limenaria

Figure 3. Beads from: a, d. Dispilio b. Sitagroi c. Avgi e. Sitagroi. Buttons from: f. Makriyalos g. Avgi.

be attached with the help of notches on the inner surface of the valves (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992). Finally, a number of Spondylus gaederopus specimens from prehistoric Northern Greece bear traces of preliminary working (abrasion, cutting, polishing), to note some: Kryoneri, Limenaria, Mikro Vouni, Toumba (Veropoulidou 2002; Theodoropoulou 2007: 505). It is likely that these shell fragments were also destined for the manufacture of pendants.

this volume), 25 in Dispilio (Ifantidis 2006a), 15 in Megalo Nisi Galanis (Theodoropoulou 2007: 505), while only a handful in Kastri and Skala Sotiros (Karali 1999a, 1999b, 1999c), Nea Nikomedeia (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1993), Poliochni (Bernabò Brea 1964), Promachon-Topolniča (Theodoropoulou 2007: 505), Servia (Mould et al. 2000). Other ornamental elements made of Spondylus gaederopus are also known from this geographical area, given different names, such as “buckles” and “buttons”, depending on the shape of the object and type of perforation (Avgi: Theodoropoulou, study in progress; Dimitra: Karali 1997; Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume; Kitrini Limni-Megalo Nisi Galanis: Theodoropoulou 2007: 458 v. 2; for an unfinished item from Promachon-Topolniča, see Theodoropoulou 2007: 403 v. 2) (Fig. 3f-g). The term “button” covers circular or oval objects, flattened on one side, with a longitudinally holed conical upper part. “Buckles” are discoid or oval artifacts with multiple perforations at each side. Although found in smaller quantities than the bead-shaped objects, they seem to have had similar uses, namely by being attached to a surface or suspended by a string. A somewhat distinct group of artifacts are the so called “earrings”, small and fine Spondylus objects, incised in the median zone, bearing no hole (Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume). Their use remains enigmatic, although they are also likely to have been attached to a surface by a string.

Beads of Spondylus gaederopus are a common find in prehistoric sites from Northern Greece, although it is often difficult to conclude on the raw material they were made of based on macroscopic examination, since these objects are often heavily modified and natural relief of the shell is removed. Beads are defined as polished ornaments with a roughly central perforation, with a symmetry along the perforation’s longitudinal axis (Lammers 2007: 61). Bead manufacture would undergo a standardized operational sequence, including chipping the shell fragment into smaller pieces to give it a rough shape and reduce it to the desired size, perforating the specimen by drilling, and sometimes polishing the outer surface (Francis 1991; Malinowski 1922: 371-372; Miller 2003; Tsuneki 1989; Woodford 1908). Ethnographic record provides evidence of heating beads on hot stones to turn them a different or deeper color (Leigh 2002). The shapes of beads from the studied area vary: cylindrical, elongated cylindrical, discoid, barrel-shaped, rectangular or star-shaped (Fig. 3a-e). They are usually found together in various quantities: 180 in Sitagroi (Miller 2003), 74 in Dimitra (Karali 1997), 42 in Dikili Tash (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992), more than 38 in Avgi (Theodoropoulou, study in progress), 34 in Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou,

Annulets This term groups together artifacts in the shape of bangles, of medium to large dimensions. Both valves of Spondylus pro97

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 4. Annulets from: a. Dikili Tash b. Sitagroi c. Dispilio d. Promachon e. Kryoneri

Figure 5. Various objects from: a. Dispilio b, d. Mikro Vouni c. Limenaria e. Dikili Tash f. Ayios Mamas

vide a suitable raw material for the manufacture of bangles, although the study of annulets from a number of Neolithic sites from Greece indicates a certain preference for the left valve, thinner and easier to ground16. This preference has been linked to either a standardized operational sequence, the skill of the craftsman or to aesthetic implications (Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003)17. The procedure involved grounding of the outer curved surface of the shell on a stone until a ring was produced, then giving the inner edges their rough shape, finally refining the outer surface by further grounding (Shackleton 2003). Most of the Spondylus annulets do not show a high degree of polishing. This does not seem to be due to an unfinished chaîne opératoire. It would rather be argued that it was a deliberate choice to leave the growth lines of the shell visible, thus producing a visual effect. One single annulet from Kryoneri is notched on the outer surface, thus producing a “wavy” ornament (Malamidou 1997; Theodoropoulou 2007: 286 v. 2).

Whole objects are not common (for example, 4 in Dikili Tash: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992; 1 in Dispilio: Ifantidis 2006a: 75; 1 in Kryoneri: Theodoropoulou 2007: 286 v. 2; 1 in Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume), yet the numerous elliptical fragments usually allow to suggest the presence of whole annulets (more than 155 in Sitagroi: Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003; Shackleton 2003; 85 in Dikili Tash: KaraliYannakopoulou 1992; 51 in Dispilio: Ifantidis 2006a: 73; 30 in Dimitra: Karali 1997; 28 in Stauroupoli: Karali 2002, 2004; less than 10 items, usually 1-3 in other sites: Avgi: Stratouli 2004; Theodoropoulou, under study; Kitrini Limni: Fotiadis & Hondroyanni-Metoki 1993; Theodoropoulou 2007: 458, v. 2; Kryoneri: Malamidou 1997; Theodoropoulou 2007: 286 v. 2; Limenaria: Theodoropoulou 2007; Nea Nikomedeia: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1993; Olynthos: Mylonas 1929: 81; Paradeisos: Reese 1987; Promachon-Topolniča: Theodoropoulou 2007: 403 v. 2; Servia: Mould et al. 2000; Vassilika: Grammenos 1997; Thermi: Pappa et al. 2000) (Fig. 4). In some cases, the presence of holes on both edges of these fragments imply that they would have been attached to each other (in groups of two, three, or more) to form a complete circle. Alternatively, these holes would serve to repair and reuse broken annulets (Sitagroi). The size of the original valve seems to be a clearer factor for the choice of a piece of shell rather than another. For instance, the mean inner diameter of Dispilio Spondylus annulets is 6.2-7cm (Ifantidis 2006a: 74), 6.5-8.7cm at Sitagroi (Nikolaidou 2003), 6.3-7cm/7-9.5cm at Dikili Tash (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992), whereas less than 6cm at Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume) and 1.2cm in Promachon-Topolniča (Theodoropoulou 2007: 403 v. 2). The reconstructed size of annulets has been put for-

In some cases, the annulets were kept the colors of the original shell, ranging from orange-reddish to violet, whereas, in other instances, the specimens have been deliberately burned, thus producing a grayish to blackish color (Karali 1999b: 164; Theodoropoulou 2007: 497)18.

16 For comparison, see Spondylus hook-shaped objects shaped from right valves, below. 17 On the deliberate choice of right/left valves, see also Siklósi & Csengeri, this volume. 18 On the deliberate burning of Thessalian Spondylus bracelets leading to disuse, see Halstead (1993).

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ward as indication for their use: they could have been worn as “rings” or “bracelets”, on the wrist or ankle of younger or older members of the community (depending on their diameter), suspended as pendants, used as decorative implements on the body or woven onto garments (Marangou 1991; Miller 1997: 217; Nikolaidou 2003).

point whether this is the result of a thread or a wooden element being attached to the hole. The holed valve from Limenaria (Theodoropoulou 2007: 320) is another interesting example (Fig. 2i). Although its use as pendant is not impossible, both the location of the perforation and the weight of this artifact bring to mind other possible functions, for instance as a loomor fishing weight, or a belt hook. Going a step further, the Spondylus pendant with incised upper surface from Poliochni (Bernabò Brea 1964: Tabl. xxxvi) might be destined for a use as seal, possibly also worn by its owner (Fig. 2c).

Belts and hooks, spools and plates The fascinating repertoire of Spondylus artifacts from Northern Greece seems to always balance between the spheres of utilitarian and symbolic, and these are not always easily dissociated, especially when shapes go beyond the typical social ornaments (based on a distinction by Trubitt 2003).

Finally, the archaeological analysis of Spondylus shells should not be limited to finished artifacts or partly modified specimens. Moving from shaped objects back to shell shape, Spondylus valves per se offer a natural tool, ready to use. Their shape makes it easy to handle from the hinge, whereas their stone-like structure offers a resistant tool, suitable for heavy handling. With minimum or without any modification they can be used in several activities, namely as plates or recipients (on a burial find from Kastri: Karali 1999a; on 4 valves from Stauroupoli and 1 from Dikili Tash interpreted as recipients: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992, 2002), as scraping tools (scrapers or burnishers) (Charpentier et al. 2004; van der Leeuw 1993), cutting tools (knifes) (Toth & Woods 1989; Spondylus valves from Ayios Mamas: Becker 1996; irregular Spondylus fragments with use wear from Kryoneri, Limenaria and Mikro Vouni: Theodoropoulou 20007: 526), or percussion tools (axes) (on a broken conical “axe head” with use wear from Dikili Tash: Jones O’Day & Keegan 2001; Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992; Lammers 2007: 80) (Fig. 5c-f). Identifying these uses is not always straightforward, as they do not display regular break patterns and are difficult to identify amongst food debris. For this reason, both macroscopic and microscopic examination of edge damages has to be conducted in order to define, among other, the types of motion conducted by the user, the types of worked surfaces, as well as any intentional retouch of the tools (Lammers 2007: 80). Nevertheless, the distinction between practical technologies that respond to basic problems of survival and human maintenance, and prestige technologies that address social meanings, as defined by Hayden (1998), may not always apply to Spondylus items. A more detailed contextual approach might provide an insight into the social uses of these unshaped, yet functional and meaningful objects.

One of the most prestigious and discussed shapes has been recovered from the Late Neolithic layers of Dispilio lakeside settlement (Ifantidis, this volume). These are hook-shaped objects made from whole, large Spondylus right valves, with vivid red colors (Fig. 5). Although similar artifacts have been found in few Neolithic sites in Greece (in Thessaly, in Franchthi Cave, in Alepotrypa Cave in the Peloponnese; for an overview, see Ifantidis 2006a: 101-104 and 2006b) and in Central and Western Europe (Séfériadès 1995b; Todorova 2000), the Dispilio assemblage is the most numerous to present day, comprising eight objects. The manufacture centers of both the Dispilio objects and similar artifacts from Europe remain unclear, with both an Aegean and a Central European origin being suggested in relevant literature (Ifantidis 2006b). The functional use of these objects is not less complex. Due to their distinct shape and important size (the whole ones measuring more than 11cm long and weighing 140gr.; Ifantidis 2006a: 101), they have formerly received several interpretations, ranging from a use as fishhooks to more symbolic ones, namely as imitating the heads of shepherd’s crooks, as symbols of wealthy farmers and, gradually, of any authority (Papathanasopoulos 1996). Current research suggests that “these objects had the ornamental function of impressive belt buckles or other dress implements” (Ifantidis 2006b), a function implied from analogous Spondylus burial finds in Europe (the socalled “winged Spondylus” found in cemetery contexts near the waist of the deceased, Séfériadès 1995b). Use-wear analysis seems to support the aforementioned hypothesis. Beyond their functional use, the importance of these objects would lie on the impressive visual effect due to their impressive size, weight, and coloration. Attempts to repair them with perforations further suggest a deliberate effort to maintain these objects within a community as functional and symbolic items.

Conclusions The above repertoire is far from being a final list of Spondylus objects from prehistoric Northern Greece; as are the possible uses during the life of these artifacts. Using a single raw material, a multiplicity of techniques, shapes and uses was achieved. Yet, within a conceivably sketchy picture, there seems to be emerging a recurrent pattern across distant communities and different environments. A closer look points to a pronounced preference of Spondylus gaederopus for the manufacture of body ornaments, and a more singular use for a variety of more functional objects. It is difficult to draw the line between the technological, functional, aesthetic and social motivations of this choice. Whether these ornaments and ob-

The objects described above could be ascribed to a group of Spondylus artifacts which might combine a functional and a decorational use. Another unique object comes from Mikro Vouni (Theodoropoulou 2007: 378-379 v. 2). The right valve of Spondylus gaederopus has been given a concave elongated shape (dimensions: 5.7 to 3.5cm), following the natural curves of the valves, with a round hole (8mm) at the hinge (Fig. 5b). The shape of this artifact reminds spoons or burnishers (Lammers 2007: 91), but its use as pendant cannot be ruled out. Although the perforation bears use wear, it is not clear at this 99

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

jects encoded a high symbolic meaning and fulfilled a social identification linked to the raw material itself rather than to the form, it is a fascinating yet unclear subject. One would have to decipher the symbolisms behind the choice of this marine material, close and yet remote from Aegean prehistoric communities. There might lie the key to understanding the choice to transform a marine shell into a social object. In reality, the social body may not seek highly diverse coding systems but rather a corporeal bonding to the physical seascape. Summing up, the story of Spondylus is far more complex than a simple chain of technological events leading from a marine raw material to a functional use of an object. For, as it has been pointed out, every item detached from the natural environment and incorporated in the cultural process is meant to bear social and symbolic meanings, from the moment of procurement of the raw material to the discard of the finished object and beyond. Archaeological research may decipher some steps of this chain, yet rarely will the full perception of matter and object as messengers of a cultural language be revealed.

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Acknowledgements I wish to thank the editors for inviting me to contribute to this volume. Special thanks to F. Ifantidis for tolerating repeated delays in submitting the manuscript. Parts of this paper are based on work conducted during my PhD thesis (unpublished). I am grateful to all excavators who have entrusted me with the study of shell assemblages from Northern Greece, in particular D. Malamidou for Kryoneri, D. Malamidou and S. Papadopoulos, for Limenaria, Ch. Ziota and M. Fotiadis for Megalo Nisi Galanis, D. Matsas for Mikro Vouni, Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki for Promachon-Topolniča. For other data from Northern Aegean, any errors and omissions of published sites or projects in progress are the author’s sole responsibility.

Tatiana Theodoropoulou – Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece

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Tatiana Theodoropoulou – Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece

Festschrift für Bernard Hänsel (Hrsg. C. Becker, M.-L. Dunkelmann, C. Metzner-Nebelsick, H. Peter-Röcher, M. Roeder & B. Teržan): 91-106. Espelkamp: Verlag Marie Leidorf [Internationale Archäologie, Studia Honoraria, 1].

Mylonas, G. 1929 Excavations at Olynthus, I: The Neolithic Settlement at Olynthos. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins University Press [University Studies in Archaeology, 6]. Nikolaidou, M. 2003 Items of adornment. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 331-360. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Novella, R. A. 1995 Classification and Interpretation of Marine Shell Artifacts from Western Mexico. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series, 622]. Papathanasopoulos, G. A. 1996 Catalogue entry no. 45. In Neolithic Culture in Greece (ed. G. A. Papathanasopoulos): 228229. Athens: N. P. Goulandris Foundation & Museum of Cycladic Art. Pappa, M., S. Nanoglou & A. Nitsou 2000 Anaskafi neolithikou oikismou Thermis. To Archaiologiko Ergo sti Makedonia kai Thraki 14: 179-186. Prummel, W. 2001 Spiny oyster (Spondylus gaederopus) consumption during the Middle Bronze Age in Thessaly, Greece. In Patina: Essays presented to Jay Jordan Butler on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday (ed. W. Metz, B. van Beek & H. Steegstra): 465-471. Groningen: W. H. Metz, B. L. van Beek and H. Steegstra private publishers. Reese, D. S. 1987 Marine and fresh-water molluscs. In Paradeisos: A Late Neolithic Settlement in Aegean Thrace (ed. P. Hellstrom): 119-133. Stockholm: Medelhavsmuseet [Memoir, 7]. Renfrew, C. 1973 Trade and craft specialisation. In Neolithic Greece (ed. D. R. Theocharis): 179-200. Athens: Cultural Foundation of National Bank of Greece. Rodden, R. J. 1964 Recent discoveries from Prehistoric Macedonia. Balkan Studies 5: 109-124. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995a Le commerce des spondyles de la mer Égée à la Manche. Archéologia 309: 42-50. 1995b Spondylus Gaederopus: The earliest European long distance exchange system. A symbolic and structural approach to Neolithic societies. Documenta Praehistorica 22: 238-256. 103

Spondylus Gaederopus: Some observations on the earliest European long distance exchange system. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 423-437. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. Shackleton, J. C. & H. Elderfield 1990 Strontium isotope dating of the source of Neolithic European Spondylus shell artifacts. Antiquity 64: 312-315. Shackleton, N. J. 2003 Preliminary report on the molluscan remains at Sitagroi. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 361-368. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Shackleton, N. J. & C. Renfrew 1970 Neolithic trade routes realigned by oxygen isotope analyses. Nature 228: 1062-1065. Sims, N. A., G. L. Preston, B. M. Yeeting & R. Alfred 1990 Pearl Oysters in Christmas Island and the Potential for Development of a Pearl Culture Industry. Noumea (New Caledonia): South Pacific Commission [Inshore Fisheries Research Project Country Assignment Report]. Stratouli, G. 2004 Neolithiki Avgi Kastorias: Ena chorio prin apo 7.500 chronia. Archaiologia 91: 110-116. Taborin, Y. 1993 La parure en coquillage au Paléolithique. Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique [Gallia Préhistoire XXIX Supplément]. 2004 Langage sans parole: La parure aux temps préhistoriques. Paris: La Maison des Roches. Theodoropoulou, T. 2007 L’exploitation des ressources aquatiques en Égée septentrionale aux périodes pré- et protohistoriques. Paris: Université Paris I PathéonSorbonne (2 volumes) [Phd Thesis]. in press Fishing (in) Aegean seascapes: Early Aegean fishermen and their world. In The Seascape in Aegean Prehistory: Interpretative Approaches to the Archaeological Remains of Human Agency (ed. G. Vavouranakis). Aarhus: Aarhus University Press [Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens Series]. forth. Dead from the sea: Sea-worn shells in Aegean Prehistory. In Archaeomalacology: Shells in the Archaeological Record, Proceedings of the Archaeomalacology Session, 11th ICAZ Conference, Paris 2010 (ed. K. Szabo et al.). Oxford: BAR Publishing [British Archaeological Reports, International Series]. Todorova, H. 2000 Die Spondylus-Problematic Heute. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Süd-

2000

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

osteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 415422. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. Toth, N. & M. Woods 1989 Molluscan shell knives and experimental cutmarks on bones. Journal of Field Archaeology 16(2): 250-255. Trubitt, M. B. D. 2003 The production and exchange of marine shell prestige goods. Journal of Archaeological Research 11(3): 243-277. Tsuneki, A. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. van der Leeuw, S. E. 1993 Giving the potter a choice: Conceptual aspects of pottery techniques. In Technological Choices: Transformation in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (ed. P. Lemonnier): 227-237. London: Routledge. Veropoulidou, R. 2002 Ostrea apo to Ktirio A tis Toumbas Thessalonikis. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [MA Thesis]. Woodford, C. M. 1908 Notes on the manufacture of the Malaita shell bead money of the Solomon Group. Man 8: 8184.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 8

The Neolithic settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece: Evidence from the Spondylus gaederopus artifacts Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou This paper discusses the Spondylus gaederopus artifacts from the Neolithic settlement at Makriyalos in Northern Greece, a site situated 2km from the coast. The Spondylus artifacts recovered at Makriyalos include annulets, beads, buckles, buttons and pendants, forms well known to the Greek Neolithic, but in a considerably larger scale than any other thus far excavated assemblage. The unique amount of Spondylus artifacts from Makriyalos has provided plausible evidence for on-site procurement, manufacture, consumption and discarding at Makriyalos. The analysis of temporal and spatial distribution of the material suggests fruitful avenues for investigation as regards the context of Spondylus consumption at the site.

Introduction Among the most prestigious aspects of Neolithic material culture are the artifacts of Spondylus gaederopus (Clark 1986), as they represent one of the earliest evidence of longdistance exchange (Renfrew 1973; Séfériadès 1995a) from the coasts of the Mediterranean across central Europe (Shackleton & Elderfield 1990). Although Spondylus artifacts appear by the Early Neolithic in the Greek peninsula (Miller 1997: app. C: 96-102), it is during the later phases of the Late Neolithic that a boost in ornament manufacture and consumption is reported (Chiraldi et al. 2005; Ifantidis 2006, this volume; Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997, 1992, 1991-2; KyparissiApostolika 2001; Miller 1997; Nikolaidou 2003; Reese 1987; Tsuneki 1989). The abundance of Spondylus, mainly annulets/ bracelets, in Northern Greek sites and the evidence for onsite production are considered as indications that Spondylus ornaments were exported from these sites to the Chalcolithic (e.g. Vinča, Gumelniţa) groups of the Balkans and the Linearbandkeramik agricultural communities of Central Europe (Borrello & Micheli 2005; Comşa 1973; Müller 1995; Séfériadès 1995b; Siklósi 2004: 12-14, 21; Todorova 2000; see also Hladilová, John, and Siklósi & Csengeri, in this volume). Spondylus may have been a valued item, a “prestige good” for people in that region (Shackleton & Renfrew 1970), where it was mainly deposited in burial contexts. It is also possible that, although it was deposited in habitation contexts, it held the same status in Greece, where it may have been involved in regional-scale exchange and/or used as a transferable token among individual domestic groups (Halstead 1993; Miller 1997; Nikolaidou 2003). This paper presents the Spondylus artifacts recovered at the Neolithic settlement at Makriyalos in Northern Greece. The unique amount of the assemblage has provided plausible evidence for on-site procurement, manufacture, consumption,

discarding and/or distribution of Spondylus gaederopus at Makriyalos. It also suggests fruitful avenues for investigation as regards the context of Spondylus consumption in space and time. The Neolithic Settlement of Makriyalos From 1993-1998, the Greek Archaeological Service investigated a flat extended Neolithic settlement, situated near the coastal village of Makriyalos in Pieria, Northern Greece (Fig. 1) (Pappa 2007, 2008; Pappa & Besios 1999). The excavation revealed part of two successive habitation phases of the settlement (Fig. 2), which both date to the Late Neolithic period (5500–4500 BC). The estimation of the settlement duration is based on the results of radiocarbon dates (Pappa 2008: 108-109, table 5-2). Today, the site lies almost 2km from the coast; a setting which has not changed considerably since the prehistoric period. The oldest phase of the site is Makriyalos I (MKI). Phase MKI is defined by a system of ditches, earth removals (borrow pits) and natural boundaries. These constructions are dominant during MKI, defining the communal space, while the participation of the inhabitants in their construction process forms the communal identity. Furthermore, earth removals and ditches accept the bulk of the settlement deposits. The ditch system, according to the radiocarbon dates, is active during the second half of the 6th millennium BC. Earth removals (borrow pits) of considerable size are regularly situated on the route of Ditch Alpha, forming a rough guide for its construction. As a result, these pits form concentrations of finds and correspondingly include a great percentage of the total number of finds during phase MKI. Ditch Alpha was constructed in two separate phases and surrounds the settlement. Originally, it constituted a chain of pits,

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 1. Map of Greece showing the location of Makriyalos and other sites mentioned in the text

Figure 2. Plan of Makriyalos settlement indicating the location of main features mentioned in the text

but during a second phase, it was transformed into a continuous V-shaped channel, reinforced by stone or mud-brick walls. Depositions in the latter phase contain a great number of finds. Ditch A and the earth removals, excluding Pit 212 situated in the middle of the enclosure, are the primary locations for the deposition of the dead (Triantaphyllou 2001: 49-50, fig. 5.3). A smaller Ditch Beta follows Ditch Alpha, while part of a third ditch, Ditch Gamma, is found in the center of the enclosure. Habitation in the intrasite area during Phase MKI is sparse. It consists of uneven groups of semi-subterranean pits, while the intermediate space is eroded. The groups are uneven regarding their number, size and context, though they seem to be contemporary. The regularity of the MKI settlement plan signifies the existence of an organized central planning. The distribution of artifacts, in relation to the excavated bulk of earth, points to the highest concentration of finds in Pit 212 (Pappa 2008: tables 5.1-1 – 5.1-7). According to taphonomic process106

es, the preliminary results of the archaeozoological study and the study of pottery, it is obvious that a major episode of consumption took place there (Pappa et al. 2004). However, the deposits from Ditch A, the main burial place of Phase MKI, contain an exceptionally high concentration of Spondylus artifacts in relation to other finds, indicating a close relation of these objects to burial practices. This is further supported by the location of a burial situated in the pits of Ditch A, which contains a large fragment of a Spondylus bracelet (Fig. 3). The domination of communal works, the central organization of the settlement plan, the evidence for the existence of communal manifestations and the burial practices stress the communal character of the settlement during Phase MKI. The settlement was abandoned at the end of the 6th millennium and was re-inhabited after a short period of desertion.

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 3. Burial with a large fragment of Spondylus annulet. White arrow indicates annulet’s position.

Phase Makriyalos II (MKII) is situated farther north and avoids overlapping the MKI settlement area. It preserves many characteristics of the older settlement, including ditches, earth removals and subterranean structures, but major changes in settlement planning and arguably in social structure are also evident. The overall extent of the site during phase MKII is reduced to 1/5 the size of MKI. The intrasite area is densely inhabited, while the size of the structures becomes smaller on average, though their number quadruples. The ditches exist as scanty remnants of the older phase, but extended earth removals are again related to the demarcation of the settlement area. They also retain their role as deposition places. Earth removals and certain subterranean structures deliberately receive secondary depositions from various locations in the settlement. Fragmentation of the settlement area into smaller structures, which can hardly be divided into habitation units, signifies a gradual transition to a different spatial organization that seems to emphasize individuality rather than the communal focus of Phase MKI. The finds in the two phases are more or less evenly distributed, with the exception of the secondary deposition of certain categories of decorated pottery (Hitsiou 2003; Pappa 2008: 300) and stone knapped tools (Skourtopoulou 2006: 69). In contrast to MKI, where the majority of the finds came from the communal areas, in MKII, the habitation area seems to hold the greatest concentration of artifacts (Pappa 2008: table 5.2-2), with the exclusion of earth removal in section Eta that

107

has provided a large number of finds which were placed there as a result of the aforementioned secondary depositions. The Shell Assemblage of Makriyalos The shell material of Makriyalos composes the largest assemblage recovered1 thus far from a settlement in either the Greek or European Neolithic period. This important recovery may well be due, at least in part, to the extensive use of wet sieving in the excavation, as well as to the scale of the excavation itself. Its quantity can only be compared to the number of remains found in shell middens. Shells have been studied from zoological, archaeological, taphonomic and technological points of view2, whilst contextual analysis of the findings is still in process.

1 The study of the shell assemblage was initially begun in 1997 by Dr. J. Shackleton in collaboration with Dr. Paul Halstead. During this first stage, shells were classified into two major categories, cockles (Cerastoderma glaucum) and non-cockles by students from the University of Sheffield, and each category weighed accordingly. Additionally, N. Andreasen (1998) studied a sample of unworked Cerastoderma glaucum for his MA thesis at the University of Sheffield. From 2005 onwards, R. Veropoulidou was granted permission to study and publish the shell material as part of her doctoral dissertation. 2 Reference collections of shells from the coastal area of Makriyalos, as well as reference books were used for identifications (Abbott 1989; Delamotte & Vardala-Theodorou 1994; Pfleger 1999; Poppe & Goto 1991, 1993); shell analysis followed the methodology set out by Claassen (1998) and Veropoulidou (2002).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 4. The shell assemblage of Makriyalos

The assemblage consists of 795,585 intact and fragmented shells (NISp) of 55 mainly marine species (Fig. 4). The great variety in shell species is predictable as the site is located near the Thermaic gulf, one of the richest areas of Greek waters3 (Famellos, Krestenitis & Georgiadis 2007). 97.8% of the assemblage (NISp: 775,898) belongs to one species, Cerastoderma glaucum, which was exploited primarily for food consumption and only secondarily for adornment. The focus of shell gathering on Cerastoderma glaucum is a common practice to all coastal neolithic sites of Northern Greece (Karali 1999; Theodoropoulou 2007; Veropoulidou, in prep.). Some of the remaining shells (2.2%, NISp: 19,687) were consumed 3 At present, the Thermaic Gulf is considered, after Maliakos Gulf and Eleusis Bay, an area of high productivity and suitable for the cultivation of mussels and oysters (Askew 1987).

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as food (e.g. Ostrea edulis, Mactra corallina, Murex trunculus) or as ornaments (e.g. Spondylus gaederopus, Cyclope neritea, Glycymeris sp.). There is also a small quantity of shells of unknown usage; some may have been brought accidentally from the coast to the site. The contextual and spatial analysis of the material has not yet been completed; however, some remarks regarding the role of molluscan food in inhabitants’ diet can be made. The high quantity of remains (in absolute and relative terms –density of shells per 1m3 of earth) and the condition of findings (mainly specimens gathered alive), indicate that molluscs were gathered intensively for food consumption. It is not intended here to argue that molluscs had the role of a staple food; rather the molluscs did not serve as an opportunistic dietary supplement or as a critical emergency staple, as has been proposed

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 5. The distribution of raw material for ornament manufacture (shell, clay, bone, stone, copper)

for farming societies (Deith & Shackleton 1988; Waselkov 1987). Probably molluscs were consumed on a regular basis and continuously throughout the life of the settlement, as is shown by their equal distribution in both habitation phases at Makriyalos. Both worked and unworked shells were used as items of adornment. Shell is the raw material most frequently used in ornament manufacture at Makriyalos, where of a total number of 2,120 “ornaments”, 1,935 are made of shell (Fig. 5). Of the shell species which were used, the largest number are from Cerastoderma glaucum, 1,074 artifacts, mainly pendants, while Spondylus artifacts are second in number (n=403), followed by Glycymeris sp. (n=173) and Cyclope neritea (n=118). The remaining represented species are few. The relative frequency of unworked versus worked Cerastoderma glaucum and the minor occurrence of species regarded as food in the artifact inventory (e.g. O. edulis, M. corallina) indicate that some species were primarily collected as a food source, while others were used as a raw material for ornament manufacture. Spondylus gaederopus at Makriyalos Spondylus gaederopus represent the sixth largest group in the Makriyalos shell assemblage (0.1%) (Table 1, Fig. 6-7). 856 specimens were found, of which only 22% (n=196) are pre109

served intact. 58% of the Spondylus assemblage consists of medium sized valves (width: ~7cm, height: ~8-9cm), while the percentage of large and small specimens is approximate. Even though most of the shells are preserved in moderate condition (42%), the quantity of shells with a highly eroded outer surface remains significant (34%). The latter is related to the original condition of the shells (gathered water- or beachworn), rather than to post-depositional processes. Half of the assemblage (n=403, 47%) is worked, 19% is either partially worked or are wastes of production; the remaining consist mainly of intact valves. The procurement of Spondylus shells, especially fresh, is considered to have taken considerable effort (cf. Malinowski 1922: 366-375; Miller 2003: 370). Spondylus lives with its right valve attached to rocky bottoms usually between 7 to 50m deep, and it is often hidden by sponges and algae (Poppe & Goto 1993: 72-73). Therefore, one needs to dive in order to gather fresh Spondylus, to spot the covered shell and then to detach it from the rock either with a knife or with a stone (Gina-Whewell 1992). Spondylus can also be collected during beach-combing, i.e. beach- or water-worn specimens. At Makriyalos, the frequency of fresh versus beach-worn Spondylus (2:1) indicates that fresh specimens were gathered

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Spondylus Annulets

MKI

MKII

Total

NISp

205

651

858

Intact valves

62

134

196

Right valves

74

209

283

Left valves

60

285

345

Unidentified valves

21

1

22

Fragments

50

156

206

Average erosion

2.4

2.3

2.35

Fresh collected

144

418

562 294

Beach-worn Size

61

233

M/L

S/M

Unworked

64

228

292

Partially worked

49

112

161

Worked

92

311

403

raw material for ornament manufacture. However, it is impossible to determine whether the succulent meat of the Spondylus was first eaten, a practice which has been detected in the ensuing periods of prehistory (Veropoulidou, this volume; see also Shackleton 1988: 45). The preference for gathering fresh instead of beach-worn specimens has basically been attributed to the properties of the material, i.e. fresh material is more suitable for processing, since beach-combed shells tend to break during manufacture (Miller 2003: 370). Nevertheless, there is no reason to assume that the Spondylus flesh was discarded; rather, it is more probable that it was first eaten and then the shell was modified for ornaments. Considering the difficulty in procurement and the probable rarity of specimens, Spondylus flesh may have been highly valued or considered a luxury food, as has been suggested for the Andean and Mesoamerican societies (Glowacki 2005; Hastorf 2003). This hypothesis is further supported by the higher density of fresh Spondylus, either worked or not, in areas related to food consumption, such as Pit 212 (Phase MKI) (Pappa et al. 2004; Veropoulidou, in prep.).

Table 1. The frequency of Spondylus in MKI and MKII

Spondylus Ornaments “Annulets”

MKI

MKII

Total

63

244

307

Beads

12

22

34

“Buckles” / buttons

10

13

23

“Earrings”

1

11

12

Other

6

21

27

Total

32

311

403

Spondylus Ornaments Although the quantity of Spondylus recovered at Makriyalos is considered relatively small in contrast to the total number of molluscs, it still comprises the largest assemblage of Spondylus ever recovered in Neolithic Greece.

Table 2. The distribution of worked Spondylus between MKI and MKII

more systematically than beach-worn ones4; also taking into account the size of the valves (basically medium to large), most of the fresh Spondylus must have been collected from considerable depths. Therefore, Spondylus collection at Makriyalos may have been a laborious and risky task. If the seascape of the Makriyalos area is also considered, where muddy and sandy substrates prevail and rocky substrates are found farther and deeper, Spondylus may have been rare. These suggestions are further supported by the relatively small quantity of Spondylus, at least when compared to the other shell species of the assemblage. This low level of exploitation could also indicate a controlled access to the source, if Spondylus was indeed a valuable and highly esteemed material. Another matter for investigation is the use of Spondylus at the site. Given the vast majority of worked Spondylus remains found at Makriyalos, it is easy to infer that it was used as a 4

The identification of fresh and beach-worn shells is important in an archaeological context, as apart from ornament manufacture, it shows the procurement strategies, discerns if shells were also consumed as food, etc. However, it is sometimes extremely difficult to distinguish between fresh and beach-worn specimens, especially if the latter do not bear the usual traces of wear, such as worn surface and edges, erosion, encrustation, natural perforations, abrasion or acid dissolution. This becomes even more difficult if shells have been modified, especially when their exterior surface has been ground down, an action that usually results in the disappearance of wear traces.

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The inventory of Spondylus ornaments includes types5 common in the Neolithic period of Northern Greece (cf. Sitagroi: Nikolaidou 2003; Dikili Tash: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992; Dimitra: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997; Paradeisos: Reese 1987; Servia: Mould et al. 2000; Dispilio: Ifantidis 2006; Dimini: Tsuneki 1989 and Theodorpoulou, this volume). The list of Spondylus ornaments includes: “annulets”, beads6, “buckles”/buttons, pendants, rings and “earrings” (Table 2, Fig. 6). The great majority of the ornaments are annulets; the remaining 24% is distributed rather equally among beads, buckles/ buttons and pendants. There are only a few earrings and rings (4%). The Spondylus ornaments from Makriyalos were carefully manufactured, but probably with relatively uncomplicated techniques and rather simple tools. The ornaments are simple in form, but seem to follow standardized types and styles. Reusage of destroyed artifacts is indicative of the high status and value of these artifacts. The occurrence of unfinished annulets and waste products testify to on-site production of these artifacts.

5  The terms used to describe the different kinds of ornaments follow the standards set out by Miller (1997); Kyparissi-Apostolika (2001) and Nikolaidou (2003). 6  The term bead refers to any perforated object (worked) that has lost the natural characteristics of the original shell and is small in size. The term pendant-bead refers to any whole shell ornament with either a natural (i.e. Dentalium sp.) or worked perforation (i.e. C. rustica, C. neritea), which is small in size (less than 1cm in width and/or thickness). The term pendant refers to any whole perforated shell (worked or natural) which is large in size (e.g. Cerastoderma glaucum).

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 6. Spondylus ornaments: a. beads, b. earrings, c. buttons, d. buckles, e. various, f. pendant, g. annulets

Spondylus annulets 76% of the Spondylus artifacts are annulets7 (n=307) (Table 3, Fig. 6g & 7). The left valve of the Spondylus, which is smaller and lighter, was preferred for annulet manufacture (n=161), but the amount of right valves used was also high (n=105). The remaining artifacts (n=41) consist of very fragmented annulets8 that could not be ascribed either to right or left valves. Most of the Spondylus that were used in annulet production were fresh specimens, an additional indication that fresh specimens were more suitable for manufacture. Annulets were primarily made of medium to large sized valves; the median

7 

The term annulet is used contractually referring to the artifact’s shape, not its function. The terms bracelet or ring have not been used, because they have functional connotations.

8 

A polar system to set the location of preserved bracelet parts was used (cf. Claassen 1998: 203; Lammers 2007: 25). This system was also used to calculate the degree of the annulets’ preservation.

111

internal diameter (Ø) is 5cm, the median width is 0.90cm, and the median thickness is 0.35cm. Only one Spondylus annulet at Makriyalos is preserved intact (Ø 4cm). The others are preserved in varying states and half of them are highly fragmented (in most cases, only 25% of the artifact is preserved). Fragmentation patterns (Fig. 8) were studied according to the polar coordinates (Veropoulidou, this volume: Fig. 5), thus giving the opportunity to check whether the fragments belonged to the same annulet or not: half of the assemblage (n=150) consists of annulets that cannot be matched to others. Therefore, the possibility that the number of fragmented annulets corresponds to the original number of annulets is high. Microscopic study of the edges showed that the annulets were deposited already in a fragmented state. Many of the annulets seem significantly fragile (thin left valve, thin profile) and their destruction could have resulted either

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Spondylus Annulets

MKI

MKII

Total Median

Worked

63

244

307

Right vavles

34

71

105

Left valves

23

138

161

Unidentified part

6

35

41

21

63

84

average ø

5.40

5.67

5.00

average width

1.81

0.54

0.90

average thickness

Beach-worn

0.97

0.34

0.35

Semi-worked

13

43

56

Pre-forms

14

40

54

Waste products

22

29

51

Second use

9

13

22

Table 3. The distribution of Spondylus annulets between MKI and MKII

from continuous use or by chance. Other annulets, which are heavier and thicker, could not have been destroyed as easily. The average diameter of the Spondylus bracelets recovered at Makriyalos reveals many common characteristics with other Neolithic sites in Greece, such as Dikili Tash (Miller 1997: 172), Ayia Sofia (Miller 1997: 215), Dimitra (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997: 209), and Ayio Gala (Hood 1982: 652). Several scholars have argued that Aegean shell annulets are too small to have been worn on the wrist (e.g. Shackleton 2003: 363); while others have concluded that it seems quite possible that these annulets were worn as bangle bracelets (e.g. Miller 1997: 215). The estimation of an average value for the diameter of annulets is sometimes misleading, as the discussion involves single artifacts that have probably been used by different individuals and/or in different periods throughout their lives. Thus, upon examining the percentage of different diameters (Fig. 9), we conclude that only a minimal percentage (n=8, 3%) could have been used as rings and a few could definitely have functioned as bangle bracelets (n=55, 18%). The overwhelming amount of the annulets share internal diameters of 5 and 6cm respectively. Therefore, people of young age and/or small size may have worn the annulets as bracelets. In order to confirm or reject the above hypothesis, Spondylus annulets were also examined for use-wear traces, even though it is known that the detection of wear patterns is difficult in Aegean shell bracelets (Miller 1997: 217), if they exist at all. In fact, only a few of the annulets seem to have an extra polish, a trace of wear which probably resulted from use. The lack of a visible wear pattern could be interpreted multifold: a) annulets were not worn on the wrist, but rather suspended as pendants, b) annulets were worn on the wrist only for small periods of time, thus bearing no wear traces, c) annulets were not worn at all; they were just unused possessions or manufactured solely for export trade (cf. Miller 1997: 217). The dimensions of the annulets are primarily related to the original dimensions of the unmodified shell, whilst the form or the profile of the annulets is related to which of the valves 112

was used. At most Neolithic sites (e.g. Sitagroi: Miller 2003: 373; Dimitra: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997: 209; Dikili Tash: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992: 163; Dimini: Tsuneki 1989), the left valve is preferred for annulet manufacture, while the right has predominantly been used for the production of beads and buckles/buttons. Multiple explanations have been presented for this, such as maker’s skill and/or taste (Nikolaidou 2003: 339), technological decisions during manufacture (Tsuneki 1987, 1989), as well as this preference being a key element of standardization (Miller 2003: 373). At Makriyalos, the difference between right and left valves in annulet manufacture is not highly significant (n=56), whilst the other Spondylus artifacts (cf. below) are made of both valves. Regardless of the size and shape of the raw material, there is a degree of standardization in the final forms, which can be explained either as an indication of specialized ornament production at Makriyalos or as a reflection of fashion and taste. For example, according to N. Shackleton (2003: 363) the thickness of the band at the area 04a-06a (see Veropoulidou, this volume: Fig. 5) is “the dimension most in the control of the maker (or least controlled by the shell itself)” and therefore an indication for craft specialization. Another probable indication for standardization is the rectangular shape of the hinge, a choice observed at many other sites (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997: 209, 1992: 163; Nikolaidou 2003: 339; Tsuneki 1989). At Makriyalos, the thickness of this band is 0.36cm on average; some are as thin as 0.2cm and a few are as thick as 0.6cm; there are also three pieces with bands as thick as 1cm. It is interesting to note that there exists a difference between the MKI and MKII phases: 38% of the artifacts in MKI are as thick as 0.5-0.6cm, while 57% in MKII are as thin as 0.20.3cm. The thickness of the bracelet is relatively standardized; however, the hinge shape varies considerably and only a few examples with the distinctive rectangular shape occur9. Other aspects of annulet manufacture to be taken into account include the final finish of the surface of the artifact. At Makriyalos, 56% are polished and 21% are both polished and ground; the remaining artifacts have only ground surfaces. The profile of each annulet is basically related to the shape of valve used, but it could also relate to aesthetic preferences: the majority of the artifacts have a square profile (n=205), while the others have a biconical one. The natural characteristics of the shell (color, incremental growth lines, part of the hinge) are preserved in 156 annulets. This indicates that the original decoration of the shell, especially the color (Campbell 1983), was deliberately preserved. Apart from this natural decoration of the annulets, there are also two examples with incisions, as well as 11 burnt annulets. Whether the purpose of this burning was just a change in color or a deliberate action to remove the artifacts out of circulation, as proposed for the site of Dimini (Halstead 1993), is unknown. However, the number is too low to definitively suggest a conscious destruction of these artifacts.

9 

At Makriyalos, Glycymeris annulets preserve this distinctive rectangular shape of the hinge.

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 7. Spondylus annulets a. raw material, b. steps of annulet manufacture, c. waste products, d. annulets, e. second use of annulets

Figure 8. The degree of preservation of Spondylus annulets

113

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

A few annulet fragments (n=22) have one or more perforations usually near their broken edges (n=19), while others have incisions (n=1) or polished edges (n=2). It has been suggested that drillings have been used to tie together two or more destroyed annulets (Miller 1997: 217); at Makriyalos, there is only one example with drillings at both edges of the fragment. The remaining, perforated only at one edge, must have been reused as pendants (either strung singly, in multiples, or sewn onto clothing) after the destruction of the annulet. “Repairs” or “remodification” of some of the artifacts for re-usage rather than simply discarding them are actions that, at least, indicate the strong links between the people and these artifacts and also that these artifacts accumulated and/or transformed meanings and values throughout their use (Chapman 2000; Gosden & Kopytoff 1986; Marshall 1999). All the steps of the chaîne opératoire of annulet manufacture (Miller 1997: 115; Tsuneki 1987, 1989) are present at Makriyalos (Fig. 7b). As previously mentioned, a considerable amount of raw material (n=292) was found, consisting of both right and left valves, as well as fragments, both fresh and beach-worn. The amount of unfinished products (n=54) and of partially worked artifacts or waste products (n=107) are adequate enough to suggest that, at Makriyalos, Spondylus ornaments were manufactured on site. There are at least 12 artifact examples that match specific steps of annulet manufacture and at least 21 pre-forms that were probably destroyed during the working process. The exterior surface of some of the examples has been ground down on a grinding stone (diagonal striations resulting from a transverse motion have been observed); some specimens have been considerably reduced in thickness, while other examples bear chipping on the edges of the hole in the center of the valve. Additionally, there are at least 51 waste products that represent the final stage of annulet manufacture; these have been probably broken during the enlargement of the hole and the overall thinning of the shell. The distribution of finished artifacts reflects the discovery location of consumption and/or discarding, while the recovery of unworked and especially partially worked and/or waste material indicates the loci of production. According to the density of findings per 1m3 of earth, both finished objects and manufacturing waste seem to be widely and evenly dispersed. However, a more detailed analysis shows that there are some notable differences. For example, waste products are evenly distributed in both the MKI and MKII phases, but unfinished products and pre-forms are mainly concentrated in MKII. Additionally, during MKI phase most of the finished products were found inside Pit 212, while most of the partially worked and a high quantity of the unworked material were concentrated in Pit 214. Spondylus beads A small amount of Spondylus beads (n=34, 8.4% of worked Spondylus artifacts, 24% of shell beads) (Fig. 6a) were recovered at Makriyalos. These include a variety of sizes and shapes: cylindrical, spherical, tabular, discoid, barreled and ir-

114

regular10, but the largest concentrations are formed from two of these types: narrow cylinder and short barrel. Since all of the beads are intact (apart from two examples), measurement of their dimensions was easily performed. The median diameter of perforation is 0.29cm, the median width is 0.50cm and the median thickness is 0.32cm. Most of the beads share a diameter of perforation between 0.2-0.3cm; there is only one bead with 1.75cm (shape: disc) and one with 0.1cm (shape: long barrel). All beads have been perforated by drilling, while the outer surface has been ground down and in many cases finely polished. In only a few cases, the natural characteristics of the shell have been left (growth lines and color), probably as a decoration. The identification of right or left valves was complicated by the small size of the beads. However, there are three examples of valves that have been identified with certainty (2 right, 1 left); in addition, judging from the thickness of the bead and other natural characteristics, there are at least 12 beads made from right valves and 15 beads made from left valves. However, this observation contrasts with the widely accepted view that right valves were mainly used for the manufacture of beads and other artifacts (Miller 2003; Tsuneki 1989). Evidence relevant to the on-site manufacture of beads is actually missing; there is only one partially worked bead, whilst other waste of production or unfinished beads, as in the case of annulets, are absent from the inventory of the findings. Even though a degree of standardization is apparent in the Spondylus beads at Makriyalos (control of size, shape and diameter of perforation), there are examples which exhibit variation in their dimensions and form, though these variations occur only in Phase MKII. Spondylus buckles, buttons, pendants, rings There is considerable variation in the sizes and shapes under this category of ornaments, but the common characteristic of these artifacts is that they each have at least one hole, which in the case of Spondylus shell, has always been made by drilling. The exact use of these artifacts is unknown, but they were probably suspended as pendants or used for fastening/decorating garments, as is suggested by ornamental motifs found on figurines (Fig. 10). One type that exhibits a degree of morphological standardization is a discoid/oval artifact with a pair of perforations at each side, which were conventionally registered as “buckles” (Fig. 6d). The second type, “buttons”, has a circular or oval body that becomes nearly conical at the upper part, where a V-shape hole is drilled (Fig. 6c). The third type, “pendants”, has one perforation (there is only three examples of these with two perforations, one next to the other) at the narrow side of the object (Fig. 6f). 10  In this typology, the terms referring to shape were adopted by Miller (1997); Moholy-Nagy (1989) and Nikolaidou (2003). Even though each bead has been registered according to size, shape, width and thickness, and diameter of perforation, each bead type will not be discussed separately, since most of the beads share common characteristics. Additionally, it is the opinion of the authors that the minor differences between the beads are not necessarily meaningful.

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 9. The distribution of Spondylus annulets’ internal diameter

tons” (n=4) are usually moderately thick and small, with the exception of one example (width: 6cm, thickness: 3cm). A few “pendants” (n=11) were also recovered in various shapes and modifications. All bear at least one drilled hole, usually near or at the hinge of the valve. Both left and right valves of all sizes have been used for “pendant” manufacture. Apart from drilling, the exterior surfaces of the artifacts have been ground down and in most cases, have been finely polished. Only one artifact is thought to have represented a “ring” (Fig. 6e, middle), primarily due to its small diameter (2.5cm). Aside from its small size though, it is distinctively thick. Spondylus earrings “Earrings” are artifacts defined by a particularly small size and extreme standardization in form (n=12) (Fig. 6b). They have a cylindrical shape (0.6cm diameter, 0.6cm width and 0.4cm thickness) with a line incised in the middle of the long side. None is pierced, while all bear a fine polish on their surface. These artifacts are known from the Neolithic findings inventory throughout Greece, but their usage is still a matter of controversy (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001).

Figure 10. Figurine with ornamental motifs from Makriyalos [drawing by M. Kargoglou]

“Buckles” (n=23) are usually moderately thick (1-2cm) and of medium size (3-5cm width). They are perforated at the narrow side of the objects, usually with a pair or triple of biconical holes made by drilling. There is only one example with perforations around the entirety of the object’s edge. One hole out of each pair or triple is broken in 50% of the examples, probably due to constant use. Almost half of the “buckles” were identified at the level of valve; as has been previously noted, right and left valves were used indiscriminately. “But115

Distribution of Spondylus Artifacts The uneven distribution of Spondylus artifacts between the two habitation phases of Makriyalos is particularly noteworthy. This inequality is not observed in the other categories of artifacts (Pappa 2008: tables 5.1-40, 41, 46). Of a total of 856 objects –worked, partially worked and raw material– 205 derive from Phase MKI and 651 from Phase MKII. Furthermore,

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 11. The distribution of Spondylus material in MKI & MKII

Figure 12. The distribution of Spondylus artifacts in MKI & MKII

92 worked objects belong to MKI and 311 to MKII, mainly annulets (Table 1-2, Fig. 11). The ratio of worked and partially worked objects remains more or less steady between the two phases, showing that the larger number of artifacts during phase MKII is not due to the presence of particular archaeological contexts.

nulets are dominant; their number increases markedly in Phase MKII (Table 2, Fig. 12), reaching 244 objects, in comparison to 63 during Phase MKI. Therefore, throughout the duration of habitation at Makriyalos, annulets are the principal artifact constructed of Spondylus, while their presence multiplies in Phase MKII.

Spondylus artifacts of small size, such as beads, buckles and buttons, are found in small quantities during both phases. An-

During Phase MKI, Spondylus artifacts are unevenly distributed spatially. They accumulate in various communal

116

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

Figure 13. The spatial distribution of Spondylus artifacts in MKI & MKII

places, corresponding to the ditches and earth removals (Pits 212 and 214), in contrast to their small presence in habitation areas (Fig. 13). The distribution in communal places is more or less even (Pappa 2008: 204). However, notably Pit 212 provides a high percentage of finished products, while Pit 214 provides a high percentage of remains of products from before or after the manufacture of the artifact. Therefore, there is possibly a local variation in the manufacture and use of the artifacts. The rather high presence of Spondylus artifacts in Ditch Alpha is in sharp contradiction to the distribution of other finds, as pottery, tools and bioarchaeological finds are few in Ditch Alpha, while they are concentrated in large quantities in communal structures such as Pits 212 and 214. Ditch A is also marked by a high percentage of human bones consisting of primary and secondary burials, which makes it the main burial place of Phase MKI, at the edge of the settlement area (Triantaphyllou 2001). The presence of a remarkable number of Spondylus artifacts in the Ditch Alpha depositions is probably related to this specific role. Correlation of Spondylus artifacts to burial 117

practices becomes obvious in an infant’s burial in one of the pits in Ditch Alpha, where part of a bracelet was found as a grave good (Fig. 3). Distribution of Spondylus artifacts is diverse during Phase MKII. Most of these objects are found interspersed in the habitation area, while a very small number is found in Earth removals Eta and Xi (Pit 174). The quadruple number of annulets recovered during Phase MKII (Fig. 13) comes from the habitation units of that phase, in contrast to the very low presence of these objects in the habitation units of Phase MKI. No specific uneven distribution is noticed that would show a particular relation of certain habitation units to production or handling of these objects (Pappa 2008: 307). However, it should be mentioned that 14 artifacts were recovered in Pit A among a context that was also rich in other finds (Pappa 2008: table 5.2-33). Up to six artifacts were recovered in a small number of other pits, while the remaining do not comprise more than two artifacts each. The results of the study of all types of artifacts (such as ground stone tools) and their distribution will

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

verify whether this irregularity is indicative for tracking possible workshops inside the MKII community. Fragmentation of human skeleton remains during Phase MKII is considerably higher than Phase MKI; the bulk of the material was found in the habitation area and Earth removal Eta, while only a small percentage was encountered in Pit 174. This suggests that, apart from the places of primary burials and the taphonomic processes, the context containing the sparse remnants of human bones derives from the above areas, which are the same areas that provide high percentages of Spondylus artifacts. This analogy could be claimed for the MKI distribution of human remains and Spondylus artifacts, still keeping in mind that there is no differentiation in the distribution of the rest of the categories of artifacts during Phase MKII. Concluding Remarks The scale of the Makriyalos excavation and the sufficient demarcation of the settlement area during each phase, besides the specification of communal and individual structures, provide an ideal background for analyzing the rich depositional context. Among other artifacts, the large group of Spondylus gaederopus objects, worked, partially worked and unworked, can outline characteristics of this Neolithic manufacturing process. These characteristics may only refer to that specific settlement, but they can also set the frame for a new discussion. Although other specific studies of the Makriyalos context is still progressing, the following remarks can be concluded concerning the presence of Spondylus: •

•

•

• • •

While the total number of Spondylus is low in relation to the rest of the shell species, it is the second choice of the Neolithic inhabitants as a raw material for the manufacture of ornaments. They were primarily collected fresh, though a remarkable number of beach-worn shells were also recovered. Collecting Spondylus was a rather difficult task and it was therefore, probably regarded as a luxurious food and valuable raw material. Spondylus ornaments were manufactured on site, as evidence of all of the steps of the chaîne opératoire of annulet manufacture are present during both phases. The use of both valves (ratio 1.5 left: 1 right) for the manufacture of annulets might suggest a particular local feature. The number of Spondylus finds increases remarkably during Phase MKII, due to a dramatic rise in the number of annulets. Spondylus annulet manufacture during the MKI phase, found mainly in communal places, indicates a non-standardized production in respect the shape and dimensions of objects. Remarkable differences have been noticed between specific contexts in the matter of the

118

•

•

stages of manufacture that might indicate local variations inside the MKI settlement. A significant change is noticed during Phase MKII, when the production becomes more standardized. Though waste products are present during both phases, it is only in Phase MKII that the presence of a considerable number of pre-forms and unfinished objects indicates a possible annulet manufacture center. It seems that production may have been restricted to annulets, as there is no evidence of on-site manufacture of beads or other objects. Changes in the production of Spondylus annulets during Phase MKII are related to the changes in the social structure of the settlement. Transfer of the finds from communal places to habitation area corresponds to the claimed emphasis on the individual during that phase.

Acknowledgements We wish to thank the editors for including this paper in the present volume. We would also like to thank Professor Kostas Kotsakis for critical comments on a preliminary version of the manuscript, as well as Professor Paul Halstead for valuable comments and useful suggestions. We are grateful to Teresa Hancock Vitale for making the final revision of the English text. We are indebted to Nikos Valasiadis for taking the photographs and for processing all the figures. The shell assemblage of Makriyalos forms part of Veropoulidou’s PhD thesis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, under the supervision of Professor K. Kotsakis and with a scholarship from the Greek State Scholarships Foundation). This is a preliminary presentation of the results of the shell assemblage analysis, which is still in progress. Rena Veropoulidou would like to thank Anastasia Vasileiadou for valuable help during the study of the shell assemblage. The study of the Makriyalos excavation has been generously sponsored in various stages by INSTAP.

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

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Nikolaidou, M. 2003 Items of adornment. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 331-360. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Pappa, M. 2007 Neolithic societies: Recent evidence from Northern Greece. In The Struma/Strymon River Valley in Prehistory: Proceedings of the International Symposium “Strymon paehistoricus”. In the Steps of Harvey Gaul, Vol. 2 (ed. H. Todorova, M. Stefanovic & G. Ivanov): 257272. Sofia: James Harvey Gaul Foundation. 2008 Organosi tou Chorou kai Oikistika Stoicheia stous Neolithikous Oikismous tis Kentrikis Makedonias. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece [PhD Thesis]. Pappa, M. & M. Besios 1999 The Neolithic settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece: Preliminary report on the 19931995 excavations. Journal of Field Archaeology 26(2): 177-195. Pappa, M., P. Halstead, K. Kotsakis & D. Urem-Kotsou 2004 Evidence for large-scale feasting at Late Neolithic Makriyalos, Northern Greece. In Food, Cuisine and Society in Prehistoric Greece (ed. P. Halstead & J. C. Barrett): 16-44. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Pfleger, V. 1999 Molluscs. Leicester: Blitz Editions. Poppe, G. T. & Y. Goto 1991 European Seashells (Polyplacophora, Caudofoveata, Solenogastra, Gastropoda). Vol. 1. Wiesbaden: Verlag Christa Hemmen. 1993 European Seashells (Scaphopoda, Bivalvia, Cephalopoda). Vol. 2. Hackenheim: ConchBooks. Reese, D. S. 1987 Marine and fresh-water molluscs. In Paradeisos: A Late Neolithic Settlement in Aegean Thrace (ed. P. Hellstrom): 119-133. Stockholm: Medelhavsmuseet [Memoir, 7]. Renfrew, C. 1973 Trade and craft specialisation. In Neolithic Greece (ed. D. R. Theocharis): 179-200. Athens: Cultural Foundation of National Bank of Greece. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995a Spondylus Gaederopus: The earliest European long distance exchange system. A symbolic and structural approach to Neolithic societies. Documenta Praehistorica 22: 238-256. 1995b Le commerce des spondyles de la Mer Egée a la Manche. Archéologia: 42-50. Shackleton, J. C. 1988 Marine Molluscan Remains from Franchthi Cave. Bloomington, Indianapolis: Indiana Uni-

Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou – The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece

versity Press [Excavations at Franchthi Cave, Greece, Fascicle 4]. Shackleton, J. C. & H. Elderfield 1990 Strontium isotope dating of the source of Neolithic European Spondylus shell artifacts. Antiquity 64: 312-315. Shackleton, N. J. 2003 Preliminary report on the molluscan remains at Sitagroi. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 361-368. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Shackleton, N. J. & C. Renfrew 1970 Neolithic trade routes realigned by oxygen isotope analyses. Nature 228: 1062-1065. Siklósi, Zs. 2004 Prestige goods in the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin: Material manifestations of social differentiation. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 55: 1-62. Skourtopoulou, K. 2006 Questioning spatial contexts: The contribution of lithic studies as analytical and interpretative bodies of data. In Deconstructing Context: A Critical Approach to Archaeological Practice (ed. D. Papaconstantinou): 50-78. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Theodoropoulou, T. 2007 La mer dans l’Assiette: L’exploitation des faunes aquatiques dans l’alimentation en Egée Pré- et Protohistorique. In Cooking up the Past: Food and Culinary Practices in the Neolithic and Bronze Age Aegean (ed. C. Mee & J. Renard): 71-88. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Todorova, H. 2000 Die Spondylus-Problematic Heute. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 415422. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. Triantaphyllou, S. 2001 A Bioarchaeological Approach to Prehistoric Cemetery Populations from Central and West-ern Greek Macedonia. Oxford: BAR Publishing [British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 976]. Tsuneki, A. 1987 A reconsideration of Spondylus shell rings from Agia Sofia Magoula, Greece. Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum IX: 1-15. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. Veropoulidou, R. 2002 Ostrea apo to Ktirio A tis Toumbas Thessalonikis. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [MA Thesis]. in prep. Ostrea apo Oikismous tou Kolpou tis Thessalonikis kata ti Neolithiki kai tin Epokhi tou 121

Khalkou. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [PhD Thesis]. Waselkov, G. A. 1987 Shellfish gathering and shell midden archaeology. In Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory (ed. M. B. Schiffer): 93-210. San Diego: Academic Press, Inc.

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 9

COSMOS in fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece Fotis Ifantidis A short introduction to the study of Aegean (i.e. Greek) Neolithic jewelry is followed by the presentation of the ornament corpus from the lakeside settlement of Dispilio, Greece. The annulets, beads, pendants, and “buckles” made of Spondylus gaederopus and Glycymeris sp. Mediterranean seashells hold an important position among the diverse in “types” and raw materials Dispilio ornament assemblage. This importance, apart from the fact that both shell species constitute an “exotic” raw material –considering the geographical position of Dispilio, far away from the nearest seashore– is emphasized due to the constant use and re-use of the majority of the Spondylus and Glycymeris ornaments, observable as interventions of recycling, alternation, and repair. Acknowledging the blurred image we have on the Aegean Neolithic cosmos (i.e. the practices of “personal” adornment) the reconstruction of life-histories focusing on the fragments of this cosmos seems both a difficult and an intriguing task.

Introduction: Cosmos and Chaos Even if the images on the dozens of glossy coffee-table books dedicated to “tribal” or “ethnic” adornment (e.g. Beckwith & Fisher 2002; Blauer 1999; Fisher 1984; van de Star 2008) may at times be romanticized and biased by western pre- and misconceptions (Farris 2007; Negrin 2000), the vast variability of the jewelry depicted is remarkable. On the other hand, there is an immense information deriving from ethnographic (e.g. Cordwell & Schwarz, eds. 1979; Mack, ed. 1988; O’Hanlon 1981; Seeger 1975; Steiner 1990; Strathern & Strathern 1971; Williams 1987) or contemporary contexts (e.g. Barnes & Eicher 1992; Ciambelli 2002; Eicher 1995; Sciama & Eicher, eds. 1998; White & Beaudry 2009) regarding the social role(s) of dress and personal adornment practices in relation to age and gender, symbolism and ritual, political authority and status, formation of personal or communal identity -to name but a few. Aegean1 prehistoric dress and adornment of the Minoan and Mycenaean periods –with iconographic and textual sources complementing the abundant archaeological corpora– has been treated as a subject of specialized studies, merely escaping from the tradition of archaeological stylistic typologies and including broader theoretical views, only in the past few years (e.g. Colburn & Heyn, eds. 2008; Stevens 2007); one recent example (2010) is the 13th conference of the renowned Aegaeum series on jewelry, adornment and textiles, entitled “Kosmos”.

1

The term Aegean is used not to determine strict “cultural boundaries” (although special characteristics can be acknowledged) but to discriminate conventionally and geographically the Aegean (i.e. Greek), the Balkan, and other European Neolithic personal adornment corpora.

Figure 1. A Spondylus gaederopus annulet fragment found at Dispilio, Western Sector, trench 20γ, July 26, 2005: out of context and out-of-focus

One of the definitions of kosmos and/or cosmos (=κόσμος in Greek), from which cosmetic derives, is the “ordered world”, the harmony opposed to chaos. The Aegean Neolithic cosmos seems –at least, at first sight– to be depicted mostly in blurred, chaotic and out-of-focus images (Fig. 1).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

technological study on French Neolithic material by Bonnardin 2009). Three reasons could be related to this image. The first is connected to the material properties of the ornaments. Being crafted on a great variety of raw materials (clay, bone, stone, shell, and, in the later Neolithic phases, metal), associated with different manufacturing technologies, and characterized by a plurality of forms (beads, pendants, rings, bracelets, etc.), ornaments were not always studied as a distinct artifact category, nor has the total assemblage of ornaments from a site received the same atttention. It is notable that in many cases only the shell ornaments from a site are published by archaeomalacology specialists (e.g. KaraliYanakopoulou 1992; Reese 1987)3. The second reason pertains to their quantitative properties, i.e. their small quantity retrieved by excavation in opposition to other categories of material culture. Low numerical presence is, however, usually a matter of circumstances, since the volume of ornaments is dependent on the detailed excavation procedures. For example, the application of sieving and/or water flotation during excavation can increase dramatically Figure 2. Map indicating Dispilio; view of the Orestias Lake, Kastoria: the archaeological site on the bottom right corner; aerial photograph of the three main excavation sectors the ornament inventory4. Furthermore, this image could also be the outcome of our own preconceptions related to the recognition Cosmos in Order? Studying Ornaments and interpretation of an archaeological artifact as a “personal ornament”5. There is a limited presence of extensive studies on Aegean 2 Neolithic ornaments , such as those of Kyparissi-Apostolika A third reason is related to the fact that very few Neolithic (2001) on Thessalian material (including jewelry from private cemeteries have been unearthed in Greece so far, as opposed collections and the key-site of Dimini) and Miller’s (1997) to the plethora of habitation sites. The excavation of organized dissertation on the ornaments from seven sites (Franchthi Neolithic cemeteries rich in jewelry, comparable to those in Cave, Halai, Achilleion, Saliagos, Sitagroi, and Dikili Tash). the Balkans (e.g. the Chalcolithic cemeteries of Varna and The main tendency has been to include the ornaments in small Durankulak in Bulgaria: Avramova 2002; Fol & Lichardus chapters of the excavation reports, sometimes under the title 1988), would probably have increased dramatically the den“miscellaneous” or “small finds” (e.g. Gimbutas 1989). sity of Aegean Neolithic ornament records6. This lack of synthetic and thorough studies of Aegean NeoDespite these broad observations, certain aspects of the Aelithic ornaments goes in hand with the absence of a common gean Neolithic adornment have been debated over the years: research methodology or even a consistent typology (espeornaments as products of specialization/technical expertise, cially compared to the rich tradition of the stone or bone tool as for example the shell ornament “workshops” recognized at archaeological studies). As a consequence, the study of adornDimini (Kyparisi-Apostolika 2001; Tsuneki 1989) or the fired ment has not yet reached the status of an “academically” acknowledged specialization (contra the tradition of research on Palaeolithic ornaments: see for example Taborin 2004; White 3 Cf. the groundbreaking papers of Akira Tsuneki (1987, 1988, and 1989) 2007). Moreover, technological, experimental, and traceologion the Thessalian Neolithic Spondylus gaederopus artifacts. cal analyses on Aegean Neolithic ornaments are nearly absent 4 Cf. the volume of ornaments recovered at the excavations at Sitagroi (contra other corpora: see for example the recent meticulous (Nikolaidou 2003) and Franchthi Cave (Miller 1997). 2

Cf. monographs on prehistoric adornment from other European contexts: Barge (1982), Bonnardin (2009), and Taborin (1974) on French data; Barciela González (2008) and Pascual Benito (1998) on Spanish ones. Taborin’s study remains the most cited among them.

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5 I.e. the contemporary notions of beauty, preciousness or raw material, and, mostly, wear-ability that “should” characterize jewelry can often be misleading. 6 Having always on mind that ornaments found in the mortuary domain, may not necessarily reflect the “world of the living”.

Fotis Ifantidis – Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece

steatite beads production at Franchthi Cave and elsewhere (Miller 1997, 2003); ornaments as commodities of a wide inter- and extra-Aegean distribution, for instance the ring-shaped pendants (usually of gold), a widespread type during the later phases of the Aegean Neolithic and the Balkan Chalcolithic (Demakopoulou, ed. 1998; Todorova & Vajsov 2001: 66-69)7 and, most famously, the jewelry made of the Mediterranean provenance’s Spondylus gaederopus and Glycymeris sp. shells that were widely distributed in time and space throughout the European Neolithic (Séfériadès 2009). Cosmos in Focus: The Dispilio Corpus The archaeological site of Dispilio, the first prehistoric lakeside settlement to be excavated in Greece, is located at the southern edge of Orestias Lake in Kastoria prefecture of West Macedonia. Dispilio is located in an altitude of ca. 630m., ca. 120km away from the nearest seashore. The excavations at the site (Fig. 2) -in four sectors- have been ongoing since 1992 by the Department of Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (Hourmouziadis, ed. 2002). The excavation data (a combination of the 14C absolute chronology, the relative chronology based on pottery analysis, the study of architectural elements and the micromorphological analyses; Karkanas et al. 2011) led to the distinction of three main successive architectural/chronological phases within the Neolithic (Middle Neolithic to Late/Final Neolithic: ca. 5500 BC–3500 BC)8. The earliest Phase C (Middle Neolithic to Late Neolithic, revealed in the deeper strata of the Eastern Sector), is characterized by numerous deep-founded wooden posts and horizontal elements belonging to structures that stood on platforms on a muddy, wet soil. Phase B (Late Neolithic, revealed in the Eastern Sector) has the main characteristics of the preceding phase, but there is rarity of horizontal wooden elements. Finally, in Phase A (Late/Final Neolithic, best preserved at the Western Sector of the excavation), the appearance of diverse clay floors, storage pits and food-preparing constructions points to structures which combined piles and mud bricks on a rather solid surface. Dispilio enjoyed a successful diverse economy: agricultural practices are affirmed by the organic materials of seeds, while stock-breeding, hunting, and fishing are demonstrated by the impressive quantities of animal and fish bones (Phoca-Cosmetatou 2008; Theodoropoulou 2008). The material culture revealed at the site is typical for the Aegean Neolithic. However, 7 The acclaimed “Neolithic treasure”, an assemblage of gold ring-shaped pendants (known in the literature as “Ringidole” and interpreted by many researchers as schematized human forms) and other Neolithic gold ornaments confiscated by the Greek police from illicit traders in 1997 was very rapidly put on display in an exhibition of the National Archaeological Museum of Athens (Demakopoulou, ed. 1998). Apart from the likely political expediencies, gold was indisputably the main factor for this decision. 8 There is adequate evidence for an earliest phase, Phase D, recovered at the Eastern Sector and dated to the Middle Neolithic, ca. 5600 BC–5500 BC (no ornaments are safely affirmed to this phase). The later occupancy of the site is confirmed by various archaeological data, including Bronze Age remains preserved at the Southern Sector; a large stone enclosure dated in Bronze/Iron Age; scattered Mycenaean, Classical and Byzantine pottery.

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Figure 3. Dispilio ornaments

there is a remarkable density of finds -especially in the earlier chronological phases- including large assemblages of coarse and fine wares (among them pithoi and pottery types not often documented in the Aegean, such as the “boat-shaped” vessels) and a broad repertoire of toolkits made of flint, bone, antler, clay, and ground stone (Hourmouziadis, ed. 2002). Artifacts not firmly related to “productive” activities have also been attested, such as anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, musical instruments, and ornaments. The stone, shell, bone, and clay jewelry corpus9 from Dispilio constitutes one of the most important -in terms of quantity and of quality of preservation- Neolithic ornament assemblages in Greece (Ifantidis 2006b) (Fig. 3). More than 1,600 ornaments have been registered until now, representing nearly all the known Aegean Neolithic ornament “types”, while the excavation project is ongoing. The predominant raw material 9

It is more than likely that this corpus must have been quite larger, at least in terms of raw materials, which are not preserved due to their fragility. A list of the possible ornaments made from perishable organic matters could be limitless (cf. Kenoyer 1991: 82; Nikolaidou 1997: 179). After all, the Neolithic cosmos (i.e. adornment) did not consist only of tangible artifacts, but involved many other practices, such as ephemeral and/or permanent body painting, tattoo and scarification, hairdressing, or even the kinetic management of the –adorned or not– body.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Bead

Pendant

Annulet Ring Buckle

Other Pin

Stone

1196

Shell

73

Clay

33

Bone

9

Shell

95

Bone

34

Stone

18

Clay

9

Shell

70

Stone

38

Bone

60

Shell

8

Bone

4

Clay

2

Stone

3

Bone

2

Bone

2 Total

is stone, followed by shell, bone, and clay, and with regards to the ornament types, beads outnumber any other object and are followed by pendants, annulets, and other minor categories (Tables 1-2).

1311

The chronological distribution of the ornaments, according to the stratigraphy, indicates that the majority of them are found at the latest Phase A (68% of total ornaments). Phases C (13%) and B (19%) share common features and are characterized by diversity both in raw materials and ornament types. Simple beads and pendants co-occur with elaborate types, such as the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic bone pendants and the antler finger-rings –the latter not documented elsewhere in the Aegean– that demonstrate the same high skills of bone working that are generally attested in Dispilio’s bone toolkits. There is sufficient evidence on the chaîne opératoire of the latter type of finger-rings, which is only found during the earlier Phase C10. Along with other “exotic” raw materials, such as the marine shells used in ornament manufacture, marble is also introduced in the form of beads, pendants, and mainly annulets. Some preliminary archaeometric (isotopic) analyses point to the Cycladic Islands as the most likely source for the marble (preliminary study led by V. Melfos: Ifantidis 2008). Finally, rare choices in ornament manufacture include human teeth transformed into beads and pendants (Ifantidis 2006c, 2010).

156

108 60 14

5 2 1656

Table 1. Distribution of ornaments by raw material

Stone

Shell

Bone

Steatite/talc

1067

Indeterminate

109

Marble

73

Other

6

Spondylus g.

144

C. glaucum

63

Unio sp.

27

Glycymeris sp.

5

Dentalium sp.

3

Cyclope neritea

2

Cypraea sp.

2

Antler

70

Indeterminate

17

Pig tooth

8

Turtle

5

Bird

4

Fish vertebra

4

Human tooth

2

Bear tooth Clay

1255

The spatial distribution of the ornaments during these earliest phases of the site follows the pattern observed in the study of other finds; that is, a density of materials at the southern side of the excavated part of the settlement. While these clusters cannot be at the moment safely associated to specific “households”, since correlations with the architectural and other data still need to be done, in some occasions the concentrations of ornaments can be interpreted as deliberate actions. This is the case of a “hoard” of fragmented and mostly repaired marble annulets found in strata of Phase B (Ifantidis 2008; Ifantidis & Papageorgiou, in press). Although a number of burials has been uncovered in the Western Sector (Phase A) –mostly infant/child vessel burials– no accompanying jewelry has been found.

246

111

During Phase A there is a significant decrease in the diversity of types and raw materials used in ornament manufacture. “Exotic” raw materials from far outside the region, such as marble, Spondylus, and other marine shells are found in low numbers, while elaborate ornaments are absent –the only exception being a few “Ringidole” pendants. On the contrary, there is one predominant ornament type, that of the minute steatite/talc beads. These beads are frequently found in clusters and share the exact morphological characteristics (color, texture, dimensions, etc.). It is well possible that the technology applied to their manufacture involved an additional thermic treatment, in order to gain a deeper white coloring. This process is recognized in comparable beads found at other Ae-

1 44 Total

44 1656

Table 2. Distribution of ornaments by type Tables 1 and 2 concern the ornaments found during 1992 until August 2010. Ornament assemblages from strata that are not safely dated to the Neolithic period are ommited. Beads and pendants found in groups and forming possible necklaces were each counted seperately.

10 Perhaps this is one of the few instances where the interpretation of an ornament type as a possible insignium of the owners’ communal identity is plausible.

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Fotis Ifantidis – Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece

gean Neolithic sites (cf. Franchthi Cave and Sitagroi: Miller 1996, 1997 and 2003)11. Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment Many of the papers in the present volume discuss extensively the position of Spondylus gaederopus in the Aegean Neolithic ornament assemblages12. At Dispilio Spondylus gaederopus (and Glycymeris sp.13) is highly represented among the ornament corpus (Table 1). Regarding the shell ornaments in general, Spondylus gaederopus constitutes the first choice of shell ornament raw material, followed by other marine shells: Cerastoderma glaucum, Glycymeris sp., Dentalium sp., Cyclope neritea, and Cypraea sp. –the majority of which are found in the earlier phases of the settlement (Table 2). Unio sp., a freshwater shell living in the lake directly by the site, was gathered primarily for supplementary dietary purposes (Veropoulidou & Ifantidis 2006) and was only occasionally used for the manufacture of jewelry artifacts –mainly during the later Neolithic phases of the site. Spondylus and Glycymeris sp. ornaments are found mainly in the earliest Phases C and B (47% and 21% respectively, comprising ca. 15% of the raw materials used in ornament manufacture). Throughout the latest, Phase A, their volume is reduced (32%), compared to the entirety of ornaments (4%), since during this phase there is the outburst of steatite beads. Regarding their intra-site spatial distribution, Spondylus and Glycymeris sp. seem to follow the general characteristics of jewelry distribution noted above.

Figure 4. Shell annulets: Spondylus gaederopus and Glycymeris sp. (inside the box)

Classification methods can be as many as the items to be classified (cf. Read 1982); in a similar manner, naming and grouping Neolithic jewelry cannot be considered as a strictly objective action, but as the outcome of subjective interpretations. At Dispilio, as in many other sites, data regarding the exact bodily position(s) of the ornaments in use, deriving either from direct (e.g. burials) and indirect evidence (e.g. iconography) or from their use-wear analyses are not always adequate for a “safe” naming of the ornaments (see also Nikolaidou 2003). Moreover, it is quite common that an ornament can be placed in many different categories. For example the ornaments neutrally named as annulets could have been used as rings, anklets, bangles, pendants or hairdressing implements (Marangou 1991; Miller 1997: 217). The Spondylus and Glycymeris sp. annulet assemblage consists of ca. 70 artifacts, the majority of which are fragmented and only

Figure 5. Completeness percentages of shell annulets

11 The quantity of these beads (more than 1,000) in combination with the fact that they are found at the strata of the Western Sector, where many thermal constructions have been unearthed, are indications of the presence of a specialized bead “workshop” during this phase at Dispilio. 12 On the history of Aegean Spondylus research, see Miller (1997: 272276), as well as the introductory sections in Chapman et al. and Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume. A detailed outline for the Northern Greece Spondylus data is provided by Theodoropoulou, this volume. 13 Tripković (2006) reviews the Balkan and Aegean data on Glycymeris sp., which was used to a smaller degree in prehistoric ornament manufacture.

127

Figure 6. Internal diameters of shell annulets [some fragments are ommited]

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

since the annulets could have be worn continuously, starting from a small age throughout adulthood (cf. Nikolaidou 2003: 340)17.

Figure 7. Spondylus gaederopus beads

one is preserved intact (Fig. 4: top left; Fig. 5). Although refitting tests are being constantly applied, the number of physical joints between the annulet fragments is low. Analogous completeness patterns with low numbers of intact or almost intact annulets have been detected in other Aegean Neolithic sites (Dimini, Makriyalos, and Dikili Tash; Chapman et al., and Pappa & Veropoulidou in this volume, and Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992, respectively). Most of them are made from the left valve of the shell (ca. 70%)14. Their surface can be left unmodified, displaying the natural growing lines of the shell or be extremely ground and polished, almost marble-like15. Most of the annulets of the latter mode of surface elaboration have the natural pinkish to red colorings of the shell preserved and highlighted16. No standardization of production can be implied, because of the variability observed in the annulets’ cross-sections (triangular, square or elliptical shapes co-exist) and the overall shapes and dimensions of the annulets. This could be due to the original natural variability of Spondylus gaederopus shells. As aptly pointed by Chapman & Gaydarska (2007: 145-147), the objectification of Spondylus shells, a raw material that can be both dense and fragile, heavy and light –comprising an ideal canvas for the manufacture of a range of artifacts– interplays between the qualities of symmetry and asymmetries, roughness and smoothness, etc. Almost half of the annulets have an internal (reconstructed) diameter of 60 to 70mm (Fig. 6), a relatively large size compared to data from other assemblages. This size could easily fit the wrists of women, children or young adults, as verified by the experiments of Gaydarska et al. (2004: 24). However, this is not to denote strict gender- and age-related discriminations, 14 On the technological process of Spondylus annulets in the Aegean Neolithic, a well-discussed theme in the Spondylus literature, see Tsuneki (1987, 1988) and the papers of Kyparissi-Apostolika, Theodoropoulou, and Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume. 15 Humidity and post-depositional factors, especially at the lower strata of the excavation, have affected the preservation of a number of annulets (most of them made from the lighter left valve of the shell) that had been left unground and unpolished, resulting in their partial calcification and fragility. 16 On color as a desired quality of Spondylus artifacts, see also Cambell (1983), Chapman (2002), and Gaydarska & Chapman (2008).

128

The Glycymeris sp. annulets are quite fewer, 4 in number. They all exhibit a deep black color obtained by fire (Fig. 4: inside the box; Fig. 9: bottom right). It is worth mentioning that these annulets come from different spatial and chronological contexts not linked to fire destructions. The fact that these fire-related alterations are documented exclusively in the Glycymeris sp. annulets and not presumably in the Glycymeris sp. whole-valve pendants or the Spondylus annulets, cannot be altogether coincidental; changing the physical characteristics of the already (heavily) transformed shell (fire has the ability to change both the color and the overall texture leaving a high polished surface) may have been an intentional action that affected these shell ornaments’ lives in a specific moment18. As in the case of annulets, we cannot be sure about the exact body position of the ornaments broadly categorized as pendants, although signs of wear are more easily discernible in this ornament type than in Spondylus annulets19. The majority of the pendants consist either of modified Spondylus valves with ground edges and perforations or intact Glycymeris sp. shells with suspension holes being opened close to the umboes (Fig. 9: bottom left). Pendants could also have been made from recycled damaged Spondylus annulets, after grinding and smoothing the broken edges of the fragments and opening perforations. Signs of wear located on the perforations are visible in most of the cases, while new perforations are opened to replace the damaged ones in the case of Glycymeris pendants. More elaborate pendants seem to have been recycled from fragments of Spondylus heavily retouched so to resemble the form of animal teeth (Fig. 9: bottom right)20. One Glycymeris sp. example (Fig. 9: bottom right and Fig. 10) may have also been initially an annulet, that was later on transformed into a pendant with the addition of a perforation at its umbo (a suspension hole that was worn and apparently destroyed)21.

17 After all, the constant use of certain ornaments can be in several circumstances responsible for major or minor corporeal modifications (cf. Mack, ed. 1988). 18 Cf. the paradigm of the Dimini burnt Spondylus gaederopus ornaments and the different interpretations proposed (Chapman & Gaydarska 2007; Chapman et al., this volume; Halstead 1993; Tsuneki 1988, 1989). 19 Many authors have emphasized the difficulty of distinguishing use-wear from manufacture-wear (for example the polish on the surfaces) both in shell (Miller 1997: 217) and in stone Neolithic annulets (Bonnardin 2009: 107). 20 Animal tooth-shaped Spondylus pendants are also known from other sites (see Siklósi & Csengeri, this volume). Other cases of imitations of raw materials in prehistoric ornaments include beads made of bone resembling to red deer canine beads (Choyke 2001), imitations of Spondylus bracelets, pendants, and beads made of other shells and/or stones (Bonnardin 2009: 287-289). 21 Similar Glycymeris sp. annulet/pendants have been found at many Aegean Neolithic sites, e.g. at Dimitra (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997), Sitagroi (Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003), Paradeisos (Reese 1987), and also at the Balkan site of Vinča-Belo Brdo (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006). In some cases (e.g. at Paradeisos) these perforations are natural (i.e. made by other molluscs); in the Dispilio example the perforation is man-made.

Fotis Ifantidis – Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece

of the shell, which is heavier and more compact. However, the “buckle” preserved intact (Fig. 8: top left) was manufactured from a left valve, on which the natural red colorings are more vividly to be seen. Its size (more than 11cm in length) and weight (140g) indicate that the original unmodified shell was quite large and most probably harvested in deep waters (cf. Theodoropoulou, this volume). Almost all of the buckles are extremely polished, resembling stone artifacts. Despite the fact that only one exact parallel is known from the Aegean Neolithic22, that from the chronologically later Alepotrypa Cave (Papathanasopoulos 1996), a plethora of similar artifacts are found mainly in the Central and Western European Neolithic Linearbandkeramik burial sites (in Germany, Slovakia, France, and elsewhere) bibliographically known as “V-Klappe”, “notched” or “entaillés” Spondylus (Chertier & Joffroy 1966; Müller 1997; Nieszery 1995: 249; Pavúk 1972)23. In these burial contexts, this type of Spondylus artifacts is found near the waist of the deceased (usually the male ones; see also John, this volume) and are interpreted as implements of belts, i.e. parts of an eye-andhook belt-buckle (see also the experimental reconstructions led by Nieszery & Brienl 1993)24.

Figure 8. Spondylus gaederopus “buckles”

Beads (Fig. 7) may also have been used in multiple ways and combined with a variety of other ornaments: forming necklaces, bracelets or anklets, being sewn on textiles or even applied on hair. The Spondylus beads (64 in number –no Glycymeris beads have been found) have a variety of sizes and shapes. As in the case of annulets, the surface of the beads is either ground and polished or left unmodified, displaying the natural growing lines of the shell. The impression given by this numerically limited group of beads is that of a non-standardized and contingent production, probably the outcome of recycling (destroyed) annulets. This could be further supported by the fact that many of the beads are square-shaped, quite an unusual form in the Neolithic bead repertoire and one possibly indicating a previous shape. The assemblage of one intact and seven partially preserved hook-shaped Spondylus artifacts, most possibly used as “buckles” (Fig. 8) is of particular interest (Ifantidis 2006a). Seven of them have been manufactured from the right valve 129

While some ornament “types” are completely absent from the Dispilio Spondylus corpus, such as the double perforated “buttons”, many of which are produced at Thessalian Dimini (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001)25, others, especially the aforementioned “buckles” exhibit an almost unusual concentration. Despite the lack of information about on-site Spondylus ornament manufacture (there is only one possible annulet pre-form26), the geographical loca22 Fragments of possible Spondylus hook-shaped artifacts have been found at Franchthi Cave (Miller 1997: 165) and at Phthiotides Thebes in Thessaly (Theocharis, ed. 1973: 332). 23 Michele Miller (1997: 286) notes that the absence of similar finds in the Aegean is problematic and can only be explained by the possibility that the raw material was procured in Europe from the Aegean and afterwards was locally elaborated into hook-shaped objects, implying the existence of a secondary to the Spondylus annulet exchange network. 24 Papathanasopoulos (1996: 228-229) interprets the Spondylus artifact from Alepotrypa Cave as an implement of a “shepherd’s crook” that during the passing of generations is converted to the prestige symbol of a “scepter”. 25 It is noteworthy that no characteristic imported Diminian decorated pottery has been found at Dispilio. 26 In opposition to Spondylus, Cerastoderma glaucum marine shells are found –albeit in a small percentage– both unmodified and as semi-finished pendants (i.e. bearing the initial abrasion for the creation of the suspension holes). As mentioned by many authors (e.g. Miller 2003) the finding of manufacture debris is biased by many factors: unexcavated “manufacturing” loci or the non-meticulous excavation procedures applied. Still, there is a striking contrast to examples as the Makriyalos as-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 9. Spondylus gaederopus and Glycymeris sp. ornaments with signs of wear, reperation, and/or recycling Top: Fragmented Spondylus gaederopus annulets with ground edges and perforations (some of which unfinished) Middle: Fragmented Spondylus gaederopus “buckles” with repairing perforations Bottom: Whole-valve Spondylus gaederopus pendants with perforations and Spondylus gaederopus annulets recycled into pendants Two whole-valve Glycymeris sp. pendants with repairing perforations and one fragmented Glycymeris sp. annulet recycled into a pendant

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Fotis Ifantidis – Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece

tion of Dispilio far away from coasts rich in shell (Aegean and Adriatic) renders all the more important the presence of Spondylus (and Glycymeris sp.) “exotic” ornaments among the local “adornment toolkit”, the durable material components of which have been unearthed by excavation. All the aforementioned points could be associated with the general problematic considering the position and inter-site relations of Dispilio during the Neolithic, the “Aegean” or “Balkan identity” of the settlement; in other words, the “big picture”. At the same time, the artifacts presented here were (at least initially) associated to much smaller-scale agents; closely attached to bodies and personae of certain individuals. Focus in Fragments Archaeological bodies have formed, during the last years, a distinct field of research, under the light of notions of personhood and social identity (Fowler 2004; Joyce 2005). Ornaments, as noted in the introduction, have been traditionally deemed as intimate objects that can provide sufficient information on a person’s identity and social status –the use of the term “personal ornament” is actually the outcome of this impression. Still, the designation of personal and/or communal is a difficult task, particularly in prehistoric contexts. On the other hand, ornaments, as all objects, can refer to complex biographies27; for example, being related to multiple “owners” (and multiple bodies) in a large span of time, perhaps as intergenerational “heirlooms” that eventually become themselves persons, living entities (cf. Hoskins 1998; Lilios 1999; Weiner 1992). The data required for an ideal reconstruction of a supposed curriculum vitae of an ornament, such as the Dispilio Spondylus and Glycymeris ones, starting from the procurement of its raw material and its manufacture, followed by its use, wear, possible destruction, repair, re-use or recycling, deposition and “death” –along with the social meanings accredited to each of these phases– are usually fragmented28. As it generally happens, the most visible and accessible to us are the last “chapters” of an artifact’s life; a fragment of its biography. There are, however, some indications in Dispilio’s Spondylus and Glycymeris ornaments, a literately fragmented corpus, that could be linked to preceding life “chapters”. A first element characterizing this assemblage is the intense use and wear, visible on most of the beads, pendants, “buckles”, and annulets. Although no meticulous use-wear analysis has thus far been applied, which would probably offer further information on the modes and duration of wear, the overall semblage (Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume), where the whole Spondylus annulet manufacturing process can be reconstructed. 27 On “cultural biography”/“social life of things” in anthropology and archaeology, see the key-paper by Igor Kopytoff (1986) and the World Archaeology volume edited by Gosden & Marshall (1999). Caple (2006) and Joy (2009) offer updated reviews of the current state of research regarding this important theoretical approach in archaeology. 28 The problems of a biographical analysis of an archaeological artifact are pointed out in case studies coming from various contexts: see, for example, Immonen (2009), Kiss (2009), and Luik (2009).

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image is the one of artifacts that were in a constant “movement”. Secondly, there are many examples of repair and re-use of damaged ornaments (Fig. 9) (cf. Polloni 2008): re-perforated pendants, re-joint “buckles” (similar to other European Spondylus examples; Bonnardin 2009: 166-169) and annulets, altered ornament types via abrasion and perforation (e.g. annulets into pendants). One last issue for consideration is the fragmentation and completeness ratio, observed mainly among the annulets. The fragmentation of Spondylus annulets in particular has inspired an array of thought-provoking approaches introduced by the works of John C. Chapman (Chapman & Gaydarska 2007; Chapman et al. 2008; Chapman et al., in this volume)29. Under this perspective, for instance, the deliberate destruction of shell annulets –a turning point of its “life”– is considered a social practice of enchainment between persons and objects. Intentional fragmentation of the Dispilio annulets cannot be excluded. The completeness ratio of the shell annulets is –as in many other sites; see above– too high to be thought as accidental. All of the fragmented annulets display heavy use, while in a large proportion of them (almost a third of them) interventions in order to prolong their use as bodily ornaments after their initial destruction are detectable: either reparations, i.e. joining perforations, or recycling, i.e. transforming the annulets into pendants (and possibly into beads too). The fragmentation pattern seems to be related precisely to this constant use and re-use of the annulets during a lenght of time, rather than to a deliberate (and momentary) “destruction” decision. After all, the natural morphology of Spondylus and Glycymeris valves, in addition to the manufacture technology applied, prescribes a fixed form of “closed” circlets/annulets, in contrast to “open” circlets that are usually made of a more “malleable” raw matter, including metal, that can be easily modified in order to follow the biological growth of their users with minimum technological alterations (Sofaer-Devereski 2000). It is worth noting that modifications to turn a “closed” into an “open” bracelet, as much as reparations of destroyed annulets, are also identified in the marble ornament assemblage of Dispilio –a group quite comparable to the Spondylus and Glycymeris one, due to its rare raw material– sometimes in an even more sophisticated manner30. All the aforementioned indications could unravel a hypothetical résumé of an artifact made to adorn a Neolithic body, whether or not this was manufactured by a highly-esteemed 29 For a latest critique on the use of the concepts of fragmentation and enchainment, see Brittain & Harris (2010). 30 In many examples, besides the abrasion of the broken edges of the annulets and the creation of perforations, deep incisions/grooves are made on the exterior surface between the holes; these would provide a steadier application of the thread used to assemble the “new” repaired annulet. 24 out of 35 marble annulets and 5 out of 7 marble pendants bear signs of repair and second use, while, as in the case of Spondylus beads, many of the marble beads could be products of recycling damaged annulets and/ or pendants (Ifantidis 2008; Ifantidis & Papageorgiou, in press).

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See also: Ifantidis (2008); Ifantidis & Papageorgiou (in press)

Figure 10. Dispilio’s cosmos in fragments; biographical fragments in legends

A drilled human mollar used as a pendant [signs of initial dental caries]

Tooth pendant (Homo) [Trench 08δ, Κ0325]

A green miniature stone axe used as a pendant [traces of its initial use as tool]

See also: Ifantidis (2006c, 2010)

On axe-pendants, see also: Skeates (1995, 2000) and Polloni (2008)

Stone axe-pendant (serpentine) [Trench 04γ, Κ1600]

An annulet destroyed during its reparation [broken edges smoothing, unfinished perforation]

Stone annulet (marble, Cycladic?) [Trench 03β, Κ0047]

An annulet recycled into a (tooth-formed?) pendant [overall pecking and smoothing, perforation]

Shell pendant (Spondylus gaederopus) [ Trench 288α, Κ1531]

A former (child’s?) annulet tranformed into a pendant (via perforation) [broken and burnt]

Shell annulet (Glycymeris glycymeris) [Trench 04β, Κ0104]

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Fotis Ifantidis – Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece

raw material, such as Spondylus gaederopus, whether elaborate and “rare” or simple and “common”. In Fig. 10 five ornament examples are chosen to demonstrate potential stories in legends31. Each of these biographical fragments of the ornaments displayed could be related to broader themes, such as transformation during time (the Glycymeris annulet-pendant), alteration and imitation (the Spondylus annulet recycled into a tooth-formed pendant), reparation and the momentary (the unfinished repair of the marble annulet), the creation of hybrid forms (the stone tool-pendant), objectification and embodiment (the human-tooth pendant); after all, it’s all a matter of focus. This abridged presentation of the Spondylus and Glycymeris ornaments from Neolithic Dispilio has only allusively touched on essential topics: their technology and possible specialization of their production, the problem of the provenance of the raw material, the social meanings associated to the (circumstantial or permanent) display of this ornament corpus. The aim was not to sharpen the blurred image presented in the beginning of the paper. After all, that photo, though out-offocus, was quite successful in illustrating the problems of our own linking to these much-discussed Neolithic artifacts; we will hardly ever comprehend the social need that pleasantly encircled or annoyingly tightened a Neolithic wrist.

31 This is a quite ironic use of “legends” in museum contexts. There are countless problems associated with the modes of museological display of archaeological artifacts, a theme of a current vivid debate; the use of legends/captions is one of them. In a recently renovated archaeological museum in Greece I came across to the laconic legend accompanying some prehistoric (in that case, Palaeolithic ones) ornaments: “Implements of symbolic gear”, a legend that, apart from being rather single-dimensioned and faceless, surely epitomizes our blurred view of prehistoric jewelry.

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Acknowledgements I wish to thank Rena Veropoulidou for achieving the trip to and from Zadar and Marianna Nikolaidou for the web-based Odyssey of the preparation of the Spondylus volume. My deepest gratitude to Professor Emeritus G. H. Hourmouziadis for vigorously turning the comme il faut of an archaeological study into the –often nightmarish– comme il te plait.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

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Actes de la table ronde d’Aix-en-Provence, 2527 octobre 2006 (dir. M. Bailly & H. Plisson): 75-89. Préhistoire Anthropologie Méditerranéennes 14.

Read, D. W. 1982 Toward a theory of archaeological classification. In Essays on Archaeological Typology (ed. R. Whallon & J. A. Brown): 56-92. Evanston: Center for American Archaeology Press. Reese, D. S. 1987 Marine and fresh-water molluscs. In Paradeisos: A Late Neolithic Settlement in Aegean Thrace (ed. P. Hellstrom): 119-133. Stockholm: Medelhavsmuseet [Memoir, 7]. Sciama, L. D. & J. B. Eicher (eds.) 1998 Beads and Bead Makers: Gender, Material Culture and Meaning. Oxford: Berg [Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Women]. Seeger, A. 1975 The meaning of body adornments: A Suya example. Ethnology 14: 211-224. Séfériadès, M. L. 2009 Spondylus and long-distance trade in Prehistoric Europe. In The Lost World of Old Europe: The Danube Valley, 5000-3500 B.C. (ed. D. W. Antony & J. Y. Chi): 178-191. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Skeates, R. 1995 Animate objects: A biography of prehistoric ‘axe-amulets’ in the central Mediterranean region. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 61: 279-301. 2002 Axe aesthetics: Stone axes and visual culture in Prehistoric Malta. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 21(1): 13-22. Sofaer Derevenski, J. 2000 Rings of life: The role of early metalwork in mediating the gendered life course. World Archaeology 31(3): 389-406. Steiner, C. B. 1990 Body personal and body politic: Adornment and leadership in cross-cultural perspective. Anthropos 85: 431-445. Stevens, F. 2007 Identifying the body: Representing self. Art, ornamentation and the body in Later Prehistoric Europe. In Material Identities (ed. J. Sofaer): 82-98. Oxford: Blackwell [New Directions in Art History Series]. Strathern, A. J. & M. Strathern 1971 Self-decoration in Mount Hagen. London: Duckworth. Taborin, Y. 1974 La parure en coquillage de l’Épipaléolithique au Bronze ancien en France. Gallia Préhistoire 17(1-2): 101-179; 307-417. 2004 Langage sans parole: La parure aux temps préhistoriques. Paris: La Maison des Roches.

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Theocharis, D. R. (ed.) 1973 Neolithic Greece. Athens: Cultural Foundation of National Bank of Greece. Theodoropoulou, T. 2008 O anthropos kai i limni: Psarades kai psaremata sto proistoriko Dispilio. Anaskamma 2: 25-45. Todorova, H. & I. Vajsov 2001 Der kupferzeitlichen Schmuck Bulgariens. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag [Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung XX, Band 6]. Tripković, B. 2006 Marine goods in European prehistory: A new shell in old collection. Analele Banatului XIV(1): 89-102. Tsuneki, A. 1987 A reconsideration of Spondylus shell rings from Agia Sofia Magoula, Greece. Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum IX: 1-15. 1988 Spondylus shell objects of Neolithic Greece Based on the materials from Dimini. Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 31(1): 87-115. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. van de Star, R. 2008 Ethnic Jewellery from Africa, Asia and Pacific Islands. Amsterdam: Pepin Press. Veropoulidou, R. & F. Ifantidis 2006 Unio pictorum vs. Spondylus gaederopus: Ostrea kai ostreina antikeimena apo to Dispilio Kastorias [Unio pictorum vs. Spondylus gaederopus: Shells and shell jewelry from Dispilio, Kastoria Perfecture]. To Archaiologiko Ergo sti Makedonia kai Thraki 18: 669-686. Weiner, A. B. 1992 Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. Berkeley & Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. Williams, S. 1987 An ‘archae-logy’ of Turkana beads. In The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings (ed. I. Hodder): 31-38. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press [New Directions in Archaeology]. White, C. L. & M. C. Beaudry 2009 Artifacts and personal identity. In International Handbook of Historical Archaeology (ed. T. Majewski & D. Gaimster): 209-225. New York: Springer. White, R. 2007 Systems of personal ornamentation in the Early Upper Palaeolithic: Methodological challenges and new observations. In Rethinking the Human Revolution: New Behavioural and Biological Perspectives on the Origin and Dispersal of Modern Humans (ed. P. Mellars, K. Boyle, O. Bar-Yosef & C. Stringer): 287-302. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research [McDonald Institute Monographs].

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 1 0

PERSONHOOD AND THE LIFE CYCLE OF SPONDYLUS RINGS: AN EXAMPLE FROM LATE NEOLITHIC, GREECE John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi A detailed biographical analysis of the Spondylus shell rings from the Late Neolithic settlement of Dimini, near the Bay of Volos, shows that many shells had a long and complex life history, with micro-statigraphically definable phases of erosion, burning, wear and fragmentation often present. These biographies form the basis of the rejection of Tsuneki’s account of the shell ring assemblage as the rejects from failed production and, equally, Paul Halstead’s account of competitive shell ring destruction as the basis for elite differentiation. A contextual analysis of shell ring discard showed a perplexing lack of fit between burnt house phases and burnt shell rings, as with unburnt house phases and unburnt rings. The re-fitting of 10 pairs of shell ring fragments, often from different contexts, shows the dynamic significance of broken shell rings in the constitution of personhood in this Late Neolithic community, where enchained relations using parts of objects cemented fundamental partible social relations. In conclusion, the study offers a comparison between the shell ring assemblage at Dimini and those from the Copper Age cemeteries of Durankulak and Varna on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast.

Introduction In this chapter, we offer a new interpretation of the much-discussed Spondylus ring fragments from Neolithic Dimini -one that applies fragmentation analysis in the attempt to understand more clearly the social biographies of individual rings, and thus to connect them with aspects of ritual, prestige, and social reproduction. The interpretation of material culture has played a central role in the discipline of prehistory for over a century. While the importance of statistical approaches has varied during this period (Doran & Hodson 1975; Fletcher & Lock 1991; Shennan 1988), qualitative studies have remained at the forefront of prehistorians’ approaches to things. The emergence of the “New Archaeology” and its consolidation into Processual Archaeology in the 1970s led to a wider range of analyses of things, not least with the use of models borrowed and adapted from anthropology. Thus, concepts such as “prestige goods” and social practices such as “potlatching” became available for use with prehistoric objects, even though their varied social contexts were not necessarily well matched in prehistory. The morphing of post-processual archaeology into interpretative archaeology in the 1990s led to greater attention to objects not as markers of other social processes or even items on a check-list of traits, but as things-in-themselves, possessing their own significance and personal characteristics. One outgrowth of this approach was the biographical approach to objects, which combined the history of the technological production of a thing (the “chaîne opératoire”) with a more socially grounded appreciation of the nature of the thing. One particularly fruitful process linking persons and things was Danny Miller’s (1987) development of the Marxian notion of objectification, by which the essential characteristics of persons became objectified in the production of objects. An even

more dynamic concept was that of “enchainment”, by which persons were related to each other through gift exchange of objects that transmitted a human identity with the object (Strathern 1988). A similar approach to the personal values of things was described by Nancy Munn (1986) as the recursive development of fame by persons and things – shells could not become famous without the reputation of their “owners”, while the owners could not develop their own fame without the shells on which that fame depended. The net result of these biographical approaches to things was the breaking down of the person–object dichotomy that has long existed in archaeological practice. Recent research into material culture has begun to develop ways of inferring different aspects of personhood from artifact biographies (Chapman 2000; Chapman & Gaydarska 2006 ; Fowler 2004; Jones 2005). It is increasingly realized that insights into personhood –the socially grounded ways in which a person becomes her/ himself– are vital for the interpretation of relations between persons and things in prehistory. In their discussion of domestication, Jones and Richards (2003) have recognized the creative potential provided by social actions such as consumption and fragmentation. Rather than domestication arising out of a symbolic revolution represented by houses and villages, domestication was a set of novel relationships that occurred at different locales in the landscape –principally at villages composed of many houses. In another paper, Jones (2005: 216) recognizes households as relational identities just as much as persons. The vital role of fragmentation in these new relationships was considered to be the way it enabled elements of the material world that were hitherto discrete to be brought into metaphorical relationship –elements such as butchered and divided animal bones, the osseous remains of human ancestors and fragments and complete objects. For Jones and Richards (2003: 46), each animal

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

bone was enchained to all other bones of that animal and the anatomies of animals articulated with particular sets of human–animal relationships. While breaking and sharing established affiliations between actors, composite tools re-incorporated and re-articulated new sets of social relations (2003: 49). What Jones and Richards do not establish, however, is the ways in which fragmentation and enchainment are enacted in daily social practices. This aspect of enchainment practices is discussed by Skourtopoulou (2006, n.d.) in her study of the lithic assemblage from the large open Late Neolithic settlement of Makriyalos, Northern Greece. Skourtopoulou (n.d.) sees artifacts as “material metaphors of inter-personal relations” at various sociospatial scales. Enchainment, then, uses this metaphorical value of artifacts in order to objectify social relations, with different aspects symbolized at these various scales –personal relations as things and people move within and between households, economic and symbolic values for exotic exchange surpassing the communal scale and embedded in inter-cultural contact (2006). These insights are applied to intra-site lithic analysis in an attempt to extend social agency theory. They help us to see how enchainment works at the level of everyday practice by showing how an expedient quartzite flake is never only its material form but embodies production relations and personal skills that are rooted in settlement space. Although not explicitly mentioning enchainment, Hurcombe (2000) also emphasizes the gendered relations between persons involved in the different stages of any craft sequence –a position implying that often several people are enchained to any object at its birth, providing the basis for the metaphorical relations to which Skourtopoulou alludes. The extension of this body of theory to parts of objects takes Strathern’s (1988) original work on partible relations into new territory, since the Melanesian objects that enchain the people are invariably whole. However, as Gamble (2005: 89) has reminded us, fragmentation and enchainment are two different terms –the first relating to social action, the second to process. The Balkan prehistoric form of enchainment is based upon the fragmentation of the body and things, with each fragment standing for the whole (synecdoche), each whole potentially or actually part of a wider set of whole and partial objects and each set and each whole bearing the capacity for further subdivision. The overwhelming evidence that objects and bodies are treated in the same ways in respect of these three levels of completeness and in the course of their life histories (Chapman 2000) supports the notion that there is an interpenetration of persons and things that typifies fractal personhood in the Balkans and also, by extension, Greece. Thus any instance of deliberate fragmentation of objects (the social action) provides prima facie evidence for the process of enchainment, which, in the Balkans, frequently but not always, operates on the basis of fractal personhood (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006). Moreover, the comparison of the social value of shell rings and sherds –the former with an obvious and highly visible social value, the latter used in a different sort of enchainment, perhaps based upon the essential qualities of the clay or some historical or commemorative potential –leads to the 140

question of how things made of different materials constructed different potentials for forming relationships. It is against the backdrop of these theoretical insights that we have written this study of a distinctive assemblage of shell rings. Marine Shells and Shell Objects There has been a recent upsurge of research interest in the archaeology of marine shells, with a Cambridge Manual devoted to the topic (Claassen 1998), a major survey article (Trubitt 2003), several articles on particular aspects of shell usage and now the current volume. There is thus a general recognition of the significance of marine shells, whether as material symbols of interpersonal relations, as symbolic links to water and the sea, with all of their metaphorical qualities, or as a sign of inland people’s differential access to distant and rare goods (Claassen 1998: 203-208; Trubitt 2003). Trubitt (2003: 262-263) summarizes this research in her assertion that shell prestige goods are symbols of power and prestige associated with the exotic, to which Saunders (1999) and Glowacki (2005) would add the supernatural. Recent studies emphasizing the biographical approach to shell rings are summarized elsewhere (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006, in press b; Chapman et al. 2008). These and other ethnological studies provide a basis for the inter-penetration of the categories of shell ornaments and persons, just as shells can be persons in the Ojibwa under certain circumstances (Morris 1994: 9). It is important to emphasize the potential tension between two relations embodied in shells: on the one hand, the close material links between shells and persons and, on the other, the links between shells and aspects of Otherness such as the deep sea, the realm of the supernatural or simply the sea coasts that were remote for inland communities trading in shells. Clark (1991: 311) is surely right to question factors of scarcity and exchange value as the “explanation” of value in marine shells. It is important to account for the social value of shells before the development of a central role for shells in bridewealth and ceremonial exchange. The study of shell rings has a long history in European Neolithic studies. In the Neolithic and Copper Age of the Balkans and Greece, two species of marine shell were frequently selected for the making of ornaments and for trade over a wide area of both South East and Central Europe –Spondylus gaederopus (the European spiny oyster) and the less common Glycymeris glycymeris (the dog cockle). Both are currently local to the Mediterranean, especially the Aegean and the Adriatic. Although fossil Spondylus was available in Central Europe (Shackleton & Elderfield 1990) and in eastern inland Bulgaria (Aneta Bakumska, pers. comm.), there is little evidence that it was of sufficiently high quality for ornament production. It is therefore accepted by most researchers that the distribution of many Spondylus shell ornaments found in the Linearbandkeramik indicates a long-distance exchange network –for Séfériadès, the first in Europe (Müller 1997; Séfériadès 2000, 2003; Chapman & Gaydarska, in press a). The production of shell rings has been well studied by Tsuneki (1989) and Michelle Miller (2003), yielding a detailed chaîne

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

BLACK SEA

ADRIATIC SEA SEA OF MARMARA

IONIAN SEA

AEGEAN SEA Figure 1. Location map of important sites mentioned in the text 1. Dimini; 2. Ayia Sofia Magoula; 3. Sitagroi; 4. Varna cemetery; 5. Durankulak cemetery

opératoire. What has been less clear is the symbolic processes constituting a vital part of shell ring making. Two processes have been identified: transformation and revelation. The first transformation comprises the change in state of the spiny oyster from an irregular, thorny, dull and asymmetrical natural thing into a finely polished, symmetrical, highly colored cultural object with a perfect surface. As the shell is ground down towards its final form, each grinding reveals a new combination of colors and surface features. It is this revelation of pre-existing features through a continuing process of grinding that gives the making of shell rings such a metaphorical potency. This means that the making of shell rings is a very personal statement, beginning with the diver who recovered the raw shell from the its rocky underwater home, to the final decision to stop grinding in order to select a specific pattern of natural features. Each stage in the process was linked to an individual or individuals, whose identity was linked, through enchainment, to the shell ring as un-finished biography. The Local and the Inter-Regional Problematic The study of the Spondylus shell assemblage from Dimini was undertaken to answer a research question derived from re-fitting studies of Balkan Neolithic and Copper Age shell rings and figurines and to seek to shed light on the conflicting interpretation of the Dimini shell rings (Tsuneki 1989; Halstead 1993, 1995; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Souvatzi 2000, 2008). The 141

first question arose out of fragmentation and re-fitting studies pursued to provide a methodology for the fragmentation premise –the notion that deliberate fragmentation of objects was practised and that broken objects continue their use-life “after the break”. The shell of a freshly collected Spondylus gaederopus bivalve has a hardness of 7 on the Moh’s scale, comprising a dense, tough but light material. The availability of fresh, modern Spondylus shells in the somewhat polluted Aegean and Mediterranean waters has prevented us from carrying out experimental work on shell ring making and breaking – not a research task willingly supported by many museum curators! But all fragmentation experiments conducted with fired clay objects show that the lighter the object, the harder it is to be broken accidentally through dropping on hard surfaces (unpublished experiments, Vădastra, Romania: J. Chapman, D. Gheorghiu and S. Priestman). It is for these reasons that we maintain that many of the broken shell rings have been deliberately fragmented –in this case, there are very few viable alternatives to breaking such a hard, light material! There are two additional forms of evidence in support of the notion of deliberate breakage: first, when re-fitting studies show that fragments from the same object had been deposited far from each other; and secondly, when the various fragments from the same object had different biographies after the breakage. The specific research question that led us to Dimini revolved around the absence of inter-grave re-fits of shell rings at the

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Durankulak and Varna cemeteries in comparison with the frequent re-fits between fired clay figurines from different settlement contexts at the Dolnoslav tell (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006). Was the discrepancy in intra-site re-fits connected to the material –fired clay vs. shell– or was it related instead to the context of discard –domestic vs. mortuary? For this reason, it became essential to find a sizeable assemblage of Spondylus rings from a totally or nearly totally excavated settlement. No such settlement existed in the Balkans but one candidate emerged from Northern Greece –the Late Neolithic settlement of Dimini, where almost 100 shell rings had been recovered in three separate excavations, dating from 1901 (Stais), 1903 (Tsountas 1908) and 1974-6 (Hourmouziadis 1979). The site of Dimini is situated 5km west of the modern city of Volos and 3km from the present coastline (Fig. 1). It lies on a low rocky spur at 16masl and covers an area of 10,000sq.m. The Late Neolithic settlement (4800–4500 BC, based on four AMS dates obtained from burnt material collected from the settlement in 2004: Skafida, in prep.) is composed of habitation terraces defined by six or seven stone-built enclosures that generally follow the natural contour of the hill and surrounding a central courtyard (Fig. 2). The sixth and seventh walls, identified by Tsountas (1908), are not preserved today. The Dimini hill was continuously used throughout the Bronze Age, although sparsely and mostly not as a settlement but as a burial ground (Adrimi-Sismani 1993, 2002; Maran 1992: 217218; Tsountas 1908: 125-132, 248-252). With the exception of the southeast part, which remains unexcavated, the greater part of the mound –perhaps 75-80%– has been excavated (Dimini Excavation Archive; Hourmouziadis 1979). Tsountas’ perception of the enclosures as high fortification walls (1908: 59) was influenced by the picture of the Homeric city coming to light in the contemporary discoveries of Mycenae and Troy, leading to his interpretation of Dimini as a welldefended settlement, an “acropolis”, ruled by a king residing in the tripartite building of the first enclosure. Hourmouziadis (1978a, 1979) convincingly rejected the defensive function of the enclosures, viewing the settlement as being functionally divided into large spatial segments (named “Domestic Activity Areas” [Hourmouziadis 1979; English term by Elia 1982: 308]), each of which contained entirely self-sufficient and uniform social units that corresponded to one household or family. Nonetheless, Hourmouziadis also emphasized the collective identity of the Dimini community, while disputing the existence of a social elite on the site. By contrast, Halstead (1984, 1995) argued that the central courtyard and the larger building there, interpreted as a “megaron”, represents social ranking, an institutionalized “elite” deriving its power from its success in agriculture and its ability to control surplus appropriation or redistribution and to maintain order in times of conflict and dissent, although his study of the animal bones from the site (Halstead 1992) did not yield evidence for socioeconomic differences. Halstead’s views of Dimini are part of his general model of social differentiation (Halstead 1989, 1995), according to which short-term attempts to stabilize food production led to long-term emergence of institution142

alized elites in the Late Neolithic, named “central megaron elites” for Thessaly, and of social stratification in the ensuing Bronze Age. More recent research by Souvatzi (2000, 2007a, 2008) used the intra-site patterning of the evidence and the small-scale of everyday practices to call all these models into question. Combined analysis of the pottery, Hourmouziadis’ excavation archive (with its insights into recovery biases), the architectural data and features, and a reconsideration of the small find distributions (see Souvatzi 2008 for details and references) suggested considerable variation, rather than uniformity, in the organization of individual social units, the existence of craft specialization and division of labour in different production processes, as well as interdependence rather than self-sufficiency within the village. Nonetheless, there is no consistent evidence for a hierarchical social structure, much less for a “central megaron elite” formed on economic considerations and holding power over others (see Souvatzi 2007b and Souvatzi & Skafida 2003). Indeed, field observations, excavation diaries and even Tsountas’ (1908) plan of the site indicate that the central megaron dates to the Bronze Age. The interpretation of the shell rings at Dimini has formed part of an ongoing and wider debate about the nature of Late Neolithic society at Dimini and in Thessaly overall. All participants to the debate agree that the site of Dimini was on or near the prehistoric coastline, even if the dating of past coastline changes remains insecure (Zangger 1991). By contrast, several interpretations have been proposed for the large number of broken Spondylus rings at Dimini (Fig. 2). The third excavator –Hourmouziadis (1979)– did not recognise any evidence for craft specialization at Dimini, except with regard to incised pottery (Hourmouziadis 1978b), but favoured the idea that each Domestic Activity Area produced its own food, tools and shell rings. To the contrary, Tsuneki (1989) maintained that the high frequency of shell pre-forms and half-finished pieces indicated specialized on-site making of rings, especially likely in House N, and beads and buttons, especially in Area R, arguing that the rings were broken in the final stages of manufacture. The large number of fragments suggested to him a largescale production, mostly for export to inland Thessaly and perhaps the Balkans. In his reconsideration of Tsuneki’s published data, Halstead (1993, 1995) agreed with Tsuneki that the two main Spondylus concentrations were not produced by sampling bias but noted that ring-making débitage was widespread in many parts of the site (1993: fig. 2). Thus the concentrations were produced after manufacture, for, as Halstead (1993: 606) notes: “there is no reason to doubt that most of the shell ring fragments found at Dimini derived from finished objects”. Halstead focused on the high frequency of burnt ring fragments, suggesting that they were “not burnt with other discarded objects in the course of normal refuse disposal but were deliberately destroyed by fire” (1993: 608), as one form of inter-household competition (1995: 18). This potlatching behavior allegedly countered the inflationary tendency inherent in wealth accumulation and allowed the conversion

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

Figure 2. Plan of Late Neolithic settlement of Dimini, with concentrations of Spondylus rings [after Halstead 1993: Fig. 2]

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of wealth to prestige. Hence, for Halstead, unequal access to Spondylus was one basis for the emergence of social inequality in Late Neolithic Thessaly, accompanied as it was by the emergence of hoarding from sharing. In her study of prehistoric ornaments from Thessaly, Kyparissi-Apostolika (2001) supports Tsuneki’s arguments that the production of Spondylus items was specialized and that Dimini was a major production center in Greece but disagrees with his suggestion that these items were intended for export mostly to inland Thessaly. Comparative study of the shell assemblages from inland Thessalian sites such as Ayia Sofia and Platia Magoula Zarkou showed that they deposited considerably lower amounts of shell items and, apparently, limited access to shells and production skills. Accordingly, Kyparissi-Apostolika (2001) suggests that the production of Spondylus items at Dimini was intended for export primarily, if not exclusively, to southeast and central Europe. She generally supports the ascription of prestige to Spondylus items, particularly rings, and argues that Dimini enjoyed a special and privileged position in long-distance exchange networks. Halstead’s version of a prestige goods economy, underpinned in part by shell rings, is criticized by Souvatzi (2007b, 2008: 151-152, 157), who questions the evidence for shell rings denoting intra-site prestige and proposes instead that craft as well as other goods seem to have acted as symbols of social integration and of collective rather than individual prestige, given the fairly even distribution of all types of material in the various households (Souvatzi 2008: 127-134). Building on her standardization of the terminology for the site through her useful definitions of the terms “House” and “Open Area”, Souvatzi accepts Tsuneki’s notion of specialized shell object production, arguing that two phases in the life of House N possessed all stages in the shell ring chaîne opératoire, while Area R showed all the characteristics of a multi-functional workshop, including not only high quantities of Spondylus shell buttons and beads, but also a concentration of 70% of all of the incised pottery, together with a potter’s firing feature and other equipment (Souvatzi 2008: 141-144), as well as an exclusive representation of all stages of the chipped stone production sequence (Karimali 1994: 345-347). Wealth accumulation could not have occurred in workshops and open areas. Souvatzi’s interpretation that the shell rings in House N were burnt in the course of the burning of the house is supported by the claim that other organic remains were also burnt there –a claim directly contradicted by Halstead (1993: 608), who found unburnt animal bones in this house. What can a re-study of the Spondylus shell rings from Dimini add to the already existing welter of opinion and counteropinion? Is it possible to shed new light on shell ring discard through a study of ring biographies and fragmentation? The consequence of this varied problematic is the formulation of a complex set of five aims in this study: •

A consideration of recovery techniques, deposition, re-deposition and post-depositional processes at the Dimini site 144

A description of the shell objects at time of deposition (including their completeness, size and the extent of burning) • the existence of any cases in which the shell fragments re-fit with each other from different contexts of deposition • the biography of each shell object, from manufacture to deposition, based upon careful study of the condition of the objects. • A re-evaluation, from the fragmentation standpoint, of the Tsuneki, Halstead, KyparissiApostolika and Souvatzi hypotheses over the shell ornaments •

The Analysis of the Dimini Spondylus Assemblage Site formation processes The Late Neolithic shell assemblage at Dimini comprises almost 5,800 examples, with both unworked shells and worked shells in large quantities, representing over 20 species of marine shells. This assemblage includes over 500 pieces of Spondylus gaederopus, over 400 from the Hourmouziadis excavations and 100 from other excavations. Focusing on the Hourmouziadis finds, Tsuneki counted 243 broken or complete shell objects and 161 worked or natural shells. The objects comprised 87 rings, 141 buttons, 8 cylindrical beads and five miscellaneous objects. The inclusion of Spondylus rings found in the earlier excavations brings the total of rings to 96. While all but one of the rings was broken, most of the buttons and beads were complete. On the basis of the fragments of partly worked shell rings, Tsuneki concluded that Spondylus rings were produced on site (Tsuneki 1989). The condition of the rings is variable, indicating many different stages in the biography of the objects (Fig. 3-7). The earlier excavations are similar to those of Hourmouziadis in one respect –there was no formal policy of sieving or flotation of sediments. Thus, we cannot exclude the possibility that a proportion of small to very small objects was not recovered from the excavations. Nonetheless, the trowelling and hand-excavation carried out on the Hourmouziadis excavation produced a higher standard of recovery than on the earlier excavations. Two factors would have improved the recovery rate of Spondylus rings: (1) the ring colors, whether unburnt white or burnt black, formed a contrast to the prevalent brown soils and fills of the settlement, improving recognition in trench excavation; and (2) the “value” attributed by the excavators to Spondylus finds would have been transferred to the excavators by positive feedback after discoveries of shell rings, buttons or beads –all object types that were meaningful to the village workforce. The successful operation of both these factors can be demonstrated by the large number of small shell objects found at Dimini, which included 141 buttons ca. 10mm in diameter and some even smaller beads. The maximum size of fully 85% of the measurable Spondylus ring fragments was smaller than 15mm. Unless the missing parts of the rings whose fragments were discovered at Dimini were in turn fragmented into smaller fragments, it is the larger portions of the rings that have not been found in the excavations. While not

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

Figure 3. Museum Inv. No. 354: unburnt white surface polished over fine arcaded lines, with later deposit

Figure 4. Museum Inv. No. 521: unburnt natural lines and garlands, later perforated with a sculpted perforation and still later overlain with deposit

Figure 5. Museum Inv. No. 331: heavily burnt surface, with natural notch; one break unburnt (viz. broken after burning) and the other break burnt (viz., broken before burning)

Figure 6. Museum Inv. No. 320.1: different degrees of burning over natural lines and pitting; one unburnt break; flake detached after burning

ample, the South-East part outside the innermost enclosure (Hourmouziadis’ Domestic Area D) is largely unexcavated. Findings outside of the mound (Hourmouziadis 1979: 51) suggest that habitation may have extended outside the enclosures, although its extent and nature are not known. Recent excavations by the 13th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities of Volos for rescue and restoration purposes have encountered Late Neolithic deposits to the East and South of the mound, right outside of what is today the outermost enclosure (Adrimi-Sismani 2000: 279, fig. 1, 2002: 95, 2003: 71; for a geophysical survey of this area, see Sarris et al. 2002).

Figure 7. Museum Inv. No. 355.1: lustrous surface; strongly burnt and heavily pitted - the most worn and battered example in the assemblage

claiming complete recovery of shell objects, there is a reasonable case to be made that the majority –perhaps the vast majority (?)– of shell ring fragments in the excavations have been recovered for this study. However, it is correct to state that a proportion of the Dimini deposits remain unexplored –perhaps 15-20 percent. For ex145

The finds contexts of the shell rings is indicated below (Table 1). This shows that the assemblage is dominated by deposition in one single house (N), with a smaller concentration of ring fragments in one Unroofed Area (R). To the extent that settlement deposition tends to be dominated by open (yard) or semiopen (pit) rather than closed (burnt house) contexts, a quarter of the Dimini shell ring fragments of known context (n = 82) derive from open contexts, with uncertainty about whether they were in their locus of primary deposition, moved from any primary place of deposition or re-deposited deliberately. While accidental movement of objects over distances greater than a few meters is harder to imagine, given the prolifera-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

tion of drystone wall barriers on the site, children’s play is but one common way of moving objects, especially bright shiny objects like shell ring fragments (for others, see Hayden & Cannon 1983). The greater closure of the finds contexts for the remainder of the fragments suggests a consistent deposition in primary context rather than secondary movement. Moreover, the discovery of concentrations of fragments suggests that this is not accidental behavior but deliberate depositional choice, given also that several spatial contexts were found burnt and/or sealed by superstructure collapse, which increases the chance that the deposits discovered underneath were intact (Souvatzi

Excavation Context

Number of Shell Rings / Ring Fragments

Central Yard

2

House X

3

House N

46

Megaron B

1

Sector 4

3

Sector 10

5

Sector 12

1

Sector D

4

Sector H

1

Sector K

3

Unroofed Area R

13

Surface

3

Unknown

11

Table 1. Finds contexts of Spondylus rings, Dimini

2008: Table 5.1). Within the houses and the unroofed area, there is a strong association between Spondylus rings and the vicinity of hearths. The main exceptions to this association comes from the second phase of House N, where a group of 19 shell rings was kept in a built-in stone cupboard and a small group of three rings was stored on a stone shelf, although, in an earlier phase of the same house, shell rings occurred typically near hearths. House N is interesting also in that it shows uniform relative quantities of waste and of finished products, as well as being the only space where all the stages of the ring production sequence are represented (Tsuneki 1989: 13). This strengthens further the impression of primary deposition as well as the suggestion discussed above that the production of rings took place, partly or mostly, inside House N (Souvatzi 2008; Tsuneki 1989). All of these factors lead to the conclusion that there were two kinds of discard and deposition of shell ring fragments at Dimini – deliberate deposition in more closed contexts (the houses and unroofed Area R) (n = 63) and less structured discard in 146

open contexts, which it is hard to characterize as undisturbed primary contexts (n = 19). There is no context recorded for the remaining 14 ring fragments. This division into more and less closed contexts provides an analytical framework to identify similarities and differences between groups of ring fragments. The potentially biasing effect of the large group from House N has been borne in mind throughout these analyses. The condition of the shell rings The first point about the Dimini shell ring assemblage as a whole is its high rate of fragmentation. The shells are much more incomplete than those in the mortuary groups from Durankulak and Varna. While one-quarter of the Varna cemetery shell rings are complete, there is only one complete ring at Dimini. A Completeness Index –the index of the completeness of deposited objects (Schiffer 1987)– shows a similar percentage of rings with an Index of 20-40% to that of Varna but with fewer of the smallest fragments (10-20%) than at Varna (Fig. 8). The principal difference is the paucity of large fragments (> 50%) at Dimini, indicating not necessarily that fragmentation has been much more intense at Dimini (since many small fragments were re-fitted in Varna graves to make complete or large fragments) but that the settlement context was not a context for accumulation of re-fittable fragments. Since the Completeness Indices of the Dimini settlement and the Varna cemetery are complementary distributions, a hypothetical Dimini cemetery would perhaps contain the large shell ring fragments that are missing from the Dimini settlement. In this sense, the Dimini settlement may have differed from Balkan Copper Age sites with extensive series of burnt house depositional contexts, such as at Dolnoslav (Gaydarska et al. 2007). A second characteristic of the Dimini shell rings is their small size, as measured by the inner diameter. Within a total range of 12-73mm, 80% of the ring diameters peak between 20-39mm (so-called Medium size), with similar proportions of Small and Large fragments (Fig. 9). This means that only one in ten shell rings could have been worn as bracelets when complete, with the others sewn to clothing, tied round the neck or arm or placed on the figurine shelf along the long walls of houses, as in House N. All contexts but one are dominated by Mediumsized rings, the exception being Unroofed Area R, with the highest proportion of Large and Small ring fragments. The third and very visual characteristic of the Dimini shell rings is burning –a point made by all other commentators. Almost two-thirds (64%) of the shell rings had been burnt but to different strengths and over different areas of the ring surfaces (e.g. Fig. 5-7). Three grades of burning have been defined: “slight” (occasional traces of burning leaving a grey color); “medium” (up to 50% of the ring surface being burnt, with colors ranging from grey to black); and “strong” (over 80% of the ring surface burnt to a dark grey or black color). It is important to note that burnt rings were not discarded in most contexts but only in three structures and the burnt layer of one open context (Sector D). There are several discrepancies between the nature of the depositional context –whether burnt or unburnt– and the condition of the rings –burnt or unburnt. Several burnt Spondylus rings, as well as some unburnt exam-

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

Figure 8. Completeness Index, Dimini shell rings

Figure 9. Ring size, Dimini shell rings

ples, were deposited in unburnt contexts in Phase 1 of House N, while some unburnt shell rings, as well as burnt examples, were deposited in the burnt Phases 2 and 3 of House N (Souvatzi 2000: 128, 2008: 151-152, Table 5.1). While House X was burnt at the end of its life, two unburnt rings were deposited there but only one burnt ring. A similar combination of burnt and unburnt rings was deposited in the burnt clay zone of Area D. Only in the burnt clay layer in Structure R did a large group of burnt rings occur –four slightly, one medium and four strongly burnt rings– but even there three unburnt rings were deposited. This pattern of discard can convincingly be explained neither by accidental burning of rings lying close to fireplaces nor by chance discard, since, otherwise, more burnt rings would have been found in the open contexts. This suggests that, contra Halstead (1993) and Souvatzi (2008), it is improbable that all of the shell rings were burnt in situ in the course of a house fire; rather, there has been a deliberate selection of a wide range of rings –some burnt, some unburnt– 147

for discard in Houses N and X and the Unroofed Area R. We shall return to the implications of this finding when we look at individual ring biographies (see below, pp. 149-151). In summary, the Dimini shell ring assemblage was characterized by highly fragmented, small and frequently burnt objects. While there is greater variability on the larger fragment groups, this feature does not explain the differences in the types of ring fragments discarded in the various kinds of contexts. The re-fitting study The high rate of fragmentation of the Dimini shell ring assemblage suggested the value of a re-fitting exercise, in which every available fragment (n = 93: 3 fragments were on permanent display in the Archaeological Museum, Volos) was tested for matches against every other fragment. This study would give an idea of the extent of enchained relations across

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

the site, as well as helping in a first estimate of the proportion of “orphan ring fragments” (viz., fragments from rings whose other portions have not been found on site). At this point, we should be reminded that the site has not yet been completely excavated (see above, p. 142; Skafida, in prep.). Thus, this study cannot define the status of “orphan ring fragments” with any certainty but can provide a snapshot, in 2005, of the state of the shell ring assemblage. The results of the re-fitting exercise showed one physical re-fit between two fragments and varying probabilities of nine further pairs deriving from the same shell ring. Bollong’s (1994) criteria for sherd re-fits have been adopted to the case of shell rings, using five measures of ring fragment similarity: (1) color; (2) inner diameter; (3) special natural features; (4) polish; and (5) thickness/width. In this manner, we could make realistic estimates of the likelihood of fragments deriving from the same ring, despite the absence of a physical re-fit. Careful observation of each potential pair of re-fitted fragments allow us to state that the postulated pairs share a higher probability of deriving from the same object than all other potential pairs. The single physical re-fit and the nine postulated re-fits are listed below (Table 2).

Our Re-Fit No

Fragment 1 Inv. No/ Context

The probability of successful re-matching is also related to the size of the shell ring assemblage. In large assemblages of over 1,000 rings, such probabilities are much lower than in the case of an assemblage of fewer than 100 pieces. Moreover, most of the postulated re-fits share the characteristic that a small fragment of missing ring separated the two fragments. It seems possible that this missing part was the débitage of shell ring breakage and that it was missed in the 1970s excavations. By contrast, such small pieces have been found in several graves in the Varna cemetery, suggesting “local” breakage of shell rings at the graveside. If all of these re-fits are accepted, two obvious inferences can be drawn. First, the re-fitting of the shell ring fragments has managed to join 21.5% of all the fragments –a higher proportion than has ever been achieved with fired clay figurine refitting (Gaydarska et al. 2007) or with inter-grave shell ring re-fitting (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006). Secondly, this still leaves a potential 73 “orphan ring fragments” incomplete and without any re-fits within the excavated deposits. Given the unknown proportion of the site as unexcavated, with the high probability of foundation deposits in the lower parts of the stratigraphy, it would be unwise to underline the certainty of

Fragment 2 Inv. No/ Context

Shared Criteria

Probalitiy

1

O 312 / House N

O 315/ House N

physical fit

100%

2

O 444/ Str. R

O 446/ Str. R

1/2/3/3/4/5

90%

3

BE 908.2/ surface

O 344/ Central Yard

1/2/3/4

80%

4

O 561.4/ ???

O 561.5/ ???

1/2/4/5

80%

5

O 325/ House N

O 327/ Area H

1/2/3/4/5

70%

6

O 561.10/ ???

O 320.6/ House N

1/2/3/4

60%

7

O 353/ Central Yard

O 546/ Area 10

1/3/4/5

60%

8

O 488/ Area 10

O 510/ Area 4

1/2/3/4/5

60%

9

O 477/ Str. R

O 468/ Str. R

1/3/4

50%

10

O 474.1/ Str. R

O 474.2/ Str. R

1/2/3

50%

Table 2. Physical and postulated re-fits between pairs of shell ring fragments, Late Neolithic Dimini Key:- Str. – Structure; the shared criteria are defined in the text in the paragraph before Table 1

“orphan ring fragments” linking up with other fragments off the site, although this practice can be documented for figurines at Dolnoslav and is equally likely with the Dimini shell rings. But what is the Completeness Index of the re-fitted rings? In each and every case, the re-fitted rings stubbornly constitute a still incomplete shell ring, with the missing part(s) ranging from 10% to 60% (Fig. 10). There is a modal tendency for fragments to cluster around 30-40%, perhaps indicating a ring division into three broadly equal parts. Thus, even with actual and highly probable ring fragment re-fits, there are still many missing parts! 148

The spatial scale of the shell ring re-fitting within Dimini shows considerable variability (Fig. 11). Four of the re-fitted pairs were discarded in the same context (Re-fits 1, 2, 9 and 10). Two re-fits were discarded in different sectors: one part of Re-fit 7 was discarded in Sector A in the Central Yard, the other in Area 10 –a minimum distance of 270m (maximum of 380m) along the outside of enclosure wall 3, along the radial entrance passageway to the Central Yard and across two more spaces in the Yard. The different parts of Re-fit 8 were discarded in Areas 10 and 4 –a minimum of 130m apart (maximum of 220m) across two or three open areas. One re-fit (Re-fit 5) links a House and an Area –House N and Area H, a minimum of 100m apart (maximum of 180m) and separated

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

Figure 10. Completeness indices, re-fitted shell ring fragments

by House X and two Areas. Interestingly, there are no re-fits between different houses –an unexpected result that merits further discussion. Of the three re-fits with incomplete contextual data (Re-fits 3, 4 and 6), there is a high probability that the two parts of Re-fit 6 derived from different contexts, since one part was excavated by Stais/Tsountas and the other from House N by Hourmouziadis. In terms of the Domestic Activity Areas defined by Hourmouziadis (1979) and used by Halstead (1993), the three cross-contextual re-fits linked DAAs A and B (Re-fit 5), C and the Central Yard (Re-fit 7) and C and D (Re-fit 8). There can be no doubt that the shell ring re-fits provide an element of dynamism and mobility in the account of the settlement’s artifact distributions that has hitherto been missing. The basic pattern of the re-fitted fragments and the orphan fragments is more in tune with the notion of enchained relations linking cross-cutting household areas (Souvatzi 2007a; cf. Skourtopoulou 2006, n.d.) which supplements the domestic self-sufficiency often emphasized in the Hourmouziadis model. The existence of two re-fits between houses and open contexts (Re-fits 5 and 6) supports the emphasis on relations between different household areas. Inter-household connections as part of the creation and maintenance of social relations between persons or groups are indicated from many other lines of evidence. For example, the wide range of animals kept in each spatial segment points to intra-communal exchanges of livestock (Halstead 1992: 53, 55); the presence of craftspecialization in pottery, chipped stone tools and shell objects would have required interdependence and reliance on a wider social and economic system (Souvatzi 2007b, 2008); and architecture can also be viewed within a framework of shared relations, decisions and standards, given the space limits on the one hand and the precise layout of the overall settlement plan, on the other. The reason for the absence of shell ring re-fits between houses may be related to Dalla Riva’s (2003) point that not all intra-village relations require extensive materialization, since they could have been mediated by faceto-face contact. Moreover, the missing parts of even re-fitted 149

ring fragments probably betoken relations of enchainment between Dimini and other, inland sites, whose kinship ties were reinforced through the materiality of re-fitted objects. Such relations are already attested by other classes of material –for example by the widespread occurrence, on a regional and interregional level, of painted pottery of Classical Dimini Ware (Brown-on-Buff, with dense geometrical patterns arranged in panels) (Hourmouziadis 1978b; Schneider et al. 1994; Washburn 1983), including the site of Makriyalos in Macedonia (Vlachos 2002: 121, 123-124). Before examining the biographies of the re-fitted ring fragments, we first turn to a broader study of all of the shell ring biographies. Shell ring biographies The study of shell ring biographies necessarily uses the individual shell ring fragment as unit of analysis. It follows the approach of characterizing the total range of features, both predepositional and post-depositional, with contextual analysis of these data. There is a total of 14 natural features, five features indicating manufacture, six features indicating use and only one feature indicating post-depositional processes (Table 3). Here we concentrate on the natural features revealed by careful, incremental grinding. The natural features can appear on a wide variety of parts of the ring fragment, from one to eight different places, with a preference for three or four places (Fig. 12). By far the commonest of the natural features are the basic lines, found on 80% of rings, followed by sculpting (35%) and pitting (34%) (Fig. 13). All other natural features except notches, garlands and the color red were revealed on less than 10% of rings. The making of the shell rings revealed up to five different natural features on any given ring (Fig. 14). Basic lines had been revealed on most of the ring fragments with only one feature (14 out of 19), with complex lines, pitting and sculpting found occasionally. Each of the four ring fragments with five natu-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 11. Spatial linkage of re-fitting shell ring fragments, Dimini

150

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

Feature

Dimini

Durankulak

Varna

Peaks in Inner Diameter

20 – 40%

50 – 70%

50 – 70%

No. of Natural Features

11

9 – 10

19

No of Feature Pathways

19

20

34

% of Complete rings

1%

46 – 86%

30%

20 – 40%

20 – 30% + 70 – 80%

10 – 30% + 60 – 70%

% rings + inter-context re-fitting

9%

0%

0%

% rings + intra-context re-fitting

11%

9 - 33%

24%

% of rings + burning

64%

2%

0,50%

Peak(s) in Completeness Index

Table 3. Differences between Spondylus ring assemblages at the Dimini settlement and the Durankulak and Varna cemeteries

Figure 12. Number of areas on which natural features occur

ral features showed a different combination of features. This was typical of the process of revelation, which highlighted the emphasis upon difference between individual shell rings. However, a comparison of the popularity of various natural features at Dimini with those of the Varna and Durankulak cemeteries (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006) shows that each region had developed its own preferences within which individual choices were constantly being made (Table 3). We now turn to the later stages of the shell ring biographies . Shell ring micro-stratigraphies The next, and most important, phase in the investigation of biographical pathways was the establishment of micro-stratigraphies for each shell ring fragment –the sequence of events– natural and cultural– that changed the lives of the rings. There are five main events that could have occurred in the life of a shell ring: the selection of natural features; breaking the ring; burning; polishing; and “final” events (including wear, stress cracks and post-depositional deposits). Because of the high incidence of burning, we have the unusual possibility of se151

quencing these events more precisely, in a way that was not possible at Varna or Durankulak with shell rings, or even at Dolnoslav with fired clay figurines. We have found that, far from being a wholly negative force of destruction, burning of shell rings can have a pleasing aesthetic effect, highlighting natural features such as complex lines. The main difficulty has been in deciding whether and, if so, how the rings have been polished after burning. Experimental work has not yet succeeded in reproducing the effect of polishing after the burning of a marine shell. The distribution of “phases” (the stratigraphic equivalent of an individual event) in the shell ring micro-stratigraphies ranges from three to seven, with a predominance of four and five stages, in comparison to a narrower range for the micro-stratigraphies of the re-fitted ring fragments (3-5, with a predominance of 4 stages) (Fig. 15). Let us consider two examples of these micro-stratigraphies. In the heavily burnt surface of M. Inv. No. 331, with its natural notch (Fig. 5), one break was unburnt (viz., the ring was broken after burning), while the

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 13. Incidence of natural features on shell rings

Figure 14. Number of natural features on shell rings

other break was burnt (viz., it was broken before burning). Another example is Museum Inv. No. 320.1 (Fig. 6), which displays different degrees of burning over natural lines and pitting. There is one unburnt break, while, at the other end, a flake of shell has been detached after burning. These examples show that the micro-stratigraphies resemble trench stratigraphies in their establishment of sequence without providing a time-scale between the events. Eleven specific micro-stratigraphies have been identified, each occurring on more than one ring fragment. For the sake of greater clarity, these sequences have been clustered into four Groups: • Group 1: burning after the break(s) • Group 2: first break – burning – second break • Group 3: break(s) after the burning • Group 4: unburnt rings 152

The distribution of these micro-stratigraphical groups indicates that, of the two-thirds of burnt rings, 39% (or 35) rings (Groups 2 + 3) have been broken after burning –i.e. more than all of the unburnt rings. Within this total, 17 rings (18%) have been broken twice – once before burning and once after (Fig. 5), indicating a complex life history prior to final deposition. In the unburnt ring group (Group 4), there is one case of a ring which is broken once before, and once after, the laying down of brown deposit (e.g. Fig. 4), while, in another example, a deposit was formed after the break which followed the accumulation of use-wear. This result has two clear implications –that life “after the break” was quite normal for a reasonably high proportion of the Dimini shell rings and that burning was only sometimes the final social act prior to, if not part of, deposition. One unsatisfactory aspect of the analysis is the grouping under one Phase (“final”) of the results of three different processes

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

A detailed comparison of the micro-stratigraphical groups of re-fitted pairs indicates that a majority of cases shared the same micro-stratigraphy (n = 6). However, in four cases, there were discrepancies (the presence vs. absence of burning on Re-fit 2; reversal of the order of breakage and burning on Refits 4 and 6; and the reversal of the order of breakage and deposit on Re-fit 8). As at Varna and Durankulak, these findings suggest the possibility of a different mid-life experience for these fragments after initial breakage. Inter-Site Comparisons

Figure 15. No. of phases in shell ring micro-stratigraphy

–wear from usage, stress marks from burning or another such practice, and deposits from post-depositional soil processes. Several interesting trends emerge with the unpackaging of these three different elements. The lowest proportion of rings with wear falls in Group 1, where the last Phase is therefore generally the burning Phase. Thus, for 21/23 rings in Group 1, burning is the last social act prior to deposition. This result stands in strong contrast to up to 1/3 of the rings from the other Groups, on whom use-wear traces appear “stratified” over the last break (Fig. 15). Thus, in some cases, there are two phases of life history for rings after they were burnt. This finding makes it hard to support the deliberate and competitive destruction of shell ring fragments by burning postulated by Halstead (1993). The final analysis concerns the biographical pathways and micro-stratigraphies of the two parts of the ten pairs of re-fitted shell rings. Each re-fitted pair was compared in terms of negative matches (the mutual absence of a natural feature, a production feature, a usage feature or a post-depositional trace), positive matches (the co-presence of such a feature) and discrepancies (differences between the two fragments). First, there was no relationship between the percentage probability of the fragments re-fitting and the number of discrepancies in biographical pathway. Secondly, most of the discrepancies related to different natural features, some of which were specific to particular parts of a shell (n = 20 cases). However, there were six pairs with discrepancies in use-life (presence vs. absence of burning on Re-fit 2; presence vs. absence of wear on Re-fit 6; wear on one fragment, with flakes detached from the other on Re-fits 3, 4 and 7; and flakes detached from one fragment, with burning on the other on Re-fit 8). Each of these cases raises the possibility that the fragments went through different life experiences subsequent to the original breakage. The three discrepancies related to post-depositional deposits confirm the different depositional contexts in which two of the pairs (Re-fits 3 & 5) were found but does not explain the same depositional context for the two fragments comprising Re-fit 10.

153

The biographical and re-fitting studies of the Spondylus shell rings from the Dimini settlement can be compared and contrasted with the other shell ring assemblages studied in detail (viz., the Durankulak and Varna cemeteries) and less precise information from North and Central Greek settlements such as Sitagroi and Ayia Sofia Magoula. The comparisons generate a rich pattern of variability in which the main differences are related to the contextual contrasts between settlements and mortuary arenas Recent AMS dates show chronological overlaps between Dimini, at 4790–4500 Cal BC (see above p. 142) and the Bulgaria Copper Age cemeteries of Durankulak and Varna at 4700–4400 Cal BC (Higham et al. 2007; Honch et al. 2006). The main differences between the shell ring assemblages at Dimini, Durankulak and Varna has been summarized above (Table 3). In summary, the Dimini shell rings turn out to be substantially smaller than the Durankulak and Varna rings, with regional differences in preferred natural features and natural feature pathways, despite the numerical overlap. The Dimini assemblage reveals far fewer complete rings and a very small proportion of large fragments, with the high proportion of burnt rings at Dimini further differentiating it from those of Durankulak and Varna. But perhaps the most striking difference is the relatively large number of physically matching and high-probability re-fits of pairs of ring fragments linking various settlement contexts at Dimini, in contrast with the absence of re-fitted rings between graves in either cemetery. The principal practice of re-fitting of mortuary fragments was within graves, while relatively few re-fits were made within houses or open areas at Dimini. What do these differences mean? The key difference is that, while Varna and Durankulak were centers of spectacular mortuary consumption, Dimini and Sitagroi III were shell ring production sites as well as being places of consumption. There is an evident contrast in shell ring size between shell ring-making sites near the Aegean coast, where a full range of shell rings would have been made but only smaller rings were deposited, and inland Central Greek or Black Sea shell ring-importing groups, who exchanged valuables for the larger rings (or ring fragments?) so vital to their social reproduction in settlement or mortuary rituals. The mean interior diameter of ‘production sites’ is generally small: 35mm at Sitagroi (Shackleton 2003: 363), with larger diameters in Phase III (Nikolaidou 2003: 339-340); 35mm at

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Dikili Tash (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992: 163); 45-50mm at Dimitra (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1997: 209); and 50mm at Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume). However, the importing groups were concerned not only with ring size but also with the quality and diversity of natural features that had been revealed through grinding and polishing. While the Durankulak and Varna communities showed preferences for rings with certain natural features although, interestingly, rings with no additional features beyond their natural color and brilliance were also popular, rings with basic lines, pitting and sculpture, singly or in combination, were preferred for deposition at Dimini. At every site, there are parallels between the natural Spondylus features selected and motifs on decorated pottery. Bearing in mind the different raw materials in question, it is very tempting to examine in the future the parallels between the natural Spondylus features selected and features on decorated pottery (i.e. the red appearance of some Spondylus rings (Chapman & Gaydarska 2006: Pls. 38 & 42) and the use of red crusted decoration on pottery), bearing in mind that close parallels could also be traced between decorated pottery motifs and figurines as well as spindle whorls (Souvatzi & Skafida 2003: 433). The importance of complete shell rings in the mortuary assemblages is itself very variable. We suggest that two competing practices were in tension –the custom of integrating the totality of relations embodied in the object deposited in the mortuary domain and the practice of emphasising the partible nature of the relationship between the newly-dead and the living by keeping ring fragments in separate contexts. The meaning of these patterns for Dimini is threefold: the low significance of integrated biographical relations as shown by the single complete ring; the greater importance of materialized intra-site relations, as shown by the re-fitting shell ring fragments; and the greater significance of enchained relations between residents and others living away from the site, as embodied in the high proportion of orphan shell fragments. This last point may be noted at Sitagroi (2% complete shell rings: Nikolaidou 2003: 337) and Ayia Sofia magoula (0/12 rings complete: Tsuneki 1987). This interpretation is further supported by the low completeness index of the vast majority of the Dimini shell rings. The recurrence of ring fragments measuring approximately 1/3rd of the ring circumference suggests that rings were perhaps being regularly divided into three parts at or near Dimini, as a means of systematizing enchained relations between three people or between three categories of person. The identification of inter-context re-fits in the Dimini shell ring assemblage demonstrated that it was the mortuary context that was responsible for the absence of ring re-fits at Varna and Durankulak rather than the shell material itself. Although it seems that day-to-day interactions would also have reduced the need for materialization of inter-household relations at Dimini, the existence of inter-context re-fits suggests either that children, or other mechanisms, moved ring fragments between spaces or that a more structured practice linked spaces and their habitual occupants. The latter is more likely in view of the social, ritual and possible cosmological significance of the shell rings. Such fragment dispersion could have occurred 154

in the course of the often lengthy use-lives of the shell rings, which show several stages of change after the selection of the final form of the natural features. Thus, after the breakage of one shell ring, the fragments were taken into different households and each used in different ceremonies, leading to different biographies that took the ring fragments into different final places of deposition. At Dimini, such ceremonies were much more frequently linked to burning than in the Black Sea cemeteries – burning that sometimes resulted in the enhancement of the surface patterns in black as a symbolic reversal of the Spondylus’ normal color. There is also the possibility that the shell rings were burnt in the course of cremation practices, as attested in the Thessalian Late Neolithic at Soufli magoula and Platia Zarkou magoula (Gallis 1996). The possibility that the Dimini shell rings were presencing a mortuary ritual involving the deaths of important members of the community brings the Dimini rings contextually closer to those from the Black Sea zone. A contrasting intra-site pattern to the burnt shell rings is found in the distribution at Dimini of anthropomorphic figurines, only 13% of which are burnt. This suggests that a rather low percentage of figurines was used in ceremonies that involved secondary burning. While most of the figurines with secondary burning were deposited in burnt contexts, the high proportion of figurines without secondary burning found in burnt contexts suggests that these images had been placed after the fire had died down, as part of rituals of commemoration and closure (perhaps as with unburnt Spondylus rings in House N). Although there is only one figurine with secondary burning in an unburnt context, it is still a sign that figurines were used in rituals involving fire well before their eventual deposition (Skafida, in prep.). What do these findings mean for the creation of personhood at Dimini? In the first place, the unequivocal evidence for deliberate ring fragmentation at Dimini –whether the re-fitting data with different uses of the re-matched parts or the microstratigraphic evidence for use of fragments “after the break”– means that there are enchained processes linking those who broke and divided the rings, exchanged or kept the parts. The logic of fragment enchainment is that the creation of personal identity was linked to relations with other persons mediated by object fragments, each of which itself embodied a chain of relationships stretching back to the beginning of its object biography. Secondly, we can glimpse a lifelong process of individualization of persons and shell rings which is particularly appropriate to the Dimini shell rings in view of their long and complex biographies. The partible relations of those owning/using shell rings stretch back to the shell-divers who retrieved the shells and brought them back from such dangerous zones. They continued through the skill of the shell ring makers whose selection of techniques and mastery of revelation brought forth the natural features that were so attractive and so different in each shell ring. For inland settlers and those living on the Black Sea coast, these relations were further enhanced by the long-distance specialists whose status, in turn, depended

John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi – Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings

upon the completion of trips from home and hearth to remote and dangerous areas and to communities speaking a different language. Each person had their own biographical fame to offer an enchained relationship materialized through the Spondylus shell ring. Just as every contribution was different, so the physical form and characteristics of each ring was different –depending on its color, size, natural features and those features accreted during the life of the ring, forming a basis for differentiation of the histories that were recounted of each shell ring. This suggests that Nancy Munn’s (1986) verdict on the kula trade –that the fame of each person was inextricably linked to the fame of each shell– can be extended to fragmented objects –the fame of fragments of shell rings were linked to the fame of the related fractal persons. Phrased in another way, there were links between the physical features of the ring (e.g. its breaks) and the partible relations represented by its biography (i.e. all those inter-related persons connected with its making, using and breaking). Thirdly, the existence of more and less important inter-personal relations within the village or the household would have determined the strength of specific enchained relations. Clearly, the inhabitants of House N played a key role in enchained relations based upon Spondylus ring distribution, since this was where many, if by no means all, of the shell rings were produced. Each of the “producer” households had already developed extensive enchained relations to the shells’ source areas of rocky beaches, as well as to the divers and collectors if members of the households did not possess diving skills. The absence of shell ring re-fits between households may be explained by the similarity of enchained relations that each household established at an early stage of the shell ring biography. These inter-personal links, mediated by the shells, would have been consolidated into deeply personal embodiments of the production skills of the household shell ring makers, whose identities were forever linked to the newly created shell rings. The burning of the complete rings in some household or collective ritual led to the accretion of further layers of identity on the ring surface, enchaining those participating in the ritual. The deliberate breaking of the shell rings led to the dispersion of the maker’s identity across the social space of the village, if not further. Further burning of already broken rings, not to mention post-fracture wear, established visual relations denoting further social action. Villagers in the ‘production sites’ would have been enchained to those fragments used for exchange with inland Thessaly and the southern Balkans, as well as to those long-distance specialists from their own village who used the shell ring fragments to procure through barter other exotic objects for their home village (Helms 1993). This was why the villagers would have maintained a special interest in the fate of those specialists as much as the fate of the shell ring fragments themselves. At each stage of the shell ring biography, the visual signals of not only technical processes but also social practices linking a ring to different persons was sedimented on the surface of the shell ring. The multiplicity of these links is confirmation that shell ring biographies were an important constituent of fractal personhood –the creation of dividual persons through links with other persons.

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Conclusions Our analysis of the biographical data suggests that the Spondylus shell ring assemblage from Dimini is highly fragmented, variably burnt, not very worn and with many ring fragments having a long and complex life-history. The size of the shell rings, as measured by the inner diameter, indicates that a very small percentage of the rings, when complete, could ever have been worn by even the smallest child. The Dimini ring size is far smaller than that of the mortuary assemblages at Durankulak and Varna I, North East Bulgaria. The Completeness Index of the Dimini assemblage lacks the moderate frequencies of 50-80%-complete examples that characterize the two Bulgarian assemblages; most of the Dimini shells are less than 40% complete and only one example is 100% complete, in comparison with 30% of the Varna cemetery rings being deposited whole. The re-fitting exercise proved stimulating and not a little problematic. Of the 96 fragments studied, only one physical match of two fragments was found. However, the probabilities of two fragments belonging to the same ring was estimated based on criteria such as (1) color; (2) inner diameter; (3) special characteristics; (4) polish and (5) width. On this basis, a further nine pairs of ring fragments were judged to have probabilities of between 50% and 90% of belonging to the same ring. Accepting these probabilities, we have a high percentage of re-fits, amounting to 21% in comparison to the re-fitting percentages for any of the Bulgarian figurine assemblages that we have studied. This suggests an answer to one of our primary research questions: was it the context of the shell rings that was important for re-fitting or its material? Clearly, the domestic context rather than the mortuary context is the vital issue at stake here, not the material from which the objects were made. Of the ten potential re-fits, three were made between ring fragments deriving from different contexts (one from a house to an Area, the others between two Areas), four were from the same context and three had one or both contexts unrecorded. The distances involved between contexts ranged from 100m to 370m, across two or three separate Areas. Given the significance of the material, there is a low probability that such fragment dispersal could have happened by chance and the contexts involved do not include material in secondary deposition. Our preliminary conclusion is therefore that Spondylus shell rings were deliberately fragmented some time during their lifetime and the separate fragments were deposited in different places by persons whose social relations were underpinned by enchainment mediated by shell ring fragments. Initial examination of the details of the life histories of the shell rings indicates very variable biographies. One example is the extent of burning, whose traces on the rings ranged from none to strong. There appears to be no burnt shell ring fragments in any open area but Area R. In this context, and in House N –both with larger frequencies of shell rings than elsewhere– each class of burning is found, suggesting that this is

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

not a pattern produced by deliberate house or area burning but rather a deliberate selection of a wide range of colors and surface features for deposition. In several cases, signs of activity since the break and since burning show long life-histories of certain rings. The variability of micro-stratigraphies involving burning combines with the contextual discrepancies between the deposition of unburnt rings in burnt contexts and vice versa (and also figurines!) to indicate that the use of fire was a carefully controlled method of transformation that was not indiscriminately applied to all objects but to certain shell ring fragments and figurines at specific stages of their biography. How do our results contribute to the debate over the Dimini Spondylus shell rings? Our study has not changed Tsuneki’s conclusion that all stages of the chaîne opératoire of ring making were present in several locales at Dimini, which was therefore a production site. What we can say, however, is that his insight that the rings were broken as a result of production mishaps is essentially impossible to sustain. There are numerous examples of a complex life history in ring fragments that do not support the Tsuneki hypothesis. Equally, our findings do not support Paul Halstead’s hypothesis of the deliberate destruction of shell rings by burning as part of inter-household competition, since many ring fragments show signs of life after burning. The possible extension to the Halstead hypothesis of the further use of burnt and broken shell rings by successful households after the potlatch ceremony does not fit well with enchainment theory, insofar as the enchained relations mediated by the ring fragments embodied relations of solidarity rather than competition. The concentration of shell rings at Dimini that suggested an élite settlement to Kyparissi-Apostolika is still valid. Enchained exchange of shell rings inland or North to the Balkans was one way of sustaining élite relations, either through long-distance movement of special individuals or through a series of local enchained, inter-community exchanges of the kind well documented for both exotic obsidian and local chocolate flint in Neolithic Thessaly (Karimali, in press). But, at a more fundamental social level, the fragmentation of shell rings at Dimini shows that partible relations using parts of objects may have been basic social practices for many people in Late Neolithic Greek society. Each person was created through a series of relationships with every other person whom s/he encountered. This permeable kind of personhood is well known from recent Melanesian societies who, by contrast, use complete objects in sequential exchange to validate their enchained relations. What is different about prehistoric communities in the Balkans and, now, through this study, in Greece is the way that parts of objects were just as frequently used at the same time as complete objects to sustain and enhance their enchained relationships. There can be no better example of this principle of fractal personhood than the Spondylus shell ring assemblage from Late Neolithic Dimini.

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Acknowledgements We have many debts of gratitude to repay for the production of this article: to the most recent excavator of Neolithic Dimini, Professor Hourmouziadis, for permission to study the shell ring collection; to the then Director of the Volos Ephorate, Vasiliki Adrymi-Sismani, for her kindness in providing such good working conditions and open access to the shell rings; to Kostas Kotsakis for both his interfacing and his ideas; to Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika for her enthusiasm in studying the Dimini site; Maria Tsigara, Evangelia Stamelou and the staff at Volos Museum for their many kindnesses; to Katerina Skourtopoulou, Evangelia Karimali and George Toufexis for sharing their stimulating unpublished papers with us; to Martina Dalla Riva for sharing her unpublished Masters dissertation with us; to the British School at Athens for the award of a Catling Bursary and their offer to publish in their journal; to Paul Halstead and the Editor of Antiquity, for permission to reproduce our Fig. 2; and, finally, to Durham University for granting one of the authors (JCC) research leave and the time to write part of this article. We are also grateful to four reviewers of an earlier draft of the article for their forceful criticisms of our arguments, which have challenged us to strengthen our arguments and make what for us is a more convincing case for deliberate fragmentation of shell rings at Late Neolithic Dimini. Finally, we would like to thank the editors most warmly for their helpful comments and their stimulation to clarify the social commentary of this chapter.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 1 1

SPONDYLUS OBJECTS FROM THEOPETRA CAVE, GREECE: IMPORTED OR LOCAL PRODUCTION? Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika Theopetra Cave is located at the westernmost edge of the Thessalic plain, very close to Pindus mountain range, some 100km far from the closest sea shore. In layers of the Late Neolithic a number of Spondylus objects (beads, bracelets and pendants) were found. Some of them belong to common types known from other excavations near the eastern shores of Thessaly (i.e. Dimini, Ayia Sofia) while some others (a certain type of beads) are not known from that inventory and therefore raise the question whether they were made locally. Despite the long distance separating the site from the sea, were there such experienced craftsmen so as to explain the artifacts’ presence so far inland? The paper will try to give answers to the above questions.

Theopetra Cave is located at the westernmost edge of the Thessalic plain, very close to Pindus mountain range, some 100km far from the closest sea shore (Fig. 1) (KyparissiApostolika 1999a, 1999b). In layers of the Late Neolithic a number of Spondylus objects (beads, bracelets and pendants) were found. Some of them belong to common types known from other excavations near the eastern shores of Thessaly (i.e. Dimini, Ayia Sofia) while some others (a certain type of beads) are not known from that inventory and therefore raise the question whether they were made locally. Despite the long distance separating the site from the sea, were there such experienced craftsmen so as to explain the artifacts’ presence so far inland? Shell objects (ornaments?) are well known in Greece from several sites (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Μiller 1996) mainly of the Late Neolithic period although their presence, albeit rare, is documented already at the Middle Neolithic and even the Early Neolithic. Among these sites, Dimini in eastern Thessaly near the Pagasitikos gulf, is one of the most fruitful and has been considered as a production center of such objects (Tsuneki 1989); not only were great number found there, usually concentrated in certain areas of the settlement, but also certain types of objects are numerous and seem to have been produced on site (mainly bracelets and button-V-shaped beads). Tsuneki (1989) believes that Dimini owed its power exactly to the production and trade of shell artifacts. Oxygen isotope analysis of Spondylus objects found at several Neolithic sites in the Balkans and at Sitagroi in Greek Macedonia (Shackleton & Renfrew 1970) has shown that the origin of the raw material was from the Aegean Sea and not from the Black Sea, although in some cases the latter was much closer to the sites. This point indicates a wide network of exchange between Greece and the Balkans, and Dimini in Thessaly could have been one of these centers for the production of

Spondylus objects. According to Tsuneki (1987: 13-14) who studied the whole Spondylus material from Thessaly, most of the bracelets were made from the left valve of the shell, which is thinner and lighter compared to the right one, and this choice indicates craft specialization. In a few cases bracelets were made from the right valve and usually a hole was opened in order to hang them as pendants, when they were broken, or maybe these were worked from the beginning as pendants and not as bracelets. This conclusion could be drawn by the observation of Chapman et al. (this volume) who have re-examined all the shell rings fragments from Dimini and realized that a very high percentage of them were deliberately fragmented some time during their lifetime. On the contrary, the Spondylus bracelets from the settlement of Ayia Sofia near Larissa, dated in earlier layers than the Dimini ones, show possibly no signs of craft specialization, according to the excavator (Milojčić et al. 1976: 12-13, pl. 21: 7-19). This practice of fragmentation is also known from other parts in Europe (i.e. Romania) (Comşa 1973), where parts of bracelets were found in graves, sometimes with holes, some others not. The occurrence of broken bracelets is interpreted as evidence for the high value of this material, as this came from very long distances and its presence alone, even in broken pieces, gave prestige to its owners. It is known that in the cemetery of Varna, Spondylus bracelets were found together with gold jewelry (Nikolov 1988: 221, fig. 153 and 22, fig. 163) having, consequently, an equal value (Séfériadès 1995: 46). Although Greece is surrounded by sea, and therefore, shell raw material could be easily accessed, this does not seem to be the case all over Greece; For example, in Peloponnese and Attica only a small number of Spondylus artifacts has been found (in Franchthi Cave and Alepotrypa Cave in Peloponnese and in Kitsos Cave in Attica: Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: 73-84),

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

its curved surface, it is possible that it was originally part of a broken bracelet which was perforated after breakage. This practice is well known from thicker bracelets made of right valves, at several (possibly earlier) sites in Thessaly (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: fig. 8: 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 126). The secondary processing of the pendant offers us an indication of how precious Spondylus shell would be at Theopetra Cave and in western Thessaly in general. Thessalian bracelets are generally are made from the shell of Spondylus gaederopus. In other settlements, including Dimitra, Vassilika, Sitagroi and Dispilio in Macedonia (Northern Greece), bracelets are sometimes exceptionally made of the species Glycymeris (Grammenos 1991: 110-114, pl. 31, 33, 37; Nikolaidou 2003; Ifantidis 2006 and this volume, respectively). Spondylus has by nature a circular shape, which helps the craftsman who aims to achieve exactly such a bracelet form. The shell’s favorable contours together with workable qualities of density and resistance (rather soft and strong simultaneously), made Spondylus an ideal raw material for the crafting of braceFigure 1. Map of Greece showing the sites mentioned in the text lets. We must assume that the procedure of manufacture followed five stages (Fig. 4) which means that these were the result of exchange, rather (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: pl. 31.1 after Tsuneki 1989: 10 than of local production. fig. 6): In mainland Thessaly, in addition to the bracelets mentioned earlier from Ayia Sofia, very few are known from other sites such as Tsangli and Rahmani (Wace & Thompson 1912: 125, fig. 78a, c-g). All these sites are much closer to the sea than Theopetra Cave which lies at the westernmost edge of the Thessalian plain (Fig. 1). Theopetra Cave is an exceptional case in western Thessaly in that shell objects were found there among other “precious” artifacts (such as a gold “ring-idol” pendant and some figurines of Balkan origin) (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2008: 301-307). Three pieces of broken bracelets were recovered. One of them (Fig. 2) (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: 77, fig. 7: 127) is made from the left valve of the shell, as we can infer by its thinness and the brown color on part of the surface, both of which are features of the left valve. The internal diameter of the circlet is 4.3cm and the width of the band is ca. 0.8cm. On the surface are visible wavy lines which belong to the shell’s natural structure and seems to have been used as decorative elements, too. The other two bracelet fragments share similar features but do not show the wavy pattern on the surface. Very special is a pendant decorated at its two long sides with notches and perforated at the one end in order to be suspended (Fig. 3) (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: 77, fig. 21: 670 and fig. 46: 670). This piece also comes from a left valve. Because of 162

a) the ventral margin of the shell is ground down to smooth the rugged natural margin. b) the outer surface of the shell is ground down to reduce valve thickness. Usually a hole is opened through the mass of shell at this stage. c) the shell is pierced inside the pallial line (in case that the original hole did not go through) and the perforation is enlarged by tapping d) the periphery of the hole is ground around until it is large enough to form a ring e) the hinge teeth, ears and other projections are ground down and all the sides are smoothed. It is possible that the order of these stages was sometimes partly inverted. The tools necessary for this procedure would have been a stone quern (stages a, b, e), a drill and a small hammerstone (stage c), a hand-held grinding stone (stages d, e) and so on. Sand and water were also probably used as abrasive materials. These tools are common implements used in everyday life and are found almost in all Neolithic settlements. At the Museum of Volos in Thessaly there is an unfinished Spondylus shell bracelet, under manufacture (stage c, according to Tsuneki). One more unfinished bracelet is also known from Dikili Tash (Karali 1996: fig. 296).

Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika – Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported or Local Production?

Figure 2. Piece of a broken bracelet made of Spondylus from Theopetra Cave

Another type of Spondylus objects at Theopetra Cave are large barrel-shaped beads, unknown from other excavations in Thessaly or elsewhere in Greece (Fig. 5) (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: 99, fig. 14: 556, 559, 560, 564). They are certainly are made from the right valve because of their thickness. Their dimensions range from ca. 3-4.5cm in length and 1.5-1.9cm in diameter. They are perforated along their length. Their manufacture is rather rough, with natural cavities of the big shell valve left unsmoothed, although the surface did receive a final polish. These beads could be imitations of the smaller and very well worked barrel-shaped ones (from Dimini, for example; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: pl. 43: 477-479) which were also made from the right Spondylus valve of the shell (as inferred from their thickness) but their small size (diam. 0.3-0.9cm length 1-2cm), symmetrical shape and careful craftsmanship, all demanded specialization. On the other hand, similar shell beads of such large size are known from the Carpathian Basin (Siklósi 2004; Siklósi & Csengeri, this volume: Fig. 4 and especially Fig. 5, where the similarity is obvious). Taking into account that in Theopetra Cave we have some other objects of Balkan “style” and possibly of Balkan origin (KyparissiApostolika 2008), the scenario of importing them from the Balkans couldn’t be excluded. In this case, these beads would have been produced in the Balkans and then return as finished items in Greece. To further explore this possibility we need new isotope analyses to confirm the Aegean origin of Spondylus as raw material for bracelets, beads and pendants in Europe, since the local fossilized shell would be too dry and thus inconvenient to work with (Siklósi & Csengeri, ibid). A second scenario could be the local elaboration of the artifacts: in the procedure of exchanging goods between the seashore people (i.e. people from Dimini) and the mainland 163

countrymen, the latter were impressed by the material itself and its properties (rather soft in working compared to the hard stones and strong enough compared to the clay or bone that could be broken) and they purchased it, but they did not have the experience to work it well enough as the sea shore craftsmen. Possibly their “provincial” aesthetics didn’t focus on the perfection of the item’s surface, but merely on the “exotic” nature of the material itself1. Although no waste material was found in order to assume local production, their absolutely peculiar and unique shape which has no comparison with any other found elsewhere, leads to this assumption. The only possible comparison is an egg-shaped object, also made of Spondylus– (Fig. 6) coming from the private collection of K. Houliaras (Archaeological Museum of Larissa) and was found at Magoula Tloupa-Tourkogefyra, about 40km east of Theopetra Cave (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: pl. 36/78). Possibly, future excavation to other settlements will change this picture of uniqueness, but for the moment this is the case. Other shell made pendants, but not in certain types like bracelets and beads, and not exclusively from Spondylus, are referred to from other sites in mainland Thessaly, i.e. Platia Magoula Zarkou and Tsangli, while some more come from private collections in Thessaly and in this case the place they were found is not always certified (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001: 109-110, fig. 21, 24, fig. 46: 655-656, fig. 47: 708). The earliest reference to shell objects (a bead) in Thessaly comes from the Early Neolithic settlement of Achilleion 1 At this point I must stress the fact that until the 1960s and before the appearance of TV, there were people in western Thessaly who had never seen the sea, being 100km far away! Therefore, we can imagine how impressive would seem to the Neolithic population of western Thessaly such materials coming out of their environment...

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

a

Figure 3. Perforated pendant made of Spondylus with decoration

(Gimbutas et al. 1989: 252 fig. 8.2(2)). In the Middle Neolithic it seems that bracelets and other shell objects existed at Servia (Ridley & Wardle 1979: 212, fig. 26c) in western Macedonia, just north of Thessaly, and recently they were also found in Middle Neolithic layers at Sesklo. On the other hand, at Franchthi Cave (Jacobsen 1973: 258, fig. 48d) right by the sea shore in eastern Peloponnese, shell beads were manufactured since the Early Neolithic and lots of them were found in the cave and at the shore (Miller 1996: 20-21), although a very limited number of bracelets was recovered there. It was during the Late Neolithic that there was a real dispersal of shell objects and especially those made of Spondylus gaederopus. By that time certain types of artifacts, such as bracelets and beads, were obviously well established, and these were manufactured primarily for long-distance trade and not for consumption in the interior of mainland Greece. This is what we can deduce from the research in Greece so far, as a very limited number of such ornaments is found in the interior of Thessaly and other areas of the mainland. Bracelets are likewise very rarely found in southern Greece, despite the proximity of this region to the sea. Most of them are found in Thessaly (Dimini, Ayia Sofia) and further north in Macedonia (Dikili Tash and Sitagroi display a good number of bracelets) (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1991, 1992; Nikolaidou 2003). Recently a big number of bracelets were excavated at the Late Neolithic settlement of Makriyalos (Pappa 1999) in Eastern Pieria, very close to the coast. This recovery provides strong evidence trade, possibly parallel to the trading activities at Dimini, with which this settlement shares more common features (Pappa & Bessios 1999: 108-120; Pappa & Veropoulidou, this volume). 164

b

c

d

e Figure 4. The five-stage manufactural procedure of Spondylus [after Tsuneki 1989]

Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika – Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported or Local Production?

It seems that this “right” to trade was exclusive to certain centers (settlements), which would explains why bracelets are not found in great quantities in all sea-shore settlements where raw material could easily be obtained. Spondylus artifacts provide strong evidence for long-distance “trade relationships” between the Neolithic Aegean and Europe (Renfrew 1973; Séfériadès 1995), as it is well documented that they travelled all over Balkans and central Europe, from France to Poland and from Germany to the southern part of the Balkans (Séfériadès 1995: 42-50; Willms 1985: 341-343). The settlement of Anza in Serbia has yielded an abundance of clay bracelets, cheap imitations of the original imports from Greece, according to its excavator M. Gimbutas (1976). The longer Spondylus valuables travelled, the more their value increased. Willms (1985: 335) proposes possible “trade-routes” to Danube via the river Axios/Vardar and the south Morava, as well as through Dardanelles-Marmara and the Bosporus to the Bulgarian and Romanian bays of Black Sea, from where they could reach Danube. A similar route is proposed by Séfériadès too (1995: 46).

Figure 5. Large Spondylus beads from Theopetra Cave

At Theopetra Cave, about 100-120km far from the sea as already mentioned, two distinct categories of Spondylus objects were recovered: first, the fine ones, three pieces of bracelets and one pendant made by specialized craftsmen and most probably imported to the site by exchange and, second, an assemblage of “provincial”-technique beads. The latter were either manufactured locally, as imitations of exotic “professional” ones which the inhabitants of Theopetra Cave might have seen at Dimini or some other trading center, or they arrived at the site from the Balkans where a very similar type is attested since the Middle Neolithic (5500-5000 BC) in the Carpathian Basin as referred earlier (Siklósi & Csengeri, this volume). If, on the other hand, these beads were imported via some other route within Greece, they would have been known from other excavations too, which is not the case so far. In any case, the above hypotheses indicate participation of Theopetra Cave in a network of exchange and trade during the Late Neolithic. Keeping in mind that these objects are the only ones made of Spondylus gaederopus known from western Thessaly, and that these objects are not known from other sites, such as Platia Magoula Zarkou or Ayia Sofia that are located between Theopetra Cave and the coast of Thessaly and Pieria, we propose a direct contact between the population of Theopetra Cave and the sea shore populations or the Balkan trade routes. Possibly, these items arrived there for some reason that had to do with the character of the cave at the Late Neolithic (probably a symbolic use) (Kyparissi-Apostolika 2000: 205-207). Until we have new results on the origin of the raw material of the large Spondylus beads from Theopetra Cave, we cannot be certain if they are imported to the site from the Balkans or they represent local production.

165

Figure 6. Egg-shaped Spondylus object from the Archaeological Museum of Larissa

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

References Comşa, E. 1973

Parures néolithiques en coquillages marins découvertes en territoire Roumain. Dacia 17: 6176.

Gimbutas, M. 1976 Ornaments and other small finds. In Neolithic Macedonia, as Reflected by Excavation at Anza, Southeast Yugoslavia (ed. M. Gimbutas): 242256. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 1]. Gimbutas M., S. Winn & D. Shimabuku (eds.) 1989 Achilleion: A Neolithic Settlement in Thessaly, Greece, 6400-5600 B.C. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 14]. Grammenos, D. V. 1991 Neolithikes Erevnes stin Kentriki kai Anatoliki Makedonia. Athens: Vivliothiki tis en Athinais Archaeologikis Etaireias. Ifantidis, F. 2006 Ta Kosmimata tou Neolithikou Oikismou Tou Dispiliou Kastorias: Paragogi kai Chrisi mias “Aisthitikis Ergaleiothikis”. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [MA Thesis]. Jacobsen, T. W. 1973 Excavations in the Franchthi Cave, 1969-1971, Part II: Hesperia 42(1): 45-88. Karali, L. 1996 Shell, bone and stone jewelry. In Neolithic Culture in Greece (ed. G. A. Papathanassopoulos): 165-166. Athens: N. P. Goulandris Foundation & Museum of Cycladic Art. Karali-Yannakopoulou, L. 1991 Parure en coquillage du site de Dimitra en Macédoine protohistorique. In THALASSA: L’Egée Préhistorique et la Mer (éd. R. Laffineur & L. Basch): 315-322. Liège: Université de Liège [Aegaeum, 7]. 1992 Les mollusques au site de Dikili Tash, village préhistorique de Macédoine Orientale; La parure. In Dikili Tash, village préhistorique de Macédoine Orientale, I: Fouilles de Jean Deshayes 1961-1975 (éd. R. Treuil): 112 [outillage]; 153-157 [alimentation]; 159-164 [parure]. Athènes: École Française d’Athènes [Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Suppl. XXIV]. Kyparissi-Apostolika, N. 1999a The Palaeolithic deposits of Theopetra Cave in Thessaly (Greece). In The Palaeolithic of Greece and Adjacent Areas: Proceedings of the ICOPAG Conference, Ioannina 1994 (ed. G. Bailey, E. Adam, E. Panagopoulou, C. Perlès & K. Zachos): 232-239. London: British School at Athens [Studies, 3].

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The Neolithic use of Theopetra Cave in Thessaly. In Neolithic Society in Greece (ed. P. Halstead): 142-152. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press [Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 2]. 2000 I Neolithiki periodos tou spilaiou Theopetras. In Spilaio Theopetras: Dodeka Hronia Anaskafon kai Erevnas 1987-1998, Praktika Diethnous Sinedriou, Trikala 6-7 Noembriou 1998 (ed. N Kyparissi-Apostolika): 181-207. Athens: Ministry of Culture 2001 Ta Proistorika Kosmimata tis Thessalias. Athens: Ministry of Culture, Tameio Archaeologikon Poron kai Apallotrioseon [Dimosieumata tou Archaeologikou Deltiou, 76]. 2008 Some finds of Balkan (or Anatolian) type in the Neolithic deposit of Theopetra Cave, Thessaly. In The Aegean in the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age, Proceedings of the International Symposium, Urla-Izmir (Turkey), October 13th-19th, 1997 (ed. H. Erkanal, H. Hauptmann, V. Sahoglu & R. Tuncel): 301-307. Ankara: Ankara University [Research Center for Maritime Archaeology, Publication No 1]. Miller, M. A. 1996 The manufacture of cockle shell beads at Early Neolithic Franchthi Cave, Greece: A case of craft specialization? Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 9(1): 7-37. Milojčić, Vl., A. von den Driesch, K. Enderle, J. Milojčić, V. Zumbusch & Kl. Kilian 1976 Die deutschen Ausgrabungen auf Magulen um Larisa in Thessalien 1966: Agia Sofia-Magula, Karagyos-Magula, Bunar-Baschi. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH [Beiträge zur ur- und früh- geschichtlichen Archäologie des Mittelmeer-Kulturraumes, 15]. Nikolaidou, M. 2003 Items of adornment. In Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970. Vol. 2: The Final Report (ed. E. Elster & C. Renfrew): 331-360. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California [Monumenta Archaeologica, 20]. Nikolov, V. 1988 Karanovo VI-Periode in Bulgarien: Belege zur Religion, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft. In Macht, Herrschaft und Gold (Hrsg. A. Fol & J. Lichardus): 209-240. Saarbrucken: Moderne Galerie des Saarland-Museums. Pappa, M. 1999 The Neolithic settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece: Preliminary report on the 19931995 excavations. Journal of Field Archaeology 26(2): 177-195. Pappa M. & M. Bessios 1999 The Makriyalos project: Excavations at the Neolithic site of Makriyalos, Pieria, Northern

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Greece. In Neolithic Society in Greece (ed. P. Halstead): 108-120. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press [Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 2].

Renfrew, C. 1973 Trade and craft specialisation. In Neolithic Greece (ed. D. R. Theocharis): 179-200. Athens: Cultural Foundation of National Bank of Greece. Ridley, C. & K. A. Wardle 1979 Rescue excavations at Servia, 1971-1973: A preliminary report. Annual of the British School at Athens 74: 185-230. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995 Le commerce des spondyles de la mer Égée à la Manche. Archéologia 309: 42-50. Shackleton, N. J. & C. Renfrew 1970 Neolithic trade routes realigned by oxygen isotope analyses. Nature 228: 1062-1065. Siklósi, Zs. 2004 Prestige goods in the Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin: Material manifestations of social differentiation. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 55: 1-62. Tsuneki, A. 1987 A reconsideration of Spondylus shell rings from Agia Sofia Magoula, Greece. Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum IX: 1-15. 1989 The manufacture of Spondylus shell objects at Neolithic Dimini, Greece. Orient XXV: 1-21. Wace, A. J. B. & M. S. Thompson 1912 Prehistoric Thessaly. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Willms, C. 1985 Neolithischer Spondylusschmuck: Hundert Jahre Forschung. Germania 65(2): 331-343.

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III Reconstructing Lives

Archaeometric and Experimental Analyses

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 1 2

The contribution of archaeometry to the study of prehistoric marine shells Katerina Douka Marine shell exoskeletons are influenced by environmental stimuli, which cause incremental banding, annual growth rings and isotopic variations. When humans interact with shellfish by gathering and eating them, or shaping their shells into ornaments, these archaeological remains can, in the hands of scientists, provide rare insights into prehistoric lives and adaptation. In the past fifty years, shells from archaeological sites have been used in deciphering site chronologies, understanding trade and exchange networks, examining symbolism, body decoration and display, and estimating human dietary adaptation. Additionally, they have provided important information related to the seasonal round of prehistoric activities. This paper broadly reviews the contribution of science in archaeology through the study of marine shells. One important example is the application of isotope biochemistry to Spondylus sp. artifacts from Neolithic Europe. The pitfalls associated with these techniques are mentioned and some suggestions for future research are briefly discussed.

The fusion of advanced scientific methods with material from the archaeological record has radically transformed our understanding of the past. Major research questions, such as inter- and intra-site chronologies; subsistence and dietary patterns; trade and exchange systems; movements of people, artifacts and ideas across space and time; all framed within an interdisciplinary context can be successfully addressed with the help of well-formed scientific approaches. One must note, however, that science itself is not, and will never be, able to resolve any archaeological questions if not supported by wellcontexted and carefully excavated archaeological material. The incorporation of this “prior-information” is what makes scientific models successful and reproducible. Molluscan remains from archaeological sites are archives of significant information whose potential was recognized rather late amongst the archaeological community, but at a time –not surprisingly– broadly contemporaneous with the beginning of scientific archaeology. Brothwell and Higgs’s major reference work, Science in Archaeology: A Survey of Progress and Research (1969), included four chapters on archaeomalacology and drew attention to the need for further research. This found immediate response in the next decades, which witnessed the publication of papers on shellfish exploitation, either from an archaeological (e.g. Bailey 1975) or ethno-archaeological (Meehan 1982; Trubitt 2003) point of view, on shell provenancing, shell dating, and the elucidation of seasonal patterns in shellfish exploitation (references below). Analysis of Molluscan Remains Molluscan shells have been described as “biological chart recorders” (Goodwin et al. 2003), containing climatic, chronological, metabolic, and other information in the form of elemental and isotopic variation. They are polycrystalline biominerals composed principally of calcium carbon-

ate (CaCO3) with a distinct structure and micromorphology, shape, and texture. The shell carbonate is found in the form of low-magnesium calcite, high-magnesium calcite and aragonite. The latter is the most common form of all, while former is normally a secondary addition, byproduct of diagenetic alteration. As with most types of archaeological remains, the study of the molluscan shell revolves around the examination of different levels of structures. These may be classified at the macroscopic, microscopic, molecular and atomic level, each of which contains information crucial for the interpretation of the finds either as an entity or as part of a larger assemblage. At the macroscopic level, species identification, shape measurements, allometric calculations, quantification (MNI and NISP), observations on the preservation state (color, shape, surface), or technology (when dealing with humanly-modified shell), can be made. Analysis of structures at the microscopic level usually relates to attempts of revealing more detailed information on the age and season-at-death of the remains, their preservation state, taphonomic processes (beach-wear, chemical, and biological attack), technological evidence (e.g. perforation techniques) and use-wear (polishing, striation), as well as the presence of surficial and other residues (i.e. ochre traces) on the shell. The organic component of the exoskeleton is usually very low (1-5%), thus molecular fingerprinting has not been widely used in archaeomalacology, except in the case of the aminoacid racemization (AAR) dating method (e.g. Demarchi et al. 2010). On the other hand, atomic-scale data deriving from shell structures have been extremely profitable to archaeological enquiry. The presence and abundance of chemical elements and isotopes provide a valuable tool for deciphering the absolute

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

age of a specimen, its provenance, the temperature at which it precipitated, as well as metabolic and other physiological activities associated with the animal. Usually, methods of isotopic geochemistry are utilized, and the data are normalized based on international reference standards. Shell biogeochemistry is dictated by the physical and chemical conditions under which the mollusc lived; by biological factors controlling the mineralization process; and, very importantly in the case of archaeological specimens, by post-mortem diagenetic alterations which often occur during deposition (Pirrie & Marshall 1990). This paper is a general review of the status of research on archaeological molluscan shells, at the atomic level, with special reference to the isotopes of carbon (C), oxygen (O), and strontium (Sr). Carbon Carbon is found in nature in the form of three main isotopes (12C, 13C, 14C), the first two being stable while 14C (radiocarbon) is radiogenic and will decay at a constant rate, the 14C half-life. During marine shell formation, or biomineralization, all three C isotopes are incorporated within the shell structure. The carbon fixed in the marine shell derives from: • •

dissolved inorganic carbon (or DIC) which is directly incorporated by the molluscs during the precipitation of skeletal carbonate, respiratory CO2 stemming from food metabolism.

The extent of environmental versus metabolic contribution to the final carbon isotopic signature of the shell is still incompletely understood, and this has been the focus of much recent biological research (McConnaughey & Gillikin 2008, and references). In biological and environmental studies, 13C is a regularly investigated isotope used to shed light on biomineralization processes, feeding, and other metabolic activities or climatic data contained in the carbonate skeleton (McConnaughey et al. 1997). In archaeology, however, radiocarbon (14C) is by far the mostcommonly exploited isotope, used for the direct dating of molluscan remains. The principles of radiocarbon dating have been extensively described in the literature since its development in the late 1940s, and its first application in archaeology shortly thereafter (Aitken 1990; Bronk Ramsey 2008; Taylor 1987; Taylor et al. 1994). In brief, the radiocarbon isotope is produced in the upper levels of the atmosphere. Shortly after formation it is oxidized and as 14CO2 it enters the Earth’s biosphere through exchange with the oceans and photosynthesis of plants and decay begins. All living organisms, including molluscs, take up carbon atoms during ontogeny and reach isotopic equilibrium with the ambient environment. When an organism dies both uptake and equilibrium cease to exist since no carbon, including radiocarbon, is incorporated in the shell any longer. After death the stable isotopes remain unaffected, yet the unstable 14C atoms continue to decay at a constant rate without being replenished. Radiocarbon laboratories measure

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residual 14C and calculate an age based on the radiocarbon decay equation, using the half-life mentioned previously. Shell remains from archaeological sites provide valuable substrates for radiocarbon dating. In some contexts, shells may be the only available datable material, for example, in sites along the Mediterranean Rim where bone collagen and charcoal preservation is often extremely poor, or in the case of shell middens. There are, however, several problems that must be addressed prior to obtaining reliable radiocarbon ages from shell carbonates. Some of these include the “marine reservoir effect”, the “hard-water effect”, the “old-shell problem” as well as the analytical, laboratory-related uncertainties, which are normally accounted and corrected for. Below I will briefly explain some of these. One of the primary assumptions in radiocarbon dating was that the concentration of 14C within an organism has remained in equilibrium with that of the atmosphere. Of course, this is now known not to be true. In the case of the ocean, complex circulation patterns and variable rates of mixing mean that water may reside in the deep ocean for centuries, becoming highly 14C-depleted (Mangerud 1972). This “old”, deep water eventually mixes with modern surficial water and the 14 C-deficiency is passed on marine organisms affected by it. As a result, contemporaneous organisms that incorporate marine-derived carbon in their body through diet, metabolic or biomineralisation processes show depleted –older– radiocarbon age (apparent age) with respect to the (true) age of species that derive their carbon solely from the constantly renewed and relatively homogenous terrestrial environment (Ascough 2005). This offset between the true age and the apparent 14C age is called marine radiocarbon reservoir effect. A correction is required for all affected species and this was calculated to be around 400 years (Stuiver et al. 1986). The global correction, however, does not account for regional oceanic conditions (local reservoir) and thus a further adjustment is also applied (e.g. Siani et al. 2000). In addition, brackish species that incorporate dissolved CO2 or bicarbonates leached out from 14C-depleted sources, such as limestone-dominated areas, demonstrate the hard-water effect (Keith & Anderson 1963). This may add several hundred to few thousand years (in extreme cases) to the age of a sample (Bezzera 2000; Hogg et al. 1998; Pilcher 1991). The “old shell” problem (Rick et al. 2005), equivalent to the “old wood” problem, is not, strictly-speaking, a deficiency in the radiocarbon method per se. This discrepancy is not due to any analytical error but a result of the inbuilt age of a shell that may have been collected long after the death of the mollusc, from fossil outcrops, long-dead beach assemblages or thanatocoenoses. The measured age will reflect the time the organism died and not the period the shell was used and deposited and will, therefore, disagree with the stratigraphic position. If such an issue is suspected or identified, then it can be usually resolved by dating more than one sample from the same context/ archaeological site, ideally a short-lived terrestrial material.

Katerina Douka – The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells

Glossary Biomineral: The product of biomineralization. Biomineralization results in the synthesis and precipitation of inorganic phases in the structures of living organisms. In marine molluscan shells, calcium carbonate (CaCO3) is the dominant biomineral and is usually precipitated within an organic, proteinaceous matrix. Diagenesis: In palaeontology and archaeology, diagenesis describes all of the biological, chemical and physical processes that occur within the burial environment after the death of an organism. Diagenesis results in the alteration of the original physical and chemical structure of the organism. Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI): A quantification method for counting the faunal remains found in a site in such a way that only the minimum number of specimens is determined. In zooarchaeology, a simple method of MNI analysis is based in the assumption that two similar bone elements, which do not duplicate a unique skeletal part and do not derive from a demonstrably different size or age group, belong to the same individual. Number of Individual/Identified Specimens (NISP): The absolute number of identified archaeological remains in a collection. Apart from the absolute number of entities, NISP is influenced greatly by the degree of fragmentation and recovery probability at each site. Molecular Fingerprinting: The spectrometric examination of molecules and their abundance in a specific environment, in order to identify molecular species, such as proteins, and their diagenesis. Molluscan Shell Biochemistry: The analysis of the presence and abundance of chemical elements and their isotopic ratios in the molluscan shell. Such elements are usually C, O, Sr, Mg, Ca, Mn and Ba. Isotope: Atoms of the same element which vary in their mass. They contain the same number of electrons and protons (same atomic number) but different number of neutrons (hence different mass number) in their nuclei. Most elements are found naturally as two or more isotopes, in either a stable or unstable form. Variations in the isotope abundance of an element are caused either by radioactive decay of the unstable isotopes or by isotopic fractionation. Isotope Fractionation: Refers to the alteration of the natural isotopic ratios of a chemical element. Isotope fractionation occurs through various physical, chemical or biochemical processes as a result of differences in the reaction rates and bond strength of the molecular species. In the case of marine shells, preferential isotope fractionation of the C atoms may occur during the transfer of 14C from atmospheric CO2, to oceanic HCO3– and to the incorporation of those atoms into marine plants and subsequently to marine organisms. The fractionation of 14C is twice that of 13C in these processes and since 13C is stable, 14C enrichment will result in younger radiocarbon age unless corrected. This is achieved using measured stable isotope 13C ratios and normalization based on international standards. Radiocarbon Half-life: Radioactive isotopes decay at a regular rate, which is expressed as the “half-life” constant. Two values are often quoted for the rate of 14C decay. The first is the Libby half-life of 5568 ± 30 years and the second the Cambridge half-life of 5730 ± 40 years. The former is used in the calculation of radiocarbon ages for historic continuity. Thanatocoenosis: An undisturbed fossil assemblage containing the remains of plants or animals that have once lived in the same biotope and which died and accumulated simultaneously or over a short period of time from a nearby, restricted geographic locality. Such assemblages are often used to infer the composition and species abundance of past habitats amongst a contemporaneous group by comparison against modern analogs. Trace Elements: The term “trace” refers to those chemical elements which are found in minute quantities in the Earth’s crust, and in this case in molluscan shells. Their concentration may be in the order of few 1000s ppm (parts per million) or less.

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Set aside the aforementioned issues most of which are wellunderstood, the reliability of radiocarbon dates from biogenic carbonate depends heavily on the preservation condition of the dated shell and the presence or not of post-depositional contamination. Identifying and measuring the effect of diagenesis, which in most naturally aragonite shells appears in the form of secondary calcite, is extremely important (Chappell & Polach 1972; Grant-Taylor 1972; McGregor & Gagan 2003 and references therein). The ways to do this will be discussed later on. Oxygen Oxygen is abundant in the Earth’s crust, hydrosphere, atmosphere, and biosphere where it is found in the form of three stable isotopes. 16O is the most common of the three with 99.76% natural abundance, whereas 17O and 18O account for the rest of it (0.038% and 0.2% respectively). The ratio of the most abundant isotopes, 18O/16O, is widely applied in an array of disciplines ranging from hydrogeology to palaeoclimatology and archaeological science. This ratio varies significantly around the globe due to its direct dependence on parameters such as latitude, longitude, and altitude. In marine biogenic carbonates, two interconnected factors principally control oxygen isotopic composition; water temperature and water isotopic ratio (Keith et al. 1964). Since H2O evaporation is temperature-dependent, changes in the evaporation rate will lead to 18O/16O variation of the water mass too. In that, higher sea surface temperatures (SSTs) will cause higher evaporation rates which will lead, in turn, to isotopically heavier oceanic water. Urey (1947) and co-workers (Epstein et al. 1951, 1953; McCrea 1950) were able to demonstrate that since marine molluscs build their shells in constant isotopic equilibrium with their ambient environment, temperature variations of the oceanic water will be reflected in their shells as oxygen isotope variation. Shackleton (1973) and other workers reported that an increase of 1°C in sea-water temperature produces an approximate 0.2‰ decrease of the 18 O/16O abundance ratio in the molluscan shell. In other words, a variation of 1‰ of the δ18O shell value implies a change of ambient water temperature by about 5°C. In archaeomalacology, oxygen isotope variability has been used in two ways: (1) in seasonality studies and palaeotemperature determination. Since molluscan shell grows seasonally, a plot of oxygen isotopic ratios taken at close intervals across the direction of shell growth will reveal the fluctuations in water temperature over the period represented (ideally the lifespan of the organism) and may be correlated to the seasonal cycle (Deith 1985). The information from the shell’s last growth band is then correlated to the seasonal profile and will indicate which period of the year the animal was harvested (season-at-death). By analyzing archaeological shell remains it is possible to determine the season(s) during which shellfish were consumed and, by extension, when humans were present at a site (Deith 1988). Following the theoretical and instrumental developments in 174

the 1950s, Emiliani et al. (1964) used archaeological Trochus and Patella sp. shells from two cave sites, Arene Candide (Italy) and Haua Fteah (Libya), to estimate palaeotemperature based on 18O/16O ratios. They found that the climatic change as reflected in shell CaCO3, paralleled that obtained from the fossil fauna and flora and the lithology of the sediments (Bowen 1966). Since then, a large number of investigations have been published worldwide exploring the seasonal character of shell middens and other types of occupation based on oxygen isotopic data and supplementing traditional shell growth ring analyses (among others: Deith 1983, 1985, 1986; Deith & Shackleton 1988; Higham 1996; Killingley 1981; Koike 1973, 1979; Mannino et al. 2003; Mannino et al. 2007; Shackleton 1973). (2) in provenancing specimens deriving from isotopically-distinct localities (meteoric vs. oceanic water influence). Keith et al. (1964) suggested that local water isotopic variation as reflected in shell carbonates (marine, riverine, and lacustrine shell) could be used to determine the origin of a shell artifact. Shackleton (1970) used the method to determine the provenance of Cardium edule specimens found at the Neolithic site of Nea Nikomedeia and, later, Shackleton and Renfrew (1970) explored the source of Neolithic Spondylus sp. artifacts again by means of oxygen isotope variation (for a discussion see below). Few similar publications have emerged since (Eerkens et al. 2005). This may well be due to the limited precision of the method, the complex nature of its application, the high level of expertise needed, and the high cost. Strontium In addition to the study of major elements, trace element geochemistry of biogenic carbonates is a commonly employed area of research. Strontium (Sr) has been one of the most studied trace elements and is widely used as an indicator for climatic conditions and geographic origin. Sr is closely associated with calcium (Ca) and may therefore be found within living tissues, such as shell, teeth, and bone. Sr is found in nature in the form of four isotopes 88Sr, 87Sr, 86 Sr and 84Sr. 88Sr is the most abundant (82%) whilst 87Sr is the only radiogenic isotope produced by beta decay of 87Rb. The abundance of Sr concentration in geological or biogenic samples is measured through the 87Sr/86Sr ratio, which essentially utilizes a radiogenic and a stable Sr isotope. The ratio usually falls between 0.703 and 0.740 and although the variations seem to be negligible, modern instruments in the measurement of 87Sr/86Sr (mass spectrometers: LC-IPC-MS, TIMS etc.) employed can routinely reach a precision of 0.00002 or ±0.1 ‰. The difference in the 87Sr/86Sr ratio observed at different areas of the Earth is mainly a result of bedrock age and composition, that reflect the variations in the original Rb/Sr ratio of the geological setting: older rocks, such as granites, will give values as high as 0.740 whereas younger volcanic rocks will be around 0.703 (Sealy 2005). During rock weathering processes, Sr from the bedrock leaches into the local soil and is subsequently incorporated into the plant and animal tissues growing in the area by substituting for Ca. It has

Katerina Douka – The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells

been suggested that no fractionation occurs during the transfer of Sr into the biosphere, thus the relative values can be used, more or less, directly to identify the location where an organism subsisted and grew. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of seawater has varied significantly in geological time and an isotopic trend curve for the Phanerozoic has been compiled (Elderfield 1986; McArthur et al. 2001; Veizer 1989; Veizer et al. 1997). Modern seawater has an average value of 0.709, influenced by the input of 87Sr-enriched continental byproducts and underwater volcanic action. 87Sr/86Sr values of marine molluscs reflect the isotopic composition of the ambient water during growth. Yet, the values may not be necessarily exactly the same, since Sr uptake mechanisms directly depend on shell mineralogy (aragonitic structures are usually enriched in Sr in comparison to calcitic ones that discriminate against the element) and other factors such as water salinity, temperature, diet, and growth rate (Anadon et al. 2002; Pilkey & Goodell 1963). In archaeology, application of 87Sr/86Sr analysis aims at reconstructing residential mobility (Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 1994; Bentley 2006 for a review), palaeodietary (Sealy et al. 1991; Sillen & Kavanagh 1982) and material exchange patterns, where the 87Sr/86Sr value of a human tissue or an artifact is compared to the baseline values of the regional geology and hydrology. If the values agree, the individual or the object is considered local; if not, exotic. In archaeomalacology, 87 Sr/86Sr has been used as an indicator of climate conditions, particularly water temperatures and palaeosalinity at the time of shell formation (Ingram & Sloan 1992; Widerlund & Andersson 2006). In addition, Sr ratios have been used in sourcing the geographic origin of a specimen (Shackleton & Elderfield 1990) (see below). Recently, Vanhaeren et al. (2004) used the method as a chronological proxy and, ultimately, a tool for provenancing five Dentalium sp. beads found in association with the La Madeleine child burial (10,190±100 BP). By measuring the isotope ratios of the beads and comparing them to values of shells from nearby fossil sources, they found that the ornaments used in the burial were most probably of recent origin and must have been collected from distant beaches and not from Miocene outcrops situated much closer, in the periphery of the site.

Of the three main calcium carbonate polymorphs found in shells, aragonite and high-magnesium calcite are metastable and are expected to become reduced to the most stable form, low-magnesium calcite, under certain depositional conditions. This simply means that when conditions are favorable, marine shells composed of the former two minerals will slowly dissolve and be replaced by neomorphic calcite. The isotopic composition of the newly precipitated mineral is expected to be different than that of the biogenic carbonate (Maliva 1998) since it was added post-mortem, under different environmental and geological conditions and without the influence of biomineralization controls. The data obtained from diagenetically altered archaeological shells will be different than those of pristine specimens and most possibly erroneous since they will no longer reflect the seawater composition in which they grew, but that of the depositional environment. Diagenesis has an effect on all three chemical elements (C, O, Sr) discussed above.

Pitfalls

In the case of C isotopes, and particularly in radiocarbon dating, modification of the original isotopic ratio it simply means erroneous dates being produced. The issue was identified at the very early stages of shell radiocarbon dating (Berger et al. 1964; Chappell & Polach 1972; Grant-Taylor 1972; Mangerud 1972; Thommeret & Thommeret 1965) and is still investigated today (e.g. Bezzera et al. 2000; Chiu et al. 2005; Webb et al. 2007; Douka et al. 2010). Meteoric diagenesis also impinges on the reliability of 18O/16O values from marine shells and will strongly affect any proxies (SSTs, season-at-death) derived from the study of their oxygen isotope composition. The concentration of Sr in shells is also affected by postdepositional processes and the problem is more pronounced when the values of the original and diagenetic environments are significantly diverse (Brand 1991; Enmar et al. 2000). Isotope exchange with Sr from percolating groundwater, the deposition of secondary minerals with a different 87Sr/86Sr ratio from the host biogenic carbonate and the diffusion of radiogenic 87Sr from clay minerals and other Rb-rich phases into the shell are processes that will alter the authentic Sr concentration (Tremba et al. 1975). It has been suggested that Sr is preferentially removed from aragonite (Siegel 1960), the most common mineral phase in marine shells, which adds a further complication.

Most archaeometric approaches based on the isotope variation of molluscan shells rest on the assumption that the elements within the sample have precipitated in vivo and no post-mortem alteration has occurred. However, this needs always to be tested prior to performing modern scientific analyses since the preservation state and integrity of an archaeological shell are of paramount importance in obtaining reliable and reproducible data from this type of material. This is because physical, chemical and biological factors cause post-mortem (diagenetic) changes in marine carbonates. Diagenetic alteration normally involves (i) the preferential leaching of certain elements to the depositional environment which results in alteration of the original biochemical composition and/ or (ii) the incorporation of exogenous material either on the surface or within the shell structure, in the form of secondary CaCO3.

It becomes clear, that any post-mortem alteration of the molluscan shell will mask the original isotopic information archaeologists and geochronologists seek to extract. Precise identification of the presence and the extent of diagenesis are therefore vital in any modern archaeometric attempt concerning this type of material. Combination of X-Ray diffraction (XRD) and Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) is the best approach for the detection of diagenesis and the assessment of the mineralogical and structural integrity of the molluscan shell prior to further analyses. Once diagenesis has been identified, a further step is to isolate any exogenous contaminant, normally in the form of low-magnesium calcite, and remove it from the original phase. A new pretreatment protocol (CarDS: Carbonates Density Separation) was recently developed at the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit (University of Oxford,

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

U.K.) (Douka et al. 2010) to separate aragonite and highmagnesium calcite from secondary calcite using their specific gravity differences. The application of geochemical analyses on archaeological shells has great potential for archaeology but it is not always straightforward and the intrinsic limitations posed by the material need to be taken into account. Surely, further work will elucidate aspects of shell diagenesis and the most efficient ways to obtain reliable isotopic data, be it C, O or Sr. Case Study: Spondylus sp. Artifacts and Isotope Analysis In the European Neolithic, scientific approaches have helped to expose trading patterns in regions that are now regarded as interlinked local systems, with economies not necessarily closely coupled together but where networks of trade and exchange emphasized their cultural identities. Spondylus artifacts played a significant role in the formation of this notion, despite the fact that our knowledge of many aspects surrounding this type of artifacts is rather limited. Recently, Dimitrijević and Tripković (2006) very eloquently spelled out the majority of the issues pertinent to the full understanding of the “Spondylus phenomenon”. Assumptions on the chronological contemporaneity of artifacts, attribution to an extensive pan-European exchange network, even single “workshop” derivation, have often been suggested, but they have never been adequately tested or proven. Two publications relevant to Neolithic Spondylus artifacts have appeared in the literature, published twenty years apart. They revolve around the examination of this type of material using isotope techniques and, although technically superseded, are still considered seminal. The first, by Shackleton and Renfrew (1970), titled Neolithic trade routes re-aligned by Oxygen Isotope Analyses, intended to trace the origin of Spondylus artifacts in the Balkans. The most likely water bodies were the Aegean or the Black Sea. The authors measured the isotopic compositions of nine archaeological samples from four archaeological sites (Varna, Sitagroi, Vinča, Gradeshnitsa) and compared them to the theoretically estimated or previously published 18O/16O values from each locality. In order to increase the validity of their results, three modern shells from the Black Sea were analyzed and their 8O/16O ratios were compared to the values of the archaeological specimens. The results suggested that the slightly enriched values from the archaeological Spondylus artifacts were not likely to derive from the Black Sea. Therefore, according to the authors, the Mediterranean and specifically, the Aegean is a more likely source. This suggestion had a significant impact upon the field, and has since been used widely as an example of the large-scale trading routes operating in the Neolithic and, essentially, the construction of the “Spondylus culture”. Two decades later, J. Shackleton and H. Elderfield (1990) used 87Sr/86Sr ratios to define whether the Spondylus artifacts from prehistoric Europe were of recent (Holocene) or fossil 176

age, hence of distinct geographic origin. As previously mentioned, 87Sr/86Sr values of marine shell change with geological time and heavily depend on the local geology during growth. The authors analyzed three archaeological shell artifacts from Central Europe (Eggenburg, Emmersdorf a.d. Donau, Mórágy–Tüzködomb) and a fossil specimen of Spondulus crassicosta, from Middle Miocene deposits. Their results indicated that the Spondylus artifacts were of recent origin, isotopically distinct from the fossil shell material. This find corroborated the results of the first study, as it showed that Spondylus from the Mediterranean were being used and transported through long exchange networks. Despite their success and originality, these studies are not without potential problems. The datasets used in both papers were very small which makes the results difficult to evaluate and, of course, invites further testing of their important conclusions. In addition, although both studies explicitly mention the possible sources for error deriving from diagenesis, in fact they do not account for it. If diagenesis has occurred, both O and Sr values may be slightly shifted towards the values of meteoric groundwater, possibly affecting the final conclusion. Since Spondylus shell bodies are found in nature mainly in the form of aragonite, the application of XRD analysis coupled with SEM imaging could have easily ruled out this possibility. While these technologies may not have been widely available few decades ago, especially without involving serious damage to the artifacts, currently they are readily accessible and easy to perform. XRD analysis requires only few milligrams of powder material and SEM imaging can be entirely non-destructive, especially when using low-vacuum SEM (LV-SEM) or environmental SEM (ESEM) that do not require sampling of the analyzed specimen or coating with a conductive material. Summing up, with regards to the case of Neolithic Spondylus artifacts, the first scientific attempts to contribute to the issue were successful but not many have followed up on this example. According to the suggestions put forward by Shackleton & Renfrew (1970) and Shackleton & Elderfield (1990), new direct radiocarbon dates, stable isotopes and trace element measurements of Spondylus artifacts could well shed light on issues such as (i) the timing and starting point(s) of the “Spondylus culture”, (ii) its geographic and chronological distribution throughout the Balkans and Central Europe, (iii) inter-site and inter-regional contemporaneity; all of which will clarify the nature of these objects. Are we, for example, dealing with independent, chronologically and stylistically, inventions across space and time or with long-established trade patterns and transcultural fashions? Conclusions This article has attempted to outline the major applications of carbon (C), oxygen (O) and strontium (Sr) isotopes on archaeological marine shell. The main areas of relevance are dating, sourcing and seasonality studies, as well as palaeoenvironmental and palaeoclimatic reconstructions. In no small part, the success or failure of these approaches relies on the

Katerina Douka – The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells

careful detection and removal of diagenetic alteration from the specimens under examination. Failure to achieve this will result in data that are not reliable or reproducible. With the improvement of screening methods (XRD, SEM) as well as mass spectrometric and other analytical techniques (AMS, TIMS, LA-ICP-MS, PIXE) for measuring the isotopic signal of shells, archaeometric approaches pertinent to shell artifacts have become almost non-destructive, forming with curatorial concerns and museum collections managing. Future developments in analytical and instrument precision, screening methods and even smaller sample size requirements, will certainly result in further improvements in the application of these types of techniques on archaeological molluscan remains. An important area of future work is in the mapping of isotopic baselines for comparison with archaeological samples. At present many of these are coarse or poorly modeled, and geographically restricted in many cases. Returning to the Spondylus artifacts, their ubiquitous presence across exceptionally broad geographic areas of Neolithic Europe (e.g. Séfériadès 2009: fig. 8.3), makes the construction of a comparable, pan-European working framework to investigate this phenomenon difficult to achieve. The exact meaning and value of Neolithic Spondylus artifacts may be long lost in time, but several aspects underlying the mode of shell procurement and manufacture, chronology, routes of circulation, use, and discard, remain to be fully explored in a systematic way. It is to be hoped that well-formulated scientific questions and interdisciplinary approaches will unravel this fascinating phenomenon of cultural “invention” and/or “invasion” across prehistoric Europe.

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Acknowledgements I wish to thank the editors of this volume for accepting my paper and especially Fotis Ifantidis for his insightful suggestions. Special thanks go to Tom Higham for his helpful comments and corrections of the original script. I would like to acknowledge the financial support provided by I.K.Y. (Greek Scholarships Foundation), Leventis Foundation and the RLAHA (University of Oxford) that made this research possible.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

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Katerina Douka – The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 1 3

Paleobiological study of Spondylus jewelry found in neolithic (LPC) graves at the locality Vedrovice (Moravia, Czech Republic) Šárka Hladilová In the Neolithic (Linear Pottery Culture - LPC) graves at Vedrovice near Moravský Krumlov (Moravia, Czech Republic), numerous decorative objects made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus shells have been ascertained. Their state of preservation (including primary and secondary alterations) is evaluated and interpreted from the paleobiological point of view, and probable source areas of the used raw material are discussed.

Introduction In 2000-2002 the Institute of Archeology and Museology, Faculty of Arts, Masaryk University Brno, Czech Republic worked on Project 404/00/1070 (Grant Agency of the Czech Republic) “The LPC Neolithic Peasant Graveyard at Vedrovice” (Podborský 2002; Podborský et al. 2002) including even the study of decorative objects (Hladilová 2001, 2002; Ondruš et al. 2002). The material is deposited in the collections of the Moravian Museum in Brno. The study confirmed four types of raw materials that the decorative objects were made of, namely: a) shells of the Recent marine bivalve species Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus, b) shells of Recent freshwater gastropod Lithoglyphus naticoides (C. Pfeiffer), c) teeth of vertebrates, and d) marble. In the following text only the Spondylus artifacts are discussed. The studied material comprises a total of 34 samples (122 specimens - individual samples come mostly from graves, and usually contain more than one specimen of Spondylus artifact). Common macro- and microscopic methods of study were applied. Systematic Position the Genus Spondylus

and

General Characterization

of

(based on Amler et al. 2000; Eberzin 1960; Hörnes 1870, Kojumdgieva & Strashimirov 1960; Korobkov 1954; Pek et al. 1996; Schultz & Piller 2001; Špinar 1960; Špinar et al. 1965 and Švagrovský 1976) Phylum Mollusca Linnaeus, 1758 Class Bivalvia Linnaeus, 1758 Order Pectinoida Newell & Boyd, 1995 Superfamily Pectinoidea Wilkes, 1810 Family Spondylidae Gray, 1826 Genus Spondylus Linnaeus, 1758

The Spondylus shell (basic morphology – see Pl. I, Fig. 1-2) is thick, massive, and inequivalve (i.e. consisting of two uneven valves: a right one and a left one). The right valve is firmly attached to the substrate because the adult bivalve carries on the sessile way of life, and its surface is often encrusted or affected by the boring activities of various organisms. This attachment to the substrate brings about a high shape variability of the shells even within the same species, as each individual has a slightly different living space or different local living conditions at its disposal. The valves consist of three layers: the upper thin organic layer (periostracum), the middle layer (Pl. II, Fig. 3-4) composed of CaCO3 prisms perpendicular to the valve surface and connected by very fine conchiolin layers (ostracum), and the opaque, white inner layer formed by fine calcite lamellae (hypostracum or calcitostracum). On the dorsal shell margin there is a conspicuous beak (umbo) – Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrow C. The pallial line, representing the mantle/ pallium attachment to the internal valve surface, is visible on the valve interior (Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrow B); it is continuous, simple, and shows no sinus. The mantle belongs to the bivalve’s soft body; its margins and upper surface excrete the calcareous shell. The valves are joined along a hinge line. The hinge/ cardinal area (relatively high on the right valve, and lower on the left one) is situated between the hinge line and beak. Its edges are slightly extended and they form what is referred to as wings or ears (Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrows F). Characteristically strong radial ribs with flakes or spines occur on the outer shell surface (Pl. I, Fig. 2). Bivalves are mostly free-moving animals; they possess two adductor muscles (the anterior and the posterior one) that contract the valves towards each other and keep them closed, hence two muscle scars are visible on the inside valve surfaces. On the other hand, the sessile way of life causes the atrophy, and/or the complete absence of the anterior adductor. Consequently, there exists only one –namely the poste-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Map. Position of the studied locality

rior– muscle scar (large and eccentric) on the Spondylus inside valve surface (Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrow A). In addition to adductors, the valves are connected partly by ligament, partly by a hinge. Ligament is an elastic conchiolin body situated along the hinge margin and it functions as a spring that mechanically opens the valves, that is, the ligaments acts in a direction opposite to the function of the adductors. Spondylus has an inner ligament (called resilium), invisible from the outside when the valves are closed, and situated in the resilium socket (Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrow D). The Spondylus hinge is of the isodont-type, meaning that teeth and tooth sockets are situated symmetrically: on both sides of the resilium socket there are two distinctive, approximately uniform, hook-shaped teeth (Pl. I, Fig. 1, arrows E) with two deep bent tooth sockets pointing outwards in the right valve (and vice versa in the left valve). The genus Spondylus has been in existence since the Jurassic period. Among its fossil species, Spondylus crassicosta Lamarck (Pl. I, Fig. 1-2), is probably the most important. It occurs in the Neogene marine sediments of the Atlantic and Mediterranean bioprovinces, and of the Central Paratethys (Schultz & Piller 2001), e.g. in the Carpathian Foredeep and Vienna Basin (many localities of Southern Moravia and Lower Austria –e.g. Steinebrunn, Židlochovice, Mušlov, Kienberg, etc.). Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus and Spondylus princeps Broderip are probably the best-known Recent Spondylus species. Spondylus gaederopus (Pl. I, Fig. 3-10, Pl. II, Fig. 1-5) 182

has an oval shell with small wings. The right valve is more convex, with radial ribs and concentric coarse growth lamellae, often with spines. The left valve has either fine ribs arranged uniformly, or coarse and fine ribs arranged irregularly, and covered with long tongue-shaped spines. The right valve is usually white; the left one mostly brownish-violet to vinaceous, and white inside with a purple margin. The muscle scar is brownish. The shell size is about 50-80mm. This species is common along the Atlantic coast from Portugal to Senegal, also occurring in the Mediterranean Sea (Pfleger 1981, 1989; Pfleger & Pradáč 1981). It lives on hard substrates (stones, coral reefs) and in shallow waters (depths of 2-30m). It is edible and currently used as food. The species Spondylus princeps has heavy, thick valves with long flattened spines bent towards the lower valve margins. The spines are yellowish white; the shell surface is red or yellow-red. The inner valve margins are usually red, and the rest of the inner valve side is white; however, the species colors are generally quite variable (white, yellow, red to violet). The shell size is up to 150mm. The species is relatively common in depths of about 30m along the Pacific coast from California to Ecuador and Peru (Pfleger & Pradáč 1981). In the Neolithic period, the relatively massive Spondylus shells represented a popular raw material suitable for manufacture into artifacts. Cutting, drilling, and polishing were some of the commonly used techniques. The Mediterranean, or more precisely the Aegean and Adriatic Seas are regarded by most authors as possible source areas of the Spondylus raw material in the Neolithic period (Halstead 1993; Pfleger 1981, Séfériadés 1995, 2000; Shackleton & Elderfield 1990; Steininger 1995; Vencl 1959). In addition to conventional macro/microscopic

Šárka Hladilová – Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice

methods, isotopic analyses of Spondylus artifacts (although sporadic so far) have been carried out, especially in the specified Spondylus shell source areas. Firstly, the isotopic analyses of oxygen –i.e. studies of 18O/16O changes (Shackleton & Renfrew 1970) made it possible to determine the sea water temperatures at which the used Spondylus shells grew. Later on, there were studies of 87Sr/86Sr changes of some samples from Austria and Hungary (material from Pulkau and comparative samples from Emmersdorf a.d. Donau and the Hungarian locality Mórágy–Tüzködomb: Shackleton & Elderfield 1990) that confirmed their Recent ages and evident differences in their isotopic compositions in comparison with the fossil (Tertiary/Miocene) species Spondylus crassicosta Lamarck). This important discovery has enabled more precise age determination of Spondylus shells used for artifact production. At present, there are attempts to apply the oxygen isotopic analyses to distinguish Spondylus shells from different parts of the Mediterranean Sea (Séfériadés 2000). The application of isotope biochemistry to Spondylus artifacts from the Neolithic is broadly discussed also by Douka (this volume).

substances originating during the decay of the buried bodies played some role in these secondary changes. For example, a secondary encrustation is visible on the bracelet made of a Spondylus gaederopus valve margin (dark patches – Pl. I, Fig. 9).

State of preservation On the majority of Neolithic Spondylus artifacts from Vedrovice, there are often numerous traces and evidence of primary injuries (especially those caused by the activity of boring organisms, chiefly by boring sponges – Pl. I, Fig. 6-8, Pl. II, Fig. 3-5). For example, these traces are evident on the surface of the large, massive bead made of the Spondylus gaederopus valve (Pl. I, Fig. 6), on the rather rough surface of the flat decorative object (Pl. I, Fig. 8), or on the outer side of the drop-shaped artifact (Pl. I, Fig. 7). The term “primary” emphasizes the fact that these traces originated on the Spondylus shells in their original marine environment before they were fished out as raw material appropriate for the fabrication of decorative objects. Evidently, these primary injuries generally worsened the mechanical properties of the Spondylus shells, perhaps even hampering their workability to a certain extent; nevertheless, the decorative function of the artifact itself evidently was not affected adversely.

Paleobiological analysis of Spondylus manufacture and use Practically all the Spondylus artifacts from Vedrovice manifest distinct features of manufacture (removal of the surface layer, cutting, drilling, polishing, etc.), sometimes even with traces of hanging (grooves) – Pl. I, Fig. 3-10, Pl. II, Fig. 1-5. During artifact production the original morphology of the Spondylus shells was almost fully destroyed, with only some traces occasionally left on the artifact surfaces (contour lines, relics of resilium or tooth sockets, muscle scars, some relics of original color, etc.). In general, the chance for preservation of natural morphological elements is directly proportional to the original (un)completeness of the valve used for artifact manufacture. For example, a relatively high portion of the original morphology can remain preserved on the “medallions” manufactured of almost complete Spondylus valves. This fact can be documented by the two studied “medallions” (Pl. I, Fig. 3-4, Pl. II, Fig. 1-2) made of the left valves of Spondylus gaederopus. Their periostracum as well as parts of ostracum and hypostracum were removed, but the muscle scars, and relics of pallial line remained preserved on the inner surfaces. Resilium, and hinge (tooth sockets) are visible on the inner surface, remnants of the original color, very distinct traces of primary injuries caused by boring organisms, and corrosion traces occur on the outer surface of the first “medallion” (Pl. I, Fig. 3, 4), while the hinge of the second “medallion” was completely removed (Pl. II, Fig. 1-2). By contrast, other artifacts such as pendants, bracelets etc. have been manufactured out of segments only of Spondylus valves, thus their original morphological elements are preserved less frequently. For example, the artifact presented at the Pl. I, Fig. 5 has been made of the lower part of a left valve. Its periostracum and (partly) ostracum were removed, only distinct relics of the original color remaining preserved on the upper side. The arch-shaped decorative object (Pl. I, Fig. 10) is made of the Spondylus gaederopus left valve (hinge part). Relics of hinge (tooth sockets) and resilium sockets remained preserved, and locally, even relics of the original color can be observed on the surface. During the manufacture of beads, the original morphological elements of Spondylus valves were usually completely destroyed; occasionally, only the typical inner valve structures or traces of primary or secondary injuries can be observed. As an example, a necklace comprising 20 cylindrical beads made of Spondylus gaederopus valves (Pl.II, Fig. 5) can be mentioned: the bead surfaces are polished, but the characteristic inner structures of Spondylus valves are observable together with primary and secondary injuries (borings, corrosion).

Occasionally, traces of secondary injuries (namely corrosion) are observable on the artifact surfaces (Pl. I, Fig. 9, Pl. II, Fig. 5). Such injuries originated till after the burial of the artifacts, and were caused by various chemical processes developing in the overlying sediments. As the studied objects come mostly from graves, it is probable that even chemical

The studied artifacts are of various shapes and forms (circular, oval, semi-circular and arched pendants, bracelets, and beads of various sizes –the terminology after Vencl 1959), identical to findings from many other localities (Séfériadés 1995; Vencl 1959). For example, morphologically very similar Spondylus decorative objects come from the Austrian Neolithic localities

The Neolithic Spondylus Artifacts from Vedrovice Species determination and age Based on the comparison with the material deposited in the collections of the Institute of Geological Sciences, Faculty of Science, Masaryk University Brno, the Spondylus shells from Vedrovice belong to the species Spondylus gaederopus. From the paleobiological point of view, the macroscopically evident state of preservation, the occasionally visible original colors, as well as the microscopically observable typical internal structures all confirm their Recent age (meaning contemporaneous to the Neolithic).

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Plate I.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

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Plate II.

Šárka Hladilová – Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Plate I Figure 1-2: Basic morphology of the Spondylus shell. Fig. 1 – inner surface of the left valve, A – muscle scar, B – pallial line, C – beak (umbo), D – resilium socket, E – teeth, F – ears/wings. Fig. 2 – outer surface of the left valve, radial ribs and spines are visible. Spondylus crassicosta Lamarck, Miocene/Badenian, Židlochovice. Collections of the Institute of Geological Sciences, Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic. Figure 3-4: “Medallion” made of the left valve of Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus. At the artifact manufacturing, periostracum and parts of ostracum and hypostracum were removed. In the upper part there are two artificial openings. Fig. 3 – inner surface; the muscle scar (arrow A), relics of pallial line (arrow B), resilium, and hinge - tooth sockets (arrow C) are preserved. Fig. 4 – outer surface; remnants of the original vinaceous color, very distinct traces of primary injuries caused by boring organisms (sponges, worms etc. – arrows), and corrosion traces are visible. Vedrovice 70/79. Figure 5: Decorative object made of the lower part of Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus left valve. Periostracum and (partly) ostracum are removed, on the upper side there are preserved distinct relics of the original vinaceous color (arrows). Three artificial openings are visible. Vedrovice 5/88. Figure 6: Great, massive bead made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valve, probably from the area near to the muscle scar. On the surface there are evident traces of primary injuries caused by boring organisms (arrows). Vedrovice 65/78. Figure 7: Drop-shaped decorative object made of Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valve. On its outer side distinct traces of primary injuries (boring organisms – sponges, see arrows) are observable. One artificial hole is visible.Vedrovice 81/79. Figure 8: Flat decorative object made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valve. On its rather rough surface there are evident traces of primary injuries caused by boring organisms (arrows). Besides, two artificial openings are visible. Vedrovice 102/81. Figure 9: Bracelet made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valve margin. A secondary encrustation is visible on its surface (dark patches). Vedrovice 9/88. Figure 10: Arch-shaped decorative object made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus left valve (hinge part). Relics of hinge (tooth sockets) and resilium sockets – see arrows – remained preserved. Locally, there can be observed even relics of the original vinaceous color on the surface (darker patches). Vedrovice 19/75.

Plate II Figure 1-2: Nearly circular “medallion” made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus left valve. Fig. 1 – outer surface, Fig. 2 – inner surface. Two artificial holes with traces of hanging (grooves) can be observed in the upper part of the artifact. The valve layers (periostracum, partly ostracum and hypostracum), and hinge were removed, on the inner surface there are observable muscle scar (arrow A), and relics of the pallial line (arrow B). Vedrovice 86/80. Figure 3-4: Two massive artificially drilled beads made of the Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valves (Fig. 4 – their reverse sides). The original inner valve structures are clearly observable (arrows A) together with primary injuries caused by boring organisms (arrows B). Vedrovice 42/77. Figure 5: A necklace comprising 20 cylindrical beads (one great and massive, 19 midsized) made of Spondylus gaederopus Linnaeus valves the dominant one probably from the area near to the muscle scar. Their surfaces are polished, but with secondary corrosion traces. Generally, the characteristic inner structures of Spondylus valves can be observed (arrow A) together with distinct – and sometimes strong enough - traces of primary injuries caused by boring organisms (arrows B), and of secondary injuries (corrosion – arrow C). Vedrovice 70/79.

All photos by L. Plchová

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Šárka Hladilová – Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice

Eggenburg, Maigen, Pulkau, and Klein Hadersdorf (Steininger 1995). Detailed comparative studies of Spondylus artifacts shapes, and interpretations of their use represent mainly a task for archaeologists; at the same time, paleobiology can help to distinguish natural attributes of artifacts (i.e. those connected with the original morphology of the Spondylus valves used for their manufacture) from the traces caused by intentional human activities. For example, two artificial holes with traces of hanging (grooves) can be observed in the upper part of the “medallion” (Pl. II, Fig. 1-2). Origin of the Spondylus raw material Considering the ascertained Recent age of the Spondylus shells from Vedrovice as well as the present state of knowledge (Halstead 1993; Pfleger 1981; Séfériadés 1995, 2000; Shackleton & Elderfield 1990; Shackleton & Renfrew 1970; Steininger 1995; Vencl 1959), the Mediterranean Sea (the Aegean and Adriatic Seas) can be regarded as their most probable source area. The occasionally mentioned Black Sea (see, for example, Todorova 2000) is implausible because of ecological reasons in that it lacks the environmental conditions suitable for Spondylus gaederopus; in fact, this species does not live there at all. In addition to the discussed temperature differences (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006; Séfériadés 1995, 2000; Todorova 2000), the salinity differences especially are of high importance: in the Black Sea, the salinity values reach a maximum of only 23‰ (Remane & Schlieper 1971), whereas in the Mediterranean Sea they substantially exceed 30‰ (usually 36-39‰). No isotopic analyses of Spondylus artifacts from Vedrovice have been made, thus a direct comparison with published data (Shackleton & Elderfield 1990) is impossible. Conclusion The paleobiological analysis of Spondylus artifacts represents a useful tool for answering various questions in the archaeological research. In particular, palaeobiology can be highly important in elucidating the following three key topics: a) Age of Spondylus artifacts in relation to the age of archaeological sites in question; b) Provenance of Spondylus raw material in relation to the geography and regional networks of archaeological localities (transport - distance, extents etc.); c) Distinction between the original morphological elements of Spondylus valves and natural (= primary, secondary) injuries, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the traces of human activities (profound and intentional morphological changes caused by the artifact manufacture and usage).

187

Acknowledgements This article preparation was supported by the project MSM0021622427 (Czech Republic). I would like to express my sincere thanks to prof. Dr. Vladimír Podborský, DrSc. (Masaryk University Brno), and Dr. Alena Humpolová (Moravian Museum Brno) for lending me the Spondylus artifacts from Vedrovice for study.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

References Amler, M., R. Fischer & N. Rogalla 2000 Muscheln: Haeckel-Bücherei, Band 5. Stuttgart: ENKE im Georg Thieme Verlag. Dimitrijević, V. & B. Tripković 2006 Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets: Trade reflections at Neolithic Vinča-Belo Brdo. Documenta Praehistorica 33: 237-252. Eberzin, A. G. 1960 Osnovy paleontologii: Mollyuski – pancirnye, Dvustvorchatye, Lopatonogie. Moskva: Izd. AN SSSR. Halstead, P. 1993 Spondylus shell ornaments from late Neolithic Dimini, Greece: Specialized manufacture or unequal accumulation? Antiquity 67: 603-609. Hladilová, Š. 2001 Výsledky paleontologického studia neolitických ozdob z lokality Vedrovice (kultura s lineární keramikou) [Results of palaeontological study of Neolithic decorations from Vedrovice (Culture with Linear Pottery)]. In Ve službách archeologie III (ed. V. Hašek, R. Nekuda & J. Unger): 89-91. Brno: MVS Brno, AÚ AV SR Nitra. 2002 Výsledky paleontologického studia ozdob z lokality Vedrovice [Ergebnisse paläontologischen Studiums der Verzierungen aus der Lokalität Vedrovice]. In Dvě pohřebiště neolitického lidu s lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích na Moravě [Zwei Gräberfelder des neolithischen Volkes mit Linearbandkeramik in Vedrovice in Mähren] (V. Podborský et al.): 257-264. Brno: Masaryk University Philosophy Faculty, Department of Archaeology & Museology. Hörnes, M. 1870 Die fossilen Mollusken des Tertiaer-Beckens von Wien. II. Band: Bivalven, Text, Atlas. Wien: K.-K. Geol. Reichsanst. Kojumdgieva, E. & B. Strachimirov 1960 Fosilite na Bulgaria. VII: Torton. Sofia: Bulgarska Akademiia na Naukite. Korobkov, I. A. 1954 Spravochnik i Metodicheskoe Rukovodstvo po Tretichnym Mollyuskam: Plastinchatozhabernye – Gostoptechizdat. Leningrad. Ondruš V., Z. Čižmář, M. Dočkalová, Š. Hladilová, A. Humpolová, J. Jelínek, I. Mateiciucová, A. Přichystal & M. Salaš 2002 Dvě pohřebiště lidu s neolitickou lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích [Zwei Gräberfelder des neolithischen Volkes mit Linearbandkeramik in Vedrovice]. In Dvě pohřebiště neolitického lidu s lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích na Moravě [Zwei Gräberfelder des neolithischen Volkes mit Linearbandkeramik in Vedrovice in Mähren] (V. Podborský et al.): 9-150. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Archaeology & Museology. 188

Pek, I., Z. Vašíček, Z. Roček, V. Hajn & R. Mikuláš 1996 Základy zoopaleontologie. Olomouc: Vydavatelství UP. Pfleger, V. 1981 Archeologie a měkkýši. Vesmír 10: 307-310. 1989 Korálový útes. Praha: Academia. Pfleger, V. & J. Pradáč 1981 Krása lastur. Praha: Academia. Podborský, V. 2002 Spondylus decoration from Linear Pottery culture graves in Vedrovice. Archeologické rozhledy LIV: 223-240. Podborský, V. et al. 2002 Dvě pohřebiště neolitického lidu s lineární keramikou ve Vedrovicích na Moravě [Zwei Gräberfelder des neolithischen Volkes mit Linearbandkeramik in Vedrovice in Mähren]. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Archaeology & Museology. Remane, A. & C. Schlieper 1971 Biology of Brackish Water. Stuttgart: E. Schweitzerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung (Nägele u. Obermiller). Schultz, O. & W. E. Piller 2001 Catalogus Fossilium Austriae Band 1/Teil 1: Bivalvia neogenica (Nuculacea – Unionacea). Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995 La route néolithique des spondyles de la Méditerranée à la Manche. In Nature et Culture, colloque de Liège (13-17 décembre 1993) (éd. M. Otte): 291-358. Liège: ERAUL 68. 2000 Spondylus Gaederopus: Some observations on the earliest European long distance exchange system. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 423-437. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. Shackleton, J. C. & H. Elderfield 1990 Strontium isotope dating of the source of Neolithic European Spondylus shell artefacts. Antiquity 64: 312-315. Shackleton, N. J. & C. Renfrew 1970 Neolithic trade routes realigned by oxygen isotope analyses. Nature 228: 1062-1065. Steininger, F. F. 1995 Fossile und rezente Molluskenreste aus den Paläolithstationen Ostösterreichs: Geologische Herkunft, Bearbeitung, Verwendung und Import. In Schamanenzauber und Eiszeitkunst: Das Leben in der Altsteinzeit an Thaya, Pulkau und Donau (Hrsg. F. F. Steininger & H. Reinhart): 25-32. Eggenburg: Katalogreihe des Krahuletz Museums Nr. 14. Špinar, Z. 1960 Základy paleontologie bezobratlých. Praha: ČSAV.

Šárka Hladilová – Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice

Špinar, Z. et al. 1965 Systematická paleontologie bezobratlých. Praha: Academia. Švagrovský, J. 1976 Základy systematickej zoopaleontológie I: Evertebrata. Bratislava: Slovenské Pedagogické Nakladateľstvo. Todorova, H. 2000 Die Spondylus-Problematic Heute. In Karanovo, Band III: Beiträge zum Neolithikum in Südosteuropa (Hrsg. S. Hiller & V. Nikolov): 415422. Wien: Phoibos Verlag. Vencl, S. 1959 Spondylové šperky v podunajském neolitu. Archeologické rozhledy XI: 699-742.

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F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C hapter 1 4

Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE Rena Veropoulidou This paper discusses the Spondylus gaederopus shells from two sites on the North Euboean Gulf in Central Greece, namely the Early Bronze Age settlement of Proskynas, situated 2km from the coast and the Middle Bronze Age to Early Iron Age site of Mitrou, a small tidal islet in the Bay of Atalanti. Quantitative and qualitative study of the many molluscan species at these sites showed that shells were gathered for many purposes, i.e. food, purple-dye production, ornaments and tools. There was a special preference in the gathering of the Spondylus gaederopus species, however, for eating and for tool making. At the site of Proskynas, Spondylus not only forms the main species of the assemblage (316 out of 784 shells), but there is also clear evidence that it was gathered beach-worn to serve as a scraping, scaling or percussion implement. The situation is different at the site of Mitrou; there, in quantity, Spondylus is the third species in the assemblage (1,034 out of 9,625), however, it was primarily gathered for food and was only secondarily used as a tool. This paper explores the chronological and spatial data of the two sites, which indicate the differences in Spondylus gaederopus usage. It will also try to pinpoint differences in the perception and use of Spondylus between the Neolithic and Bronze Age and between Central and Northern Greece.

Introduction Artifacts such as beads, pendants, annulets and rings made of Spondylus gaederopus and dated to the Neolithic period are well known in the Aegean area (Chiraldi et al. 2005; Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992, 1993; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Miller 1997; see also Chapman et al., Ifantidis, KyparissiApostolika, Pappa & Veropoulidou, and Theodoropoulou, in this volume). According to the existing evidence, the first ornaments made of Spondylus appear in the Early Neolithic period at many sites in Greece; in the course of the Late Neolithic period, Spondylus ornament manufacture and trade with south-eastern and central Europe intensifies, climaxes, and consequently disappears (Borrello & Micheli 2005; Comşa 1973; Séfériadès 1995a; Rodden 1970; Siklósi 2004: 12-14, 21; Tripković 2006). An overwhelming amount of Spondylus raw material and artifacts come from Northern and Central Greece1, for reasons usually related to the area’s strategic geographical position for the distribution of artifacts (KaraliYannakopoulou 1993, 1999; Miller 1997: 279). The end of the Neolithic signals the termination of ornament production at almost all of the coastal sites, probably due to the advent of more precious materials, such as exotic stones and metals that were more amenable to Bronze Age elite control (Halstead 1993). Investigation of the Spondylus phenomenon for the Neolithic period has been thorough and sophisticated, concerning, for example, raw material procurement and origin (Rodden 1970; Shackleton & Elderfield 1990), stages of ornament manufacture (Tsuneki 1988), trade routes (Müller 1997; Séfériadès 1995b; Todorova 2000), as well as ornament use, consumption and discarding (Ifantidis 2006; Nikolaidou 1997, 2003; Reese 1987; Tripković 2006; see also Chapman et al., Ifantidis, and Pappa & Veropoulidou, in this volume). 1

The Neolithic excavations in southern Greece are relatively few, but they have produced only few Spondylus shells.

In the long list of published shell assemblages from the Bronze Age Aegean, the discussion of Spondylus material is particularly short. With some notable exceptions (Becker 1996; Karali-Yannakopoulou 2004; Prummel 2001, 2005; Reese 2006), most publications report only the number of specimens found. By reading between the lines, it is possible to realize that unworked Spondylus shells are supposed to represent food refuse, even though no specific comments are made on the condition of shells, their size, the traces on the valves or the context of findings (for a notable exception see Prummel 2001, 2005). The presence of artifacts is given a brief reference, but detailed presentation and discussion of Spondylus as part of the material culture are usually missing (for a notable exception, see Reese 1987). Taking into consideration that research on Spondylus use during the Bronze Age is under-represented, this paper discusses the occurrence of the shell in Bronze Age Greece. Emphasis is placed on the material from two sites on the north Euboean Gulf in Central Greece: Proskynas and Mitrou. However, the material from these sites does not necessarily stand as a sui generis phenomenon. In fact, the aim of the paper is to show that Spondylus continued to be used in the Aegean during the Bronze Age, serving various domestic needs and community requirements. Before proceeding with the analysis of the shells and the interpretation of the material from the two sites, a brief comment on Spondylus findings from Bronze Age sites in Greece is considered necessary. Spondylus in Bronze Age Greece According to present evidence, the beginning of the Bronze Age in the third millennium attests to a decrease in the use

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

strate, the preferred habitat of the Spondylus, may have been drawn away much deeper, making its exploitation even more difficult and risky than before. Even if the Neolithic communities of Northern Greece also utilized Spondylus for food consumption, a use that has not been taken into account up to this point, apart from ornament manufacture, a decrease in the Spondylus presence from the coastal beds would definitely inhibit this kind of exploitation. It is reasonable to suggest, therefore, that there may have been two reasons for the disappearance of Spondylus from the inventory of findings at Early Bronze Age sites in Northern Greece, one reason related to environmental and the other to social changes.

Figure 1. Map of Greece showing the location of Proskynas and Mitrou and other sites mentioned in the text

of shells in general2 and especially of Spondylus in comparison to the preceding period (Karali 1999). Regarding Northern Greece, except for the site of Skala Sotiros on the island of Thassos (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1995: 390-392), the other Early Bronze Age sites produced few Spondylus shells, which were mainly unworked3 (Karali-Yannakopoulou 1981, 2002) (Fig. 1). This is peculiar considering that other shell species occur at these sites and the fact that Spondylus was intensively exploited in this area during the Neolithic period. As mentioned above, the most likely explanation for this phenomenon is the use of other highly esteemed materials and the decline of the Spondylus trade with the Balkans (Borrello & Micheli 2005: 79; Halstead 1993: 608). However, there may also be an environmental explanation for this situation, i.e. a decline of Spondylus from the seascape of the area. Geoarchaeological investigations in the coastal areas of central Northern Greece have shown that the continuous fluvial deposition and alluvial sedimentation have altered the coastal substrate (Ghilardi et al. 2008; Krahtopoulou & Veropoulidou 2007). Sandy and estuarine conditions started to became standard in some coastal areas at the beginning of the Bronze Age, while the rocky sub2

During the same era, the beginning of the third millennium, the decrease in shell use is also attested in other parts of Greece, with the exception of the settlements of Poliochni and Markiani on the islands of Lemnos (Sorrentino 1997) and Amorgos respectively (Karali 2002). With regard to Spondylus, although a variety of artifacts are reported from mainland Greece, the Aegean islands and Crete (Karali 1999: 18-25), their numbers are significantly low. The most common finding seems to be a kind of small “pestle” or spool (Hood 1982; Renfrew 1985), while other discussed artifacts include scoops and spatulas, shallow vessels and some possible tools (Becker 1996; Karali 2005; Karali-Yannakopoulou 2001, 2006; Theodorpoulou, this volume). There are only a few sites with significant numbers of Spondylus artifacts, such as the settlements of Lerna in the Peloponnesus (Gejvall 1969) and Lithares in Central Greece (Reese 1985). In the Middle and Late Bronze Age, the 2nd millennium BCE, published shell assemblages indicate an increase in the quantity of Spondylus. The few excavated sites from Northern Greece, namely Ayios Mamas in the Chalkidiki peninsula (Becker 1996) and Thessaloniki Toumba (Veropoulidou 2002), show a renewal in Spondylus exploitation; however, compared to central and southern mainland Greece, the quantities are still restricted. In the northern examples, Spondylus was consumed as a source of food, but according to the number of specimens found, only rarely. Similarly at Magoula Pavlina, a Middle Bronze Age site in Central Greece, Spondylus was also eaten in small quantities (Prummel 2001, 2005). In the south, at Lerna (Gejvall 1969), Midea and Mycenae in the Argolid (Reese 1998), Ayios Stefanos in Laconia (Reese, pers. comm.), and Lefkandi on Euboia (Reese 2006), the numbers of Spondylus recovered are higher. Most specimens appear to be unworked and have been assumed to represent food refuse, though some possible tools have also been reported. Crete offers scantier evidence, where Spondylus is a rare finding, apart from the sites of Chania (Reese 2006) and Karoumes, Katos Zakros (Veropoulidou 2005).

However, some settlements do not accord with this general rule and they provide plausible evidence on the persistent use of molluscs for food consumption during the 3rd millennium BCE. These are the settlements of Archontiko at Central Macedonia, Greece (Veropoulidou, in prep.), Koukonisi and Limenaria on the islands of Lemnos and Thassos respectively (Theodoropoulou 2007), Markiani on the island of Amorgos (Karali 2002) and Trypiti on southern Crete (Veropoulidou & Vasilakis 2009).

The overview of the evidence presented above suggests that Spondylus constituted a common raw material during the Bronze Age, albeit used differently than in the Neolithic period4. Therefore, it appears that a gap exists in the discussion

3 Of note here are the Sitagroi and Dikili Tash sites in the Drama plain in Northern Greece, where the use of Spondylus ornaments is testified during the Early Bronze Age (Nikolaidou 1997: 179, 181).

4  For the most part, this reference is to Spondylus use as a material for ornament manufacture. Its probable consumption as food is not taken into account.

192

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE

Cistern A Building D

Area A Building A

Building C

Figure 2. Plan of the architectural features at the settlement of Proskynas

of this aspect of Bronze Age material culture. A detailed and contextual analysis of Spondylus finds could provide into the mode and the scale of Spondylus shell exploitation during this period. Furthermore, such a study could reveal the community needs that the exploitation of Spondylus served, if there were cultural preferences related to its use and could make suggestions regarding the social and economic aspects of the use of the material. Early Bronze Age – The Site of Proskynas The settlement of Proskynas (Zachou 2004, 2009) is located on a low, extended hill in the eastern part of Central Greece, almost 2.5km from the present shoreline, east of the bay of Atalanti (Fig. 1). The surrounding landscape comprises a variety of ecological zones, in an area favorable for living. The earliest habitation traces date to the Final Neolithic period, with the main habitation level dating to the Early Helladic5 IIA period (2650–2450/2350 BCE6). Three free-standing, rectangular buildings with storage and food processing facilities have been excavated, along with some open areas providing evidence of everyday and industrial activities, some of which may be related to pottery manufacture (Fig. 2). In the Middle Helladic period, after a considerable gap in habitation (2050/2020–1680 BCE), a new settlement was established further to the north-west, while at the same time, part of a tumulus containing child burials was unearthed in the area of the former EH settlement. The final phases of occupation belong to the Late Helladic IIIA1 (1390–1370 BCE) and IIIB2 periods (1310/1300–1190/1180 BCE), during which a small, terrace wall was constructed and used. 5

Abbreviations: EH: Early Helladic, MH: Middle Helladic, LH: Late Helladic, EIA: Early Iron Age.

6

For absolute chronologies of EH and MH periods see Rutter (1993: 756), while for LH see Shelmerdine (1997: 540).

193

The shell assemblage which dates to the Neolithic and EH IIA phases consists of 784 intact and fragmented shells, most of which are marine species7 (Fig. 3, Table 1). 56% of the material, for example Ostrea edulis, Cerastoderma glaucum, Hexaplex trunculus, Cerithium vulgatum and Arca noae, probably represent food refuse; however, the relatively small overall amount of recovered shells indicates only a circumstantial exploitation for food consumption. There are a small number of ornaments made of shell; four Cerastoderma glaucum perforated valves and two pendants, one Conus mediterranus and one Glycymeris sp. The most common shell find in the EH IIA deposits is Spondylus gaederopus, which represents 40% of the total assemblage; 285 intact or near intact valves and 31 fragments were found (NISp: 316). More than half of the valves (54%, NISp: 168, Right: 98, Left: 38) were collected worn, either water- or beach-worn. The spines and all of the sculpture of the exterior surface of the left valves are naturally grounded, whilst the surface of the right valves is spongy and in some cases sharp. In other examples, water, sand and sun action resulted in finely smoothed edges and the loss of the shell’s natural characteristics. The color is preserved in only a few specimens. Most of the valves have a medium to large size, while some massive right valves are also present. The wear indicates that a portion of Spondylus must have been collected during beach combing; however, the dimensions and the quantity of large, fresh right valves suggest also fishing from significant depths. 80% of the recovered Spondylus material (250 valves) has traces of chips and cuts, grinding or friction along the ventral 7

The molluscan remains were identified using a shell reference collection from the area and the following reference books: Abbott (1989); Pfleger (1999) and Poppe & Goto (1991, 1993). The analysis followed the methodology set out by Claassen (1998).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 3. The shell assemblage of Proskynas

Figure 4. Spondylus shells from Proskynas a. chipped valves; b. cut and ground; c. cut and partially polished valve; d. hinge; e. water-worn and partially polished; f. cut internal lip

194

195

Paracentrotus lividus

S/A/S

30

Total

Chlamys varia

Solen marginatus

S/H/A

S/S/S

28

29

Pinna nobilis

L

25

Microcondylaea bonelli

Helix sp.

S/A/A

24

S/S/A

Glycymeris sp.

Palliolum incomparabile

S/S/A

23

F/S/S

Venerupis aurea

S/S/S

22

26

Mytilus sp.

S/H/A

21

27

2

Monodonta turbinata

784

1

1

1

1

5

2

1

1

2

2

2

Barbatia barbata

11

S/H/A

Unio pictorum

F/S/S

18

2 2

S/H/S

Rumina decollata

L

17

19

Patella lusitanica

S/H/S

16

2

6

4

5

5

15

12

12

22

35

39

97

112

66

316

NISp

20

Venus verrucosa

Chama gryphoides

S/S/A

S/H/A

14

15

Murex brandaris

Patella caerulea

S/A/A

Conus mediterraneus

S/H/A

11

S/H/S

Acanthocardia tuberculata

S/S/A

10

12

Mactra corallina

S/S/S

9

13

Tapes decussatus

Arca noae

S/H/A

6

Patella aspera

Cerithium vulgatum

S/S/S

5

S/S/S

Cerastoderma glaucum

B/S/S

4

S/H/S

Ostrea edulis

S/A/A

3

7

Hexaplex trunculus

S/A/A

2

8

Spondylus gaederopus

Proskynas Shell Assemblage

S/H/D

Habitat

1

No

100

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,6

0,3

0,1

0,1

0,3

0,3

0,3

0,3

1,4

0,3

0,3

0,3

0,8

0,5

0,6

0,6

1,9

1,5

1,5

2,8

4,5

5,0

12,4

14,3

8,4

40,3

NISp%

438

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

3

4

5

5

7

9

11

12

14

39

50

52

64

149

MNI

100

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,2

0,5

0,5

0,5

0,7

0,9

1,1

1,1

1,6

2,1

2,5

2,7

3,2

8,9

11,4

11,9

14,6

34,0

MNI%

82

1

1

1

1

5

1

1

1

10

1

2

1

1

7

8

8

1

31

Frags

100

1,2

1,2

1,2

1,2

6,1

1,2

1,2

1,2

12,2

1,2

2,4

1,2

1,2

8,5

9,8

9,8

1,2

37,8

Frags%

2,5

2,0

3,0

3,0

3,0

2,6

2,5

2,0

3,0

2,0

3,0

3,0

2,5

2,8

1,0

2,5

2,0

2,2

2,8

2,4

2,8

1,7

2,3

2,5

1,9

2,6

2,8

1,9

2,9

2,7

2,8

A.E

80

1

1

1

4

34

14

7

16

2

NISp/use

416

1

1

1

2

1

4

4

4

5

3

3

4

21

39

26

250

NISp/elab

194

1

1

1

3

4

8

8

168

NISp/b-w

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE

Table 1. The number of intact and fragmented shells (NISp), the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI), the number of fragments (Frags) recovered at Proskynas and their proportions. The average erosion of shells (A.E., 1: not eroded, 2: moderate eroded, 3: highly eroded), the number of beach worn shells (NISp/b-w), as well as the numbers of shells with use (NISp/use), elaboration traces (NISp/elab) and beach-worn with elaboration traces (NISp/b-w/elab) are also noted. The habitat column refers to species habitat: the first character indicates niche: S – sea, B – brackish, F – freshwater, L – land; the second character refers to substrate: S – soft, H – hard, A – both soft and hard substrate; the third characters refers to the depth of the water: S – shallow, D – deep, A – both shallow and deep water.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Types

Left Valves

Right Valves

Chipped (n=72)

39

33

Location (average)

03a-06a

04a-06a

Size (average)

Small

Medium

Use traces (mainly)

Some retouches, striations, some rough polish texture

Possible use

Cutting and/or scraping implements, wedges (?)

Cut and ground (n=79)

34

45

Location (average)

03a-07a

03a-07a

Size (average)

Medium

Large

Use traces (mainly)

Small retouches and/or some edge rounding, either rough or smooth polish texture, some polish development in isolated spots, a few striations

Possible use

Percussion and/or grinding implements

Polished (n=46)

13

33

Location (average)

02a-08a

02a-08a

Size (average)

Small

Medium

Use traces (mainly)

Much edge rounding, either bright or dull polish brightness, rough polish texture

Possible use

Polishing and/or grinding implements

Waste product (n=53)

15

38

Location (average)

02a, 08a

02a, 08a

Size (average)

Large

Large

Use traces (mainly)

Mostly not interpretable, battering

Possible use

Percussion implements, hammers Table 2. The evidence from macro- and micro- use-wear analysis of Spondylus from Proskynas

Spondylus Tools

Building A

Building C

Building D

Cistern Area

Chipped

13

10

6

9

2

Cut and ground

6

7

9

8

1

Polished

5

8

5

2

1

Waste product

3

2

10

2

2

Total

27

27

30

20

6

Table 3. The distribution of Spondylus tools at Proskynas habitation contexts

lip (Fig. 4, Table 2). During macroscopic use-wear analysis, the cut marks were divided into three main descriptive categories: 29% were chipped valves (in which the edge was removed) (Fig. 4a); 32% were heavily cut and ground (Fig. 4d), while 18% were partially polished (Fig. 4b, e). The remaining 21% consisted only of hinges (the rest of the valve has been removed, Fig. 4c). Because it was difficult to describe the exact location of the wear traces, a polar system to set the location was used (see Claassen 1998: 203; Lammers 2007: 25) (Fig. 5). According to this system, cut marks affect either the whole margin, from one side of the hinge to the other (02a08a), or only a part (e.g. 03a-06a, 03a-07a). As is shown in Table 2, the location of wear traces seems to follow a pattern: wear traces on chipped valves are mostly situated at location 03a-06a, while the location of wear on cut and ground valves is at 03a-07a; polishing is located along the entire ventral lip, at 02a-08a. In most cases, the hinge of the valve is preserved, not only because this is the thickest part of the shell, but probably also because the shell may have been handled from there. 196

The condition of the shell breakage does not recall any of the stages of annulet manufacture suggested so far (Tsuneki 1988); none of the valves show any traces of working related to annulets, beads or pendants; the fragmented shells are only few and they do not seem to be waste products of ornament manufacture. Besides, not a single ornament made of the Spondylus shell was found at the site. Nor can the cut marks be attributed to the opening of the firmly closed valves for extraction of the flesh (Prummel 2005: 119), as most had been collected already dead from the beach. Cut marks such as these could, in fact, be related to shell morphology, as they are situated along the most fragile part of the shell; it could be also suggested that the dry condition of the worn shells have accelerated the breaking up of the hard and solid material (Miller 1997: 92) or that water worn specimens have been misinterpreted as standardized artifact types (Lammers 2007: 20). However, these particular cut marks have not resulted from depositional or post-depositional processes (other species with more sensitive and fragile shells have been uncovered intact), nor are

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE

Even though experimentation with shell tools is rare and edge wear studies are even rarer (Claassen 1998: 203; Light 2005), the exceptional work by Lammers (2007) regarding shell tools and microwear analysis allowed for a microscopic study of the material and some suggestions of possible uses of these tools9. The identified use-wear traces include polishing and grinding on the edge of the shell, either partially or totally, some retouching, striations, and evidence of hammering. Micro-wear traces basically follow the pattern of the macro-wear types: chipped and cut valves show traces of a transverse motion (striations), cut and ground valves also show some traces of transverse motion, but also include marks from grinding and battering, while polished valves show mostly indications of polishing and grinding on different parts of the shell with varying intensities (Fig. 6).

these cut marks natural, as detailed macroscopic analysis has proven.

Therefore, it seems that most of the tools were used in multiple tasks. Chipped and cut, as well as partially polished and ground valves could have been used as scraping implements for both soft and hard surfaces; for example, for finishing vessels, for burnishing or polishing their exterior surface (Gibson & Woods 1990: 42-43; Kotsakis 1983: 126-129; Rice 1987: 137); for treating hides, for scraping and softening or cutting skins, where the blade needs to be moderately dull otherwise it will cut the skin (Semenov 1964: 85); for carving wood; as butchery knifes (Charpentier et al. 2004; Toth & Wood 1989), or as wedges (Lammers 2007).

The above observations lead to the conclusion that these cut marks must have resulted from the use of Spondylus as a tool and especially as a scraping, grinding or percussion implement, probably representing an alternative toolkit to that of stone8. It must be underlined that at Proskynas, ground or polished stone tools are almost absent from the findings inventory (Zachou, pers. comm.). The preference of Spondylus instead of stone for tools requires special investigation that goes beyond the aims of this paper. However, it is worth mentioning a few of the more obvious reasons.

Cut and ground heavy right valves may have been used for cracking and grinding raw materials, i.e. as percussion tools (Toth & Wood 1989: 250-251) or during food processing, i.e. as mortars. Heavy usage of the tools resulted in their destruction, as in some cases only the part near the hinge, which is thicker and probably also served as the handle, is preserved. It is also interesting to note that these Spondylus tools may not have been fastened on a shaft, since there were no wear traces to suggest fastening at the 08a and 02a areas. Therefore, Spondylus tools were probably only handled from the hinge area.

Raw material is abundant in the area; in the Euboean Gulf, one of the most productive seas of the Aegean (Askew 1987), even at present, Spondylus appears readily both in the sea and during beach combing. The quality of this material, of hardness and solidity closer to stone than to bone (Semenov 1964: 76-78), makes it a perfect substitute for the former. The shape of a middle-sized Spondylus valve fits perfectly in an adult’s palm, especially if the outer surface is smoothed. Moreover, it can also form a complex tool if it is fastened on a stick or a shaft on the cavity formed on both sides immediately before the hinge area (Safer & Gill 1982: 30-34). The natural difference between right valves, which are stronger and heavier with a flat conjunction level, and left valves, which are lighter with a sharp and serrated end lip, provides the opportunity for use in multiple tasks without any further labor.

In summary, both macro- and micro-wear analysis of Spondylus tools showed that the use and preparation of the shells were not standardized, nor had they any special treatment or elaboration. Shells were gathered from the beach or fished from the sea and used unmodified to serve the needs of the ancient inhabitants. It was rather that the morphological characteristics of the shells (shape, edge, weight) were the determining factors of how they might be used.

Figure 5. Polar system for Spondylus

8 

The Spondylus material from the Early Bronze Age site at Palamari, Skyros, has many resemblances to the Proskynas material (Manos & Parmala, pers. comm.), but it has not been studied yet.

197

As far as the spatial distribution of the Spondylus material is concerned, more than half (140) was scattered around the settlement. The rest (110) was found in habitation contexts 9 

Whereas the instruments used for the above-mentioned analysis were not adequate according to Lammer’s standards, a stereo microscope giving magnifications of 2 to 80 times with both a vertical and oblique light and a digital camera attached to the stereo microscope were used. Since the stereoscope did not have a free arm, it was very difficult to study the edges of the large specimens and a continuous change of location and focus was needed in order to see clearly. During the study, shell artifacts were studied at random and some blind tests were also organized in order to confirm the results.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 6. Micro-wear traces at Spondylus edges from Proskynas a. striations; b. battering; c. polishing

It is worth mentioning that most of the Spondylus tools in each building were found in the same areas along with the “high status” vessels (Zachou, pers. comm.), either inside the buildings (Buildings A and C) or outside (Building D). However, it is too early to suggest a special status for these tools (Mahias 1993: 174), considering that, aside from pottery, all other findings are still under study. In brief, during the EH phase of the Proskynas site, Spondylus shells were collected intensively to serve as grinding and scraping implements and each household seems to have had access to an equal amount and range of equipment. The analysis of all other findings will provide better insights into household organization and hopefully into the reasons for choosing Spondylus to serve the above needs. Proskynas’ shell assemblage has fundamental differences compared to the sites of Northern Greece, where shells primarily served as a means for food consumption (e.g. Archontiko site: Veropoulidou 2006, 2007; Ayios Athanasios: Veropoulidou, in prep.; Skala Sotiros: Karali-Yannakopoulou 1995: 390-392; etc.). However, it resembles assemblages from sites of Central (e.g. Lithares) and Southern Greece (e.g. Lerna), as well as those of the Cycladic islands (e.g. Palamari, Skyros). Whether this difference resulted from the environmental setting or from the community beliefs regarding food and tool consumption, or some combination of both factors, is a matter that needs further study. However, it can be tentatively suggested that the differences already observed in other aspects of the material culture between north and south Greece can also be noted in shell assemblages. Middle and Late Bronze Age – The Site of Mitrou

Figure 7. Aerial view of the site of Mitrou

(Fig. 2, Table 3). At the household level, Spondylus tools were equally distributed throughout the houses and used in various domestic activities. Data from the pottery analysis and distribution also show that every household was more or less equivalent in storing, producing and consuming food or acquiring “high status” vessels (Zachou 2009). The picture is rather different in the open areas, where Spondylus are fewer, even though one would expect to find more tools here since an array of everyday activities must have taken place there.

198

The settlement of Mitrou is a small tidal islet located in the Bay of Atalanti, almost 2.5km west of Proskynas (Van de Moortel & Zachou 2004) (Fig. 1, 7). During the Bronze Age, the sea level was several meters lower than at present and the site was probably not an islet but part of the mainland, situated on a low rise overlooking the shore. Habitation begins in the EH period, if not earlier, while the most extensive remains brought to light thus far date from the MH III period (1750/1720–1680 BCE) to the Protogeometric era. Mitrou is an on-going excavation; nevertheless, four years of investigation have shown a different habitational pattern from that at

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE

Figure 8. The shell assemblage of Mitrou

Figure 9. An assemblage of Spondylus shells recovered at Mitrou

Proskynas. The deposits constitute a tell site, since occupation areas are constructed directly over previous living surfaces. Remains from at least six buildings have been uncovered, which show a remarkable continuity in urban layout, with walls built in the same orientation and often on top of one another.

199

To date, more than half of the shell inventory, which comes from uncontaminated deposits, has been studied. It consists of 9,625 intact and fragmented shells of 52 species, mostly seashells (Fig. 8, Table 4). Taking into account the condition of the shells found, their spatial analysis and the archaeological comparanda, two major uses of shells can be discerned: at least 57% represent food refuse, while 34% are the remains

200 8

Arca noae

Cerithium vulgatum

Tapes decussatus

Rumina decollata

Pinna nobilis

Patella caerulea

Monodonta turbinata

Eobonia vermiculata

Ostrea edulis

Murex brandaris

Venus verrucosa

Helix sp.

Conus mediterraneus

Helix pomatia

Theba pisana

Mactra corallina

Chama gryphoides

Donacilla cornea

Acanthocardia tuberculata

Columbella rustica

Patella lusitanica

Pisania striata

Fasciolaria lignaria

Unidentified 1

S/H/A

S/S/S

S/S/S

L

S/S/A

S/H/S

S/H/S

L

S/A/A

S/A/A

S/S/A

L

S/H/A

L

L

S/S/S

S/H/A

S/S/S

S/S/A

S/H/S

S/H/S

S/H/S

S/H/S

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

Patella ulyssiponensis

Helicella obvia

S/H/S

L

28

29

27

6

Spondylus gaederopus

S/H/D

3

5

5

6

11

12

15

24

29

31

29

30

35

43

84

93

133

172

208

227

241

335

468

735

759

1034

1634

Cerastoderma glaucum

B/S/S

2

3159

NISp

Hexaplex trunculus

Mitrou Shell Assemblage

S/A/A

Habitat

1

No

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,2

0,2

0,3

0,3

0,3

0,3

0,4

0,4

0,9

1,0

1,4

1,8

2,2

2,4

2,5

3,5

4,9

7,6

7,9

10,7

17,0

32,8

NISp%

5

5

1

3

6

11

10

3

12

3

6

29

25

24

37

15

51

50

138

172

182

7

330

160

666

202

262

577

1369

MNI

0,1

0,1

0,0

0,1

0,1

0,3

0,2

0,1

0,3

0,1

0,1

0,7

0,6

0,5

0,8

0,3

1,2

1,1

3,1

3,9

4,1

0,2

7,5

3,6

15,2

4,6

6,0

13,2

31,2

MNI%

6

1

11

1

19

5

6

46

31

49

34

34

32

225

5

166

30

358

419

461

1739

Frags

0,2

0,3

0,5

0,1

0,2

1,2

0,8

1,3

0,9

0,9

0,9

6,1

0,1

4,5

0,8

9,7

11,3

12,5

47,0

Frags%

2,4

1,8

2,2

1,8

1,5

2,1

2,5

1,7

1,7

2,8

1,5

2

2,1

2,1

2

2,2

2,3

2,3

2,2

2,2

2

2,2

2

1,6

2,1

2

2,1

1,5

2,2

A. E.

1

2

1

20

2

10

21

12

9

3

15

3

1

38

11

145

34

70

NISp/b-w

2

1

1

1

1

1

9

1

50

3

5

585

16

49

261

79

NISp/use

1

1

2

1

7

2

1

1

8

214

17

1

NISp/elab

1

1

1

1

22

1

elab

NISp/b-w/

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

201

Barbatia barbata

Luria lurida

Sea coral

Land snail

Gibbula sp.

Anomia ephippium

Paracentrotus lividus

Mytilus sp.

Thais haemostoma

Truncatella subcylindrica

Solen marginatus

Serpulidae

Cassidaria echinophora

Ocenebra erinaceus

Loripes lacteus

Haliotis tuberculata

Ena montana

Bittium sp.

Vexillum tricolor

Unio pictorum

Pteriidae sp.

Cancridae sp.

S/H/A

S/A/S

S/H/A

L

S/H/A

S/H/A

S/A/S

S/H/A

S/A/A

S/H/S

S/S/S

S/H/A

S/S/D

S/A/S

S/A/A

S/H/A

L

S/A/S

S/S/D

F/S/S

S/H/A

S/A/S

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52 9625

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

2

3

4

3

4

3

4

4

5

5

NISp

100,0

0,1

0,1

NISp%

4386

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

1

3

3

2

2

4

MNI

100,0

0,1

0,1

0,0

0,0

0,0

0,1

MNI%

3697

1

1

2

2

3

4

4

2

Frags

100,0

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

0,1

Frags%

2,2

2

2

3

3

2

3

3

3

2

1

3

2,5

1,5

2,5

2

2,2

1,3

1,6

2,7

3

2

2,4

2,2

A. E.

403

1

1

2

1

NISp/b-w

1067

1

1

NISp/use

257

1

NISp/elab

27

elab

NISp/b-w/

Table 4. The number of intact and fragmented shells (NISp), the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI), the number of fragments (Frags) recovered at Mitrou and their proportions. The average erosion of shells (A.E., 1: not eroded, 2: moderate eroded, 3: highly eroded), the number of beach worn shells (NISp/b-w), as well as the numbers of shells with use (NISp/use), elaboration traces (NISp/elab) and beach-worn with elaboration traces (NISp/b-w/elab) are also noted. The habitat column refers to species habitat: the first character indicates niche: S – sea, B – brackish, F – freshwater, L – land; the second character refers to substrate: S – soft, H – hard, A – both soft and hard substrate; the third characters refers to the depth of the water: S – shallow, D – deep, A – both shallow and deep water.

Total

Buccinulum corneum

S/H/S

30

Mitrou Shell Assemblage

Habitat

No

BCE

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Spondylus

NISP

Right

Left

NISp/b-w

EH - MH

36

5

12

9

MH

6

3

2

3

MH - LH

83

17

29

LH I

68

27

LH II

155

LH II - LH III

NISp/use

NISp/elab

NISp/b-w/elab

MNI

4

3

4

19

2,0

0

0

0

2

1

2,5

20

1

11

19

37

1,8

28

3

1

30

5

32

13

2,2

40

60

16

9

49

5

53

55

2,0

78

36

18

6

6

9

2

34

24

2,0

LH IIIA

230

76

82

14

15

51

6

85

72

2,1

LH IIIB

11

1

2

0

0

0

0

2

8

1,5

LH IIIC

198

44

57

42

7

33

1

50

97

2,3

LH - EIA

41

17

9

13

1

5

11

15

2,6

EIA

128

14

36

19

9

22

24

78

2,3

Total

1034

280

335

145

49

214

419

2,1

22

Frags A. E.

Table 5. The distribution of Spondylus shells (NISp), right and left valves, Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) among different chronological strata. The numbers of shells collected beach worn (NISp/b-w), shells with use traces (NISp/use), elaboration traces (NISp/elab) and beach-worn with elaboration traces (NISp/b-w/elab), as well as the average erosion (A.E.) are given

of small-scale purple-dye production. Some of the rest were natural inhabitants of the site (terrestrial snails), whilst the remaining are of unknown use, possibly collected for aesthetic purposes, as curiosities, or brought accidentally to the site. Only a few shells were modified for personal adornment; these are mainly pendants of Cerastoderma glaucum, Luria lurida and Conus mediterraneus. 11% of the shell assemblage is Spondylus gaederopus, with 1,034 specimens (Fig. 9, Table 5). Of these, 16% [115 valves (63 intact and 52 hinges) and 52 fragments] are considerably worn and must have been collected as empty shells from the beach. The remaining 84% (223 right and 277 left valves) were gathered live. Applying the usual calculation method for the Minimum Number of Individuals, at least 277 individuals were gathered; however, when attempts were made to join the right and left valves from three deposits with concentrations of Spondylus, none of the right valves paired to the left, which means that the Minimum Number of Individuals is considerably higher (least 277 – most 500 individuals). The valves come from adult specimens of medium to large size, i.e. 8 to 12cm in length. Thus, Spondylus shells were probably fished from considerable depth and singularly by experienced divers, either with a sharp tool or by hitting them at the base with a rock for detaching the cemented shell (GinaWhewell 1992: 12). There are no noticeable differences in valve size among the deposits from the late MH to the Protogeometric strata. Hence, it seems that Spondylus exploitation did not affect the natural beds of the area, possibly due to careful and planned gathering strategies and perhaps a low level of exploitation. 75% of the Spondylus assemblage is intact or fragmented with no indication of further elaboration and treatment. The spatial distribution of the material indicates that the highest concentra202

tions are connected with floors and occupational surface areas. Four deposits (#1-4) are of particular interest here. The first and oldest deposit (#1) with a significant quantity of Spondylus dates to the late MH/LH I period (1600–1510/1500 BCE); along with Spondylus, there is also a considerable amount of pottery, animal bones, and food-providing shells. The other three deposits (#2-4) date to early LH IIIA2 period (~1370– 1310/1300 BCE). Deposit #2 is a small refuse pit that revealed a significant amount of edible shells (n=405) and among them a high concentration of Spondylus (n=82). Not a single ornament was found there. On the contrary, many shells bear traces from the opening of the valves or the extraction of meat. The exterior surface of all shells is preserved in a great condition. This indicates that shells have been discarded directly after consuming the meat (at least 2.2kg), and quickly buried. As regards pottery analysis, the inventory has a normal domestic character (Vitale, pers. comm.); some pots, however, are rather rare in this period at Mitrou [e.g. an Aeginetan cooking pot (Lis, pers. comm.)]. Deposit #3, a small narrow corridor, unearthed cooking and storage vessels in association with an articulated skeleton of a piglet, a high concentration of shells which served as food, as well as many Spondylus shell remains. Deposit #4 contained Spondylus and many other food remnants; according to the study of the pottery assemblage, there may be the remains of a probable feasting event (Vitale 2008). Based upon the above evidence, most of the Spondylus were found in contexts related to food activities and some of them were even also related feasting episodes. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that Spondylus, like other shellfish, was consumed as a food source. On the basis of the number of remains, it holds the second position among shellfish food, after Cerastoderma glaucum. Given that the excavation is in progress and the material is still under study, it is not possible to infer the intensity of exploitation and its role in the diet

BCE

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium

Figure 10. The chronological distribution of Spondylus according to the density of MNI per 1m3 of earth at Mitrou

(Bailey 1975; Waselkov 1987: 117-139). Nor can matters of scheduling or division of labor related to shellfishing and/or food preparation and consumption (cf. Claassen 1991, 1997) be discussed. However, the condition and contexts of findings are valuable for discerning possible cooking methods and consumption practices. The absence of cut marks, usually connected to the opening of the valves for the extraction of raw meat (Prummel 2005: 119), indicate that Spondylus flesh must have been consumed cooked; that is, steamed, boiled or roasted (Goodale 1971; Meehan 1982; Prummel 2001). There are only a few valves with cut marks indicating the opening of the firmly closed valves and these are concentrated in the LH period and mainly in a deposit that indicates feasting (Vitale 2008); we could infer that there Spondylus has been eaten raw. The finding of unpaired left and right valves, if not a matter of post-depositional processes, could distinguish food preparation and/or consumption of food refuse patterns. Preliminary analysis suggests that, at Mitrou, these practices were not taking place in the same area. The location of such activities is an object of research, as it could lead to a better understanding of household organization. The completion of shell as well as animal bone analysis will hopefully provide sufficient data to answer such questions. Only a small amount of the material, 21%, bears traces of secondary usage. As in the case of Proskynas, Mitrou dwellers must have used Spondylus shells as tools in everyday activities and discarded them after completing the desired task. Macrowear analysis revealed that there are mainly chipped valves and traces are predominantly located at 03-06a (see Fig. 5), while micro-wear analysis showed only some retouching evi203

dence. This indicates that the Spondylus shells were probably used as scraping or scaling implements, or even as wedges. The vertical distribution of Spondylus at Mitrou is normal; on the basis of the density of minimum number of individuals10 (Fig. 10), Spondylus’ exploitation is low, but regular, during Early and Middle Helladic periods. The transition from LH II to LH III period indicates a special interest in Spondylus consumption, while during the LH IIIA period the height of its exploitation is also noticed. It declines gradually moving towards to the later periods, when it must be noted that the focus shifts towards the exploitation of purple-dye providing shells. In summary, at the site of Mitrou, Spondylus fishing and consumption primarily as food and more sporadically as a tool were common practices from the late MH period onwards. Whether a special value was attributed to it as food, as suggested in the case of South America (Glowacki 2005; Paulsen 1974: 605) or it was consumed only on specific occasions cannot yet be detected. Nevertheless, it is worth noting the findings of significant Spondylus food refuse in contexts which indicate feasting, as well as burial contexts11. The completion of the excavation and study of all of the material culture will shed more light on this matter. Regarding other Middle and Late Bronze Age published shell assemblages, Spondylus flesh consumption is attested to in all parts of mainland Greece (Northern: Thessaloniki Toumba, Ayios Mamas, Magoula Pavlina, Southern: Lerna, Midea and Mycenae), but generally at a small scale. The exceptional 10 Minimum Number of Individuals per 1m3 of excavated soil. 11 The shell assemblage from the 2008 excavation period has not yet been studied, but according to trench reports there were many concentrations of fresh and intact Spondylus valves as well as animal bones next to or above graves dated to the MH period.

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

quantity found at Mitrou (still small to suggest large scale consumption) can either be attributed to the geographical position of the site or to local food customs. Nevertheless, the low level of Spondylus exploitation could also be attributed to its relative scarcity, giving it an intrinsic value (Renfrew 1986), or to the considerable amount of labor investment in its acquisition, an important aspect of the creation of value (Goody 1982). If Spondylus was a rare ingredient or its gathering required labor investment, it could thus be a feature of “haute cuisine” (Goody 1982), as it is convincingly suggested for other ingredients and areas (cf. Isaakidou 2007). Complementary lines of evidence, fully contextual analysis and the exploration of the relationships between contexts and findings are needed to explore the above potential. Concluding Remarks The present evidence from central Greece indicates a continuous use of Spondylus during the Bronze Age for the satisfaction of settlement needs and household activities, whether they are related to tools or food consumption. The differences documented in the Aegean area regarding Neolithic ornament manufacture and Bronze Age everyday usage can be explained on multiple fronts, such as geographical position and trade networks, regional traditions and local practices. A common feature of both of these periods is the small scale of consumption, even though the absolute quantities of Spondylus finds seem to differ. It can be tentatively suggested that Spondylus’ exploitation was restricted, perhaps because the material had a special value to the inhabitants, possible due to its scarcity or the labor investment in its acquisition. The significance of Spondylus ornaments, tools and food is unfortunately lost in the archaeological record, but although the usage of the shells has shifted, its importance has not diminished with the passage of time. In fact, far from its being forgotten, the continuous use indicates that Spondylus remained a highly esteemed material for a very long period of time, albeit in different modes of consumption and contexts. After all, it is widely accepted that tools and especially food play a decisive role in daily life, and their consumption can characterize or discriminate social groups, communities and cultures with equal, if not more, force than ornaments (see for example Appadurai 1981; Bray 2003; Edmonds 1995; Farb & Armelagos 1980; Goody 1982; Scott 1996). For a general evaluation of the validity of these remarks and the perception of Spondylus both in the area and the era, the publication of new sites will provide further insight, as will archaeological investigations of the coastal sites of both Northern and Southern Greece, and detailed and contextual analysis of Spondylus material from other Bronze Age sites.

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Acknowledgements I wish to thank Fotis Ifantidis and Marianna Nikolaidou for inviting me to participate in such a stimulating meeting; special thanks should go to Fotis for making tolerable the unending trip to and from Zadar, Croatia. I am grateful to Eleni Zachou for granting permission to study the material from Proskynas and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory for financing the analysis; to Eleni Zachou and Aleydis Van de Moortel, who entrusted me with the study of the Mitrou shell assemblages. I particularly thank Professor Stelios Andreou for the long discussions and critical comments on the manuscript, and Professor Kerill O’Neill for useful suggestions. I am indebted to: Eleni Zachou for constant support during my periods of study both at Proskynas and Mitrou, the Mitrou pottery team (Jeremy Rutter, Patrick Thomas, Bartek Lis, Stepan Ruckl, Salvatore Vitale) for providing me with all of the necessary data for study and Teresa Hancock Vitale for making the final revision of the English text. Last but not least, special thanks are owed to Nikos Valasiadis for all of the encouragement and support, comments on the paper and, of course, photographs and image processing. Any errors are of course my own. This paper was written while I was receiving a scholarship from the Greek State Scholarships Foundation.

Rena Veropoulidou – Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st millennium BCE

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Pre-Hispanic Attire Made Of Spondylus From Tula, Mexico Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado In the year of 1993 in the ancient city of Tula de Allende, Mexico, two offerings were found in the building known as the Burnt Palace [Palacio Quemado]. One of them (the number 2) contained mostly marine materials as chorals, mollusks shells (Spondylus princeps, Spondylus calcifer and Chama echinata) and a garment and a necklace, made of 1,415 and 245 pieces of shell, respectively. In a preliminary analysis Spondylus princeps shell was identified as the material predominantly used to make the garment and the necklace, though recent studies have allowed to identify other species, which main characteristic is to be red. Also recently it has been possible to know the techniques used to manufacture these two pieces, due to an experimental archaeology project and the study of the manufacture traces using scanning electron microscopy. As in the year 2000 a replica of these two pieces was commissioned to the authors of this lines, for the Toltec room of the National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico, it was possible to know other interesting aspects as the problems involved in the collection of the shells, the number of them used, and the difficulties in the planning of the garment. In the present paper these new data are summarized, which allows to understand one of the most impressive archaeological shell findings of Prehispanic Mexico.

Introduction Bivalves of the Spondylus genus (Fig. 1) were highly prized by the cultures that populated Mexican territory prior to the Spanish invasion. Since at least the Formative or Preclassic period (2500 BC–AD 200), shells of this genus were obtained on the coasts and were sometimes transported hundreds of kilometers inland to major urban centers where they were crafted into ornaments for the elite and/or objects for ritual use. Several spectacular pieces clearly exemplify the importance of some species of the Spondylus genus for the ancient cultures of Mexico, especially Spondylus princeps. A particularly outstanding garment was excavated at the site of Tula de Allende, capital of the Toltec culture, in the modern-day state of Hidalgo (Fig. 2), which was the main power center during the Early Postclassic period (AD 900–1100). This piece was discovered in 1993, during excavations conducted in the building known as the “Burnt Palace” (Fig. 3) by the project Mantenimiento, Conservación y Estudio de la Zona Arqueológica de Tula 92-94 [Maintenance, Conservation, and Study of the Archaeological Zone of Tula 92-94] (Estrada 1994). Two offerings were found in the middle of Room 2. The first offering consisted of a turquoise mosaic disk, shell beads and noseplugs, as well as other marine materials. The second offering was deposited in a box made of adobe bricks, the bottom of which was lined with sea corals of the Gorgonia genus. Over this coral lining were deposited layers of precious marine elements. First, six Spondylus princeps bivalves, 11 Spondylus calcifer, and two Chama echinata were placed over the corals. The next accumulation consisted of 1,446 shell pendants, 1,237 of which were reddish and quadrangular (rectangular and trapezoidal) in shape, and were laid out in two layers with an East-West orientation. These were initially identified as Spondylus princeps. Of the remaining pendants, 111 were Pinctada mazatlanica mother-

Figure 1. Bivalve species of the Spondylus genus from the coasts of Mexico (from left to right and top to bottom): S. princeps, S. calcifer, S. americanus and S. ictericus [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

of-pearl, and 98 were shells of the Oliva genus. Over the pendants was placed a necklace composed of 245 reddish beads, of Spondylus princeps, round, quadrangular or plant-shaped. Finally, a stone disk with four perforations and covered with an unidentified yellowish material on the upper surface was laid on top (Fig. 4). After meticulous excavation, the piece was moved to the Museo del Templo Mayor, in Mexico City, where preliminary identification of the biological species and a typological classification of the objects were conducted (Velázquez 1995b). After that, conservation and reassembly of the pieces were carried out, based on the order of the objects from the in situ context. As a result, there were recognized and reassembled a necklace of 245 beads and a vest-like garment, made of two almost identical panels, joined at the shoulders and open at the sides (front and back). Each one of the two panels consisted of 19 rows of reddish pendants; two rows of mother-of-

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

MEXICO TULA (AD 900-1100)

Figure 2. Location of Tula de Allende

Figure 3. View of the Burnt Palace of Tula [photo by Adrián Velázquez]

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Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado – Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico

Figure 4. View of Offering 2 of the Burnt Palace [photo courtesy of the Mantenimiento, Conservación y Estudio de la Zona Arqueológica de Tula 92-94 project]

pearl pieces were arranged in the waist area, while the Oliva pendants adorned the upper and lower fringes of the garment (Gallardo & Grimaldi 1995) (Fig. 5). The results obtained in the excavation were confirmed by sculpture from Mesoamerica representing warriors wearing netlike vests, possibly armor akin to cuirasses (Velázquez 1995a). In addition to sculptural representations, the bellicose character of the attire is further suggested by the architecture and decoration of the location where this garment was deposited as offerings. Room 2 of the Burnt Palace has benches bearing bas-reliefs of warrior processions and seems to have had a frieze with depictions of warriors in contorted positions, sun disks, and vessels filled with sacrificial hearts. These pieces seem to be the metaphorical expression of sacred warfare, atl-tlachinolli (water and fire), given that the ancient makers chose principally reddish shells to create it, in other words eminently aquatic materials but of an igneous color, in line with ancient Mesoamerican thought systems (Velázquez 1995a). This paper presents the results of the most recent analyses conducted on the warrior attire from Tula, comprising the specific identification of the species, carried out by Belem Zúñiga and Norma Valentín, and the study of techniques employed to make the vest and necklace, conducted by Adrián Velázquez. We also discuss the process of replication of these two pieces of attire, a project that was entrusted to the Museo Nacional de Antropología in 2000 and in which the authors of this article participated. Thanks to this study, it was possible to determine

Figure 5. Cuirass of Tula after reassembly [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 6. Spondylus princeps [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

Figure 7. Chama echinata [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

the number of shells used, some of their specific characteristics, the difficulty of obtaining the species, as well as some of the problems that the craftsmen responsible for creating both pieces must have faced. Species Identified Of the 1,237 quadrangular-shaped pieces that formed the shell vest, 1,215 are made of Spondylus princeps shells (Fig. 6), 15 of Chama echinata (Fig. 7), two of a pectinid that due to their design and color might be Lyropecten subnodosus (Fig. 8), and five are of an unidentified white shell, which was painted red.

Figure 8. Lyropecten subnodosus [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

The 111 mother-of-pearl objects were made from the bivalve Pinctada mazatlanica (Fig. 9), while the 98 shell pendants of the Oliva genus were identified as the species Oliva incrassata (55) (Fig. 10), Oliva spicata (32) (Fig. 11), Oliva julieta (7) (Fig. 12), and Oliva splendidula (4) (Fig. 13). The 245 beads from the necklace are made of Spondylus princeps shells. What is noteworthy is that all the mollusk species, both the pelecypods and the gastropods, come from the Panamic Province, a malocological province that encompasses a large portion of the Pacific littoral extending from the Baja California Peninsula to Ecuador (Fig. 14). All the species are from shallow waters; some of them live in sandy substrata, so they could have been collected along the shore of beaches at low 212

Figure 9. Pinctada mazatlanica [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado – Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico

PANAMIC PROVINCE Figure 10. Oliva incrassata [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

Figure 14. Map of the Panamic Province

tide, as in the case of Oliva spicata (Keen 1971: 624). Others had to be dived for, such as the Oliva incrassata, Oliva splendidula, and Oliva julieta shells and the bivalve Lyropecten subnodosus, which also live in sandy substrata, but at greater depths (Keen, 1971: 93, 622-625). A similar observation may be made regarding the Spondylus princeps, Spondylus calcifer, Chama echinata, and Pinctada mazatlanica, except that they live attached to hard substrata (Keen 1971: 79, 96, 147), which makes it even more difficult to get them. Although all of these animals may live very close to the ocean surface, human depredation has meant that they are found at increasingly greater depths. It is important to mention that the good condition of the pieces in general indicates that the specimens were collected alive, rather than dead on the beach, where the elements would have brought about deterioration. The oliva shells, for example, display the shine and tonalities of their natural state, and in many cases, young pieces were chosen. As for the reddish shells, the thickness of the colored layer shows that adult specimens of a fair size were selected.

Figure 11. Oliva spicata [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

Production Techniques

Figure 12. Oliva julieta [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

The study of production techniques used for the creation of the vest and necklace of Tula was conducted as part of the project Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico [Manufacturing Techniques of Pre-Hispanic Mexican Shell Objects]. One of the main objectives of this research project is to gain detailed knowledge of the processes and tools used to make shell pieces in different places in Mexican territory and at different times in Pre-Columbian history. This was achieved through experimental archaeology, which involved replicating ancient modification techniques (wearing, cutting, perforating, etc.) on modern biological specimens, using methods and equipment that we may suppose were also used in the past. The latter supposition is the crux

Figure 13. Oliva splendidula [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 18. Traces of abrasion on an archaeological pendant (MEB 100X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 15. Traces of abrasion on a quadrangular pendant (30X) [photo by José Luis Alvarado]

Figure 16. Process of abrasion of a Spondylus princeps valve on an andesite slab [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 17. Traces produced under experimental conditions by abrasion of a Spondylus princeps valve on an andesite slab (MEB 100X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

214

of the research; the techniques may be proposed with a fair amount of certainty through the analysis and comparison of experimental and archaeological traces of tool use on pieces. These traces are observed microscopically, using stereoscopic and scanning electron microscopy (SEM), the latter of which makes it possible to achieve greater precision in analysis, so it is an ideal technique to study the surface characteristics of materials. For SEM observation, replicas of manufacture traces are obtained on small pieces of acetate softened in acetone, which are covered with a coat of gold ions, which can be seen in a vacuum environment, in which it is possible to examine up to 20 samples in a two-hour session. The equipment used was a JEOL JSM-6460LV, located in the Subdirección de Laboratorios y Apoyo Académico del INAH; the observation conditions were 20 KV of power, a 42 beam aperture, and a distance of 10mm, in a vacuum (Velázquez 2007; Velázquez & Melgar 2006; Velázquez et al. 2006). To analyze traces of manufacturing techniques on the vest and necklace, the procedure was as follows: first the pieces were examined with the naked eye and with the aid of a 20X magnifying glass; then the most representative traces were photographed with a stereoscopic microscope at 10X, 30X, and 63X; after that, 49 replicas were obtained from different parts of the pieces (perforations, front and back surfaces, edges, incisions, openwork), which were observed with SEM; the micrographs obtained were compared with the databank of experimental traces. The results are summarized below: 1. Smoothing The presence of straight, well-defined scratches on the surfaces of many of the objects made of Spondylus princeps, the other reddish shells (Chama echinata), and Pinctada mazatlanica (Fig. 15) made it possible to infer that the valves were worn down on their outer surface with a lithic tool, in part to eliminate spines or some of the outer shell layers and to obtain the smoothest, most homogeneous surface possible (Fig. 16). The same process of abrasion must have been used to even out the faces of the objects and to obtain the desired thickness, as may be seen on the inner surfaces of the pieces. SEM observation permitted identification of andesite as the material used to

Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado – Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico

Figure 19. Traces on the surface of a quadrangular bead (30X) [photo by José Luis Alvarado]

Figure 22. Traces on the surface of a plant-shaped bead (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 20. Process of polishing with a piece of flint [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 23. Traces left by a cut in a plant-shaped bead (10X) [photo by José Luis Alvarado]

Figure 21. Traces produced by polished with a piece of flint (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 24. Traces produced by cutting with obsidian tools (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

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Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

carry out this abrasion, given the presence of rounded bands measuring 40 to 50 microns wide, visible at an amplification of 100 (Fig. 17-18).

Figure 25. Traces of a cut on an archaeological pendant (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 26. Process of cutting a Spondylus princeps valve with obsidian blades [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

2. Polishing/burnishing Another pattern of traces that could be observed on the surfaces of the beads and the back surfaces of the quadrangular reddish shell pendants was a series of crisscrossed lines, finer than the straight scratches caused by abrasion, which suggested the application of a surface finish (Fig. 19). SEM observation made it possible to determine that after wearing down surfaces with andesite, the pieces were polished with lumps of flint (Fig. 20) and possibly burnished with a soft material, such as leather or cloth, which can be inferred by the presence of very straight lines roughly 2 microns wide, that tend to be agglomerated to form bands in the interior of which microlines may be seen (Fig. 21-22). 3. Cutting The edges of pieces display traces of having been abraded with andesite; under these traits and at higher magnification (600X and 1000X) fine straight microlines may be seen, on the order of those measuring 2 microns wide (Fig. 23-25). From this it may be inferred that the objects were cut with obsidian tools (Fig. 26) and then worn down to eliminate sharp edges produced by the first technique. Traces of these same cutting implements may be seen in the crevices between the petals of the flower-shaped beads, in the openwork of the quadrangular beads, and in the grooved perforations of the Oliva genus shell pendants. 4. Perforating Finally, in the round holes bored in the reddish shell pieces and in the Pinctada mazatlanica, clearly delineated concentric lines may be seen, indicative of the use of lithic perforators (Fig. 27-28). The bands measuring approximately 5 microns wide, which are interwoven to produce a uniform texture, made it possible to identify the tool that produced this pattern was made of flint (Fig. 29-30). The Replica of the Vest and Necklace

Figure 27. Traces of a perforation in an archaeological pendant (30X) [photo: José Luis Alvarado]

In 2000 as part of the integral restructuring of the Museo Nacional de Antropología in Mexico City, the need arose to produce a replica of the shell vest and necklace found in Tula for the Toltec Hall of the museum, given that the original pieces are the patrimony of the state of Hidalgo. The project was made possible thanks to the donation of a large quantity of Spondylus princeps unicolor1 by the Centro Interdisciplinario de Ciencias Marinas (CICIMAR), which had been researching populations of this species that live in the vicinity of Isla Danzante in the Bay of Loreto in Baja California Sur, species that currently may be found at a depth of 40 meters (Villalejo & García 1998). After examining the sample of shells obtained for this study, it was found that individuals of light colors, even white, tend to predominate in the populations of this species over those of orange-reddish tonalities. In La Paz, Baja 1  A synonym of this species is Spondylus leucacanthus (Keen, 1971: 96).

216

Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado – Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico

California Sur, Pinctada mazatlanica bivalves and Oliva spicata shells were obtained. The species Oliva incrassata, Oliva julieta, and Oliva splendidula were obtained from a shop for collectors on the Internet. Generally speaking, the work conducted on the bivalve shells consisted of wearing down the outer surface with an electric sanding device. The cutting, perforating, polishing, burnishing of the pieces and making openwork designs was done with electric rotary tools equipped with different accessories.

Figure 28. Process of perforating with lithic tools [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

It was possible to learn several interesting aspects of the manufacture of such pieces, particularly in the case of Spondylus princeps. As for the size of the shells, given that some are larger and therefore older, they tended to display more holes produced by organisms that colonized them; therefore, the size of valves used in the replica of the vest pieces ranged from 3 to 10cm in length and 3 to 10cm in width; as for the beads of the necklace, shells measuring 12cm long by 12cm wide were used; however, it was not possible to produce the thickness of the original pieces, as larger shells would have been needed. The most readily usable parts of valves are the edges, due to the thicker layer of color, while the areas close to the hinges are generally not used. One of the problems faced was the need to put the material to maximum use, given the risk that it would not be enough; this produced a variability of forms between rectangles and trapezoids, similar to those from the archaeological pieces. In total, to make the replica of the vest and necklace, 152 valves of Spondylus princeps were used; five valves of Pinctada mazatlanica, and 98 shells of the Oliva genus (Velázquez & Gallardo 2003) (Fig. 31). Discussion

Figure 29. Traces produced by perforating with flint tools (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

Figure 30. Traces of an archaeological perforation (MEB 600X) [photo courtesy of the Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico project]

217

The first element that is striking about the shell garment and necklace from Tula is that only species of Panamic mollusks were used to make them, which is no doubt evidence of the close ties between Tula and West Mexico. Unfortunately, it is not possible to specify the zones where the shells came from within the long band of the Mexican Pacific coast. Another noteworthy feature is the preference for reddish valves of the Spondylus princeps species, which numerically predominate over the other specifies identified (they represent 86% of the totality of shell pieces). No doubt obtaining the amount of materials needed to produce the items must have been extremely difficult, based on the experience of making replicas that required 152 valves, which had to be carefully chosen from a much larger number of pieces, due to inherent problems in the material; because shells often serve as a substratum for other organisms, they often display imperfections rendering them useless for the production of other objects. Furthermore, the sampling conducted at Isla Danzante showed that populations of Spondylus princeps are composed of individuals that display a wide range of colors from white to dark red, although the latter are less common. Therefore, to obtain the number of specimens necessary to produce the vest and the necklace, they must have dived to collect many more pieces,

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

smoothed with andesite to correct sharp edges inevitably produced by dividing the material; this same tool was applied to the surfaces of objects to produce the desired thickness. In the case of the plant-shaped beads, in addition to the tools mentioned above, the petals of flower-shaped beads were made by producing clefts on the edges of beads, made with obsidian tools. These same tools were used to cut the round central holes in the quadrangular beads and to make the grooved perforations of the Oliva genus shell pendants. The round holes were made with flint perforators. Finally, the pieces of reddish shell were polished with pieces of flint on the outer surface, and possibly burnished with a soft material, such as leather or cloth. The manufacturing techniques identified correspond to what is known from different sites in Central Mexico (Velázquez 2006), which suggests the possibility that both the vest and the necklace were made there in the Toltec capital, for similar pieces have not been found to date elsewhere in Mesoamerica. Estimates of the time invested to make these pieces have not been calculated to date, but clearly they must have been very high. In an earlier study (Velázquez 2001), an estimate of 14,493:58 hours was reached by using basaltic stone as abrasion tools and flint implements to perforate and cut; however, it is necessary to develop a new program of experiments in which tools identified as having been used originally in ancient times are employed in the analysis of manufacturing traces. Figure 31. Replicas of the vest and necklace [photo by Germán Zúñiga Amézquita]

because color variations and defects are not visible until the shells are removed from the sea and cleaned. Perhaps the fact that other species of reddish shell were used in a much lower proportion (0.88% of Chama echinata, 0.01% of Lyropecten cf. subnodosus and even 0.29% of a white shell painted red!) might be indicative of the difficulty in collecting the material. From this evidence, it may be inferred that the artists entrusted to create the pieces would have preferred to use Spondylus princeps to make the pieces of reddish shell, but they were forced to substitute it with similar valves and even simulated ones when they ran out of Spondylus shell. Another inference that may be derived from this same evidence is that the objects were not made close to the locations of shell extraction, where perhaps they could have collected the Spondylus princeps necessary. Production techniques inferred from the analysis of traces left by work tools allow for the reconstruction of operational chains to produce the pieces. In this way, the first process must have been the abrasion of the outer surface of bivalve shells with andesite tools to eliminate spines, remains of sea organisms that colonize shells, and even the outer and middle layers in the case of Pinctada mazatlanica, in which only the mother-of-pearl interior was left visible. Then they must have cut the objects by utilizing obsidian tools; the edges were also 218

Hopefully the information resulting from this analysis will serve to illustrate the great value and importance of the shell vest and necklace from Tula. The materials most highly prized by Pre-Columbian societies were employed to craft them with a considerable investment of time. A revealing bit of data in this regard may be found in the Información de 1554, which mentions that the province of Cihuatlán gave Moctezuma II tapachtli shells –a name generally applied to red shells, the most important of which was the Spondylus princeps– in tribute, the value of which was between 15 and 35 mantles for each shell. The same source mentions that some sayetes (short tunics) made of fine feathers and strands of chalchihuites (greenstone beads) could be worth the equivalent of 25 mantles, and a gold lip-plug inlaid with amber could be 60 mantles, which gives us an idea of the high value of shells simply as raw materials (Temple & Velázquez 2003).

Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado – Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico

References Estrada Hernández, E. 1994 Las Ofrendas del Palacio Quemado. Mexico: Archivo Técnico del INAH [Unpublished report]. Gallardo Parrodi, M. de Lourdes & D. María Grimaldi Sierra

1995 Keen, M. 1971

La Conservación de la Vestimenta Ceremonial de Tula. Mexico: Archivo Técnico del INAH [Unpublished report].

Sea Shells of Tropical West America. California, Stanford: Stanford University Press. Temple Sánchez Gavito, J. J. & A. Velázquez Castro 2003 El tapachtli entre los antiguos nahuas. In Estudios Etnobiológicos, Pasado y Presente de México (coord. A. Montúfar López). Mexico: INAH. Velázquez Castro, A. 1995a La Coraza Ceremonial de Concha del Palacio Quemado de Tula, Hidalgo. Mexico: Museo del Templo Mayor, INAH [Unpublished report]. 1995b La Coraza de Tula: Análisis morfológio y técnico de las piezas que la integran. Mexico: Archivo Técnico del INAH [Unpublished report]. 2001 Technical and morphological analyses of the shell mosaic garment from Offering No. 2 in the Palacio Quemado of Tula, Mexico. Paper delivered at the 66th Annual Meeting, Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans, Louisiana. 2006 Las tradiciones tecnológicas del trabajo de la concha en el Centro de México. Paper presented at the 52 ICA, Seville, Spain. 2007 La Producción Especializada de los Objetos de Concha del Templo Mayor de Tenochtitlan. Mexico: INAH. Velázquez Castro, A. & M. de Lourdes Gallardo Parrodi 2003 La réplica de la coraza de Tula. Paper presented at the V Congreso Mexicano de Etnobiología, Universidad Autónoma de Chapingo, Mexico. Velázquez Castro, A. & E. Ricardo Melgar Tísoc 2006 La elaboración de los ehecacózcatl de concha del Templo Mayor de Tenochtitlan. In Arqueología e Historia del Centro de México: Homenaje a Eduardo Matos Moctezuma (coord. L. López Luján, D. Carrasco & Lourdes Cué). Mexico: INAH. Velázquez Castro, A., E. Melgar Tísoc & A. M. Hocquenghem 2006 Análisis de las huellas de manufactura del material malacológico de Tumbes, Perú. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Etudes Andines 35(1): 21-35. Villalejo Fuerte, M. & F. García Domínguez 1998 Reproductive cycle of Spondylus leucacanthus, 1883 (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) at Isla Danzante, Gulf of California. Journal of Shellfish Archaeology 17(4): 1037-1042. 219

Concluding Commentary

F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies C O N C L U D I N G C O M M E N TA RY

Lives and journeys, of Spondylus and people: a story to conclude Marianna Nikolaidou

This book can be read as a palimpsest of lives and journeys: a diary and a travel log1. It chronicles, in various stories and narratives, the quest for an alluring natural material, the marine shell of Spondylus geaderopus, and its cultural transformation into an array of artifacts. Throughout the volume’s three thematic sections, the focus shifts back and forth from the live mollusk to its emptied valve, to the valve’s travels and transformations by human craft, to the biographies of the resulting artifacts, and to the people who set out to seek nature’s bounty and materialized it into forms of beauty and meaning. We also have at hand an archaeological record of the chaînes opératoires leading to these transformations, link by link, with missing parts of the chain now restored and others better understood. Finally, this is a documentary about the archaeologists’ journeys into the realm of this prehistoric technology and about the technologies we employ for its study (cf. Nikolaidou & Kokkinidou 2007). It seems fitting to conclude with a composite picture of these adventures, pieced together from the volume’s contributions. The picture I present below emerged from my reading of the book, thus it highlights points that particularly resonate with my interests on the subject (Nikolaidou 1997, 2003, 2007, 2010). Other readers will probably find different areas to focus on. It is indeed one of the book’s strengths that it opens up exciting prospects on a remarkably wide field of exploration regarding prehistoric Spondylus, with enriching data and innovative approaches for their study. The journeys of Spondylus and people go back as early in time as the Upper Palaeolithic (Arrizabalaga et al., ch. 2), continue throughout the Neolithic and Bronze Age in the expanse of Europe, and reach down to the late pre-contact period in the New World. Diverse trajectories have been admirably outlined by the authors, some of whom have sketched site-specific vignettes while others have offered panoramas across space and through time. If some of the images are still sketchy, incomplete or out-offocus (cf. Ifantidis, ch. 9), others have nevertheless emerge with sharper contours than before, and still others appear for the first time. Beyond Spondylus, the book aims to contribute to the wider study of ancient shell technologies in their complex cognitive and social associations (Dobres & Hoffman 1994: 211-258; Pfaffenberger 1988: 249, 1992). A significant body of research2 has demonstrated that technology is not only, or even primarily, about the human influence on matter or the physical constraints of materials upon human action. Foremost technology has to do with people’s ideas about the physical world and their purposeful interference with it (Heidegger 1978: 180; Lechtman 1977; Lemonnier 1986, 1992; Lemonnier, ed. 1992). Technological choices are structured selections between valid functional alternatives (Lechtman 1977; Sackett 1977, 1990), wherefrom societies choose to plan, produce, use, repair, and discard material culture (Lemonnier 1992; Lemonnier, ed. 1992). It is through the crafting process and use that artifacts acquire their meanings (Graves-Brown 1995). The Spondylus “phenomenon” (cf. Introduction) involves many interrelated technologies of acquisition, travel, working, wearing, recycling, disposal. The choices shaping each of these enterprises are illustrated here and provide fascinating clues about the workings of the prehistoric mind –and hand (cf. Schlanger 1995). Borrello & Micheli (ch. 3) rightly call for a collaboration between archaeologists and malacologists as a fundamental first step for further analysis and interpretation. The value of such collaboration is made clear in the paper by Hladilová (ch. 13) who traces the life-cycle of the Spondylus mollusk, those biological and environmental traits that stimulated cultural initiative. From extracting or beachcombing the shell, to transporting it far from its habitats, consuming the succulent flesh, and shaping the rough valve into desirable forms, nature presented possibilities but also limitations. Whether people could reach the mollusk in their neighboring seashores (Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3; 8, 10) or (in the case of inland regions) they had to get it from distant coasts, acts of “domestication” (cf. Elster & Nikolaidou 1995; Ingold 1988) were at play: eating and feasting (Veropoulidou, ch. 14), bringing the raw material home to work, “taming” the organic form into desired shapes by means of learned skills and familiar equipment, giving the artifacts cultural lives. Why Spondylus? is the key question (Theodoropoulou, ch. 7). What moved so many peoples, in different parts of the worlds and over millennia, to feel the “hunger for the white Spondylus”, as John (ch. 4) puts it? The papers reveal a host of psychological, conceptual, and social factors underlying this desire. A key role is played by the natural qualities of the shell: large and sturdy enough to permit experimentation with shapes; hard, light and tight, excellent to work with (more favorable to the crafter than 1  My warm thanks to Fotis Ifantidis, a most meticulous editor, who braved our joint journey with good humor and infinite patience. Ernestine Elster read and offered valuable comments on this story. The shortcomings remain mine. 2 

It was the seminal works of Leroi-Gourhan that first drew attention to the cognitive and cultural dimensions of prehistoric technologies (Leroi-Gourhan 1943, 1945, 1964, 1965).

Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

white marble, for instance); amenable to interesting plays with color, whether the dominant white or a spectrum of attractive hues that were brought into advantage by special treatment of the surface –sometimes “reversing” the natural white by firing the shell to achieve dark tones (see especially Chapman et al., ch. 10; cf. Gaydarska et al. 2004). These considerations seem to have included other, similarly-colored and textured materials, such as marble and limestone, which were often substituted for Spondylus –or vice versa (Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3; Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5; Ifantidis, ch. 9). It is also possible that emotional and symbolic values were attached to the colors, the smoothness of the finished surface, the play of light on the polished ornaments, the agreeable coolness in touch with the skin, or other appealing qualities of form and matter (Clark 1986; Miller 1985). Mystery may also have surrounded the natural habitat of Spondylus (see especially Hladilová, ch. 13), half-hidden underwater on rocky beds so that it takes experienced eyes to single it out and confident movements to pry it intact. Extraction required stamina and dexterity, proper tools and facilities (nets, fishing boats: Shackleton 1988: 45; Tsuneki 1989). Although these tasks would not have been so demanding for experienced fishermen, as Carter (ch. 6) argues about the Pre-Hispanic coastal populations of Peru and Equator, but would have challenged inland groups (if indeed those undertook the extraction themselves) among which mastery of the skills could have been symbolically exalted (Theodoropoulou, ch. 7; cf. Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11). As the authors remind us, the sea itself was for many peoples a distant, almost mythical topos, imagined only but never actually seen (cf. Broodbank 1993; Helms 1993; Trubitt 2003). Bringing the shell from this “exotic” world would have determined largely its subsequent value and lent it a permanent foreign allure. It is not accidental that in the Aegean Neolithic marine shells are consistently preferred as material for ornaments and other symbolic goods, at the expense of locally available freshwater (local) species which, nevertheless were systematically consumed as food (Theodoropoulou, ch. 7, Ifantidis, ch. 9; cf. Sitagroi: Nikolaidou 2003, Shackleton 2003)3. Even if Spondylus valves were collected fossilized on the beach rather than extracted alive, (as, for example, at Arene Candide, Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3) these were put to the same meaningful uses as the freshly-caught ones. Compelling evidence for a taste and long-distance endeavors for Spondylus dates as early as the Late Mousterian in Europe and is associated with Neanderthals, at the Lezetxiki Cave in the Iberian Peninsula (Arrizabalaga et al., ch. 2). Recovered from a well stratified context and together with other shell species, this find adds significantly to the intriguing picture of the “non-functional” apparatus –and symbolizing capacities– of our cousin species (for example, Mellars 1996; Stringer & Gamble 1993). Admittedly, at Lezetxiki Cave we are dealing only with one piece of Spondylus, and an unworked one at that, therefore the authors’ argument about trade in exotica at such early times perhaps has to be formulated more cautiously. Even so, the Neanderthal finds, interpretable as ornaments, do challenge the view about the “uniqueness” of our species in things symbolic (Zilhão 2007; Zilhão et. al 2010)4. It is from the Neolithic on that we stand on firmer grounds to follow the travels to transport and trade the prized shell. The experimental reproduction of the shell-covered Tula garment (Velázquez et al., ch. 15) sheds a valuable pragmatic light on the many factors involved in material acquisition: distances to be covered, difficulty of extraction, cost of the expedition, commensurate prestige of the coveted goods. Douka’s (ch. 12) discussion of isotopic sourcing studies brings to focus the diverse natural environments that fishers and procurers often had to cross from the coast to the place of production; every expedition a prehistoric “Odyssey” (cf. Elster 2007) requiring audacity, forethought, endurance, and perhaps entrusted as a task of honor or as a test to qualify members of a community. The acquisition of raw material involved many levels of perception, not least the “local knowledge” about the shores of origin: for example, what waters were favored by which species, where and when was the colony densest, how easy was it to get to specific shell habitats, where were other people’s collecting areas (Shackleton 1988: 45). Whether groups themselves traveled to obtain the resources or these circulated down the line, it would have been necessary to forge affiliations in the region and further afield (Gaydarska et al. 2004: 30; Perlès 1992: 117), if only to become privy to such crucial information. Kyparissi-Apostolika (ch. 11) comments importantly on such negotiations in Neolithic Thessaly, with trading rights (and manipulation of local knowledge?) exclusive to coastal centers of production, foremost Dimini, and their select partners inland such as Ayia Sofia and Theopetra Cave (cf. Tsuneki 1988, 1989). Such arrangements, she argues, would explain why bracelets are not found in great quantities in all sea-shore settlements where raw material could easily be obtained. Differences in the geographical environment of participating communities may as well have resulted in social and conceptual differentiation (cf. Broodbank 1993; Séfériadès 2000), and moving across territories would be best handled via ceremony and symbolism (van Gennep 1960: 98). The whole enterprise of acquisition was possibly surrounded with stories and myths about these distant places, news from friends near and afar, and celebrations of farewell and return bestowing an aura of prestige on those involved: daring travelers, traders, crafters, spiritual and social facilitators (cf. Elster 2007; Helms 1993; Nikolaidou 2007; Trubitt 2003). Kyparissi-Apostolika (ch. 11) interestingly suggests that the occurrence of Spondylus at Theopetra Cave was related to the cave’s ritual significance in the region.

3  The fascination with the distant and the new at the expense of the local and familiar is evident in other categories of Neolithic material culture, particularly stones (Perlès 1992) and metals (Renfrew & Slater 2003; cf. Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11). 4  The symbolic and ornamental use of attractive shell by anatomically modern humans, in evidence since the late Middle Paleolithic (d’Errico et al. 2005), is an important feature of Upper Paleolithic industries and cognition (Taborin 1993; White 1989)

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Transformative choices. The authors have variously worked to “trace the metamorphosis” (Theodoropoulou, ch. 7) of Spondylus from an attractive natural good into a cultural commodity and personally treasured item. Illuminating are here microstratigraphies of the Dimini rings (Chapman et al., ch. 10; cf. Ifantidis, ch. 9; Hladilová, ch. 13), which uncover layer by layer the alterations of the “raw” valve into a perfectly finished artifact. Starting from the original organic element, the options for manufacture are diverse, the crafters’ selections purposeful; a testimony that “not nature but culture is the main constraint of technique” (van der Leeuw 1992: 241). Ornament-making is one of the crafts characterized by firm technical traditions, systematic output of high symbolic value, and a special role in networks of trade and social interaction, and this book has given special emphasis to ornamentation, not least because most excavated shell artifacts are indeed ornaments. Less well understood, but equally important, are the diverse uses of Spondylus as food and for the manufacture of tools and implements (ch. 3, 6, 7, 8, 14). The Tula experiment (Velázquez et al., ch. 15) clarifies the many logistics of manufacture: choice of species, the sheer quantities of materials used and difficulty of processing, their cost as calculated against other vital commodities, their commensurate symbolic and ideological value. Re-tracing the steps of the craftwork, this study brings to life the crafters themselves: their labors to achieve a beautiful piece, the dialogue with the materials and tools at their disposal, their proficiency in planning and executing. Other studies in the book (ch. 3, 5, 7-11) further illustrate how prehistoric manufacturers of shell consistently focused on select materials, working techniques, artifact forms and functionality, which led to the development of long-standing and culturally distinct styles (cf. Boas 1955; Sackett 1990). Reading through the volume, one gains a sense of respect for those specialists who patiently worked their materials into durable forms of beauty, preserving the technical wisdom of millennia but also taking new steps of their own. The in-depth examination of assemblages older and new helps correct previous misconceptions and refine generalizations. To begin with, Álvarez-Fernández (ch. 1) offers a useful “cautionary’ tale about the realistic difficulties involved in identifying the Spondylus versus other species and lists a helpful set of criteria for safe archaeological recognition. Ifantidis (ch. 9 and 2006) has worked to distinguish Spondylus from Glycymeris, both popular bivalves in the Neolithic (Dimitrijević & Tripković 2003), as did previously Miller (2003) at Sitagroi5. We must indeed consider Spondylus as only one, and not always the most important, component in a variegated spectrum of materials and crafts of adornment, which can be seen in the richly diverse ornament assemblages from Mediterranean settlements (this volume, ch. 3, 8, 9; Ifantidis 2006; cf. Karali-Yannakopoulou 1991, 1992; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Miller 1997; Nikolaidou 2003), and in the lavish burials of the Balkan and Central European cultures (John, ch. 4; Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5; cf. Avramova 2002; Todorova & Vajsov 2001): clay, bone, antler, different shells (Glycymeris, Dentalium, Cerastoderma glaucum etc.) various stones, copper and gold; all were used, with shifting preferences over time and across regions. Some of the changes had to do with resource availability: in Moravia, for example, when the demand for the precious fresh Spondylus peaked, people substituted imitations of limestone or regionally available fossilized shell for the exotic thing (John, ch. 4; Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5). Other times, the relative prestige of the materials fluctuated: Borrello & Micheli (ch. 3) attribute the striking decline in Spondylus jewelry during the Copper Age to the appearance of new valuable substances that dominated fashion; to illustrate their point, Spondylus artifacts have been tabulated against the impressive bulk of stone jewelry. Likewise, Veropoulidou (ch. 14) links the decline in Spondylus ornamentation during the Aegean Bronze Age to the innovative and prestigious technologies of metallurgy, coupled with decreased access to natural Spondylus beds as a result of the rise in sea levels. Technical expediency was also an important factor to guide decisions: at Sitagroi, for example, the crafters of the Chalcolithic (Phase III) systematically sought large valves of the strong Spondylus for their annulets and larger beads in order to meet the demands of more intensified production at the time, and reserved the more delicate Glycymeris for easier-to-produce ornaments, while previously the two species were used interchangeably (Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003). We can only speculate as to the relative evaluations of different materials (and the tasks related to them) in the cosmologies of these people, but we should beware of projecting our own ideas of “value” (cf. Chapman 1998) uncritically. For example, clay is usually taken as an expedient local substitute for imported shell, in times of intensified bead production such as the Final Neolithic/ Chalcolithic in the Aegean (for example, Miller 2003). It is during this same phase, however, that clay figures prominently in the symbolic apparatus and architecture (Papathanassopoulos, ed. 1996; Renfrew et al. 1986)6, therefore it could have been invested with conceptual value of its own. An interesting difference from the Middle to the Late Neolithic, is observed both in the Carpathian cemeteries (Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5) and at the settlement of Dispilio (Ifantidis, ch. 9). In the earlier phases a great variety of materials and ornament types showcases the investment in large quantities of imported Spondylus or marble and experimentation with large, demanding forms (heavy arm rings, belt-hooks, big pendants, massive beads). The Late Neolithic phase, on the other hand, sees a decrease of scope both in materials and elaborate forms. Instead, people focused on a few standardized types, especially Spondylus annulets less bulky than before and small (even miniature) beads of shell and (at Dispilio) steatite/talc, that were produced together in large groups (cf. Miller 2003). The same shifts are attested in many other Aegean sites, such as Dimini, Makriyalos, and during the Chalcolithic at Sitagroi (the latter site also specializing in beads of fired steatite, as was Dispilio –see Miller 2003). These 5  Without proper microscopic examination, these two species were often mistaken for each other in the past (cf. Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5), as well as for stone or bone ornaments of very similar appearance. 6  The Final Neolithic/Chalcolithic in Southeastern Europe has aptly been described as “the age of clay” (Stevanović 1997).

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later forms obviously demanded less material per piece, and probably also less labor because the shapes were familiar and thus crafted more easily. Such expediency notwithstanding, manufacture needed a greater degree of organized group effort than before, stronger coordination of individual technical styles, work habits and tools to produce uniform results. Add to this the use of pyrotechnology, for the involved manufacture of the “white steatite” beads (Ifantidis, ch. 9; cf. Miller 2003) and to manipulate the color of annulets (at Dimini: Chapman et al., ch. 10). These are all characteristics of specialized, intensified production of a systematic scale (cf. Costin 1991), and many of these artifacts were meant for export rather than local consumption (as implied also by the absence of wear marks on finished ornaments at Makriyalos: Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8; cf. Chapman et al., ch. 10; Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11). Contrary to the accepted view of an overall increased prestige of Spondylus over time, we are rather observing a focus on different qualities in each phase (as Siklósi & Csengeri excellently demonstrate in ch. 5). Each of the earlier, heavier ornaments was not only more involved technologically but also highly visible, thus it would grace the privileged owner (and the expert maker! –cf. Vitelli 1993) in a display of “extravagant” material use and innovative craftsmanship. As production settled and increased later on, the esoteric prestige of individual pieces probably decreased, to be replaced nevertheless by different aesthetics favoring groups of smaller ornaments, accompanied perhaps by a “collective” value bestowed upon the craft, in expanded contexts of production, trade and ritual affiliation (cf. Chapman 1998; Nikolaidou 2007). What the evidence on standardized Spondylus manufacture does NOT present, however, is a stifling picture of absolute uniformity. Rather, we detect individual expression within the established technological norms. It is indeed interesting how many elements of “individuality” can be encoded in a shell ornament. To take specifically the case of annulets, perhaps the most technically involved and multivalent of Neolithic shell ornaments, the basic shape and contour is determined by the shape of the natural valves (Shackleton 2003), no two of which are exactly alike7; just as each shell formation is unique in large or small ways, so are shell ornaments hand-crafted with “individualized” variations. As Chapman et al. (ch. 10) demonstrate for the Dimini amulets, there is room for independent decision on the many steps of transformation (from spiny oyster to finished symmetrical object), revelation (of the layered colors and textures), and reduction (to the final perfect form). To borrow from the elegant phrasing of the authors, each ornament is a “very personal statement”, an opportunity for the artisan to develop a sense of identity and achievement; individual and/or site-specific manufacturing details may even hint at an antagonistic spirit (cf. DeBoer 1990). For example, some crafters at Dimini were especially interested in color exploration, burning or exposing hued layers of the shell. The annulet-makers at Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8) chose distinctive shaping details (cf. Shackleton 2003), as well as concentrated on producing the “extravagant” annulets, each one on a whole valve, largely ignoring the “economic” option of using a valve for many smaller ornaments (see Tsuneki 1989: fig. 7) –they did use both valves for annulets, though, while elsewhere left and right valves were reserved for annulets and beads or buttons, respectively. Such a lavish use of Spondylus for expensive artifacts would not be out of place at the coastal center of Makriyalos, favorably located within easy access to rich habitats of the shell. It could have been meant as a statement of prestige towards neighbors and partners, with the idiosyncratic manufacture carrying additional messages of local pride A ritual ethos of technology? Deciphering the shapes of the prehistoric shell (cf. Theodoropoulou, ch. 7), thus leads to decipher also (some of) the experiences of crafting; to explore how, in the process of transforming the natural material, the crafters were themselves “acculturated”, socialized, became knowledgeable and skilled members of their communities. I have proposed elsewhere that technologies of Spondylus could have been empowering undertakings, elevated above the ordinary and thus ritually performed (Nikolaidou 2007, 2010). This would also provide arenas for the distinction of gifted individuals, who would thus be endowed with prestige and prosperity (Perlès & Vitelli 1999; Vitelli 1993; cf. Brumfiel 1991; Nichols 2008). Illuminating here is the burial of a person surrounded with gifts of Spondylus preforms from the Inca centre of Lambayeque (Carter, ch. 6): were these the insignia of his craft?8 Reading through the rich documentations of prehistoric Spondylus adornment I imagine the sense of wisdom felt by those possessing the technical expertise to process this marvelous material; the excitement of the pioneers, who first “discovered” the shell, secured it, tried their hands on it, exercised their creativity (cf. Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5; Ifantidis, ch. 9). I reflect on experiences of liminality and mystique when crafters explore the possibilities of the raw material, at the same time submitting to the test their own abilities9. I am impressed by their display of excellent technique and perfect forms (cf. Boas 1955; Layton 1991). I consider the rhythms and patterns structuring learning and execution (cf. Karlin & Julien 1994; Roux et al. 1995): motor habits, regularly used raw materials, tools and methods of application, taught skills, standardized products. These components echo cyclical concepts of time which could be tied to seasonal rhythms of production and marked by rituals of regeneration (cf. Rowlands 1993). It is indeed worth exploring seasonality and periodicity in shell manufacture, in harmony with the seasonal cycles of shell fishing (for the latter see Shackleton 1983, 1988). Given that freshly caught Spondylus was the first choice as raw material for ornaments, at least at the Aegean sites of production, it is likely that craftwork would be scheduled

7  I would even see shell fishing itself is an “individualized” activity (cf. Claassen 1991; Meehan 1983), dependent on each diver’s skill, social circumstances, personal taste or the preferences of the “customers” he/she has in mind (some wanting large valves, others small; see Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8). 8 

Even more famous, the “Pottery Princess” of Khok Phanom Di in Thailand, probably a skilled potter, received a lavish burial furnished with quantities of raw clay, tools of the potter, and shell-covered ceremonial garments (Vincent 2004).

9  Among Inuit carvers, for example, mastery upon the stone, perceived as a strife to release meaning and life in nature, is valued in its own merit more than the resulting sculptures (which are often abandoned: Layton 1991: 31-32).

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according to the year’s fresh harvest of valves10. An ethos of repetition and renewal is further materialized in the biographies of the portable shell artifacts which condensed personal histories and traditions in their transferability and potential for fragmentation and recycling (cf. Chapman et al. ch. 10; Ifantidis, ch. 9). The structuring of Spondylus-related behaviors along lines of regularity and collectivity must have bonded those involved over space and time. Widely shared stylistic features indicate a technological and aesthetic koine connecting diverse areas of the Neolithic cultural landscape; possibly an idealized (and ritualized) counter-balance to antagonisms (cf. Bloch 1980) that would unavoidably arise among parties competing over the same resources (Sherratt 1984, 1993). Feelings of community could be especially powerful among the artisans themselves, between mentors and apprentices, probably members of the same family or kin (cf. DeBoer 1990; Nichols 2008). Learning and performing a craft is often circumscribed by initiations, mystic rites, taboos which place -physically and symbolically- the practitioners in a liminal position between the community and forces beyond it (Miller 1985; van Gennep 1960: 101-158). The transformative nature of Spondylus manufacture would lend itself to concepts and rituals of transition, with apprenticeship perhaps starting at an early age (cf. Nichols 2008; Possehl 1981; Roux et al. 1995) and experienced as initiation to a new social and ritual persona (Eliade 2001) The miniature axe-pendant from Dispilio, illustrated in ch. 9, might have been a didactic charm or token, encapsulating symbolisms and identities related to ornament-making crafts, as may also have been miniature images of ornamented humans (Nikolaidou 2003; cf. Marangou 1991, 1992). The ideas encoded in the productive strategy would in turn determine the importance of the end-products, the most elaborate of which were also most in demand for trade and social affiliations (Séfériadès 2000; Vencl 1959; Willms 1985). It is important to keep in mind that not only finished artifacts but also specialists and the secrets of their technai possibly circulated in such networks (cf. Perlès 1992). At the inland site of Theopetra Cave, Kyparissi-Apostolika (ch. 11) interestingly suggests that certain ornaments might have been on-site, “provincial” imitations of imports (from Dimini), by aspiring local crafters who had been impressed by those exotica but did not possess the expertise to replicate them exactly. The communal context of craftwork is brought to focus in the case of production workshops identified at Arene Candide (Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3) and Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8), valuable contributions because ornament workshops are notoriously difficult to identify, usually inferred rather than documented. In such production loci we visualize the crafters carving out working space and time, deftly organizing and negotiating their facilities for work, sharing materials and ideas, collaborating and competing (cf. Costin 1991). Social skills would have been critical to negotiate tasks and responsibilities (cf. Dobres & Hoffman 1994; Elster 1997), and spiritual authority might have been necessary, too, as documented ethnographically11. In all cases where workshops have been recognized (including Dimini: Chapman et al., ch. 10, Tsuneki 1989; Sitagroi: Miller 2003), they are located WITHIN the settlement12, therefore must have been linked to other technologies taking place on-site. The tools of the ornament-maker (impressively identified in the Tula project, Velázquez et al., ch. 15; cf. for the Aegean: Tsuneki 1989, Miller 2003) provide such links to chipped and ground stone industries (cutting, drilling and polishing tools), and to ceramics and leatherworking (polishing implements). In addition, abrasive materials and water for lubrication would have been needed (cf. Possehl 1981), as well as fuel for the firing of annulets (see especially Chapman et al., ch. 10). Many of these infrastructural resources might have to be traded for, too (cf. Vitelli 1993), and their supply coordinated with ornament-making. We also need to consider the technologies of other materials that were worked into ornaments, such as bone and stone, and how these overlapped with the work of the shell-carvers (Ifantidis 2006; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Miller 2003; Nikolaidou 2003). Enter here the many other technologies of Spondylus: culinary, tool-making, crafting of distinct artifacts. Non-ornamental uses are often attested in sites rich in ornaments, including Arene Candide, Dimini, Makriyalos, Dispilio, as well as Dikili Tash and Franchthi (ch. 3, 7, 8, 9; Shackleton 1988). In many other cases we find these technologies distinct from adornment, in space and/ or time (Veropoulidou, ch. 14). Whereas ornament-making has often been exalted as the principal use of this shell in prehistory, such evidence dates mostly to the Neolithic (for example, Theodoropoulou, ch. 7). In contrast, food and tool uses appear as more important applications in later periods, even with site-specific focus on certain functions as observed in the two case studies by Veropoulidou (ch. 14). Spondylus tools and implements were useful for a variety of tasks: burnishers and scrapers indicate work on pottery, bone, leather (Stratouli 1998); spoons and containers point to the processing, measuring, keeping, serving specialized materials such as pigments13, spices, medicines (cf. Elster & Nikolaidou 2003; Nikolaidou 2003; Tringham & Stevanović 1990); hammers and cutters likewise were handy for cutting and processing fibers, flesh, textiles, leather, soft bone or stone (cf. Elster 2003a; Stratouli 1998); hooks, pendants and a loomweight indicate interest in costume, appearance, emblematic use (Barber 1991; Elster 2003b); a seal suggests notation (cf. Renfrew 2003). What I find fascinating in this assortment is the implied interconnectedness of crafts and behaviors. When we tabulate and map such diverse categories of artifacts from excavated sites a colorful fabric of life comes back in view, albeit in bits and pieces (cf. Gaydarska et al. 2004; Hendon 1996; Nikolaidou & Elster 10 Seasonal scheduling of various crafts (pottery, basket-making, carving) in harmony with harvest, gathering or trading trips, is well known ethnographically (Boas 1955). 11 In the thriving bead industry of the Indus training begins in childhood and work is rigorously stratified according to endogamous structures, age- and genderspecific labor divisions, and levels of ritual purity (Kenoyer, Vidale & Bahn 1991: 55-59; Possehl 1981). 12 Goods were likely produced in domestic areas and the fine debris swept away afterwards (Miller 2003: 373). 13 At Sitagroi, a valve of the freshwater mussel Unio contained remnants of red ochre (Shackleton 2003: pl. 9.1.1).

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2003; Souvatzi 2008). Spondylus, the coveted and often difficult to acquire fruit of the sea, punctuates and weaves together many strands of this cultural fabric, ranging from handy expedience (sharp-edged multi-purpose valves) to elaborate creations bridging functional and symbolic (costume accessories), every application thoughtfully applied to its own purpose. Theodoropoulou (ch. 7) sees different functional (and conceptual) priorities encoded in the uses of the shell for ornaments and for distinct implement types, respectively. The former often required more demanding technique but had a wider field of applications (as composite ornaments or on different parts of the body), whereas processing tools or weaving and costume apparatus were reserved for specialized technical functions. On the other hand, she rightly observes a delicate balancing (cf. Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5) between “practical” and “symbolic” in outstanding artifacts, such as the belt hooks. What to us appears “ambiguous” about these items is, I believe, not just a handicap of archaeological recovery but rather a very purposeful fusion of practicality and semantic value14. It is further possible that the intrinsic meaning of the Spondylus shell determined variously the function and symbolism of products, be it expedient tools or elaborate implements. In the case of the former, the artifact could have been valued because of its ready handiness −an easy suitability that may even be evocative as a very direct interaction between human body and nature’s ready form−, but applications could also have been symbolically or ritually prescribed; for example, shell tools would only process certain materials, or be employed in specific occasions, or handled by appropriate persons only (cf. Miller 1985). Other, more involved implements would have embodied value in their select material of manufacture coupled with their very tangible practicality; there are, for example, many seals, spoons and weaving accessories made of easily available clay or bone, but precious few fashioned out of Spondylus! It is worth noting that the belt hooks are mostly known from sites away from the coast, including the impressive assemblage at Dispilio (Ifantidis, ch. 9), almost unique in the Aegean15, and far into the European continent (Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5). Such objects exemplify the pronounced concern for formal (and conceivably also semantic) elaboration of material culture that seems to have been a key structuring principle in Neolithic ways of life (cf. Cauvin 1994; Elster & Nikolaidou 2003; Hodder 1990; Nikolaidou 2007). The dietary and culinary uses of Spondylus are also incorporated into the nuanced pattern of sustenance, tradition and ceremony: from food procurement to preparation and consumption, the whole technology of the cuisine requires specialist knowledge, and the tasks were possibly circumscribed by taboos and social regulations (for example, Douglas 1966, 1984). Shellfish has been an important dietary component in many societies, although of fluctuating importance seasonally and/or socially (Claassen 1991; Shackleton 1983, 1988: 46-48), and often linked to symbolisms and ideology (cf. Séfériadès 1995), as documented here by Carter’s (ch. 6) ethnographic account of the mullu, special foods (including Spondylus) reserved for leaders and gods. Ritually encoded consumption of Spondylus, in the context of feasting, is reported at the LBA site of Mitrou (Veropoulidou, ch. 14), with Makriyalos another likely candidate for such practices (Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8). Of the sites discussed in the volume, Makriyalos produced the most massive quantities of shell food remains, with several species also systematically used to manufacture ornaments. Pappa & Veropoulidou reasonably propose that Spondylus was a prized food at this site; I wonder whether it was a renowned local delicacy with export value, too –although preserving the perishable flesh from spoiling would have been a challenge! Transport of Spondylus and other precious seafood is attested in Andean prehistory (Carter, ch. 6) and there is no reason why the rich flesh of the mollusk would not appeal to the prehistoric palates across the European regions, along with the high demand for the shell valves. Food-circulating networks must have operated widely in prehistoric Europe (see Sherratt 1993), and a connection with the circulation of Spondylus artifacts has been suggested (Greenfield 1991; Yannouli 1997: 123-125). New light on trade and exchange networks for crafted Spondylus is thrown by evidence on movements unexplored before. Besides the well-documented routes leading from the Mediterranean coasts north and east into Europe, some goods seem to have traveled the opposite directions: in inland Italy Spondylus objects may have arrived not from the coast (the short way) but through larger-distance networks with Central Europe (Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3). Likewise, the sites of Dispilio and Theopetra Cave, in the Aegean interior, turn upside down the accepted scenario about Aegean centers of origin and Balkan “importers”; at these two settlements ornament types unique in the Aegean, seem to have arrived (at least in their finished form) from the Balkan or cultures even further north (compare Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11: Fig. 6 with Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5: Fig. 5). Detailed analysis of the ornament corpus at Dispilio further indicates that Spondylus comes in quantities, shapes and patterns of distribution through time that recall Balkan and Central European patterns, and Ifantidis has even proposed the Adriatic rather than the Aegean as the source of the shell. It is far from certain that there were direct links connecting sites so far apart from each other, or rather things were moving down the line or through other mediating agencies (cf. Gaydarska et al. 2004). However the case, these unexpected finds call for re-examination of geographical routes and the patterns of interaction. What to us seem the “obvious” ways, were not necessarily the choices of prehistoric people who had to navigate landscapes quite different from the present ones, and with other means, and also had loyalties and social obligations that would often have dictated meaningful “detours” rather than always 14 The “functional versus symbolic” dichotomy is more tuned to categorizations of modern Western thinking than reflecting the more integrated concepts of technique in non-industrial cultures, where technical knowledge and action are woven into the symbolic fabric of existence (see contributions in Kyriakidis, ed. 2007; Brück 1999). 15 A single example from Diros Cave at the southern coast of Peloponnese was found together with rare exotica, notably a hoard of silver jewelry and Balkanlooking ring-idols (Papathanassopoulos, ed. 1996: 228, fig. 45). Another decorated hook or buckle is reported from Franchthi Cave (Shackleton 1988: 119, FV#429).

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taking the “economical” shortcut. The other commodities involved in the exchange networks must also come into consideration (Gaydarska et al. 2004; Perlès 1992; Sheratt 1993), as well as the localities of the interested parties. It is worth noting that more trading “surprises” are known from the interior of NW Greece; at the Final Neolithic settlement of Mandalo obsidian was sourced in the Carpathians (Kilikoglou et al.) instead of the Cyclades, as one might have expected (see Renfrew 1973). Panoramas and close-ups: rethinking uniformities. These unexpected “twists” of the mainstream archaeological stories illustrate Douka’s thesis (ch. 12) about the existence of many different Spondylus-related “cultures” in European prehistory, each with distinct strategies of acquisition, management, manipulation. Such a multiplicity, founded on archaeometric data regarding Spondylus sourcing and circulation, finds further support in the papers that trace regional and/or temporal differences in excavated assemblages. As the focus of attention zooms in and out from panoramas through space and time to close-ups on individual sites, we are following a complex graph of trajectories that give depth and complexity to the former flat and uniform picture of “A/THE” Spondylus phenomenon. Instead, we see cross-cutting levels of differentiation in terms of geography, time, habitation versus cemeteries, gender, ideology, use and deposition. Interregional comparisons are especially interesting between the “threshold” areas of shell origin in the West and East Mediterranean, with a picture of relative paucity of Spondylus finds west of the Adriatic (see Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3) versus the rich and distinctive output recovered from the Aegean (Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8; Chapman et al., 10; cf. also the cluster of Spondylus-working sites in the NE Aegean: Sitagroi, Dikili Tash, Dimitra: Nikolaidou 2003; Karali-Yannakopoulou 1991, 1992). It seems that the Spondylus extracted from the coasts of Italy was primarily intended for export (cf. Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3) whereas in the Aegean the extraction centers (such as Makriyalos and Dimini) not only did export but also used the commodity systematically locally and regionally. One question that still remains unresolved concerns the exact origin, Adriatic or Aegean, of Spondylus from different sites (see especially Borrello & Micheli, ch. 3; Ifantidis, ch. 9). It seems, nevertheless, that demand for or access to Spondylus was not a pan-regional given: in Neolithic and Bronze Age Iberia, for example, Álvarez-Fernández (ch. 1) notes a scarcity of (securely identifiable) Spondylus ornaments, which contrasts to the strong preference for this shell elsewhere. Were the prehistoric Iberians crafting their ornaments from other shell species and different materials instead? Rethinking complexities and hierarchies. An instructive example of changing strategies, and ideologies, related to Spondylus is offered by Carter’s panoramic review (ch. 6), spanning millennia and a broad social spectrum in the prehistoric Andes, from early fishing communities to large-scale trade, Moche complex society, Inca imperial expansion. Carter interestingly observes that the use of Spondylus does not progress in direct accordance with increasing sociopolitical complexity, as is usually assumed. Instead, maximum intensity in Spondylus use may have occurred during the complex cultures preceding the Incas, and declined during the Inca imperial expansion −perhaps because of the abundance of other, more exotic substances in the cosmopolitan context of the empire. Along similar lines, Veropoulidou (ch. 14) corrects previous negative evaluations of the limited appearance of Spondylus ornaments in the Aegean Bronze Age, highlighting instead the changing practicalities and social priorities specific to this phase. Likewise, Chapman et al. (ch. 10) revisit and revise previous archaeological scenarios about Spondylus management at the key site of Dimini. The authors skillfully bridge the gap between two former opposing models, that of egalitarian craft production by individual households (Hourmouziadis 1979) versus controlled circulation and hoarding of Spondylus valuables in the hands of hierarchical “elites” (Halstead 1993). Instead, household analysis by Souvatzi (2008), one of the chapter’s authors (ch. 10), demonstrates that differentiated craft activity was carried out by different households; a good example is provided by concentrations of annulets and beads/buttons in two different complexes, respectively. At Makriyalos (Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8) clusters of preforms and finished ornaments at different areas of the settlement illustrate loci of manufacture, on the one hand, and the use, storage and trading of products, on the other. Contextual analysis at Sitagroi similarly indicated that more than one groups dealt with Spondylus but in different capacities of production or consumption (Nikolaidou 2003; Nikolaidou & Elster 2003). Depositional patterns at Makriyalos and Dimini lend further support to the picture of collective involvement; at the former settlement large quantities of Spondylus ornaments and other artifacts were recovered from communal areas, while at the latter fragments of matching Spondylus rings were found scattered across habitation units. As Chapman et al. (ch. 10) persuasively argue, the purposeful fragmentation of valuable Spondylus rings at Dimini and circulation of fragments not only within the site and but also beyond it, indeed bespeaks connections, interlinked relationships, transference of goods and values across households and communities. Their rigorous and innovative analysis of the artifacts points away from the hitherto accepted, polarizing models of prehistoric hierarchy involving coercive elites versus submissive parties within sites or regions (Halstead 1993; cf. Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11). Control of access to important knowledge and goods is certainly an important source of power (Bender 1985), but so is also the ability to maintain cohesion and concession; perhaps it was this latter role that privileged groups at Dimini and elsewhere fulfilled within their areas of authority –an authority deriving precisely from their integrative skills. Prestige, gender, personhood. How such distinguished persons would have materialized their prestige and identity through the selective handling of valuables, is demonstrated in analyses of large burial assemblages that correlate Spondylus artifacts with other grave goods. John (ch. 4) assesses together a whole array of precious gifts from LBK cemeteries to infer gender symbolisms and ranking associated with each category. He argues for male and female associations of the different materials as well 229

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as of different parts of the Spondylus valve –nuances that can rarely be read in the data16. Siklósi & Csengeri (ch. 5) discuss the complex relationship between prestige and gender symbolisms. Whereas a concern with prestige as expressed in burial gifts does remain a social stable in the Moravian Neolithic, it is the relative ranking of materials and artifact types that changed significantly over time as well as their respective gender associations. In the Late Neolithic, men appear most associated with new prestige items, such as mace heads, while women and children are buried with the “traditional” Spondylus, a material lavishly used across age and gender in the Middle Neolithic. The authors propose that the costume of the children, especially the girls, may convey the status of the family (in particular the prestige of male leaders) rather than the child’s gender. Considering that the formal cemeteries of the Middle Neolithic were reserved for part of the population only, and even among these burials many did not include grave goods, the hoard of Spondylus in certain graves would be a very prestigious statement indeed. On the other hand, manifestations of ranking and identity in the context of the cemetery should not be uncritically equated with the social realities in the world of the living. We must also remember that childhood and gender are culture-specific concepts and experiences; the persons whose skeletons we identify in the skeletal record as boys or girls might have been ranked according to more significant categorizations of gender and age maturity in their societies (Papadopoulos 2005: 345-407; cf. Baxter 2004; Korbin 2003). Such cautions notwithstanding, it is significant that Spondylus seems to have been associated with persons of very young age, in the world of the living as well as in the realm of the dead. In the Aegean, both worlds are brought to focus at Makriyalos, where Spondylus has been found in a child burial –a very rare occurrence in the Aegean17– and the small size of many bangles also indicates use by the same age group. Annulets of small diameter are common in other sites both in the Aegean and beyond; and, if indeed worn around the wrist or ankle (and not as pendants or hair ornaments –Marangou 1991), could only have fitted a small limb (Gaydarska et al. 2004: 24; Shackleton 2003; compare Karali-Yannakopoulou 1992: 163); perhaps they were given at a young age to be worn ever after (cf. John, ch. 4). Such finds call attention to the rites of childhood, milestones and learning experiences (Baxter 2004; Rutter 2003): birth, initiation, didactic display, role play, receiving of gifts, protection, affectionate treatment to ideals of beauty and propriety, decorations of mourning and death18. Envisaging ornate bodies: costume, fashion, visibility. As the reader travels through this volume, images of persons beautifully attired in shell come forward, from different directions and under different lights. In Neolithic Europe, a whole array of costume accessories made of Spondylus, covering the body from head down, emerges both from grave goods (John, ch. 4; Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5) and rich settlement records (Ifantidis, ch. 9; Theodoropoulou, ch. 7): belt buckles, combs, buttons, headband, plus the beads, annulets that could have been fastened to garments or headgear19, pendants, appliqués crafted on recycled annulet sections (Ifantidis, ch. 9; Kyparissi-Apostolika, ch. 11), along with further embellishments as tattoo or flowers that have now perished (Nikolaidou 2003). These artifacts evoke colorful ornate bodies, charming and alluring to behold, captivating in movement, speaking eloquent messages in the material code of their precious wrappings. Shapes, forms, colors, textures, quantities and placements, all the possible combinations and the modes of application would have performed important sensory and conceptual roles. What has often come down to us as small, “humble” beads or disconnected fragments would have once been elements in spectacular composite creations, highly visible (cf. Barge 1982; Ifantidis 2006; Kyparissi-Apostolika 2001; Nikolaidou 2003). Elaborate costumes are further indicated by incised and/or painted designs on figurines and fine pottery which appear to imitate woven prototypes (Barber 1991; Elster 2003b; Gimbutas 1986). Ornaments are often found together with spinning and weaving equipment and with pattern-bearing figurines, thus reinforcing the hypothesis of a special connection between ornament and textile production (Marangou 1997; Nikolaidou & Elster 200320). The observed temporal shift from heavy shell attachments, such as belt hooks or heavy rings to smaller articles put together in composite arrangements (Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5; Ifantidis, ch. 9) may be connected to changing fashions and textile choices (cf. Hochstetter 1987: 74, pl. 14-15, for the Late Bronze and Iron Ages). The reconstructed Tula garment (Velázquez et al., ch. 15: Fig. 5, 31) offers a spectacular picture of what an ornamental garment might have looked like when pieced together from the various small beads and pendants that we usually excavate isolated or in small handfuls. Ornamentation and performance. The decorated human body thus emerges as a powerful symbol in its many layers of corporeal and social existence: notions of gender, age, status, mating availability, group affiliation, and family prestige would have been brought to focus (Colburn & Heyn 2008; Knapp & Meskell 1997; Marcus 1993; Nikolaidou 1997). Ifantidis (ch. 9) and John (ch. 4) remind us that, perhaps first of all, ornamentation would have been a sensory experience: the way a bangle fits around the wrist or ankle, the coolness and smoothness of the perfectly finished surface; the colorful necklaces gracing a tunic; 16 Gender-specific associations of particular shell species need to be contextually assessed, in terms of time, occasion, particular application of the shell. In the case of the Tula garment, for example, different shells and parts thereof were put together into a warrior garment, thus connected to mature males. 17 Another recent find comes from the cemetery of Kremasti Koilada, in the NW part of Greece (Chondroyianni-Metoki 2010). 18 Age- and gender-related symbolisms and benign functions are incorporated also in the shell bangles from prehistoric Harappan and contemporary traditional cultures of the Indus valley (Kenoyer 1991: 96-97). 19 At Durankulak, heavy Spondylus rings were found next to the skull, perhaps attached to headgear (Avramova 2002); cf. Makriyalos annulets, rather small, with suspension holes. 20 At Sitagroi, the largest and most attractive bead clusters date to the Final Neolithic, exactly at the period when figurine and pottery decorations imply also the most elaborate garments.

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beaded belts dancing around and on the hips; diadems and ornaments embellishing elaborate hairstyles (cf. Barber 1991; Gimbutas 1986; Marangou 1991). Not only does the body interact with the artifact and ornaments become part of the body and the persona residing in it but more fascinating, parts of the human body itself can become ornaments, as the extraordinary find of a perforated human tooth (pendant?) from Dispilio illustrates (Ifantidis 2010). Visibility, movement, texture and touch would focus attention on the ornate body in diverse contexts of production, consumption, travel, celebration. The recovery of ornaments together with items of utility (tools, pots) and with symbolic products (such as figurines) in many settlements (with outstanding example the rich recovery and deposition patterns at Makriyalos –Pappa & Veropoulidou, ch. 8) indicates that people felt it important to be adorned for both work and ceremony; perhaps they thought, as the Turkana peoples do, that “to be without ornament is to be without identity” (Williams 1987: 34). Both training to the crafts of ornament-making and learning the arts of adornment, knowing how to use properly this “aesthetic toolkit” (Ifantidis 2006), could be an important step toward maturity and the attainment of self-awareness (Nikolaidou 2007). Cosmologies, memories, biographies. The construction of self involves also perceptions of one’s place in the world. Artifacts (tools, ornaments, implements) are important vehicles to materialize this cosmological order, the physical and spiritual universe that envelopes us (cf. Wagner 1975). Valuable ethnohistoric testimony as to cosmological values of Spondylus comes from the New World (Carter, ch. 6; Velázquez et al., ch. 15; cf. Séfériadès 1995). Ifantidis (ch. 9) thoughtfully comments on the Old World prehistoric cosmology, as it could be embodied in ornaments and ornamentation –kosmima and kosmisis in Greek, words that significantly share the same root with kosmos, the system of order in nature and in society. Kosmos embraces beauty, structure and propriety; creation and completion that brings shape to the unstructured potentials of chaos; reason and integration of entities, physical and social, of parts and wholes (cf. Geertz 1973). The biographic analyses of ornaments at Dispilio and at Dimini highlight fragmentation and recycling as key metaphors for Neolithic cosmologies: breakage, redistribution, or re-use of such important artifacts enacts life concepts and relationships every time these material elements are incorporated into new cultural contexts. Ifantidis’ evocative illustration of broken and recycled ornaments (ch. 9: Fig. 10) helps us visualize the open-ended dynamic of such metamorphoses, for the prehistoric lives and for our present attempts to re-capture those lives from the fragments we recover. Fragmentation cannot be dismissed as merely a contingency of archaeological retrieval; rather, appears as a meaningful prehistoric choice, an ever-renewable opportunity for attachment and creation of meaning. How variously these opportunities materialized, is illustrated by the comparison of Spondylus ring deposition at the Dimini settlement versus the cemetery sites at Varna and Durankulak (Chapman et al., ch. 10). At Dimini, as also at other Aegean settlements, the assemblage is highly and consistently fragmented, scattered across the site and rings come in many different sizes; by contrast, in the prestigious Balkan graves conspicuous consumption of the exotic Spondylus is showcased by the deposition of whole ornaments of massive size and elaborate surface treatment (cf. John, ch. 4; Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5). Cemeteries seemingly were prime fields for dedication and remembrance while settlements provided contexts for sharing and communication, but boundaries between such distinctions were fluid. At Makriyalos, for instance, both burials and rich artifact accumulations took place in communal areas whereas habitation loci were also clearly defined. Interestingly, the selective burning of rings at Dimini (sometimes before and sometimes after breakage) indicates, among other things, that the artifacts were cremated, ceremonially “killed”. Perhaps rituals of closure and commemoration, involving destruction and deposition of the valuable Spondylus rings, sealed the life cycles of households (cf. Brück 1999; Stevanović 1996; Tringham 1991). Memory and continuity is traceable not only in the micro-sratigraphies of artifacts but also, on different levels, in the macrostratigraphies of sites and cultures. There is ample evidence for long-standing technologies of crafting, using, and cherishing Spondylus objects (see Theodoropoulou, ch. 7; Veropoulidou, ch. 14), many of which must have been precious family heirlooms that were reverently placed in the grave (for example, Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5; Chapman et al., ch. 10). The preservation of inherited wisdom is moreover seen in the adoption of Spondylus-working techniques for the processing of other prestigious materials (Siklósi & Csengeri, ch. 5). Even longer-term links are seen in the Aegean, where Neolithic-looking ornaments and other special artifacts (seals, figurines) were found stratified in Bronze Age contexts of habitation -“exotica” from a site’s remote past rather than from distant lands (cf. Nikolaidou 1997). The performance of crafts in settlements occupied over centuries or millennia bespeaks the power of tradition and of the ancestral place (cf. Chapman 1998; Day & Wilson 2002; Kotsakis 1999). In her fascinating book “The Oysters of Locmariaquer” Eleanor Clark recorded, half a century ago, the hard-working lives of oyster-growing communities of Brittany. She offers a vivid account of how the oyster, this most coveted delicacy of sea, is the pivot around which turn the lives, the traditions, the ethos, the routines of labor and joy. People in the region are born and grown into the business, and their existence depends on the mollusk. In her words, it is the insider’s “sense of a thousand subtleties” that lies at the core of this remarkable enterprise. It is a multitude of subtleties surrounding prehistoric shell that this volume on Spondylus has tried to recapture: the flavor of the sea and the mystery of its depths, the excitement and fatigue of the journeys, the strife and vision and sweat of the craft, the taste of the feasting, the pride and beauty of adornment, the bonding with one’s intimate possessions, the transformative power of the ritual, the crafting of self and community. The book’s contributors have carefully decoded past lives and journeys from the complex stratigraphies of shell technologies, and offer thoughtful narratives of those to the interested reader. 231

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