Sources of Mongolian Buddhism 0190900695, 9780190900694

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Sources of Mongolian Buddhism

Sources of Mongolian Buddhism E dited by V E SNA A . WA L L AC E

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3 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Wallace, Vesna A., editor. Title: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism /​[edited by] Vesna A. Wallace. Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2019] | Includes bibliographical references and index. | In English, translated from original Tibetan and Mongolian. Identifiers: LCCN 2019017452 | ISBN 9780190900694 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190900700 (updf) | ISBN 9780190900717 (epub) | ISBN 9780190900724 (online) Subjects: LCSH: Buddhism—​Mongolia—​History—​Sources.  | Buddhism—​Mongolia—​Doctrines—​History. Classification: LCC BQ582 .S68 2019 | DDC 294.309517—​dc23 LC record available at https://​lccn.loc.gov/​2019017452 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America

Acknowledgments Many great Mongolian authors and lamas left a treasure trove of Buddhist literature for us to explore, and their works help us better understand various aspects of Mongolian Buddhism. This volume would not have come to light without learned contributors who generously shared their work and to whom I express my gratitude. My gratitude also goes to the Editor-​in-​Chief of the Buddhist Series at Oxford University Press, Cynthia Reed, for supporting a publication of this volume, and to her assistant, Rajesh Kathamuthu, for his enduring patience in answering all my questions and guiding me through the editing process. My appreciation also goes to Mr. Drew Anderla for designing the attractive book cover and to the entire production team at Oxford University Press who took part in the production of this volume. I thank my former graduate student, Nathaniel Rich, for his careful proofreading of the manuscript and Meri Takkinen for her help in preparing an index to the volume. I would be remiss not to thank all my colleagues and friends in Mongolia, whose enduring support and assistance in my research in Mongolia never failed.

Notes on Transliteration For Classical Tibetan we have followed the Wiley transliteration. For Classical Mongolian we have followed the spelling style employed in Lessing’s Mongolian-​ English Dictionary, using the symbol “γ” for “Γ.” In the spelling of Classical Mongolian words, we retained the letters “č” and “ǰ.” In Modern Mongolian words, we followed a standard Modern Mongolian transliteration, which renders “č” as “ch.” For the sake of simplicity, we used the letter “kh” in all Modern Mongolian words—​disregarding whether it is followed by Mongolian front vowels or by back vowels. To make it more accessible to the reader unfamiliar with Mongolian spelling, in all cases where the word “Khaan” occurs to designate a Mongolian emperor, we have changed it to “Khan.” For the same reason, we spelled the Classical Mongolian word “Qutuγtu” as “Khutugtu” in all cases. We retained the Oirat-​Mongol spelling for a text translated from the Oirat language.

Contributors Agata Bareja-​Starzyńska holds a PhD in Mongolian and Tibetan Studies from the University of Warsaw. She teaches in the Department of Turkish Studies and Inner Asian Peoples in the Faculty of Oriental Studies at the University of Warsaw. Her publications include the Biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei. Annotated Translation, Study and Facsimile, and the two edited volumes: In the Heart of Mongolia:  100th Anniversary of W.  Kotwicz’s Expedition to Mongolia in 1912 (Selected Source Materials and Study) and the Polish edition: Klasyczna literatura tybetańska (Tibetan Literature: Studies in Genre). She has also authored a series of articles on Mongolian Buddhism published in English and Polish and has widely lectured on various aspects of Mongolian Buddhism in Europe and Asia. Brian Baumann holds a PhD in Central Eurasian Studies from Indiana University. He is a Lecturer in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of California, Berkeley, where he teaches courses in Modern and Classical Mongolian, the Mongol Empire, and Mongolian Buddhism. In addition to his masterpiece, Divine Knowledge:  Buddhist Mathematics According to the Anonymous Manual of Mongolian Astrology and Divination (Leiden: Brill, 2008), he published a series of book chapters, journal articles, and encyclopedia entries on various topics related to Mongolian history, Buddhism, and literature. He is currently working on a new book, The Illumination of the Mind: A Buddhist Treatise on Salvation in Pre-​Classical Mongolian Verse. He is also an Associate Editor for Inner Asia, Journal of Asian Studies and is a member of the Board of The Mongolia Initiative at UC Berkeley. Ágnes Birtalan, PhD, is the Chair of Department of Inner Asian Studies and Deputy Director of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. She is a recipient of many distinguished awards for her contribution to Mongolian studies, some of which are two merit awards from the Mongolian Academy of Sciences, the Award of Excellence from Eötvös Loránd University, the “Polar Star” and “Friendship” medals awarded by the President of Mongolia, Elbegdorj. Areas of her research are Mongolian languages and dialects, folklore, and religions. She has authored numerous books and articles on Mongolian Buddhism, shamanism, and Mongolian language and history in Hungarian and English. Among her major works is a four-​volume series, Őseink nyomán Belső-​Ázsiában, I–​IV (In the Wake of the Ancestors in Inner Asia). She also worked on the materials of the Wörterbuch der Mytholoie (Mythologie der mongolischen Volksreligion) published in Stuttgart, and she has served on many editorial boards in Europe and Mongolia.

xiv Contributors Erdenebaatar Erdene-​Ochir is currently completing his PhD in Buddhist Studies in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, focusing on the contribution of Mongolian Buddhist scholastics to Tibetan Buddhism. He has published a series of book chapters and articles in English and Mongolian on Buddhist philosophy and on biographies of important Buddhist figures. He has also published two books of translation from Tibetan into Mongolian. Adrienn Gecse holds a PhD in Mongolian Philology from the Inner Asian Department at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. He currently works as a Program Coordinator for The Jane Goodall Institute and has published a series of articles, including the catalogue of Zanabazar Museum of Fine Arts in Ulaanbaatar. He has also organized the exhibition “Genghis Khan and His Heir, the Great Mongol Empire” and a series of lectures for the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest. Matthew W. King is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of California, Riverside, where he teaches courses on the history of Mongolian and Tibetan Buddhism as well as on religions on the Silk Roads. He is a recipient of many prestigious grants and an author of some thirty book chapters and journal articles, many of which deal with Mongolian Buddhism. He has also given numerous academic presentations on Mongolian Buddhism. Among his most current publications are the “Fragments from Gesar’s Iron Chain: Biography as Aesthetics of Empire in the Minor Works of the Chahar Gewsh Lubsantsültim (1747–​1810),” in The Many Faces of Ling Gesar (Leiden: Brill) and “Surveys of Monastic Colleges as Polemic in Zawa Damdin’s GoldenBook, in Mongol Studies. He is currently completing his book titled Writing True Places:  The Buddhist Historiography of Zavaa Damdin in the Early Days of Mongolian Socialism. Zsuzsa Majer is a Research Fellow in the Department of Mongolian and Inner-​Asian Studies at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. The primary areas of her research are Mongolian language and culture. She is currently working on the death and funerary rituals in Mongolian Buddhism. Her publications include several books related to the history and practices of Buddhism in Mongolia. Those published in English are the coauthored books with Krisztina Teleki, The History of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree: The Monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita, A Comparative Study of the Ceremonial Practices in Present-​day Mongolian Monasteries, and Mongolian-​Tibetan-​English Dictionary. Her publications also include the “Documentation of Buddhist Monasteries in Mongolia” and “Survey of Active Buddhist Temples in Ulaanbaatar in 2005–​2006,” which constitute richly informative websites for scholars and students of Mongolian Buddhism. She has also authored numerous articles on Mongolian Buddhism published in Hungarian, Mongolian, and English. Batsaikhan Norov holds a PhD in Traditional Mongolian Medicine. He was Lecturer in the Health Sciences at the University of Mongolia in Ulaanbaatar and is currently a researcher and practitioner of the Traditional Mongolian Medicine in Oxford, UK. His research interests lie in the medical treatises written by Mongolian scholars in the Tibetan

Contributors  xv language. His publications include six books and journal articles on various aspects of traditional Mongolian medicine. Krisztina Teleki is a Research Fellow in the Department of Mongol and Inner Asian Studies at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, where she received her PhD in Mongolian and Tibetan Studies. She has held many research positions in Hungary and has been a member of various distinguished organizations, including the Mongolian Academy of Sciences. She has conducted the ethnographic and archival research on Buddhism in Mongolia for eighteen years, which resulted in numerous publications: a series of books in English and Hungarian and dozens of book chapters and journal articles published in English, Hungarian, and Mongolian. Her more recent books published in the English language are Bogdiin Khüree: Monasteries and Temples of the Mongolian Capital (1651–​ 1938), Monasteries and Temples of Bogdiin Khüree, and the Introduction to the Study of Urga’s Herigate. She also coauthored a book in collaboration with Zsuzsa Majer, titled The History of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree: The Monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita, in addition to numerous data documentations, glossaries, and editions. She has widely lectured on Mongolian Buddhism in Europe and Mongolia. Uranchimeg Tsultemin holds a PhD in the History of Art from UC Berkeley. Her area of specialization is Mongolian and Tibetan Buddhist art. She has held several academic positions at National University of Mongolia and at Yonsei University in South Korea, Lecturership in the Department of the History of Art at UC Berkeley, and she has served as a Co-​Chair of the Mongolia Initiative at Institute of Asian Studies at UC Berkeley, and Executive Director of the Mongolia Foundation in Berkeley. She has published numerous journal articles and book chapters on Mongolian Buddhist art and exhibition catalogues, and she has curated many Mongolian art exhibitions in Europe and Asia. She has brought to press the coedited volume Buddhist Art of Mongolia: Cross-​cultural Discourses, Discoveries and Interpretations. Proceedings, 13th Seminar of International Association of Tibetan Studies (Leiden: Brill), and she is currently completing three new books: A Monastery on the Move: Art and Politics in Buddhist Mongolia, The Power of Narrative and Meditation: Artists, Patrons and Teachers in Buddhist Inner Asia, and a book written in collaboration with Vesna A. Wallace on the interplay between texts, images, and visualizations in Mongolian Buddhist rituals. Sangseraima Ujeed received her PhD in the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford. She is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at University of California Santa Barbara. She is a recipient of many distinguished awards, including the American Council of Learned Societies/​Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Fellowship. Her fields of specialization are Mongolian and Tibetan Buddhist traditions. She has published and presented on Mongolian Buddhism through various respected venues and is currently preparing two books on Mongolian Buddhism for publication. Uranchimeg Ujeed received her PhD in the Department of the Study of Religion from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London in 2009. She currently holds a position of Specially Invited Professor in Inner Mongolia University

xvi Contributors for Nationalities. Dr. U. Ujeed is a recipient of more than a dozen awards and research grants and has about twenty publications, all dealing with diverse aspects of Mongolian literature, folklore, Buddhism and shamanism. Her most recent publications are the “Establishment of the Mergen Tradition of Mongolian Buddhism,” published in Wallace, V. (ed.) Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, “A Mongolian Source on the Manchu Manipulation of Mongolian Buddhism—​Biography of the Second Neichi Toyin,” in Inner Asia, and “Becoming Shamans to be Healed,” in Acta Orientalia. Batchimeg Usukhbayar holds a PhD in Traditional Mongolian Medicine and currently works as a researcher with the medical team of the WIMM in Oxford, UK. She has contributed publications and presentations to projects concerning the theoretical and practical issues of traditional Mongolian medicine and integrative approaches to health care. Vesna A. Wallace is a scholar of Buddhist Studies, specializing in South Asian and Mongolian Buddhist traditions. She is a full Professor in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, where she teaches courses on Indian and Mongolian Buddhist traditions. She has some seventy academic publications, which include five books, the most recent of which is the edited volume Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society (Oxford University Press, 2015). Among her published work, many book chapters and journal articles pertain to different aspects of Mongolian Buddhism. Simon Wickham-​Smith holds a PhD in Mongolian Literature from the University of Washington. He is a Lecturer in the Department of Asian Languages and Literatures, Rutgers University, the State University of New Jersey, where he teaches courses on Buddhism and poetry in Mongolia and Tibet, Mongolian Literature in Translation, and so on. He is an author of three books and many articles, most of which deal with diverse aspects of Mongolian literary culture and Buddhism. Some of his most recent publications are The Interrelationship of Humans and the Mongol Landscape in G. Mend-​Ooyo's Altan Ovoo: A Study of the Nomadic Culture of Mongolia (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press) and the “Natsagdorj's Journey to the West:  The Influence of European Modernism on the Father of Modern Mongolian Literature,” in Ih zokhiolch D. Natsagdorj shine sudalgaa I, edited by B. Mönkhbayar (Ulaanbaatar: Mongolian Academy of Sciences Press).

Introduction Vesna A. Wallace

Buddhist scholars and practitioners from Mongolian cultural regions contributed substantially to neighboring Buddhist cultures in eastern and central Tibet, in Han and Manchu areas during the Qing period, and in Russian areas during the late Tsarist and early revolutionary periods. During the Qing period, many Mongolian Buddhist scholars became the main polyglot intermediaries between the imperial center and its subject Buddhist populations in Inner Asia. They produced multilingual and multigenre Buddhist scholastic and ritual works that profoundly shaped the culture, communal identity, and doctrinal knowledge and practice of late and postimperial Inner Asia. Despite their centrality, Mongolian Buddhists have often been seen as peripheral to major literary, religious, and political developments: as passive subjects on the edge of the Qing polity, or else, as obedient followers of “Tibetan Buddhism” who hardly produced any original works.1 I  personally encountered this view in the late 1980s, when I embarked on expanding my existing knowledge of Buddhist languages by learning Mongolian, at which time I was told by some Buddhist scholars that I would have difficulty finding any independent Buddhist works written by Mongolian Buddhists. In part, this misconception was a result of the earlier misidentification of Mongolian authors such as Alasha Lkharamba Agvaandandar (1759–​1840) and others as Tibetans. Since the seventeenth century, hundreds of Mongolian Buddhists have left us numerous and often large volumes of collected works, many of which have not yet been catalogued, let alone studied. Although many writings of Mongolian Buddhists are currently available in various libraries, archives, monasteries, and private collections held primarily in Mongolia, China, Russia, and other European countries, a significantly large number remain uncatalogued and many more still buried in the storerooms of the Mongolian National Library and the libraries of Monasteries in Ulaanbaatar, Hohot, and private collections. Many texts were also destroyed during the Communist purges of Buddhism in the first half of the twentieth century, when Buddhist monasteries, along with their libraries and printing houses, were razed to the ground. For example, in 1938, 80,000 volumes of scriptures that belonged to a large monastery located in the Maitreya Valley of today’s Bulgan District (aimag) were taken out of the monastery and placed in the valley for destruction. According to one witness, the scriptures covered the entire valley as high as the knees, hindering the movement

xviii  Vesna A. Wallace of the grazing sheep and goats in the valley.2 Many texts were also left exposed to the adverse weather conditions, some of which were later hidden in caves or in the trunks of nomadic families or buried under the ground, and consequently deteriorated. Some of these texts are currently undergoing restoration in the library of Gandantegchenlin Monastery and the National State Library. In the 1950s a monk by the name of Tsunpa Yeshe (Tib. Btsun pa ye shes thabs mkhas) from Gandantegchenling Monastery in Ulaanbaatar compiled the List of One Hundred Mongolian Authors and Their Collected Works Consisting of 323 Volumes (Bka’ rtsom gnang pa’i khal kha’i bla ma rnams kyi mtshan tho bzhugs so). With the exception of the Fourth and Fifth Jebtsundambas (Blo bzang thub bstan dbang phyug, 1775–​1813; Blo bzang tshul khrims ‘jigs med, 1815–​1841), all the authors included in that list were Khalkha Mongols dating from the seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries. Unfortunately, this list does not include less renowned Khalkha authors and none of the prolific authors of other Mongolian ethnic groups. Ven. Byambaa Ragchagiin’s detailed bibliographical guides to Mongolian authors who wrote in the Tibetan language, which by now have appeared in seven volumes, have covered some of the important Khalkha Buddhist figures and their works, including the works of the nine incarnations of the Jebtsundampas. A complete catalogue of the writings of all Mongolian Buddhist authors and their works composed in Mongolian and Tibetan has not yet been produced. If one also takes into consideration the works that were written anonymously, like several texts included in this volume, it is difficult to offer a definitive number of Mongolian authors. Nevertheless, the currently available data of the extensive body of Mongolian Buddhist literature warrant its right to recognition as an influential medium in the transmission of Buddhist knowledge across Inner Asia and as deserving of scholarly attention. Mongolian Buddhists, having become familiar with the diverse topics, literary genres, and stylistic and poetic devices of Indian Buddhist literature evidenced in the Tibetan and Mongolian versions of the Kangyur (Bka’ ‘gyur) and Tengyur (Bstan ‘gyur), and in the original works of Tibetan authors, wrote on all known subjects covered in Buddhist literature and in every known literary genre. In addition to lexicons and indexes such as thob yig (“record of teachings received”) and gsan yig (“record of lineage transmissions received”), they composed, in both prose and in verse, historical works, biographies and autobiographies, commentarial and polemical treatises, prophecies, poetry, dramas, nītiśāstras, and so on. Mongolian Buddhist literature covers all fields of Buddhist learning: linguistics, theories of translation, philosophy, logic, poetics, medicine, creative arts, rituals, meditation, astrology, cosmology, geography, popular didactic narratives, legends, and so on. Once Mongolian scholars adopted the Tibetan language as a medium of monastic scholasticism, they wrote primarily in the Tibetan language, especially

Introduction  xix during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the Tibetan language became the predominant language of Mongolian Buddhist intellectual life. This enabled them to engage in intellectual exchange with their Tibetan counterparts through their own writings. At times they sought to rectify incorrect Tibetan translations and Tibetan scholars’ misinterpretations of Indian Buddhist sources, and at other times they engaged in polemics with each other and with Tibetan scholars regarding different doctrinal points. A notable number of Mongolian scholars trained in Tibetan and Mongolian monastic institutions achieved a great reputation in Tibet for their contribution to Tibetan Buddhism. For instance, one such scholar was Baldan Tsorj, also known as Agvaanbaldan (Tib. Ngag dbang dpal ldan chos rje, 1797–​1864), a great Khalkha Géluk scholar whose three short works are translated in Chapter 5 of this volume. Agvaanbaldan’s writings on Buddhist philosophy, specifically on Buddhist ontology, phenomenology, and theory of cognition, were used as textbooks in Tibetan monasteries in the region of Amdo. Another Mongolian author influential in Tibet and included in this volume was the nineteenth-​ twentieth century scholar Zava Damdin, whose verses of praise to bodhicitta were recited publicly by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama until recently. Some Mongolian scholars, after completing their monastic training in Tibet and Mongolia, became teachers in Mongolian monastic institutions. Many of them held the highest monastic degrees and were superb logicians, medical doctors, and so on. In addition to writing Tibetan language works for monastics, Mongolian authors also composed histories, didactic literature, legends, poetry, dramatic works, and the like in the Mongolian language for a broader Mongolian audience. The collection of original sources written by Mongolian Buddhist scholars included in this volume brings to light new material that has not yet been available in any European language. Due to limitations of size, this volume cannot do justice to the rich heritage of Mongolian Buddhist literary culture and cannot include all of its genres. Nevertheless, in addition to introducing the reader to some of the most renowned Mongolian authors and their work, the aim of this volume is to provide a literary lens through which the reader can gain some insight into Mongolian Buddhist religious and cultural ideas and practices. The translated texts included in this volume deal with diverse topics and introduce the reader to some of the genres of Mongolian Buddhist literature. The criteria used in selecting texts for this volume were based not only on their themes, genres, and time periods but also on the length of the texts that would allow the inclusion of complete texts instead of selected passages of longer texts. With the exception of one chapter, where a complete chapter of a longer text is included, all other translated texts in this volume are shorter complete texts. The authors of these translated texts are Khalkha, Inner Mongolian, and Buryat authors, with Khalkhas being more prominent. While most texts translated in this volume

xx  Vesna A. Wallace have known authors, a few remain anonymous. The original languages of the texts included here are Tibetan, Oirat Mongolian, and Classical, or Written, and Modern Mongolian. The volume consists of twenty-​four chapters grouped into nine sections. Part I  contains two texts representing two very different genres, both composed in the Mongolian language in the early seventeenth century during the time of Ligdan Khan (1588–​1634), the last emperor of the Northern Yuan Dynasty. “The Stone Inscription of Čoɣtu Taiǰi” is an elegantly written poem dedicated to the author’s aunt and consisting of seven stanzas. It was composed in 1621 by a noble who was a nephew of Abatai Khan and who promulgated the “Red Sect” of Buddhism, attacked Géluk monasteries, and built six monasteries in Khalkha Mongolia. It was engraved onto a stone in 1624. A Treatise Containing the Complete Meanings of the Most Important [Doctrinal Concepts] To Be Used, composed in 1621 in Mongolian by the renowned Mongolian translator from Tibetan into Mongolian, Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi, is an example of a scholar’s effort to create a manual of the major Buddhist concepts in the Mongolian language for Mongolian Buddhists. This index of Buddhist terminology is included here as a testimony to the endeavor of early seventeenth-​ century scholars like Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi to render Buddhist terminology into the Mongolian language at the time of the compilation of the Mongolian Kangyur (Tib. Bka’ ‘gyur). Part II contains two texts composed by two Khalkha authors of the seventeenth century. “The Autobiography of the First Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley” exemplifies the prose autobiographical genre, and Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament for the Mind of the Faithful: A Praise-​Biography of My Root Lama Vajradhara, He Who Possesses the Three Types of Kindness, the Great Mahāpaṇḍita Endowed with Excellent Discipline and Learning Named “Sanjaa” represents a combination of the “biography” (Tib. rnam thar) and “eulogy” (Tib. bstod) genres composed in a devotional and beautifully versified form. Part III comprises three chapters, three of which contain works dealing with Buddhist doctrinal and ethical teachings and date from the eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Chapter 5 is a compilation of three doctrinally related works written as versified eulogies to the qualities of the mind established by the bodhicitta aspiration, the Middle-​Way approach, and renunciation. The trilogy was composed in Tibetan by two Khalkha luminaries—​the previously mentioned Ngawang Palden Chöje (Ngag dbang dpal ldan chos rje, 1797–​1864) and his student Shedrüb Tendar Ngagrampa (Bshad sgrub bstan dar sngags rams pa, 1835–​1915). Chapter 6 contains five short miscellaneous writings of Chakhar Geshe Luvsančültem (Tib. Cha har dge shes blo bzang tshul khrims, 1740–​1810) composed in Tibetan. They include his advice to the practitioner on how to progress along the Five Paths according to

Introduction  xxi the Prāsaṅgika Madhyamaka system, how to follow the regimen of students, and how to meditate on Tsongkhapa’s life. Notes on certain Tibetan lineages and a discussion of the chronology of particular kings relevant for the development of Buddhism also form part of this chapter. Chapter 7 includes four short texts composed by Targan Paṇḍita Tsevelvaanchigdorj (Tib. Tshe ‘phel dbang phyug rdo rje, 1836–​1894) of Khalkha, composed in the Mongolian language and dealing with the topics of abstinence from killing livestock for food, the practice of generosity toward the monastic community, the various hells caused by conducting trade with greed, and the explanatory notes on the text A Teaching on Aspiring to Produce Merit by Means of Gifts to Anyone, the Elixir That Transforms [It] into Gold. Part IV is dedicated to Buddhist didactic poetry written in the Mongolian language by two authors who are well known for their efforts in reinforcing the Mongolian Buddhist tradition and spreading it among the common people by writing in the Mongolian language at a time when the Tibetan language dominated the Buddhist literary scene. Chapter 8 contains a selection of poems and lyrics written by the acclaimed Inner Mongolian scholar from Urad banner, Mergen Gegeen Lubsangdambijalsan (Tib. Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1717–​1766), who has been widely known among Mongolian Buddhists for endeavoring to institutionalize the Mergen tradition of Mongolian Buddhism and to establish Mongolian language-​based Buddhism in Inner Mongolia. Chapter 9 is devoted to the didactic Buddhist poetry and lyrics of a celebrated Khalkha, tantric yogī, writer, and Buddhist opera composer, Danzanravjaa (Tib. Bstan ‘dzin rab rgyas, 1803–​1856), the Fifth Noyon Khutugtu (Modern Mong. khutagt). Part V consists of seven chapters containing diverse ritual texts composed in Tibetan by Khalkha, Urad, Oirat, and Chakhar authors. Ritual texts make up a significant portion of Mongolian Buddhist literature due to the abundance of ritual practices in Mongolian Buddhism. Ritual texts form parts of the rituals of making offerings to Buddhist deities, mountain deities, and the wide array of spirit-​deities that own the lands and waters, as well as rituals of purification, prosperity, blessings, healing, protection, and so on. Among the ritual texts included in Part V, some are written exclusively in verse, some in prose, and yet others in a mixture of prose and verse, with the versified sections recited during the ritual, and with the parts written in prose containing instructions regarding the performance of the ritual. Part VI includes two texts selected from the plethora of Mongolian oral traditions. “The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green” is one of several versions of the legends of Tārā that have circulated in Mongolia to this very day. As is the case with all legends, it is uncertain when and where exactly this legend emerged and by whom it was initially composed. According to Baumann, its linguistic

xxii  Vesna A. Wallace features suggest that its present form most likely dates to no earlier than the mid-​eighteenth century. Chapter 18, “Oral Historical Narratives from the Early Twentieth Century,” comprises nine short historical narratives selected from the three-​volume work titled The Oral History of Mongolian Buddhism, as told by informants from different regions of Mongolia who witnessed the events of the 1930s purges of Buddhism. The narratives translated in this chapter were told by the then-​ninety-​two-​year-​old G. Sükhbat from Bayankhogor Province. Part VII consists of five chapters that contain texts written by Khalkha and Buryat authors of the twentieth century. The texts translated in this chapter belong to various genres and deal with different topics. As indicated by its title, Chapter 19 is dedicated to a survey of Mongolian Buddhist monastic institutions in Mongolia composed in 1931 by the great Khalkha polymath Zava Damdin Luvsandamdin (Lubsangdamdin; Tib. Blo bzang rta mgrin, 1867–​1937) at the time when Communist revolutionary events detrimental to Buddhism were unfolding. Chapter 20 contains a correspondence between two prominent Géluk figures, Agwan Dorjiev from the Buryat region and Zava Damdin from Khalkha, who in the face of the looming demise of Buddhism were turning to the past and corresponding about the history of the Dharma through letters written in Tibetan verse. “The Internal Regulations of Gandan Monastery in Ulaanbaatar,” included in Chapter 21 and written in 1925, a year after the Bogd Khan’s theocratic government (1911–​1924) was succeeded by the People’s Republic of Mongolia (1924–​1992), reflects the changes that took place in this transitional period. Chapter 22 consists of a selected chapter from the History of the Dharma: The Lamp of Scripture and Reasoning, composed for the most part in verse by the Buryat master Agvaanyam in 1965, in which he envisions the “Great Mongol Nation,” which had its roots in the thirteenth-​century Mongol Empire that encompassed a vast diversity, and which during the following seven hundred years separated Mongol peoples. Chapter 23 includes a selection of poems and excerpts from a play and a poetic memoire dating to the early and latter parts of the twentieth century, which contain negative portrayals of Buddhism and Buddhist clergy that were often disseminated by the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party. Chapter 24, “Contemporary Buddhist Poetry and Fiction,” which stands alone in Part VIII, contains a selection of ten Buddhist poems composed by six contemporary Mongolian poets, and an excerpt from the biographical novel Gegenteen dedicated to the life of Danzanravjaa. The contemporary poetry illustrates the Buddhist themes of personal experience that young Mongolian writers began to explore in the 1990s, as political changes in the country enabled the freedom of religious expression.

Introduction  xxiii

Notes 1. I wish to thank my colleague Matthew King for his contribution to the ideas expressed in this paragraph. 2. I thank to Mr. Erdeneochir who witnessed this event and shared it with me during my fieldwork in Mongolia.

1

The Stone Inscription of Tsogt Taij (Čoɣtu Tayiǰi) Brian Baumann

Introduction A lord over Khalkha Mongols, Prince Tümengken Čoγtu, known to his people as Tsogt Taij (1581–​1637), took a reactionary stand against the new world orders being forged in Inner Asia by Oirad in the west and Jurchen in the east, peoples he would have deemed rightfully subject to the Yuan Dynasty founded by Qubilai Khan (r. 1260–​1294).1 In fealty to the reigning Yuan emperor, Ligdan Khan (r. 1604–​1634), Tsogt Taij promulgated a “Red Sect” Buddhist world order that opposed that of the upstart Gélukpa, which, through magic capable of transcending primogeniture, had been fomenting change throughout Inner Asia since being unloosed into politics by a renegade Altan Khan (1507–​1582) when the Tümed Mongol sovereign established the incarnation lineage of the Dalai Lama in 1578. Against the pro-​Gélukpa, anti-​imperialist sentiments prevalent among the Khalkha nobility, Tsogt Taij built fortress monasteries in his home territory and campaigned in northeastern Tibet against the Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617–​1682), and the young, vulnerable monk’s benefactor, Güüshi Khan (1582–​1655) of the Oirad Qoshod clan. In 1634, Tsogt Taij’s emperor, Ligdan Khan, having been defeated by the Jurchen in battle and fled to Kökenuur, would succumb to smallpox and die. Soon the Jurchen would overthrow the Yuan, take the ethnonym “Manchu,” and, with Mongol support, go on to overthrow the Ming Dynasty (1368–​1644) and found a dynasty of their own, the Qing (1644–​1912). Still, despite the tide having turned against him, Tsogt Taij carried on. From his base at Kökenuur, he mounted attacks against regional Géluk monasteries and in 1636 sent his own son, Arslan, against the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. Upon arrival, perhaps knowing that their cause was lost, his son betrayed him, surrendered to Güüshi Khan, and converted to the Gélukpa. After betraying his father Arslan was not long for this world, and in 1637 Tsogt Taij himself fell to Güüshi Khan in battle and was killed.2

Brian Baumann, The Stone Inscription of Tsogt Taij (Čoɣtu Taiǰi) In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0001

4  Brian Baumann With the poignancy of his story grist for modern romanticism, in 1945 Mongolia’s nascent movie industry adopted a screenplay by one of his descendants, the academician B. Rinchen (1905–​1979), into a feature film titled Tsogtu Taiji. In his own lifetime, his tragic end was prefigured by a plaintive poem he is reputed to have composed in 1621 when hunting in the Khangai Mountains. Upon reaching the summit of Tsetserleg Mountain, Tsogt Taij is said to have been filled with longing for a paternal aunt who had been recently given in marriage to a prince of the distant Ongniγud. Gazing unto the horizon afar, in tears he composed the following poem of seven four-​line stanzas.3 In 1624, members of his retinue, a page, Erkh khia (Erke kiy-​a), and knight, Güyeng Baatar (Güyeng baγatur), carved the poem with exquisite Uighur-​script lines painstakingly into the stone of a granite outcropping in what today is the Delgerkhaan district of Töv Province (aimag).4

Translated Text Although a distinction exists above and below Between the Khan of Supernal Heaven And the rulers and saints on earth, In air of joyfulness and love, they are one and the same. Although separate are the places Of the bodhisattvas in their grottos in Akaniṣṭha Heaven And those Awakened upon this golden Earth, In air of care and compassion, they are one and the same. Although there exists a difference in manner and appearance Between the good ministers of the rulers and saints here And the great lords of Yama, the Inquisitor, In air of judging right from wrong, they are one and the same. Although separate are the bodies Of a person unable to find profit and provisions And a predator roaming the mountains and woods, In air of killing for food, they are one and the same. Although different are the apparent bodily forms Of a thief who robs you from near or from afar And a wolf prowling the edge of camp, In air of hunger for sustenance, they are one and the same.

The Stone Inscription of Čoɣtu Taiǰi  5 Although distant are the lands of the Khalkha and Ongniγuud Between my affectionate elder sister on the Onon And I who abide here on the Orkhon and the Tuul, In air of loving and longing for each other, we are one and the same. Should we never meet again in these bodies of ours, From now on throughout each future birth, Like a mother loves an only child, Let us try through our actions to help each other.

Notes 1. For the life and times of Tsogt Taij, see Christopher Atwood, Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire (New York: Facts on File, 2004): 550. 2. Zahiruddin Ahmad, Sino-​Tibetan Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Rome: Istituto Italiano Per Il Medio Ed Estremo Oriente, 1970): 116–​117. 3. This poem was introduced to me by Professor G. Kara several years ago. This translation is in memory of that occasion. 4. György Kara, Books of the Mongolian Nomads: More Than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian (Bloomington, IN: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 2005): 204; Mongol nutagh-​dakh’ tüükh soyolyn dursghal (Ulaanbaatar:  Mongolian Academy of Humanities, 1999): 240–​241.

Bibliography Ahmad, Zahiruddin. 1970. Sino-​Tibetan Relations in the Seventeenth Century. Rome: Istituto Italiano Per Il Medio Ed Estremo Oriente. Atwood, Christopher P. 2004. Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire. New York: Facts on File. Kara, György. 2005. Books of the Mongolian Nomads: More Than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian. Bloomington, IN: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies. Mongol nutagh-​dakh’ tüükh soyolyn dursghal (Historical and Cultural Monuments in Mongolia). 1999. Ulaanbaatar: Mongolian Academy of Humanities.

2

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise that Contains the Complete Meanings of the Most Important [Buddhist Concepts] To Be Used (The Last Chapter) Agata Bareja-​Starzyńska

Introduction Among the very first of the Mongolian Buddhist works composed during the second dissemination of Buddhism among the Mongols, which started in the sixteenth century, there is a manual of Buddhism composed by Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi entitled Treatise That Contains the Complete Meanings of the Most Important [Buddhist Concepts] to Be Used (Čiqula kereglegči tegüs udq-​a-​tu šastir (hereafter, Čiqula kereglegči).1 Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi was a famous translator of Tibetan Buddhist scriptures into Mongolian, who also oversaw translations of the Buddhist canon into Mongolian. The Third Dalai Lama (1543–​1588), who was Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s teacher, held him in high regard for his knowledge and competence and sent him to consecrate the Erdene Zuu monastery in Khalkha. It is not quite certain whether Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi was a Mongol or a Tibetan. It has not been ascertained whether the present work was originally compiled by him between 1587 and 1607 on the basis of various Tibetan Buddhist sources, or whether it is a translation of an unknown Tibetan compilation. A fragment containing a description of the world according to the Abhidharma, which is based on the Shes bya rab tu gsal ba by Phagpa Lama (‘Phags pa bla ma, 1278), occupies up to 60 percent of the text, but Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi does not explicitly reference Phagpa Lama or his work. Although he cites some other sources, in the last part of the text no sources are cited. The aforementioned fragment relates to the first two words in the title, “čiqula kereglegči” (“the most important [data] to be used”), as the work contains lists of Buddhist terms, which are sometimes accompanied by a short explanation.2 An examination of this fragment reveals which terms were chosen for this Mongolian Buddhist manual, Agata Bareja-Starzyńska, Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise that Containing the Complete Meanings of the Most Important [Buddhist Concepts] To Be Used (The Last Chapter) In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0002

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  7 which was composed at the request of a lay Buddhist follower. Although it lacks terminological consistency, Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s work is a pioneering attempt at rendering diverse Buddhist terms into the Mongolian language. A  complete translation of the Kanjur (Tib. Bka’ ‘gyur was completed only in 1629, but Buddhist terminological dictionaries began to appear only in the eighteenth century. It is also worth mentioning that Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s work was used by his contemporaries and has continued to be used by later generations of Mongolian Buddhists up to the present.3

Translated Text The last part introduced as Čiqula kereglegči (Paris manuscript, ff. 42v13–​53v10).

Section I If one asks what the difference is between a Buddhist (dotoγa-​du nom-​tan; Tib. nang pa) and a non-​Buddhist (gadaγadu nom-​tan; Tib. phyi pa),4 it is this (42v13–​43r3): Buddhists are those who seek protection from and take refuge in the Three Jewels. Those who seek protection from and take refuge in mundane gods, such as Maheśvara and others, are non-​Buddhists. The principle of taking refuge is the following: “There is no other protection from the dangers of the cycle of existence and bad rebirths than the Three Jewels.” By thinking thus and due to their great faith, they (Buddhists) take refuge. And because they take refuge in the Buddha, they should not pray to other gods. Because they take refuge in the Jewel of the Dharma (nom), they should not take the lives of others. Because they take refuge in the Saṅgha (bursang quvara-​ud), they should not rely on heretical views.

Section II If one asks what the five paths are [43r4–​43v8] (mör; Skrt. mārga), they are [as follows]:

1. The Path of Accumulation (čiγulqu-​yin mör; Skrt. saṁbhāramārga) 2. The Path of Preparation (bariduγulqu-​yin mör; Skrt. prayogamārga) 3. The Path of Seeing (üǰeküyin mör; Skrt. darśanamārga) 4. The Path of Meditation (bisilγal-​un mör; Skrt. bhāvanāmārga) 5. The Path of No More Training (ülü surqu-​yin mör; Skrt. aśaikṣamārga).

8  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska If one classifies the five paths, they are [as follows]: 1. Five paths of śrāvakas (siravang) 2. Five paths of pratyekabuddhas (bradikabud) 3. Five paths of the Mahāyāna (yeke kölgen). Moreover, if one classifies the Path of Accumulation, likewise there is: 1. The limited Path of Accumulation 2. The intermediate Path of Accumulation 3. The great Path of Accumulation. If one classifies the Path of Preparation, it is as follows:

1. The Path of the Preparation of heat 2. The Path of the Preparation of peak 3. The Path of the Preparation of patience 4. The Path of the Preparation of supreme [mundane] dharmas.

[Thus] there are altogether four [Paths of Preparation].5 If one [further] classifies the four Paths of Preparation, there are twelve Paths of Preparation. If one asks about those twelve, they are as follows: 1. The limited heat 2. The intermediate heat 3. The great heat 4. The limited peak 5. The intermediate peak 6. The great peak 7. The limited patience 8. The intermediate patience 9. The great patience 10. The limited supreme [mundane] dharmas 11. The intermediate supreme [mundane] dharmas 12. The great supreme [mundane] dharmas. If one classifies the Path of Seeing, there is [as follows]: 1. The Path of Seeing without hindrances (tüidker ügei üǰekü-​yin  mör) 2. The Path of Seeing [with] equanimity (tegsi aγulqui üǰekü-​yin  mör)

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  9 3. The Path of Seeing one after another (daγan oluγsan üǰekü-​yin  mör) 4. The Path of Seeing that is very famous (masi aldarsiγsan üǰekü-​yin  mör). If one classifies the five paths of the Mahāyāna, they are the paths of supreme bodhisattvas: (1) the Path of Accumulation and (2) the Path of Preparation, while (3) the Mahāyāna’s Path of Seeing, is the first [Bodhisattva] Stage (γaǰar; Skrt. bhūmi) [called] the “Stage of Perfect Joy” (bayasqulang-​tu γaǰar; Skrt. pramūdita-​ bhūmi). If one asks about (4) the Mahāyāna’s Path of Meditation those are the Stages from the second up to the tenth. If one asks about (5)  the Path of No More Training it is the eleventh Stage [called] the “All-​Illuminating” (qamuγ-​i geyigülügči; Skrt. samantaprabhābuddha).

Section III [The Ten Stages of a Bodhisattva, 43v8–​44v2] If one asks about the Ten Bodhisattva Stages, they are places dissimilar to those on the earth. This is a category that is known to bodhisattvas. If one asks what the Ten Bodhisattva Stages are, [they are as follows]: 1. The first Stage—​Perfect Joy (bayasqulang-​tu γaǰar; Skrt. pramūdita-​bhūmi) 2. The second Stage—​Immaculate (kkir ügei γaǰar; Skrt. vimalā-​bhūmi) 3. The third Stage—​Illuminating (gereltü γaǰar; Skrt. prabhākarī-​bhūmi) 4. The fourth Stage—​Radiant (gerel badaraγuluγči γaǰar; Skrt. arciṣmatī-​bhūmi) 5. The fifth Stage—​ Difficult to Conquer (arilaqui-​ a berke γaǰar; Skrt. sudurjayā-​bhūmi)6 6. The sixth Stage—​ Clearly Manifested (ilede boluγsan γaǰar; Skrt. abhimukhī-​bhūmi) 7. The seventh Stage—​ Far Progressed (qola oduγsan γaǰar; Skrt. dūraṁgama-​bhūmi) 8. The eighth Stage—​Immovable (ködelüsi ügei γaǰar; Skrt. acalā-​bhūmi) 9. The ninth Stage—​ Perfect Intellect (sayin oyun-​ u γaǰar; Skrt. sādhumatī-​bhūmi) 10. The tenth Stage—​ Cloud of Dharma (nom-​un egülen-​ü γaǰar; Skrt. dharmameghā-​bhūmi).

On the first Stage, bodhisattvas gain twelve sets of one hundred qualities. If one asks what they are, [they are as follows]:

1. Seeing one hundred buddhas in a single moment (or) receiving blessings from one hundred buddhas

10  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 2. Emanating one hundred manifestations 3. Seeing one hundred past and future lives 4. Entering one hundred of the past and future [types] of awareness 5. Remaining unshaken in one hundred separate meditations 6. Teaching one hundred beings 7. Crossing over one hundred fields 8. Filling with light one hundred fields 9. Opening one hundred gates to the Dharma 10. Showing one hundred of one’s own bodies 11. Showing every body [of a Bodhisattva] surrounded by one hundred excellent companions.7 On the first Stage, the Perfection of Generosity (öglige barimid; Skrt. dānapāramitā) is regarded as the most important. On the second—​The Perfection of Ethics (siγsabad barimid; Skrt. śīlapāramitā) On the third—​ The Perfection of Patience (küličenggüi barimid; Skrt. kṣāntipāramitā) On the fourth—​The Perfection of Vigor (küčiyenggüi barimid; Skrt. vīryapāramitā) On the fifth—​The Perfection of Meditative Absorption (diyan barimid; Skrt. dhyānapāramitā) On the sixth—​The Perfection of Wisdom (bilig barimid; Skrt. prajñāpāramitā) On the seventh—​The Perfection of Skillful Means (arγas-​un barimid; Skrt. upāyapāramitā) On the eighth—​ The Perfection of Aspiration (irüger-​ün barimid; Skrt. praṇidhānapāramitā) On the ninth—​The Perfection of Power (küčün-​ü barimid; Skrt. balapāramitā) On the tenth—​The Perfection of Knowledge (belge bilig-​ün barimid; Skrt. jñāna pāramitā). [Regarding the Perfection of Generosity,] if a gift is offered without attachment, then it is a completely pure gift. If one thinks that the benefactor, the recipient, and the objects given are devoid of an inherent nature, then they are completely pure and the act of giving is completely fulfilled.8 Similarly, the same principle applies to the other [Perfections], starting with the Perfection of Ethics. [The Perfections of] Generosity and Ethics are the accumulation of merit (buyan-​u čiγulγan; Skrt. puṇyasaṁbhāra). [The Perfection of] Wisdom is the accumulation of knowledge (belge bilig-​ün čiγulγan; Skrt. jñānasaṁbhāra). [The Perfections of] Patience, Meditative Absorption, and Effort are associated with the two [types of] accumulations. If it were not so, then the Perfection of Generosity would be the accumulation of merit, and [the subsequent] five Perfections, starting with the [Perfection of] Ethics, would be the accumulation of knowledge.

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  11

Section IV [The Four Bodies of the Buddha, 44v2–​45r16] If one asks what the final fruit of the accumulation of merit is, it is the Form Body (öngge-​tü bey-​e; Skrt. rūpakāya). If one asks what the final fruit of the [accumulations] of merit and knowledge is, it is the Dharma Body (nom-​un bey-​ e; Skrt. dharmakāya). If one asks what the four Bodies of the Buddha are, they are [as follows]:

1. The Natural Body (mön činar-​un bey-​e; Skrt. svabhāvakāya) 2. The Dharma Body (nom-​un bey-​e; Skrt. dharmakāya) 3. The Enjoyment Body (tegüs ǰirγalang-​un bey-​e; Skrt. saṁbhogakāya) 4. The Emanation Body (qubilγan-​u bey-​e; Skrt. nirmāṇakāya).

The Natural Body and the Dharma Body are imperceptible and inconceivable. The Enjoyment Body is accomplished with five certainties (tabun maγad; Skrt. pañcaniyata). If one asks what they are, [they are as follows]: Certainty of the body9 Certainty of the retinue Certainty of teaching Certainty of time Certainty of place. If one asks what the certainty of the body is, it is a body adorned with the thirty-​two major and eighty minor marks [of the Buddha]. If one asks what the certainty of the retinue is, it is company [consisting] solely of supreme bodhisattvas of the Great Vehicle. If one asks what the certainty of teaching is, it is to teach only the teachings of the Great Vehicle. If one asks what the certainty of time is, it is to remain until the entire world becomes empty [of sentient beings]. If one asks what the certainty of place is, it is to live only in the abode of Akaniṣṭha. If one asks what the Emanation Body is, it is the buddhas imparting Buddhist teachings to people and the Buddhas showing different emanations. The Dharma Body and the Natural Body are the true bodies, while the Enjoyment Body and the Emanation Body are conventional bodies. To summarize, the four bodies develop from the two [true] bodies: the Dharma Body and a Form Body. If one asks what the two [types of] knowledge with regard to the two bodies are, they are [as follows]: knowledge of [the two bodies] as such (yambar-​i kü medegči belge bilig; Skrt. yathāvajjñāna) and knowledge of [them] as they truly are (tedüi büküi medegči belge bilig; Skrt. yāvajjñāna).

12  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska If one [further] classifies knowledge, there are four [kinds of] knowledge or gnosis (Skrt. jñāna):10 1. Mirror-​like Knowledge (toli metü belge bilig; Skrt. ādarśajñāna) 2. Knowledge of Equality (tegsi belge bilig; Skrt. samatājñāna) 3. Discriminating Knowledge (öber-​e öber-​e onoqui belge bilig; Skrt. pratyavek ṣaṇājñāna) 4. All-​Accomplishing Knowledge (M. üile-​yi bütügegči belge bilig; Skrt. kṛtyan uṣṭhānajñāna). Mirror-​like Knowledge is the Dharma Body. The Knowledge of Equality and Discriminating Knowledge are the Enjoyment Body. All-​accomplishing Knowledge is the Emanation Body. In reality, omniscient knowledge (qamuγ belge bilig; Skrt. sarvajñatā) and the body of all the buddhas (qamuγ burqad-​un bey-​e) is the Dharma Body. The teaching on five [kinds] of knowledge [belongs to] the system of secret mantra (niγuča tarni; Skrt. mantra-​naya).

Section V [Enlightenment According to Tantra, 45r16–​47r7] If one asks what is the way of attaining the [state] of a Buddha by means of the five [kinds of] perfect awakening, (ile bodičid; Skrt. abhisaṃbodhi) it is [as follows]: 1. Perfect awakening generated from empty space (qoγusun kü aγar) 2. Perfect awakening generated from a seat (debisker) 3. Perfect awakening generated from a seed syllable (ǰarliγ üsüg-​ün köröngge) 4. Perfect awakening generated from a symbol of the mind’s seal (sedkil-​ün mutur-​un belges) 5. Perfect awakening generated from the complete perfection of the body (bey-​e-​yi oγuγa-​ta tegüsügsen).11

If one asks by what three forms one can attain the [state] of a Buddha, they are [as follows]: 1. A [seed] syllable 2. A symbol of the mind’s seal 3. The body’s complete perfection.

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  13 If one asks what the six fruits of attaining Buddhahood are, they are [as follows]:

1. The creation of an incomparable palace is the fruit of Vairocana (viročan-​a). 2. Passion is the fruit of Vajrasattva (včir sadub-​a). 3. Giving initiation is the fruit of Akṣobhya (aksobi). 4. Tasting ambrosia is the fruit of Amitābha (abidu). 5. Offering is the fruit of Amoghasiddhi (amokasidi). 6. Praising is the fruit of Ratnasaṃbhava (ratn-​a sambab-​a).

It is taught in the Action Tantras (üiles-​ün ündüsün; Skrt. kriyā-​tantra) that an ordinary person and his images are the Buddha. In the Performance Tantras (yabudal-​un ündüsün; Skrt. cārya-​tantra), it is taught that one’s own body and its images are the Buddha. In the Yoga Tantras (yoga-​yin ündüsün; Skrt. yoga-​tantra) and in the Unexcelled Yoga Tantras (tengsel ügei ündüsün; Skrt. niruttarayoga-​ tantra), it is taught that only one’s own body is the Buddha. The Action Tantras and the majority of the Performance Tantras were taught by Buddha Śākyamuni. The majority of the Yoga Tantras were taught by Buddha Vairocana. The Higher Secret Tantras (degere ügei niγuča-​yin ündüsün) were taught by the lord of the maṇḍala (manadal-​un erkin). The Vajracakrasaṃvara (včir-​a čakr-​a sambar-​a), the Guhyasamāja (niγuča quriyangγui), the Kālacakra (čaγ-​un kürdün), and the other [Unexcelled Yoga Tantras] were taught by Father-​ and-​Mother Vajradhara (včir-​a dara ečige eke). If one asks about the hearers of those tantras, they are truly emanations (qubilγan) [of the buddhas]. If one asks what the differences between the four [classes of] tantras are, this is what should be known: the tantras are taught in accordance with the four [kinds] of attachment in the Desire Realm (amarmaγ-​un yirtinčü; Skrt. kāmadhātu). Moreover, in order to tame the four [kinds of] disciples, dull and bright, the four [classes of] tantras are taught. Furthermore, in accordance with people from the four castes in Jambudvīpa, the four [classes of] tantras are taught. Also, the four tantras are taught for the four [kinds] of followers of heretical views (ters nom-​tan-​dur daγan oroγsi). The four [classes of] tantras [mentioned] earlier, which are taught according to the four [kinds of] attachments in the Desire Realms, are [as follows]. The Action Tantras are to satisfy the attachment of the gods of the Paranirmitavaśavartin [class] to looking at each other. The Performance Tantras are to satisfy the attachment of the gods of the Nirmāṇarati [class] to smiling at each other. The Yoga Tantras are to satisfy the attachment of the gods of the Tuṣita [class] to touching each other, and the Unexcelled Yoga Tantras are to satisfy the attachment of the gods of the Trāyastriṁśa [class] to embracing each other.

14  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska The four tantras that are taught for the sake of converting dull and bright disciples are [as follows]. The Action Tantras are taught for dull and lower [class] disciples who think that the Buddha’s body materializes in its external images, etc., and who purify themselves by means of ablution and so on. The Performance Tantras are for students who are better than the former ones and who think that their own bodies and the Buddha are each a separate [entity]. The Yoga Tantras are for students who are better than the previous ones, who think that their own bodies and the Buddha of Wisdom are one, and [who] engage solely in meditative [concentration]. The Unexcelled Yoga Tantras are for even better disciples who engage solely in the highest meditative [concentration]. Thirdly, the principle of teaching the four [classes of] tantras in accordance with the four castes of people is as follows. The Action Tantras are taught for those who take delight in purifying and cleansing; for those who think, “We will perish in ascetic practices,” and pray to those in charge of [noble] families (iǰaγur-​ i erkelegčid uriqui); for those who wish to be famous through fire-​offerings;12 and for people of the brāhmaṇa caste. The Performance Tantras are taught for people of the princely caste, the Yoga Tantras are taught for people of the royal caste, and the Unexcelled Yoga Tantras are taught for people of common origin. Fourthly, the four [classes of] tantras that are taught to convert the followers of heretical views are [as follows]. The Action Tantras are taught for the sake of the followers of Brahmā (esru-​a), for those propagating Brāhmanism (ariγun nom), and for dull people. The Performance Tantras are taught for the followers of Viṣṇu (visnu-​a), for those who speak about the doctrine of aggravation (köngdeküi nom), and for people who get very angry. The Unexcelled Yoga tantras are taught for the sake of converting those who consider Maheśvara (makesvari) to be the Buddha, those who think, “Let us be liberated through the actions of a cow, a dog, and a pig,” and for people who are full of desire. The Yoga Tantras are taught for the sake of converting these three groups of followers. The principles of the four [classes] of tantras were briefly described in this way.

Section VI [The Three Realms, 47r7–​48r22] Hence, when this is so, if one asks what the three realms (γurban yirtinčü; Skrt. tridhātu) are, they are as follows: 1. The Desire Realm (amarmaγ-​un yirtinčü; Skrt. kāmadhātu) 2. The Realm of Subtle Materiality (önggetü yirtinčü; Skrt. rūpadhātu) 3. Immaterial Realm (öngge ügei yirtinčü; Skrt. ārūpyadhātu).

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  15 The twenty places of the Desire Realm are the ten realms of the bad destinations (maγui ǰayaγan) and the ten realms of the higher rebirths (degedü töröl). If one asks what the ten realms of bad destination are, [they are] the eight hot hells (qalaγun tamu) and the eight cold hells (küiten tamu). As a pair [of eight hells], they are the sixteen hells that constitute the hell realm. To these two [types of hell counted as eight] are added the realms of hungry ghosts (berid; Skrt. preta) and the realms of animals (adaγusun; Skrt. tiryak), which become the ten realms and are thus called “the ten realms of the bad destinations.” If one asks what the ten realms of the higher rebirths are, they are the four continents and the six spheres of the gods of the Desire [Realm] (amarmaγun tengri ner). If one asks what the four continents are, they are [as follows]:

1. Pūrvavideha (ülemǰi bey-​e-​tü dib) in the east 2. Jambudvīpa (čambudib) in the south 3. Aparagodanīya (üker-​tü dib) in the west 4. Uttarakuru (maγu daγutu dib) in the north.

The eight small continents are smaller than these four great continents. If one asks what the six spheres of the gods of the Desire [Realm] are, they are [as follows]: 1. The world of the Four Great Kings (dörben maqaraaǰa-​yin oron; Skrt. caturmahārājaloka) 2. The world of the Thirty-​ Three [gods] (γučin γurban-​ u oron; Skrt. trāyastriṁśa) 3. The world of the Yāma [gods] (bayilduγan-​ača anggiǰiraγsan oron) 4. The world of the Tuṣita [gods] (tegüs bayasqulang-​tu-​yin  oron) 5. The world of the Nirmāṇarati [gods] (qubilγan-​dur bayasuγči-​yin  oron) 6. The world of the Paranirmitavaśavartin [gods] (busud-​un qubilγan-​u erke-​ ber üiledügči oron). If one asks what the three levels of the first meditative absorption (diyan; Skrt. dhyāna) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Brahmakāyika (esru-​a-​yin iǰaγur-​tu-​yin  oron) 2. Brahmapurohita (esru-​a-​yin emüne-​ečegen emüne-​yin oron)13 3. Mahābrahma (yeke esru-​a-​yin  oron).

16  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska If one asks what the three levels of the second meditative absorption are, they are [as follows]: 1. Parīttabha (öčüken gerel-​tü[-​]‌yin  oron) 2. Apramāṇabha (čaγlasi ügei gerel-​tü[-​]‌yin  oron) 3. Ābhāsvara (gegen gerel-​tü[-​]‌yin  oron). If one asks what the three levels of the third meditative absorption are, they are [as follows]: 1. Parīttaśubha (öčüken buyan-​tu-​yin  oron) 2. Apramāṇaśubha (čaγlasi ügei buyan-​tu-​yin oron) 3. Śubhakṛtsna (delgerenggüi buyan-​tu-​yin  oron). If one asks what the eight levels of the fourth meditative absorption are, they are [as follows]:

1. Anabhraka (egülen ügei-​yin oron) 2. Puṇyaprasava (buyan törögülegči-​yin oron) 3. Bṛhatphala (yeke ür-​e-​tü-​yin  oron) 4. Abṛha (yeke busu-​yin oron) 5. Atāpa (ülü jobaγči-​yin oron) 6. Sudarśa (qotala tegüsügsen-​ü oron) 7. Sudarśana (masi üǰeküyin oron) 8. Akaniṣṭha (door-​a busu-​yin  oron).

If one asks what the four worlds of the Realm of Subtle Materiality are, they are [as follows]:

1. Ākāśānantyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei oγtarγui-​yin oron) 2. Vijñānāntyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei medekü[-​]‌yin oron) 3. Ākiñcanyāyatana (yaγun yaγubar ügei-​yin oron) 4. Bhavāgra (sangsar-​un üǰügür-​ün  oron). If one asks what the nine levels of the three realms are, they are [as follows]:



1. The level of the Desire [Realm] (amarmaγ-​un  γaǰar) 2. The level of the first meditative absorption 3. The level of the second meditative absorption 4. The level of the third meditative absorption

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  17

5. The level of the fourth meditative absorption 6. The level of Ākāśānantyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei oγtarγui-​yin γaǰar) 7. The level of Vijñānāntyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei medeküyin γaǰar) 8. The level of Ākiñcanyāyatana (yaγun yaγubar ügei-​yin γaǰar) 9. The level of Bhavāgra (sangsar-​un üjügür-​ün γaǰar).

If one asks what the eight levels of the Hīnayāna (door-​a-​du kölge) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Gotrabhūmi (iǰaγur-​un  γaǰar) 2. Aṣṭamakabhūmi (naimaduγar γaǰar) 3. Śuklavidarśanābhūmi (masi čaγan-​a üǰekü-​yin  γaǰar) 4. Tanubhūmi (nimgeregsen γaǰar) 5. Vitarāgabhūmi (tačiyangγui-​ača anggiǰiraγsan γaǰar) 6. Kṛṭāvibhūmi (üiledügsen-​i onaqui-​yin  γaǰar) 7. The level of the śrāvakas (siravang-​un  γaǰar) 8. The level of pratyekabuddhas (bradikabud-​un γaǰar).

Section VII [The Four Kinds of Persons, etc., 48r23–​49v1] If one asks what the four [kinds of] persons (bodgali; Skrt. pudgala) are, they are [as follows]:

1. The stream-​enterer (ürgülǰide oroγsan; Skrt. śrotāpanna) 2. The once-​returner (nigen-​te qarin iregči; Skrt. sakṛdāgāmin) 3. The non-​returner (qarin ülü iregči; Skrt. anāgāmin) 4. The Arhat (dayin-​i daruγsan).

If one asks what the five sins of immediate retribution (tabun ǰabsar ügei nigül; Skrt. pañcānantarya) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Killing one’s own mother 2. Killing one’s own father 3. Kiling an Arhat 4. Out of malice, causing the Tathāgata to bleed 5. Causing dissension14 in the Saṅgha.

18  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska If one asks what the five [sins] approximate [to the aforementioned] (tabun oyiraduγsan: Tib. nye ba’i mtshams med lnga) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Insulting a noble nun15 through wrong passion 2. Assassinating bodhisattvas who are surely to become buddhas in a hundred eons 3. Assassinating stream-​enterers16 4. Stealing the property of the Saṅgha17 5. Destroying a stūpa. If one asks what the four [classes of] Māras (simnus) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Mṛtyumāra (ükül-​ün eǰen-​ü simnus, Māra of Death) 2. Kleśamāra (nisvanis-​un simnus, Māra of Mental Afflictions) 3. Skandhamāra (bey-​e-​yin simnus, Māra of the Psychophysical Aggregates) 4. Devaputramāra (tengri-​yin simnus, Māra of Desires, li. “of gods”).

If one asks what the nine fetters (qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. saṃyojana) of the cycle of rebirth are, they are [as follows]: 1. The fetter caused by sexual desire (tačiyangγui-​bar qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. kāmarāga) 2. The fetter caused by anger (kiling-​iyer qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγcī; Skrt. dveṣa) 3. The fetter caused by pride (omoγ-​iyar qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. māna) 4. The fetter caused by ignorance (mungqaγ-​iyar qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. avidyā) 5. The fetter caused by doubt [regarding the efficacy of the path] (seǰi(n)g-​iyer qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. vivikitsā) 6. The fetter caused by [attachment to wrong] views (üǰel-​iyer qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. dṛṣṭiparāmarśa) 7. The fetter caused by mental excitement (qarakis sedkil-​iyer qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. auddhatya) 8. The fetter caused by greed (qaram-​iyar qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. lobha) 9. The fetter caused by attachment to practices and vow observances (saγsibad ba törü yabudal-​i erkilegči-​ber qamuγ-​a barilduγuluγči; Skrt. śīlavrataparā marśa).

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  19 If one asks what the four [types of] defilements (čuburil; Skrt. āsrava) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The defilement of sensual desires (küsekü-​yin cuburil; Skrt. kāmāsrava) 2. The defilement of craving [for existence] (quričaqu-​yin čuburil; Skrt. bhāvāsrava) 3. The defilement of ignorance (mungqaγ-​un čuburil; Skrt. avidyāsrava) 4. The defilement of [wrong] views (üǰel-​ün čuburil; Skrt. dṛṣṭyāsrava). If one asks what the four [kinds] of burdens (ügürül;18 Skrt. bhāra) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The burden of the psychophysical aggregates (čoγčis-​un ügürül; Skrt. skandhabhāra) 2. The burden of the mental afflictions (nisvanis-​un ügürül; Skrt. kleśabhāra) 3. The burden of vows (tangγariγ-​un ügürül; Skrt. samayabhāra) 4. The burden of vigor (kičiyenggüi-​yin ügürül; Skrt. vīryabhāra). If one asks what the four yokes (barilduγuluγči; Skrt. yoga) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The yoke of sensual desires (küsekü-​yin barilduγuluγči; Skrt. kāmayoga) 2. The yoke of craving [for existence] (quričaqu-​yin barilduγuluγči; Skrt. bhavayoga)19 3. The yoke of [wrong] views (üǰel-​ün barilduγuluγči; Skrt. dṛṣṭiyoga) 4. The yoke of ignorance (mungqaγ-​un barilduγuluγči; Skrt. avidyāyoga). If one asks what the four [kinds of] clinging (oyir-​a abqui; Skrt. upādāna) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Clinging to sensual pleasures (küsekü-​yin oyir-​a abqui; Skrt. kāmopādāna) 2. Clinging to [wrong] views (üǰel-​ün oyir-​a abqui; Skrt. dṛṣṭyupādāna) 3. Clinging to the theory of the “Self ” (bi kemen barimtalaqui oyir-​a abqui; Skrt. ātmavādopādāna) 4. Clinging to practices and vow observances (saγsibad ba törü yabudal-​i erkelegči-​yin oyir-​a abqui; Skrt. śīlavratopādāna) If one asks what the four floods (möred; Skrt. ogha) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The flood of sensual desires (küsekü-​yin mören; Skrt. kāmaugha) 2. The flood of craving [for existence] (quričaqu-​yin mören, Skrt. tṛṣṇaugha)20

20  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 3. The flood of [wrong] views (üǰel-​ün möred;21 Skrt. dṛṣṭyogha) 4. The flood of ignorance (mungqaγ-​un mören; Skrt. avidyaugha). If one asks what the four bonds (ǰanggiy-​a; Skrt. grantha) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The bond of sensual desires (küsekü-​yin ǰanggiy-​a; Skrt. kāmagranta) 2. The bond of [wrong] views (üǰel-​ün ǰanggiy-​a; Skrt. dṛṣṭigrantha) 3. The bond of practices and vow observances (saγsibad ba törü yabudal-​i erkelegči-​yin ǰanggiy-​a; Skrt. śīlavratagrantha) 4. The bond of the theory of the “Self ” (bi kemen barimtalaγči-​yi oyir-​a abqui ǰanggiy-​a; Skrt. ātmavādagrantha). If one asks who the four thinkers22 with inverted [views] (buruγu sedkigči) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Those who mistake the impermanent for the permanent 2. Those who mistake the painful for the pleasurable 3. Those who mistake that which is without the Self as having the Self, and 4. Those who mistake the impure for the pure.

If one asks what the four [kinds of] sustenance (idegen; Skrt. āhāra) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The sustenance of food (iǰaγur-​un idegen; Skrt. kavaḍīkārāhāra) 2. The sustenance of contact (kürülčegsen idegen; Skrt. sparśāhāra) 3. The sustenance of will (duran-​dur sedkiküi-​yin idegen; Skrt. manaḥsaṃcetanāhāra) 4. The sustenance of consciousness (medekü-​yin idegen; Skrt. vijñānāhāra).

Section VIII [Practices of Meditation, 49v1–​50v9] If one asks what the seven practices of the Yogācāra (yogačari-​yin doloγan [mör])23 are, they are [as follows]: 1. The four applications of mindfulness (duradqui oyir-​a aγuluγsan; Skrt. smṛtyupasthāna) 2. The four efforts (üneker tebčiküi; Skrt. prahāṇa)

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  21

3. The four bases of supernatural powers (ridi köl; Skrt. ṛddhipāda) 4. The five spiritual faculties (erketen; Skrt. indriya) 5. The five powers (küčün; Skrt. bala) 6. The seven factors of enlightenment (bodi möčin; Skrt. bodhyaṅga) 7. The Eightfold Noble Path (qutuγtan-​u naiman gesigün-​ü mör; Skrt. āryā­ṣṭāṅgamārga). If one asks what the four applications of mindfulness are, they are [as follows]:

1. The application of mindfulness of the body (bey-​e-​yin duradqui oyir-​a aγulqui; Skrt. kāyasmṛtyupasthāna) 2. The application of mindfulness of feelings (seriküi duradqui oyir-​a aγulqui; Skrt. vedanāsmṛtyupasthāna) 3. The application of mindfulness of the mind (sedkiküi duradqui oyir-​a aγulqui; Skrt. cittasmṛtyupasthāna) 4. The application of mindfulness of mental objects (nom-​i duradqui oyir-​a aγulqui; Skrt. dharmasmṛtyupasthāna). If one asks what the four efforts are,24 they are [as follows]:

1. The effort to abandon sins that have [already] arisen 2. The effort not to allow more sins to arise 3. The effort to increase virtuous deeds that have [already] arisen 4. The effort to increase virtuous deeds that have not yet arisen. If one asks what the four bases of psychic powers are, they are [as follows]:

1. The basis of the psychic power of aspiration (küseküi-​yin ridi köl; Skrt. chandaṛddhipāda) 2. The basis of the psychic power of vigor (kičiyenggüi-​yin ridi köl; Skrt. vīryaṛddhipāda) 3. The basis of the psychic power of thought (sedkil-​ ün ridi köl; Skrt. cittaṛddhipāda) 4. The basis of the psychic power of analysis (sinǰilekü-​yin ridi köl; Skrt. mīmā ṃsaṛddhipāda) If one asks what the five spiritual faculties are, they are [as follows]: 1. The spiritual faculty of faith (bisirel-​ün erke; Skrt. śraddhendriya) 2. The spiritual faculty of vigor (kičiyenggüi-​yin erke; Skrt. vīryendriya)

22  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 3. The spiritual faculty of mindfulness (duradqui-​yin erke; Skrt. smṛtīndriya) 4. The spiritual faculty of concentration (samadi-​yin erke; Skrt. samādhīndriya) 5. The spiritual faculty of wisdom (bilig-​ün erke; Skrt. prajñendriya). If one asks what the five powers are, they are [as follows]:

1. The power of faith (bisirel-​ün erke; Skrt. śraddhābala) 2. The power of vigor (kičiyenggüi-​yin küčün; Skrt. vīryabala) 3. The power of mindfulness (duradqui-​yin küčün; Skrt. smṛtibala) 4. The power of concentration (samadi-​yin küčün; Skrt. samādhibala) 5. The power of wisdom (bilig-​ün küčün; Skrt. prajñābala).

If one asks what the seven factors of enlightenment are, they are [as follows]: 1. Perfect mindfulness as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad duradqui-​ yin bodi möčin; Skrt. smṛtisaṃbodhyaṅga) 2. Perfect investigation of mental states as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad nom-​i masi ilγaγči bodi möčin; Skrt. dharmapravicayasaṃbodhya­ṅga) 3. Perfect vigor as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad kičiyenggüi bodi möčin; Skrt. vīryasaṃbodhyaṅga) 4. Perfect rapture as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad bayasuγči bodi möčin; Skrt. prītisaṃbodhyaṅga) 5. Perfect study25 as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad suduluγsan bodi möčin; Skrt. praśrabdhibodhyaṅga) 6. Perfect concentration as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad samadiyin26 bodi möčin; Skrt. samādhisaṃbodhyaṅga) 7. Perfect equanimity as a factor of enlightenment (ünen maγad tegsi bodi möčin; Skrt. upekṣāsaṃbodhyaṅga). If one asks what the Eightfold Noble Path is, it is [as follows]:

1. Right view (ünen maγad üǰel; Skrt. samyagdṛṣṭi) 2. Right intention (ünen maγad onol; Skrt. samyaksaṃkalpa) 3. Right speech (ünen maγad kele; Skrt. samyagvāk) 4. Right action (ünen maγad üilesün ečüs; Skrt. samyakkarman) 5. Right livelihood (ünen maγad teǰiyel; Skrt. samyagājīva)

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  23 6. Right effort (ünen maγad kičiyel; Skrt. samyagvyāyāma) 7. Right mindfulness (ünen maγad duradqui; Skrt. samyaksmṛti) 8. Right concentration (ünen maγad samadi; Skrt. samyaksamādhi). In the Mahāyāna: 1. The four applications of mindfulness are practiced on the limited Path of Accumulation. 2. The four efforts are practiced on the intermediate Path of Accumulation. 3. The four bases of psychic powers are practiced on the great Path of Accumulation. 4. The five spiritual faculties are practiced on the Path of the Preparation of heat and the peak. 5. The five powers are practiced on the Path of the Preparation of patience and the supreme [mundane] dharmas. 6. The seven factors of enlightenment are practiced on the Path of Seeing. 7. The Eightfold Noble Path is practiced on the Path of Meditation. In the Hīnayāna: 1. The four applications of mindfulness are practiced on the Path of Accumulation. 2. The four efforts are practiced on the Path of the Preparation of heat. 3. The four bases of psychic powers are practiced on the Path of the Preparation of peak. 4. The five spiritual faculties are practiced on the Path of Preparation of patience. 5. The five powers are practiced on the Path of [Preparation of] supreme [mundane] dharmas. 6. The seven factors of enlightenment are practiced on the Path of Seeing. 7. The Eightfold Noble Path is practiced on the Path of Meditation.

Section IX [The Six Peaceful Paths, 50v9–​51r18] If one asks what the six peaceful paths (amurlingγui ǰiirγuγan mör) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The four truths (ünen; SkRt. satya)

24  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 2. The four meditative absorptions (diyan; Skrt. dhyāna) 3. The four immeasurables (čaγlasi ügei; Skrt. apramāṇa) 4. The four attainments of the Immaterial [Realm] (öngge ügei-​yin tegsi orolduγsan; Skrt. samāpatti) 5. The eight liberations (masida toniluγsan; Skrt. vimokṣa) 6. The nine successive absorptions (ǰerge-​ber aγsan yisün tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. anupūrvavihārasamāpatti). If one asks what the four truths are, they are [as follows]:

1. The truth of suffering (ǰobalang ünen) 2. The truth of the origination [of suffering] (qamuγ-​i törögülügči ünen) 3. The truth of the cessation [of suffering] (türidküi27 ünen) 4. The truth of the path [leading to the cessation of suffering] (mör ünen).

If one asks what the four Immeasurables are, they are [as follows]:

1. Immeasurable loving-​kindness (asaraqui čaγlasi ügei; Skrt. maitrī) 2. Immeasurable compassion (örisiyenggüi28 čaγlasi ügei; Skrt. karuṇā) 3. Immeasurable empathetic joy (bayasqulang čaγlasi ügei; Skrt. muditā) 4. Immeasurable equanimity (tegsi sedkil čaγlasi ügei; Skrt. upekṣā)

If one asks what the four attainments of the Immaterial [Realm] are, they are [as follows]: 1. The attainment of the plane of limitless space (kiǰaγalal ügei oγtarγui-​yin törölki-​yin tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. ākāśāntyasamāpatti) 2. The attainment of the plane of limitless consciousness (kiǰaγalal ügei medeküyin törölki-​yin tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. vijñānāntyāyatanasamāpatti) 3. The attainment of the plane of nothingness (yaγun ber ügei-​yin törölki-​yin tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. ākiñcanyāyatanasamāpatti) 4. The attainment of the plane of the summit of existence (sangsar-​un üǰügür-​ ün tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. bhavāgrasamāpatti). If one asks what the eight liberations are, they are [as follows]: 1. Liberation through the perception of materiality in the plane of subtle materiality (öngge-​te öngge kemen üǰegči-​yin masi toniluγsan; Skrt. rūpī rūpāṇi paśyaty ayaṃ prathamo vimokṣaḥ)

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  25 2. Liberation through the perception of external forms while not perceiving one’s own form (öngge ügei-​yi öngge kemen üǰegči-​yin masi toniluγsan; Skrt. adhyātmam arūpasaṃjñī bahirdhā rūpāṇi paśyaty ayaṃ dvitīyo vimokṣaḥ) 3. Liberation through developing confidence by contemplating the beautiful (γuu-​a busu-​yi γuu-​a kemen üǰegči-​yin masi toniluγsan; Skrt. śubhaṁ vimokṣaṃ kāyena sākṣātkṛtvopasampadya viharaty ayaṃ tṛtīyo vimokṣaḥ) 4. Liberation of the plane of Ākāśānantyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei oγtarγui-​yin törölki[-​]‌yin masi toniluγsan) 5. Liberation of the plane of Vijñānāntyāyatana (kiǰaγalal ügei medekü[-​]‌yin törölki-​yin masi toniluγsan) 6. Liberation of the plane of Ākiñcanyāyatana (yaγubar ügei-​yin törölki-​yin masi toniluγsan) 7. Liberation of the plane of Neither-​ Perception-​ Nor-​ Nonperception (büi busu ügei busu-​ yin törölki-​ yin masi toniluγsan; Skrt. naivasaṃjñānāsaṃjñāyatana) 8. Liberation through the cessation of all perception and sensation (sedkiküi seriküi türidküi-​yin masi toniluγsan; Skrt. saṁjñāvedayitanirodha). If one asks what the nine successive attainments of absorption are, they are [as follows]:

1. Attainment of the first meditative absorption 2. Attainment of the second meditative absorption 3. Attainment of the third meditative absorption 4. Attainment of the fourth meditative absorption 5. Attainment of the [sphere] of Ākāśānantyāyatana 6. Attainment of the [sphere] of Vijñānāntyāyatana 7. Attainment of the [sphere] of Ākiñcanyāyatana 8. Attainment of the [sphere] of Naivasaṃjñānāsaṁjñāyatana 9. Attainment of the cessation [of all perception and sensation] ([sedkiküi seriküi] türidküi-​yin tegsi orolduqun; Skrt. [saṁjñāvedayita] nirodha).

Section X [Miscellaneous, 51r18–​53v10] If one asks what the three doors to liberation (γurban masi toniluγsan qaγalγ-​ a; Skrt. trīṇi vimokṣamukhāni) of the practice of insight (ülemǰi üǰekü; Skrt. vipaśyanā) are, they are [as follows]:

26  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 1. Emptiness as a door to liberation (qoγusun; Skrt. śūnyatā) 2. Signlessness as a door to liberation (belge ügei; Skrt. animitta) 3. Wishlessness as a door to liberation (küseküi ügei; Skrt. apraṇihita). If one asks what the three doors to the [attainment of] superior qualities (ülemǰi erdem-​ün γurban qaγalγ-​a) are,29 they are [as follows]: 1. Six [kinds of] super-​knowledge (ǰöng bilig; Skrt. abhijñā) 2. Meditative concentration (samadis; Skrt. samādhi) 3. The four doors of mnemonic codes or dhāraṇīs (toγtoγal-​un qaγalγ-​a; Tib. gzungs kyi sgo). If one asks what the six [kinds of] super-​knowledge are, they are [as follows]: 1. Supernatural powers (ridi qubilγan-​u ǰöng bilig; Skrt. ṛddhividhābhijñā) 2. The divine eye30 (tengri-​yin nidün-​ü ǰöng bilig bilig; Skrt. divyacakṣus) 3. The divine ear (tengri-​yin čiken-​ü ǰöng bilig; Skrt. divyaśrotra) 4. Knowledge of the minds of others (busud-​un sedkil-​i medegči-​yin ǰöng bilig; Skrt. paracittajñāna) 5. Remembering one’s own former lives (uridu töröl-​i daγan duradqu[-​]‌yin ǰöng bilig; Skrt. pūrvanivāsānusmṛti) 6. Knowledge of the extinction of defilements (čuburil bariγsan-​u ǰöng bilig; Skrt. āsravakṣaya).

If one asks what meditative concentration is, it is [the meditative] concentration beginning with the śūraṁgama samādhi (baγatur-​iyar yabuγči samadi) and so on. If one asks what the four doors of dhāraṇīs are, they are [as follows]: 1. The dhāraṇī of words (üges; Skrt. vacana) 2. The dhāraṇī of meanings (udqas; Skrt. artha) 3. The dhāraṇī of the Holy One’s discerning acquiescence (qutuγ-​tan[-​]‌u küličenggüi ilγaγuluγči)31 4. The dhāraṇīs of spells (daranis; Skrt. mantra). If one asks what the ten powers (küčün; Skrt. bala) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The power of the knowledge of possibility and impossibility (orod ba orod busu-​yi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. sthānāsthānajñānabala)32 2. The power of the knowledge of all defilements and purifications [of meditative absorptions, liberations, meditative concentrations, and mental

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  27 afflictions (qamuγ-​a nisvanis ba masi ariluγsan-​i medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. sarva[dhyānavimokṣasamādhisamāpatti] saṃkleśavyavadānavyavasthāna) 3. The power of the knowledge of the ways leading to all destinations (qamuγ-​ a odqu-​yin mör medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. sarvatragāminīpratipad) 4. The power of the knowledge of recollecting previous births (uridu orod-​i daγan duradqu-​yi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. pūrvanivāsānusmṛti) 5. The power of the knowledge of the results of karma (ǰayaγan-​u ači ür-​e-​yi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. karmavipāka) 6. The power of the knowledge of the various dispositions [of different beings] (eldeb küsekü-​yi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. nānādhimukti) 7. The power of the knowledge of the world’s many and different elements (olan yirtincüs-​ün orod-​i medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. nānādhātu) 8. The power of the knowledge of the higher faculties of people (degedü oyutan ba degedü oyutan busu-​yi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. indriyaparāpara) 9. The power of the knowledge of death and birth (ükün yegüdkeküi ba töröküi medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. cyutyupapatti) 10. The power of the knowledge of the extinction of defilements (čuburil bariγsad-​i medekü[-​]‌yin küčün; Skrt. āsravakṣaya).

If one asks what the four [types of] confidence (ayul ügei; Skrt. vaiśāradya) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Confidence regarding the perfect enlightenment with regard to all phenomena (bi burqan-​u qutuγ-​yi oluγad: qamuγ medegdeküi orod-​i meden-​ luγ-​a kemen aman abuγsan-​dur ayul ügei; Skrt. sarvadharmābhisaṃbodhiv aiśāradya) 2. Confidence that mental afflictions of the three poisons33 by means of which the path to liberation was hindered [are destroyed] (čuburil-​tu nisvanis-​un γurban qorus-​iyar tonilqu[-​]‌yin mör-​i tüidkü bolai: kemen aman34 abuγsan-​ dur ayul ügei) 3. Confidence that the thirty-​seven dharmas35 are the right path to liberation (γučin doloγan nom-​ud anu maγad γarqui mör büyü: kemen aman abuγsan-​dur ayul ügei) 4. Confidence that all obstacles [to liberation] without exception have been [correctly] identified (čuburil-​i qočorli ügei barin-​luγ-​a bi:  kemen aman abuγsan-​dur ayul ügei; Skrt. antārāyikadharmānyathātvaniścitavyākaraṇa vaiśāradya). If one asks what the four [kinds of] analytical knowledge (öbere öbere üneker uqaqui;36 Skrt. pratisaṃvid) are, they are [as follows]:

28  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska

1. The analytical knowledge of phenomena (nom-​ i öbere öbere üneker uqaqui; Skrt. dharmapratisaṃvid) 2. The analytical knowledge of meanings (udqas[-​]‌i öbere öbere üneker uqaqui; Skrt. arthapratisaṁvid) 3. The analytical knowledge of [the etymology of] words (üges[-​]‌i öbere öbere üneker uqaqui; Skrt. niruktipratisaṃvid) 4. The analytical knowledge of eloquence (sambaγ-​a-​yi öbere öbere üneker uqaqui; Skrt. pratibhānapratisaṃvid).

If one asks what the eighteen special qualities of a Buddha (burqan-​u arban naiman nom-​ud; Skrt. aṣṭadaśāveṇikābuddhadharmāḥ) are, they are [as follows]:

1. [His] body is without the faults of the three poisons.37 2. [His] speech is without the limitations of the three poisons. 3. [His] mind is not afflicted by desire. 4. [His] mind is constantly in the state of equanimity. 5. [He] does not think that the wheel of existence and nirvāṇa are separate. 6. [His] equanimity is not due to the lack of discernment. 7. [He] does not regress in his zeal. 8. [He] does not regress in his effort. 9. [He] does not regress in his [meditative] absorption.38 10. [He] does not regress in his concentration. 11. [He] does not regress in his wisdom. 12. [He] does [not]39 regress in his liberation. 13. All of [his] physical actions are preceded by gnosis and remain in conformity with gnosis. 14. All [his] verbal actions are preceded by gnosis and remain in conformity with gnosis. 15. All [his] mental actions are preceded by gnosis and remain in conformity with gnosis. 16. [He] enters the perception of gnosis that is unobstructed and unimpeded with respect to the past.40 17. [He] enters the perception of gnosis that is unobstructed and unimpeded with respect to the future.41 18. [He] enters the perception of gnosis that is unobstructed and unimpeded with respect to the present.

If one asks what the five [kinds of] persons (bodgali, Skrt. pudgala) are, they are [as follows]:

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  29

1. The stream-​enterer (ürgülǰide oroγsan; Skrt. śrotāpanna) 2. The once-​returner (nigen-​te qarin iregči; Skrt. sakṛdāgāmin) 3. The non-​returner (qarin ülü iregči; Skrt. anāgāmin) 4. The worthy one (dayin-​i daruγsan; Skrt. arhat) 5. The solitary Buddha (bradikabud; Skrt. pratyekabuddha).

If one asks what the three [kinds of] knowledge (γurban medeküi) are,42 they are [as follows]: 1. Knowledge of all aspects (büküi-​yi medeküi; Skrt. sarvākārajñatā) 2. Knowledge of the path (mör-​i medeküi; Skrt. mārgajñatā) 3. Omniscience (qamuγ ǰüil-​i medegči; Skrt. sarvajñatā).43 If one asks what the twelve links of interdependent origination (sitün barilduγsan; Skrt. pratītyasamutpāda) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Ignorance (mungqaγ; Skrt. avidyā) 2. Predispositions (üiledküi; Skrt. saṃskāra) 3. Consciousness (medeküi; Skrt. vijñāna) 4. Name-​and-​form (nere öngge; Skrt. nāmarūpa) 5. Six internal sense-​bases (ǰirγuγan törölki; Skrt. āyatana) 6. Sensory contact (kürteküi; Skrt. sparśa) 7. Feelings (seriküi; Skrt. vedanā) 8. Craving (quričaqui; Skrt. tṛṣṇā) 9. Grasping (abqui; Skrt. upādāna) 10. Becoming (sansar; Skrt. bhava) 11. Birth (töröküi; Skrt. jāti) 12. Old age and death (ötelküi üküküi; Skrt. jarāmaraṇa). If one asks what the twelve men who are acting (üiledküi-​yin törölkiten) are,44 they are [as follows]:

1. Self (bi; Skrt. ātman) 2. A sentient being (amitan; Skrt. sattva) 3. A nourisher (teǰiyegči; Skrt. poṣa) 4. A man (törölkiten; Skrt. puruṣa) 5. A person (budgali; Skrt. pudgala) 6. A powerful one45 (küčüten; Skrt. manuja) 7. A human46 (küčün-​ü eǰen; Skrt. mānava) 8. A doer (üiledügči; Skrt. kāraka)

30  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 9. A feeler (seriküi; Skrt. vedaka) 10. A knower (medegči;47 Skrt. jānaka) 11. A seer (üǰegči; Skrt. paśyaka) 12. [missing]. If one asks what the six [types of] conceptualization (onol-​un nom; Skrt. kalpanā) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The conceptualization of heat (dulaγan onol-​un nom) 2. The conceptualization of peak (üǰegür-​ün onol-​un  nom) 3. The conceptualization of patience (küličenggüi onol-​un nom) 4. The conceptualization of supreme [mundane] dharmas (degedü onol-​un  nom) 5. The conceptualization of the Path of Seeing (üǰeküi mör-​ün onol-​un nom) 6. The conceptualization of the Path of Meditation (bisilγal-​un onol-​un nom). If one asks what the five [kinds of] the Buddha’s knowledge in the Desire Realm (burqan-​u küsekü oron medekü) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Self-​arisen [knowledge] (öbesüben bütügsen) 2. The [knowledge] of the passions being eradicated (tačiyangγui-​yi usadqaγsan) 3. Unhindered [knowledge] (dürbel ügei) 4. Eternal [knowledge] (nasuda aγči) 5. The [knowledge] of giving answers to questions (öčigsen-​i qariγu ügülegči). If one asks what the four [kinds of] purified [states] (ariγun; Skrt. pariśuddha) there are, they are [as follows]:

1. A purified image [of the Buddha] (ariγun sitügen; Tib. rten dag pa) 2. A purified imagination (ariγun sedkigdeküi; Tib. dmigs dag pa) 3. A purified mind (ariγun sedkil; Tib. sems dag pa) 4. A purified gnosis (ariγun belge bilig; Tib. ye shes dag pa).

If one asks what the ten masteries (erke oluγsan; Skrt. vaśitā) [of a Bodhisattva] are, they are [as follows]: 1. Mastery over life span (nasun-​dur erke oluγsan; Skrt. āyurvaśitā) 2. Mastery of the mind (sedkil-​dür erke oluγsan; Skrt. cittavaśitā) 3. Mastery of the necessities of life (kereglegdekü ed tavar-​tur erke oluγsan; Skrt. pariṣkāravaśitā) 4. Mastery of action (üiles-​tür erke oluγsan; Skrt. karmavaśitā) 5. Mastery of birth (töröküi-​dür erke oluγsan; Skrt. upapattivaśitā)

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  31 6. Mastery of determination (küseküi-​dür erke oluγsan; Skrt. adhimuktivaśitā) 7. Mastery of aspiration (irüger-​tür erke oluγsan; Skrt. praṇidhānavaśitā) 8. Mastery of supernatural powers (ǰali qubilγan-​dur erke oluγsan; Skrt. ṛddhivaśitā) 9. Mastery of wisdom (belge bilig-​tür erke oluγsan; Skrt. jñānavaśitā) 10. Mastery of the Dharma (nom-​dur erke oluγsan; Skrt. dharmavaśitā). If one asks what the three points [of the Tathāgata’s actions] that do not need to be guarded (γurban sakiqu ügei; Skrt. arakṣya) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Physical actions that do not need to be guarded (bey-​e-​yin yabudal-​i sakiqu ügei) 2. Verbal actions that do not need to be guarded48 (ǰarliγ-​un yabudal-​i sakiqu ügei) 3. Mental actions that do not need to be guarded (sedkil-​ün yabudal-​i sakiqu ügei). If one asks what the four49 foundations [of a Buddha’s] mindfulness (duradqui oyir-​a aγuluγsan) are,50 they are [as follows]: 1. The absence of attachment toward those who wish to listen to the teachings 2. The absence of anger toward those who do not wish [to listen to the teachings] 3. The absence of anger and the state of a balanced mind toward those who sometimes listen and sometimes do not listen. If one asks what the five eyes (nidün; Skrt. cakṣus) are, they are [as follows]:

1. The physical eye (miqan-​u nidün; Skrt. māṃsacakṣus) 2. The divine eye or clairvoyance (tngri-​yin nidün; Skrt. divyacakṣus) 3. The wisdom eye (bilig-​ün nidün; Skrt. prajñācakṣus) 4. The Dharma eye (nom-​un nidün; Skrt. dharmacakṣus) 5. The Buddha eye (burqan-​u nidün; Skrt. buddhacakṣus).

If one asks what the ten [kinds of] recollection (daγan duradqui; Skrt. anusmṛti) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The recollection of the Buddha (burqan-​ i daγan duradqui; Skrt. buddhānusmṛti) 2. The recollection of the Dharma (nom-​ i daγan duradqui; Skrt. dharmānusmṛti)

32  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 3. The recollection of the Saṅgha (bursang quvaraγ-​ud-​i daγan duradqui; Skrt. saṁghānusmṛti) 4. The recollection of ethical discipline (siγsibad-​i daγan duradqui; Skrt. śīlānusmṛti) 5. The recollection of deities (idam burqan-​ i daγan duradqui; Skrt. devatānusmṛti) 6. The recollection of generosity (öglige-​ yi daγan duradqui; Skrt. tyāgānusmṛti) 7. The recollection of the body (bey-​e-​yi daγan duradqui; Skrt. kāyagatānusmṛti) 8. The recollection of death (üküküi-​ yi daγan duradqui; Skrt. maraṇānusmṛti) 9. The recollection of birth51 (töröküi-​ y i daγan duradqui; Skrt. udvegānusmṛti) 10. The recollection of the in-​breath and out-​breath (γadar dotor amisqaqui-​yi daγan duradqui; Skrt. ānāpānusmṛti). If one asks what the two [types of] benefits (tusa; Skrt. artha) there are, they are [as follows]: 1. One’s own benefit (öber-​ün tusa; Skrt. svārtha) 2. Others’ benefit (busud-​un tusa; Skrt. parārtha). If one asks what the two accumulations (čiγulγan; Skrt. saṃbhāra) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The accumulation of knowledge (belge bilig-​ün čiγulγan; Skrt. jñānasaṃbhāra) 2. The accumulation of merit (buyan-​u čiγulγan; Skrt. puṇyasaṃbhāra). If one asks what the two truths (ünen; Skrt. satya) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Conventional truth (inaγun[k]‌i ünen; Skrt. saṃvṛtisatya) 2. Ultimate truth (ünemleküi ünen; Skrt. paramārthasatya). If one asks what the two hindrances (tüidker, Skrt. āvaraṇa) are, they are [as follows]: 1. Afflictive hindrances (nisvanis-​un tüidker; Skrt. kleśāvaraṇa) 2. Cognitive hindrances (medeküi-​yin tüidker; Skrt. jñeyāvaraṇa).

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  33 If one asks what the seven [spiritual] treasures of the āryas (qutuγtan-​u doloγan ed; Skrt. saptadhana) are, they are [as follows]: 1. The treasure of faith (bisirel-​ün ed; Skrt. śraddhādhana) 2. The treasure of ethical discipline (siγsibad-​un ed; Skrt. śīladhana) 3. The treasure of generosity (öglige-​yin ed; Skrt. tyāgadhana) 4. The treasure of what has been learned52 (sonosuγsan-​u ed; Skrt. śrutadhana) 5. The treasure of modesty53 (ičgüri-​i medeküi-​yin ed; Skrt. hrīdhana) 6. The treasure of decency (mederegči ed; Skrt. apatrāpyadhana) 7. The treasure of wisdom (belge bilig-​ün ed; Skrt. prajñādhana). If one asks what the seven qualities of higher rebirths (degedü töröl-​ün doloγan erdem; Tib. mtho ris kyi yon tan bdun) are, they are [as follows]:

1. A long life (urtu nasulaqui; Tib. tshe ring ba) 2. A lack of illness, plague, and death54 (ebčin taqul ügei, üküküi ügei) 3. Having a beautiful body (sayin bey-​e-​tü; Tib. gzugs bzang ba) 4. Having good fortune (sayin qubitu; Tib. skal pa bzang ba) 5. Having a high station (sayin iǰaγur-​tu; Tib. rigs mtho ba) 6. Having wealth (ed tavar-​tu; Tib. nor mang ba) 7. Having intelligence (bilig-​tü; Tib. shes rab che ba).

If one asks what the four serious impairments55 (sintaraγuluγči dörben kündü; Tib. nyams pa’i lci ba bzhi) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Swearing as an ordinary person [using the name of the Three Jewels]56 2. Breaking the śrāvaka precepts of the Vinaya57 3. Breaking the precepts of the Bodhisattva trainings58 4. Breaking samayas [as a tantric practitioner].59

If one asks what the four serious wrong actions (yeke dörben kündü; Tib. log pa’i lci ba bzhi) are, they are [as follows]:

1. [Accepting] prostrations from meditators60 2. [Stealing] the provisions of a meditator61 3. [Stealing the] ritual objects of a tantric practitioner62 4. [Sitting on a seat higher than that of] a learned scholar.63

If one asks what the four serious disrespectful actions (doromǰilaqui kündü; Tib. smod pa’i lci ba bzhi) are, they are [as follows]:

34  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska

1. To have contempt for the Buddha’s physical form due to ignorance64 2. To have contempt for the truth due to pride65 3. To have contempt for the qualities of others due to jealousy66 4. To respect the noble ones [in different ways] due to partiality.67

If one asks what the four serious [wrong actions] of non-​Buddhists (γadaγadu dörben kündü) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Insulting the white teachings 2. Extolling the sinful black teachings 3. Destroying the virtue of devout people 4. Discouraging virtuous people.

If one asks what the four wrong actions of Buddhists (dotoγadu dörben kündü) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Abandoning the virtuous Buddha 2. Insulting a Vajra[yāna] teacher 3. Breaking samaya vows 4. Insulting [one’s] father and mother.

If one asks what the eight inopportune [states] (naiman buruγu; Skrt. akṣaṇā)68 are, they are [as follows]: 1. If an error has occurred due to [the wrong practice of] the Vajrayāna, one will be born in hell. 2. Due to erroneous views, [one will be born] among the hungry ghosts. 3. Due to erroneous deeds, [one will be born] among the animals. 4. Due to erroneous conduct, [one will be born] among the assistants in hell. 5. Due to the erroneous objects of [one’s] offerings, [one will be born] among heretics. 6. Due to the erroneous objects of [one’s] vows, [one] will bring harm. 7. Due to an error caused by means of a secret dhāraṇī, [one] will cause obstacles. 8. Due to an error caused by wrong understanding of the truth, [one] will bring harm. If one asks what the eight mundane concerns (yirtinčü-​yin naiman nom; Skrt. aṣṭalokadharma) are, they are [as follows]:

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  35

1. Gain (olǰa; Skrt. lābha) 2. Loss (olǰa ügei; Skrt. alābha) 3. Pleasure (ǰirγaqu; Skrt. sukha) 4. Pain (ülü ǰirγaqu; Skrt. duḥkha) 5. Fame (sayin aldar; Skrt. yaśas) 6. Disgrace (maγui aldar; Skrt. ayaśas) 7. Praise (maγtaqui; Skrt. praśaṃsā) 8. Blame (doromǰilaqui; Skrt. nindā).

If one asks what the eight [types of] brightness69 (naiman gegegen) are, they are [as follows]:

1. Brightness of will (duran-​u gegegen) 2. Brightness of intellect (oyun-​u gegegen) 3. Brightness of intention (onol-​un gegegen) 4. Brightness of knowledge (bilig-​ün gegegen) 5. Brightness of supernatural knowledge (ǰöng bilig-​ün gegegen) 6. Brightness of meditation (bisilγal-​un gegegen) 7. [missing] 8. [missing].

Notes 1. The full text of the Čiqula kereglegči was translated into Polish and commented upon by A. Bareja-​Starzyńska in 2006. See Sziregetü Güüszi Czordżi, Czikula Kereglegczi. Zasady buddyzmu (wstęp, przekład i opracowanie Agata Bareja-​Starzyńska) (Czikula Kereglegczi. The Buddhist Principles, edited, translated, and annotated by Agata Bareja-​Starzyńska (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2006). 2. It can be added that there is another Mongolian text very similar in content and entitled Üzeqser tusatai čuxula kereqtü, compiled by the Oirat Zaya Pandita Nam mkha’i rgya mtsho (1599–​1662). See Vladimir Uspensky, “Some Oirat Manuscripts in the Collection of the St. Petersburg University Library,” Studia Indologiczne (Proceedings of the International Seminar on Buddhism “Aspects of Buddhism” in Liw, 1997) 4: 195–​202. 3. Editorial note: Since there are many manuscripts of the Ciqula kereglegci it was decided to rely on the Paris manuscript (facsimile published by W. Heissig 1959) as the main version, while the other manuscripts were consulted and mentioned in the footnotes if necessary. 4. Literally, “external.”

36  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 5. These are properly listed in two manuscripts preserved in the Library of the Inner Mongolia Academy of Social Sciences in Khökhöt (heareafter Huh), No. 03489 and No. 02311. In other manuscripts there is a “five” (tabun) erroneously written. 6. Literally, the Mongolian translation arilaqui-​a berke γaǰar means “difficult to cleanse” in the sense of “difficult to train” for “difficult to conquer, or to master” as in the Sanskrit sudurjayā-​bhūmi and the Tibetan shin tu sbyang dka’ ba’i sa. 7. These twelve sets of one hundred qualities differ in details when compared with standard descriptions. See A Brief Guide to the Stages and Paths of the Bodhisattvas by Patrul Rinpoche (http://​www.lotsawahouse.org/​tibetan-​masters/​patrul-​rinpoche/​ stages-​and-​path). 8. It is known in Sanskrit as trimaṇḍala-​pariśuddham. 9. Often described as the “certainty of the perfect teacher,” that is, as one having a body adorned with the attributes of the Buddha. 10. Often translated as “wisdom.” Usually there is a division into five kinds of wisdom (Skrt. pañcajñāna). 11. Correctly written in the Huh manuscript, 55v17. 12. The proper reading in the Huh manuscript, f. 64v16–​17. 13. The Mongolian form differs from the one in the Mahāvyutpatti (3087) and is incorrect; however, it appears regularly in this way throughout the text. 14. The correct version in the Huh manuscript, f. 67r17. 15. In the Mongolian version there is toyin sibaγanča, meaning “noble nun” instead of “female arhat” (Skrt. mātur arhantyā dūṣaṇam; Tib. ma dgra bcom pa sun phyung ba). 16. In standard versions the “stream-​enterers” are not mentioned. Instead, the term “disciples” (Skrt. śaikṣasya; Tib. slob pa) occurs. Mahāvyutpatti, 2332. 17. It reads literally in Mongolian “robbing a palace of the Saṅgha.” 18. Written as örgül (“reverence”). 19. The Tibetan word srid pa (“existence”) was mistakenly read as sred pa (“craving”). 20. It should read the “flood of continuing existence” (Skrt. bhavaugha). Once again, the Tibetan srid pa (“existence”) was mistaken for sred pa (“craving”). 21. In other manuscripts than Paris it is mören. 22. In the Mongolian language, this literally means “thinker,” although the term refers to “inverted views.” 23. In the Huh manuscript, f. 68v10, mör (“way,” “path”) is added. 24. The Mongolian term üneker tebčiküi literally means “true abandonment,” and as a Buddhist technical term, it should be understood in its Buddhist context, translated as “effort.” 25. This should read “flexibility” or “tranquility” (Skrt. praśrabdhibodhyaṅga; Tib. shin tu sbyangs pa yang dag byang chub kyi yan lag). See footnote 5. 26. The correct Mongolian version is samadi in the Huh manuscript No. 02311, f. 61r5. 27. Correctly written in the Huh manuscript, f. 70v12. 28. The correct reading is örösiyeküi. 29. This version is in the Huh manuscript, f. 71v15. In the Paris manuscript, f. 51r23, it reads ilγal (“difference”).

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  37 30. This is missing in the Paris manuscript, but it is present in the Huh manuscript, f. 71v21. 31. The Mongolian form is not clear; the Sanskrit standard expression is:  kṣānti (“patience”). 32. The Mongolian term must have been transmitted through the Tibetan language, where the term gnas can be used both as the verb “to be,” or “to be located,” and as the noun “place.” The Mongolian form was translated as the noun oron (“place”), here in the plural (orod). 33. The “three poisons” are missing in the standard Sanskrit lists. “Poison” is written in Mongolian erroneously as qorus for qoor-​a. The Sanskrit version sarvāśravakṣayajñānavaiśāradya means “the confidence that all defilements have been destroyed,” while in the Mongolian version, the word “destroyed” is missing. 34. The Mongolian term aman is added in the Vilno manuscript, f. 156,1. 35. The Sanskrit version sarvasaṃpadadhigamāya nairyāṇikapratipattathātvavaiśāradya means “the confidence that all marvelous qualities are achieved through the path.” In the Mongolian version, the phrase “thirty seven dharmas” probably refers to the thirty-​seven “factors of enlightenment” (Skrt. bodhipākṣikadharma). 36. Wrongly written as unaqui in the Paris manuscript, f. 52r5–​6. The correct reading in other manuscripts is uqaqui (in, for example, the Huh manuscript, f. 72v18). 37. Mongolian qorus for qoor-​a (“poison”). 38. For Sanskrit version smṛti (“recollection”) the Mongolian reads diyan (“meditative absorption”). 39. In the Paris manuscript, the negation ülü is missing. 40. The full version is in the Huh manuscript, f. 73r25–​73v2. 41. The full version in the Huh manuscript, f. 73v2. 42. The three kinds of knowledge set forth in the Abhisamayālaṃkāra. 43. Otherwise it is called “knowledge of bases” (Skrt. vastujñāna). 44. There are twelve names listed out of the fifteen that are given in the Mahāvyutpatti (Mvy 4667–​4683, Mong. version Nos. 4653–​4669) as a group of names for ātman used by the heretics (Tib. mu stegs can gyi bdag tu brjod pa). 45. In the Mongolian version, küčüten (“powerful”) stems from küčün (“power”), probably a translation of the Tibetan shed las skyes, where shed means “power”; the whole term translates the Sanskrit manuja, “born from Manu,” the progenitor of humankind. 46. The Mongolian version translates the Tibetan shed bu, a translation of the Skrt. “son of Manu.” See the explanation of shed in the previous note. 47. This translates the Tibetan shes pa po, which is an equivalent of the Skrt. jānaka (“father,” “productive”). 48. Missing in the Paris manuscript, but present in others, for example in the manuscripts I24 f.18v6, Vilno, p. 160. 49. Actually three aspects are mentioned and they are not the four applications of mindfulness (Skrt. smṛtyupasthāna).

38  Agata Bareja-Starzyńska 50. In BHSD 614 (2), the three aspects are mentioned as Skrt. triny āvenikāni-​ smṛtyupasthāna: “Buddha is neither elated nor depressed when his audience is responsive, unresponsive, or partly both.” 51. Mentioned in BHSD 36b in the list of ten recollections. 52. The Mongolian form reflects the Tibetan word thos pa, which means “listening,” and does apply to the wider sense of the Sanskrit word śruta (“learning”). 53. The list is the same as in BHSD p.  275a, whereas in The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism (p.  775), “shame” and “decency” are paired as one term (Skrt. hryapatrāpya), while “vigor” (Skrt. vīrya) appears to complete the seven terms. 54. This version appears in the Huh manuscript No. 02311 f. 64 v27. In the Paris manuscript, f. 53v7–​8, it reads, wrongly, ebčin taqul ögkü (“to give plague”). In the Tibetan version: nad med pa (“lack of illness”). 55. For all explanations about the Mongolian word kündü (literally “heavy,” “grave”) being an equivalent of the Tibetan lci ba, see http://​www.rigpawiki.org/​index. php?title=Sixteen_​serious_​faults. 56. Tib. mi chos la mna’ zos nyams pa lci. 57. Tib. nyan po la ‘dul khrims nyams pa lci. 58. Tib. byang chub sems dpa’ la bslab khrims nyams pa lci. 59. Tib. gsang sngags la dam tshig nyams pa lci. 60. Tib. sgom chen gyi phyag lci. 61. Tib. sgom sgrub mkhan gyi zas lci. 62. Tib. sngags pa’i nor lci. 63. Tib. mkhas pa’i gong lci. In the Paris manuscript the word ünen has been added to kündü. 64. Tib. gti mug dbang gis ’phags pa’i sku la smod pa lci. 65. Tib. nga rgyal dbang gis bden pa’i tshig la smod pa lci. 66. Tib. phrag dog dbang gis grogs kyi yon tan la smod pa lci. Instead of the Tibetan grogs (“friends”), the Mongolian version reads “others,” written in several corrupted ways: in the Paris manuscript, f. 53v22, it reads as öbürün (“front”); in the Paris manuscript, f. 65r13: ögürün-​ün; in the Vilnius manuscript, p. 162, as öber-​ün (“one’s own”). 67. Tib. phyogs ris dbang gis lha la blang dor byas pa lci. Instead of the Tibetan version’s lha (“deity”), the Mongolian version reads “exalted ones” (qutuγ-​tan). 68. This list differs from standard lists. 69. The last two terms are missing in all manuscripts. However, in the Oirat version of a similar manual of Buddhism (Čuqula kereqtü), the last two terms occur as nom (“Dharma”) and as ünen (“truth”).

Bibliography Bareja, Agata. 1991. “A Note on the Chapter on Tibetan History in Čiqula kereglegči.” In Tibetan History and Language, edited by Ernst Steinkellner, 1–​ 7. Vienna: Universität Wien.

Siregetü Güüsi Čorǰi’s Treatise  39 Bareja, Agata. 1992. “A Preliminary Note on Ciqula kereglegci—​A Mongolian Treatise on Buddhism.” In Proceedings of the 33rd Meeting of PIAC in Budapest, 1990, Altaic Religious Beliefs and Practices, edited by Geza Bethlenfalvy, Agnes Birtalan, Alice Sarkozi, Judit Vinkovics, 19–​23. Budapest:  Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Etvos Lorand University. Bareja-​Starzyńska, Agata. 1997. “The Essentials of Buddhism in the Ciqula kereglegci, the 16th -​Century Mongolian Buddhist Treatise.” Studia Indologiczne (Proceedings of the International Seminar on Buddhism “Aspects of Buddhism” in Liw, Poland, 1994) 4:1–​30. Bareja-​Starzyńska, Agata. 2002. “Brief Study of the Mongolian Transmission of the Buddhist Treatise Śes bya rab gsal by ’Phags pa bla ma Blo gros rgyal mtshan.” In Tractata Tibetica et Mongolica. Festschrift für Klaus Sagaster zum 65. Geburstag, edited by Karenina Kollmar-​ Paulenz and Christien Peter, 13–​ 20. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag. Bareja-​Starzyńska, Agata. 2005. “Oirat (Western Mongolian) Buddhist Terminology Based on the 17th-​Century Cuxula kereqtu by Zaya Pandita Nam mkha’i rgya mtsho.” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 58(1): 33–​38. Bareja-​Starzyńska, Agata, trans. 2006. Sziregetü Güüszi Czordżi. Czikula Kereglegczi. Zasady buddyzmu (wstęp, przekład i opracowanie (Czikula Kereglegczi. The Buddhist Principles). Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Buswell, Robert E., and Donald, Lopez Jr., eds. 2014. The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Edgerton, Franklin. 1953. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary. New Haven, CT:  Yale University Press. Heissig, Walter. 1959. Die Familien-​ und Kirchengeschitsschreibung. Wiesbaden, Germany: Otto Harrassowitz. Kovalevskiji, Osip, M. 1837. Buddijskaja kosmologia. Kazan: Publisher unknown. Lessing, Ferdinand, D. 1972. Mongolian-​English Dictionary. Bloomington, IN:  The Mongolia Society. Patrul, Rinpoche. Brief Guide to the Stages and Paths of the Bodhisattvas. (http://​www. lotsawahouse.org/​tibetan-​masters/​patrul-​rinpoche/​stages-​and-​path). Uspensky, Vladimir. 1997. “Some Oirat Manuscripts in the Collection of the St. Petersburg University Library.” Studia Indologiczne (Proceedings of the International Seminar on Buddhism “Aspects of Buddhism” in Liw) 4: 195–​202.

3

The Autobiography of the First Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley Sangseraima Ujeed

Introduction The First Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley (Tib. Blo bzang ‘phrin las, Mong. Lobsangphrinle, 1642–​1715)1 was a seventeenth-​century Gélukpa scholar of Khalkha Mongolia, who will henceforth be referred to as Zaya Paṇḍita. During the seventeenth century, he was upheld as one of the “Three Butter Lamps”2 of Buddhism in Mongolia, along with the First Jebtsundamba Khutugtu, Lobsang Tenpé Gyaltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1635–​1723),3 and the first Lamin Gegeen, Lobsang Tendzin Gyaltsen (Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan, 1639–​1704).4 Together with the Lamin Gegeen, the two were also known as the “two sun and moon-​like disciples” of the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu.5 Today, Zaya Paṇḍita remains known as one of the most prolific Mongolian Buddhist masters and is remembered as a pivotal scholar, teacher, historian, adept of Buddhist medicine, and biographer, owing mainly to his vast encyclopedic work, Clear Mirror: A Record [of Teachings] Received (Thob yig gsal ba’i me long). Zaya Paṇḍita was born in 1642 in Mukhar Khujirt, a place now known as Arkhangai Province (aimag) of Khalkha Mongolia. At the age of three, he was recognized as a reincarnation of Sain Noyan Köndülün or Köndelen Tsökür (1558–​ 1640).6 At the age of twelve, he became a disciple of the First Jebtsundamba and was granted the title “Noyan Khutugtu.” At the age of nineteen, he went to Tibet and received his full monastic ordination from the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–​ 1682). After his stay in Lhasa, he traveled to Tashi Lhunpo (Bkra shis lhun po) monastery, where he met and studied with the First Panchen Lama, Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen (Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1570–​1662). In 1678, the title Zaya Paṇḍita was bestowed upon him by the Fifth Dalai Lama, and a year later he was sent back to Mongolia to spread the Dharma among the Mongols. Upon his return to Khalkha, he was enthroned as the abbot of Zayin Khüree7 and established many other temples and monasteries. Aside from the aforementioned Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs, he had the privilege of studying and forming close

Sangseraima Ujeed, The Autobiography of the First Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0003

44  Sangseraima Ujeed relations with many other historically important Buddhist masters of the Gèluk tradition. He is renowned as a prolific writer, composing his first written work at the age of seventeen, a prayer book called Prayer to the Buddha (Bogdiin Zalbiral). He composed works in both Mongolian and Tibetan languages, including prayers, commentaries, philosophical treatises, poems, and historical and biographical works. Some of his notable writings include the first Mongolian-​authored commentary on Daṇḍin’s Kāvyādarśa (“Mirror of Poetics”), which he composed in 1670, when he was only twenty-​eight. This commentary, titled Melody That Delights the Children of Brahmā: An Illustration of the Thirty-​Five Ornaments of Meaning,8 had an enormous influence on the kāvya style of poetic writing in Mongolia.9 There are two main biographical sources for the study of Zaya Paṇḍita, which are considered the most authoritative accounts of his life. The first is his autobiography (thirty-​three folios), found in the second volume of his Collected Works10 and titled The Lamp That Completely Clarifies the Manner in Which He Himself [the Monk Zaya Paṇḍita] Lived His Life in Saṃsāra, from the Compilation of the Words of the Shākya Monk Blo bzang ’phrin las.11 The second work is a biography of Zaya Paṇḍita composed by one of his closest disciples, Kangyurpa Mergen Nomon Khan (Bka’ ‘gyur ba Mer gen no mon han),12 titled The Biography of the Master of the Supreme King of Maṇḍalas, the Vajra Holder Zaya Paṇḍita Lobzang trinley, [Which Is Like] the Lord of the Wish-​Fulfilling Trees.13 It was composed in stanzas, each consisting of nine syllables, and was influenced by Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography.14 This work was presumably written by Zaya Paṇḍita or dictated to one of his disciples soon after his return to Mongolia from Tibet because it does not span the entirety of his life. It leaves out important historical episodes, such as the revolt of Galdan Boshughtu,15 as well as Zaya Paṇdita’s travels to Southern Mongolia and to the Qing court. One can surmise from the narrative’s omissions that it may have been written in 1682 or 1683. The colophon of the work cuts the narrative short as if finished in a hurry and does not give much information about the circumstances surrounding its compilation: [33a] “.  .  .  I  offered the empowerment of Yamāntaka, the eleven-​ faced Avalokiteśvara, etc., and many types of permissions, transmissions, empowerments, and so on. May prosperity and happiness increase!”

Although his autobiography does not account for his entire life, it gives detailed information about his education and activities in Tibet. Based on the information from the two primary sources discussed earlier and those contained in the various Mongolian-​language secondary sources kept in Ulaanbaatar and Inner Mongolia,16 the life of Zaya Paṇḍita in a nutshell is as follows. The two primary sources hold that the reincarnation lineage of Zaya Paṇḍita began in India;

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  45 he was born five times there, three times in Tibet,17 and once in Mongolia as Tümenkin Sain Noyan Khöndülüng Tsökhür (1558–​1640) before taking birth as the First Zaya Paṇḍita, Lobsang Trinley (Blo bzang ‘phrin las).18 His reincarnation lineage has been kept alive, and the present reincarnation, the Seventh Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Tendzin Phuljung Jigmé Palzang (Blo bzang bstan ‘dzin phul ‘byung ‘jigs med dpal bzang), spends his time at his monastery of Zayin Khüree and in his home in Ulaanbaatar.19 Zaya Paṇḍita’s reincarnation line20 is quite unique, for he is the reincarnation of an ethnically Mongolian lay Chinggisid prince. The aforementioned Mongolian incarnation directly preceding Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley was a brother of Abatai Sayin Khaan21 and the fourth son of Ogonukhu Üijeng Noyan. Ogonukhu Üizen (Üiǰeng) Noyan was the third son of Jalayir Khungtaiji Geresenji, who belonged to the direct bloodline of Chinggis Khaan.22 He played a major role in spreading Buddhism in Mongolia in the sixteenth century and was the first to initiate the tradition of pilgrimage from Mongolia to Tibet, as well as the construction of Erdene Zuu monastery in 1586, with the assistance of his brother Abatai Khan. Zaya Paṇḍita was born in a region of the Khangai mountain range23 of Khalkha Mongolia at daybreak on the fifteenth day of the auspicious saga dawa month24 in 1642, which coincides with the enthronement of the Fifth Dalai Lama as the supreme ruler of Tibet. At the age of five, he received the upāsaka vows in the presence of Rabjampa Lodrö Gyatso (Rab ‘byams pa Blo gros rgya mtsho).25 In 1653, he met the First Jebtsundamba Lobsang Tenpé Gyaltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan) and was given the title of Noyan Khutugtu. In 1656, at the age of fourteen, he became famous in Mongolia as “the eye of the world” (deged ertöntsni nüd).26 In the autumn of 1660, he left Mongolia for Lhasa, arriving in 1661, the same year when the enthronement of Enkh Amgalan Khan of the Qing Empire took place. There, he met the Great Fifth Dalai Lama for the first time, receiving from him first the novice vows and later his full ordination in 1664. During his time in Tibet, he traveled extensively between Lhasa and Phabongkha, Sera, Drepung, Tashi Lhunpo, Ganden, and Gotsang monasteries, where he received many teachings, explanations, practices, blessings, permissions, empowerments, and textual transmissions. Upon his return to Mongolia in 1688, due to the Galdan Boshugthu War,27 Zaya Paṇḍita went to Southern Mongolia together with the Jebtsundamba and stayed in Khökhhot, Dolonuur, and later Beijing.28 In 1691, he met with the Kangxi Emperor (1654–​1722) at his palace in Beijing and was given the title of zasag (dza sag).29 Three years later he returned to Beijing to meet with the emperor. According to the summary of the biography written by Ganjurpa Mergen Nomon Khan, the Kangxi Emperor wished for Zaya Paṇḍita to stay at the Qing court, but he declined the offer due to his desire to pursue religious activities.

46  Sangseraima Ujeed After his return from Southern Mongolia and China in 1696, Zaya Paṇḍita built his own monastery called Günden,30 which became his permanent residence in Khalkha thereafter.31 It is said that his personal monastic complex was home to one thousand monks at its peak, with four thousand resident during religious festivals (nomin khural). He had over one thousand disciples and five thousand subjects (shavi) for the maintenance of his monastery.32 His personal library was full of Chinese, Tibetan, Manchu, and Sanskrit books.33 The presence in Zaya Paṇḍita’s personal library of Buddhist texts in such a variety of different languages suggests that the Tibetan Buddhist world of the seventeenth century was very much cosmopolitan in nature. The fact that Zaya Paṇḍita traveled extensively is reflected in the books kept in his monastery.34 Always desiring to return to Tibet, he finally sought permission from the Kangxi Emperor to do so in 1711. However, after detailed discussion of the matter with the First Jebtsundamba, he decided to stay in Mongolia due to his age and poor health.35 On the twentieth day of the first month of the year 1715, he died at the age of seventy-​three, and his remains were entombed in a stūpa at his own monastery, Zayin Khüree.

Remarks on Zaya Paṇḍita’s Autobiography Among Buddhist works composed in Tibetan by Mongolian scholars, autobiographies are considerably fewer in number than biographies.36 Sarah Shaw pointed out in her work that “autobiography tends to emerge at times when there is a particular need to assert a single identity . . . when the ‘I’ feels that it differs a little from other ‘I’s’ that happen to be around.”37 In the context of the competitive and unstable situation of Inner Asia during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the rise in autobiographical writing echoes the heightened need to define what constitutes self and other. Hence, Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography should not be read merely as a retrospective narrative of his personal history and educational development or as a demonstration of his religious authority in Mongolia. Here he situates his personal history primarily in his religious lineage and less in his family lineage. Overall, Tibetan and Mongolian authors of biographies and autobiographies follow a standardized style and structure, which can be traced back to the most exemplary of all Buddhist lives—​that of the Buddha. The Buddha’s biographies, including the Jātaka narratives, identify lineages that link the Buddha to his karmic past as well as to the lineages of previous and future Buddhas. These lineages have been employed by many Buddhist traditions and by their affiliated Buddhist rulers to trace their heritage back to the Buddha, thereby legitimizing and empowering their respective civil institutions.38 The life of the Buddha is often divided into “deeds” representing the most notable events in his life. There

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  47 are two common divisions, one into “eight deeds” and a later division into “twelve deeds,” with the latter being the model most favored in Tibet and Mongolia.39 In this sense, the life of a Mongolian Buddhist master is understood by himself and also by those in his lineage in the context of religious experiences as well as in light of the exemplary life of the Buddha himself. As Shaw states, “autobiographies and biographies at all historical periods are like plants that adapt and grow in soils, dependent on readership or audience, intention, the type of text involved, social, personal, and religious expectations, and even economic considerations.”40 The corpus of autobiographical writing left by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama Nawang Lobsang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617–​1682) is the largest in Tibetan history, and the stylistic and structural features of his writing became something of a prototype for Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist autobiographical writing thereafter. It hugely influenced Zaya Paṇḍita, as he himself states in the colophon of his masterpiece, his records of teachings received, entitled The Clear Mirro of the Records of Teachings Received (Thob yig gsal ba’i me long). The autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama41 is consciously styled as a departure from earlier autobiographies, which he deemed either too difficult to understand or too evasive when treating their subject’s actions.42 Similar to the Fifth Dalai Lama’s autobiography, Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography is structured like a diary recording the innumerable services he presided over, consecrations he performed, sermons he gave, audiences he granted, and envoys he received.43 Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography intended to strengthen the image of the lineage to which he belonged as authoritative and legitimate. Furthermore, it also served as inspiration for his Tibetan and Mongolian disciples within the Gèluk lineage upon whom the task of maintaining the tradition into the future depended.44 In this sense, his autobiography can be seen as a piece of a more comprehensive puzzle that maps out his Buddhist Géluk lineage as it came to form a tradition in Mongolia. Thus, his life story can be compared to a chapter within the much bigger “biography” of the Géluk lineage in Tibet and Mongolia.45 As part of a larger religious whole, it would seem fitting that Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography follows the standardized stylistic and structural features of Tibetan Buddhist biographies.

The Structure of Zaya Paṇḍita’s Autobiography Upon closer examination, the subsections that constitute the thirty-​three-​folio-​ long autobiography can be divided in the following manner: 1. Dedication

48  Sangseraima Ujeed 2. Homage to Mañjughoṣa, the teachers, tutelary deities, ḍākas, ḍākinīs, and protectors 3. Introduction 4. An account of Zaya Paṇḍita’s disciples and patrons urging him time and time again to record his life story, and of him giving a list of reasons as to why his life is one not worthy of recording 5. Previous incarnations 6. Zaya Paṇḍita’s description of the life and merits of his most notable Mongolian incarnation, Tümenkin Sain Noyan Khöndülüng Tsökhür, and another incarnation between Tümenkin Sain Noyan Khöndülüng Tsökhür and himself, which is not recorded in any secondary source examined so far: “I was born as a son of one who was blind, who went to play games, and upon returning thirsty from play, I drank some contaminated water. It is said that because of this, I died and then I was reborn. I heard this from my parents.”46





7. Birth 8. Religious training and education in Mongolia 9. Taking upāsaka vows from the Vinaya holder Ramjampa Lodrö Gyatso (Rab ’byams pa Blo gros rgya mtsho, 1610–​1659)47 10. Taking initiatory vows from the Dharma lord Gedün Sönam (Dge ’dun bsod nams) 11. Meeting and recognizing the First Jebtsundamba as his teacher and lifelong friend 12. Receiving teachings from Mongolian masters 13. Training and education in Tibet 14. Taking his śrāmaṇera vows from the Fifth Dalai Lama in the spring of 1655 15. Making the decision to stay in Tashi Lhunpo monastery 16. Receiving teachings, practices, practice permissions, empowerments, and transmissions from Tibetan masters48 17. Dreams, divinations, and prophecies associated with his religious training and practice 18. Overcoming various obstacles, such as sickness, challenges in his monastic education, and the rivalry of his peers 19. Receiving advice and help in recovering from illness from his teachers, the Fifth Dalai Lama and Desi Sangyé Gyatso (Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho) 20. Returning to Mongolia

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  49 21. Upon his return to Mongolia, passing on to the Jebtsundamba the instructions given to him by the Fifth Dalai Lama regarding specific teachings and practices 22. Bestowing teachings, permissions, initiations, and transmissions

The Contents of Zaya Paṇḍita’s Autobiography Zaya Paṇḍita was the first Mongolian to compose autobiographical and biographical works in Tibetan, which had a great impact on subsequent biographical writing in Mongolia. In Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography, the sections covering his training and education far outnumber the other sections. This suggests that this autobiography was compiled primarily to demonstrate his exemplary religious education in the course of nineteen years of training in Tibet. In this respect, we could say that Zaya Paṇḍita chose to represent his life through his religious credentials in training and education, as the largest part of the autobiography consists of lists of teachings, permissions, instructions, and transmissions received. At the time when Zaya Paṇḍita went to study in Tibet, Gèlukpa monastic institutions were becoming the most powerful centers of religion and politics in Tibet, and they were to remain as such for the next few centuries. Being from a noble background and receiving patronage from high-​ranking political and religious individuals of Khalkha, Zaya Paṇḍita received the most exemplary monastic education on offer in Tibet, training under the most prolific teachers at the top monastic colleges of Central Tibet. Although Zaya Paṇḍita weaves his autobiographical narrative around his religious training and education, its overall structure represents what the author saw to be the standardized Tibetan Buddhist rnam thar. The content of his autobiography creates the image of a highly learned Buddhist master who represented a strong and authoritative tradition. As a Mongolian Gèlukpa master who would return to his own country from training in Tibet, the task of propagating his tradition would fall upon him and a handful of other learned masters. In Zaya Paṇḍita’s case, it was the Fifth Dalai Lama himself who commanded his return to Mongolia to spread the Gèluk teachings. Thus, he became an important disseminator of Gèluk Buddhism in Mongolia. In this case, not only did his autobiography serve as inspiration for later disciples, it also contributed to the image of a strong lineage of accomplished masters and illustrated Zaya Paṇḍita’s impressive “Monastic Curriculum Vitae.” The structure of this autobiography is itself reminiscent of a thob yig (“Records of Teachings Received”), indicating the need for this work to be read together with his masterpiece, The Clear Mirror of the Record of Teachings Received (Thob

50  Sangseraima Ujeed yig gsal ba’i me long), as well as the rest of his large corpus of writings, including the biographies of other Buddhist masters found in his Clear Mirror.

Translated Text Zaya Paṇḍita’s Autobiography [1a] This is a lamp that completely clarifies the manner in which he himself [the monk Zaya Paṇḍita] lived his life in saṃsāra, from the compiled works of the Śākya monk Lobsang Trinley. [1b] I pay homage to the Guru Mañjughoṣa. I pay homage to the glorious root gurus, whose kindness is supreme Regardless of [their] supremacy in all the eons, Whose helpless followers, just by being mindful of their names, Are freed from the dangers of the extremes of samsāra and nirvāṇa and are granted continuous well-​being. I devotedly pay homage with my body, speech, and mind to The tutelary deities who bestow the ordinary and supreme siddhis, To the ḍākas and ḍākinīs, and to the ocean of the Oath-​bound guardians of the teachings, who remove all obstacles, I bow to all of you who are the unfailing refuge. Like a child looking in a mirror, who mistakes that which is similar to an illusion as real, my disciples and patrons who mistook me as supreme exhorted me again and again, saying, “You should record your life in writing!” Thus, in the face of this exhortation, I hid all my bad behavior like hiding treasure underground, and in order to make the few good deeds of mine that appear to be in accordance with the Dharma known to others, I cast off my shame [2a] and diligently state them here. There is no doubt about my wanderings in saṃsāra. Furthermore, in this degenerate age, those acting with bad conduct are praised, and those acting with noble conduct are disgraced, which is the cause of the noble ones’ shame and worry. It is also why I am criticized by those who dislike me, [saying that I] have fallen under the power of the eight mundane concerns and have not been able to turn away from them, and that for my whole life, it was through deception that I was sustained by donations such as the offerings of the faithful, the wealth of the deceased, and so on. It is in this manner that [they say] I have acted for the sake of the mundane [concerns], and as a result, wasted this precious human existence.

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  51 In front of the sublime and excellent lamas who are the embodiment of the perfected Buddhas, having accepted the vast and profound explanations, empowerments, and transmissions, [and for the sake of] spreading the gift of the Dharma for the benefit of the teachers and sentient beings, the account of my life, which is a mix of wholesome and unwholesome [2b] that cannot be hidden from my own mind, is presented by me and described clearly. Listen to that account! In my previous life I was a renowned individual. I was a glorious, famous, and learned hero known as Khung du lung tshos khur (Mong. Khöndülüng Tsökhür), who possessed supreme virtue and piety. Since the time of the universal emperor Chinggis Khan, who became Khan by the power of Eternal Heaven, twenty-​six generations had passed. That brings us to the time of the one called Pa thu mung khu Ta yang H’an,49 who had eleven sons. Of them, the tenth son was named Tsala’lir Khung Taiji, who had seven sons. The eldest of these seven sons was an intelligent individual whose name was U’i-​tshen Noyon, and he had six sons. [In my previous life, I was] the third [of those six sons], and [I]‌will tell a brief account regarding his history and deeds. That lord was courageous, wise, and intelligent. Although he did not have the title of Khaan himself, he was responsible for both religion and politics in the seven princedoms. He created the first road that goes to and from Tibet. He went to Tibet and paid respects to the two Śākyamuni statues,50 the Panchen Rinpoche and the great Bodhisattva Demo Tulku (De mo Sprul sku), and he offered them great offerings and gifts. To the three main monasteries of Sera, Drepung, and Ganden, to Tashi Lhunpo, and to the other great and small monasteries, he distributed many donations. He also offered 10,000 ounces (srang) of silver for erecting the silver funerary statue of the omniscient Fourth Dalai Lama Yonten Gyatso (Yon tan rgya mtsho, 1589–​ 1617). Due to his faith, he touched the crown of his head to the [religious] support and was invited as the sponsor for erecting the silver statue. The all-​knowing Panchen Lama himself [3a] placed a silver seal carved with [the words] “Dharma King Aśoka, Khun du lung tshos khur,” together with his other titles, among the objects of offering in Tsongkhapa’s alms bowl for three nights, and then bestowed it upon him (Khung dulung tshos khur). Today, this seal is in my possession. After the great lord had passed away, at the time when his body was being cremated, on the crown of his skull appeared the image of Amitābha, and on his feet the letter “A” appeared by itself. Furthermore, a right-​spiraled conch and many other relics appeared [in the ashes]. These relics were all put inside the gsungs gshug51 of the four-​armed Avalokiteśvara that was erected for the funeral service. I myself have seen the self-​manifested letter “A.” I have memories of my life as that lord, although I didn’t know it, but because the Panchen Rinpoche prophesied so regarding the recognition [of my rebirths], I would be ashamed to analyze it any further. At the time when I reached the age of three or four, I heard from my parents that I said [when I was younger] I was previously born as the son of a

52  Sangseraima Ujeed blind man in Tibet. When he [the son] went out to play, he felt thirsty and drank some contaminated water and died. [Before he died], he was said to have stated, “I will be born again here.” From my childhood, I heard from my family that I spoke of many things from my previous births—​either this was due to me having true conviction or it was merely idle talk. The place I was born is known as Khangaikhang, which possesses ten virtuous qualities. There is a place in Khangaikhang called Huchingthu in the area of Khasulung. There, my father [3b] was a monk under the Dharma Lord Jinpa Dargye (Sbyin pa dar rgyas) of Cone (Mtsho sna) monastery in Amdo. When he was performing the long-​life ritual for his master, he took a wife, and I was born from that [union] in the country of Mongolia. My father’s name is Zungthar; he was kind-​hearted, possessed faith, and was an honest and gentle person. As for my mother, her name was Orkhitai. She was an honest person. Before me, [my parents] had six sons, but they all passed away. I have one older sister, one younger brother, and two younger sisters. Out of the five of us, I am the second eldest. I was born in 1642. I was born during the early [dawn] when the sun was just about to rise on the day of the great festival on the fifteenth day of the month of Saga Dawa (Sa ga zla ba). After two or three months had passed, during the night of the auspicious day of Uslagang, I was wrapped up in cloths in the manner [done] for a wooden cradle and was bound firmly in a wrapped-​up upright position. However, I freed myself without the knots being untied and was sitting cross-​legged with my palms joined together—​this I heard from my mother, and she said that she saw it happen many times. I heard from my mother and father that when I was six or seven months old, at the time when I was able to sit [upright with help] in people’s laps, I prostrated many times toward the eastern direction, and I also spoke. A drought arose in 1644. It is prophesied in the Teachings of Atīśa and His Disciples (Bka’ gdams glegs bam) that, “during the time of the drought, if you recite the mantra of the great Dharmarāja Namkha Sönampal, by this blessing, the epidemic will be uprooted from its sources,” but there were none who understood. [4a] As I do not remember what happened, I am not a reliable source to write about it. When I reached the age of five, in the presence of the great Vinaya holder Rabjampa Lodrö Gyatso (Rabs byams pa Blo gros rgya mtsho) from Sina, I received the upāsaka (dge bsnyen) vows. From the age of five onward, I was taught by the great master, the leader of the assembly, Sherab Rinchen (Shes rab rin chen). On the side, until I reached the age of eight, I was also instructed to memorize rituals of the thirteen Yamāntaka deities, Six-​armed [Ṣaḍbhuja] Yamāntaka, Śrīdevī, Vaiśravaṇa, and so on; I was able to memorize most of them and practice them. I also took as support the Tārā [prayers], the Heart Sūtra, and so on, and memorized them. At the age of ten, I began memorizing the five aspirational

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  53 prayers of Sitāpatrā,52 and the longevity rituals of Amitāyus. At the time of the New Year of 1653, at the time of paying homage, I fully memorized them all. In 1653, because my merit had decreased, the gracious lord, the master Sherab Rinchen (Shes rabs rin chen), passed away. I was distracted for some years with play, and although I am not completely certain about my memories, in a dream one night, a lama calling himself the “Victorious One Tsongkhapa” sat atop a throne at the right side of my ger.53 Seeing him, I thought, “but I’d heard that this lord had a big nose.” I wondered whether this was really true. Then, I saw him leave through the centre of the ger that was opening into the sky, and then I woke up with a great feeling of happiness. In 1653, in all of China and Tibet, many great scholars and practitioners were born, such as the manifestation of the lord Jamyang Chöje (‘Jam dbyangs chos rje) who took birth willingly for the sake of teaching sentient beings in the northern direction [4b]. I met with the venerable Lobsang Tenpe Gyaltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan)54 and requested the profound longevity initiation ceremony, and I was also given the title Noyon Khutugtu by him. He also bestowed upon me his kindness in both the temporal and spiritual realms. From the Dharma lord Ngawang Lobsang Palsangpo (Ngag dbang blo bzang dpal bzang po), who is the reincarnation of a disciple of the second Buddha Tsongkhapa, I  received the permission bestowals (rjes gnang) of Yamāntaka without a consort, the Six-​armed Yamāntaka, Śrīdevī, and Vaiśravaṇa. Afterward, one night, in a dream, a man put a noose around my neck and was leading me away. After I escaped, there was a palace, and upon entering this palace there was an elderly lama sitting inside, who said that he was the venerable Panchen [Lama]. I prostrated to him and he blessed me with his hand and also bestowed upon me an oral transmission (lung) without missing a single word. Although I remembered it, the next morning, because I did not write it down, I forgot it; perhaps due to my forgetting, I was extremely ill that year. However, by the compassion of the gurus, I was freed from the illness. I learned reading and writing the Tibetan printed (dbu can) and cursive (dbu med) scripts without much effort. As for the Mongolian language, I studied it extensively, trained and strove for the sake of it. On the side, I also studied the Diamond Cutter (Vajracchedikā) and the so-​called “Wheel of Existence,” which shows the six classes of sentient beings, and the [Bodhisattva] stages and paths. [I also studied] the way of divination with dice carved with the six-​syllable mantra, by which one can analyze good and bad omens. All these I learned without much effort. I was able to broadly determine most of the Mongolian language. In 1654, I read for the first time the Making Amends with a Hundred Prostrations (Spang skong phyag brgya) texts. [5a] Because of seeing the benefits of the text, I strove and at first did ten thousand recitations, and subsequently I recited it once daily until I  came to Tibet, and then until the age of sixty-​seven, I  recited it daily

54  Sangseraima Ujeed without missing a single day. Later, when I missed a recitation, I supplemented it the next day, and so, by the blessings of the recitations, my life was long and what I wished for was fulfilled. At that time, I did not have much knowledge of the differentiation between the black and white [unwholesome and wholesome] objects of devotion, but after hearing the Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish (‘Dzangs blun)55 being read aloud, I developed a fear of death and faith in the doctrine of unwholesome and wholesome deeds. I relied on the one from Olkha (‘Ol kha),56 who is the eye of wisdom of the Tripiṭaka, the Dharma master called Gendün Sönam (Dge ’dun bsod nams). Relying on this lama and his instructions, I finished my studies. On the third day of that month, I was sent away to learn to read and speak Tibetan a little bit, and I also received the [tantric] initiation vows and several permissions. Although from an early age I had wished to become a layperson, I did not succumb to the lust that arose. So, in 1656, thinking, “I have not even learned a single virtuous quality; this will not do,” I did not become a layperson and went on to become a monk. I had the feeling that without any talents, it would be very difficult. So, I relied on the Mañjuśrī Dharma lord and studied the drawing (thig)57 of Munīndra [Śākyamuni] and Vajrapāṇi, the arts and crafts, and the conventional sciences, and I received the great empowerment (dbang) to become skilled in these. [5b] For a month and a half, I trained somewhat as a thangka painter, and although I wished to study for a little longer, because my teacher contracted a disease in his foot, I was not able to do so. After returning home, because of carelessly passing the time, I painted only two or three thangkas and was not able to continue with my efforts in thangka painting. Out of these, there were none that were completed or maintained vigorously, and so, learning thangka painting became mere words with no real skill behind them. In the spring of 1657, together with my master, the Dharma lord Gendün Sönam, I went to the venerable Jebtsundamba to obtain a hand blessing, long-​ life empowerments, the King of Samādhi (Samādhirāja Sūtra), and the Guruyoga based on the system of Vajrapāṇi compiled by the all-​ knowing Panchen Rinpoche. Because the Dharma lord Gendün Sonam and myself requested it, we received the oral transmission of the seven-​branch prayer58 compiled by the tulku himself (the lord Jebtsundamba). We offered a mold for a statue of the Panchen Lama, a fenced stūpa, and so on, other molds, and sacred items. In the summer of that year, the lord Jebtsundamba acted as the head of the gathering of the four groups for the first time at Erdene Zuu59 monastery. I went to meet him, and after greeting him, I received long-​life empowerments from him. That autumn, I went together with my master Gendün Sönam into the presence of the reincarnated one, Lobsang Tenzin Trinjampa (Blo bzang bstan ‘dzin ‘phrin rgyam pa), who is the reincarnation of one of the great masters from Kashmir,

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  55 to meet him and request blessings and long-​life empowerments [from him], and I also received the permission bestowals of the White Cakrasaṃvara and Avalokiteśvara. Without much effort,60 [6a] I learned the eighty different mask dances (cham), and when I requested the biography of his [the Jebtsundamba’s previous] incarnations, the composition in five stanzas that existed was bestowed upon me, and as I also wished to request to borrow the manuscript, I was given it, and saying, “There is great wisdom in this,” he was pleased and maintained his grace [for me]. In 1658, I returned to my homeland and I stopped playing during the morning, and even strove to chant. In the winter of that year, the profound scholar-​ translator, the Dharma lord Mahāpaṇḍita, became the head of our teachers and from him I learned the art of translation. He said, “Because you have all the good qualities and talents, you need to learn the art of medicine; if you do not learn, it will be a pity,” and he introduced me to many ways of preparing raw medicinal ingredients and general medicine. Afterward, I learned how to diagnose [illnesses] by taking the pulse and examining excrement and urine, and I was given a manuscript of the Sūtra of Excrement and Urine (Rtsa chu’i mdo). Although I had no desire to learn this, I did it in accordance with his instructions and became able to prepare several powders from the four precious substances and having seven qualities and I became able to benefit the sick by giving them medicine. Later, although I wanted to study it, I could not find a master, and because I was also distracted [by other things], what I learned was gone like a bird’s flight, leaving no trail. In the spring of 1659, I took as an example the Calling the Guru from Afar (Bla ma rgyang ‘bod) compiled by Panchen Rinpoche, who is the ruler of all, and relying on this, I  composed the supplication prayer to the great master Jebtsundamba. I  translated into Mongolian the purification liturgy that was compiled by the Panchen Lama based on the Vajra Vidāraṇa [deity] [6b]; afterward, I offered it to the Nomon Khan to proofread. He read it and said, “There is only one mistake in your translation; otherwise, it is perfect,” and I was pleased. In that summer, because of senseless chatter and games, I [only] carved words of praise onto a seal (tham kha), composed a few pieces, and made paintings of many head ornaments. In the autumn of that year, together with the seven clans, I went to receive teachings and acted as the attendant of the reincarnated lord Jebtsundamba, who governs sentient beings like a king. In the evenings, at the time of offering aspirational prayers, I attended the assemblies of gathered monks. During these assemblies, I saw some of [the monks] throw down their hands [in the manner of debate], and because of hearing the casting of the opening proclamation of debate, my mental power increased, and I thought, “If one becomes a novice and doesn’t learn to debate, it is very sad. Even if one has the characteristics of a renunciate, if he does not study for the sake of establishing

56  Sangseraima Ujeed the predisposition for learning to debate, then contemplating the achievement of a human birth is meaningless.” Thus, an extraordinary aspiration for learning to debate arose in me. Then, on the road by which the great teacher [Jebtsundamba] was returning, I  went to welcome him with gifts, and after offering a tribute headed by ten horses and other lesser gifts, I requested an aspirational prayer for his continuous compassionate protection throughout all subsequent lifetimes; he performed the prayer in his mind for it to be so. When he was leaving, he himself gave me the monastic robe that he was wearing. He gave instructions to the three kings of the seven clans who headed the assembly, the ministers of Ü (Dbus), Ulašausu, and so on, and great gifts were bestowed in accordance with the great ruling conditions and local customs. After returning home, I requested [permission] many times from the great ministers regarding my wishes to go to Tibet, [7a] and when [permission] was granted, my happiness was immeasurable. Since the time that I was born, my lord had believed that I was the reincarnation of his father, and because of this, he cared for me without hesitation [and] with kindness, even more than he did for his own sons. Even when he spoke he was extremely kind to me; I sometimes took it for granted, and thus, precious Lamas, please tolerate this with compassion. In 1660, I went to meet Nomon Eǰen and appealed [to him] regarding the matter of my travel to Tibet. He was extremely pleased and gave me a monk’s garments, together with bundles of silver, forty good horses headed by five Tibetan horses, ten camels, and ten bags of Mongolian tea. Afterward, I went to meet the venerable Jebtsundamba to pay respects and ask for permission to go to Tibet. In order to request a leave of absence from study, I went to the master and his chief disciples, and after making the request, according to my master’s instigation, the permission was granted. Then, my lord became extremely sick, so I could not dare to go. Although there were many internal, external, and secret obstacles, by my former prayers and the grace of the precious gurus, in the first month of spring of that year, I departed from my country without obstacles. I again met with Nomon Eǰen and discussed my wishes for learning, at which he was extremely pleased and gave me advice regarding my study. [7b] He also gave me two yak-​bulls and a good horse. Since the time of my birth until traveling to Tibet, all the great and lesser ministers always knew that I was the reincarnation of their ancestor, and hence gave me gifts and even respected me. The result of this was that despite having no talent whatsoever, I felt guilty in accepting the great presents that were given to me, and this opportunity gave me [even greater] motivation to voluntarily go to Tibet. Before the sixteenth day, unexpectedly the people who were to travel [with me] had not arrived and so good and bad omens arose in my mind. Although deceitful thoughts of despair exhorted by demons arose [in my mind], I prevailed,

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  57 and a blissful state of mind arose; for this, may the precious gurus consider me with compassion. When I went to Tibet, the son of a former incarnation, the two related masters Dharmakīrti and Dharmakāya Nomon Ubaši as well as Shes rab and Pinthutai Ching came with me. When we arrived at Etsene’i Jung, because of the words of Dharmakīrti, I painted a thangka of Vajradhara surrounded by a retinue of invited feast deities. We traveled during that winter and stayed for a while in the place called Huntsai and performed the rituals and aspirational prayers of the New Year celebrations. The next spring, from the government representative Darkhan Dharma Lord, I borrowed Buton’s Biography (Bu ston rnam thar), the Lhasa Catalogue (Lha sa dkar chag), and a few other books, which I read and familiarized myself with. This turned out to be very beneficial later when I paid my respects to the main religious holy objects of Lhasa. That summer, a hermit beggar free from mundane duties appeared from Amdo. I asked him for a do mo divination to see if I should study as a monk or not. [8a] “If you desire to learn then you will accomplish it just like you desire, and you will be enthroned,” said the diviner. I felt like I did not believe in that divination, but later this would come to be true. In the autumn of that year, when [we] went to Kumbum (Sku ’bum), which is the birthplace of the second Buddha, [we] arrived at the top of the small hill behind the monastery, [where] there was a small temple. When we reached the door of the temple, monks were inviting the statue of Maitreya inside. This was a good omen. That evening, at the time of gathering for prayer, I went to the assembly and sat at the right side of the beginning of the front row. Together with the assembly, I recited prayers for the spreading of the Buddhist doctrine. I went to see and paid my respects to the great silver stūpa made by the one from Ü, and later I offered tea and [other] offerings to the gathering of the saṅgha and paid my respects. I was also given great presents by the abbot of Kumbum. When leaving for Tibet, the Cone Dharma lord gave me great presents of packhorses and other things to support me. In the first month of the autumn of that year, when we were preparing to leave from the lake shores, a good man by the name of Tsetsen Jaisang (Tshe tshen ja’i sang) of Nomon Eǰen, who came as one of the attendants of Elten Durgachi (El teng dur ge chi), contracted a disease in his feet, and when the lord was about to arrive at Ü-​Tsang (Dbus Gtsang), he was not able to go any further. I said, “We need to employ means to cure the disease and go to Ü-​Tsang together.” Even though we performed [rites] many times, by the power of great persistence, the preliminary signs of the sickness were not caught. Guessing that perhaps the sickness was gout, by the power of sle tre soup, prescriptions, and the power of great faith, the worst of the terrible sickness was cured, and we arrived together in Ü-​Tsang. [8b] Together with the people who came with us, I paid my respects

58  Sangseraima Ujeed to the two statues, Jowo and Śākyamuni. After a very long time, we arrived at Dam (’Dam) via the Drichu (‘Bri chu) river, and there we met with Dayan Khan and took part in a festival. We were given great presents, and soon after, we went to pay our respects to the three statues made by the Kadampa (Bka’ gdams pa) patriarch Dromtön (‘Brom ston), including the main one known as the Rateng Jowo Jampal Dorje (Rwa sgreng jo bo ’jam dpal rdo rje). I paid my respects to all of these and then offered a ceremonial scarf (kha btags), [made] many donations, and said prayers. Then, I paid my respects to the three holy objects of Taklung and Shabdrung, and when [we] reached the Rinchen Drag (Rin chen brag) [monastery], we were welcomed by lamas into the assembly hall. They greatly insisted that I sit on the throne, and as I had no choice, I did so just like the auspicious coincidence [related earlier by the diviner]. I gave presents, offered donations, met with the religious council of Ganden (Dga’ ldan), offered more donations, and was also given great presents by the lamas of that monastery. Afterward, I saw the great silver statue of the supreme teacher of all the beings of the [six] realms, Lama Tsongkhapa, which is the support of Ü; I also met with the Ganden Tripa Palden Gyaltsen (Dga’ ldan khri pa Dpal ldan rgyal mtshan, 1601–​1674), requested permission from him to serve the assembly, offered donations, and said prayers to always benefit the teachings of Lama Tsongkhapa. In the ninth Mongolian month, on the twenty-​ninth day of the later gnyis brtsegs,61 I  arrived at Lhasa, the second Bodhgaya. The next day, I  met with and offered ceremonial scarves to the true teacher [the Fifth Dalai Lama], the twin Jowo and Śakyāmuni statues and the Maitreya in the form of turning the Wheel of Dharma, the self-​emanated great compassionate one (Avalokiteśvara), [9a] and the three holy objects. In the vicinity of the great lords [the three holy objects of Lhasa], I offered a maṇḍala made of one hundred srang62 of silver and performed the prayers in the proper manner for accomplishing learning and obtaining [all] qualities and virtues, and the prayer for the flourishing of the Buddhist teachings. On the first day of the tenth month, I met with the supreme victorious lord, the Dalai Lama who is the miraculous manifestation of the dark blue Avalokiteśvara. He cut the hair from the crown of my head and dressed me in maroon monk’s robes. I saw the golden face of this victorious lord for the first time and received a hand blessing from him, and thus, I felt happy and satisfied in my body and mind. Although I had had the desire to study the Abbreviated Stages of the Path (Lam rim chung ngu) since [I]‌was young, because I did not find the right model [I had not yet done so]. [Now], for the purpose of establishing the predisposition, I requested the oral transmission (lung) of the Abbreviated Stages of the Path and the [accompanying] longevity prayer, and I also asked for the composition of a supplication prayer for continuously acquiring the blessing (rjes gnang) of Avalokiteśvara throughout all lifetimes. I  received the oral transmission and

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  59 reverently offered a thousand offerings containing the highest offering of a maṇḍala of fifteen srang of silver. I properly obtained the five-​branch novice vow (Skrt. śrāmaṇera) from the Fifth Dalai Lama and properly encountered the holy objects of Sera (Se ra) and Drepung (‘Bra spungs) monasteries. In the presence of the reincarnation of Tshome Khenchen (Mtsho med mkhan chen, the great abbot from Amdo), Nyithangpa Lingtö Shabjung Lobsang Gyatso (Nyi thang pa Gling stod zhabs drung Blo bzang rgya mtsho 1590–​?), I received the oral transmissions of the science of making divinations, the Guide to the Bodhisattva Way of Life by Śāntideva (Bodhisattvacaryāvatāra), and the Root Tantra of Medicine (Gso ba rig pa).63 Saying that we had a connection from two previous lives, he was happy and gave me a Buddha statue. He also said to me, “While you are staying in central Tibet, during your breaks from debate and other studies, you can come to me and I will teach you the science of medicine.” I accepted this offer with unsurpassed pleasure. After that, we went through Tölung and on the Kökenuur—​ Lhasa highway and arrived at Tashi Lhunpo (Bkra shis lhun po) in the eleventh Mongolian month. [9b] On the eighth or ninth day of the New Year, I requested blessings from the Panchen Lama, and he properly bestowed [them along with] advice. At the time when I was departing from him, I requested a do mo divination, using the Tibetan language, regarding at which monastery to stay in order to study philosophy. He held my head in both of his hands in a manner of extreme delight and bestowed his blessings, saying, “This is extremely good, you should strive hard.” The next day, he replied to me [about the outcome of the do mo divination] through one of his attendants: “Sera, Drepung, Ganden, or Tashi Lhunpo, whichever one [of these monasteries] you stay in, there won’t be any difference.” So, though I had the desire to stay in Sera according to the prophecy, the senior Khalkha Mongolian monks urged me by saying, “It is good to stay in Tashi Lhunpo, by all means.” I made the decision to stay in Tashi Lhunpo and made an offering, starting with fifty srang of silver, of which the total sum was not small. Furthermore, I  asked [the Panchen Lama] for teachings before returning to Ü, but due to his old age, he was not able to give me a longer oral transmission. However, from his collected writings, I  received a single verse from an aspirational prayer for future rebirth in Śambhala, the scriptural transmission of two further verses, as well as the exhortation prayer to never be separated from the Lama in all subsequent lifetimes. At the time of receiving the aspirational prayer to be reborn during the time of the exceedingly strong cakravartin as his attendant, he [the Panchen Lama] said to me: “May you fulfill this aspirational prayer with great strength!” And then, even though I  didn’t request it, the Panchen Lama gave me a Yamāntaka mold and told me to always keep it with me. [10a] [He] also told me, “You should rely on the deity Yamāntaka

60  Sangseraima Ujeed and Palden Lhamo (Dpal ldan lha mo) as your protectors.” He then tied a knot and blessed his own paṇḍita hat with mantra and gave them to me along with some other silken monastic robes. I stayed there for eight days, during which the donations, accommodations, and all other necessities were taken care of for me. Dharmakīrti said, “If he is the reincarnation of my father, then we will make an assembly throne similar to that which belonged to his previous rebirth,” [and] after promising in this way, he himself went to Ü. Döndrup Rinchen (Don grub rin chen) gave teachings to Lama Tsongkhapa, who is the teacher of all sentient beings of the three realms, for the sake of his training when he was going to Tibet. For example, he taught:  “Maitreya’s Abhisamayālaṃkāra is the ornament of the great perfection [of wisdom] in its three forms: the extensive, intermediate, and abbreviated forms. In the beginning train and exert yourself [in it]. If you become a scholar in the Prajñāpāramitā, then you will be learned in all the teachings of the Buddha and will never forget them. Then, the text that clarifies the classification of the path and practice of the Bodhisattva is the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra, which teaches that the wise should train in its supplementary texts. As for the teaching of relying on the support of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, one should study the text that shows this, the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga. The Madhyāntavibhāga teaches that Madhyamaka is the way to differentiate between the middle and extremes. The Uttaratantra Śāstra teaches about the Buddha-​nature, and as for self-​purifying the suchness of phenomena, it is existent in all sentient beings. These five treatises of Maitreya are the tools for one to become learned. [10b] Although I was unable to study exactly in accordance with the way it was taught, just like the expression “the biography of a lama shows the practice of the follower,” I reflected on it as a support. Then from the supreme, victorious lord (i.e., the Panchen Lama), I received the oral transmission of the five treatises of Maitreya. Afterward, I went to Chunag where I saw off the master Dharmakīrti. I stayed there for the New Year and then traveled north. On the twenty-​ninth day of the first Mongolian month of 1662, I arrived at the great Dharma College Tashi Lhunpo. On the road, a master who was sent by the reincarnation of Holochi, Tagten Khenpo (Rtag brtan mkhan po), trained me in the basic system64 of Buddhist logic for eight to nine days on those dangerous roads on which we were traveling. He taught me the system regarding the colors, such as white and red, and although the logical arguments and conclusions did not arise in my mind [I did not understand them well] after the tenth day, [I]‌followed the example where, if someone says, “if it is a phenomenon, it is necessary to be a pot,” then, [the counter argument is], “so taking a pillar as the subject, is it [also] a pot because it is a phenomenon?”. [Practicing like] this, I learned a little.

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  61 After arriving at the monastery, during the second Mongolian month, I memorized some of the “Dharma Conduct” (Chos spyod) [prayer book] and later trained in the presentations of “General and Specific Aspects” (Spi bye brag),65 the “Definition and Definiendum” (Mtshan mtshon),66 and “Lesser Causation” (Rgyu ‘bras chung ba),67 so that I was able to debate a little bit. On the ninth day of the third month, during the great morning-​prayer assembly, I settled on the throne in assembly, which is only one [position] inferior to the throne of the abbot of that monastery, and I  offered the distribution of donations and the tea offering to the assembly. In the evening, during the rtsi bzhag,68 he (Tagten Khenpo) eloquently told me, “If it is one of the eight auspicious symbols, then it should be a right-​coiled conch.” [11a] So, I took the Dharma wheel as a subject because it is also one of the eight auspicious symbols, and debated, “Is the Dharma wheel also a white conch because it is one of the auspicious symbols?” I was also able to use examples such as the umbrella and the goldfish for debate. After the rtsi bzhag, I went to my living quarters where some monks were debating the subject of causality, and I responded with a better answer. Some others said to me, “It seems like you stayed in Kumbum or some other monastery in Amdo.” The next day, because a great epidemic arose in the monastery, I fell ill. Due to sickness and infectious disease, I did not go to the courtyard, to the offering of tea, or to debate. On the evening of the thirteenth [day], due to the degeneration of the Buddha’s teachings and the fate of sentient beings, the lamp of the Buddha’s teaching, the all-​knowing Panchen Rinpoche, passed away and went to Tuṣita, the Pure Land of Bodhisattva Maitreya. I felt like a small child who had been separated from his mother; my mind was tormented with pain, discomfort, and sorrow. My illness, however, quickly improved, and afterward, I went to the memorial service (dgongs rdzogs)69 every evening without missing a single day. When the masters did not go to the prayer, those who had special rank had to perform the dedications. So, I had to perform them many times, and when doing so, by the compassion of the Three Jewels, I  performed them without making any mistakes and even the elders were delighted by my effort. From the third month of spring until the summer time, no rtsi bzhag was carried out, debate did not take place, and so, for those months I memorized some topics from the collected topics [of debate]. [11b] Due to going into water-​irrigated [fields], sores appeared on the lower half of my body, and I was consumed by this sickness. I went to the hot springs of Jang to try and cure it. On the way, because of the connections of my past life, I met [again] with the reincarnation of Holochi, Tagten Khenpo. Because he invited me, I went and met the Khenpo Chöde (Mkhan po chos sde). After staying three days, we exchanged great gifts.

62  Sangseraima Ujeed Then, I went to the hot springs and after staying a week the sores disappeared. After I was in good health, I returned to the monastery [of Tashi Lhunpo]. From that autumn until the winter, following the instructions of the Panchen Lama, I studied with Dranwang Sönam Chöjor Gegeen (Dran dbang bsod nams chos ’byor dge rgyan). At the time when he was being invited as the teacher of Nomon Eǰen, there were none who could have been a better teacher than Sönam Chöjor Gegeen. I relied solely on his instructions, and afterward, I endeavored for the evaluation of the lesser and greater collected topics [of debate] in which there are presentations of the six causes, logical consequences [related to] sound, the object of negation, the general and specific,70 the definition and definiendum, and so on. When studying the commentaries from that time onward, because I  was told that it would be beneficial, I also thoroughly memorized about two verses of the root text of the second volume. Then after continuously doing so, I thoroughly memorized the root text of Dharmakīrti’s commentary on Dignāga, that is, the Pramāṇavārttika. Up until the winter of 1663, I exerted myself and by the first winter month, I  remained in the Middling Logic [class] in which I remained for two further years. During that time, I thoroughly memorized all four chapters of the supreme scholar Śāntipa’s (Ratnākaraśānti) commentary on the Pramāṇavārttika. [12a] Furthermore, I apprehended the general meaning of the second chapter, the employment of examples as part of the [investigation of] “Emptiness of Conditions of the Permanent” (Rtag pa byas stong),71 and once more endeavored on the path of debate. In the first month of the winter of 1665, I remained in the Greater Logic72[class] and thoroughly [studied] the first chapter and also the second and fourth chapter of Gyaltsab Je’s (Rgyal tshab rje) commentary on the commentary of the Pramāṇavārttika, and I had mostly memorized the third chapter. After examining Ocean of Knowledge:  A Commentary (Ti ka rig pa’i rgya mtsho),73 Ascertainment of Valid Cognition ([Bstan bcos tshad ma] rnam nges tika chen) by Khedrub Rinchen (Mkhas grub rin chen), and Ornament of Valid Cognition (Tshad ma rig rgyan) by the First Dalai Lama Gendün Drub (Dge ’dun grub pa 1391–​1474), I again endeavored in debate. In the spring of 1664, I went to Ü and received from the Fifth [Dalai Lama], who is the crown ornament of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, my full monastic ordination, and [then] went to Tsang. In [the course of] the three [years], 1665, 1666, and 1667, during the debate breaks, I  received from the supreme scholar of Lhasa Zhabdrung (Zhabs drung) Rinpoche: the seven reflections of Yamāntaka, Sītāpatrā, the Heart Sūtra, the oath dhāraṇī of Maitreya, the Udānavarga, and the Springs yig, the Madhyamakāvatāra by Chandrakīrti, Atīśa’s Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment, the Completely Clarifying Radiant Mirror (’Grel ba don gsal) as well as its root text, the Pramāṇavārttika, the root text of the Abhidharma

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  63 by Vasubandhu, the Praise to Mañjuśrī, the Seventy Aspirational Prayers, the Praise to the Twenty-​One Tārās, the Dhāraṇī of Vajravidāraṇa, the King of Aspirational Prayers (Bzang spyod), confession, “Twenty Vows” (a Lam rim text), the Fifty Lamas [(a Lam rim text] the longer and shorter biographies of Atīśa, [12b] the special instructions (‘khrid) of the Kadampas (Bka’ gdams pa) called The Father and Son Authoritative Scriptures of the Kadampas (Pha chos bu chos chung) and its supplementary appendix, together with the long thorough expositions, the Kadampa miscellaneous writings, the praise written by Nagtsopa (Nag tsho tshul khrims rgyal ba, 1010–​?), the root text and commentary of Potowa’s Blue Scriptures (Be’u bum sngon po), the root text of the supreme path, the Great Buddhist History of the Kadampas (Bka’ gdams chos ‘byung chen mo) and the annals of the three perfections of the divine Dharma, the Sakya Elegant Sayings (Sa skya legs bshad), the Prātimokṣa vow liturgy by Buton, and the commentary taught by Buton on the Sūtra on the One Hundred Karmas (Kar ma sha tam), The Great Exposition on the Stage of the Path (Lam rim chen mo) and Tsongkhapa’s tantras and mantras, the three practices of Poṣadha, the greater monks precepts, the Four Medical Tantras (Rgyud bzhi), the Ornament of the Householder’s Conduct (Mi chos gnang phreng), the Explanations of the Root and Auxiliary Downfalls for the Three Levels of Ordination by the teacher Bhabi, Buton’s exhortation to his own lineage and arrangement of the yidam, The Father and Son Authoritative Scriptures of the Kadampas (Pha chos bu chos chung). As for prayers: I began with the prayer for being reborn in Sukhāvatī of Maitreya, then the Guhyasamāja aspirational prayer, the Praise of Dependent Arising by Tsongkhapa, the Three Fold Praise74 (Skabs gsum pa), the Body of Maitreya, the Spontaneous Accomplishment of Sukhāvatī (Bde chen lhun grub ma) and the Excellent Girl (Mchog dul ma), the Sky Sun (Mkha’ nyi ma), the Extensive Praise of Maitreya (Byams bstod zab yangs ma), the Glory of the Three Realms by Tsongkhapa, the Aiming at Loving-​Kindness prayer (Dmigs brtse ma). I received the oral teachings for the practice of Mañjuśrī, the special instructions (’khrid), refuge practice, commentaries by Changchub Ö (Byang chub ’od), the praise to Mañjughoṣa, the teachings of Khedrubje (Mkhas grub rje), the Mahāyāna meditation system of mental discipline of the early Kadampa school as brought to Tibet by Atīśa Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna, the manuscripts on mind training compiled by Chen Ngawa (Spyan snga ba), the manuscript of Bari Gyatsa’s (Ba ri rgya mtsha [lo tsA ba rin chen grags] 1040–​1112) commentary of the Clear Realisation, and from the Collected Works (gsung ‘bum) of the Fourth Panchen Lama: the ritual for properly extending one’s lifespan, and [13a] two sections of the teachings on the three hundred of the miscellaneous writings on the intermediate smoke offering rituals. I received these thoroughly and also received the transmission of the aspirational prayer from the Jewel Heap of Esoteric Instruction (Man ngag rin [chen] spungs [pa]), the smoke offering ritual of the white six-​armed Mañjuśrī,

64  Sangseraima Ujeed and the blessings (rjes gnang) of Mañjuśrī, Vajrapāṇi, and Amitābha together with his five [attending] deities. In the spring of 1665, most of the scholars went to Ü, and the remaining monks [of Tashi Lhunpo] were assembled for reciting the Prātimokṣasūtra.75 According to the ranking, I was the highest, and so I had to read and recite the Prātimokṣasūtra among the saṅgha. Although I was extremely nervous before the recital, by the grace of the gurus, I was able to do so without omission or duplication, and I felt proud and received praise. In 1666, although I was continuously ill with a bad phlegm [disorder],76 by the grace of the Three Jewels, I still memorized the scriptures, went to the debating courtyard without break, and continued to work hard. In the spring of 1667, I went to the Mahābodhi and in the presence of the Vajradhara Lobsang Tenpa Dargye Palzang (Blo bzang bstan pa dar rgyas dpal bzang po), I properly obtained the four empowerments (dbang) of the thirteen-​deity Yamāntaka [maṇḍala] and was given the one hundred permission bestowals of the five lineages of the peaceful Amitāyus. At that time, the profound master of the middle temple said, “You need to maintain your grace even toward those without any virtues, for the sake of a unified [saṅgha],” and so I adopted this attitude. In the tenth Mongolian month of 1667, although I became ill, I went to the feast for the enthronement of the supreme reincarnation of the Vajra-​holder Panchen Lama at Tashi Lhunpo [13b] and went down to Serdog (Gser mdog) monastery to welcome him, together with the monastic discipline master of the eastern circle. When I met him for the first time, I was extremely happy, and the meeting happened in an auspicious way. On the fifth day of the Lama Tsongkhapa festival (gzab ches bzang pa), at the glorious community of Tashi Lhunpo, which is the dwelling place of assemblies of many intelligent scholars, the saṅgha of the Gèlukpa monastic population of Tsang were welcomed by the saṅgha of Tashi Lhunpo monastery. They welcomed them with a procession of monks with offerings, [followed by] government officials, patrons, messengers, lords, and officials; they went holding up the banner of victory. There were many auspicious signs and a banquet was enjoyed. As for the first day of the New Year (tshes mig la), or the first day of the first Mongolian month of 1668, we offered pūjās and elaborately debated amid the ocean of assembled saṅgha communities. Then, during the sermon for unification, the master Rinpoche who is the supreme scholar, gracious lord, and servant of the gods, the glorious Sönam Drakpa (Bsod nams grags pa),77 together with the geshes (dge bshes), properly delivered a pleasing sermon. Then, I reflected on the textbooks of the Madhyamaka compiled by Śāntipa, and recited the commentaries and other textbooks of the Madhyamaka. I also recited the Mūlama dhyamakakārikā78 and the root text of the Abhidharma.79 That summer, after going to Ü, I paid my respects to the two Śākyamuni statues and to the supremely

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  65 victorious Dalai Lama. Together with the Cone Dharma lord, I  received the scriptural transmission of the middle-​length Lam rim from [the Fifth Dalai Lama] and also the permission bestowal of the Wisdom Garuda of Amitāyus and Hayagrīva (Tshe rta ye shes khyung khra). During our stay in Lhasa, the master of the mountain hermitage Ganden (Dga’ ldan) [14a] later acted as the chamberlain to the reincarnated Rinpoche. From that Dharma lord, I  received the Guhyasamāja Mūlatantra, the Praise to the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā,80 the Gurupūjā composed by the [Dalai Lama], the compendium of the Heap of Goodness [Dhāraṇī] (Bkra shis brtsegs pa), the Dhāraṇī of Uṣṇīṣavijayā,81 the five classes of dhāraṇīs,82 the dhāraṇī of Marīci, the Oath Dhāraṇī of Maitreya, the Dhārāṇi of Akṣobhya, the auspicious accomplishment of the Stages of the Path [like] Refined Gold (Lam rim gser zhun ma)83 by the Third Dalai Lama, Amoghasiddhi, the basket of śāstras, the central lineage of the Sutra Arranged as a Jewel Chest (Za ma tog [bkod pa’i mdo]),84 the advice on “the two traditions” (lugs gnyis),85 the cycle of teachings from Mañjughoṣa, the way of relying on one’s tutelary deity by the Second Dalai Lama Gendün Gyatso, the ritual of pleasing the deities of the Dharma protectors Palden Lhamo and Vaiśravaṇa, the precepts of the ordained monk compiled by the Fifth Dalai Lama, and the Long Life Empowerment of Niguma (Tshe dbang grub rgyal ma) on how to print a mold. The lama further bestowed upon me whatever I desired and requested and was very pleased. It is said that for a practitioner, the worst obstacles are attachments and aversions. Because some people misinterpreted this, they petitioned the master of the middle monastery that I should become the master of discipline. He listened to these feigned petitions and, consequently, the masters of the middle monastery told me that I had to become the disciplinarian. As it is not very nice to argue with those who are of higher rank, I  was repeatedly powerless even when I requested [to be excused from the position] with words of pure intention. [So, I went directly to him and] in the presence of the supreme victorious one, the Dalai Lama, [14b] I said, “In my past reincarnations, I was never the disciplinarian, so please don’t let it happen to me now.” [He gave his permission], and so I went to the council of central government ministers to get the [physical] permit for the permission, and it was brought. In the winter of 1668, because the path of my great benefactor Nomon Eǰen was diminishing [he was about to pass away] he gave me the order to come to Lhasa and I went. But he passed away before I arrived. When I arrived [in Lhasa], I paid my respects to the two [statues], the Jowo and Śākyamuni [statues], and to the Potala Palace. That year I temporarily stayed in central Tibet, and afterward I inquired of the Dalai Lama regarding where I should go from the Potala to receive teachings. The answer given to me was to stay for a while at Sera monastery, and after being given excellent housing and so

66  Sangseraima Ujeed on, I went there and was properly looked after. At that time, I diligently bestowed the transmission of many desired teachings upon each and every servant of Nomon Eǰen, many laity and monastics. Nomon Eǰen’s mistress was ordained as a novice nun, and after the commemoration offerings and the funeral were completed, we went to Tsang. A  permit from [the Dalai Lama] was given to the attendant, but the permit allowed both the mistress and her attendant [to travel]. Together with the mistress novice nun, I  received some teachings in the presence of the supreme reincarnation, the young Second Panchen Lama. Then we arrived in Ü in the summer of the Earth Rooster Year and, together with the mistress novice nun, met with the venerable Dalai Lama and received some empowerments. However, because I  can’t remember exactly what these were, I do not dare to write them down. Then, we stayed at Sera, and after going to Phabongkha, [15a] those who met with the great practitioner and scholar Jamyang Drakpa (’Jam dbyangs grags pa) requested their desired teachings. I  also wanted to hear my desired teachings from him and was given special instructions, which pleased him. That spring and summer, after staying in the monastic residence of Phabongkha, I  received from Jamyang Drakpa the great empowerments of Guhyasamāja, Cakrasaṃvara, Yamāntaka, the all-​knowing Amitābha, the system of the victorious one Avalokiteśvara, Sītāpatrā, Akṣobhya with eight deities, Hayagrīva, and Yamāntaka without a consort. From the lineage of Lodrag Khenpo (Lho brag mkhan po), I received the empowerments of Vajravidāraṇa with many deities [and] Amitāyus and the ten deities. I also received the permissions for reciting the mantras of Yamāntaka, the secret sādhana of Hayagrīva, wrathful Padmasambhava, Siṅghamukha, Cittapati, Palden Lhamo, Nāgarāja, the green and white Tārās, Vajrapāṇi, Atsara, Black Mañjuśrī, Hayagrīva with an iron braid, red and white Sarasvatī wearing leaves, Uṣṇīṣavijaya, Sītāpatrā, the ten Bodhisattva Grounds, the supreme Medicine Buddha, Amitāyus with the five goddesses, the four-​armed and eleven-​faced Vajravidāraṇa, the Dharma protector Paldan Lhamo, the glorious protector Vaiśravaṇa, and Maitreya with a coat of armor together with the golden mother. I established the arrangements of the three pledges and the five goddesses [15b] who are the holy objects of the Eleven-​ faced One, and I received the permissions of the one with the lion voice, the white Mañjuśrī, the green Tārā of the Pori mountain, the Buddha surrounded by the eight main Bodhisattvas from the system of Marpa, the ultimate Bodhicitta vow, Vajrapāṇi with the great retinue and the Vajrapāṇi of the Five Bodies, the two-​armed Amṛtabinducaṇḍaroṣaṇa (Bdud rtsi thigs pa gtum po) with a six-​ armed deity in his heart. I also received the long life empowerment. I requested the transmission of the cycle of transmissions, the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra, the collection of the Kālacakratantra, the four hundred verses of the eighth chapter of the tantra on the analysis of dependent arising, the hundred Jātaka stories, the

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  67 Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti by Dignāga, Atīśa’s Bodhipathapradīpa, the Ratnāvalī, Yuktiṣāṣṭika, Vaidalyaprakaraṇa, Śūnyatāsaptati, Vigrahavyāvartanī, the Śikṣāsamuccaya by Śāntideva, the praise to the Ārya, the praise to the quintessential instructions of the anuttarayogatantras, the teaching for the novice to enter the path for the first time, the teaching for taking refuge and the special instructions of the Prajñāpāramitā, the extensive chapter of the Sa Lu Sprout Sutra (Śālistambasūtra), the chapter on the praise to nirvāṇa, the seventy [verse-​ long] refuge, the six branches of refuge, the commentary of the verse chapter of the Pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā by Nāgārjuna, the śāstra of the Tathāgata regarding the wish for dreams to come true, Śāntideva’s Compendium of Instructions (Śikṣāsamuccaya), the Prajñāpāramitā, the liturgical method for venerating the Medicine Buddha who is the ornament rosary of [this] good kalpa, the Mani Kabum,86 the Works of Lhodrak Drubchen Lekyi Dorje (Lho brag bka’ ‘bum), the Black and White Scrolls: A Collection of Instructions and Rituals for Invoking Mahākāla (Mgon po be’u bum dkar nag shog dril skor), most of the collection of dhāraṇīs, most of the Twenty Stanzas on the Vows (Saṃvaraviṃśatikā), the root text of the Ocean of sādhanas, the praise of Mañjuśrī, the Madhyamakāvatāra by Candrakīrti, [16a] the Yogī’s Clarification of Suchness (Rnal ‘byor ngag rim dkyil chog de nyid gsal), the sādhana of the Jewelled Rosary of the Maṇḍala Ritual (Dkyil chog rin phreng), the sādhana of the body maṇḍala (Lus dkyil sgrub thabs), the Complete Victory over Māra (Bdud las rnam rgyal), the Lamp That Illuminates the Five Stages (Rim lnga gsal sgron), the Clarification of the Hidden Meaning (Sbas don kun gsal), the Clarification of the Great Bliss of Vairocana (‘Dod ‘jo bde chen gsal), the Commentary on the Fifty Great Fire Pūjās (Sbyin sreg chen mo lnga bcu ba’i rnam bshad), the Oral Instructions on Blending and Transference (bsre ‘pho‘i gdams pa), the Collections of the Records of Teachings Received (gsan yigs), the Draft Manuscripts of the Five Stages [by Tsongkhapa], the Vajramantra repetition, the intention of the anuttarayogatantras, the draft text of the Vajra Garland (Vajramālā Tantra), the selected works of Lama Tsongkhapa, the great commentary that clarifies the meaning of tantra of the gun rig,87 the biography [of Tsongkhapa called] The Entrance to Faith (Dad pa’i ’jug ngogs), the self-​generation of the Guhyasamāja, Ocean of Siddhis (Dngos grub rgya mtsho), the explanation of mind training called Rays of the Sun (Nyi ma ’od zer) written by the Hor teacher Hortön Namkha Palwa (Hor ston Nam mkha’ dpal ba), the essence that leads to the path written by Geshe Chengawa (Spyan snga ba), Shangpa Kagyu broad and concise teachings on the Vajradhara, the sādhana on the maṇḍala of the one hundred Mitra written by ‘Jam ral, the consecration compiled by the Second Dalai Lama, Luyipa’s self-​generation, the commentary of the [practice of] Āryā Tārā, the root text and commentary of the tree offerings, the praise of the ten topics of the words of blessing of the aspirational prayer of Yamāntaka, the general meaning of the Madhyamaka, the complete

68  Sangseraima Ujeed analysis of the systems of tenets, the six teachings of Niguma that surpassethe perfect teachings, the essence of the minor instructions of the three essences of the ḍākinī, the practice of ’pho ba that involves the abiding dgon po in the heart, the Torch That Dispels the Darkness, the Yamāntaka Dharma history compiled by Paljor Lhundrup (Dpal ‘byor lhun grub), which is a symbol of liberation, [16b] the commentary on the three refuges, the commentary on the “Lineage of Prayer for Rebirth in Sukhāvatī,” the most profound history of Hayagrīva compiled by the Dalai Lama, the biography of Sonam Gyatso, the secret biography of the lord Panchen Lama Jangpa Rigdzin (Byang pa rig ’dzin), the biography of Phabongkapa, the story of the great Lamen Lhatso (Bla sman lha mtsho), the Song of the [Spring] Queen (Deb ther dpyid kyi rgyal mo’i glu dbyangs), the detailed and short expositions of the 100 rituals of Akṣobhya, the explanation of Madhyamaka and the instructions on the view of the Middle Way, the sādhana of the Great Compassionate One Avalokiteśvara, the Nāgatorma, the commentary on the bundles of The Circle of the Auspicious (Bkra’ shis ‘khyil) smoke offering, the transmission of the previous composers of the Lhasa catalogue (dkar chag), the Prātimokṣa vow liturgy compiled by the master [Jamyang Drakpa] himself, and the scriptural transmission of the three essential truths. Then the Lama (i.e., Jamyang Drakpa) gave me several teachings according to his own wish and asked me to listen and hence I  could not refuse. They were the ‘Phags pa brgyad stong phreng can and its editorial commentary and the commentary on Potowa’s Blue Scriptures (Be’u bum sngon po),88 Śāntideva’s Compendium of Instructions (Śikṣāsamuccaya), the Bodhisattvabhūmi, the Jewel Heaps of the Explanations of Examples (Mahāratnakūṭasūtra), the Brilliant Heart Ritual (Dbus kyi chos spyod rab gsal). I also heard some teachings from the instruction of the Panchen Lama that I had not previously heard and many other teachings. Because I never expected that I would need all these teachings, I did not record them and did not memorize them all. That autumn, I went to Sera Jé because I wanted to acquire the transmission and teachings of the Dharma protector Palden Lhamo and other great supreme teachings. I went to the debate courtyard and met with the great scholar and practitioner Jamyang Lhundrup (’Jam dbyangs lhun grub), and he gave me his guidance. Then, when the Tulku [17a] Jedrung (Rje drung) Rinpoche was going to the debate courtyard, after making a seat of square silk cushions at the foot of his small throne [for me to sit on], he continued to bestow his grace [upon me]. One day, I was asked to sit down and answer during the grand debate amongst the assembled masses. I told the Lama that I had studied nothing but a little bit of the two texts, the Pramāṇavārttika and Madhyamaka,89 and requested that no other text be referenced for the debate. Then, I  went to sit in debate and there were a few monks who debated amongst the assembly. By the grace of the

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  69 precious Lamas and the Three Jewels, I replied with only a few wrong answers and was pleased like everyone else. Jedrung Rinpoche had also just reached the first year of the study of the Prajñāpāramitā, so I  again debated with him right from the beginning, pretending to memorize the text, quotations, and logical arguments [as if I am doing it for the first time]. Then I stopped studying the Prajñāpāramitā, memorized more than half of the first part of the Vinaya and also memorized from the second part the five classes of root downfalls,90 rememorized the texts, and at the same time I also memorized the commentary on the Abhidharma. I thoroughly memorized the first and third chapters of both [the Vinaya and Abhidharma] and memorized some from the concluding part of the second (i.e., the Abhidharma). At the time of perfecting it, I apprehended about half of the first. Furthermore, I  became well acquainted with the conceptual thought of the sūtras. At that time, together with the Dharma lord of Yeru (G.yas ru)91 we received the King of Accomplishment Long Life Empowerment (Tshe dbang grub rgyal) from the [Fifth] Dalai Lama and from the master Gegö (Dge bskos) of Sera. [17b] Together with the masters and government officials of Sera, I offered prayers for the long life of the Dalai Lama. In the spring of 1670, at the time of going to Tsang, most important, I requested a devotional prayer for the lord [Fifth] Panchen Rinpoche LobsangYeshe (Blo bzang ye shes), and afterward, I prayed to [be able to] recite it at the great assembly of Tashi Lhunpo monastery. I also made requests for the flourishing of the Buddhist teachings in the three [countries,] China, Tibet, and Mongolia, and because of this, I obtained immense virtues. The great Götsang Khampa Drung Tsönan (Rgod tshang kham pa drung ’tshos nan)92 offered me the oral transmission and oral instruction of some [inner] tantras and other outer tantras. During the summer season, for a month and a half, I went to the Palkhor Chöde (Dpal ‘khor chos de) monastery. While making rounds of the monasteries for debate to challenge the different schools, I sat for debate. I recited both the short and long explanations of the Medicine Buddha for five days. For debate at the White Temple, I acted as the tshogs langs93 and then had to recite both the Prajñāpāramitā and Vinaya [in front of the entire saṅgha], and I did so exactly according to the customs of the Palkhor monastery. All those who were considered leaders among the scholars, including the abbot, expressed their happiness. I don’t have any virtues [of my own], so may the precious Lamas hear my invocation with their grace. At the assembly of scholars, I  requested the permission bestowal of the Hundred Narthang Treasure Sources (Snar thang brgya rtsa), the oral transmission of the Anuja Transmission Lineage of the Medicine Buddha (Sman bla mtho brtsegs), and the permission bestowal of the King of Nāgas (Klu dbang rgyal po),

70  Sangseraima Ujeed and I paid respects to the holy objects of the monastic hermitage Ganden (Dga’ ldan). At the end of the seventh month, I left for Tashi Lhunpo, where I briefly investigated and examined the Vinaya, Abhidharma, and Prajñāpāramitā teachings. At that time, [18a] the aspiration for studying the Perfections arose in me, and so, I compiled a manual of the original eight abhisamāyalaṃkāras and learned the root grammar in thirty verses from the profound scholar Lobsang Chödrak (Blo bzang chos grags), and I memorized the grammar and spelling. Afterward, I learned the thirty-​five ornaments of poetry, requested the word-​ by-​word explanation on it from the master, and thoroughly perfected it. I also compiled an example for each of the five chapters on poetry and offered it to both [Lobsang Chödrak and] the Paṇḍita Lobsang Norbu (Blo bzang nor bu), who is the compiler and proctor for Lobsang Chödrak. They were both extremely pleased and bestowed instructions. When I was receiving teachings up to the third chapter of the Eye of Kalāpa (Kalāpa yi ming, Skrt. Katantra) from the great Paṇḍita Lobang Norbu, I became sick with smallpox and was extremely ill. After I recovered, although I wished to [continue to] thoroughly study it, I was not able to because in 1671, escorts came from my homeland Mongolia to call me back. Although many said that it is beneficial for one’s practice to study all the writings of many scholars, a great lama told me that it is most important to enter the study of tantra. Thus, listening to the words of close friends and the words of the lamas, in the summer of that year, I entered the monastic college of Sangngag Gyalwa Dratsang (Gsang sngags rgyal ba grwa tshang). At the request of Kyishö Tulku (Skyid shod sprul sku), who is a reincarnation of the abbot Gomde Namkha Gyaltsen (Sgom sde Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan), I requested from the sovereign master Gendün Dondrup Palzang (Dge ‘dun don grub dpal bzang po) the great empowerment into the six classes of maṇḍalas from the Vajra Garland (Vajramālā) of the system of Mahāsiddha Mitrayogī (or Mitradzoki); [F18b] because of the request, he bestowed much grace [upon me]. Then, because I and Kyishö Tulku made the request, in the second month of the autumn season, in the assembly hall of the tantric college, the Vajra master Gendün Göndrub (Dge ‘dun dngos grub) bestowed with loving kindness upon the two of us and upon another five hundred monks the nectar of empowerments of the forty-​one maṇḍalas from Abhayākāragupta’s Vajrāvalī (Rdor phreng), with the exception of the Kālacakra. That winter, I  received from the Kyishö Tulku the empowerment of the Eleven-​faced [Avalokiteśvara] and the Opening of the Doors of the Sky (Nam mkha’ sgo ‘byed), the permission bestowal of the thirteen Bka’ chen of Mahākāla (Mgon po’i bka’ chen bcu gsum), the Dharma Cycle of the Black Scriptures of Mahākāla (Mgon po’i be’u bum nag po’i chos kyi skor), and the oral transmission of the Cakrasaṃvara root-​tantra, the collection of sūtras, the Sūtra of the

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  71 Wise and the Foolish (Mdo sde mdzangs blun), the Spinning Blade (Mtshon cha’i ‘khor lo),94 Buton’s History of the Dharma (Chos ‘byung), the completion stage according to the anuttarayogatantras, the Cluster of Siddhis (Dngos grub kyi snye ma), the lesser together with the even-​lesser explanations of the generation and completion stage yantras of Yamāntaka by Khedrubje and Lodrö Chökyong (Blo gros chos skyong), the instruction on Chöd (gcod) compiled by Pawo Dorje (Dpa’ bo rdo rje), the permission bestowal and the explanation for executing the seed syllable of the three kinds of Yamas, who are the removers of obstacles, the fire pūjā of secret accomplishment of the clear realization of the doctrine (arthābhisamaya and dharmābhisamaya), the instruction on the surrounding literature of the practice of cheating death, the twenty-​one notes on the Guhyasamājatantra, the commentary on Yamāntaka, the instruction of the completion stage of the Guhyasamāja, the means of achieving the sadhāna of the wrathful Bhurkuṃkūṭa (Sme rtsegs) that concerns the water purification, the Oral Instructions of the Tasteless Pebble (Rde’u ro med gdams pa),95 the Guruyoga, the Three-​stacked Mind (Sems gsum brtsegs) compiled by the [Fifth] Dalai Lama, and the biography of Lingme Shabdrung (Gling smad zhabs drung). I received the oral transmissions of all of these. [19a] After the miraculous aspirational prayer of the twenty-​ninth day of the last month and the Chos ‘phrul smon lam [on the tenth day of the first month of the next year], we gathered and at the time of spring in 1672, in the vicinity of the all-​pervading lord the Vajra-​holder Gendün Döndrub (Dge ’dun don grub), I received the permission bestowal of the Tārā of the Acacia Forest, [who is] the emanation basis of the Twenty-​one Tārās, the Dharma cycle of Mañjuśrī, and the one hundred treasure revealers (gter ston) of Pari. I received the oral transmission of the tantra of the four goddesses of the Ye [shes] rdo [rje] kun [las] btus [pa], the Eye-​opener of the Good Kalpa, the fire pūjā of the Guhyasamāja, the Jeweled Rosary commentary on the Vinaya, the means of accomplishing the sadhāna of the black Mañjuśrī by the prince Lhase (Lha sras), and the thoroughly compiled collected works of Khedrub Sangye Yeshe (Mkhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes 1525–​1591). During the spring, I  relied on my tutelary deity (yidam), following the instructions of the great geshé with incomparable kindness, Sonam Drakpa (Bsod nams grags pa). After drawing a thangka of the Buddha, I offered it to [him]. He was extremely pleased, and as a result, I  generated immeasurable merits. My teacher saw this and the Kyishö Tulku said that he needed a miniature picture card of Sītāpatrā, and so I painted it and offered it. As a result, he was extremely pleased. In the summer, the supreme victorious one, the Dalai Lama, contracted smallpox. At the time when the teachers and disciples were arriving in Ü to offer the supreme tea of accomplishment, the tantric masters and disciples gave the

72  Sangseraima Ujeed command that the Guhyasamāja sādhana had to be performed for the recovery of the Dalai Lama. Due to my position, I had to be the vajra master and was commanded to perform it. Even though I insistently requested (not to be the vajra master), they refused. Because of this, as I had never before seen a maṇḍala of colored sand in the past, I was extremely hesitant, but [19b] I did my best according to the master’s commands. From the attendant master Gendün Dargyé (Dge ‘dun dar rgyas), I received instructions and advice, starting with how to map the maṇḍala and how to perform the final fire [pūjā]. I completed it without obstructions by the grace of the Guru. For the purpose of both purifying and practicing, I performed the Poṣadha Sūtra (Gso sbyong mdo) in the middle of the assembled saṅgha and very fortunate omens arose. Before the sādhana ritual, at the time when the lord Köngyen (Dkon rgyan pa) came to the monastery, I received the permission bestowal of the Six-​Armed Mahākāla, the wrathful Garuḍa, and the great golden Vaiśravaṇa. I also received the Four Water Offerings compiled by the Panchen Rinpoche, the detailed exposition on the long-​life practice from the 352nd to the 369th chapter of Miscellaneous Sayings (Gsung gros thor bu)96 by the Panchen Rinpoche, and also many other systems of teachings. Having performed the sādhana ritual, Kyishö Tulku told me to continuously perform many self-​initiations. The intention arose in me to paint a small thangka of the thirteen-​deith Yamāntaka [maṇḍala] and so I  painted it, and although I did not own a brush, paint, or other supplies, I borrowed them from others and painted it as carefully as possible. I then offered it [to Kyishö Tulku,] who was extremely pleased, and [this] caused my merits to increase. Because previously, one and a half years ago, I did not follow their instructions,97 the masters and disciple of the Kyil Khang (Dkyil khang) monastery were greatly displeased. In the beginning they were really angry and told me off slightly, but because I immediately apologized profusely and with [genuine] intention, they forgave me. [20a] Due to making my confession, they bestowed even more loving grace on me than they did before. That autumn, I went to Götsang (Rgod tshang)98 and paid my respects to their religious holy objects and offered tea to the monks. When I had stayed there for a couple of days, I heard the transmission of Potowa’s Blue Scriptures99 and some other desired teachings from a few hermits. Also, according to the instructions of Noyon Dharma lord, I offered them the transmission of the commentary to the Be’u bum and other teachings they desired. Then, at the Lhanga Drag (Lha lnga brag), I went to meet the great scholar, the attendant Lama Tsöndru Gyaltsen (Brtson ‘grus rgyal mtshan), and from him, I heard seventeen different sections of the teachings from History of the Dharma edited by Atīśa (Jo bo’i chos byung [brgya rtsa]), including the song on the view of dharmadhātu. At the time, I was given the transmission of the Vimśatikakārikā, and he also read out loud once

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  73 the instructions on how to accomplish it. Having done so, he presented me with a rosary and a vase, and afterward, told me that I had to make spiritual connections with the venerable Patsar. This advice I can still hear [clearly in my mind]. At the time of confession, the Lama himself did not arrive, and because he had told me how to practice the sūtras, I did so [on my own] according to his instructions. I received a letter written by the Panchen Rinpoche, saying, “There is a deity thangka of Dharmapāla at Götsang (Rgod tshang), but you have to paint another thangka of Dharmapāla and take it to Lhanga Drag (Lha lnga brag) and place it there.” Because I did it [quickly] on command, it was not my best, but I did it in accordance with [the Lama’s] instructions, and it was accepted [for display]. At that time, when the chief queen of the Khalkha lord Khundulung arrived, there was a special feast, and [20b] I bestowed the empowerment of Vajrapāṇi. I was also given an offering, starting with the Pearl Garland Tantra (Mu tig phreng ba). I met with the lord of G.yas ru, Bintütadaichin, and one of his followers said that he needed the empowerment of Mañjuśrī and that he also needed to obtain the principal empowerment of the explanation of the Buddha’s teachings compiled in the Mongolian language. That very same day, I did so according to his wishes with limitless joy. Whenever I  had free time, like during the debate breaks, [I received] from Sonam Drakpa, the supremely powerful lord of scholars, the scriptural transmissions of the Sūtra of Reaching the Pure Land (Bde can zhing bkod mdo), Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamakaśāstra, the Śikṣāsamuccaya by Śāntideva, Asaṅga’s Bodhisattvabhūmi, the selected teachings of Ārya Asaṅga, the first and fifth chapters of the mind training of Geshe Chekawa (Dge bshes Mchad kha ba) the Highway to Awakening (Byang chub gzhung lam),100 the supreme empowerment of the body maṇḍala, the Glory of Mind Training (Blo sbyong dpal ye ma),101 the commentary on the root downfalls by Khedrubje, the commentary of the other branches of mind training from the collected works of Chen Ngawa (Spyan snga ba) called the Mind Training for Striving for the Benefit of Others (Blo sbyong gzhan don don gnyer ‘grel pa), the precepts of the bhikṣu called the Essence of Altruism (Gzhan phan snying po), the commentary on Dispeller of the Darkness of Wrong Views (Lta khrid lta ngan mun sel), the first mind training called the Praise of the Mendicancy (Bsod snyoms bsngags), the [teachings] on how to strive for bodhicitta called the Aspirational Prayer for Awakening (Byang chub don gnyer), the Complete Illumination of Thought Regarding Distinguishing between Enemy and Friends, the Supreme Clarification of the Application of Clearing Away the Doubts in Mind Training, the Clarification of Practice (Lag len rab bsal), the Clarifier of the Definitive Meaning (Legs bshad nges don gsal), the analysis of dreams called the Stages of Dharma Practice (Chos spyod rim pa), the text regarding mind training called the Tip of the Thumb Constitution (Theb chen rtse’i

74  Sangseraima Ujeed bca’ yig), a text on putting an end to all lethargy called the Cutter of All (Snyom las tshar gcod Zhes ‘khris kun gcod), the regulation for public guidance of the highest Mahāyāna benefit and purification mind training called the Complete Illuminator of Discipline, Permissions, and Prohibitions (Bslab bya gnang bkag rab tu gsal ba), the Complete Clarifier of the Rules of the Vinaya Precepts, the seventy warm advices [21a] and the praise of Milarepa by Shang Shungpa, the Hundred Thousand Tales,102 the instructions on the refuge practice given by the Vajradhara, the teaching of solitary accomplishment, the complete writings (bka’ ‘bum) of Khedrub Sangye Yeshe, the exposition on the seven benefits of the clear realization body maṇḍala compiled by Dorzin Könchog Gylatsen (Rdor ‘dzin dkon mchog rgyal mtshan), the oral instruction on Opening the Mind (Dmigs gsal byed pa) without an author’s colophon, and the clarification of the view compiled by the Lama himself. I received the scriptural transmissions for all of these. For three years I also studied the compiled [works] of the tāntrikas. I requested the empowerment and transmission of the general aspects [of the tantras as] taught and compiled by the Panchen Lama, and [also] Candrakīrti’s Brilliant Lamp.103 Apart from the small amount I apprehended from the beginning of the generation stage of Guhyasamāja and so on, due to work, I was unable to properly study them, and so I lost hope for achieving tantric virtue. In 1673, in the presence of the sovereign lord Vajra-​holder, Gendün Döndrub, I received the transmission of the commentary on the central text of the five stages,104 the commentary on sūtra and tantra called Clarifier of the Path of Liberation,105 the Master of the Three Precepts,106 the biography of Gendün Drub, the teachings of Yeshe Tsemo (Ye shes rtse mo), the praise of the multitude of virtues of the master himself that has been taught in sixty-​line mātrās, and the scriptural transmission of the two written teachings by the master himself. That summer, at the time when I was creating a body image of the Dharma protector (chos skyong) in accordance with the instructions of the attendant Lama [Tsondru Gyaltsen], one night, in a dream, two masters formed of golden light from Götsang said [to me]: [21b] “You should compile a poem of praise for the torma (gtor ma) ritual for inviting the Dharma protector.” The day after the dream, when I requested advice at the feet of the great scholar Sonam Drakpa, he said, “It is the blessing of the Lama, so compile it with great strength.” After leaving, I composed only a single verse, and after having finished the thangka, I offered it, and he was pleased. In the winter, I properly obtained the great empowerment of the nine deities of Amitāyus bestowed by the kind merciful one [Sonam Drakpa]. From receiving those teachings until the second winter month, we received from the renowned scholar [and] master guru Lobsang Dondrup, together with Sonam Drakpa, whose kindness is unequalled, the four sections of the Vinaya, the Samādhirāja [Sūtra], Meditative Stabilization of Entering Fearlessness (Dpa’ ‘gro

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  75 ting ’dzin), Emanation Magic of the Peaceful Mode (Rab zhi rnam nges ‘phrul), the benefits of the Prātimokṣasūtra, the Dharma section from the Hundred Lesser Teachings of Atiśa (Chos chung brgya rtsa),107 the Three Stages [of the Path], the biography of the Buddha compiled by Buton, Producer of Happiness (Dga’ ba bskyed pa), Commentary on the Root Downfalls (Rtsa ltung rnam bshad), Fruit of Accomplishments (Dngos grub snye ma), Soaring in the Sky of Discipline (Bslab bya gnam rtsed lding), the Great Commentary on Entering the Doctrine, the complete writings of Asaṅga, the Heavenly Expanse of the Object of Knowledge (Shes bya mkha’ dbyings ma), the Detailed Expansion of the System of the Lord, the Teaching of the Sage, the great commentary on Śāntideva’s Bodhisattvacaryāvatāra, the Udānavarga, the praise of the body of Maitreya, the Victorious Ones of the three times, the Splendor of Prajñā, the Virtue of Excellence, the water offering of Avalokiteśvara, Jambhala, and Ser nag compiled by Gedün Gyatso, Surūpa (Su ra’u pa), the Hundred and Eight108 Tormas, the commentary on the seventy aspirational prayers, the Great Instruction on the View, the devotional prayer to the teachings, the Cycle of the Songs of the Oral Instructions, [22a] the Commentarial Songs of the Hidden Intelligence and Surrounding Papers, the permission bestowal of the longevity instructions of the short lineage created by the victorious one, the Dalai Lama, the supreme victorious monastic textbook, the Dhāraṇī Offering That Eliminates Delusion, the accomplishing thread-​cross fulfillment [ritual],109 the festival of khye’u mig,110 the Jātakas, the collected teachings of Tulku Dragyen (Sprul sku Grags rgyan), the recitation of the heart maṇḍala of Kālacakra compiled by the great tantric teacher Vajradhara, collections of some teachings, and many collections of teachings on the mind training of endurance compiled by Chennga Logyen (Spyan snga blo rgyan) and others, [as well as] the three commentaries compiled by Paljor Lhundrup (Dpal ‘byor lhun grub), the Suspicions of Entering Other [Paths], the Excellent Dharma—​I received all of these. Furthermore, I  was offered according to my wishes the transmission of Jeweled Rosary, the commentary on the Vinaya, and the great commentary on the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra, Complete Clarification of the Secret Meaning (Sbas don kun gsal ba), [as well as] the exposition of Vaiśravaṇa (‘Dod ‘jo rnam bshad), Clarifier of the Path of Liberation (Thar lam gsal byed), and Heart Ornament of the Commentaries (Rnam bshad snying po rgyan). I also practiced a little of the system of wind meditation of the five-​limbed practice, the shorter practice of the female dog of the Six Doctrines of Nāropā, and the [practice] of shooting like an arrow and bending like a bow. At the time when I was practicing a little in the system of wind meditation, because of illness, I was not able to complete it. At that time, to accumulate merit and purge the unwholesome deeds of myself and others, I decided to erect golden statues of the Buddhas of the five Buddha families. In order to place the dhāraṇīs into the statues, I  invited the master Gendün Dargye and after he took up the responsibility, [22b] he offered me the

76  Sangseraima Ujeed completely pure ritual details of the practice. At the end of 1673, the great Vajra Tüšiyetü Khan of the Left Banner of Khalkha Mongolia came to Lhasa, and I prepared to leave to go in the direction of Tsang in order to meet him. On the second day of the first Mongolian winter month, I arrived at the holy place of Lhasa. That day, the Khan summoned me to his tent, and I went to welcome the Khan himself. After going inside his personal tent, we had many discussions and the feasts and festivities took place as well as they could. Without delay, together with the Khan we met the venerable one, the Dalai Lama. We also paid our respects to the two Jowo and Śākyamuni statues, and the self-​manifested Avalokiteśvara, [which are] the three most important holy objects of Lhasa, and the holy objects of Sera and Drepung. I also went many times to the Great Prayer Festival of Lhasa as the Khan’s attendant, and together with the gathered crowds, I  performed invocations. After delivering the prayer [together with the Khan], we received from the venerable, completely victorious Dalai Lama the great empowerment of Amitāyus with Nine Deities [maṇḍala], the extensive long-​life empowerment in accordance with the manual by Tsharchen [Losal Gyatso 1502–​1566], the Great Compassionate One (Avalokiteśvara) as the main deity of the system with three retinues, a composition on the White Tārā, and the White Amitāyus. We [also] received the permission bestowal of the secret sādhanas of Havagrīva, the “five kings of sūtras,” the sādhana of Mahākāla, and the permission bestowal of the method for granting the initiations. After prostrating to the Khan, together with him [the Khan], I received from the venerable Yongjin Dampa (Yongs ’dzin dam pa), the Ganden Tripa Lobsang Dönyön (Blo bzang don yod), the Gyalse (Rgyal sras) Rinpoche, the master of Phabongkha Jamyang Drakpa (‘Jam dbyangs grags pa), [23a] and the high-​born monks, the permission bestowals of Guhyasamāja, Cakrasaṃvara, and Yamāntaka, and some other permissions bestowals. At that time the Khan was meeting [regularly] with the venerable lord Dalai Lama. Many times, together with the Khan, I received hand blessings, and the number of private audiences increased. On the day the Khan had to make a great offering, because the Khan gave a great present, because of this (i.e., the day of giving) or [some other reason], he gave me a great gift from the central court that was even greater than any [gift] given before. As before, because there were many people who envied me, they did harmful deeds. Because the Ganden Rabjampa (Dga’ ldan rab ‘byams pa)111 was also of sincere heart, they (i.e., the Khan and he) became good friends, and he was given many favors. Then, together with the Khan, I went to Tsang, and after passing through a valley, we arrived [there]. On the day of [our] arrival, the Khan went to our residence [Tashi Lhunpo] and received extensive reverence and [welcomed with great] banquets. The next day, together with the noble Khan, I received the hand blessing of the Panchen Rinpoche. Becuse the internal

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  77 and external conditions [were right], those who were there for an audience with the Khan met him after properly offering their reverence to the Khan. At the time when the Khan received the transmissions of the pūjā composed by the previous Panchen Lord from the venerable [Second] Panchen Rinpoche, the exposition of the practice of the path composed in alternating verse and prose, the collected purification ceremonies of the Medicine Buddha, and the heart essence of Sītāpatrā—​I received these together with him. In the presence of the tantric masters, we received the main purification tantra of the omniscient Vajrapāṇi with his retinue of deities as well as the great empowerment of Vairoc anābhisaṃbodhi.112 [23b] At the time when the Khan was going to Lhasa from Tsang, I asked for permission to leave with him [for Tsang from Lhasa]. When we arrived in Lhasa, we again paid our respects to the two Jowo and Śākyamuni statues and said the prayer for the precious teachings to spread. Because the Khan wanted me to return to Mongolia with him, I thought I would request a do mo divination from the venerable lord [Dalai Lama] to see whether there would be any hindrances if I went to Mongolia. [I wanted to make sure] that the future would be secure and to [provide an] answer to the Khan’s request. After investigating [through divination], the answer to the Khan’s request was, “If I were to go now then it is uncertain whether I would be able to finish my monastic studies in this lifetime; it would be of greater benefit if I were to remain in Tibet for the time being and go back later.” In regard to whether I should go back with the Khan or remain in Lhasa, I was not free to go back and forth between the two [options]. Consequently, although a mental burden arose due to this, I took the position that if I acted according to the word of the Lama, then all positive phenomena and prosperity would occur, and I was thus freed from distress. At that time, I compiled a biography of the Khan in Mongolian and offered it to the Sepo (Sras po) Paṇḍita. The Khan also gave me gifts and maintained his grace toward me as much as possible. After the Khan left, I stayed at Sera for many months, and I myself went to Phabongkha and received from Jamyang Drakpa the Empowerment of All Knowledge, the Ekavīra empowerment, the Hayagrīva empowerment, some other permission bestowals, the collected teachings of Gendün Gyatso, the biographies of the father and son,113 the supreme praise to the Lama, the supplemental ornament of the important points for fasting practices (smyungs gnas) composed by the victorious lord, the Fifth Dalai Lama, the ritual guidelines for fasting practice, [24a] and many other literary works, [such as] sections of teachings from the collected works of many lamas. As autumn came around, I went to Sera and I received from the sovereign lord Kyishö Tulku the great empowerment of Sītāpatrā, the Sixteen Spheres of the Kadampa (Bka’ gdams thig le bcu drug),114 Akṣobhya, the Five Deities of Cakrasaṃvara with a retinue of eight vetālas (ro langs), the Nine Completely Victorious Deities, the great empowerment of Zur bka’, the permission

78  Sangseraima Ujeed bestowal of Yamāntaka without a consort, Vajrasattva, Kālarātrī,115 the king of nāgas, and the permission bestowal of many tutelary deities. I also received the transmissions of the Four Interwoven Commentaries (‘Grel ba bzhi sbrags) [by Tsongkhapa], a lower root tantra, the Twenty-​One Notes on the Guhyasamāja Tantra by Tsongkhapa, the golden garland of the instructions on chöd, the commentary on mind training compiled by Gyalse Thogmé (Rgyal sras thogs med), and the transmission of the properly-​compiled sādhana on the maṇḍala of Sītāpatrā compiled by the venerable lord himself [the Dalai Lama]. I also received many other teachings. In the winter, while on the road to Tsang, I was invited by the master of the Baso monastery, Tendarwa (Bstan dar ba), so I went and paid my respects to the supports of the monastery. The master heard many teachings of his heart’s desire from me, such as the eight medicine sūtras. Furthermore, I requested the transmission of the Bka’ ‘bum of the distinguished hermit of their lineage, called Lobsang (Blo bzang) and many other teachings, which were kindly bestowed upon me. In the second winter month of that year, I focused on [teaching at] the tantric college and went to the torma offering for the New Year and also to the sitting assembly of the Prayer Festival of Miracles (chos ‘phrul smon lam)116 ceremony of 1675, and I performed the prayers together with the assembled masses. [24b] In the spring of that year, from the master Vajra-​holder Gendün Döndrub, I received the three maṇḍalas of Acting in Auspiciousness, the great empowerment of Yamāntaka, the permission bestowal of the four deities of the Kadampas,117 the long-​life empowerment of the system of Victorious Machig Labdrön (Ma gcig lab sgron ma), the permission bestowals of the Six-​Armed Dharmapāla, Reddish-​golden Maitreya, White Tārā, and the empowerment of the outer, inner, and secret Dharma lord. [In addition, I received] the oral transmissions of the Door Opening of the Golden Instruction on Transference of Consciousness, the advice given by Tsongkhapa to [his teacher] Rendawa (Red mda’ ba), the complete set of the five stages, the collected instructions of Khedrubje, the Clear Realization of the Great Retinue compiled by the Vinaya-​ holder, and the oral transmissions of many other Dharma teachings. From the summer until the middle of autumn, I went to the Mahābodhi stūpa and, together with the lamas and geshés, accomplished 100,000 [recitations] of the highest mantra of a ritual of the appropriation of Yamāntaka, 10,000 [mantra recitations] of each of the retinues, and [100,000] of the mantra [recitations] for the settling of wisdom. Afterward, we performed one hundred peaceful fire offerings. When the time of nearly completing all of these was approaching, I was continuously ill. However, I endured and memorized the Verse Composition of the Path, the Blissful Path of Training for Buddhahood, and the Verse Composition of the Stages of the Path composed by the great tāntrika Könchog Chogyen (Dkon mchog mchog rgyan). After relying on the venerable teacher, the great attendant

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  79 Lama for receiving the oral explanation of the practice, I stayed in the manner of maintaining the explaining the practice for twenty-​five days. Not even a small change in attention for even a little while occurred, but I was not able to maintain it continuously. By the influence of distractions, it was gone like a bird’s flight [leaving no trace]. [25a] Afterward, I went to Tashi Lhunpo and continued my practice. By the power of the eight mundane concerns, Desi Jinpa (Sde srid sbyin pa) was enthroned, and I  went to Ü to request a proper meeting. I  met with the higher and lower venerable ones with whom I had a detailed discussion. I was delighted and was given some donations, extra gifts, travel documents, and so on. Then I  went to Tsang, and during the winter, I  received from the Kyishö Tulku some empowerments and the permission bestowal of the body maṇḍala of Cakrasaṃvara with [his] great retinue. In between receiving teachings, I attended the torma offering of the twenty-​ninth day of the year, arranged by the tāntrikas, and the Prayer Festival of Miracles of 1676. I also properly performed the prayer for the teachings to spread. On the fifteenth day of the third Mongolian month, known as a black month, together with the monks of the tantric colleges of Ü and the masters of logic headed by Kyishö Tulku, I raised a maṇḍala of colored sand and then received the empowerment of Kālacakra and a small section [of the teachings on the Kālacakra] from the reincarnation of the Kālacakra master, the sovereign teacher Gendün Döndrub. We then performed the prayer to be born in the retinue of the cakravartin Raudracakrī and drink the nectar of liberation nectar of the first Buddha [of the time to come]. In the spring, after performing the sādhana-​pūjā of the Guhyasamāja, I went to Ü and stayed at Phabongkha. Then the sovereign lord Jamyang Drakpa requested teachings from Kangyurpa Jinpa Gyatso (Bka’ ‘gyur pa Sbyin pa rgya mtsho), [25b] [and together with Jamyang Drakpa], I  heard many scriptural transmissions of the Kangyur (Bka’ ‘gyur). When he was requesting the three volumes of the conclusion from the various sūtra and tantra sections, I prostrated to the master and [we] received them together. When the master became busier, I received from the master Ganjurpa the Sutra of the Golden Age (Mdo sde skal bzang), the middle chapter of the Suvarṇaprabhāsottama of the bhadrakalpa set of discourses, and the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra. I received almost all the sections of teachings from the collection of eight hundred dhāraṇīs, except for a few of the medicine sūtras, and I heard many further teachings. Moreover, while making offerings to the master Jamyang Drakpa, I received the Hundred Sādhanas (Sgrub thabs brgya ma), the Hundred Narthang Treasure Sources (Nar thang brgya rtsa), the permission bestowal of the Twenty-​one Tārās, a scriptural transmission of the great biography of the Five Celestial Buddhas, the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā, and other holy teachings.

80  Sangseraima Ujeed In the winter of that year, [a company made up of] great pilgrims came to Lhasa—​the female mistress, the novice nun,118 Yelteng Noyon, Taičing Hošoči, Mergen Akhai, the female master Gata, Sechen Noyon, and Uyitsen Noyon. Because they were my closest patrons, I went to Lhasa to meet them. The nun Magata, Üyitsen Noyon, and some others wished to receive the great empowerment of Yamāntaka, so I bestowed upon them the initiation of the Thirteen-​deity Yamāntaka [maṇḍala] and also bestowed the teachings desired by some of the other lords. During their stay in Lhasa, the great Yelteng Noyon became sick with fever and although the physicians of the Pöntsang Darmo (Dpon tshang dar mo) family and other of the most skilled physicians offered medicine, he did not get better. He told me that he needed medicine, and I said that I was not properly trained and was [therefore] unable to offer medicine. [26a] However, due to his increased persistence I offered him a few courses of medicine, and because of that his sickness was quickly healed. Like the saying from the medical tradition, “If the patient and the doctor have karmic connections, then the disease will be cured,” I knew [he was cured] by the power of faith. Then we went to Tsang, and after meeting with the supreme Panchen Lama, we held a feast for the benefactors. Afterward, we again hastily went to Ü and met with the higher and lower venerable ones, and the pilgrims stayed in Lhasa before their return [home]. After they had gone back, I went to Phabongkha to receive the transmission of the Kangyur (Bka’ ‘gyur). Prior to being given the Kangyur [transmission], following the instructions of the master I was offered the transmission of the great “Hundred Thousand Stories” (Gleng ‘bum) [chapter of the Vinaya], as well as the great empowerment of Vajrapāṇi with his great retinue and [the empowerment] of the Eleven-​faced Avalokiteśvara. From the start of the third month of 1677, I received [the transmissions for] the Ratnakūṭasūtra, the Avataṃsakasūtra, the general Prajñāpāramitā, the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra, the Lalitavistarasūtra, and many other sūtras. At the time when the masters became busy, I offered the transmission of the “Hundred Thousand Stories” of the Vinaya (‘Dul ba’i gleng ’bum) and some other teachings to the Chöje Lobsang Khetsun (Chos mdzad Blo bzang mkhas btsun) of the Zimzhag (Gzims zhag)119 [hermitage] and others who had the interest. Then, from the master geshe [Chöje Lobsang Khetsun], I  received the transmission of about fifteen volumes from the Four Applications of Mindfulness Sūtra and many other sūtras, the three hundred stanzas on the novitiate by Śākyaprabha, the Tantra Possessing Light (‘Od ldan rgyud), the Flower Garland Tantra (Me tog phreng rgyud), the Bhaiṣajyaguru Sūtra, the thirty-​four Jātaka stories [by Āryasūra], and up to page seventy-​eight of the praise of the qualities of the Guru compiled by the victorious one, the Dalai Lama, [26b] as well as the permission for the oral explanations of the practice of the Stages of the Path (Lam rim) compiled by the great abbot Jampa Rinchen (Byams pa rin chen), which I received up

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  81 to folio 121. From the master Nawang Lodrö (Ngag dbang blo gros), I received four volumes from the Kangyur such as the Sūtra on Great Liberation (Thar pa chen po[’i mdo]), four volumes of the Kangyur, the teaching of Gendün Gyatso, the generation stage of the body maṇḍala of Cakrasaṃvara, the Cakrasaṃvara fire pūjā of Ghaṇtapāda’s [Dril bu] system, the instructions on the Vinaya, the invocation prayer to the Buddha offered by the Lama of the protectors temple, and the transmission of the most excellent tantra. From the great master Lobsang Könchog (Blo bzang dkon mchog), I received the biography of Yönten Gyatso (Yon tan rgya mtsho, 1589–​1617), up until folio thirty-​eight of the prayer from the words of the Dalai Lama and the accompanying words of blessing and the explanations of the dedication, up to folio 105 of the karchak (dkar chag). [I also received] the transmission of a sādhana on the half-​moon maṇḍala and the Guruyoga given by the ḍākinī. When I had gone through about half of the sūtra of Thoroughly Apprehending the Foundational Good Qualities, on the eleventh day of the seventh Mongolian month, I became ill with intense fever and requested a physician from the Darmo family. While performing purifications, a case of blocked urine occurred, and although many methods were employed, they were not effective. I made myself a soup of three different field herbs, and I recovered from the condition. When high fever occurred, I requested divinations from the venerable lord, the Dalai Lama. He said: “Although the illness is serious, it is not a threat to your life. For the sake of recovery, perform a thousand healing rites, recite the collection of dhāraṇīs one hundred times, save the lives of animals to be slaughtered as much as possible, and perform the three parts of the torma ritual one hundred times, but let someone else take that [torma].” After completing these, [27a] on the twenty-​second day after the New Year, the physician Goma Ragpa (Sgo ma rag pa) performed purification rites. That night, I dreamed that I was lying down with my head placed in the lap of the Panchen Rinpoche, and from my stomach the oath-​bound Dharma king rose up and with his foot he squashed my head. Then the Panchen Lama said:  “Cleanse and purify his sickness!” Because of dreaming so, I woke up and a happy feeling arose. After Goma Ragpa performed purification rites, for one month and six days I was unable to get up [from the bed]. By the kindness of Desi [Sangye Gyatso], Goma Ragpa performed [rites] daily, and from time to time he [Desi] requested that the physician Sumgapa (Gsum dga’ pa) from the medical college be invited to check my health and he [told me to] perform 100,000 confessional rites to Palden Lhamo. His request was agreed to, and [as a result] I was a little relieved [of my sickness]. I could just about get up by being supported by two people, and then although the illness was not totally cured, I endured and continued to receive the transmission of the Kangyur, perfectly receiving all six and half volumes. Then, according to the instructions of the Dalai Lama, I stayed in Lhasa, and the physician Sumga

82  Sangseraima Ujeed (Gsum dga’) performed the rites of drawing bad blood and the cleansing of the stomach, and I felt a little better. At the time of meeting with the venerable lord, the Dalai Lama, he bestowed hand blessings upon me and he also tied protective knots for me. I  was very pleased. After receiving the protection blessing of the tutelary deity, I was given a protection blessing and continued to rely on the instructions of the venerbale one. In the spring of 1678, according to the word of the lord (the Fifth Dalai Lama), I stayed at the hot springs of Bamrong (‘Bam rong), which helped a little [with my ailments]. However, [27b] they were not completely cured. In the second Mongolian month, when the time is measured by the shadow of the sun, on the morning of the eleventh waning moon day, when just the one head and two feet of a person could be seen, I received from the supreme victorious lord, the Dalai Lama, the vow of a fully ordained monk (dge slong) in the lineage of the Panchen Lamas. In the fourth Mongolian month, although I  was given a purgative by the master physician, not many great benefits arose. Afterward, the head physician did an analysis and said that [the ailment] was due to bad food, so I went to ask the venerable lord Dalai Lama, as I was uncertain whether or not it was actually due to bad food. [His] analysis of it was that, “in order to employ a means to cure the disease, the physician had made up that particular analysis.”120 After saying this, he carried out a practice and something of a great benefit occurred. I stayed at the labrang [lamas’ residence] of the Lower121 Tantric College, which was built in Lhasa, up until autumn. On the fifteenth day of Saga Dawa (Sa ga zla ba), I  received the fasting (smyung gnas) vow from the great yogī Lobsang Könchog and carried out the practice of fasting once. From the master Lobsang Dönyöd Palzang I received the complete transmission of the Vinaya, the Teachings of Atiśa and His Disciples (Bka’ gdams legs bam), the commentary on reciting the names of the trilogy of the Garland of Horns (Rwa pod phreng ba), the commentary on the difficult points of Lama Tsongkhapa’s Essence of True Eloquence (Drang nges rnam ‘byed legs bshad snying po), Dharmakīrti’s Pramāṇaviniścaya, Nyāyabinduprakaraṇa and Hetubindunāmaprakaraṇa, the knowledge of debating the accomplishment of the other tantras, the Garland Explanation of the Empowerment of Yamāntaka compiled by Kyishö Tulku, the transmission of the application and the method of the teaching cycle of Maitreya, the Garuḍa initiation, some other protector-​[related] teachings, the Supreme Garuda Treasure Scrolls of the 10,000 Activities of Worship (Khyud khri las tshogs shog dril khyung rgyas yan), Tulku Tendzin Logyen’s (Bstan ‘dzin blo rgyan) [28a] commentary on the Three Principle Aspects of the Path (Lam gyi gtso bo rnam gsum) by Lama Tsongkhapa, as well as the root text itself, and the scriptural transmission of some other teachings. That summer, the lord physician Sumdag performed the bloodletting known as the bleeding of the nāḍī on my left hand.

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  83 In the autumn, at the time of the Canopus Constellation, I  stayed at some hot springs. Afterward, one day, although the master physician performed the bleeding of a mix of the three blood vessels of the forehead known as the dpral rtsa,122 byin long, and byon gzhug, my illness was not cured. At the time when some Chinese people came to receive the Amitāyus and Hayagrīva [initiations] from [the Fifth Dalai Lama], at the great assembly, I and two elderly Chinese were given it before the others and were also granted other favors [by the Dalai Lama]. At that time, since escorts [from Mongolia] came to ask me to return to Mongolia, as before, I asked [the Dalai Lama for advice]: “If I go without this illness being cleansed from its root, then great obstacles will arise. I have again and again tried to get better and recover; what can I do?” The answer of the Dalai Lama to this was: “If you go in the future when the illness has been cleansed, there will be no hindrances. You should also recite the Migtsema (Dmigs brtse ma) prayer123 100,000 times, the Heart Sūtra one million times, and go to the hot springs of Mang dkar straight away.” So I went. Afterward, I went to Tsang, arrived at Tashi Lhunpo, met with the [Second] Panchen Rinpoche, and stayed there for some days. Then, in order to go to the Mangkar hot springs, because it was [written] in the Desi’s authorizing permit, the upper and lower [monastic] robes and allowances were granted [to me] by Lhatse Dzong (Lha rtse rdzong) monastery. Following the instructions, I went to the hot springs and great miracles occurred. I offered tea to the assembled monks at Tashi Lhunpo twenty-​five times, to the four [large] monastic colleges, as well as to Götsang retreat center, the retreat centre of Changchen Dargye Taphug (Byang chen dar rgyas rta phug), [28b] and to the Ivory Ganden. At all of these monasteries, I offered tea to the assembled monks. In the winter, I went to the offering of the tenty-​ninth day of the last month, and after the Prayer Festival of Miracles of 1679, together with the assembly, I performed the aspirational prayer for the flourishing of the Buddha Dharma for the benefit of all sentient beings. At that time, the younger Lama Drung pa124 bestowed upon me the Hundred Thousand Stories of the Vinaya (‘dul ba’i gleng ’bum [chen mo]), the Path of Bliss (Bde lam) to Omniscience, and the transmission of a text written by the Lama himself and called The One-​Pointed Arising (‘Byung phur tshugs).125 He bestowed all these and said: “I am bestowing these upon you in the manner of a parting gift.” Also, from Labrang, I was gifted a statue of Amitābha, a thangka of the Buddha’s face [painted according to] the system of the “house” (gzims chung) thangka [style], an inner robe of the venerable lord [Dalai Lama], a piece of hair relic and blessings wrapped in a bolt of white cloth, Dharma robes, an upper shawl, and a thick serge. These were all given to me as parting gifts. On the twenty-​fifth day of that month, when I was departing from the great Dharma school of Tashi Lhunpo, the disciplinarian of the monastic institution and many others escorted me to Chushar thub.

84  Sangseraima Ujeed At the time of the ninth day of the second Mongolian month, two days after we arrived in Lhasa, I met with the venerable lord Desi, and afterward, because the old illness of the venerable lord, the Dalai Lama, had increased, he was not able to come out [to meet with me]. On the fifteenth day of the third Mongolian month, following the words of the venerable lord [Dalai Lama], I bestowed the ritual enhancement of the Vajra Garland (Vajramālā) upon the sovereign master Nawang Döndrup, who was also known as Namkhaizang (Tib. Nam mkha’ bzang), for the purpose of increasing the continuity of the empowerment that he had received from the venerable lord [Dalai Lama] On the morning of the sixteenth, [29a] at the time when I expressed the wish to request empowerments from the Dalai Lama, the venerable Desi said: “In that case, go to the Potala and request them.” I went according to his words and received the ritual enhancement [empowerment]. From then onward at the hermitage, for up to some twenty-​one days the empowerment of the forty-​five maṇḍalas of mixing the two streams was properly bestowed upon me, and because of obtaining it I was happy. During the day I received empowerment, and in the evening, I received from the great scholar Sönam Drakpa the transmission of the collection of the condensed essence of the eighteen limbs, the Ten Million Pearl Relics (Bye [ba] ring bsrel),126 and the Hundred Practical Notes (Nyams yig brgya rtsa). During that time, I was directly educated from the authoritative scriptures and [Sönam Drakpa maintained his] strong support of me with gifts and kindness. I offered tea to the assembled monks in each and every one of the aforementioned large and smaller monasteries of Tsang and also to Sera, Drepung, and Ganden, the three major monasteries, to the two tantric colleges, Yerpa Miduba (Yer pa rmi du ba), and to the venerable monastic college of Phabongkha, the promoter of virtues. In Reting monastery and in other larger and smaller monasteries, following instructions, I  offered tea to their assembled monks not just once but many times. Then, I went to the virtuous Yerpa Gungthang (Yer pa gung thang) and offered tea to the assembled monks, paid respects to their [religious] supports, and again went toward Lhasa. According to the instruction of the victorious lord Dalai Lama, I received from the victorious master, the retired Nawang Tendzin (Ngag dbang bstan ’dzin pa), the [second] transmission of the secret sādhana of Hayagrīva, the Hundred Long Life Empowerments (Tshe dbang brgya rtsa). Furthermore, I was offered the transmission of some desired teachings. Also, from the sovereign master Namkha Zangpo (Nam mkha’ bzang po),127 [29b] I received the scriptural transmission of both the king of the supreme Golden Light Sūtra and the smaller Golden Light Sūtra, the ritual procedures (cho ga) of the ten topics, and the smoke offering that is beneficial for China and Mongolia. I paid my respects to the two Śākyamuni images and to the religious supports of Sera, Drepung, and Phabongkha. On the first day of the fifth Mongolian month, I met with the venerable lord [Dalai Lama]. After he left the rows of the seated assembly, the venerable lord took off the monastic robes he was wearing

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  85 and gave them to me, and he also gave me a statue of the venerable one himself with a hollow head that had been blessed by his own hand many times. [He also gave me] authoritative letters, seals, and a permit. Then, when there was not a single government official by the [side of] the venerable lord and we were on our own, he first gave me the transmission of the Guruyoga. Then, during the third tea, he said: “Because you have the wish to benefit sentient beings, you should endeavor in the service of the teachings of the second Buddha [Tsongkhapa]. As for the other traditions, when practitioners of the Nyingma appear, carry the message that I said so to both the lay and ordained people [of Mongolia]. Afterward, if you practice the entrance into the refuge practice, upavāsa (bsnyen gnas),128 fasting (smyung gnas), the one hundred tormas, the Bka’ gdams legs bam, the Stages of the Path (Lam rim), and the practice of the lower sections of tantra many times, then the benefits will be great, and the obstructions will be small. If you act according to these words [of mine], then it will be good.” He later bestowed a detailed elaboration of these oral instructions. In response, I offered these words: “By whatever learning, realization, and virtue I have, if I do not have the capacity to fulfill your commands, [30a] please compose an aspirational prayer for me. Please, with compassion do everything to bestow your blessings for the benefit of the teachings and beings.” After I  requested these, I  received the protection blessings of [all] the protectors and was also given a banquet in a guesthouse as a [parting] gift. After the food was delivered, without anyone requesting it, the lord [Dalai Lama] bestowed the permission of Vajradhara that clears all obstructions upon the Garuḍa Mergen Taiǰi, his sister Sečen, me, and my five attendants. In the evening, when I met with the venerable Desi, the Desi gifted me with a golden statue of the Buddha, a thangka of the thirteen bka’ chen129 Mahākāla, two or three golden chests of well-​made monastic clothes, different types of woolen cloths, a horse saddle made in Burthang, a statue of the venerable lord Desi [himself], a thangka of the ḍākinīs of the ten directions, a long monastic shawl, monastic clothing, and a very thick, serge-​like blanket, which he gifted [to me in] bundles. On the fifth day [of that month], for the bestowal of the seal and permits, I went to request a composition of dedication and aspiration for some small offerings and a seal offering (tham phud).130 I also received hand and feet blessings and was told, “Offer the tham phud to the great lord (the Jowo Śākyamuni statue in Lhasa).” When I asked for an offering prayer, it was bestowed [upon me by the Fifth Dalai Lama] in this way: By the offering of this seal, which is like the blazing picture of twilight, May the merit of offering it in the presence of Śākyamuni, Who is the sole ornament of the world, Flow eternally like the streams of the Ganges to the mother ocean of the enlightenment

86  Sangseraima Ujeed [30b] O  f the royal lineage of Chinggis Khan, who seized the succession of heaven. After the descending arrow is threaded through the lunar mansion constellation, May he lead the struggling beings toward the path of liberation and Take control of the chariot of Buddha activity and transform cyclic existence! May the teaching of the Dharmarāja of the three times, Lama Tsongkhapa, Bless you to be one who can perform whatever practice you wish For all sentient beings to find joy In the cool shade of the foliage and fruits of the divine tree!

These verses were bestowed [upon me] in this way, and on a day of auspicious planets and stars, after writing it on a great, auspicious offering scarf, I offered it [to the Jowo Śākyamuni]. When leaving Lhasa on the eleventh day of the month, I was extremely depressed about departing for a long time from the side of the venerable, supremely victorious one, the Dalai Lama, from my masters such as the incomparably kind Sonam Drakpa, and from the two Śākyamuni statues. After I  consoled [myself], I humbly requested for supplication prayer for meeting with them again soon in the future. Then, I went to the mountain monastery Ganden and paid my respects to the great silver stūpa and the three religious supports of Ü, and I perfectly performed a prayer for becoming the servant of the teachings of the lord [Tsonkhapa] in the Mongolian country of the northern borderlands and for bringing benefit to all sentient beings. After offering a carefully presented tea, I met with the abbot, and afterward paid my respects to the three supports of Reting (Rwa sgrengs) monastery, which is the supreme original source of the teachings of the Kadampas. I offered tea to the masses and performed a prayer for the benefit of the Kadampa teachings. Then, I arrived at the place of Nagchu and stayed there for about ten days. After we passed [Nagchu], we crossed the great Dringchu (’Bring chu) river by way of the Kökenuur-​Lhasa highway, and when we arrived in Drongchung Drakpa (‘Brong chung grags pa), [31a] the river had flooded. Because we recited the Migtsema prayer and the prayer of Lobsang Gyalwama (Blo bzang rgyal ba ma) many times, that evening the water decreased and we were able to cross [the river] with ease. Then, I went to Kumbum monastery and paid my respects to the silver stūpa, the three supports, and the scholars, and then offered a properly-​presented tea to the assembly. Then the Cone Dharma lord Talai Hong Taiǰi, Sonam Tsewang (Bsod nams tshe dbang), and the other patrons [of mine] prepared a special feast and celebrations. On the first day of the eighth Mongolian month, we departed from Kökenuur and went by way of Etse. On the nineteenth of the ninth Mongolian month,

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  87 when we arrived at Artsha, the escorts of the Mahāpaṇḍita Khutugtu who were sent to ask about our health arrived. The next day the nuns of the Dharma lord and the messengers and escorts of Yelteng Noyon arrived, and on that same day, we arrived at Khostor. On the twenty-​first we arrived at the place called Khung Khere; after arriving, and then for seven or eight days thereafter, there was suddenly a great snowstorm, so we remained there and took a break [from traveling]. On the twenty-​ninth day, Tüšiyetü Khan and Tenzin Toyön’s (Bstan ‘dzin tho yon) messengers arrived, and from the first day of the tenth month, they stayed on the road with us. Together, we effortlessly reached Mahāpaṇḍita’s Ulashusu. On the third day [of the next month], my father, foster parents, some other old monks, the great monk of royal descent Tenzin Toyön, [31b] my three brothers, and many noblewomen arrived. That day, we met with the great scholar Mahāpaṇḍita Khutugtu, and because I made an offering of a golden statue of the protective Amitābha, four volumes of the records of teachings received (gsan yig) of the victorious lord [Dalai Lama] about seven bundles of monks’ outer robes, cassock-​like garments, and great offering scarves, he was extremely delighted. We stayed about three days and exchanged detailed news, [during which] at my own leisure, I gave the transmission of the condensed essence to some physicians in passing. On the side, I also gave a gift of one ger, two pieces of camel cloth for the inner lining of the [ger] wall, and exactly one hundred horses. Consequently, great benefit arose. Then, the Dharma lord, the novice nun, Yelteng Noyon, Lobsang Thoyon (Blo bzang tho yon), the great Lama of royal descent Tendzin Gyatso (Bstan ‘dzin rgya mtsho), the Taičing lord, and many other patrons held a feast. The novice nun gave me a gift, starting with exactly one hundred horses, and the great and small patrons gave me many gifts according to their own [mind]. I granted them permission bestowals according to each of their individual wishes. On the twenty-​ninth day of the eleventh month, we arrived at the monastery erected by Tendzin Thoyon. For welcoming [us], there was a procession of monks with offerings, a feast was held, and I granted long-​life empowerments and gave some other permission bestowals. I was given gifts, starting with a Mongolian ger large enough to fit about one thousand people, and because the laity and the ordained had faith, I accepted the gifts. On the third day of the twelfth month, our party arrived at my home, [32a] and starting with the adornment of the Dharma in the country of Mongolia, the Jebtsundamba, the messengers of many great and lesser spiritual leaders, and many other people, wanted to meet [me]. Due to being surrounded by their noise and bustle, I lost hope of practicing my [daily] recitals. From the twenty-​third until the Gutor Chenmo (dgu gtor chen mo)131 and the Great Prayer Festival (smon lam chen mo) of 1680, about sixteen or seventeen patrons paid their reverence, and the assembled masses properly performed the

88  Sangseraima Ujeed aspiration prayer for the spreading of the Buddhist teachings. After the prayers were carried out, [I passed on] the instructions of the victorious one [the Dalai Lama]: “If the practices of Nyenay (Bsnyen gnas) and Nyungnay (Smyung gnas) are spread in the Mongolian lands, then there will be great benefits.” According to this message, on the twenty-​fifth day, I grasped determination and bestowed the system of Gelongma Palmo (Dge slong ma Dpal mo) and the great empowerment of the Eleven-​faced Avalokiteśvara many times. From then on, the practitioners of Nyungnay became many. I  also bestowed many types of the lineages of transmissions, permission bestowals, and empowerments of the Guhyasamāja, Yamāntaka, Amitāyus, Sītāpatrā, Akṣobhya, as well as many others. In the spring [of 1680], when leaving from Gyalwe Kutsab Kyarpo (Rgyal ba’i sku tshab skyar po), I offered a feast, and due to offering thirty horses, cloths, and silks, there was much joy. Afterward, I granted the permission bestowals of the collected tantras of Yamāntaka to the Erkhetei Qing lord. In the sixth Mongolian month, I went to meet the lord of the northern direction, the lord of Dharma, Jebtsundamba. On the day I met with him, with great joy I bestowed [upon the Jebtsundamba] the detailed advice of the two spiritual and temporal traditions established by the Dalai Lama, [32b] and I bestowed it many times [thereafter]. After requesting a hand-​servant for going to the monastery known as Riwo Gegyeling (Ri bo dge rgyas gling), I arrived [there]. Having stayed about half a month, I received the permission bestowal of longevity and White Tārā and was given gifts of a monk’s shawl received from the venerable one, the Dalai Lama himself, a pillow, a cushion, a seat, a silk brocade, a silver plate, exactly ten srang of gold, ten seal skins, and thirty good horses headed by the best horse in the stables. On a nearby road, I received from the Nomon Khan the short transmissions and permission bestowals of the longevity teachings and auspicious blessings, and I made offerings of horses, a camel, cloths, and silks. Then, at the hot springs of Cira Matha, I met with the Vajra-​holder Tüšiyetü Khan and stayed at the hot springs for a couple of days. Then the Khan held a feast and bestowed upon me great gifts, starting with one hundred horses. After arriving home, the government servant Paṇḍita and the Yilagug (Yi la gugs) government servant, the both of them, arrived and I offered them gifts and reverence as much as was possible. In the eighth Mongolian month, I was summoned by Taičing Hošoči and a great feast was prepared, and I was given a hundred horses. I bestowed some permissions for clearing away obstacles. Many gifts were also given to my three brothers, such as 1,000 sheep, 330 horses, 200 cows, and 45 camels and gers. Afterward, because Üizen Noyon invited me, I went and stayed for some days and bestowed some permissions, and was also given good gifts, starting with a ger with inner lining and one hundred horses. Afterward, I was invited by Yelteng

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  89 Hong Taiǰi, and according to his wishes, I granted the permission bestowals of the Twenty-​one Tārās, a longevity empowerment and other empowerments, transmissions, and desired teachings. [F33a] Then, the Dalai Mañjuśrī Tulku also prepared a great feast and offered good gifts. Not long afterward, because of the invitation of Tayo Hong Taiǰi and many high and low-​ranking monks headed by Yila Kugsang Khutugtu, the Dharma lord Darpa Lama Paṇḍita, I  arrived there. I was told that Tayo Hong Taiǰi was not able to come because of an old illness, so Sečen Noyon was invited and a very extensive feast was held. [I was also given] a gift of two hundred horses, two hundred cows, exactly two thousand sheep, three camels, a fox skin, inner clothes, cloths, and a cloak, and was taken good care of. I bestowed the short transmission of Mahāpratisāra132 and some permission bestowals, and the long-​life empowerment. Upon the government servant Yila Kugsang, a group of monks headed by Darpa Lama (‘Dar pa bla ma), and the lords endowed with auspiciousness, I bestowed the empowerments of Yamāntaka and the Eleven-​faced Avalokiteśvara, and many classes of permission bestowals, transmissions, empowerments, and so on. May auspiciousness and virtuous goodness increase!

Notes 1. Not to be confused with the Oirad Dza-​ ya Paṇḍita Nam-​mkha’i rgya-​mtsho (1599–​1662). 2. Olziibuyan and Chuluun, Khalkhyn Zaya Bandida Gegeen (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. 2002): 1. 3. Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1635–​1723), also known as Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar, was the son of Tüsheet Khan of the Khalkha Mongols. He was recognized as a reincarnation of Jonang Tāranātha and later became the spiritual head of the Gèlukpa tradition of Tibetan Buddhism in Khalkha. He was popularly dubbed the “Mongolian Dalai Lama.” For the study of his biography and his religious and political positions, see Bareja-​Starzynska, “The Growth of the Religious Authority of the First Jebzundamba of Mongolia (1635–​1723),” in Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists:  PIATS 2006, edited by Johan Elverskog (Saale:  International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2008); and Bareja-​Starzynska, “The Mongolian Incarnation of Jo nang pa Tāranātha Kun dga’ snying po: Ӧndӧr Gegeen Zanabazar Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1635–​1723): A Case Study of the Tibeto-​Mongolian Relationship.” The Tibet Journal, Special Issue in Memory of Gyatsho Tshering (2010): 243–​265. 4. Mkhan chen Chos gyal blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan (1639–​1703) was the first reincarnation in Mongolia in the lineage of Lamin Gegeen. He was an influential poet, a medical doctor, and an astrologer who developed the system on which the traditional Mongolian calendar is based. His incarnation line’s origin is traced to India and he is said to have been reborn in Tibet six times. He was born in Mongolia in the

90  Sangseraima Ujeed year 1639. In 1642, he was recognized as a reincarnation of Lamin Gegeen, at which point he took the name Chos gyi rdo rje (Dharmavajra) and was enthroned as the abbot of Lamin Gegeen monastery. He was recognized as a proper reincarnation by the Panchen Lama and his advisors. After being accepted as a disciple of the First Jebtsundamba, he went to Tibet in 1673 to study Dharma. He was a good friend, teacher, and disciple of Zaya Paṇḍita. See J. Boldbaatar, Khalkhyn tamga bukhii khutagtuudyn tobchis. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2004): 73. 5. G. Lkhasayoure, “Khalkhyn Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein zokhiol tuuriluud gün ukhaany üelees,” in Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein mendelsnii 360 jiliin ond zoriultsan erdem shinjilgeenii baga khuralyn emkhetgel, edited by G. Ganhuyag and E. Dondub (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2012): 31. 6. Abatai Khan’s younger brother, a key figure in the spread of Buddhism in Mongolia. 7. Zayin Khüree monastery was renovated and reopened after its partial destruction during the communist revolution. It is located in the capital of Arkhangai Province, Tsetserleg, which is 257 miles west of Ulaanbaatar. For more on Zayin Khüree, see Isabelle Charleux (ed.), History, Architecture and Restoration of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree Monastery in Mongolia (Monaco: Centre d’études mongoles et sibériennes, 2016). 8. Don rgyan so lnga’i dper brjod tshangs sras dgyes pa’i glu dbyangs. 9. D. Yontan, “Monggolčud-​un Tübed kele-​ber bičigsen uran ǰokiyal-​un toimu,” in Monggol-​un Uran Jokiyal-​un Toimu, edited by C. Damdinsürüng and D. Cengdü (Kökekhota: Öbür Monggol-​un arad-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a, 1982): 1120. 10. Preserved in the nineteenth-​century Beijing block print. 11. Shak btsun blo bzang ‘phrin las kyi //​ ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las //​rang gi ‘khor bar spyod pa’i tshul //​shin tu gsal ba’i sgron me bzhugs. 12. He is said to have been one of the main disciples of Zaya Paṇḍita. Not much is known about this figure. Recently, his collected works (gsung ’bum) have been acquired from Lhasa by Japanese scholars. Sadly, I only obtained a xerox copy less than two weeks ago and thus regret being unable to include it in this study. 13. Dkyil ‘khor rgyal mtshog’i [rgyal mchog gi] mnga’’bdag rdo rje ‘chang dza ya pan dti blo bzang ’phrin las dpal bzang po’i rnam thar dpag bsam yongs ‘du‘i dbang po. It is located in the fifth (ca) volume of the collected works (gsung ‘bum) of Bka’ ‘gyur ba Blo bzang tshul khrims, ff. 53a–​144a. It can be found in vol. 39 of the voluminous “Collected Works” by Tibetan authors in eighty-​two volumes titled the Dpyad gzhi’i yig cha phyogs bsgrigs (A Collection of Basic Research Books). It was printed in the mid-​1990s in China by the “Tianjin Publishing House of Ancient Books.” 14. With the exception of a quotation of Tsongkhapa by his teacher Dondrup Rinchen (Don grub rin chen, 1309–​1385, also known as Chos rje Don grub rin chen, Tsongkhapa’s main teacher), which consists of seven-​syllable lines (-​-​/​-​-​/​-​-​-​). Given Zaya Paṇḍita’s knowledge of Daṇḍin’s work, his autobiography is surprisingly not fully compiled in kāvya verse with nine-​syllable lines (-​-​/​-​-​/​-​-​/​-​ -​ -)​ . 15. Galdan Boshugtu Khan, also known as Choros Erdeniin Galdan (1644–​1697). He led the Jungar Mongols against the Khalkha Mongols in the war of 1688, which ultimately led to the submission of the Khalkha to the Qing Empire. For a more detailed analysis of the Jungar-​Khalkha conflict, see Sneath (2007): 183.

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  91 16. See Altangerel (1982), Boldbaatar (2004), Ġalluu (2002), Gankhuyag and Dondub (2002), Öljei (1992), and Yontan (1982). 17. There are a few variations of Zaya Paṇḍita’s previous incarnation lineage. 18. Tümenkin Sain Noyon Khöndülüng Tsökhür (1558–​1640) was a younger brother of Abatai Khaan, and although not a Khaan or Khan himself, he was in charge of the seven banners of his Province, which meant that he had much input in spreading Buddhism in Mongolia. He himself traveled to Tibet, and as mentioned in Zaya Paṇḍita’s autobiography, he met both the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. He was also responsible for building the road from Lhasa to Kokonur. He later oversaw the establishment of the law in the newly independent Khalkha Mongolia as well as the later establishment of laws. It is also recorded in the accounts of the second son of Tümenkin Sain Noyon Khöndülüng Tsökhür, Danjanlam Betesjav, that the construction of Zayin Khüree was started by Tümenkin Noyon in 1631. See S. Öljei, Mongolyn dursgalt uran barilgyn tüükhees (Ulaanbaatar:  Mongolian Academy of Science, 1992): 55. However, according to his autobiography, he was born briefly as the son of a blind man and died at the age of three immediately before the birth as Zaya Paṇḍita. 19. Alternatively, in Mongolian: Second Zaya Paṇḍita Bandriin Lubsannyamdelegnamjil (1717–​1765), Third Zaya Paṇḍita Tsengenjabîn Luvsanchoinjinvanchig [Luvsandorj] (1767–​1803), Fourth Zaya Paṇḍita Dannrangiin Luvsanjigmednamjil [Luvsannanjil] (1804–​1867), Fifth Zaya Paṇḍita Vanchinbazarin Luvsanchoinjinvanchig (1868–​ 1904), Sixth Zaya Paṇḍita Sodnomdorjiin Lubsantuvden Choijinnyam (1904/​ 5–​1930), and Seventh Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsandanzanpüljinjigmed (1972–​present). The following list is a summary from various Mongolian and Western sources. See Ganhuyag and Dondub (2002), Öljei (1992), Boldbaatar (2004), and Bareja-​ Starzyńska (2016). 20. The line of the Mongolian reincarnations of the First Zaya Paṇḍita is as follows: Second Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang dge legs rnam rgyal (1717–​1765) Third Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang ‘jigs med rdo rje (1767–​1803) Fourth Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang ‘jigs med rnam rgyal (1804–​1867) Fifth Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang chos kyi dbang phyug (1868–​1904) Sixth Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma (1904/​5–​1930) Seventh Zaya Paṇḍita Blo bzang bstan ‘dzin phul ‘byung ‘jigs med dpal bzang (1972–​present) 21. Abatai/​Abadai Sain Khaan (1554–​1589) was the chief son of Ogonukhu Üijeng Noyon (born 1534), who was the third son of Gersenji Jalayir Khungtaiji (1513–​1549), who was the eleventh son of Batu Möngke Dayan Khan (1464–​1517/​1534). Abatai Khaan established independent Khalkha State (ulus) and promoted Buddhism in Mongolia. See Johan Elverskog, Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhism and the State in Late Imperial China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006): 58. 22. Sh. Bira, Mongolian Historical Writing from 1200–​1700, translated by J. R. Krueger (Bellingham:  Washington Centre for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 2002): 8. 23. It is today’s Arkhangai Province in Mongolia, around 250 km west of Ulaanbaatar.

92  Sangseraima Ujeed 24. Tradition holds this day to be the day of the birth, nirvāṇa, and parinirvāṇa of the Buddha Śākyamuni and is held as very auspicious. 25. He was presumably a Mongolian Gèlukpa monk. 26. J. Boldbaatar, Khalkhyn tamga bukhii khutagtuudyn tobchis (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2004): 68. 27. For more information on the figure of Galdan Boshugtu Khan and the events surrounding the war, see David Sneath, The Headless State (New  York:  Columbia University Press, 2007): 18. 28. Öljei (1992): 48. 29. During the Qing dynasty, the rank of zasag (“governor”), which is the same as the Tibetan rank spyi dpon, was bestowed upon individuals in the empire who controlled a banner or district. For more on titles and ranks during the Qing period, 30. This is a part of the Zayin Khüree complex. Öljei mistakenly writes that in 1699, Zaya Paṇḍita built the monastery in Khökhöt, which he named “Monastery That Clarifies Virtues” (Buyan Iltegegchi Khiid). See Öljei (1992): 48. In actuality, it was another lama known as Khökhöt’s Zaya Paṇḍita who built that monastery. According to the Archive of the monasteries in Höhhot written in 1786, this Zaya Paṇḍita came to Beijing in 1662 with over 160 households of disciples of Jasagtu Khan Banner of Khalkha and stayed in Höhhot following the command of the Kangxi Emperor. He was a renowned Eastern Mongolian tantric master famous for his active suppression of Shamanism. For more information about his life and activities, see Borjigin-​ Ujeed (2011): 265–​277. The fact that in 1697 the Dalai Mañjuśrī Neichi Toyon invited Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita to Khökhöt suggests that he did not have there a monastery of his own and had stayed instead with the Neichi Toyon. 31. D. Dashbadrakh, “Ukhaany ikh tavan orny yalguusan bandida Lubsanphrinlein Mongolyn nomyn üyesüd üütgen oruultsan khuv nemer,” in Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein mendelsnii 360 jiliin ond zoriultsan erdem shinjilgeenii baga khuralyn emkhetgel, edited by G. Ganhuyag and E. Dondub (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2002): 26. 32. Öljei (1992): 61. 33. Öljei (1992): 51. 34. An in-​depth discussion of the cosmopolitanism of the seventeenth-​century Tibetan Buddhist world is beyond the scope of this chapter and is something to which I hope to return in later projects. 35. Dashbadrakh (2012): 27. 36. Kurtis R. Schaeffer, “Tibetan Biography:  Growth and Criticism,” in Edition, Éditions:  L’écrit au Tibet, Evolution et Devenir, edited by A. Chayet, C. Scherrer-​ Schaub, F. Robin, and J. Achard (München: Indus Verlag, 2010): 296, on www.tbrc. org. 37. Sarah Shaw, “And That Was I:  How the Buddha Himself Creates a Path between Biography and Autobiography,” in Lives Lived, Lives Imagined:  Biography in the

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  93 Buddhist Traditions, edited by L. Covil, U. Roesler, and S. Shaw (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2010): 25. 38. J. Schober, Sacred Biography in the Buddhist Traditions of South and Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997): 17. 39. Ulrike Roesler, “Operas, Novels, and Religious Instructions: Life-​stories of Tibetan Buddhist Masters between Genre Classifications,” in Narrative Pattern and Genre in Hagiographic Life Writing: Comparative Perspectives from Asia to Europe, edited by S. Conermann and J. Rheingans (Berlin: EB-​Verlag, 2014): 121. 40. Shaw (2010): 19. 41. See Karmay’s newly published translation of the autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama. S. G. Karmay, The Illusive Play: The Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2014). 42. Roesler (2014): 265. 43. Janet Gyatso, “Autobiography in Tibetan Religious Literature:  Reflections on Its Modes of Self-​Presentation,” in Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 5th International Association of Tibetan Studies Semina, edited by S. Ihara, and Z. Yamaguchi (Narita: Naritasan Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1998): 101. 44. This is reflected in the popular saying still maintained amongst Tibetan Buddhist monks today: “The biographies of the previous scholars are the practices of the disciples who follow.” 45. This is reflected in the large collections of biographies produced by different Tibetan Buddhist traditions, often titled “rosary” or “necklace,” suggesting an unbroken chain of religious transmission, even if they are often structured like family trees rather than rosaries, with stress on transmission lineage rather than individual life. See Roesler (2014): 123. 46. This information would be a valuable addition to the existing scholarship on the previous incarnations of Zaya Paṇḍita, as it is believed that the incarnation as Tümenkin Sain Noyon Khöndülüng Tsökhür directly precedes Zaya Paṇḍita Lobsang Trinley. 47. Also known as La mo zhabs drung dkar po Blo gros rgya mtsho. He was a prominent Gèlukpa teacher from Amdo who was active in religious and political activities between Khalkha and Oirad Mongolia under the direction of the Fifth Dalai Lama and received the title Tsha kan No mon han (White Dharma King). He was recognized in 1612 as the reincarnation of La mo Tshogs gnyis rgya mtsho and presided over a monastic college he founded called Gcan tsha mgur dgon rnam rgyal gling with three hundred monks. 48. Among the most important are as follows: Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–​1682) First Panchen Lama Lobsang Chö kyi Gyeltsen (1570–​1662) Second Panchen Lama Lobsang Yeshe (1663–​1737) Ganden Tripa Palden Gyeltsen (1655–​1662) Gendün Dondrub (seventeenth century) Lingtö Shabdrung Lobsang Gyatso (1590–​?) Jamyang Drakpa (seventeenth century)

94  Sangseraima Ujeed Lobsang Tenpa Dargye (seventeenth century) Bka’ ‘gyur pa Sbyin pa rgya mtsho (1629–​1695) Götsang Khampa Drung Thönan Rgod tshang (seventeenth century) Ngagwang Lodrö (seventeenth century), also known as Mer gan bla ma or Mer gan bla ma Ngag dbang blo gros. 49. Batumöngke Dayan Khan (1464–​1517). 50. The Jowo Śākyamuni statue in the Jokhang and the Jowo Mikyö Dorje at Ramoche, which together are the two most sacred images of Tibet and the main pilgrimage sites in Lhasa. 51. The hollow inside the gsung da—​a deity statue, specific to the individual, that is made after death. 52. Recited when someone passes away. 53. A traditional Mongolian tent. 54. Jebtsundamba Zanabazar (1635–​1723) was considered to be the reincarnation of Jonang Tāranātha, was the son of Tüsheet Khan, and became the head of Mongolian Buddhism. 55. Jātaka tales. 56. A district of Lokha in southeastern Tibet. 57. Specific deity measurements for thangka painting. 58. The seven-​branch practice of prostrating to the Three Jewels, confessing negative actions, making offerings, rejoicing in the virtue of others, requesting the buddhas to turn the Wheel of Dharma, beseeching them not to pass into nirvāṇa, and dedicating the merit to the enlightenment of all sentient beings. 59. Mong. erdene (“precious”). 60. In a playful manner or in a casual manner—​indicating something was achieved without much effort. 61. Possibly something astrological like the Sanskrit pakṣa (“a fortnight”). 62. A measure of weight; srang is Skrt. pala, and one pala is four karṣas. 63. So ba rig pa—​a medical mūlatantra. 64. Studied in the first year of study that involves debating the topic of colors. 65. A later stage of the debate system. 66. Collected topics on characteristics and definitions. 67. Collected topics on the system of the lesser causes and effects. 68. The practice where every evening one of the best students recites the whole text to the saṅgha and everyone listens carefully while moving around the assembly. 69. Prayer done on a nightly basis after a person has passed away. 70. Names of chapters. 71. The chapter on impermanence from the Pramāṇavārttika. 72. The path of reasoning in the Rigs lam che ba—​the Greater Logic. 73. Extended commentary on the Pramāṇavārttika. 74. A Gèlukpa ritual text. 75. The ceremony of mending and purification—​the Saṅgha’s confession ritual, generally performed twice a month on the days of the new and full moon. 76. One of the three roots of all illnesses:  phlegm, wind, and bile (bad kan, lung, mkhri pa).

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  95 77. From ‘Bras spungs monastery who compiled the manuscripts of ‘Bras spungs lo gsel ling. 78. By Candrakīrti. 79. By Vasubandhu. 80. Both of these two are from within the Kangyur. 81. Uṣṇīṣavijaya (Tib. Gtsug tor rnam par rgyal ma). 82. The five classes of dhāraṇīs are the Uṣṇīṣavijayā, Vimaloṣṇīṣa, Guhyadhātu, Bodhiga rbhālaṃkāralakṣa, and Pratītyasamutpāda Dhāraṇī. 83. One of the Lam rim commentaries written by the Third Dalai Lama. 84. Mdo sde za ma tog: the Tibetan text of the Āryakaraṇḍavyūhanāma-​mahāyānasūtra. 85. Temporal and spiritual. 86. Ma ni bka’ ‘bum is a collection of various ritual and doctrinal texts centered on the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and attributed to the seventh-​century Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo (Srong btsan sgam po). The collection as a whole is considered a treasure text (gter ma). 87. The Kun rig rnam par snang mdzad, “the subtlest mind that is all-​knowing.” A practice of the cycle of Sarvavid Vairocana belonging to the Sarvadurgatipariṣodhana texts, the class of yogatantras popular in the Sa skya tradition. 88. Ancient book of the Kadampa school. 89. To make sure that those debating against him do not use other sources. 90. All in the second part of the Vinaya: (1) the 4 defeats, (2) the 13 reminders, (3) the 120 downfalls (serious and simple), (4) 4 matters to be confessed, and (5) 112 misdeeds. Individually all 253 precepts of a fully ordained monk are included in these. 91. A district in Gtsang. 92. This is either a proper name or several proper names—​the identity needs to be checked: Rgod tshang pa is a famous disciple of Milarepa; the physician could also refer to Sgam po pa. 93. The first day of Losar in the early morning, there is a ceremony at every monastery where the two best students recite auspicious words and debate. Those who are standing for this debate are tshogs lang. 94. A text on mind training. 95. Instructions on the Rde’u bcud len. 96. “Fragments of sayings” or “Scattered sayings”—​a common title. 97. When he refused to become the disciplinary master. 98. Monastery and retreat center. 99. Bka’ gdams pa text on the stages of the path as taught by Geshe Po to ba and edited by Dol po pa Shes rab rgya mtsho. 100. Tsongkhapa’s exposition of the chapter on ethics in Asaṅga’s Bodhisattvabhūmi. 101. The name of a work on blo sbyong (“mind training”). 102. Title of a work in the ‘Dul ba’i gleng ‘bum. 103. Candrakīrti’s extensive commentary on the Guhyasamāja Tantra. 104. The five stages of practical application of the father tantras, especially as taught by Nāgārjuna and his spiritual sons, Āryadeva and Candrakīrti. 105. Gyeltshap’s commentary on Dharmakīrti’s commentary on Dignāga’s compendium of pramāṇa.

96  Sangseraima Ujeed 106. Pratimokṣa, Bodhisattva, and Mantra. 107. The 108 small treatises of Atīśa. 108. The term brgya rtsa usually means 108. 109. Ritual with a frame made of sticks and colored threads for making offerings to deities and protectors. 110. Khye’u mig gi dga’ ston gyi rtogs brjod rin po che’i phreng ba. 111. The highest monasic scholarly rank of geshe, resembling the doctor of divinity. 112. The Tantra of the Enlightenment of Mahāvairocanacāryayoga. 113. Most likely this refer to the rnam thars Tsongkhapa and Khyedrub Je. 114. A sādhana system specific to the Bka’ gdams pa. 115. Tib. Dus mtshan ma. Skrt. kālarātri. 116. The annual Lhasa Prayer Festival, which was established by Tsongkhapa in 1409. 117. Acala/​Akṣobhya, Śākyamuni, Avalokiteśvara, and Tārā. 118. This probably refers to the widow of Zaya Paṇḍita’s earlier patron, the late Nomon Eǰen, who was ordained as a nun. 119. This refers to the Pha bong kha hermitage. 120. Basis of infusion of predisposition. 121. One of the two main tantric colleges; the other is the upper college: Rgyud stod. “Lower” refers to geographic location rather than status. 122. A blood vessel four finger-​lengths above the spot between the eyebrows. 123. Prayer to Tsongkhapa. 124. Attending lama to the Dalai Lama. 125. A prayer of renunciation. 126. Bye ba ring bsrel in the seventh rabjung by Zur mkhar ba Mnyam nyid rdo rje’s medical oral instructions, all gathered into a single volume known as the Glegs bam ring bsrel tsam la man ngag bye ba ‘byung bar gsungs pa’i sman gyi bstan bcos tshad ma. 127. The fifty-​fifth Ganden Tripa. 128. Same as upoṣadha, a day of reciting vows and abstaining from enjoyments. 129. Bka’ chen is the title of the highest scholastic degree given in the philosophical colleges of Tashi Lhunpo. 130. Refers to an offering associated with receiving an official seal (tham ka). 131. The name of the pūjā done on the twenty-​ninth day of the last month before the Mongolian New Year. 132. A spell goddess, one of the five gcan rim pa (Skrt. Pañcarakṣā).

Bibliography Altangerel, C. 1982. “Monggol ǰokiyalčid-​un tübed-​iyer bičigsen ǰokiyal-​un onul.” In Monggol-​un uran ǰokiyal-​un toimu, edited by C. Damdinsürüng, 1154–​ 1163. Kökekhota: Öbür Monggol-​un arad-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a. Bareja-​ Starzyńska, A. 2008. “The Growth of the Religious Authority of the First Jebzundamba of Mongolia (1635–​ 1723).” In Biographies of Eminent Mongol

The Autobiography of Zaya Pa ṆḌ ita  97 Buddhists: PIATS 2006, edited by Johan Elverskog, 49–​59. Halle, Saale: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies. Bareja-​Starzyńska, A. 2010. “The Mongolian Incarnation of Jo nang pa Tāranātha Kun dga’ snying po: Ӧndӧr Gegeen Zanabazar Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1635–​ 1723): A Case Study of the Tibeto-​Mongolian Relationship.” The Tibet Journal, Special Issue in Memory of Gyatsho Tshering (2010): 243–​265. Bareja-​Starzyńska, A. 2016. “The Reincarnation Lineage of Za-​ya Gegeen.” In Zaya Gegeeni Monastery, edited by I. Charleux, 39–​51. Special Issue of the Bulletin du Musée d’anthropologie préhistorique de Monaco. Monaco: Société d’Études Mongoles et Sibériennes and the Museum of Prehistoric Anthropology of Monaco. Bira, Sh. 2002. Mongolian Historical Writing from 1200–​1700. Translated by J. Krueger and J. R. Bellingham. Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University. Boldbaatar, J. 2004. Khalkhyn tamga bukhii khutagtuudyn tobchis. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Borjigin-​ Ujeed, U. 2009. “Indigenous Efforts and Dimensions of Mongolian Buddhism: Exemplified by the Mergen Tradition.” Doctoral Dissertation. Department of the Study of Religions, SOAS. University of London. Borjigin-​Ujeed, U. 2011. “Persecuted Practice: Neichi Toyin’s Mongolian Line of Buddhist Practice.” Inner Asia 13, no. 2: 256–​277. Charleux, Isabelle, ed. 2016. History, Architecture and Restoration of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree Monastery in Mongolia. Monaco: Centre d’études mongoles et sibériennes. Cousens, D. 2002. “The Visionary Lineages of Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo.” In Religion and Secular Culture, edited by H. Blezer, 129–​142. PIATS. Leiden: Brill. Dashbadrakh, D. 2002. “Ukhaany ikh tavan orny yalguusan bandida Lubsanphrinlein Mongolyn nomyn üyesüd üütgen oruultsan khuv nemer.” In Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein mendelsnii 360 jiliin ond zoriultsan erdem shinjilgeenii baga khuralyn emkhetgel, edited by G. Ganhuyag and E. Dondub, 75–​79. Ulaanbaatar:  Publisher unknown. Elverskog, Johan. 2006. Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhism and the State in Late Imperial China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Ġalluu, S. 2003. Monggol-​iyer delgeregülügsen burqan šaǰin-​u nom soyul uraliγ-​un teüke, vols. 1–​2, Kökekhota: Öbür Monggol-​un arad-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a. Ganhuyag, G & Dondub. 2002. Zaya Bandida Lubcanprinlein mendelsnii 360 jiliin ond zoriulcan erdem shinjilgeenii baga khuralyn emkhetgel. Ulaanbaatar. Gyatso, Janet. 1992. “Autobiography in Tibetan Religious Literature: Reflections on its Modes of Self-​Presentation.” In Tibetan Studies:  Proceedings of the 5th International Association of Tibetan Studies Seminar, edited by S. Ihara and Z. Yamaguchi, 465–​478. Narita: Naritasan Institute for Buddhist Studies. Gyatso, Janet. 1998. Apparitions of the Self:  The Secret Autobiographies of a Tibetan Visionary. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Karmay, S. G. 2014. The Illusive Play:  The Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama. Chicago: Serindia Publications. Lkhasayoure, G. 2002. “Khalkhyn Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein zokhiol tuuriluud gün ukhaany üelees.” In Zaya Bandida Lubsanphrinlein mendelsnii 360 jiliin ond zoriultsan erdem shinjilgeenii baga khuralyn emkhetgel, edited by G. Ganhuyag and E. Dondub, 30–​38. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Ӧljei, S. 1992. Mongolyn dursgalt uran barilgyn tüükhees. Ulaanbaatar:  Mongolian Academy of Science.

98  Sangseraima Ujeed Olziibuyan and Chuluun. 2002. Khalkhyn Zaya Bandida Gegeen. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Rheingans, J. 2010. “Narratives of Reincarnation, Politics of Power, and the Emergence of a Scholar: The Very Early Years of Mikyö Dorje.” In Lives Lived, Lives Imagined: Biography in the Buddhist Traditions, edited by L. Covil, U. Roesler, and S. Shaw, 241–​299. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Roesler, Ulrike. 2014. “Operas, Novels, and Religious Instructions: Life-​stories of Tibetan Buddhist Masters between Genre Classifications.” In Narrative Pattern and Genre in Hagiographic Life Writing: Comparative Perspectives from Asia to Europe, edited by S. Conermann and J. Rheingans, 113–​139. Berlin: EB-​Verlag. Ruegg, David. S. 1966. The Life of Bu ston Rin po che: with the Tibetan Text of the Bu ston rNam thar. Rome: Is. M.E.O. Schaeffer, Kurtis, R. 2010. “Tibetan Biography:  Growth and Criticism.” In Edition, Éditions: L’écrit au Tibet, Evolution et Devenir, edited by A. Chayet, C. Scherrer-​Schaub, F. Robin, and J. Achard, 15–​49. München: Indus Verlag. Schaik, van Sam. 2000. “Sun and Moon Earrings: The Teachings Received by ’Jigs med gling pa.” Tibet Journal 25, no. 4 (2000): 3–​32. Schober, J. 1997. Sacred Biography in the Buddhist Traditions of South and Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Shaw, Sarah. (2010). “And That Was I:  How the Buddha Himself Creates a Path between Biography and Autobiography.” In Lives Lived, Lives Imagined: Biography in the Buddhist Traditions, edited by L. Covil, U. Roesler, and S. Shaw, 15–​49. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Smith, E. Gene. 2001. “The Autobiography of the Rnying ma pa Visionary Mkhan po Ngag dbang dpal bzang.” In Among Tibetan Texts:  History and Literature of the Himalayan Plateau with a foreword by Jeffrey Hopkins, edited by Kurtis R. Schaffer, 13–​31. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Sneath, David. 2007. The Headless State. New York: Columbia University Press. Sneath, D., and C. Kaplonski, eds. 2010. The History of Mongolia Volume I:  The Pre-​ Chinggisid Era, Chinggis Khan and the Mongol Empire. Kent: Global Oriental. Sneath, D., and C. Kaplonski, eds. 2010. The History of Mongolia Volume II: Yuan and Late Medieval Period. Kent: Global Oriental. Sneath, D., and C. Kaplonski, eds. 2010. The History of Mongolia Volume III: The Qing Period and Twentieth-​century Mongolia. Kent: Global Oriental. Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center Library. 2014. http://​www.tbrc.org/​ Yontan, D. 1982. “Monggolčud-​un Tübed kele-​ber bičigsen uran ǰokiyal-​un toimu.” In Monggol-​un Uran Jokiyal-​un Toimu, edited by C. Damdinsürüng, 1117–​1153. Kökekhota: Öbür Monggol-​un arad-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a.

4

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament for the Mind of the Faithful: A Praise-​ Biography of My Root Lama Vajradhara, He Who Possesses the Three Types of Kindness, the Great Mahāpaṇḍita Endowed with Excellent Discipline and Learning Named “Sanjaa” Matthew W. King

Introduction The following text represents a hybrid genre of Inner Asian Buddhist literature combining “biography” (Tib. rnam thar) and “praise” (Tib. bstod) rendered into beautiful devotional verse.1, 2 By the late imperial period in which Sanjaa (Tib. Sangs rgyas) lived, Buddhist auto/​biography was a highly developed literary genre in its scope, poetics, and purpose.3 As our author, a disciple of Sanjaa, notes in the colophon, since he had only very rough information with which to write this praise-​biography the text fits within the “outer biography” genre (Tib. phyi rnam) that usually records common narratives about a protagonist, such as birthplace, course of study, times of ordination, disciples, texts written, monastery building, and place of death. In more elaborate biographies of a master—​ which our author suggests he wished he could have written had he secured the proper records—​an outer biography would be complemented by both an “inner biography” (Tib. nang rnam) and a “secret biography” (Tib. gsang rnam). These, very briefly, record the more hidden aspects of a master’s life, such as visionary experiences, dreams, and meditative attainments. Whatever its limits, the present text is one of the few extant biographies of prominent Khalkha monastics from the early twentieth century prior to the terrible purges of the late 1930s. (Another even later example is the 1936

Matthew W. King, Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament for the Mind of the Faithful In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0004

100  Matthew W. King autobiography penned by the author of the present text, Zava Damdin). The “seven-​limbed prayer” which follows the verse praise-​biography were (and are) traditionally recited at the beginning of practice in Inner Asian Buddhist endeavors, such as when engaging in meditation, ritual offerings, receiving teachings, and the like. The “seven-​limbs” of such prayers represent what Mongolian Buddhists of this time understood to be the conditions required in a practitioner’s mind to accomplish the path to enlightenment. Those preliminary processes include accumulating merit through prostrating, offering, rejoicing, and purifying negative karma and other obstructions through confessing previous misdeeds, promising not to commit them again, and gathering karmic causes to be in the presence of qualified gurus over the long duration of a disciple’s path across many future lives. In the context of the verse-​biography below, this prayer is written to help direct and draw to fruition the author’s wish that he be reunited with his departed master in lifetimes to come, that he may then act as a perfect disciple, and that he may eventually realize his guru’s enlightened state. Leaving aside the literary qualities of this text and turning to its contents, Sanjaa emerges as an extremely worldly figure about whom we sadly know nothing other than what is inscribed in these few dozen verses. With even bare details such as these, we see that Sanjaa lived a most extraordinary life by even the cosmopolitan standards of a great many late-​imperial Mongolian monks and pilgrims who regularly traveled to distant centers associated with the Qing-​Géluk formation, such as Mt. Wutai in Shanxi province, Lhasa, Kumbum, Beijing, and even to major pilgrimage sites elsewhere in the Himalayas such as Mt. Kailash. Even among such well-​traveled Mongolian Buddhists, Sanjaa stands out for having undertaken a remarkable visit to not only Nepal but also India. I know of no other Mongolian monastic figures to have traveled so widely other than Agwan Dorjiev, described in Chapter 20, who traveled in the early decades of the twentieth century even further afield across Russia, China, and Europe on behalf of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama and his home monasteries in Buryatia. Hopefully more sources will be unearthed that can provide a more detailed picture of his journey and of those Mongolian monks like him who traveled far afield in pursuit of the Dharma, patronage, wealth, and adventure. Beyond the fascinating scope of his travels, Sanjaa’s life as memorialized here helps illuminate the still little-​studied disciplinary formation a late-​imperial man (of even an exception figure like Sanjaa, never mind an everyday, unaccomplished monk) would take in Mongolia as he progressed through stages of lay and monastic ordination, scholastic education, ritual training, institutional administration, and transregional teaching and transmission duties later in life. Finally, a few explanatory notes are needed regarding vow taking and a scholastic course of study in late-​imperial Khalkha (and across the Tibeto-​Mongolian frontiers down to today more generally). Male lay precepts (Skrt. upāsaka; Tib.

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  101 dge bsnyen; Class. Mong. ubasi) include commitments not to kill, steal, engage in sexual misconduct, lie, or take intoxicants. Male novice monastic ordination (Skrt. śrāmaṇera; Tib. gde tshul; Class. Mong. yosotu sarimiri) involves keeping the five lay precepts plus five more: to not eat after midday, to not engage in unseemly entertainments like dancing or singing, to not adorn one’s own body with perfumes, cosmetics, or garlands, to not use high or luxurious seats, and to not accept gold and silver. In the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya tradition adopted in Tibet and in Mongolia, these ten precepts are expanded to thirty-​six. Regarding full ordination of a monk (Skrt. bhikṣu; Tib. dge slong; Class. Mong. gelung, ayaγ-​a tegimlig), the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya prescribed some 253 precepts that are to be followed. Additionally, a fully ordained monk is to retain only a very few specific possessions, pursue only a very limited set of activities related to the Dharma, uphold his ordination and his monastic community by means of a proscribed set of monthly and yearly rituals, and engage with the laity in specific ways. The messaging of master texts aside, just what cultural expectations existed in late-​imperial Mongolian societies regarding the ethical behavior of their monks requires further research. It is apparent, however, that in many cases then (as today), local Mongolian expectations differed sharply from the rules recorded in the Indian vinayas and also from the orthodox prescriptions of Géluk megamonasteries in Tibetan societies. This seems especially true in relation to living a monastic life while also quite publically keeping a wife and children, an apparently widely adopted practice by some, but not all, members of the saṅgha in prerevolutionary Khalkha. Courses of study beyond becoming literate and memorizing sets of ritual texts were reserved for a minority of monks who showed promise, had the requisite patronage to support long years of study without other forms of income compared to monks who performed rituals in the homes of the laity, for example, and who could make the long journey from home regions and local monasteries to the major monastic colleges of Central and East Tibet, Outer and Inner Mongolia, Beijing, and by the early twentieth century, Buryatia and even St. Petersburg. Such higher education rotated on a Herculean regiment of memorizing hundreds or even thousands of folios of Buddhist scripture and monastic textbooks particular to the college, oral recitation, public debate, and grueling examinations over the course of decades. A standard upper-​level course of study in Géluk scholasticism by Sanjaa’s lifetime, which he himself pursued and later taught to such acclaim (including to the author of the text below, the devoted student Zava Damdin), would have been commented upon aurally in Mongolian but otherwise engaged in literary Tibetan. According to the traditional curriculum, such studies first include foundational studies in logic and epistemology (Tib. bsdus grwa) before moving to many years study of “the five texts” (Tib. gzhung lnga)—​the five Indian śāstras (commentaries) that include, in order

102  Matthew W. King of study, Maitreya’s Abhisamayālamkāra, Candrakīrti’s Madhyamakāvatāra, Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāsya, and Gunaprabha’s Vinayasūtra. In the Ganden Potrang period (1642–​1959) inaugurated by the Fifth Dalai Lama, trans-​ Inner Asian Géluk scholastic programs were standardized in some important ways. However, within the still little-​studied expanse of Géluk networks across Siberia, Mongol lands, north China, and eastern Tibet especially, variability and locality ruled the day. In addition to institutional diversity that defined these vast webs of scholastic institutions, imperial patronage on the part of the Qing court (and, to an extent, shifting policies within the Tsarist imperium) meant that scholasticism grew substantially outside of Central Tibetan spheres of influence in Mongolian, Buryat, and Eastern Tibetan communities up to, and for decades after, the imperial-​nationalist-​socialist transitions that ruptured the first half of the twentieth century. For example, curricular details were specific to colleges, several of which could exist within a single monastery, such as Séra in Lhasa or Gandantegchenling in Ikh Khüree (Yeke-​yin Küriye, contemporary Ulaanbaatar). In addition, successful students were awarded various sorts of degrees depending on institutional affiliation, such as the geshe (Tib. dge bshes, Mong. gevsh) degree in the major monasteries of Lhasa and the kachu (Tib. bka’ bcu, Mon. gavj) degree in East Tibet and Outer Mongolia. Indeed, the major social and intellectual mechanism by which Mongolian scholastic and ritual traditions became so Tibetanized in the late imperium was that so many prominent monastic leaders from Mongolian regions spent decades of their life in Tibetan Géluk institutions pursuing higher scholastic studies and then, in many cases, returning to Mongolian regions to teach and standardize local tradition on the Tibetan model. Readers will find evidence of the effects of this long process in the translation of Zava Damdin’s grand 1931 survey of Mongolian monasteries (Chapter 19). In that work, written just before the purges, it is clear how important affiliation with major Central Tibetan monastic colleges had become to monastic identity in Mongol lands through the life and works of figures like Sanjaa.

Beautifying Ornament for the Mind of the Faithful: A Praise-​ Biography of My Root Lama Vajradhara, He Who Possesses the Three Kindnesses, the Great Mahāpaṇḍita Endowed with Excellent Discipline and Learning Named Sanjaa By Lubsangdamdin Oṃ svasti siddhi astu!4 Possessing vast, exalted intelligence like an ocean Gloriously filled by the jewels of learning and realization,

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  103 And gathering successive waves of Buddha-​activity. You, holy mahāpaṇḍita, Lord of Refuge, I praise!5 You joined the lineage of the Mahāyāna long ago, And then upheld, preserved, and increased The Victor’s holy Dharma of scripture and realization over many lifetimes. You who displayed such qualities, I praise! You were born in the centre of Khalkha in the north of the world, In the Male Fire Bird Year of the fourteenth sexagenary cycle (1837) Into a household of law-​abiding parents from a noble lineage.6 You whose birth was accompanied by marvellous signs, I praise! Having abandoned since infancy all ordinary childish behaviour, With your three doors ever carefree7 You created holy objects, spoke on the Dharma, constructed assembly halls, and so on. You who engaged in such extraordinary play, I praise! Activating your Ārya lineage while still a youth, When you were seven years old you took the lay precepts and ordained as a novice In the presence of the revered renunciant Ācārya Gonchigjav.8 You who entered the doorway of the Buddha’s teachings, I praise! At that time, while dwelling in the monastic assembly called Dashgimpellin,9 You [memorized] the liturgies, the propitiations, and the “group of ten” mantric rituals, Including those of Vajrabhairava, Guhyasamāja, and Cakrasaṃvara.10 You who learned to master all this effortlessly, I praise! All the while, you learned what behaviour is to be abandoned and what is to be adopted, The melodies for the liturgies, how to prepare torma offering cakes, How to translate Tibetan into Mongolian, how to write and read, and so on. You who acquired such a detailed understanding, I praise! You came to the feet of a Mahāyāna Spiritual Guide11 named Ishjamyan,12 With whom you had been connected over many lifetimes, Installed him in your heart [as your root guru] and pleased him. You who became the stamen of your Guru’s mind, I praise!

104  Matthew W. King You were abundantly taught by the pointing-​out instructions of that supreme Spiritual Guide On Dharma topics like the “Stages of the Path” and “Mind Training” And by this became very learned. You who, out of all your gurus, held this one to be the kindest, I praise! When you were fourteen years old you received the novice monastic ordination From that Abbot and Ācārya. When you were about twenty-​two, you received full ordination faultlessly. You who upheld the victory banner of the Noble Ones, I praise! Many authentic Spiritual Guides took care of you, Including the Vajra Ācārya Ravgaadorj,13 From whom you received the complete three vows And the jewel of initiation and blessing of the four classes of the great secret of Tantra. You I praise! After that, following the instructions of your virtuous Spiritual Guide You journeyed to Yeke-​yin Küriye, The great seat of the Refuge and Protector Jebtsundamba [Khutugtu], And dwelt there properly in the Lo-​ling monastic college. You I praise!14 Honoring upon your crown the upholder of the Tripiṭika Luvsandash,15 The Lord of Teachers Luvsanyam,16 and so on, For several years you heard teachings and trained In the scriptural system of Collected Topics.17 You I praise! Although you did not directly undertake any ordinary education In the words or meaning of oceans of non-​Buddhist and Buddhist texts,18 You gained certainty without requiring the help of others. You who possess such karmic tendencies from previous lives, I praise! At that time, from the mouths of many authentic, great beings, Including the Khambo Yonzin and the Khambo Lama, You received initiations, permission empowerments, commentaries, oral transmissions, and so forth. You who received such vast teachings, I praise! After that, you left for your homeland To care for your mother who had taken ill for some time.

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  105 Over a few years you ripened all the necessary roots of virtue in a lifetime.19 You who repaid [your mother’s] kindness by means of the Dharma, I praise! Once more, you returned to the great monastic seat [of Yeke-​yin Küriye] And undertook the study of the Prajñāpāramitā. A great controversy wrought havoc,20 however, so you became filled with sorrow. You who as a result set off for the center of the Land of Snow, I praise! By the power of your previously generated bodhicitta and prayers And because of an abundance of excellent virtue, You journeyed to the birthplace of the Father Jé [Tsongkhapa] and saw the great abode of Kumbum.21 You who prostrated, made offerings, and prayed [there], I praise! Soon after, you departed upward toward Tibet along the route from Kokonor. You quickly arrived in the Dharmic realm of the glorious city of Lhasa Without once being endangered by hostilities, robbery, nor injury from the four elements. You in whom arose immeasurable joy and faith, I praise! You dully exerted yourself in visiting, prostrating, offering, accumulating, and purifying22 In front of the principle holy objects, including the “Two Jowo Śākyamunis” and the “Two Āryas.” You had an audience with the actual Avalokiteśvara, Trinlé Gyatso.23 You who joyfully absorbed the ambrosial nectar of his speech, I praise! After that, you stayed at Gomang College in glorious Drépung Monastery And began to study the Prajñāpāramitā Under famous, unbiased lamas, incarnations, scholars, and siddha-​adepts. You who held the joyful songs of the teachings, I praise! Specifically, from Séra Mé Monastery’s Kongpo Sharchen24 You heard teachings upon the collected writings of [Tsongkhapa] Father and Sons. From three successive holders of the Golden Throne of Ganden,25 You heard commentaries upon the Stages of the Path. You I praise! From an incarnation of the great Throne Holder, You obtained the complete reading transmission of the Kangyur,

106  Matthew W. King And from the Supreme Mongol incarnation You obtained a complete transmission of the Indian scriptures, the Tengyur. You I praise! Relying respectfully upon Drakri Jamyang Lama,26 You took in the vast and profound Dharma like a pot filling up to the brim, Including principally “The Hundred Ripening Initiations,” “The Hundred Blessing Permission-​Empowerments,” and “The Hundred Liberating Commentaries.” You I praise! From the Refuge and Protector of Triwo, the southern incarnate Purbo Chok Jé, The incarnation of Ling, and so on,27 You received [transmission of] famous Collected Works and Ritual Compilations, The “Three Quintessential Instructions,” and the “Seal of Secrecy [Teachings].” You I praise! Furthermore, you and your knowledgeable Dharma brothers Exchanged among yourselves whatever teachings you each desired And gave to fortunate beings of the border and central regions Whatever stream of teachings they wished for. You I praise! At that time, while traveling to many of the famous, most blessed holy objects Housed in the holy sites of Ganden, Reting, Samyé, and so forth,28 You visited Mt. Tsa in Kongpo,29 The supreme palace of Cakrasaṃvara. You I praise! Along the middling circumambulatory path You slipped and tumbled down to the brink of a deep lake. Just then, two pilgrims—​a monk and laymen—​appeared and used a stick to pull you up. You who experienced such marvelous, magical manifestations, I praise! After completing your Prajñāpāramitā scholastic tour,30 You departed on a pilgrimage to Tsang [Province]. You arrived at Trashi Lhünpo and beheld the face-​maṇḍala Of the All-​Knowing, Mahāpaṇḍita [Buddha] Amitābha. You I praise!31 Once, when the Supreme Panchen entered the great temple To lead the Mending-​Purification Ritual,32

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  107 To everyone’s great surprise he placed his hands upon your forehead And asked you a question, even though you sat in the lower rows. You I praise! There you spent six months during the summer and autumn Turning the Dharma Wheel to more than a hundred lamas, incarnates, and geshes On principally the profound and vast Dharma Contained in the Collected Works of different Panchen Lamas. You I praise! After that, journeying via places such as Narthang and Sakya,33 You arrived in Nepal having suffered many hardships. There you visited the three stūpas, Nāgārjuna’s cave, and so on, And then traveled to Ox-​Horn Mountain. You I praise! While on its peak, upon the stairs leading to the throne of the Teacher [Buddha], For an entire day you gave the oral transmission Of the Eight Thousand Verse Prajñāpāramitā To a few fortunate Indian, Tibetan, and Mongol disciples. You I praise!34 In that region, you saw a heretic [non-​Buddhist] who was engaged in ascetic practice Die from jumping onto three sharp blades as a means to achieving liberation. Witnessing this, you developed an especially intense faith In the tradition of our Teacher [the Buddha]. You I praise! After that you went to the Indian city of Kuśinagar. There you saw the Parinirvāṇa Stūpa and so forth.35 After visiting many great, holy places in the north of the Land of Noble Ones. You began your journey home. You I praise! Along the way, you wandered to many meditation sites, Including those of the Lord Mila[répa], Padampa [Sanggyé] and Machik [Lapdrön].36 Loaded with many holy objects such as the “Hundred Thousand Teachings of the Jé,”37 You returned to Central Tibet. You I praise! At that time, a party of guides arrived from your homeland [to accompany you on your journey]. According to prophecies received from deities and lamas,

108  Matthew W. King You dully returned carrying an elephant load’s worth Of holy objects and rare texts. You I praise! You traveled the path easily and arrived at Kumbum. There you heard Dharma teachings from Tuken and others.38 And you shared aspects of the Dharma With many who deeply sought its meaning. You I praise! Soon thereafter you arrived at your birthplace. However, you remained uninterested in the way your countrymen Practiced the Dharma and engaged in worldly activities, Choosing instead to recall day and night the Dharma garden of Central [Tibet]. You I praise! Gradually you returned to the monastic seat of Yeke-​yin Küriye. You visited with Tibetan and Mongolian géshés and with your Dharma friends, Holding discussions about the Dharma. Because of that, everyone was filled with joy and inspiration. You I praise! The religious and political leaders of your home region Enthroned you as Abbot of the general monastic infrastructure.39 You turned the Wheel of Dharma in whatever way anybody desired, Whether lay or monastic, high or low. You I praise! You received a great many initiations and transmissions from supreme Spiritual Friends, Including those received at the feet of the Elder of the Dürbed [Mongols], The great Khambo Nentomolom.40 In return, you also extensively shared the gift of the Dharma. You I praise! At a place and time whose details remain uncertain [to me], You taught again and again on the complete Kangyur, The Collected Works of the “Smooth Protector” [Tsongkhapa] Father and Sons, And a selection of initiations and permission empowerments. You I praise! Since the time of your youth, following the example Of the life stories of the Indian [masters] who practiced only a single tutelary deity, You held Tārā, the Mother of all the Victors, as your tutelary deity. You who achieved the common signs of being blessed by that deity, I praise!

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  109 Other than a few compulsory and brief [public] recitations and sādhana practices, You kept your meditation and all other practices hidden. Whatever you saw or heard appeared as bliss and emptiness. You who were a great, hidden yogī, I praise! You once said: “There is no difference between Joining prayers in the monastic assembly, performing village rituals, Or engaging in your own personal practice—​they are all Dharma practice!” You who, whenever you were invited, went without hesitation, I praise! Wherever you went in places such as Upper or Lower Mongolia, Ü, Tsang, India, or Nepal, You were respected as a Guru by all supreme and lower beings And were requested to do divinations, protection rituals, and prayers. You who were a supreme guide for the nine types of beings, I praise! Since you kept your mind so tightly bound,41 you never set out to write any texts. Even so, texts arose spontaneously in your mind, Such as praises to the Arhats, verses of advice, and spiritual songs. Whenever scholars saw such texts, they rejoiced and hurled flowers of acclaim. You I praise! When you left this region and traveled to the Land of Noble Ones Your wisdom and courage increased exponentially. Whenever people asked you questions you gave astounding answers. You whose knowledge is inconceivable, I praise! When you were staying and traveling in Tibet You paid money in order to spare the life of a criminal. Despite this, heartless people remained ungrateful. You who lovingly offered special protection to such people, I praise! Although many great lamas and leaders showed you great respect, You were never jealous or haughty toward anyone in high or low positions. You regarded everyone, even beggars, equally. Though you carefully protected your possessions, objects, food, wealth, and animals from thieves, foxes, and so forth, You just laughed whenever you lost your possessions and were left wearing nothing. You I praise!

110  Matthew W. King Whatever offerings you received from the living on behalf of the dead, such as wealth and animals, You gave it all away to those engaging in virtuous actions, As charity to beggars, as tax to local people, and as support for the livelihood of your relatives. You who gave without a second thought, I praise! You commissioned statues, numerous large and small stūpas, And over five hundred volumes of scripture. Then you offered beautiful brocade robes to all of these [holy objects]. You who left such a pure white footprint, I praise! In this way, up until you were nearly seventy years old, You traveled across all of India, Tibet, and Mongolia, While engaging in the activities of the Three Wheels.42 You who benefited the Teachings and sentient beings, I praise! In the spring of the Wood Snake Year (1905), You went to Yeke-​yin Küriye and came into the presence Of the golden face of the Refuge and Protector Avalokiteśvara43 And were satisfied by the nectar of his teaching. You who protected your disciples by means of the four generosities, I praise! That autumn you once again returned to Yeke-​yin Küriye And sincerely requested the Supreme Lord of Victorious Ones to protect you. All the while, you continuously taught and gave transmissions On The Six Texts of the Kadampa in order to solidify that tradition. You I praise! At the end of that year, you suffered a minor illness. Though your were offered medical treatments and a long life ritual, There was no great improvement and your health situation deteriorated. You who remained unworried, I praise! In the [Fire] Horse Year (1906), lamas and political leaders of various monasteries Offered you maṇḍalas and made requests for your long life. So that they would accumulate merit and reflect upon interdependence, You accepted [their requests] at that time. You I praise!

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  111 When the responsibility to benefit beings using your actual body was complete, You encouraged those who see everything as permanent to practice the Dharma. While meditating on guru-​yoga, on the second day of the eleventh month You departed for the Pure Land. You I praise! At that time close disciples, relatives, and others who were dependent upon you Entered day and night into the house of sorrow. They did recitations, prostrations, offerings, sādhana practice, the cremation ritual, and so forth. In this way, they accomplished an effective death ritual. Them I praise! When your death-​time meditation44 was finished, They arranged to preserve your entire body.45 As such, you would remain as an object of Accumulating merit for your disciples. You I praise! This is a rough outline of the outer biography of you, O Protector. I have written down only what I have seen or what I have heard. Who other than the Omniscient One can possibly understand The fuller scope of the ocean-​like good qualities of your three secrets?46 Even so, when bees converge upon an ocean of lotuses They need to drink only a little nectar to become satiated with joy. I have similarly retained only a small piece of the ocean-​like biography of this lama, And have expressed it in poetry here. Alas! Kyi hud!47 O King of Subduers, Vajradhara come as a Spiritual Friend, I am at a loss when I think that in these degenerate times Some who have met you and who were your followers from beginning to end Still feel like they have been left empty-​handed!

[The Seven-​Limbed Prayer] Pathetic beings in different, degenerate times and places Remain stranded upon the slippery cliff of saṃsāra. For you who departed for the peace of nirvāṇa, [such bondage] is not in your character. From the invisible space [of a Pure Land], look upon us with compassion!

112  Matthew W. King You whose body displays signs of hundreds of virtues and blazes with glory, Whose speech beats the sound of the Dharma of sūtra and tantra and spreads it here, And whose wheel-​like mind possesses wisdom and compassion for the vast expanse [of reality], To the lama’s body, speech, and mind, I prostrate! With faith I make offerings pleasing to your mind, Such as an excellent ocean of Outer, inner, and secret offering clouds, Those actually offered and those superbly imagined! Since time without beginning, I have accumulated fundamentally negative deeds, Such as holding [my guru’s] body in contempt, ignoring [his] instructions, Agitating [his] mind, and eating offerings [intended for him].48 Remorsefully I confess each of these from depths of my heart And promise to never engage in them again! Recalling the collection of virtues accumulated in the three times By the buddhas, bodhisattvas, śrāvakas, pratyekabuddhas, and all sentient beings, As well as the good qualities of your three secrets and Buddha activities, O Protector, I sincerely rejoice! I request that from the expanse of the unobstructed sky of the Dharmakāya May one hundred thousand clouds of Rūpakāya (Form Bodies) arise for those who need taming, From which a continuous, pleasant rain of the vast and secret holy Dharma of sūtra and tantra May fall uninterruptedly upon fields of fortunate beings! Your Saṃbogakāya and your Nirmāṇakāya, appearing as an ordinary body, Act as a field of merit for your disciples—​ Whether they are pure or impure, strong or weak. I request that your lotus feet remain stable until saṃsāra ends! Using the composition of this prayer as an example, I dedicate all the merit accumulated by myself and others over the three times

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  113 As causes so that Spiritual Friends who illuminate the path for all sentient beings equal to space May inseparably and kindly care [for us while we] complete the grounds and paths And quickly achieve complete and perfect enlightenment! From now on, in life after life, may all others and I come to possess The support of an excellent human body with the four qualifications! O’ Vajra Holder who keeps the three vows, Please hold on to me without any separation! In the future, may I endlessly enjoy hearing, contemplating, and meditating Upon the ambrosial speech of my guru. May I delight [my guru] by accomplishing the three ways of pleasing him,49 Just as we find in Milarépa’s life story, and thus complete my path! By contemplating the precious human body, difficult to find but so easily destroyed, The sufferings of the lower realms, so difficult to bear, And going for refuge to the Three Jewels day and night, May I correctly accumulate virtue and reject wicked deeds! By means of an extremely powerful renunciation That views the happiness and enjoyments of saṃsāra as a blazing ground, And by upholding the victory banner of liberation always, May I infuse the pure Three Trainings into my mental continuum! Regarding all sentient beings as my kind elderly mother, And correctly seeing self-​cherishing as a fault and cherishing others as a virtue, May I produce the precious, supreme mind of bodhicitta By means of the “sevenfold-​advice” and “equalizing and exchanging self and others!” Receiving the vows of the offspring of the Victor50 In the maṇḍala of the Tathāgata, And by practicing the six perfection and the four means of magnetizing, May my own and others’ mind-​streams fully ripen! Activating an incisive concentration that accomplishes the welfare of others And a penetrating wisdom that understands the meaning of interdependence

114  Matthew W. King [Which together can] end the gross and subtle [obscurations] at the extremes of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, May I accomplish the supreme yoga that unites calm abiding and special insight!51 By means of a blazing wisdom and compassion, And by first relying upon an authentic Vajra Master, May I receive the four very pure initiations—​ The entranceway to the path of mantra that leads To accomplishing the three Bodies in a single life! By correctly protecting my pledges52 and vows, the roots of actual attainment, By ripening through taking the three bodies as a path in generation stage practice, And by liberating through the profound five stages in completion stage practice, May I complete my training of these two [stages] joined together! In this way, while engaging in a three-​year, three-​month, and three-​day retreat May I actually accomplish the complete path of sūtra and tantra! By quickly accomplishing Great Vajradhara in this very life, May I liberate all sentient by means of this amazing path! By the power of the compassion of the Lama and the Three Jewels And by the nondeceptive interdependence of cause and effect, May all that I have wished for in this prayer Be accomplished without effort! May the political realm remain stable So that the Victor’s teaching will spread and increase Around the world, and specifically, in China, Tibet, and Mongolia! May laity and monastics of high and low station Be ever congenial to one another and act according to the Dharma! May there be a grand festival of the four [abundances]!53

Colophon The faithful attendants Bhikṣu Luvsanchojun, Bhikṣu Luvsangdash, and Bhikṣu Luvsangjav requested this text, entitled the Beautifying Ornament for the Mind of the Faithful: A Praise-​Biography of My Root Lama Vajradhara, He Who Possesses the Three Kindnesses, the Great Mahāpaṇḍita Endowed with Excellent Discipline and Learning Named “Sanjaa,” while offering me silver coins and entreating me

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  115 to write Lama Rinpoche’s biography. However, I did not then possess even a seed of Lama Rinpoche’s life story, nor even his Record of Teachings Received.54 As such, this task was hindered for several years. In the autumn of the Wood Tiger Year (1914), I took a holiday along the south and north shores of the great Tula River.55 Though I still did not have the right resources to write an extensive biography in response to the request of those monks, I did write a very common biography according to whatever I could remember of what the Lama had said in passing and what I had learned from his Dharma companions. Thinking to set it all into verse, I became motivated for others with a similar purpose as mine to remember the Lama’s good qualities and kindness. May this become a conducive condition for the accumulation of merit! With this motivation, I have written the present text. I, Luvsandayan [Zava Damdin] in the form of a monk—​the worst disciple of this great Lama but someone who nonetheless teaches the Dharma correctly—​ finished writing this out by hand on the auspicious day and month of that year (August 25, 1914). By this virtue, may this great Lama Always keep others and myself as his disciples! Through the force of our practice, May we never separate from the Lama or the Dharma!

Notes 1. Blo bzang rta mgrin, “Bka’ Drin Gsum Ldan Rtsa Ba’i Bla Ma Rdo Rje ’chang Mkhan Chen Sangs Rgyas Mtshan Can Gyi Rnam Thar Gsol ’Debs Dad Ldan Yid Kyi Mdzas Rgyan,” in Rje Btsun Blo Bzang Rta Dbyangs Kyi Gsung ’Bum, vol. 1, 17 vols. (New Delhi: Mongolian Lama Guru Deva, 1975), 7–​19. 2. Though the text is written in Tibetan, I have transcribed personal names of Mongolian figures according to standard Khalkha pronunciation and spelling. In the notes I have given the spelling in both Tibetan and in vertical Mongolian-​Uighur script. I have kept place names and certain titles (such as Ikh Khüree and the Jebtsundamba) in vertical script Mongolian spelling, given that these were people and places that loomed large across the Inner Asian Mongolian Buddhist imaginaire, well beyond Khalkha (and thus well beyond Khalkha pronunciation). When our protagonist makes his way to Tibet, I’ve simply transcribed Tibetan names in the usual way, with Wylie transliteration supplied in notes. 3. For a few important studies on the growth of Buddhist auto/​biography in Inner Asia in different periods leading up to the late nineteenth century, see Kurtis Schaeffer, “Tibetan Biography:  Growth and Criticism,” in Editions, Éditions:  L’Écrit Au Tibet, Évolution et Devenir (München:  Indus Verlag, 2011); Kurtis Schaeffer, Himalayan

116  Matthew W. King Hermitess: The Life of a Tibetan Buddhist Nun (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); Janet Gyatso, Apparitions of the Self: The Secret Autobiographies of a Tibetan Visionary: A Translation and Study of Jigme Lingpa’s Dancing Moon in the Water and Ḍākki’s Grand Secret-​Talk (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998); Andrew Quintman, The Yogin and the Madman:  Reading the Biographical Corpus of Tibet’s Great Saint Milarepa (New  York:  Columbia University Press 2013); Agata Bareja-​ Starzyńska, The Biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei:  Studies, Annotated Translation, Transliteration and Facsimile (Warsaw:  Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA, 2015); Johan Elverskog, ed., Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists: PIATS 2006, Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Königswinter 2006 (Halle: IITBS, International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2008); Blo-​ bzaṅ-​tshul-​khrims and Rudolf Kaschewsky, Das Leben Des Lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blo-​ Bzan-​ Grags-​ Pa (1357–​ 1419):  Dargestellt Und Erlautert Anhand Seiner Vita. “Quellort Allen Gluckes (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1971); Elijah S. Ary, Authorized Lives: Biography and the Early Formation of Geluk Identity, Studies in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism (Somerville MA: Wisdom Publications, 2015); Bstan-​ʼdzin-​nor-​ bu and Benjamin Bogin, The Illuminated Life of the Great Yolmowa (Chicago: Serindia Contemporary, 2014); Sangseraima Ujeed, The ‘Thob yig gsal ba’i me long’ by Dza-​ya Paṇḍita Blo-​bzang  ’phrin-​las (1642–​1715):  An Enquiry into Biographies as Lineage History. Doctoral Dissertation (University of Oxford; Humanities Division Faculty of Oriental Studies Brasenose College, 2017); and Amy Holmes-​Tagchungdarpa, The Social Life of Tibetan Biography: Textuality, Community, and Authority in the Lineage of Tokden Shakya Shri (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014). 4. These types of kindness describe the gifts a guru gives to his or her disciples. There are two ways of listing them, which cover the major themes in Zava Damdin’s praise-​biography that follows here. First, from the sūtra point of view of the general Mahāyāna path, the guru is kind because of giving vows (Tib. sdom pa), oral transmissions (lung), and commentary (khrid). From the point of view of the esoteric Tantric path, the guru is kind because of giving initiation (dbang bskur), commentating upon the tantric scriptures (rgyud bshad), and imparting quintessential advice (man ngag dnang ba). 5. Each line of this first verse is built poetically around the component parts of its protagonist’s full name “Luvsanbaldansanjaajav” (Tib. Blo bzang dpal ldan sangs rgyas skyabs; Class. Mong. Lubsangbaldansangjaijab). In the source text, each syllable of his name, dispersed over this poetic supplication, is marked by a dot as a reading cue (bolded here): zab yangs blo gros bzang po’i chu gter che/​lung rtogs nor bus gtams pa’i dpal dang ldan/​ sangs rgyas mdzad pa’i rlabs phreng ‘khrigs pa can/​skyabs rje mkhan chen dam par gsol ba ‘debs. 6. “Noble” (ya rabs) could indicate either that Sanjaa’s parents were of upstanding and noble character or that they were members of the local Khalkha nobility. 7. The “three doors” (Tib. sgo gsum) are the body, speech, and mind. 8. Tib. Lha btsun dkon mchog skyabs kyi skyabs. 9. Tib. Bkra shis dge ‘phel gling, Class. Mong. Dashigimpilling.

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  117 10. The three principle tantric deities of Unexcelled Yoga Tantras in the Géluk tradition (Tib. Rdo rje ‘jigs byed, Gsang ba ‘dus pa, ‘Khor lo bde mchog). 11. Skrt. kalyāṇamitra, Tib. dge ba’i bshes gnyen, Class. Mong. buyantu nökör baγsi 12. Tib. Ye shes ‘jam dbyangs. 13. Tib. Rab dga’ rdo rje; Class. Mong. Rabjadorji. 14. The monastic college (datsan) that followed the monastic curricula of Drépung Losél Ling in Lhasa. 15. Tib. Blo bzang bkra shis; Class. Mong. Lubsangdashi. 16. Tib. Blo bzang nyi ma: Class. Mong. Lubsangnima. 17. Tib. bsdus grwa. This is an elementary but critical class in the Géluk scholastic program focused on training in logic and reasoning. 18. phyi nang gtsug lag. 19. In other words, Sanjaa undertook extensive religious practices to accumulate merit and purify negativities on behalf of his ailing mother over the years he spent tending to her. 20. ‘gal rkyen cher bdo ba 21. This place is Kumbum Jampa Ling (Tib. Sku ‘bum byams pa gling), a major Géluk monastery in the Sino-​ Mongol-​ Tibetan frontier near present-​ day Xining City (Qinghai Province, PRC) commemorating the birth site of the founder of the Géluk tradition, Jé Tsongkhapa Lozang Drakpa (Tib. Rje tshong kha pa blo bzang grags pa, 1357–​1419). A modest monastery was first built there in 1560, but it was soon dramatically expanded in 1583 by the Third Dalai Lama. Kumbüm became a major Géluk outpost in the eastern reaches of the Tibetan cultural region in the centuries that followed, being a gateway and layover for pilgrims and students from Mongolia, Siberia, and China going to and fro from Central Tibet, as well as being a major degree-​granting scholastic institution in its own right. 22. I.e., the accumulation of merit and the purification of negative karma and other obstacles, two prerequisites for Buddhist self-​cultivation and realization. 23. Tib. ‘Phrin las rgya mtsho, the short-​lived Twelfth Dalai Lama (1857–​1875). 24. Shar chen is a way of referring to the Shar rtse cho rje. This is the Dharma Master of Ganden Shartsé College, considered to be the successor of Jé Tsongkhapa’s disciple Khédrup Jé, one of two high positions. The Throne Holder of Ganden (Dga’ ldan khri pa), the head of the Géluk school, is traditionally elected from either this position or the Dharma Master of Jangtsé (Byang rtse Chos rje), considered to be the successor of Tsongkhapa’s other principal disciple, Gyaltsap Jé. 25. In other words, the Ganden Tripa who are successively elected as heads of the Géluk Tradition (see note above). 26. Brag ri byams dbyangs bla ma. 27. Tri bo skyabs mgon; Lho sprul phur lcog rje; Gling sprul. 28. Dga‘ ldan; Rwa bsgreng (sic. Rwa sgreng); Bsam yas. Three famous monasteries in Central Tibet associated with the founding of three important Inner Asian Buddhist traditions. The first, Ganden Monastery, was founded by Tsongkhapa himself in 1409 and became one of three major “mother monasteries” in Central Tibet for the

118  Matthew W. King dispersed Géluk School. The second, Reting [Radreng], was the first monastery of the Kadampa School founded in 1057 by Dromtönpa, the Tibetan disciple of the Bangladeshi master Atīśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna (982–​1054). The last, Samyé, was Tibet’s first monastery, founded in c. 779 by the Tibetan King Trisong Detsen, the Indian monk Śāntarakṣita, and the tantric guru Padmasambhava, and is closely tied to the identity of the Nyingma School and the memorialization of Tibet’s imperial history from the seventh to ninth centuries c.e. 29. Kong po tsa ri, southeast of Lhasa. 30. Grwa bskor [dam bca’]. This was by then a well established, though little researched, tradition in both Central Tibet and Khalkha of defending one’s knowledge of a scholastic topic in debate against opponents from other monastic colleges. 31. This refers to the second most important incarnation in the Géluk School, the Panchen Lamas, whose monastic seat is in Tsang Province at Tashi Lhunpo (Bkra shis lhun po). 32. This refers to the upoṣadha confession ritual (Tib. gso sbyong; Class. Mong. teǰiyegči), required of monastics twice monthly in order to mend broken vows and purify any major or minor breaches of monastic conduct. 33. Snar thang (an important village and monastery associated with a famous printing house); Sa skya (the principal monastery of the Sakya School, founded in 1073 by Könchok Gyelpo of the Khön clan). 34. Given the ambiguous shortening of nouns here to accommodate meter, it is possible that Sanjaa taught either Indian (rgya gar) or Chinese (rgya nag) disciples alongside his Tibetan and Mongol audience. I have guessed that it is the former, since by this point in the biography Sanjaa is very near the territory of India. 35. This stūpa marks the site where the Buddha is remembered to have died, thus achieving his “final nirvāṇa.” 36. Mi la ras pa (1043–​1123), Tibet’s famous yogī-​saint and poet); Pha dam pa sangs rgyas (eleventh century, an Indian yogi who according to tradition visited southern Tibet many times and transmitted Pacification of Suffering teachings); Ma gcig lab sgron (1031–​1129), a great female practitioner who was one of Padampa’s chief students and founder of the Chö lineage (Tib. Gcod) practiced across Inner Asia to this day, known in Mongolia more often as Luijin (“giving away the body”). 37. Rje ‘bum ther. Given the shorthand, I am unclear to what specific scriptural collection this refers. 38. Thu’o (sic. Thu’u) bkwan. This refers to the Thuken incarnation line, one of the most important in the Sino-​Mongol-​Tibetan frontiers, whose main seat was at Gonlüng Monastery in today’s Qinghai Province of the PRC near Xining City and Kumbüm Monastery. 39. Chos gzhi byings kyi mkhan po. I  remain unsure which monastic title exactly this refers to. 40. Gnyan khrod smon lam, Class. Mong. Nyentrömolam. 41. Thugs rgyud sgam pas. 42. Here this appears to refer to the “Three Wheels” of study, meditation, and action.

Zava Damdin’s Beautifying Ornament  119 43. This refers to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama Thupten Gyatso, who resided in Ikh Khüree with a massive entourage for a few years while on the run from the British forces that had invaded Tibet in 1904. 44. Thugs dam. This refers to the special way of dying of accomplished meditators in Inner Asian Buddhist traditions, whereby a master abides for days or weeks in a subtle meditative absorption on emptiness well beyond biological death (the end of breathing and a heartbeat, for example). 45. I.e., mummification. 46. The enlightened activities of body, speech, and mind. 47. An expression of lament. 48. Using offerings for oneself that were meant for the guru. 49. There are various versions of these three ways that a student may conduct herself or himself in order to please an authentic guru, such as by offering material objects, service, and meditative accomplishment. 50. That is, the bodhisattva vows. 51. Skrt. śamatha and vipaśyanā; Tib. zhi gnas and lhag mthong. 52. Skrt. samaya; Tib. dam tshig; Class. Mong. samam-​a. 53. Phun thsogs sde bzhi: the abundances of the Dharma, wealth, faith, and liberation. 54. Tib. thob yig, an understudied genre of Inner Asian monastic literature that, as part of a Qing-​era explosion in the scope, purpose, and length of biographical writing across Inner Asia, recorded in extensive detail the complete lineage of every teaching, transmission, initiation, and vow taking a biographical subject received over the course of his life, from learning the alphabet to the heights of tantric esotericism. 55. Tib. To’u la, known today more commonly as the Tuul River.

Bibliography Ary, Elijah S. 2015. Authorized Lives: Biography and the Early Formation of Geluk Identity, Studies in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism. Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications. Bareja-​ Starzyńska, Agata. 2015. The Biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei:  Studies, Annotated Translation, Transliteration and Facsimile. Warsaw: Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA. Blo-​bzaṅ-​tshul-​khrims and Rudolf Kaschewsky. 1971. Das Leben Des Lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blo-​ Bzan-​ Grags-​ Pa (1357–​ 1419):  Dargestellt Und Erlautert Anhand Seiner Vita. “Quellort Allen Gluckes. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. Bstan-​ʼdzin-​nor-​bu and Benjamin Bogin. 2014. The Illuminated Life of the Great Yolmowa. Chicago: Serindia Contemporary. Elverskog, Johan, ed. 2008. Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists: PIATS 2006, Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Königswinter 2006. Halle:  IITBS, International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies. Gyatso, Janet. 1998. Apparitions of the Self:  The Secret Autobiographies of a Tibetan Visionary: A Translation and Study of Jigme Lingpa’s Dancing Moon in the Water and Ḍākki’s Grand Secret-​Talk. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

120  Matthew W. King Holmes-​Tagchungdarpa, Amy. 2014. The Social life of Tibetan Biography:  Textuality, Community, and Authority in the Lineage of Tokden Shakya Shri. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Quintman, Andrew. 2013. The Yogin and the Madman: Reading the Biographical Corpus of Tibet’s Great Saint Milarepa. New York: Columbia University Press. Schaeffer, Kurtis R. 2004. Himalayan Hermitess:  The Life of a Tibetan Buddhist Nun. New York: Oxford University Press. Schaeffer, Kurtis R. 2011. “Tibetan Biography:  Growth and Criticism.” In Editions, Éditions: L’Écrit Au Tibet, Évolution et Devenir, 263–​306. München: Indus Verlag. Ujeed, Sangseraima. 2017. The ‘Thob yig gsal ba’i me long’ by Dza-​ya Paṇḍita Blo-​bzang ’phrin-​las (1642–​1715):  An Enquiry into Biographies as Lineage History. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Oxford; Humanities Division Faculty of Oriental Studies Brasenose College.

5

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and Shedrub Tendar ErdeneBaatar Erdene-​Ochir

Introduction A trilogy translated here is comprised of three separate but doctrinally related works by two eminent Khalkha Mongolian Géluk scholars—​Ngawang Palden Chöje (Ngag dbang dpal ldan, chos rje, 1797–​1864), a.k.a. Agvaanbaldan Tsorj, and his student Shedrub Tendar Ngagrampa (Bshad sgrub bstan dar, sngags rams pa, 1835–​1915), a.k.a. Shadüvdandar Agramba.1 This trilogy consists of elegant verses eulogizing the Three Principal Aspects of the Path—​Renunciation (Skrt. niryāṇa; Tib. nges ‘byung), the Mind of Enlightenment (Skrt. bodhicitta; Tib. byang chub kyi sems), and the Correct View (Skrt. samyakdṛṣṭi; Tib. yang dag pa’i lta ba)—​the most important facets of the Buddhist path to the enlightenment in accordance with the teachings of Tsongkhapa Lobsang Dragpa (Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags pa, 1357–​1419), the founder of the Tibetan Buddhist Géluk order. Tsongkhapa authored a concise work entitled the Three Principal Aspects of the Path (Lam gyi gtso bo rnam gsum), integrating the essences of the entire exoteric Mahāyāna path into the triple aspects.2 Ngawang Palden’s initial intention when writing the earliest of the three works may have not been to write separate texts praising all three aspects. However, it is not difficult to imagine Shedrub Tendar’s work on renunciation as intended to complete the trilogy, supplementing his teacher’s textual praises for the mind of enlightenment and the correct middle-​way view. Perhaps with this in mind, the compilers of Ngawang Palden’s collected works published in Delhi in 1983 included Shedrub Tendar’s praise of renunciation in this collection.3 In the sixteenth century, rulers of various Mongol groups welcomed representatives of the Géluk order. This time, unlike the thirteenth-​century Mongol reception of Tibetan Buddhism, which was principally limited to nobility, the Mongols—​both royals and commoners—​were introduced to the Géluk doctrine and were converted on a vast scale into pious supporters of the Géluk tradition. Eventually, the Géluk teachings became regarded by Mongols as the most accurate and coherent interpretation of the entire Buddhist doctrine, and

ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir, A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and Shedrub Tendar In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0005

124  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir they flourished throughout almost all of the Mongolian cultural and political spheres.4 In the subsequent centuries, the Géluk order became the dominant Buddhist school in both Tibet and Mongolia thanks to the political support of Mongol lords. As a result, not only did Mongols financially patronize the Tibetan Géluk order and provide it with administrative protections and military support, but they also successfully adopted the Géluk tradition as their spiritual and intellectual archetype. The spread of the Géluk order among the Mongols is often regarded as the “later dissemination” of Buddhism in Mongolia.5 Indeed, for the Mongols, the teachings of Tsongkhapa and his immediate disciples, the founding fathers of the Géluk order, became the highest authority with regard to the interpretation and practice of the Buddhist teachings. Thousands of young Mongolian men studied the Géluk doctrine in Tibet, and hundreds of Géluk monasteries were built throughout Mongol lands. With very few exceptions, Mongolian monasteries exclusively used the literary Tibetan language as a clerical language for their monastic activities, including rituals, prayers, and Dharma studies.6 Accordingly, many Mongol scholars, who studied in major Géluk monastic institutions in Tibet, composed various Buddhist commentarial and clerical works exclusively in the Tibetan language. By the nineteenth century, Mongol monasteries also began to produce highly sophisticated Buddhist scholars, competent in composing Buddhist commentarial works in accordance with the various genres of Tibetan literature and touching upon different aspects of Buddhism, including the most subtle and profound doctrinal tenets. Both Ngawang Palden and Shedrub Tendar were Khalkha Buddhist scholars who carried out their studies in Ikh Khüree, which was the major monastic seat in Khalkha Mongolia. They subsequently became renowned scholars. Unlike many other Mongolian scholars—​their predecessors and contemporaries, who were educated in Tibet—​Ngawang Palden and Shedrub Tendar were products of a Mongolian institution. Instead of bringing knowledge back to their home country from foreign learning centers, they studied in Ikh Khüree and received monastic educational degrees from their associated institutions.7 Yet the fact that they were not trained in any of the prestigious Géluk monasteries in central Tibet does not seem to have been a detriment to their scholarship and ability to compose highly sophisticated exegetical works. Although in order to offer readers a glimpse into the authors’ thoughts and interpretations of Buddhist philosophical points, translations of their philosophical exegeses would ideally be included in this volume, I decided to include here sample translations of their more poetic works.8 What is particularly intriguing about these works is that instead of glorifying particular buddhas, bodhisattvas, or other deities, the authors eulogize certain qualities of the mind and realizations embodying them as actual objects of praises. Praising an impersonal entity is, of course, not unprecedented in Buddhist literature, but dedicating entire literary works for the purpose of praising particular mental qualities is certainly rare.9

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  125 In 1852, during a break, Ngawang Palden composed his Verses of Praise for the Mind of Enlightenment (Byang chub sems la bstod pa’i tshigs su bcad pa), a beautifully versified original work that stylishly resonates not only with Tibetan compositions but also with those of Indian poets found in the Tibetan Buddhist canon.10 This work is the earliest of the three texts translated here. It also contains references to several stories from Indian mythology, especially those from Jātaka tales, demonstrating the author’s vast knowledge of Indian Buddhist sources through their Tibetan translations. Hence, a diligent reader may need to consult the stories mentioned in this work as they are found in relevant Buddhist scriptures, such as the Sūtra of the Exalted Sublime Golden Light, the Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish, and the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines as well as in treatises such as Āryaśūra’s Garland of the Buddha’s Past Lives, and its Indian commentaries, specifically those composed by Haribhaṭṭa, Dharmakīrti, and Vīryasiṃha, and other Tibetan commentators.11 The second work of this trilogy is Ngawang Palden’s Verses of Praise for the Middle-​Way View (Dbu ma’i lta ba la bstod pa tshigs su bcad pa). Seeing Ngawang Palden’s earlier work of praise to the Mind of Enlightenment, the Khalkha’s prince Hosho Chin Wang (héshuò qīnwáng, 和碩親王) Tsering Dorjé (Tshe ring rdo rje) requested him to write a similar praise for the Middle-​Way View.12 Coupling the Middle-​Way View, which represents the wisdom facet of the Buddhist Mahāyāna path, and the Mind of Enlightenment, which is the method facet of the path, is doctrinally an important practice for Mahāyāna followers, especially for those belonging to the Géluk tradition. This may have been what motivated Tsering Dorjé to ask Ngawang Palden compose praise for the Middle-​Way View, so as to constitute a complete work on the two facets of the Mahāyāna path—​ wisdom and method. In response, Ngawang Palden wrote this work in the spring of 1853 during his retreat break, resorting to some important teachings of the Middle-​Way found in the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras and their commentaries. In this work, echoing Tsongkhapa’s emphasis on the importance of the correct view within the Three Principal Aspects of the Path, Ngawang Palden writes: Although the classifications of the Dharma are many, Those which have the capacity to plant the seed of liberation Are absolutely only these three: Renunciation, the Mind of Enlightenment, and the Correct View. Moreover, in order to plant such a seed By means of Renunciation and the Mind of Enlightenment, One definitely must develop experience By transforming one’s mind through repeated cultivation.13

126  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir Perhaps inspired by Ngawang Palden’s works, his younger contemporary Shedrub Tendar, a holder of the two most prestigious degrees awarded at Ikh Khüree for exoteric and esoteric studies, penned a versified praise of renunciation entitled A Golden Razor That Cuts Off Fantasies: A Praise of Renunciation (Nges ‘byung la bstod pa snang shas gcod pa’i gser gyi spu gri), completing the trilogy dedicated to the three Principal Aspects of the Path. Given that Ngawang Palden was well known in major Géluk centers in both Tibet and Mongolia, his student Shedrub Tendar, who flourished at the same monastic college with which his teacher was primarily associated, must have been not only very familiar with his teacher’s works but also inspired by them. Since renunciation, the third principal aspect of the path, is believed to be the necessary foundation for the other two facets—​wisdom and method—​of the Mahāyāna path, Shedrub Tendar may have been motivated to complete the trilogy by writing its praise. Among Mongolian scholar-​monks, the practice of composing eulogies to different qualities of the mind and realizations was not limited to this trilogy. Shedrub Tendar’s younger contemporary, the Mongolian scholar-​monk Lobsang Tamdrin (Blo bzang rta mgrin, 1867–​1937), a.k.a. Zava Damdin, composed a melodious praise to Great Compassion, entitled A Precious Crystal Rosary: One Hundred and Eight Verses Praising Great Compassion (Snying rje chen po la bstod pa’i tshigs bcad brgya rtsa brgyad pa rin chen shel phreng).14,15 In translating this trilogy, I purposefully attempted to preserve the semantic meaning of the Tibetan originals instead of translating the texts into English poetry, which would have been beyond my ability.16

Translated Texts Verses of Praise for the Mind of Enlightenment By Ngawang Palden (Ngag dbang dpal ldan, 1797–​1864) [388] Namo bodhicittāya (Homage to the Mind of Enlightenment)!17 I pay homage to the Mind of Enlightenment, Which is the sole entrance to the path for the beings intent on enlightenment, Which is the empowering condition to attain supreme enlightenment, and Which generates enlightenment and emancipation as well as all higher rebirths. I prostrate to You, O Aspiration of the Great Vehicle, The supreme seed of liberation through the Great Vehicle, The great axis of the path of the Great Vehicle, and The precept that includes all paths of the Great Vehicle.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  127 Please protect me, O You, the sole father of all conquerors,18 The finest cream of the conquerors’ teachings, The deepest of the supreme intentions of all the conquerors’ heirs, and The foundation praised by all the conquerors! I have a genuine faith in You, O supreme mind, Who are the fire to consume the fuel of sins, Who are the medicine to cure various diseases of suffering, and Who are the inexhaustible treasure to fulfill all wishes. You alone are a skilled craftsman, Who seals the threshold to the three lower rebirths, [389] Who unlocks the entrance to higher rebirths and liberation, and Who accomplishes the perfections of the two kinds of benefits.19 Even the motivations of sins which, when committed by others, Would immediately split the earth open and cause them to go to hell, Are transformed by You into the cause of enlightenment; O Your miracles are truly amazing! If a person who has violently severed The four limbs of other beings Who have generated You in their mental continua, is liberated, How much more so those who worship You with faith? The fact that the five demons, Who drank the king Maitrībala’s blood, Attained emancipation before the era of the Buddha’s teachings Is also because of Your kindness.20 If the fact that the tigress, Who ate the flesh of the great Sattva, Was born as Mahāprajāpatī is not by Your power, Then what else would it be?21 [390] The fact that the brahmin Jalavāhana Who offered water and food to thousands of fish Obtained a prophecy from the Buddha That they will attain enlightenment, is also due to You.22

128  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir If miserable beings, even those in lower rebirths, Who have generated You, O supreme mind, in themselves Are worshipped by other beings, including gods, How much more so other fortunate ones? The conqueror taught that if one finds You, You will be the only alchemical extract to transmute Base iron of the other paths Into the pure gold of the correct path, the Great Vehicle. The conquerors, who meticulously investigated the question, “What is the method of attaining Buddhahood?” For innumerable eons again and again, Perceive You alone to be the best method. The banana tree of alternative virtues Withers as soon as its fruit ripens; The wish-​granting fruit of the Mind of Enlightenment Increases more and more no matter how much one enjoys it. The satisfaction experienced through the pursuit of one’s happiness Is the general custom for sentient beings such as me; But, the satisfaction experienced through the pursuit of others’ happiness Is the unprecedented custom that is originated from You. The fear that is produced through an anxiety that oneself might suffer, Is common to all beings; But, an even greater fear through an anxiety that others might suffer Is the custom that is revealed by You. Even seeing this body, For the benefit of which one will burn in hell Through killing, stealing, etc., [p. 391] as an enemy Is certainly first originated from You. We, vulgar beings, conceive envy, When others experience happiness; But, You, the supreme mind, conceive envy, When others experience suffering.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  129 You, even without been asked, Bear all miseries of other sentient beings upon Yourself; I suppose that for You, The path arises even from envy. Or, having exchanged Your own virtues and happiness For sufferings of others, You completely purify obscurations and accumulate merits; Therefore, You are highly skilled in commerce. All the great armies of demons, Who harm living beings to their best ability, Perceive You as their ultimate enemy, Thinking of You as the cause of all contentment and prosperity. Conquerors and their heirs in the ten directions Regard You as their only dear child, Because You are the place of repose For all living beings who are wandering in saṃsāra. It is certain that the well-​known story that the earth shook When You were first born is due to The weight of Your excellent qualities By which even the earth may have been overwhelmed. Or, the earth may have performed a happy dance Thinking, “I have thrown away great burden,” Because living beings are emancipated from saṃsāra Due to Your tremendous power. Whether the harvest is growing or not, [392] The hired farmers get their wages; Similarly, whether You actually arise or not, Those who meditate on You obtain immeasurable merit. If the other paths do not truly arise, The mere semblances of them have little benefit. Yet, even the mere semblance of You Bring about great benefit for all of us.

130  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir Even seeing a corpse of dead lion, All other beasts get frightened; Similarly, even a quasi-​mind imitating You Outshines all other roots of virtue. For this reason, Lord Tsongkhapa emphatically taught That one should be content With meditating on You, even if unproductively, Because such benefit should not be underestimated.23 If one meditates on You even a little, Immeasurable merit will be generated; Likewise, if one profits or fails You even a little, The karmic consequence will be immeasurable. Accumulating wealth to nourish one’s own body Is a custom for all ordinary sentient beings; But, the amazing custom of the wise, for the sake of others, Offering one’s body is initiated by You. Ordinary sentient beings are happy When they receive goods from others; But, heirs of conquerors influenced by You are extremely happy When they can give to others. Some consider their patrons, Who give them resources, as kind; But, the heirs of conquerors, Who are under Your sway, consider the beggar exceedingly kind. Ordinary beings think to gain profits [393] By taking wealth from others; But, the heirs of conquerors, who meditate on You, think that gaining profits By giving wealth to others is even better. For some, the sound of somebody begging for their heads and limbs Cause them to be threatened; But, for the heirs of conquerors, who are under Your sway, It is much preferable to living comfortably.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  131 Ordinary selfish beings like us are stingy, Thinking, “If I give it away, how can I enjoy it?” Meditators on You generate the mind of generosity, Thinking, “If I use it, how can I give it?” Some inflict harm on other living beings For their own sake, But, those, who are under Your sway, Give up even their own lives for the sake of others. No matter how much food I eat, I have no expectation for a reward; Similarly, no matter how much the wise benefit others, They have no expectation for a reward because of Your power. Those, who have safeguarded themselves for their entire lives From the nonpurifiable failures of the individual liberation precepts, Cannot be even compared To the heirs of conquerors, who have attained You for half a day. Sensual desire which is actively discouraged for others Is said to be the worst for degeneration of merits; Yet, the Conqueror has allowed those who are under Your sway To enjoy it as much as they wish. For some, murder, etc. are strictly prohibited Even at the cost of their lives; But, it is taught that those who meditate on You for a long time Are blameless as long as they act for benefit of others. The householders, heretics, etc. are normally banned [394] In order to protect from criticism; But, the wise who have obtained You, protect them Even more than they do the followers of the Lesser Vehicle. Some protect their own bodies and lives From poisons, weapons, enemies, etc., but it is insignificant In comparison to the wise, who meditate on You, Protecting their own minds from the Lesser Vehicle.

132  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir It is impossible for some to fear Even the sufferings of hell as much as The wise, who are Your servants, Fear stages of śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas. Abiding in the Incessant Hell for eons Cannot harm You As much as the mentality That relishes in peace harms You. Even the harms of binding, beating, etc., Which would cause hostility for others, Only help Your practitioners To develop more tolerance. Ordinary selfish beings like us begrudge others When they gain riches and honor, Whereas, You, the supreme mind, begrudge Yourself When You gain riches and honor. Adverse conditions such as suffering, Which cause other virtuous practices to deteriorate, Cause the virtues motivated by You to increase even more, Just as butter fuels fire. Even various evil deeds of demons, Which would be extremely harmful for others, Are taught to be enormously beneficial For those heroes who have been empowered by You. This is like, for example, Sadāprarudita, Who, by sprinkling blood copiously, Accumulated immeasurable merit When obstacles were created by an evil demon.24 [395] Therefore, although the storm of adverse conditions Is able to extinguish the lamps of other virtues, It only helps You, the great forest fire, To blaze even more.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  133 Just like no one can avert The influx of Ganges River to the ocean, No demon hoard can avert one From righteous activities urged by You. Seeing the suffering of others Wise people, who are urged by You, Become frantic just like a mother, Whose only beloved child has fallen into a fire pit. Abiding in the Incessant Hell for many eons For the sake of even a single sentient being Can be as joyful as a swan, abiding in a lotus lake; This is because of Your power. Even entertainments, such as Pleasing others with distracting treats, Can be the supreme elixir, Which develops the power of meditation on You. Although liberation, charisma, etc. Are possible even for the followers of the Lesser Vehicle, Those who are disconnected from You will not be able to attain The limitless meditative stabilizations of conquerors’ heirs. If it is not held by Your powerful hand, O the hero of the supreme mind, Even the sharp blade of the wisdom axe Cannot severe through the trunk of cognitive obstacles. Even the great blazing of omniscience Caused by the magnifying glass of excellent wisdom, [396] Is ultimately due to being struck by the brilliant radiance From You, who are the sun of supreme mind. Heirs of conquerors, being content With transforming and emancipating living beings, Abandon even the joy of their own liberation; If it is not due to You, then whose kindness would it be?

134  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir Even the fact that the sun of the conquerors, Without setting behind the western mountain of nirvāṇa, Continuously rises from the pinnacle of the eastern mountain of saṃsāra Is due to the power of being moved by Your inspiration. I, with hope in mind, always go for a refuge With a genuine conviction In the supreme mind which causes The terrors of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa diminished. By the assembly of virtues gained by praising in this way, May I swiftly generate the Mind of Enlightenment And having done so, may it grow ever greater Forever without deterioration! By the magical powers of this supreme mind, Having miraculously traversed through the stages to enlightenment, May I quickly become a true guide For all mother sentient beings! By the strength of the three jewels’ infallible blessing, By the power of the ultimate sphere’s immutable truth, By unmistaken effects of actions, and by the reality of dependent arising, May all goals that one wishes for swiftly be accomplished!

Colophon These verses of praise for the Mind of Enlightenment were written by a pseudo-​renunciate, humble monk Ngawang Palden during a break at Damchö Gyurméling (Dam chos ’gyur med gling) Monastery in the Forty-​Sixth Year of the Fourteenth Sixty-​Year Cycle (1852). May this work also benefit the Buddha’s teachings and all living beings! Sarva-​maṇgalaṃ! (May all be auspicious!)

Verses of Praise for the Middle-​Way View By Ngawang Palden (Ngag dbang dpal ldan, 1797–​1864) [516] My mind respectfully goes for refuge To the excellent path of the middle-​way free from extremes, The ship to carry me across the ocean of saṃsāra and The entrance to nirvāṇa—​the city of tranquility.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  135 I bow down to the mighty sun of the path of liberation, That never descends to the ground of eternalism Nor abides in the sky of nihilism, but Rather completely eliminates the darkness of extreme views. I bow down to the mighty garuḍa of the profound path, Who is unobstructed by the poison of mental afflictions, Who overpowers the life of the snake of essentialism, and Who forever playfully soars in the empty sky. I bow down to the mighty Indra of the path of liberation Who majestically rides upon the elephant of dependent origination, Who wields the vajra of faultless reasoning, and Who smashes the foundation of mountain of egotism.25 Śākyamuni Buddha said that The seed of the poisonous tree of mental afflictions, Which produces all the sufferings of cyclic existence, Is nothing but the delusional clinging to a reality. [517] Therefore, this speech decisively proves that You alone, the excellent path which approaches Reality and its mode of apprehension as incompatible, Are the actual refuge for all of those who wish for emancipation. All disadvantages of saṃsāra that exist Arise from the view of transitory collection;26 The method that eliminates this view Is none other than You. Therefore, the conqueror and many other scholars Have unanimously taught that Everyone who strives for peace Must by all means rely on You—​the supreme savior. Moreover, for example, When a poisonous arrow kills someone, That person’s other senses such as vision, Necessarily cease. [518]

136  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir Similarly, when the arrow of wisdom that realizes the mode of subsistence Kills the view of transitory collection, All the other afflictions such as attachment Also will necessarily cease. Although, loving kindness and so on are Taught to be the antidotes to afflictions, They are only able to suppress temporarily Manifestations of their corresponding afflictions. You are the supreme path That alone has the power to destroy permanently All the afflictions such as attachment and aversion Along with their seeds and inclinations. The purpose of the sun, the guide, Which has risen in the world, Is to eliminate completely the chill of saṃsāra And to cause the lotus garden of nirvāṇa to bloom. Therefore, it is taught that You, The precious source to bestow the gems of happiness, Are the floodplain to which All the rivers of Śākyamuni’s scriptures descend.27 The great mother who fulfills all the wishes Of śrāvakas, pratyekabuddhas, bodhisattvas, and buddhas, Is the precious discourses, Which explicitly teach about You. Among all the conqueror’s scriptures, These discourses are extensively praised as The highest, the deepest, the greatest, The unsurpassable, and the sublime.28 With expressions such as “one should know that Wherever the precious Perfection of Wisdom discourses dwell, There too dwells the Lord Buddha,” The Teacher taught with great enthusiasm That You are inseparable from him; [519] The purpose of these teachings

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  137 Is also to demonstrate Your nobility, You who are the nondual entrance to peace! The Perfection of Wisdom discourses are praised that The merit from copying them, Worshipping them, and so forth, Is immeasurable, unexcelled, and incalculable. Through praises such as this, The teaching that the Perfection of Wisdom discourses Are vastly superior to other scriptures Is also to demonstrate Your nobility. It is taught that the merit of someone who listens even with doubt To the discourses that explicitly taught about You, Who are the sole entrance to nirvāṇa, Is greater than the merit of An unskilled bodhisattva Who has practiced The first five Perfections, such as generosity and ethics, For hundreds of thousands of great eons. When the compassionate Teacher himself Taught about You for the first time, He, having arrived at the wondrous mountain, Famed as “Gṛdhrakūṭa—​the Vulture Peak,” Showed wonderful miracles such as Causing the earth to tremble, Filling realms with light, and so forth. To demonstrate Your qualities. The fact that the Supreme Guide himself, Sincerely exhorted the learned and noble Ānanda On three separate occasions To bear in mind the words and meanings Of the Perfection of Wisdom, the Mother of Conquerors, Without forgetting a single bit [520] Was to demonstrate Your noble qualities, You who are the ford to nirvāṇa.

138  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir The dust on the Bhagavān’s feet is so sacred that it is difficult To obtain the good fortune to worship by their precious crown jewels Even for those who are highly esteemed in saṃsāra, Such as Brahmā, Indra, Śiva, and Viṣṇu; The qualities of freedom and realization Of the Bhagavān, the teacher of those gods, Are born from meditating only on You, The supreme Mother. The massive rings of soaring golden mountains Of the noble assemblies of śrāvakas, pratyekabuddhas, and bodhisattvas, Which surpass the splendor of snow mountains of the ordinary beings With the radiant qualities of scripture and realization, The best ornaments, adorning the perimeter Of the Mount Sumeru—​the Lord Buddha—​ Arise through continuously accumulating The gold dust of the profound path. The assembly of many unfortunate beings, Who have been bound by the delusion Which is incompatible with You, the heart of the path, Having attained the eight actual absorptions, May be born as gods in the Form and Formless Realms, But, when the karmic force29 Of their previous meditation are exhausted, They will fall again into the lower realms. The fortunate assembly of Indra, Which has faith in and respect You, Without an actual elephant for their mount, Merely brandishing the thunderbolts of the view, Are always victorious in battle with demigods—​ The afflictions of the three realms—​ [521] Making it impossible for them To catch sight of the Desire Realm gods.30 It is said that one can shred up saṃsāra By entertaining doubts with regard to You, Just like the captain who had a doubt Became free from an ogress’s mouth.31

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  139 Although the classifications of the Dharma are many, Those which have the capacity to plant the seed of liberation Are absolutely only these three: Renunciation, the Mind of Enlightenment, and the Correct View. Moreover, in order to plant such a seed By means of Renunciation and the Mind of Enlightenment, One definitely must develop experience By transforming one’s mind through repeated cultivation. The magnanimous being32 clearly explained that Since the Middle-​Way View is so powerful, Even one who has nothing but a superficial understanding of the view Is able to plant the seed of nirvāṇa. Therefore, there is little benefit in superficial understanding of the other paths If one does not actually cultivate them; But, even a superficial understanding of You Dries up the ocean of saṃsāra. Aha! Since anyone who has generated Superficial understanding of You in mind Is quickly liberated, Who would not want to seek for You? Just like one who is endowed with sight Can direct blind people to their desired destination, You, guiding others by means of paths such as generosity, Help them to arrive easily at the abode of the three exalted bodies.33 Just as a bodhisattva, who donates one’s own flesh, Receives healing from a medicine tree, [522] So too a person, who can give up pride and fear, Is due to being completely under Your influence. Thus, all who seek liberation should rely on You The sole path to liberation, The vitality of all paths of the Three Vehicles, The mother who gives birth to all noble heirs.

140  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir May the sun of the profound path, Which is pulled by the emerald steed of the virtue that I have exerted here, Auspiciously dawning in the sky of my mind, Eliminate the chill of clinging to self! By means of the great ship of practice, securely bound With the chains of emptiness and compassion, May one cross over the troubled waters of saṃsāra and peace And arrive at the shore of the four enlightened bodies!34 By the power of compassion, without fabrication, May all mother sentient beings, without exception, Endeavor for the sake of perfect excellent path, without error, For as long as they are without accomplishment!

Colophon With a ceremonial scarf, designed with the Kālacakra monogram,35 and a silver coin, the Hosho Chin Wang (héshuò qīnwáng, 和碩親王) Tsering Dorje (Tshe ring rdo rje)—​(1) who is a descendent of the royal lineage of the Universal-​ Monarch of Power, also famously known as Chinggis Khan, (2) who has mastered the treatises of both temporal and spiritual matters and devotes himself to venerating the teachings and teaching holders, and (3) who is a brother of the three Ancestral Dharma Kings of Tibet36 by means of his many qualities such as caring for his subjects with kindness and compassion—​saw the Verses of Praise for the Mind of Enlightenment written by me. Therefore, he urged me saying, “There should be also a praise for the Middle-​Way View!” Having undertaken this order, I, a learned pseudo-​renunciate, humble monk Ngawang Palden, wrote these verses of praise for the Middle-​Way View, during a retreat break in a hermitage called Sharay Menchu (Sha ra’i sman chu), in the first half of the Miracle Month (the first month) of the Female-​Water Ox Year, the Forty-​Seventh Year of the Fourteenth Sixty-​Year Cycle (1853). [523] May it benefit not only him but also the Buddha’s teachings and all living beings! Maṇgalaṃ! (May it be auspicious!)

A Golden Razor That Cuts Off Fantasies: A Praise of Renunciation By Shedrub Tendar (Bshad sgrub bstan dar, 1835–​1915) [508] I pay homage to the Attitude of Renunciation, Which, when you familiarize yourself with it,

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  141 Can completely cut off the obsessive noose of cyclic existence And open wide the entrance to nirvāṇa. Those who desire nirvāṇa should exert themselves in Renunciation, Which is the supreme initial gateway for Travelers in the Great and Lesser Vehicles And which is the sole pathway for them to traverse. Whatever virtue is done by those, Who are controlled the fantasies of the world as it appears here, Whether it is homage, offerings, generosity, etc., has little value, And in fact serves to bind them in cyclic existence. When the mind sincerely opposes the active fantasizing, Whose nature is momentary Just like a flash of lightning, Prosperity and good fortune of this and future lives are definitely established. Therefore, it’s essential for the wise, who wish liberation, [509] To put aside all distractions Of so-​called profound special instructions, And cultivate Renunciation at the beginning. Once motivated by the Attitude of Renunciation, Whatever virtue you perform effortlessly Becomes a cause of nirvāṇa—​ How could it go to waste? As long as you disregard Renunciation, the revulsion at the cyclic existence, You will crave for the prosperity of saṃsāra. Making an effort to attain that to which one is attached Is the very nature of the world. Therefore, in all your activities ranging from ordinary, farming, trade, and so on, Up to extraordinary, such as granting empowerment, studying, teaching, and so forth, You wish to attain happiness by doing what is sin, In a manner of attraction and repulsion for what is false and deceptive.

142  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir It is the very nature of the world that suffering arises from sin; Therefore, you will fall into the lower realms. Since effects that resemble their causes arise continuously, The wheel of cyclic existence never ceases to spin. [510] If you cultivate Renunciation, the revulsion at cyclic existence, Your conception of suffering as happiness will be thoroughly pacified, Your mind turns away from the pleasures of saṃsāra, and Totally free of attachment, you will experience happiness and well-​being. Since you will be content with whatever happens, You will not be attached to anything; So, all your spiritual or mundane affairs Will succeed just as you wish. Tsangpa Gyarey37 says that Even if you abandon the passion for this world, Let alone feel revulsion at cyclic existence, The benefit of the ordination of a renunciate is ten times greater. If you are not mindful of the aspiration of Renunciation, Your afflictions, that is, frustrations, of striving For the glory of saṃsāra will greatly expand, And all your misfortunes will increase. If you discern the sway of frustrations, You will turn your mind away from the addiction of cyclic existence; Thus, based on that, your afflictions will be diminished, And your misfortunes will naturally vanish. (If you discern it,) All your hopes and fears, regarding whether you are joyful or sorrowful, Whether you have enough food and clothing, Whether you are criticized by others, and Whether you are deemed important or unimportant, will completely cease. (And, if you discern it,) When you are distributing gifts, or doing homage, making offerings, Reciting mantras, explaining the doctrine, or debating, All your negative inclinations such as scheming to obtain Wealth, honor, and fame will be naturally eliminated.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  143 If you are under the sway of the addiction of cyclic existence, You cannot see it as faulty; Thus, you will never have an opportunity To practice the supreme Dharma sincerely. [511] Unable to generate even the mind that wishes nirvāṇa for yourself, Your compassion for living beings oppressed by suffering will be deficient. Influenced by that, your merely labeled awakening mind will be gone. And, all your knowledge will become nominal. For those pundits, who become detached, Upon understanding even the abundance of heaven As if it is an intolerable fire of hell, All the good qualities will be within reach. Even generating a genuine refuge practice, Which is the basis for all good qualities, Depends on the genuine disenchantment With the disadvantage of all high and low rebirths. If you are motivated by a stable Renunciation, Should you even utilize a godlike wealth, Delicious and nutritious food, and clothing of a hundred-​thousand gold coins, They will be a method for perfecting the merits of yourself as well as of others. All the prosperities of saṃsāra, Which greatly increase desire, Will be a cause to develop Renunciation greatly, For they let you remember their impermanence and shortcoming. Due to the Attitude of Renunciation as the cause, The training of the three vows is generated. Due to an appropriate safeguard for them, The meditative stabilization without distraction arises. Based on that, the acquirement of the Three Vehicles is born. Therefore, the major and minor qualities of a Buddhist are born From the suppression of all the subtle and gross fantasies, By means of greater and lesser levels of revulsions, respectively.

144  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir You wander in the limitless cyclic existence again and again Because of your mind which is obsessed with pleasures of saṃsāra. If you do not turn away from these obsessions, [512] Liberation is as distant as an unwound ball of thread. For pundits who are under the sway of Renunciation, The city of liberation which gives unsurpassable bliss That is difficult to obtain even for numerous eons, Will be present right in front of their feet. When your detachment that sees the abundance of cyclic existence As hollow like a banana tree, becomes intense, Then whatever you do will become a cause of nirvāṇa Because you are not obsessed by any desire. Even if those, who are obsessed by the abundance of saṃsāra, Are born at the summit of saṃsāra, They fall back when the impetus of their birth is exhausted Because they lack pure Renunciation. Because it is perishable and impermanent, and because it is suffering and relative, There is no inherently existing self. Detachment born from such an understanding Is the distinctive feature of the Buddha’s teachings. The Teacher depended on Renunciation; Having realized it as the foundation of all happiness and well-​being, He demonstrated the deed of Renunciation to his followers By the way of abandoning his kingdom. It is said that even with only Renunciation from saṃsāra, You can subjugate all mental afflictions. This is what all buddhas have taught with a single voice. This is what all realized masters have praised numerous times. Even among the galaxy of virtuous Dharmas, The great power of such Renunciation, By which transforming your mind and experiencing it, You can plant the seed of nirvāṇa, is exceptional.

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  145 If you are only motivated by the method of Renunciation, Even your tainted actions of body and speech, Which throw you to saṃsāra involuntarily, [513] Will become virtuous roots that are conducive to nirvāṇa.38 In the Great Vehicle, having guided by Renunciation, The altruistic aspiration of compassion is born. Even the great utterance of “Buddha” Comes only after the Attitude of Renunciation. The contentment that arises from Renunciation of saṃsāra Is the highest of all ascetic practices, Is the precursor of all the good qualities, and Is the initial stage of the path of the Three Vehicles. Because the causes that give rise to all good qualities Of the freedom and realization are complete in Renunciation, All the qualities of grounds and paths are Effortlessly included in its continuity. As long as you are adorned with the contentment of Renunciation, Even if you dwell in torn tattered clothing and a derelict hut, The beauty of a daughter of the highest realm Cannot be compared to even a hundredth of your glory. If you are adorned with such a nature, Merely seeing you, with supreme devotion, Everyone will pay homage to and worship you, And you will become the crest ornament of all beings. Being sick of gain and respect, However much you abandon them, That much other people venerate you Because of the power of the Attitude of Renunciation. Renunciation, which refuses to endure Sufferings of cyclic existence, in general, and Those of lower rebirths, in particular, Is the initial inspiration of virtuous practices.

146  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir I go for refuge in the Attitude of Renunciation, Which directly rescues those, Who engage in misdeeds being controlled by Fantasies of this and future lives. Please protect us, O Attitude of Renunciation, Which directly rescues sentient beings From the ocean of suffering of cyclic existence [514] And which cause them to enjoy the bliss of liberation! Those who aspire to nirvāṇa from their core Should rely on Renunciation, which is the core of the path That abandons the compulsion to an imaginary core in cyclic existence Where there is no core. By the appearance of the light of diligently exerting themselves in this Renunciation, May those who are blinded by the illusory appearance of this world Thoroughly clear away their visual aberration of the fantasized appearance, And may they engage in reality which lacks appearance. By means of revulsion,39 Renunciation from saṃsāra, May all those sentient beings wandering around in saṃsāra Thoroughly learn the faulty defects of saṃsāra, And may they break free of the limitations of saṃsāra. Speaking these words in these verses, All the faults of cyclic existence have been exposed, The benefits of enlightenment and liberation have been demonstrated, And the path of nirvāṇa has been illustrated to those who aspire for it. Certain intellectuals who have mastered verbal speeches Of the entire textual system which is vast and encompassing, Who are eighty times superior to myself,40 Encouraged me to compose these verses. In this regard, the one who possesses the name Tendar (Bstan dar), Imputed as one who holds a double degree, Has performed a finger-​dance On the white and soft shiny pages. Maṇgalaṃ (May it be auspicious)! May virtuous goodness increase!

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  147

Notes 1. “Agvaanbaldan Tsorj” and “Shadüvdandar Agramba” are transliterations of the Cyrillic Mongolian spelling of the authors’ names and monastic titles in accordance with the habitual Khalkha pronunciations of Tibetan words. 2. The Tibetan original is found in Blo bzang grags pa’i dpal. There are various online and printed translations of this text. 3. Mongolian Lama Gurudeva commissioned a publication of Ngawang Palden’s Collected Works, along with many other works by Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist scholars, in Delhi, India, in 1983. 4. The Tibetan Géluk order is often known among Mongols as the Yellow Tradition. 5. Following Khalkha scholar Tsawa Lobsang Tayang (Rtsa ba Blo bzang rta dbyangs, 1867–​1937), or Lobsang Tamdrin (Blo bzang rta mgrin), it is often thought that there have been three disseminations of Buddhism in Mongolia, the last of which is the spread of the Géluk tradition. See Blo bzang rta mgrin, “Byang phyogs hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos rin po che byung tshul gyi gtam rgyud,” in Gsung ’bum Blo bzang rta mgrin, TBRC W13536. 2: 9–​42 (New Delhi: Mongolian Lama Gurudeva, 1975–​1976a): 17. 6. There have been few cases in which Mongols attempted to transform Tibetan Buddhism into Mongolian through the Mongolian language. An example of such attempts is that of the Third Mergen Gegen Lobsang Tenpé Gyaltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1717–​1766). See Caroline Humphrey and Hürelbaatar Ujeed, A Monastery in Time: The Making of Mongolian Buddhism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2013): 2–​13. 7. In Ikh Khüree, both Ngawang Palden and Shedrub Tendar received kachupa (dka’ bcu pa) degrees from Tashi Chöpel Dratsang (Bkra shis chos ’phel grwa tshang), one of the Ikh Khüree’s philosophy colleges. Shedrub Tendar also received the ngagrampa (sngags rams pa) degree from Ikh Khüree’s tantric college Gyüpa Dratsang (Rgyud pa grwa tshang). 8. Ngawang Palden’s several works have been translated into English, and some of them have been published. For example, Jeffrey Hopkins translated Ngawang Palden’s annotated commentary on Jamyang Zhepa’s Great Tenets (Grub mtha’ chen mo) and published it along with its root text. See Jeffrey Hopkins, Maps of the Profound: Jam-​ yang-​shay-​ba’s Great Exposition of Buddhist and Non-​Buddhist Views on the Nature of Reality (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2003). 9. For example, Buddhist individual texts dedicated to praising impersonal concepts are found in the Tengyur collection and later compositions, such as Nāgārjuna’s Praise of Dharmadhātu (Skrt. Dharmadhātustava; Tib. Chos kyi dbyings su bstod pa), Dolpopa Sherab Gyaltsen’s (Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan, 1292–​1361) Praise for the Great Seal (Phyag rgya chen po la bstod pa), and Mongolian reincarnated lama Ngawang Tenzin Nyima’s (Ngag dbang bstan ’dzin nyi ma, 1882–​193?) Praise of Impermanence (Mi rtag pa’i bstod pa), to mention a few. 10. Ngag dbang dpal ldan, “Byang chub sems la bstod pa’i tshigs su bcad pa,” in Gsung ’bum ​Ngag dbang dpal ldan (Delhi: Mongolian Lama Gurudeva, 1983a): 6: 387–​396, TBRC W5926.

148  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir 11. For a translation of the Sūtra of the Sublime Golden Light, see King of Glorious Sutras Called the Exalted Sublime Golden Light: A Mahayana Sutra (21 Chapter Version), translated by Losang Dawa (The Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition [both print and online editions], 2006), https://​fpmt.org/​wp-​content/​ uploads/​teachers/​zopa/​advice/​pdf/​sutragoldenlight0207lttr.pdf. For the Tibetan version of the sūtra in the Kangyur, see Jinamitra Śīlendrabodhi and Ye shes sde (trans.), Ārya-​suvarṇaprabhāsottama-​sūtrendrarāja-​nāma-​mahāyāna-​sūtra, ’Phags pa gser ‘od dam pa mdo sde’i dbang po’i rgyal po zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo, Sde dge bka’ ‘gyur, Toh. No: D 556, rgyud, pa, fol. 151b1–​273a7. For a translation of the Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish from the Mongolian language, see Stanley Frye, The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish (Üliger-​ün Dalai, Mdo mdzangs blun, or, the Ocean of Narratives) (Dharamsala, H.P., India:  Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 2006). The original Tibetan translation was most likely prepared from the Chinese and is located in the Kangyur: ’Gos Chos grub (trans.). Damamūko-​nāma-​sūtra, Mdzangs blun zhes bya ba’i mdo, 賢愚經, Sde dge bka’ ‘gyur, Toh. No: D 341, mdo sde, a, fol. 129a1–​298a7. For a translation of the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines, see Edward Conze, The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines & Its Verse Summary (Bolinas:  Four Seasons Foundation, 1973). The Tibetan version in the Kangyur:  Śākyasena, Jñānasiddhi, Dharmatāśīla, etc. (trans.), Subhāṣita, Rin chen bzang po; Atīśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna, ‘Brom ston Rgyal ba’i ‘byung gnas; and Rngog lo tsā ba Blo ldan shes rab (revis.), Ārya-​aṣṭasāhasrikā-​prajñāpāramitā, ‘Phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad stong pa, 佛說佛母出生法藏般若波羅蜜經, Sde dge bka’ ‘gyur, Toh. No: D 12, brgyad stong, ka, fol. 1b1–​286a6. For a translation of the Garland of the Buddha’s Past Lives, for example, see Ārya Śūra, Once the Buddha Was a Monkey:  Ārya Śūra’s Jātakamālā, translated from Sanskrit by Peter Khoroche (Chicago:  The University of Chicago Press, 1989) or ĀryaŚūra, Garland of the Buddha’s Past Lives, 2 volumes, translated by Justin Meiland (New York: New York University Press, 2009). The Tibetan version in the Tengyur:  Āryaśūra, Vidyākarasiṃha & Mañjuśrīvarma (trans.), Jātakamālā, Skyes pa’i rabs kyi rgyud, 菩薩本生鬘論, Sde dge bstan ’gyur, Toh. No: D 4150, skyes rab, hu, fol. 1b1–​135a7. Canonical commentaries of the Garland:  Haribhaṭṭa, Alankadeva, and Tshul khrims ’byung gnas sbas pa (trans.), Haribhaṭṭajātakamālā-​nāma, Seng ge zhabs ’bring pa’i skyes pa rabs kyi phreng pa zhes bya ba, Sde dge bstan ’gyur, Toh. No:  D 4152, skyes rab, u, fol. 1b1–​197a7; Dharmakīrti, Janardhana, and Śākya Blo gros (trans.), Jātakamālāṭīkā, Skyes pa’i rabs kyi rgya cher bshad pa, Sde dge bstan ’gyur, Toh. No:  D 4151, skyes rab, hu, fol. 135b1–​340a7; and Vīryasiṃha, Jātakamālapañjikā, Skyes pa’i rabs kyi rgyud kyi dka’ ’grel, Sde dge bstan ’gyur, Toh. No: D 4460, sna tshogs, po, fol. 275b1–​312b1. For a translation of Haribhaṭṭa’s commentary, see Haribhaṭṭa and Khoroche, Once a Peacock, Once an Actress: Twenty-​ Four Lives of the Bodhisattva from Haribhaṭṭa’s Jātakamālā (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2017).

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  149 12. The Mongolian prince Tsering Dorjé’s name is also spelled “Tserendorj” in accordance with a common transliteration method from the Cyrillic Mongolian spelling, which follows habitual Khalkha pronunciations of the names of the Tibetan origin. 13. In his Three Principal Aspects of the Path, Tsongkhapa states the following: Even if you gain familiarity with Renunciation and the Mind of Enlightenment, Without a wisdom realizing the ultimate nature, You are not able to cut the root of saṃsāra. Thus, strive in the means of realizing the dependent origination! (Blo bzang grags pa’i dpal, “Lam gyi gtso bo rnam gsum sogs,” in Bka’ ‘bum thor bu T ​ song kha pa, TBRC W486, 1: 356–​369 (Zi ling: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1987). https://​ www.tbrc.org/​#!rid=O1PD177533%7CO1PD1775331PD177548$W486: 357. 14. Lobsang Tamdrin is also known in Tibet as Lobsang Tayang (Blo bzang rta dbyangs). In Mongolia, he is often referred to as “Zava Damdin,” which is a transliteration of the Cyrillic Mongolian spelling of his alternative Tibetan name Tsawa Tamdrin (Rtsa ba Rta mgrin). 15. See Blo bzang rta mgrin, “Snying rje chen po la bstod pa’i tshigs bcad brgya rtsa brgyad pa,” in Gsung ‘bum ​Blo bzang rta mgrin, TBRC W13536. 1: 105–​118 (New Delhi:  Mongolian Lama Gurudeva, 1975–​ 1976b). http://​ tbrc.org/​ link?RID=O1J T766|O1JT7661JT793$W13536. This work was translated into English in 1983 by José I. Cabezón and published at the request of His Holiness the Dalai Lama for his visit to Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. See José I. Cabezón, One Hundred and Eight Verses Praising Great Compassion, introduction and translation (New Delhi:  Publisher unknown, 1984). 16. I wish to thank Dr. Gregory Hillis (University of California, Santa Barbara) for his kind encouragement and important contributions to my translations. Without his help, the translations would not be actualized. However, should there be mistakes and/​or obscure readings in the translations, I am the one responsible for them. 17. The text reads bodhicittaya (dative singular without a long “a”). 18. “Conquerors” (rgyal ba) is an epithet of the buddhas. 19. The two kinds of benefits are the benefit for oneself and the benefit for others. 20. This story of Maitrībala and five demons (Skrt. yakṣa; Tib. gnod sbyin) is found in the Garland. See Ārya Śūra: 47–​57. 21. Ārya Śūra: 5–​9. The connection between the tigress and Mahāprajāpatī is mentioned in the Sūtra of the Exalted Sublime Golden Light. See the King of Glorious Sutras (tr. by Losang Dawa): 98. 22. The story of Jalavāhana and fish is also found in the Chapter 17 of the Sūtra. See the King of Glorious Sutras (tr. by Losang Dawa): 81–​86. 23. An example of Tsongkhapa’s detailed teachings on the Mind of Enlightenment is found in his Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment. See Tsong-​kha-​ pa, The Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment, vol. 2, translated by the Lamrim Chenmo Translation Committee (Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2004): 13–​84.

150  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir 24. Stories of Sadāprarudita are found in various Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras. For example, see Edward Conze, The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines & Its Verse Summary (Bolinas: Four Seasons Foundation, 1973): ch. 30–​32. 25. Despite the consideration that Indra is a non-​Buddhist deity, the author knows the Hindu iconographic image of Indra that depicts him riding on an elephant and wielding a vajra, a lightning thunderbolt. 26. The view of transitory collection (Skrt. satkāyadṛṣṭi; Tib. ‘jig tshogs lta ba) is a wrong view of the existence of the Self. 27. The reproduced edition of the text seems to be corrupted here, containing an extra word in one of the versified lines of the stanza. The line reads gzhol ba’i zhing ‘bab dang bab par gsungs, which does not make much sense. Given the obvious corruption of the copy, the line is translated here following the context of the stanza. 28. Dharmamitra (ninth century), also known as a student of Haribhadra, in his Detailed Commentary with Utterly Clear Words (Skrt. Ṭīkā prasphuṭapadā-​nāma; Tib. ‘Grel bshad tshig rab tu gsal ba zhes bya ba), states: “. . . among the demonstrated 84,000 divisions of the Dharmas, what is the highest, the deepest, the greatest, and the sublime is none but the Perfection of Wisdom” (“. . . chos kyi phung po brgyad khri bzhi stong bstan pa rnams las rab dang phul dang, gtso bo dang, bya nom pa nyid ni shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa ste”). In the Tengyur: Dharmamitra, Abhiyuktaka Taraśrīmitra and Chos kyi shes rab (trans.), Abhisamayālaṃkārakārikāprajñāpāra mitopadeśaśāstraṭīkā prasphuṭapadā-​nāma, Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i man ngag gi bstan bcos mngon par rtogs pa’i rgyan gyi tshig le’ur byas pa’i ‘grel bshad tshig rab tu gsal ba zhes bya ba, Sde dge bstan ‘gyur, Toh. No: D 3796, shes phyin, nya, fol. 2a5–​2b1. 29. The reproduced edition of the text reads ’phan pa, which has been corrected here as ’phen pa (“impelled effects”). 30. The term nyag phran bdag po (“Desire Realm gods;” Mong. amarmag-​un tngri) is found in Sumatiratna, Bod hor gyi brda yig ming tshig don gsum gsal bar byed pa’i mun sel sgron me (A Tibetan-​Mongolian Dictionary, a Lamp That Illuminates the Terms, Phrases, and Meanings, and to Eliminate Darkness). Corpus Scriptorum Mongolorum, Instituti Linguae et Litterarum Comiteti Scientiarum et Educationis Altae Reipublicae Populi Mongoli, Tomus VI, 2 volumes (Ulaanbaatar: Sukhbaatar Press, 1959): v. 1, 734. 31. For an abbreviated version of the story of the captain, who freed himself and his companions from a sea-​monster by merely praising the Buddha, see Frye (2006): 81–​82. 32. Here “a magnanimous being (Skrt. mahātma; Tib. bdag nyid chen po)” seems to be referring to the Buddha. 33. The three exalted bodies of a buddha are the Truth Body (Skrt. dharmakāya; Tib. chos sku); Enjoyment Body (Skrt. saṃbhogakāya; Tib. longs sku); and Emanation Body (Skrt. nirmāṇakāya; Tib. sprul sku). 34. The four enlightened bodies of a buddha are the Natural Truth Body (Skrt. svabhāvikakāya; Tib. ngo bo nyid sku); Gnosis Truth Body (Skrt. jñānadharmakāya; Tib. ye shes chos sku); Enjoyment Body (Skrt. saṃbhogakāya; Tib. longs sku); and Emanation Body (Skrt. nirmāṇakāya; Tib. sprul sku).

A Trilogy of Ngawang Palden and ShedrUb Tendar  151 35. The Kālacakra monogram with ten powers (rnam bcu dbang ldan) is a symbolic seed syllable of Kālacakra, consisting of ten characters—​the seven syllables:  ha, ksa, ma, la, va, ra, and ya in addition to nāda (wisp), anusvāra (bindu), and visarga (crescent). 36. The three Ancestral Dharma Kings of Tibet are Songtsen Gampo (Srong btsan sgam po, c. 605–​650), Trisong Detsen (Khri srong lde btsan, 742–​c. 800/​755–​797), and Tri Ralpachen (Khri ral pa can, 806–​838). 37. Tsangpa Gyarey (Gtsang pa rgya ras, 1161–​1211), also known as Yeshé Dorjé (Ye shes rdo rje), is an early master in the Tibetan Drukpa Kagyü lineage. 38. What is conducive to nirvāṇa (Skrt. mokṣabhāgīya; Tib. thar pa cha mthun), according to the Perfection of Wisdom tradition, is attained simultaneously with the Path of Accumulation (Skrt. saṃbhāramārga; Tib. tshogs lam). 39. The text reads skyon shas, and I read it as skyo shes (“revulsion”) in accordance with the context and its similar phonetic spelling. 40. The text reads lnga lhag, and I read it as nga lhag (“superior to me [myself])” in accordance with the context and its similar phonetic spelling.

Bibliography Ārya Śūra. 1989. Once the Buddha Was a Monkey:  Ārya Śūra’s Jātakamālā. Translated from Sanskrit by Peter Khoroche. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Āryaśūra. 2009. Garland of the Buddha’s Past Lives. 2 volumes. Translated by Justin Meiland. New York: New York University Press. Bka’ ‘gyur (Sde dge: Edited by Tai Situ Chökyi Jungne et al.). 1733. TBRC W30532. 103 volumes. Sde dge: Sde dge par khang chen mo. https://​www.tbrc.org/​#!rid=W30532 Blo bzang grags pa’i dpal. 1987. “Lam gyi gtso bo rnam gsum sogs.” In Bka’ ‘bum thor bu​ Tsong kha pa. TBRC W486. 1: 356–​369. Zi ling: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang. https://​www.tbrc.org/​#!rid=O1PD177533%7CO1PD1775331PD177548$W486 Blo bzang rta mgrin. 1975–​1976a. “Byang phyogs hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos rin po che byung tshul gyi gtam rgyud.” In Gsung ’bum_​Blo bzang rta mgrin. TBRC W13536. 2: 9–​42. New Delhi: Mongolian Lama Gurudeva. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O1JT766| O1JT7661JT834$W13536 Blo bzang rta mgrin. 1975–​1976b. “Snying rje chen po la bstod pa’i tshigs bcad brgya rtsa brgyad pa.” In Gsung ‘bum ​Blo bzang rta mgrin. TBRC W13536. 1: 105–​118. New Delhi: Mongolian Lama Gurudeva. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O1JT766|O1JT7661JT7 93$W13536 Bstan ‘gyur (Sde dge: Edited by Shuchen Tsultrim Rinchen). 1737–​1744. (Fascimile in India. 1982–​1985) TBRC W23703. 213 volumes. Sde dge: Sde dge par khang chen mo. Delhi: Delhi Karmapae Choedhey, Gyalwae Sungrab Partun Khang. https://​www.tbrc. org/​#!rid=W23703 Cabezón, José I. (Gelong Thubten Losel). 1984. One Hundred and Eight Verses Praising Great Compassion. Introduction and Translation. New Delhi: Publisher unknown. Chos kyi bshes gnyen (Dharmamitra). Translated by Abhiyuktaka Taraśrīmitra and Chos kyi shes rab. 1994–​2008. “Mngon rtogs rgyan gyi tshig le’ur byas pa’i ‘grel bshad tshig rab tu gsal ba.” In Bstan ‘gyur (Dpe bsdur ma). TBRC W1PD95844. 52: 744–​1022.

152  ErdeneBaatar Erdene-Ochir Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa’i dpe skrun khang. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2MS1639 1|O2MS163914CZ190020$W1PD95844 Conze, Edward. 1973. The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines & Its Verse Summary. Bolinas: Four Seasons Foundation. Frye, Stanley. 2006. The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish (Üliger-​ün Dalai, Mdo mdzangs blun, or, the Ocean of Narratives). Dharamsala, H.P., India: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives. Haribhaṭṭa, and Peter Khoroche. 2017. Once a Peacock, Once an Actress:  Twenty-​Four Lives of the Bodhisattva from Haribhaṭṭa’s Jātakamālā. Chicago:  The University of Chicago Press. Hopkins, Jeffrey. 2003. Maps of the Profound:  Jam-​yang-​shay-​ba’s Great Exposition of Buddhist and Non-​Buddhist Views on the Nature of Reality. Ithaca, NY:  Snow Lion Publications. Humphrey, Caroline, and Ujeed Hürelbaatar. 2013. A Monastery in Time: The Making of Mongolian Buddhism. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. King of Glorious Sutras Called the Exalted Sublime Golden Light: A Mahayana Sutra (21-​ Chapter Version). 2006. Translated by Losang Dawa. Unknown: The Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (both print and online editions). https://​fpmt. org/​wp-​content/​uploads/​teachers/​zopa/​advice/​pdf/​sutragoldenlight0207lttr.pdf. Ngag dbang dpal ldan. 1983a. “Byang chub sems la bstod pa’i tshigs su bcad pa.” In Gsung ’bum ​Ngag dbang dpal ldan. TBRC W5926. 6:  387–​396. Delhi:  Mongolian Lama Gurudeva. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2GS83|O2GS832GS101$W5926 Ngag dbang dpal ldan. 1983b. “Dbu ma’i lta ba la bstod pa tshigs su bcad pa.” In Gsung ’bum ​Ngag dbang dpal ldan. TBRC W5926. 6:  515–​523. Delhi:  Mongolian Lama Gurudeva. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2GS83|O2GS832GS101$W5926 Ngag dbang dpal ldan (Bshad sgrub bstan dar!). 1983. “Nges ’byung la bstod pa snang shas gcod pa’i gser gyi spu gri.” In Gsung ’bum ​Ngag dbang dpal ldan. TBRC W5926. 6: 507–​514. Delhi: Mongolian Lama Gurudeva. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2GS83|O 2GS832GS101$W5926 Sumatiratna. 1959. Bod hor gyi brda yig ming tshig don gsum gsal bar byed pa’i mun sel sgron me. (A Tibetan-​Mongolian Dictionary, a Lamp to Illuminate the Terms, Phrases, and Meanings, and to Eliminate Darkness). Corpus Scriptorum Mongolorum, Instituti Linguae et Litterarum Comiteti Scientiarum et Educationis Altae Reipublicae Populi Mongoli, Tomus VI, 2 volumes. Ulaanbaatar: Sukhbaatar Press. Tsong-​kha-​pa. 2004. Translated by the Lamrim Chenmo Translation Committee. The Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path to Enlightenment. Volume 2. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications.

6

“Miscellaneous Writings” of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem Matthew W. King

Introduction The polyglot, boundary-​crossing Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem (Modern Mong. Chakhar Gevsh Luvsantsultim; Tib. Cha har dge shes blo bzang tshul khrims, 1740–​1810) is an example of the kind of critical (and still vastly understudied) historical actors who mediated linguistic, cultural, and sociopolitical exchanges during the slow, sometimes quite violent, incorporation of Mongolian polities into the Qing Empire (1640–​1911). In the eighteenth century, the role of Mongol Buddhist scholastics such as Čaqar Gebši were particularly important for helping to extend Buddhist institutional networks, cultural and intellectual traditions, forms of social mobility, and ideological and ritual frameworks for Qing imperial authority. For these reasons, Mongolian, Tibetan, Siberian, Manchurian, and Han Chinese Buddhist scholastics continue to memorialize Čaqar Gebši as an influential translator, scholar, astronomer, physician, pilgrim, and biographer working along what was then the only just incorporated Mongolian frontiers of the Géluk Buddhist school and the Qing formation. Luvsančültem was born in the Iron Male Monkey year (1740) near a place known as “Beautiful Lake” (Sayiqan Naγur) to herders living in the third of the twelve subdivisions of the Bordered White Banner (Qövööt Tsagaan Qoshuu).1 Minyak Gönpo, one of Čaqar Gebši’s Tibetan biographers whose work I follow most closely here, describes Qövööt Tsagaan Qoshuu as one of “the Eight Great Banners of Mongolia” (Tib. Sog po’i yul du dar tsho chen po brgyad).2 This is not, however, technically correct. After their 1635 surrender to the Manchus (then known as the Jurchens), the Čaqars were reorganized into a distinct set of eight banners ready to serve as auxiliary military support for Manchu, Mongol, and Han banners. When he was seven, Luvsančültem began studying in a local monastery with a paternal uncle who was a monk.3 He first learned Mongolian and then Tibetan script before moving on to the “Stages of the Path” literature (Tib. lam rim), textual recitation, and ritual. That same year, our author received the upāsaka vows (Tib. dge bsnyen; Class. Mong. ubas-​i) of a Buddhist layman from

Matthew W. King, “Miscellaneous Writings” of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0006

154  Matthew W. King Lubsangperlei (Tib. Blo bzang ‘phrin las). In Minyak Gönpo’s account, our author then traveled to Amdo in the Sino-​Tibetan-​Mongolian frontier to continue studying with his uncle. There he entered the monastic community of Zhenpen Jangchup Ling (Tib. Gzhan phan byang chub gling), part of Gönlung Jampa Ling (Tib. Dgon lung byams pa gling), which was one of the most important Géluk monasteries east of Central Tibet. When he was fifteen, Lubsangtsültim received the vows of an ordained monk, or bhikṣu (Tib. dge slong; Class. Mong. gelüng; Modern Mong. gelen) from Ačita Nomön Khan Lubsangdanzin (Tib. A chi thu no mon han blo bzang bstan ‘dzin). When he was sixteen, Luvsančültem returned to Inner Mongolia and moved between a monastery in Dolonor (Class. Mong. Doloγan-​naγur, Tib. Mtsho bdun) and his home monastery in Čaqar while pursuing a course of study in Mongolian and Tibetan grammar and translation, the major and minor scholastic fields of knowledge (Tib. rig gnas), meditation, and ritual. These studies progressed under the tutelage of many prominent frontier Géluk masters, such as Güüshi Lubsangjambal (Tib. Blo bzang ‘jam dpal) and a grand abbot named Lubsangdambiinima (Tib. Blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma) from whom Lubsangtsültim received the vows of a fully ordained monk when he was twenty. When he was twenty-​three, Lubsangtsültim entered Yonghegung Monastery in Beijing (Peking). This was a Géluk monastery for Tibetan and Mongolian monks that, only two decades before his arrival, the Qianlong emperor had renovated with yellow roof tiles, sanctioning its imperial status. For seven years, Lubsangtsültim studied with such imminent frontier Géluk incarnate lamas as the Aja Khutugtu Lubsangdambiijaltsan (Tib. A kyā blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan), and undoubtedly the most immanent Géluk scholastic in the imperial entourage at this time, Changkya Rolpé Dorjé (Class. Mong. Janja Rolbidorji; Tib. Lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje, 1717–​1786). After some years in these profoundly influential Géluk scholastic centers, Lubsangtsültim commenced his literary career as author, translator, and editor in both his Čaqar homeland and in Beijing. This turn to literary production coincided with earning an advanced géshé scholastic degree (Tib. dge bshes; Class. Mong. gebši; Modern Mong. gevsh) and undertaking a series of long meditation retreats in Čaqar and Dolonor. Leaving retreat at thirty-​nine, Lubsangtsültem, by then known as the Čaqar Gebši, began translating important Tibetan works into Mongolian, such as the root text and commentary of Sakya Paṇḍita’s Elegant Sayings (Tib. Sa skya legs bshad). At this time he also began compiling, printing, and translating into Mongolian some of the major writings of the Fifth Paṇchen Lama Lozang Yéshé (Class. Mong. Banchin-​blama Lubsangishi, Tib. Paṇ chen blo bzang ye shes, 1663–​1737). In addition to working on medical texts of his own, Čaqar Gebši oversaw the building of Gadenchoijiling Monastery (Tib. Dga’ ldan

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  155 chos ‘dzin gling) near his homeland, for which he personally wrote a monastic charter (Tib. bca’ yig). At the age of fifty-​two, Čaqar Gebši decided to prepare the publication of the work for which he would be most remembered and which bears upon the translated material selected below: a prolific, multilingual biography of the founder of the Géluk order, Jé Tsongkhapa Lozang Drakpa (Tib. Rje tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa, 1357–​1419). This work remains so iconic across Mongol, Buryat, and Tibetan Buddhist communities that it is known simply as The Great Biography, or else by its poetic title The Source of All Auspiciousness (Sayin amuyulang bükün γarqu-​yin orun; Tib. Bde legs kun gyi ’byung gnas.4 Famous though this work would become, it would never be cut into woodblocks and printed during the author’s lifetime. In 1810, at the age of seventy and already retired from active teaching and in isolated retreat, Čaqar Gebši died after a short illness. His recent Mongolian, Tibetan and German biographers note that this major work on Tsongkhapa’s life was posthumously compiled and published by one of Čaqar Gebši disciples named Luvsangsamdannima (Tib. Blo bzang bsam gtan nyi ma). The Tibetan version of The Great Biography was printed in 1817 and the Mongolian version a year later. Beyond The Great Biography, Čaqar Gebši’s Tibetan-​language compositions alone amount to some 195 individual works collected into ten volumes. They cover the full scope of Qing-​era Géluk scholasticism of his day, from exegesis on philosophy and monastic discipline to poetics, historiography, tantric commentary, and ritual standardization. Interesting from the point of view of the social history of knowledge in late-​imperial Inner Asia are Čaqar Gebši’s polemical writings (Tib. rgal lan, dris lan), which are directed at resolving disputes and misunderstandings in audiences as diverse as the Mongol laity to high scholastics in the newly Géluk, newly subjugated Čaqar communities of the Qing. A quick entryway into Čaqar Gebši’s prolific writings comes from some of the shorter, miscellaneous studies peppered across his Collected Works. These include studies of topics as diverse as Tibetan genealogy, the narrow definition of conventional reality according to the Prāsaṅgika-​Madhyamaka philosophical view privileged by the Géluk school, comparative chronology, the origins of the tantric practice of the wrathful female deity Kurukullā, studies of the Sixteen Arhats and the eight close bodhisattva disciples of the Buddha, and numerous critical reappraisals of the received biography of the great Bangladeshi-​born reformer of Buddhism in Tibet, Atīśa Dīpaṃkaraśrījñāna (982–​1054  c.e.). Though the selections translated below are brief, readers will get a sense of the broad themes and problematics that animated scholastic life along one of the early (and most troubled) Mongol frontiers of the Géluk and the Qing. Here we see areas of interest (and apparently of broad misunderstanding and debate),

156  Matthew W. King such as the rather rarified mechanics of progress along the Ten “Bodhisattva Grounds” (Tib. byang sems dpa’i sa; Class. Mong. bodisaduva yin orun) in relation to the “Five Paths” (Tib. lam lnga; Class. Mong. tabun mör) that mark the gradual self-​cultivation of a Mahāyāna practitioner.5 Some of the recurring topics of Čaqar Gebši’s wider oeuvre which are on display in the translated excerpt that follows include (1) historicizing his Géluk Buddhist tradition by synthesizing received Mongolian, Indian, Chinese, Tibetan, and other Eurasian peoples’ chronicles with grand narratives of benevolent patronage and enlightened oversight on the part of the Manchu emperors; (2) the elaboration of a Géluk scholastic program and the articulation and defense of Géluk philosophical position; and (3) extensive studies of Tsongkhapa’s biographies, including not only details about the minutiae of the former’s life and career, but as in the fascinating translated text that follows, also how the reading of biography is to be incorporated into a physical and mental discipline of meditative self-​cultivation.

Translated Texts Selections from the Various Notes (Tib. Brjed tho sna tshogs) How to Journey along the [Five Mahāyāna] Paths According to the Prāsaṅgika System and How to Eliminate the Object of Abandonment6 When one first enters the path, one has already realized emptiness and so has already developed the two kinds of compassion.7 According to the actual explanation of bodhicitta, here we are speaking about those who are not yet on [one of the Five] Paths, though we may [speak] about those [with bodhicitta] who are on the path as well.8 At that point, one definitely belongs to the lineage of the Mahāyāna in accord with the pith instructions on purifying the bodhicitta. Through such purification, one achieves the distinctive experience of transforming the mind. When [such a mind] has been generated, one enters the Path of Accumulation (Tib. tshogs lam; Class. Mong. čiγulγani mör). On the Path of Accumulation, one has a realization of emptiness, but the mutually established object and subject still deceitfully appear as separate from one another. One who then accomplishes a union of calm abiding (Tib. zhi gnas; Class. Mong. amurlin) and insight (Tib. lhag mthong; Class. Mong. ülemji üjeküi) that penetrates emptiness will transition onto the Path of Preparation (Tib. sbyor lam). One [who then realizes the inseparability of subject and object], like water mixed with water, moves to the Path of Seeing (Tib. mthong lam; Class. Mong. üjeküi yin mör). Moreover, after the “Uninterrupted Path” (Tib. bar chad med lam) and the “Path of Release” (Tib. rnam grol lam) [along the Path of Seeing], one achieves “Subsequent Attainment”

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  157 along the Path of Seeing. One further accumulates merit in order to abandon the “greatest of the great afflictions to be eliminated by means of meditation” (Tib. sgom spangs nyong mongs chen po’i chen po),9 the [main] factor to be eliminated upon the Path to Meditation (Tib. sgom lam; Class. Mong. bisilγaqui yin mör). From that, once one begins to see signs that such elimination is taking place, one must dwell in meditative equipoise upon emptiness. It is important to recognize that one who actually abandons this “greatest of the great afflictions to be eliminated by meditation” has already entered the Path of Meditation. When an actual “Path of Release” is brought about by that “Uninterrupted Path,”10 we can say that one has moved from the First to the Second “Ground” (Tib. sa; Class. Mong. orun). Until the last moment of that “Uninterrupted Path” on the Seventh Ground, one must actually engage in the antidote of the “three cycles of the small obscurations that are to be eliminated” (Tib. spangs nyon mongs chung du skor gsum ka) along the Path of Seeing. On that basis, if one notices actual signs of having produced this “Path of Release,” one moves to the Eighth Ground and overcomes all obscurations to liberation (i.e., personal nirvāṇa). The “Uninterrupted Path” of the end of the Tenth Ground acts as an antidote to the very subtle obscurations to enlightenment. If one achieves this abandonment, one becomes a Buddha! [ . . . ]

Some Important Points Concerning the Regiment of Students Rise before dawn and wash your face and hands. Pour some cold water on your left palm and pay homage to the Three Precious Jewels. Recite seven times: Tarye drā [and] Oṃ kha le kha le ba li te svā hā. Recite the complete name mantra of your Master seven times. If you take a drink after offering tépü,11 your wisdom will increase. Recite the complete miktséma mantra [of Tsongkhapa] nine times and make requests. Then exert yourself twenty-​one times in whatever recitation you wish to practice. After that, deliberate over a text by reading it several times until it is memorized, moving through section by section. Then recite it [aloud from memory]. After that, go join the assembly when the drum sounds. Once you are finished your tea, mentally review the Dharma [texts] you have memorized while partaking in the noontime meal. Recite one or two from memory. In the evening, recite the textbooks12 you already understand. Afterward, nurture your understanding of [other] textbooks in whatever way is most suitable. From time to time, recite the miktséma and whatever other mantras are appropriate. Later on, make comprehensive, excellent requests [to one’s Lama and the Three Jewels]. Once you have mastered a textbook, refrain from activities such as propounding it to others.

158  Matthew W. King If you agree to act in ways such as these, you ought to make daily exertion motivated by the aspirational mind [of bodhicitta]. Additionally, with respect to all this, rely upon a wise teacher and serenely study the limitless divisions of logic—​ such as “mother” (Tib. ma), “one’s own sound” (Tib. khyod sgra), “the opposite sound” (Tib. ldog sgra), “the single sound” (Tib. gcig sgra), “the common locus” (Tib. gzhi mthun), and so forth—​proceeding according to either the sequence laid out in the monastic textbooks or else in some other more suitable way. [ . . . ]

Bestowing the Supreme Siddhi: How to Meditate on Jé [Tsongkhapa’s] Life Story Namo Guru! Maitreya’s Ornament of Realization13 clearly describes the object of expression and the subject to be explained, the need for such an explanation, its chief purpose, and the relations among these in the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras.14 Jé Rinpoché elucidated those four, one by one, in the context of writing commentaries and giving oral teachings in his Golden Garland of Eloquence.15 Jé Rinpoché thus bestowed upon intelligent ones the key of logic to open the door of the Dharma. Following that system, in what follows I will explain Jé Rinpoché’s life story in those four ways. Regarding the subject to be explained here: first, the deeds of Jé Rinpoché’s previous lives; second, the deeds of this life; and third, the deeds of his future lives. As for the necessity of such an explanation, based on [a description] of those [deeds] we will understand all of Jé Rinpoché’s enlightened activity. As for the chief purpose, by understanding all this we will become devoted and respectful and will engage in practices such as prostrating, making offerings, and reciting the miktséma mantra.16 By the force of all this, in all your lifetimes you will become a disciple of Jé Rinpoché [Tsongkhapa], will practice the holy Dharma, and will eventually achieve enlightenment. As for the connections between these: on the basis of the earlier, the latter will arise. For these reasons, a person who reads the life story should not be like someone listening to a worldly legend. Putting it into practice is better. Moving along, the root subject of the first chapter’s explanation is the story of [Tsongkhapa] becoming Nyingtop Chenpo.17 As soon as you are finished reading this first chapter of the biography, do not forget about it, keep it in mind. It would be very good to then recite The Biography Like a Snow Mountain.18 Additionally, while reminiscing upon the story of this previous life, you should say the prayer beginning with the line “Surrounded by a pure mountain . . . ” and so forth. While chanting this one verse, you should make prostrations. As it is said in the Gateway for the Faithful:19

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  159 [Lama Tsongkhapa] took rebirth as a human being just like us for our benefit, then showed the aspect of a Spiritual Master, and then worked for the welfare of sentient beings. In reality, Jé Rinpoché is not a human being. He only took on such an appearance for the welfare of sentient beings. There is no question that we must understand this! Following this is the episode when [Tsongkhapa] sat in front of Pinnacle of Victorious Lords [Mañjuśrī] as the one named Great Compassion. [This is summarized in The Biography Like a Snow Mountain] in the eight verses beginning with “Many lifetimes ago, you were . . . ”. Then Pinnacle of Victorious Lords gave him a prophecy. [This is summarized in The Biography Like a Snow Mountain] in the eight verses beginning with “After that, in this life the Pinnacle of Sugata Lords . . . ”. Keeping all this in mind, one should then make prayers according to the two verses that begin with “In this way [Jé Rinpoché] became an enlightened object of faith for us all . . .” By recollecting in this way, your prayers will become perfect virtue upon a foundation of proper motivation, practice, and final dedication. For this reason, it would be wonderful if you could undertake such practices while reading all the later chapters [of Jé Rinpoché’s biography]. After reading Chapter Two, continually recite [from The Glory of the Triple Ground20], “The three grounds of Glorious One, the only eyes of sentient beings . . .” until “ . . . I pray to have your power of habit . . . ” and then from the beginning of the Secret Biography: “Your clear knowledge of sūtra and tantra is plainly revealed in your heart-​mind; I prostrate to the feet of the glorious lama!” After that, make further recitations, such as other prayers motivated by a devoted mind, and then begin reading Chapter Three. Once you have finished Chapter Three, recite from [How to Purify the Mind Using Miktséma] beginning with “The meaning of the words of all the Buddhist scriptures . . .” until “. . . I pray to the relative of all beings of the three worlds.” Once you have finished reading Chapter Four, recite: “By directly revealing himself to you . . .” until “. . . I make these prayers to you who have achieved the supreme siddhi!” After reading Chapter Five, recite:  “Really blue like the color of the Indra-​ nila . . .” until “. . . that Dharma Lord who is the yogī of vajra mind. I pray at your feet, O’ glorious lama!” After reading Chapter Six, recite: “Buddhas and bodhisattvas who reside in the ten directions . . .” until “ . . . that Venerable Dharma Lord then received a clear prophecy; I pray to the feet of the glorious Lama!” After reading Chapter Seven, recite: “From now, in all of my lifetimes . . .” and so forth, and in that way finish reciting The Glory of the Triple Ground. If you can add the verses of prayer already recited while reading previous chapters, that would also be ideal.

160  Matthew W. King In addition to all this, after you have read about the episode when Jé Rinpoché received the nectar from the sword [of Mañjuśrī] when he was thirty-​seven years old, you should recite this verse three times: “May [the blessing] of Mañjuśrī and the Venerable Lama [remove all my] faults!” After you have read about the episode when Jé Rinpoché received nectar from the vase when he was fifty-​three years old, recite the verse:  “By means of the principle maṇḍala of the Jampé Dorjé  .  .  . ” And after you have read about the episode when he defeated the demon when he was fifty-​seven years old, if you have the time, recite three time the two verses that begin with:  “When you did the meditation of taming the group of demons . . .” Once you have finished reading the vast, middling and short biographies, you should recite whatever is of interest to you, such as The Beautiful Aspiration: Tales of Former Lives,21 summaries of the Stages of the Path, and whatever other prayers you think are appropriate. Again, [as opposed to when you are in a group, as I described earlier], whenever you are alone read this biography and do the following practices. Read commentaries on the Stages of the Path. At the end of individual sections, one should make a determination to undertake particular practices. You should also make prayers and request blessings to be successful. These are the three ways to practice: promise, prayer, and asking for blessings to be successful. Even here [while practicing alone], when you have finished reading each chapter, recite aloud some verses of prayer, contemplate the meaning of the chapter, and make prostrations either at the beginning or end of your reading. May the virtue of composing Bestowing the Supreme Siddhi: How to Meditate on Jé [Tsongkhapa’s] Life Story—​which describes the need for the four requirements in relation to biographies and how to practice while studying and contemplating Jé Rinpoché’s biography—​benefit all sentient beings and the Buddhist teaching!

A Discussion about the Chronology of Particular Kings When King Songtsen Gampo22 was king of Tibet, Emperor Taizong23 ruled China. However, I have never seen a clear record in any historical text about just where in China that king resided, nor where he resided before the Jowo Śākyamuni statue was brought to Lhasa. Later, during the lifetime of the earlier great paṇḍita of the Sakya [i.e., Sachen Kunga Nyingpo], Chinggis Khan of the Mongols protected the political dominion of Mongolia. The palace where his descendent Khubilai Setsen Khaan (Sečen Qubilai Qaγan) once lived still exists today in Beijing. There is also a story about how Drogön Chögyel Phakpa was invited to the Temple of “The Hundred and Eight Temples.” The ruins of that temple is nowadays very close to the great temple of Dolonnuur.

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  161 The Omniscient Akyā Rinpoché has said:  “Eleven generations of Mongol khaans held the throne of China, the last of these was Tsitīnggi [Toghan-​Temür]. When he was twenty-​four years old, in the Fire Female Bird Year (1357), the second Buddha [Tsongkhapa] was born in this land.” Sumpa Rinpoché’s Dharma History24 explains that when Jé Rinpoche [Tsongkhapa] was three years old, the Mongol khaan Toghan-​Temür invited the Karmapa Rolpé Dorjé. When Jé Rinpoché was twelve years old in the Earth Monkey Year (1368), the forty-​second year of the sixth sexagenary cycle, Hongwu25 became emperor of China and ruled for thirty-​five years. When the Jé [Tsongkhapa] was forty-​seven years old, in the Water Sheep Year (1403), Yongle26 became emperor. In the Water Snake Year (1413), when [Yongle] was eleven years old and Jé Rinpoché was fifty-​seven, the former sent a golden invitation to Jé Rinpoché. As a result, the Géluk School entered into a patronized–​patron relationship [with China]. That emperor ruled for twenty-​two years, passing away in the Wood Dragon Year (1424). In the Wood Snake Year (1425), Hongxi27 ruled for one year. From the fourteenth year of the seventh rapjung, the Fire Horse Year (1426), until the Wood Rabbit Year (1435), Emperor Xuande28 ruled. Zhengtong29 ruled for fourteen years, from the Fire Dragon Year (1436) until the Earth Snake Year (1449), the third year of the eighth sexagenary cycle. Jingtai30 of the Iron Horse Year ruled for seven years until the Fire Mouse Year (1456). Tianshun31 of the Fire Ox Year ruled for eight years until the Wood Monkey Year (1464). Chenghua32 of the Wood Bird Year ruled for twenty-​three years until the Fire Sheep Year (1487). Hongzhi33 of the Earth Monkey Year ruled for eighteen years until the Wood Ox Year (1505). Zhengde34 of the Fire Tiger Year ruled for sixteen years until the Iron Snake Year of the ninth sexagenary cycle (1521). Jiajing35 of the Water Horse Year ruled for forty-​five years until the Fire Tiger Year (1566). Longqing36 of the Fire Rabbit Year (1567) at the beginning of the tenth sexagenary cycle ruled for six years until the Water Monkey Year (1572). Wanli37 of the Water Bird Year ruled for forty-​eight years until the Iron Monkey Year (1620). Tiangqi38 of the Iron Bird Year ruled for seven years until the Fire Rabbit Year (1627) at the beginning of the eleventh sexagenary cycle. Chongzhen39 of the Earth Dragon Year ruled for seventeen years until the Wood Monkey Year (1644). That Monkey Year was the eighteenth year of the eleventh sexagenary cycle. That year, six bandit chiefs killed the last Chinese emperor named Chongzhen. A bandit chief named Li Zhicheng40 ruled for two months. At that time, a chieftain of China’s northern frontier named Wu Sangui41 stole away the kingdom of that bandit and came to know that the latter had killed his father and another relative. He requested the ruler of the Manchus in Mükden to send military support.42 In response, that ruler sent his son Shunzhi43 along with a great army.

162  Matthew W. King When that prince arrived in Beijing, the bandit chief escaped. The chieftain Wu Sangui44 relocated near to Kokonor and stayed there as ruler. At that time, that prince [Shunzhi] declared: “It would be wonderful to relocate our kingdom here [to Beijing].” He was duly enthroned there. As for the Shunzhi emperor, he was the great Eye-​ber Jasagchi.45 He ruled for eighteen years, from the Wood Monkey Year (1644) to the Iron Ox Year (1661) in the eleventh sexagenary cycle. On the ninth of the Water Dragon Year (1652), the Fifth King of Victorious Ones46 came to Beijing and entered into a priest–​patron relationship [with the Shunzhi emperor]. In the Water Tiger Year (1662), the thirty-​ sixth year of the eleventh sexagenary cycle, the Kangxi emperor47 was enthroned. In the Water Tiger Year (1722), the thirty-​sixth year of the twelfth sexagenary cycle, the Yongzheng emperor48 was enthroned. In the Fire Dragon Year (1736), the fiftieth year of the twelfth sexagenary cycle, the Qianlong emperor49 was enthroned. In the Fire Dragon Year (1796), the fiftieth year of the thirteenth sexagenary cycle, the Jiaqing emperor50 was enthroned. The Mongol Dynasty is known as the “Great Yuan,” while the Chinese Dynasty is known as the “Great Ming.” The current dynasty is known as the “Great Qing.”51

Notes on a Few Tibetan Lineages Long ago in the Land of Tibet, a boy named King Yémön52 was born from a conch egg. Many Tibetans are his descendants. From among them was a person named Mardong53 who was born with a turquoise hair knot with white steam (lang54) rising from his crown. All his descendants became known as those of the “Steam Lineage.” Langtön Amé Jangchup,55 who became the guru of King Gésar, is also of that lineage. In the era of King Trisong Détsen, the monk Lang Lotsāwa Khampa Gocha was one of the “Seven Chosen Men” dispatched to India who memorized the Hundred Thousand Verse Prajñāpāramitā and later translated it into Tibetan from memory. Regarding the lineage of the Pakdru:56 Mangdöm Takten57 did not yet have a son, so he meditated for thirteen months and went to the top of a mountain to make offerings. As a result, Sarasvatī appeared from the sky and invited him to her dwelling. A son was born as a result. They took him to the top of a mountain and left him there in a special box. The next morning, the parents returned to inspect [their child]. They saw that steam rose from his crown and that a rainbow tent encircled him. The father became very happy, exclaiming three times “Lang so, lang so!” [O’ steam, O’ steam!]. For that reason, the lineage of his son’s decedents was thereafter known as the Steam Lineage. Furthermore, the Jen-​ nga58 lineage descends from them. “Jen-​nga” refers to the name of the Master of the Teachings who became the seat holder of Densatil Monastery.59

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  163 The lineage of the Phakmodrupa lineage descends from the Jennga. From the lineage of Phakmodrupa came the Lord Drakpa Gyelsten,60 who was Jé Tsongkhapa’s patron. The emperor of the Great Ming Dynasty offered [that Lord] a crystal seal and the title of Wang. He significantly benefited the teachings and sentient beings. Jé Rinpoché once received a teaching from Jennga Drakpa Jangchup,61 the son of the cousin of [Drakpa Gyelsten]. Regarding the lineage of Gar:62 Long ago, [this lineage] descended from Garmu Tsanam Druk.63 Tong Tsén,64 who became quite famous and served as a minister for the Dharma King Songtsen Gampo, was from this lineage. Regarding the lineage of the Drikhung:65 It first emerged long ago from someone named Drukgyel Kyapél.66 Rinchen Pél67 was in this lineage. He was a great lama who became widely known as Drikhung Kyopa Jikten Gopo.68 Long ago, a tantric practitioner from Mt. Kya69 married a ḍākinī with magic abilities. Drikhung Rinchen Pél70 was born in the lineage of their offspring. The ḍākinī whom I have just mentioned was also known as Drikhung Achir.71 [ . . . ]

Notes 1. Tsahar Gevsh Luvsantsültim, Khamgiig Aildagch Bogs Zonhavyn Tsadid Medekhuyee Khyalbaraar Ögüülsen Sain Amgalan Bükhen Garakhyn Orun Khemeegdekh Orshvoi, translated by D. Narantsetseg and D. Tserensdonom (Ulaanbaatar: Shinjelkh Ukhany Akademiin Khel Zokhiolyn Khüreelen 2004): 1. “Bordered White Banner” is one of the eight banners in both the Qing Eight Banners and in the Mongol Eight Banners (Tib. Dar tsho chen po kho bo cha gan, Man. Kubuhe Šanggiyan Gūsa, Class. Mong. Qövööt Tsagaan Qošuu, Ch. Xiang bai qi). 2. Mi nyag mgon po, “Cha har dge bshes kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus,” in Gangs Can Mkhas Dbang Rim Byon Gyi Rnam Thar Mdor Bsdus Bdud Rtsi’i Thigs Phreng, edited by Ye shes rdo rje et al., Vols. 1–​2 (Beijing: Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1996). I follow Mi nyag mgon po’s biographical sketch, unless otherwise noted, in the remainder of this short introduction. 3. Mi nyag mgon po (1996): 555–​561. 4. The full title in English is The Source of All Excellence: An Easily Understood Biography of the Lord All-​ Knowing Great Tsongkhapa (Class. Mong. Qamuγ-​i ayiladuγči boγda tsongkaba-​yin čadiγ medeküi kilbariyar ögülügsen sayin amuyulang bükün γarquyin orun, Tib. Rje thams cad mkhyen pa tsong kha pa chen po’i rnam thar go sla bar brjod pa bde legs kun gyi ‘byung gnas). See Blo-​bzaṅ-​tshul-​khrims and Rudolf Kaschewsky, Das Leben Des Lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blo-​Bzan-​Grags-​Pa (1357–​1419):  Dargestellt Und Erlautert Anhand Seiner Vita “Quellort Allen Gluckes (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1971). 5. According to the Mahāyāna perspective, the “Five Paths” represent the complete, gradual process of self-​cultivation from ordinary being to fully enlightened buddha.

164  Matthew W. King These paths proceed from initially taking the bodhisattva vows and generating the far-​reaching attitude of enlightenment (bodhicitta) to gradually eliminating afflictions and subtle obscurations to personal liberation and full enlightenment by deepening one’s meditative realization and experience of emptiness (Skrt. śūnyatā), the ultimate nature of realty. This schema is at the heart of Mahāyāna and Tantric soteriology for Inner Asian Buddhists, and there is a rich, millennia-​long history of debating the form and content of these paths between Inner Asian schools. 6. All oft he following excerpts come from: Blo bzang tshul khrims, “Brjed Thos Sna Tshogs,” in Blo Bzang Tshul Khrims Kyi Gsung ’Bum, vol. 5 (ca), 10 vols. (Sku ’bum byams pa gling: Sku ’bum byams pa gling par khang, 2002): 77–​106. 7. There are three types of compassion:  (1) absorbing sentient beings; (2)  absorbing phenomena; and (3) nonconceptual compassion. Beings on the first path must have the first and third of these three. 8. Here Čaqar Gebši refers to “the far-​ reaching mind of enlightenment” (Skrt. bodhicitta; Tib. byang sems; Class. Mong. bodi sedkil). 9. While there are debates between different Inner Asian Buddhist schools about the subtle mechanics and specific markers of progress along the Mahāyāna grounds and paths, here the author is rehearsing the Géluk position that upon overcoming “the greatest of the great” (Skrt. adhimātrādhimātra) affliction, one leaves the Path of Seeing and the First Ground and enters the Path of Meditation, which covers the Second to the Ninth Grounds, just before the Tenth Ground, or full enlightenment, known technically as the Path of No More Learning (Skrt. aśaikṣamārga; Tib. mi slob lam; Class. Mong. üiü surqui). 10. Whereby the “greatest of the great” afflictions may no longer arise. 11. Tib. te pus. 12. Tib. yig cha. 13. Skrt. Abhisamayālaṃkāra, Tib. Mngon par rtogs pa’i rgyan. 14. Skrt. Ārya-​prajñāpāramitā-​samantabhadra-​mahāyānasūtra, Tib. ’Phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa theg pa chen po’i mdo, Class. Mong. Qutuγ-​tu bilig-​ün činadu kiǰaγar-​a kürügsen yeke kölgen sudur. 15. Tib. Legs bshad gser phreng. 16. This mantra is recited across the Géluk world and was originally a praise-​poem Tsongkhapa wrote for one of his principal gurus, Rédawa. The latter famously changed the name of address so that it praised the enlightened qualities of his student, and returned it to Tsongkhapa. It is recited to this day across Inner Asia as Tsongkhapa’s long name mantra. 17. Tib. Snying stobs chen po. The name of one of Tsongkhapa’s previous incarnations. 18. Tib. Rnam thar gangs ri ma. 19. Tib. Dad pa’i ‘jugs ngogs. 20. Tib. Dpal ldan sa gsum ma. A widely recited praise-​biography to Tsongkhapa written by Gélék Pél Zangpo (Tib. Dge legs dpal bzang po). 21. Rtogs brjod ‘dun legs ma. 22. Srong btsan sgam po, d. 649. Memorialized as the thirty-​third king of the Tibetans, responsible for founding the Tibetan Empire, and traditionally credited with the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet.

Miscellaneous Writings of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem  165 23. Tib. Thad tha’i tsung rgyal po (598–​649), ruler of the Tang Dynasty. 24. This refers to his Auspicious Forest of Wish-​fulfilling Trees (Dpag bsam ljon shing). Written in either 1747–​1748, this work became a widely read authority for later Mongolian monastic historians. 25. Tib. Thog ma hung wu. 26. Tib. Yūng lo. 27. Tib. Hūng zhī. 28. Tib. Na ti. 29. Tib. Tīng thūr. 30. Tib. Kīn tha. 31. Tib. The’an shun. This is in fact the rule name of the Zhengtong emperor’s second reign, who had to abdicate when imprisoned by Oirat Mongols in 1449, but then returned to the throne after desposing his short-​lived successor, the Jiangtai emperor. 32. Tib. Khrīn ha. 33. Tib. Hūng ti. 34. Tib. Tīng tī. 35. Tib. Kyā kyīr. 36. Tib. Lūng chīd. 37. Tib. Wēn lī. 38. Tib. Thén chī. 39. Tib. Thun ting. 40. Tib. Lū tsī. 41. Tib. Ū shāng gū’i. 42. That “ruler of the Manchus in Mükden,” Shunzhi’s father, was Hungtaiji, often written in Tibetan as Se chen rgyal po, who ruled from 1627 to 1644. 43. Ch. Fulin; Tib. Shun ti; Class. Mong. Eye-​ber Jasagči, r. 1643–​1661. 44. Here the name is transcribed slightly differently (Ū-​shāng-​gyu’i) than what is given just a few lines above, though with basically the same phonetic effect as Ū-​shāng-​gū’i. 45. Tib. E ye pe ja sag, a transliteration of Shunzhi’s Mongolian reign name. 46. That is, the Great Fifth Dalai Lama (Lnga pa chen po) Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–​1682). 47. Ch. Xuanye; Tib. Bde skyed Gyelpo, Class. Mong. Engkhe Amugulang, r. 1661–​1722. 48. Ch. Yinchen; Tib. Nā’i ral thu, Class. Mong. Nairaltu Töb, r. 1723–​1736. 49. Ch. Hongli; Tib. Gnam skyong; Class. Mong. Tngri-​yin Tedkhügsen, r. 1736–​1796. 50. Ch. Yunyan; Tib. Bsnags smon, Class. Mong. Saišiyaltu Irögeltü, r. 1796–​1820. 51. Tib. Tā’i yun, Tā’i ming, Ta’i chīng (i.e., Ch. Da Yuan; Da Ming; Da Qing). 52. Tib. Ye smon rgyal po. 53. Tib. Mar ldong. 54. Tib. rlang. In the next sentence, the first part of Amé Jangchup’s name contains this word for steam, thus marking him in Čaqar Gebši’s interpretation at least, as a member of this lineage: Langtön (rlang ston), “teacher of the steam (lineage).” The same is true of Khampa Gocha (Khams pa go cha), whose title Lang Lotsāwa (rlang lo tsā ba) means for Čaqar Gebši “the translator of the Steam [Lineage].” 55. Tib. Rlang ston a mes byang chub. 56. Tib. Phag gru.

166  Matthew W. King 57. Tib. Mang ldom stag btsan. 58. Tib. Sbyan snga’. 59. Tib. Gdan sa thil dgon. 60. Tib. Grags pa rgyal mtshan. 61. Tib. Sbyan snga grags pa byang chub. 62. Tib. Mgar. 63. Tib. Mgar mu tsha nam ‘brug. 64. Tib. Stong btsan. 65. Tib. ‘Bri khung pa. 66. Tib. ‘Brug rgyal skya re. 67. Tib. Rin chen dpal. 68. Tib. ‘Bri khung skyob pa ‘jig rten mgo po. 69. Tib. Skya ri. 70. Tib. ‘Bri khung pa rin chen pdal. 71. Tib. ‘Bri khung a phyir.

Bibliography Atwood, Christopher, P. 2004. Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongolian Empire. New York: Facts on File. Blo bzang tshul khrims. 2002. “Brjed Thos Sna Tshogs.” In Blo Bzang Tshul Khrims Kyi Gsung ’Bum, vol. 5 (ca), 10 vols, 77–​106. (Sku ’bum byams pa gling: Sku ’bum byams pa gling par khang). Blo-​bzaṅ-​tshul-​khrims and Rudolf Kaschewsky. 1971. Das Leben Des Lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blo-​ Bzan-​ Grags-​ Pa (1357–​ 1419):  Dargestellt Und Erlautert Anhand Seiner Vita “Quellort Allen Gluckes. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. Mi nyag mgon po. 1996. “Cha har dge bshes kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus.” In Gangs Can Mkhas Dbang Rim Byon Gyi Rnam Thar Mdor Bsdus Bdud Rtsi’i Thigs Phreng, edited by Ye shes rdo rje et al., Vols. 1–​2. Beijing: Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang. Tsahar Gevsh Luvsantsültim. 2004. Khamgiig Aildagch Bogs Zonhavyn Tsadid Medekhuyee Khyalbaraar Ögüülsen Sain Amgalan Bükhen Garakhyn Orun Khemeegdekh Orshvoi. Translated by D. Narantsetseg and D. Tserensdonom. Ulaanbaatar: Shinjelkh Ukhany Akademiin Khel Zokhiolyn Khüreelen.

7

Teachings of the Pious Fat Paṇḍita Tsevelvaanchigdorji Vesna A. Wallace

Introduction Erdene Bishrelt Mergen Bandida (“Precious, Pious, and Wise Paṇḍita”) Tsevelvaanchigdorj (Tib. Tshe ‘phel dbang phyug rdo rje, 1836–​1894), also popularly known as Bishrelt Targan Bandida (“Pious Fat Paṇḍita”), is considered to be the third incarnation in the line of Mongolian Bishrelt Paṇḍitas, after the Duke (gün), Bishrelt Paṇḍita Minjüüdorj (Tib. Mi ‘gyur rdo rje, b. 1737–​?), and Bishrelt Paṇḍita Luvsantüvdenjantsan (Tib. Blo bzang thub bstan rgyal mtshan, b. 1805–​?). According to the biography of these three paṇḍitas written by Shunlaiv Sodnomjamts (Tib. Shis gzhung legs pa Bsod rnams rgya mtsho) in 1873 in the Tibetan language and titled A Jewel Rosary:  A Presentation to the Faithful of the Biography of the Holy Friends of the Doctrine, Incarnate Rinpoche, Luvsanjigmedambiijantsan,1 the origin of these three Mongolian incarnations goes back to the thirteenth-​century Tibetan lama Jetsün Gyalwa Tenpa (Rje btsun rgyal ba bstan pa, 1203–​1282), who was born in the Minyag region of Kham. Following the death of Targan Paṇḍita Tsevelvaanchigdorj, two later incarnations were recognized—​Luvsanjaldannyandag (1895–​1919) and Danzandargia (1920–​1938).2 Targan Paṇḍita was born to the nobleman (taiǰi) Chagdartseveen of Sain Noyon’s banner (khoshuu) and his wife Dulamjavin in a place called Takhiltyn Bumbat of Nariin Teel district (sum) in today’s Övörkhangai Province (aimag). According to the aforementioned biography, at the age of three he was officially recognized as an incarnation of the previous Bishrelt Paṇḍita Luvsantündenjantsan by the Fifth Jebstundampa Khutugtu, Lobsang Jigme Tenpe Gylatsen (Blo bzang ‘jigs med bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1815–​1841), and in 1841, at the age of five, he was enthroned on the fourteenth day of the first lunar month of autumn in Gandanpuntsogling Monastery, located in what is today’s Övörkhangai Province (aimag). After that, he went to the monasteries of Khanchen Nomun Khan and Chin Süjigt Nomun Khan for pilgrimage, at which time he received the upāsaka (Tib. dge bsnyen) vows and his Dharma name

Vesna A. Wallace, Teachings of the Pious Fat Paṇḍita Tsevelvaanchigdorji In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0007

168  Vesna A. Wallace Luvsanjigmedambiijantsan (Tib. Blo bzang ‘jigs med bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan) from Khanchen Nomun Khan. After that, he returned to his home monastery and studied under the guidance of Gachen Luvsanshiirev (Tib. Bka’ chen Blo bzang shes rab) and received many initiations, transmissions, and teachings from other learned lamas of Mongolia, such as Brag ri Yongzin Damtsagdorj (Tib. Brag ri ba Yongs ‘dzin Dam tshig rdo rje, 1781–​1848). From an early age, Targan Paṇḍita studied Buddhist philosophy, methods for treating diseases in both humans and animals, and many other subjects. With the financial assistance of the local governor, Targan Paṇḍita and Gachen Luvsanshiirev established a philosophical college in 1848. Targan Paṇḍita eventually became the first Bishrelt Mergen Paṇḍita of the monastery in the Üizen Van banner (khoshuu) of Sain Noyon Khan aimag. Unlike many Mongolian monks, he never studied in Tibet. About ten volumes of his works have come down to us. Targan Paṇḍita wrote works on various subjects, most of them in the Tibetan language, which were block printed in his home monastery Agy Üizen. The ten volumes of his Collected Works (sunbum, Tib. gsung ‘bum) contain his commentaries on various sūtras and tantras, medical treatises, veterinary treatises such as his famous five-​volume work on veterinary medicine written for Mongolian herders,3 ritual offering texts, prayers, and various instructions. Under Targan Paṇḍita’s leadership, the printing house of his monastery published and distributed numerous Tibetan and Mongolian works, known as Khalkha xylographs.4 The four short texts translated in this chapter were composed in the Mongolian language, each appearing with two similar, but not quite identical, titles written in Mongolian and Tibetan. The preserved xylographic and manuscript copies of the texts are kept in the library of Gandanpuntsogling Monastery in Arvaikheer, the capital of Övörkhangai Province, and were published in the commemorative volume titled Erdene Bishrelt Mergen Bandida Tsevelvaanchigdorjiin Mongol Khel Bichgeer Tuurvisan Zokhiolod (Works Composed in the Mongolian Language by the Precious, Pious, and Wise Paṇḍita Tsevelvaanchigdorj) issued in 2016 to coincide with the 170th anniversary of Targan Paṇḍita’s birth. None of the texts translated here has a colophon that would inform us of the time and place of its composition or for whom it was written. The texts are based mostly on Targan Paṇḍita’s reading of the original Indic sources in the Tibetan language, which he at times cites. All four texts included in this chapter carry a moral message, and it seems that they have been written primarily, but not exclusively, for Mongolian lay Buddhists and novices. The most interesting of the four texts is the Words on Abstaining from Taking Life, which comes to us in xylographic copy, consisting of fourteen small-​size folios, including the title page. The main text appears on both the recto and verso sides of thirteen folios, with each side containing fourteen lines of text. In this

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  169 work, the sole focus is on abstinence from killing livestock, and on the sins and karmic consequences that arise from killing sheep and the like. Considering the fact that the intended audience of this text was pastoral and nomadic Mongols, who have for centuries subsisted on the consumption of meat, one can only wonder what kind of reception such teaching received from his local audience. In this text, Targan Paṇḍita does not provide any ritual means for expiating the heavy karmic consequences of killing livestock for food, nor does he offer any advice on circumstances in which the consumption of meat is acceptable. The aforementioned biography of his life indicates that from his birth, Targan Paṇḍita himself avoided eating meat. According to his biography, on the day he was born, his father invited the knowledgeable monk Gachen (Tib. Bka’ chen) Lama Demchigjantsan to perform a water ritual in the afternoon. When, according to the Mongolian tradition, Targan Paṇḍita’s parents tried to place a slice of sheep’s tail in the infant’s mouth, the child refused it, demonstrating his dislike for meat. Seeing this, Gachen Lama instructed the parents not to perform this customary practice but instead to offer the “three whites” (curd, milk, and butter) and the “three sweets” (honey, sugar, and molasses) to the child. When these were offered, he accepted them, and from this time onward he never ate meat. Neither his biography nor the colophon tells us what inspired Targan Paṇḍita to compose this short work. A Method for Transforming the Virtue of Offering Veneration to the Saṅgha is a manuscript consisting of nine small-​size folios, eight of which include the main text written on the recto and verso sides of each folio, in addition to the title page. The text is written in black ink on brown paper. With the exception of the first two folios of the main text, which have eight lines each, and the last folio, which contains seven lines, all other folios have eleven lines. In this text, Targan Paṇḍita lays out the various mundane benefits that result from giving donations to the saṅgha. The Hell Obtained Due to Greed and Attachment is a xylograph consisting of five small-​size folios, including the title page. In this text, the author warns of the hellish rebirth that awaits those who conduct trade unethically by selling winter goods in the summer and summer goods in the winter in order to make a profit by raising prices at times when the saṅgha already suffers material deprivation. While the contents of the three texts already mentioned give mere warnings of undesirable karmic consequences, in the Supplementary Information on Transforming the Virtue of Giving Donations into Gold, Targan Paṇḍita, drawing from some passages from Asaṅga’s Mahāyānasaṃgraha, gives some advice on how to engage in the act of giving with a proper attitude. The syntactic and grammatical features of the Mongolian language of these texts, combined with the absence of punctuation marks, present a challenge to the translator. When compared with Targan Paṇḍita’s translations of other authors’ works from Tibetan, it appears that these four texts were composed first in Tibetan and later rendered into Mongolian for his disciples or as lecture notes. It

170  Vesna A. Wallace is also possible that the mentioned features of these texts reflect Targan Paṇḍita’s lack of mastery of literary Mongolian, as was the case with some other Mongolian monastics of that period, whose mastery of literary Tibetan overshadowed their skill in literary Mongolian. According to his aforementioned biography, Targan Paṇḍita did not receive any formal training in literary Mongolian; instead, as a young boy, he taught himself how to write the Mongolian script.

Translated Texts Advice on Abstaining from Taking Life (Tib. Srog gcod spong ba’i gdam) or Words on Abstaining from Taking Life (Mong. Amin tasulaqu-​ig tebčiküi-​yin üges orusibai)

[1b] There are those who do not love, feel no pity for, do not care about, and show no compassion toward those who have taken the forms of livestock, such as sheep and so on, who previously were their mothers [showering them with] boundless, innumerable, and immeasurable kindnesses of every kind since the beginning of saṃsāra. [2a] Although that slaughtered animal did not [willingly] give up its flesh, fat, blood, bones, and skin, nevertheless, they chose to capture it by force, make it cry by tightly squeezing it, tie it up, and cut its skin and heart while it is still alive. They take its dear life, hurting it, causing it much suffering, and cutting off its dear life. Those doing so truly have a nerve, and [they] look like monsters with their hard and strong hands, legs, and faces as [2b] they stab in order to drain the blood, chop, strike, and so on, without even thinking about [their own] hard and difficult work, without hesitation, and without abhorring [it]. There are those who take it as a rule [to kill other sentient beings], who take the lives of other mother [sentient beings], cut off the lives of other mother [sentient beings], and feed their mouths by severing the lives of other mother [sentient beings]. First, thinking it is some kind of a talent, they enjoy it when they take up the task [of killing] [3a]. Second, they themselves accumulate sins from this. Third, they toughen their minds even more, becoming too severe, agitated, and aggressive [due to slaughtering animals]. Fourth, as if the power of their entire body, speech, and mind is integrated and tied together, they cannot be stopped and do not know when someone calls “hey, hey” [to stop them], and [3b] are not even aware of the beatings [that they receive]. Fifth, they later delight in their past [deed]. By performing these actions, in the future they will desire them even more than before. “Where will all of us who have completed these five different [deeds], who have completed these five branches [of karma],

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  171 and who have completed these five paths go from here after we die? Where will we be reborn? In what kind of [realm] will we be born? What [4a] will happen in the next life?” When thinking and speaking [in this way], bound to the rule of tasting suffering, there is a widespread increase of [negative] karma. In this way, if someone kills one animal today, tomorrow he will accumulate the karma of killing two [animals]. He will even accumulate the karma of killing six [animals] at six o’clock within a day and a night. Since it multiplies, [4b] if one kills 200 sheep per year and that is multiplied by six in the course of a day, it becomes 1,200 sheep per day. Two hundred [per year thus] amounts to 36,000 [sheep] per month, and 200 sheep per year becomes 362,400 [sheep]. [5a] One sheep in ten years is 216,000 [sheep]. Indeed, ten sheep in ten years is 2,160,000, and one sheep in twenty years is 4,320,000. Forty sheep in forty years is 8,640,000; fifty sheep in fifty years is 10,800,000; [5b] 100 sheep in fifty years is 21,600,000; and 200 sheep in fifty years is 43,200,000. Thus, people who kill will experience various kinds of hells and will repeatedly suffer in different ways. After they finish being pulled, like water, into the spinning wheel of tens of thousands upon thousands of sharp knives for a month by human standards, [6a] they should be happy that they got out in less than a year. Although lost for a month, they do not die. Even when they are lost for [as many months] as there are particles of dust, they do not perish. Thus, this is unimaginable. When [they are] born into a hell, there are those that take the form of any animal that was eaten, such as a sheep, a cow, [6b] or a deer, and that have iron bodies, thoroughly black like summer rain clouds and measuring many miles. Their very sharp, sword-​like teeth can be mistaken for snow-​mountains; their eyes resemble the sun and the moon; their tongues look like fleshly thunderbolts. Thus greatly frightening and unfortunate animals that were eaten [7a] collectively eat the denizens of hell, and while they chew them for many hundreds of thousands of years, their blood resounds swishing like a flood or a stormy lake. After those [denizens of hell] enter the mouths [of those animals] at the time when they descend [into hell], even if they escape after starting to be bitten to some extent, they get lost, being chased away in the wind of the darkness of their karma and [7b] again enter into the mouths [of those animals]. After being chewed up like before, they come out as excrement. This [continues like] the turning-​around of a rosary again and again. When they exhaust their karma, it is like awakening after a nightmare. The sufferings of the ripening of the delusion of their bad, sinful minds, which needed and liked to kill animals, [8a] will vanish into the air of emptiness. There is no death for the one who saves a life. Here is an example: When one wealthy minister paid homage to the shrine of the yakṣa Maidar on the bank of the River Ganges, he paid homage [to him] and asked for a son. He said, “If you grant me a son, I will cover your body with gold and silver and worship it,

172  Vesna A. Wallace applying incense [paste on it]. [8b] If you don’t, I will destroy it and smear excrement and urine [on it].” Since Manivadari, the minister of yakṣas, did not have that ability, he asked his son Namsrai; [Namsrai] asked Qurmast (Indra), and Qurmast respectfully spoke to one god (tengri), who gave it to him and said decisively, “I want to become a lama and practice the Dharma.” [9a] After Qurmast spoke to him again, saying, “I will help you,” he was reborn in the womb of the minister’s wife. When that Gangadari asked his parents [for permission] to become a lama, they did not grant it. Being depressed, [thinking,] “I will become a lama after I die,” he jumped off of a high rock in order to become a monk in his next life, but he was not really injured. Although he jumped into deep water, he floated [on top of the water] and did not become injured. Although he consumed the benefactor’s offering (ǰindaγ),5 [9b] he was not poisoned. When he stole the queen’s deel ornament, [thinking,] “Let me die under the king’s law,” the king was very angry and shot him [with an arrow] three times; nevertheless, all the arrows returned and fell down near the king. The king was afraid and threw away the bow and arrows, asking, “Are you a god, a nāga, a preta, or a yakṣa?” That lad said, “If you do me a favor, [10a] I will tell you something important,” and after [the king replied], “Right, let me find out,” [he said] that he was none of those. “I am the son of the king’s minister, and because my parents did not allow me to become a lama, [I thought,] ‘Let me kill myself and obtain a body in a lower caste;’ not having died from the rock, water, or poison, I hoped to die under the law. This is it.” Therefore, [10b] he deigned to ask [the king], “Please make me a monk.” Presenting him to the Buddha, he made him become a monk. That [lad] became complete with the mind-​ornament of an Arhat. When the king asked the Buddha why [that lad] did not die from any of the four serious dangers, the Buddha said, “In ancient times, when [certain] minister released a guilty man who was to be killed and enslaved him for many years, that [slave] [11a] thought that the wound from sexual desire is greater than that from a sword. Thinking, ‘I have been exhausted due to that [sexual desire],’ he requested monastic ordination. Having contemplated emptiness, on his own, he attained Arhatship. When he met with the minister, [the minister] rejoiced and made offerings [to him], and [the monk] displayed eighteen miracles (ridi qubilaγan). The minister [11b]—​who rejoiced and wished that the monk be powerful and wealthy in every lifetime, that he have a long life, wisdom (esi) and intelligence (onul) a hundred thousand times greater than others, and that he have proportionate virtues—​said: ‘This has been achieved as a result of saving one human life.’ That [minister] did not die from those four difficult dangers but met me and attained the supreme result.’ ” [12a] This [story] occurs in the sixth chapter of the Jātaka (Jangün). Also, venerating Namasiγ Buddha, and having taken the three vows, like not taking life [etc.], having fallen into water in order to offer a single coin, he did not die. Even

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  173 though he (a former minister) was in the stomach of a fish, he did not die. He was endowed with much wealth for ninety-​one eons. [12b] This occurs in the twenty-​first chapter of the Ocean of Stories (Üilger-​yin dalai). Thus, one must reflect on not taking life. It is said, “A hero not dying [in battle] is the result of saving a life.” Isn’t it? When ordinary people are experiencing in hell the result of taking the lives of a thousand animals, [13a] each individually must think of the approximate number of the animals they have killed in this lifetime, which is similar to the experience of paying in advance the debt of spears and mallets if possible. Although one is able to guess the number of animals [killed] in this lifetime, because one killed many animals in most of one’s rebirths in beginningless saṃsāra, one does not discharge the debt [13b] and must experience it anew. A sign of there being countless, limitless, and immeasurable [numbers of killed animals] is that when taking the life of an animal, one’s own mind desires to eat the flesh [of the animal]. One must now correct that mind, thinking and comparing in this way: “If all mental afflictions are like this, then it will be difficult to bring about the end of saṃsāra.” A Method for Transforming the Virtue of Offering Veneration to the Saṅgha (Tib. Dge ‘dun la bsnyen bkur ‘bul ba’i dge ba kha bsgyur tshul) or Transforming in Every Way the Virtue of Offering Veneration to the Saṅgha (Quvaraγ-​dur ergül khündülel üiledügsen-​ü buyan ni ǰüilbüri-​iyar bolγaqu urbač orusibai)

[1b–​2a] I  sincerely pay homage and reverence to the Three Jewels from the bottom of my heart. At the time of offering veneration and gifts to the saṅgha, recite, “A Blessing That Brings Down the Rain of Compassion,” just like the Buddha showed kindness to the son of Gadaniya [in the story] on folio 192 of the Vinayakṣudraka (Tib. Dul ba phran tshogs),6 [2b] for the sake of showing compassion for future beings and in order to multiply the items of offering. If it is so, he surely allowed the saṅgha to accept goods and the best of goods but [did] not [allow] other individuals [to accept donations]. [3a] It has thus been said. Individuals like me, who are beneath the Three [Jewels], do not accept [donations] for our own needs but for the sake of compassion for later beings and to multiply the benefactors’ items of goods and not for our own necessities. [3b] [If] one protects the saṅgha, there will be freedom from illness, and pacification of the eight great dangers such as disputes, quarrels, fights, and the sixteen [great dangers],7 and one will enjoy peace, and so on. One will have slaves and companions, and one’s wisdom will increase. Also, others will come under one’s control. [3b–​4a] This is the one-​hundred-​root mixture for the abundant ripening of aspirational prayers directed at the easy accomplishment of whatever

174  Vesna A. Wallace one wishes. This one should know. [4a–​45] Also, there are many stories such as that of Sayina Qum-​qa,8 who, by the virtue of offering alms to the four [types of] śrāvakas,9 easily accomplished his wishes, increased his goods, and so on. Due to venerating only one [śrāvaka], Gadaniya was liberated from a miserable destination. Because there are many stories [like this] that came out, one must learn them from the sūtras. As for the merit of doing so, it can even be done for the high objects of veneration. In Da Khüree,10 there are hand seals such as one that says “Please take me into your protection.” The Hell Obtained Due to Greed and Attachment (Tib. Ser sna dang zhen pas rnyed pa bsgyur pa’i dmyal ba bzhugs so) or The Type of Hell [Caused] by Conducting the Trade with Greed (Mong. Qaram sinul-​iyar qudalduγ-​a kigsen-​ü nigen ǰüil-​ün tamu orusibai)

[1b] Homage to the Guru! “The Type of Hell [Caused] by Conducting the Trade with Greed” is [mentioned] in the seventh line of the recto [side] of folio 140 of volume 4.11 Those whose [bodies], having come apart at the waist, [2a] are connected [only] by sinews are those who appear with greed and desire for the same goods in many countries at times when the saṅgha is without gain. [2b] Those who, overcome by greed, increase [their] profits by changing the summer gain into the winter gain and the winter gain into the summer gain [by selling summer goods in the winter at a very high price and selling winter goods in the summer at a very high price] are called “those whose [bodies], having come apart at the waist, are connected [only] by sinews in accordance with the ripening of their karma.” [3a] The Buddha Śākyamuni showed to Arhat Gendensüren the disciples of the Buddha Kāśyapa12 who were born in the hell Аqar Čiker due to reversing the trade [by changing the summer gain into the winter gain and so on]. Comparing this to one’s own body, one must be vigilant. An Appendix to the Root Text “A Supplication for Transforming the Root of Virtue of Giving Alms into the Path to Enlightenment: A Transformation into Gold” (Tib. Sbyin pa gtong ba’i dge rtsa byang chub lam du bsgyur bar byed pa’i gsol ‘debs gser bsgyur rtsa’i zur rgyan) or Supplementary Information on Transforming the Virtue of Giving Donations into Gold (Mong. Öglige ögügsen-​ü buyan-​ig altan-​dur urbaγuluγči-​iyan önčüg-​ün čimeg kemekü orusibai)

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  175 [1b] In the scripture titled A Teaching on Aspiring to Produce Merit by Means of Gifts to Anyone, The Elixir That Transforms [It] into Gold (Aliba-​dur13 ögügsen-​ iyen buyan bolγan ǰoriqui nom altan-​dur urbaγuluγči simen), [it is said:] “If there is a cup of drink, it will be perceived and experienced as ambrosia, water, and pus-​with-​blood by [these] three: a god, a human, and a preta, respectively.” [2b] If the same container with liquid individually appears in this way, the experience of ambrosia can become the experience of puss-​with-​blood. Similarly, an object stolen by a thief will never be the same [for the thief] as it was for the original owner. The god’s ambrosia does not appear to a preta; that [preta] does not have the ability to see it and experience it [as such]. [3a–​3b] Although they all experience drinking the same [drink], their [experience] is distinguished by their higher or lower destiny, [respective] acts of generosity and their acts of stinginess. Desiring to become rich by taking what is not given is perverting the acts of generosity—​[is becomes instead] desire caused by stinginess. This is a mistake, just like a person ignorant about the results of action expects milk by squeezing the sand and by squeezing fat and mud. [3b] At the time when one takes what is not given, being ignorant about that [consequence of stealing] and because of thinking that it appears that one has become wealthy, one acts generally delighted and keeps it secret. [One thinks] that this is the result of having given gifts in a former life and [one now] has the opportunity to enjoy [it] in this life; but ignorant of the power of the result of prior generosity, one takes what is not given again and again. [4a] In any lifetime, it would be very useful if one knew how to discriminate the signs of previous karma. One recognizes a careless mind from the saying of a god and a human in that sūtra: “What can be accomplished by exerting [oneself] in this life?” At the time of losing their livestock, some even say that a possible solution is to steal [livestock from someone else]. [4b] I have [previously] spoken about not entering that wrong path by following one or two [bad persons]. If one asks, “What is that statement ‘taking into account the six superior [thoughts],’ which occur at the time of giving?,” according to the statement in the treatise called A Summary of the Wheel (Kölgen-​ü quriyangγui),14 [it refers to these six thoughts:] 1. Because one relies on bodhicitta, one has the highest object of veneration. 2. Because one intends to apply all [eight] categories [of realization]15 at the time of giving and so on, [5a] one has a superior intention. 3. Because one occupies oneself for the benefit of sentient beings, one has superior work. 4. Because one, without envy, makes [someone else] dominate in saṃsāra, one has superior wisdom regarding the method.

176  Vesna A. Wallace 5. Because one strives to make all sentient beings reach enlightenment, one has a superior goal. 6. Because of eradicating the two [types of] obscurations of all sentient beings, [5b–​6a] one is most purified. Thus, giving and so on, complete with [these] six thoughts, must be [completely] applied to the Six Perfections. What results are the thirty-​six accomplishments of the [so-​called] “armors” (quyaγun). Each Perfection from among the Six Perfections is further divided into six. In each of [these] thirty-​six [Perfections] combined in that way there is the classification of the four ornaments (čimeg).16 [6a] As for the analysis of those ornaments with regard to those [thirty-​six Perfections], know that those four [ornaments] occur complete with four dharmas (nom). These are the four [dharmas]:

1. A view that has arisen with regard to the True Dharma 2. The weakening of an inappropriate course 3. The fulfilling of aspirations 4. Ripening

Since the results of the “armors” have been mentioned, when wearing a full [suit of] armor, one enters battle without fear. [6b] Similarly, the result of the armors is mentioned to remind [us] of the thirty-​six types of the mind that facilitate Bodhisattva conduct. The analysis of each of the four dharmas is complete. After those four [dharmas], training in the Three Vehicles in the best way possible is spoken of. The Three [7a] Vehicles are the Vehicle of Śrāvakas, the Vehicle of Pratyekabuddhas, and the Great Vehicle. As for every benefit of those three [Vehicles], one meditates on all of them in order to attain enlightenment in each individual [Vehicle], [hence, each] is called a “Vehicle.” As for calling them “Vehicles,” they are likened to a ride. A śrāvaka, having meditated on the sixteen [aspects of the Four Noble Truths], on impermanence and so on,17 is liberated from cyclic existence. A  pratyekabuddha [7b] rides [the Vehicle] by believing in the twelve links [of interdependent origination] and by believing in the understanding of the emptiness of the link of ignorance, the root of cyclic existence, [and] is thereby liberated from cyclic existence. A bodhisattva meditates in sequence on the seven results (ür-​e),18 which are the root of knowledge and so on. When he thinks of all sentient beings as [his] mothers, he eradicates the two obscurations and attains Buddhahood. [8a] A śrāvaka meditates primarily on those sixteen [aspects of the Four Noble Truths]. Although a pratyekabuddha [also] meditates on those sixteen aspects, he meditates primarily on the twelve [links of interdependent origination]. Although a bodhisattva [also] meditates on the sixteen [aspects] and on the

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  177 twelve [links], he meditates mainly on those seven [points]. Therefore, the development in conformity with any of the Three Vehicles has been spoken of. [8b] As for the degree of the individual development when those [three types of practitioners] meditate, their daytime state of mind continues developing in their nighttime dreams. [8b–​9a] The four powers of the complete collections (qotala čuγlaγulγan-​un dorbi) are [as follows]:

1) One has the power of understanding the Dharma: a. The Tripiṭaka that is of benefit in this and future lives b. The four [classes of] tantras19 c. The three [hearing, thinking, and meditating]; [9a] the three [teaching, writing, and debating]; and the three trainings20 d. The two stages21 and so on. 2) One has the powerful advantage to be an aide to sentient beings in this and future lives. 3) One has the yearning to accomplish, as he wishes, every attempt to benefit the Dharma and sentient beings in this and next lives. 4) [9a–​9b] One desires to be full of the power of liberation from cyclic existence, escaping the bonds of mental afflictions (nisvanis) and karma.

[9b–​10a] This is the text known as The Essence of Transforming Iron into Gold (Altan-​dur urbaγuluγči sime), which is a prayer that turns the merit of generosity into the path to awakening. Thinking it might be useful in case one day someone asks me about the teachings on magic from the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras, I wrote this as a decorative section for the intermediate verse.

Notes 1. Bstan pa’i rtsa lag dam par gyur pa mchog sprul rin po che blo bzang ‘jigs med bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan gyi ‘khrungs rabs so so’i rnam par thar pa dad pa dang ldan pa dag la gtam bya ba rin po che’i ‘phreng ba zhes bya ba bzhugs so. The Tibetan original and Modern Mongolian translation are published in Shunlaiv Sodnomjamts, Arvain Khüreenii ‘Targan Bandida” Tsevelvaanchigdorjiin Töröl Üesiin Namtar (A Biography of the Incarnations of “Fat Paṇḍita” Tsevelvaanchigdorj of Arvain Khüree) (Övörkhangai District: Gandanpüntsoglin Khiid, Bandida Lamtny Nomyn Örgöö, 2016). According to the colophon, Shunlaiv Sodnomjamts compiled these individual biographies in Dashdejnolin (Tib. Bkra shis bde skyong gling) Monastery in the midsummer of 1873, which means that Targan Paṇḍita’s biography was composed while he was still alive. The text was written down by Shunlaiv’s disciple and scribe, Dashdondov (Tib. Bkra shis don grub).

178  Vesna A. Wallace 2. See L. Chinbat, Bogd Javzandamba Tamgatai Khutagt Khuvilgaadyn Namtaryn Oillogo Ogtorguin Chandamani Khemeekh Orshvoi (Ulaanbaatar:  Mönkhiin Üseg, 2013): 295–​296. 3. The titles of these five volumes are as follows: Volume Ka, 39 folios: Rdzi bo sogs la phan ‘dogs par bya rgyu phyugs skyong thabs kyi rim pa rnams las spyi dang bye brag lug nad bcos pa’i bskor lags; Volume Kha, 9 folios: Rdzi bo sogs la phan ‘dogs par bya rgyu rta skyong thabs kyi rim rta nad bcos pa’i bskor lags; Volume Ga, 32 folios: Rdzi bo sogs la phan ‘dogs par bya rgyu phyugs skyong thabs kyi rim pa las glang dang g.yag nad bcos pa’i bskor lags; Volume Nga, 13 folios: Rdzi bo sogs la phan ‘dogs par bya rgyu rngo mong skyong thabs kyi rim pa rngo mong gi nad bcos pa’i bskor lags; and Volume Ca, 3 folios: Rdzi bo sogs la phan ‘dogs par bya rgyu ra skyong thabs kyi rim pa ra nad bcos pa’i bskor lags. In this work, Targan Paṇḍita describes in great detail the ways in which one should take care of the five types of livestock, pointing to the knowledge passed on through oral transmission and herding practices of different regions of Mongolia in addition to Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese veterinary practices. 4. L. Khürelbaatar, Sudar Shastiryn Bilig (Ulaanbaatar: Mongol Ulsyn Ikh Surguuliin Buddyn Soëlyn Sudlalyn Tov, 2002): 87–​88. 5. Tib. sbyin bdag. 6. Targan Paṇḍita gives here only the Tibetan title of the text. 7. Dangers from the king’s law, deities, nāgas, spirit landowners (savdag, Tib. sa bdag), and so on. 8. Skrt. Sukumbha. 9. The four are bhikṣu, bhikṣunī, upāsaka, and upāsikā. 10. Another name for Ikh Khüree. 11. Here, the author interpolated into the Mongolian text the Tibetan word gzhi ka, the meaning of which does not make any sense in the context of this sentence. It should probably read bzhin ka. 12. Mong. Odüsüren, the third of the Thousand Buddhas of the Good Era. 13. The text reads alban-​dur (“to the official”) instead of aliba-​dur (“to anyone”), which fits better in the context of the entire text. 14. Asaṅga’s Mahāyānasaṃgraha. 15. This is a reference to the eight categories contained in Maitreyanātha’s Abhisamayālaṃkāra: (1) knowledge of all aspects (sarvākārajñatā; rnam mkhyen); (2) knowledge of the aspects of the path (mārgākārajñatā; lam shes); (3) knowledge of the basis (vastujñānatā; gzhi shes); (4) awakening to all aspects (sarvākārābhisambodhi; rnam rdzogs sbyor ba); (5) realization of the culmination (mūrdhābhisamaya; rtse mo’i sbyor ba); (6) successive realization (anupūrvābhisamaya; mthar gyis pa’i sbyor ba); (7) realization in a single moment (ekakṣaṇābhisamaya; skad cig ma’i sbyor ba); and (8) the resultant Dharma Body (‘bras bu chos kyi sku). 16. The four ornaments (čimeg; Skrt. alaṃkāra) are (1) the ornament of ethical discipline (šaγšabad-​un čimeg; Tib. tshul khrims kyi rgyan; Skrt. śīlālaṃkāra); (2) the ornament of samādhi (samadi-​yin čimeg; Tib. ting nge ‘dzin gyi rgyan; Skrt. samādhyalaṃkāra); (3)  the ornament of wisdom (bilig-​ün čimeg; Tib. shes rab kyi rgyan; Skrt.

Teachings of the Fat Paṇ ḍ i ta Tsevelvaanchigdorji  179 prajñālaṃkāra); and (4) the ornament of dhāraṇī (toγtaγal-​un čimeg; Tib. gzungs kyi rgyan; Skrt. dhāraṇyalaṃkāra). 17. The sixteen aspects are [The Truth of Suffering:] suffering (duḥkha), impermanence (anitya), emptiness (śūnyatā), and selflessness (anātmaka); [Truth of the Cause of Suffering:] cause (hetu), origin (samudaya), production (prabhava), and condition (pratyaya); [The Truth of the Cessation of Suffering:] pacification (śānta), cessation (nirodha), perfection (praṇīta), and deliverance (niḥsaraṇa); [The Truth of the Path to the Cessation of Suffering:] path (mārga), appropriateness (nyāya), attainment (pratipatti), and truly delivering (nairyāṇika). 18. This refers to the seven points of training in developing bodhicitta: recognizing all sentient beings as one’s mother; recognizing the kindness of mother sentient beings; repaying their kindness; affectionate love for them; great compassion; the extraordinary intention; and bodhicitta. 19. The action (kriyā), performance (caryā), yoga, and unexcelled-​yoga (niruttarayoga) tantras. 20. The three trainings are ethical discipline (śīla), meditative concentration (samādhi), and wisdom (prajñā). 21. “The two stages” refers to the stage of generation (utpattikrama) and the stage of completion (saṃpatikrama) in the practice of unexcelled-​yoga tantras.

Bibliography Bstan pa’i rtsa lag dam par gyur pa mchog sprul rin po che blo bzang ‘jigs med bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan ‘khrung rabs so so’i rnam par thar pa dad pa dang ldan pa dag la gtam du bya ba rin po che’i ‘phreng ba zhis bya ba bzhugs so. 2016. In Arvain Khüreenii “Targan Bandida” Tsevelvaanchigforjiin Töröl Üesnii Namtar [Containing the original Tibetan and Mongolian translation], 78–​149. Translated into Mongolian by Sodnomjamts Shunlaiv. Övörkhangai Aimag: Gandanpuntsoglin Khiid, Bandida Lamtny Nomyn Örgöö. Chinbat, L. 2013. Bogd Javzandamba Tamgatai Khutagt Khuvilgaadyn Namtaryn Oillogo Ogtorguin Chandamani Khemeekh Orshvoi. Ulaanbaatar: Mönkhiin Üseg. Choima, Sh., L. Terbish, D. Bürnee, and N. Chuluunbaatar. 2015. Buddyn Shashyn Soyelyn Tailbar Toly, Vol. 2. Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo. Erdene Bishrelt Mergen Bandida Tsevelvaanchigdorjiin Mongol Khel Bichgeer Tuurvisan Zokhioluud, Vol. 1. 2016. Övörkhangai Aimag:  Gandanpuntsoglin Khiid, Bandida Lamtny Nomyn Örgöö. Khürelbaatar, L. 2002. Sudar Shastiryn Bilig. Ulaanbaatar: Mongol Ulsyn Ikh Surguuliin Buddyn Soëlyn Sudlalyn Tov. Sodnomjamts, Shunlaiv. 2016. Arvain Khüreenii “Targan Bandida” Tsevelvaanchigforjiin Töröl Üesnii Namtar. Övörkhangai Aimag: Gandanpuntsoglin Khiid, Bandida Lamtny Nomyn Örgöö.

8

Didactic Poetry of Mergen Gegeen Uranchimeg Ujeed

Introduction In addition to the ritual texts translated in this volume, Mergen Gegeen Lubsangdambijalsan (Tib. Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1717–​1766, Mergen Gegeen hereafter),1 wrote numerous poems and songs with the intention to popularize Buddhist teachings among the laity. Apart from his old, block printed Collected Works, there is a large volume of literature written under the name of the Third Mergen Gegeen in manuscript form as well as a living, oral tradition handed down to the present. Some of these works have crossed the border of the Urad area of Inner Mongolia and spread to other regions of Mongolia. γalluu and Jirantai collected some of these works and published them in 1986.

Didactic Poetry Mergen Gegeen is considered to be the first author of Mongolian didactic poetry, which became a major genre of poetry throughout the early twentieth century.2 The content of his didactic poetry covers all aspects of religious, social, political, economic, ethical, and family life. In brief, Mergen Gegeen wanted to promote an ideal healthy, harmonious, prosperous, and happy society in which his formulated Mongolian Buddhism would flourish. However, in his didactic poetry, he teaches not only what is appropriate and beneficial but also points out what is inappropriate and harmful. He criticizes conduct that does not conform to Buddhist principles, and he scorns, ridicules, or mocks people’s disregard for Buddhist teachings.

Lyrics for Songs It is believed that Mergen Gegeen composed eighty-​one songs.3 People in Urad Right Duke Banner of Inner Mongolia still sing Mergen Gegeen’s songs, and some claim to know how to sing all eighty-​one songs. Most of his songs convey

Uranchimeg Ujeed, Didactic Poetry of Mergen Gegeen In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0008

184  Uranchimeg Ujeed Buddhist ideas, knowledge, ethics, feelings, and passion by means of a simple language and style. Some of his lyrics also carry didactic messages. The lyrics for the song “A Human Life Is Difficult to Obtain” speak of the preciousness and rarity of a human rebirth and meeting with the Dharma. With this song, Mergen Gegeen encourages his audience to dedicate themselves to the practice of Buddhism and to follow the Bodhisattva path in order to attain Buddhahood. He knows that the lyrics of this song can be meaningful only to those who have faith and the capacity to understand them. The lyrics for the song “Saṃsāra” warn the audience of the ripening of karma, the suffering of human life, and of the dangers of youthful negligence and ignorance. The lyrics encourage the audience to generate virtue, abandon sins, and progress on the stages of the path. Through these works, it seems that Mergen Gegeen sought to infuse Buddhist principles into the minds and lives of ordinary people, as most of the lyrics of these songs have been passed down through word of mouth.

Translated Texts A Teaching on the Maṇi It is difficult to cross an ocean that cannot be crossed By a boat. All living beings in the world Do not remain permanently. Since it is possible to go to The bottomless hell, Recite oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. Water of the River Ganges Cannot be held in a gully. Living beings in the world Do not remain permanently. As the cherished universe Is definitely empty. It is beneficial to recite The six-​syllable mantra, Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. Even if there is gold and silver, They cannot become food in hell.

Didactic Poetry of Mergen Gegeen  185 Even if there are [your] beloved and favorite ones, They will not accompany you to hell. Since you are to be alone When you depart, It is beneficial [for you] to do your best For the sake of a pure path of a white cause. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. [A repetition of the same] No matter how long your hands are, You cannot reach to heaven. No matter how brave you are, You cannot guard the world. No matter how wonderful it is, Our body is still empty. It is beneficial to recite The six-​syllable mantra With a single-​pointed faith. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. [. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] Do not be excited About having the abundant property of your father. Do not look down upon A beggar holding a [begging] bowl. Different karma Is a deposit of a past doing. It is beneficial to think about Creating a pure white cause. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. Do not take pride In being rich and noble. Do not despair For being unprivileged. For people of this world, Being rich, noble, and happy Is like the dew of night in the morning. Realize this principle

186  Uranchimeg Ujeed And work hard for a good cause. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. Learned knowledge is permanent Because thieves and robbers cannot steal it. Karma is permanent Because it surely always catches up with you. A lower doctrine That mixes the truth with falsehood is weak. Love and intimacy, Which wear away like clothing, are weak. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. The sunshine is eternal Even though it appears as small as a bowl. The power of the Dharma, Which educates all living beings,    Is eternal. A mirage Looks like an empty building. Mental actions That pursue profit are empty. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ.4

Supreme Śākyamuni It is the supreme Buddha Śākyamuni,5 Who descended from the place of Tuṣiṭa, To the lower world of Jambudvīpa, And illuminated the whole of the world. At the prime age of twenty-​nine, He abandoned his ninety thousand companions And took pure precepts, In front of the blessed stūpa. At the bank of a great, flowing river, He sat for six years in austerities, Subdued the army of demons, And gained the supreme enlightenment.6

Didactic Poetry of Mergen Gegeen  187

A Human Life Is Difficult to Obtain A human life is difficult to obtain. Buddhism is difficult to encounter. The early wish is difficult to realize. Karma is difficult to get rid of. It is important to perform the ten white virtues In the course of one’s life. It is important to abandon the ten black sins In every way possible. When past karma tortures you There is no use in lamenting. If you make merit now and later There will be accumulated happiness. There is no fault in the instruction of the saints. There is no chance of finding happiness in other ways. A strict law is to be followed carefully; One will go to hell if it is violated. Always venerate with faith Your supreme, accomplished guru! May you gain the indestructible siddhi And reach enlightenment! It is beneficial to practice Buddhism, Tread the Bodhisattva path, To compassionately save other living beings, And work hard for the attainment of Buddhahood. May you be compassionate toward all sentient beings! [May you] enter the path of Avalokiteśvara, Receive the blessings of the Buddha Amitābha And become a buddha in the peaceful land! For a person who has faith, this is a wish-​song; For an antagonistic person, these are ordinary words; For a person who comprehends it, this is a meaningful song; And for a person who does not, this is nonsense.7

188  Uranchimeg Ujeed

The Wheel of Saṃsāra The turning of the wheel of saṃsāra, Is fast like the wind. The fruit of good and bad karma, Ripens without failure. A peaceful and honest mind Is a source of the ten white virtues. A resentful and violent mind Is a cause of the ten black sins. One’s conception, birth, old age, and death Are the four immeasurable oceans of suffering. Forgetting these while looking Is the unknowing ignorance. One always gets lost Because of laziness Stemming from negligence In one’s time of youth. How can one practice virtues and practice [the Dharma] After he falls into hell Due to his negligence During the good time of his youth? People who are born into The four oceans of saṃsāra Are trapped by anger and ignorance, And by ten black sins. The wise, great accomplished ones, The adepts and scholars, And the intelligent ones Are on the stages of the Path.8

Notes 1. For more information on Mergen Gegeen, see another chapter dedicated to his works in this volume. 2. Christopher Atwood, “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion:  A Reexamination of the Fire Cult,” History of Religions 36, no. 2 (1996): 112–​139).

Didactic Poetry of Mergen Gegeen  189 3. Humphrey and Ujeed (2013): 71. 4. γalluu and Jirantai, Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan-​u ’bom ǰarliγ kemegdekü orusiba (Beijing: Ündüsüten-​ü keblel-​ün qoriy-​a, 1986): 224–​229. 5. This song and the following two songs are among many songs sung by a group of old people that were recorded by Hurelbaatar Ujeed on the occasion of the consecration of the newly built 80 cubits (approximately 27-​meter-​high) statue of Maitreya in Mergen Monastery in 1992. 6. γalluu and Jirantai (1986): 171–​172. 7. γalluu and Jirantai (1986): 137–​139. 8. γalluu and Jirantai (1986): 129–​131.

Bibliography Atwood, Christopher, P. 1996. “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion: A Reexamination of the Fire Cult.” History of Religions 36, no. 2: 112–​139. Humphrey, C., and H. Ujeed. 2013. A Monastery in Time:  The Making of Mongolian Buddhism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. γalluu and Jirantai. 1986. Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan-​u ’bom ǰarliγ kemegdekü orusiba (Collected works of Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan). Beijing: Ündüsüten-​ü keblel-​ün qoriy-​a.

9

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa Simon Wickham-​Smith

Introduction Dulduitin Danzanravjaa (Tib. Bstan ‘dzin rab rgyas, 1803–​1856), the Fifth Gobi Noyon Khutugtu, was born in the area around Shuvuun Shand, now part of Dorngovi Province (aimag). At the age of six, he took the vows of a monk, and at the age of nine was recognized as the reincarnation of the Fourth Noyon Khutagt Jamyang-​Oidovjamts, also known as Jamyang Ngödrup Gyatso (‘Jam dbyangs dngos grub rgya mtsho, 1765–​1802). Between 1804 and 1818, he studied Buddhist philosophy and tantric practice at Bagdarcholin monastery in what is today Inner Mongolia, under his primary teacher, the Third Janjaa Khutagt Ishdambiijaltsan (1787–​1846), as well as under Ajaa Gegeen Luvsandambiijaltsan and Düinkhor Paṇḍita (1766–​1836). Danzanravjaa was clearly an exceptional student, and at the age of sixteen, he returned to his birthplace and there conceived of what would become his monastery at Övörbayasgalant Khamriin Khiid. In addition to his own Buddhist tantric practice, he attracted many students and gave teachings to the nomadic herding community in the area. He developed an increasingly tense relationship with the local Qing rulers, and there is a popular, although unproven, rumor that his death at the age of fifty-​three was hastened by poisoning. The work of the Fifth Noyon Khutagt, Danzanravjaa, stands out among that of religious and secular writers in Mongolia during the nineteenth century for its combination of earthy humor and transcendent wisdom, and even more perhaps for its popular, yet never condescending, tone. Danzanravjaa was not only the reincarnation (khuvilgaan) of the Gobi Noyon Khutugtu and a celebrated poet, but he was also a composer and artist, a dramaturg, and an educator; and as a local statesman in the Gobi, he waged a continual war of words and actions against the Qing occupation of Mongolia.1 The development of Danzanravjaa’s life is an interweaving of three broad strands. There is his activity as a reincarnate lama and teacher, in which he received teachings from well-​respected and influential members of the Mongolian Buddhist establishment. Unusually for such a high-​ranking reincarnation, Danzanravjaa never went to Tibet, which means that his was an entirely Mongolian, nomadic understanding of Buddhism, and while he did

Simon Wickham-Smith, Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0009

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  191 write poems in Tibetan, the Mongolian language was his primary medium for Buddhist teaching. Second is his life as a mediator, and while we cannot gauge this from a spiritual viewpoint, from the viewpoint of history, the combination of Nyingma (Rnying ma) and Kagyu (Bka’ rgyud) traditions in which he was raised meant that his approach to his own development was focused more on meditation than on the rigorous analytical approach favored by the Géluk hierarchy. Finally, Danzanravjaa lived in a time when Mongolia was under the rule of the Qing, and he worked hard—​both through his writings and in his capacity as a prominent religious leader—​to promote Mongolian language and culture, the secular education of both boys and girls, and resistance to what he saw as unreasonable and destructive measures by local and national leaders. The interplay of these strands rendered his life as much an outward representation of social and political activity as the inner journey of an accomplished artist and Buddhist practitioner. Danzanravjaa’s poetic work is as thematically broad as it is philosophically profound. His fondness for the Gobi landscape inspired many of his lyrical poems, and he frequently used animals, especially horses, as metaphors to explain complex Buddhological ideas. The long journeys taken by Mongolians on horseback influenced his reworking of the Tibetan genre called “Calling the Guru from Afar” (Bla ma rgyang ‘bod), in which the act of travel becomes a metaphor for the act of contemplative prayer. The journey on horseback is seen as the journey toward enlightenment, and frequently poems that begin with a description of riding over the landscape end with the image of everlasting joy. Danzanravjaa’s popularity among the people of the Gobi is reflected in his many instructional poems (surgaal), and while these, as in the case of the teaching for Geshé Sharav reproduced here, are occasionally dedicated to an individual, they appear more generally to have been written to address concerns arising from Danzanravjaa’s own practice or from his observation of others. His teachings, moreover, in these sometimes very lengthy poems, tend to focus on fundamental aspects of Buddhist doctrine: cause and effect, compassion, attachment, and the pure behavior exemplified in the Noble Eightfold Path. In these poems, he talks directly to his audience, using the imagery and metaphors of the nomadic communities of the Gobi, and addressing them in language, which, though frequently scathing, is nonetheless compassionate and benevolent, such that any initial awkwardness in the reader’s mind would be softened by the message of gentle clarity and wisdom. Throughout his life, Danzanravjaa was a controversial figure, for he drank to excess and enjoyed the company of young women.2 Indeed, he was referred to as the “drunk” (sogtuu) reincarnation of the Noyon Khutugtu. At the end of several of his poems, he acknowledges his reputation, referring to himself as “crazy Ravjaa” or as a “drunkard,” but equally he wrote poems in which he takes a very

192  Simon Wickham-Smith stern view of lax conduct among monks, as for instance, in “Shame, Shame,” which follows, and against the drinking of alcohol. The contradictory nature of his personality, then, is reflected in the message he sends to those who would listen to him and, in the classic mold, for instance, of Bhutan’s Drukpa Kunley (Brug pa kun legs, 1455–​1529) or, in more modern times, Chögyam Trungpa (Chos rgyam drung pa, 1939–​1987). Thus, he could be described as a “crazy wisdom” practitioner (smyon pa).3 The poems presented here are representative of the large corpus, including texts in both Mongolian and Tibetan, now ascribed to Danzanravjaa,4 and show his literary skill as a writer, and his breadth and depth as a communicator of Buddhist ideas. Many of the texts can be read as multilayered texts for contemplation, as well as pieces of secular poetic art. Such is the works’ broad appeal that Danzanravjaa’s legacy, both as a writer and as a Buddhist teacher, remains extremely popular today, and the developments at the monastery Khamariin Khiid, the construction of which began in 1821 in Urgun district (sum) of Dornogovi Province (aimag). Today, under the supervision of the curator (takhilch) of Danzanravjaa’s legacy, Z. Altangerel,5 the monastery continues to attract attention in the media and from tourists and pilgrims.6 According to the tradition, Danzanravjaa is supposed to have written “Perfect Qualities” (Modern Mong. Ülemjiin Chanar) about his tantric consort Dadishura, who seems to have been variously his muse and lover. That “Perfect Qualities” is his best known and most famous work reflects also the affection felt for him outside the religious establishment, as a kind of Mongolian everyman, subject to feelings of love and lust even while engaged in meditation. Danzanravjaa’s poem “Gently” (Dömön) is a well-​known example of the “long song” (urtin duu), a genre of Mongolia’s folksong repertoire. The development of the poem from the mundane to the religious, seen also in “Perfect Qualities” earlier, shows how Danzanravjaa draws his audience in, giving them a scene to which they can easily relate, and brings them quickly to an implicit experience of the enlightened mind. Danzanravjaa’s study in both the Kagyü and Nyingma traditions indicates that the “shortcut” mentioned here is likely the practice of Great Perfection (rdzogs chen), while “the one whom I desire” might be interpreted as a lover, as enlightened mind, or as both, through the contemplative, tantric consort practice. His didactic poem, “A Piece of Advice for Geshé Sharav” (Modern Mong. Gevsh Sharavt khelsen surgaal), was originally composed in Tibetan. This poem, written perhaps for a student, uses a particularly terse and earthy language to encourage a strong sense of ethics and hard work in practice. We can imagine that, as a geshé (Tib. dge shes), Sharav might have had a good deal of factual knowledge and intellectual understanding of the Buddha’s teaching, but clearly Danzanravjaa saw in him problems in the way he actually practiced

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  193 the teachings from day to day. Despite its unusual tone, this long poem offers standard Buddhist teaching and was clearly written for practitioners at all levels . In his poem “Shame Shame” (Modern Mong. Ichig ichig), as in many of his other poems, Danzanravjaa used his sharp wit to good effect to address the hypocrisy and immorality of his society. Probably because many of its targets were people exerting some kind of authority over others, “Shame, Shame!’ is an especially popular example. Criticism of those who would pretend superiority is, of course, a familiar trope in the work of religious figures, but that Danzanravjaa reserves some comments for simple acts of flirtatiousness or deceit between men and women suggests that he calls everyone, whether high or low in society, to account, and encourages them to behave in a moral and compassionate way. Note that, as he frequently points out in his poems, Danzanravjaa includes himself among the shameful, as “first among equals,” and note too that he includes here, as he frequently does, a final note of hope, “Please don’t despair.” The reason for the poem “Duality” (Modern Mong. Khoyor ni), consisting of a simple list of dualistic pairings, is revealed in the final verse, with its reference to the classic Buddhist teachings of “one taste,” or “nonduality.” By recognizing duality in every experience (that wisdom, for instance, presupposes ignorance, that they have a reciprocal relationship), Danzanravjaa says, we can transcend even that which appears to be good (wisdom, we assume, being better than ignorance) and “disappear” into the realization of nonduality, recognizing that all experiences are impermanent. This is another example of Danzanravjaa’s method of surprise, bringing his readers directly to realization through a sudden realignment, which shows them that what they believe they have properly understood. The poem “Hardship” (Berkhüüd) is about the difficulty of following through on what we say we will do, or on what we say we believe. It represents another example of how Danzanravjaa addresses the hypocrisy, or maybe the lack of focus or of determination, which Buddhist practitioners show. The final lines hint at the fear we all might have, at one point in our lives, of dying; and they remind us—​as does the entire poem, and perhaps also Danzanravjaa’s entire oeuvre—​ that Buddhist practice is much more than saying the “right” words and observing the “right” conduct. We can imagine that Danzanravjaa’s teaching style might have been an effective blend of wry humor and pithy wisdom. In his poem titled “A Song Arising From Contemplation” (Byasalgal dund ni urgasan duu), his rhetorical list of “if ” clauses presents the difficulties that come from not putting the more emotionally complex aspects of the teachings, such as seeing one’s family as “hindrances,” or acknowledging the delusion caused by the “trickery of your own mind,” into practice. Again, Danzanravjaa ends his poem on the level of spiritual attainment to which his readers should aspire, to realize the Dharma Body as nonmanifest,

194  Simon Wickham-Smith the implication being that this can be every one of us, understands the essence of nonduality—​as discussed earlier in the poem “Duality”—​as utterly peaceful. Danzanravjaa’s poetry shows his love for the natural world, as he uses images from nature, with which his audience would all have been most familiar, to communicate his ideas. The poem “My Lama, the Triple Jewel” (Modern Mong. Lam gurvan erdene) opens with a traditional prayer to the root lama, visualized as the Triple Jewel. It essentially asks readers to consider their own behavior in comparison with, and learning from, the “strange trickery” of the world around them. This trickery, he suggests, is what causes the “three poisons” of delusion, greed, and aversion, which in his prayer he asks his lama to eliminate. Danzanravjaa is believed to have written the poem “My Dear Old World” (Yertönts avgain jam khemeekh orshikh) as he was dying, poisoned by his own hand so that the Chinese woman sent by the local Qing nobles to kill him would not be subject to the karma of killing. The poem that follows is only the first portion of a far longer poem, but the themes expressed here, of the world’s cynicism, cruelty, and unsteadiness, and its disparaging of human goodness, run through the remaining sections. Although Danzanravjaa here appears to express contempt for the world, this contempt is softened again by his humor and warmth, and by the clarity with which he sees what he has consistently witnessed.

Translated Texts “Perfect Qualities” Your perfect qualities are like a clear mirror. Oh, I see your beautiful face; your body’s wonder has truly captured my mind. As the cuckoo’s song thrills the sluggish mind, oh, as you sit and recite your sweet and gentle words so also it thrills my gentle nature. As soon as we met, your body struck me like a flowing river. Oh, as red sandalwood and its scent

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  195 are created together intrinsically, so you stimulate my mind. Just like the honey taste spreads from amid the lotus flower, Oh, so meditation more and more multiplies joy and pleasure insatiable. In this human life, our desires are fulfilled. Let us be happy together, floating on the ocean of ecstasy, an experience of desired divinity.

“Gently” With gentle, gentle steps my tan-​colored horse with black eyes stays well away from the geldings. That one, my bright one, just standing amid the crowd, just standing there, alert, its temperament so lovely. The nightingale on the glacial lake sings its strange songs in vain. Why do I so deeply love his child, and in vain? What is love? It’s a lovely, ancient benediction. Let us take the shortcut by the southern slope and reach a distant land. It’s a pleasure to meet the one whom I desire. On my way, with Dharma’s riches, I’ll enjoy the entrance to the Abhidharma in my life to come.

196  Simon Wickham-Smith

“A Piece of Advice for Geshé Sharav” Oh, please listen, if you would take to heart the words I speak! Always organize your thoughts and actions in this way. Carry your kind lama like a kapāla. Continually worship the tutelary deity and the Buddha all through your life. Make friends with the ḍākinīs and guardians as with the shadows of your body. Cherish the vows you’ve made as you cherish your eyes. Get rid of even the smallest sin as though it were a sharp splinter. Give up heavy food of the pious and the dead, as if though they are urine and feces. Tighten your vigilance stronger than a silken knot. Dilute vile thoughts of sin, just like snake venom. If you talk nonsense, hold your tongue as though you were dead. Mumble words to help yourself as though you were reciting. Limit your food and drink as though they were medicine. Be more compassionate in your wisdom than the bright sun. Be firm as the sky, having neither a center nor limits. Remain deeper than the ocean floor in your openness. Be totally unaffected, like a lotus growing in the mud. Make your mind finer than Chinese silk. Think of your body as being unstable, like a house in the market square. Think of this life as being unreal, like what appears in your dreams. Keep yourself lowly, as though you were everyone’s servant. Go to bed late, like a horse and get up early, like a bird. If everyone everywhere praises you, be as disinterested as a corpse. If all the demons slander you, remain unmoved like a mountain. Be like a khan, not shifting your standards. Act like you’re short sighted, don’t look at other people’s wickedness. Treat arrogant quarrels as dull and pointless. Give up flattering your superiors, act like a madman. Hide away your own wisdom, like in a jewel mine. Always offer what you have, as though repaying a debt. Be helpful to your suffering friends, as though they were your relatives. Be like an antelope, homeless and roaming where it wants. Always be alone, like a solitary rhino. Think how when you’ll die is uncertain, it’s like you’ve purposefully eaten   poison. Grow tired of this world, like someone held in prison. Silently flee from your bad friends, regarding them as your enemy.

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  197 Constantly drink from the pure deep alchemy, as though from spring water. Contemplate the good path as though gasping for breath. Realize everything you see in terms of magical display. Think of every sound you hear like echoes bouncing off a cliff. Place guards to watch your mind as if though against insurgency. Help others and yourself with the precious wish-​fulfilling gem. To summarize, if you make up your mind, be clear from the first, that you’ll do this and not do that, Be like a thirsty elephant heading for water, and don’t turn back. Carry on and finish what you’re doing. Failing to observe the trail I’ve been following, I’ve not laid out this teaching very well. These rambling words come from my heart and, hopefully, will be of help. Don’t judge others too harshly: these are hard times.

“Shame, Shame” And oh, the old get older without collecting merit—​what a shame! And oh, the young get dressed up without straightening their minds—​what a shame! And oh, the wise don’t join their Dharma minds—​what a shame! And oh, the princes treat their subjects unfairly—​what a shame! And oh, the girls support their men, but not their fathers—​what a shame! And oh, the ministers quarrel about the state—​what a shame! And oh, the pandits study much, but not the Dharma—​what a shame! And oh, the yogīs shout “phat!” when they’re meditating—​what a shame! And oh, the monks study by day in the monastery and wander the streets by night—​ what a shame! And oh, the students pray openly and stuff themselves in secret—​what a shame! And oh, the doctors consider cost and not how best to heal—​what a shame! And oh, the cautious ones expose the faults of others and don’t regard their own faults—​what a shame! And oh, the girls’ eyes watch his face, but their minds check out his bottom—​what a shame! And oh, the scholars teach by day but slack off at night—​what a shame! And oh, the men come visiting, lambasting their wives—​what a shame! And oh, their wives make friends and disregard their husbands—​what a shame!

198  Simon Wickham-Smith And oh, if I have these faults myself, then I am first amongst equals—​what a shame! And oh, there are others, of greater and lesser faults—​what a shame! Please don’t despair. Oh, you poor things!

“Duality” Wisdom and ignorance is duality, and hitting the mark and getting it wrong is duality. Distracted and attentive is duality, and goodness and badness is duality. Virtue and sin is duality, and help and hindrance is duality. White and black is duality, and receiving and rejecting is duality. The saṃsāra and nirvāṇa is duality; and bad and good is duality. The state and the clergy is duality, and this life and the next is duality. The heaven and earth is duality, and tall and short is duality. The self and other is duality, and inside and outside is duality. Winter and summer is duality, and cold and heat is duality. The sun and the moon is duality, and fire and water is duality. Birth and death is duality, and combining and breaking is duality. “It is” and “it is not” is duality, and easy and difficult is duality. Father and mother is duality, and wisdom and skillful means is duality.

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  199 The buddhas and demons is duality, and the superior and inferior is duality. Happiness and suffering is duality, and desires and frustrations is duality. Body and mind is duality, and healthy and sickly is duality. Before and after is duality, and what has come and what is coming is duality. Firm and fragile is duality, and slow and fast is duality. Circular and triangular is duality, and defective and faultless is duality. To meet and to depart is duality, and to be visible and to disappear is duality. Happiness and fear is duality, and explicit and hidden is duality. Faith and doubt is duality, and trust and support is duality. Wisdom and error is duality, and what is and what is not is duality. Alchemy and dream is duality, and created and uncreated is duality. Word and fact is duality, and sign and thought is duality. Drunk on the one taste of pairness in the sky of nonduality, my friends, may we accomplish our prayer of disappearance.

“Hardships” I bow down before the Lama. Today and tomorrow there will be many who desire wisdom: it is hard to transcend human lust and to head upwards.

200  Simon Wickham-Smith There are many close friends who smile with a loving mind: it is hard to follow them, once you’ve abandoned them and headed off alone. There are many who say they take delight in the uncertainty of death: It is hard, finally, to get rid even of a needle and thread. There are many who, wandering around like a dog, seek honor and profit: it is hard to cope with thirst, for the sake of Dharma, even for a single day. There are many who put things off until tomorrow or the day after: it is hard to think that life passes by breathing alone. There are many who pray by saying, “I’ll be faithful”: it is very hard to act in faith, yet without pretense. There are many who claim to have found the truth through initiation: it is hard to guard even a little vow you’ve got through initiation. There are many who have found the freedom of the precious human body: it is hard to find any real regret before you go beyond the world. Because you’ll never think about abandoning what you love, while it’s not hard to say, we must consider all this with care.

“A Song Arising from Contemplation” If you don’t think of your teacher as the Buddha, it’s hard to find the magic, be it great or small. If you don’t think yourself to be the tutelary deity and the Buddha, it’s hard to find tranquility in any place. If you don’t grasp the pure vow as being the central point, it’s hard to see the difference between accepting and rejecting. If you don’t grasp the mind as the Buddha’s Dharma, it’s hard to tear out error by the roots. If you don’t think of your relatives and enemies as hindrances, it’s hard to feel the peaceful path of freedom. If you don’t look at the world’s three states as faults, it’s hard to realize the nobility of the three teachings. If you don’t think of the six levels of beings which are your mother, it’s hard to realize the enlightenment which speaks from love. If you don’t understand the trickery of your own mind, it’s hard to come across the place of meeting. If you don’t think of this life as being magic, it’s hard to establish the direct path of escape.

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  201 If you don’t think about this crazy song of mine, it’s hard to obey these words in your life. While it might be hard, with the mind untamed, to abandon the things which are manifest, it is nonetheless inevitable. In the space of the nonmanifesting Dharma Body, the mind of the yogī, grasping nonduality, is peaceful.

Crazy Ravjaa sang this mixed-​ up song about what gets produced in contemplation.

“My Lama, Triple Jewel” My lama, Triple Jewel, please take pity on me. Please annihilate the three bad actions. Streams do not stop flowing down the mountains when the evening comes, nor does a proud man’s learning stop in his memory. Wildfire does not burn in the middle of a lake, nor do evil words come from a wise man’s memory. The birds all flee from a dried-​up pool, and friends of the Khan flee from the hard of heart. Fruit and flowers flee from an infected tree, and close friends flee from those who are obstinate. If you appear to be rich, your boastful mind is vexed. If you appear small, your saddened mind is vexed. If you appear to be a monk, your study is your pure religious vows, and if you are quite alone, you hold fast to your strong mind. Drinking, drinking—​at least its pure dark spirits we’re drinking: examine this closely; it’s one of the ten hells. Hell, hell—​but where is hell? If you have no spirit, then surely you’re in hell. If you’re on the bright side, please watch for muddy marshland. If you have a fine lover, please keep a watch on your thoughts. If there is blue sky, please watch out for the heat and the cold. If you have a bad lover, please test your urge to travel far.

202  Simon Wickham-Smith If a wildfire is blazing in the mountains, it is hard to put it out with force. Even if someone is not enlightened, if they have a mind of merit, then they are kind. The winds of heaven destroy what’s stored up for the future, and anger’s ignorance destroys alert intelligence. The autumn’s hoarfrost does damage the swaying leaves and flowers, and anger’s ignorance does damage to fine wisdom. There is much strange trickery in this winged world. My many friends, please take good care.

“My Dear Old World!” For you, my dear old world, I will play manly sports. I am not interested in your craziness. I will confer a title on you for your false modesty. The world is mischievous in elevating the elders. The world is foolish in worrying about the young. The world is truly deceitful. When you look, it’s not there. The world is all crazy noise. When you listen, it’s false. The world is drowsy, sleeping without end. In the end, the world is a monster, killing and eating, without care. We make friends early, but the world mocks us. It moves forwards, unconcerned, the world has demon’s feet.

Didactic Poetry of Danzanravjaa  203 The world is bile in your gut, honoring your faults in secret. For you, my dear old world, I will hold onto manliness. Ah, what a pity! The world charges a flat fee, in the end, it takes what you’ve given it. The world makes you an orphan, it finally brings you down from on high. The world is evil insanity, it is finally the enemy of love. The world is poisonous, it finally separates friends. Whether bright or gloomy, the world is unsteady. It changes in every way, the world is nothing but a dream. My dear old world, do you think you’re really great? I am drunk, and in my freedom I tell strange tales.

Notes 1. For further details on Danzanravjaa’s life, see Michael Kohn, Lama of the Gobi: How Mongolia’s Mystic Monk Spread Tibetan Buddhism in the World’s Harshest Desert (Hong Kong:  Blacksmith Books, 2010); and L. Khürelbaatar, “Tavdugaar Noyon Gegeentnii Tsetsgiin Tovch Khuraangui Orshiv,” in Avarga Mogoin Zulain Chandmani (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2006), where he offers a more scholarly analysis of his life. For a literary account of Danzanravjaa’s work, see Walther Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolische Literatur (Wiesbaden:  Otto Harrassowitz, 1972):  185–​240; and D. Tsagaan, Ravjaa: Yaruu Nairgin Tsomorlig (Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo Khevleliin Gazar, 1992) for the most effective blend of literary analysis and biography. 2. For these reasons, Danzanravjaa has been compared to the Sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs Rgya mtsho (1683–​1706/​1746).

204  Simon Wickham-Smith 3. Drukpa Kunley is the subject of Keith Dowman’s The Divine Madman: The Sublime Life and Songs of Drukpa Kunley, 2000. See Chogyam Trungpa (1998). Another similar figure is Gendun Chopel (Dge ‘dun chos ‘phel). For his work. see Lopez (2009). 4. See Danzanravjaa, Uran büteliin tsomorlig (Ulaanbaatar:  Soyembo, 2006) for his Mongolian language works, and Ch. Altangerel (1968) for his Tibetan works. 5. Z. Altangerel died as this volume was going to press. The new curator of Danzanravjaa’s work is his son A. Altan-​Ochir. 6. Mongolia’s popular magazine Ündestnii Toim ran a cover story on the revival of Khamriin Khiid, “Shambald zorchson temdeglel” (Toim, July 8, 2012): 17–​37, and a profile of Z. Altangerel, “Takhilch” (July 8, 2012): 54–​61.

Bibliography Altangerel, Ch. 1968. Mongol zokhiolchdin tövödöör bichsen büteel II devter (D. Ravjaa). Ulaanbaatar: Shinjlekh Ukhaan Akademiin Khevlel. Batbayar, D. 2012. “Shambald Zorchson Temdeglel.” Ündestnii Toim (July 8): 17–​37. Danzanravjaa. 2006. Uran büteliin tsomorlig. Ulaanbaatar: Soyembo. Danzanravjaa.2007. Ülemjiin chanar. Ulaanbaatar: Sodnompres. Danzanravjaa. 2013. A Song Arising from Contemplation: Selected Poems. Translated by Simon Wickham-​Smith. Ulaanbaatar: MACP. Dowman, Keith. 2000. The Divine Madman: The Sublime Life and Songs of Drukpa Kunley. Kathmandu: Pilgrims Book House. Heissig, Walther. 1972. Geschichte der Mongolische Literatur. Wiesbaden:  Otto Harrassowitz. Khürelbaatar, L. 2006. “Tavdugaar Noyon Gegeentnii Tsetsgiin Tovch Khuraangui Orshiv.” In Avarga Mogoin Zulain Chandmani, 311–​ 371. Ulaanbaatar:  Publisher unknown. Kohn, Michael. 2010. Lama of the Gobi:  How Mongolia’s Mystic Monk Spread Tibetan Buddhism in the World’s Harshest Desert. Hong Kong: Blacksmith Books. Lopez, Donald, S., trans. 2009. In the Forest of Faded Wisdom:  104 Poems by Gendun Chopel. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sodbayar, S. 2012. “Takhilch.” Ündestnii Toim. Uly 8: 54–​61. Trungpa, Chogyam. 1998. Timely Rain: Selected Poetry of Chogyam Trungpa. Boulder, CO: Shambhala Books. Tsagaan, D. 1992. Ravjaa:  Yaruu Nairgin Tsomorlig; Ulaanbaatar:  Soyombo Khevleliin Gazar. Wickham-​Smith, Simon. 2006. “The Way of the World.” IIAS Newsletter 40 (Spring): 19.

10

The Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita’s Smoke Offering Rituals to the Khangai Mountain Range Krisztina Teleki

Introduction The so-​called three lamps of the Géluk tradition, the first eminent Mongolian monks who spread the teachings of the Géluk tradition in Khalkha areas, are Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar (1635–​1723), Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsanprinlei (Qalqa Jaya Bandita Blo bzang ‘phrin las, 1642–​1719), and Lamiin Gegeen (1639–​1704). All of these three authors were born and active in the Khangai region, spreading Buddhist doctrine and rituals. The present chapter aims to introduce the five short, smoke offering ritual texts written by the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita (Skrt. jaya “victory”), Luvsanprinlei (1642–​1719), who was one of the first Mongolian monks spreading the teachings and practices of the Tibetan Géluk tradition in the Mongol lands.1 His collected works (Tib. gsung ‘bum), written in Tibetan and printed in Beijing, include a collection of smoke offerings (Mong. san, Tib. bsangs), a number of which are devoted to the Khangai Range and other geographical sites in Sain Noyon Khan Province.2 The selected texts exemplify the general structure of smoke offering rituals. The smoke purification offerings in general are intended to pacify and delight celestial beings and the spirit owners or custodians of natural sites such as mountains, rivers, lakes, forests, rocks, and plants, such as lus savdag (Tib. klu sa bdag), gzhi bdag, and nāgas.3 These rituals encourage them to ensure the well-​being and good fortune of the inhabitants of a given region by means of smoke offering purification, especially by detailed ceremonies at the stone or wood cairns (ovoo), which indicate a sacred site. The nomadic Mongols have venerated nature, Father Sky (Tengri) and Mother Earth, and their immediate environment since ancient times. One finds traces of this in Mongolian honorific names for mountains, such as “king” (khan) and “majesty” (khairkhan). In other words, the veneration of mountains and ovoos is a Mongolian practice that precedes Buddhism.4 However, the Buddhist form of pacification and propitiation through smoke and other offerings to local spirits of nature began to spread throughout the Mongol territories in the seventeenth century.5

Krisztina Teleki, The Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita’s Smoke Offering Rituals to the Khangai Mountain Range In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0010

208  Krisztina Teleki The five ritual texts translated here demonstrate the accurate use of the Tibetan language by the eminent Mongolian polymath and mirror the spreading of Tibetan rituals in Mongolia.

The Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita, Luvsanprinlei As in the case of other traditional accounts of Mongolian saints and reincarnations (khutugtus and khuvilgaans), it is said that Zaya Paṇḍita’s first incarnation lived at the time of Buddha Śākyamuni. The Mongolian tradition holds that four of his incarnations were born in India, three in Tibet, and seven in Mongolia, where they became known as Zyaagin Gegeens (“bright, holiness”).6 Certain other sources claim that his ninth incarnation, or the first Mongolian incarnation, was Sain Noyon Khöndlön Tsökhür (1558–​1640), a descendant of Chinggis Khan (1162–​1227), who met with and paid homage to the Third Dalai Lama, Sönam Gyatso (Bsod nams rgya mtsho, 1543–​1588), who bestowed upon him the title of “Zaya Paṇḍita” (Victory Scholar) for his spreading of Buddhism in the Mongol lands. Moreover, since Khöndlön Tsökhür, a layman, Luvsanprinlei (1642–​1715), is considered to be the first Mongolian, monastically ordained incarnation in this lineage who descended from Chinggis Khan through the line of Sain Noyon Khans. Luvsanprinlei received a monastic ordination at the age of three and began to study Buddhism at the age of five. At the age of eleven, he met Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar (1635–​1723), the first Buddhist Géluk authority in Mongolia and the First Mongolian Jebtsundamba Khutugtu. After studying from different eminent monks, he went to Tibet in 1660 at the age of eighteen, where he studied until 1679. He received his novice ordination from the Fifth Dalai Lama, Nawang Lobzang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617–​1682) and lived primarily in Sera (Se ra) and Tashilhunpo (Bkra shis lhun po) monasteries, where he also met the Fifth Panchen Lama, Lobzang Yeshe (Blo bzang ye shes). The Fifth Dalai Lama bestowed upon him the title of “Zaya Paṇḍita” in 1678 and instructed him to spread Buddhism in the North. After returning home, Luvsanprinlei further developed the already existing monastery that was situated in the foreground of Bulgan Uul (Sable Mountain, currently in the city of Tsetserleg, Arkhangai Province) by building new temples and initiating a monastic system (Mong. deg jayag, Tib. sgrigs bca yig). By 1679, his monastery had five temples and two hundred monks. At this time ceremonies at the monastery began to be performed. However, when the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu (1644?–​1696) started to invade the Khalkha territories, important lamas, and many Khalkha nobles were forced to flee to Inner Mongolia. Zaya Paṇḍita was also forced to leave his monastery. From that time on, he taught the Buddhist

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  209 doctrine for Khalkha and Inner Mongolian khans, nobles, and several educated monks. Due to Zaya Paṇḍita’s efforts to put an end to the wars between the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu Khan and Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar, the Qing emperor, Kang-​ xi (1663–​1722), granted him the title of “a saint with a seal” (tamgatai khutagt). In 1699, Zaya Paṇḍita founded the temple called Buyaniig Iltgegch Süm (“Merit-​ Preaching Temple”) in Höhhot, where monks from Inner Mongolian banners held ceremonies. Zaya Paṇḍita’s monastery in the foreground of Bulgan Mountain of the Khangai Mountains became well known by the name of its main hall, Buyaniig Delgerüülegch Süm (or Tögs bayasgalant buyaniig delgerüülegch Gandangejeelin, Tib. dga’ ldan dge rgyas gling, “Monastery Spreading Blissful Virtue”). He established a library that contained numerous Mongolian, Tibetan, Chinese, and Manchu language Buddhist texts. He died in 1715, but his relics have remained, and even today his restored monastery, Tögs Bayasgalant Buyan Delgerüülekh Süm, has a community of thirty to forty monks. Zaya Paṇḍita’s latest incarnation, Luvsandanzan Püljinjigmed (Tib. Blo bzang Bstan ‘dzin phul ‘byung ‘jigs med, born in 1972, was recognized as such by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in 1999. He actively taught Buddhism in Ulaanbaatar and Arkhangai Province since his passing away in February, 2019. The Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita was one of the most eminent Mongolian Buddhist scholars and polymaths. He wrote and translated numerous works of different genres,7 an encyclopedia of religious studies, biographies, prayers, and texts on incense offerings dedicated to local spirits of several Mongolian sites. Many Mongolian monasteries later followed the regulations and ceremonial system initiated by him; and his monastery became one of the most significant Buddhist centers in Sain Noyon Khan Province, owing to the activities of his later reincarnations.

Collected Works on Smoke Offering Rituals of the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita, Luvsanprinlei The collected works of the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita were printed in Beijing in block print and are kept in several library collections all over the world, one of which is the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS).8 The thirty-​first part of his collected works comprises the collection of smoke offering rituals (Tib. bsangs mchod) titled “Precious Garland Smoke Offerings: The Smoke Offerings, Petition Offerings, and Others Compiled by the Shakya Monk Luvsanprinlei” (Shā kya btsun blo bzang ’phrin las kyi/​ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las/​bsangs chog rin chen phreng ba dang/​bsangs dang gsol mchod la sogs, HAS 237.28/​1–​16,

210  Krisztina Teleki ff. 1–​18, Chin. 610–​627). Zaya Paṇḍita composed these ritual texts mostly at the request of nobles bearing the ranks of khan, efü, van, gün, and beil who lived in the area of Inner and Outer Mongolia, and some of whom were descendants of Chinggis Khan. The texts were written down by Zaya Paṇḍita’s monastic disciples: Ülemj Biligt, Choijamts, Erdene Güüsh, Shiva Shireet Luvsan, and others.9 The collection includes the following sixteen texts, from which texts 4–​7, and 12 are translated here: 1. The Precious Garland of Smoke Offering Rituals (Bsangs kyi cho ga rin po che’i phreng ba), which is an explanation of the smoke offering ritual (bsangs) written at the behest of Dash van of the Kharchin banner (Kha ra chin Bkra shis wang) in 1703 with Agvaanjaltsan Ülemj Biligt (Ngag dbang rgyal mtshan U lem chi Pi lig thu) as a scribe (ff. 1v–​6r). 2. Smoke Offering Ritual Blazing with Majestic Brilliance of Accomplishments (Bsangs kyi cho ga dngos grub kyi gzi ‘od ‘bar ba), which describes a general smoke offering ritual for both mundane and supramundane deities, written at the behest of Jamba Dash gün (Byams pa bkra shis gung) in 1703 with Agvaanjaltsan Ülemj Biligt (Ngag dbang rgyal mtshan U lem chi Bi lig thu) as a scribe (ff. 6r–​8r). 3. Smoke Offering Bringing the Rain of Auspiciousness (Bsangs mchod bkra shis char ‘bebs), a condensed smoke offering ritual written on the request of a painter, Erdene Biligt Zuraach (Er te ni Pi lig thu ju rā chi), with Choijamts (Chos rgya mtsho) as a scribe (ff. 8r–​9v). 4. An untitled text contains an invocation and a prayer (gsol mchod) for a smoke offering ritual to the mountain deity of Khangai (Hang kas) Mountain and his retinue, to the lord of (Terkhiin) Tsagaan Nuur (present-​ day Arkhangai Province, Tariat District), and to the lord and spirits of its surroundings. It is written at the behest of Khöndlön van (Khun du lung dbang) (ff. 9v–​10r). 5. Invocation and Prayer to the Male Deity Khangai (Pho lha hang kas kyi gsol mchod), which contains an invocation and a prayer for a smoke offering ritual presented to the deity of Khangai (Hang kas) along with his retinue in general and the specific local spirits dwelling at the White Lake (Mtsho dkar, Terkhiin Tsagaan Nuur), “Onnutannu” (‘On nu thang nu),10 the great mountain Otgon (perhaps, Otgontenger, Od kong ri chen), Ider (E ter), Terkh (Thir khi), Chuluut (Chi lo’u thu), Khasui (Ha su’i), and Tamir (Tha mer), all of which are located mostly in the current area of Arkhangai Province and other sites. It is written at the behest of Yost Erdene Daichin (Yo so thu Er te ni’i ta’i ching) (f. 10r). 6. An untitled text contains a prayer for a smoke offering ritual presented to the mountain deity King Khangai, the protector of the Northern direction

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  211 (byang phyogs skyong ba), and to other deities belonging to his army (sder gtogs), who dwell in a valley (ri lung) and in a hot spring (chu tshan) named Shargaljuut, which release people from their pains. It was composed at the behest of mistress (dpon mo) Danzan Tseveen Ravdan Puṇyedhara (Bstan ’dzin tshe dbang rab brtan Puṇyedhara) (ff. 10rv). 7. A Brief Smoke Offering Ritual to the Mighty Deity Khangai (Hang kas lha chen gyi gsol mchod bsdus pa). The Mighty Deity (lha chen) Khangai is also referred to in the text as a “great war-​god” (dgra lha chen po) and as a “great commander” (sde dpon chen po). It was written at the request of the fully ordained monk, lovon master (slob dpon) Tunamal Erdene (Thu nu mal Er te ni dge slong) (ff. 10v–​11r). 8. An untitled text is a prayer for a libation offering ritual (gser skyems) (ff. 11rv). 9. Smoke Offering Ritual Conferring Accomplishments (Bsangs kyi cho ga dngos grub stsol) is a condensed smoke offering ritual written at the behest of a noblewoman (dpon sa), Dulamjav (Sgrol ma sykabs) (ff. 11v–​12v). 10. Pearl Garland Smoke Offering Ritual (Bsangs kyi cho ga mu tig ’phreng ba) is a brief smoke offering ritual, focusing on Vajrabhairava as a visualized deity, for the Dharmapālas in general and for specific local spirits belonging to the retinue of the King of Khentii Mountain (Hen the’i rgyal po), who dwells in the river Kherlen (Khe ru lung), and for the local spirits of the mountains, lakes, forests, springs, and so on. It was composed in 1707 at the behest of Setsen Khan (Se chen rgyal po), a descendant of Chinggis Khan, with Erdene Güüsh, a fully ordained monk (Er te ni gu shrī), as a scribe (ff. 12v–​14v). 11. A Source of Accomplishments Smoke Offering Ritual (Bsangs kyi cho ga dngos grub kun ‘byung) describes a smoke offering ritual that uses the power of Vajrabhairava, and that is presented to the local deities and to the mountain, lake, forest, and other deities of Khangai (Hang kas), Otgontenger (Od kong theng ge ri), Orokh (O’u ra has), Shar us (Shi ra u su), Khar us (Ha ra u su), Zavkhan (Tshab hang), Khökh Serkh (Khu khu Ser he Thag), Taishir (Tha’i shi ri), Khasagt (Ha sag thu), Khairkhan (Ha ra Kan), Tsagaan tokhoi (Tsha kān tho ko’i), Daagan del (Tā kang Tel), and other sites.11 It was composed at the request of Lamjav beil (Bla ma skyabs be’i le),12 a descendant of Chinggis Khan, and his relative Tsetsev13 khia taij (Tshe tsheb khyā tha’i ji) (ff. 14v–​16r). 12. An untitled text is an explanation of the smoke offering ritual presented to the Mighty Deity (lha chen) Otgontenger (Od hong theng ke ri), the mountain reputed to be the dwelling place of Vajrapāṇi. It is written at the behest of local leaders (dpon po) headed by Lamjav beil (Bla ma skyabs pe’i li), a descendant of Chinggis Khan (ff. 16rv).

212  Krisztina Teleki 13. Smoke Offering Ritual Bringing the Rain of Accomplishments (Bsangs mchod dngos grub char ’bebs) is a smoke offering ritual, with Avalokiteśvara as a visualized deity, dedicated to the Dharmapālas and the like and to the particular local spirits of Zamagt (Tsa mag thu), Tsagaan Chuluut (Tsha kān chi lo’i thu), Khuurai (Ho’a ra’i), Tsagaan Nuur (Tsha kān no kōr), Ünegt (U ne keng), Altat (Al tha thu), Khainag (Ha’i nug), Nomtoi (No mi tha’i), Gün Nuur (Gung Na kōr), Khökh tolgoi (Khe’u khon tho lo ka’i), and other sites.14 It was composed as a protective ritual (Tib. sku rim) for Tseren efü (Tshe ring e phu),15 a descendant of Chinggis Khan who gave donations (sbyin pa’i bdag po), and for his retinue (ff. 16v–​17r). 14. An untitled text is the invocation and prayer (gsol mchod) to local protector spirits dwelling at Tsogt Tsagaan Mountain (Tshog thu tsha kan o’o la). It was composed at the request of a community of monks headed by Luvsannyam (Blo bzang nyi ma), the younger brother of Yegüzer Khutagt (Bla ma yo ga tsa ra) (ff. 17rv). 15. Smoke Offering Ritual Bestowing the Abundance of All Desires (Bsangs kyi cho ga ’dod rgu’i dpal ster) is a smoke offering ritual presented to the local deities of Khangai (Hang ka’i), Otgontenger (Tib. Od hong theng ke ri), Ider (E ter),16 Shumuultai (Sho mo gol tha’i), Khujirt (Hu jir thu), and Angirt (Ang kir thu), as well as to the spirits dwelling in the valleys, lakes, rocks, forests, and springs of Yaruu (Yi ro), Bayan (Ba yang), Agit (A ki thu), Donoi (Do no’i), Usan züil (U sun jul), Khar khad (Ha ra ka thu), Khairkhan (Ha ra kan), Artsat (Ar che thu), Zürkh (Zhu rug), and Tsagaan süül (Tsha kan se kul). It was written at the request of Sūrya Erdene Akhai (Er te ni a ha’i), a son of Erdene Daichin (Er te ni ta’i ching), with Paṇḍita Shireet Tsorj Luvsanshivaa (Shi ge thu chos rje Blo bzang zhi ba)17 as a scribe (ff. 17v–​18v). 16. A short prayer belonging to a smoke offering ritual presented to the local spirits (gnas bdag and gzhi bdag) of Dashlin (Bkra shis gling) Monastery (f. 18v).

General Features of the Texts 4–​7 and 12 The five short texts translated here are, as previously mentioned, parts of the “Collection of Smoke Offering Rituals,” written by the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita (No. 237.28/​1–​4, 9v–​11r) and dedicated to the Khangai Range and nearby localities. In terms of the general structure of the five texts, all begin with blessing or with Sanskrit syllables. After that, in most of these texts, the Khangai King, who in the presence of the Third Dalai Lama, Sönam Gyatso (Bsod nams rgya mtsho, 1543–​1588), took a vow to protect the Buddhist teachings, is invited together

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  213 with his retinue.18 After that, other local spirits of the given region are invited. The smoke and feast offerings (Tib. tshogs)19 of real and imagined offerings are offered to all these celestial guests. Afterward, the Khangai King and all other guests are asked to bring longevity, well-​being, and prosperity to the region and to avert obstacles and malevolent spirits who cause troubles. The Khangai King is encouraged to be a protector, ally, and friend of the monastic community and lay devotees when they stay at home, travel, or live in foreign lands. A beautiful prayer for the spreading of the Dharma is repeated at the end of each of these texts. The colophons mention Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsanprinlei as the author; they mention the requesters of the texts and his disciples as scribes. In these texts we find various epithets given to Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita, such as the “precious rebirth Zaya Paṇḍita,” “the holy one” (e.g., sku skye rin po che dza ya paṇḍi ta hu thug thu), and so on. Similarly, Chinggis Khan is referenced as “the powerful cakravartin, Chinggis Khan,” “the physical form of Brahmā” (Tib. stobs kyis ‘khor lo bsgyur ba tshangs pa mi’i gzugs can ching gis rgyal po), and so on. We also find here a mention of the two customs, or a dual law (secular and religious laws). All five texts illustrate the ways in which aristocrats and monks honored mountains and waters. In these texts, we also see how the deities of mountains and waters were converted to Buddhism, how they support the spread of the Buddhist doctrine, and how the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita spread smoke offering practices at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in the regions of Outer and Inner Mongolia.

The Mighty Khangai King and His Retinue Regarding the Khangai mountain range, we cannot find any individual texts written by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar.20 But the previously mentioned Lamiin Gegeen described different aspects of the Khangai in his work A Short Praise of the Khangai King Local Deity (Tib. Khang kaʼi rgyal poʼi gzhi bdag gi gsol kha shin tu bsdus pa), written in the Tibetan language.21 In contrast to the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita, Lamiin Gegeen describes in this text “the Mighty Deity, King Khangai (Tib. Lha chen hang kas rgyal po), the color of whose body is like shimmery sunbeams on a snowy mountain. He holds a five-​spoked vajra in his right hand and a pot filled with various goods in his left hand. Precious stones decorate his robes, and he is accompanied by the garuḍa and another bird. He has the following main attendants. The one on his right side is the Mighty Deity, Golden Khangai (Tib. Lha chen hang kas gser gyi rgyal po), whose body is golden. He wears silken robes and a golden belt and holds shining jewels in his right hand and a silver pot filled with jewels in his left hand. He rides a distinctive, armored horse and is accompanied by demons. The deity on the left

214  Krisztina Teleki side of the Mighty Deity, King Khangai, is the Mighty Deity of Power, Khangai King (Tib. Dbang gi lha chen hang kas rgyal po), whose body is like a ruby. He holds a vajra and an iron hook in his right hand and a lasso for catching demons in his left hand. He rides a fast dun horse and is accompanied by a hawk and an eagle. The deity in front of Mighty Khangai is Wild Khangai (Tib. Lha chen hang gas drag po), who is situated on a sun disk. His body is as black as the medicinal eye collyrium. He is fierce, his hair and eyebrows stand up, and his lower lips are pouted. He has four arms; and he holds an axe and a hatchet in his right hands, and the bow and arrows, the lasso and a quiver in his left hands. His demon-​like horse is armored. Different attendants accompany him. Lamiin Gegeen’s description gives us some idea about the appearance of the deity of the Khangai Range and his retinue, whose pictorial representation is not known at the present time. In this text, Lamiin Gegeen also mentions the flora and fauna of the Khangai Range.22 Although the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita does not provide us with a description of the deity of the Khangai Range in his aforementioned texts,23 he gives us some clues about this deity by referring to it with different epithets: a divine devotee (Tib. lha’i dge bsnyen), a male deity (Tib. pho lha hang kas), Khangai King or Khangai Majesty (Khangai khairkhan, Tib. Hang ka’i rgyal po), a guardian of the Northern direction (Tib. byang phyogs skyong ba), Mighty Deity, Khangai (Tib. Hang kas lha chen), and Great War-​God (Tib. dgra lha chen po). His retinue includes his female consort (a queen) as well as various local gods and spirits who live in the nearby valleys, lakes, and springs. The Khangai Range, ruled by the Mighty Khangai King, is one of the largest mountain ranges in Mongolia, along with the Altai and Khentii Mountains.24 It is a source of many rivers, including the Orkhon, Ider, Zavkhan, and Tamir Rivers. Its flora and fauna are abundant. The most sacred peak of the Khangai Range is Otgontenger (“Youngest deity,” 4021 meters high), the veneration of which goes back for centuries.25 In Mongolia, the most significant mountain venerations take place at mountain ovoos26 and are deemed responsible for the flourishing of the Mongolian State (töriin takhilgatai). At present, ten such mountains27 are venerated every fourth or fifth year, including Otgontenger in Zavkhan Province, whose local lord is Vajrapāṇi, and Suvarga Khairkhan (“Stūpa Majesty,” 3117 meters high) in Tsenkher district of Arkhangai Province, both of which belong to the Khangai Range.28 Apart from these two peaks, other mountains and hills of the Khangai are venerated by local monks and laypeople, such as Bulgan Mountain, which gives a picturesque background to the monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita in the town of Tsetserleg. Interestingly, the prayer of Bulgan Mountain, which is recited in the current monastery on a daily basis, was written only at the time of the Third Zaya Gegeen, Luvsan Jigmeddorj (Blo bzang `jigs med rdo rje, 1766–​1803), whereas the five texts of Zaya Paṇḍita

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  215 translated here seem to be recited only at rare and special occasions, most likely at ovoo venerations in the Khangai Range itself.

Translated Texts Invocation and Prayer Belonging to a Smoke Offering Ritual to the Mountain Deity of Khangai May it be well! (svasti) Khangai King, divine devotee,29 Who vowed in the presence of the omniscient Sönam Gyatso To guard the jewel of the doctrine of noble-​minded Buddha,30 Descend here from celestial realms with your retinue! Mighty deity, I perform these feast offerings of real and imagined offerings, Especially this incense-​offering that fills the sky for you and for the nāga king who lives In the auspicious Tsagaan Nuur (White Lake) and who increases people, wealth, and abundance, For his retinue and the local deities and spirits living in adjoining valleys. Accept these offerings and pacify all our obstacles and hindrances and those of our companions! Increase our lifespan, virtues, glory, wealth, and abundance! Bring the beings of the three realms31 under your power! Subjugate all maleficent beings, enemies, and obstructing spirits! Be our ally in the unhindered realization of these actions! May the jewel of the Buddhist doctrine, the source of benefit and happiness spread and flourish! May the noble holders of the doctrine ever remain! May the possessions and abundance of the benefactors of the doctrine increase! May all my wishes come true with your help!

Colophon This was written by the incarnation Luvsanprinlei, recognized as Zaya Paṇḍita by the Dalai Lama Vajradhara,32 on the request of the powerful hero, the excellent Khöndlön van, a descendant of the powerful cakravartin, Chinggis Khan, a physical form of Brahmā.

216  Krisztina Teleki

Invocation and Prayer to the Male Deity Khangai HŪṂ. Great Khangai deity, Who vowed in the presence of the omniscient Sönam Gyatso To guard the jewel of the doctrine of the second Buddha, Tsongkhapa, Descend here, together with your queen and retinue! Deities, serpent-​like beings, demigods, and elemental spirits,33 Especially those living in the Tsagaan Nuur, “Onnutannu,” Otgontenger; Ider, Terkh, Chuluut, Khasui, and Tamir Rivers, In the auspicious Tsagaan Nuur Lake and other places in this region Gather here and accept this feast offering of real and imagined offerings, The scent of various burnt smoke offering articles that fill the sky! Pacify illnesses, negative influences, and all obstacles of ours and our friends in the Dharma! Increase our lifespan, virtues, glory, and wealth! Bring the beings of the three realms under your power! Subjugate all maleficent beings, enemies, and obstructing spirits! In brief, Great War-​God, support us and our companions continually When we are staying or going in native and foreign lands! May you protect and guard us always without weariness! May the precious Buddhist doctrine, the source of benefit and happiness, spread and flourish! May the noble holders of the doctrine ever remain! May these wishes of mine, [who am] a practitioner of yoga, come true spontaneously and effortlessly! May all be auspicious!

Colophon This petition offering to the male deity Khangai was composed by Zaya Paṇḍita in the presence of the encouraging Yost Erdene Daichin, who is adorned with faith and intellect.

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  217

Prayer Belonging to a Smoke Offering Ritual Presented to the Mountain Deity King Khangai May it be well! (svasti) Consecrate the smoke offering articles while repeating three times: “Smoke offering articles . . . OṂ ĀH HŪṂ.”34 Héé, Those who live in the upper and lower parts of the valleys of Tüin and Shargaljuut, Who belong to the range (army) of King Khangai, the protector of the North, Especially deities, nāgas, demigods, regional spirits, local spirits, and all other Elemental spirits who live in this hot water spring, It is time to delight you with this feast offering of real and imagined offerings and With the scent of the smoke of various, burnt smoke offering articles that reach the clouds. Enjoy them to your satisfaction! Eliminate the results of the three poisons cultivated by former actions and current obstacles,35 The combination of illnesses of wind, bile, and phlegm,36 And the other 404 kinds of diseases37 of all the devotees who enter this hot spring! Make their bodies vital and energetic! Be the protector, refuge, friend, and aid to those who are effortless In the realization of awareness and intelligence, [who are] vigorous, firm, and so on,38 and [who have] all spiritual qualities and other [good] deeds! In brief, be our ally and fulfill all of our wishes mentioned in this aspiration!

Colophon This was composed by Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsanprinlei on the behest of the lady Danzan Tseveen Ravdan Puṇyedhara, who has eyes to see the two laws.

218  Krisztina Teleki

A Brief Smoke Offering Ritual to the Mighty Deity Khangai May it be well! (svasti) HRĪṂ Great commander deity, Khangai King, Who vowed to guard the doctrine of Buddha and Tsongkhapa In the presence of Sönam Gyatso, The omniscient one who manifested as a saffron-​robed monk, Padmasambhava, the Lotus Born, who is the lord of siddhas, Avalokiteśvara, the holder of a white lotus, the embodiment of all spiritual leaders, Descend here from celestial realms with your retinue! I offer to the Mighty Khangai deity and his retinue Real and imagined offerings, offering items,39 the five sense pleasures, Offering ritual and golden libation, food, and drink, And other sacred substances and costly offerings that fill the sky. I offer to the Mighty Khangai deity and his retinue This smoke offering of blazing [fire] and a flame of all kinds of incense,40 The cloud of various burning smoke offering articles, Which completely fills the immortal sky. I praise you, Great War-​God, Who acquired the attitude of subduing anyone with any of the wholesome actions Of pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and destroying,41 And who guards the doctrine and protects the yogī as your own son. Mighty Khangai deity and your retinue, Protect the holders of the doctrine of Tsongkhapa, The monastic community, and the monasteries! Pacify all hindrances to the realization of the Dharma, especially [those] of The yogīs, masters, and disciples! Expand their lifespan and increase their merits like the waxing moon! Gather all beings, properties, and abundance under your power, And subjugate all maleficent beings, enemies, and obstructing spirits! Do not forget to be our sentry for three days from afar! Do not forget to be our sentinel for three nights from near! Do not forget to be the supreme ally of us, Of our monastery, people, and properties!

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  219 Even if we are in native or foreign lands, Great War-​God, do not leave us alone for a minute! Be the one who welcomes us and who sends us off, Be our accomplice, protector, and refuge, And attract here the excellence and auspiciousness of the ten directions! May long life, abundance, glory, wealth, reputation, companions, Auspicious goodness, prosperity, Immaculacy, intellect, endeavor, and other attributes of Both the material world and that of the spirit be spontaneously completed! May the precious Buddhist doctrine, the source of benefit and happiness spread and flourish! May the noble holders of the doctrine ever remain! May all immediate and ultimate desires of me, a yogī, come true In accordance with the Dharma!

Colophon This brief petition offering dedicated to the Mighty Khangai deity was written by Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsanprinlei, encouraged by the master of knowledge, the precious master, fully ordained monk, Tunamal Erdene, who said that such a text is essential. May virtuous goodness increase!

Smoke Offering Ritual Presented to the Mighty Deity Otgontenger May it be well! (svasti) If you want to perform a smoke-​offering to Otgontenger Mountain, Reputed to be a dwelling place of Vajrapāṇi, Recite the text of taking refuge and arouse the bodhicitta, Burn offering articles, and sprinkle water reciting the following prayer: Héé, Excellent King of protective gods, holder of the northern realm of wealth, Reputed as Otgontenger, I invite you and your retinue through the mind! Gather here without hindrances and take a seat on this pleasing throne! Accept this immaculate feast offering offered with pleasure! Pacify all obstacles and hindrances of ours and our companions! Grant the favorable conditions to us, Increase our lifespan, merits, glory, and wealth!

220  Krisztina Teleki In brief, be with us and our companions Constantly, without separation for a minute! Welcome us and send us off, be our protector, refuge, and friend! Bring here the excellence of the ten directions! May the precious Buddhist doctrine, the source of benefit and happiness spread and flourish! May the noble holders of the doctrine ever remain! May all our immediate and ultimate wishes come true In accordance with the Dharma! May the abundance of all that is desired increase as lakes in summer! May faultless clans be eternal as great rivers of the plains flowing sluggishly! May all days and nights be spent with Tsongkhapa’s teachings! May all be auspicious with splendor, excellence, and amusement!

Colophon It was written by Zaya Paṇḍita Luvsanprinlei at the behest of local leaders headed by the perfectly knowledgeable Lamjav beil, a descendant of the powerful cakravartin, Chinggis Khan, a physical form of Brahmā.

Notes 1. The present article was written with the support of the János Bolyai Research Scholarship (Bolyai János Kutatási Ösztöndíj) of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. See Krisztina Teleki, “A Hangáj hegység főbb szövegei, áldozati szövegei,” in Szent hegyek a buddhizmusban, edited by Imre Hamar, Zsóka Gelle, and Gábor Kósa, 189–​ 208 (Budapest: Bibliotheca Buddhologica Budapestinensis, 2017). 2. Sain Noyon Khan Province was established in 1725, as one of the four Khalkha provinces (others were Tüsheet Khan Province, Zasagt Khan Province, and Setsen Khan Province). Sain Noyon Khan Province was in existence until 1924, and it included certain areas of current Arkhangai, Övörkhangai, Bayankhongor, Khövsgöl, Zavkhan, and Ömnögovi Provinces. 3. Cf. D. Mönkhsaikhan (ed.), Uul ovoonii san takhilgiin sudruud (Ulaanbaatar: Sacred Mongolia Series, 2004). These celestial beings control the ground, animals, plants, and trees; and their influence can be positive or negative. They can turn into various forms or be invisible. There are a thousand types of them; they have kings, queens, officers, generals, slaves, and servants, and they can be males and females. Some of their groups are in Tibetan: klu (serpent-​like water spirits, Skr. nāga), sa bdag (earth-​ owing spirits or land lords), gzhi bdag (local deities, lords of the soil), or yul lha (local gods, regional gods, county gods).

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  221 4. See Ágnes Birtalan, “Typology of the Stone Cairns Obos and Their Symbolical Meaning (Preliminary Report, Based on Mongolian Fieldwork Material Collected in 1991–​1995),” in Tibetan Mountain Deities:  Their Cults and Representations, Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, edited by Anne-​Marie Blondeau (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1998): 199–​210; Ágnes Birtalan, “Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections. Some Aspects of the Mongolian War God,” in The Mongolian Collections Retracing Hans Leder, edited by Maria-​ Katharina Lang and Stephan Bauer (Vienna:  Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2013):  99–​110; and D. Mönkhsaikhan (ed.), Uul ovoonii san takhilgiin sudruud (Ulaanbaatar:  Sacred Mongolia Series, 2004). 5. For Mongolian smoke offering translations, see Magdalena Tatár, “Two Mongol Texts Concerning the Cult of the Mountains,” Acta Orientalia Hungarica 30, no. 1 (1976): 1–​58; and Olivér Kápolnás, “Mergen Gegen füstáldozata a Fehér Öreghez,” in Tanulmányok: Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola, edited by V. Bárdosi (Budapest: ELTE BTK, 2012):  153–​ 166; and Olivér Kápolnás, “Füstáldozat a Tangnu hegyhez” (“Tangnu-​yin sang sudur”), in Szent hegyek a buddhizmusban, edited by Imre Hamar, Zsóka Gelle, and Gábor Kósa (Budapest: Bibliotheca Buddhologica Budapestinensis, 2017): 95–​112. 6. This part was written based on Zsuzsa Majer and Krisztina Teleki, History of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree, the Monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita (Ulaanbaatar: Admon Printing House, 2013): 15–​20. See bibliographical references given in the Bibliography. For biographical details, see also Isabelle Charleux (ed.), History, Architecture and Restoration of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree Monastery in Mongolia (Monaco:  Centre d’études mongoles et sibériennes, 2016); and Agata Bareja-​Starzyńska, The Biography of the First Khalkha Jebtsundampa Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei (Warsaw: Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Warsaw, 2015). 7. S. Ishtavkhai, Nom zokhiol tuurvisan mongol lam nariin bürtgel, translated from the original Tibetan by S. Davaabayar (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2006): 19; D. Dashbadrakh, Mongoliin khutagtuud (Ulaanbaatar:  Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademi, Tüükhiin Khüreelen, 2004): 108–​109; S. Dorjsüren, Ölzii khutgiin shünshigt nutag (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2007): 12; and J. Ölzii, Mongoliin dursgalt barilgiin tüükhees (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 1992): 51. 8. This part is based on the catalogue of the Tibetan manuscripts and block prints preserved at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Cf. Gergely Orosz, A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest: Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2008). Mongolian names are given in the transcription of their present-​day, Cyrillic form. 9. While it is easy to determine certain geographical sites situated in Sain Noyon Khan Province, several names that appear in the texts cannot be identified. 10. The identification of this name requires further research. 11. The names of some other geographical sites cannot be identified at the present state of research, including Ha la thar, E shi ke, Pa la ka thas, Pur pūd tsha kā kol, Shu rug o la’i tha’i, Ar tsa, Chib tsha Hu ru ma zhi, and Ur thum Tal thu.

222  Krisztina Teleki 12. Lamjav beil was the leader of Setsen Zasag Banner of Zasagt Khan Province from 1700 to 1731. 13. The Tibetan text says Tshe Tsheb, but Tsetsev as a name does not exist in Mongolia. It requires further research. 14. Some of these geographical names are dubious, and others cannot be identified at the present state of research, including the Big and Small O sa khi, Or chog, Ta pu su thu mcho, A ko lo ko, Tab tha ka’i, Tho’i ri hu, Khang gu rin tha’i, Khu khu to shi, Hang kan tha’i khu’ bur hol po, Ha sha lig, and Pūn Na gōr. 15. Tseren efü is an ancestor of the rulers of Setsen Chin Van Banner of Sain Noyon Khan Province. Cf. https://​mn.wikipedia.org/​wiki/​%D0%AD%D1%84%D2%AF_​%D0% A6%D1%8D%D1%80%D1%8D%D0%BD. 16. The names of some other geographical sites cannot be identified at the present state of research, including Chi tur ho co ko lo, Bol tog, A la’i ra kon tsan, The ne thu, Na o’i kon, The le min, O lo thu, ‘U kag ching, Ni zhur hu khu, Hag, Shu lu’i the’i, Chi ger the’i, U li ya tha’i (perhaps Uliastai), Tho bo tsho gas, Hab tha ka’i u lang, Ag rig, Khun dus, Hu ba zher thu, Hu tsha, and Bor ho ther mes. 17. Similarly to Zaya Paṇḍita, Shiva Shireet Luvsan Shivaa, known as the first Shivaa Shireet, was also one of the thirteen high incarnate lamas (khutagt) possessing seals. He was born in Setsen Chin Van’s banner in Sain Noyon Khan Province and became famous among the Öölds. Shivaa Shireet’s monastery was built in the area of present-​ day Arkhangai Province. 18. The Mongolian Tümed Altan Khan (1464–​1582), a descendent of Chinggis Khan, invited Sönam Gyatso to the Mongol lands (in Inner Mongolia) in 1577 to strengthen the religious connections of the Mongols and Tibetans. This is the official start of the propagation of Gélukpa teachings in the Mongol land. Altan Khan granted Sönam Gyatso the title dalai “ocean,” and the institute of the Dalai Lamas came into existence at that time. They confirmed the system of the “two traditions” (secular and religious systems) established by Khubilai Khan and Phagpa Lama in the thirteenth century. Avtai Sain Khan (1554–​1588), the ruler of the Khalkhas, participated in this event, and after returning home initiated the building of Erdene Zuu, the first monastery in Outer Mongolia in 1586. The monastery was situated at the eastern edge of the Khangai Range. 19. Regarding the offering articles, a large variety of smoke offering substances exist (zai, Tib. zas). The most precious incenses (sangiin utlaga) include the three scented ones (gurvan ünerten): juniper (arts), wormwood (agʼ), and heath (dalʼ). Incenses with wooden origin can be thyme (ganga), balm (gavar, also gürüm, gügül), red or white sandalwood (zandan), whitish and black aloe (agar), birch (khus), tamarisk (sukhai), and bamboo (khuls). Smoke offerings also can include the medicines of the six good plants (zurgaan sain): nutmeg (zadi), sorghum (jügan), saffron (gürgüm), carnation (lish), sugmel, and gagalo. Apart from incense, other articles can be offered such as jewels, clothing, corps, the three white ones (milk, yogurt, ghee), the three sweets (rock candy, cane sugar, honey), flour, and butter. These substances must not be old, bad, poisonous or smelly. Tormas (balin, Tib. gtor ma) and even weapons and armors can be offered to local spirits as well as the five sense pleasures, the seven royal jewels, the eight auspicious signs, and other precious things.

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  223 20. R. Byambaa and D. Ganzorig, Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurvisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel (Ulaanbaatar: Mongol bilig, 2004). 21. See R. Byambaa and D. Ganzorig, “Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurvisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel,” in Mongoliin Burkhan shashinii nomiin ikh Mergediin neg Lamiin gegeen Khanchinchoijil Luvsandanzinjantsangiin Sünbümiin büren garchig orshivoi (Ulaanbaatar:  Mongol bilig, 2009):  112. For the Mongolian and English translation of the Dge mtshan bcu ldan lha tshan hang gas rgyal po la bsang mchod ‘bul tshul bzhugs so (Smoke Offering to the King Khangai Bearing the Ten Auspicious Signs), see Sükhbaatar (2001):  79–​83. The original, Tibetan text was not available at the time of the research. For the present part is the translation of Sükhbaatar’s Mongolian translation, see O. Sükhbaatar, “Khangai khanii sangiin sudar,” in Lamiin Gegeen Luvsandanzanjantsan (1639–​1704). Erdem shinjilgeenii bichig, edited by L. Khürelbaatar (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 1998): 82. For War Gods, see Birtalan (2013). 22. Sükhbaatar (1999): 84. 23. Based on Orosz (2008). 24. In the Mongolian language, the word khangai designates a geographical area with mountainous and fertile pastures, which characterize the Khangai region called Khangai Büs. The Khangai Büs includes three provinces at present:  Övörkhangai (“Southern Khangai”), Arkhangai (“Northern Khangai”), and Bayankhongor (“Rich Fallow”). The Khangai Range itself covers the northern part of Övörkhangai, the southern part of Arkhangai, and the northern part of Bayankhongor, whereas its highest peak, the famous Otgontenger, is situated in the southern part of Zavkhan Province. 25. It is worshipped by the Mongolian State since 1779. This tradition ceased during the socialist period, but it was revived in 1992. See U. Sarantuyaa and Kh. Tserenbyamba, Nuutsiin Ezen (Ulaanbaatar: Fine Arts Zanabazar Museum, 2015): 21. 26. Ovoo is a stone cairn. 27. Batbold (2012) mentions Bogd Khan Uul, Burkhan Khaldun Uul, Otgontenger Uul, Darigangiin Darʼ Ovoo, Altan Khökhii Uul, Suvarga Khairkhan Uul, Khan Khökhii Uul, Sutai Khairkhan Uul, Altai Tavan Bogd, and Govʼ Gurvan Saikhan. 28. According to Mongolian legends, the First Zaya Paṇḍita was the first person to venerate this mountain. The Mongolian and English translation of certain smoke offering rituals of Otgontenger and Suvarga Khairkhan are available in Sükhbaatar (2001): 90–​95, 174–​177. 29. Tib. dge bsnyen; Skr. upāsaka; Modern Mong. buyanii sadan. A  Buddhist layman bound by the five Buddhist vows to avoid killing, stealing, lying, sexual misconduct, and intoxicating liquor. 30. Tib. dkon mchog gsum. 31. Tib. khams gsum are the desire realm, form realm, and formless realm. 32. The Fifth Dalai Lama, Losang Gyatso (1617–​1682). 33. Tib. lha klu lha min ’byung bo rnams. 34. It might refer to a stanza written in previous smoke-​offering texts in the collection. 35. Tib. sngon las ‘phral rkyen gyis bskyed dug gsum ’bras. Tib. dug gsum, “the three poisons”: attachment, aversion, and ignorance.

224  Krisztina Teleki 36. Tib. rlung mkhris bad kan (the three main types of illnesses). 37. Tib. bzhi brgya rtsa bzhi nad. 38. Tibetan expression tshu chen cannot be identified. 39. Tib. nyer spyod (flowers, incense, lamps, odors, eatables, etc). 40. Tib. rab ‘bar ye shes me nad sna tshogs spos. 41. Tib. ‘phrin las bzhi (the four wholesome activities).

Bibliography Bareja-​ Starzyńska, Agata. 2015. The Biography of the First Khalkha Jebtsundampa Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei. Warsaw:  Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Warsaw. Batbold, D. 2012. Mongol nutgiin 108 shüteen. 108 Sacred Places of Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Birtalan, Ágnes. 1998. “Typology of the Stone Cairns Obos and Their Symbolical Meaning (Preliminary Report, Based on Mongolian Fieldwork Material Collected in 1991–​1995).” In Tibetan Mountain Deities. Their Cults and Representations, Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, edited by Anne-​Marie Blondeau, 199–​210. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2013. “Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections. Some Aspects of the Mongolian War God.” In The Mongolian Collections Retracing Hans Leder, edited by Maria-​Katharina Lang and Stephan Bauer, 99–​110. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences. Byambaa, R., and Ganzorig, D. 2004. Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurvisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel. (The Bibliographical Guide of Mongolian Writers in Tibetan Language and Mongolian Translations). Ulaanbaatar: Mongol bilig. Byambaa, R., and Ganzorig, D. 2009. “Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurvisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel.” (“The Bibliographical Guide of Mongolian Writers in Tibetan Language and Mongolian Translations”). In Mongoliin Burkhan shashinii nomiin ikh Mergediin neg Lamiin gegeen Khanchinchoijil Luvsandanzinjantsangiin Sünbümiin büren garchig orshivoi (Collected Works of Lamiin Gegeen Khanchinchoijil Luvsandanzinjantsan). Ulaanbaatar: Mongol bilig. Charleux, Isabelle, ed. 2016. History, Architecture and Restoration of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree Monastery in Mongolia. Monaco: Centre d’études mongoles et sibériennes. Dashbadrakh, D. 2004. Mongoliin khutagtuud. (Saints of Mongolia). Ulaanbaatar: Shinjlekh Ukhaanii Akademi, Tüükhiin Khüreelen. Dorjsüren, S. 2007. Ölzii khutgiin shünshigt nutag (My Auspicious and Sacred Land). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Ishtavkhai, S. 2006. Nom zokhiol tuurvisan mongol lam nariin bürtgel (List of Mongol Lama Writers). Translated from the original Tibetan by S. Davaabayar. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Kápolnás, Olivér. 2012. “Mergen Gegen füstáldozata a Fehér Öreghez.” (“Mergen Gegen’s Smoke Offering dedicated to the White Old Man”). In Tanulmányok: Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola, edited by V. Bárdosi, 153–​166. Budapest: ELTE BTK.

The Khalkha Zaya Paita ’s Smoke Offering Rituals  225 Kápolnás, Olivér. 2017. “Füstáldozat a Tangnu hegyhez” (“Tangnu-​yin sang sudur”). In Szent hegyek a buddhizmusban, edited by Imre Hamar, Zsóka Gelle, and Gábor Kósa, 95–​112. Budapest: Bibliotheca Buddhologica Budapestinensis. Khalkha Zaya Paṇḍita. Collection of Smoke Offering Rituals. Budapest:  Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Tib. 237.28/​1–​16). Laagan, B. 2004. Khalkhiin tamga bükhii khutagtuudiin tovchis. (Brief Story of Khalkha Saints Possessing Seals). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Majer, Zsuzsa, and Krisztina, Teleki. 2013. History of Zaya Gegeenii Khüree, the Monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita. Ulaanbaatar: Admon. Mönkhsaikhan, D., ed. 2004. Uul ovoonii san takhilgiin sudruud. (Smoke Offering Texts to Hills and Ovoos). Ulaanbaatar: Sacred Mongolia Series. Ölzii, J. 1992. Mongoliin dursgalt barilgiin tüükhees (From the History of Mongolian Architecture). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Orosz, Gergely. 2008. A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Budapest:  Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Sarantuyaa, U., and Tserenbyamba, Kh. 2015. Nuutsiin Ezen. The Lord of Secrets. Ulaanbaatar: Fine Arts Zanabazar Museum. Sükhbaatar, O. 1999. “Khangai khanii sangiin sudar” (“Smoke Offering of Khangai Khan”). In Lamiin Gegeen Luvsandanzanjantsan (1639–​1704), Erdem shinjilgeenii bichig, edited by L. Khürelbaatar, 79–​85. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Sükhbaatar, O. 2001. Mongoliin takhilgat uul usnii sudar orshvoi. (Texts of Venerated Mountains and Waters of Mongolia). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Tatár, Magdalena. 1976. “Two Mongol Texts Concerning the Cult of the Mountains.” Acta Orientalia Hung XXX, no. 1: 1–​58. Teleki, Krisztina. 2017. “A Hangáj hegység főbb szövegei, áldozati szövegei.” (“Main Saints and Sacred Texts of the Khangai Range”). In Szent hegyek a buddhizmusban, edited by Imre Hamar, Zsóka Gelle, and Gábor Kósa, 189–​208. Budapest: Bibliotheca Buddhologica Budapestinensis. https://​www.budda.mn/​news/​1282.html https://​ mn.wikipedia.org/​wiki/​%D0%AD%D1%84%D2%AF_​%D0%A6%D1

11

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen Uranchimeg Ujeed

Introduction Mergen Gegeen Luvsandambijaltsan (Tib. Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1717–​ 1766, Mergen Gegeen hereafter), the third reincarnation of Mergen Diyanči Dinu-​a, was a chief disciple of the First Neiči Toyin. He endeavored to institutionalize the tradition of Buddhist practices purely in Mongolian, continuing a project that was initiated by the first Neiči Toyin through his voluminous writings in the Mongolian language. There are two sets of collected works in wooden block print found under the authorship of the Third Mergen Gegeen Lobsangdambijalsan. These works range from liturgical texts for monastic services, manuals regarding all aspects of religious practices, and works for popular rituals, to popular teachings of Buddhist knowledge among the lay community. The first set of collected works is entitled Wishing Stone Rosary, the Neck Ornament of the Bright Minded People: A Very Clear Liturgical Manual Designed for the Services of the Ölǰei Badaraγsan Süm-​e1 by Vajradhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin Gegeen (Ölǰei badaraγsan süm-​e-​dür včir dhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin gegen-​ber γol-​un aman-​u ungsilγ-​a bolγan toγtaγaγsan nom-​un yabudal maši todurkai gegen oyutan-​u qoγulai-​yin čimeg čindamani-​yin erike); it contains eighty texts and was printed in Beijing in 1774. According to the colophon to this text, Mergen Gegeen personally had given the collected works to the chair Da Lama Lobsangsabdan of Öljei Badaraɣsan Süm-​e in Qorčin. The second set of collected works is entitled Collected Works of the Reincarnation of Vajradhara Mergen Diyanči Lama (Včir dhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin gegen-​ü ‘bom ǰarliγ). It consists of a four-​volume set of collected works containing 138 texts printed in Beijing in 1783. There are many overlaps between the two sets, but the second set contains a larger number of works. The four volumes are divided according to their individual subjects, and each volume has a list of contents in the beginning.2 A new collection of his works entitled Collected Works of Mergen Gegeen Lobsangdambijalsan (Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan-​ü ‘bom ǰarliγ kemegdekü orusiba) was published in 1986 by Ɣalluu and Jirantai. It contains some liturgies, poetry, and songs that are not included in the old prints.

Uranchimeg Ujeed, Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0011

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  227 Mergen Gegeen made all the liturgical texts suitable, adequate, and convenient for chanting in the Mongolian language by equalizing the syllables and composing distinctive Mongolian melodies to match the readings. In order to do so, he reworked the existing texts and composed new texts. Another contribution of Mergen Gegeen to Mongolian Buddhism was his popularization of Buddhism and integration of the lay community into the Mergen Tradition. This aspect of his activities can be divided into two main categories. To one category belong the texts written for popular rituals, in which he mingled traditional Mongolian folk literature with Buddhist liturgical patterns. In such a way, Mergen Gegeen infused Buddhist doctrine into the minds of laypeople and amalgamated Buddhist characteristics into popular rituals. To the other category belongs his popular literature. He sought to enlighten and improve the quality of the entire community by his poetry, including didactic poetry and songs. Most works of his popular literature have been orally passed down to the present day and are still popular among people. In addition, Mergen Gegeen is also believed to have written the famous chronicle titled Golden Summary (Altan tobči). Mergen Gegeen is, no doubt, the key figure in the institutionalization and consolidation of the Mongolian tradition of Buddhist practices initiated by Neiči Toyin. While Buddhism in Mongolia was practiced almost entirely in the Tibetan language, Mergen Gegeen possibly hoped that the tradition of Mongolian Buddhist practices, which he institutionalized, would reach the entire Mongolian nation. He may have thought that the establishment of Mongolian Buddhism grounded in the Mongolian language and traditional culture was vital for the survival of Mongolian Buddhism. He certainly had already taken actions to spread his program to be implemented among the faraway Qorčin Mongols in eastern Mongolia. After the Communist Cultural Revolution, Mergen Gegeen’s tradition of Mongolian chanting has been revived, and it is spreading throughout Inner Mongolia and beyond. There are about twenty popular ritual texts included in the Collected Works of the Reincarnation of Vajradhara Mergen Diyanči Lama (Včir dhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin Gegen-​ü ‘bom ǰarliγ) printed in Beijing in 1783, and most of them are contained in volume 4, and few in volume 1. Texts in volume 1 deal with ritual cake offerings to nāgas, bhūtas, deities (tngri) of locality, ritual cakes and incense offering to the White Old Man (Čaγan ebügen-​ü sang dorma kemegdekü orusiba), to the master spirit of a place called Aɣuu Qoriyan, to the Yellow River, and a ritual for rain making. Texts included in volume 4 pertain to ritual cake offering to the oath-​bound king of doctrine, Muna Qan and the master of the earth, ritual for strengthening (degǰigülkü) the tutelary spirit (sülde), smoke offering to the tutelary spirit, ritual for fresh drink libation, ritual for collecting the essence of the herd and beckoning good fortune, oboo ritual and readings, instruction on erecting an oboo (ovoo) offering to tngri and nāgas, prayer for offering to glorious

228  Uranchimeg Ujeed Muna Qan, incense offering to the glorious Muna Qan and masters of water, fire offering, and a prayer for a ger. These mentioned texts included in volume 4 are exclusively indigenous, popular ritual texts, whereas those in volume 1 contain the rituals that are also practiced in Tibet. Most of Mergen Gegeen’s texts were composed at the request of laypeople, whereas a few were written at the request of monks. Some ritual texts do not mention request for their composition, particularly, the texts pertaining to the traditional Mongolian customs, such as fresh drink (sime) libation, collecting essence (kesig) of herds, beckoning good fortune, fire offering, and a prayer for a ger. Two texts dedicated to Chinggis Khan were supposed to be written by Mergen Gegeen. However, they are not included in his collected works, perhaps because they were not written for those related to the Mergen Tradition but for the Chinggis Khan cult in Ordos region, where the national and local offerings to Chinggis Khan were conducted at his mausoleum. Heissig reported the further copying of the texts for Chinggis Khan Shrine in Khalkha Mongolia.3 They were included in a new collection.4 A ritual text titled An Extensive Prayer to the Glorious Muna Qan:5 The Immediate Wish-​Granting Jewel Herein (Tegüs čoγtu muna qan-​u delgerenggüi öčig takil, sedkigseger čindamuni kemegdekü orusiba), translated herein, makes no mention of anyone requesting it. The prescribed ritual described in this text is complex and multilayered. Vajrabhairava, who was the main deity in the Mergen Tradition, is the deity whose identity a ritual performer assumes. It is evident from a section on consecration in this ritual text that Mergen Gegeen attempted to convert a popular, pre-​Buddhist deity Muna Qan into a protector of the Buddhist community, assigning him the tasks of protection and warning. The function of Muna Qan became to protect the Dharma, Buddhist masters and disciples, and the yogīs of Yamāntaka Vajrabhairava, including Mergen Gegeen himself. Therefore, Muna Qan is called here “a great guardian spirit,” “a supporter of religion and the Dharma (shashin nom-​i tedgügči). By converting Muna Qan to Buddhism, Mergen Gegeen intentionally emulated Padmasambhava’s subjugation of entities inimical to the Dharma in Tibet. However, Mergen Gegeen’s work of converting Muna Qan and his retinue differs from that of Padmasambhava by its peaceful means of consecration and offerings. Even the folk stories told among Urad people speak about the friendly relationship of Mergen Gegeen with Muna Qan, a personified figure with a warrior-​like appearance, and with a local nāga, the master spirit of a lake, manifesting as a green snake that can transform itself into a woman dressed in green.6 Mergen Gegeen’s conversion of local spirits known from popular beliefs also differs from Neichi Toyin’s suppression of shamanic spirits (ongγud), since the latter did not put the onγuds or local spirits under the oath to protect Buddhism.

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  229

Translated Texts A Rosary of Wish-​Granting Jewels for Offering to the Tngri and Nāgas (Tngri lus-​i takiqu čindamani erike kemekü orusiba) [1b] Homage to the Three Jewels.7 Thus, [an example] of the miracle shown to bring forth the Buddha’s power, The Blessed One gave an order: “Son of the noble, it is good, Ah, son of the Victorious One, There are many wise means For a Tathāgatha To completely tame living beings, In accordance with differences among all beings.” When deciding how to convert them, He would show the Dharma, seeing various beliefs of all the beings. He pacifies some beings through a bodhisattva. He pacifies some of them through a śrāvaka. He pacifies some of them through a pratyekabuddha. He pacifies some of them through Tngri. He pacifies some of them through Indra. He pacifies some of them through Brahmā. [2a] He pacifies some of them through a nāga.8 He pacifies some of them through magic. [And he] pacifies some of them through emperors. Thus he taught all these. And also in the Sūtra Composed in a Box (qaγurčaγ ǰokiyaγsan sudur) He taught in order to pacify the beings by showing the body of The sun, moon, and Maheśvara, And Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Indra. Also, as it is in the first volume of the Guide to the Bodhisattva Way of Life (Bodhicaryāvatāra), Depending on the power of one’s aspiration That grows out of one’s supreme bodhicitta, For the benefit of living beings, One can transform anything, like [for example],

230  Uranchimeg Ujeed The nonsentient things within inanimate nature, Such as boats and bridges, plants and trees, The four elements of the earth, water, fire, and air, Houses, the fine temple and stūpa, And even the damaged temple and stūpa, Into the manifestations of buddhas and bodhisattvas. So, it is not easy to tell who takes what form. [2b] And in the Gradual Path to Enlightenment (Lam rim), The word “all” in [the phrase] “the gradual [path] to realize all Dharmas without contradiction” Means that they are realized without contradiction If one takes not only the sūtra and tantra of one’s own tradition But also, in the definite sense, [if one] takes all that is appropriate From both one’s own and others’ traditions into the Dharma, And makes the Dharma into the path. And as it is said in the instructions of Maitreya, “Remember that the nature of the Dharma is inconceivable.” A stupid monk named Jalsan9 is writing this For the benefit of a reincarnation [called] Lobsangshirab, Believing that there is no contradiction In the “vast path of the inconceivable Dharma.”10 Properly prepare the appropriate offerings, ritual cake, food, and drink for the offering to tngri. [3a] First, take refuge and generate faith, Then say hūṃ and visualize yourself As a tutelary deity. Immediately, the light from the hūṃ at the heart [of the deity] Radiates evenly throughout the ten directions And completely cleanses all the flaws In the world and turns them into a Pure Land, Which is complete with all the virtues. Thus consecrating the world, Recite oṃ āḥ hūṃ three times, And consecrate the offerings by saying, Hūṃ is the nature is wisdom, The form is various offerings, The action is to give great happiness

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  231 To six sages. Fill the entire space of the earth, the world, the bright gap, and the sky With clouds of the best offerings. Hūṃ, from the depth of the very pure sky [3b] Lama Tsongkhapa True root lama, a tutelary deity, Bodhisattvas, ḍakas, ḍākinīs, And Dharma protectors, Please come in the power of great compassion. Please come and abide happily On a lotus seat complete with a thousand leaves, Which is the place where we accumulate merit. After inviting the field of assembly in this way, say Hūṃ, to the place of assembly! I prostrate with the three doors [of the body, speech, and mind], Offering all kinds of offerings: The outer, inner, and secret. Confessing the sins of the three: body, speech, and mind, I rejoice in very pure deeds. Please turn the Wheels of The Dharmas of sūtra and tantra. Please remain firmly for a hundred eons For the benefit of living beings [4a] With the merit of doing thus, May all sentient beings quickly attain Buddhahood!

After the purification and cleansing of the offerings are completed, from the space in front appears the first letter of one’s name decorated with the drops from the space of emptiness. The inconceivable distinctive items of pledges and offerings and decorations to please the spirits and tngri and their retinues should be displayed and multiplied in the presence of the spirits and tngri and their retinues. Consecrate them with the dhāraṇī and mudrā of the smoke offering to the sky, with oṃ ārgham ā hūṃ [recited] three times, and also with the six dhāraṇīs and six mudrās.11 With sincerity of my thought and the power of blessings hidden beyond, and the power of the core of the Dharma, everything wished for [4b] will be fulfilled accordingly without any delay.

232  Uranchimeg Ujeed After reciting the power of sincerity in this way, say, Hūṃ, I have faithfully knelt down on the ground To the brightness of the holy tngris, With the prepared offerings and prayers. O, bright great tngri, Who became the guardian spirit to be worshipped with faith, Mercy and loyalty are a marvel. In the early time, tngri, you firmly dwelt With control of the fierce Rabjampa12 And were worshipped in the custom of the prince And bestowed the good luck and fortune. Please accept my offerings And bestow upon me, who prays for, The constant virtue, And complete good fortune. In the realm of Jambudvīpa Among the three religions The path of the Buddha Śākyamuni Is shining like a bright sun. [5a] The Buddha has gotten rid of all the flaws And is endowed with complete virtues. The eighty-​four thousand Dharmas, Are with the primary, middle, and highest merit. The best of the assemblage is clergy, Which is the aid to the accomplishment of the Dharma. Relying on the Three Jewels, I am making offerings to you, spirit. Please accept The water, flower, incense, butter lamp, food, Drink, and ritual cake, and sprinkle them completely with fragrance. Confess the sins13 that used to be purified But fell into error by mere appearance. Please purify them in the core of emptiness. Chant three times the dhāraṇī of Nāgārjuna [?]‌and saṃvara And offer a ritual cake seven times. Offer things such as ǰergham and three seeds. Say, hūṃ, and pray again to the five wisdom perfections, To the five kings of the masters of waters (nāgas),

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  233 Who have been transformed from the centre of the inconceivable [emptiness]. Please bless us. Pray again to the great qan, the master of mountains, Who is of the nature of a very strong vajra [5b] And has a tall, fierce appearance. Please bless us. Pray again to the great qan, the master of water and rivers Who is of the nature of a fast and swift vajra, And has a fierce, majestic appearance. Please bless us. Pray to your ocean-​like [vast] companions Who obey your order, [And] are magical and very miraculous. Please bless us. Praise and prostrate to the tngri, Whose body is a store of power and magic, And [who has] the speech of the dhāraṇī of Hūṃ hūṃ phaṭ phaṭ And the mind of great peace. Remembering the earlier oath, Please make the jewel of the Dharma prosper; Make all beings happy; Bring forth the realization of my prayer. On account of my faith and vow, Please accept the offerings; And always guard and protect us, Having a [karmic] destiny. Please pacify the obstacles Formed from karma and conditions. Please let all that is appropriate prosper, Such as, longevity and a good fortune. Please make all the desired objects Gather under my control. Please quickly and without delay, End all harmful enemies and dangers. I think it is good to pray again in brief as follows: In all times, please, Watch over me with the eyes of wisdom! Guard me, And be my protective spirit!

234  Uranchimeg Ujeed May the auspices of the glorious lineage and root lamas, Which are great treasures from which blessings grow, prevail! May the auspices of a tutelary deity and the buddhas in the maṇḍala,The buddhas who easily give the supreme and ordinary siddhis, prevail! May the auspices of the most precious Three Jewels prevail! And may the Buddha, Dharma, and Saṅgha remain forever peaceful! [6b] May the auspices of the spirits and the tngri, Who protect religion and living beings, And who suppress the obstacles and dangers, prevail! May the auspices of those Who, even if they do not have the pursuit and oath, prevail! Thoroughly provide what is requested In the manner of a noble, wish-​granting jewel!

An Extensive Prayer to the Glorious Muna Qan Called “The Immediate Wish-​Granting Jewel” (Tegüs čoγtu muna qan-​u delgerengüi öčig takil, sedkigseger čindamuni kemegdekü orusiba) 1f I faithfully prostrate to the Lama and the Three Jewels, And write this text called the Immediate Wish-​Granting Jewel To pray and make offering to The Glorious Muna Qan, May it be auspicious to all! Place a bright image of the Lord Buddha As an object of worship, together with offerings, And with the items for a ritual cake [offering]14 and washing, For the great tutelary deity and the guardian spirits. Then, you yourself Appear as the tutelary deity, And give a ritual cake to the spirits of hindrances. Send them away, And meditate to guard against them. Do all the proper things In accordance with issues concerned, Such as rituals associated with fierce deities (qangγal) or Gsulka15 such as rā ca. The accompanying offerings are

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  235 Those headed by two portions of water To ritual implements and treasures, Such as an auspicious drawing, The imperial state jewel, Fierce offerings, ritual cake offering, Vodka sprinkling (serǰim),16 The best of foods and drinks Necessary items, And all kind of ornaments, Such as a parasol and flags, Armour, knife, weapons, Those headed by a mount and a horse To animal and livestock, And incense offering. All these are to be prepared spectacularly. Hūṃ The spread of beams from the hūṃ at the heart Of Vajrabhairava, into whom You yourself transformed, Illuminates those items And thoroughly purifies them Of all their flaws, And transforms them into The offerings ready to be used. Chant oṃ āḥ hūṃ three times, And sarva bad poor three times. After that, consecrate [these] with argham āḥ hūṃ, together with the mudrās, And with the six dhāraṇīs and mudrās; And utter the power of the truth (ünen-​ü  küčün) And the four names (dörben ner-​e). Afterwards, [visualize] the light from the hūṃ at the heart Shining throughout the ten directions, Cleansing away all the inauspiciousness of the world, And bringing all the auspices of the whole of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa [2b] This light transforms everything into blessings. In this way, it causes prosperity throughout the ten directions. Then, pray for blessings to the Three Jewels like this: Hūṃ

236  Uranchimeg Ujeed [O,] perfectly realized buddhas abiding In the realm of Dharmakāya, And Vajradhara Abiding in the state of Saṃbhogakāya, I pray to the three roots, To Śākyamuni, the Lord of this era, To Master Padmasambhava, To The Dharma King Lobsang Drakpa (Tsongkhapa)! Hūṃ In the powerful corner of the glorious Vajra realm, On the top of Muna Qan17 In the great Mongolian land, In the shining palace with The finest golden brick walls, Dwells the glorious Muna Qan, Together with his retinues. He is the guardian of the teachings Of victorious Lobsang Drakpa, The companion of yogīs, who uphold their vows, A destroyer of all the enemies And of obstacles of the dark forces. [3a] I invoke you the great tengri,18 who are completely powerful. Although, you, great Qan Show no signs of coming and going, You have remained from the beginning. We will offer to you In our full knowledge of insight. Please come here. We will chant the following invitation: “Manifest into the variety of figures and images, In accordance with the course of Peace, prosperity, and violence, With [your] companions [consisting] of the kinds of tngris, nāgas, The king of demons, and so on. Displaying all kinds of jewelled ornaments and weapons, Playing all kinds of music and melodies,

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  237 Filling the world with scents of all kinds of incenses, Remain firmly in all kinds of images. [3b] Make the offerings to the invited ones in this way. Then recite the purification and the making of offerings like this: Hūṃ, argham and padyam, and beautiful flowers, And incense with lovely fragrance, and illuminating butter lamps, And a ceremonial scarf that pacifies one’s heart, And all kinds of foods and magnificent music Are being offered to the glorious Muna Qan and his retinue. Please be satisfied. Being satisfied, be the guardian spirit And support and protect us, Masters and disciple yogīs. Beautiful appearances and good sounding voice, The best of fragrances and all kinds of flavors, The tactile sensation that causes happiness, The five kinds of skills greatly desired, Glorious one and his companions please [grant us these] as before. The umbrella of compassion and the fish of wisdom, [4a] A treasure vase and a pure lotus, The conch of fame and an auspicious drawing, The ornament of victory and the Wheel of Dharma, Glorious One and his companions, please [grant us these] as before. The golden wheel of the wish-​granting jewel, a beautiful wife, The wealth for the head of the household and a very strong elephant, The intelligent horses and a powerful army, Glorious One and his companions, grant [us these], as before, To the one with the destiny of a nobleman and a cakravartin. The blood offering of obstacle makers and the flower of [their] organs, The incense of burnt fat, the light of fingers and a gall fruit (qaddi), The food [made] of flesh and blood and musical instrument [made] of bones, And the ornaments [made] of skin and intestines, Are being offered to glorious Muna Qan and your companions as before. Hūṃ

238  Uranchimeg Ujeed A hundred flavors, Complete with colour, fragrance, and power, A ritual cake beautifully decorated with all kinds of fruits and oils, Blended with three flavors of flour and butter, And consecrated [with mantras] to transform into the essence of ambrosia, Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue as before. The mixed ambrosial nutrition of a man and tngris, With all kinds of precious substances such as gold, And all kinds of nutrients, such as flour, butter, and medicine Consecrated it into the nature of ambrosia Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue, as before. Complete with power to develop the bodily strength, All kinds of features desired by all, The food of tngris complete with all the flavors, Consecrated to possess the nature of ambrosia, Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue, as before. Chinese tea complete with saffron color, Milk and yogurt white like the moon, Vodka complete with nutrients, flavor, and power, [5a] A drink consecrated to have the nature of ambrosia, Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue, as before. Hūṃ The palace and the garden, bed, and table, The ornaments, such as cushion, ribbons, and a victory ornament, The banchun [?]‌and umbrella with hangings and tassels, The flags and the streamers, fan and bell Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue, as before. All kinds of clothes, ornaments, a rosary, and jewels The necessary utensils and implements, And all the uncounted items Favourable to your liking, Are for [you] Glorious One and for your companions, as before. Strong, durable, and invaluable armor and helmet, All kinds of sharp and precious weapons and knives, And a quick, vigorous, intelligent, and wise steed

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  239 [5b] Decorated with all kinds beautiful ornaments, Are for [you] Glorious One and for your retinue, as before. The flocks of animals and herds of livestock, Wild beasts and game, dogs and birds, The four continents with mount Sumeru, and the sun and the moon, And the ocean-​like offerings transformed by the mind, Are the offerings to [you] Glorious Muna Qan and to your retinue, as before. Hūṃ Following the way of the lineage master Padmasambhava, Who made offerings to all the guests in saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, With purified offering in the ancient time past, We yogīs, masters, and disciples today Have made the purification and offering to the best of our ability To [you] glorious Muna Qan and to your retinue, as before. We are purifying and offering With the cloud of smoke of the incense offering That was burnt in the flourishing flame of fire, [6a] Which filled the earth, the bright space, and the sky. Although all phenomena are pure in nature, May the filth stained by accident, Be purified in the space of purity, Which is completely pure in nature. Please avert the hindrances and harms. Please increase a harmonious happiness. Please control our hidden pride in your power, And punish the obstacle makers who display bad omens. Recite thus and the hundred syllables, then say Hūṃ Glorious Muna Qan and his retinue as before, Please see all my mistakes such as shortage of offerings, And actions that stained the offerings due to my ignorance, And all my faults, [6b] Which I am obligated to take upon myself. I am repenting for all the mistakes of Cutting trees, digging a deep ground,

240  Uranchimeg Ujeed Breaking stones and destroying meadows, Stirring up spring water and dropping dirt in it, [All of] which I am obligated to take upon myself. I confess to you, glorious Muna Qan, All the faults of Killing snakes and frogs, games and fishes, Slaughtering and beating the wild beasts and animals. To sum up, all of us are confessing the deeds and doings, And the faults that we have committed With incompetence and beyond [the scope of] our intelligence. We are obligated to take them upon ourselves in the heart of your compassion. Although phenomena are pure in nature, May the wrong deeds that are performed by mistake be cleansed! When we confess in the space of natural purity. After confessing in this way, [7a] If you wish to offer a ritual cake, Offer juniper and liquor three times at this point. Then say,   Hūṃ We are praising the great, tutelary tngri, Glorious Muna Qan and his retinue, Who assist living beings In various ways and with characteristics Of the four kinds of activities, According to individuals’ needs, And who make religion and Dharma thrive. We are praising the glorious Muna Qan And his retinue, Who are powerful and Turn the destructive hindrances and howling enemies Into ashes, in a moment, With resonating and wrathful sound of hūṃ hūṃ phaṭ phaṭ. We are praising the glorious Muna Qan and his retinue, Who make living beings see with [their] eyes

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  241 The visible and hidden actions and law, By the power of the mind that perceives clearly. Please, guard the monks and monasteries, And always assist living beings. [7b] Fulfil our desires in accordance with the law of the True Dharma, And always be our tutelary deity without ever departing. Please avert infectious diseases. The calamities of day, month, and year, Wolves that attack livestock, Robbers and thieves, And all the causes of disasters Such as frost, hail, storm, and draught. Please let rains fall when they are needed! Let the crops, seeds, and fruit flourish; And create the conditions for living beings To be happy and peaceful, And strive for white virtues. Make sure that you are watching over us three times every day. Make sure that you are patrolling three times every night. Make sure that you are seeing us off when we leave. Make sure that there is a reunion when we return. Make sure you are guiding and supporting [us]. [8a] Make sure that there are companions and escorts, Especially, because the places of services and monasteries Are entrusted to glorious Muna Qan. So, please guard them together with all their facilities And deign to increase them further. After praising [him and his retinue] and assigning them tasks in this way, Utter [the syllable] hūṃ In the way a great dragon roars in a cloud. Glorious Muna Qan, please Be a tutelary deity without separation, In the way a garuḍa flies with its wings in the sky.

242  Uranchimeg Ujeed Glorious Muna Qan, please, Be a tutelary deity without separation. In the way a lion, the king of the animals, [runs] in the snow. Glorious Muna Qan, please, Be a tutelary deity without separation. In the way a tiger has complete power in a forest. Glorious Muna Qan, please, Be a tutelary deity without separation, In the way loving parents are to their children. [8b] Glorious Muna Qan, please Be a tutelary deity without separation In the way the illuminating sun and moon are complete with light. Glorious Muna Qan, please, Be a tutelary deity without separation In the way a wish-​granting jewel is complete with all values. Glorious Muna Qan, please, Be a tutelary deity without separation. We consecrate the splendour of the glorious Muna Qan. Be a tutelary deity in the way of a shadow and the body. Consecrate in this way, saying. (In an ordinary occasion, there is no need to invoke him in this way.) Hūṃ I, a yogī who practices glorious Vajrabhairava Am reporting my deeds to the glorious Muna Qan By presenting my offerings and a ritual cake And sprinkling with vodka. Please accept these well, And quickly fulfil all that I wish for. When you are angry You ride the mist and fog, [9a] Make flaming fire blaze, Wind and storm rage, Black birds fly, And dogs, wolves, and tigers rush.

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  243 You roar in the voice of dragons, You make thunder and hail strike, Seas and rivers wave, The earth and planets shake. You change blue sky, And cover the sun and the moon. Muna Qan and retinue, With all magic and power Frighten all the enemies and hindrances—​ The opponents of lamas, [Those] who harm the jewel of the Dharma And spoil monks, [Those] who injure all living beings, And especially those who have intention to harm Monasteries and all of us yogīs. Swiftly finish them, Without delay within a year, a month, or a day! Consume their ǰöltü [organs] and hearts. Please make these enemies [9b] Separate from their supporting companions. Separate them from their assemblage. Drive away the spirits and their souls. Extinguish their descendants and successors. And please quickly annihilate them. If you do not fulfil my wishes, You will disobey the mandate of the Dharma. The yogīs in the future will punish you, I, the one at present, will be disappointed. Your sin will greatly increase. And Qan, you will have only name left. So, act quickly for the sake of these matters. Remind him in this way by saying firmly vajrasamaya hūṃ. Please make all virtues and good fortunes Be granted as soon as they are desired. Come to a place complete with auspices

244  Uranchimeg Ujeed In the way the magnet and iron functions. Cause the joys and enjoyments to come quickly. Virtue and good fortune of The master of the three thousand worlds, Great Brahmā And Indra, the great king of the tngris, [10a] [You] who are evidently high beings in saṃsāra, Come to prevail here, good fortunes qurui qurui.19 Virtue and good fortune of The ambrosial drink of the assemblage of tngris, Wish-​fulfilling jewel on the top of the king of nāgas, ǰinaγtu20 śabda ratna of cakravartin, Come and prevail here, good fortunes, qurui qurui. Virtue and good fortunes of The auspicious jewelled umbrella above the head, Auspicious two golden fish at the eyes Auspicious vase of the great treasure at the neck Come and prevail here, good fortunes qurui qurui. Virtue and good fortune of The auspicious noble lotus at the tongue, Auspicious, rightward-​coiled conch in the speech, Auspicious supreme glorious knot at the heart Come and prevail here, qurui qurui! Virtue and good fortune of [10b] The auspicious victory banner on the body, Auspicious, golden wheel of the Dharma on the hands and feet, And all that is considered auspicious Come and prevail here, qurui qurui. Virtue and good fortune of The auspicious sun and moon, clear in the sky, Auspicious virtue and wisdom perfect on the earth, And all the auspices of the entire world Come and prevail here, qurui qurui.

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  245 Virtue and good fortune of The blessings of the Guru, tutelary deity, and the precious Three Jewels And all the virtues of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, Come and prevail here, qurui qurui. Come and prevail here and do not betray us. After inviting virtue and good fortunes, Present ablations on the objects of worship as usual, And perform alms of the Dharma and the aspiration prayer. Then, prepare an offering of appreciation, and say: [11a] Hūṃ, offerings, flowers, incense, and butter lamp, Fragrances, food, and music Are presented as offerings of appreciation. Please go safely to your invisible destination. You have the obligation to come as soon as invited. Send them in this way to the centre of invisible space with vajra maṇi. Hūṃ. May the protection of the auspices and blessing Of the refuge, the glorious Guru, Who is a source from which blessings flow out, Of the tutelary deity, Who bestows two kinds of siddhis, And of Dharma protectors, Who eliminate obstacles prevail! May the grace of the auspices and blessings Of glorious Muna Qan and his companions, Who vigorously guard the religion and the Dharma And assist living beings, Who are most powerful and honour the white direction, Live as long as the king of the mountains! [11b] May the virtue and good fortune be vast like oceans! May there be auspices and blessings of The most distinct and popular fame With regard to all kinds of talents! May the power of the givers of blessing here not diminish! May the external and internal obstacles and hindrances be pacified! May the auspices and blessings of

246  Uranchimeg Ujeed The increase of the gatherings of monks Who are accomplished in the three doctrines prevail! May the glorious Lamas live long! May the accomplished religion holders fill the world! May the capacity of the devoted believers grow! May the glorious ones be joyful forever! [12a] Wish for auspices in this way. If this practice of praying and offering Is done with honest motivation, Even a vajra poison that destroys harm Will become a wish-​fulfilling jewel. Even if some people do not like and prohibit this [text] Composed by the one who does crazy thing like this, May some other people who like this [text] use it! Even if it closes a white water-​lily, Which counteracts the benefit and happiness of religion and living beings, May it open a lotus that supports them By means of the sun-​like merit of having composed it so.

An Extensive Prayer to Glorious Muna Qan: The Immediate Wish-​Fulfilling Jewel ends here. [12b] The images of the Three Jewels, The offerings, ritual cakes, and things for washing, The ornaments, maṇḍala, and so on [are needed]. The offerings in front of you are The Inner offerings and a ritual cake For a tutelary deity and Dharma protectors, A ritual cake for the masters of the earth, And for the spirits causing hindrances, Keči kuku [?]‌music, and melody, Flowers and the two portions of water, Five utensils and the five wishes, Eight auspices and seven jewels, Fierce offerings and tsaru,21

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  247 Five red ritual cakes and two sprinklings Made by mixing vodka, butter, medicine, and gold, Food of fruit and drinks, Are things to be consumed and the items that are to be used. Ornaments such as an umbrella, flags, a lotus, and a victory banner, Weapons such as armour, a helmet, a sword, a spear, an arrow, and a bow, Objects for visual sense, the steed, and an animal such as a horse with a saddle, Aromatic substances for smoke offerings, [13a] Things for good fortune such as the sülbe of a king, A three-​part ritual cake [made] of the four elements for the debt, for the intermediate state, And that for nāgas, And smoke offering That clears away the darkness of the ten directions, The auspices and blessings, The Eight brightnesses (naiman gegegen) [Sūtra], The begbeng of nāgas, The Perfection of Wisdom [Sūtra], A table, a tablecloth, and containers [are to be used].

This is the end of the text for the offering ritual to Muna Qan.

The Smoke Offering and Offering to Glorious Muna Qan and to the Masters of Water Called the Jewel Mighty King (Tegüs čoγtu Muna Qan terigüten usun-​u ejed-​ün sang takil, erdeni erketü-​yin qan kemekü orusiba) [1b] Homage to the Three Jewels! Here,22 those who wish to make a smoke offering to glorious Muna Qan and his companions should prepare anything obtained for offerings such as the ritual cake, vodka, objects for the eyes, items for smoke offerings, and so one. Imagine yourself to be complete with the pride of the tutelary deity, then consecrate the offerings and other items with the dhāraṇī and mudrā for the smoke offering to the sky and the six dhāraṇīs and the six mudrās or you can concscrate them three times with oṃ āḥ hūṃ, and saying [this]: Hūṃ, please send down the Blessed Ones such as The true buddhas in the space of the Dharmakāya,

248  Uranchimeg Ujeed The ones having a Sambhogakāya, such as Vajradhara, Śākyamuni, the lord of the current era, master Padmasambhava, And the Dharma master, Lobzang Drakpa. [2a]We invite glorious Muna Qan and his companions And the masters of the Yellow River Who are perfect with the power of magic, And also the tngris and nāgas of the white direction. Please reside joyfully on the preferred seats. We are offering ritual cake, foods, and drinks with hundreds of flavors, Which are neatly prepared, purified, and tactfully multiplied In the massive, jeweled containers. We also offer a libation (sačuli) That contains a thousand different nutrients, And the offerings and objects of the senses, prepared and transformed, And filling the earth, the clear space, and the sky, Consecrating with the dhāraṇī, mudrā, and samādhi, We offer [these] by purifying [them] with the mist From the aromatic items for smoke offering Burnt in the flame of blazing fire, [2b] That fills the earth, clear space, and the sky-​like clouds. We praise the great guardian spirit and all his companions, The mighty heroes with the power of great magic, Who look magnificent with the manner of the four activities, And who bestow complete peace, happiness, and well-​being. Please avert the obstacles, hindrances, and harms. Please increase the harmonious happiness. Please take control of the pride of enemies, And eliminate the obstacle makers by showing signs. Please help all of us, who rely on you again, In both wilderness and home. Please help us fulfill the undertakings, as we desire, And be our guardian spirit without distraction.

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  249 [3a] Especially, as we have entrusted to you, The entirely powerful guardian spirit, The place of assemblage and a monastery,23 Please guard all of them along with the utilities, And increase them further.

Afterward, perform the “Prosperity of the Religion” (šašin badarangγui) and “Auspices” (ölǰei ügüleküi) [parts of the ritual].

Colophon This is composed by the sixty-​year-​old “humble Gyaltsan” (Tib. Rgyal mtshan, aka Mergen Gegeen)24 at the request of Chos rgyamsa (Tib. rgya mtsho) and the fully ordained monk dge slong bskal bzang bstan dar, and the nobleman and banner administrator Kunga (Tib. Kun dga’). May the merit increase by doing this!

Notes 1. Ölǰei Badaraɤsan Süm-​e was a monastery in Qorcin Left Hand Middle Banner (also known as Darqan Banner). The text was dedicated to this monastery. The colophon states that the text was written at the request of gebküi of Ölǰei Badaraɣsan Süm-​e, which was newly built by Qoshui Joriɣtu Qin Wang (Imperial Prince of the First Rank) of Qorčin. According to Jirim-​ün Süm-​e Keid, a monastery called Ölǰei Badaraɣulqu Süm-​e was built in Bayan-​öndür, Bayantal-​a district, Darqan Banner, in the forty-​sixth year of Kangxi (1707). 2. Complete copies of these two sets of Mergen Gegeen’s collected works are held in the British Library. 3. Walther Heissig, The Religion of Mongolia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980): 64). 4. Ɣalluu and Jirantai, Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan-​u ’bom ǰarliγ kemegdekü orusiba (Beijing: Ündüsüten-​ü keblel-​ün qoriy-​a, 1986). 5. Ritual texts for offering Muna Qan, the local mountain spirits, are most relevant to Urad community because Muna Mountain area is the territory of local Urad people where Mergen Monastery is located. 6. B. Möngke, Mergen süm-​e (Qailar:  Öbür Mongɤul-​un soyul-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a, 1996): 84–​104. 7. The text number 18 of volume 4. 8. Mong. lus; Tib. klu. 9. Mergen Gegeen used various names in his Collected Works. Jalsan is one of them; it is the last part of his full name Lobsangdambijalsan (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan).

250  Uranchimeg Ujeed 10. Mergen Gegeen’s ideas about popular beliefs and spirit cults are obvious in this text, suggesting that originally non-​Buddhist deities can be utilized in Buddhism for as long as they are brought into the framework of Buddhist theory and practice. Mergen Gegeen had a conviction that writing texts for popular rituals falls into the scope of Buddhist practice for the benefit of local people. 11. The text does not specify which six of them. 12. This event of taking control of the god by so called fierce Rabjampa. 13. The spelling is ger (“yurt”), but it is possible that this is a mistake of gkir (“impurity”). 14. Classical Mong. baling (from Skrt. bali, Tib. gtor ma). 15. I have not been able to find what this word means. This is possibly a Mongolian version of a Tibetan word. 16. From the Tibetan gser skyims. 17. Muna Qan generally refers here to the spirit of the mountain, but it can also refer to the mountain itself. 18. Tengri can be translated as “the heaven” or “the sky,” as the supreme divinity that has no form, and it also can refer to a specific god. 19. Qurui qurui means “come come,” which has to be coupled when saying it for beckoning good fortune at the animal sacrificed or when the animal is sold, and it also is uttered when at the burial of a deceased person. 20. This is perhaps a misspelling of ǰinangtu (from Tibetan rjes gnang), in which case it can be translated as “authoritative.” 21. Skrt. caru, an oblation consisting of rice, butter, and pulse, boiled with butter and milk for offering to deities. 22. Vols.  4–​20. 23. This must be referring to Mergen Gegeen’s attempt to transform Muna Qan into a guardian spirit of Buddhism and assigning him the tasks, as in the IV-​19. 24. In this text, Mergen Gegeen gave Rgyal mtshan in Tibetan spelling, which is the last part of his full name, Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan.

Bibliography Atwood, Christopher. P. 1996. “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion: A Re-​examination of the Fire Cult.” History of Religions 36, no. 2: 112–​139. Heissig, Walther. 1980. The Religion of Mongolia. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mergen Gegeen Lubsangdambijalsan. 1774. Öljei badaraγsan süm-​ e-​ dür včir dhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin gegen-​ber γol-​un aman-​u ungsilγ-​a bolγan toγtaγaγsan nom-​un yabudal masi todurqai gegegen oyutan-​u qoɤulai-​yin čimeg čindamani-​yin erike (A Wishing Stone Rosary, the Neck Ornament of the Bright Minded People, a Very Clear Liturgical Manual Designed for Services at the Öljei Badaraγsan Süm-​e by Vajradhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin Gegeen). Beijing: Peking wooden block print, British Library, Mon. 75; Mon. 78; Mon. 80. Mergen Gegeen Lubsangdambijalsan. 1783. Včir dhara Mergen Diyanči Blama-​yin gegen-​ ü ’bom jarliɤ (Collected Works of the Reincarnation of Vajradhara Mergen Diyanči Lama). Beijing: Peking wooden block print, British Library, Mon. 12; Mon. 26; Mon. 27; Mon. 76.

Ritual Texts of Mergen Gegeen  251 Mergen Gegen Lubsangdambijalsan. 1998. Altan Tobči (Golden Summary). Edited by Čimeddorji et al. Qailar: Öbür Mongɣul-​ un soyul-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a. Möngke, B. 1996. Mergen süm-​e (Mergen Monastery). Qailar: Öbür Mongɤul-​un soyul-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a. Ujeed, Uranchimeg. 2011. “Persecuted Practice: Neiči Toyin’s Mongolian Line of Buddhist Practice.” Inner Asia 2: 265–​277. Ujeed, Uranchimeg. 2015. “Establishment of the Mergen Tradition of Mongolian Buddhism.” In Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace, 95–​115. Oxford: University of Oxford Press. Ɣalluu and Jirantai. 1986. Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan-​u ’bom ǰarliγ kemegdekü orusiba (Collected Works of Mergen Gegen Lobsangdambijalsan). Beijing: Ündüsüten-​ü keblel-​ün qoriy-​a.

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Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification Vesna A. Wallace

Introduction Mongolian Buddhist literature abounds in ritual texts of invoking blessings and prosperity for the entire country, local regions, livestock, herders, merchants, and—​as indicated in the Incense Purification of the Oirat Country and in the Ritual of Offering Incense to the Wolf-​Headed [Deity]—​for the country’s monastic community and the Buddhist teachings. With the exception of the first ritual text of purification translated herein and titled Incense Purification of Mongolia, all other ritual texts included in this chapter consist of a mixture of prose and verse. The brief instructions on the types of ritual items required, their arrangements and consecrations, and on the initial visualization practices and mantra recitations are invariably written in prose. Those sections of the texts that are recited during the ritual are composed in verse, often in four-​line stanzas. The most numerous and most widely disseminated ritual texts in Mongolia are those containing rites of incense purification dedicated to the spirit-​deities deemed the masters of the country and the mountains, lakes, and rivers. As in Tibet, in the Mongolian Buddhist world, the ideas and practices related to “masters, or possessors, of the land” (savdag, Written Mong. sabdaγ, Tib. sa bdag), masters of the locale (gazryn ezen; Written Mong. γaǰar-​un eǰen; Tib gzhi bdag), and the spirit-​deities of the country (Tib. yul lha) represent a mixture of practices adopted from Tibetan Buddhism and from indigenous Mongolian practices. As seen in the first two texts that follow—​Incense Purification of Mongolia and Incense Offering to the Deity of the Oirat Country—​the territories of Mongolia are ritually purified through the purification of the impure local spirit-​deities dwelling in the mountains, waters, forests, and trees by means of the smoke of juniper incense, other offerings, and verbal utterances. Those parts of the text that are recited, or an entire text written in verse for the sake of recitation, like the Incense Purification of Mongolia, are performative in two ways—​as ritual performances and as illocutionary acts of purification, in which the spirits are appeased and made into protective allies who can grant material prosperity and secure health, long life, and youth.

Vesna A. Wallace, Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0012

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  253 Since in Mongolian Buddhist pastoral society, material prosperity is most commonly measured by the size of herds, it is not surprising that the large body of Mongolian Buddhist ritual texts contains a considerable number of texts dedicated to the protective deities of livestock. Even in other types of ritual texts that are not dedicated to specific protective deities of herds, one often finds words of prayer or mantras for the protection and expansion of livestock herds. Although certain Buddhist dhāraṇīs included in the Mongolian Kanjur (Tib. Bka’ ‘gyur), such as the Āryatathāgataremanta, Āryajambhaladhanapuṣṭisarvaśāntināmad hāraṇī, Āryajambhala, Bhagavatighoravaraśāntikara-​dhāraṇī,1 and so on, have often been ritually utilized by Mongolian lamas for the protection of livestock to this very day, Mongolian lamas have also composed their own ritual texts for the protection and proliferation of the so-​called five treasures (tavan erdene; Written Mong. tabun erdene): cows, sheep, goats, horses, and camels. The popularity and demand for rituals of protection and purification facilitated a proliferation of ritual texts of this kind among the Mongols. The geography of Mongol lands, the traditional, pastoral way of life, and corresponding concerns are clearly reflected in these ritual texts. From the vast collection of ritual texts intended for livestock protection, three texts have been selected for this chapter. The Torma Offering to the Protective Deity of Camels is a short ritual text of prayer and benediction for the virility of a bull camel and the expansion of its herd. The text does not name the protective deity to whom this ritual is dedicated, but it is safe to assume that it is Jambhala (Zambal, Written Mong. Jambala), or Vaiśravaṇa, who is widely worshiped among Mongolian people. According to the colophon, this text was composed at the request of the nobleman Thaya and his son Zambhala by a certain Luvsanjamts (Tib. Blo bzang rgya mtsho), who is perhaps the same as Agramba2 (Tib. sngags rams pa) Luvsanjamts, the early twentieth-​century Buddhist scholar of the Khand Chin Van’s banner (khoshuu) of Tüsheet Khan aimag, whose two handwritten volumes have been preserved. Similar to other rituals texts for prosperity, A Profound Instruction on Protection from the Loss of Horses by Worshipping Kubera, the God of Horses,3 whose author is unknown, presents a ritual structure that includes a short sādhana of the deity, blessing of the body, speech, and mind centers in the body, a torma offering, incense purification, a eulogy to the deity, and a request for the growth of the family’s wealth through the protection of its horses from thieves, illnesses, and other dangers. The Ritual of Offering Incense to the Wolf-​Headed [Deity] is a text for ritual recitation that summons the Wolf-​headed Deity, referred to as a war-​god and Dharma protector, who protects the Buddhist teachings and its upholders as well as Buddhist yoga. Although this ritual of invocation seems to have been primarily intended for the protection of the Buddha Dharma in Mongolia, it came to be used as a ritual protection of livestock, perhaps due to the fact that the deity is wolf-​headed and thus is thought to protect livestock from wolves.

254  Vesna A. Wallace In Mongolia, popular ritual texts of invocation are most commonly calls for mundane types of well-​being, but some texts of invocation also call for the flourishing of virtue, the Dharma, and so on. Summoning rituals are often performed at the end of the spring and the beginning of summer, at the time of the rejuvenation of nature, when the migrating birds arrive, frozen rivers melt, grasses grow, and animals begin giving birth to young ones. The Supplication, Offering, Invoking Enlightened Activity, Smoke Offering, Vodka Oblation,4 and Summoning the Good Fortune of Offering to the Supreme Deity of Trade,5 composed by a certain Luvsankhaiduv (Tib. Blo bzang mkhas grub),6 is, as the title indicates, a complex ritual text, more complex than the other texts included in this chapter, dedicated to the god of trade. The structure of this ritual contains eight main parts:

1. Homage to the guru 2. Purification of the offerings in emptiness 3. Visualization of the god of trade 4. Presenting edible offerings 5. Offering incense 6. Recitation of the traders’ mantra 7. Invocation of the deity and summoning of good fortune 8. Rite of offering a vodka libation

This ritual text sheds some light on the trading partners of a Mongolian merchant and on the items of trade such as gold, silver, tea, and silk gathered from other countries. The fortune and wealth of the kings of India, China, and Iran are summoned, as well as the wealth of horses of the king of Mongolia but not the wealth of the king of Tibet, whose wealth was perhaps not on par with that of the kings of the aforementioned countries. However, the words of prayer for profitable trade make reference to the accumulation of resources and wealth from China and Tibet. It seems that this ritual text was to be recited by a Mongolian trader himself, for it says, “Make my own trade win” and “Steal the mind of the other trader!”

Translated Texts Incense Purification of Mongolia (Sog yul gyi bsangs) Jee! I purify all the local deities (gzhi bdag) of central [Mongolia] Dwelling in all the mountains and waters of

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  255 The powerful Büregkhangai, Büren [mountain], and the Orkhon and Selenge [rivers]! I purify all the local deities of western [Mongolia] Dwelling in all the mountains and waters of The Onon [river], the great mountain range of Altai, Uvs [lake], the Great Aral [sea], and so on! I purify all the local deities of eastern [Mongolia] Dwelling in all the mountains and waters of the Kherlen and Kholon [rivers], becoming The red livestock of Khentii! Jee! I purify the great war-​god of northern Mongolia, The King of Khangai [mountain], who is with the four mighty deities, [With] the mother and son, the inner and outer ministers, And the servants and companions! Furthermore, I purify all spirit-​deities of the country (yul lha) and local deities (gzhi bdag) Who guard the kingdom of Mongolia And dwell in the mountains and waters Of the eight cardinal and intermediate directions! I purify all the spirit-​deities of the country and local deities In whatever direction they are, And especially where all of us, together with our companions, are In all of [these] three—​at home, on the road, and abroad! I purify all the spirit-​deities of the country and local deities Of the auspicious Tsagaan Nuur (White Lake) and Chuluut [river], Of the two Terkh [lakes] and the Ider river Belonging to the territory of the Khangai Khan [mountain]!

Incense Offering to the Deity of the Oirat Country (Os rod kyi yul lha’i bsangs bzhugs so) Homage to the Gurus! If one intends to make an incense offering to the spirit-​deity of the country (yul lha) of Oiratia, one should arrange the items for offering incense, and, endowed

256  Vesna A. Wallace with the divine pride (lha’i nga rgyal) of any appropriate tutelary deity (yi dam), one should consecrate [those items] with oṃ āḥ hūṃ. Summon all the gods, nāgas, asuras, and spirits who wander about the land of the country of Oiratia, marked by this territory. Jee! Please accept this rain of offerings—​ Drinking water, flowers, incense, and Butter lamps, scented water, food and drink, Song, dance, and music, and the five sense pleasures! In order to please you, the deities of the country (yul lha), I offer A fine, powerful, and excellent horse, Beautiful like a feather from a peacock’s neck, Goats and sheep and a splendid camel, a yak, a female elephant, and so on. Be our allies and protect us, never leaving us! In order to please you, great deities of the country, I offer The mounts of various weapons, silk banners, and fine brocades, Fine medicine and a treasury of the nine desirable gems, Together with the best variety of food, and with the drink of a vodka oblation. Having been pleased by accepting [these gifts], protect and be gentle to us! Jee! I purify all the spirit-​deities of the country and local spirit-​deities (gzhi bdag) By filling the celestial path with clouds of smoke of Whitish-​red sandalwood [paste] and agaru, Cool camphor, saffron, and so on, Nutmeg, frankincense, rhododendron, and Artemisia, euphresia, su lu, and so on, A thousand different aromatic, smoke-​offering articles and A mixture of barley flower and butter as well as various edibles, Various grains, fruits, and the five essences (snying po lnga) Melted in fire like hot molten gold. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Altai, Erchis, and Khovogsair.

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  257 I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Emeel, Zair Mountain, and Bor tal. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Khash, Künkhes, and Ilii. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions surrounding Zültüs and Sutai Khan. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Khovd, Delüün, Senkher, and Sonkhül. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Tüskül Lake and Shar Beelii. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Khar Tal and Kök Us. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Bogd [Mountain], Alag Uul Nuruu Mountain, and so on In all the territories of the Oirat country. I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like Of the regions of Bulgan, Chingel, and Tsagaan gol.

258  Vesna A. Wallace I purify all the deities, nāgas, asuras, and goblins Dwelling in the mountains, lakes, rivers, brooks, and pools, In the trees, forests, lanes, and the like, Particularly in the region of this land of the country. Jee! I purify [all] impure food and clothing, Body, speech, mind, and transgressions. I purify the defilements of broken pledges, defilements of quarrels, defilements of digging holes, Defilements due to killing, defilements of a widow (yug grib), and defilements of meeting a bride. By offering the entire purification with incense, I purify Those entirely contaminated [with the disease] of the goddess,7 and The defilements of scrofulas, the smell of smoldering, and so on. I purify all the impure ones. There is no one whatsoever who has not been purified through the incense offering. Accept these desired possessions and Whatever action and task you perform, Do not hate and envy! Create conducive conditions according to our wishes! Having spread the entire monastic community through this country, Create conducive conditions, as we wish, for obtaining teachings, and Increase the family lineage and power of the benefactors of the teachings! Continually expand [our] undiminished glory and riches, Attendants, prosperity, and freedom from disease, [our] Great power, family, and youth, Wealth, grains, great happiness, and so on! Manifestly enrich the activities! Increase mundane happiness and good harvests, Grains and herds, and The arising of all bliss and happiness! Fulfill everything that we desire!

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  259

Torma Offering to the Protective Deities of Camels (Rnga mong bsrung lha rnams kyi gtor ‘bul) by Luvsanjamts (Tib. Blo bzang rgya mtsho) Homage to the Guru! If one wishes to present here a torma (Tib. gtor ma) offering to the protective deities of camels, in that case one must properly prepare different medicines, various gems, diverse grains, different types of silks,8 and cleaned and uncontaminated incense-​offering items. Consecrate them with six [Samantabhadra’s] sky-​treasury mantras9 and with the six mudrās, together with the [divine] pride of any of your own10 [of the] three special deities—​Guhyasamāja, Cakrasaṃvara, and Yamāntaka.11 Recite the three syllables [oṃ āḥ hūṃ]. Jee! From the most excellent land of Mongolia established since ancient [times], I summon the protective deity of the camel bull, together with his retinue, To protect and enlarge the herd of camels! Please come to this place of worship! I present the two offerings of water that satiate the three thousand [people], Musical instruments, tea, a liquor of the five desirable [qualities], and the like, The three white [edibles],12 the three sweets,13 and a heap of the offerings of various edibles Filling the sky. Please accept them. I offer precious medicines, incense, smoke-​offering articles, and a mixture of barley and butter Into a blazing fire similar to the swirling of molten gold, As a cloud of burned smoke14 fills the path of the sky. May the multitude of impure faults be entirely purified! Having consecrated the three white [edibles], the three sweets, a mixture of barley and butter, and food and drink, I offer to the protective deity of camels and his retinue These various tormas heaped like a mountain, And the ambrosia (bdud rtsi) of the five types of wisdom. Ward off the enemies who harm the camels [Belonging to] me and to the sponsoring benefactor and his companions!

260  Vesna A. Wallace Protect [them] at all times during the day and night, and grant [us] peace and happiness! May the bull camels increase and thrive! By emitting light rays from the syllable hrīḥ in the ten directions, Entirely shattering the multitude of harms and dangers to bull camels, May there be protection! May the male camels increase for me!

Recite oṃ vajra rakṣaḥ rakṣaḥ three times in a ger pavilion. Utter the words of blessing: “Bliss and happiness during the day,” and so on.

Colophon As for this [instruction], in accordance with a request from Taiǰi Thaya and his son Taiǰi Zambhala, [who said], “One must do this,” Agvaanchoidov (Tib. Ngag dbang chos ldan) is the scribe of what has been composed by the skilled15 and the Dharma-​empowered one,16 called Luvsanjamts (Tib. Blo bzang rgya mtsho). Because of this, may the many camels in Mongol lands multiply and thrive!

A Profound Instruction on Protection from the Loss of Horses by Worshipping Kubera, the God of Horses (Aduuny tenger guverad shütesneer aduuny garlagyg sakhikh gün uvdis) As for protection from the loss of horses by means of Kubera’s blessing, having first set the mind on going for refuge, meditate on emptiness with oṃ sarva-​ śuddha-​sarvadharmāḥ svabhāvāḥ svabhāva-​śuddho ‘ham. Kubera, the lord of horses, has one face of black color, two hands, with his right hand holding a club with a jeweled staff, and two feet pulled forward in order to stand up on a jeweled throne. His body is draped with a dark blue cloak ornamented with various jewels. He is surrounded by many assemblies of yakṣa companions. Having blessed the three places [in the body] with the three syllables [oṃ āḥ hūṃ], by emanating light rays from the syllable hūṃ, invite Kubera, the lord of horses, from Janlojang. Invite and bring wisdom with ja hūṃ vaṃ ho. As for the torma offering, after performing the blessing with oṃ āḥ hūṃ, consecrate it with [the mantra] of the lord of horses: kubera saprivāra yo17 ākāro mukham.

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  261 I praise Kubera, the lord of horses, having a black body, a beautiful dark garment, with two hands [holding] a club with a jeweled staff and a mongoose, and seated straight on a jeweled throne. [Recite,] “Kubera, lord of horses, please protect our companions and others from the demons of obstacles! Please protect other ones from the demons of obstacles to horses.” Having held a torma on the heads of the herd of horses, [recite] hūṃ. The glorious king Kubera from the incomparable palace of the supreme jeweled abode, having one face, two hands, and a black body, pays attention to the herd of horses with his three eyes. He holds a club with a jeweled staff in his right hand and a mongoose vomiting a jewel in his left. He grants all the siddhis to [his] sādhakas and with his feet he crushes all the yakṣas, enemies, and hindrances. I praise and pay homage to his large, black body, Draped with a cloak embellished with the ornaments of various jewels, Which accomplishes what has been desired! Having partaken of this torma of an oath, increase the wealth of the family! Accomplish all the deeds entrusted [to you]! I am handing over these herds of horses of mine to you, great yakṣa. Protect them from all the harms of thieves, diseases, and the demons of obstacles, Apart from killing [them for food] and trading [them]. I am handing over the herd of horses to you! Please protect the herd of horses from all the harms of thieves, diseases, and the demons of obstacles, apart from killing [them for food] and trading [them]! And please guard all food and possessions!” Recite oṃ suśuddhi mili mili svāhā 108 times.

Ritual of Offering Incense to the Wolf-​Headed [Deity] (Spyang gi mgo can gyi bsangs bzhugs so) Homage to the Guru! Hūṃ! I respectfully summon the great Dharma-​protector, the Wolf-​headed [Deity], And his pledged (dam tshig) retinue Emanated from the palace of the very pure dharmadhātu! By the power of [your] pledge, please come to this place!

262  Vesna A. Wallace I offer you clouds of offerings filling the entire expanse of the sky: Actually prepared and mentally visualized offerings, the five types of offerings, The vodka libation (gser skyems), ambrosia, a torma of flesh, blood, and so on, The pledge substances and various objects pleasant to sight.18 May the emanated Dharma protector accompanied by [his] retinue purify This dwelling of the entire path of immortality, with a cloud of the smoke Of various sweet-​smelling incenses burned in the fire of gnosis, [such as] sandalwood, juniper, agaru, and so on! You are the master (gtso bo) of an obedient, great upāsaka. I praise you, dispeller of all the enemies of the teachings and violators of vows, A devourer of flesh and bone, endowed with an emanation of mighty power, A protector of yoga, and a war-​god! Protector of the royal teachings and of the holders of the teachings, Master of yoga accompanied by retinues of disciples, Having removed adverse conditions and having brought about favorable conditions, Be [our] companion like the shadow [that follows] the body!

Supplication, Offering, Invoking Enlightened Activity, Smoke Offering, Vodka Oblation and Summoning the Good Fortune of Offering to the Supreme Deity of Trade (Tsongs lha rgyal po’i gsol mchod ‘phrin btsol bsangs gser skyems g.yang ‘gugs bzhugs so) by Luvsankhaiduv (Blo bzang mkhas grub) Homage to the Guru! Here, if one wishes to perform the prayer and ritual for the supreme deity of trade,19 one sprinkles with water an arrangement having the provisions—​such as the three white [edibles],20 one torma, milk, tea, fermented mare’s milk (airag), liquor, pastries (‘khur ba), and the like, a vodka libation, and a permeating smoke offering. With the divine pride one purifies the ambrosia [and recites:] svabhāva-​ śuddha-​sarvadharmāḥ svabhāva-​śuddho ‘haṃ. From the [syllables] oṃ āḥ hūṃ inside the vast and spacious jeweled vessels [that have arisen] from the syllable bhrūṃ, [which has arisen] from emptiness, there are the arisen torma and vodka libations endowed with the five desirable qualities. [Then] the inexhaustible wealth of necessities that is in accordance with

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  263 the wishes of individual travelers is imagined as becoming of the nature of the sky-​treasury. [Recite] oṃ āḥ hūṃ three times, the sky-​treasury mantra three21 times, the six mantras together with the six mudrās, and the power of truth. Jee! King of the gods of trade (tshong lha), you, together with [your] retinue, With the mother [queen], the son, the inner and outer ministers, servants, and others, Come quickly and unhindered to this place From the individual vajra mansion where you live! In front of me on a golden throne, On top of the [cushion] cover of various divine silks, The god of trade, with a white colored body and smiling face, Wears a white silken mantle on his body, And wears a crown with eight jewels on his head. [His] mirror topknot is embellished with various flaps. His right hand holds a wish-​fulfilling gem at [his] heart, and [His] left hand holds a full treasure vase. The graceful and beautiful mother [queen], the son, and the ministers, Marvelous with their obedient retinue, With innumerable and immeasurable displays of supernatural power, Please protect the teachings of my companions and the profit of the world!22 To the marvelous god of trade and his retinue of attendants, I respectfully offer the gift of an ocean of offering-​clouds From the actually prepared [offerings] and [those] emanated by the mind, Undefiled and pleasing forms, sounds, fragrances, tastes, and textures, Filling and thoroughly pervading the entire Expanse of the clouds of various offerings! Having pronounced the mantras and [performed the] mudrās, I offer The three white [edibles], the three sweets, and a prepared torma Imbued with ornaments, glittering and beautiful like Mount Sumeru, Inside the great jeweled vessel shining with gems.23 Having happily accepted them, especially increase profits! Pacify gossip, loss, and all unfavorable conditions! Increase, like the waxing moon, [our] prosperity and well-​being, Long life, merit, glory, riches, and so on!

264  Vesna A. Wallace Having annihilated, with the power of violent activity, The people who have vicious minds and all of the nonhuman entities, As you like, at all times increase profits, From [all] directions and during the festival of Victory!

Presenting a Smoke Offering to the God of Trade Jee! King of the gods of trade and Lord who protects Jambudvīpa and this particular place, God of trade and all of your retinue, Proceeding unhindered, come to the space in front [of me]! I present this ritual offering of a cloud of fragrantly smelling smoke That fills the entire extent of the earth and sky! Having accepted it as if pleased, increase the articles of trade and Profit, pouring at the time of rain, In the entire world system and in [this] particular country! Having pacified contagious diseases, quarrels, frost and hail, and obstructions, And having increased [our] happiness and prosperity, enrich [our] activity! Jee! Great upāsaka Vaiśravaṇa, Great male [deity], the overlord of wealth, Great Anyen (a bsnyen), the holder of wealth, Great lord of riches, the overlord of wealth, Receive this extensive smoke offering, and Grant [us] the success of wealth in livestock! Grant [us] success in accordance with whatever we desire! Grant [us] the success of the enjoyment of [our] desires! Unchanging to myself, leading, depart! Bring under control the minds of all people! According to my wishes, Bring down, like rain, possessions, food, and wealth! Bring under control [these] three: people, food, and wealth! Accomplish everything in accordance with our wishes!

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  265 Hūṃ! Great god of wealth endowed with resources, Show your core wealth—​gold, silver, tea, and silk! When I go for commerce, make me a lord of trade! Steal the mind of the trader on the other side! Make my own trade win! Demonstrate my wealth in nonerroneous trade! May China’s resources and wealth be gathered! May Tibet’s resources and wealth be obtained! Bestow upon me prosperity [and] wealth! Reveal the entirely auspicious and great treasure! Accept this ornamented torma offering and Accomplish the promised activities!

(In this way entrust the affairs.)

Merchant’s Mantra (Tshong dpon gyi sngags) Oṃ vajra sattva hrī jraḥ | ratna bhāsu siddha bestow upon me (bdag la stsol) | vajra sattva hrī jaḥ | citta on a cock’s crest (prog la) completely, completely (rbad rbad) ratna bhāsu siddha bestow upon me (bdag la stsol) cig hūṃ ||

Summoning Good Fortune (G.yang ‘gugs) Jee! Accept this prosperity of the bounty of deities Today as a blessing of the merchandise! Accept this prosperity of the wealth of the nāgas Today as a blessing of the merchandise! Accept this Dharma wealth of the king of India Today as a blessing of the merchandise! Accept this prosperity of the riches of the king of China Today as a blessing of the merchandise! Accept this prosperity of the riches of the king of Tājik (Iran) Today as a blessing of the merchandise! Accept this prosperity of the horses of the king of Hor (Mongolia)

266  Vesna A. Wallace Today as a blessing of the merchandise! May there be the auspiciousness of immutable prosperity! May there be the auspiciousness of the god of trade!

The Rite of Offering a Vodka Libation (Gser skyems ‘bul tshul ni) Jee! I offer the five sense pleasures and this oceanic vodka libation, Which grants a great, uncontaminated bliss To delight the god of trade and his retinue! Having been delighted and satiated, accomplish the merchandise in [its] entirety! Jee! You, very powerful god, the king of the gods of trade, Make [my] body, speech, and mind as well as virtues and activities flourish! Accomplish all pacifying, enriching, subjugating, and wrathful actions, and Please accomplish [them] effortlessly and spontaneously! Due to the power of worship with a fine vodka oblation, Crush the fearful enemies! Increase my lifespan, merit, and splendor, and Be an ally and protector who is in accordance with the Dharma!

[Having recited this], if one wishes to make offerings to the god of trade extensively, it is imperative to offer just like to the Five Deities of Destiny.

Colophon This was composed by Dorampa (rdo rams pa)24 Luvsankhaiduv (Tib. Blo bzang mkhas grub). May there be good fortune! May there be auspiciousness!

Notes 1. Tib. ‘Phags pa re man ta shes bya ba’i gzungs; ‘Phags pa dzam bha la’i ra lug nad thams cad rab tu zhi bar byed pa’i gzungs; Bcom ldan ‘das kyi glang nad thams cad rab tu zhi bar byed bar gzungs, ‘Phags pa dzam bha la rno mngo thams cad kyi bsrung. 2. Agramba (Tib. sngags rams pa) is the monastic title of a person holding the highest degree in tantric studies.

Ritual Texts of Prosperity and Purification  267 3. I was unable to locate the original version of the text, which was most likely composed in Tibetan, and therefore I have relied here on a Mongolian translation of the text. 4. Gser skyems (“golden drink”) has traditionally been offered in the form of vodka produced in Mongolia. In the early twentieth century, Chinese and Russian vodka and liquor came also into use in gser skyems oblations. In the offering to Hayagrīva, instead of vodka, wine is offered due to its red color. 5. Tshong lha is a deity with an elephant head, similar to Gaṇeśa, but not identical to him. 6. I have not been able to identify with certainty as to which Luvsankhaiduv (Blo bzang mkhas grub). One Blo bzang mkhas grub was the Eighth Bogd Jebtsunsampa’s young brother, who was a state oracle of Mongolia and of Tibetan origin. Based on the ritual content, I am not convinced that this Blo bzang mkhas grub is the author of our text. 7. “Goddess” most likely refers here to the goddess of smallpox. 8. Tib. dug rigs (“poison-​family”); the Modern Mongolian translation by Terbish reads bös torgo. 9. The sky-​treasury mantra (Tib. nam mkha’i mdzod kyi sngags) is Samantabhadra’s offering mantra: namaḥ sarvatathāgatebhyo viśvamukhebhyaḥ sarvathā khaṃ udgate spharaṇi imaṃ gagana khaṃ svāhā. 10. The Tibetan text has a typographical error, reading “rung” instead of “rang.” 11. The text gives only the abbreviated forms of the names: “Gsang, Bde, and ‘Jigs.” 12. The three white things (dkar gsum) are curd, milk, and butter. 13. The three sweets (mngar gsum) are honey, sugar, and molasses. 14. The Tibetan text contains a typographical error reading “bsregs pa’i bdud sprin” instead of “bsregs pa’i du ba sprin.” 15. The Tibetan text has the unclear reading “phyogs sgyu rtsal,” which is probably a typographical error. The Mongolian translation reads “id khüchin” (“magical power”). 16. Tib. dbang chos; Modern Mongolian translation: erdem nomyn erkht (“one who has the power of Dharma knowledge”). 17. The Mongolian reads “jo.” 18. Dam rdzas spyan gzigs sna tshogs refers to sheep and livestock decorated and brought near the altar as a symbolic offering to a protective deity. 19. Tshong lha is a deity with an elephant head, similar to Gaṇeśa, but not identical to him. 20. See note 5. 21. The Tibetan text reads “lan msum” instead of “lan gsum.” 22. The Tibetan text abounds in typographical errors in these two lines, which read “rdzu ‘phrul gar mdzad dgrangs ma yas dpag med kyis | bskor ba’i bstan dang ‘jig rten tshong cha skyod.” Therefore, I relied on the Mongolian version to translate these two lines. 23. I  had to follow the Mongolian text here because of the erroneous reading of the Tibetan original, which is most likely yet another typographical error, and which reads “nor bu’i ‘od ‘bar rin chen ‘od nang du,” not making sense in the context of the verse. 24. Rdo rams pa is the title of a monastic degree in philosophical studies.

268  Vesna A. Wallace

Bibliography Nuutsyn Khuraangui Alivaa Zam Mör, Tüüny Üriin Nuuts Anys Bükhniig Khuraanguilsan Dandar Sudar Orshvoi. Erdenet: Nairgiin Nairamdalt Töv. Blo bzang mkhas grub. 2018. Tsongs lha rgyal po’i gsol mchod ‘phrin btsol bsangs gser skyems gyang ‘gugs bzhugs so. In Ekh Delkhii, etseg tenger, erkhes garag, erdenet malyn esdiig erkhemlen argadsan takhilgyn sudar, 130–​131. Vol. 1. Tibetan and Mongolian versions compiled and translated by L. Terbish. Ulaanbaatar: Aridral XXK. Blo bzang rgya mtsho. 2018. Rnga mong bsrung lha rnams kyi gtor ‘bul. 2018. In Ekh Delkhii, etseg tenger, erkhes garag, erdenet malyn esdiig erkhemlen argadsan takhilgyn sudar, 263–​264 Vol. 1. Tibetan and Mongolian versions compiled and translated by L. Terbish. Ulaanbaatar: Aridral XXK. Buddyn shashny Mongol unshlaga. 2017. Compiled by O. Tögöldörkhuur. Ulaanbaatar: Soëmbo Printing. Gazar, lusyn eznii takhilga khiiged malchin ardad chukhal kheregt sakhius tarniydyn tailbar. 2001. Translated by D. Byambasüren and G. Gyambaa. Ulaanbaatar: Bishrelt Tenger. Hor yul gyi rib o dang lab rtse rnams kyi bsangs gsol mchod phan bde char ‘bebs bzhugs so (Mongol orny uul, ovoo go usny san takhilgyn sudruud). 2018. Compiled by B. Soronzonbold. Ulaanbaatar: Soyembo Printing. Nuutsyn Khuraangui Alivaa Zam Mör, Tüüny Üriin Nuuts Anys Bükhniig Khuraanguilsan Dandar Sudar Orshvoi. 2009. Erdenet: Nairgiin Nairamdalt Töv. Os rod kyi yul lha’i bsangs bzhugs so. 2018. In Ekh Delkhii, etseg tenger, erkhes garag, erdenet malyn ezdiig erkhemlen argadsan takhilgyn sudar. Vol. 1. Tibetan and Mongolian versions compiled and translated by L. Terbish. Ulaanbaatar: Aridral XXK. Sbyang gi mgo can gyi bsangs bzhugs so. 2018. In Ekh Delkhii, etseg tenger, erkhes garag, erdenet malyn ezdiig erkhemlen argadsan takhilgyn sudar, 254. Vol. 1. Tibetan and Mongolian versions compiled and translated by L. Terbish. Ulaanbaatar: Aridral XXK. Sog yul gyi bsangs. 2018. In Hor yul gyi rib o dang lab rtse rnams kyi bsangs gsol mchod phan bde char ‘bebs bzhugs so (Mongol orny uul, ovoo go usny san takhilgyn sudruud), 224–​225. Compiled by B. Soronzonbold. Ulaanbaatar: Soyembo Printing. Wallace, Vesna. 2011. “Mongolian Livestock Rituals and Their Appropriations, Adaptations, and Permutations. In Understanding Religious Rituals:  Theoretical Approaches and Innovations, edited by John Hoffmann, 168–​185. London: Routledge. Wallace, Vesna. 2015. “Buddhist Sacred Mountains, Auspicious Landscapes, and Their Agency.” In Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace, 221–​242. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

13

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man with Examples from the Classical Mongolian and Oirat (Clear Script) Textual Corpora Ágnes Birtalan

Introduction One of the richest textual traditions of Mongolian folk Buddhism (or Buddhicized folk religion)1 has been developed around the deity usually called the “White Old Man.” Scholarly works on the White Old Man are plentiful. While working on the encyclopedic work Mythology of Mongolian Folk Religion2 and later on the problems of the connection between some images kept in the Leder collection3 and the textual tradition devoted to them,4 I surveyed all the accessible material published until 2013. Since then, neither academic interest nor the popularity of the deity in various cults and new religious movements has decreased. He is still one of the most venerated and, we might say, also most beloved deities of the Mongolian Buddhist and folk religious pantheons. His depictions in the form of statues, thangkas, or small wooden carvings and porcelain figures appear in places where the natural forces are considered to be dangerous, as well as on domestic altars of gers and in modern apartments as the family protector. Moreover, his various representations can be seen on the shelves of souvenir shops either in a traditional portrayal, similar to that in traditional thangkas, or as a somewhat peculiar “puppet” resembling his comic role in mask ritual dances (Written Mong. čam, Tib. cham),5 while his majestic statue surmounts the Kalmyk Buddhist temple in Elista, the capital of the Kalmyk Republic.6 He also appears in Mongolian children’s cartoons, and as a part of the country image, he appears at many occasions, such as advertisements, festivals, pageantries, and even in the role of Santa Claus.7 There is no doubt that the White Old Man plays an important role in diverse aspects of the religious and cultural life of all Mongolian ethnic groups and has a diverse spectrum of traditional and “updated” representations. Ágnes Birtalan, Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man with Examples from the Classical Mongolian and Oirat (Clear Script) Textual Corpora In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0013

270  Ágnes Birtalan Why is the textual corpus connected to the White Old Man still intriguing and worth further study and elaboration, despite having been previously studied in detail and from various points of view by many scholars? The White Old Man’s distinct religious cult and his role in other spheres of Mongolian life make him a significant cultural phenomenon. The importance of his textological and philological tradition in connection with his popularity can be summed up in the following key phrases: 1. The centuries-​long popularity of the White Old Man among all Mongolian ethnic groups 2. The existence of a rich, and, concerning its genres, varied textual corpus 3. The presence of both Tibetan and Mongolian textual variants 4. The presence of both oral and written traditions 5. The well-​documented tradition of the deity’s depiction in the varied forms previously mentioned 6. The importance of the White Old Man in a wide range of rituals and everyday activities connected to rituals 7. The present-​day usage of his images and textual tradition in both the traditional and currently emerging cults This list of reasons for considering his importance and relevance for scholarly study can be extended as field research progresses. An elaboration of the examples of some ritual texts will follow the aforementioned frame.

Research Preliminaries In my encyclopedic article on the White Old Man, I surveyed the myths and folk narratives connected to this deity.8 Study in this chapter is based on the earliest mentions in travelers’ observations (for instance P. S. Pallas, etc.) and in orally transmitted myths and narratives written down since the nineteenth century (for instance A. Pozdneev, etc.). In the twentieth century, the indigenous Mongolian scholarship on the White Old Man produced a large textual corpus that emerged from ethnographic research on the still surviving, living traditions of mythology and belief systems. In these sources one finds numerous references to the veneration of the White Old Man among various Mongolian ethnic groups. Since these sources have not been fully explored, they present an opportunity for further study. While working with images of the White Old Man kept in the Hans Leder collections included in Katharina Lang’s project,9 I examined ritual texts of diverse genres to determine the relations between the artifacts and their textual

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  271 depictions. The results of that research show that in addition to the well-​known representations in paintings and carvings bearing Chinese and Tibetan characteristics, there are Mongolized images characterized by a kind of “Mongolness.”10 Ritual texts related to the White Old Man have attracted the attention of many scholars, the majority of whom published one or more texts with transcription and translation.11 The typology of these texts starts with the pioneering book of Walther Heissig,12 who made the textological study of Mongolian folk religious ritual texts an important academic discipline. Basing his studies mostly on European collections, he established the typology of ritual texts of several different deities, including those of the White Old Man.13 Following Heissig’s work, Hiroshi Futaki expanded the textual research on the White Old Man’s tradition.14 His thorough typology of genres, and his observations on the preexistence of Tibetan texts or their absence, are useful for the philological research of the textual corpora related to other deities.15

The Morphology and Names of the Deity In the rich pantheon of deities found among different Mongolian ethnic groups, one finds numerous transcendental beings that have a common Inner Asian or Siberian mythological heritage. However, there are also deities that are newly integrated from the neighboring civilizations. Due to the syncretization of the original and later integrated phenomena, some transcendental beings changed only with regard to some of their features while the essence of their roles remained the same. Broadened by new characteristics, such as new names or attributes, the deities are variously described in textual sources and depicted in paintings, statuettes, and so on. The integration of the pre-​Buddhist spirits into the Buddhist pantheon considerably expanded the White Old Man’s features. His appearance changed by being adapted to the Chinese longevity deity (Shou Xing, etc.).16 The “taming or pacification” of the indigenous spirit is described in detail in its mythological narratives and can be found in one of the most widely spread ritual texts devoted to him. The process of adoption and adaptation of this deity by Buddhist tradition is a form of legitimization of a local spirit that is important for certain local communities or ethnic groups. One of the “archetypes” of the nature deity is most commonly an old man (rarely a woman).17 The White Old Man in his present form, with an easily traceable influence of the Chinese cultural milieu, has probably been known since the eighteenth century. However, the deity’s appearance (visual morphology) has certain ancient characteristics that precede the Chinese Daoist and Tibetan Buddhist influence.18 The White Old Man is, first of all, a universal nature deity, inherited from the Mongolian pre-​Buddhist belief system (probably from a common

272  Ágnes Birtalan religious heritage of Inner Asian nomads and/​or Siberian hunters); and this deity also adopted numerous characteristics from the Chinese longevity god and other deifications of the Old Man. Even in his Buddhicized form, he is the ultimate “master of nature” and the lord of all other spirits of natural and social phenomena; he governs the life of all living beings, and according to some narratives, he also judges the souls in the underworld, and thus earned the rank of a deity (usually referred to in texts as burqan, “Buddha,” “deity, god”) in the Buddhist pantheon. Different names of this deity contain two basic semantic elements: one corresponds to his age, and the other is connected to his color. His names are as follows:19 the most common and already mentioned name is the “White Old Man” (Čaγaγan/​Čaγan Ebügen; Modern Mong. Tsagaan Övgön; Buryat [Bur.] Sagān Übgen, Kalmyk [Kalm.] Tsagān Āv, or “White Father,” Tsagān Avγ, Delkǟn Tsagān Avγ, or “White Old Uncle”20 or “White Old Uncle [the Lord] of the Universe”). The currently obtainable sources indicate that the Mongolian conception of the deity does not have an immediate Indo-​Tibetan antecedent.21 Only two names can be traced to Tibetan origin in ritual texts composed by Mongolian monks in the Tibetan language. One of his two names is Tserendüg (Tib. Tshe ring drug, “Six Symbols of Long Lifetimes”) and the other is Rgan po dkar po (“White Old Man”), which is the exact Tibetan form. In accordance with Tibetan sādhanas written in Mongolia, the deity is also addressed as Lha chen tshe ring (“Great God of Longevity”).22 However, the most common appellation in various depictions is Tsagaan Övgön (in the suitable phonetic form, depending on the dialect).23

Further Terminology in the Textual Tradition Concerning the Belief System Mongolian ritual texts dedicated to deities and specifically those dedicated to the White Old Man make mention of different mythical beings. These are often spirit beings. Sometimes these spirit beings are designated by different names, and sometimes, as is common in sādhana texts, they constitute the main deity’s retinue. In the examined ritual texts, the spirit beings that occur most frequently are the “lords of earth and waters,” or “local spirits,” the genii loci of various natural phenomena (Written Mong. γaǰar-​un eǰen, γaǰar usun-​u eǰen, Written Oirat γazar usuni ezen, Modern Mong. gadzar usnii edzen). The term “lord” (Written Mong. eǰen) appears in the singular and in the plural (Written Mong. eǰed) form as well, but the singular form can also refer to the group of such spirits.24 Although some of them have proper names, most of them are mentioned only in general.25 The White Old Man is himself a genius loci, but his supremacy

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  273 spreads over the whole universe. He is a Supreme Being, the lord of all other local spirits. The terms “protector deity,” “protector spirit,” and “protective object,” or “amulet” (Written Mong. sakiγulsun, Written Oirat sakūsun, saküüsun, Modern Mong. sakhius) also occur in various contexts. The two previously mentioned terms also appear in hendiadys-​expression, which is a typical stylistic tool in Mongolian language usage, and which also emphasizes the complexity of the features of spirit beings. They are all lordly spirits with accentuated protective characteristics. The protector spirit called ongon (Written Mong. ongγon), associated with shamanic practices and usually understood as a protective spirit of shamans (originating in most cases through a transformation of the soul), also appears with a somewhat generalized meaning similar to that of the “lord” (Written Mong. eǰen) and “protector” (Written Mong. sakiγulsun); and some of them are malevolent. The enumeration of these beings in various texts has a legitimizing purpose in the Mongolian Buddhist context. The appearance of the assembly of deities and spirits and the Buddha’s followers such as Ökin tngri (Tib. Lha mo; Skrt. Śrīdevī), who became popular in the folk religious pantheon, Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, and Ānanda, who is inevitably present in Buddha’s retinue, and the asuras and gandharvas in the White Old Man’s texts emphasizes his tight connection to the revealed religion of the region, and it points to his successful canonization within the Mongolian Buddhist pantheon. His connection to the ancient, pre-​Buddhist belief system is as important as his new “affiliations.” Other deities and spirits from Buddhist and pre-​Buddhist mythology that appear in his narrative and offering texts are the god Indra (Written Mong. Qormusda), the mother Earth Ötügen, another hypostasis of the sky named Degedü tngri, the Lord Yama (Written Mong. Erlig qan), and the multitude of various spirits indicating the White Old Man’s original role and Buddhicized duties. The world of spirits of lesser rank, usually the malevolent adas (Written Mong.) and various kinds of demonic beings, including māras (Written Mong. simnus), the inconsistent, but frequently violent and furious chthonic nāgas (Written Mong. luus), and the departed human souls (Written Mong. sünesün), point out the crucial role of the White Old Man, as these beings are invariably deemed as dangerous to humans. In ritual texts of the White Old Man, he averts the dangerous spirits and eliminates their ill effects in return for the veneration and offerings presented to him (see the sample texts that follow).26

The Genre of Ritual Texts Hiroshi Futaki surveyed a considerable amount of ritual texts related to the White Old Man from several collections and summed up the most frequently

274  Ágnes Birtalan appearing genres.27 His rich typology contains all the major types, which will not be repeated here. Instead, I offer here a survey of the main titles of manuscripts and the contents of each manuscript, designating either a genre or ritual activity, or both. At times, different titles are added to the same or similar texts. The main types of titles can be classified in the following manner: 1. Narrative Texts (Written Mong. sudur, Modern Mong. sudar from Skrt. sūtra) 2. Incense Offering Ritual Texts (Written Mong. sang, ubsang, Modern Mong. san, ubsan, from Tib. bsang) Typical textual modules vary according to the tradition of the given territory or ethnic group in which the texts emerged: 1. Description of the deity, of its outer and inner features, duties, and roles 2. Narrative about the deity’s origin, canonization process, the story of its meeting with the Buddha Śākyamuni or with the great Tibetan yogī Milarepa (Mi la ras pa, ca. 1052–​1135), the birth of the deity, and so on. It is important to note that not all motifs appear within a single text 3. The enumeration of offerings (similar to those found in other ritual texts) 4. The enumeration of the author’s or of the offerer’s wishes (similar to those occurring in other ritual texts)

Examples of Simple Titles of the Sudur Genre “Here Begins the Sūtra Booklet of the White Old Man” (Written Mong. Čaγan ebügen-​ü nom-​un sudur orosibai)28 or in a more complete form, “The Sūtra Booklet of the White Old Man: The Sūtra Called ‘The One Able to Conciliate and Pacify the Earth and Water’ ” (Written Mong. Čaγan ebügen-​ü nom-​un sudur. Γaǰar usun nomuγadqan daruγulun čidaγči neretü sudur).29 Generally, but not exclusively, such texts contain a narrative about the canonization of the White Old Man, who having met the Buddha Śākyamuni, is confirmed as a deity with the specific duties of the lord of natural and social phenomena.30 This type of narrative originates most likely from or before the eighteenth century. In his account recorded among the Kalmyks during the last decades of the eighteenth century, Pallas mentions this type of narrative,31 and Jährig acquired one copy of this type of text in 1789.32 Another common variant of a simple title is “Here Begins the Sūtra Called the White Old Man” (Written Mong. Čaγan ebügen neretü sudur orosibai).33

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  275

Examples of the Titles of Combinative Sudur Genre In the compounded titles of the sudur genre, there are also the designations similar to those seen in offering texts (sang) and in ritual texts of the consecration of livestock to deities (Written Mong. seterlekü);34 for example, “Here Begins the Incense Offering to the Immortal White Old Man and Seter-​consecration of the Livestock” (Written Mong. Čaγlasi ügei Čaγan ebügen-​ü ub-​sang mal-​un seter-​ ün sudur orusiba). Its Tibetan variant is “Seter [Ritual] of the White Old Man, The lord of the Earth” (Tib. Sa bdag rgan po dkar po’i tshe thar).35

Simple Titles of the Sang Genre One example of a simple title is “The Incense Offering to the White Old Man” (Written Mong. Čaγan ebügen-​ü sang). The so-​called original text or the prototype for texts fixed in writing was composed by Mergen Gegeen of Urad36 Banner in the second half of the eighteenth century and was disseminated in a block printed version.37 Heissig drew a possible line of the process by which the texts changed over the course of several centuries.38 His arguments form a basis for further study, and they may be revised in the future, as several new texts have been discovered in various regions inhabited by Mongols. Also, the Mergen Gegeen tradition’s collection of the White Old Man has been published in a monastery located near to the present-​day Baotu, where the rituals and ceremonies in the Mongolian language are preserved. The widespread Written Oirat variant is titled Cagān öbögöni sang (orošboi). Similarly to the Čaγan ebügen-​ü nom-​un sudur, (Written Mong.) on the first page of the manuscript, the Chinese and Tibetan (usually pseudo) titles, which serve only legitimating purposes, often appear. The main characteristic of the rich Mongolian corpus of the sang genre is that it is unified, being built from similar textual modules. However, the structure of the texts belonging to this genre varies according to the tradition of the given area. A large proportion of shamanic and Buddhist offering texts belong to this textual genre and are performed during rituals centered around the burning of incense (mostly, but not exclusively, juniper Written Mong. arča, Modern Mong. arts).39 Religious specialists such as lamas and shamans recited sang texts. The common language of Mongolian Buddhist practice was Tibetan, and following the translation activity of different incarnations of Mergen Gegeen, the usage of the Mongolian language also appeared but never become widespread within the monastic tradition. The Mongolian texts, however, found their popularity in ritual practices of the Buddhicized folk religion and influenced the shamanic invocations as well. Numerous Mongolian texts that were translated

276  Ágnes Birtalan from Tibetan appeared, while original Mongolian texts were also composed and later translated into Tibetan, both versions were in use. Here are a few, typical examples of Mongolian texts that have both Mongolian and Tibetan-​language versions:  “Incense Offering for Saddle Thongs” (Written Mong. Γanǰuγan-​u sang),40 “Incense Offering to the Fox” (Written Mong. Ünegen sang),41 “Incense Offering to the Altai Mountain” (Written Oirat. Altayin sang), “Incense Offering to the Five Destiny Gods” (Written Oirat Zayāči tabun tenggeriyin sang), and so on. Double genre designations having a Buddhist origin are also frequent, namely, “Incense and Appeal” (Written Mong. sang böged öčig),42 “Incense and Appeal to the Mottled War Standard” (Written Mong. Alaγ sülde-​yin sang böged öčig).43 Although composed in Mongolian, many texts, including those pertaining to the White Old Man, also have a Tibetan variant. A careful textological study44 of each variant illuminates the difference between the monastic texts that were composed for ritual officiating lamas and also used for folk religious purposes and those composed for vernacular practices.

Examples of Compounded Titles of the Sang Genre Here are some examples from among the numerous compounded titles: “Here Begins the Offering Cake and Incense Offering to the White Old Man” (Čaγan ebügen-​ü sang dorma kemekü orosiba). This type of title indicates that a sacrificial cake (Written Mong. dorma, dorom-​a, Tib. gthor ma) reveals a close connection of the text to Mongolian Buddhism.

A Contemporary Veneration of the White Old Man The Western Mongols, the Kalmyks (in Russia), and the Altai Oirats (in Mongolia and China) have a long tradition of venerating the White Old Man,45 which took some new forms during the last three decades (after the political turn in socialist countries). The connection of the Oirats with this deity seems to be more intimate than that of other ethnic groups, since he is customarily labeled in their texts with terms of kinship, such as “father” (Spoken Oirat āw) among the Altai Oirats and “uncle” among the Kalmyks (descendants of Oirats).46 Although the White Old Father is also venerated as the Lord of the Altai Mountain,47 there is a newly emerging worship of him that demonstrates an active veneration of the deity, enriched with new aspects. The cult of the White Old Father (Spoken Oirat Tsagān Āv) among the Altai Oirats48 has its expression in the recent erection and worship of a Sino-​Mongolian style statue

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  277 in Mongolia’s Bulgan District of Khovd Province, inhabited by predominantly ethnic Torguts (Spoken Oirat Torgūd). According to the data given by Battogtokh, there were numerous ovoo altars (Spoken Oirat owā) erected in the Altai region for the worship of the White Father.49 These ovoo altars were erected by the local people as an offering to him in the first summer month, while all the families made the lamas read one of the (locally used) versions of the incense offering texts (Spoken Oirat, Cagān āwīn san) in their traditional dwellings (ger) in the first month of spring.50 Battogtokh’s short account reports a new practice, namely the erecting of a statue in Bulgan (Sartagtanii bekhiin tsetserleg) on the initiative of the local youth club called “Silk Homeland” (Torgon nutag) on July 28, 2013. The young people from the Torguut and Khoshuut (Oir. Khošuud) clans made it as a memorial gift for the strengthening of the Oirat identity. Such a transition from the earlier recorded worship (originating from the seventeenth or eighteenth century, or even prior) clearly demonstrates the living tradition of the deity and accentuates the importance of this textual tradition in reinforcing ethnic identity.

Selected Texts from the White Old Man Literary Corpus Among the numerous types belonging to the textual corpus of the White Old Man tradition, two main types are demonstrated by the translated manuscripts presented later in this chapter. The narrative text belongs to the Oirat Clear Script manuscript tradition. Although it has only recently appeared and been acquired, it belongs to the oldest Oirat tradition, the texts of which are published by Heissig from European collections. The manuscript in question belongs to the private collection of Professor Erdemtü (China, Beijing) and was discovered in the Ili River area (China, Xinjiang).51 Another manuscript translated here dates back to the nineteenth century and is kept in the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. The main modules of the texts and those of two differing traditions—​the Oirat and the Eastern Mongol traditions—​are demonstrated in the two texts translated in this chapter. Concerning the origin of these two texts, the ritual-​ related modules (enumerative parts of the offerings and the wishes) already appear in the Mergen Gegeen’s text, which is a prototype of (or one of the identified prototypes of) a ritual text later elaborated and published by Heissig.52 At the present stage of research it is possible to ascertain that the practitioners of the White Old Man’s changing cult, which is expanding and acquiring new aspects, rely on traditional texts such as the ones translated here for ritual recitations and other events connected to the White Old Man.

278  Ágnes Birtalan

A Brief Introduction to the Incense Offering Text to the White Old Man (Oir. Caγān öbögöni sang orošiboi) This text belongs to the aforementioned narrative (sudur) genre combined with the sang genre, originating from what is probably the earliest tradition of the canonization of the White Old Man. The present manuscript belongs to Professor Minggad Erdemtü, who has documented the largest amount of Clear Script materials among the Xinjiang Oirats. This text is still used by the living tradition in the Ili valley. The manuscript is written in the pothi format and consists of seven small folios with text written on both sides (recto and verso), with the exception of the last folio. The text is written down with black and red ink, with the red ink emphasizing the important elements. The orthography follows the usual style of the Oirat script. The variants published by Sanj (2007) and Muzraeva (2007), both of which belong to the Kalmyk tradition, are designated as sudur. The Oirat (Clear Script) variants kept in the Institute of Linguistics and Literature of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences are Caγān öbögönī sang orošiba, published by Joriγtu, Badai, and Γangbolod (2016). Texts belonging to the sang-​genre are similar to the text that follows, while containing more detailed modules.

A Brief Introduction to the Offering Ritual for the White Old Man (Čaγan ebügen-​ni takalγa [sic!] orosibai) This text is an example of the genre of ritual offering texts (sang). The manuscript copy of this text is kept in the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Mong. 160). The text consists of two essential parts: one is the “self-​introduction of the deity” (first part), and the other represents an enumerative module, listing all the offerings and wishes of the devotee. Physical features of the manuscript are described in György Kara’s Catalogue, where the manuscript is dated to the nineteenth century, it is a “. . . concertina of Chinese muutuu, an 80  cm long sheet made of two pieces of paper, the 7 folds form 8 ‘pages’ (24.7:10 cm) written on one side only and along the short side of the rectangle, no pagination, calamus, black ink, 22 (9  cm long) lines/​page, colourless ruling.”53 Although the manuscript is legible, it contains certain orthographical peculiarities.54 A different manuscript variant of the same text titled Čaγan ebügen-​ü sang [orusiba] a,55 kept in a Hungarian private collection, was published by Sárközi in a transcribed and transliterated forms in 1983. The first striking difference between the manuscript translated herein and Sárközi’s version is that in her version, the order of the aforementioned two distinct parts is different, with the second module coming before the narrative part. Moreover, according to Sárközi, the two parts of the text were two separate texts kept

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  279 together. Apart from the difference in the title, some minor alterations occur in the body of the text.

Translated Texts Incense Offering Text to the White Old Man Here Begins the Incense Offering Text to the White Old Man (1a) [1b] I  pay homage to the Buddha,56 I  pay homage to the Dharma, and I  pay homage to the Saṅgha. In the Chinese language it is called Zou sou ene dou di zin.57 In the Mongolian language: The Sūtra Called “The One Able to Oppress, Appeasing the Earth and Water.” I bow to all the buddhas and bodhisattvas. [2a] Thus have I heard, once upon a time, the Buddha, the One who victoriously passed away, traveled together with Ānanda, all venerable monks, and with the assembly of the monks to the mountain called “Orchard.” At that time, they saw an aged old man whose beard and hair were grizzled; he was wearing a white gown, and holding a staff with a dragonhead in his hand; such a very old man they saw. Meanwhile [2b] the Buddha, the one who victoriously passed away, said majestically: “Why are you alone on this mountain?” After he said this, the old man replied to him: “O, one who victoriously passed away! I am used to living on this mountain called ‘Orchard’ on this side of the Above Sky and [on that side] of the mother Earth, Ötügen. I am an old man living on the top of the mountain. I am the lord of wild beasts and venomous snakes, of all the people and [other] beings. [3a] [I am] the lord of the state. I am able to rule over all protector spirits, the protector spirits of the twenty-​four directions, however furious they may be. If I am on the mountain, I am the lord spirit of the mountain. If I am on the plain, I am the lord spirit of the crop [and harvest]. If I am in the temple, I am the lord spirit of the [Buddhist] teaching. If I am on the rocks, I am the lord spirit of the rocks and stones. I know and can distinguish [3b] the virtues and sins of all the people in the world. I bestow blessings for the one who has no wealth. I know the length of peoples’ lives. Whether people do virtuous or sinful deeds, whether they respond to their parents’ benevolence, whether they venerate the Three Jewels, descending [from my place] I consider them every month on the second day of the new moon and on the sixteenth of the month.58 On the ki mouse day of the [New] Year [4a] I count the savage people’s deeds, together with the black devil and the lord of fire, the protector of the gate, and I record the virtuous and sinful deeds without fail. If one violently takes another’s life, if one does not venerate his59 parents, if having an evil intention, one does not venerate the Three Jewels, performs all evil deeds, and commits the ten black sins, [I am informed] about all these deeds.[4b] Until the ki monkey [day], all [spirits]

280  Ágnes Birtalan join me. [They are] called “the violent planets of the sky,” “the malevolent savage ongons,” “the nine stars,” “the lords of the five violent evil masters of the earth,” “the spirits of obstacles (ada),” “the spirits of parents,” “the spirits of uncles and grandchildren,” “the spirits of people and their grandchildren,” “the spirits of a settlement,” and “the protectors of twenty-​four lands.” To the guilty, sinful beings [5a] I send a hundred kinds of obstructing spirits (ada), sickness and thieves, curses, and all kinds of wounds and nightmares as many as the rainfall. [I send] poison and starvation, decrease of goods and livestock, death, and torment.” The Lord spirit finished speaking. The one who victoriously passed away majestically stated: “Correct, correct, noble son! [5b] Take a vow in front of me to defend all living beings! Whoever writes this booklet, shows it to another person, or reads it, may their descendants become innumerable! If one falls ill and reads it seven times, may he get over that illness quickly!” The Buddha, the one who victoriously passed away, majestically said [6a] this magic spell (dhāraṇī): “namo sanu (?) mou tuia o tulu tulu saya saam ha.” When the Buddha, the one who victoriously passed away, majestically uttered this magic spell, the spirit lords and all protector spirits believed in it, rejoicing, and then joining their palms together, faith was born in them. If believers make someone write this booklet, [6b] read it, and show it to others, their ger and vehicle will be protected from sickness and epidemic illness, they will be cleansed from their sins, there will appear no controversy among them, the holy teaching will be present among them, their good descendants will spread, their livestock will not be [harmed] in a natural disaster and will not starve, there will be peace and tranquility among them, they will live long and their merits and good luck will increase.” [7a] The Buddha, the one who virtuously passed away, spoke majestically in this way, and the lord spirits, the Maiden goddess (Śrīdevī), ordinary people, the asuras, and gandharvas, and all the worlds together praised [his words], extolling and trusting the holy order of the Buddha, the one who virtuously passed away. The sūtra told by the old man is finished. sarwa ma kha la: o ma vi jad ma ha60

Offering Ritual to the White Old Man “Here Begins the Offering Ritual to the Old White Man” [1a] “I am a deity61 whose name is the White Old Man. I arrived from the land of the Five Mañjuśrīs on the Wutai Shan.62 I hold a dragon-​headed stick in my right hand; I hold the cintāmaṇi jewel, fulfilling the nine wishes, in my left hand. I go around the three worlds. I girdled [myself] with a jewel-​belt. I live

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  281 on the mountain called “Orchard.” My beard and hair became grizzled. On the second and the sixteenth [days] of the new moon I come to know and [am able] to distinguish the virtues and sins of people in the world. If I am not able to know them, I should not be a deity. If one’s lifetime and merits become reduced, one should believe in the Highest Three Jewels. Furthermore, believe also in me, I will increase both one’s virtues and lifetime. If one prays for a son on the second and sixteenth [days] of the New Moon, one should believe in the Highest Three Jewels. Furthermore, believe in me and make offerings. I will fondle one like his mother and father and grant him a son. Furthermore, if a son is not conceived, read this booklet seven times and make the offerings seven times, [1b] and the son will be conceived. If anyone of the world who goes out hunting and wanders far away, reads this booklet seven times, and makes the offerings seven times, I will be able to fulfill his wishes and save him from enemies and obstacles! If I not able to save him, I should not be a deity! If one has not faced a disaster of epidemic disease and believes in the highest Three Jewels and also believes in me, I will be able to remove the epidemic disease such as the white and black pocks and sickness with wounds. I am able to remove all kinds of illnesses of livestock, such as ( . . . ),63 all epidemic illness of horned cattle, all epidemic illness of sheep. I am able to eliminate and avert all [these bad omens]: if one has not received enough food, if a voice comes from the vessels and pots and other household things, if the livestock bleats (?), if a dog comes into the ger, if two wives [2a] quarrel and pull out each other’s hair, if the oxen butt with each other and their horns hitch, if wolves and foxes bark, if a bird settles on the ger or flies into the ger, if angry wives and children grit their teeth, and so on, I am able to avert the nine times nine, or eighty-​one, bad omens. I am able to prevent [people] from cutting down dangerous trees on the mountains, from settling down on an improper land, and from all kinds of dangers of the earth and waters. If one is subjected to slander and gossip, he has to read this dhāraṇī twenty-​one times over a bowl full of water, and he has to go around his ger three times, following the wrong [counterclockwise] direction and making libation to the four cardinal directions when leaving [the home]. I will be able to remove all slander. The dhāraṇī is: oṃ namu salu tulu tunan o uva tulu talu taǰi-​a suvaq-​a. If a thief steels the goods and livestock, read this booklet seven times, make this incense offering seven times, and read this dhāraṇī twenty-​one times, pour a bowl full of water, and take three fathoms of a birch tree. [2b] Mix it with that water contrariwise twenty-​one times, pour it into a hole that faces a wrong direction, write this dhāraṇī on a flat piece of stone, and press [the hole] down with it. [Doing so,] the thief himself will scrupulously come and will be caught. If supreme beings, starting with the highest Indra (Qormusda) up to the dragon-​spirits [living] below, the spirits of the places of the world, of the eight kinds of territories, and

282  Ágnes Birtalan of the twenty-​four kinds of land are not able to save people from the evil, hostile demons, from all ada-​spirits,64 and from all the obstacles and the [evil] souls that have not yet departed to join them, I am able to subdue all these evil beings.”65 *** Oh, Lord of the Earth and waters having the form a giant old man, deign to come without delay to this place from the top of the wonderful mountain called “Orchard”; you, together with your younger and elder brothers and the assembly of your companions! Lords of the twenty-​four places and waters deign to come here to this settlement! All of you, wherever you live, far away or nearby deign to come here to this place Lord66 of Earth and waters, White Old Man, [3a] We67 openly focus our minds, preparing gorgeous offerings for you. We share with you the appeasing [incense]-​cloud of all our offerings. We offer you our uttered, beautiful words. We offer you our gold, silver, and pearls from our jewels. We offer you many kinds of colorful silk and many kinds of tasty food. Please protect us! Please receive and taste this plenitude of things prepared for you and the food offerings given to you. Please protect us again and again! Let us kindly address you, who has the royally white hair similar to ( . . . ), who wears a white gown on your mountain-​like body and holds in your hand a supporting staff decorated with the head of a roaring dragon. You are the one who took a vow of protecting [living beings] in the presence of the eyes of the powerful Buddha master long ago! You are a supporter, similar to one’s father and mother, of those who act virtuously! You are the scribe who records the names of those who piously perform different deeds [recorded] in the account book of Lord Yama (Erlig Qan)! You are the one who knows without fail all the benevolent fruits of living beings all over this extremely guilty world! You are a wise sage, the lord of the earth, who has the form of an old man! We pray to you with our prayers. [3b] Please prolong our life, caring about us as our mother compassionately does, joining us to the virtuous and widespread deeds of the Buddha’s religion, and keeping us away from filthy sins! Prolong our life! Increase our livestock! Purify us from [the harm of] ada-​spirits and obstacles! Fulfill all our wishes! Keep us far away from the danger of evil enemies, from the danger of a quick snake, and from thieves and robbers! Reverse and eliminate all those who speak, tell, and spread any kind of lie, slander, and gossip as well as those who intentionally shame us! Make [our] wonderful wishes more permanent than anything else! The eternally blessed, Three Jewels of the Blessed Ones and you, the white-​hair lord [4a] of the earth, may there be the good luck and blessing through the power of [these] offerings! May the virtue spread and multiply! Oṃ, may there be peace and tranquility! The sūtra called The White Old Man ends here!

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  283 Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ68

Notes 1. For the details of my concept on the Mongolian (Buddhicized) folk religion, its history, and contemporary state, see Ágnes Birtalan, “The Objectification of Faith and Rational Choice: The Role of Sacred Images in Mongolian Buddhist Folk Religion,” in Faith in Buddhism, edited by Hamar Imere and Inoue Takami. Budapest Monographs in East Asian Studies, Vol. 6 (Budapest:  Institute for East Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University, 2016). 2. Ágnes Birtalan, Die Mythologie der mongolischen Volksreligion. Wörterbuch der Mythologie. I.  Abteilung. Die alten Kulturvölker, Vol. 34, edited by Egidius Schmalzriedt and Hans Wilhelm Haussig (Stuttgart: Klett-​Cotta, 2001). 3. For a detailed description of the project, see Maria-​Katharina Lang, Mongolische Ethnographica in Wien. Die Sammlung Hans Leder im Museum für Völkerkunde Wien. Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie, Vol. 13 (Wien:  Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2010). 4. Ágnes Birtalan, “Cagān Öwgön—​The White Old Man in the Leder Collections. The Textual and Iconographic Tradition of the Cult of the White Old Man among the Mongols,” in The Mongolian Collections. Retracing Hans Leder, edited by Maria-​ Katharina Lang and Stefan Bauer (Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences [ÖAW] Press, 2013). 5. On the role of the White Old Man in Tsam-​rituals, see Birtalan (2013). 6. Cf. Contemporary Buddhist Revival in Kalmykia:  Survey of the Present State of Religiosity. http://​infocus.asiaportal.info/​2012/​02/​06/​contemporary-​buddhist-​ revival-​in-​kalmykia-​survey-​of-​the-​present-​state-​of-​religiosity/​. 7. A similar aspect was previously mentioned by Pozdneev in the second half of the nineteenth century; he referred to the connection of the White Old Man to the Russian saint Nikolaj Ugodnik. A. Pozdneev, Očerki byta buddijskih monastyrej i buddijskogo duhovenstva v Mongolii v svjazi s otnošenijami sego poslednego k narodu (Sanktpeterburg: Tipografija Imperatorskoj Akademii Nauk 1887): 83–​85. 8. Birtalan (2001): 958–​960. 9. On the distribution of items in European museums, cf. Lang (2010). 10. Birtalan (2013). For this purpose I used several kinds of ritual texts dedicated to the deity, but only the relevant fragments of the texts were published in article to illustrate the artifact collection of the Leder material. 11. Pozdneev (1887): 83–​85; N. N. Pope, “Opisanie mongol’skih šamanskih rukopisej Instituta Vostokovedenija,” Zapiski Instituta Vostokovedenija Akademii Nauk (1932), Vol. l:  187–​189; Antoine Mostaert, “Note sur le culte du Vieillard Blanc chez les Ordos,” Studia Altaica. Festschrift für N. N. Poppe zum 60. Geburtstag. Ural-​Altaische Bibliothek, Vol. 5, edited by Julius von Farkas and Omeljan Pritsak (Wiesbaden: Otto

284  Ágnes Birtalan Harrassowitz Verlag, 1957); Walther Heissig, Mongolische volksreligiöse und folkloristische Texte aus europäischen Bibliotheken mit einer Einleitung und Glossar, Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland. Supplement band, Vol. 6 (Wiesbaden:  Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH 1966):  18–​23, 129–​139; Walther Heissig, “Eine Anrufung des Weissen Alten,” in Folia Rara, edited by Wolfgang Voigt (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1976); and Walther Heissig, “Einige Bemerkungen zum Kult des Weissen Alten (Čaγan ebügen),” in Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Serie Orientale Roma 56, no. 2 (Roma:  Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente 1987); Alice Sárközi, “Incense-​Offering to the White Old Man,” in Documenta Barbarorum. Festschrift für Walther Heissig zum 70 Geburtstag, Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-​Altaica Band, 18, edited by Klaus Sagaster and Michael Weiers (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983); K. M. Gerasimova, Obrjady zaščity žizni v buddizme Central’noj Azii (Ulan-​Ude:  Izdatel’stvo BNC SO RAN, 1999): 43–​47; Altan Sanj, “An Oirad-​Kalmyk Version of the ‘White Old Man’ Sutra Found among the Archives of the Late Lama Sanji Rabga Möngke Baqsi,” Mongolian Studies: Journal of the Society of Mongolia 29 (2007): 13–​24; D. N. Muzraeva, “Sutra imenuemaja ‘Sposobnaja usmirit’ i podavit’ zemlju i vodu” (Γazar usuni nomoγodxon darüülün čidaqči kemekü sudur) iz kollekcii N.  D. Kičikova (1901–​1986),” Vestnik Kalmyckogo instituta gumanitarnyh issledovanij RAN 2 (2009):  88–​ 96; Olivér Kápolnás, “Mergen Gegen füstáldozata a Fehér Öreghez” (“Incense Offering to the White Old Man Composed by Mergen Gegen”), in Tanulmányok. Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola. Asteriskos, Vol. 1 (Budapest: ELTE BTK, 2012); B. A. Bičeev, “Sutra Belogo Starca (K probleme adaptacii kul’tovogo personaža černoj very),” in Altaj i Central’naja Azija: kul’turno-​istoričeskaja preemstvennost’ (Gorno-​Altajsk: Publisher unknown, 1999); Hiroshi Futaki, “Classification of Texts Related to the White Old Man.” Quaestiones Mongolorum Disputatae 1 (2005): 35–​46 (Tokyo: Association for International Studies of Mongolian Culture, 2005); Nima (1999) published the same texts as Heissig (1966), and Muzraeva’s text (2009) is a variant of Sanj’s text (2007). 12. Heissig (1966). 13. Heissig (1966): 18–​23. 14. Futaki (2005). 15. Other articles that are available to me usually contain one text (sometimes more, with parallels. See note. 11. Certain comprehensive studies are less accessible to the larger public; hopefully they will be published in the future, for example, the work of Sergelen Batchuluun, Obraz Cagaan ebugena—​Hozjaina zemli v isskustve mongolo-​ jazyčnyh narodov: Mongolija, Kalmykija, Burjatija (abstract of the PhD dissertation, 2004). http://​www.dissercat.com/​content/​obraz-​tsagaan-​ebugena-​khozyaina-​zemli-​ v-​iskusstve-​mongolo-​yazychnykh-​narodov-​mongoliya-​kalmy; Eleonora Allekovna Nemanova, Semantika obraza Belogo Starca v tradicionnoj kul’ture mongol’skih narodov (abstract of PhD dissertation, 2004). http://​www.dissercat.com/​content/​ semantika-​obraza-​belogo-​startsa-​v-​traditsionnoi-​kulture-​mongolskikh-​narodov. 16. Birtalan (2013). 17. On the mythological aspects of the advantage of old age, cf. George Minois, History of Old Age: From Antiquity to the Renaissance (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989).

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  285 18. Robert Beer, The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs (Chicago:  Serindia Publications, 2004); Birtalan (2013). 19. Beer (2004); “Unlike many other deities in the Mongolian (or rather in the Tibeto-​ Mongolian) pantheon with a great number of different names with various spellings, the set of appellations of the White Old Man is well definable and quite coherent in various written and oral sources. His external appearance—​as formulated in textual and iconographical tradition—​became the ground for the deity’s name giving”; see Birtalan (2013). 20. Cf. Written Mong. abaγa, Modern Mong. avga, “uncle on paternal side, relative on father’s side.” 21. For example, Antoine Mostaert was of the opinion that the White Old Man originates from a Tibetan understanding. See Mostaert (1957): 109. 22. Cf. the sādhana dedicated to Dayan Deerkh, a popular shamanic spirit and Buddhist deity in northern and Western Mongolia, and in Tuva, composed in Tibetan: Lha chen dge bsnyen skye ri chen po ’jigs med dpa’ po ta yan te ri khe zhes grags pa la mchod gtor ’bul tshul ’dod dgu’i char ’bebs yid bzhin dbang rgyal zhes bya ba bzhugs so. Copied by the team of the Hungarian-​Mongolian Joint Expedition in 1997 and published by Róbert Török. See J. Róbert Török, “A Tibetan Offering Ritual to Dayan Degereki, a Mongolian Local Deity,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarium Hung 62 (2009), Tom 1: 45–​87. On the deity’s iconography and textual tradition, see Ágnes Birtalan, “The Representation of the Mongolian Shaman Deity Dayan Deerh in Invocations and in a Buddhist Scroll Painting” (“La représentation de la divinité chamanique Dayan Deerh dans les invocations et dans un rouleau peint bouddhique”), Variations tibétaines, Et autres . . . (Études mongoles et sibériennes, centrasiatiques et tibétaines) 42 (2001): 1–​39. Cf. http://​emscat.revues.org/​index1800.html. 23. Birtalan (2013). 24. Birtalan (2001): passim. 25. Ágnes Birtalan, “The Cult of the Lords of Earth and Waters,” in Aspects of Mongolian Buddhism, Vol 1. Past, Present and Future, edited by Ágnes Birtalan, Krisztina Teleki, Zsuzsa Majer, Csaba Fahidi, and Attila Rákos (Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2018). 26. The morphology and mythologemes connected to all the aforementioned spirits and deities are described in my mythological encyclopedia; here I do not attach separate reference to each of them. See Birtalan (2001): passim. 27. In my previous study I have examined the majority of genre designations associated with shamanic and Buddhicized folk religious rituals. See Ágnes Birtalan, “Mongolian Shamanic Texts. Text Collections and Monographs on Mongolian Shamanic Texts,” in Shamanism. An Encyclopedia of World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture, edited by Mariko Namba Walter and Eva Jane Neumann Fridman (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-​ CLIO, 2004): 586–​593; Cf. Futaki (2005): 38. 28. Heissig (1966): 131–​133. 29. Heissig (1966): 18. 30. Several versions with minor differences were published by Heissig. See Heissig (1966): 19. 31. Peter Simon Pallas, Sam[m]lungen historischer Nachrichten über die mongolischen Völkerschaften, Vol. 2 (St. Petersburg:  Kaiserliche Akademie der Wisseschaften, 1801): 274, 336.

286  Ágnes Birtalan 32. Mentioned by Heissig (1966). 33. For more variants see Heissig (1966): 21 and Futaki (2005). 34. On the custom and ritual, see Birtalan (2001): 1039–​1040. 35. Cf. Gergely Orosz, A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vol. 2 (Budapest: The Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2009): passim. 36. Lubsangdambijalsan (1717–​1766); see Heissig (1966): 21, Futaki (2005): 37. For a newly summarized life story of Mergen Gegeen’s reincarnations and for the analysis of the Mergen Gegeen tradition, see Uranchimeg B. Ujeed, “Establishment of the Mergen Tradition of Mongolian Buddhism,” in Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015): 95–​115. 37. Heissig (1966): 21; Ujeed (2015): 95–​115. 38. Heissig (1966): 21. 39. See, for example, the so-​called thirteen sang-​s in Charles R. Bawden, “Arban γurban sang—​A Buddhist Element in the Mongolian Epic?,” in Fragen der mongolischen Heldendichtung II, Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 79, edited by Walther Heissig (Wiesbaden:  Otto Harrassowitz, 1982):  37–​ 48; and for the Oirat sang-​texts, see J. Tsoloo, Arvan gurvan Altain ariun sanguud oršivoi. (The Thirteen Pure Offerings to the Altai) Oirad sudlaliin chuulgan, Vol. 1, (Oirad Studies Collection) (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 1999). 40. Magdalena Tatár, “Three Manuscripts Witness to the Mongolian Hunters Worship of the Saddle-​Thongs,” Acta Ethnographica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 25 (1976), no. 3–​4: 349–​372. 41. Many articles are devoted to the unique text type of the “Fox incense offering.” Cf. Alice Sárközi and A. G. Sazykin, “An Incense Offering of the Fox,” in Der Fuchs in Kultur, Religion und Folklore Zentral-​und Ostasiens, Vol 1, edited by Hartmut Walravens (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2001): 75–​148. 42. “L’encens et la prière au Génie du Drapeau noir blanc.” See B. Rintchen, Matériaux pour l’étude du chamanisme mongol I. Sources litteraires, Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 3 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1959): 99–​101. 43. Birtalan (2004): 586–​593. In this article I scrutinized the structure of the genre on the basis of the example of the Manaqan sang “Incense Offering to Manakhan, the Deity of Hunting.” 44. Futaki started this elaboration in his studies, cf. the list of his relevant publications written in various languages; see Futaki (2005): 45–​46. 45. Pallas (1801): 274, 336. 46. For a description of the traditional form of the deity’s cult and its sources see in my book devoted to the folk religion of the Mongolian people, cf. Birtalan (2001): 958–​ 960. The contemporary Kalmyk veneration is briefly mentioned in my article devoted to the image in the Leder-​collection. See Birtalan (2013). 47. In many folklore genres and oral narratives, the master spirit of the Altai is an old female deity (or spirit). Birtalan (2001): passim.

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  287 48. His other name, spread in this area, is Nart Delkhīn Tsagaan Aav (Modern Mongol), “White Father of the Sunny World.” 49. P. Battogtokh, “Altain edzen Cagaan Aav khöšöö bolǰ süüderlev” (The Lord of the Altai Became a Statue and Threw Shadow Around), Tod nomiin gerel. Tüükh soyol, khel bičig sudlaliin Tod nomiin gerel töv-​iin sonin. Bauun jangi soninii tusgaar dugaar. Vol. 7. (2013) Fasc. 2 (10): 4. 50. Battogtokh (2013): 4. 51. The detailed elaboration of the text is the part of the “Oirat manuscript project” of the author and Attila Rákos (K 12908 supported by the Hungarian National Development and Innovation Office). 52. Heissig (1966): 21; Kápolnás (2012). 53. György Kara, The Mongolian and Manchu Manuscripts and Blockprints of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 2000): 241. 54. Kara (2000): 242. Cf. Vernacular orthography with numerous diacriticals (N, Q, the latter also as final Γ); Manchu “Y”; Uighur “S” for the final letter. 55. Sárközi (1983): 359. 56. Proper nouns and honored phenomena are written with capital letters. 57. The pseudo-​Chinese title of the present manuscript: Zou sou ene dou di zin is similar in Heisssig’s text. He gives a quasi-​solution for the Oirat as Chu shui an du da jing; cf. Heissig (1966): 19. Futaki doubts in the pertinence of this identification. See Futaki (2005): 41. Indeed, the problem needs further research. 58. In other translations, this line is usually translated as “heaven”; however, I would suggest the residing place of the deity, that is, the “mountain.” 59. In order to make the text more coherent, the agent’s gender will not be indicated, but it always should be understood as his and her. 60. [1.a] (nigen) Caγān Öbögöni sang orošiboi:: [1.b] namo Buddha-​yā: namo Dharma-​ yā:  namo Sangkā-​ yā:  kitadiyin kelendü:  Zou sou ene dou di zin::  mongγoliyin kelēr: Γazar usuni nomoγodxon daruulun čidaqči neretü sudur: xamuq burxan bodi sada nartu mürgümüi bi: [2.a] (xoyor) eyin kemēn mini sonosuqsan nigen caqtu Ilaγun tögüsün üleqsen burxan Ananda kigēd alixa takilmaq bodhi sada-​yin yeke xuwaraq-​ luγā xamtu nigene Zemserliq neretü oula-​du yabun bölügē:: Tere caqtu nige öbögön nasuni kürüqsen:  saxal üsün inu yekede cayiqsan caγān debel ümüsüq=sen γartān kluyin::  terigüütüyin tayaq bariqsan teyimi yeke nasutu:  nige öbögön kümüni üzen bui:: Saca [2.b] Ilaγun tögösün üleqsen burxan zarliq bolboi:: či youni tula γaqcār ene oula-​du axu bui kemēbēsü:: öbögön ögülebei:: Ilaγun tögösün üleqsen bi ene Zemserliq neretü oula-​du axu bölügē: Dēre Tenggeri-​ēce inaqši doro-​ēce Ötögün eke kigēd:: dēqši oula-​du yabuxu öbögön bölüge:: doqšin görösün [sic!] ba: xor=tu moγoi kigēd: kümün amitan γazariyin ezen: [3.a] (γurban) töröyin ezen: saküüsun xorin dörbön zügiyin saküüsun kedüi doqšin tede bügüde-​yi bi ezelen čidamui:: bi oula-​du bolxulān oulayin γazar usuni ezen:: bi tala-​du bolxulān tarāni γazar usuni ezen:: bi sümedü bolxulān nomiyin γazar usuni ezen::  bi xada-​du bolxulān xadayin čilouni γazar usuni ezen bölügē::  bi ene yertüncüyin kümüni [3.b] buyan kilinča xoyori ilγan medemüi::  bi bayan ügei-​dü kišiq ögömüi: bi kümüni nasuni urtu oxori medemüi:: buyan kilinča

288  Ágnes Birtalan üyiledkü sayin üyile üyiledküi ečige ekeyin ači xariulxu:: γurban erdenigi kündülen bišireküi:: Tede bügüdeyi bi sara büriyin xoyor šine arban zurγān-​du buuǰi ergimüi:: bi ki xuluγuna ödür on ǰil xoyor [4.a] doqšin kümüni üyile xara čidkür kigēd xālaγ=čini saküüsun γaliyin ezen-​luγā nököcöǰi kümüni buyan kilinča üyiledüqsen üyileši endel-​ügei tōlon bičimüi::  kerbei doqšin-​yēr ami tasulxu ba:: ečige ekeyigi ülü kündülekü mou sedkil-​yēr γurban erdeniyigi ülü kündülekü ba::  xamuq mou üyileši üyiledkü ba::  arban xara nüüli üyiled=kü ba:: tede bügüdeyigi [4.b] ki mečin ödür kürtele tenggeriyin doqšin kraq mou doqšin ongγod yesün odun tabun doqšin mou šoroyin ezen γazar usuni ada γazar usuni ečige eke ba:: γazar usuni abaγa ači ba:: γazar usuni kümün ba:: ačinar-​yēn nige γazar usuni xoto kürei xorin dörbön γazar usuni saküüsun neretü:: tede bügüde-​lügē nököcöǰi:: nüül kilinčetei amitan-​du [5.a] (tabun) zoun züyil-​dü ada ebečin kegēd:: xuluγai ba:: kelen aman aliba yara kigēd::  mou zöüdün kigēd::  xura metü orou=lumui::  xortu kigēd tor=anšiq ügei ba:: ed adousun xor xomso ükül zobolonggigi bi ögömüi: γazar usuni ezen eyin kemēn nöqčiqsön-​dü Ilaγun tegüsün üleqsen burxan zarliq bolun:: Sayin sayin izourtani köbüün ē:: [5.b] či mini emüne aman abči xamuq amitani tusalan saki:: ali kümün ene nomi bičibēsü:: kümün-​dü üzüülkülē ungšibāsu:: töüni ači üre inu tō tomši-​ ügei yeke boluyu::  kerbe ebečin-​dü öüni dolōtu ungšiγad::  tere ebečin-​ēce ötör bögȫd tonilxu boluyu: Ilaγun tögösün üleqsen burxan eyin kemen zarliq bolōd: [6.a] (zurγān) ene tarni ögüülebei: namo sanu (?) mou tuia o tulu tulu saya sām ha: ene tarni ilaγun tögösün üleqsen burxan teyin kemēn zarliq boluqsan-​du γazar usuni ezen kigēd xamuq saküüsun bayasun biširēd:: alixa-​bēn xamtudxaǰi mürgüǰi kīd (?) süzüq bišireltei amitan ene nomi bičiülkülē ba:: [6.b] ungšixai kigēd:: kümün-​dü üzüülklē:: tedeni ger tergen-​dü ebečin taxul-​ügei bold:: kilinča arilxu boluyu:: keröül oroul-​ügei bolōd:: nomtu aγoulxu boluyu:: sayin ači üre inu delgerēd:: adal maldu zud turaxa-​ügei boluyu:  engke amuγüülang [sic!] amin nasun urtu bolōd::  buyan kišiq inu nemekü boluyu:: [7.a] (dolōn) ilaγun tögösün üleqsen burxan eyin kemēn zarliq boluqsan-​du:: γazar usuni ezen kigēd:: Okin tenggeri ba:: kümün asuri kangari-​luγā nigene xamuq yerticüner dakin zöbšöyin [sic!] bišireǰi ilaγun tögösün üleqsen burxan zarligi ilerkei maqtabai::::: öbögön ögüüleqsen sudur tögüsbei:::sarwa ma kha la: o ma wi ǰad ma hasarva ma kha la: o ma wi ǰad ma h.a 61. Burqan (lit.“Buddha”), but here I translate it as “deity” for the sake of ranking the White Old Man’s role in the pantheon. 62. Wutai Shan, the “Five Terrace Mountain” (China, Shanxi), is associated with emanations of Mañjuśrī, Bodhisattva of wisdom. See Isabelle Charleux, Nomads on Pilgrimage: Mongols on Wutaishan (China), 1800–​1940, Brill’s Inner Asian Library, Vol. 34 (Leiden: Brill, 2015); Johan Elverskog, “Wutai Shan, Qing Cosmopolitanism, and the Mongols,” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 6 (2011): 243–​ 274. http://​www.thlib.org/​collections/​texts/​jiats/​#!jiats=/​06/​elverskog/​b3/​. 63. The Mong. adaγusun-​u bayiraγ is not identified yet, nor does the parallel text—​ Sárközi (1983): 359–​367—​offer any solution. Perhaps instead of adaγusun “wild animal,” aduγun “horse, horse stud” should be understood. 64. On the evil beings in Mongolian Buddhist and folk religious pantheons, cf. Birtalan (2006):  250–​264. And Ágnes Birtalan, “Ada:  A Harmful Female Spirit

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  289 in the Mongolian Mythology and Folk Belief,” in The Role of Women in the Altaic World. Permanent International Altaistic Conference 44th Meeting, Walberberg, August 26–​31, 2001, edited by Veronika Veit. Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 152 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007): 19–​33. 65. This breaking does not exist in the manuscript. I  separated the two parts, or text modules, in order to show where the text’s parts exist independently and where the first module ends. 66. Instead of Mong. eǰed in the manuscript occurs consistently ezed (with a γaliγ “z”). 67. Instead of the usual “I,” here “we” is used. 68. Čaγan Ebügen-​ni takalγa [sic!] orosibai:: [1a] O U tai sang-​un tabun Magnǰusar-​yin oron-​ača irigsen Čaγan Ebügen neretü burqan baraγun γartaγan luu-​yin teregütü tayaγ-​a bariγsan ǰegün γar-​taγan yisün küsel-​yi qangγaγči čingdamani erdeni bariγsan γurban (y)irtemčü-​yi toγorin yabuγči erdenis-​ün büs-​yi büselegsen Jǐ misgeling neretü aγulan-​dur saγuγsan saqal üsün inu yekede čayiγsan sin-​e-​yin qoyar arban ǰirγuγan-​du (y)irtiemčü-​yin kümün-​ü buyan klinča-​yi ilγan medemüi bi. meden esen čadabasu. bi burqan buu bolosu. kümün-​ü nasu buyan doroyiddabasu degedü Γurban Erdeni-​yi sütüged [sic!] inaγši namayi sitübesü nasu buyan qoyar-​ yi arbiǰiγulumui. sine-​ yin qoyar arban ǰirγuγan-​dur köbegün küsbesü degedü Γurban Erdeni-​yi sitüged inaγši namayi sitübesü. bi ečige eke metü eregeǰü köbegün ögöǰü. basa köbegün ese toγtabasu ene nom-​a-​yi doloγan-​ tan ungsiγad sang-​yi inu doloγan-​tan [1b] talbasu [sic!] köbegün toγtoqu boloǰu (y) irtemčü kümün-​ü aba ayan-​dur qola ǰiγulčin odqui-​dur ene nom-​a-​yi doloγan-​tan ungšiγad sang-​yi olan talbin odbasu sanaγsan küsegsen üyiles bütügeǰü dayisun todqar-​ača bi sakin čidamui. sakin ese čadabasu bi burqan buu bolosu. yeke qaldaburi γamsiγ-​a ebedčin-​dür ese bolbusuruγsan kümün degedü Γurban Erdeni-​yi sitüged inaγši namayi sitübesü qara čaγan čečeg teregüten-​iyer šaraq-​a teregüten qaldaburi ebedčin-​yi ariliγan čidamui. adaγusun-​u bayiraγ-​a (?) üker-​ün qamuγ-​a qaldabari ebedčin quqaiqan-​u (?)  qamuγ-​a ebedčin teregüten aliba mal-​un qamuγ-​a ebedčin taquli-​yi ariliγan čidamui. kümün-​ü ed idege üǰeküi-​dür ariban bögetel-​e eledekü sayin čaγ-​tu qoor qumasan bolqu ba. saba saγulγ-​a ger dotorki aliba ed tavar-​ača daγun γarqu mal mangǰaulu (?) noqai ger deger γarqu qoyar ekiner [2a] kereldüǰü üsün üsün-​ben barilčaqu-​dur učaraqu qoyar üker-​ün eber orolǰaduqu činu-​a ünige qučaqu šibuγun [sic!] ger deger-​e γarqu ger dotor-​a oroqu ekiner keüked uγar-​tur sidüben qabarqu teregüten yisün yisü nayan nige maγu yaru-​a-​yi qariγulun čidamui bi aγulan-​ača doγsin modu uγtulaqu doγsin γaǰar-​a baγuqu teregüten γaǰar-​a usun-​u qamuγ ayul-​ača ǰayilaγulun čidamui bi kümün-​ü qara čaγan kelen am-​a bolbasu ene tarini-​yi ayaγ-​a degürin usu-​dur qorin nige ungsiǰu ger-​yi γurba buraqu [sic!] erigeǰü odo γaraqu-​yin čaγ-​tu dörben ǰüg-​tü sačabasu qamuγ-​a kelen aman qariγulumui. tarini inu a ga o uva namu salu tulu tunan ◦ uva tulu talu taǰi-​a suvaq-​a:: ed mal qulaγai abubasu ene nomi-​yi doloγan ungsiǰu sang inu doloγan talbiγad ene tarani-​ yi qorin nige ungsiǰu nigen ayaγ-​a-​dur usu keǰü γurban barim-​a qusu modu gederge-​ [2b] ber tere usu-​yi qorin nige qutqaγad. buruγu qangdaγsan nüken-​tür büged ǰüil-​yi ed dotorki-​a degereče ni qabutaγai qara čilaγun-​dur inu ene tarani-​yi bičiǰü darubasu qulaγayiči uqaγan öber-​ iyen erigeǰü bariγdamui. deger-​ e Qormusada teregüten

290  Ágnes Birtalan door luusun oron böged. (y)irtinčü-​yin oron ba naiman ayimaγ-​a-​un oron kiged qorin dörben γaǰar-​a-​un ezed qoortan dayisun simnus qamuγ-​a ada todqar kiged. nöküčiγsen-​ü sünüsü ese toniliγsan. teregüten qoortan bügüden-​yi darun čidamui bi. xxx ay-​a γayiqamsiγtu J ǐ misgeling neretü aγulan ürügelün oroi deger-​e-​eče asuru ebügen dorosutu γaǰar-​a-​un ezen čiber aq-​a degüü nököd čiγulγan-​luγ-​a selten alγasal-​ügei ene oron-​dur irin soyuraq-​a. qorin dörben γaǰar-​a usun-​u ezen qotan küriyed-​ün ali oron-​a irin soyuraq-​a. qolan oyir-​a qamuγ-​a saγubču tan-​nuγud qurdun-​a ene oron-​ a irin soyuraq-​a. γaǰar-​a-​un ezen Čaγan Ebügen čimadur γamasiγ-​a takil-​ud-​yi [3a] iledü belüdün γaγaγči üǰegür-​tü sedkil-​iyer qubalγaǰu qamuγ-​a takil-​un egülen-​iyer qangγan takimui. am-​a-​un sayiqan aruγaγan sayiqan aman-​iyar takimui. erdeni-​ yin altan mönggün subud-​iyar takimui eldeb ǰüil-​yin eriyen kib-​iyer eldeb tangsuγ-​a amtatu idege-​iyer takimui. eldebčilen ergügsen ene takil-​un ed idege-​yi abun amsaγad ergen ergen ibegeǰü soyuraγ-​a küngseriγsen metü čaγan qaγan üsütü köbči biy-​e-​degen čaγan debil emüsügsen kürǰignen donγodduγči luu-​yin teregün-​tü köbedün tuluγči tayaγ-​a-​yi γartaγan bariγsan čiber erketü Burqan baγsi-​yin nidün-​ü emün-​e erten-​ü aman abuγsan sakiγči tangγraraγ-​tu erken buyan-​ni-​yi üileddügči ken bögesü. ečige eke metü tedkügči örösiyeltü eldeb üileddügčid-​ün neris-​yi Erlig qaγan metü bičigtür bičigči qataγu kilinča-​tu ene (y)irtemčü-​yin amitan-​u üile-​yin ači ür-​e-​yi engdelügei medegeči uqaγan biligtü ebügen dorosutu γaǰar-​a-​un ezen čimayi yuuγan [3b] ǰalbariču ǰalbaran ǰalbariγad elel alimad küsegsen kereg-​üd-​yi činu eldeb čilen [sic!] sedkil-​iyer qubilγaǰu ergüged bariγsan qamuγ küsel-​yi eldebčilen egülesiügei bi. čimadur namayi ečige sadu-​a metü tedken öröšiy-​e eke metü naran nigüles bučalaügei sedkil-​iyer burqan-​u šaǰin-​ni-​ yi delgergün buyangtu üiles-​tü nököčegülün buzar nigül-​eče ǰayilaγulun ami nasu-​yi urtudq-​a ed mal-​yi ösge. ada ǰedker-​yi ariluγ-​a aliba sanaγsan kereg-​yi bütege qoorutun dayisun-​ u ayul-​ ača qurdun moγai-​ yin ayul-​ ača qulaγai degerem-​ ün-​ eče qolun ǰayilaγulun qorum-​a qudal kelekü qob sib ögüleküi qoyisi qubar qubadaγalui qudal γudumsiγ-​a boluγsan qamuγ-​a udqa-​a-​tan-​ni-​yi qariγuluǰu ügei bolaγad γayiqamsiγ-​ a-​tu küsel-​üd-​yi qamuγ-​a-​ača ülemǰi bolγa čaγ-​ügei adisatad-​tu γurban erdeni kiged čaγan üsütü [4a] γaǰar-​a-​un ezen čimayi takal tan. küčün-​iyer ba büren čaγan buyan arbaddun delgereged: ölǰei qutuγ orosiqu boltuγai:: Ova ma a ni bad mie huu Ova sayin amuγulang boltuγai: Čaγan Ebügen neretü: sudur orosiba::: Ova ma a ni bad me qung Ova ma a ni bad me qung Ova ma a ni bad me qung

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Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  291 Battogtokh, P. 2013. “Altain eǰen Cagaan Aav khöšöö bolǰ süüderlev” (The Lord of the Altai Became a Statue and Threw Shadow Around). Tod nomiin gerel. Tüükh soyol, khel bičig sudlaliin Tod nomiin gerel töv-​iin sonin. Baruun dzangi soninii tusgaar dugaar. (The Light of Clear Script Books. Journal of the Centre of the Light of Clear Script Books for Studies of History and Philology. Special Issue Dedicated to Western News) Vol. 7. Fasc. 2 (10): 4. Bawden, Charles, R. 1982. “Arban γurban sang—​a Buddhist Element in the Mongolian Epic?” In Fragen der mongolischen Heldendichtung II. Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 79. Edited by Walther Heissig. 37−48. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Beer, Robert. 2004. The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs. Chicago: Serindia. Bičeev, B. A. 1999. “Sutra Belogo Starca (K probleme adaptacii kul’tovogo personaža černoj very).” In Altaj i Central’naja Azija: kul’turno-​istoričeskaja preemstvennost’, 269–​ 273. Gorno-​Altajsk: Publisher unknown. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2001. Die Mythologie der mongolischen Volksreligion. Wörterbuch der Mythologie. I. Abteilung. Die alten Kulturvölker, Vol. 34. Edited by Egidius Schmalzriedt and Hans Wilhelm Haussig. 879−1097. Stuttgart: Klett-​Cotta. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2004. “Mongolian Shamanic Texts. Text Collections and Monographs on Mongolian Shamanic Texts.” In Shamanism. An Encyclopedia of World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture, edited by Mariko Namba Walter and Eva Jane Neumann Fridman, 586–​ 593. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-​CLIO. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2006. “Systematization of the Concept of Demonic and Evil in Mongolian Folk Religion.” In Christian Demonology and Popular Mythology (Demons, Spirits, Witches II), edited by Gábor Klaniczay and Éva Pócs, in collaboration with Eszter Csonka-​Takács, 250–​264. Budapest: Central European University Press. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2007. Ada: A Harmful Female Spirit in the Mongolian Mythology and Folk Belief.” In The Role of Women in the Altaic World. Permanent International Altaistic Conference 44th Meeting, Walberberg, August 26–​31, 2001, edited by Veronika Veit, 19–​ 33. Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 152. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2011. “The Representation of the Mongolian Shaman Deity Dayan Deerh in Invocations and in a Buddhist Scroll Painting” (“La représentation de la divinité chamanique Dayan Deerh dans les invocations et dans un rouleau peint bouddhique”). Variations tibétaines, Et autres (Études mongoles et sibériennes, centrasiatiques et tibétaines) 42: 1–​39. http://​emscat.revues.org/​index1800.html. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2013. “Cagān Öwgön—​The White Old Man in the Leder Collections. The Textual and Iconographic Tradition of the Cult of the White Old Man among the Mongols.” In The Mongolian Collections. Retracing Hans Leder, edited by Maria-​ Katharina Lang and Stefan Bauer, 84–​94. Vienna:  Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW) Press. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2016. “The Objectification of Faith and Rational Choice:  The Role of Sacred Images in Mongolian Buddhist Folk Religion.” In Faith in Buddhism, edited by Imre Hamar and Takami Inoue, 189–​204. Budapest Monographs in East Asian Studies, Vol. 6. Budapest: Institute for East Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University. Birtalan, Ágnes. 2018. “The Cult of the Lords of Earth and Waters.” In Aspects of Mongolian Buddhism, Vol 1.  Past, Present and Future, edited by Ágnes Birtalan, Krisztina Teleki, Zsuzsa Majer, Csaba Fahidi, and Attila Rákos, 379–​ 390. Budapest: L’Harmattan. Charleux, Isabelle. 2015. Nomads on Pilgrimage: Mongols on Wutaishan (China), 1800–​ 1940. Brill’s Inner Asian Library, Vol. 34. Leiden: Brill.

292  Ágnes Birtalan Contemporary Buddhist Revival in Kalmykia:  Survey of the Present State of Religiosity. http:// ​ i nfocus.asiaportal.info/ ​ 2 012/ ​ 0 2/ ​ 0 6/ ​ c ontemporary- ​ buddhist- ​ revival- ​ i n-​ kalmykia-​survey-​of-​the-​present-​state-​of-​religiosity/​. Accessed April 15,  2018. Elverskog, Johan. 2011. “Wutai Shan, Qing Cosmopolitanism, and the Mongols.” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 6:  243–​274. http://​www.thlib.org/​ collections/​texts/​jiats/​#!jiats=/​06/​elverskog/​b3/​ Futaki, Hiroshi. 2005. “Classification of Texts Related to the White Old Man.” Quaestiones Mongolorum Disputatae 1:  35–​46. Tokyo:  Association for International Studies of Mongolian Culture. Gerasimova, K. M. 1999. Obrjady zaščity žizni v buddizme Central’noj Azii. Ulan-​ Ude: Izdatel’stvo BNC SO RAN. Heissig, Walther. 1966. Mongolische volksreligiöse und folkloristische Texte aus europäischen Bibliotheken mit einer Einleitung und Glossar. Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland. Supplement band, Vol. 6. Wiesbaden:  Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH. Heissig, Walther. 1976. “Eine Anrufung des Weissen Alten.” In Folia Rara, edited by Wolfgang Voigt, 51–​60. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Heissig, Walther. 1987. “Einige Bemerkungen zum Kult des Weissen Alten (Čaγan ebügen).” In Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Serie Orientale Roma 56, no. 2, 589–​616. Roma: Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Hummel, Siegbert. 1997. “The White Old Man.” Tibet Journal 22: 59–​70. ̌ Joriγtu, To., Badai, Na., Γangbolod, D. 2016. Todo üsüg-​ün silüg-​ün sudulul. Oyirad soyul-​un sudulγan-​u čuburil bičig-​ün, Vol. 2. Tom 10 (qoyarduγar boti-​yin arbaduγar debter). Kökeqota: Ündüsüten-​ü keblel-​ün qoriy-​a. Kápolnás, Olivér. 2012. “Mergen Gegen füstáldozata a Fehér Öreghez” (“Incense Offering to the White Old Man Composed by Mergen Gegen”). In Tanulmányok. Nyelvtudományi Doktori Iskola. Asteriskos, Vol. 1, 153–​166. Budapest: ELTE BTK. Kara, György. 2000. The Mongolian and Manchu Manuscripts and Blockprints of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Lang, Maria-​Katharina. 2010. Mongolische Ethnographica in Wien. Die Sammlung Hans Leder im Museum für Völkerkunde Wien. Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie, Vol. 13. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Minois, George. 1989. History of Old Age: From Antiquity to the Renaissance. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Mostaert, Antoine. 1957. “Note sur le culte du Vieillard Blanc chez les Ordos.” In Studia Altaica. Festschrift für N.  N. Poppe zum 60. Geburtstag, Ural-​Altaische Bibliothek, Vol. 5, edited by Julius von Farkas and Omeljan Pritsak, 108–​117. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. Muzraeva, D. N. 2009. “Sutra imenuemaja ‘Sposobnaja usmirit’ i podavit’ zemlju i vodu” (Γazar usuni nomoγodxon darüülün čidaqči kemekü sudur) iz kollekcii N. D. Kičikova (1901–​1986).” Vestnik Kalmyckogo instituta gumanitarnyh issledovanij RAN 2: 88–​96. Nemanova, Eleonora Allekovna. 2004. Semantika obraza Belogo Starca v tradicionnoj kul’ture mongol’skih narodov (abstract of PhD dissertation). http://​www.dissercat.com/​ content/​s emantika-​obraza-​b elogo-​startsa-​v-​traditsionnoi-​kulture-​mongolskikh-​ narodov. Accessed October 07, 2018. Nima. 1999. Sünesü, ongγod sitülge (Soul, Protector Spirit, Belief). Kökeqota:  Öbör Mongγol-​un arad-​un keblel-​ün qoriy-​a.

Ritual Texts Dedicated to the White Old Man  293 “Oirad Variants of the White Old Man Texts.” Tod Nomin Gerel Digitalization Project Complete. http://​www.dlir.org/​archive/​collections/​show/​7 Orosz, Gergely. 2009. A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vol. 2. Budapest:  The Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Pallas, Peter Simon. 1801. Sam[m]lungen historischer Nachrichten über die mongolischen Völkerschaften, Vol 2. St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wisseschaften. Poppe, N. N. 1932. “Opisanie mongol’skih šamanskih rukopisej Instituta Vostokovedenija.” Zapiski Instituta Vostokovedenija Akademii Nauk l: 151–​200. Pozdneev, A. 1887. Očerki byta buddijskih monastyrej i buddijskogo duhovenstva v Mongolii v svjazi s otnošenijami sego poslednego k narodu. Sanktpeterburg: Tipografija Imperatorskoj Akademii Nauk. Rintchen, B. 1959. Matériaux pour l’étude du chamanisme mongol I. Sources litteraires. Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 3. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Sanj, Altan. 2007. “An Oirad-​Kalmyk Version of the ‘White Old Man’ Sutra Found among the Archives of the Late Lama Sanji Rabga Möngke Baqsi.” Mongolian Studies: Journal of the Society of Mongolia 29: 13–​24. Sárközi, Alice. 1983. “Incense-​ Offering to the White Old Man.” In Documenta Barbarorum. Festschrift für Walther Heissig zum 70 Geburtstag, Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-​Altaica Band, 18, edited by Klaus Sagaster and Michael Weiers, 359–​ 367. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Sárközi, Alice, and A. G. Sazykin. 2001. “An Incense Offering of the Fox.” In Der Fuchs in Kultur, Religion und Folklore Zentral-​und Ostasiens, Vol 1, edited by Hartmut Walravens, 75–​148. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Sørensen, Henrik Hjort. 1989. The Iconography of Korean Buddhist Painting. Iconography of Religions, Vol. 9. Leiden: Brill. Tatár, Magdalena. 1976. “Three Manuscripts Witness to the Mongolian Hunters Worship of the Saddle-​ Thongs.” Acta Ethnographica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 25(3–​4): 349–​372. Török, J. Róbert. 2009. “A Tibetan Offering Ritual to Dayan Degereki, a Mongolian Local Deity.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarium Hung 62 (1): 45–​87. Tsoloo, J. 1999. Arvan gurvan Altain ariun sanguud oršivoi. (The Thirteen Pure Offerings to the Altai) Oirad sudlaliin chuulgan, Vol. 1, (Oirad Studies Collection). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Ujeed, Uranchimeg B. 2015. “Establishment of the Mergen Tradition of Mongolian Buddhism.” In Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace, 95–​105. New York: Oxford University Press. Vinkovics, Judit. 2003. “Life-​ Protecting Deities and Personal Protecting Deities in Folk Buddhism.” In Demons and Protectors. Folk Religion in Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhism, edited by Béla Kelényi, 89–​92. Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Asiatic Art. Žukovskaja, N. L. 1994. Cagaan Ubgun. In Mify narodov mira, edited. by S. A. Tokarev, 611. Moskva: Sovetskaja Enciklopedija.

14

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan Matthew W. King

Introduction Some two centuries after the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty in 1368, a wave of Dharmic transmission flowed from Tibet into Mongol lands. This new era of Inner Asian Buddhist history was opened by the centralized states (törö) of powerful regional leaders such as Altan Khan of the Tümed. The authority of ascendant Mongolian leaders was increasingly bolstered by hybrid narratives that combined Chinggisid genealogy and the divine status of Chinggis himself, new memorializations of the Great Mongol Empire (Yeke Mongγol Ulus) and the Yuan Dynasty, and communal forms of identification and ritual practice drawing upon Buddhist monasticism, legal frameworks, tantric ritualism, and patron–​ patronized relationships between secular and monastic leaders. This latter Buddhist element was drawn almost entirely from Tibetan Buddhist schools in order to produce all manner of new cultural productions in Mongolian localities across Inner Asia, such as the aforementioned Altan Khan’s patronage of the monks Ayushi Güüshi (fl. 1578–​1609) and Shiregetü Güüshi Čorǰiva (fl. 1578–​ 1618) to further adapt the Mongolian script in order to produce more Mongolian translations of the Buddhist canon from Tibetan sources. While Buddhism had long been taken up by Mongol communities, and had long been present in territories later occupied by Mongolian peoples, the post-​ sixteenth-​century saturation of Buddhism amongst Mongol populations outside of the rarified aristocratic circles was unprecedented. Never before had so many Mongolian peoples centered their lives on the Buddha Dharma. Never before had so many Mongolians formally entered into Buddhist monastic life. Nor had Buddhist monasteries ever before so colonized Mongolian territories as major, often singular, sedentary institutions facilitating matters as diverse as taxation and poetry, policing and weather control, soteriology and veterinary medicine. This setting of large communities of Mongolian monastic men into religious, intellectual, artistic, and economic relations across Inner Asia and eventually the Qing imperial sphere represented an efflorescence of transregional

Matthew W. King, Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0014

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  295 and local culture, an entire period of Mongolian history which Walter Heissig once grandly labeled the “Mongolian Renaissance and the Lamaist Revival” (der mongolischen Renaissance und der lamaistischen Wiederbekehrung).1 It is important to recall that, as with most “renaissance” and “revivals”—​ including the one today sweeping many Mongolian and Buryat societies in the postsocialist period—​processes of innovation, originality, and hybridity rather than recovery, tradition, and purity rule the day. Beginning in the sixteenth century, such networked Buddhist invention washed over Mongolian societies at an uneven pace and saturation, despite the triumphantalist and flattening narratives of the great Mongolian histories of the Dharma that began emerging in the seventeenth centuries (for example, Luvsandanzin’s 1655 Golden Summary (Altan Tobči) and Saγan Sečen’s 1662 Precious Summary (Erdeni-​yin tobči). Nonetheless, Buddhist motifs, narratives, visual culture, and socioinstitutional forms were soon taken up among Mongol communities such as the Khalkha, Čaqar, Oirat, or Tümed in partnership with different Tibetan traditions in an effort to evoke the authority of Yuan-​era emperors such as Qubilai and, of course, the founder of the Mongol Empire himself, Chinggis Khan. Once the Qing Empire took shape in the mid-​seventeenth century and began incorporating new Mongolian communities into its fold, standardized historical narratives concerning the deep history of Buddhism in Mongol lands began to be crafted in widely circulated histories such as Rasipungsug’s 1774/​ 75 Crystal Rosary (Bolur erike) and two of Gombojav’s compositions, the 1725 Flow of the Ganges (Gangga-​yin urusqal) and the 1766 Tibetan-​language History of the Dharma (Rgya nag chos ‘byung). Readers will find many examples of such narratives, which regularly authorize the Qing formation itself, in sources translated throughout the present volume and in other introductory essays. Here it is sufficient to note that, over many generations, prominent Mongolian Buddhist scholastics: 1) synthesized disparate historical and ritual traditions from across Inner, South, and East Asia; 2) standardized regional variation to be in line with shared Qing-​Buddhist narratives (such as by sponsoring dictionaries, translation projects, and temple building); and 3) innovated new ritual and historical traditions that could serve the ever-​changing needs of both empire and local community. One of the most interesting products of these centripetal processes of synthesis, standardization, and innovation was the reimagination of Chinggis Khan as not only a patron of the Buddha Dharma but as a manifestation of an enlightened Buddha intervening in human affairs like the Dalai Lamas, the Jebtsundamba Khutugtus, and the “enlightened” Manchu Emperors (who were identified in time as the manifestations of Avalokiteśvara, Vajrapāṇi, and Mañjuśrī, respectively).2 According to several late imperial Buddhist historians, such as Dharmatāla in the nineteenth century and Zava Damdin in the early

296  Matthew W. King twentieth, it was the imperial preceptor Janǰa Khutugtu Rolbidorje (1717–​1786) who had officially identified Chinggis Khan as an emanation of Vajrapāṇi. Through the Qing-​era looking glass, Chinggis Khan’s bloody rise was thus memorialized as a purified, Dharmic exercise in “skillful means” (Skrt. upāya; Tib. thabs; Class. Mong. arγ-​a). Part of a tripartite definition of enlightenment in Géluk visual and ritual tradition of the period, “skillful means” was embodied by Vajrapāṇi alongside Avalokiteśvara, who embodies the compassion of all the buddhas, and Mañjuśrī, who embodies their wisdom. The undeniable violence wrought by Chinggis Khan and his progeny upon great swaths of Eurasia was similarly purified by being recast as virtuous campaigns enacted by an enlightened Buddha against the enemies of the Dharma. Here the bloody edge of empire advances according to both the will of Heaven (tngri) and the spontaneous and ever-​altruistic manifestation of Buddha-​mind, all according to a karmic script plotted long ago in prophecies attributed to the historical Buddha Śākyamuni himself.3 And what of Chinggis Khan in all this? In sources from the seventeenth century on, when a Tibetan-​centric, Qing-​Géluk monologue became hegemonic in many Mongolian communities, “the power of the Mongol ulus (“nation”) as represented by the Mongol nobility [did] not reside in the ritualization of Chinggis Khan as the protector and propitiator of the Mongol community. Rather, within the Buddhist Qing, the Chinggisid lineage and in turn the Mongol ulus [were] formed and protected through Buddhist rituals prepared by lamas affiliated with the Qing court.”4 Such is the case with the incense offering translated here:  Chinggis Khan and retinue—​which includes a mosaic of Mongol, Indic, and Tibetan characters ranging from tngri (“heaven,” “god”) to nāgas and lamas—​are invited to a particular ulus, or group domain, offered whatever precious substances might be gathered or imagined from within that ulus, and then entreated to bestow protection, purification, and mundane and supra-​mundane endowments. It should be noted in passing that while the Buddhicization of Chinggis Khan was a dominant process across Mongol lands in the late imperium, these traditions were not always used to enforce Qing imperial authority or heighten the prestige of Tibetan-​inflected tradition. Local ritual relations with Chinggis Khan were also devised to deflect, upturn, and ignore centralizing communal narratives and impose alternative pan-​regional Mongol affiliations. For example, in 1803 the Khalkha prince Toγtaqutörü took the initiative to found a shrine to worship Chinggis Khan in Outer Mongolia on the model of the Inner Mongolian Ordos shrine (today styled as a mausoleum).5 In relation to the latter shrine, in 1913 the great Buryat Mongolist, revolutionary, and Buddhist reformer Tseven Jamtsarano recorded in an entry in his travelogue under the heading “Chinggis Khan Shrine in Ordos:” “It is said that reading sūtras in the Yellow Hat Buddhist

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  297 way was decreed by the third Dalai Lama and the fifth Panchen Lama. I don’t know how true it is. According to the Darkhad, when these two great incarnate lamas decided to ban the sheep offering sacrifice, Chinggis Khan became very angry, so they agreed to keep the ritual intact.”6 Mergen Gegeen (alias Mergen Diyanči) of Inner Mongolia is another well-​ known example. In the mid-​eighteenth century, this innovator labored to create a standardized, Mongolian-​centric Dharmic tradition quite against Qing-​era trends, if not against the authority of the Qing itself. He is perhaps most remembered for composing Mongolian-​language liturgies that stood against the tide of Tibetanization that was organizing Mongolia and Buryat monastic life. His ritual inventions did not necessarily depart from the orthodoxies of Central Tibetan Géluk tradition as much as supplement them with local tradition, language, visuality, and ritual expectations. The first ritual text translated below is closely related to the Mergen Gegeen tradition, and is almost certainly a later version of an incense offering originally penned by his hand. The short verses of this offering text—​one of thousands of daily rituals of the apex of Mongolian Buddhist life—​tellingly mobilize Indic, Tibetan, and pre-​Buddhist Mongolian sources of authority. Chinggis Khan arrives to the ritual space as a grand synthesis of a Cakravartin, Wheel-​Turning King, pious Buddhist layman (Class. Mong. ubasika; Tib. dge snyen), divine protector of the Dharma, representative of (or perhaps even a manifestation of) Heaven (tngri), and the wellspring of “Mongolian” communal identity along the ever-​shifting axis of ulus, törö (“state”), and later, national affiliation. In their landmark study of the Mergen Gegeen tradition, Caroline Humphrey and Hürelbaatar Ujeed asked, “What does it mean to be a Buddhist in a Mongolian way?”7 While such a question is incoherent transregionally or transhistorically, in innumerable local performances of rituals such as the following incense offering to “Lord Chinggis” likely from the Mergen tradition, practitioners became Mongol and Buddhist through what Birgit Meyer calls the material, practice-​based, aesthetic, and always local “sensational forms” by which we all are formed in relation to one another.8 Mergen Gegeen’s eighteenth-​century incense (san; Tib. sang) offering is followed here by a translation of another Chinggis Khan liturgy. Originally written and recited in Tibetan, this is a more generalized offering and supplication ritual to the “enlightened” khan. It was translated by Dr. Gevsh T. Bulgan into Mongolian and included in a 2006 volume of Mongolian scholarly studies examining the connections between Chinggis Khan and Mongolian Buddhism. Readers may be interested to note the ways that some of the liturgical formulas and visualization techniques of the higher tantras are used in this work to propitiate the Great Khan. For example, practitioners use a torma offering cake (Mong. balin; Tib. gtor ma); recite a mantra while visualizing a seed-​syllable

298  Matthew W. King surrounded by a string of syllables at the khan’s heart that emit light to accomplish the wishes of the practitioner; transform outer offerings such as water for drinking and flowers into intensely wrathful versions; and issue requests for Chinggis Khan to perform the four types of enlightened activities on behalf of the practitioner (pacifying, increasing, controlling, and subjugating). This is just as one would find elsewhere in tantric rituals manuals (Class. Mong. bütügel ün arγ-​a; Tib. sgrub thabs) focused upon supra-​mundane Dharma Protectors like Mahākāla that assist the practitioner in self-​generating in high tantric forms such as Yamāntaka, Cakrasaṃvara, Vajrayoginī, and Guhyasamāja.

Translated Texts Incense Offering to Lord Chinggis (Eǰen činggis-​un sang takilγ-​a orusibai) 1. Invitation Oṃ aḥ hūṃ! Oṃ aḥ hūṃ! Oṃ aḥ hūṃ! Za! Let us begin with the Lama, Tutelary Deity, the Three Supreme Jewels, His Divine Majesty9 Chinggis Khan and close companions: Come hither from your joyful divine abode! Appointed officials,10 together with your companions, And also whatever [other beings] abide here, Such as all tngris, nāgas, yakṣas, rakṣas, Lords of earth and water, and wrathful deities: Proceed to this place in order to satisfy all deeds and desires! All precious [offerings] are gathered from within the ulus. Please come happily and sit steadfastly together Upon eight splendid lotuses [arisen] upon a dais, Surrounded by a complete array of great protectors and virtuous laymen,11 Together with their entourages and inner officials, as well as tngris and nāgas. 2. Offerings Za! A cloud of pure and pleasing offerings Of the best food endowed with a hundred flavors

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  299 And perfect ambrosial spring water Suffused with the taste of milk, I offer all these to His Divine Majesty Chinggis Khan and companions! I kindle a great fire that blazes pleasantly And offer flaming lamps and other items! I burn sandalwood, aromatic resin,12 and juniper And make many incense offerings! 3. Bestowing Blessings Za! His Divine Majesty Chinggis Khan along with his companions Partake all together in these sundry pure offerings. Please bestow the siddhi of pacifying all obstructions! Please bestow the siddhi of pacifying the Great Khan Demon!13 Please bestow the siddhi of pacifying disease-​causing spirits! Please bestow the siddhi of enjoying supreme fame and renown! Please bestow the siddhi of pacifying wicked conflicts! Please bestow the siddhi of increasing prosperity! Please bestow the siddhi of increasing wisdom! Please bestow the siddhi of stopping the spread of arrogance and violence! By decree of the Heavenly Great Khan, may we retain our material possessions! May the patrons and perfectly accomplished heroes turn their swift-​acting powers14 To devastating the hostile advances of heretical kings!15 You became supreme among the eighty-​four thousand kings, [Who are] subsumed under the five colors and the four foreign nations. Like a Dharma-​Turning King, you leveraged very powerful force To suppress heretics, hindrances, and evil doers. O Magnificent Protector, I bow to you and offer you praise! By the power of whatever offerings, praises, and worship has been done to the Lord—​ Aj-​a! Alas!—​Please multiple my companions, possessions, and animals! Secure for us a lifetime of happiness! Please bring peace, happiness, and power into our lives! Fulfill all other special wishes of we practitioners!

300  Matthew W. King 4. Response Za! Avert those who would harm peoples’ riches! Avert harsh disputes and malicious gossip! Avert the hindrances and harm of military campaigns! Avert those doing harm to the assembly and engaging in vengeful war! Thoroughly cut down by means of strong vajra weapons Those enemies of the Buddha’s religion! Sever their life-​artery!16 Spread Vajradhara’s religion in all the ten directions! Bind us, oh bind and stop us17 from turning back upon our sworn oaths! Bring thunderbolts down upon fierce spirit-​hindrances and māras! Dispel the fierce-​driven rain, wind, and hail! Render fierce places and bodies of water agreeable! 5. Blessing Za! By the power of the blessing of the supreme, magnificent Three [Jewels] May the perfect, powerful Great Protector Holy Layman [Chinggis Khan] And officials together with their companions Fulfill all other wishes for which we yearn! May our objects of refuge, the Lama, the tutelary deity, and Three Precious Jewels, And especially the oath-​bound protectors and lords Completely and thoroughly support harmonious activities! May joyful blessings pervade in all directions! May the nine wishes swell like a lake in the summer! May the river of our descendants be always protected against harm! May we establish connections with the Dharma of our holy Lama day and night! May there be the blessings of the perfect assembly! May there be the blessings of the root lamas! May there be the blessings of the tutelary deities and of the buddhas! May there be the blessings of the heroes and the dākinīs! May there be the blessings of the patrons of the Dharma!

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  301

Offering to Lord Chinggis Khan (Ezen Chinggis khaany takhilga orshvoi) I prostrate to Yamāntaka Who Guards the Vajra Guru! (At this time, a practitioner who wishes to make offerings to [entreat] Lord Chinggis Khan’s grace should completely arrange offerings, tormas, supreme presents pleasing to the eye, and whatever other necessary items are suitable, and then bless the principal offerings according to the Dharma. Rooted in the [mind] of enlightenment, undertake the following.) Je! In the center of a blazing maṇḍala that protects from the fire at the end of time, Amid the thrashing waves of a vermillion-​colored ocean of marrow, Is a ghastly lion with saddle and bridle decorated by jewels and so on, Draped in extremely precious, bejeweled adornments. Upon the lion is a white HŪṂ syllable that radiates light like the moon, Defeating enemies and evil spirits and gathering the Noble Ones of the three worlds. The light then gathers back and is completely absorbed into the HŪṂ syllable. From this arises Chinggis Khan, Conqueror of the Three Worlds. He gathers together the light of all peoples, body snow-​white like the moon, With one head, two hands, three eyes, and displaying a wrathful smile. His right hand swings a short lance in the direction of the celestial maṇḍala. His left hand grasps a vessel close to his heart Filled to the brim with precious jewels That eliminate all the ruin and suffering of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa. His upper body is draped with a white brocaded silk cloth. His lower body is dressed with a heavenly skirt and a silk apron. All is decorated and hemmed with finely beaded, supreme saphires. Upon his head, ears, throat, arms, hands, toes, and so on Are precious ornaments, an exquisite belt bordered with gems, And a nine-​sided silk crown with nine jewels. He is dressed immaculately with exquisite brilliance and full magnificence.

302  Matthew W. King He enjoys bejeweled and comfortable boots. In this form, the Khan settles down upon the lion. Local tngri, nāgas, yakṣas, evil spirits, demons, Mamo,18 khanda, the eight groups of wrathful [worldly] protectors,19 and so on, The army of Vaiśravaṇa’s [yakṣa] circle Who use the three vajras to represent the three worlds—​ All these assemble [around Chinggis Khan]. Je! From the great peaceful joy of the sphere of reality,20 Mirage-​like armies waving swords, supreme of the supreme heavenly kings, He who is renowned with the name “Chinggis,” And tens of thousands [of other retinue deities] arise in the space [before me]. Please grant [my requests]! (Keep in mind what has been said above. Recite the “one-​hundred syllable” mantra three times and then make confessions.) Je! Well-​beyond the radiance of the Dharma, Under the power of the mental afflictions21 I have acted contrary to my vows. I confess all this to the Great Khan together with his Companions. Please protect, assist, and restore all my degenerated [vows]! (Accordingly, [Chinggis Khan and his entourage] give blessings to all those who are the objects of their benevolence.) Aya! Alas! From the vast sphere of the spontaneous great peace of the dharmadhātu Supreme outer, inner, and secret [offering] objects beyond what the eye can see, and so on, Fill up the earth and the bright space of the heavens. O’ Great Khan together with your companions, be gladdened!

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  303 Vermillion water offerings of the ocean-​like blood Of the hearts of enemies and evil spirits, An arrangement of bloosoming flowers made up of the limbs of broken vows, An incense cloud of cooking fat and meat hacked from the shoulder of a tngri, The three thousand worlds illuminated by these many butter lamps, The abundant wishes of the Great Tngri Khan,22 The abundant wishes of his oath-​bound companions, like an ocean; Please! Restore my degenerated relationship with these abundant wishes! Please! Completely eliminate all obstacles! [I offer] camphor and sandalwood-​scented water flowing continuously like the Ganges, A banquet of the food of tngri and humans as vast as the shadow of Mt. Meru, A pooled golden drink of pleasure-​inducing elixir like the ocean tides, Songs of sundry joyous melodies like the snarl of a nāga, White-​headed, horned black sheep along with yaks headed out to pasture, Virtuous and fearless black dogs with the stride of a bear, Many varieties of lions, tigers, panthers, wolves, and bears, Countless types of beasts with fang and tooth exposed stretching out beyond sight, A crystal-​colored long sword, a dish laden with wealth, Gem-​encrusted divine cloth, The six types of seal, a hero's share of ornamented attire. (Then make the request) “Please accomplish the four activities!” (The activities of pacifying, increasing, controlling, and subjugating) The five jewels of aspiration and the nine jewels of a khan’s rule, The eight auspicious signs, the four continents and the intermediary continents, Mentally produced, cloud-​like emanated offerings accompanied by rain, And especially the three thousand container-​like worlds,

304  Matthew W. King The great red torma of the heavenly abode of Īśvara That leads to the supreme religion, [I]‌will now offer the torma and then make requests. Aya! Alas! Completely victorious Buddha Yamarāja,23 Compassionately adopting a wrathful appearance, In this age you became Tngri [Chinggis] Khan: Please terrify, incite, and exert your force without ever a break! Because of the nonvirtues of wrong view and my degenerated vows, I have been insolent toward my Guru, suppressed my religion, Killed sentient beings, and I have [behaved] with anger. Conquer such nonvirtues! Suppress such demonic forces! Straying from the peace and happiness of religion and sentient beings Because of either punishing or killing The ignorant, stupid, and animals of this degenerate age, Please bring to bear whatever power and ability you possess! Samaya.24

Mantra Recitation

While visualizing that the HŪṂ syllable at the heart of the Khan and the surrounding string of mantras emit rays of light which completely eliminate obstructions and enemies and produce the four activities without any hindrances, recite [the following mantra] many times while keeping count: Oṃ mahādeva rāja sarvasiddhaye25

Afterward, extensively recite the “one-​hundred syllable” mantra [of Vajrasattva] while reflecting on whatever has been left incomplete [in this ritual].

Torma Offering

O’ you and all other visualized tutelary deities and buddhas: All of you and principally the Dharma, please bestow blessings!

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  305 Praise Aya! Noble, benevolent, magical emanation in the form of a worldly ancestor, Your various emanations arise throughout the three-​thousand worlds To perform the four activities without delay. Praise to you, Great Tngri Khan! You who occasionally show the aspect of fierce Zangad,26 You who occasionally show the aspect of being without sound, You who subjugate in any aspect, though you forsake and are on the boundary, Everyone, whether [ally] tngri or enemy tngri, praise you! You who have vowed to [emit] vast common and uncommon magical emanations From lands beyond measure, in order to cut off the sentient beings of the three realms From the ocean-​like hells: To you, assembly of [the Khan's] Companions, I praise! Having offered praise to you, and from receiving your faithful blessings, From now until holy enlightenment, Do not separate from us, do not cause harm, and resolve steadfastedly to secure peace! Cause us to pursue virtue and to accomplish all of our wishes! O' Tngri Khan and Companions, From offering you these words, please partake of this nutritious (shim) torma! Oṃ Mah Deva Rāja Sarvā Bari Yidam Balinda27

Offer the torma while thrice reciting: Ha Ha, Ha Hi, Ha, Hi In addition to that mantra, insert offerings [starting] from “arghaṃ” to “śabda.”28 In addition, make the “inner offering”29 while saying the “three syllable” mantra (oṃ āḥ hūṃ).30

306  Matthew W. King Dedicating the Torma Offering Cake Ho! O’ Tngri Khan and Companions From having offered you this offering torma, Assist me by loathing when I honor upon my crown what is offensive, By extinguishing attacks against the principles of the Mahāyāna, Wreaking havoc when I damage religion, cause disharmony, Or negatively affect my Guru’s health, Please help me stop damaging religion, causing disharmony, And disrupting my Guru's health! O' Tngri Khan, please assist Against those who have acted aggresively toward us, [Such as] enemies, spirits, and Māra! Phaṭ! (Say this and offer the torma to the Lords of the Land31) Please increase the good fortune of this land, our lives, and the Dharma, Remove obstructions to movement and rescue us from danger, And increase the seal of the spontaneous realization of the blessings Of all the intentions of our regional forefathers! May blessings endure!

Notes 1. Heissig Walther, Die Familien-​ und Kirchengeschichtsschreibung der Mongolen (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1959): 11–​49. 2. For a fascinating series of case studies in relation to visual culture, see Isabelle Charleux, “Chinggis Khan: Ancestor, Buddha or Shaman? On the Uses and Abuses of the Portrait of Chinggis Khan,” Mongolian Studies 30/​31(2008): 207–​258. 3. Vesna Wallace, “Envisioning a Mongolian Buddhist Identity Through Chinggis Khan,” in Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015): 85. 4. Johan Elverskog, Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhism and the State in Late Imperial China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006): 114. 5. Walther Heissig, The Religions of Mongolia (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980): 60. 6. Ts. Jamtsarano, “Ordos dakh’ Chinggisiin Ongon,” Monggul Sudulul-​un Medegelel, no.  2.  Quoted and translated in N. Hurcha, “Attempts to Buddhicize the Cult of Chinggis Khan,” Inner Asia 1, no. 1 (1980): 49.

Incense Offering to the Lord Chinggis Khan  307 7. Caroline Humprhey and Hürelbaatar Ujeed, A Monastery in Time: The Making of Mongolian Buddhism (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2013): 1. 8. Birgit Meyer, “Religious Sensations: Why Media, Aesthetics, and Power Matter in the Study of Contemporary Religion,” in Religion: Beyond a Concept, edited by Hent de Vries (New York: Fordham University Press, 2008): 704–​23. 9. Class. Mong. sodu boγda. 10. Class. Mong. ǰayaγatu tüsimed. 11. Class. Mong. ubasi, ubasika from Skrt. upāsaka. 12. Class. Mong. gügül from the Tibetan gu gul, which can sometimes refer to frankinsence. 13. Class. Mong. qaγan ada. 14. Class. Mong. ridi, from Skrt. ṛddhi (Tib. rdzu ‘phrul). These are supernatural abilities considered to be relatively mundane by-​products of meditative accomplishment, including holding the sun and moon in one’s hands and walking on water. 15. Class. Mong. ters nomtai qaad 16. Class. Mong. amin γool. 17. Class. Mong. külin külin ečülge. 18. From Tibetan: ma mo. This usually denotes a class of flesh-​eating demonesses. 19. Class. Mong. dagshin naiman aimag. These eight groups of wrathful, worldly beings are well known across Buddhist and non-​Buddhist South Asia. In many Inner and East Asian Buddhist traditions, these eight groups—​devas, nāgas, yakṣas, gandharvas, asuras, garuḍas, kiṃnaras, and mahoragas—​are understood to have converted to the Buddha’s teachings in his presence at Vulture’s Peak and then to have vowed to protect the Buddha-​dharma ever since. 20. Class. Mong. nomin agaar; Tib. chos kyi dbyings. Meaning the “Dharma realm” or the “sphere of reality.” While the meaning of this term varies considerably across Buddhist philosophical traditions, in this context it refers to the ultimate nature of reality, that is, emptiness of inherent existence, the recognition of which is the goal of Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhist practices. 21. Class. Mong. nisvanis; Skrt. kleśa. 22. Skrt. Mahādevarāja. 23. Class. Mong. Yamaraza burkhan (“Lord of Death”) is considered in some sources to have been the first sentient being who died, and therefore the Lord of all the dead who came after. In most Tibetan schools, but especially in the Géluk school, Yamarāja is considered to be an enlightened Dharma Protector (Skrt. dharmapāla), often associated with the Anuttarayogatantras associated with Yamāntaka (and associated tantric tutelary deities such as Bhairava and Vajrabhairava), where Yamarāja is known as Dharmarāja or Kālarūpa (Tib. chos rgyal; dam can chos rgyal; gshin rje chos rgyal) and is considered one of the three principal Dharma Protectors of the Géluk school with outer, inner, and secret aspects and realms of activity. 24. Tib. dam tshig refers to a set of tantric commitments, or pledges, bestowed upon disciples in tantric initiations. Bulgan, “Ezen Chingis Khaani Takhilga Orshivoi,” in Chingis Khaan Ba Mongol Burkhani Shashin (Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo, 2006): 53–​57. 25. Class. Mong. um makhadeva raza savra sedi ee. 26. A protector known in Tibetan as Tengö (Tib. Btsan rgod).

308  Matthew W. King 27. Class. Mong. um makhadeva raza savara bari yadam balinda. 28. The author advises practitioners to insert the outer offerings, usually eight in number (Tib. mchod pa brgyad): water for drinking (Skrt. arghaṃ; Tib. mchod yon; Class. Mong. argam); water for cleansing (Skrt. pādyaṃ; Tib. zhabs bsil; Class. Mong. badam); flowers (Skrt. puṣpe; Tib. me tog; Class. Mong. büsbi); incense (Skrt. dhūpe; Tib. bdug spos pa; Class. Mong. düvi); light (Skrt. āloke; Tib. mar me; Class. Mong. alogi); scented water (Skrt. gandhe; Tib. dri chab; Class. Mong. gandi); food (Skrt. naivedye; Tib. zhal zas; Class. Mong. nivadi); and music (Skrt. śabda; Tib. rol mo; Class. Mong. shavda). 29. Class. Mong. dotood takhil; Tib. nang mchod. This is an elixir of ten impurities made up of five kinds of meats and five “nectars” (excrement, urine, blood, marrow, and semen). In the course of being offered in the context of a higher tantric ritual, the practitioner dissolves this “inner offering” into emptiness before regenerating it as a pure elixir of medicinal nectar, life-​giving nectar, and the nectar of wisdom. It is then offered in that purified form. 30. Class. Mong. um a hum. 31. Class. Mong. gazrin ez; Tib. yul lha. These are regional spirits which receive offerings at the end of most Inner Asian Buddhist rituals and who are often requested, in exchange, to work on behalf of the mundane benefit of local communities (by ensuring good reputation, calming conflicts, bringing favorable weather, and so on).

Bibliography Charleux, Isabelle. 2008. “Chinggis Khan: Ancestor, Buddha or Shaman? On the Uses and Abuses of the Portrait of Chinggis Khan.” Mongolian Studies 30/​31: 207–​258. Elverskog, Johan. 2006. Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhism and the State in Late Imperial China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Heissig, Walter. 1959. Die Familien—​und Kirchengeschichtsschreibung der Mongolen. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. Heissig, Walter. 1980. The Religions of Mongolia. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Humphrey, Caroline, and Ujeed Hürelbaatar. 2013. A Monastery in Time: The Making of Mongolian Buddhism. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press Hurcha, N. 1999. “Attempts to Buddhicize the Cult of Chinggis Khan.” Inner Asia 1(1): 45–​57. Jamtsarano, Ts. 1994. “Ordos dah’ Chingisiin Ongon.” Mongγul Sudulul-​un Medegelel (Cyrillic Edition), no. 2. Meyer, Birgit. 2008. “Religious Sensations: Why Media, Aesthetics, and Power Matter in the Study of Contemporary Religion.” In Religion: Beyond a Concept, edited by Hent de Vries, 704–​723 New York: Fordham University Press. Wallace, Vesna, A. 2015. “Envisioning a Mongolian Buddhist Identity through Chinggis Khan.” In Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace, 70–​94. New York: Oxford University Press.

15

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Usukhbayar

Introduction Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem (Tib. Blo bzang tshul khrims, 1740–​1810), also known as Sumadi Shila Shiri Badra (Skrt. Sumati Śīla Śrī Bhadra, and also affectionately called Bogdo Lama), was a highly trained and prolific Buddhist master who wrote on a wide range of topics, covering various disciplines of Buddhist knowledge including astrology, medicine, poetry and the creative arts. He also authored versified treatises focusing on everyday practices and rituals and is known for translating many Buddhist classics from Tibetan into Mongolian. In summary, his Collected Works (Tib. gsung ‘bum)1 consist of ten volumes comprised of around two hundred texts in Tibetan, in addition to those composed in Mongolian. Considering his prolific work, it is not surprising that his monastery, in which he established woodblock printing, became one of the main publishing centers in Mongolia in the latter part of the eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries. It was due to Čaqar Gebši’s dedication to study, writing, and practice that he refused offers of high monastic administrative office on three different occasions. The first was in 1769 when he was offered the position of abbot of Bodhi Dvipa Temple; the second was in 1774 when he was offered a high post by the high-​ ranking lama Shireet Erdeniin Gegeen; and the third was in 1786, when he was again asked to serve as the administrative head of monks. In a poem composed in the Mongolian language and titled “a Hymn of Discouragement from Desire for Power” (Written Mong. Öndör yeke ǰerge-​ii khüsekhü-​ii itγaqu-​yin daγulal), he gives this advice to those seeking honor and high positions: . . . If you want to achieve a high position You must withstand illusions such as deceit and dishonesty. Continuously improve all your abilities, Read sūtras, recite eulogies, meditate, and prefer virtuous deeds. By accumulating your own virtues,

Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Usukhbayar, Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0015

310  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar Finding supreme holiness, Be recognized by others as respected. Naturally, people will honor you . . . 2

A Short Biography of Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültim The biography of Čaqar Gebši was originally composed in the Tibetan language in 1817 by his disciple, Luvsansamrübnyima; it was later translated into Mongolian in 1818 by Luvsanjürmeddanzan and consists of seven chapters. In 1789, Luvsansamrübnyima’s father brought him to Čaqar Gebši as a disciple, and for the next twenty years he followed and studied with him. The author was a talented scholar who composed the biography by including Čaqar Gebši’s poems, excerpts from his technical philosophical treatises, and legends, blending them with descriptions of what he heard from the Bogda Lama himself and from those close to Čaqar Gebši, all in chronological order.3 In this biography, Čaqar Gebši is referred to as a bodhisattva and a reincarnation of the great Tibetan master Tsongkhapa.4 Similar to Indian narratives of the life of the historical Buddha-​to-​ be, in this biography, the reader is reminded that when a bodhisattva is about to be reborn, he considers four important factors: the appropriate time, the appropriate continent, the appropriate place, and the appropriate family into which he will be reborn. In this biography, Čaqar Gebši’s birthplace is discussed from the perspective of Buddhist cosmology. As his name indicates, Čaqar Gebši was born into the Čaqar qoshun (Eng. district) in Inner Mongolia in 1740 to the father Tsegonjal (Tib. Tshe mgon rgyal) and mother Qalǰankeü, in a place located fifteen days northeast of Wutai Shan. In Luvsansamrübnyima’s view, there must have been certain auspicious signs at the time of the conception of his beloved teacher and on the occasion of his birth. He speculates that the absence of any mentions of auspicious signs at Čaqar Gebši’s birth is because ordinary people did not know how to interpret such signs or because Čaqar Gebši had hidden those signs out of humility. As a bodhisattva who attained enlightenment for the sake of others and who was endowed with great intelligence, Čaqar Gebši took rebirth out of his desire to spread the teachings of the holy Tsongkhapa in the land of Mongolia. In dedication to Čaqar Gebši, Luvsansamrübnyima wrote the following: It is so wonderful that you took rebirth for the sake of our happiness, having decided to guide us, the unreliable and suffering beings who have lost our way beyond the measure of time and the boundaries of our paths. We are outrageous and difficult, as if we were left in the forest by our ancestors to be tamed only by you, the hero who can save us. We cannot be pacified in any other way by

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  311 bodhisattvas. How could bodhisattvas pacify us differently? Due to this, as you are fearless, courageous, and compassionate, please save and support us unreliable, suffering beings throughout our time in the cycle of saṃsāra. 5

According to Luvsansamrübnyima, Čaqar Gebši began his studies of the Mongolian and Tibetan scripts at the age of seven under the tutorship of his uncle. At the age of fifteen, in 1754,6 he took the getsel (Tib. dge tshul) ordination before he was transferred to Dolon Nuur Temple in 1756. Later on, in 1762, he went to Beijing to study at the Yonghegong7 temple, also known as the “Palace of Harmony and Peace.” After several years of study in Beijing, he returned to Mongolia. On his way back to Mongolia in 1768, he reportedly spent a night in a place called Golden (Mong. Alta-​tu), where he had a dream about an old man with a coat, made of goat pelt, welcoming him. The old man proceeded to show him his left hand with the little finger amputated and asked him to cure his hand. Waking up from the dream, Čaqar Gebši reckoned that the old man who appeared in his dream could be a nāga who became ill due to the local community’s bad deeds. Later on, Čaqar Gebši returned to that place and performed an offering and purification incense (sang; Tib. bsangs) ritual for the nāga of that place. On a later occasion during another journey through the same region, he had another dream of the same old man, who this time appeared happy and had his little finger fully restored. Over the course of twenty-​two years, from the age of forty-​eight to seventy, he was most productive in all aspects of his work: establishing temples, writing and translating books, practicing meditation, conducting ceremonies, and treating illnesses caused by malevolent entities such as nāgas. In 1785, Čaqar Gebši began to build the temple “Tegüs bayasqulang-​tu nom-​i bariɣči süm-​e” (“Temple Holding the Pleasurable Dharma”), also known as the “Čagan aɣula-​un süm-​e” (“White Mount Temple”), where some of the monastic chanting was conducted in the Mongolian language. He also built another temple, “Erdeni Dösi-​yin süm-​ e,” between 1794 and 1796, in Čaqar territory. The biography informs us of occasions when he acted as a healer. For example, he cured a monk named Zündüi who suffered from a bile disorder by giving him medicine and mantras. Likewise, he healed a woman who suffered from a demonic injury by giving her his prayer rosary to keep in her home. To demons, that rosary appeared as many monks, and it prevented the demons from entering her home. At times when a contagious disease spread in various places of southern Mongolia, he sent his disciples to cure the sick, and reportedly none of these disciples became infected by disease. Čaqar Gebši died in February 1810. According to Luvsansamrübnyima, miraculous signs appeared at his death, witnessed by many people. Čaqar Gebši’s body was placed in a two-​layered coffin, and when the outer box of the coffin was

312  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar opened, a fragrance permeated the air. White clouds gathered when the ceremonial tea was boiled, and snow-​white, eight-​petaled flowers of different sizes fell from those clouds. A beautiful white rainbow also appeared in the west at sunset. Upon Čaqar Gebši’s death, his disciples asked Ajaa Gegeen to write Čaqar Gebši’s biography, but he was unable to fulfill their request as he died soon thereafter. This is how Luvsansamrübnyima came to write his biography. By March 1817, Luvsansamrübnyima had completed the biography, and in the following year, the Mongolian translation came into existence.

A Review of Čaqar Gebši’s Writings Čaqar Gebši composed texts on a wide range of topics, which can be divided in the following manner: 1. Didactic Texts A Poem for Ascertaining Dharma when Boredom has been Aroused in the Mind (Tib. Skyo bas yid bskul nas chos sgrub par ‘dod pa’i tshe bris pa’i glu tshig) A Hymn to Discourage the Desire for Power (Mong. Öndör yeke ǰerge-​ii khüsekhü-​yi itγaqu-​yin daγulal) A Hymn to Discourage the Desire for Festivity and Entertainment (Mong. Bayar naγadum qurim tebčiqui-​yin daγulal) The Advice to Agvaantseren (Mong. Agvangrinčen-​du surγasan surγal) The Heart Jewel of the Words of Advice (Mong. Surγal üges-​un ǰirüken erdeni terigüten) A Poem for the Benefaction of Parents (Mong. Ačitu ečige eke-​yin qariγu šülug) Do Not Worship Shamans (Mong. Böge terigüten-​i sitüǰü bolqu ügei). 2. Ritual Texts (for an example, see later) 3. Legends The Legend of Śrīdevī, An Interpretation of the Mantra Offering to Guardian Deities (Tib. Dpal ldan lha mo’i lo rgyus sngags don bskang gso’i lhan thabs) A Legend of Sukhāvatī (Mong. Suqabad-​un oron-​u joqiyal) 4. Astrological Texts Shower of Good Fortune:  An Explanation of the Five Collections in the System of Astrology (Tib. Grub rtsis lugs kyi lnga bsdus kyi rnam bshad bkra shis char ‘bebs)

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  313 Fully Developed Good Fortune:  A Quick Way of Calculating the Five Collections (Tib. Lnga bsdus kyi myur rtsis bya tshul bkra shis rab rgyas), and so on. 4. Medical Texts (see later) 5. Biographies A Biography of Janggiya Rolbi Dorje (Mong. Janggiya Rolbidorji-​iin namtar) A Biography of Luvsandagva (Mong. Lobsangdagba-​iin namtar) Source of All Goodness: A Clear Narrative of the Life of the Great Tsongkhapa (Tib. Tsong kha pa chen po’i rnam thar go sla bar brjod pa bde legs kun gyi ‘byung gnas), and so on. 6. Mongolian Translations of Tibetan Texts A Treasury of Aphoristic Jewels, (The Subhāṣitaratnanidhi) by Sa Skya Paṇḍita A Drop of Nourishment for People by Nagarjuna and so on.

Čaqar Gebši’s Works on Medicine As previously mentioned, in addition to his well-​known Mongolian translations of Tibetan classics, Čaqar Gebši composed books on a wide variety of topics. Among them, his works on medicine became highly valuable. During his stay at the Yonghegong temple in Beijing, under the tutelage of a certain physician from Dörböd,8 Čaqar Gebši studied the Four Tantras of Medicine (Tib. Rgyud bzhi) and other medical treatises. In the woodblock print edition of his Complete Works, volume 6 contains six of his works on medicine. The first four of his medical works are grouped under the title “Knowledge of How to Recognize Medicines,” and they contain descriptions of many raw medicinal materials, classifying them into eleven groups according to their type, their shape, the environment in which they grow, and their characteristics. Čaqar Gebši’s classification of medicinal substances into eleven categories thus exceeds that of the eightfold classification given in the Four Tantras of Medicine and their explanatory texts. The titles of Čaqar Gebši’s six medical works are as follows: 1. A Few Words on Recognizing Medicines of the Classes of Gems, Soil, and Stones (Tib. Rin po che dang sa rdo’i rigs kyi sman ngo shes par byed pa’i yig chung) 2. Recognizing the Three [Types of] Medicines of Wood, Thang,9 and Plants (Tib. Shing thang rtsi gsum gyi sman ngo shes byed) 3. Recognizing Herbal Types of Medicines (Tib. Sngo yi rigs kyi sman ngo shes byed)

314  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar 4. Recognizing Medicines Made from Salt, Ash, and of Animal Origin (Tib. Tshwa dang srog chags las ‘byung ba dang thal ba sogs kyi sman ngo shes byed) 5. A Summary of the Principles of Pulse Examination (Tib. Rtsa brtag tshul mdor bsdus) 6. The Method for Preparing Oil-​based Basam Medicine (Tib. ‘Ba’ sam sman mar bya tshul) In A Summary of the Principles of Pulse Examination, Čaqar Gebši follows descriptions given in the last of the Four Tantras of Medicine, expounding on the ways to differentiate the pulses symptomatic of heat and cold disorders and how each of the six types of pulses are examined during episodes of such disorders, on bloodletting therapy, and so on. This work became a useful manual for medical practitioners early in their careers. In The Method for Preparing Oil-​Based Basam Medicine, Čaqar Gebši wrote on the method for preparing and using oil-​based Basam medicine10, the five medicinal baths, and the treatments of shivers11, syphilis, and certain skin disorders. Here we also find descriptions of how to perform the smallpox inoculation and of hygienic and preventive practices for common infectious diseases. In addition to these works, Čaqar Gebši wrote texts on preventive practices. Among these, works worth mentioning are his Persuasion to Resist Smoking (Tib. Du ba spong ba’i bslab tshigs zhugs), A Poem Indicating the Faults of Vodka (Tib. Chang gi nyes dmigs ston pa’i tshigs bcad bzhugs so), Persuasion to Stop Drinking Liquor (Tib. Chang spong ba’i bslab tshigs zhugs), contained in volume 9 of his Collected Works, and Opening the Eye of Intelligence for the Fortunate: A Short Analysis of the Need to Quit Smoking (Tib. Tha ma kha sogs spong dgos pa sogs kyi mtha’ la dpyad pa’i yig chung skal ldan blo gros mig ‘byed, volume 9), all of which encourage the readers to resist and abandon the harmful habits of smoking and Mongolian vidka.

Čaqar Gebši’s Ritual Texts Čaqar Gebši composed several works with the intent to adapt the Tibetan form of Buddhism to Mongolian culture and to popularize Buddhism among the Mongolians. One of these works is his poem titled Do Not Worship Shamans (Mong. Böge terigüten-​i šitüǰü bolqu ügei),12 which he composed in 1760 to discourage Mongolians from practicing shamanism. He is also thought to have transformed certain shamanic rituals into Buddhist ritual practices, such as the fire worship and the ritual offering of mare milk. Scattered throughout his Collected Works one finds a considerable number of ritual texts. To name a few:  A Shower of Many Wishes:  An Easily Practiced Arrangement of the Ritual for the Nāga Treasure Vase (Tib. Klu’i bum gter gyi cho

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  315 ga lag tu blangs bde bar bkod pa ‘dod rgu’i char ‘bebs, vol. 4); Offering to the Fire God (Tib. Me lha mchod tshul sogs, vol. 5); A Shower of Many Wishes: Offering to the Deity of War (Tib. Dgra lha’i gsol mchod ’dod dgu’i char ’bebs, vol. 6); A Ritual of Offering Cakes to the Dharma Protectors (Tib. Chos skyong rnams la gshegs gtor ’bul ba’i cho ga, vol. 6); Treasury of Accomplishment: A Ritual for Constructing an “Ovoo” (Tib. Lha tho brtsig tshul dngos grub gter mdzod, vol. 6); Source of Benefit and Bliss: A Ritual for Worshiping the Nāga (Tib. Klu mchod tshul phan bde kun ’byung, vol. 8); Opening the Door to Liberation: A Ritual of Cremation (Tib. Phung po bsreg sbyang bya ba’i cho ga thar pa’i sgo ‘byed, vol. 8); Every Wish Comes True: A Ritual for Hoisting a War Deity Flag (Tib. Dgra lha’i rten dar btsugs nas mchod pa’i cho ga ’dod don kun ’grub, vol. 9); and Bestowing Happiness and Glory: An Exorcism Ritual (Tib. Sa bdag gdon grol gyi cho ga bde legs dpal ster, vol. 9). Čaqar Gebši was concerned with every aspect of the Mongolians’ life. For example, he wrote works on wedding rituals and on determining the mutual compatibility of the future couple, which is based on the belief that the newlyweds’ life together depends on perfectly executing the formal procedure of bringing the new bride to the groom’s home. His Accomplishing All Good Fortune: Ritual for Taking a Bride (Tib. bag ma gtong len la mkho ba’i cho ga bkra shis kun grub) was composed in 1808 and is included in the eighth volume of his Collected Works. The rituals required for bringing the bride home that are described in this text include the worship of deities and nāgas for the removal of obstacles caused by evil spirits, invoking blessings, and so on. His ritual texts also reflect the concerns of Mongolian pastoralists, whose livelihood is dependent on good weather and abundant grass, as seen from these two ritual works: Great Ocean of Benefit and Bliss: A Ritual for Rainfall (Tib. Char ’bebs kyi cho ga phan bde’i rgya mtsho chen po, vol. 6), and Spontaneously Fulfilling Wishes: A Ritual for Making Rain (Tib. Char ‘bebs rgyas pa byed tshul bsam don lhun grub, vol. 6). Both texts deal with methods for diverting the disasters of drought and severe winter weather conditions.13 The Ritual Offering to the Fire God (Tib. Me lha mchod tshul sogs),14 which includes another text titled The Offering of Mare Milk (Tib. Rgod ma’i ‘o ma gtor tshul bzhugs), is translated later in this chapter. Both texts are very closely connected to Mongolian pastoral life and to the Mongolians’ concerns regarding good health and long life.

Ritual Offering to the Fire God Veneration of the Fire Goddess in Mongolia precedes the advent of Buddhism. Traditionally, fire symbolizes the source of purification. There are two versions of the fire offering ritual composed by Čaqar Gebši, the Mongolian15 and Tibetan

316  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar versions. The Tibetan version of the Ritual Offering to the Fire God (Tib. Me lha mchod tshul sogs) is translated later. This fire offering ritual treatise consists of three parts: (1) the explanation of the purpose and origin of the ritual; (2) a discussion of all the necessary preparations for the fire offering; and (3) a detailed description of the actual ritual procedure.16 The Mongolian and Tibetan versions share some commonality in the opening benedictory lines and with regard to the offering. At the end of the Tibetan version, Čaqar Gebši expresses his desire for the Fire God’s ritual to be “a fierce one.” According to Čaqar Gebši, the fire offering ritual is related to the Yamāntaka tradition and is efficacious in removing obstacles caused by malevolent spirits. Preparations for the ritual are considered to be very important and are extensive. Preparations include both the internal and the external offerings. Various foods and other ritual-​related goods are prepared for specific purposes. Water, sacrificial cakes (Tib. gtor ma), lamps, silk, vodka, and incense, all of which are imbued with symbolic meaning, are also prepared. Specific parts of a slaughtered sheep that are regarded as a respectful food offering to a respected person or for a special event are offered to the Fire God, who is an important deity in the Mongolians’ everyday life. In the traditional Mongolian custom of serving a boiled sheep, the head of the household offers a part of the first serving to the fire as an offering to the Fire Deity. When offering the meat, the following prayer is recited: May our goals be achieved by offering you the sheep’s short ribs! May all our deeds be successful by offering the upper part of the sheep’s breastbone, and may we be abundant by offering you the sheep shinbone!

Prior to performing the ritual, the home must be cleaned, especially the area around the hearth, and before the fire is lit, the firewood must be prepared in the hearth in a particular way. The preparation is finalized by purifying the home with juniper incense. The ritual begins with the chanting of the appropriate mantra, homage to the Buddha, and visualization of oneself as Yamāntaka. In the course of meditative visualization, one imagines that the offering goods are purified and multiplied, and the offering is mentally marked with the first initial of the owners name of the household. In Mongolian shamanic tradition, the Fire Deity was female, but under Buddhist influence, the female fire deity became male.17 In the Mongolian version18 of Čaqar Gebši’s ritual text, the fire deity is the White Old Man, having a white beard, one face, and two hands holding a white crystal rosary and a vessel full of elexir. Every aspect of his external appearance is associated with the sense of serenity, purity, longevity, holiness, and cleanliness. In contrast, in the Tibetan version of Čaqar Gebši’s ritual, the fire deity is Ṭakkirāja19 who is not separable

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  317 of his consort. He is meditated upon as dwelling in the southeast, surrounded by his many companions consisting of gods and sages. This is similar to Mongolian shamanism, where the fire element is believed to be under the control of a Goddess, whose femininity is expressed by the traditional view that women in the family are responsible for the southeastern area of the home (Mong. ger), which is the space dedicated to the kitchen. For this reason, the southeastern direction is often regarded as auspicious. In his Tibetan version of the ritual the Fire God has a fierce appearance and three faces: one white, one black, and one red. The white face represents his purity and cleanliness, the black face signifies his power and authority, and the red face symbolizes his strength, energy, and menace. He embodies perilous potency, anger, and love. He has six arms holding objects symbolizing the protection of humans: a delicate glass rosary, a gift of fearlessness, a golden vessel, a skull, a short crooked sword, and a three-​pointed spear, all of which are to protect the household from malicious spirits.20 In Mongolia, the Fire Deity has traditionally been worshipped as the “Lord of Fierce Deities,” and its flames are worshipped when the family faces the dangers of illness, the loss of protection from evil spirits, or the home being burned by fire. Being at the center of the ger, it represents the sun, or the Heavenly Fire.21 However, as a female deity in shamanism, the Fire Goddess is linked to fertility and the continuation of the family lineage because women have been recognized as the guardians of the descendants. Mongolians highly regard their fire as the continuum of their lineage, as they believe that it links their ancestors with their descendants. When a Mongolian nomadic family moves to another location and sets up its ger, it does not set it up on land that has been used by a previous family because doing so would mean continuing the fire of another family while interrupting the continuity of their own ancestors’ flame. The domestic hearth and its fire are to be respected and kept clean. Impure objects such as trash, bird feathers or weeds should never be placed into the fire. Likewise, objects contaminated with blood, shoes, socks, and any unclean items should not be placed near the fire of the hearth, nor should one ever step over the fire. Also, one should never point at the fire with the index finger (mostly used as a gesture of blaming) or with a sharp object such as a tool blade or a weapon, nor should one sit with the feet pointing in the direction of the fire. Moreover, one should not use axes and knives too close to the fire because of the danger of injuring the fire deity. Touching or digging in the hearth with the tip of a knife and taking boiled meat from the pot with a knife are also avoided. All other utensils related to the fire must also be respected. For instance, one should not sit on a basket used for collecting dry dung fuel, step on the items used for making the fire, and so on. When extinguishing the fire, it is forbidden to extinguish it with water or by stepping on it. It is also not advised for the family to give away any of their possessions for three days after the fire offering ritual has been

318  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar performed. When the owner of the hearth dies, the hearth is incensed, a ritual of offering vodka is performed (Mong. serjim, Tib. gser skyims), a large fire is lit, and the goods and furniture are purified with incense. After the burial, the mourners must pass through the space between two fires before they can enter the home in order to rid themselves of demons and evil spirits that might have followed them from the burial place. There are numerous customs and traditions that were used by Mongolians in daily life and were believed to be capable of purifying impurities and ill-​spirits. In both Shamanism and Mongolian Buddhism, the fire offering ritual was, and continues to be, commonly used for healing diseases caused by demons and other negative spirits. It is said that disrespectful and maltreatment of nature angers the earth spirits (Mong. γaǰar-​un eǰen; Tib. sa bdag), and nāgas who then send negative energy that causes hardships such as illness, misfortunes, and continual agitation in small children. Tibetan and Mongolian traditional medical religious practices such as gentle and fierce rituals are performed for curing some diseases, mostly caused by supernatural powers. At first, gentle ritual practices may be carried out, however, if these are not successful, stronger alternatives with the chant of “the fierce mantra” and treatment through a fierce ritual, such as fire offering (Sangyé-​Gyatso 2005, p. 1089) is performed in order to clear away malevolent spirits, purify the impure objects, expel demons and relieve the patient from suffering. Accordingly some fire related traditions that involved fire power were used to protect small children from malicious spirits and evict the demon.

The Offering of Mare Milk In traditional Mongolian culture, milk symbolizes purity and the essence of life. It is used frequently in Mongolian Buddhist rituals: sprinkled into the air, or on a person, animal, or object, and offered to spirits as a supplication, to invoke blessings, and as a means of protection. Milk is included in the category of “white foods” or “dairy products” (Mong. Čaγan idege). In Mongolian customs, milk is served as the first part of a feast to visitors as a form of blessing. The white color has traditionally been considered sacred in Mongolia; it has been particularly associated with women, since the white color is regarded as the “mother” of all other colors. As a result, all naturally white things such as milk are believed to be pure, to have benevolent qualities, and to be associated with prosperity. For centuries, Mongolians have used fermented mare milk (Mong. airag) in major Buddhist rituals and consumed it as a respected drink at main ceremonies. Mongolians start milking mares on the day of the tiger of the first month of summer and stop on a day of the dog of an autumn month. This is because

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  319 the tiger, the horse, and dog are compatible animals according to the beliefs of the Mongolian astrology. On the first day of the mare-​milking season, for the sake of securing the increase of one’s own herd and an abundance of milk during the milking season, a ritual ceremony called “A Pledge to the Mare’s Offspring” (Mong. Güünii ürs gargakh yoslol) is performed.22 There are detailed customs to perform the event and all are carried out in defined orders led by certain individual of high respect. To acquire the milk, the mares are milked near their foal so that if one is too unruly, the foal can be brought over to suckle a little, and then it is taken away so that the person milking the mare can take over again. The collected milk is then poured, as by traditional, into a big skin sack or, more contemporarily, a bottle where it is then churned and beaten with a stick shaped for this purpose. Soon, the milk is fermented and covered by a butter-​like substance that floats on the milk. Once that is removed, the milk is called airag. According to traditional medicine, mare milk has sweet taste, warmth quality, and the ability to decrease the bile humor in the body and relieve heat when it is used fresh. In the “Explanatory Tantra” of Four Tantras of Medicine treasure book, it is said that “Horse and donkey milk heals lung disorder . . .” (Yuthok Yönten Gönpo 1993).

Translated Text Offering to the Fire God Homage to the Guru! The offering to the Fire God will be discussed here. People should make offerings to the Fire God every year, and this should be done as instructed. Generally, the offering is the same as the sacrificial cakes offering and the gift to the gods, nāgas, and land-​owning spirits. The offering to the Fire God begins with removing obstacles and finding an appropriate ritual site. One should pay attention that there is not a single undesirable item included when lighting the fire of the God in the hearth. [There is a quote that says,] “The ritual of the fire offering is based on the fire ceremony of the Perfect Conqueror Yamāntaka.” [Preparation] Prepare four bowls of water, the external offerings, a sacrificial cake, the internal offerings, a shinbone, the four longer ribs [of a sheep], and a handful of feather grass wrapped inside the breast of a sheep and tied with woolen string. Cover these with a caul23 and light nine lamps on top of it. Also, prepare scraps of various sorts of cotton, silk and symbals, in three to five offering bowls. Additionally, place vodka in one of the three bowls in order to produce a huge flame in the fire. Clear [the area] around the hearth, place in it appropriate

320  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar fuel such as clean logs, and kindle a well-​presented fire. Light juniper and incense, and place the prepared offering items close to the fire. Sit in front of the hearth and recite the appropriate chants, prostrate to the Buddha, and meditate by visualizing oneself as Yamāntaka. Each offering, such as the sacrificial cake offering and the individual internal offering substances, is purified within emptiness by the HRĪ ṣṬHRī [mantra of Yamāntaka] and is transformed into an ocean of offering water. Recite this [mantra] three times: oṃ prekṣaṇi ā hūṃ śabda ā hūṃ oṃ ā hūṃ. Immeasurable peace as well as the qualities of insight will emerge naturally with each offering when the offering substances are purified in emptiness. Ornament [them] with the first initials of the names of those whose fire is being offered to [the Fire God]. Recite this three times: oṃ ā hūṃ. Recite this three times: oṃ sarvavid pūra.

[Purification of Fire]

From the emptiness arises the syllable RAṂ In the middle of the Fire triangle that a rosary is appeared from the RAM, and That is transformed to a white body with three faces—​white, black, and red—​and six arms The body that is inseparable from its true nature of spiritual consort. [He holds] a glass rosary in [his] first right hand, A gift of fearlessness is in the second, And [there is] a short, crooked sword in the third. [He] holds a three-​pointed spear in [his] first left hand, A golden vessel in the second, And a skull in the third. The left [leg] is stretched out, Decorated with a fearful dress. At his heart, triangle of fire, symbolized with the syllable RAṂ. Ṭakkirāja came from the lightning heart essence of Samayasattva, [Who] invited a Fire God [himself], meditated in southeast, surrounded by sages and followers. Oṃ ṭakki hūṃ jabra/​ oṃ hrī ṣṭrī vikṛtānanda hūṃ phaṭ/​ do tsi hūṃ vaṃ hoḥ. Samayasattva and the Fire God became indivisible. My gifts of my devotion that Are pure and pleasant, with Mantra blessings and supreme offerings! Please accept them and bestow upon us a kind teaching! oṃ āḥ hrīḥ pravara sarkari prokṣaṇi pratipṛcchā hūṃ svāhā Cleanse the face and feet:

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  321

[Recite:] arcyamāṇi ūrdhvaṃ pācyaṃ . . . 24 [We] offer this pure and delightful, Divine qualified good flower, To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept this and protect us! Say, oṃ vajra puṣpa pratīccha hūṃ svāhā. Also [recite the mantra] up to the “śabda.” [We] offer supreme, medicinal, internal offerings, With qualities of taste and nutrition, To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept this and protect us! oṃ mahā pañca amṛta khāni khāni. The Lokeśvara, Protector Brahmā’s son, Empowered by the King of the Fire God, the Ṭakki. To incinerate all mental afflictions with supreme wisdom, Kneel to the seizing Fire God. [Perform the internal and the external offerings.] [Place the breast into the fire.] [We] offer this supreme food offering With the five excellent sense-​pleasures25 To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept it and protect us! [Recite three times:] oṃ vajra mahā naivedya pratīccha hūṃ svāhā. [Recite this praise at least three times and as many more times as you wish.]

[Vodka Offering]

[We] offer this supreme drink offering With the five excellent sense-​pleasures To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept it and protect us! [Recite three times:] oṃ mahā pañca amṛta khāni khāni. (Perform this offering as many times as you wish to offer vodka to the God.)

[Silk Offering]

[We] offer this supreme silk offering With the five excellent sense-​pleasures To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept it and protect us! [Recite three times:] oṃ vajra . . . hūṃ.26

322  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar [Recite this praise at least three times or as many times as you wish.]

[Sacrificial Cake Offering]

[We] offer this ocean of blessed water With the five excellent sense-​pleasures To the Fire God and his companions. Please accept it and protect us! [Recite three times:] oṃ ākāro . . . svāhā. Cleanse the face and feet: [Recite:] Oṃ vajra puṣpe pratīcchā hūṃ svāhā, and ring the bell and cymbals. [Recite:] Oṃ mahā pañca [amṛta khāni] khāni. [The internal offering is the same as the offering of food into the fire.] [Those making offerings to the Fire God:] Make offerings, circumambulate and worship the Lord of sages, the ruler of evil spirits, and The southeastern assembly of the Fire God. Receive this offering of gifts [and] Pray for us and for our companions To be without sickness and with a bounty of livestock, [To be] with glory, a good reputation, good fortune, and wealth, And to achieve great fulfillment. May peace and other actions be accomplished for us. Oath-​Bound Ones, protect us! Fulfill our wishes and those of our companions! Subdue inauspicious death and sicknesses, Evil spirits causing diseases and their obstacles, Bad dreams, and nonvirtuous deeds. May the world be peaceful and the [coming] years good, With abundant harvests and the spread of the Dharma. [May] total happiness be brought forth, and All the heart’s desires accomplished! [Someone else should place the gifts into the fire.] O, great compassionate lineage teachers, Protect us and support us, without being separated from us until the end. Please bring the best happiness and wellbeing without exception. Bring us today with this blessing! Assembly of tutelary deities and gods who accomplish everything Permanently maintain your kindness toward us as your children! Bring about, without fault, the supreme siddhi. Bring us today with this blessing!

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  323 Unmistaken and permanent Three Jewels, Which can protect [one] from the dangers both in Samsara and Nirvana And bestow all the prosperity of good qualities! Bring us today with this blessing! Religious Guardians, possession of wisdom eyes, Always protect and guard [us] without delay, The fortune of four divine activities27, Bring us today with this blessing! Great king Vaiśravana, Goddess Vasundharā, Eight Guardians, and other gods of wealth, Bestow all the necessities such as food and prosperity! Bring us today with this blessing! Gods, nāgas, and all other protectors, Who reside and dominate this land, The fortune of protection and accomplishment, Bring us today with this blessing! At the present prosperity of gods and humans, The nonexistence of harmful diseases and evil spirits, The fortune of accumulating religious virtues, Bring us today with this blessing! The spread of [our] glorious reputation near and far, Being empowered to exercise control over all, [The fulfillment of] all wishes raining down like a torrent, Bring us today with this blessing! The servants and followers who serve you as your wish, The fortune of place where the harvest is always fruitful, Bring us today with this blessing! The fortune of long life without obstacles, A magnificent supreme body with physical skills brightness, The fortune of intelligence knowing all subjects, Bring us today with this blessing! The continuous growth of livestock and wealth, The fulfillment of all our wishes exactly as one wish, The fortune of everlasting happiness and prosperity, Bring us today with this blessing! By the blessing of Lama, the Three Jewels, and the Guardians, And auspicious of our fate and prayer, All the prosperity of the world and beyond world, Come to our fortune and become stable. [Now recite Vajrasattva, hundred-​syllable] May it endure . . . whatever of our intelligence

324  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar Others and I . . . the world not destroyed . . . peaceful world . . . For the benefit of others [at the end of main ritual practice, one can complete the whole process with auspicious prays. In the text, the author gives four symbol prayers, however, he also mentions that when can recite any other auspicious prays]. And oneself, let the fire offering be a fierce one! Furthermore, during this time of degeneration May my actual triumph be accomplished! [that way you request] Oṃ mu The divine of wisdom went back to their own place, And Samayasattva transformed into flames! [then again you can recite auspicious prays as you wish. Here the author gives an example of one pray calls yonton rab rdzogs ma . . .] [This ritual may help to all sentient beings] Auspiciousness!

[Conclusion]

oṃ, spontaneously create great happiness in the realm, ā, again for the sake of all beings, hūṃ, that the devotees are on the side of virtue, hrī, support with accomplishment of the sacred teachings.

Colophon This was written in the year of the Iron Female Pig [1791] as a giving command to hearth deity during the practice of maṇi ritual at the Bodhi Dvipa Temple while they faced a problem to cook a tea for the gathering monks. May the virtue multiply!

Offering of Mare’s Milk Homage to the Guru! For the mare milk offering ceremony, choose an appropriate site near the foals’ pole area [where two sticks stand perpendicular to the ground, connected by a strong rope to hold the foals] and light juniper incense. A portable table or chest should be placed on a white felt carpet on the ground. Place a sacrificial cake, the internal and the external offerings on the table for worship. Fill a pot with mare milk and prepare something to sprinkle the milk, like a wooden sprinkling tool (Mong. sačuli-​yin qalbaγ-​a). Make prostrations and take refuge [motivated by] compassion. Then make the incense offering for abundant blessings. Present a sacrificial cake offering to the Dharma Protector and the Earth Spirit and recite

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  325 the mantra oṃ āḥ hūṃ three times to purify the mare milk and other offerings. A certain person stands facing to the proper direction with the milk offering in hands and spreading while reciting the pray. The pray-​words are: Hūṃ Emptiness comes from the awakened mind, This milk, a pure elixir of immortality, is like a vast ocean. Let it be offered for the delight of the lineage of the high lamas, The tutelary deity, the maṇḍala, and the assembly of deities! If the Enlightened One accepts it, may the Buddhist teachings flourish And may happiness thrive for all living beings! May our and our companions’ Wishes always be spontaneously accomplished! [like that keep the all other stanzas same except two lines, starting with Let it be offered for . . ., which can be substituted by following two lines;] (Repeat the refrain) . . . Let it be offered for the joy of the Enlightened One, [Of] bodhisattvas, noble beings, and all the ḍākas and ḍākinīs! . . . (Repeat the refrain) . . . Let it be offered for the joy of the protection of the Buddha’s teaching [By] the assembly of Dharma Protectors and Guardians! . . . (Repeat the refrain) . . . Let it be offered for the joy of the superior deities and local spirits, That they may permanently uphold their protection and support without confusion! . . . In such way you can offer all other offerings with the same prayer and you can also recite the prayer three or more times as you wish. After that, ending of this offering ritual practice could be concluded with requesting pray and auspicious prays like any other general offering ritual practices. May virtues be multiplied! May it be auspicious!

Notes 1. Čaqar Géshe’s Collected Works, volumes 1–​7, were printed in 1802, vol. 8 in 1807, and vols. 9–​10 in 1809, at his White Mount Temple. 2. Luvsansamrübnyima, A Biography of Luvsančültem. (Getülgegči degedü blam-​ a adiltġal ügei ačitu Bogda Sumadi Šila Širi Badr-​a-​yin gegein-​ü eirünghei-​yin ǰokhiol

326  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar namtar-​i tobči-​yin tedủi egülegsen süsüg-​ün linqu-​a-​yi müsiyelgegči naran-​u gerel degedü mör-​i geyigülün üildügči khemegdekhü orošiba) (Kökekhota:  People’s Press Bureau of Inner Mongolia, 2008): 143. 3. Luvsansamrübnyima (2008): 631. 4. His life and work are closely connected to Tsongkhapa. He wrote Tsongkhapa’s biography twice, in Mongolian (1790) and in Tibetan (1802), which is to this day considered the most complete version of Tsongkhapa’s biography. 5. Luvsansamrübnyima (2008): 27–​28. 6. Due to the system for calculating ages derived from the lunar calendar that considers a newborn to be already one year old, as it is seen to have matured since its conception in the mother’s womb. 7. Yonghegong, also known as Lama Temple, was the main Tibetan Buddhist monastery in Beijing with hundreds of monks from Tibet and Mongolia living and studying there. The monastery was built in 1694 as a residence for the Qing princes and converted to a traveling palace in 1725, but it was reestablished as a monastic college in 1744. 8. A Western Mongolian tribe. 9. Under this term he wrote about different types of tree sap. 10. This is a name of a medicinal preparation that contains different kinds of medicinal materials. 11. ‘Dar ba’i nad is the name of an infectious disease that resembles malaria, with periodic symptoms of shivering, cold, and heat. 12. See Ochi, Čaqar Géshe Luvsančültem (Khailaar: Inner Mongolia National Printing, 1996): 65. 13. Harsh winter weather conditions are of two types. During black dzud, there is no snow and animals die of thirst, whereas with white dzud, there is too much snow and animals die of hunger. 14. Luvsančültem, Collected Works, vol. 5. 15. See Walther Heissig, The Religions of Mongolia (London: Kegan Paul, 2000): 74; and Charles Bawden, Mongolian Traditional Literature:  An Anthology (London:  Kegan Paul, 2004b): 302. 16. According to Heissig (2000): 70; this ritual was most likely adopted from the Turkic settlers of the sixth to seventh centuries c.e. in the area of present-​day Mongolia. Since that time, Mongolian Tengerism has worshiped the Fire Goddess. 17. Heissig (2000): 72. 18. See Heissig (2000): 74, and Bawden (2004b): 302. 19. One of the Ten Wrathful Ones. 20. She did not always have a benevolent attitude toward humankind. According to Buddhist lore, she became benevolent only after being pacified by Padmasambhava, who made her pledge an oath to help sentient beings. See Christopher Atwood, “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion: A Reexamination of the Fire Cult,” History of Religions 36, no. 2 (1996): 136. 21. A ger itself is constructed to emulate the round shape of the universe. 22. Before the event, the designated area where the mare is to be milked is carpeted with woolen felt, and many offerings are placed on a table that is prepared there. A wooden

Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem’s Offering Ritual to the Fire God  327 bucket full of milk is to be placed on it, which will later be carried with the help of an uurga, a type of lasso that is made of a loop of rope at the end of a long pole. While being carried, the milk is tossed into the air with the use of a ceremonial milk spoon carved to have nine regular indents. When performing the tossing of the milk, the bucket is carried either by horse or by foot and is performed by men. First, a man catches the first-​born foal of the year with a lasso that would have been decorated with a red ceremonial ribbon. Then, from among the attendants of the ceremony, nine individuals with white horses are chosen to come to the ger of the owner. At the ger, the owner’s wife offers them milk from a silver bowl, and then the nine riders head to the milking area, where they are handed the bucket of milk using a lasso. They transfer this to the two with the calmest horses who are then led by the owner. As the ritual is performed, one rider will say special words or mantras for the milk offering aloud and encircle the milking area in a clockwise direction. This first foal must be clarified. This is done by rubbing the neck of a stallion after braiding its hair with a blue ceremonial scarf (khadag). The riders now must carry the bucket of milk to the owner’s ger but ensure that it does not touch the ground; the celebratory foods and drinks will be carried to the ger, too. As the riders travel to the ger, despite the fact that the distance they travel will be short, they must stop three times on their journey and act as if they are to camp in that spot overnight and then continue the journey each time. Once they finally arrive, they are to say, “We are bringing the feast food from the offspring ceremony,” to the people in the ger, who will then come out to greet them and continue their role-​play by saying things like: “I hope you have arrived well! Where did you stay overnight?” This is then a chance for the riders to mention respected places and mountain names that they supposedly passed and stayed at overnight. Upon entering the ger, the owner will ask these two riders to do the first touch of the feast and allocate the food for the guests. Soon after, Mongolian vodka is prepared in a silver cup on a blessing silk scarf and is handed to a special guest who will declare a prayer wish. The visitors continue to be served meals until the ceremony ends. 23. The epiploon is the greater omentum. In animals, it is the caul, a large apron-​like fold of visceral peritoneum that hangs down from the stomach. 24. The last word of the mantra is illegible. 25. Pleasing forms, sounds, smells, tastes, and tactile sensations. 26. Parts of the mantra are illegible. 27. Pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and destroying.

Bibliography Atwood, Christopher. 1996. “Buddhism and Popular Ritual in Mongolian Religion:  A Reexamination of the Fire Cult.” History of Religions 36(2): 112–​139. Bawden, Charles. 1994a. Confronting the Supernatural: Mongolian Traditional Ways and Means: Collected. Wiesbaden: Hubert & Co. Bawden, Charles. 1994b. Mongolian Traditional Literature:  An Anthology. London: Kegan Paul.

328  Batsaikhan Norov and Batchimeg Ushkhbayar Heissig, Walther. 1966. Mongolische volksreligiöse und folkloristische Texte aus europäischen Bibliotheken: Mit einer Einleitung und Glossar. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. Heissig, Walther. 2000. The Religions of Mongolia. London: Kegan Paul. Luvsansamrübnyima. [1817] 2008. Getülgegči degedü blam-​a adiltġal ügei ačitu Bogda Sumadi Šila Širi Badr-​a-​yin gegein-​ü eirünghei-​yin ǰokhiol namtar-​i tobči-​yin tedủi egülegsen süsüg-​ ün linqu-​ a-​ yi müsiyelgegči naran-​ u gerel degedü mör-​ i geyigülün üildügči khemegdekhü orošiba (A Biography of Luvsančültem). Kökekhota:  People’s Press Bureau of Inner Mongolia. Luvsansamrübnyima. [1817] 2010. Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem. (A Biography of Luvsančültem.) Ulaanbaatar: Bembi san printing. Luvsančültem. ‘Ba’ sam sman mar bya tshul bzhugs. (The Method to Prepare Oil-​Based Basam Medicine) Xylographic print, folios: 1–​8. Place and date of publication unknown. Luvsančültem. Collected Works (Gsung ’bum). Woodprint, Vols. 1–​7. 1802. vol. 8. 1807. Vols. 9–​10. 1809. Čaqar: White Mount Temple. Ochi. 1996. Čaqar Gebši Luvsančültem. Khailaar: Inner Mongolia National Printing. Sangyé-​Gyatso. 2005. rgyud bzhi’I gsal byed baiDUrya sngon po. Lhasa:  People’s Press Bureau of Tibet. vol. 2. 1089. Ye shes dpal ’byor. 1998. Dörben rašiyan (The Four Elixirs). Kökekhota:  People’s Press Bureau of Inner Mongolia. Yuthok Yönten Gönpo. 1993. Anagakhu Ukhagan-​u Dörben Ündesü (Four Tantras of Medicine). Kökekhota: People’s Press Bureau of Inner Mongolia.

16

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar Zsuzsa Majer

Introduction The activities and works of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar (1635–​1723), the first head of Mongolian Buddhism, have been the topic of numerous books and articles written in Mongolia.1 A ceremony commemorating Zanabazar’s death is regularly held in every Mongolian temple on the fourteenth day of the first month of spring, which is known as the “Great Day of Öndör Gegeen” (Öndör gegeenii ikh düitsen ödör). As it coincides with the fourteenth day ceremonies of the Lunar New Year, on that day, a double ceremony called the “Two-​fold Prayer” (Davkhar yerööl) is held. Before looking at the prayers composed by Zanabazar included in this chapter, let us first briefly describe Zanabazar’s activities in general, and then examine the circumstances surrounding the composition of his prayers and their usage in the ritual system in both pre-​Socialist Mongolia and today.2 No account of the ritual texts written by Zanabazar is known in English or in any other European language.3 The brief discussion of the usage of these texts in the ritual system, the recommendations for having them recited, and the background of the Mongolian Buddhist ritual system are all based on field research carried out by the author. All three prayers translated in this chapter were composed in the Tibetan language. The first remains the most important prayer in the daily practice of Mongolian Buddhists and is thus the main prayer in all of Mongolian Buddhism, in which the texts of different Tibetan Buddhist traditions and lineages are otherwise used. The second prayer translated here is a food offering, often used in tantric rituals, and the third prayer is connected to a sādhana (“method of realization”) and mantra recitation of Avalokiteśvara. It contains profound tantric doctrinal meaning and is connected to the soyombo writing system created by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar himself. Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar was born in 1635 in Yesön Züil district (sum) in the area of the present Övörkhangai Province (aimag). As the grandson of Abatai

Zsuzsa Majer, Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0016

330  Zsuzsa Majer Khan, the founder of the first Mongolian monastery Erdene Zuu, he was considered a descendant of Chinggis Khan. He was enthroned at the age of five at Shireet Tsagaan Nuur (“White Lake with a Throne”), located in the Bürd district of the present-​day Övörkhangai Province. The name given to him at his novice ordination was Ishdorj (Tib. Ye shes rdo rje), and he later became known by the name he received at his full monastic ordination, Luvsandambiijaltsan (Tib. Blo bzang dam pa’i rgyal mtshan). During his studies in the great Tibetan monastic schools, he received initiations from the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Fourth Panchen Lama. Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar was the first head of Mongolian Buddhism and has been the most prominent figure in Mongolian Buddhism to this day. He bore the title Öndör Gegeen, or “His High Brightness,” and the name Zanabazar, which is a distorted Mongolian pronunciation of the Sanskrit Jñānavajra (“Gnosis-​ Vajra”). As the head of Mongolian Buddhism, Zanabazar bore the title “Bogdo” or “Bogdo Gegegen” (Modern Mong. Bogd Gegeen, “Saint,” “Saint Brightness”) and the title “Jebtsundamba Khutagt” (Tib. Rje btsun dam pa, the “Highest Saint,” or “His Excellency”), conferred upon him in 1651 by the Fifth Dalai Lama, who recognized him as the Mongolian incarnation of the Tibetan master Tārānātha (1575–​1634), a famous representative of the Jonangpa tradition. As a political and religious leader, Zanabazar played a key role in the spreading of the Gèluk (Tib. dge lugs) form of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia. Zanabazar established several monasteries in Mongolia, one of which was Baruun Khüree (“Western Monastic City”), also known as Shankh Khüree (its other names being Tüsheet Khany Khüree and Ribogejigandanshaddüblin), founded in 1647 in Kharkhorin district of today’s Övörkhangai Province. The most significant of his monasteries was Ribogejigandanshaddüblin (Tib. Ri bo dge rgyas dga’ ldan bshad sgrub gling), or Nomiin Ikh Khüree (“Great Monastery of the Teaching”), which he founded in 1654 on Khentii Mountain situated in Möngönmoryt district of the present-​day Töv Province. This monastery is also known as Sarydagiin Khiid or as Züün Khüree (“Eastern Monastic City”), named after its location in relation to the previously built Baruun Khüree (“Western Monastic City”). In 1680, during the Khalkha-​Oirat Wars, this monastery was ruined. It is considered to be the original version of the later monastic establishment known as Ikh Khüree or Bogdiin Khüree, which, after changing its location many times, was permanently established in the area of the present-​ day Ulaanbaatar. In 1653, Zanabazar also established a small monastery for the practice of meditation known as Tövkhön or Tövkhön Khiid4 (Tib. sgrub khang). Initially there was only a meditation cave at the site of this monastery, and a temple was built later. The original name for this monastery given by Zanabazar was E Vam Gachillin (Tib. E waṃ dga’ ‘khyil gling), the Monastery of the Wheel of Joy5 of Wisdom and Method.6 The monastery is situated on the

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  331 peak of a mountain called Shiveet–​Ulaan Uul, belonging to the Khangai mountain range (included as part of the Orkhon Valley area in the World Heritage List of UNESCO since 2004), in Bat-​Ölzii district of Övörkhangai Province, some 60 kilometers from the famous Erdene Zuu monastery in Kharkhorin. Zanabazar resided in Tövkhön Khiid at different times in between his studies in Tibet, and he was also hiding there from the army of the Oirat leader Galdan Boshigt during the wars between the Oirats and the Khalkha Mongols in 1688. Zanabazar is well known as an excellent sculptor and artist, and as the founder of the so-​called Mongolian or Zanabazar School of Art in several branches of Buddhist arts. His bronze sculptures that are gilded in gold or copper are especially famous. His sculptures are kept today in several Mongolian monasteries as well as in Zanabazar Museum and in Choijin Lama Museum in Ulaanbaatar. Among his most famous sculptures gilded in gold, which he made in the solitude of Tövkhön, are the sculpture representing Mahākāla (Makhgal, Tib. mgon po), kept in Baruun Khüree, the Vajradhara (Ochirdari; Tib. Rdo rje ‘dzin pa) sculpture kept in Gandantegchenlin monastery (Tib. Dga’ ldan thegs chen gling) in Ulaanbaatar, the sculptures of the Twenty-​One Tārās (Dar’ ekh, Tib. sgrol ma) and of the Five Buddhas (yazguuriin tawan burkhan, Tib. Mgon po rigs lnga), and the image of Amitāyus (Tsewegmed, Tib. Tshe dpag med).7 Zanabazar is also known as the inventor of two different Mongolian writing systems. One is the Soyombo (Skrt. svayambhu, Tib. rang byung, “naturally appearing”) script created in 1686 at Tövkhön. Soyombo was and still is used as an ornamental script, the first letter of which became an important symbol depicted on the Mongolian national flag and in the Mongolian national emblem.8 The second script is the horizontal Square script, or Seal script (Khevtee dörvöljin, Tib. yig ‘bru bzhi). Both writing systems were meant to enable the writing of not only the Mongolian language but also Tibetan and Sanskrit sounds. Used only ornamentally, these two scripts can be seen even today on Buddhist prayer wheels and in inscriptions on the nameplates of monasteries. By adapting Tibetan Buddhism to indigenous Mongolian customs and conditions, Zanabazar created a uniquely Mongolian Buddhism. He did so by systematically incorporating local deities, customs, and rituals into Tibetan Buddhism. He also designed the uniquely Mongolian monastic robes that are suited for the Mongolian climate and are inspired by the traditional Mongolian dressing gown called “deel,” with a straight flap different from that of the traditional deel. In addition, Zanabazar introduced special styles of recitation and new melodies, which differ from Tibetan recitation styles in their faster tempo and in the Mongolized pronunciation of the Tibetan language. During Zanabazar’s time, a special ritual system was formed, too. These uniquely Mongolian Buddhist rituals were introduced into Mongolian monasteries: the melodies of Tibetan rituals were modified and new texts composed by Zanabazar and other Mongolian

332  Zsuzsa Majer lamas were included. The distinctive features introduced by Zanabazar remain a part of contemporary Mongolian Buddhism, since Mongolian Buddhists succeeded in preserving these features throughout the fifty years of suppression in the Communist period.9

Öndör Gegeen’s Ritual Texts, His New Styles for Recitation, and His Influence on the Mongolian Ritual System From among the ritual texts composed by Zanabazar that are still in use today is the first prayer translated here, known as Bestowing the Highest Blessings (Jinlav Tsogzol, Tib. Byin rlabs mchog stsol), which is recited everyday. Some of his other ritual texts are recited during different Buddhist festivals, such as during the ceremonies of the beginning of the Lunar New Year (tsagaan sar, “White Month”) in every Mongolian monastery and temple. The other text translated here is titled From the Oṃ, in countless. . .  10 (Umlai daye, Tib. Oṃ las bgrang yas). This particular prayer is recited on the fourteenth day of the aforementioned fourteen days of New Year rituals, during the ceremony commemorating Zanabazar’s death (Davkhar yerööl), when the tsogchid ritual (Tib. tshogs mchod, Skrt. gaṇacakrapūjā, “accumulation of offerings”) is performed without lagdor (Tib. lhag gtor, “residual dough offering”). On that day, the edible cakes that are distributed to members of the assembly in Gandantegchenlin monastery are made with the molds (khev) that were originally created by Zanabazar himself. The same text is frequently recited in Mongolia on various other occasions when meals containing meat (bor tsav, “brown food,” referring to meat; Tib. tsha ba, a meal for lamas) are served to the assembly during the ritual. The third text, titled The Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] (Maani düvtav savmu; Tib. ma ṇi sgrub thabs zab mo), is not recited regularly in Mongolian temples due to not being a ritual text for recitation but rather a text for individual practice assisting meditation. Even today some lamas use this text for their own meditation practices, in certain communal sādhana practices called Maan’ büteel (Tib. ma ṇi sgrub thabs), and as part of the after-​death rituals they perform for others. The ceremonies held for fifteen days during the Lunar New Year (on the first through the fifteenth days of the first spring month) commemorate the Buddha’s defeat of the heretics (tersüüd, Tib. log par lta ba) by performing different miracles (Choinpürel jon aa; Tib. chos ‘phrul bco lnga, “fifteen miracles”). This is one of the four great annual festivals commemorating the Buddha’s life (Burkhan bagshiin ikh düitsen ödrüüd). In Mongolia, these ceremonies are markedly different from those held by Tibetans.11 In Mongolia, since the time of Zanabazar, every afternoon during the fifteen days, the so-​called Superior Prayer (oroin yerööl) rituals—​also known as the “Great Prayer” (ikh yerööl; Tib. smon lam chen

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  333 po), or the “Prayers of [Demonstrating] Miracles” (choinpürel molom yerööl; Tib. chos ‘phrul smon lam)—​are held in the same way as they were when they were originally introduced in the old monastic capital, Ikh Khüree. Different texts, such as the “Thirty-​two Eulogies” (magtaal, Tib. bstod pa) and the “Six Prayers” (zurgaan yerööl, Tib. smon lam drug), are recited in a beautiful, melodious way. As previously indicated, because of Zanabazar’s innovations, the “Great Prayer” rituals performed in Mongolia differ significantly from the “Great Prayer” rituals performed in the Tibetan tradition. Zanabazar added certain mantra recitations to the order of ritual texts (gorim, Tib. go rim) used for these particular New Year ceremonies and composed several new ritual texts, all of the mantras, as well as the melodies for chanting them. These alterations of the ritual order of these ceremonies resulted in what is called the “Ceremonial Order by Öndör Gegeen” (Öndör gegeenii deg, Tib. sgrig). The mantras composed by Zanabazar for these ritual occasions are recited (maani tatakh) daily, after the monastic debate (Mong. tsoglomd bosokh, Tib. tshogs langs; literally, “to rise in the assembly”),12 near the end of the day’s ceremony. One lama of the assembly, standing on his table in front of his bench, recites the mantra of the given day and the others join in only at specific points. This mantra recitation is the most beautiful part of the ritual. This practice is not found in the Tibetan Buddhist rituals, although it is said that this Mongolian tradition derives from the tradition of the assembled devotees who used to recite mantras in the shrines of Tibet on these occasions. Zanabazar is said to have composed these mantras because of this practice that was later lost in Tibet. The mantras composed by Zanabazar are as follows: the khoyor maany (Tib. ma ṇi gnyis) recited on the first day; the maani um um (Tib. ma ṇi oṃ oṃ) on the second, sixth, and tenth days; the maani um ya (Tib. ma ṇi oṃ ya) on the third, seventh, and eleventh days; the maani ladaar (Tib. ma ṇi la tā ri) on the fourth, eighth, and twelfth days; the maani tügje dagnyid (Tib. ma ṇi thugs rje bdag nyid) on the fifth, ninth, and thirteenth days; and the norov badma maani (Tib. ma ṇi nor bu padma) on the fourteenth day, this latter being recited by the main chant master (ikh unzad; Tib. dbu mdzad). This last mantra is the longest of all; its recitation lasts for two to three hours. On the fifteenth day, the maani patamjad (Tib. ma ṇi pha thams cad) is recited.13 Over the course of the fifteen days, the main chant master (ikh unzad), the vice–​chant master (baga unzad), and the chanters (golch, “those sitting in the middle”) take turns in the recitation of mantras (maan’ tatakh), with the main chant master reciting the longest mantra, that of the fourteenth day, and the vice–​chant master reciting that of the fifteenth day. In addition to writing ritual texts and reforming the ritual system, Zanabazar played an important role in recomposing the melodies of certain ritual texts and in creating the modes of recitation that became characteristic of Mongolian Buddhism. At the end of each calendar year (according to the Lunar calendar),

334  Zsuzsa Majer there are usually five days of rituals. On the first day (on the twenty-​sixth day of the last winter month), when the annual sacrificial cakes (balin or dorom; Tib. gtor ma) are consecrated at the ritual known as balin adislaga or adislaga, cymbals are played 108 times in a very slow and melodious way, as originally introduced by Zanabazar. From among the various modes of recitation, the so-​called old melody (khuuchin yan, Tib. dbyangs, “melody”) was invented by Zanabazar, while the new melody (shine yan) refers to a melody later invented by the Fifth Jebtsundampa Khutagt. Even today, both the old and the new melodies are used in different rituals, and also in an alternating manner for different parts of the same ritual. Zanabazar also composed melodies for several ritual texts. One of them is called Smoke Offering Causing the Rainfall of Auspiciousness (Dashchiirav san; Tib. Bkra shis char ‘bebs kyi bsangs), which was written at his request by the Fourth Panchen Lama (Tib. Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1570–​1662) for the Mongols14 with the aim of keeping them free from hardships and in favorable conditions. The Smoke Offering Causing the Rainfall of Auspiciousness, which is one of the most widely used texts among the Mongols, is one of three texts written by the Fourth Panchen Lama at the request of Zanabazar in order to ensure the well-​being of the Mongols. The other two are short texts. One is related to Medicine Buddha and titled Baga Manal or Chogden jalwa [manal] (Tib. rgyal ba sman bla; Skrt. Bhaiṣajyaguru). The other text is called Hero Entering Battle: A Guide for the Transference of Consciousness (Potid bawuu yüljigmaa; Tib. ’Pho khrid dpa’ bo g.yul ‘jug ma), and it deals with the practice of the transference of consciousness at the moment of death to the Pure Land of the Buddha Amitābha. Zanabazar composed an appendix to this text under the title “Appendix to the Guide for the Transference of Consciousness Composed by Panchen Lama Chögyen” (Tib. Pan chen chos rgyan gyis mdzad pa’i ‘pho khrid kyi kha bskong; Mong. Banchin Choijangiin zokhioson Yegüütgeliin khötölböriin nökhvör).15

An Explanation of the “Prayer in Accordance with the Times,” or “Bestowing the Highest Blessings” In the colophon, the writer Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar is mentioned under the title “His Renowned Excellency” (Tib. Dam pa’i ming can). The colophon mentions that he composed this prayer (called here Dus bstun gyi gsol ‘debs) at the request of his disciple, a fully ordained monk by the name of Namjil (Tib. Rnam rgyal), and that the text was transcribed by Ravjamba16 Lodoi (Tib. Rab ‘byams pa Blo gros). The prayer is known among the Mongols under many different names, most commonly under its abbreviated title Adistid (“Blessing,” being the Mongolian

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  335 equivalent of the first word of the text, Tib. byin rlabs). It is also known as Jinlav Tsogzol, which is a Mongolized pronunciation of the Tibetan Byin rlabs mchog stsol (“Bestowing the Highest Blessings”) and as Düitünji soldev, Prayer in Accordance with the Times (Tib. Dus bstun gyi gsol ‘debs). In general, the recitation of different Buddhist texts is recommended for different life circumstances and for attaining different goals. According to the short explanation for this text that can be found on the explanatory list of texts usually placed in monasteries to inform the devotees on the benefits of reciting a given prayer or ritual text, one can attain peace and harmony in life, the clearing away of obstacles, and the pacification of any kind of crisis, conflict, or disturbance. The text is written in versified form, with the number of syllables in each line fixed at nine. The translation provided herein is based on four different Tibetan versions and five different modern Mongolian translations from Tibetan.17 The numerous publications of this prayer in Mongolian translation testify to its popularity among the Mongols. Since the ritual language of Mongolian Buddhism continues to be Tibetan, published translations are of great importance to Mongolian practitioners, since Mongolian prayer books often contain only the Mongolized Tibetan text written in Cyrillic transcription for the purpose of enabling the devotee to recite the text without any knowledge of the Tibetan language. The structure of the prayer follows that of the seven-​ branched prayer (Mörgöliin doloon gishüün; Tib. Yan lag bdun pa): 1. Prostration or paying homage [to the Three Jewels] (mörgökh; Tib. Phyag ‘tshal ba)—​the first four lines 2. Making offerings (örgöl örgökh; Tib. Mchod pa phul ba)—​two  lines 3. Confession [of sins] (naminchlakh; Tib. Bshags pa)—​one  line 4. Rejoicing [in other’s virtuous deeds] (buyaniig dagan bayasakh; Tib. rjes su yi rang ba)—​one  line 5. Requesting for the Wheel of Dharma to be turned (duritgakh; Tib. chos kyi ‘khor lo bskor bar bskul ba)—​two  lines 6. Praying [for the buddhas] not to pass into nirvāṇa (zalbirakh; Tib. mya ngan las mi ‘da’ bar gsol ba gdab ba—​twenty-​two  lines 7. Dedication of merit for the perfect enlightenment [of all sentient beings] (zoriulakh; Tib. dge ba rdzogs byang du bsngo ba)—​the last four lines The exact date of the composition of the prayer is unknown.18 It was most likely composed during the war between the Western and Eastern Mongols (Oirats and Khalkhas) with the aims of resolving the crisis, putting an end to the war through the power of Buddhist teachings and prayers, uniting the Mongols, and bringing peace. Therefore, this prayer is also known under the name Prayer for Peace (Enkh

336  Zsuzsa Majer taivanii zalbiral).19 According to Sugar and Ad’shaa, during the great battle of Khalkhiin Gol fought between the Soviet Union and Japan in 1939, in which the Mongols fought on the side of the Soviet Union, people secretly recited this prayer for peace.20 While the composition of the prayer was inspired by the crises of war, it was also meant to express the desire for the liberation of all sentient beings, for their permanent happiness and peace. The phrase “degenerate times,”21 which occurs in the text, refers to the time of the composition of the prayer, a dark era when the Buddha Dharma is no longer present in the world or has greatly diminished, as a consequence of the manifold nonvirtues of sentient beings. This prayer is recited not only as part of daily rituals, but also after the recitation of almost any ritual text, such as a smoke offering (san; Tib. bsangs) text or a text for the ritual of summoning prosperity (dallaga; Tib g.yang ’gug). To this day, translations of this prayer into Classical Mongolian have never been ritually recited. One of these translations was made by Borjgon gevsh (Tib. dge bshes) from Borjigin clan or by Ishtavkhai gevsh (Ishtavkhai Sh., 1901–​1972).22 Another translation was made by Kh. Gaadan, an abbot of Gandantegchenlin monastery between 1981 and 1990.23 The titles of the Classical Mongolian versions are Jinglubčoγčol and Jinglubčoγčal. Some Modern Mongolian translations of this prayer are based on Tibetan, while others are based on the Classical Mongolian versions. The first translation into Modern Mongolian, together with a short analysis of the text and explanations, was published by Sh. Bira.24 His translation is often included in new publications.25 Bira’s publication also includes another Modern Mongolian translation, a Tibetan version, and two translations made into Classical Mongolian.26 Another Modern Mongolian translation included in Bira’s volume,27 taken from the personal collection of the academic B. Shirendendev, is titled Jinlavchogzol. The third Modern Mongolian translation is known as the “Ishtavkhai translation,” published widely under different titles.28 The fourth Modern Mongolian translation of the prayer can be found in several publications, one29 of them accompanied by a short explanation written by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene of Dashchoilin (Tib. Bkra shis chos gling), which is the second largest monastery in the capital.30 The most recent translations were published by Myagmarsüren, Altansükh, and Ariunzul.31 Three different commentaries on the prayer written in Tibetan by Mongolian scholars have come down to us.32 Illuminating the Meaning: A Commentary on “Bestowing the Highest Blessings” (Byin rlabs mchog stsol ma’i ‘grel pa tshig don rab gsal) was composed by Agvaankhaidüv (Tib. Ngag dbang mkhas grub, 1779–​ 1838), an abbot of Ikh Khüree, also known as Jidoriin khamba. The other commentary was composed by Ganjuurva Nomon Khan (Tib. Bka’ ‘gyur ba no mon han) Luvsantsültem (Tib. Blo bzang tshul khrims, 1642–​1715) under the title A Commentary on “Bestowing the Highest Blessings” Composed by Jebtsundampa

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  337 (Rje btsun dam pa’i zhal nas gsungs pa’i byin rlabs mchog stsol ma’i ‘grel ba).33 The author of the third commentary is known as Angi bagsh, Tserenjav, or Luvsantserenjav agramba (Tib. Blo bzang tshe ring skyabs sngags rams pa, 1850–​ 1932) of Möröngiin, or Delgermöröngiin Khüree (named after a river, situated in the center of today’s Khövsgöl Province, once situated in Khotgoid akhai beisiin khoshuu). The title of his commentary is Illuminating the Meaning Like the Light of the Wish-​fulfilling Jewel, Similar to the Light of Burning Incense, of the Dus bstun gsol ‘debs byin rlabs mchog stsol ma Composed by Zanabazar, the Superior Divine Yogī of the Northern Territory, as a Present Given to the Wretched Ones.34

An Explanation of the prayer titled “From the Oṃ, in countless . . . ” As previously mentioned, this tantric food offering text35 titled Umlai daye (Tib. Om las bgrang yas, From the Oṃ, in countless . . . ) is recited on the fourteenth day of the fifteen days of New Year rituals, when the tsogchid (delgerengüi takhil; Tib. tshogs mchod, Skrt. gaṇapūjā, “the accumulation of offerings”) is presented during the “Twofold Prayer” (Davkhar yerööl) that commemorates Zanabazar’s death. It is recited on this occasion without the offering of residual sacrificial cakes (lagdor; Tib. lhag gtor). During this ritual in Gandantegchenlin, the baked cakes distributed to the members of the assembly as a meal offering are made with molds (khev) originally created by Zanabazar himself. This ritual text is also frequently recited on various other occasions whenever the tsogchid is offered to the visualized “field of assembly” (chuulganii oron; Tib. tshogs zhing) of all the gurus of the lineage, and also during any tantric ritual when food containing meat (ulaan takhil, “red offering;” Tib. mchod pa dmar po, or bor tsav, “brown food”) is served to the monks of the assembly. In Buddhist tantric rituals, the three main offering substances are meat (makh, or mams; Tib. mam sa), sacrificial cakes (balin or dorom, Tib. gtor ma), and spirits (arkhi, “vodka”), which are ritually transformed into offerings consisting of pure Dharmic quality (nomiin chanar), being of the nature of nectar (arshaan; Tib. bdud rtsi). Through these offerings, merit is accumulated and dedicated for the enlightenment of all sentient beings.36 There is a famous image depicting Zanabazar slicing the meat of the sacrum of а lamb (uuts), which is usually ceremonially divided among the lamas according to their ranks, beginning with the abbot. Since this image is connected to a tantric ritual custom, it represents a transformation of the Mongolian daily custom of eating meat and sharing its portions according to the seniority of the family members into a ritual practice dedicated to the accumulation of merit and liberation of all sentient beings.

338  Zsuzsa Majer This prayer was composed in versified form with a fixed number of nine syllables in each line. The translation included in this chapter is based on two different versions of the Tibetan original: one contained in the edition of Zanabazar’s collected works (sunbum; Tib. gsung ‘bum) published by Lokesh Chandra,37 and the other available on the Buddhist Digital Resource Center (BDRC) website.38 The Tibetan original has been further compared with a modern Mongolian translation made by Myagmarsüren39 and published under the title From the Oṃ, in countless . . .  (Um üsgees toolshgüi). The structure of the text is as follows:40 1. Consecration (adis janlavlakh; Tib. byin rlabs) of the offerings by means of the three syllables oṃ āḥ hūm. The offerings (Tib. mchod pa’i sprin, “cloud of offerings”), visualized as arisen from the syllable oṃ and filling the sky, are mentally transformed into nectar (arshaan; Tib. bdud rtsi), that is, the nectar of wisdom or gnosis (bilgüünii arshaan; Tib. ye shes bdud rtsi)—​the first four lines. The offerings thus transformed are offered (takhil örgökh, Tib. mchod ‘bul) to the field of assembly (chuulganii oron; Tib. tshogs zhing). This is detailed in the following way in the following stanzas: 2. Offerings (“an offering of the uncontaminated nectar of wisdom”) are first presented to the root and lineage gurus (yazguuriin bagsh, damjlagiin bagsh nuguud; Tib. rtsa brgyud bla ma), who are beseeched to grant all 1. desired blessings (adis janlav, Tib. byin rlabs)—​the second set of four lines. 3. Afterward, offerings are presented to the peaceful and wrathful tutelary deities (amirlangui bolon dogshin yidam burkhaduud; Tib. yi dam zhi khro) and to the Three Jewels (chukhag deed gurav, Tib. mchog gsum), all of whom are asked to grant all desired siddhis (shid büteel; Tib. dngos grub)—​the third set of four lines. 4. Then offerings are presented to the ḍakas and ḍākinīs (baatar daginasuud, bavuu khandmaanuud, Tib. dpa’ bo mkha’ ‘gro) and to the Dharma protectors (nomiin sakhius or choinjun, Tib. chos srung), who are requested to grant the realization of all desired deeds (ajil, or üils; Tib. ’phrin las)—​the fourth set of four lines. 5. Dedication of the merit accumulated through the ritual (zoriulga, takhil örgösnii buyan zoriulakh, Tib. (dge ba rdzogs byang du) bsngo ba) for the perfect enlightenment of all mother sentient beings and oneself (bi tergüüten, ekh bolson khamag amitan /​am’tan bükhen; Tib. bdag sogs mar gyur ‘gro ba)—​the fifth set of four lines. 6. Aspiration that by the virtue of the guru, tutelary deities, the Three Jewels, and the protectors all the darkness of ignorance may be entirely vanquished, and the auspiciousness of perfect splendor be present—​the last set of four lines.

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  339

An Explanation of the Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] The Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] (Maan’ düvtov savmu; Tib. Maṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo) is related to the tantric meditational practice of Avalokiteśvara and is known in the Mongolian language as Maaniig büteekh gün arga or as Maaniin büteeliin gün arga.41 In the title maṇi stands for the six-​syllable ōṃ maṇi padme hūṃ mantra. The Tibetan phrase sgrub thabs, Skrt. sādhana, “method or means of realization,” refers specifically to a tantric liturgy and procedure usually emphasizing the stage of generation (Tib. bskyed rim), and its structure is described below. As previously mentioned, this text is not recited widely or regularly in Mongolian temples because it is not a ritual text for recitation (khurliin unshlaga, unshlagiin sudar). However, due to its close connection to the Kālacakratantra teachings (Tib. dus kyi ‘khor lo; Mong. tsagiin khürden, or düinkhor), it is recited as part of the daily chant called sharjün (Tib. zhar ‘byung, “addendum,” name of the daily chanting in monastic schools) in the Kālacakra monastic college Düinkhor datsan (Tib. dus ‘khor grwa tshang) of Gandantegchenlin monastery in Ulaanbaatar.42 According to Khorolbat Lama,43 it is also recited in Mongolian monasteries annually as part of the kharanga magtaal (“praise,” “eulogy”) collection of texts. Moreover, it is used today in the context of personal meditation practice (amnii unshlaga), when reciting mantras (maan’ unshikh) at the completion of the meditation on Avalokiteśvara. It is also recited during collective practice called “maṇi sādhana” (maaniin büteel; Tib. ma ṇi sgrub thabs), held annually in several larger monasteries occasionally lasting for a week or even a month, and some lamas often recite it during postmortem rituals.44 Connected to the sādhana practice, this text has a deep philosophical meaning. According to Khorolbat Lama,45 the word “profound” contained in the title relates to the fact that the text belongs to the category of Unexcelled Yoga Tantras (Tib. rnal ‘byor bla na med pa’i rgyud; Mong. naljorlanamed or yogüzer khantsashgüi yos),46 and that it is connected to the Kālacakratantra.47 Being a sādhana of Avalokiteśvara (Janraiseg burkhaniig büteekh arga), it builds on the Sanskrit oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ mantra, and in addition, on the symbolic meaning of the soyombo symbol, created by Zanabazar. By the maṇi (maani), a jewel (chandmani), and the syllable e wisdom (bileg, Tib. shes) is symbolized, and by the padme (badam/​badma) or a lotus (lyankhua), and the syllable waṃ, method (arga, Tib. thabs) and also bliss and emptiness (amgalan, khooson, Tib. bde stong) is symbolized; thus, the unity of wisdom and method, or emptiness and bliss, is symbolized by these. Also, the same unity is symbolized by the “symbol with ten powers” (Tib. rnam bcu dbang ldan; Mong. namjü vandan), the seed syllable (khöröngö üseg) of the Kālacakra tantric system,48 as well as by the soyombo symbol.

340  Zsuzsa Majer Just as the syllable e and the syllable waṃ and the words maṇi and padme represent wisdom and method, in the same way, the soyombo symbol, which resembles the word ewaṃ in its form, symbolizes the unity of wisdom and method, of emptiness and bliss, or emptiness and compassion. As seen in the second stanza of the text, in the course of practice, what is sought is this unity or non-​duality (Tib. gnyis med) which relates to the meditational practice aimed at the actualization of the Dharma Body (Tib. chos sku, Mong. nomiin lagshin, Skrt. Dharmakāya) of the Buddha at the moment of death. This explains why the text became extraordinarily important in Mongolia for tantric meditation. According to Mönkh-​Erdene Lama, the text contains profound tantric meaning (as described above), but for those unable to understand this profound meaning, Zanabazar summarized it with the mantra oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ, by which an offering is offered during this practice, and explained its meaning. The text also contains a meaning of the soyombo symbol explained by its creator, Zanabazar himself, being thus considered as the main explanation of this symbol. The text was composed in versified form with the number of syllables in each line fixed at seven. The translation that follows is based on two versions of the Tibetan original49 and on three different translations into Modern Mongolian. One of the three Mongolian translations was made by Myagmarsuren under the title Maaniin büteeliin gün arga orshvoi,50 the second was prepared by Khorolbat Lama,51 and the third translation was published under the title Maaniin günzgii büteeeliin arga.52 There are several available commentaries on the text written by different lamas.53 One was written by Agvaandorj (Tib. Sngags dbang rdo rje, nineteenth century), the scribe and Dharma master (bicheech tsorj) of Ikh Khüree, under the title Jewel Whorl of Bliss: A Brief Description of How to Practice the Meaning of the Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] According to the Kālacakra System (Tib. Ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo’i don dus ‘khor lugs dang mthun par nyams su len tshul mdo tsam brjod pa nor bu dga’ ‘khyil). Another commentary was composed by the third Tugan gegeen, Luvsanchoijinnyam (Tib. Thu’u bkwan Blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma, 1737–​1802) of Amdo, under the title Opening the Eyes to See the Profound Meaning: A Commentary on the Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] Written by Jebtsumdampa, Self-​Existing Wisdom-​Vajra54 (Tib. Rje btsun dam pa rang byung ye shes rdo rjes mdzad pa’i ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs kyi ‘grel ba zab don lta ba’i mig ‘byed). The third commentary was composed by günten gegeen Gonchigdanbiidonme (Tib. Dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me, 1762–​1823), also from Amdo, and titled Illuminating the Profound:  A Commentary on the “Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra]” Composed by Jebtsundampa, the Sun of the Teachings55 (Tib. Bstan pa’i nyi ma rje btsun dam pas mdzad pa’i ma ṇi‘i sgrub thabs zab mo’i ‘grel pa zab mo snang ba). The fourth commentary, composed by

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  341 the ikh gevsh (“great geshe”) Rigzensewjiddorj (eighteenth century), also known as khicheengüi lam (“diligent lama”) from Dalai Choinkhor Vangiin Khoshuu of Sain Noyon Khan Province, is titled Wish-​Granting Tree That Fulfills All Needs and Desires: A Commentary on the Difficult Points of the Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] (Tib. Ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo’i dka’ ’grel dgos ‘dod ‘byung ba’i dpag bsam khri shing). The structure of the poem follows a typical sādhana structure: the preliminaries that include refuge-​taking and generating bodhicitta, the main part that contains the visualization of Avalokiteśvara and the recitation of the mantra, and the conclusion containing the dedication of merit. In detail, the structure of the text is as follows:56 1. Expression of homage and/​or offering (takhil ögüülel; Tib. mchod par brjod pa)—​one  line 2. The main body of the text (sudriin bodit utga; Tib. gzhung don dngos) consisting of the following parts: 2.1. The preliminary practices (ankhaaran awlagiin zawdal; Tib. nyams len gyi sngon ‘gro), including the taking of refuge, generating bodhicitta (Tib. skyabs sems, abbreviation of Tib. skyabs ‘gro and Tib. sems bskyed), and cultivating the Four Immeasurables (Tib. tshad bzhi, abbreviation for Tib. tshad med bzhi)—​four  lines 2.2. The actual practice (bodit ankhaaran awlaga; Tib. nyams len dngos) consisting of the following three parts: 2.2.1. The visualization of deities (burkhaniig todotgoson, chuulganii oroniig todorkhoilon bodokh; Tib. lha gsal btab pa); the first four lines also include teachings on preparation for the moment of death, aimed at actualizing the Dharma Body. These are followed by a description of the visualization of Avalokiteśvara, born from the syllable hrī, his appearance, and his manifestations—​twelve lines. 2.2.2. A  prayer of supplication addressed to all the assembled buddhas (terkhüü bükh burkhaniig khuraasnaar üzeed zalbirakh; Tib. de sangs rgyas kun ’dus su bltas te gsol ba gdab pa). Here we find lists of different deities and Buddhist traditions, with a guruyoga practice that is based on any one of them. The practitioner is encouraged to pray to them—​fourteen  lines. 2.2.3. Mantra recitation (urilga üildekh; Tib. Bzlas pa bya ba); the layers of meaning of the mantra oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ and of the soyombo symbol are described57 together with an explanation of the aggregation of all maṇḍalas and their deities in both the

342  Zsuzsa Majer mantra and the symbol. A description of the appropriate way of visualizing the deities while the six-​syllable mantra is recited is also included here—​fifty-​two lines. 3. Conclusion (khoitkhiin daraalal; Tib. rjes kyi rim pa), which encourages the practitioner to engage in various virtuous acts and to meditate in accordance with the tantric stage of completion (Tib. rdzogs rim)—​seven  lines 4. The benefits or merit (tus erdem; Tib. phan yon) gained through this practice, described in the form of an aspirational prayer (yerööl; Tib. smon lam)—​twelve  lines 5. Colophon (suuliin utga; Tib. mjug gi don)—​twelve  lines

Translated Texts Prayer in Accordance with the Times or Bestowing the Highest Blessings [Homage] To the root and lineage lamas who bestow the highest blessings, To meditational deities and to the peaceful and wrathful deities sending down the rain of spiritual realization, And to the ḍākinīs and Dharma protectors who eliminate all obstacles, I prostrate with deep respect of the three doors.58 [Making Offerings] I offer a heap of offerings, both actual and visualized, Which fill the sky to the extent of space. [Confession of Sins] I confess all the sins that I have accumulated since beginning-​less time and vow [not to commit them again]. [Rejoicing in Others’ Virtuous Deeds] I rejoice in all the virtue accumulated by both ordinary and noble beings. [Requesting the Turning of the Wheel of Dharma] I encourage the turning of the Wheel of the profound and vast Dharma. I pray that you [the guru] may enjoy a long life until the end of cyclic existence!

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  343

[Requesting Not to Pass into Nirvāṇa] I dedicate the heap of all my virtue without exception, starting with this, In accordance with the aspirations of the buddhas and bodhisattvas of the three times, For the sake of completely removing the darkness of ignorance in all sentient beings, And for the spreading of the light of omniscient wisdom. Who are fully affected by the deep darkness of great defilement And who were born in degenerate times,59 please save us out of compassion! By the complete extinguishing of the great fire of manifold sufferings, Which are the fruits of negative actions and mental afflictions ripened in time, May, I pray, the perfect bliss and happiness Of kindness and compassion being free from any mutual enmity spread! Please, Nondeceptive Protector, rescue us! Protect us! Please, Treasury of Boundless Compassion (Avalokiteśvara), look upon us! Care for us! Ancient tutelary gods60 and deities of the land,61 do not be careless! Do not be careless! Please, care for us, quickly save us! May the sunlight of the teachings of the Victorious One62 spread throughout the ten directions! May all sentient beings forever enjoy the splendor of happiness and joy By purifying the [two types of] obscurations and accomplishing the [two] accumulations63 in the state of omniscience! May they quickly attain awakening! By the blessings of the truth of the Guru and the Supreme Three Jewels, By the reliable power of the changeless sphere of reality (dharmadhātu)64 and interdependent origination, And by the devotion and the holy deeds of the Dharma protectors, May all our wishes be fulfilled exactly as desired! [Dedication of Merit] By the blessings of the Guru who embodies all protection, May all temporary and ultimate misfortunes that there are be eliminated!

344  Zsuzsa Majer May we have the auspiciousness of enjoying the perfect splendor Of the spontaneously generated prosperity and well-​being of saṃsāra and nirvāṇa!

[Colophon]

This prayer, titled Prayer in Accordance with the Times, was composed by His Excellency, the renowned, upon the request of his disciple, the fully ordained monk Rnam rgyal. It was written down by ravjamba65 Blo gros.

From the oṃ, in countless . . . [Consecration of Offerings] From the oṃ, in countless large jewel vessels, An ever-​excellent cloud of offerings born from the three syllables [oṃ āḥ hūṃ]66 Fills the entire sky until the end of the world, and Turns into an ocean of the uncontaminated nectar of wisdom. oṃ āḥ hūṃ

[Recite these three times.] oṃ āḥ hūṃ

[Offerings to the Root and Lineage Gurus]

To [all] the gracious root and lineage gurus,67 without exception, From within the sphere of reality, in the measureless palace of great bliss, [I]‌present an offering of the uncontaminated nectar of wisdom. Be pleased, and please grant all desired blessings! Oṃ [Offerings to the Peaceful and Wrathful Tutelary Deities and to the Three Jewels] To the Three Jewels and to [all] the peaceful and wrathful tutelary deities68 Of my own body of the maṇḍala of the Five Victorious Ones,69 without exception, and to whomever is suitable, [I]‌present an offering of the uncontaminated nectar of wisdom. Be pleased and please grant all desired accomplishments! Oṃ

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  345

[Offerings to ḍakas, ḍ̣ākinīs, and Dharma Protectors]

To all ḍakas, ḍākinīs, and Dharma protectors without exception Of the three worlds,70 of the outer, inner, and other,71 and to whomever is suitable, [I]‌present an offering of the uncontaminated nectar of wisdom. Be pleased and please grant the realization of all desired deeds!

[Dedication of Merit] By the power of pleasing the supreme ones of the Pure Lands In this way, with an ocean of the nectar of wisdom, May I and others regarded as mothers,72 without exception, Acquire the mastery of the supreme, omniscient wisdom! [Aspiration] By the brilliance of the prosperity and well-​being of the supreme virtue Of the Guru, tutelary deities, the Three Jewels, and protectors,73 May all the darkness of the degeneration of ignorance74 be entirely vanquished, and May the auspiciousness of the perfect, radiant, and pervasive splendor be present!

Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] [Paying Homage] Homage to Lokeśvara!75 [The Preliminary Practice] A person [who] wishes to liberate Themselves and [all] others from the ocean of saṃsāra, By means of the strong belief of relying upon “you [who] know best,” Must make the effort in taking refuge and in generating bodhicitta76 and the Four Immeasurables.77 [The Actual Practice] [The visualization of the deities] The impure consciousness, at the basis of emptiness Enters the state of the union of bliss and emptiness Of the clear light of the essential condition of the pure state of emptiness, And of the nondual method and wisdom.78 This is the definitive meaning of the maṇi padme.

346  Zsuzsa Majer The supremely empowered Avalokiteśvara, born from [the syllable] hrī, [Has] a white-​colored body, [with] rays of light Radiating in the ten directions, [has] one face, Four arms, eleven faces, and so forth. With limitless manifestations He abides in sky, filling the entire sky. Repeatedly visualize [him in this way] with devotion.

[A Supplication Prayer to All the Assembled Buddhas]

Make wishes and prayers With strong devotion [to these:] The ultimate reality Kālacakra,79 Cakrasaṃvara, Hevajra, Guhyasamāja,80 Māyājāla,81 Vajrāsana, Mahāmāyā,82 Yamāntaka,83 [who is] the enemy of the Lord of Death, Hayagrīva84 [who has] the supreme power of a steed, The ocean of ḍākinīs, the Great Mother Prajñāpāramitā,85 Mahāmudrā,86 Atiyoga,87 and The equality with Buddhahood,88 the great Madhyamaka,89 The self-​arising wisdom Vajrasattva,90 Vajradhara,91 and the like, Buddhas of the essential state, The Dharma, the Saṅgha, and deities, Mantras, tantras, maṇḍalas, and mudrās, The guruyoga92 of the state of unity Embodying all the siddhis.93 [Mantra Recitation] Maṇi is a jewel. Also, it is the great bliss pervading all of space Of the unchanging ultimate truth. It is Buddhahood. Its abode is The basis of emptiness, which dwells In a basket of the true nature of phenomena. It is a lotus, “padme.” [The syllable] me means “in the lotus.” It means, “dwelling in the basket Of Buddhahood.” Again, the “basket” Has the meaning of “placed in.” In the letter e is the syllable waṃ, and in the letter a is the syllable hūṃ: Method is in wisdom, bliss [is in] emptiness. In emptiness is compassion, the vowels and consonants.

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  347 The vajra sun is in the vajra moon. The vajra and triangular drop are in the lotus. Its meaning is “sitting firm supported by the support,”94 and so on. Therefore, the father and mother deities Of the profound original state, the highest method and wisdom, All the maṇḍalas of the support and the supported95 Are contained in the “maṇi padme.” The precious stone96 is a synonym for the compassion of the supreme method, the boundless great bliss. The jewel, a drop, the vajra, The vowels, the syllable haṃ, the syllable waṃ, And the syllable he are brought together and assembled. The Primordial Buddha97 and other [buddhas] Taught these numerous [things]. The goal-​oriented Wisdom, a synonym for great emptiness, The lotus, the Dharma-​source,98 the triangular, The mind of the Vīras,99 the consonants, the letter a, And the letter e, the vajra wheel, the secret wheel, The basket, the lion throne, and so on—​ These many [things] are taught. In [the syllable] oṃ are the five wisdoms of method. In [the syllable] hūṃ the five wisdoms of wisdom, The completely pure ten types of wisdom.100 The six kings of secret mantra,101 the unchanging six, The Victorious Ones belonging the six families,102 and so on, In all of the ultimate six divisions—​ In one recognized deity all the deities are included. In one mantra all mantras are collected. From within the sphere perfect with Belief in this profound instruction, invited by the pure and clear, Uninterrupted, and long and short flow of Strong, single-​pointed faith and devotion, the Sons of the Victorious Ones,103 without exception, Who radiate blessings and Infinite rays of the light of compassion, Who clear away the [two types of] obscurations104 of all sentient beings, and Who have attained all siddhis, are invoked. Imagine that by the melody of the recitation of the six letters105 They entirely fill the sky.

348  Zsuzsa Majer [Concluding Section] From [within] the sphere [of emptiness], perform all kinds of virtuous acts: Prostrations, circumambulations, offerings and eulogies, Making sacrificial cake and water offerings, confessing misdeeds, Rejoicing [in virtue], making invocations and prayers, Offering maṇḍalas, and so on. Also make the effort to meditate on the profound stage of completion106 In accordance with the guru’s instructions.

[Benefits] If you do so, all the goals of this present and future lives, As wished for, will be fulfilled, And you will be separated from everything inauspicious at the time of death. The supremely empowered one, Avalokiteśvara Will welcome you, together with an inconceivable number of His attendants or his emanations, In the Pure Land of Poṭala, or In Sukhāvatī.107 From a lotus You will be miraculously born, and right after your birth You will obtain many good qualities, Such as dhāraṇīs, samādhis, and so on. Gladdening all the perfect buddhas, You will bring to an absolute perfection All good qualities of the grounds and the paths,108 And you will attain the holy ultimate state That resembles that of Avalokiteśvara. [Colophon]

At the request of a disciple of a religious lineage, Chos dbang rdo rje, this particularly excellent and profound instruction, which is of great benefit and easy to accomplish, was composed by the so-​called yogī Zanabazar (yo gi Dzā na badzra) blessed by the supreme ones, who composed it according to the teachings of the ancient holy ones when he was eighty-​five. Ravjamba Blo gros wrote it down as a text.

Notes 1. See D. Sugar and Sh. Ad’shaa, Öndör gegeen (Ulaanbaatar:  Publisher unknown, 2004); see also J. Choinkhor, S. Norovsambuu, and Ts. Tsolmon (eds.), Undur geghen

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  349 Zanabazar (Ulaanbaatar:  Mongolian National Commission for UNESCO, 1995). One of the newest publications is a conference volume published in 2015 on the 380th anniversary of Zanabazar’s birth. See Chuluun and Mönkhjargal (eds.), Öndör gegeen Zanabazar. Amydral, Öv (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2015). Most recently, Zanabazar’s collected works have been published in Modern Mongolian by G.  Myagmarsüren. See G. Myagmarsüren, Öndör gegeenii sümbüm, Mongol mergediin büteeliin chuulgan “Mangala pitaka,” Vol. 1 (Ulaanbaatar: Züün Khüree Dashchoilin khiid, Burkhanii shashin soyol sudlaliin khüreelen, 2018). 2. The current article was written in the framework of a research project funded by the Hungarian National Research, Development, and Innovation Office (Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Hivatal)—​NKFIH, with the contract number PD 116108. One of the texts translated and analyzed here is often used in the practices at the occasion of someone’s death. 3. More details on the use of Zanabazar’s texts in the Mongolian ritual system can be found in Zsuzsa Majer, “A Comparative Study of the Ceremonial Practice in Present-​ day Mongolian Monasteries,” PhD Dissertation (Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University, Faculty of Arts, Doctoral School of Linguistics, Doctoral School of Mongolian Linguistics, 2008). 4. Khiid is a Mongolian term for a smaller monastery. 5. Tib. dga’ khyil, Skrt. ānanda-​cakra, a Buddhist symbol consisting of three flames of different colors. 6. On this monastery as a place of pilgrimage, see Zsuzsa Majer, “Tövkhön, the Retreat of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar as a Pilgrimage Site,” The Silk Road 10: 107–​116. Seattle, online version:  http://​www.silk-​road.com/​newsletter/​vol10/​SilkRoad_​10_​2012_​ majer.pdf, 2012. 7. On his works of art, with illustrations, see N. Tsültem, The Eminent Mongolian Sculptor—​G. Zanabazar (Ulaanbaatar:  National Publishing House, 1982). On the heritage of Öndör Gegeen, including his works of art, see Krisztina Teleki, “Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin biyet bolon biyet bus öwiin jishee barimtuud,” in Nomadic Heritage Studies Museum Nationale Mongoli 13, Fasc. 36 (2013): 304–​321. 8. There is a yellow and winged galloping horse in the center of a blue circle on the Mongolian emblem, which is also the symbol of luck and life force for the Mongols, called khiimor or lündaa, Tib. rlung rta (wind-​horse), with the soyombo symbol on its back. It is encircled by a yellow circle, with the three-​part wish-​fulfilling jewel (Skrt. cintāmaṇi) on its top. Under this, in the lower part of the emblem, there is a Buddhist symbol, the Wheel of the Teaching. 9. For more detail on the ritual system of the revived Mongolian Buddhism, see Majer (2008). 10. R. Byamba, Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurwisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel, The Bibliographical Guide of Mongolian Writers in the Tibetan Language and Mongolian Translators, Vol. 1 (Ulaanbaatar: Private publication, 2004): 8. 11. For a more detailed description of the connected rituals of Mongolian Buddhism, see Majer (2008). In the Tibetan tradition, Monlam dutsen (Tib. smon dus chen /​ smon lam dus chen, “Prayer Festival,” or “Great Days of Prayers”) is held during this period,

350  Zsuzsa Majer starting from the first day of the Lunar New Year (Tib. lo gsar) and lasting for twenty-​ one days with a different ceremonial schedule. In the Tibetan tradition, on the fifteenth day of the month, the festival of Chonga chöchen (Tib. bco lnga mchod chen, “The Great Offering of the 15th”) is held, and traditionally it took place around the main shrine of the Jokhang (Tib. Jo khang), on the Barkor (Tib. Bar khor), in the presence of the Dalai Lama. 12. On these occasions the monks participating in the debate stand up in the middle of the assembly hall; therefore, the debate is called “standing up.” 13. For recorded mantras, see http://​bodhi.mn/​?page_​id=1510, http://​bodhi.mn/​?page_​ id=1715, “Mongoliin burkhanii shashnii khögjiliig demjikh san” (“Fund for the Development of Mongolian Buddhism”). The mantras are recited by the chant master of Dashgenpellin monastery named Tovuu, and by these lamas: B. Soronzonbold; J. Byambadorj, lama of Baruun Khüree monastery; Lkhagvasüren, the main chant master of Gandantegchenling monastery; and Jambaldorj. 14. Sugar and Ad’shaa (2004): 86–​88. See also J. Yeröölt, Dashchiireviin san zokhiogdson tüükh, Facebook page of “Öndör gegeen Zanabazar Soyoliin San” (“Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar Cultural Fund”) (https://​www.facebook.com/​Өндөр-​гэгээн-​Занабазар-​ соёлын-​сан-​521895244656496/​?fref=ts). 15. Byambaa (2004): 7. (item 00007.). 16. Ravjamba, Tib. Rab ’byams (pa), a scholastic title of a scholar of Buddhist philosophy. 17. In translating the text from the Tibetan, I relied on the publication of Zanabazar’s collected works (Tib. gsung ‘bum) published by Lokesh Chandra (1982):  folios 748–​751 (according to the numbering of the original text, folios 100B–​102A); the versions in the textbooks for the daily chanting of the two largest Mongolian monasteries, available in form at Gandantegchenlin monastery without date of publication, 297–​300, 136A–​137B), and in Dashchoilin monastery (Jambal—​Mönkhsaikhan (2004): 144–​145); I also relied on the version published by Bira (1995): 15, 19. The text is also available in the Modern Mondolian editions of the collected works of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar, for example in the first volume of the collected works of the Jebtsündamba khutagts published by Gurudeva Rinpoche and R. Byamba (2003). They are also available in the appendix to the newly published Mongolian translation of Öndör Gegeen’s works by G. Myagmarsüren (2018). Several versions of the text are kept in the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. See Orosz (2008–​2009): Dus bstun gyi gsol ’debs 520.58.4, 536.17, 543.4, 592.38; Dus bstun gyi gsol ’debs Byin rlabs mchog stsol ma 568.41; Byin rlabs mchog stsol ma 520.30, 543.4, 607.6.2; Byin rlabs mchog stsol ma dang /​Ma ṅi’i ril sgrub kyi cho ga’i ’don cha sogs 607.6. 18. According to Bira, the text was written in 1696. See Sh. Bira, Bogd Jivzündamba Zanabazariin zokhioson “Tsag lugaa zokhilduulsan zalbiral adistadiin deediig khairlagch orshivoi” (Ulaanbaatar: International Association for Mongolian Studies, 1995): 3. 19. Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene, “Tsagiig tovkhinuulagch zalbiral,” in Burkhanii shashnaa deedlen shütekhiin uchir, edited by B. Darambazar (Ulaanbaatar:  Züün Khüree College of Buddhist Philosophy and Study of Religion, 2008): 47.

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  351 20. Sugar and Ad’shaa (2004): 78. 21. Tib. dus ngan (“degenerate time”). In Mongolian translations, it reads:  tsöviin tsag (“deteriorating times”), muu tsag (“bad times”), or munkhag tsag (“times of ignorance”). 22. Bira published the manuscript of the Classical Mongolian translation of Ishtavkhai gevsh, as well as the manuscript of another translation into Classical Mongolian. See Bira (1995): 16, 18. According to Bira, both manuscripts are owned by Sh. Soninbayar lama of Gandantegchenlin monastery, and both had been copied by hand by the paternal grandfather of Sh. Soninbayar, Togtokhuchral, who lived in the old Borjigin setsen Khoshuu of Setsen khan Aimag. 23. Bira (1995):  4, mentions only this translation. See also Byambaa (2004):  43; L. Khürelbaatar (ed.), Altan khürd (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 1992): 11; and L. Tüdev (ed.), Mongoliin Uran Zokhioliin Deejis (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 1995):  283. Apart from the translations of Ishtavkhai and Gaadan, Byambaa also mentions a translation by Gelegjamts doorombo (Tib. Dge legs rgya mtsho mdo rams pa, 1869–​193?), which is, in fact, a biography of Öndör Gegeen written by Agvaan Eshitüvden, or Ishtüvden (Tib. Ngag dbang ye shes thub bstan) and translated by Gelegjamts. It mentions only the prayer Jinlav tsogzol. See Hans-​Rainer Kämpfe, “Sayin Qubitan-​u Süsüg-​ün terge. Biographie des 1. rĴe bcun dam pa-​Qutuqtu Öndür gegen (1635–​1723), verfast von Ṅag gi dbaṅ po 1839. Zwerte Folge.” Zentralasiatische Studien 15:  331–​383 (Wiesbaden:  Otto Harrasowitz, 1981):  352. Also see Bira in (1995): 3. 24. Bira (1995): 7–​9. 25. For example, Sugar—​Ad’shaa (2004): 80–​81. They even used in their explanation of the text (78–​80) given by Bira. 26. Bira (1995): 7–​9, 10–​13. The Mongolian title of Bira’s translation is a rendition of the two alternate Tibetan titles Tsag lugaa zokhilduulsan zalbiral Adistadiin deediig khairlagch orshivoi (Prayer in Accordance with the Times and [Bestowing] the Highest Blessing). 27. Bira (1995): 14. 28. Choinkhor et al. (1995): 70. “Janlavtsogzalmaa, Adistidiin manlaig örshöögch orshiv” (Author unknown), in Mongol unshlaga, urilgaas (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2008):  17–​18; “Tsagiig tokhinuulagch zalbiral” (Author unknown), in Burkhanii shashnii zan üiliin gariin avlaga I (Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown, 2005): 50. 29. B. Darambazar, Burkhanii shashnaa deedlen shütekhiin uchir (Ulaanbaatar:  Züün Khüree College of Buddhist Philosophy and Study of Religion, 2008): 48–​49. Here it is found under the title Tsagiig towkhinuulagch soyorkhol talvikhuin surgaal orshvoi. (Jinlav tsogtsolmaa) (Teaching in Accordance with the Times, Bestowing Grace). Two other publications include the same translation. See A. Bayasgalan, Tövd khel ekhlen surakh bichig (Ulaanbaatar: Amrida kompani, 1996): 62–​63; under the title Adistediin deediig khairlagch ekh and Janlav tsogzol (Adistidiin deediig khairlagch ekh) (Mother Who Bestows the Highest Blessings). 30. Mönkh-​Erdene (2008): 47.

352  Zsuzsa Majer 31. Myagmarsüren (2018):  168–​169. It was published by Altansükh and Ariunzul under the title Tsagiig zokhiruulakh zalbiral, Ülemj deed adistid soyorkhogch. See R. Altansükh and B. Ariunzul, Öndör gegeen Zanabazar, Adistediin deediig khairlagch ekh (orchhulga, tailbar) (Ulaanbaatar: Mongol Ulsiin Shinjelkh Ukhaanii Akademi Filosofiin Khüreelen, 2016): 5–​6 and under the title Adistediin deediig khairlagch ekh (The Mother Bestowing the Highest Blessing). 32. Byambaa (2004): 43 mentions all three commentaries; Bira (1995): 5; D. Khorolbat, “Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin tuurvisan maaniig büteekh gün arga büteeliiin sudalgaa,” in Aspects of Mongolian Buddhism 1.  Past and Present, edited by Attila Rákos (Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2018): 62; Sugar and Ad’shaa (2004): 79. 33. Byambaa (2004):  43 also provides the text consisting of twenty folios. See S. W. Tashigangpa, The Collected Works of Ngag-​dbang-​mkhas-​grub (Delhi: Publisher unknown, 1974): volume ka. Bira resorted to Ganjuurva Nomon Khan’s commentary, which consists of six folios and belongs to the private collection of Sh. Soninbayar. Its title is Byin rlabs mchog stsol ma’i ’grel pa bzhugs so. Bira (1995): 5. 34. Byang phyogs bskal lhag lha Yo gi Janabajras nyam thags ‘gro rnams la skyes bskur stsol ba’i dus bstun gsol ‘debs byin rlabs mchog stsol ma’i brjod don bsam ‘phel nor bu snang ba’i thabs su spos me’i snang ba lta bu’i brjod tho bkod pa bzhugs so. The same commentary is mentioned by Sugar and Ad’shaa by its shorter Mongolian title. See Sugar and Ad’shaa (2004): 79. The original Tibetan title of the text is not given here. 35. Byambaa (2004): 8, item 00008. 36. It is a special characteristic of tantric Buddhism that everyday objects or offerings are transformed into offerings of pure quality. In the same way, actions of everyday life, like eating, are transformed, too. Therefore, eating can be considered a way of offering, and the food consumed an offering (takhil, Tib. mchod pa). 37. Lokesh Chandra (1982): folios 590–​592 (according to the numbering of the original text, folios 20B–​21B). 38. Oṃ las bgrang yas ma, in Khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng rim byon gyi gsung ‘bum. TBRC W2DB25419 (Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: R. Byambaa, 2004), 1: 104–​106. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2DB25419|O2DB25419C2O0012$W2DB25419. The Tibetan text is also available in the appendix to a new publication by Myagmarsüren (2018). For several modern Mongolian editions of the Tibetan versions, see B. Soronzonbold (ed.), Khüree kharanga magtaal (Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo, 2016): 208; and for the published editions of the collected works of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar, see R. Byambaa (ed.), Collected Works of Jebtsundampa khutukhtus of Khalkha. 1.  Rje btzun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, II. Rje btzun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i sgron me, III. Rje btzun dam pa ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma, Vol. 1 (Ulaanbaatar: Private publication, 2003). 39. Myagmarsüren (2018): 41. 40. So far, I have been unable to find a commentary on this text. Therefore, the analysis given here is based on the oral explanation given to me by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene, which was recorded in October of 2017 in Mongolia (Umlai daye, October 25, 2017, 00:18:36).

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  353 41. Byambaa (2004): 43, 00096; 44, 00097. For an explanation of this text I resorted to the article by Khorolbat lama and on the explanation by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene lama of Dashchoilin Monastery of Ulaanbaatar, and the Maan’ düwtaw sawmu explanation of the text by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene lama, recorded October 26, 2017, 00:49:46.). 42. Khorolbat (2018): 61. 43. Khorolbat (2018): 61. 44. This was often told to me during my fieldwork carried out in 2016 and 2017 on Mongolian after-​death rites and related texts by the lamas interviewed on their ritual practice. 45. Khorolbat (2018): 61. 46. Khorolbat (2018): 65. 47. Khorolbat (2018): 61, and an oral explanation given by Mönkh-​Erdene lama. 48. The symbol consists of seven syllables and an additional three elements combined together. It is visualized in the generation stage of the Kālacakratantra practice in the form in which it was originally carved by Tāranātha (1575–​1634). 49. For translating the Tibetan text, I consulted the version available at the BDRC collection: ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo. In khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng rim byon gyi gsung ’bum. TBRC W2DB25419 (Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: r. byambaa, 2004), 1: 232–​ 240. rhttp://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2DB25419|O2DB25419C2O0094$W2DB25419. I also used the publication of Öndör Gegeen’s collected works published by Lokesh Chandra: Lokesh Chandra (1982) (according to the numbering of the original text, folio 84B–​88B). The text is also available in the modern editions of the collected works of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar, for example in the appendix of the newly published Mongolian translation of his works by Myagmarsüren (2018): 242–​244; it was also published recently in a new edition of various ritual texts by Soronzonbold and Pürevsükh (2015): 668–​671. 50. Myagmarsüren (2018): 163–​167. 51. Khorolbat (2018). 52. “Mani badmegiin magad utga.” Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin aildsan khoyor günzgii uwdis tüünii tailbar. The author, year, and publisher unknown. 53. Khorolbat (2018): 61–​62 mentions all four commentaries. 54. Tib. Ye shes rdo rje is Öndör Gegeen’s monastic name. 55. Tib. Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma was the third Jebtsundampa (1758–​1773). The title of the text mentions this as the name of the text’s author. 56. The analysis of the text’s structure is based on the commentary by Agvaandorj tsorj of Ikh Khüree taken from Khorolbat (2018): 66–​69, and on the explanation of the text given by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene lama. 57. The names of the parts of the soyombo symbol are as follows:  Tib. me, Mong. gal (“fire”); Tib. nyi ma, Mong. Nar (“sun”); Tib. zla ba, Mong. sar (“moon”); Tib. chos ’byung, Mong. Choinjün (“the source of phenomena”); Tib. mda’, Mong. Süm (“arrow”); Tib. e waṃ, Mong. evaṃ (“thus”); Tib. nyis shad, Mong. khos shad (“double perpendicular stroke”). The parts of the last letter, called norov badam tamga, (“jewel lotus seal”), are the following: Tib. nor bu, Mong. Norov (“jewel”); Tib. padme, Mong.

354  Zsuzsa Majer Badam (“lotus”); Tib. nyis shad, Mong. khos shad (“double perpendicular stroke”). See Mönkh-​Erdene (2004): 21–​25. Many of these parts are mentioned in the text. 58. Tib. sgo gsum (“the three doors”) are the body, speech, and mind. 59. Tib. dus ngan, “bad time/​crisis/​degenerate time.” 60. Tib. thugs dam (“tutelary gods”). 61. Tib. gnyan, deities of the land, earth, or mountains. 62. Tib. rgyal bstan. 63. The accumulations of merit and knowledge. 64. Tib. chos dbyings (Skrt. dharmadhātu). 65. Tib. rab ‘byams designates the highest rank of a monastic and a scholastic degree in Buddhist philosophy. 66. Tib. ’bru gsum stands for the three mantric syllables oṃ āḥ hūṃ. 67. Tib. rtsa brgyud bla ma. 68. Tib. yi dam zhi khro. 69. Tib. rgyal ba’i dkyil ‘khor (the maṇḍala of the Five Buddhas or Victorious Ones). 70. Tib. gnas gsum (“three places,” “three abodes,” or “three worlds”): the head (body), the throat (speech), and the heart (mind). 71. Tib. phyi dang nang gzhan (Mong. gadaad khiigeed dotnii busad) literally means “outer, inner, and other”; it stands for Tib. phyi nang gsang (Mongolian gadaad dotno nuuts), which means “outer, inner, and secret.” 72. Tib. mar gyur ’gro ba. 73. Tib. srung ma. 74. Tib. mi shis rgud pa; probably the correct form is mi shes rgud pa, as Tib. mi shis means “inauspicious” or “bad luck.” Hence, the term would mean “a decline of inauspiciousness,” while with Tib. mi shes (“ignorance”), the translation makes more sense, as “a degeneration of ignorance.” The only known modern Mongolian translation by Myagmarsüren reads:  “ül medekh doroitol” (“the degeneration of ignorance”); the oral explanation given by Mönkh-​Erdene lama reads: “ül medekhiin munkhag” (“the stupidity of ignorance”). 75. Tib. Lo ki sva rā ya. 76. Tib. skyabs sems, the abbreviation of Tib. skyabs ‘gro sems bskyed (“taking refuge and arousing bodhicitta”); Mong. avral (оduulakh) /​itgel, setgel /​bod’ setgel üüsgekh. 77. Tib. tshad bzhi is an abbreviation for tshad med bzhi; Mong. dörvön tsaglashgüi. 78. Tib. thabs shes. 79. Tib. dus ‘khor, dus kyi ‘khor lo; Mong. Düinkhor. 80. Tib bde dgyes gsang stands for the following three deities:  Bde mchog (Skrt. Cakrasaṃvara; Mong. Demchig), Kye’i rdo rje (Mong. Jedor; Skrt. Hevajra), and Gsang ‘dus (Mong. Sandui; Skrt. Guhyasamāja). 81. Tib. sgyu dra rid; Mong, khuvilgaan tor, ilbiin tor, “net of illusions.” 82. Tib. Ma ya. 83. Tib. Gshin rje’i gshed; Mong. Yamandag, Erlegiin daisan; Skrt. Yamāntaka or Vajrabhairava. 84. Tib. Rta mchog dbang; Mong. Khayankhirvaa. 85. Tib. Yum chen mo 86. Tib. phyag chen; Mong. makhamudra; Skrt. mahāmudrā.

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  355 87. Tib. shin tu rnal ‘byor; Mong. mashid yegüzer; Skrt. Atiyoga, “the yoga of the innermost essence.” 88. Tib. sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor, the abbreviation for sangs rgyas thams cad mnyam par sbyor ba’i rgyud. 89. Tib. dbu ma, Skrt. Madhyamaka, the Middle Way School. 90. Tib. Rdo rje sems; Mong. Bazarsad. 91. Tib. Rdo rje ‘chang; Mong. Ochirdary. 92. Tib. bla ma’i rnal ‘byor; Mong. bagshiin yegüzer, or lamiin iog. 93. Tib. dngos grub, Skrt. Siddhi, “accomplishments, attainments.” 94. Tib. rten la brten pa bzhugs (“sitting firm supported by the support”) means that the soyombo symbol explained in this work also relates to the Buddhas and their maṇḍalas. 95. Tib. rten dang brten pa (“the support and supported”) refers to the residence and its resident, the structure and inhabitants, and in this case, to a maṇḍala and its deities. 96. Tib. nor bu; Mong. erdene, chandmaan’. 97. Tib. dang po’i sangs rgyas. 98. Tib. chos ‘byung; Mong. Choinjün; also a name of a component of the soyombo symbol. 99. Tib. dpa’, “heroe.” 100. Tib. shes bcu, an abbreviation for ye shes bcu. 101. Tib. gsang sngags rgyal drug. 102. Tib. rgyal ba rigs drug, an abbreviated name for the Six buddhas. 103. Tib. rgyal sras. 104. Tib. sgrib. 105. Tib. yig drug relates to the oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ mantra. 106. Tib. rdzogs rim; Mong. tögsgöliin zereg. 107. Tib. bde ba can; Mong. Divaajin, Skrt. Sukhāvatī. 108. Tib. sa lam (“the grounds and paths”), the five paths and the ten Bodhisattva Grounds (Skrt. bhūmi).

Bibliography Altansükh, R., and Ariunzul, B. 2016. Öndör gegeen Zanabazar, Adistediin deediig khairlagch ekh (orchhulga, tailbar) (Öndör gegeen Zanabazar, The Mother Bestowing the Highest Blessings (translation and explanation)). Ulaanbaatar: Mongol Ulsiin Shinjelkh Ukhaanii Akademi Filosofiin Khüreelen. Bayasgalan, A. 1996. Tövd khel ekhlen surakh bichig (Elementary Course in Tibetan Language). Ulaanbaatar: Amrida kompani. Bira, Sh. 1995. Bogd Jivzündamba Zanabazariin zokhioson “Tsag lugaa zokhilduulsan zalbiral adistadiin deediig khairlagch orshivoi.” (Prayer in Accordance with the Times, Bestowing the Highest Blessings Written by the Bogd Jiwzündamba Zanabazar). Ulaanbaatar: International Association for Mongolian Studies. Burkhanii shashnii zan üiliin gariin avlaga I. (Manual of Mongolian Buddhist Ceremonies, Vol. 1). Ulaanbaatar: Center of Mongolian Buddhism Gandantegchenlin monastery–​ Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar Mongolian Buddhist University.

356  Zsuzsa Majer Byambaa, R., ed. 2003. Collected Works of Jebtsundampa khutukhtus of Khalkha. 1. Rje btzun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, II. Rje btzun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i sgron me, III. Rje btzun dam pa ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma, Vol. 1. Ulaanbaatar: Private publication. Byambaa, R. 2004. Mongolchuudiin tövd kheleer tuurwisan mongol khelend orchuulsan nom züin bürtgel. The Bibliographical Guide of Mongolian Writers in the Tibetan Language and Mongolian Translators. Vol. 1. Ulaanbaatar: Private publication. Choinkhor, J., Norovsambuu, S., and Tsolmon, Ts. eds. 1995. Undur geghen Zanabazar. Ulaanbaatar: Mongolian National Commission for UNESCO. Chuluun, S., and Mönkhjargal, B. eds. 2015. Öndör gegeen Zanabazar. Am’dral, Öv (Life and Heritage of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Darambazar, B. 2008. Burkhanii shashnaa deedlen shütekhiin uchir (A Reason for Respecting Our Buddhist Religion). Ulaanbaatar:  Züün Khüree College of Buddhist Philosophy and Study of Religion. “Fund for the Development of Mongolian Buddhism.” (website of “Mongoliin burkhanii shashnii khögjiliig demjikh san”) http://​bodhi.mn/​?page_​id=1510, http://​bodhi.mn/​ ?page_​id=1715 Jambal, B., D. Mönkhsaikhan, Ch. Dambajaw, G. Buyandelger, and Ts. Altankhüü, eds. 2004. Züün khüree Dashchoilin khiid, Tsogchin unshlagiin zereg tus amgalan garakhiin oron orshwoi, Tshogs chen ‘don cha’i rim pa phan bde ‘byung gnas bzhugs so (Texts of Daily Chanting:  The Source of Benefit and Happiness). Ulaanbaatar:  Dashchoilin Monastery. Kämpfe, Hans-​Rainer. 1981. “Sayin Qubitan-​u Süsüg-​ün terge. Biographie des 1. rĴe bcun dam pa-​Qutuqtu Öndür gegen (1635–​1723), verfast von Ṅag gi dbaṅ po 1839. Zwerte Folge.” Zentralasiatische Studien 15: 331–​383. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz. Khorolbat, D. 2018. “Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin tuurvisan maaniig büteekh gün arga büteeliiin sudalgaa.” (Research in the Profound Sādhana of the Maṇi [Mantra] Composed by Öndör Gegeen). In Aspects of Mongolian Buddhism 1. Past and Present, edited by Ágnes Birtalan, Krisztina Teleki, Zsuzsa Majer, Csaba Fahidi, and Attila Rákos, 61–​72. Budapest: L’Harmattan. Khürelbaatar, L., ed. 1992. Altan khürd (Golden Wheel). Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Lokesh, Chandra. 1961. Eminent Tibetan polymaths of Mongolia based on the work of Ye-​ shes-​thabs-​mkhas entitled Bla ma dam pa rnams kyi gsung ’bum kyi dkar chag gnyen ’bral dran gso’i me long. Śata-​Piṭaka Series, Vol. 16. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Lokesh, Chandra, ed. 1982. Life and Works of Jibcundampa I. Śata-​Piṭaka Series, Vol. 294. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Maani düvtaw savmu. An explanation of the text by Ts. Mönkh-​Erdene Lama. Recorded on October 26, 2017, 00:49:46. Audio Recordings of Interview by Zsuzsa Majer. Majer, Zsuzsa. 2008. A Comparative Study of the Ceremonial Practice in Present-​day Mongolian Monasteries. PhD dissertation. Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University, Faculty of Arts, Doctoral School of Linguistics, Doctoral School of Mongolian Linguistics. Majer, Zsuzsa. 2012. “Tövkhön, the Retreat of Öndör gegeen Zanabazar as a Pilgrimage Site.” The Silk Road 10:  107–​116. Seattle, online version:  http://​www.silk-​road.com/​ newsletter/​vol10/​SilkRoad_​10_​2012_​majer.pdf. Ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo. 2004. In Khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng rim byon gyi gsung ‘bum. 1: 232–​240. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: R. Byambaa.

Three Ritual Prayers by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar  357 Ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo. TBRC W2DB25419. http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2DB25419| O2DB25419C2O0094$W2DB25419. Ma ṇi’i sgrub thabs zab mo. 1982. In Life and Works of Jibcundampa I. Śata-​Piṭaka Series, Vol. 294, edited by Lokesh Chandra, folio 84B–​88B (according to the numbering of the original text). New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. “Mani badmegiin magad utga.” Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin aildsan khoyor günzgii uwdis tüünii tailbar (The Meaning of “Mani Padme.” Two Profound Instructions Written by Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar and Their Explanation). Author, year, and publisher unknown. Mongol unshlaga, urilgaas (From Mongolian Ceremonial Texts). 2006–​2008. Ulaanbaatar: Center of Mongolian Buddhism, Gandantegchenlin Monastery. Mönkh-​ Erdene, Ts. 2004. Soyombo zoyadi khemeekh mongol üsgiin bichikh yoson orshwoi (The Rules of Writing in the Mongolian Soyombo Zoyadi Letters). Ulaanbaatar: Dashchoilin monastery, Züün Khüree College. Mönkh-​Erdene, Ts. 2008. “Tsagiig tovkhinuulagch zalbiral” (“Prayer in Accordance with the Times”). In Burkhanii shashnaa deedlen shütekhiin uchir (A Reason for Respecting Our Buddhist Religion), edited by Darambazar, B. 47. Ulaanbaatar:  Züün Khüree College of Buddhist Philosophy and Study of Religion. Myagmarsüren, G., trans. 2018. Öndör gegeenii sümbüm (The Collected Works of Öndör Gegeen). Mongol mergediin büteeliin chuulgan “Mangala pitaka,” Vol. 1. Ulaanbaatar:  Züün Khüree Dashchoilin khiid, Burkhanii shashin soyol sudlaliin khüreelen. Oṃ las bgrang yas. 1982. In Life and Works of Jibcundampa I, edited by Lokesh Chandra, folios 590–​592 (according to the numbering of the original text, folios 20B–​21B), Śata-​ Piṭaka Series, Vol. 294. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Oṃ las bgrang yas ma. 2004. In Khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng rim byon gyi gsung ‘bum. 1: 104–​106. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: R. Byambaa. Oṃ las bgrang yas ma. TBRC W2DB25419, http://​tbrc.org/​link?RID=O2DB25419|O2D B25419C2O0012$W2DB25419. Oṃ las bgrang yas. 2016. In Khüree kharanga magtaal (Eulogies of the Kharanga Magtaal Ceremonies of Ikh khüree), edited by B. Soronzonbold, 208. Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo. Orosz, Gergely. 2008–​2009. A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vols. 1–​3. Budapest: Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Soronzobold, B., and Pürevsükh, U. eds. 2015. Eldev zasal I. Gzhan phan la nye bar mkho ba’I sku rim sna tshogs (Different Healing Ritual Texts, Vol. 1: Necessary Healing Rituals for the Benefit of Others). Ulaanbaatar: Soyombo. Sugar, D., and Ad’shaa, Sh. 2004. Öndör gegeen. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher unknown. Tashigangpa, S. W. 1974. The Collected Works of Ngag-​dbang-​mkhas-​grub. Delhi: Publisher unknown. Teleki, Krisztina. 2013. “Öndör gegeen Zanabazariin biyet bolon biyet bus öwiin jishee barimtuud” (“The Heritage of Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar”). Nomadic Heritage Studies Museum Nationale Mongoli 13, Fasc. 36 (2013): 304–​321. Tsogchin texts of Gandanteghcenlin Monastery. Ulaanbaatar: Publisher and date of publication unknown (411 folios). Tsültem, N. 1982. The Eminent Mongolian Sculptor—​G. Zanabazar. Ulaanbaatar: National Publishing House.

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17

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green Brian Baumann

Introduction The Legend of Mother Tara the Green (Noγoγan Dar-​a eke-​yin tuγuǰi) is among the favorite, most widely known pieces of Mongolian Buddhist literature. Several versions of the tale are kept in the Mongolian National Library in Ulaanbaatar.1 The translation offered here is made from an edited version in the Classical Mongolian by Ts. Damdinsüren (1908–​1986) for inclusion in his well-​known and valuable anthology of Mongolian literature, One Hundred Works (Jaγun bilig).2 The significance of the text lies not only in its literary appeal but also in the insight it affords into the nature of Buddhist influence on Mongolian culture. Tārā is the savioress and mother of sentient beings—​including all buddhas and bodhisattvas. Among other meanings, Sanskrit “Tārā” designates a “star”;3 and she follows in a long line of stellar deities who assume the mantle of apotheosis of womanhood. In a manner consistent with the Christian Virgin Mary, she transforms this apotheosis away from the sexual, passionate nature embodied by the likes of the Akkadian goddess Ishtar to one of meekness, nurturing, and selfless devotion. Her cult was not revered for nothing. Its worship went toward radically redefining the mores of womanhood and the role and status of women in society. Among Mongols her cult was instrumental in moving Mongolian culture away from its heritage in aristocratic world order—​wherein the relationship between people is one of superior and inferior status and the meaning of life is to rule—​to a new-​world, soteriological order—​wherein the relationship between people is one of equality, common humanity, and the meaning of life is to serve. As such, she embodies an intellectually sophisticated, politically potent concept of profound significance to world history. The cult of Tārā is first attested in Indian Buddhism in the fifth century c.e. Early images of her found in caves in western India belong to the sixth or seventh century.4 During the Tang Dynasty (618–​907) she begins to figure prominently in East Asian Mahāyāna Pure Land Buddhism. In Tibet, forms of Tārā are incarnated in the persons of the Chinese and Nepalese wives of Tibet’s first Buddhist emperor, Songtsen Gampo (Srong btsan Sgam po, 604–​650).5 Under the auspices of Tibet’s Vajrayāna, her role in Mahāyāna Pure Land tradition is

Brian Baumann, The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green In: Sources of Mongolian Buddhism. Edited by Vesna A. Wallace, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190900694.003.0017

362  Brian Baumann amalgamated into an array of tantric forms.6 Of these it is to be noted that propitiation of Mother Tārā the Green (Skrt. Śyāmatārā, Tib. Sgrol ljang), our heroine herein, is to be distinguished from that of Mother Tārā the White (Skrt. Sītatārā, Tib. Sgrol dkar) and from her other emanations.7 As in Tibet, Tārā is one of the most widely and well-​venerated deities among the Mongols. This veneration began under Sakyapa hegemony during the Yuan Dynasty (1260–​1368) but intensified with the Mongols’ conversion to Gélukpa Buddhism after 1578. An illustrated Mongolian xylograph from the year 1431 contains magical spells of Tārā.8 As at the founding of the Tibetan empire under Songtsen Gampo, at the ceremony of June 19, 1578 when the lord of the Tümed Mongols, Altan Khan (1507–​1582), became an incarnation of Qubilai Khaan and bestowed the title “Dalai Lama” upon his guru, Sonam Gyatso (Bsod nams Rgya mtsho, 1543–​1588), his wife, Queen Jönggen (1551–​1612), became the incarnation of Tārā.9 Tārā’s icon was a favorite subject of the Mongols’ His Holiness, the First Jebtsundamba Khutugtu, Zanabazar (1635–​1723), a Renaissance man who rendered her in masterpieces of gold-​plated bronze statuary.10 Tārā was venerated in a wide variety of forms and contexts. An eighteenth-​century illustration shows rivermen caught in a storm praying to Tārā, who saves them.11 As for the Legend of Mother Tārā the Green, the tale was likely promulgated as oral literature. This is suggested by its numerous repeated phrases, which aid memorization and sound pleasing to a listener’s ear but look superfluous to a reader’s eye. Because it appears to have been promulgated as oral literature, determining when and where it originated is challenging. Internal evidence suggests that the legend was composed no earlier than the mid-​eighteenth century. As suggested by linguistic evidence, the manuscript from which Damdinsüren made his recension was likely written no earlier than the late nineteenth century. A misunderstanding about the text exists that ought to be dispelled. Scholars have used the legend as evidence to show how Buddhism transformed Mongolian culture by appropriating the figures of its pre-​Buddhist tradition. They deem this pre-​Buddhist tradition “shamanism” and in keeping with shamanism’s distinctive ontology take elements of the tale to reflect an antiquity so ancient as to be timeless. The principal touchstone of this timeless antiquity they ascribe to the character of the White Old Man (Čaγan ebügen).12 Although perhaps nothing does not come from something that is at least as old as the universe itself, this assessment is critically amiss and profoundly misleading. The text refers to a certain teacher (baγsi), the White Ṛṣi (Čaγan risi), who in his next life will become a Buddha known as the White Old Man (Čaγan ebügen). This teacher is described in the text as qar-​a (“black”). Certain scholars hold this term to refer to shamanism and leave one to assume that the White Ṛṣi belongs to the Mongols’ ancient shamanic heritage.13 Nothing, however, could be further from the truth. The term qar-​a means “black” but also “common.” In Buddhist parlance it is

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  363 often used in reference to that which is secular, that is, that which exists beyond the domain of Buddhist orthodoxy. In Mongolian language there is no initial “-​r.” The White Ṛṣi in question is obviously a foreign deity in the Mongolian tradition that originated in Hindu Brāhmaṇism. There “White Ṛṣi” is an epithet for the deity Agastya, personification of the star Canopus. It so happens that the White Old Man the White Ṛṣi turns into is a personification of the exact same star only in Chinese Daoist tradition. The text therefore appears to allude to the assimilation of Chinese Canopus allegory from heterodox Daoism into the Mongolian Buddhist pantheon, an act which appears to have taken place sometime in the mid-​eighteenth century. Shamanism is a synthetic ontology invented by Western scholars and ascribed to the Mongols irrespective of historical reality. The Legend of Green Tārā has nothing to do with it whatsoever. What the legend does concern is science, science in its most essential aspect, which is to bring the best conceivable conventional semblance of order to the void in nature. In this vein, the tale functions as a form of political propaganda to inculcate Buddhist values and worldview among the Mongolian populace. To this end the tale frequently focuses on genesis, rendering poetically how things came to be, for instance, how the White Old Man came to be a Buddha and how Yama came to judge the deeds of man. Also in the way of science the tale often represents symmetry between heaven and earth (upon which the creation of time and space and thereof the world itself depend). It does so through numerous allusions to celestial phenomena. In addition to the aforementioned White Ṛṣi and White Old Man, characters in the tale include a family of the heavenly host, featuring two lovely fairies (Mong. dagini; Skrt. ḍākinī), Exquisite-​Sandalwood (Tangsuγ-​zandan dagini), who dwells in the highest heaven as the North Star, and her sister Beautiful-​ and-​Wise (Γoo-​a sečen dagini). The tale’s Milky Ocean (Sün dalai) refers to the Milky Way. Mt. Sumeru, of course, refers to “mountain” as the metonym for all the world and the center of the universe. The tale’s Way of the Great Wagon (yeke tergen-​ü ǰam) perhaps alludes to the ecliptic, the path of sun. Its crossroads (ǰam-un aγulǰar) might allude to an intersection of celestial pathways. Such allusions to celestial phenomena are commonplace worldwide in tales such as this. Here they seem to be made simply to delight the audience and do not appear to harbor any hidden layer of signification. Still, to consider the figures in question unempirical or fictitious reads into them modern predilections for fantasy and diminishes them. And as with other works given to bringing order to the void, the Legend of Mother Tārā the Green brings out its science through familiar literary devices, repetition, poetical passages, hyperbole, and miraculous imagery. These devices are designed to captivate an audience and affect its apprehension of reality. In bringing about this transformation of the audience the tale functions as a form

364  Brian Baumann of magic, the purest, most perfect form of scientific expression. It is this magical, literary, scientific nature of the tale that gives it a certain universal appeal.

Translated Text The Legend of Mother Tara the Green I prostrate myself before the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon Mother Tārā the Green, who long ago became mother to all the six kinds of living being, being of a distinctly gentle demeanor, a manifestly expeditious savioress, from the age of ten until the age of seventy-​seven stayed at the Yangsin Temple in Dünjingarbu Monastery contemplating in contrite meditation. When she had completed the meditation’s tantric initiation, Mother Tārā the Green, being of a distinctly gentle demeanor, a manifestly expeditious savioress, ascended in flight proceeding upward to the realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon, Buddha Śākyamuni, Vajrapāṇi, and the myriad clergy of heaven. Having thrice prostrated herself and circumambulated the land of the Thousand Buddhas, she said, “From the age of ten until the age of seventy-​seven I have resided at the Yangsin Temple in Dünjingarbu Monastery, contemplating in contrite meditation. My past is growing distant and my future drawing nigh. Now, because I am alone, [I seek] for myself [the good fortune of] a destiny with progeny.” Upon her request, the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon blessed her by bestowing upon her six tablets of medicine. At the conclusion of taking that medicine at the age of ninety-​ nine years, a Bodhisattva son was born to her. He had the lineage of Vajrapāṇi, a visage like the rising sun, lips of red peach, a well-​proportioned beautiful body like that of tall Vairocana, teeth like jade jewels, a backbone like the kalpavṛkṣa tree,14 and a form like that of the physical Buddha. His name was Oyuγu. She covered the child in lotus flowers and gave it suckle at various kinds of fruits. Upon close of the third day so doing, however, the child disappeared. Mother Tārā the Green pulled up her ample, marvelous peritoneum into folds. Her flourishing, brilliant faculties became dull and dark; her firm and stable mind began to falter and vacillate; her voluptuous, fair breasts dried up; her moon-​white complexion blackened; her beautiful sandalwood legs bent at the knee; and morsels of dirt fell from her golden mouth. Thereupon she cried until the heavens trembled and the ground shook and wept so much that leaves and flowers grew from withered trees and water filled the canyons. It was at that time that from the supernal realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon Buddha Śākyamuni ascended. Mother Tārā the Green, who became mother to all the six kinds of living being, being of a distinctly gentle demeanor, a manifestly expeditious savioress,

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  365 transformed into a golden-​winged, silver-​tailed, brown-​speckled hawk and flew upward to the realm of the Thousand Buddhas. Having made her ascent, she first circumambulated the Thousand Buddhas and prostrated herself three times before introducing herself to them saying, “I stayed at the Yangsin Temple in Dünjingarbu Monastery from the age of ten until the age of seventy-​seven contemplating in contrite meditation. When I had completed the meditation’s tantric initiation, I arrived at the realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon, and addressing them said, “Now, because I am alone [I seek] for myself [the good fortune of] a destiny with progeny.” Then at the age of ninety-​nine I had a Bodhisattva son named Oyuγu with a visage like the risen sun, lips of red peach, a well-​proportioned beautiful body like that of tall Vairocana, teeth like jade jewels, a backbone like the kalpavṛkṣa tree, and a form like the physical Buddha. While he was covered in lotus flowers at the end of three days, my only begotten Oyuγu Bodhisattva disappeared. Having had a good fate, I wondered if he hadn’t been born a disciple in the realm of the Thousand Buddhas, and so I came here. Have you seen that only-​begotten Bodhisattva son of mine?” They said, “Dear mother of ours Tārā the Green, who has become mother to all the six kinds of being, we have not seen that only begotten Bodhisattva of yours.” At that time, for the sake of making prognostications about future paths, the signs were made manifest. So it was told that at the source of his heart there is an ink-​black birthmark comprised of the five hundred aggregate signs. And so it was told that between his shoulder blades is a hot-​iron-​red birthmark formed in the shape of a pearl. No sooner had this reading been made than she said, “My son certainly exists,” and, upon making prognostications, she descended to the Rose-​apple continent below wondering if he had not been born among the beings of the eighteen hells. She asked the denizens of those hells, “Have you seen my only begotten Oyuγu Bodhisattva?” Those however many denizens of hell all said, “Oh our dear Mother Tārā the Green, who has become mother of all the six kinds of being, we have not seen that only begotten Oyuγu Bodhisattva of yours.” [Although they had been unable to help her,] Mother Tārā the Green nevertheless relieved all the various sufferings of those denizens of hell. Having done so, she asked of the living beings on the Rose-​apple continent, “Has he been born to the two-​legged humans or the four-​legged animals?” Those beings also said that they had not seen him. Having relieved the sufferings of the people of the Rose-​apple continent, Mother Tārā the Green went about wailing and weeping with a sound like that of a horn, wondering if he hadn’t drowned in the Circumambient Ocean. For three months she strained the Circumambient Ocean but did not find him and returned.

366  Brian Baumann While going about wailing and weeping with a sound like that of a horn, she met a raven. It made the attempt to address her, asking, “Mother Tārā the Green who has become mother of all the six kinds of being, whither do you travel?” When it did thus, Mother Tārā the Green spoke, saying, “In my ninety-​ninth year so it was that I bore a Bodhisattva son named Oyuγu, who has a visage like the risen sun, lips of red peach, a well-​proportioned beautiful body like that of tall Vairocana, jade jewels for teeth, a backbone like the kalpavṛkṣa tree, and a form like the physical Buddha. That son of mine after three days disappeared. In search of him I have been making inquiries and sought him in the supernal realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon but did not find him; I asked of him from the beings of nether hell but did not find him; I asked the two-​legged people and four-​legged animals of the Rose-​apple continent but did not find him; and I strained the Circumambient Ocean for three months but to no avail.” The raven, though possessed of a ridiculing and uncompassionate, abusive and unloving, disposition, said in reply that it itself did not know but that “On the summit of Golden Mountain the sage of heaven, White Ṛṣi, who has contemplated the seven-​series Dharma essence, practiced meditation for ninety-​nine years, and knows the nine languages, has drawn a black and white matrix and by putting out black and white stones has seen what will be. He will know.” Mother Tārā the Green blessed the raven saying, “Hey, for your showing me the way and making straight my path may you possess a body that does not get cold in frigid weather! May your vision cover sixty valleys!” And she asked that the raven’s water-​black eyes receive the eye of wisdom. Thence Mother Tārā the Green proceeded to the summit of Golden Mountain. There, prior to addressing the White Ṛṣi, sage of heaven, who has contemplated the seven-​ series Dharma essence, practiced meditation for ninety-​nine years, and knows the nine languages, she thrice circumambulated [his realm] and prostrated herself before him. Having done so, she spoke to him saying, “I stayed at the Yangsin Temple in Dünjingarbu Monastery from the age of ten until the age of seventy-​seven contemplating in contrite meditation. Having completed tantric initiation in meditation, on account of being alone, I wanted a destiny with progeny, and because I requested the blessing of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon, in my ninety-​ninth year so it was that I bore a Bodhisattva son named Oyuγu, who has a visage like the risen sun, lips of red peach, a well-​proportioned beautiful body like that of tall Vairocana, jade jewels for teeth, a backbone like the kalpavrksha tree, and a form like that of the physical Buddha. That son of mine at the end of three days disappeared. I searched for him in the supernal realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon but did not find him. I asked about him from the beings of nether hell but did not find him. I  questioned the superior

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  367 two-​legged humans and the four-​legged animals of the Rose-​apple continent but did not find him. I strained the Circumambient Ocean for three months but to no avail. For this reason I  say, let me ask you the White Ṛṣi, sage of heaven, for an augury.” White Ṛṣi, sage of heaven, drew a matrix of white-​, green-​, and blue-​colored stones and made a prognostication saying, “My dear Mother Tārā the Green, who has become mother of all the six kinds of being, that only begotten son of yours, Oyuγu Bodhisattva, is in the realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon. Should you alight there, what would you do?” At that time Mother Tārā the Green said, “Sir, let these words of thine be true. When they come to be, upon saying, “Flow like the Milky Way from my dried-​ up, voluptuous, fair breasts,” [milk] will flow like the Milky Way from these voluptuous, fair breasts of mine. I will milk until the golden trough is full and make offerings and reach perfection.” The White Ṛṣi, sage of heaven, again made an augury with stones saying, “Mother of mine, Tārā the Green, that Oyuγu Bodhisattva son of yours is surely a real Bodhisattva. Most greatly praised; he has a purified the Dharma Body, eleven faces, the diadem of Amitābha Buddha, a body with all marks of distinction, an even one thousand hands, eyes in the palm of each one, an expression of compassion for living beings, the scent of juniper and sandalwood, raiment of various fine silks, jeweled stone ornaments, the eloquence of Avalokiteśvara, the mellifluousness of the swan and cuckoo, the six-​syllable magic spell that achieves blessedness, the heart of highest wisdom that tells the three times, the treasury of wish-​fulfilling jewels which satisfies every desire, the appearance of the white conch which possesses all power, and everlasting light. Should you alight there, what would you do?” Mother Tārā the Green said: “Let these words of thine be true. I would give my precious four limbs as an offering and reach perfection.” Again he made an augury with colored stones saying, “Because the suffering of the six kinds of being, which you have become the mother of, has increased, in the realm of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon, that Oyuγu Bodhisattva of yours has stolen Śākyamuni Buddha, Vajrapāṇi Buddha, and the myriad clergy of heaven, and, having taken them, has fled into the 366-​tiered vault of a golden stūpa. Should you alight there, what would you do?” Mother Tārā the Green [said that she would] give her body, tongue, and mind as offerings and reach perfection. Mother Tārā the Green then bestowed a blessing on the White Ṛṣi, sage of heaven. She bestowed a blessing on him, saying, “Although in this life you have been a secular teacher, in your next life you shall be a Buddha named the White Old Man and master a mountain named Fruitful. Having passed beyond, you will relieve all people and animals’ sundry afflictions and in your right hand wield a dragon-​headed staff.”

368  Brian Baumann The sage White Ṛṣi also bestowed a blessing. He said, “Mother of mine Tārā the Green, having sought after and found your Oyuγu Bodhisattva, may you go about saving suffering beings from suffering and, having done so, advance peace.” So it was that by the power of the blessing bestowed by Mother Tārā the Green, the White Old man came into being. Mother Tārā the Green, who became mother to all the six kinds of living being, being of a distinctly gentle demeanor, a manifestly expeditious savioress, transformed into a golden-​winged, silver-​tailed, brown-​speckled hawk and set off for the realm of the Thousand Buddhas. Wailing and weeping with the sound of a horn, she whined calling out, “Where is that black-​striped tiger of mine that goes about growling on the summit of Black Mountain?” And she called out whining, “Where is that brown-​striped tiger of mine that goes about roaring on the summit of Brown Mountain?” While she was doing this she saw a woman at the crossroads wearing a felt cloak and carrying a dung basket. She then took off her ornaments and gave them to her, carried her dung basket on her back, held a patchwork bag in her right hand, a withered walking stick in her left, and transformed into an old beggar woman. And as such she went for three months to a servant’s quarters. At that time on the fifteenth day of the middle month of summer, the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon had installed Oyuγu Bodhisattva on a golden altar, and having done so thousands of bodhisattvas from all directions were assembled to hear the consecration. Upon witnessing this, Mother Tārā the Green realized that her son did indeed appear to exist. While herself being unable to make a sound, Śākyamuni Buddha spoke. “Do you all realize who this woman is?” he said. The bodhisattvas in attendance all said, “We do not know her.” “This is indeed Mother Tārā the Green,” [he said]. Instantly exultant, those bodhisattvas caused a white rainbow to appear before Mother Tārā the Green and took down Oyuγu Bodhisattva from the altar. [Instantly] it fled into the 366-​ tiered golden-​white vault, and so they installed a different Bodhisattva on the altar and venerated it [instead]. At that time, no sooner had Mother Tārā the Green blown away the white rainbow than she saw not her own Bodhisattva but a Bodhisattva whom she did not recognize. Mother Tārā the Green’s moon-​white complexion then darkened; her beautiful sandalwood legs bent at the knee; and she began wailing and weeping with the sound of a horn. “Only-​begotten Oyuγu Bodhisattva of mine, could it be that you have left me behind?” And having said this, clods of earth fell from her mouth. At that time Śākyamuni Buddha ascended, and having taken it up from his right hand, he licked the mouth-​born earth with his own tongue. Taking it up three times, he erected it, and having done so, spoke the doctrine of the three

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  369 turnings:  “The end of loving is separation, is it not? The end of separation is meeting, no? The end of being born is dying, is it not? The end of dying is being born, no? The end of sowing is reaping, is it not? And the end of reaping, sowing, no?” Having preached thus, he ascended to his own realm. The son Oyuγu Bodhisattva, having heard the wailing and weeping sound like that of a horn made by his own mother, Tārā the Green, who became mother to all the six kinds of living being, being of a distinctly gentle demeanor, a manifestly expeditious savioress, for his own part, he let out the sound of a “chsss,” and said, “Things with time in their own hour. Things with area in their own space;” and he knocked over the 366-​tiered golden vault, emerged from out of the stūpa, and came to his mother and hugged her around the neck. It was at that time that, at the sound of their crying, Śākyamuni Buddha became established away from the altar. All of the forsaken disciples were overcome in an endless forest of bitterness. The three-​day sounding of Vajrapāṇi Buddha’s conch was cut off, and the service congregation was interrupted. The tears mother and son cried became a great ocean, and, as for the living beings that drank from that ocean, the disabled among them were made whole; the blind could see; and the deaf could hear. At that time Śākyamuni Buddha became the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon [but] was unable to separate mother and son. So Śākyamuni Buddha addressed Vajrapāṇi Buddha, saying, “You have stratagem, do you not? Try to separate these two.” Exultant, Vajrapāṇi Buddha, having taken a stern disposition, pulled out the vajra of the zenith and, having fashioned it into two iron tusks, brought out a brown-​striped dragon from his right foot and a yellow-​striped dragon from his left foot, and causing them roar, tried to separate mother and son [with the sound of it]. Mother Tārā the Green then held her son [just] with her right hand but, having said, “No sooner than I say, ‘I wonder if he’ll disappear again’ and release him, he will disappear again,” once again she embraced him. At that time, as Oyuγu Bodhisattva could not be made to disappear from his mother, he pulled out his precious white teeth complete with the thirty-​two marks of distinction and transformed himself into the form of a three-​year old and took up suckling from his mother’s voluptuous, fair breasts. After three months had passed, the mother’s flow of breast milk began to level off and the son was finally sated. At that time mother and son released each other. They said, “They say that at the sound of our crying, Śākyamuni Buddha became established away from the altar. They say that all the forsaken disciples were overcome in an endless forest of bitterness. They say that Vajrapāṇi Buddha’s three-​part conch-​horn service was interrupted. Now let us atone for those misfortunes.” And having loaded five hundred donkeys and mules with silken scarves, and having come and evoked the buddhas and bodhisattvas, they made offerings and reached perfection.

370  Brian Baumann Mother Tārā the Green spoke respectfully saying, “In my travels seeking my Oyuγu Bodhisattva I saw many living beings. Many of them were joyful. Also were there many who were suffering. It appears that the majority of them were suffering. Is my notion to liberate those suffering living beings from their suffering right or is it wrong?” When she spoke thus, those buddhas and bodhisattvas said, “My dear, this idea of yours is very correct. It is a beautiful idea. Although we have become fully accomplished buddhas, we are unable to take pity on living beings.” Those many bodhisattvas then evoked Mother Tārā the Green and son on an eighteen-​legged altar and circumambulated them seven times and prostrated themselves before them three times. Having done so, they said, “Because the suffering of the six kinds of living being is great, may you see to the sufferings of suffering beings, even should it cause for you to suffer.” And [she] said, “This weariness of mine is that.” And she made an offering of a silken scarf and reached perfection. Mother Tārā the Green who has become mother to all the six kinds of being took her son Oyuγu Bodhisattva and set out for the living beings in the eighteen dark hells of the Rose-​apple continent. While having entered the Way of the Great Wagon at the intersection of two roads, they saw an old lama who had died, lying there. Upon hastening to him, they said, “What is this clergyman doing separated from his human body?” And then they noticed that he was only lying there, not dead yet, and still animated with signs of life. So they propped him up by his precious four limbs, and Mother Tārā the Green gave him suckle at her voluptuous, fair breasts. They traveled for three months, but even having fed him thus the elderly lama’s emaciation became dire such that he was no longer able to proceed. So mother and son took turns carrying him on their backs. While they carried him, the flesh of his shoulders wasted away to the point that his bones turned white. It was at this juncture that the elderly lama showed the sign of impermanence. They interred his corpse next to a great service temple and traveled on. When they reached the entry into hell, they erected a golden plaited-​ sandalwood stūpa next to [the entryway into] hell, and at the base of that stūpa mother and son sat contemplating in austere meditation. In order for the living beings of that hell to find the sanctity of Buddhahood, at that time a black horse with a golden saddle, bit, and headstall came from out of the sky; and having become the mount for mother and son, [together] they brought out the living beings of that hell and so liberated them from suffering. At that time the myriad lictors of Yama came to their Dharmarāja saying, “Because we are the guardians of hell, when hell is full, we rejoice. When hell is empty, we lament. Now we have come to complain that hell has become void.” Upon being informed thus, Dhamarāja Yama said, “Capture that horse and bring it here.”

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  371 While the myriad lictors of Yama were going about with intent to capture the horse and come back with it, as that horse possessed intellect, it came out to meet them, and as it approached the lictors, they said to the horse, “So it is that we have come intent upon capturing you.” The horse said to them, “If I am predestined to fall into hell, then I will fall whether you capture me or not. But if I do not possess the fate to fall into hell, then, even though you capture me, there is nothing that could possibly make me fall, no?” Having said this, the horse let itself be seized. In the time when those minions of Yama had taken the horse and were about to go with it, the horse let lictors ride the hairs of its body and with them [astride each one] on down to its root proceeded on to King Yama. King Yama said, “Throw this horse into the hot hell.” The myriad lictors seized the horse and threw it into the hot hell. No sooner had those minions of Yama peered into that hall of hell than from that hell various kinds of golden-​ branched, silver-​leafed fruit trees grew; a cool, beautiful spring flowed; lovely green leaves flourished; and the suffering beings of that hell set out for the land of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Aeon, where resounds a euphony like the call of a swan, and they were born there as disciples. All lictors went to their king saying, “What a strange horse that is! We have never seen anything like it!” And they proceeded to report assiduously everything that had happened. When they did this, Dharmarāja Yama said, “Then throw it into the cold hell.” Having thrown it into the cold hell, again, no sooner had they looked into that hall of hell than, just as before, the living beings of that hell were saved. Again the lictors went to their King Yama and reported. The king said, “Halter that horse with a nine-​ply iron halter; hobble it with a nine-​ply iron hobble; and throw it into the three-​story pig-​iron hall. The lictors threw the horse into that black building’s darkness and dispersed to their own respective places. The horse knocked down that pig-​iron structure and left. It proceeded to Mother Tārā the Green and son and told them, “I was that elderly lama lying at the crossroads. I did not know whether I would be able or not to repay the favor of you having carried me when the flesh of my shoulders wasted to the point that my bones turned white. Let me repay the favor of the milk from your voluptuous, fair breasts by making queen to Oyuγu Bodhisattva the fairy Exquisite-​ Sandalwood, only daughter of supernal Tuṣita Heaven, versed in the five fields of knowledge.” Having said this, it flew up into the sky. At that time the myriad lictors came to the pig-​iron house, but when they looked for the horse they saw that it was not there. Also came envoys from King Yama who told the lictors to seize the horse and bring it. Upon being so instructed, the lictors were at a loss for words and lay low for three days at the mouth of hell. Because King Yama had said they will certainly present themselves, the lictors [eventually] came saying, “We have never seen anything like

372  Brian Baumann that horse. It has vanished from the dark pig-​iron building.” Upon receiving this report, the king laughed. “That is no horse,” he said. “That’s Śākyamuni Buddha.” He said, “Invite Mother Tārā the Green and son to come here.” And so an envoy visited Mother Tārā the Green, and upon receiving King Yama’s edict, they said, “We, mother and son, sit in contemplative meditation for the sake of the benefit of the beings in hell. Upon completion of our tantric meditation we will present ourselves.” The envoy returned. After a while Mother Tārā the Green and son both paid a visit to King Yama. When they arrived, the king greeted them by burning fragrances in their presence, and having done so, he invoked them upon a golden yellow altar and made offerings. Having done so, he queried, “How many blessings for Mother Tārā the Green should there be?” When this question was put to her, Mother Tārā the Green had absolutely no idea [what an appropriate answer might be]. But so it was that long ago Śākyamuni used to address this matter saying, “Whenever someone recites the legend of Mother Tārā the Green and reads scripture, the three bad fates will not befall him.” Following this, King Yama said, “Since this came true I have been distinguishing good and evil for the past one thousand aeons. I pray that after one thousand aeons have passed I will be born as one of your disciples.” Thus it came to be that for one thousand aeons Mother Tārā the Green has been saving living beings and King Yama has been distinguishing good and evil. At that time it was stated by the buddhas and bodhisattvas that Mother Tārā the Green’s son, Oyuγu Bodhisattva, would be the ruler of the world; that, at the time when he came to rule, Tuṣita Heaven’s only daughter, the fairy Exquisite-​ Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, would become his queen; and that, when they came to reign, the people and living beings of the world would be without death and suffering and without privation, but would rejoice in peace and live forever. Accordingly, while the golden bridled black horse that possesses the eight good qualities was soaring upward to the realm of sovereign heaven, Tuṣita Heaven’s only daughter, the fairy Exquisite-​Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, was thinking of the benefit of human beings and amusing herself in the Pure Land when she saw the horse and said, “Fairy of mine, Beautiful-​and-​Wise, versed in the Three Sciences, this is a lovely, wonderful horse. Capture it and bring it to me. I would like to see if I can ride it and train it.” “Fairy of mine, Exquisite-​Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, with your voluminous, wonderful faculty, please think carefully about this. Please study the implications and understand them. It appears that this is not an animal to be ridden but a guardian to be invited.” Upon being told so, because [the truth] conformed to the loving intention of the fairy Exquisite-​Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, “Capture that

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  373 golden-​bridled black horse that possesses the eight good qualities and bring it to me,” she said. The fairy Beautiful-​and-​Wise, versed in the Three Sciences, held out the golden lariat-​pole toward the golden-​bridled horse that possesses the eight good qualities which had been trotting about back and forth, its hooves extending to the ends of the grass, its shadow reaching [to the peaks of] high mountains, and she roped it with a silver lasso and brought it. Having mounted the golden-​bridled black horse that possesses the eight good qualities, the fairy Exquisite-​Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, traveled five leagues at its pleasant, gentle gait and then, at the point of having passed ten leagues at its nice, easy clip, having entered by way of the valley of Mt. Sumeru, and having toured the coast of the Milky Way, in the time that it takes to say “khüüe” she descended into the world; in the time that it takes to say “jai” she came to the Rose-​apple continent. The fairy Beautiful-​and-​Wise, versed in the Three Sciences, having hurriedly spread the news to their father Tuṣita Heaven, their mother Queen Galbiri, their elder brother Narmai Heaven, and the eighty myriad fairies, came out to her. “Fairy of mine, Exquisite-​Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, this has caused our father Tuṣita Heaven to be tormented with grief; our mother to drown in suffering, our elder brother Narmai Heaven to be overwhelmed with sorrow, and has made the eight myriad fairies orphans, abandoned. Having cast aside so very many to be an orphan, alone, why did you come here?” Upon this evocation, [the fairy Exquisite-​Sandalwood] said, “Fairy of mine, Beautiful-​and-​Wise, versed in the Three Sciences, with your voluminous, wonderful faculty, please think carefully about this. Please study the implications and understand them. It is said that if I become the queen of Mother Tārā the Green’s son Oyuγu Bodhisattva, then the living beings of the physical world will be without death and suffering, without privation, but will rejoice in peace and live forever. Returning is impossible. I will follow the mandate of the Buddha. Give this reason in response to my father the king, my mother the queen, and to all my nation.” Upon being told of this, everyone in the realm of heaven wept with unequalled, most bitter lamentation. Mother Tārā the Green’s son Oyuγu Bodhisattva and the fairy Exquisite-​ Sandalwood, versed in the Five Sciences, were of one accord and together with Mother Tārā the Green, in accordance with the mandate of the buddhas and bodhisattvas, built a golden palace alongside Mount Poṭalaka, and having established there a silver stūpa, all the living beings of the physical realm lived in a time of observing peace and happiness, without death and suffering, without privation, but rejoicing in peace and living forever. The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green is finished. May happiness reign!15

374  Brian Baumann

Notes 1. Ch. Narantuya and D. Enkhtungalag, Catalogue of the Mongolian Manuscripts in the National Library of Mongolia, edited by Tachibana Makoto (Tokyo:  Waseda University Institute for Mongolian Studies, 2011): 58, 78–​79. 2. I have used an edition published in Inner Mongolia in 1979, pp. 744–​759. 3. M. Monier-​Williams, A Sanskrit-​ English Dictionary (Oxford:  Clarendon Press, 1899): 444; Brian Baumann, “The Scent of a Woman,” in Philology of the Grasslands, edited by Á. B. Apatóczky and C. P. Atwood (Leiden: Brill, 2018): 47. 4. M. K. Dhavalikar, “The Origin of Tārā,” Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute 24 (1963–​1964): 16. 5. Giuseppe Tucci, “The Wives of Sroṅ bsan sgam po,” Oriens Extremus 9 (1962): 121. 6. Stephan Beyer, The Cult of Tārā: Magic and Ritual in Tibet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973). 7. Martin Willson and Martin Brauen (eds.), Deities of Tibetan Buddhism:  The Zürich Paintings of the Icons Worthwhile to See (Bris sku mthong ba don ldan) (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2000): 271–​275. 8. György Kara, Books of the Mongolian Nomads: More Than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian (Bloomington., IN: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 2005): 194. 9. Johan Elverskog, “Whatever Happened to Queen Jönggen?,” in Buddhism in Mongolian History, Culture, and Society, edited by Vesna A. Wallace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015): 6–​7. 10. Patricia Berger and Terese Tse Bartholomew, eds., Mongolia: The Legacy of Chinggis Khan (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum, 1995): 286–​294. 11. Kara (2005): 253–​254. 12. Walther Heissig, The Religions of Mongolia, translated by G. Samuel (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980): 78–​79. 13. Dorji Banzarov, “The Black Faith, or Shamanism among the Mongols,” translated by Jan Nattier and John R. Krueger, Mongolian Studies 7 (1982): 53–​91. 14. A wish-​granting  tree. 15. Noγoγan Dara eke-​yin tuγuji sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​a mörgümüi:  erte urida ǰirγuγan ǰüil qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan. ilerkei jögelen aburitu iledte qurdun tonilγaγči noγoγan dar-​ a eke. yangsin süm-​e-​dü. dünǰin γarbu-​yin keyid-​tü arban nasun-​ača dalan doloγan nasun kürtele. qataγuǰil diyan-​i bisilγan saγubai:  diyan-​u ündüsün-​i dügürüged ǰirγuγan ǰüil qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan ilerkei ǰögelen aburitu iledte qurdun tonilγaγči noγoγan dar-​ a eke. degedü sayin čaγ-​ un mingγan burqan. Sigemuni burqan. Včirbani oγtarγuy-​yin tümen quvaraγ-​ud-​un oron-​dur degegsi nisün ögede bolbai: mingγan burqan-​u oron-​i γurban üy-​e ergiǰü mörgüged. bi yangsin süm-​e-​dü. dünǰin γarbu-​yin keyid-​tü arban nasun-​ača dalan doloγan nasun kürtel-​e. qataγuǰil diyan-​i bisilγan saγubai:  uriduki minu qoladču. qoyituki minu oyiraduǰu. edüge γaγčaγar tulada nadur nigen ür-​e ǰayaγ-​a geǰü qutuγ γuyuγsan-​dur sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan. ǰirγuγan sayin em-​i adislan ögbei: tere em-​i ǰoγuγlaγsan-​u segül-​dü yeren yisün nasun deger-​e ni včirbani-​ača ündüsütei. urγumal naran metü önggetei.

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  375 ulaγan bimba-​yin (toγur-​un jimis) uruγultai. öndör biruzan-​a metü tegsi sayiqan bey-​ e-​tei. qas erdeni metü sidütei. galbarvasun modu metü niruγutai. bodatai burqan-​u düritei. Oyuγu ner-​e-​tei bodisadu-​a köbegün töröbei: tere köbegün-​i badm-​a lingqu-​a čečeg-​tür qučiǰu. eldeb ǰüil-​ün ǰimis-​i simegülün bayital-​a γurban qonoγ-​un segül-​dür köbegün ügei bolon odbai: tere noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin delger sayiqan čoroi ni degegsi ebketel-​e tatabai:  badarangγui saraγul čegeǰi ni balar qarangγui bolǰu batu tübsin sedkil ni dolgisun dayibilaǰu yümǰin čaγan kökö ni sirgin qatabai: saran čaγan činar ni qaralaǰu sayiqan zandan köl ni söküreǰü altan ama-​bar siroi emkün unaγad. deger-​ e tngri-​yi dengseltel-​e. door-​a γaǰar-​i dongsultal-​a ukilaǰu. qubaqai modun-​ača nabči čečeg. urγutal-​a qongqor γaǰar usu toγtatal-​a qayilabai: tere čaγ-​tu degedü sayin čaγ-​ un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​ača sigemuni burqan ögede bolbai: ǰirγuγan ǰüil-​ün qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan ilerkei ǰögelen aburitu iledte qurdun tonilγaγči noγoγan dar-​a eke. altan ǰigürtei mönggü segültei boro eriyen qarčaγai bolun qubilǰu. degegsi mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du nisün ögede boluγad. mingγan burqan-​i γurban üy-​e ergiǰü mörgüged. bi Yangsin süm-​e-​dü dünǰin γarbu-​ yin keyid-​tü arban nasun-​ača dalan doloγan nasu kürtel-​e. qataγuǰil diyan-​i bisilγan saγubai: diyan-​u ündüsün-​i tegüsüged sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du kürčü edüge bi γaγčaγar tula. nadur nigen ür-​e ǰayaγ-​a geǰü ayiladqaγsan-​dur yeren yisün nasun deger-​e minu urγuγsan naran metü önggetei. ulaγan bimba-​yin uruγultai. öndör biruzan-​a metü tegsi sayiqan bey-​e-​tei. qas erdeni metü sidütei. galbarvasun modun metü niruγutai. bodatai burqan-​ u düri-​ tei Oǰuγ-​u ner-​e-​tei bodisadu-​a köbegün törögsen bile: badm-​a lingqu-​a čečeg-​ün dotor-​a qučiǰu bayin atal-​a γurban qonoγ-​un segül-​dür γaγčakü törögsen Oyuγu bodisadu-​a minu ügei bolun odbai: sayin ǰayaγatai aγsan bolbasu mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du šabi bolun törögsen bolbau geǰü sanaγad irebei:  γaγčakü törögsen bodisadu-​ a köbegün-​ i minu üǰebeü kemen medegülügsen-​dür. abai ǰirγuγan ǰüil-​ün qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan noγoγan dar-​ a eke minu činu γaγčkü törögsen bodisadu-​a-​yi čini üǰegsen ügei gebe:  tere čaγ-​tu qoyitu mör-​tü jar talbiqu-​yin tula belge temdeg-​i ayiladqanam:  ǰirüken-​ü ekin-​dü tabun ǰaγun čoγča-​yin belge büridügsen beke qar-​a mengge bui bile: qoyar dalun-​u qoγorandu subud-​un düri-​ber bütügsen siru ulaγan mengge bui bile: teyimü bolqul-​a minu köbegün maγad mön geǰü ǰar talbiγad door-​a zambutib-​tu baγuju arban naiman tamu-​yin amitan-​du törögsen bolbau geǰü ireged. mön tamu-​yin amitan-​ača γaγčakü törögsen Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yi mini üǰebeü gejü asaγubai: tedüi tamu-​yin amitan abai ǰirγuγan ǰül-​ün qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan noγoγan dar-​a eke mini. činu γaγčakü törögsen Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yi čini bida üjegsen ügei gebe: mön noγoγan dar-​a eke. arban naiman tamu-​yin amitan-​u aliba ǰobalang-​i arilγaγad zambutib-​un deger-​e. qoyar költü kümün. dörben költü aduγusun-​du törögsen bolbau geǰü ter-​e amitan-​ača basa asaγubai:  tede amitan basa üjegsen ügei gebe:  zambutib-​un kümün amitan-​u ǰobalang-​i arilγaγad noγoγan dar-​a eke. biskigür metü daγun-​iyar qaskirun qayilaǰu yabuγad γadaγadu dalai-​dur ǰibčü ükügsen bolbau geǰü sanaγad. γadaγadu dalay-​yi γurban sar-​a boltala sigürdeǰü ese oluγad. bučaju biskigür metü daγun-​iyar qaskirun qayilaǰu yabutal-​a nigen qong keriy-​e aγulǰabai: ǰirγuγan ǰüil qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan noγoγan dar-​a eke. ali γaǰar-​a morilaǰu yabumui kemen ayiladqan üǰebesü noγoγan dar-​a eke. yeren yisün nasun deger-​e mini. urγuγsan naran metü önggetei.

376  Brian Baumann ulaγan bimba-​yin uruγul-​tai. öndör biruzan-​a metü tegsi sayiqan bey-​e-​tei. qas erdeni sidütei galbarvasun modun metü niruγu-​tai bodatai burqan-​u düri-​tei Oyuγu ner-​e-​ tei bodisadu-​a köbegün törögsen bile: tere köbegün mini γurban qonuγ-​un segül-​dür ügei bolun odbai: tegün-​i-​ben erin suraγlaǰu degedü sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du eriǰü ese olbai: door-​a tamu-​yin amitan-​ača asaγuǰu ese olbai: zambutib-​un qoyar költü kümün dörben költü aduγusun-​du öčiǰü asaγuγad ese olbai: γadaγadu dalay-​yi γurban sar-​a sigürdeǰü ese olbai. kemen ayiladbai: qong keriy-​e enerikü-​yin sedkil ügei. eleglekü-​yin sedkil-​tei. qayirlaqu-​yin sedkil ügei. qaldaqu-​yin sedkil-​tü bolbaču qariγu medegsen ügei gejü ayiladqaγad. altan aγula-​yin oroi deger-​e. doloγan üy-​e nom-​un činar bisilγaγsan. yeren yisün ǰil diyan kigsen yisün kele-​yi medekü oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi. qar-​a čaγan ǰiruqai ǰiruǰu. qar-​a čaγan čilaγu talbiǰu bayiqu-​yi üǰebei:  tere medekü bui kemebei:  noγoγan dar-​a eke. keriyen-​dü irügel talbibai:  e či minu ǰam-​i ǰaγaǰu mör-​i siluγudqaǰu öggügsen-​iyer īibar-​tu tngri-​dü daγaraqu ügei bey-​e-​tei boluγarai. ǰiran ǰilaγ-​a-​yi nebten qaraqu nidü-​tei boluγarai kemeged usun nidün-​ü oron-​du bilig-​ün nidü-​yi öggün soyurqabai: tende-​eče noγoγan dar-​ a eke. altan aγula-​yin oroi deger-​ e očiγad. doloγan üy-​ e-​ yin nom-​ un činar bisilγaγsan yeren yisün ǰil diyan kigsen. yisün kele-​yi medekü oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi-​yi γurban üy-​e ergiǰü mörgüged ayiladqabai: bi Yangsin süm-​e-​dü dünǰin γarbu-​yin keyid-​tu arban nasun-​ača dalan doloγan nasun kürtel-​e. qatγuǰil diyan-​i bisilγan saγubai:  diyan-​u ündüsün-​i dügürüged edüge γaγčaγar tulada. nigen ür-​e ǰayaγ-​a geǰü sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​ača qutuγ γuyuγsan tula. yeren yisün nasun deger-​e mini urγuγsan naran metü önggetei. ulaγan bimba-​yin uruγultai. öndör biruzan-​a metü tegsi sayiqan bey-​e-​tei. qas erdeni metü sidütei. galbarvasun modun metü niruγu-​ tai. bodatai burqan düri-​ tei. Oyuγu ner-​ e-​ tei bodisadu-​ a köbegün törögsen bile: tere köbegün mini γurban qonoγ-​un segül-​dür ügei bolun odbai: degdeü sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du eriǰü ese olbai: door-​a tamu-​yin amitan-​ača asaγuǰu ese olbai: zambudib-​un deger-​e qoyar költei kümün dörben köl-​tei aduγusun-​ dur öčiǰü asaγaγad ese olbai:  γadaγadu dalai-​ du γurban sar-​ a sigürdeǰü ese olbai: teyimü-​yin tula. bi oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi tan-​dur belge tölge ayiladqay-​ a gebe: oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi. čaγan noγoγan köke γurban öngge-​yin čilaγu-​ bar ǰiruqai ǰiruǰu belge baγulγaγad. abai ǰirγuγan ǰüil-​ün qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan noγoγan dar-​a eke mini. γaγčakü törögsen Oyuγu bodisadu-​a köbegün čini. sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du bayin-​a geǰü baγuqu čini yaγubai gebe: tere čaγ-​tur noγoγan dar-​a eke. abai ene ǰarliγ čini ünen boltuγai: ünen bolqul-​a sirgigsen yümčin čaγan kökön-​eče mini sü dalai metü urus geǰü bayital-​a yümčin čaγan kökön-​ eče ni sü dalai metü urusbai:  altan tebsi dügürtel-​e saγaǰu bariča bariǰu baramid-​i güičegebei:  oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi. basa nigen öngge-​yin čilaγu-​bar belge baγulγaγad noγoγan dar-​a eke mini. Oyuγu bodisadu-​a köbegün čini aqui [for auγ-​ a??] yeke maγtaγaltai. ariluγsan nom-​un bey-​e-​tei. arban nigen niγur-​tai. abida burqan titem-​tei tegüs laγsin bey-​e-​tei. tegsi mingγan mutur-​tai. alaγ-​a bükün-​degen nidütei. amitan-​i nigülesküi düri-​tei. arča zandan ünür-​tei. eldeb kkib-​un qubčasu-​tai. erdenis-​ün čilaγun čimeg-​tei. qongsim bodisadu-​a-​yin ǰarliγ-​tai. qun γalabingγ-​a-​yin egesig-​tei. qutuγ erdem tegüsügsen ǰirγuγan üsüg-​ün tarni-​tai. γurban čaγ-​i ayiladuγči belge bilig-​ün ǰirüke-​tei. küsel bügüde-​yi qangγaγči čindamani erdeni-​yin sang-​tai.

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  377 küčün bügüde ni tegüsügsen čaγan labay-​yin önggetei. čaγlasi ügei gerel-​tei bodatai bodisadu-​a labtai mön geǰü baγuqu čini yaγubai gebe: noγoγan dar-​a eke. ene ǰarliγ čini ünen boltuγai geǰü erdenitü dörben möči-​ ben bariča bariīu barimad-​ i güičegebei: basa nigen öngge-​yin čilaγu-​bar belge baγulγaγad Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yi čini eke boluγsan ǰirγuγan ǰüil amitan-​u ǰobalang yekedegsen-​ü tula sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du sigemuni burqan. Včirbani burqan oγtarγuy-​yin tümen quvaraγ qulaγai kiǰü abuγad altan suburγan-​u dotor-​a γurban ǰaγun ǰiran ǰirγuγan dabqur altan čaγan bumban-​u dotor-​a buruγulan bayin-​a geǰü baγuqu čini yaγubai kemegsen-​dür. noγoγan dar-​a eke. bey-​e kele sedkil-​yügen bariča bariǰu baramid-​i güičegebei: noγoγan dar-​a eke. oγtarγuy-​yin mergen čaγan arsi-​du irügel talbibai: či ene nasun-​dur qar-​a baγsi aγsan bolbaču. qoyitu nasun-​daγan ǰimisgeleng neretü aγula-​ yi ejelen čaγan ebügen ner-​ e-​ tei burqan bolǰu tuγuluγad qamuγ kümün aduγusun-​u γamsiγ tamsig-​i arilγaǰu baraγun mutur-​taγan luu-​yin terigüntü tayaγ-​i bariǰu yabuqu boltuγai geǰü irügel talbibai:  mergen čaγan arsi basa irügel talbibai: noγoγan dar-​a eke mini. Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yuγan eriǰü oluγad ǰobalangtu amitan-​i ǰobalang-​ača tonilγaγad amuγulang ögede bolǰu yabutuγai gebe:  noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin irügel talbiγsan-​u küčün-​iyer čaγan ebügen geǰü yabuγči učir tere bülüge: ǰirγuγan ǰüil-​ün qamuγ amitan-​u eke boluγsan ilerkei ǰögelen aburitu iledte qurdun tonilγaγči noγoγan dar-​a eke. altan ǰigürtei mönggün segül-​tei boro tarlan qarčaγai bolun qubilγad degedü sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du ǰorin očiγad biskigür metü daγun-​iyar qaskirun qayilaju qar-​a aγula-​yin oroi deger-​e qarkirun [= qurkirun or arkiran] yabuγči qar-​a eriyen bars mini qamiγ-​a bayin-​a geǰü qangginan daγudaju küreng aγula-​yin oroi deger-​e kürkiren yabuγči küreng eriyen bars minu qamiγ-​a bayin-​a geǰü daγudaǰu qangginaju yabudal. qoyar ǰam-​un aγulǰi deger-​e nigen qar-​a kebeneg emüsügsen aruγ egürügsen qatuγtay-​yi üǰeged qamuγ čimeg-​ iyer tegün-​dür tayilǰu öggüged tegün-​ü aruγ-​i egürčü baraγun γar-​taγan eriyen taγar bariǰu ǰegün γar-​taγan qubaqai tayaγ bariǰu γuyilinči emegen bolun qubilǰu. ǰaruγsan kümün-​ü ger-​tü γurban sar-​a yabubai:  tere čaγ-​tu sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yi jun-​u dumda sarayin arban tabun-​du arban naiman köl-​tei altan siregen deger-​e ǰalaγad ǰüg ǰüg-​tüni mingγaγad bodisadu-​a-​bar küriyelgülǰü abisig nom-​i sonosču bayibai: noγoγan dar-​a eke tegün-​i qaraqul-​a minu köbegün mön bolultai geǰü sanaγad daγun γarun yadaju bayital-​a. sigemuni burqan ǰarliγ bolbai: ta-​ nar ene emegen-​i ken bayin-​a geǰü sanadaγ bui kemekü-​dü tere bodisadu-​a-​nar. bida taniqu ügei gebe: noγoγan dar-​a eke. ene bisiü gebe: činggimegče tere bodisadu-​a-​nar noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin emün-​e-​eče čaγan solongγ-​a tataγulǰu Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​ yi siregen-​eče ni baγulγaju abuγad γurban ǰaγun ǰiran ǰirγuγan dabqur alta čaγan bumban-​u dotor-​a buruγulaγad öber-​e nigen bodisadu-​a-​yi siregen-​dü saγulγaγad takiǰu bayibai: tere čaγ-​tu noγoγan dar-​a eke. čaγan solongγ-​a-​yi üliyeǰü orkiγad qaran gekül-​e öber-​ün bodisadu-​a ügei. taniqu ügei nigen bodisadu-​a-​yi üǰebei:  noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin saran čaγan čirai ni qaralaǰu sayiqan zandan köl ni söküreǰü biskigür metü daγun-​ iyar qaskirun qayilaǰu γaγčakü törögsen Oyuγu bodisadu-​ a mini. namai-​yuγan orkiqu čini biliü ged ama-​bar siroi emkün unabai: tere čaγ-​tu Sigemuni burqan ögede bolǰu baraγun mutur-​ača ni degegsi tataju abuγad aman-​daki siroi-​ yi kele-​ber-​iyen doliyaγad γurban üy-​e degegsi tataǰu bosqaγad γurban üy-​e-​yin

378  Brian Baumann surγal-​i ayiladbai:  amaraγ-​un ečüs qaγačadaγ bisiü:  qaγačaγsan-​u ečüs aγuǰadaγ bisiü:  törögsen-​ü ečüs üküdeg bisiü:  ükügsen-​ü ečüs törödeg bisiü:  tariγsan-​u ečüs qadadaγ bisiü:  qadaγsan-​u ečüs taridaγ bisiü kemen surγaǰu jarǰiγ boluγad orun-​ daγan ögede bolbai: ǰirγuγan ǰüil-​ün amitan-​u eke boluγsan ilerkei ǰögelen aburitu iledte qurdun tonilγaγči noγoγan dar-​ a eke-​ ben biskigür metü daγun-​ iyar qaskirun qayilaǰu bayiqu-​ yi Oyuγu bodisadu-​ a köbegün sonosuγad Oyuγu bodisadu-​ a köbegün ni čis kitel-​ e daγun γaruγad čaγ-​ tai yaγum-​ a čaγ-​ taγan. kemǰiy-​e-​tei yaγum-​a kemǰiyen-​degen geǰü ayiladuγad γurban ǰaγun ǰiran ǰirγuγan dabqur altan bumba-​ yi delbe dayirču altan suburγ-​a-​yi orkin γaruγad eke-​degen ireǰü küǰügün-​eče ni teberibei:  tere čaγ-​tu tere qoyar-​un ukilaqu daγun-​du sigemuni burqan siregen-​eče silǰin toγtolǰu bayibai:  bayiγsan šabi-​nar bügüde. baraγdasi ügei oi γašiγun-​dur daruγdabai:  Včirbani burqan-​u γurban edür-​ün dung büriyen-​ü daγun tasuraǰu qural-​un čiγulγan tasurabai: eke köbegün qoyar-​un ukilaγsan nilbasu. nigen yeke dalai bolǰu tere dalay-​ača uuγuγsan kümün amitan. erketen dutaγu ni erketen burin bolǰu balai amitan nidü-​tei bolǰu. dülei amitan čike-​tei bolǰu bayibai: tere čaγ-​tu sigemuni burqan sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqad bolun. qamuγ bodisadu-​a-​nar ireǰü noγoγan dar-​a eke. köbegün qoyar-​i qaγačaγulun yadabai:  Včirbani burqan-​dur. Sigemuni burqan ǰarliγ bolbai:  či nigen arγ-​a-​tai bisiü:  ene eke köbegün qoyar-​i qaγačaγulǰu üǰe gebe:  činggimegči Včirbani burqan sirügün düri bariγad oroi-​yin včir-​i bulγur tataǰu abuγad qoyar temür soyuγ-​a bolγaγad baraγun köl-​eče-​ben baraγan eriyen luu-​yi γarγaǰu ǰegün köl-​eče sir-​a eriyen luu-​yi γarγaǰu kürkiregülün eke köbegün qoyar-​i qaγačaγulbai: noγoγan dar-​a eke köbegün-​iyen baraγun mutur-​ača ni bariǰu bayiγad basa dakin ügei bolqu bolbau gekül-​e talbiǰu bolqu ügei bayin-​a ged dakin teberibei:  tere čaγ-​tur. Oyuγu bodisau-​a eke-​eče-​ben aldaraγulǰu yaduγad γučin qoyar laγsin tegüsügsen erdenitü čaγan sidü-​ben bulγur tataγad γurban nasun-​u düri-​ber qubilǰu eke-​yin yümčin čaγan kökö-​yi kökön saγubai: γurban sar-​a boluγsan qoyin-​a eke-​yin kökö dumdaraǰu köbegün ču qanbai: tere čaγ-​tu eke. köbegün qoyar talbilčabai: eke köbegün bida qoyar-​un ukilaqu daγun-​dur sigemuni burqan siregen-​ eče silǰin toγtulju genem:  bayiγsan šabi-​nar bügüde baraγdasi ügei oi γasiγun-​dur daruγdaju genem: Včirbani burqan-​u dung büriyen-​ü γurban üy-​e-​yin qural tasurabai genem: odu bida qoyar tere aldal-​iyan namančilasuγai geǰü tabun ǰaγun eljige laγus-​ a-​bar kkib qadaγ ačiǰu ireged arban naiman köl-​tei altan siregen deger-​e burqan bodisadu-​a-​nar-​i ǰalaγad bariča bariǰu baramid-​i güičegebei: bi Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yuγan eriǰü yabuqu-​daγan olan amitan-​i üǰebei:  ǰirγal-​ tai amitan ču olan. ǰobalang-​tai amitan ču olan bayin-​a: gebeču ǰobalangtu amitan ilegüü olan bolultai bayin-​a: bi tere ǰobalangtu amitan-​i ǰobalang-​ača tonilγay-​a geǰü sanaγsan mini ǰöb buyu. buruγu buyu. geǰü ayiladqabai: tere burqan bodisadu-​a-​nar. abai ene sanaγ-​a čini ǰöb ǰöb. sayiqan sanaγ-​a bayin-​a: bida iledte tuγuluγsan burqan ču bolba amitan-​i eneriǰü čidaqu ügei bayin-​a gebe: tedüi bodisadu-​a-​nar noγoγan dar-​a eke köbegün qoyar-​i basa arban naiman köl-​tei siregen deger-​e ǰalaǰu doloγanta toγoriǰu γurbanta mörgügüged čimayi-​yuγan ǰobaγaγsan učir bolbasu ǰirγuγan ǰüil qamuγ amitan-​u ǰobalang yeke boluγsan-​u tula ǰobalangtu amitan-​u ǰobalang-​i

The Legend of Mother Tārā the Green  379 üǰetügei geǰü čilegegsen mini tere bülüge geǰü kkib qadaγ-​iyan bariča bariǰu baramid-​i güičegebei: ǰirγuγan ǰüil qamuγ amitan-​ u eke boluγsan noγoγan dar-​ a eke. Oyuγu bodisadu-​a köbegün-​yügen abuγad zambutib-​un arban naiman qarangγui tamu-​yin amitan-​i ǰoriǰu yeke tergen-​ü ǰam-​iyar oroju yabutal-​a. qoyar ǰam-​un aγulǰar deger-​ e nigen ükügsen ebügen lama kebteküy-​yi üǰeged ene erdenitü kümün-​ü bey-​e-​eče yaγakiǰu qaγačaγsan quvaraγ bui ged očibasu. arayiqan ükügsen ügei amidu ködelǰü kebteküy-​yi üǰeged erdenitü dörben möčin deger-​e-​ben ergüǰü talbiγad yümčin čaγan kökö-​yügen kökögülün γurban sar-​a teǰigeged činaγsi daγaγulun yabutal-​a ebügen lama-​yin turaγsan ni yeke tulada yabun čidaqu ügei-​dür eke köbegün qoyar egelǰilen egürbei: mörün-​ü miq-​a baraγdaǰu yasu-​yi čayital-​a egürčü yabutal-​a ebügen lama möngke busu-​yin düri-​yi üǰegülbei: tegün-​ü kegür-​i nigen yeke qural süm-​e bayiqu-​ yin dergede orosiγulun talbiγad činaγsi tamu-​yin oron-​dur kürüged tamu-​yin dergede altan gürümel zandan suburγ-​a bosqaǰu tere suburγan door-​a eke köbegün qoyar diyan-​i bisilγan saγubai: tere tamu-​yin amitan burqan-​u qutuγ-​i olǰu bayibai: tere čaγ-​ tur oγtarγuy-​ača altan emegel qajaγar-​tai nabčin [= altan emegel qajaγar sangnabči-​ tai] qar-​a mori ireged. eke köbegün qoyar-​tu kölge bolǰu tere tamu-​yin amitan-​i ǰobalang-​ača γarγan tonilγabai: tere čaγ-​tu erlig-​ün tümen yarγačin. erlig nomun qaγan-​daγan ireged bida tamu sakiγsan-​u tula. tamu-​yuγan dügüreng bolqul-​a bayarladaγ. qoγosun bolqul-​a γomodadaγ bile: odo tamu qoγosun bolqu-​du kürbei geǰü ayiladqaγsan-​du erlig nomun qaγan ǰarliγ bolbai:  tere mori-​yi bariǰu iretügei gebe:  erlig-​ün tümen yarγačin tere mori-​yi bariqu geǰü iretel-​e. tere mori uqaγan-​iyar medeged yarγačin-​u emün-​e-​eče uγtuǰu iretel-​e yarγačin. morin-​dur ügülerün. bida čimayi bariqu gejü iregsen bölüge gebe: tere mori ügüerün. bi tamu-​du unaqu jayaγatai bögesü ta-​nar kibečü. ese kibečü unamui: tamu-​du bi unaqu ǰayaγ-​a ügei bolbal yaγakiǰu kibečü unaqu ügei bisiü geǰü keleged öber-​iyen bariγdabai: tere erlig-​üd mori-​yi abun odqu čaγ-​tu mori. yarγačin-​i üsü bügüde-​yin üǰügür deger-​e-​ben unuγulǰu erlig qaγan-​dur odbai: erlig qaγan ǰarliγ bolbai: ene mori-​yi qalaγun tamu-​dur orkiγad gebe: tümen yarγačin mori-​yi abačiγad qalaγun tamu-​dur orkibai: tere erlig-​üd. tamu-​yin erügen-​eče šaγayiǰu qaran gekül-​ e. tere tamu-​yin erügen-​eče altan salaγatai mönggün nabči-​tai eldeb ǰüil-​ün ǰimis urγuγad serigün sayiqan bulaγ urusuγad köke sayiqan nabči delgereged tere tamu-​yin ǰobalangtu amitan qun čeng-​ün daγun metü egesig daγurisqan sayin čaγ-​un mingγan burqan-​u oron-​du ǰorin šabi bolun töröǰü bayibai: yarγačin-​nar qaγan-​daγan očiγad tere yambar ǰigtei mori bui. tong ese medebe gejü morin-​u aliba učir-​i delgerenggüy-​e ayiladqabasu. erlig nomun qaγan. basa küiten tamu-​du orki gebe: küiten tamu-​dur orkiγad mön tamu-​yin erügen-​iyer qaran gekül-​e basa uriduki tamu-​yin yosuγar tamu-​ yin amitan tonilǰu bayibai: basa yarγačin erlig qaγan-​daγan ireǰü ayiladqabai: qaγan tere mori-​yi γurban dabqur siremün bayising-​dur yisün dabqur temür noγtu-​bar noγtulaǰu yisün dabqur temür čidör-​iyer čidörleǰü orkiγtun gebe:  yarγačin-​nar tere mori-​yi qarangγui qar-​a bayising-​dur orkiγad oron oron-​daγan tarqabai: tere mori siremün bayising-​i delbe dayirču γaruγad noγoγan dar-​a eke köbegün qoyar-​tur očiǰu uriduki qoyar ǰam-​un aγuljar deger-​e kebtegsen ebügen lama bi bülüge: mörün-​ü miq-​ a baraγdaǰu yasu-​yi čayital-​a egürügsen-​ü ači-​yi qariγulaju čidabau. ese čidabau. ese

380  Brian Baumann medebe: degedü γaldan tngri-​yin γaγča ökin tabun uqaγan-​du mergeǰigsen tangsuγ zandan dagini-​yi Oyuγu bodisadu-​a-​yin qatun bolγaǰu öggüged yümčin čaγan kökön-​ ü sün-​ü ači-​yi qariγulay-​a kemeged oγtarγui-​du nisun odbai: tere čaγ-​ tu tümen yarγačin siremün baysing-​ du irejü mori-​ yi üǰebesü ügei ajuγu: basa erig qaγan-​ača elči ireged tere yarγačid-​i mori-​ban abču iregtün kemebesü. ayiladqaqu üge-​ben olǰu yadan γurban qonoγ tamu-​yin amasar deger-​e kebtebei: erlig qaγan. erke ügei baraγalq-​a kemegsen-​ü tula tümen yarγačin qaγan-​dur ireǰü bida tere mori-​yi tong ese medebe: qarangγui siremün bayising-​ača ügei bolju bayinam kemen ayiladqaγsan-​du qaγan mösiyeged. tere mori busu. sigemuni burqan buyu kemeǰü. tere noγoγan dar-​a eke. köbegün qoyar-​i ende ǰalaǰu iregtün kemebesü noγoγan dar-​a eke köbegün qoyar-​tu elči očiju erlig qaγan-​u ǰarliγ-​i ayiladqabasu bida eke köbegün qoyar. tamu-​yin amitan-​u tusa-​yin tulada diyan-​i bisilγaǰu saγumui: diyan-​ u ündüsü-​yi tegüsüged očiǰu baraγalqay-​a gebe:  tere elči qariba:  tedüiken noγoγan dar-​a eke köbegün qoyaγula erlig qaγan-​dur očibasu qaγan teden-​ü emün-​e-​eče ünürten sitaγaǰu uγtuγad altan sir-​a siregen deger-​e ǰalaǰu ergil mörgül kiǰü bayiγad eyin ayiladqarun. noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin adistid anu yerü kedüi činege bolba geǰü ayiladqabasu noγoγan dar-​a eke-​ber qai ese medebe:  erte urida čaγ-​tu sigemuni burqan ǰarliγ boldaγ bile:  noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin tuγuǰi-​yi daγudaǰu sudur nom-​i ungsibasu γurban maγu ǰayaγan-​dur yerü ülü unaqu geǰü bayidaγ bile. gebe: tegün-​ü qoyin-​a erlig qaγan ber tere ünen bolqul-​a mingγan γalba nögčigedüi čaγ-​tu bi buyan kilinča qoyar-​i ilγaγsaγar bayimui: mingγan γalba nögčigsen-​ü qoyin-​a bi [tanu] šabi-​ tan bolun törökü irügel-​i talbiy-​a kemebei: tegün-​eče mingγan γalba nögčigedüi čaγ-​tu noγoγan dar-​a eke. amitan-​i tonilγaǰu bayiqu. erlig qaγan. buyan kilinča qoyar-​i ilγaǰu bayiqu učir tere bölüge: tere čaγ-​tu burqan bodisadu-​a-​nar-​un ayiladuγsan anu. noγoγan dar-​a eke-​yin köbegün Oyuγu bodisadu-​a yirtinču-​yin qaγan bolju törö-​yi bariqu čaγ-​tu γaldan tngri-​yin γaγča keüken tabun uqaγan-​du mergeǰigsen tangsuγ zandan dagini-​yi qatun bolγaju saγulγabasu orčilang-​un kümün amitan. ükükü ǰobalang ügei ügeyirekü γaruča ügei engke ǰirγaǰu möngke nasulaqu bolun-​a geǰü ayiladuγsan bülüge:  tere yosuγar naiman erdem büridügsen [altan sang]nabči>nn